(BayV.o Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2007 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/fastthanksgivingOOIoverich At a GOUNCiL held at "Bojlon Septemh. 8* i6jo. |Hc Council taking into their ferious Confideration the low eftate of the Churches of God throughout ihc World > and the increafc of Sin and Evil amongft our fclvc^^ Gods hand following us fon the fame 5 Do thcrcibrc Ap^oiiu the Twtr-oid cvvcmfttitw this inftant Sepembtr to be a Day of Publick Huoiiliadon throughout this Jurifdidion, and do coKimend the fame to the fc vera! Churches, Eldcrj, Minifters and People, folemnly to keep it accordingly : Her:by prohibiting all Servile work on that day. Bv the Council^ fd^E^on Secret.. 4 THE FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS OF NEW ENGLAND BY W. DeLOSS love, Jr., Ph. D. BOSTON AND NEW YORK HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY 1895 Copyright, 1895, By W. DeLOSS LOVE, Jb. All rights reserved, 7f 3 3 «^ The Riverside PresSy Cambridge^ Mass.^ U. S. A. Electrotyped and Printed by H. O. Houghton and Company. TO MY FATHER WBOSB XJTB HAS KXXMPUFISD THB YIBTUS OP HONK8T HUMIIJTT AND MY MOTHER WHOSE OHKERFUL PIXTY HAS BESN A 80NO OP THAKKSGIYIIVO THIS VOLUME IS INSCRIBED WITH PIUAL APPBCriON PREFACE. Reader, this book aims to place before you the historical facts relating to the Fast and Thanksgiving days which the Fathers of New England have trans- mitted to their children. You will see how religiously they esteemed these institutions, and how rigorously they observed them, but it has not been our purpose to plead for their restoration. We have rather sought to exhibit the pious purpose, persevering courage, and honest faith of those good men, — which surely are as worthy of regard as their oaken chests, spinning-wheels, and warming-pans, — and to show how these days, though changed in outward form, may still survive, — the Fast through the reverence of the churches, and the Thanksgiving through the fellowship of the family circle. Thus, though the days of old seem like antique shapes, we may have the life, and in this we shall best honor the Puritan fore- fathers. Herein you will find set forth the conditions lead- ing to the adoption of the Fast and Thanksgiving system in New England, in place of the holy days of the Church of England, the circumstances under which it was developed, and the reasons for its de- vi PREFACE, cline. It is also seen in operation and is illustrated in successive chapters, which tell the story of promi- nent periods, the days being thus found in their proper historical setting. Many appointments could not be particularly mentioned in the text, but the student is furnished with the data relating thereto in the Calendar and the Bibliography, without which the volume would be incomplete, and he may pursue the study at his pleasure. It has seemed hardly worth while to continue this record later than the year 1815, since the dates have generally followed the established custom in each State, and the sermons printed have had so little reference to the days. Still, the practice itself is traced down to the present time, — the history of the Thanksgiving Day closing with its adoption by the nation, and that of the Fast Day with what seems to us a fair statement of the problem as yet imsolved in several States. The application of the inductive method to histori- cal studies, while it is scientific, has some disadvan- tages. In this instance it has demanded an exhaustive search to recover all the days observed ; and though no pains have been spared in this work, doubtless others will be added to the list. The antiquary can now tell at once whether or not a date, which he may find in some bit of manuscript, is recorded elsewhere. It is not probable, however, that any additions will modify the conclusions arrived at as to the origin of annual appointments, — a subject which coidd only be thoroughly treated by the inductive method. PREFACE. vu We acknowledge with gratitude the courtesy which has permitted the necessary search in the Libraries consulted. They are enumerated in connection with their collections of broadside proclamations and printed Fast and Thanksgiving sermons, many of which are exceedingly rare. The uniform kindness of their Librarians has made the work a pleasant task to the author, and we venture to hope the result may be of some assistance to them. To Hon. J. Ham- mond Triunbull, LL. D., we are indebted for his notes on the " Wolcott Note-book," and to Hon. Charles J. Hoadly, LL. D., for the use of his col- lection of proclamations and other assistance. Ac- knowledgment is made for data furnished from im- printed manuscripts. The work would never have been attempted except for an interest kindled by the resources of the Connecticut Historical Society ; it could not have been accomplished without the use of many treasures in the possession of the American Antiquarian Society and the Massachusetts Historical Society. To these our thanks are rendered, and es- pecially to Hon. Samuel A. Green, M. D., the Li- brarian of the latter, whose personal interest has urged to completion this study, which has engaged vacation hours and odd moments. W. D. L. Hartford, Conn., September 18, 1894. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. PAOB THE HOLY SEASONS OF THE CHURCH. Christianizing Heathen Festivals in England. — The Multitude of Holy Days. — Equality of the Sabbath and Saints' Days. — Re- view of Early Laws. — The Burden put upon Labor. — Dese- cration of the Lord's Day. — The "Book of Sports." — " May Games ' ' allowed on ajl Holy Days. — Reformation demanded. — Irreligious Keeping of Christmas Day 11 CHAPTER n. THE FEASTS OF CHRIST. The Early Puritans willing to retain Christmas, Good Friday, and Easter in the Calendar. — Refugees at Zurich. — An At- tempt to abolish Saints' Days. — Its Failure in the Convocation of 1562. — Origin of the Proposal to keep the "Feasts of Christ." — Zurich and Geneva. — The Second Helvetic Confes- sion. — Views of English Bishops opposed by Queen Elizabeth. — Pressure for Conformity. — Field and Wilcocks — their " Ad- monition to the Parliament." — Thomas Cartwright. — Genevan System adopted by the Non-conformists 28 CHAPTER III. FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS IN ENGLAND. The Puritans influenced by the Bible. — Their Doctrine of Divine Providence. — Statement of their Position. — Special Days early appointed in England. — Guy Fawkes's Day. — Prac- tice under the Commonwealth. — The Westminster Directory for Public Worship on the Manner of Observance. — Reaction inEngland. — The Twenty-ninth of May, 1660 40 CHAPTER IV. THE FASTS OF THE EXILES. 1595-1620. Separatist Churches. — Robert Browne's Belief and Practice. — Reformed Churches in Holland. — Henry Ainsworth and his 5 CONTENTS. Flock at Amsterdam. — John Smyth. — The Scottish Church at Eotterdam. — Hugh Peter. — Thomas Hooker's Declaration as to " Holy Days and Fast Days." — General Agreement in keep- ing Occasional Days. — John Robinson — his Church observe Fasts at Ley den. — A Farewell Feast at the close of a Fast Day. — Similarity to the Dutch Custom. — A Family Gathering of the Pilgrims 54 CHAPTER V. THE HARVEST FESTIVAL AT PLYMOUTH. 1621. Influence of a New Environment. — The Forefathers give thanks to God. — An Anxious Seed-Sowing. — New England's Wed- ding Feast. — Winslow's Account. — A Harvest Festival and not a Puritan Thanksgiving. — Significance of the Occasion. — The " Bill of Fare." — Supposed Relation to the " Feast of In- gathering." — The Harvest Home of England. — An Inspira- tion of the Pilgrims 68 CHAPTER VI. SHOWERS OF BLESSING. 1623. The Thanksgiving Service of the Church of England different from the Thanksgiving Day. — The Puritan System in Opera- tion. — Misfortunes at Plymouth in 1622. — A Hopeful Plant- ing. — Six Weeks of Drought. — The Governor appoints a Fast Day. — The Englishman's God sends Gentle Showers. — A Public Thanksgiving. — Dates of these Occasions determined. — Subsequent Customs in the Plymouth Colony 78 CHAPTER VII. THE SEA-FASTS OF TWO VOYAGES. 1629-1630. Various Shades of Non-conformity. — A Preference for Certain Days of the Week. — Higginson's Voyage. — Fasts at Salem. — Fellowship of Plymouth. — The Days Winthrop kept at Sea. — A Thanksgiving in all the Plantations. — The Institution established 91 CONTENTS. 3 CHAPTER Vin. THE 0BDEBIN6S OF DIVINE PROVIDENCB IN THE BAY COLONY. 1631-1635. Simple Fare of the Fathers. — Threatened with Starvation. — Winthrop's Foresight and the Relief Ship. — Subsequent Mis- fortunes. — A Drought. — A Welcome to Margaret Winthrop. — Praying for Ministers. — Days observed on account of Af- fairs in Europe 102 CHAPTER IX. A FAST SERMON IN COURT. 1635-1640. Deference paid to "Men of Quality." — Social Conditions. — Ar- rival of Henry Vane. — John Cotton and Ann Hutchinson. — A Fast Day to further Peace. — The Offensive Sermon. — Wheel- wright is banished. — Cotton has a Day of Humiliation, and a Snowstorm arises. — A Lesson in the Virtue of Demo- cracy 114 CHAPTER X. THE BIVER PLANTATIONS. 1635-1640. A Providence at Windsor. — Early Hardships. — Religious As- pects of the Pequot War. — Commemoration of the Victory. — First Thanksgiving Day of Connecticut — October 12, 1637. — A Fast at Windsor and its Story. — John Warham's Sermon. — October Thanksgivings of 1638. — Thomas Hooker's Dis- course. — Humiliation "for England and the Sickness in the Bay." — The Great Flood and its Warning. — A Thanksgiving Appointed by the General Court. — Connecticut's First Harvest Festival 129 CHAPTER XI. TEARS FOR OLD ENGLAND. 1640-1660. Commotions in England. — A Summer Fast Day. — William Hooke's Sermon. — Attitude of New England. — The Date of Hooke's Second Sermon shown to have been April 14, 1642. — CONTENTS. \ Allies in the " BatteU of Antichrist." — Subsequent Fastings. — A Notable Thanksgiving in behalf of England. — Tempting Providence. — " The Christian Commonwealth." — Making Ready for the Restoration 147 CHAPTER XII. DUTCH CUSTOMS IN NEW NETHERLAND. 1643-1664. The Dutch observed Fast and Thanksgiving Days. — Their Holy Seasons. — First Congregation at New Amsterdam. — William Kieft and his Humiliation. — A Thanksgiving for Peace. — Features of the Observance. — " Fasting, Prayer, and Thanks- giving Days." — Later Occasions. — A Study in 1653. — An Annual Thanksgiving proposed. — Influence of these Practices in the Adoption of the National Thanksgiving 162 CHAPTER Xm. PESTS, PLAGUES, AND PRODIGIES. 1640-1670. Supposed Degeneracy of New England and Consequent Calami- ties. — Droughts. — Blasting of Crops. — Visitations of Cater- pillars. — Locusts. — The Hand of God in Sicknesses. — Prodigies portend Evil. — Meaning attached to the Appear- ance of Comets. — Samuel Danforth's "Astronomical Descrip- tion " — A Fast-Day Sermon. — " God's Controversy with New England " 177 CHAPTER XrV. Jacob's trouble in the wilderness. 1675-1676. November Thanksgivings after Dark Days. — Outbreak of King Philip's War. — The People humble themselves. — Ominous Signs. — Fastings fail to wdn Divine Favor. — Massachusetts omits the Thanksgiving Day. — The Tide turns. — An Early Thanksgiving Broadside. — Joseph Rowlandson keeps the Day — a Family Incident. — Connecticut's Course of Thanks- givings.— The 17th of August, 1676, at Plymouth — did it commemorate King Philip's Death ? — Arrival of the " Levia- than's Head " at the Close of the Religious Service 192 CONTENTS. 6 CHAPTER XV. THE REFORMATION FASTS. 1675-1680. A Backslidden Israel. — Increase Mather and the Reformation Laws. — James Fitch follows the Early Practice at Hartford. — " Renewal of Covenant " adopted by Mather. — Part taken by Children in the Exercises. — Mather's Earnest Exhortation. — Covenanting Fasts. — The ** Reforming Synod " sustains Mather^s View. — His Proclamation. — Covenants employed. — Results of the Movement 205 CHAPTER XVI. THK CONFLICrr OF AUTHORITIES. 1684-1692. Anthority for Appointments primarily vested in the Churches. — Ministers write the Proclamations. — Gradual Transfer of Au- thority to the State. — A Troublesome Question — who shall order a Thanksgpiving ? — It becomes a Party Issue. — Revival of Interest in English Holidays. — Andros censures the Minis- ters for assuming Autliority. — Increase Mather remembers it. — Andros makes Obnoxious Appointments. — Old Customs restored 221 CHAPTER XVIL THE ANNUAL 8PRINQ FAST AND THE AUTUMN THANKSOIVINO. 1620-1694. Presumption against the Annual System. — Erroneous Opinions. *- — When did the Thanksgiving Day become Annual ? — Eccle- siastical and Civil Authority in Plymouth Colony. — Annual Appointments developed in Connecticut. — Massachusetts. — When did the Fast Day become Annual ? — Practice in Plymouth Colony. — Elarly Adoption in Connecticut. — Massa- chusetts prefers Occasional Fasts. — Her Spring Fast Annual since 1694. — Old and New System 239 CHAPTER XVIII. THE WITCHCRAFT FASTS. 1692-1696. Private Fasts at Salem kindle Fanaticism. — The Preaching of Samuel Parris. — A General Fast at a Critical Time. — Atti- ; CONTENTS. tude of the Ministers. — Cotton Mather's Sermon. — He relies on Fasting and Prayer. — A Convocation of Ministers to check the Prosecutions. — Effect of the Bill. — Cotton Mather's Re- jected Proclamation. — Samuel Sewall's Confession 256 CHAPTER XIX. THE JUDGMENTS AND MERCIES OF INDIAN WARFARE. 1688-1713. Prayers for Soldiers gone forth to War. — Several Expeditions. — Captain Church's Successes are greeted with Humiliation. — Attacks upon the Frontier Settlements. — Appointments in New Hampshire. — Assault on Deerfield. — " Clouds return after the Rain." — A Court Fast. — 111 News and a Rain- bow. — "Hammering out" a Proclamation on account of Peace 270 CHAPTER XX. THE TERROR OF THE LORD. 1727-1755. The Divine Voice in Earthquakes. — Surprise of a Sabbath Night. — Startling Effects. — A Call to Prayer in Boston. — Cotton Mather's Warning to a Terrified Audience. — Lecture Fasts. — Religious Impressions produced. — Earthquake of 1755. — Changed Conditions. — The Excitement soon subsides. — A,Scientific Explanation 285 CHAPTER XXI. THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. 1744-1749. 1755-1760. Reinforcements and Humiliations. — Expedition against Louis- burg. — Earnestness in Prayer. — Rejoicing over a Victory. — Historical Sermons preached. — War against the Eastern In- dians. — Thanksgiving for the Pretender's Defeat. — "Salva- tions of God in 1746." — The Hostile Fleet scattered. — Campaigns of 1755. — All the Colonies keep Fasts. — Thanks- givings for the Reduction of Cape Breton and the FaU of Quebec. — Religious View of the War 299 CONTENTS. T CHAPTER XXII. SPELLS OF WEATHER. 1717-1749. Predictions of the Almanac. — Has the Climate of New Eng- land moderated ? — The Blizzard of 1717 and its Consequences. — Churches turn to Fasting and Prayer. — Homiletic Use of the Storm by Eliphalet Adams. — The Extreme Drought of 1749. — Manuscript Fast Sermon by Thomas Prince. — His Thanksgiving Sermon. — Prevailing View of Divine Chastise- ments • 314 CHAPTER XXm. THE AMEBICAN REVOLUTION. 1765-1783. "Civil and Religious Liberties." — The Stamp Act. — Feeling among the Ministers. — Thanksgivingfs for the Repeal. — Loy- alist Proclamations in Massachusetts. — The Boston Port Bill. — Governor Gage refuses to order a Fast and the Ministers set a Day. — Patriotic Preachers. — Connecticut Fasts on the IDth of April, 1775. — Appointments by the Continental Congress. — Eleazar Wheelock keeps the Wrong Day. — Subsequent Days observed. — The First Continental Thanksgiving. — After Many Days a Thanksgiving for Peace 328 CHAPTER XXIV. THE GOOD FRIDAY FAST IN CONNECTICUT. 1795-1797. Liberal Sentiment in Connecticut. — Good Friday Fasts in New Hampshire. — Attitude of Episcopalians. — Washington sets a Thanksgiving in Lent. — Disregard for the Day in New Lon- don. — "The Churchman's Apology" by Bishop Seabury. — He objects to Fasts in Easter Week. — The Difficulties ex- plained in a Reply. — Governor Huntington sets the Fast on Good Friday in 1795. — A Protracted Controversy. — Governor Wolcott's Appointments. — The Good Friday Fast established in 1797 347 8 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXV. THE POLITICAL FAST IN MASSACHUSETTS. 1789-1799. Religious, Historical, and Political Fast Days. — Position and In- fluence of the Clergy. — They are drawn into Politics. — Samuel Adams's Proclamation omits Mention of the Federal Government. — David Osgood's Sermon. — Federalist Ministers in Massachusetts. — Reply to Osgood. — Political Sermons of February 19, 1795. — Misfortunes of a Democrat. — Sermons ' as Campaign Documents. — Jedidiah Morse arraigns the II- luminati. — Ministers denounced. — The sjequel 362 CHAPTER XXVI. THE PROCLAMATIONS OF POLITICAL PARTIES. 1811-1815. Practices in the New England States. — Character of Proclama- tions. — Governor Gerry's Partisan Paragraph. — He is cen- sured by Rev. Elijah Parish. — The Governor replies. — Po- litical Preachers stigmatized in a Proclamation. — Election Day. — The Federalists have an Opportunity. — Governor Strong's Proclamations condemned. — National Appointments on Account of the War 379 CHAPTER XXVII. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATIONAL THANKSGIVING DAY. Extent of the Observance in the United States. — A Cherokee Proclamation. — Early Acceptance of the Institution by the Indians. — Forces making for its National Adoption. — The Principle of Union. — Influence of Appointments by the Conti- nental Congress. — First National Thanksgiving Day December 18, 1777. — Congress discusses the Subject in 1789. — Early Presidential Appointments. — The Civil War. — An Annual Harvest Festival since 1863 395 CHAPTER XXVIII. LAWS AND CUSTOMS. Fast and Thanksgiving Days regarded as Sabbaths by the Fathers. — Early Laws and Subsequent Modifications. — Cus- CONTENTS. 9 toms pertaining to Fast Day. — The Harvest Festival devel- oped by Home Life. — Growth of the Feast. — An Ideal New ^ England Thanksgiving 410 CHAPTER XXIX. THE PRINTER AND THE PROCLAMATION. Rarity of Broadsides. — Transmission of the Written Order. — Printing becomes Necessary. — First Printed Proclamation of Connecticut in 1709. — Early Massachusetts Broadsides. — Their Appearance. — The Seal. — Provincial Broadsides. — Proclamations during the American Revolution. — Present Style in Massachusetts dates from 1784. — Many Printers in Connecticut. — Press of William Bradford. — Early Broad- sides in Other New England States 430 CHAPTER XXX. THE RETURN TO THE CHRISTIAN YEAR. Fast Day abolished in Massachusetts. — Patriots' Day. — How ^ the Change was brought about. — Observance of Good Friday left to the Churches. — Influence of the Action in Massachu- setts. — Conditions in Connecticut. — The Good Friday Fast a bond of Christian Unity. — General Acceptance of the Proposal to keep ''The Feasts of Christ." 446 Addenda. — A Thanksgiving on the Arrival of the Pilgrims . . 457 Abbreviations 460 Some Sources of Information 461 Calendar 464 Bibliography 515 Index of Bibliography 599 General Index 603 FACSIMILE ILLUSTRATIONS. PAaa A Fast Day Proclamation of 1670, being the earliest New England broadside proclamation known . Frontispiece A Proclamation for the Thanksgiving Day in the Massachusetts Bay Colony, June 29, 1676 . . . 200 A Proclamation for the Fast Day in Connecticut, June 29, 1709, being the first broadside proclamation printed in the Colony 432 UNIVERSITY THE FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS OF NEW ENGLAND. CHAPTER I. THE HOLY SEASONS OF THE CHURCH. When Gregory the Great, in the year 596, dis- patched Augustine on his mission to Ethelbert, king of Kent, he sent with him the ecclesiastical observances of the Roman Church. The policy adopted in dealing with the customs of the Anglo-Saxons was that of substituting some Christian festival for a heathen feast, allowing much in the pagan manner of celebrat- ing it to remain, " to the end that," as that Pope ex- pressed it, " whilst some gratifications are outwardly permitted them they may the more easily consent to the inward consolations of the grace of God." ^ Thus it was, that many barbaric customs and ceremonies were invited to attach themselves to Christian festivals. In niunerous instances the former were altered only in purpose, and that after the lapse of years. The Saxons, in common with many of the northern na- tions, had their Yule-feast at the winter solstice, which was doubtless even then hallowed in sim wor- ship by fhe fiery sun-wheel and the blazing Yule-log. They had the festival of Easter, many believe, about the vernal equinox, and probably also a celebration at 1 Bede, b. 1, c. 30. 12 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS, the summer solstice. Around their temples they built for themselves huts of the boughs of trees and there held high carnival. These and other pagan observ- ances being permitted, the Christian calendar easily obtained recognition, and thereafter the holy seasons of England were ordered by the Catholic Church, with such additions as local saints might suggest, and under certain regulations enacted by English kings and bishops. It is first of all necessary to obtain some conception of the extent and evils of the system which the Puri- tans opposed, as that was the reason why they rejected it and substituted their fast and thanksgiving days. A lamented master of the historical literature of the time. Dr. Henry M. Dexter, has given us, in his description of "the darkness and the dawn," a sum- mary as to holy days, which we cannot do better than quote. He says, " On more than one quarter of the secular days of the year it [the church] forbade all persons over twelve years of age to taste food until three o'clock in the afternoon, besides prohibiting all to eat on the eves of most festival days. On the other hand it set aside nearly one half of the year on various pretexts as festival time. And when it is re- membered that on all these holy days the people were compelled to attend church under severe penal- ties, it will be seen how great was the tax put thus upon the industry of the land." ^ This, however, does not fully state our case, for the primary objection of the Non-conformists was to the desecration of the Lord's Day, which had come about through its equal- ity with saints' days, as the tyranny of the church re- ^ Congregationalism as seen in its Literature^ p. 26. THE HOLY SEASONS OF THE CHURCH. 13 acted to the permission of labor and recreations during holy seasons. They contended most strenuously for the Sabbath, which they found it impossible to rescue from abuses except by rejecting other ecclesiastical festivals, which, in themselves, they would have been willing to retain. Let us briefly trace the growth of these evils by an examination of the civil laws relating to holy seasons. Perhaps the first English law on the subject was that of Ina, king of the West Saxons, A. D. 693, which forbade working on the Lord's Day. '' If a master obliges his slave to work on the Lord's Day, he shall pay thirty shillings fine, and the slave be set free; but if the slave presumes to work without his master's order he shall be flogged, or purchase exemption by a fine. A freeman guilty of the like offense is either to lose his liberty or pay sixty shillings. A priest in- curs a double penalty." ^ In the canons of the Coun- cil of Berkhampsted, A. D. 697, — which, by the bye, note the holy season as continuing from sunset of Saturday to sunrise of Monday, — there is a provision against traveling on the Lord's Day ; and the same was repeated by the Council of Clovishoff, A. D. 747, under the Archbishop of Canterbury, and was implied in the constitutions of Egbert, Archbishop of York, A. D. 749. It will be noticed that these laws apply only to the Sabbath. But Alfred, A. D. 887, when he prescribed a double penalty for thieving, included in the prohibition Christmas and Easter. A few years later, A. D. 906, when Edward the Elder made a treaty with Guthriun, not only was trading forbidden on the Lord's Day, but working on that or any other ^ Spelman, Concilia, i. 183. 14 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS, feast day. This was the law : " The Dane who trades on the Lord's Day shall forfeit the article and pay a fine of twelve pence. The Englishman shall pay thirty shillings. The freeman who does any work on any feast day shall be reduced to servitude or pay a fine." 1 These same laws were in force in the time of Canute, A. d. 1032, and he revived the penalties which several Saxon bishops had omitted. We may infer that holy seasons were then very strictly re- garded from the fact that, throughout most of this period, laws, either of Frankish or Roman origin, were in existence against huntings, banquetings, " idle stories and talkings," songs, dances, standing at the corners of the streets and in the open places, " the profane canticles of the Gentiles," games and " devil- ish mimicries." Surely these Saxon Blue-Laws were equal to anything ever enacted in New England. At- tendance was required, not only upon the services of the Sabbath, but upon matins, mass, and vespers. Ec- clesiastical usages which were early in vogue were en- joined by the civil law, such as abstinence from food and marriage ceremonies. It was the treaty above mentioned which stipulated that " if a freeman shall break an appointed fast by taking food he shall be subject both to a fine and the penalty of the violation of the law," and this applied to the Lenten fast, Ember days, and all other appointed fasts. Furthermore, these holy seasons were judicial holi- days, and had been so since the treaty of Edward, which said, "Let there be no trials, neither let any one be sworn on feast days or the appointed fasts." The increase of such days in the time of Canute and 1 Spelman, Concilia^ i. 391. THE HOLY SEASONS OF THE CHURCH 15 under Edward the Confessor indicates very clearly the tendency toward an extension of holy seasons.^ In the main these early laws continued on the statute- books throughout the Norman period of English his- tory. William the Conqueror was quite content to leave the ecclesiastics to themselves and reenact the laws of Edward the Confessor. The same is true of the early Plantagenet kings. During the reign of John, however, there was a general revival in the ob- servance of holy seasons. It was furthered by a celestial mandate said to have been found on Mount Golgotha in Jerusalem, which an abbot brought to England preaching a crusade against popular viola- tions of holy times. Such a revelation could not but make a more powerful impression on the people of that age than the laws themselves. It enjoined the keeping of Sunday and the festivals of the saints under penalty of showers of stones and hot water, ravenous beasts, and final destruction by pagan hordes, from which they had only been kept by the prayers of the most holy mother Mary. Such a movement furnishes conclusive evidence of this im- portant fact that, in the twelfth century, the reaction against the bondage of ecclesiasticism had attained considerable proportions. The early Saxon laws, originally designed to secure the sanctity of the Sab- bath, had been applied first to Christmas and Easter and afterward to all the festivals and fasts of the church, and these had been so multiplied that the people were compelled by the necessities of agricul- ture or trade, and their natural craving for amuse- ments, to establish their markets even on the Lord's 1 See Feasts and Fasts, E. V. Neale. 16 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. Day, — no more sacred in their practices than saints' days, — and upon all holidays to indulge in diversions hostile to attendance upon church services. We are able also to understand the struggle of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries between the ecclesiastics and this laxity among the people. The church set herself against labors of the most trivial character. Attend- ance at markets on holy days was denounced under the threat of anathemas. But in the end, the people, who could not lessen the days, so far influenced the church that labor and recreations were tolerated. The Reformation began in the sixteenth century. To put the matter in a few words, the situation forced an amelioration of the condition of the people. Sov- ereigns like Henry VIII. and EUzabeth sought to bring it about by repealing the statutes or tolerat- ing markets and shows during holy seasons. Some of the Puritans staked their hopes on a revision of the calendar. These movements accomplished much, at least in an economic reform, but they did not rescue the Lord's Day from its sacrilege. This the Dissent- ers did by distinguishing it from other holy days, which at last they were compelled to reject altogether. When Henry VIII. assumed the supremacy of the church, he abolished aU those feasts or holidays wliich came in harvest time, and certain others. He declared that the number of hoHdays had become so excessive that it was prejudicial to the commonwealth, not only increasing idleness, but resulting in the destruction of crops " in not taking th' oportunitie of good and se- rene wheather offered upon the same in time of har- vest." i An attempt was also made to decrease the 1 Wilkins, Concilia, iii. 823. THE HOLY SEASONS OF THE CHURCH 17 popular veneration of the saints, but customs genera- tions old could not be so easily uprooted. However, his reign was an economic success, and it prepared the way for the retention of the Christian calendar in the Church of England. Edward VI., though he entered more into the true spirit of the Reformation, made substantially no alter- ation in the calendar, which he republished in the Book of Prayer. There was a tendency toward a less strict observance of festivals, the Lord's Day being classed with the rest. In the preamble to his act of 1552, setting forth " The Booke of Common Prayer," it was enacted that it shoidd be " lawfid to every hus- bandman, labourer fisherman and to all and every other person of what estate, degree or condition he be, upon the holy days aforesaid in harvest, or any other time of the year when necessity shall require, to la- bour, ride, fish or work any kind of work at their free wills and pleasures." Thomas Fuller, in speaking of the fact that the Lord's Day was included with other holy days in the injunctions of Edward VI., takes oc- casion to thank God that the Reformation was progres- sive. It was so in the Church of England, and he judges with partiality who ascribes all the honors of subsequent reforms to the Non-conformists. Various attempts were made by churchmen to restore the sanc- tity of the Sabbath. For instance, during Elizabeth's reign a measure was tlu^own out for the postponement of fairs and markets from Sunday to the next working day. Similar legislation was attempted in the reign of James I., but was imsuccessful. As for Elizabeth, she did not restore the act of Edward VI. which Mary had repealed. She was disinclined to follow either of 18 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. them, and more willing than they to tolerate labor and amusements. She even by a distinct act placed the Lord's Day and saints' days on the same footing.^ Her reforms pertained principally to conduct during time of service. She refused to check the desecration of the Sabbath by revels, sports, and the like, which ran high during her reign; indeed, she encouraged them.2 Had she adopted the more liberal and reli- gious measures proposed by her own bishops, the outcome might have been different. But she vacil- lated, and when undecided did nothing. And all the while the Non-conformist sentiment was increasing in strength, conceived and nurtured as it was in antag- onism to this equal regard for the Sabbath and saints' days. Such being the state of affairs in the reign of James I., we cannot be surprised either at the appearance of his " Book of Sports," or the sensation which it made. It happened in this wise : In the summer of 1617 the king was journeying homeward from Scotland, where his stay had not been altogether agreeable, for the Presbyterians were not at all incKned to coincide with his views on Episcopacy. Perhaps he had not been pleasantly impressed with their strict observance of Sunday, and was the more willing to encourage a laxity in accord with his own practices.^ The royal company were indeed having a jolly time of it, travel- 1 1 Eliz. c. 2. 2 Gibson, Codex Juris, etc., pp. 236, 242 ; Wilkins, Concilia, iv. 255 ; Neal, Hist, of Puritans, i. 390, 391 ; Cardwell, Documentary Annals. ^ Upon one occasion, when James was in Scotland, he appointed on a Saturday a feast for the following Monday for the entertainment of two French ambassadors. The ministers of Edinburgh on the Sabbath made that Monday a fast. — The Phenix, ii. 295. THE HOLY SEASONS OF THE CHURCH. 19 ing by easy stages, hunting in the forests, entertained at sumptuous banquets, and amused by the players and musicians who formed a part of the king's suite. Thus they came to Lancashire, where the Papists, who were quite numerous, made his visit the opportunity for complaining that they were much oppressed by the prohibiting of their amusements on the Lord's Day after divine service. James was in the right humor to grant their petition, which he did the more readily in the hope of winning the popish recusants. Four days thereafter he gave his petitioners a fair example of the Sabbath observance which he favored. We learn from the private journal of one Nicholas Asshe- ton tha^i the programme for August 17 was as fol- lows : " Hoghton. Wee served the Lords with bis- kett, wyne and jeUie. The Bishopp of Chester, Dr. Morton, preached before the King. To Dinner. About 4 o'clock there was a rush-bearmg and Pipeing afore the King in the Middle Court. Then to supp. Then, about 10 or 11 o'clock a Maske of Noble- men, Knights, Gentlemen, and Courtiers, afore the King in the middle round in the garden. Some Speeches ; of the rest dancing the Huckles, Tom Bedlo and the Cowp Justice of the Peace." ^ The royal license was at once abused, so that the king, on the 24th of May, 1618, was led to issue his "Decla- ration concerning Lawfull Sports," hoping to correct the unwarranted disturbance of worship, and at the same time allay the excitement which had been occa- sioned. It is sufficient to quote a single paragraph to show what amusements were permitted : " Our plea- sure Hkewise is. That, after the end of Divine Service, 1 The King's Book of Sports, L. A. Govett, p. 33. 20 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. Our good people be not disturbed, letted or discour- aged from any lawfull recreation, Such as dancing, either of men or women. Archery for men, leaping, vaulting, or any other such harmlesse Recreation, nor from having of May Games, Whitson Ales, and Mor- ris-dances, and the setting up of May-poles, and other sports therewith used, so as the same be had in due and convenient time, without impediment or neglect of Divine Service : And that women shall have leave to carry rushes to the Church for the decoring of it, according to their old custome." Bear and bull bait- ing, which were practiced on other days, were forbid- den on Sundays, — a law, by the way, which was not enforced. To win the right to indulge in the above sports, one had only to attend service in the morning. It does not appear that the " Book of Sports " was com- manded, to be read in the churches ; some read it and others did not. But it was interpreted as the future law of the Sabbath. The Puritans, including many worthy ministers of the church which called the king the " defender of the faith," were greatly incensed. The royal prerogative was found to be fighting hor- nets with straw in most desperate fashion. Not until the damage had been done, and it was too late to re- pair it, did the king see his mistake. The Pilgrims were already preparing to spread the white sails of the Mayflower for the voyage to the western world. Thousands of their Puritan brethren had become weary of the struggle to establish their ideals in Eng- land and were ready to follow them. And so the sane- tity of the New England Sabbath was born. The amusements allowed in the " Book of Sports " give us some conception of the provocation which our THE HOLY SEASONS OF THE CHURCH. 21 forefathers liad. Dancing is prominently mentioned, from which cause it was called the " Dancing Book." The word gave license to many dances of an athletic character, such as sword-dancing and rope-dancing, performed by traveling joculators, of which Strutt gives a very full description.^ But promiscuous dances of men and women are primarily meant, and these were very popular at that time. The court of King James, where Buckingham was facile princeps in the art, had set a fashion for which the peasantry had a gi*eat Uking, but in which they quite neglected courtly manners. The pillow on which " Joan " and "John Sanderson" were accustomed to kneel, and offer salutations as they were welcomed to the " prinkimi-prankum " dancers in the ring, was vastly more popular than the hard floor of the parish church.2 Some of the prevailing immodest customs would scarcely bear recording. Dances were often the screen of rioting and drunkenness even in the churchyard. " The priestes, and clerkes to daunce have no shame ; The frere or monke in his frocke and cowle Must daunce, and the doctor lepeth to play the foole." No religious person could witness such scenes, follow- ing hard upon the most solenm ritual of worship, with any complacency. Archery was originally ordered by law in each parish as a military exercise. The plea of desecration alone was raised against it, and the same may be said of " leaping " and " vaulting." It was claimed that such sports dissipated Sabbath-day impressions. 1 Strutt's Sports and Pastimes^ c. 5. 2 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Bohn, ii. 162. 22 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. The "May games" often appear in early New England history as the particular aversion of the forefathers. They stood for much in the way of im- moral practices. We may fitly give Philip Stubs's own description, found in his '^ Anatomic of Abuses : " " Against Maie day, Whitsunday, or some other time of the year, every parish, towne, or village, assemble themselves, both men, women, and children ; and either all together, or dividing themselves into companies, they goe some to the woods and groves, some to the hills and mountaines, some to one place, some to another, where they spend all the night in pleasant pastimes, and in the morning they return, bringing with them birche boughes and branches of trees to deck their assemblies withal. But their chief est jewel they bring from thence is the Maie-pole, which they bring home with gi*eat veneration, as thus — they have twentie or fourtie yoake of oxen, every oxe hav- ing a sweete nosegaie of flowers tied to the tip of his homes, and these oxen drawe home the May-poale, their stinking idol rather, which they cover all over with flowers and hearbes, bound round with strings from the top to the bottome, and sometimes it was painted with variable colours, having two or three hundred men, women, and children following it with great devotion. And thus equipped it was reared with handkerchiefs and flagges streaming on the top. They strawe the ground round about it, they bind green boughs about it, they set up summer halles, bowers and arbours hard by it and then fall they to banquetting and feasting, to leaping and dancing about it, as the heathen people did at the dedication of their idoUs." The " May games " played about #t^" THE HOLY SEASONS OF THE CHURCH. 23 this fantastic symbol of the goddess Flora are too numerous for recital. ^ Puritan indictments were not always just, though doubtless the charges brought against the immorality of the season were believed by them. It could hardly have been true, as Thomas Hall said in his ''Downfall of May-Games," that ^^\^ none but " ignorants, atheists, papists, drunkards, ^ ^ swearers, swash-bucklers, maid-marrions, morrice-dan- cers, maskers, munmiers, May-pole stealers, healths drinkers, gamesters, lewd men, light women," and the like observed the festivities of the May Day. But it is beyond dispute that in the main the accusation was true. And these May games were allowed on the Sabbath as upon the most solemn festival days. It was Latimer who went once to a certain church to preach on a holy day and found the good people all gone a Maying and the church locked. In the first " Admonition to the Parliament," 1571, the minister is represented as hurrying through the service because '' some games are to be played in the afternoone, as lying for the Whetstone, heathenishe dauncing for the ring, a Beare or a Bull to be bayted or else Jacke an apes to be ryde on horse backe, or an enterlude to be playde, and if no place else can bee gotten it must bee doone in the church." The literature of the Puritans is full of the details of such desecration of the Sab- bath and churches. A Conformist thus arraigns the church : " Goe to Alehouses on the Sabboth dayes, there is as well solde all kinde of loosenesse as vict- uals. Goe to Greenes, there is myrth that would wound a Christian man's heart with heauinesse. Goe ^ See Brand's Popular Antiquities, i. 212-247 ; Strutt's Sports and Pastimes, Intro, c. xxxiv. and b. iv. c. 3, §§ 15-20. 24 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS, to Fayres, there is a shew and trafficke, as well of all lewdnesse as of wares. . . . The Theatres, Parish gar- den, Tauernes, streetes, fields all full and prophanely occupied and this chiefly on the Sabboth day." ^ Against all this our forefathers stood, — the enlight- ened, industrious, refined, and moral as well as reli- gious people of their age. They could not discover the appropriateness of commemorating the deaths of the foremost apostles in a heathen fashion. That they entertained a reverence for the descent of the Holy Spirit out of harmony with Whitsun-ales is no reflec- tion upon their characters. The chief contribution of the parishioner to this holy festival was strong ale, and the most virtuous was he who could " get the soonest to it and spend the most at it ; " and the rol- licking games grew boisterous, and round and round whirled the morris-dancer, whose tinkling bells, fring- ing his clownish garments, bore no inscription, " Holi- ness unto the Lord." The forefathers have been fairly hooted at because they were opposed to the observance of Christmas. Well, let the reader return to their times, and station himself in a Fleet Street Inn on a Christmas eve. The way without is obstructed with roistering crowds. Wandering minstrels are playing their ditties; the showman is at his entertainment. It is high carnival, and all sorts of iniquity have had a liberty conferred upon them by the law, since it is Christmas time. There comes a company of shouting revelers bearing the Yule-log, to lay with all ceremony in the great fire- place of the inn, and to dance about the fire like their 1 The TJnlawfull Practices of Prelates, A Parte of a Register, p. 288. See, also, pp. 36, 63. THE HOLY SEASONS OF THE CHURCH. 25 Saxon ancestors from whom they derived the custom. The wassail-bowl on the inn table is emptied and filled as the night advances. Gambling is there, and everywhere, unrestricted. Their merriment is only interrupted to rush to the windows and greet the bands of singers, who know well what impure baUads will best answer the purpose of carols for the crowd without and the auditors within. If their taste rises so high, they may sing of Christ as the Lord of Mis- rule: — * ' The darling of the world is come, And fit it is, we find a roome To welcome him. The nobler part Of all the house here is the heart, Which we will give him ; and bequeath This hollie and this ivie wreath To do him honour, who 's our King, And lord of all this revelling." But is it thought that we shall find in the church on the morrow a quiet resting-place of solemn wor- ship ? We might attend the chiu'ch near by. The service would advance with some degree of order, but in the midst of it we might hear the approaching Lord of Misrule and his companions. And this, in the words of a chronicler of the time, is what might happen : " Then marche this heathen company to- wards the church and churchyard, their pipers piping, drummers thundering, their bells jyngling, their hobby horses and other monsters skirmishing amongst the crowd, and in this sort they goe into the church, (though the minister bee at prayer or preaching,) dancing and swinging their handkerchiefs over their heads . . . with such a confused noise that no man can hear his own voice. Then the foolish people, they 26 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. look, they stare, they laugh, they fleer, and mount upon forms and pews to see these goodly pageants solem- nized in this sort. Then after this about the church they go again and again, and so forth into the church- yard, where they have commonly their banquetting houses set up." ^ Thus the Lord of Misrule invades the sanctuary ; and if any reverent person remains to conclude the service, no sooner is the Nunc dimittis sung, — " Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, according to thy word, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation," — than some lusty Christmas-keeper of the congregation shouts aloud his response : — "Yule, yule, yule. Three puddings in a pule Crack nuts and cry yule." This is what Christmas stood for in those " good old times." Our forefathers looked with horror upon such sacrilege. They would have a reformation in the keeping of holy seasons. The authorities of the mother church attempted it, but with a weak hand and poor success. A little company of Non-conform- ist saints undertook to indicate some of the causes for such a state of affairs, and they were cast into prison for their pains. By one of those bitter sar- casms of which liistory is guilty, they were there, languishing in filth and half starved, on the very day that Elizabeth was solemnly washing the feet of the poor in remembrance of the Lord. It is indeed surprising that our fathers left behind them their prayer-books when they came to New 1 Anatomie of Abuses j Philip Stubs; Brand's Pop. Antiq., l^Ol-- 503. THE HOLY SEASONS OF THE CHURCH, 27 England, but the way in wMch they shook the dust of centuries off their feet, in renouncing customs which they had loved from childhood, when once they felt the deck beneath them, is nothing short of a histori- cal phenomenon. CHAPTER n. THE FEASTS OF CHKIST. It is a popular impression that the Puritans, from the first, cherished an intense hatred for Christmas- keeping. This is doubtless true of those who came to New England, the earliest of whom belonged to the third generation of those who bore the name. But such an opinion is an unjust reflection upon those who labored for reform in the early days of Queen Elizabeth. It should be modified by a more particu- lar study of the situation into which they were forced by the intolerance of the mother church. The fact is, that many of the early Puritans, in the hope of re- forming popular abuses, were willing to retain the observance of Christmas, Easter, and certain other festivals commemorative of Christ, though they de- sired the abrogation of saints' days. These festivals were known as the " Feasts of Christ." Had this been granted them, the calendar of the Church of Eng- land would thus have been still further reformed, and might now afford a practical basis for the union of Christian churches in their observance of ecclesias- tical festivals, for to a considerable extent modern usages conform to this principle of the early Puri- tans. In the decay of the Fast Day and the later de- velopment of the Thanksgiving Day, it is believed that the descendants of the Puritans may with wisdom and dignity return to this earlier principle, the heep- THE FEASTS OF CHRIST, 29 ing of the Feasts of Christ, This was a compromise between the reformed calendar of the EngKsh Church and the practices of the Presbyterians, though it did not arise as such, and, whether fortunately or unfor- tunately, soon sank into obscurity. The former re- tained the saints' days and the latter rejected all, in- cluding Christmas and Easter. It is now our purpose to show how this middle way of the early Puritans arose, and how it failed of adoption. We are introduced to the reign of Queen Elizabeth. It is presumed that Holinshed fairly represents the best reformed sentiment, and therefore his own state- ment is here given : " Our holie and festiuall dales are verie well reduced also vnto a lesse nimiber ; for whereas (not long since) we had vnder the pope foure score and fifteene called festiuall and thirtie called Profesti, beside the simdaies, they are all brought vnto seauen and twentie : and with them the super- fluous numbers of idle waks, guilds, fraternities, church-ales, helpe-ales and soide-ales, called also dirge- ales, with the heathenish rioting at bride-ales, are well diminished and laid aside. And no great matter were it if the feasts of all our apostles, euangelists and martyrs, with that of all saints were brought to the holie daies that follow vpon Christmasse, Easter and Whitsuntide ; and those of the virgine Marie, with the rest vtterlie remooued from the calendars, as neither necessarie nor commendable in a reformed church." 1 This opinion, however, was not " to the manor born." The English reformers had been satis- fied with the revision of the calendar, hoping that time would correct many abuses which they depre- ^ Holinshed's Chronicles, ed. 1807, i. 233. 30 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. cated. But when Queen Mary came to the throne, those who were so fortunate as to escape her blazmg fagots found a refuge at the Protestant centres on the continent. There they witnessed the freer system and simpler discipline of the Reformed churches. They lived in companionship with the noblest minds of Geneva and Zurich, with whom they afterwards maintained a correspondence, greatly to the profit of the Reformation in England.^ When the news of the bloody persecutor's death reached them in their exile, they returned homeward like the redeemed of Baby- lon, in great expectation of the future. It was a considerable importation of Calvinistic theology ; but as questions of doctrine were at the time quiescent in England, no differences arose among them. But in respect to church government, and forms and ceremo- nies, they had been under the most positive influ- ences. Unconsciously it may be, yet nevertheless very decidedly, those who had been domiciled among the hospitable people of Zurich had come to accept the views of that most remarkable and sadly forgotten man, Henry Bullinger, who had been and still was " the sponsor of the English Reformation." 2 The affection in which he was held is scattered like per- fume throughout the letters of Jewel, Parkhurst, Horn, Pilkington, and Cox, who became bishops upon their return, and of Sandys and Grindal, who attained the honor of archbishops. These men, and many others of lesser note, could not but compare the sim- ple service at Zurich with the cathedral splendor of the EngKsh ritual. Being in the current of reform, 1 Parker Society, Zurich Letters. 2 Hist, of Early Puritans, J. B. Marsden, p. 17. THE FEASTS OF CHRIST. 31 nothing was more natural than that they should deter- mitie to follow the example of their friends at Zurich, and rid the church of " the last degrading vestiges of popery." ^ Archbishop Parker, more than any one man, it has been said, was responsible for Non-conformity. One of his early labors was, as Neal expresses it, to " set- tle the Kalendar," and this he did by prescribing les- sons for the whole ecclesiastical year, which had not been done before. On the 13th of January, 1562, the Convocation met at St. Paul's. After they had finished the review of the doctrines of the church, re- ducing them to the Thirty-nine Articles, they took up the discipline. A paper was presented in the House covering seven points. The last reads as fol- lows : " That all Saints Days, Festivals, and Holidays bearing the Name of a Creature may be abrogated ; or at least a Commemoration only of them reserved by Sermons, Homilies or Common Prayer for the better instructing the People in history, and that after ser- vice men may go to work." These articles were signed, be it noted, by some of the most prominent churchmen of England, thirty-three in number, deans, archdeacons, and proctors.^ Strype signifi- cantly says : " These divines were biased (most of whom had been in exile) towards those platforms which were received in the reformed churches where they had a little before sojourned." This was true, and it is the point we emphasize. A few days there- 1 The Pilgrim Fathers, Bartlett, p. 15. 2 Neal's Hist, of Puritans, i. 180-182 ; Strype's Annals, i. 1. 500- 502. Both these authors give a list of the signers. See, also, Mars- den's Hist, of Early Puritans, p. 44; Peirce's Vindication of the Dissenters, pp. 53-55. 32 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. after — these seven requests not finding general favor — another set of six articles was introduced in the House, supported, it seems, by the same party with some others. The first article reads as follows : " That all Sundays in the Year, and principal Feasts of Christ, be kept Holidays ; and that all other Holi- days be abrogated." This was the same in substance as the former, but more concise in expression. In the debate which followed, the two parties were distinctly represented, one the Zurich exiles, the other those who resented the adoption of foreign customs, prefer- ring to follow the example of their own reformers, Ridley and Cranmer. Probably this article would have met the same fate had it stood alone. In the vote, from which some were absentees, forty-three were found in favor and thirty-five against it ; but in the counting of proxies it was lost by a majority of one, fifty-eight being in favor and fifty-nine op- posed. So worthy a cause fell hy the hlow of one praicy I It was a feeble victory for Archbishop Parker, but enough to encourage his pressure for conformity, resulting, as the sequel shows, in the re- jecting of Christmas and Easter by the Non-con- formists. Let us now turn back and trace this system of keep- ing the Feasts of Christ to its source. This is the more important because we discover in the person of John Calvin the chief of those influences which subse- quently moved Thomas Cartwright in England and John Knox in Scotland to declare for the abrogation of all ecclesiastical festivals and the keeping only of the Lord's Day. " Henry BuUinger," says Thomas Fuller, " was the THE FEASTS OF CHRIST. 33 most excellent of all tlie divines that Switzerland yielded." i " Never could worth lodge in a richer breast." His scholarly attainments and moderate temper won the affection of all, to the great enlargement of liis influence. The views he held concerning the outward reform of ceremonies were less radical than those of his Genevan neighbors. Farel and Viret had there abolished all festivals before the coming of Calvin, and they are to be regarded as the forerunners of the Non-conformists in this respect. Calvin was for some time indifferent on the subject. Upon his banish- ment the Bernese introduced at Geneva their system, observing the four festivals, — the circiuncision, the annunciation, the ascension, and Christmas. In a letter Bidlinger says, since about 1538, they at Zurich had been rid of the many festivals and retained only the four, of which the annunciation finally dropped out. When Calvin returned to Geneva he suffered these Feasts of Christ to remain, recognizing them by hours of divine service, though he was exercised be- cause the circumcision was more prominent than the crucifixion, and denounced the annunciation as a su- perstition. However, he seems to have been drifting all the time towards a rejection of all, for which he had little regard. In 1550, by no advice of his, yet " not at variance with his own opinions," partly from national feeling, the Council at Geneva suddenly abolished all festivals, providing only that Christmas should be celebrated on the succeeding Simday.^ This Calvin called the " better custom," and it flour- ^ Abel RedevivuSf ed. 1867, ii. 35. 2 Life and Times of John Calvin, Henry, i. 134, 418; ii. 115-117. 84 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. ished thereafter at Geneva, even to the imprisonment of some in 1555 who observed Christmas Day. The overthrow of the Zurich system at Geneva gave no offense to Bullinger, who praised the apostolic liberty of the Genevese by which also he himself retained his Feasts of Christ. His motive was the glorification of the Lord, and his principle as regards others, toleration in things indifferent. Thus the two systems are clearly defined, that of Zurich and that of Geneva, both different from that of Luther's followers, who retained the saints' days. The very year of the English Convocation referred to, Bullinger composed what became the Second Hel- vetic Confession, which appeared at Zurich in 1566, and attained a preeminence in the Reformed churches. To this we advert. Article XXIV., after commending the Lord's Day, " to be observed in Christian freedom, not with Jewish superstition," declares : " If congrega- tions in addition commemorate the Lord's nativity, circumcision, crucifixion, resurrection, and ascen- sion, and the outpouring of the Holy Ghost, we greatly approve of it. But feasts instituted by men in honor of saints we reject, though the memory of the saints is profitable, and should be commended to the people with exhortations to follow their virtues." ^ The English exiles who had been at Zurich returned home with these views. Those who were afterwards elevated to a bishopdom held them, and this consti- tuted a part of the reform which they would gladly have seen furthered in England. The Queen was not so inclined, and Sandys says in one of his letters that for his early vehemence he came near being deposed ^ Schaff 's Creeds of Christendom^ i. 417. THE FEASTS OF CHRIST. 35 and suffering tlie displeasure of her Majesty.^ There is no doubt that Cox, Grindal, Horn, Sandys, Jewel, Parkhurst, and Bentham, upon their first return from exile, labored for this further reform in the Enghsh Church, of which the adoption of the Feasts of Christ was a part ; but they could not prevail with the Queen and Parliament. So finally, after consultation, they concluded not to desert their ministry for some rites so few and not in themselves evil.^ In the vestiarian controversy which followed, concerning what they themselves had called " fooleries," and " relics of the Amorites," they maintained with sufficient energy that these were things indifferent, but forgot, it seems, that, being so, those who found offense in them should not be pressed to conformity. The objection to saints' days had the same experience. After the Convocation of 1562, when the measures for retaining the Feasts of Christ failed, the question no longer was whether saints' days should be abolished, but whether those who would not observe them should forfeit their ministry, not to say endure imprisonment and martyrdom. Ten years passed. Meanwhile a respectable number of ministers had come into promi- nence who held neither more nor less on this point than those who had introduced the six articles in the Convocation. They had no disagreement on points of doctrine, only in discipline. They asked as to fes- tivals that the Sabbath might be kept holy ; that the annual fast of Lent, and Friday and Saturday fasts, and saints' days, might not be enjoined, being willing 1 Parker Society, Zurich Letters, April 1, 1560. 2 Ibid., i. p. 149 n. ; Strype's Annalsj i. 1. 263; Peirce's Vindica- lion of the Dissenters, p. 43. 36 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. that others should exercise the same right of con- science. Their willingness to retain Christmas, Good Friday^ Easter, and Whitsunday was desjjised. They actually held out this olive branch until it with- ered in their hands. At last, failing of justice from the Queen and the bishops, they appealed to Parlia- ment. In 1571 John Field and Thomas Wilcocks, two London ministers, wrote the famous " Admonition to the Parliament." ^ For this they were committed to Newgate prison. This awakened great sympathy for their cause. Their little tract was widely read, several editions appearing from an unknown press. During their imprisonment they issued, December 4, 1572, a Confession of Faith, in which among other statements they said : " We think that those Feast- days of Christ, as of his Birth, Circumcision, Pass- over, Resurrection and Ascension, etc., may, by Chris- tian liberty be kept, because they are only devoted to Christ, to whom all days and times belong. But days dedicated to saints, with fasts on their eves, we utterly dislike, though we approve of the reverend memory of the saints, as examples to be propounded to the people in sermons ; and of publick and private Fasts as the circumstances of nations or private persons require." ^ And this was the fast-failing voice of such as had ac- cepted the views of the Zurich exiles. Their friends had vanished in the shades of Episcopacy. Visited, indeed, by some kindred souls and faithful parishioners, they were suffered to languish in the unwholesome vileness of the place beyond their lawful sentence, en- during the cold of winter, and, what was more, the con- ^ Authorities have associated with these two, in the drawing up of this admonition, Sampson, Lever, Gilby, and Cartwright. 2 Neal's Hist, of Puritans, i. 290,291. THE FEASTS OF CHRIST, 37 cem for their impoverished families ; and it was not in mercy that they were at last released. Nearly fifty years afterward the king of England sought to intro- duce into the Kirk of Scotland this very observance of Christmas, Easter, Whitsimday, and the Ascension of Christ ; but the ministers would not even read the ar- ticle in their churches, so greatly had Non-conformist sentiments altered meanwhile.^ It was then too late for such a compromise. We are not forgetfid that this was but one point in the controversy, and ahnost lost in the boiling caldron. It was not, however, rejected because of its bad com- pany. The Episcopal party determined to retain the saints' days. Against these the Non-conformists protested as the remnants of popery .^ And so, as the discussion went on, it developed the opinion among them that these were not things indifferent, especially as the popish customs remained in influence. While Field and Wilcocks were in prison, Thomas Cartwright, " lately returned from beyond sea," wrote a second " Admonition to the Parliament," taking up their cause. This is the point where the Presbyterian system, nurtured at Geneva, advocated by Cartwright and Knox, came to the front in the discussion. Thus the silver stream was lost in the swollen river ! These Presbjrterian Non-conformists wished to have all festi- vals abolished.^ They assumed the failui^e of efforts 1 Neal's Hist of Puritans, ii. 118, 119. 2 Hawkins, one of the Non-conformists, is reported to have said at his examination, June 20, 1567 : " Well, Master Hooper saith in his Coramentarie vppon the Commandments that holy dayes are the leauen of Antichrist." William White said: "The princes lawe sayeth, Thou shalt not labour seuen dayes but shalt keepe the popish holi- dayes." — A Parte of a Register, pp. 35, 36. * They afterwards claimed that it was Whitgift who forced them 38 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. to reform abuses. If they must be beggars, they might as well ask for a whole loaf. Their view was daily growing in popularity, and was argued directly from the Scriptures with excellent ability. A short time sufficed to establish it as the consensus of Non- conformist opinion. And, to show what an importance it had in shaping the prejudices of the New England fathers, it has only to be remembered that, within the decade from 1570 to 1580, Robert Browne, Henry Barrowe, John Greenwood, and John Penry were at Cambridge University, where Thomas Cartwright, as " Lady Margaret, Professor of Divinity," rose to a preeminent influence; and during the same period Henry Ainsworth and John Robinson were born. The advocacy of the Feasts of Christ, as a system, passed to its burial in England before the Separatist movement had its birth. Thus arose the controversy between Cartwright and Whitgift, in which the observance of holy days was one prominent point. The literature relating to it is voluminous,^ and it is unnecessary to follow the discus- sion. It is sufficient to note that by it the two par- ties were thoroughly intrenched ; the one rejecting all holy days except the Sabbath, because they are not commanded in the Scriptures, the other claiming that the church had authority from the fathers to observe days not enjoined. However, the controversy was of to reject all the remnants of popery. — Loyalty of the Presbyterians, 1713, pp. 94 ff. ^ The burden of the arguments is found in Whitgif t's Defense of the Answere to the Admonition against the Beplie of T. C, 1574. See Dexter's Bibliography, Lit. of Cong., Nos. 44, 46, 48, 50, 57, 64, 72. Also, Fuller's Church Hist., h. ix. s. 3, c. 7 ; Heylyn's Hist, of Presby., p. 238 ; Peirce's Vindication, p. 86. THE FEASTS OF CHRIST. 39 great service in lifting up the standard of the Non- conformists. Thereafter there was unanimity among them on the subject. Heylyn says : " They introduced little by little a general neglect of the weekly fasts, the holy time in Lent, and the Embring-days, redu- cing all acts of humiliation to solemn and occasional fasts, as amongst the Scots." ^ Among the Presby- terians of both England and Scotland the old system was dead. So it was among the scattered companies of Separatists. And furthermore there was a secret inclination toward the same opinions among thousands who still worshiped in the mother church, preparing them to adopt a new system, that of fast and thanks- giving days, when they should have crossed the sea to New England. ^ Heylyn's Hist, of Preshy.y p. 389. When the Scots gave their sanction to the Helvetic Confession, they excepted the holy days. Cf . Schaff's Creeds, etc., L 394, 682. CHAPTER III. FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS IN ENGLAND. " But such have been these times of late, That Holy dayes are out of date, And holynesse to boot ; For they that do despise, and scorn To keep the day that Christ was bom, Want holynesse no doubt." So run the lines of a ballad which attained a popu- larity among the Cavaliers upon the reaction from Cromwellian rule in England.^ It was true enough that holy days were " out of date." If anything had been left undone by Elizabeth to make them so, James had contributed it in his "Book of Sports." The Non-conformists, however, were not satisfied to desert wholly the fasting customs in which they had been nurtured, nor ignore the spirit of thanksgiving which had pervaded their ancient festivals. A new system of holy days was demanded. There were already pre- pared for their adoption customs of observing days of a private religious character, and, what was more essential in the trend of Puritan life, days of fasting and thanksgiving proclaimed by ecclesiastical or civil authorities. Out of these customs, destined to attain a vigorous development in the mother country dur- ing the Commonwealth, arose the fast and thanksgiv- ing days of New England. It is so obvious as hardly to need emphasis that the ^ Bump Ballads, ii. 52. IN ENGLAND. 41 Puritans were brought under the immediate influence of Old Testament usages. The spirit of Jewish cere- monials displaced that of the Roman Catholic ritual, and as a natural sequence they recognized the author- ity of scriptural fastings and thanksgivings. So they founded their system upon the Bible. ^ The philosophy of their institution is found in the Puritan doctrine of Divine Providence. When the Reformation came to its fruitage, a reanimated if not wholly new feeling prevailed as to the divine ordering of events. A God declared in mystical ser- vices, which the worshipers did not understand, gave place to profound convictions arising out of a spir- itual experience with Him. The dormant sensibility of sin was revived, and hence a fear of God's threat- ened judgments. They imbibed those theological doc- trines generally termed Calvinistic. According to t their interpretation of Biblic al hi story, God is con- stantly and directly supervising tiie affairs of men, sending evil upon the city of the Ninevites for their sins, for " shall evil befall a city, and the Lord hath not done it ? " ^ or blessing his people when they turn from their evil ways, for " who knoweth whether God will not turn and repent, and turn away from his fierce anger, that we perish not? " ^ Their Confessions declared " that nothing can befall us by chance, but ^ The fasts of the Hebrews present four characteristics: (1) The '* Day of Atonement," expressing a religious truth; (2) Periodical fasts, certain months, commemorating historical events ; (3) Days of private humiliation ; (4) Occasional fasts ordered by proclamation in public calamities. To these last the fathers were fond of referring. Thanksgiving was provided for by their " offerings of thanksgiving," and was connected with the three great festivals. They had no an- nual fast or thanksgiving by special proclamation. ^ Amos iii. 6. ^ Jonah iiL 9. 42 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. by the direction of our most gracious and heavenly Father, who watches over us with a paternal care, keeping all creatures so under his power that not a hair of our head (for they are all numbered), nor a sparrow can fall to the ground without the will of our Father, in whom we do entirely trust, being persuaded that he so restrains the Devil and all our enemies that without his will and permission they cannot hurt us." ^ But it was rather an inference from this belief which exercised such sway over their lives. They found no place for the discipline of chastening love. Regarding all dire happenings as punishments, and all blessings as approvals, they seem to have thought that their moral status before God was thus written out in events. They connected every calamity or deliverance with their present sin or virtue. As the former had a particular voice of warning, and the latter a tes- timony of forgiveness, every event approached them with its shadow before and its sunshine afterward, to be recognized by fasting and thanksgiving. It is only within our province to record these views, which It shed such a lurid light over the early history of ^ New England. To suppose, however, that they were peculiar to our fathers is a grave error. They prevailed throughout the Calvinistic countries of Europe, and were productive of similar feelings, and to some extent of the same customs. They attained an ascendency in the mother country, and wrought into English life the observance of special fast and thanksgiving days which have continued into the pres- lent century. ^ Belgic Confession [1561] and Second Helvetic Confession [1566]. See, also, the Savoy Symbol, and Westminster Confession of Faith. IN ENGLAND. 43 From the year 1566, when, as Neal says, " the era of separation " began, the Non-conformists had been accustomed to gather in secret conventicles for fasting and prayer. The practice was known to the royal authorities, and did not please them. The logic of such a reply as WiUiam White gave they did not appreciate, — " The Ninevites proclaimed a fast before they acquainted the king with it." ^ Finally, when it was learned that the theme of their fastings was the Queen and the Church, her royal Majesty endeavored to put them down.2 Their advocacy of ^;2^6Zi'c fasts and thanksgivings could not so easily be hushed, for such days had ere this come into use among their opponents. The time was ripe for them. Thereafter they contended as earnestly ^br these days as they had against saints' days. We have met with no statement of their position, as framed by the later Dissenters, more worthy of pre- eminence than that given by James Peirce in his " Vindication of the Dissenters." These are his words : " We own there may happen new occasions of solemn and public fasting or rejoicing; for which, because they concern the civil state, 't is the business of the magistrate to appoint proper days and times. And he only can command all his subjects to observe such fasts or thanksgivings when there is occasion for them. But if he neglects his duty and does not appoint such days, when 'tis manifest to aU that he ought, or if, abusing his power, he orders days to be kept to a bad purpose, we think every church has a right to set apart days themselves, or to forbear to observe them 1 Neal's Hist, of Puritans, i. 247. 2 Ibid., i. 370. 44 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. that are not well injoin'd." ^ The points in this author's discussion are : (1) Blessings that belong to all Christians need no stated solenm festival besides the Lord's Day. (2) The Lord instituted no annual fasting season [Lent] in humiliation for ordinary sins. (3) "If God by his providence testifies his displea- sure, or if anything extraordinary is to be sought with more fervent prayers, these are new and special occa- sions^ wherein God calls us to public fasting." (4) The Jews had such occasion in the Feast of Purim, as England has in the 5th of November, but they established no " anniversary solemnities " for bless- ings which were before the setting apart of a partic- ular day. (5) These special fast and thanksgiving days should be ordered by the civil authority. It will be observed by the careful reader that these principles constitute a fair presumption against the immediate appointment of annual public fasts and thanksgiv- ings by the early settlers of New England. Their system is wrapped up in the phrase, " new and special occasions," or in the Latin they employed, "Pro tem- poribus et causis." Let us now turn back to trace the development of this appointment of special days. The practice had prevailed in the Roman Empire,^ and was early intro- duced into England. There was little demand for 1 Peirce's Vindication, etc., ed. 1718, p. 504. The author here refers to his letters in answer to Dr. Wells, from which he quotes. There the phraseology of the passage is slightly different. Memarks on Dr, Tre//s,ed.mO, p.23. 2 The early Christians kept such days. Bishops named them within their jurisdiction. The victory of Constantino was commemorated at Constantinople September 24 ; and at Alexandria July 21 was kept in gratitude for the cessation of earthquakes, etc. Sozomen, 1. 6, c. 2 ; Bingham, Orig. Ecc, xx. 8, 3. IN ENGLAND. 45 them before the Reformation, though the fact that the Code of Canute, A. D. 1032, specifies '' all the days upon which a fast should be proclaimed by due au- thority" would lead us to suspect their occurrence. Indeed, an illustration is given us in HoHnshed's " Chronicles " of a fast season transpiring during the reign of Henry III., A. D. 1258 : " The haruest was verie late this yeare so that the most part of the corne rotted on the ground, and that which at length was got in remained yet abrode till after Alhallowentide so vntemperate was the weather with excessiue wet and raine beyond all measure. Herevpon the dearth so in- creased that euen those which had of late releeued other, were in danger to starue themselues. Finallie solemne fasts and generall processions were made in diuerse places of the realme to appease God's wrath, and (as it was thought) their praiers were heard, for the weather partlie amended and by reason the same serued to get in some such come as was not lost, the price thereof in the market fell halfe in halfe. A good and memorable motiue that in such extremities as are aboue the reach of man to redresse, we shoidd by and by haue recourse to him that can giue a rem- edie against euery casualty, for Flectitur iratus voce rogante Deus^ ^ After the battle of Poictiers the king " took speedy order, by Simon, Archbishop of Canterbury, that a thanksgiving should be celebrated all over England for eight days together." ^ Yet such seasons were exceptional. The Catholic Church did not foster them. During the last years of Henry VIII., however, prayers in the English tongue coming into 1 Holinshed's Chronicles, ii. 449. 2 Har. Miscellany^ viii. 174. 46 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. use, they were frequently ordered to be said in the churches, accompanied by processions. In August, 1543, the plentiful crop of corn was threatened by excessive rain, and so great was the danger that the king sent letters to Archbishop Cranmer " to appoint certain prayers to be used for the ceasing of rain." Strype tells us that the same practice was twice em- ployed the next year, when " occasional prayers and suffrages to be used throughout the churches begun to be more usual than formerly." ^ One instance was for a peace, the other upon going to war. During the first year of King Edward's reign, on account of the victory over the Scots, a public thanksgiving was cele- brated. In the order of the Archbishop to the Bishop of London the latter is required " to cause a sermon to be made in his cathedral . . . declaring the goodness of God . . . and giving thanks for the victory, but also at the same time, immediately after the sermon and in presence of the Mayor, Aldermen and other citizens of London, to cause the procession in English and Te Deum to be openly and devoutly sung." ^ That same year a fast was proclaimed in London on account of the rising in Yorkshire.^ Such seasons were then generally kept on the day of some festival, if convenient. They found favor also in the eyes of Queen Mary, though she restored the Catholic calendar ; and it would seem that upon one occasion greater thanks were given than the subject demanded, as she died without children. ^ In 1563 London was visited by a plague. Days of 1 Strype, Cranmer, pp. 181-183. 2 Ibid., pp. 218-220 ; Parker Soc, Works of Cranmer, Remains, p. 417. 2 Burnet's Hist, of Beformation, ed. 1865, ii. 213. * Camden Soc, Diary of Henry Machyn, pp. 18, 76, 341 ; Strype, Ecc. Mem., iii. 1. 324, 325. IN ENGLAND. 47 fasting were appointed, Mondays and Wednesdays, to continue until some abatement of the disease, which could not be observed by great gatherings as com- monly, for fear of contagion. The food saved was be- stowed upon the poor in the back lanes and alleys of the city. In certain correspondence on the subject, several questions were raised which indicate that this custom of occasional appointment by royal proclama- tion might not have been then fully established. For instance : " In what form is the fast to be authorized, — whether by proclamation or by way of injunction or otherwise, because it must needs pass from the Queen ? " " Whether any penalty is to be prescribed to the violators thereof?"^ But, not to multiply instances beyond necessity, Ehzabeth maintained and strengthened the usage, as may be seen from the peru- sal of her " forms of prayer." ^ The discovery of the Gunpowder Plot in 1605 brought out the common sentiment. A diabolical scheme had been formed — it was thought by the Papists — to blow up the Parliament House on the 5th of November, the first day of the session. Vast quantities of gunpowder and inflammable material were found concealed in the vaults underneath. The traitors were arrested and executed.^ In consequence of this deliverance the day was ordered to be kept as a '' public thanksgiving to Almighty God " every year, '' that unfeigned thankfulness may never be forgotten, 1 Strype, Parker, i. 263-268; Grindal, pp. 105, 106. 2 Parker Soc., Prayers of Elizabeth. The Thanksgiving Book was a collection of prayers for the thanksgiving day. Notes and Queries, Ist ser. iii. 328, 481. 3 Knight's Hist, of England , chap. Ixxxi. ; Fuller's Chh. Hist., iii. 212-219; Neal's Hist, of Puritans, ii. 52-54. 48 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. and that all ages to come may yield praises to God's divine Majesty for the same." All ministers were or- dered to say prayers thereon, for which special forms were for many years provided, and the people were commanded to attend worship. Thomas Fuller, writ- ing years afterwards, expressed a regret that this " red- letter day" had fallen into decay. But throughout most of the term of the exodus to New England it was generally esteemed, except by the Papists, and esteemed, too, by some who were abused at its ser- vices.i The custom of burning at night the image of Guy Fawkes the conspirator, which had been paraded through the streets during the day by boys who begged and sang, was continued in England to within a century : — " Pray to remember The fifth of November, Gunpowder treason and plot, When the King and his train Had nearly been slain, Therefore it shall not be forgot." This annual thanksgiving, together with the one es- tablished later on the 29th of May, was abolished in 1833, though both had previously fallen into disuse. Both were recognized in New England, to some extent among the Congregationalists, but chiefly in the Epis- copal Church on account of their place in the calendar. ^ The prayer for the day had this inspiring petition: *' Root out that Anti-christian and Babylonish sect which say of Jerusalem, Down with it even to the ground. Cut off those workers of Iniquity, whose Religion is Rebellion, whose Faith is Faction, whose Practice is murdering both Soul and Body." In 1633 this was altered by the archbishop so as to turn it against the Puritans (Neal, ii. 254). " On the 5th of November we as well as the Churchmen bless God for our deliverance from the Gunpowder Plot."— Peirce's Vindication, etc., p. 505. IN ENGLAND. 49 It will be well now, though we have reached the time when emigration to the New World began, to fol- low the practice, especially during the Commonwealth, which history runs parallel with the early days of New England. It had a development of its own. Under James and Charles I. it retained its public and civil character, the number of such occasions in- "^ creasing somewhat. But when the Puritans obtained control of affairs it was as though the incarcerated fasts and thanksgivings of centuries had been loosed.^ Upon any appearance of public danger they woidd hasten to order a fast. They not only abolished fes- tivals, and burned the " Book of Sports " in public places, but also commanded the constables on fasts to seek out persons at work, that they might be prose- cuted for contempt. In 1643 they established stated monthly fasts on the last Wednesday of each month, which they continued until 1649, when an act was passed to " take away the monthly fasts," and have only those on particidar occasions, which indeed they had all along observed. This monthly custom we meet with in New England. It happened in 1644 that the monthly fast of December feU on the 25th, and every person was obliged to choose which God he woidd serve. The Parliament chose the montlily fast, which created no little uproar among the people.^ Upon these days the " Solemn League and Covenant " ^ We have reckoned more than a hundred public fasts during the Commonwealth period. Proclamations in broadside for some of these are extant. Scores of sermons are met with preached by Puritan ministers on these occasions. ^ Hence Macaulay's remark, "They changed Christmas into a fast." See Neal, iii. 167-169. Christmas in 1647 they made a fast, which nearly caused a riot in London. IbicL, iii. 423, 424. 50 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. was usually read in the public assembly, which met at nine o'clock in the morning, and continued until four in the afternoon. In 1643 the king made proclamation against them, but it availed nothing. ^ Fasts and thanksgivings were the order of the day. They fasted for atheism in the army, gave thanks for the suppression of the Levelers, and the Parliament became a veritable proclamation machine. It was a fine bit of irony, expressed on a slip dropped about Co vent Garden May 15, 1648, referring to a thanks- giving for success in Wales, "observed," says White- locke, " by the houses but not much in the city." " O yes ! O yes ! O yes ! If any manner of man in city town or country can tell tidings of a Thanksgiving to be kept the 17th Day of this present month of May, by order of the Commons assembled at West- minster, let him come to the cryer and he shall be hanged for his pains." ^ Let no one suppose that their thanksgivings were altogether famished ajBfairs. Feasting had always been associated more or less with such rejoicings. It was, at least sometimes, a feature of these English days. Whitelocke gives some account of a feast June 7, 1649, when the House of Commons was entertained by the city fathers. After hearing two sermons they went to Grocers' HaU, where, after some delay in 1 Neal, in. 44, 45. 2 Notes and Queries, 4tli ser. ix. p. 202. The following lines axe given in Hudibras : — " For Hudibras, who thought he had won The field, as certain as a gun, And having routed the whole troop With victory was cock-a-hoop. Thinking he had done enough to purchase Thanksgiving day among the churches." Pt. i. canto 3, lines 11-16. See, also, Pt. iii. canto 3, line 287. IN ENGLAND, 51 choosing the lowest seats, they were sumptuously fed to the music of drums and trumpets, and the fragments were sufficient to cheer many of the poor of London. The Westminster " Directory for Public Worship " gives us a lucid account of what was expected in the way of religious exercises. The early hours of the fast day were to be occupied by each family in " pre- paring their hearts for the solemn work of the day." They must be " early at the Congregation " and clothed in no " rich apparel or ornaments." There a large portion of the day was to be spent in reading and preaching the word, singing of psalms, and especially in prayer, that it might be a day of " afflict- ing the soul." Before the close the minister was " in his own and the people's names to ingage his and their hearts to be the Lord's with professed purpose and resolution to reform whatever is amiss among them ; " and he was also to admonish them as to the fui^ther private duties of the day. The thanksgiving day was much the same in its worship. The congregation were first to have some '' pithy narration of the deliverance obtained or mercy received," and, after sermon, psalm-singing, and prayer, they were to be dismissed with a blessing, that " convenient time might be had for their repast and refreshing." But the minister should not forget to admonish them to " beware of all excess and riot tending to gluttony or drunkenness " in their feasts. At both fasts and thanksgivings collections were to be taken for the / poor, in which the Puritans were never negligent. Such were the days observed in England about the middle of the seventeenth century. They did not differ materially from those proclaimed in New England. 52 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS, t There was neither an annual fast nor an annual thanksgiving, a fact which should have great weight in discussing the customs of our forefathers. But this system of holy days soon became over- weighted in England, as the Christian calendar had been, and it suffered a reaction, with the Puritan government which established it. The " Merry Christmas," the amusements which for centuries had clustered round the May-pole, and, also, — for we should not hesitate to concede it, — the deep rehgious reverence that some had for the truth declared by festivals commemorating the Lord's life, — all these forces at last rose among the English people and swept away the structure, leaving only a lone pillar standing, like the 5th of November, and occasional days at intervals. It can truly be said that when the 29th of May, 1660, came, — a day destined to be kept among them more as a farewell to the Puritan than a thanksgiving for the restoration of Charles II., — and the royal pageant, with prancing steeds so gayly man- tled and ridden by such richly robed knights, moved through the streets of London, the people were heartily joyful. The citizens as weU as the king were ready to laugh at the new sign which on that day is said to have adorned that famous hostelry in Fleet Street, where Tom D'Urfey, the Killegrews, Davenant, Matt Barlowe, Ingoldsby, and Isaac Wal- ton are represented as holding high carnival, — a sign in which mine host had the part of St. Dunstan, and held the Puritan Prynne in the array of his Satanic Majesty by the nose.^ The case was quite otherwise 1 An interesting account of the affair and the place, famous evea in Shakespeare's time, the meeting-place of Ben Jonson's club, is found in Ephraim Hardcastle's The Twenty-ninth of May. IN ENGLAND, 53 with the Puritans who had followed the Pilgrims to New England. They brought with them the customs of their time, holy days observed in all sincerity, and found a hostile wilderness, where, with no attractions toward the festivals they detested, they were to estab- lish their humiliations, as the summons for divine assistance in dire straits, and sing their psalms of praise over mighty deliverances and the coveted har- vests enticed from the virgin soiL CHAPTER IV. THE FASTS OF THE EXILES. / 1595-1620. The early history of the Separatists is written in the experiences of individual congregations. The ancient oak which had been so shaken by the storm was surrounded by shoots of ecclesiastical life, spring- ing into a vigorous development from the seed that had been scattered abroad. Those which now come under our view are the exiled churches at Amsterdam and Leyden, — that over which Francis Johnson was pastor and Henry Ainsworth teacher, which had emigrated from London to Amsterdam about 1595 ; the second English church which had gone thither from Gainsborough, under the leadership of John Smyth, about 1606 ; and the Scrooby church, of John Robin- son, which removed to Amsterdam in April, 1608, and shortly afterwards was established at Leyden. With these we may associate the independent church at Southwark, England, which would agree with them in its practices ; and this church has special interest because its first pastor, Henry Jacob, is known to have adopted the ideas of John Robinson, and his successor, John Lothrop, was afterward the minister at Scituate and Barnstable in the Plymouth Colony, whose church records have an important bearing upon the subject. It is essential to ascertain what were the customs THE FASTS OF THE EXILES. 55 of the Scrooby exiles in order to determine what the early practices were at Plymouth. The earliest of the Separatists had maintained an existence in Eng- land for years, and had emigrated to Holland before the development of fast and thanksgiving days into a popular system. So far back as the time of Robert Browne, the founder of Brownism, they seem to have taken up with the keeping of such days. This worthy wrote of his little congregation at Nor- wich : " They particularlie agreed . . . for appointing publick humbling in more rare iudgementes and pub- lick thankesgiuing in straunger blessinges." ^ In this they were carrying out the Second Helvetic Confes- sion, which declared tliat " there are also public fasts api>ointed in tunes of affliction and calamity, when people abstain from food altogether till evening. . . . Such fasts are mentioned by the Prophets and should be observed." They were also the religious legatees of Field and Wilcocks. In their Confession they had said : " Concerning publicke f astes wee hold that they are so often to be had and kept as the consideration of time and the present calamitie hanging ouer our heax^ls, and due for our sinnes, shall require: and wee thinke it most meete that these fasts be generally and vniversally appointed, either by the authoritie of goodly magistrates or particular Presbyteries and Churches." 2 It is believed that Browne has refer- ence to observances among themselves, appointed as the need of his company woidd suggest. They were public but not civil fasts and thanksgivings, — days ^ A True and Short Declaration, etc., p. 20. 2 A Parte of a Register, p. 537. See, also, An Answer for the tyme, etc., p. 74. 56 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. for assembling the congregation/ Throughout the his- tory of these Separatists in Holland, the individual church determined what days should be kept. Recog- nizing it as the source of authority, this was only putting the principle into operation. At the same time they may have paid a respect to any days ap- pointed by the civil authorities. It would not have been inconsistent with their teachings. It will be well to state here that the Reformed churches of Holland, under whose influence they came, were mainly in accord with the customs of the Church of England. The trend of their reformation had been Calvinistic, but they had not wholly rejected holy days. . Catholic and Lutheran opinions had greatly modified their tendencies, which were toward the adoption of the " Feasts of Christ " approved by the Helvetic Confession. These became high festivals among them, but not to the exclusion of all saints' days. In the ecclesiastical laws published by William of Orange in 1577 he specially honored Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide. But the Dutch provincial synods had not discussed the subject, and hence many of the old practices prevailed. The Reformed de- spised the Catholic observances, but on the other hand they venerated the more prominent festivals, and held services and suspended business upon them.^ At a later period they even ejected those who refused to conform to this practice of the Dutch Church.2 We have no details of fast and thanksgiving days at Amsterdam, but, after the exposition given in ^ Brandt's Hist, of the Reformation in the Low Countries, ed. 1720, ii. 10, 12, 14. 2 Steven's Hist, of the Scottish Church in Botterdam, p. 72 n. See, also, p. 339. THE FASTS OF THE EXILES, 57 the previous chapters of the views current, we cannot but conclude that they had such. Henry Ainsworth gives us something of his opinion in his " Arrow against Idolatrie." He evidently had little regard for saints' days. He says : " Again he [Jeroboam] forged but one feast out of his owne heart to make mery with his images once in a year : whereas this our purple Queen hath made many moe holy dayes then ther be monethes (that I say not weeks) of the yere, in honour of her Ladie and all her Saincts, and these some of them correspondent to the paynim festivities, as Christmas, Candlemas, Fasgon or Shrovetide, ac- cording to the times and customes of the gentiles Satumal, Febiiial and Bacchus feasts." ^ He further urges that there is no other than heathen example J for observing Christmas December 25, since Christ was born in September rather than December. There is another item of interest concerning this church at Amsterdam. About the time of Robinson's arrival there, he had received a letter from Rev. Jo- seph Hall, afterward the Bishop of Norwich. It was addressed to " Mr. Smyth and Mr. Robinson, Ring- leaders of the late Separation at Amsterdam." In Robinson's reply, entitled "An Answer to a Censo- rious Epistle," he had said : " Though you have lost the shrines of saints, yet you retain their days, and those holy as the Lord's-day and that with good profit to your spiritual carnal courts, from such as profane them with the least and most lawful labour, notwith- standing the liberty of the six days' labour which the Lord hath given. And as much would the masters of these courts be stirred at the casting of these ^ An Arrow., etc., ed. 1640, p. 156. 58 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. saints' days out of the calendar, as were the ' mas- ters ' of the possessed maid when ' the spirit of divi- nation ' was cast out of her. Acts xvi. 19." ^ To this Hall responded in " A Common Apologie of the Church of England," saying : " You equally condemne those dales of Christ's birth. Ascension, Circumcision, Resurrection, Annunciation, which the church hath beyond all memory celebrated ; " and he adds this im- portant item : " Your owne Synagogue at Amsterdame (if we may beleeue your owne) is not altogether guilt- less : your hands are still and your shoppes shut vpon festiuall dales." ^ This charge may quite likely have been true. Their shops may have been closed on festival days in accordance with the Dutch custom and law, but from no esteem for the occasions. We may fairly conclude that Ainsworth's flock, as they rejected saints' days, adopted the practice of church fasts and thanksgivings. As to the company under the care of John Smyth, quite distinct from the former,^ if the citation already given refers to them it sufficiently determines their position ; and if not, we may infer their agreement, as the point does not appear among the " Differences of the Churches of the Separation," which Smyth pub- lished in 1608.4 At a later date there were other foreign churches in Holland, and these all had fasts and thanksgiv- ings. ^ The Scottish Church at Rotterdam kept pace ^ Robinson's Works, iii. 413. ^ A Common Apologie, etc., p. 100. 8 The True Story of John Smyth, etc., Henry M. Dexter, p. 2 n. Cf. Congregationalism as seen in its Literature, pp. 312 n., 313. 4 i6ic/.,pp. 313, 314. ^ Steven's Hist, of the Scottish Church, etc., pp. 15, 48 n., 66, 85, 91, THE FASTS OF THE EXILES, 59 with the customs of the Kirk of Scotland, appointing days on account of the " commotions in Scotland and England." In 1666 the Enghsh churches are found keeping monthly fasts, and also appointing thanksgiv- ings. We are particularly interested in one of these churches, — that at Rotterdam, — because Hugh Peter, later at Salem, was the minister in 1623, and Thomas Hooker, the founder of the Connecticut Colony, was there for a short time associated with William Ames. Together Ames and Hooker brought out the volume entitled " A Fresh Svit Against Humane Ceremo- nies in God's Worship," and in this the matter is clearly stated. They commended Bullinger's ap- proval of " holy days and fast days," " imderstanding onely by holy days set times of preaching and praying ; and by days of fasting, occasional times of extraordi- narie humiliation. " i Let us compare this with what Henry Jacob, minister of the Southwark church, wrote seventeen years before in his " Confession and Pro- testation of the Faith of certain Christians in Eng- land." " Days of Thanksgiving or Fasting," he says, " which by men are appointed upon some special occa- sion and are to be used accordingly, — in no wise constantly and continually, — we approve and allow as having warrant from the Spirit of God both in the Law and in the Gospel." ^ Here is agreement upon the system of occasional appointments, and we may 04, 273, 303, 304. The custom of having a fast in connection with the choice of church officers was observed in Johnson^s church in 1598. It was general among these churches. A fast day was kept when the Southwark church was formed. The same practices were set up in New England. 1 A Fresh Svit, etc., p. 142. 2 Hanbury's Historical Memorials, ed. 1839, i. 300. 60 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS, conclude that Peter and Hooker and Lothrop brought that system and no other to New England. In 1609 John Robinson and the Scrooby church removed to Leyden. We follow them thither; and, before considering the special fasts of which we have record, we summarize Robinson's teachings upon the points hitherto reviewed. Such, we may be assured, were the sentiments entertained by the Pilgrims. He taught: (1) The sanctiiication of the Lord's Day, based upon the commandment, Christ being the authority for the change of day. (2) The church has no suf- ficient authority for keeping saints' days, and compell- ing abstinence from labor thereon. (3) " It seem- eth not without all leaven of superstition that the Dutch reformed churches do observe certain days consecrated as holy to the nativity, resurrection and ascension of Christ, and the same also . . . much more holy than the Lord's day." (4) The keeping of Lent is not enjoined in the Scriptures. (5) God exercises a providential care over men in ordering events, and therefore prayer and thanksgiving are appropriate either in private or " according to the churches present occasionJ^ ^ It is remarkable that throughout his writings there is almost nothing said of fasting as a spiritual exercise. The ideas so prev- alent elsewhere in his time are conspicuously absent. Henry Ainsworth expresses his mind most emphati- cally against " pining the body with too much fasting or evill fare." ^ Robinson's phrase is, days of " prayer and thanksgiving." Both undoubtedly fasted, not for 1 Robinson's Works, i. 200, 201; ii. 268, 269,399; 452-456,504; iii. 43-54, 104, 105, 126. 2 The Orthodox Foundation, etc., p. 72. THE FASTS OF THE EXILES. 61 any merit in so doing, but for the furtherance of fer- vent prayer. When at last, after years spent in Leyden, that most charming city of Holland, the Scrooby congrega- tion began to feel the force of " sundrie weightie & sohd reasons" for emigration to a new land, they were moved to fasting and prayer for Divine guidance. Winslow intimates that these occasions were frequent, but we have no knowledge of more than three. The first seems to have been in the autumn of 1617, when the question of removal came to a public discussion among them. The account of Winslow is as follows : " At the length the Lord was solenmly sought in the congregation by fasting and prayer to direct us, who moving our hearts more and more to the work, we sent some of good abilities over into England to see what favor or acceptance such a thing might find with the King." ^ The words of Bradford are less definite as to the fasting. He says : " After thir hum- ble praiers unto God for his direction & assistance & a generall conference held hear aboute, they con- sulted what particuler place to pitch upon & prepare for." 2 It is probable that this conference filled the latter part of a fast day ; if so, Bradford has left an ample account to associate with the occasion. The second fast day was upon the prospect of their departure. This is commonly placed in 1620, though the delay which they experienced afterward makes the latter part of 1619 seem more probable. It then became necessary to decide who should go, that such 1 Winslow's " Brief Narration " in Young's Chronicles, pp. 380, 382. 2 Bradford's Hist, of Plymouth Plantation, p. 27. 62 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. might prepare themselves. " They had," says Brad- ford, " a soUemne meeting and a day of humiliation to seeke y® Lord for his direction: and their pastor tooke his texte, 1 Sam. 23 : 3, 4. ' And David's men said unto him, see, we be afraid hear in Judah, how much more if we come to Keilah against y® host of the Philistines ? Then David asked counsell of y® Lord againe,' &c. From which texte he taught many things very aptly, and befitting ther present occasion and condition, strengthing them against their fears and perplexities, and incouraging them in their resolu- tions." ^ The religious services were followed by a general consultation as to the future. It was then decided that the pastor, Robinson, should remain at Leyden, and the elder Brewster go with the Pil- grims, and such as would were chosen for the elder's company. It must indeed have been a sorrowful day. The third fast was their farewell. After many debates and delays the time was at hand. It was the year 1620, the month of July, when, " being ready to depart, they had a day of sollemne humihation." Tak- ing all the circumstances into account, we conclude that this was the day before they left Leyden, which was the 21st. They would hardly make the journey to Delf shaven in a Dutch canal-boat during the night, nor do we suppose they started on the fast day. The religious services, according to general custom, were prolonged. Bradford says the pastor took for his text Ezra viii. 21 : " And ther at y® river, by Ahava, I proclaimed a fast, that we might humble ourselves before our God, and seeke of him a right way for 1 Bradford's Hist.f pp. 41,42 ; Winslow in Young's Chron., p. 383. THE FASTS OF THE EXILES. 63 us, and for our children, and for all our substance." "Upon which he spente a good parte of y^ (Jay very ^/ profitably and suitable to their presente occasion. The rest of the time was spente in powering out prairs to y^ Lord with great fervencie, mixed with abundance of tears." ^ Winslow corroborates Brad- ford's suggestion of further exercises of prayer by his words: "The brethren that stayed having again sol- emnly sought the Lord with us and for us, and we further engaging ourselves mutually as before," etc. ^ Possibly it was at this informal conference after the service that Robinson delivered to them the address which Winslow recalled after the lapse of more than twenty-five years.^ Thus throughout most of the day they fasted, pursuing their religious exercises and cele- brating the Lord's Supper, as their custom was ; but at the close of the services, having covenanted together and received their parting address, they broke the fast. Winslow gives us this interesting narrative: "They that stayed at Leyden feasted us that were to go at our pastor's house, being large, where we refreshed ourselves, after tears, with singing of psalms, making joyful melody in our hearts, as well as with the voice, there being many of the congregation very expert in music, and indeed it was the sweetest melody that ever mine ears heard." * This author does not, indeed, say that this feast was on the evening of the fast day, but he implies it, and other considerations leave no doubt of it. The occasion was more than the ordinary frugal meal. In modem terms, it was a 1 Bradford's Hist, pp. 58, 59. 2 Young's Chronicles, p. 384. ^ See Dexter's Cong, as seen, etc., pp. 403, 404 n. * Young's Chronicles, p. 384. 64 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. " church sociable " at which the Pilgrim company- were the guests. If the facts are as above stated, here is a custom which we have not met with hitherto, — a feast on the evening of a fast day! The fast usually ended about four o'clock in the afternoon, but the Puri- tans did not approve of the feasts with which the Church of England celebrated some of its festivals. They frequently referred to the inappropriateness of these "bankets." How happens it, then, that these Separatists are found so perilously near imitating their example ? The problem summons to our notice the peculiari- ties of the Dutch people. They also kept special days on occasion, which they had christened, with a signi- ficant phrase, days of " fasting prayer and thanks- giving " (vast-bede-en dankdag). Even in cases where they are termed " fast and prayer " days (vast-en bededag), or " prayer and fast" days (bidt-en vasten- dag), the word "thanksgiving" (danksegging) i» sometimes used in the proclamation. The Dutch emi- grants to New Netherland carried such days with them to the New World, and celebrated them for many a day, as will be seen in a later chapter. If the Scrooby company arrived in Ley den on the 1st of May, 1609, they were witnesses to the celebration of a thanksgiving day within a week (May 6), on ac- count of the truce between the states and their ene- mies.i Eobinson must have been interested in the events relating to April 17, 1619, a day of " fasting prayer and thanksgiving," in which thanksgiving or prayer may be presumed to have prevailed according 1 Davies' Hist, of Holland ^ ii. 439. THE FASTS OF THE EXILES. 65 as the Dutch minister was a Calvinist or an Ar- minian.^ It was an exciting time at Leyden. And there were other such days when it woiild have been manifest to the observant Separatist that thanksgiving did not merely include the element of praise in the religious service, but also the feast after the hours of fasting were over. It had been a characteristic of some festivals, and thence probably passed to these days of civil appointment, which, too, well suited the feasting temperament of the Dutch. Some historians would no doubt come at once to the conclusion that the Pilgrims about to depart here show their indebtedness to the Hollanders among whom they had found an abiding place for nearly twelve years ; but it seems to us an unwarranted in- ference from a mere coincidence in the outward form. The farewell feast of the Pilgi'ims, hallowed by prayer and psalm-singing, was a very different thing in it- self from the convivial gatherings of the Dutch. The feast was not a part of their system ; in this instance it was incidental. There is another explanation of the fact far more reasonable. It is found in their own past experiences. Those little Separatist circles which, forty years before, had met in private houses about London, or in " the se- cluded gravel-pits of Islington," had been accustomed to " dyne together & after dynner make collection to pay for ye dyet." Gathered as they were from great distances to hear the word of God preached, it was neciessary. The manor house of Scrooby had many times entertained some of this same company on their meeting days. A community of life had been, to 1 Brandt's Hist, iii. 351 ff. The proclamation is there in print. 66 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. some extent, forced upon them by the circumstances. They enjoyed the social compact, which brought them together like a family, in the house of their pastor. So when the time came for them to break the fast, they were following their own precedents in gathering about the feast, which they did without any thought of their neighbors. The Separatists had already de- monstrated their right to be termed independent, and they are the last against whom a charge of imitating others should be brought. Besides, the feast, even on a fast day, if the circum- stances made it appropriate, was not at variance with their religion. They regarded the spiritual end to be served rather than the form. " Those men," says Dr. Leonard Bacon, "were neither sour nor grim; they could fast or feast, as occasion might require." And have we not here an illustration of that genial and hopeful disposition which characterized the Pil- grims ? They had not that rugged severity necessa- rily produced by the constant upheavals of Puritan life in England, and which made the history of the Bay Colony to run at times like a turbulent river. Their life had been turned aside to flow like a shaded stream. It was such a spirit which finally developed the harvest festival out of the Puritan thanksgiving. In their fraternity, too, they were superior to all other companies of planters. The family and the home were consecrated in the adversities they shared in exile. A fast " at the river Ahava " ! A goodly company "seeking from God a straight way for themselves, for their little ones, and for all their substance " ! A fast dissolving at evening into a feast, as the day into THE FASTS OF THE EXILES. 67 golden twilight! The Pilgrim chroniclers' have given us no scene more charming, none in truth more hon- estly religious. It is worthy of the artist's brush, — that gathering of a family of believers, in whose he- roic souls courage, faith, love, and gratitude arise in a psalm they must have sung on that day of fare- wells : — " lEhovah feedeth me, I shall not lack. In grassy folds, he down doth make me lye, he gently leads me, quiet waters by." ^ There are no words which so fitly record their de- parture from Leyden as those of their own historian, Bradford : " So they lefte y* goodly & pleasante citie, W which had been ther resting place near 12 years, but they knew they were pilgrimes & looked not much on those things but lift up their eyes to y® heavens their dearest cuntrie and quieted their spirits." ^ Ainsworth, Psalm-Book, CHAPTER V. THE HARVEST FESTIVAL AT PLYMOUTH. 1621. The early history of Hellenic races often brings out the fact that, though professing descent from the gods, they are found in possession of customs belonging to an older civilization. Our veneration for the fore- fathers of New England must not allow us to suppose that they created wholly new institutions. The pas- sengers of the Mayflow^er were liberty-loving English- men, separated only so far as conscience commanded from the customs of their native land. The seed of many an organism, ecclesiastical, civil, or social, — often thought to have been original, — they brought with them, to be planted in a new soil, and developed in its environment as a new variety. Yet, while we forget not the seed, we need to emphasize those new conditions which had a force, rarely enough considered, in determining their action in church and state, and ! shaping their customs. The environment will account \ in great measure for the fact that opinions and prac- tices, which some professed to love still as they left Old V England, were lost at sea. r~^ The celebration of a harvest festival by the Pilgrims 1 in 1621 is an illustration of the influence of these new ^ conditions and circumstances in clothing an old Jdea with appropriate garments. If we bear in mind the HARVEST FESTIVAL AT PLYMOUTH, 69 fact that they were Englishmen, living in affectionate regard for their fathers, and do them the credit to believe that they were a company of sensible people, as we follow the stony path of their experiences at Plymouth for many months, it aU seems natural enough that they should do as they did. Surely we will rid ourselves of the notion that they were con- sciously shaping the practices of their descendants and inaugurating the harvest thanksgiving of many mil- \ to lions. It was not a thanksgiving at all, judged by their Puritan customs, which they kept in 1621 ; but as we look back u23on it after nearly tlii-ee centuries, it seems so wonderfully like the day we love that we claim it as the progenitor of our harvest feasts. The Pilgrims found abimdant cause at the sight of Cape Cod for praismg God. Even the Truro shore was a grateful rehef after a voyage of sixty-seven days. If Bradford, as we believe, describes the landing of those^who went ashore for wood, November 11 > Ifi^O, O. S., then their first act was to fall upon their knees and bless the God of heaven,^ and without doubt they made special mention of their gratitude in their wor- ship the next day, which was Sunday. The signal deliverance at the place of " the first encounter " was not suffered to pass without their giving God " sol- lei^^TEanks and praise ; " ^ and so, also, their escape from shipwreck on Clark's Island was commemorated.^ Such were the Pilgrims and such their habit day by day. Yet we should hardly suppose that, through- out the sufferings of that first dreadful winter, they had other than these spontaneous recognitions of their 1 Bradford's Hist., p. 78. 2 jjjVf.^ p. ge. 8 Ibid., p. 87 ; MourVs Relation, ed. 1865, p. 59. 70 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. afflictions and blessings, oftentimes tempering their sadly wasted Sunday services. There was no demand for a special day of humiliation ; it was a life of fasting enforced by their suffering condition, and, had there been signal deliverances, they were not so circum- stanced as to respond in a day of thanksgiving. But there was prayer, — constant prayer, like the throb- bing of the pulse ; and so an infant nation was born. The spring of 1621 opened, and the seed was sown in the' fields. They watched it with anxiety, for well they knew that their lives depended upon that harvest. So the days flew by and the autumn came. Never in Holland nor in Old England had they seen the like. For the most part they had worked at trades during their exile ; they were now farmers, as their ancestors had been. Bounteous Nature, with the pride of a milliner at a fall opening, spread all her treasures before them. Their little plots had been blessed by the sunshine and the showers, and round about them were many evidences of the friendliness of the un- tilled soil. The woodland — what a revelation it must have been to them, arrayed in its autumnal garments, and swarming with game, which had been concealed from them during the summer! The Pilgrim from over the sea fell in love then and there with New England, and the bride, clad in her cloth of gold, had been waiting many years for such a suitor. So it hap- pened that there was a wedding feast. The account of this occasion found in " Mourt's Ke- ^lation " is so frequently referred to that it is given in full : " Ouiuharvest being gotten in, our Governour sent foure ifien on fowling, that so we might after a more speciall manner reioyce together, after we had HARVEST FESTIVAL AT PLYMOUTH. 71 gathered the fruit of our labours ; they f oure in one day killed as much fowle, as with a little helpe beside, served the Company almost a weeke, at which time amongst other Recreations, we exercised our Armes, many of the Indians coming amongst vs, and amongst the rest their greatest King Massasoyt, with some ninetie men, whom for three dayes we entertained and feasted, and they went out and killed fine Deere, which they brought to the Plantation and bestowed on our Governour, and vpon the Captaine, 'and others. And although it be not alwayes so plentifull, as it was at this time with vs, yet by the goodnesse of God, we are so farre from want, that we often wish you par- takers of our plentie." ^ That thisjwas a harvest festival cannot be disputed. But it has generally been termed the first autumnal thanksgiving in New England,^ and some have sup- posed that it was the inauguration of a continuous series of thanksgiving occasions. Such is not the fact. We have already learned what their idea of a re- ligious thanksgiving day was, and the account itself shows that this was altogether a diflferent celebration. It was not a day set apai-t for religious worship, but a whole week of festivity. No religious service is spoken of, and it is not likely that any was held, other than 1 MourVs Belation, p. 133. 2 Young says in the Chronicles of the Pilgrims, p. 231 n. : "This was the first Thanksgiving, the harvest festival of New England." In The Pilgrim Republic, p. 180, Goodwin says : " Thus heartily and royally was inaugurated the great New England festival of Thanksgiving." This is the opinion commonly held. Rev. H. M. Dexter, D. D., in his edition of MourVs Relation, p. 133 n., says : " Here began that peculiar Now England festival, the a^rmial autumnal Thanksgiving." This view, however, he subsequently modified in The Independent, Novem- ber 28, 1889, where he rejects the opinion that it was the original of the autumnal Thanksgiving, 72 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. their customary morning devotions.^ The Sabbath services which bomided the week were probabTy^ef^ meated with the spirit of gratitude, and for aught we know they may have had a thanksgiving day besides. This, however, was a week of rejoicing and pleasure. The Pilgrims would surely have been shocked at " recreations " during a religious season. They even had more respect for Christmas than that. On the Christmas Day following, as Bradford relates, " more of mirth than of waight," most of the new company, which had meanwhile arrived in the Fortune, excused themselves from going to work from conscientious scru- ples, whom the governor found at noontime " pitching ye barr " and '.' at stoole-ball." ^ He thereupon confiscated their " implements," and bade them keep their houses if they made the keeping of the day a matter of devotion, saying, " Ther should be no gameing or revelling in ye streets," in which action he mirthfully justified himself by the claim that it " was against his conscience that they should play & others worke."'\^It was this very mingling of sports with religious services, as we have seen, that they had condemned in England. Whatever their descendants may do, the Pilgrims would never have countenanced a game of ball upon one of their thanksgiving days. Moreover, such an interpretation robs the passage of its charm, and impairs its real sig- nificance. It is not the day we have before us, but the man who will create the day. The brighter side of our forefathers' characters is here displayed. Re- ^ They had prayers before breakfast. Bradford's HtsL, p. 85 ; The Pilgrim Republic, p. 180. 2 On these amusements see Strutt's Sports and Pastimes, b. ii. c, 2, s. 7, and b. ii. c. 3, s. 11. 3 Bradford's Hist., p. 112. HARVEST FESTIVAL AT PLYMOUTH, 73 ligion had its place, and that was very prominent, but they were not averse to recreations and amusements. They looked with sad concern, no doubt, upon the mature faces of their children, and sought to cheer them by joining them at play. We regret that it cannot be shown that Bradford and Standish and Winslow could play stool-ball just a little better than those Christmas-keepers of the Fortune's company, but we have no doubt they looked on approvingly and greeted the victors with applause. The muster of the military before the admiring eyes of wives and sisters was a needful laudation of soldierly duty, and withal a wholesome spectacle for the Indians. If it excited any fears in their savage breasts, these were dissipated by the prevailing hospitality, — a winsome lesson which they eoidd fully appreciate. The grand hunt of the four prime shots, who received the honor from the governor himself, was an event, and the result shows that Bradford made no mistake in his selection. On the whole, considering the pressure of their em- ployments, it is remarkable that they spared an entire week, as we infer, in general recreations and common feasting. The Pilgrim historians liave not left us any "bill of fare" for this particular occasion, but we can gather from extant writings some knowledge of what they may have had during the week. The provisions must have been bountiful, for there were about one hundred* and forty persons, including the ninety of Massasoit's company, who were entertained for three days. All had their share of the supplies. The colonists were divided into households according to convenience, and over each some Pilgrim mother pre- 74 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. sided who was thoroughly skilled in the art of cookery. Various kinds of sea-food were at hand. They had made the acquaintance of the oyster, which the In- dians were wont to bring them, and who had doubt- less made known to them the best varieties of fish. Ducks they had of the choicest species, higlily prized by the epicures of the present day. Geese were there- about that would have done honor to the Michaelmas feast of England. Game was brought in from the woods in abundance, from venison, which they knew well how to roast, to the partridge, which is never so good as when broiled on the skewer. And, abqve^all, they had the turkey, of which they fomid a " great store " in the forest, — the turkey, thus early crowned queen of their bounty, and to which example their de- scendants, even though they may have failed to imi- tate them in other respects, have always been loyal. These savory meats all garnished their tables through- out that festival. Kettles, skillets, and spits were overworked, while thus their knives and spoons, kindly assisted by their fingers, made merry music on their pewter plates. Nor were these viands without the company of the barley loaf and the cakes of Indian meal, more highly prized then than wheat-fed millions can imagine. As to their vegetables, we have the poetic testimony of the governor himself, — for his Excellency wrote poetry, the lines of which were not measured by dactylic or iambic feet, but by the twelve- inch rule : — * / " All sorts of grain wMcli our own land doth yield, , ^ Was hither brought, and sown in every field : \K \ As wheat and rye, barley, oats, beans and pease ' \ V/' Here all thrive and they profit from them raise, All sorts of roots and herbs in gardens grow, — HARVEST FESTIVAL AT PLYMOUTH, 75 Parsnips, carrots, turnips or what you '11 sow, Onions, melons, cucumbers, radishes, B^^^, beets, cole worts and fair cabbages." ^ >» Of " sallet herbs " they had found plenty in the springtime, but now they depended upon the yield of their garden seeds. The indigenous squash and pump- kin they had allowed to climb their cornstalks, and it may be they had now and then a pumpkin-pie. " Strawberries, gooseberries, and raspis " were out of season, but they may have dried some in the summer sun, and the same may be said of the several varieties of plums that grew in the woodland. They tell us n that they had wild grapes, and we can atiHost detect 11 the smack in their words, '^ very sweete and strong," whose sweetness might have added strength on oppor^ timity, in the absence of their home-brewed English beer. The most temperate of their descendants woidd not begrudge them such a beverage " for their stom- achs' sake " under the circumstances. The fact is that, notwithstanding we know so little of the occasion, we know enough of what was at hand, so we can fairly say it was a royal feast the Pilgrims spread that first golden autumn at Plymouth, worthy of their Indian guests, and altogether creditable to their posterity .^ The occasion was imique, and not in itself adapted to T i be perpetuated in such proportions. As the peach- tree puts forth its tinted bloom before its abiding foli- age, so this harvest festival was the bursting into life 1 1 of a new conception of man's dependence upon the : ^ Lines from Bradford, Mass. Hist. Soc Coll., I. vol. iii. p. 77. ^ The exact time of this festival is unknown. If we may fix it by the sequence of events in the narrative, it was between September 23 and November 11, and probably in October. Bradford's Hist., pp. 104, 105 ; Mourt's Relation, pp. 124, 137. 76 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS, bounties of nature. It was the promise of autunma] thanksgivings to come. It has been repeatedly said that this festival was suggested to the Pilgrims by the " Feast of Ingather- ing " known in Jewish history, and others have found in that the motive for the development of the New England Thanksgiving. All harvest festivals, whethei of Christians or heathen, must be the same in essence. Only in respect to its intent and duration would thi^ Pilgrim celebration suggest that of the Bible, in whicl worship and sacrifice were the burden of its ritual John Robinson makes an extended reference to this Jewish feast as kept by Ezra, and finds only a solemr religious character attaching to it.^ It could not have been regarded otherwise by the forefathers. The sup- position seems to us wholly without warrant. If it has a kinship to anything in the past, it is tc the Harvest Home of England. The joy over the gathering-in of the harvest was the main thought in both celebrations. This had no bringing home witli much ceremony, from the field, of the last shock oi corn, fantastically arrayed in brilliant finery; nc "blessing of the cart," or "kissing of the sheaves;'' no harvest song, so familiar in the fatherland : — " Here 's a health to the barley-mow ; Here 's a health to the man Who very well can Both harrow and plough and sow." Yet the master and the servant had the old-time fel lowship at the feast, and the new-time guest, with hi^ royal crown of eagle feathers, was not better than the humblest. Their hockey cake was of the proper sort ; 1 Robinson's Works, ii. 312. HARVEST FESTIVAL AT PLYMOUTH. 77 and the goose, if not of aristocratic lineage, was much to their liking. It is a well-known fact that in some districts in England at that time the feast of the har- vest contmued for an entire week.i Surely, if this occasion is to be judged by analogy, it has affinities with the harvest festival of England. It may be fairly assumed that the idea of celebrating their ingathering was famihar to them. Often in their own land had they witnessed such celebrations. More than this we cariiiot certainly say, for there is no evidence that they observed any of the customs characteristic of that English holiday season ; and if they had in mind the perpetuation of the Harvest Home, it is strange, in- deed, that the historian omits entirely a reference to their purpose. The harvest festival at Plymouth in 1621 was an , inspiration. It was not made ; it was born. It did not look backward into the past; and, as for the future, no one thought of the real influence such a celebration would have. The present alone com- manded it ; its wonderful autimmal season, its relief from anxiety, its food for those who had endured hun- ger, — this benediction of the New World reanimated their drooping spirits. They could serve God as truly \ \ \ on a holiday in its recreations as on the Sabbath in j I | its services. All slumbering discontent they would smother with common rejoicings. When the holiday was over they would be better, braver men, because they had turned aside to rest awhile. So the exile of Leyden claimed the harvests of New England. 1 Richard Carew, in his Survey of Cornwall^ says of the English harvest festival : " Neither doth the good cheere wholly expire (though it somewhat decrease) but with the end of the weeke." For a sum- mary of harvest customs, see Brand's Pop. Antiq., ii. 16-33 ; Strutt's Sports and Pastimes, b. iv. c. 3, s. 27. '\ CHAPTER VI. SHOWERS OF BLESSING. 1623. The expression of gratitude to God in a religious service did not make its advent in America with the Pilgrims. It was, of course, a common feature of all rituals. The Church of England had provided for it by special prayers to be offered at the Sabbath service, and this was the practice of her colonists. A failure to distinguish between this thanksgiving service and the thanksgiving day has led some to claim that the Popham colonists at Monhegan in 1607 were the fore- runners in the keeping of thanksgiving days. The account itself, as given in " A Relation of a Voyage to Sagadahoc," refutes the claim. It is as follows : " Sondaye beinge the 9th of August, in the mominge the most part of our holl company of both our shipes landed on tliis Illand, whear the crosse standeth ; and thear we heard a sermon delyvred unto us by our preacher, gyuinge God thanks for our happy metinge and saffe aryuall into the contry ; and so retorned abord aggain." ^ Rev. Richard Seymour, the preacher, was aii Episcopalian, and the passage shows that he adhered to the custom of his church. The Puritan thanksgiving day was a week-day observance, and quite another thing in its whole temper. 1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., xviii. 102. ; Winsor's Nar. and Crit. Hist, of America^ iii. 176, 192. SHOWERS OF BLESSING. 79 We have already estabKshed the fact that the system of fasts and thanksgivings which the English colonists as Puritans brought with them to Plymouth, Salem, Boston, and Hartford was that of occasional days for special causes. We now turn to follow them in the practice of this system, which has continued through droughts, earthquakes, and wars to modern times, ever becoming less recognized. The development of the oc- casional spring fast into the annual appointment, and the growth of the autumnal harvest thanksgiving as now observed, we shall meet with in due time, nor will these changes seem so strange to us after we have be- come familiar with the nature of the causes which moved the fathers in early days. A remarkable and interesting instance of their cus- tom is now at hand in the experiences at Plymouth in 1623. The year 1622 had been filled with misfortunes. Shortly after their harvest festival, when they had thought their struggles were at an end, other colo- nists had arrived by the ship Fortune, unprovided \vith supplies. Had this lack of forethought been at once appreciated, Winslow would not have sent back, by this very ship, such a glowing account of their plenty, to encourage a repetition of this mistake. As the spring of 1622 advanced, their " store of victuals was wholly spent." Promises of supplies from the Adventurers in England failed. In the summer the disorderly crowd from the Charity and the Swan, — the Weymouth company — were loaded upon them. Their crop was depleted and damaged by these thieves whom they were entertaining, and rumors of trouble with the Indians had prevented them from increasing 80 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. the extent of their fields. Notwithstanding the fact that they obtained some supplies from the Lidians by barter, and more from fishing vessels by gift, in the autumn their wants were greater even than in the starving spring. Even a pious Pilgrim could find no occasion for an autumnal thanksgiving, and they were, alas ! in no circumstances to indulge in a week of feasting. So the winter passed. The spring of 1623 only augmented their sufferings. At night they did not know where they would procure food for the next day. Perhaps it was Elder Brewster, in one of their Sabbath services, and possibly speaking from the pe- tition in the Lord's Prayer, who made the observation which Bradford quotes : " They had need to pray that God would give them their dayly brade, above all peo- ple in y® world." ^ The one boat they had was em- ployed all the time by one of the several companies into which they had been divided, and the fishing trips on which they went were sometimes prolonged for days before they caught enough to warrant a re- turn. Never since they had arrived at Plymouth had they been so reduced. In the month of April they planted their corn. A second time within the space of three years they turned in desperate straits to the mother earth for re- lief, and lifted up their waiting eyes to Heaven. All prospered until the third week in May, when a drought set in. It was a new trial, and one against which they could not have provided had they fore- seen it. For six long weeks " there scarce fell any raii^n," and there was excessive heat. Sadly they watched the effect upon their crops. The fields be- 1 Bradford's Hist., p. 136. SHOWERS OF BLESSING. 81 came parched. The corn withered away so they thought it was dead. Their beans ceased growing, and appeared as though they had been blasted with fire. In the midst of this discouragement there ar- rived a ship bringing the " admiral of the fishing fleet," who told them he had spoken a ship at sea with many of their friends aboard, but had lost them in a storm, and judged from their delay and some wreck- age that all had perished. " The most courageous," says Winslow, " were now discouraged, because God, which hitherto had been their [our] only shield and supporter, now seemed in his anger to arm himself against them [us]." The narrative of Winslow gives an ample account of what followed, and it should be put in liis own words : " These and the like considerations moved not only every good man privately to enter into examination with his own estate between God and his conscience, and so to humiliation before him, but also more solemnly to hmnble ourselves together before the Lord by fasting and prayer. To that end a day was appointed by public authority, and set apart from all other employments ; hoping that the same God, which had stirred us up hereunto, would be moved hereby in mercy to look down upon us and gi'ant the request of our dejected souls, if our continuance there might any way stand with his glory and our good. But O the mercy of our God ! who was as ready to hear as we to ask : for though in the morning, when we as- sembled together, the heavens were as clear, and the drought as like to continue as ever it was, yet (our exercise continuing some eight or nine hours) before our departure, the weather was overcast, the clouds 82 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. gathered together on all sides, and on the next morn- ing distilled such soft, sweet, and moderate showers of rain, continuing some fourteen days and mixed with such seasonable weather, as it was hard to say whether our withered corn, or drooping affections, were most quickened or revived ; such was the bounty and good- ness of God. Of this the Indians, by means of Hob- bamock, took notice, who being then in the town, and this exercise in the midst of the week, said, It was but three days since Sunday, and therefore demanded of a boy, what was the reason thereof, which when he knew, and saw what effects followed thereupon, he and all of them admired the goodness of our God to- wards us, that wrought so great a change in so short a time, showing the dift'erence between their conjura- tion, and our invocation on the name of God for rain, theirs being mixed with such storms and tempests, as sometimes, instead of doing them good, it layeth the corn flat on the ground, to their prejudice, but ours in so gentle and seasonable a manner, as they never observed the like." ^ It was not many days after this fast, if we rightly conjecture, that Captain Miles Standish, who had been northward on a voyage to procure provisions, returned ^ Winslow's " Relation," Young's Chronicles, pp. 349, 350 ; Brad- ford's Hist., pp. 141, 142 n. Nathaniel Morton, in his New England'' s Memorial (repr. 1855, pp. 64, 65), gives a more dramatic setting to the astonishment of the Indians. Hobomok said, " I am much troubled for the English, for I am afraid they will lose all their corn by the drought, and so they will be all starved," but afterwards he confessed to the same man, " Now I see that the Englishman's God is a good God," etc. This was the version current in 1669 as given by one of the fathers then living, probably John Alden. Increase Mather con- cludes his account with the words, " Some amongst the Indians be- came faithfull to the English" {Early Hist, repr. 1864, pp. 108, 109). SHOWERS OF BLESSING. 83 to them with a supply, and also with the welcome news that their friends had escaped the storm and might soon be expected. This was all they needed to fill their cup with blessings. " Having these many signs of God's favor and acceptation," Winslow con- tinues, ''we thought it would be great ingratitude, if secretly we should smother up the same, or content ourselves with private thanksgiving for that which by private prayer could not be obtained. And therefore another solemn day was set apart and appointed for that end ; wherein we returned glory, honor, and prais^, with all thankfulness, to our good God, which dealt so graciously with us ; whose name for these and all other his mercies towards his church and chosen ones, by them be blessed and praised, now and ever- more. Amen." ^ This is the most complete of the original accounts, and the only other is that given b}^ Bradford. Hub- bard, Prince, and later writers obtained aU their facts from them. John Smith had evidently read Wins- low's " Relation." 2 The deliverance, however, was not soon forgotten, and, being rehearsed from time to time, tradition added many particulars to the story. Such is the authority for the report that they had di- vided their last pint of corn among them, giving five kernels to each person. In most modern versions it is said that the rain began to fall on their way home from church, but it will be noticed that Winslow says " the weather was overcast " and the rain began the next morning. Bradford says: "Toward evening it ^ Young-' s Chronicles^ p. 351. 2 Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters, etc., repr. 1865, p. 33. 84 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. begane to overcast and shortly after to raine," which, though not conclusive, may be the origin of the impres- sion. Thus much must be evident : it was a very re- markable instance of a most beneficial rain following at once upon a day of prayer, and its influence upon those reverent and believing fathers can scarcely be overestimated. This must have been augmented, too, by the coming in of the Anne, only a day after the thanksgiving, with many of the Leyden flock aboard who had been left behind by the Mayflower. The critical study of this passage, compared with Bradford's, enables us to bring out several important points. With a good degree of confidence we may conclude that the date of the fast day was Wednes- day, July 16, O. S., for Bradford says the drought " continued from y® 3 weeke in May, till about y® midle of July," which corroborates Winslow's remark that it lasted for six weeks after the " latter end of May." It was on a Wednesday, " but three days since Sunday," or " in the midst of the week." The Thanksgiving woidd most likley have been on the same day of the week. It was after the rain had proven its beneficial effects, — "in time conveniente," in Bradford's phrase ; but it was before the arrival of the Anne, which Winslow says was the " latter end of July," by which we take him to mean, as in the former instance, the last day of July. Other examples of this rendering of uW die are found in early documents. The tradition certainly is that the Anne arrived on the 31st of July. If, then, we set the thanksgiving day on a Wednesday, two weeks after the fast and at the end of the fourteen days' rain, it would have been July 30, the day before the ship came. SHOWERS OF BLESSING. 86 This would agree with the statement of Captain John Smith, which Prince quotes, that '' either the next morning or not long after [the thanksgiving] came in two ships." ^ Furthermore, if the departure, of Captain Francis West was just before the fast, as we suppose, it was " about 14 days after," according to Bradford also, that the Anne came into port, which would have been the last of July. Thus all accounts are harmonized, and point to the 16 th as the fast, and the 30th as the thanksgiving. It is also noticed that these days were appointed by " public authority," that is, by an order from the gov- ernor as the civil magistrate. We believe they were the first so ordered in New England ; certainly we have no record of any earlier. Winslow particularly notes this manner of appointment, and the reasons for it, as he would hardly have done had it been a custom dur- ing the previous years. Such days as may have been observed previously would, by former usage, have originated with the church. Both practices were in use a few years later, as the Plymouth church records prove. The famine was an extreme occasion which demanded more than their customary private fastings. Yet it was undoubtedly in accordance with the unan- imous desire of the church membership, and perhaps at the specific request of Elder Brewster, that the gov- ernor set apart such days. If we may apply the prin- ciples of criticism to the words of Winslow, there was an order — the earliest form of a proclamation — which declared the occasion for the day, and m which, as the English custom was, the day was " set apart and appointed " and " other employments " were pro- ^ Smith's General History, lib. 6. 86 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS, hibited. We might almost venture that some of Winslow's pious expressions were quotations from such a document. The further details of their action are not pre- served for us. We can only imagine the solemn character of their services, — the extended prophesy- ing of Elder Brewster, the prayers,^ and the psalm- singing. What attracts us most in the story is the simplicity of the Pilgrims' faith in the divine answer to their supplications. It was an experience which must have exercised a lasting influence upon their fasting and thanksgiving customs : — " Famine once we had — But other things God gave us in full store, As fish and ground nuts, to supply our strait, That we might learn on providence to wait ; And know, by bread man lives not in his need. But by each word that doth from God proceed." ^ It must be considered a misfortune in our study that we have no accounts of such fasts and thanksgivings, church or public, as may have been observed during the next few years. We do not doubt that they kept them, not annually, but as special causes would sug- gest. De Rasieres' letter of 1627 speaks of their observing the usual holidays, and, as these could not have been those of the Church of England, he must have had certain other days in mind. In 1630 they are found keeping a fast day in sympathy with the Bay Colony, to which reference is made in that connection. ^ Bradford says of Elder Brewster : " He always thought it were better for ministers to pray oftener, and divide their prayers, than to be long and tedious in the same, except upon solemn and special occa- sions as on days of Humiliation and the like." — Young's Chronicles, p. 469. 2 Lines from Bradford, Mass, Hist. Soc. Coll., I., vol. iii. p. 77. SHOWERS OF BLESSING. 87 Meanwhile, however, other emigrants began to settle in the Plymouth Colony, and in 1634 there came Rev. John Lothrop and some of liis English flock. We know that their practice had been the same as that of the Pilgrims. It is fortunate that we have the records of this church, which at first was located at Scituate and afterwards at Barnstable.^ They contain the dates of a number of fasts in the years 1634 and 1635.^ There are six in the two years, and, though we cannot say certainly that these were other than church fasts, some of them may have been kept also by the church at Plymouth. Some, indeed, may have been ordered by public authority. This supposition is favored by their record of the next year, 1636, the most impoiijant of the decade on ac- count of the revision of the Colonial Laws and the establislunent of a more permanent government. Here we meet first with a fast day, November 11, the oc- casion for which was " a blessing upon their consul- tation about the Laws." This would certainly have moved the Plymouth church to fasting as well as that at Scituate, and it is very possible that this was appointed by public authority. On the 15th they met to review the laws, and one residt of their labors was a law concerning the appointment of fasts and thanksgivings. It is as foUows : " That it be in the power of the Governor & Assist® to comand solemn daies of humilia^on by fasting &c, and also for thankesgiving as occasion shall be offered." ^ As these authorities had appointed the days of 1623, it is 1 Church records in N. E. Hist, and Gen. Reg., ix. 279 ff., x. 37 ff., 345 ff. 2 See Calendar. 3 Ply. Col Rec, xi. 18. 88 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. probable tliat they had continued the practice since then, but only upon occasion, as the law specifically provides. There was now a new reason for confirm- ing this civil power. The colony had extended its borders. Other towns were springing up, and the church at Plymouth had no jurisdiction over those at Scituate and Duxbury. It was only through such a law that they could secure imiformity, which was desirable when the causes were of common interest. As a fast was kept before the " settling the state," it is probable that the thanksgiving kept by the Scitu- ate church December 22 was to celebrate the com- pletion of the work, and it would naturally be ap- pointed under the new law. Of this day as kept at Scituate we have some further information of an important nature. The record is as follows : "In y* Meetinghouse, begin- ning some haKe an hour before nine & continued untill after twelve aclocke, y® day beeing very cold, beginning w* a short prayer, then a psalme sang, then more large in prayer, after that an other Psalme, & then the Word taught, after that prayer — & the a psalme, — Then makeing merry to the crea- tures, the poorer sort beeing invited of the richer." i This is the earliest example in the Plymouth Colony of feasting in connection with a thanksgiving day, fif- teen years after the notable harvest festival of 1621. That such was the custom, at least in the Scituate church, is proven by the fact that October 12, 1637, was also a thanksgiving there, " mainely for these tow particulars : 1. Ffor the victory over the pequouts, y® 2. Ffor Keconciliation betwixt Mr. Cotton and the 1 Chh. rec, N. E, Reg., x. 39. SHOWERS OF BLESSING, 89 other ministers ; " and it is said to have been " per- formed much in the same manner aforesaid." Again, December 11, 1639, was a thanksgiving, and after the services they divided into three companies to feast. This does not prove that the day had assumed an annual character, but it shows an important feature of the development towards that, namely, the thanks- giving feast. And, remembering that many of tliis company had been under Lothrop's care in England, we have another instance like that of the exiles at Leyden, of keeping a church feast, in which the circum- stances of their separation had educated them. The thanksgiving feast, indeed, may be called a Separatist institution, and, in the light of the harvest festival of 1621 and the experiences of 1623, we may conclude that it was not long before it was generally recognized in the Plymouth Colony. In concluding this survey of the early customs of the Pilgrims, we should record the fact that their love for the holidays of England was not increased. The first Christmas, they celebrated by beginning the erec- tion of their storehouse, and the second they labored in the fields, administering some discouragement to a few Christmas-keepers. It will be noted that the church at Scituate appointed a fast on the Christmas of 1634. As for Guy Fawkes's Day, November 5, they had sad occasion to remember the fire of 1623 on that day, either brought about by some roistering sea- men, or set with the intention of destroying their plantation. If justification is necessary for their dislike of the ceremonies of May Day, it is readily found in Thomas Morton's "New English Canaan," whose own account of his company is sufiicient con- 90 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. demnation. That reveling crew of merry mountain- eers, with their " beaver-clad lasses," whose nectar does not seem to have inspired the godlike in their / behavior, were no doubt as offensive to the Saints I Philip and James, whom they were honoring, as to ) the Separatists of Plymouth, who christened their ] pine-tree May-pole, surmounted with its " paire of (bucks horns," the " calf of Horeb." It was, however, not so much " The proclamation that the first of May At Ma-re Mount shall be kept holly-day '* as their violation of the king's proclamation against selling firearms to the Indians, that finally brought down upon them the valiant Standish and his mus- keteers. The fast and thanksgiving days of the Pilgrims, consecrated by their sufferings, were destined to a nobler mission. CHAPTER VII. THE SEA-FASTS OF TWO VOYAGES. 1629-1630. The ecclesiastical organization of the Puritans in the Massachusetts Bay Colony was the natural out- come of their Non-conformity in England. A resi- dence in the mother country about 1625 would cer- tainly have convinced the observer that large num- bers, who still counted themselves as within the Church of England, were dissatisfied with her religious tem- per. They fully accepted her articles of faith, but they could not resist the powerful reforming influences of the age. Advocating, as these persons did, the em- ployment of an intelligent ministry; practicing, as they were wont, prophesying in assemblies distinct from the church service ; hallowing the Sabbath, as the majority of their fellow-communicants did not ; minded also to reject numberless ecclesiastical cere- monies commonly termed indifferent, — these Non- conformists had thus, un^vittingly perhaps, separated themselves from the body of religious life in a church for which they still entertained filial affection. Or- ganization does not precede the adoption of harmo- nious opinions, it foUows. We cannot conceive of these Puritan emigrants to New England as forming any other church than they did. The life that really dissented could not express itself in a church that 92 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. conformed. They acted in good faith, but they laid stone upon stone after a design that they knew not. It seemed to them afterward, as they viewed the struc- ture, that it had been ordered by Divine Providence. Some remembrance of these conditions is essential to an explanation of the fact that companies like those at Plymouth, Salem, and Boston came at once into agreement upon the custom of observing fast and thanksgiving days. They had really come into pos- session of the practice through similar experiences. It was a trait of Non-conformity that declared itself. Church fast and thanksgiving days had their origin among communities that had prophesying assemblies. These were hot always composed of Separatists. They were popular among many in the Church of England. Thus this older custom prepared the way for adopt- ing the civil appointment ; and not only so, it was one means of making the Christians of the three com- panies acquainted with a common religious life, and afforded the occasion upon which they were brought into sympathy with one another. We have already followed the course of one stream ; but there were two others, and we shall see how all came together. Historians have repeatedly noted the fact that there were differences in ecclesiastical tem- perament between the company of Francis Higginson, which came to Salem in 1629, and that of John Winthrop, which came to Boston in 1630. This is apparent in the very fasts they kept on their voyages across the sea. The story is told in the days of the week that found favor among them. Insignificant as it may appear now, there was a time, during the struggle between the Non-conformists and the Church THE SEA-FASTS OF TWO VOYAGES. 93 of England, when both parties had very decided pre- judices as to the days they observed for fasting. The fast day in the Church of England was Friday, a remnant of the dies stationum of the Roman Catho- lic Church. If it fell to them to fast "twice in a week," Wednesday and Friday were the days selected. But at the time of the emigration the former had fallen into decay, and Monday, which had also been formerly regarded in England, was mostly prominent in the culinary department as a " fish day." The pro- test against superstitious fasting had made Tuesday and Thursday more especially the days upon which fasts should be kept, if at all, among the Non-conform- ists; and this with design among some, and with an unquestioning following of custom among others. In the main, the radical dissenter avoided the obser- vance of a fast upon Friday. This was not only true in England, but for many years there was such a pre- judice prevalent among the fathers of New England. So late as 1702, Sewall informs us that when the governor asked that the fast be on a Friday, saying, " Let us be Englishmen," there was objection to it. A public fast or thanksgiving upon that day is a rare exception. If they chanced to keep a fast in Virginia, where the influence of the Church of England was dominant, it would naturally be upon a Friday, but such would not have been the decision in Massachu- setts. Thursday was the day generally preferred, and as a second choice Wednesday. As to fasts in partic- ular churches on the occasion of ordaining or install- ing ministers, no uniformity prevailed. Churches, however, which for some reason selected a particular day of the week for their own observance, either by 94 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. fasts or weekly lectures, usually held to it with consid- erable attachment, and this Avas important in commu- nities where several churches existed. Therefore, if we find a church keeping a fast upon another than its customary day, and that for general causes, there is therein some reason for concluding that it was a pub- lic fast of which the record has disappeared. The immediate application of this fact will appear as we turn to the sea-fasts of the voyages of Higginson and Winthrop. On the 13th of May, 1629, there passed with- in sight of Land's End two ships sailing westward. The larger was the Talbot in which Higginson and " above a hundred planters " were passengers. As the coast of Cornwall began to fade in the distance the reverend leader, standing upon the deck astern, his children and other passengers gathered about him, exclaimed, " We will not say, as the Separatists were wont to say at their leaving 'of England, 'Farewell Babylon ! ' ' Farewell Rome ! ' but we will say, ' Farewell, dear England ! Farewell the Church of God in England, and all the Christian friends there ! We do not go to New England as separatists from the Church of England, though we cannot but separate from the corruptions in it, but we go to practice the positive part of church reformation, and propagate the gospel in America.' " ^ This scene, so often referred to, is very picturesque, to be sure. It has a savor of loyalty in it. But it also suggests the fact that many of the company had already separated from what they considered the corruptions of their mother church. We may be assured that her observance of holy days 1 Magnalia, ed. 1853, i. 362. THE SEA-FASTS OF TWO VOYAGES, 95 was one feature they intended to leave behind. This Non-conformist minister had, during his ministry at Leicester, fostered gatherings of kindred spirits for prayer, hearing of sermons, admonishing the unfaith- ful, and the observance of fasts, all not greatly differ- ent from those of the Separatists themselves. All they lacked was a covenant relation to constitute them a Separatist congregation. We can see very clearly what their opinions were as to holy days by their con- duct. It is said of the 21st of May that they conse- crated the day as " a solemn fasting and humiliation to Almighty God, as a furtherance of their [our] pres- ent work." 1 To this exercise they had been moved by the death of the minister's child and the prevalence of contrary winds. The only other minister aboard was Ralph Smith, a Separatist, the future pastor of Ply- mouth, and the two shared the exercises of the day. The sequel is that, though a calm continued through- out the day, about seven o'clock, after their services were over, a fair wind sprung up " as a manifest evi- dence of the Lord's hearing their [our] prayers." *'I heard some of the mariners say," writes Higginson, " they thought this was the fu'st sea^-fast that ever was kept, and that they never heard of the like performed at sea before." This fast was upon a Tliursday, and the only other was upon Tuesday, the 2d of June, both undoubtedly the days of the week they had been accustomed to observe in England. The reasons for this latter were the contrary winds, unwholesome fogs accompanied with a sultry temperature, and more especially the sickness of some who had been attacked 1 Higginson' s Journal of his Voyage to New England, in Young's Chron. of Mass., and Hutchinson's Original Papers. 96 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. by scurvy and the smallpox. On that occasion, says the writer, " the Lord heard us before we prayed and gave us answer before we called, for early in the morning the wind turned full east, being as fit a wind as could blow." It would seem also that they thought a divine sanction was put upon their practice because a wicked fellow among the crew, who had railed against them as Puritans and mocked at their fast days, fell sick of the pox and died, being the only one aboard who did, excepting the child. The religious exercises consisted of prayer, psalm-singing, expound- ing the Scriptures, and preaching, — a service not un- like that among the Separatists. In reflecting upon these occasions, near the close of his journal, Higginson makes a remark which shows that the custom was already established among them. " Let all that love and use fasting and praying take notice that it is as prevailable by sea as by land, wheresoever it is faith- fully performed." Now surely he and his friends were such as would fellowship with the people of Plymouth. Upon their arrival at Salem they found in the mind of Endicott — who had hitherto, we believe, con- formed to the Church of England — a kindly opinion of the Pilgrims, whose physician had only lately re- turned home from ministering to their sick, having satisfied the governor as to their " outward forme of God's worshipe." Morton informs us that the move- ment for church organization originated with Hig- ginson and Skelton, who " acquainted the governor with their intentions." ^ Kev. Francis Bright, the Conformist minister who had come in the Lion's Whelp, the consort of the Talbot, was left out in the 1 New England's Memorial, p. 97. THE SEA-FASTS OF TWO VOYAGES. 97 cold. The Non-conformists carried the day against some opposition. And thus we come upon the occa- sion of their first fast day at Salem. About a month after Higginson's arrival, Charles Gott writes thus of it to Bradford: " The 20th of July, it pleased y« Lord to move y® hart of our Gov' to set it aparte for a solemne day of humiliation, for y® choyce of a pastor and teacher. The former parte of y® day being spente in praier & teaching, the later parte aboute y® election." ^ Skelton and Higginson were chosen and were " separated for their charge ; " but, as no covenant relation had as yet been entered into, the formal investiture was postponed. Moreover, the last two of the five ships — the Four Sisters and the Mayflower — had not yet arrived, wherein " more able men" for the church officers might come.^ With- out doubt aU had arrived before the 6th of August,^ and therefore that day was also set apart as a fast day, upon which they entered into covenant, chose elders and deacons, and consecrated them to service. When all the circumstances are kept in mind, it will be seen that this was a memorable day. Apart from its ecclesiastical importance, it was an occasion for fellowship between the people of Salem and Plymouth. Governor Bradford was there, having been hindered by adverse winds, so that he only came in time to give 1 Gott's letter to Bradford, in Bradford's History, p. 265. This day, having been ordered by the g-overnor, must be considered a pub- lic fast, though its occasion was ecclesiastical. 2 Bradford's " Letter-Book " in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., I. vol. iii. ^ These two ships were expected to follow the Talbot, which had made a quick voyage, in three weeks. They could not have ar- rived before July 20, and Bradford says of the Mayflower passen- gers, they came " aboute August." 98 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. the right hand of fellowship. Some others had come with him. But this more than all, thirty-five of the Leyden ilock were there, having come as passengers in the Mayflower. To them it was a happy and tender reunion, as they saw once more the faces of their fellow-exiles, from whom they had been so long separated. As the day declined, and, according to the custom, they broke the fast together, — the Non-conformists of England and the Separatists from Holland, — what recitals of experience there must have been, what Christian sympathies must have filled all hearts ! This we must believe, that the fast day August 6, 1629, was an occasion upon which the emigrants who had found a home at Salem were bap- tized with the spirit of the Pilgrims. Let us now follow the voyage of John Winthrop's company. On March 29, 1630, '' Easter Monday," they were " riding at the Cowes near the Isle of Wight." That was a time proper enough for even a churchman to set forth. They, too, bade a loyal fare- well to the Church of England, but in another form. In a " Humble Request ... to the rest of their Bre- thren in and of the Church of England," etc., they sought her prayers, and cleared themselves of aU sus- picions of separation from their mother church. It must be confessed that they were sincere, and intended to conform in essentials at least. What were their fast and thanksgiving days ? The first was a fast on Friday, April 2, before they were on the way, of which we know nothing eventful, except that two of the lands- men kept thanksgiving on " strong water " that day, and fasted on bread and water the next.^ As we 1 Winthrop's History of New England, i. 4. THE SEA-FASTS OF TWO VOYAGES. 99 read on, we notice that on Friday, April 23, they celebrated a festival. That was the day dedicated to St. George, and was an Englishman's feast day. In this manner they kept it. The captain of the Ara- bella, says Winthrop, " put forth his ancient in the poop and heaved out his skiff and lowered his top- sails, to give sign to his consorts that they should come aboard us to dinner. About eleven of the clock, our captain sent his skiff and fetched aboard us the masters of the other two ships, and Mr. Pynchon, and they dined with us in the round-house, for the lady and gentlewomen dined in the great cabin." ^ On Friday, May 21, they kept a fast, as also on the even- ing before in the great cabin. This was doubtless on account of the weather.^ On Friday, June 4, they kept another fast for the same cause, and with some success, for the next day, a " handsome gale " arising, they had a thanksgiving.^ On Monday, June 7, they were off the Banks, and had great success with cod-lines, which they counted very seasonable, as it was a " fish-day." * Such are the days of record in Winthrop's journal. They invariably chose the day of the week popular among churchmen for fasting, and we tliink the fact indicates what shade of Non- conformity they represented. The foremost of the fleet reached port Saturday, June 12, and, though some went ashore, most returned to the ship, declining to stay, says Felt, "because ^ Winthrop's History, i. 14. 2 Ibid., i. 21. Savage did not seem to understand the case when he added the note : " In this bad weather they were probably without food." 3 Ibid., i. 2.5, 26. * Ibid., i. 26. 100 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS, Skelton supposes that he cannot conscientiously admit them to his communion, nor allow one of their children to be baptized. The reason for such scruple is that they are not members of reformed churches like those of Salem and Plymouth." ^ It was appropriate that a thanksgiving day should be kept on accoimt of the safe arrival, especially after such a stormy passage. But this was postponed imtil July 8, awaiting the last straggler of the fleet, the Success, which came to port July 6.2 Winthrop informs us that this day was kept " in all the plantations," by which he means Salem, Charlestown, and Dorchester. Doubt- less all had offered up their thanksgivings before tliis in connection with their Sabbath services, as was the case at Dorchester June 6, the first Sunday after their landing. Possibly church days had been ob- served. But this was a thanksgiving proposed by the civil authority, — the first in the Massachusetts Bay Colony. It must have done something toward producing a unity of feeling among those who, at least, had not been in perfect accord. The occasion of their first fast was even more im- portant. A grievous sickness, induced largely by the hardships of the voyage, was upon them. Many died. It seemed best to the main body of the col- onists, then located at Charlestown, to keep a day of humiliation '^ to pacify the Lord's wrath ; " and, as no church had yet been formed, it was deemed the proper time to enter into covenant relations.^ The date was Friday, July 30, the day of the week^ 1 Felt's Ecc, Hist., i. 134. 2 Winthrop's History, i. 35. 8 New England's Memorial, p. 109 ; Bradford's Hist,, p. 277. THE SEA-FASTS OF TWO VOYAGES. 101 it will be noted, upon whicli Winthrop's company had been accustomed to fast. The church was formed, and upon a subsequent fast day, Friday, August 27, inducted its ministry into office.^ But the feature of the fagt July__30 was its larger relations. It was proposed by Governor Winthrop, who did not assume to issue an order for the day, and it was consented to by the action of the churches. The Salem church, it appears, would not act except by the advice of Fuller, Allerton, and Winslow, then at Salem. These wisely, and in tender regard for their afflicted neighbors, indorsed the request, and wrote also to Bradford forwarding Winthrop's suggestion that the Plymouth people also keep the day in their behalf. The plan was doubtless carried out, and for the first time in New England history there was a special religious oc- casion in which all the settlements were united. It might not have been the day of the week that those at Salem would have selected, but that was a minor consideration, and besides their visitors from Plymouth had outgrown such a prejudice. On account of its sorrowful cause it awakened mutual sympathy, and kindled a spirit of fraternity among them. It estab- lished a general acceptance of the custom as belong- ing to their theocratic government. Thus the various shades of Non-conformity came into agreement upon this idea of Puritanism, shaking off the holy days of their fathers and taking a new system in place of the old. 1 Winthrop's Hist., i. 36. CHAPTER VIIL THE ORDERINGS OF DIVINE PROVIDENCE IN THE BAY COLONY. 1631-1635. A WORTHY New England father, Captain Roger Clap, of Dorchester, in detailing the experiences of the early settlers many years thereafter, offers this cogent reflection : " You have better Food and Rai- ment than was in former Times, but have you better Hearts than your Fore-fathers had ? " ^ Comparatively few of their descendants realize the extremity of the hunger which the fathers endured. It was not merely confined to a few occasions, when they may have counted their kernels of com, but rather a self-denial continued from year to year, when com was precious because they knew not what the next season might bring forth, when they could not afford the meats they needed, and when at best their articles of food were so few that they were reduced to such a sim- plicity of life that a single dish was a bounteous re- past. At the same time, all who read these early writers must notice, and view with profound respect, the deep and reverent gratitude with which they re- garded such temporal mercies, — a gratitude which characterized the thanksgiving occasion, and is a last- ing tribute to the noble quality of their hearts. 1 Memoirs of Roger Clap, in Coll. of Dor. Antiq, and Hist Soc., 1844, p. 42 ; also in Young's Chron, of Mass. ORDE RINGS OF DIVINE PROVIDENCE. 103 We turn now to a thanksgiving day in the Bay Colony in which they received the sad impress of starvation experiences, — a thanksgiving made out of a fast through a good Providence, and just such an instance of deliverance a^-^ade for the keeping of the harvest festival at Plymouth. The autumn of 1630 foimd the colonists domiciled in hastily built huts, in which, as the nights grew cold, they suffered much from exposure. Sickness prevailed among them, which was only augmented by the nature of their food. The first interest m their new surroundings had passed, and the despondency and gloom, perhaps in some cases of homesickness, but in all of anxiety for the future, had settled down upon them. Winthrop had happily foreseen that scarcity would soon overwhelm the colony, for part of the provisions had spoiled, and many had come in- sufficiently supplied, under the impression of finding abundance. Some exchanged the provisions they would need during the winter for beaver skins, so that it was necessary to prohibit this trafficking and all ex- portation. Of course they were too late in the season to plant their seed, and doubtless they overestimated the supply of corn among their savage neighbors. So the wise governor, anticipating starvation, had en- gaged Captain William Peirce, of the ship Lyon, to go in all haste to the nearest port in Ireland for provisions. At sea he met the dismasted ship Am- brose, and towed her home to Bristol. This caused delay, so much so that he was thought to have been shipwrecked. As the days went by, the danger be- came more apparent. In October a pinnace was sent to trade with the Narragansetts, and, though about 104 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. one hundred bushels of com were secured, it afforded only a temporary relief. The winter came, and with it increased suffering. The only food the poor had was acorns, ground-nuts, mussels, and clams. Cotton Mather relates that one man, " inviting his friends to a dish of clams, at the table gave thanks to Heaven, who ' had given them to suck the abundance of the seas, and of the treasures hid in the sands. ' " ^ It was not a prophecy which Moses had given for the occasion, but it was surely applicable and doubtless encouraging. Boats were fitted out, and were con- stantly engaged in fishing. At low tide the women in numbers went forth to dig in the clam-banks. A conversation among them is thus reported by an early writer.^ One woman says : " My husband hath trav- ailed so far as Phmouth . . . and hath with great toile brought a little corne home with him." A sec- ond responds : " Our last peck of meale is now in the oven at home a baking, and many of our godly neigh- bours have quite spent all, and wee owe one loafe of that little wee have." Then a third speaks : '' My husband hath ventured hmiselfe among the Indians for corne, and can get none, as also our honoured Governour hath distributed his so far, that a day or two more will put an end to his store." Roger Clap writes thus of the famine : " Bread was so very scarce, that sometimes I thought the very crusts of my father's table would have been very sweet unto me. And when I could have meal and water and Magnolia^ i. 78. Other historians have attributed this apt quota- tion of Deut. xxxiii. 19 to Elder Brewster. Goodwin's Pilgrim Be- public, p. 242. ^ Johnson^s Wonder-working Providence, p. 49, ORDERINGS OF DIVINE PROVIDENCE. 105 salt boiled together it was so good, who could wish better?"^ It was to such straits they had come by midwinter, and these trials moved them to appoint a day of fast- ing and prayer. The exact day set we do not know, but we conjecture that it was during the second week of February .2 It was on the 5th of February, probably a few days before the intended fast, that relief came. According to Mather, it was " when Winthrop was dis- tributing the last handful of meal in the barrel unto a poor man distressed by the wolf at the door, at that instant they spied a ship arrived at the harbour's mouth, laden with provisions for them all." ^ The ship was the Lyon, which Wmthrop had dispatched for relief. Her cargo consisted principally of wheat, meal, peas, oatmeal, beef and pork, cheese, butter and suet, and, what was of greatest importance to the sick, supplies of lemon juice, a cure for the scurvy. The whole was purchased for the common stock, and distributed impartially as there was need. Circum- 1 Mem. of Roger Clap, in Coll. of Dor. Antiq. and Hist. Soc. 2 Savage says : " The Charlestown records mention that a fast had been appointed for the next day after this ship's coming" (Win- throp, i. 50). Prince says: "Feb. 5th was the very day before the appointed fast " (Prince's Annals, ed. 1826, p. 341). Both foimd their authority in the Chariesto\vn records. But these, as given in Young's Chron. of Mass., p. 385, say : " Before the very day appointed to seek the Lord by fasting and prayer, about the month of February or March, in comes Mr. Pearce, laden with provisions." " Before the very day " is not equivalent to " the very day before" Besides, February 5 was a Saturday. They would not have been likely to set such a fast on Sunday. Probably it was to have been that week, and on Sunday it was announced. The labor of distributing the provisions would require a postponement. Hutchinson (i. 23) says they had appointed the 22d for the fast, and changed it to a thanksgiving. But they would not have set a day so far distant in their extremity. 3 Magnalia, i. 122. 106 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. stances no longer being appropriate for a fast, the governor and council ordered a thanksgiving for the 22d of February.! And such was the deliverance which made a profound impression upon the minds of that distressed people. It was recognized as a signal providence of God. About their firesides its story was told by fathers to their children for many a day in praise of the goodness of God and his guardian- ship over the colony. This, however, did not make an end of the distresses they had for want of food. Other lessons were yet to be learned in similar trials. That rigid economy which affected their whole manner of life was the result of repeated seasons of scarcity. Though the remaining months of that year were less eventful, they were at no time relieved of anxiety. The plant- ers were busy preparing their fields and cultivating their crops. Houses were to be built, the necessity for which had been learned through the suffering of the previous winter. Existence was at best a strug- gle. Had it not been for the ships arriving from time to time during the summer, they must certainly have been greatly reduced before their first harvest could be gathered. The season of 1631 was fairly good, and Winthrop says there was a " plentiful crop." But immigrants were coming in every ship, poorly provided, who could not plant until the next year. The fields were not extensive and were poorly tilled. Cattle were being brought over, but so many died on the ocean that those surviving were doubly ^ It is probable that Dudley, in his letter written a few weeks afterwards (Young's Chron. of Mass., p. 325), refers to a sermon preached by John Wilson on that day, when he speaks of his treating the causes for God's dealing thus with his people. ORDERINGS OF DIVINE PROVIDENCE. 107 valuable, and the owners could better afford to starve on clams than destroy their hope for the future. So they contmued throughout the year on short allow- ance. The spring of 1632 came. It was cold and wet. Com planted in the lowlands, which were cleared and could be easier cultivated, was an utter failure. Some fiekls that would otherwise have yielded well were destroyed by worms, and, wliile those who had tilled the sandy soil did better that year, the harvest was very inadequate. Again they were dependent, to a large extent, upon the products of the sea ; but it was not so easy to obtain them, for the winter of 1632-3 was very severe.^ The Charles River was frozen over, and successive snow- storms piled the drifts high round alK)ut. They were only delivered by the coming of a ship in March from Virginia, laden with com. In the spring their strug- gles were renewed. They had hopes that their third planting, of greater extent than the two years pre- vious, would release them from the tyranny of want. But erelong a new enemy was discovered, — the drought, which they learned in subsequent years to dread. They assembled in their churches, though at what times we know not, and besought the Lord for his mercy. Doubtless the season was well advanced, and their com was withering in its earing time. Johnson says : " Thus it befell, the extreame parching heate of the sun . . . began to scorch the Herbs and Fruits, which was the cliiefest meanes of their lively- hood." 2 The same writer emphasizes the urgency of ^ Johnson's Wonder-working Providence, p. 55 ; Young's Chron. of Mass., p. 386. 2 Johnson's Wonder-working Providence, p. 57. 108 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. their prayers. They could not refrain from tears in their religious assemblies as they importuned God for rain. The answer came, and the story is a repetition of that recorded of Plymouth ten years before. In the quaint phraseology of this author: "As they powred out water before the Lord so at that very instant the Lord showred down water on their Gar- dens and Fields, which with great industry they had planted, and now had not the Lord caused it to raine speedily their hope of food had beene lost." ^ Wherefore they celebrated his goodness in a thanks- giving October 16, the first public thanksgiving of the Bay Colony in which the gathering of the harvest bore a conspicuous part.^ Thus, be it noted, the two colonies of Massachusetts, in their early experiences, had the same reason to recognize God as the giver of harvests, and thus in hunger, like Ruth and Naomi, they were pledged to Him and to one another. Yet it cannot be recorded that, after this even, they had general abundance. A scarcity, which enforced economy if not suffering, continued throughout the years 1634 and 1635. Such a crisis was presented in February of the latter year that a general fast was proclaimed for the 25th by the churches, the court ^ Johnson's Wonder-working Providence, p. 58. The Indians were moved to amazement, and regard for the white man's God, as in the instance at Plymouth, and upon a later occasion at Norwich, Conn., when the prayers of Mr. Fitch were answered. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., I. vol. ix. p. 87. ^ " Here must not be omitted the endearing affections Mr. John Wilson had to the worke in hand, exceedingly setting forth (in his ser- mon this day) the Grace of Christ in providing such meet helps for furthering thereof, really esteeming them beyond so many ship loading of Gold" {Wonder-working Providence, etc., p. 59). Thus in his thanksgiving sermon Wilson referred to the arrival of John Cotton and others. ORDERINGS OF DIVINE PROVIDENCE. 109 not being at hand. ^ But, not to weary the reader with these recitals, it seems evident that these were years of training in a simplicity of Kving such as they had not practiced in England, and they surely abounded in such mercies as taught them to admire a " wonder-working Providence." And as we think of them enduring such trials in succeeding years, rejoi- cing in the springtime hopes and braving the autumn disappointment, — those to many of whom the farmer's life was new, — we can appreciate the force of the ten- dency toward a harvest thanksgiving day. Another prominent cause for thanksgiving during those early years was the arrival of friends. Every one who had endured the perils of the sea wondered that whole fleets came in safety. There was one thanksgiving day for such cause which was unique. On the 2d of November, 1631, there came in the ship Lyon the wife of Governor Winthrop and her fam- ily. Upon the 4th they landed. Margaret Winthrop was to be " the first lady of the land." It was an event which called forth the latent chivalry of the fathers. The military were summoned to arms to do her honor. We do not know of another New Eng- land lady who has been escorted to her home from the landing by " companies in arms," or greeted with such salutes as " vollies of shot." Nor has any since had the like donation of '' fat hogs, kids, venison, poultry, geese and partridges." The scene should be remembered. It manifested a sentiment quite re- freshing in that surrounding of uncultivated wilder- ness. For divers days there was feasting, during 1 Johnson's Wonder-working Providence^ p. 78 ; Winthrop's Hist, i. 216, 217, 220. ^/^^ 110 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS, wliich many doubtless took occasion to repay the gov- ernor's kindness to them in the previous winter, and Friday, November 11, was kept as a day of thanks- giving. Of the days observed during the period of which we are writing, the arrival of ships or friends is mentioned in connection with six.i We shall not wonder that such a religious people looked especially for the ordering of Divine Providence in respect to their ministry. No church was formed without a fast day, and no minister installed. This early custom grew into a universal practice in all the New England colonies, and in the local community they were days of considerable importance. Johnson, in his " Wonder-working Providence," relates the fact that the Boston church became somewhat discouraged in waiting for their minister, John Wilson, who had returned to England in 1631 to bring over his wife. " Their eyes now began to fail in missing of their ex- pectation, they according to their common course in time of great strates, set and appointed a day wholy to be spent in seeking the pleasing face of God," but the Lord " heard them before they cried, and the af- ternoone before the day appointed brought him whom they so much desired in safety to shore." ^ This day was a Sunday, May 27, 1632, which instead they kept as a thanksgiving. Only a few days after this there came Thomas Welde, whom also the Boston church much desired to secure ; but he was wanted at Eox- bury. Thereupon both churches took to fasting and prayer. Whether the former did not sufficiently hum- 1 The dates are November 11, 1631; June 13, 1632; September 27, 1632 ; June 19, 1633 ; October 16, 1633 ; August 20, 1634. 2 Johnson's Wonder-working Providence^ p. 56; Winthrop's Hist.^ i. 92. T ORDEEINGS OF DIVINE PROVIDENCE. Ill ble themselves, or were not so urgent in their " impor- tunings," they lost him, and he became the minister at Roxbury. The terrible devastation of the smallpox among ^ the Indians did not, as perhaps we might expect, call forth any recognition at the time. It was not noted as a dispensation of Providence. But years after- wards, when the savages rose against them, they turned back to that event as God's way of clearing the country round about for white settlers, and pre- serving them from being overwhelmed in their weak- ness. Thus Amos Adams speaks of it : " And lest, after aU, the savages should prove too hard for them, .^ in 1633 the small pox made dreadful havock among ^ them and swept away almost whole plantations of Indians." ^ All their attention, however, was not devoted, even in their times of famine, to themselves. Every ship was welcome, like the modern newspaper, for its tid- ings of events across the sea. They had enemies there who were spreading evil reports of their religious dissent from the Church of England. Their prayers were offered, in the tone of the Psalms of David, that these hostile plans might be brought to naught. So when tlie favorable news came they had cause for thanksgiving, as on June 19, 1833. They were also thinking and conversing upon the larger concerns of Protestantism abroad. It was plain to them that they lived in trying times. Courage was aroused within their bosoms as they thought of their own colony as the hope of the reformed among the English people. These Puritans are sometimes criticised as men of ^ A Concise Historical Vieiv, etc., fast sermon, April 6, 1769, p. 12. ^ 112 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DA YS. narrow minds. They were not, in the truest sense, and though they may have been bigoted they were not more so than their opponents. Intellectually they were strong men, of large information. The vigor and progressiveness of the English universities crossed the sea with them. We are to think of them in 1632, amidst all their adversities, as twice as- sembled in their sanctuaries, ^ when the tardy mes- sengers brought them news, to celebrate the victories of Gustavus Adolphus, whose armies were sweeping southward against the Catholic forces of Europe to rescue Protestantism and emancipate religion. The King of Sweden and the Emperor of Austria played unwittingly the parts of David and Saul in the dra- matic language of their supplications. Those who wielded the sword in Europe were rushing into their battles, singing, " A mighty fortress is our God," and these, whose struggle was none the less heroic, were responding, — " O Lord my God, I put my trust And confidence in Thee." So, as a detached wing of the same army, the colo- nists were watching with deepest interest the more conspicuous charge of another division, in whose vic- tory they rejoiced as bringing glory to their common Commander. We mistake the early religious life of New England if we do not judge it as having this relation to historic events frequently commemorated in their fast and thanksgiving services. Then the thought of such days encompassed the concerns of nations, and the universal progress of God's kingdom. 1 June 13 and September 27, 1632. ORDEPdNGS OF DIVINE PROVIDENCE. 113 Now, it is oftentimes true that a guardsman's belt can encircle the main cause for gratitude. It becomes us to credit our forefathers with this intelligent and broad sympathy with the religious movements of their time. CHAPTER IX. A FAST SERMON IN COURT. 1635-1640. The painter has frequent chance to notice how one color is changed by the shghtest admixture of another. So the tint which a religious controversy assumes in history would oftentimes be greatly altered by a knowledge of the personal elements entering into it. A church trouble usually has social distinctions or individual offenses to nourish it, and these, though apparent at the time, do not pass into open record and soon disappear from view, leaving future generations to wonder " how great a matter a little fire kindleth." This is true, we believe, of the Antinomian Contro- versy in the Bay Colony. Had there survived a gos- siping newspaper account of the affair, we might see how little part, after all, the doctrinal dispute had in the disturbance. Allowing that a difference of opin- ion on certain theological tenets was the main cause, there was at the same time a condition of social life which furnished a beginning for the excitement, and, once under way, there were personal animosities to keep it up. From the first, there was a deference paid among some in the Bay Colony to " men of quality." Some were such themselves, — men and women of station and means in England. They were needed, both for A FAST SERMON IN COURT, 115 the wealth they brought and the mfluence they com- manded at court. When word was brought in 1635 of the prospect of such emigrants the colonists rejoiced, and none such ever missed a cordial reception. Hence the problem presented itseK as to the honors and emoluments which could be offered to such of the nobihty as might come over. It has been suggested that the election of counselors for hf e — an honor only bestowed upon Winthrop, Dudley, and Endicott — was proposed by John Cotton as a solution of the diffi- culty.^ It seems quite natural, upon reflection, that some, who had not been counted as gentlemen before, should now have ambitions to be reckoned among the aristocracy of New England. This desire became so prominent as to give offense, and the General Court took notice of it. That legislation against " fashions," which seems so strange at this day, was largely the rebuke such received from some who believed in Puri- tan simplicity, probably assisted by others who did not fancy the aspirations of their inferiors. Wearing of " laces and ruffles," " slashed clothes," and " gold and silver girdles " characterized the nobility in England, and the majority, who were very plain people, would not permit the setting up of a claim to superiority upon such vanities. " It nourished pride," they were wont to say .2 The many, who constituted the nursing K^ fathers of democracy, though in some instances of better quality themselves, did not wish to see the nobility established in New England. 1 Life and Letters of John Winthrop, i. 143, 144. 2 The fii-st law against fashions was passed in 1634. There was more legislation in 1036 and 1639 ; but in 1644 these laws were re- pealed. Subsequently, in 1651, aristocratic apparel was conditioned upon the estate possessed. Mass. Col. Rec, i. 126, 183, 274 ; ii. 84 ; iii. 243, 244; Ellis's Puritan Age in Mass., pp. 263-265. 116 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. Well, it was about the time these questions arose that there arrived Mr. Henry Vane, the son and heir of Sir Henry Vane, comptroller of the king's house. He was an aristocrat, of conspicuous appearance and affable manners, and soon became the admired of a circle who regarded these qualities. Winthrop after- wards records the fact, which has a deal of light in it, that when he was elected governor " because he was son and heir to a privy counsellor of England the ships congratulated his election with a volley of great shot." And this was quite in harmony with the cus- tom he introduced of magistrates appearing " more solemnly in public with attendance, apparel and open notice of their entrance into court." This young man won especially the favor of many in Boston. Within a month he was admitted to church membership, with- out which standing none could rise to very dazzling heights of glory. He was invited to and accepted one of the highest seats in the Puritan synagogue. His residence was with John Cotton, to whose house he built an addition for his accommodation. Thus asso- ciated, it is not to be expected that they would be divided in their counsels. Within three months we find this young nobleman, who had brought some little authority as to Connecticut affairs, in such a position that he can assume to give the honored Win- throp a lesson in government, though under the guise of settling a difference between him and Dudley. We venture the suspicion that the movement against Winthrop was concocted in the study of John Cotton upon a certain visit of Rev. Hugh Peter, of Salem, who had every reason to be displeased because his own troublesome predecessor, Eoger Williams, had been A FAST SERMON IN COURT. 117 allowed to escape, in which, it has been thought, Win- throp may have had a part. Williams afterwards wrote that, had he perished amid the cold and snows of that winter, his blood would have been required at the hands of Cotton. ^ However this may be, the party with which Mrs. Ann Hutchinson, the disturber of Israel, cast in her lot, was really formed before she came into conspicuous notice. She had been in Bos- ton about a year when Vane arrived, and it is not un- til a year afterward that she is even mentioned in Winthrop's journal. Though exception was at first taken, she was finally admitted to the church to whose teacher she had been devoted in England. It must be admitted that she was an extraordinary woman, — of exceptional mental endowments and well informed in religious matters, the common theme of Puritan conversation. She was fitted to teach. Her acquain- tance with pathology and her philanthropic spirit gave her access to many homes, and made her a popular friend. Yet she lacked in judgment, and expressed her mind perhaps too freely in admiration of the teacher Cotton and depreciation of the pastor Wilson. So far as the church was concerned, this was the main cause of the trouble. As she gradually established herself in the leadership of a cx)mpany of women, whom she endeavored to help in spiritual things, she became a social force in the community ; and when the controversy came on, these women, in the phrase of Cotton Mather, "hooked in their husbands." Her charge against Wilson was that he preached a " cove- nant of works," and did not preach a " covenant of grace," as did Cotton. Furthermore, as hostility to ^ Narragansett Club Publications, i. 315. 118 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS, her was manifested among the other ministers of the colony, she included them in the same condemnation, and thus brought down upon her head the disfavor of a powerful body, each the bishop in his own town. So it happened that the controversy arose in a way to array the prejudices of the ministers, the jealousies of the surrounding towns, Winthrop, the representative of the old regime, and his tried friend Wilson, against a circle in Boston, professing some new religious light and superior holiness, to be sure, but controlling a social influence through a woman's cleverness, a nobleman's patronage, and the station of a minister. All of these latter persons were, we judge, more to blame for the disturbance than Rev. John Wheelwright, the man with whose name it is associated, and who suffered most by it. Thus much it has been necessary to record in intro- ducing the reader to an intelligent appreciation of the circumstances in which the famous fast-day sermon w^as preached. Wheelwright, who was the brother-in- law of Mrs. Hutchinson and thoroughly sympathized with her views, had been proposed for settlement over the Boston church, October 23, 1636, but the op]3osi- tion had defeated the plan. The ministers had con- vened, and consulted with the court in the interest of peace, but to no purpose. Some had blamed the new opinions, but Hugh Peter emphatically charged the trouble to Vane, and said the cause was pride and idleness. So the young man wanted to go home to England. At this juncture the court appointed a day, January 19, 1636-7, for humiliation and prayer.i Never was one more needed. From the 1 Winthrop has January 20. Writing some days after, he misdated A FAST SERMON IN COURT. 119 completeness of Winthrop's statement of the causes, we may infer that some public proclamation was made, and probably sent in writing thi-oughout the colony. "The occasion was the miserable estate of the churches in Germany, the calamities upon our native country, the bishops making havoc in the churches, putting down the faithful ministers and advancing popish ceremonies and doctrines; the plague raging exceedingly, and famine and sword threatening them ; the dangers of those at Connecti- cut, and of ourselves also, bvthe Indians ; and the dissensions in our churches.^^!) This last item was destined to swallow up the rest. The reader is introduced on the afternoon of that day to the congregation assembled in the humble meeting-house at Boston. It was a stone structui^, plastered with mud and thatched with straw. Through the smaU windows came the dim light of a winter day, suggestive of the atmosphere within. The seats were rude benches. At one end was the pulpit, never more worthy of Cotton's term, " the scaffold," and there sat Wilson, Cotton, and Wheelwright. Before it, facing the audience, were the elders' seats, filled by Oliver and Leverett, who with the deacons were hiseDtry. The Colonial Records give "the 19th of the 11th month, being the 5th day of the weeke." Mr. Henry B. Dawson, in his reprint of the sermon, says the 19th was Tuesday, and the fast was "probably kept on Thursday the 21st, that day being usually se- lected." This is an error. The 19th was a Thursday. The date given in the transcript {State Archives: Hutchinson Papers, i. 21) is " the xvjth of January," which may have been an error in copying, but most likely this was the date he first preached it. Of the original manuscript (Mass. Hist. Soc.) the first eight of the forty-two pages are missing. The transcript says, " A sermon preached at Boston,'* etc. It was undoubtedly preached on the afternoon of the fast day. 1 Winthrop's Hist, i. 254. 120 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. of the ruling party. In the seats of honor, raised above the rest, were the governor and deputy. Vane and Winthrop. The edifice was crowded with an attentive people, hatted and cloaked in Puritan fash- ion. They little suspected what was in store for them. There they were, assembled particularly to hear the things which make for peace. All day long, save for a short recess at noon, they had been there, fasting after the most rigid practice. They had heard a sermon in the morning, and perhaps one al- ready in the afternoon. And there, up in the pulpit, sat a man perfectly acquainted with the situation, but who had slipped into his pocket, before he left his home at Mount Wollaston to attend upon their service, a sermon which he knew would effectually demolish the hopes of the day ! Would he be invited to preach ? He must have thought so, or he would not thus have provided himself with his ammimition. But he was a man of convictions and courage, and he did not intend to recant, or even remodel his sermon for the occasion. So, when the proper time came and he was invited to " say on," he did. His production is the first fast-day sermon the full text of which has come down to us. The text was innocent enough. It was Matt. ix. 15 : " And Jesus said vnto them, can the children of the bride-chamber mourne as long as the Bridegroome is wi*^ them, but the dayes will come, when the Bridegroome shall be taken from them, & then they shall fast." It is hardly possible that remarks were interjected, after the usual custom, which are not preserved in the manuscript, or it would not have been presented so confidently in court. Yet surely there is enough upon the surface A FAST SERMON IN COURT, 121 to account for the consequences. The widely differ- ent views which are now entertained of it are not so good an interpretation as the judgment of the time, however great the excitement may have been. One modern writer says : " Those who listened so testily to the preacher must have heard between the lines and sentences, interpolating from their own suspicions and fancies what he neither uttered nor suggested. The sermon seems to us earnest, but wholly peaceful, kindly, and harmless." i Cotton Mather is much nearer the truth in his opinion when he says : " He let fall many passages which amounted imto thus much, ' That the magistrates and ministers of the country- walked in such a way of salvation, and the evidence thereof, as was a covenant of works,' which passages were aculeated by resembling such as were under that covenant unto Jews, and Herods, and Philistines and Antichrists ; and exhorting such as were under the covenant of grace to combate those as their greatest enemies." |^ The virus was not in its heresy, but in these reflections upon the opposite party. He cham- pioned the Hutchinsonian views of sanctification, but this might have been passed had he not glorified those who held them as the "true behevers." The pious Wilson and the dignified Winthrop could not be ex- pected to enjoy such a statement as this : " Those y^ are enymies of y® Lorde, not onely Pagonish but Antichristian, & those y^ nmne vnder a covenant of workes are very strong, but be not afraide . . . one of yow shal chase athousand." As it turned out, the thousand chased the one. They must have felt slan- ^ Ellis's Puritan Age in Mass., p. 822. 2 Magnolia J ii. 511. 122 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. dered, too, by the words, " Those vnder a couenant of workes, y® more holy they are y® greater enymies they are to Ch(rist)." . . . '• Seest thou a man wise in his owne eonceite more hope there is of a foole then of him." To that party the preacher was fairly understood to refer in his phrase, " those that oppose y® waies of grace," and he applied Christ's words to them, "you are the children of y® Deuel." The sermon abounds in language and allusions which, under the circumstances, were doubtless as satisfac- tory to the majority of the congregation as they were oifensive to the minority. We can imagine the breath- less silence in which they were received by the Puritan company, and the feelings that were kindled within. The excitement was manifest when the audience was dismissed, and no wonder Winthrop says " the dif- ferences in the said points of religion increased." In the March following, the General Court had the whole subject before it. Finally it took up the case of Wheelwright. The charge against him was, that " he had called such as maintain sanctification as an evidence of justification antichrists and stirred up the people against them with much bitterness and vehe- mency." ^ The preacher produced the sermon, and probably read portions of it to the court, the ministers of the colony being present. He stood by its objec- tionable references to those who walked in a covenant of works, and the ministers agreed that they did so walk. Thereupon the conclusion was that the preacher was " guilty of sedition, and also of contempt, for that the court had appointed the fast as a means of recon- ciliation of differences etc, and he purposely set himself 1 Winthrop's Hist, i. 256. A FAST SERMON IN COURT. 123 to kindle and increase them." ^ In the literal view of the case the sermon sustained the charge. If the premises be allowed, and the right of the court to deal thus with a minister is conceded, they certainly proceeded in accord with the facts, though in a most tyrannical fashion and to a bigoted conclusion. At this time the excitement was high in their poli- tics. Something must be done to get rid of those who were troubling Israel. Governor Vane's time came at the spring election, which was held at Cambridge, a place then more accessible for the other towns than for Boston. The ministers had their part in it, Wil- son especially, who delivered a telling speech. Vane was defeated, and Winthrop was restored to power. The next act of the drama relates to a public fast which was kept May 25, 1637.^ On this account the court again put off Wheelwright's sentence until August. Vane and Coddington, who on the Sabbath before had refused to accept the governor's invitation to sit in the magistrates' seat because of their defeat, on tliat fast day went over to Mount Wollaston to hear Mr. Wheelwright preach, but further incidents of the day are unknown. It must be remembered that, during the early months of this year 1637, the colony had also been engaged with the Pequot War, on account of their victory in wliich they had kept a thanksgiving June 15, but their dissensions overshadowed the occasion. On the 3d of August Mr. Henry Vane left Boston to return to England. It was the farewell of New Eng- 1 Winthrop's Hist, i. 257. 2 As in many other instances, the Colonial Records do not mention this fast. Winthrop does not give the date, hut says it was the day before the defeat of the Pequots, which was the 26th. 124 FAST AND THANKSGIVING DAYS. land to all notions of setting up an English nobility. He was attended by four sergeant halberdiers of Bos- ton, who afterwards confessed their aristocratic ideas by refusing thus to honor Winthrop because he was not of the nobility, for whom indeed two of his own servants were quite enough display. On the 24th a day of humiliation was kept in all the churches, with the consent of the magistrates, to prepare for the convening of the Cambridge Synod upon the 30th.i This body, having the assistance of Hooker and Stone of Connecticut, began in the proper way to effect a reconciliation between Cotton and the other ministers ; but it accomplished little with Wheehvright, who nat- urally paid little regard to the thanksgiving October 12, which was also kept in Plymouth Colony, partly to express congratulations over the result, and doubt- less also in Connecticut. The conclusion of the story is fully told thus in Winthrop's history : " The gen- eral court being assembled in the 2 of the 9th month, and finding, upon consultation, that two so opposite parties could not contain in the same body, without apparent hazard of ruin to the whole, agreed to send away some of the principal. . . . Then the court sent for Mr. Wheelwright, and he persisting to justify his sermon and his whole practice and opinions, and refus- ing to leave either the place or his public exercisings, he was disfranchised and banished. . . . The court gave him leave to go to his house upon his promise that, if he were not gone out of our jurisdiction within fourteen days he would render himseK to one of the magistrates." 2 He left the colony, settled in New 1 Winthrop's Hist, I 281-283. 2 Full details are ^ven in Winthrop, i. 291-301, 304, 306, 307, 309- 811, 313-317, 326, 327. A FAST SERMON IN COURT, 125 Hampsliire, and, amid various fortunes, lived to have liis sentence revoked and attain high esteem in New- England. Mrs. Ann Hutchinson was brought before the court and charged with '^ reproaching most of the ministers for not preaching a covenant of free gi'ace," " justify- ing Mr. Wheelwright's sermon," and making a dis- turbance generally.^ Her former friend Cotton did not defend her as he might have done. She was set upon by the ministers, who bestowed upon her such epithets as " the American Jezabel," and was excom- municated from the Boston church. Finally she too went forth, an exile, doubtless with the feeling that her going was a martyrdom ; and several years after- wards was massacred by the Indians. The sequel of this story also relates to a fast day. Months passed, and amid other public interests the excitement was subsiding.^ The winter of 1638-9 developed sickness, and for this and " the apparent decay of the power of religion and the general declin- ing of professors to the world," a public fast was kept December 13. On that day Mr. Cotton, says Win- throp, " did confess and bewail, as the churches' so his own security, sloth and credulity, whereupon so many and dangerous errors had gotten up and spread 1 Examination of Mrs. Ann Hutchinson, Hutchinson's Hist, ii. 482- 520. 2 The colony was threatened with a governor from England, and, April 12, 1638, kept a fast" to intreate the help of God in the weighty matters w*^'^ are in hand