s 
 
 ^ & 
 
 DI 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 _^~ -.
 
 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 PUBLIC EVENTS, 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 PEACE OF 1783, TO THE PEACE OF 1815. 
 
 " By a comparison of a series of the discourses and actions of certain men, for a 
 reasonable length of time, it is impossible not to obtain a sufficient indication of their 
 
 views and principles." " It is against every principle of common sense, to judge 
 
 of a series of speeches and actions from the man, and not of the, man, from the whole 
 tenor of his language and conduct." (Excerpts, Nat. Oaz. April 8, 1834.) 
 
 " There have been in the world but two systems, or schools of policy j the one 
 founded on the great principles of wisdom and rectitude ; the other on cunning and 
 its various artifices." JOHN JAT. 
 
 Tantumque abest, ut aliquam bonam gratiam mihi quaesisse videar, ut multas etiam 
 aimultates, partim obscuras, partim apertas, intelligam mihi non necessarias, vobis 
 non inutiles suscepisse. Oratio pro lege Manilla. 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 BOSTON: 
 RUSSELL, ODIORNE, AND METCALF. 
 
 1834.
 
 Entered according to the act of Congress in the year 1834, 
 
 by WIIJ.IAM SXJIXIVAH, 
 in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. 
 
 CAMBRIDGE PRESS: 
 METCALF, TORRY, AND BALLOU.
 
 30) 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 TOWARDS the close of his life, Mr. JEFFERSON prepared 
 statements, seriously affecting the motives and conduct of 
 a numerous class of his fellow-citizens. He intended to 
 have these statements published after his decease. He 
 seems to have expected, that they would be received as 
 HISTORICAL TRUTHS, proceeding from high authority. 
 
 If Mr. Jefferson has stated truths only, all who know 
 the value of sound historical information are under great 
 obligations to him. If he has stated "false facts," (as 
 he calls them,) without intending to do so, he has in- 
 creased the well-known difficulty of arriving at certainty, 
 as to the past ; and his labors are worse than useless. If 
 he has stated what he knew to be false, he has abused 
 public confidence, and has dishonored his own fame. 
 
 As most of those citizens, of whom he speaks reproach- 
 fully, have become, like himself, insensible to earthly com- 
 mendation, or censure, is it too soon to inquire, in which of 
 the above mentioned relations Mr. Jefferson should b 
 viewed ? 
 
 It would be doing, it is hoped, great injustice to the 
 American public to assume, that they are incompetent, or 
 unwilling, to judge calmly and justly of historical truth, 
 whatsoever it may prove to be, or whencesoever it may 
 come. 
 
 But, if the men of this day are so near to that time in 
 which Mr. Jefferson was a conspicuous political agent, that
 
 IV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 prejudices must prevent a calm and righteous judgment, 
 then the same posterity, to which Mr. Jefferson confidently 
 appeals, must judge of him, and of those whom he has at- 
 tempted to consign to their reproach and contempt. 
 
 According to the words on the title page, " the views 
 and principles " of Mr. Jefferson's political adversaries are 
 to be known by " a comparison of a series of their discourses 
 and actions." Mr. Jefferson is to be known, not " from 
 his speeches and actions," but " from the whole tenor of his 
 language and conduct." 
 
 These " views and principles," and this " language and 
 conduct," are set forth in the following pages, " for a 
 reasonable length of time ; " that is, throughout one third 
 of a century. 
 
 The form adopted is, familiar letters, as these are better 
 suited to the purpose than the ordinary form of History ; 
 and because these admit of personal descriptions and par- 
 ticular illustrations, which the " Memoirs and Writings of 
 Thomas Jefferson " make indispensable. 
 
 Boston, April 20, 1834.
 
 PREFACE 
 
 TO THE SECOND EDITION. 
 
 SOME time has been taken to learn what the public senti- 
 ment might be on these letters ; and to ascertain what 
 errors in facts might have occurred. All such errors have 
 been corrected, so far as known ; and a better chronological 
 order has been made. These were not the only objections, 
 which have been noticed. Some cautious, sensitive per- 
 sons disapprove of all inquiry into Mr. Jefferson's claims to 
 gratitude and admiration. They acknowledge such senti- 
 ments to be due to men, who, from good motives, achieved 
 illustrious deeds; and who forgot self, in devotion to the 
 public. These persons are not supposed to maintain, that 
 men, who misunderstood, or who perverted their trust, are 
 to be ranked with men of the first class. But they suggest, 
 that, if inquiry be made into Mr. Jefferson's pretensions, the 
 people may take it ill, and that there must always be danger 
 in startling ancient and deep-rooted prejudices. 
 
 The fear of startling prejudices may be a cogent reason 
 for persisting in the divinity of oracular responses ; for con- 
 tinuing in the faith, that birds were commissioned to foretell N, 
 the fate of armies ; and for persevering in search after the 
 will of the gods, among the entrails of a bullock. But, in 
 these days, reason and common sense are supposed to have "S 
 some ministry in the human mind. One may venture to 
 pay the tribute to the American people of believing, that
 
 VI PREFACE. 
 
 they can arrive at and value truth; and that having the 
 right and the duty of ordering their own welfare, they can 
 and will justly estimate the means of accomplishing that 
 purpose. We have no design to shock any one's prejudices. 
 We are not dealing with Mr. Jefferson as an individual. 
 We " war not with the dust." With Mr. Jefferson's princi- 
 ples and example, as an expounder of the constitution, every 
 free American is deeply concerned ; and, if Mr. Jefferson 
 has been unjust to public benefactors, every American is 
 interested that his errors should be made known. 
 
 If the maintenance of constitutional liberty be the object, 
 there may be those, who think any effort of this nature prof- 
 itless and vain. They may be of opinion, that the sovereign 
 people will not believe constitutional government to be a 
 restraining power, intended to prevent the wrongs, which 
 they can do to each other ; and authorized to protect itself 
 against their own illegal assaults. The people will not be 
 convinced, it is said, that their peace, prosperity, and free- 
 dom depend on the strict observance of laws : They cannot 
 know when they are well or ill governed ; and rather prefer, 
 if they could know, the ruling of cunning and deceitful flat- 
 terers to that of wise and honest men. We are reminded 
 of the rebellions and of the near approach to despotism, 
 within the last fifty years ; and how all combinations of 
 citizens, however originating, resolve themselves into politi- 
 cal parties, and seek power by perverting the right of 
 suffrage. We are reminded, also, of the gradual decline in 
 the character of public authority, and of the striking contrast 
 between the personal worth and dignity of some who have 
 ruled, and of some who do rule. Then the future is looked 
 Wto, with fearful apprehension, and it is asked, whether, as 
 / numbers increase, and the American people are farther and 
 : farther removed from the influences of the revolution, there 
 can be any reasonable hope of preserving civil liberty.
 
 PREFACE. Vll 
 
 To all such suggestions it may be answered, that any \ 
 government, except mere despotism, implies difficulties and j 
 contentions ; and the freer it is, the more will these abound. } 
 Yet our government can be kept within constitutional rules, 
 or soon brought again within their limits, when it has trans- 
 gressed them. But this supposes watchfulness and intelli- 
 gence, and a keen sensibility to encroachment. Such 
 qualities our citizens have shown, to an extent sufficient to 
 preserve civil liberty so far ; and it ought not to be doubted, 
 that they will continue to do so. The real character of the 
 government, however, has not always been republican ; it 
 has sometimes been republicanism fashioned by democratic 
 despotism. Our rulers will generally arise from a certain 
 sort of numerical power. The art is well understood of 
 making dominion out of the fears, prejudices, and pride of 
 that power. There will always be the sympathy of identity 
 between that power and the rulers which it selects ; and 
 these rulers will be worshipped because worship is self-grat- \ 
 ulation. This is the true secret of the homage rendered to 
 Napoleon, to Mr. Jefferson, to Andrew Jackson. But this is 
 a natural delusion, which positive suffering can dissipate. 
 As all such rulers inevitably tend (the world over) to despo- 
 tism, the turning point will be, whether the majority can be 
 made to feel actually existing despotism in time to crush it 
 by peaceable election, and before its strength renders oppo- 
 sition vain. We incline to think, that liberty will often be 
 in peril ; but that intelligence, virtue, and interest will again 
 and again combine and rescue it from the grasp of its pre- 
 tended friends. 
 
 It is proved in this country, rather than in any other, of 
 any time, that as society moves onward under its natural 
 propensity to improve, intellectual power takes the place of 
 physical force. It is here, therefore, that all are interested 
 to give to this power a useful direction ; and rather are the
 
 Viii PREFACE. 
 
 wealthy and exalted, than the poor and humble, interested, 
 that all should be well informed. Ambition does not choose 
 for its birth-place the palace in preference to the hovel ; and 
 in a free country it will not be idle. Like the richest soils, 
 rank with noisome and poisonous weeds when unsubdued, 
 it will, if left to itself, deform society with infidelity, perver- 
 sion, and crime. By promoting the means of intellectual, 
 religious, and consequently of moral culture, it may possibly 
 come to be a generally admitted truth, that public life can 
 be neither honorable nor profitable to the individual, when not 
 honorable and useful to the public, 
 
 There may be much of speculation, but no settled opinion 
 on the point, whether the Americans have a better or worse 
 )ld on civil liberty, at this day, than they had at the begin- 
 ning of this century. It might have been expected, that 
 their institutions would have obtained solidity by use and 
 precedent ; and that the enjoyment of freedom, such as was 
 never before known, would have made that freedom precious 
 to every mind, capable of understanding its value. But 
 \rAmericans have too much freedom to have occasion to con- 
 j aider what it is ; just as one, who never felt the weight of a 
 I chain, finds a silken thread intolerable. They have even 
 sometimes gone so far as to renounce the guardianship of 
 their liberty, and have appointed masters, and think it free- 
 dom to render homage to them. This is discouraging. 
 But yet it is believed, that Americans will preserve civil 
 liberty ; not through virtue and intelligence alone, but through 
 these and the conservative power of INTEREST ; and through 
 interest, because the American institutions are distinguished 
 from any others, in having a renovating principle, which 
 can be applied at will, without violence ; and without any 
 shock to the established order of society, but that of dis- 
 missing a dominant faction, and establishing a wise and con- 
 stitutional policy. This is revolution ; but it is tranquil and
 
 PREFACE. IX 
 
 peaceable. Something of the same nature is seen in the 
 English government, in the power to change a ministry. 
 Thus virtue and intelligence, the dictates of interest, and 
 the provisions through which interest may operate peaceably 
 and justly, lead to the belief, that constitutional order and 
 tranquillity can and will be preserved. 
 
 But the republic cannot be eternal ; that unsparing in- 
 novator, Time, will surely bring it to an end. Will it be 
 by military usurpation 1 No case is now foreseen, (such 
 is our fortunate position on the globe,) in which any man 
 can have so numerous and devoted an army, as to make 
 himself a despot, while the people are wise enough to train 
 themselves to the use of arms, as militia. Will it be by excit- 
 ing and corrupting a craving populace? There can hardly 
 be such a class in the United States. Commerce, agriculture, 
 and universal industry, bringing comfort and independence, \ 
 unknown to ancient republics, preclude the existence of 
 such class in such numbers, as to endanger the public safe- 
 ty. It must be yet a long time before there can be so many 
 who have nothing, and who can acquire nothing, and who 
 can be attracted into combinations by a sense of oppression, 
 that the ordinary powers of government, aided by the force 
 of public opinion, cannot control them. Will it be by civil 
 usurpation 1 This cannot advance far, without touching 
 the interests of a majority, sufficiently to arouse them to a 
 sense of their danger. If they do not discern the wrong 
 before it reaches their property and daily bread, they will 
 feel it then, and will help themselves to a peaceable consti- 
 tutional remedy. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson would certainly have lost the popular favor, 
 in consequence of the privations and miseries which he im- 
 posed upon his countrymen, if he had not so intermingled 
 foreign politics as to make it believed, that the honor of the 
 country was involved in his measures. So Mr. Madison
 
 X PREFACE. 
 
 would have lost his popularity, from the distresses of the war, 
 if a majority had not been disciplined to feel, that the war 
 was a necessary and patriotic policy. Both these Presidents 
 foresaw consequences, ^nd retraced their steps. 
 / In the present chief magistrate there is a striking example 
 X of the consequences of usurpation. He has ventured to lay 
 his hand on the commerce, the industry, and the money of 
 the country, and he has suddenly fallen from the most ex- 
 P^-traordinary popularity to the very lowest degradation. He 
 has so fallen, because he is not sustained by any such aux- 
 iliary causes as his two predecessors relied on. He can dis- 
 tress the country, but he cannot destroy its liberties. 
 
 It will be seen, that the nearest approach to despotism was 
 during the presidencies of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison. 
 Legislative and executive power were then in perfect har- 
 mony. In nearly all the states, there was equal harmony 
 between like powers, and close sympathy between these and 
 the powers exercised by the national government. But there 
 was an opposition, which comprised a major part of every 
 thing which government is instituted to protect, computing 
 in any manner but by heads. This opposition and the ju- 
 diciary saved the country from greater calamities than those 
 which it endured. It is by no means intended to suggest, 
 that either of these magistrates intended despotism. Neither 
 of them had any such design. But if either of them had 
 gone but little further, he might have glided into absolute 
 dominion under the full belief, that he was sustaining repub- 
 lican liberty by silencing its enemies. At this time, all but 
 Jackson-men know, that the President is a monarch, though 
 he conscientiously believes, that he is the purest of repub- 
 licans, because he thinks " THE PEOPLE " honor and admire 
 him. 
 
 X There are some dangers peculiar to this country, and 
 among them civil tear and disunion. When and in what form 

 
 PREFACE. 
 
 this danger may present itself, it would be presumptuous to > 
 conjecture. There has been a recent excitement of this ten- | 
 dency, but it served only to cause an estimate of the value * 
 of the union, and to fix it more firmly in the reverence of 
 the people. 
 
 In a land so free as this, an incessant struggle for power, 
 both from good and from bad motives, must be expected. 
 There will be perverse legislation, corrupt and wicked man- 
 agement, blind devotion to party, and instances of flagrant 
 usurpation. Americans have no patent right, in the matter 
 of government, nor any better assurance than other nations 
 have, that wisdom, virtue, and disinterestedness will always 
 govern their country. Their constitutions are better than 
 those of any other country, but they are to be administered 
 by men. It may often require the best efforts of such minds, ., 
 as now adorn the Senate of the United States, to discern 
 and declare where the constitution was left, and to aid the 
 people in replacing it on the solid foundation of their respect 
 and affection. But such events may recur again and again 
 without the final loss of republican liberty. 
 
 Good as the constitution is, it is not now the same admi- 
 rable product of human wisdom which it was, when first 
 presented to the American people. It was then an illustri- 
 ous commentary on the experience of past ages ; an un- 
 precedented system, whereby to obtain all the good, and 
 prevent all the evil, which arise from man's strength and 
 weakness, virtue and vice, whether regarded as an indi- 
 vidual, or combined in society. It was no less honorable to 
 the people to have adopted this system, than it was to have 
 conceived, prepared, and to have offered it. 
 
 That part, which may be supposed to have engaged the 
 attention of the framers most intently, was the executive 
 power. It was so guarded as to prevent to the utmost, the 
 elevation of a mere popular favorite ; and to inspire the
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 chosen with a proper sense of responsibility, not to a party, 
 but to a nation. Under the influence of Mr. Jefferson, it 
 was so amended as to convert the dignity of the presidency 
 into a commission to superintend a continually recurring 
 scramble for favor and reward. This is the most lamentable 
 of all Mr. Jefferson's errors. All others may be transitory ; 
 this will be permanent. For, if a majority concur in the 
 necessity of amendment, they will not concur in what it 
 shall be ; much less will they restore the Constitution to its 
 original excellence. If executive patronage be not always 
 a corrupting and debasing machinery, it will be otherwise 
 only by choosing Presidents, who have too much wisdom 
 and conscience to make it so. 
 
 I Closely connected with civil war and disunion is the ques- 
 J% tion of slavery. A most unfortunate delusion has arisen, 
 founded partly on hostility to the principle of slavery, (a 
 / principle, which, in the abstract, no reasoning can sustain,) 
 / partly on disregard of the true nature of the negro, partly 
 \-f on mistake of the- common sentiment of all classes of so- 
 / ciety, but more than on either of these, on the error, that 
 the condition of the negro can be bettered by general manu- 
 \ mission, in a land where white population hold the political 
 " power and the physical strength. This is a subject full of 
 fearful apprehension, so long as philanthropy so entirely 
 misapplies itself, in territories where slavery does not exist, 
 as to attempt to govern within territories where ages have 
 interwoven slavery with all the desired objects of life. It 
 is already seen, that this matter resolves itself into a ques- 
 tion of mere interest; and no teacher is needed to make 
 known, that the next door neighbour to interest is force ; and 
 that this will surely be called in, when interest finds itself 
 presumptuously assailed. What sort of philanthropists must 
 they be, however amiable their motives, who propose to in- 
 telligent masters voluntarily to exchange condition with their 

 
 PREFACE Xlll 
 
 slaves ! The restoration of the colored to the regions, which J 
 their Creator originally assigned to them, by colonization, is I 
 a matter of very different character from that of " aboli- 
 tion." 
 
 There is one danger to national security and to repub- 
 lican institutions, which is daily becoming more and more 
 obvious. It will be seen in the following pages, that Mr. 
 Jefferson introduced this danger. It cannot be a long time, 
 before Congress will be called on to provide an effectual 
 remedy. State legislatures cannot perform their duties, 
 until Congress comprehends and performs its duty. Cer- 
 tainly the citizens of the United States will not much 
 longer confer office on men, who are willing that their land t 
 should be a home for the vice and pauperism of Europe ; 
 and perhaps subjected (by the mere exercise of political^ 
 privileges) to foreign dominion. 
 
 One must be very assuming to foretell the condition of this, 
 or any other nation, on general principles ; but he may be 
 allowed to make some deductions from experience. Thus 
 it may be inferred, that in a country so extensive and varied 
 as this, no fatal heresy will be universal, at the same time ; 
 and that no man can acquire, and long retain, a dangerous 
 popularity. There will be, no doubt, alarming excitements 
 in one or more states ; but the strength of the federal gov- 
 ernment, powerful majorities in all other states, and strong 
 minorities within the limits of the excitement, will parry the 
 threatened evil till good sense returns. When the federal 
 government transcends its limits, state authority will inter- 
 pose salutary checks ; and there will always be diligent and 
 zealous minorities, in the federal government, to warn the 
 people of their danger. Above all, there will be a. pervading 
 sense of safety and utility in the UNION, which no member 
 of the confederacy will be seriously disposed to relinquish, as 
 b
 
 XIV PREFACE 
 
 the inevitable consequence must be foreign alliance, and a 
 return to colonial dependence. 
 
 xy The multiplication of states will be no evil. Each one 
 /containing a sovereignty in itself, breaks up one great 
 whole into harmonious parts ; and makes the great differ- 
 ence between the American and Roman republics. In the 
 latter, Rome was the empire ; whole countries, appendages. 
 In like manner, this country is distinguishable from modern 
 France, which is a sort of republic with a King for its chief; 
 / but France must always be restive and turbulent, while 
 / Paris is all France and all of France is Paris. 
 
 Vast as this country is, its remotest parts will not be strange 
 to each other. Commerce, enterprise, mutual wants and de- 
 pendence, facility of intercommunication, and the daily 
 ^messenger, the press, will soften and wear away prejudice, 
 I the child of ignorance. The variety of religious sects will 
 ( promote religion. As no one of them can strengthen itself 
 I by alliance with civil power, intolerance is deprived of its 
 \ weapon, and will rather be useful than mischievous. 
 
 The American community may have some analogy in its 
 progress to the seeming evils of the natural world. Vesuvi- 
 us is not always casting forth its lava ; it gives time for the 
 rerdure to return, and for human habitations to rise again, 
 over the path of its desolation. A small portion of earth, or 
 ocean, is exposed to the rage of any one tempest. Epidem- 
 ics, by some unknown law, have their times and places; and 
 though their existence any where, may sometimes awaken 
 anxiety every where, they do not wrap the whole world in 
 gloom at the same moment. 
 
 Those who are about to close their eyes on all earthly 
 scenes need not, as we humbly conceive, to despair of 
 the fate of their descendants. There is hope enough that 
 their country will go on, as well as the lot of humanity will 
 permit. Certainly, such hope should be cherished ; for
 
 PREFACE. XV 
 
 when the present institutions are broken up, no power but 
 that which can still the face of ocean, can compose the 
 political and social relations of Americans, anew, in any 
 similitude to rational freedom, 
 
 Boston, Nov. 1, 1834.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 LETTER I. 
 
 State of the country in 1783 Massachusetts embarrassments. 
 
 LETTER II. 
 Massachusetts insurrection Governor Bowdoin. 
 
 LETTER III. 
 Massachusetts rebellion. 
 
 LETTER IV. 
 Governor Hancock state of society. 
 
 LETTER V. 
 
 Governor Hancock Lieutenant Governor Lincoln Washington's 
 
 visit. 
 
 LETTER VI. 
 
 Old confederation Federal constitution Massachusetts convention 
 Federalist, by Jay, Madison, and Hamilton. 
 
 LETTER VII. 
 
 Massachusetts convention Fisher Ames Rufus King Charles 
 Jarvis. 
 
 LETTER VIII. 
 
 Adoption of the constitution origin of parties first Congress. 
 LETTER IX. 
 
 Hancock's death Rev. Dr. Cooper state of society Brissot 
 education. 
 
 LETTER X. 
 
 Beginning of the National Government President Washington 
 Vice President Adams first Congress. 
 6*
 
 xriii CONTENTS. 
 
 LETTER XI. 
 
 First cabinet public debt funded Bank Jefferson Hamilton. 
 
 LETTER XII. 
 
 Excise law French revolution civic feast Resolutions against 
 Hamilton Mr. Giles's remarks on Washington. 
 
 LETTER XIII. 
 
 French revolution parties Genet Jacobin clubs Mifflin Dal- 
 las English captures. 
 
 LETTER XIV. 
 
 Congress in 1793 Jefferson's commercial report Marshall's charac- 
 ter of Jefferson parties in Congress distinguished members 
 renewed attack on Hamilton. 
 
 V 
 
 LETTER XV. 
 
 Mission to England John Jay Fauchet rebellion in Pennsylva- 
 nia Talleyrand Knox and Hamilton resign. 
 
 LETTER XVI. 
 Jay's treaty Washington's letter to the Selectmen of Boston. 
 
 LETTER XVII. 
 Fauchet's intercepted despatches Edmund Randolph Pinckney. 
 
 LETTER XVIII. 
 
 Adet, French minister Washington's reply to Adet Jay's treaty 
 popular movements on this treaty debate in Congress Monroe 
 France. 
 
 LETTER XIX. 
 
 Washington Lafayette Bollman Lord Lyndhurst third election 
 of President Paine's letter to Washington Jefferson's letter to 
 Paine charges against Washington. 
 
 LETTER XX. 
 
 Adet's address to Americans French influence Washington's letter 
 to Jefferson. 
 
 LETTER XXI. 
 
 Washington's last speech to Congress farewell address Jefferson's 
 remarks, and Jay's letter, on the address Washington's personal 
 appearance and deportment reception of visitors.
 
 CONTENTS. XIX 
 
 LETTER XXII. 
 
 Washington's administration its difficulties Colonel Isaac Hayne 
 funding public debt national bank policy of Washington. 
 
 LETTER XXIII. 
 
 Essex Junto General Benjamin Lincoln. 
 
 LETTER XXIV. 
 
 General Henry Knox Jefferson's opinions of Knox Jefferson's 
 Writings. 
 
 LETTER XXV. 
 
 Duke of Kent present King of France Sir A. Baring foreign 
 ministers distinguished members of Congress Philadelphia in 
 1797 Robert Morris. 
 
 LETTER XXVI. 
 
 Samuel Adams Increase Sumner Francis Dana Theodore Sedg- 
 wick state of society. 
 
 LETTER XXVII. 
 
 Election of John Adams of Jefferson, Vice President mission to 
 France. 
 
 LETTER XXVIII. 
 
 Treatment of envoys in France X, Y, Z affair war with France 
 new missions to France measures taken to impair Mr. Adams's 
 popularity affair of Jonathan Robbins. 
 
 LETTER XXIX. 
 
 Alien law sedition law combination of foreigners Callender's 
 " Prospect before Us " Jefferson and Callender Logan's mission. 
 
 LETTER XXX. 
 
 New judiciary law, February, 1801 pardon of Fries end of the 
 federal administration character. 
 
 LETTER XXXI. 
 
 
 
 Death of Washington. 
 LETTER XXXII. 
 
 Jefferson's Mazzei letter speech as Vice President Jefferson's 
 remarks on the Mazzei letter Jefferson's personal appearance 
 his vice presidency.
 
 XX CONTENTS. 
 
 1 - * 
 
 LETEER XXXIII. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson principles of action elements of parties reasons 
 why Mr. Jefferson's " Writings " should he noticed. 
 
 LETTER XXXIV. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's Writings. 
 LETTER XXXV. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's attack on the funding system and the bank, as federal 
 measures. 
 
 LETTER XXXVI. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's charge against federalists, as intending to introduce 
 monarchy. 
 
 LETTER XXXVII. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's election to the presidency his remarks on James 
 A. Bayard vindication by Mr. Bayard's sons Mr. Jefferson's 
 policy. 
 
 LETTER XXXVIII. 
 
 Contradictory opinions entertained concerning Mr. Jefferson when 
 elected to the presidency. 
 
 LETTER XXXIX. 
 
 Inaugural speech answer to New Haven remonstrance invitation 
 to apostacy author of party government. 
 
 LETTER XL. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's opinion of the judiciary. 
 
 LETTER XLI. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson proposes to Congress to repeal all federal measures 
 judiciary law acts of Judge Chase, which led to his impeachment. 
 
 LETTER XLII. 
 Impeachment and trial of Judge Chase. 
 
 LETTER XLIII. 
 Purchase of Louisiana. 
 
 LETTER XLIV. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's proposal to repeal the alien law his former opinions 
 on aliens.
 
 CONTENTS. XXI 
 
 LETTER XLV. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's hostility to the navy his gun-boat system. 
 
 LETTER XLVI. 
 
 Difficulties on purchase of Louisiana Miranda's expedition from New 
 York to South America Burr's conspiracy. 
 
 LETTER XLVII. 
 
 Burr's arrest and trial for treason. 
 
 LETTER XLVIII. 
 
 Burr's trial Mr. Wirt. 
 
 LETTER XLIX. 
 
 Alexander Hamilton duel with Burr. 
 
 LETTER L. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's gift of two millions to Napoleon John Randolph's 
 pamphlet on this subject. 
 
 LETTER LI. 
 
 Jefferson and England rejects treaty of 1806 embargo of 1807 
 state of the country. 
 
 LETTER LII. 
 
 Governor Strong Governor Sullivan Lieutenant Governor Lincoln 
 proceedings of Massachusetts Legislature. 
 
 LETTER LIII. 
 
 Governor Gore members of Massachusetts Legislature merchants 
 Governor Gerry Governor Strong. 
 
 LETTER LIV. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's retirement his various accounts of embargo system. 
 
 LETTER LV. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's account of himself examination of his account ~ au- 
 thor of nullification. 
 
 LETTER LVI. 
 
 Examination of his policy effects of his policy. 
 
 LETTER LVII. 
 
 How Mr. Jefferson found the United States in 1801 how he left them 
 in 1809 Mr. Madison his policy continuation of Mr. Jefferson's.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 LETTER LVIII. 
 
 Causes of war in 1812. 
 
 LETTER LIX. 
 The Henry plot Mr. Madison's motives. 
 
 LETTER LX. 
 War message, and measures in Congress. 
 
 LETTER LXI. 
 Opposition to the war in Congress state of Europe. 
 
 LETTER LXII. 
 
 Coincidence of Napoleon's war against Russia and American war 
 against England reception of the war in New England. 
 
 LETTER LXIII. 
 
 Terror that came with the war Baltimore Washington Benevolent 
 Societies. 
 
 LETTER LXIV. 
 
 Convention at New York Dewitt Clinton. 
 
 LETTER LXV. 
 Progress of the war proposed conscription and impressment. 
 
 LETTER LXVI. 
 
 Proceedings of Massachusetts causes of the Hartford Convention. 
 
 LETTER LXVII. 
 Effects of the Hartford Convention 
 
 LETTER LXVIII. 
 
 Measures in consequence of the Hartford Convention conclusion 
 of the war peace message. 
 
 LETTER LXIX. 
 
 Mr. Madison's probable motives close of his administration Mr. 
 Monroe's presidency. 
 
 LETTER LXX. 
 
 Motives and conduct of the Federalists. 
 
 LETTER LXXI. 
 Strong Brooks Gore Cabot.
 
 CONTENTS. XX111 
 
 LETTER LXXII. 
 
 Pickering Lowell, senior Higginson Hichbora. 
 
 LETTER LXXIII. 
 Parsons Sewall Parker Dexter. 
 
 LETTER LXXIV. 
 Otis Lowell, Jr. Quincy Ward Lloyd. 
 
 LETTER LXXV. 
 Conclusion difficulties remedies. 
 
 The Appendix to the volume, first edition, is omitted in this ; it con- 
 sisted of, 1. Evidence collected by the sons of James A. Bayard, on 
 Jefferson's calumnies. 2. John Jay's letter on Washington's Farewell 
 Address. 3. Proceedings of the Massachusetts Legislature on national 
 affairs. 4. Address of the minority of Congress, on the war with Eng- 
 land, drawn up by Josiah Quincy. 5. Extract from Walsh's letter on 
 the genius and character of the French revolutionary government, and 
 on French military conscription. 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 For eradicable, page 77, line 27, read trradicable.
 
 FAMILIAR LETTERS. 
 
 LETTER I. 
 
 BOSTON, JAN. 17, 1833. 
 
 THE citizens of the present day find themselves to be ' 
 members of a great and growing republic. They must be 
 members, also, of some political party, if they exercise the~\ 
 rights and duties of citizens. They usually become party- ] 
 men, without much consideration of the reasons for being on 
 one side, or the other. Accident, imitation, or being on one 
 side, because some one, not in favor, is on the other, are as 
 good reasons as many can give, for the choice they make. 
 
 There is a right and a wrong in all political divisions. 
 One side may be entirely right, and the other entirely wrong. 
 Two opposing parties may be both wrong, in proportion as 
 they deviate from the sound principles of the constitutions 
 under which they live. 
 
 It is a dry and uninteresting employment to most young 
 persons, to study out the origin, and progress, of the political . 
 institutions of this country. But if our republic is to con- \ 
 tinue, these young persons must know, in some way, how 
 much it depends on them to accomplish its preservation, v 
 All modes of instruction must be attempted. Whether 
 that intended, in the following pages, will be of use to that 
 end, cannot be foreseen. It is the design to run through"^ 
 the prominent events, in this country, out of which political 
 parties have arisen. 
 
 In 1783, and for some time afterwards, and up to the 
 time of the French Revolution, there were distinctions in 
 1
 
 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 society, now unknown. They were the remnants of the 
 colonial relations. Persons in office, the rich, and those who 
 had connexions in England, of which they were proud, were 
 the gentry of the country, before the war. Modes of life, 
 manners, and personal decoration, were the indications of 
 superiority. The commencement of hostilities drove a large 
 / portion of this gentry from the colony ; but these indications 
 V continued among some who remained, and adhered to the 
 patriot side. There was a class of persons (no longer known) 
 "Y\vho might be called the gentry of the interior. They held 
 [ very considerable landed estates, in imitation of the land- 
 holders in England. These persons were the great men in 
 \ their respective counties. They held civil and military 
 offices, and were members of the general court. This sort of 
 personal dignity disappeared before the end of the last century. 
 The long continued and impoverishing war had brought 
 very serious embarrassments, public and private. One mode 
 of relief, after the war ended, was to engage in commerce. 
 The commercial part of the community who had means, (and 
 some of them were wealthy from privateering,) and all who had 
 credit in England, engaged in importing English manufac- 
 tures. This traffic drained the country of specie, and intro- 
 /duced articles of luxury, which the inhabitants needed not, and 
 j for which they contracted debts, which they could not pay. 
 Embarrassments were increased from such causes. Importa- 
 tions were discountenanced, and those who made them, not 
 only made bad debts, but attracted public odium. The usual 
 consequences of such mistakes followed. There were insol- 
 vencies, and prosecutions. These new, and improvident 
 contracts, were but a small item in the causes of general 
 distress, after independence was secured. These were far 
 more serious and durable, as they involved public, as well as 
 private credit. 
 
 The United States owed the heavy debt of the war. Be- 
 sides this national debt, the states, separately, had contracted 
 heavy debts of their own, in carrying on the war. Towns, 
 also, had contracted debts in furnishing men, and necessa- 
 ries for the army, especially in Massachusetts. Individuals 
 owed large sums, the interest of which had been accumulat- 
 ing during the war. In the planting states of the south, 
 very heavy debts were due to the English. These necessa- 
 rily slept through the war.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. .3 
 
 When the courts of justice were again opened, and undis- 
 turbed by military movements, there was leisure to prosecute 
 for debts. The utter inability to satisfy judgments in money, 
 induced some of the state legislatures to enact, that debtors 
 might tender any personal property, at an appraisement, in 
 satisfaction. Thus a seaboard creditor might recover a judg- 
 ment against a creditor in the country, and instead of being 
 paid in money, or by the seizure and sale of personal property, 
 any country produce might be tendered, which, not being 
 convertible into specie, was of no value to him. This legal 
 provision is supposed to have occasioned the prohibitory 
 clause in the United States constitution, that no state should 
 pass any law impairing the obligation of contracts. If this 
 was so, the application of this clause has been extended far 
 beyond the original design, but, undoubtedly, with most 
 reasonable and just effect. 
 
 The complaining and dissatisfied, of the present day, may 
 have some sympathy with their predecessors immediately after 
 the war, who were not sufferers from wanton acts of rulers, 
 but from necessary and inevitable consequences of having 
 obtained their freedom. The paper currency had sunk to 
 be almost nominal. Of specie there was but a small amount. 
 Congress earnestly besought of the states their proportion of 
 the sums which the Union owed ; state creditors were im- 
 portunate, and private debtors were vigorously pursued. \ 
 Massachusetts had stood forth, foremost of all the states ; j 
 and at the close of the war, she had furnished one third of \ 
 all the effective force in the national service. This state 
 owed, as its proportion of the national debt, five millions of 
 dollars. It owed on its own account, and not as a member 
 of the Union, 84,333,333. It owed to the soldiers and offi- 
 cers, which it had sent into the war, $666,666, making ten 
 millions of dollars. The resources of the state, to pay so 
 much of this debt as was immediately payable, were only 
 the revenues derived from importation, in the low state of 
 commerce ; and direct taxation on estates, and polls of per- 
 sons, overwhelmed with embarrassments ; and when the 
 whole number of polls in the state did not exceed ninety 
 thousand.
 
 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 LETTER II. 
 
 JAN. 20, 1833. 
 
 IN October, 1784, Massachusetts assessed a tax of one 
 million four hundred thousand dollars, on an impoverished, 
 distressed, and disheartened people. This tax, together 
 with the number of civil suits instituted by private creditors, 
 brought on a state of high excitement. In looking over the 
 records of this time, it will be seen, that one lawyer insti- 
 / tuted an hundred actions at one court. Lawyers were 
 associated with the general distress, and were considered to 
 be principal causes of it, merely from the performance of 
 professional duties. In our own time, so strongly contrasted 
 with those immediately after the war, we hear of propositions 
 and efforts to diminish the expenses of administering justice. 
 At that time the newspapers abounded with severe reproaches 
 of the profession ; but as these measures produced no relief, 
 while the courts were open, the acrimony against lawyers 
 was soon transferred to the courts. In different parts of the 
 state, armed combinations arose, for the purpose of prevent- 
 ing the sitting of the courts, and this object was effected in 
 many of the counties. The militia were called out to sup- 
 press these insurrections ; but there was no reliance to be 
 placed on their aid, as no small proportion of them, if not 
 among the insurgents, were among the disaffected. At 
 length it became necessary for the government to declare 
 that a rebellion existed, and 4,400 men were raised to sup- 
 press it. The command of this force was given to Major 
 General Lincoln, whose conduct in the execution of this 
 trust will be hereafter mentioned. 
 
 Among the deep impressions of early days is that of the 
 great excitement which existed at that time, and which 
 occupied every bosom. It was expected that the insurgents 
 would march to Boston, and attempt to liberate certain state 
 prisoners there. All the young men were under arms and 
 ready to be called into real service. They wore the garb 
 of soldiers daily, and held themselves prepared to march at 
 the shortest notice. 
 
 It fell to the lot of James Bowdoin to be Governor of the 
 Commonwealth at this period. John Hancock, whose per-
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 5 
 
 sonal appearance and character will be delineated, in some 
 future page, had been governor from the adoption of the 
 constitution in 1780. In January, 1785, he unexpectedly 
 resigned. Whether he foresaw the rebellion, and chose to 
 escape the responsibility of encountering it, officially, or 
 whether he considered himself too infirm to continue in 
 office, may be questionable. The latter cause was assigned, 
 and was a sufficient one. His successor, Bowdoin, was not 
 chosen by the people, but he had the highest number of 
 votes, and was constitutionally chosen by the senate. This 
 is the only instance of the failure of an election, by the 
 people, from 1785 to 1833. In the month of November, 
 1785, it was feared that an attempt would be made to pre- 
 vent the sitting of the courts in Middlesex county, and a 
 large number of troops were assembled at Cambridge, under 
 the command of General John Brooks. Governor Bowdoin 
 went to Cambridge to review them. He had no military 
 experience himself, and was not mounted. He stood on the 
 court-house steps. His appearance and dress, as the troops 
 passed by him, are well remembered. He was then about 
 fifty-eight years of age. He was a tall, dignified man in 
 appearance. At the time of this review he was dressed in 
 a gray wig, cocked hat, a white broadcloth coat and waist- 
 coat, red small-clothes, and black silk stockings. His face 
 was without color, his features rather small for his size, his 
 air and manner quietly grave. During the two years he 
 was in office, the scenes of the rebellion occurred. He 
 conducted himself with great discretion and firmness. It 
 was said, that he was very well advised ; and was confirmed, 
 by able men, in the opinions which he sustained under very 
 trying difficulties. From a recent perusal of his official 
 communications to the legislature, he appears to have been 
 governed by a high sense of duty, and by an enlightened 
 perception of what his duty was. Bowdoin was naturally a 
 man of feeble health. He had been chosen as delegate to 
 the first congress, but was unable to attend, and Hancock 
 was chosen in his place. Bowdoin had the reputation of 
 being a man of learning. He was the principal founder of 
 the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, and its first 
 president. Dr. Samuel Cooper, minister of Brattle Street 
 Church, was the first vice president. Lowdoin was an 
 honorary member of several literary and scientific societies. 
 1*
 
 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 The only writings of this gentleman, except his official 
 papers, while in the office of governor, may be found in the 
 first volume of the American Academy's publications. 
 
 Bowdoin's dignified and effective administration ought to 
 have secured to him the entire confidence and gratitude of 
 the people. This, as will be shown, was far otherwise, and 
 after two years' service, another was elected in his place. 
 He took no further part in public affairs. His private char- 
 acter was that of a strictly moral man; rather adapted to a 
 tranquil, than to an ardent and active life. He died in 
 the year 1790, at the age of sixty-three. He was buried 
 with military parade, conducted by the company of Inde- 
 pendent Cadets, which was renovated during his magis- 
 tracy, and is now in possession of a standard presented by 
 him. He had an only son (who left no child) and three 
 daughters. His place of abode was the Bowdoin House, 
 still remaining in Beacon Street. 
 
 LETTER III. 
 
 JAN. 24, 1833. 
 
 THE most accurate account of the insurrection in Massa- 
 chusetts, is Minot's. It is also treated of in Bradford's 
 respectable History of Massachusetts, second volume. All 
 the notice of this event, which the present purpose requires, 
 in showing the train of occurrences, may be comprised in a 
 short space. 
 
 The frequent popular meetings, and the prevention of the 
 sitting of the courts, having made it necessary to exert the 
 power of the government, Gen. Lincoln, as before mentioned, 
 was appointed to the command of a force, which he con- 
 ducted to Worcester, in January, 1787. The arrival of these 
 troops, at that place, enabled the court to hold its session 
 there, undisturbed. The insurgents concentrated their forces 
 in the neighbourhood of Springfield. Luke Day was at the 
 head of about 400, and Daniel Shays at the head of about 
 1100. The latter had been an officer in the continental 
 army. General William Shepherd, afterwards a member 
 of Congress, had the command of about 1100 of the militia of
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 7 
 
 the county of Hampshire. Shays was on the east side of 
 Springfield, and Day on the westerly side of it. Shep- 
 herd, supposing it to be Shays's object to possess himself of 
 the arsenal there, posted his troops for its defence. Lincoln 
 directed his march from Worcester to Springfield. Shays, 
 knowing of the approach of Lincoln, found it indispensable 
 to attempt the defeat of Shepherd before Lincoln could ar- 
 rive. Relying on the aid of Day, on the western side, 
 Shays approached Shepherd's position on the afternoon of 
 January the 25th. When they had come within a short dis- 
 tance, Shepherd sent messengers to them demanding to know 
 their purpose, and warning them of their danger. Shays 
 answered, that he meant to have possession of the bar- 
 racks. Shepherd replied to him, that he was posted there, 
 by order of the Government, and of Congress ; and that 
 if Shays came any nearer, he and his body of men would 
 be fired upon. He was answered, that was what was 
 wanted. The insurgents were within 250 yards of Shep- 
 herd's line ; and when they had advanced an hundred yards 
 further, Shepherd ordered two cannon to be fired, but, un- 
 willing to shed the blood of his deluded fellow-citizens, 
 caused the shot to be thrown over their heads. This 
 measure not having intimidated them, as he hoped it 
 would, his guns were then pointed to the centre of their 
 column and discharged. A cry of murder was heard in 
 the ranks of the insurgents, and they immediately fell into 
 such confusion and terror, that their leader's efforts to dis- 
 play his column, and lead on to battle, were all in vain. 
 His men immediately retreated to Ludlow, about ten miles 
 from the place of action, leaving three of their men dead 
 and one wounded. (Minot's Hist. Insur. 111.) 
 
 Shepherd remained at his post, in constant expectation 
 of a renewed attack from the united force of Shays and 
 Day ; and of Eli Parsons, who led about 400 men from 
 Berkshire. He had reason to believe that the advantage 
 of attacking him before the arrival of Lincoln's troops 
 would not be lost. But at noon on the 27th he had the 
 satisfaction of seeing the approach of Lincoln's troops, 
 consisting of four regiments, three companies of artillery, 
 a company of horse, and another company who were 
 volunteers. Hardly stopping to rest, General Lincoln led a 
 detachment across the frozen river, to attack Day ; while
 
 8 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 Shepherd moved up the river to prevent the junction of 
 Day and Shays. Day's party were put to flight and escaped 
 to Northampton. The party of Shays retreated to Am- 
 herst, destitute of all provision, except that obtained by 
 plunder. Lincoln followed in the same direction, but rind- 
 ing that Shays had gone from that place, and that his troops 
 could not be sheltered from the excessive cold nearer than 
 at Hadley, he marched thither. 
 
 While at this place, Lincoln was informed that Shays 
 had posted himself at Pelham hills, and he thought proper 
 to address a letter to him, and his officers (on the 30th of 
 Jan. 1787) of a firm, and dignified, but humane charac- 
 ter, informing them that if they laid down their arms, and 
 took the oath of allegiance to the Commonwealth, they 
 would be recommended to the General Court for mercy. On 
 the same day Shays replied, that he desired hostilities to 
 cease, until an answer could be received to a petition then 
 on its way to the General Court. To this communication 
 Lincoln replied on the 31st, " Your request is totally inad- 
 ' missible, as no powers are delegated to me, which would 
 ' justify a delay of my operations. Hostilities I have not 
 ' commenced. I have again to warn the people in arms 
 ' against the Government, immediately to disband, as they 
 ' would avoid the ill consequences which may ensue, should 
 ' they be inattentive to this caution." 
 
 The petition mentioned by Shays, and the intelligence 
 received from Lincoln, induced the legislature to declare 
 the existence of an open rebellion on the 4th day of Feb- 
 ruary, 1787. On the third of February the insurgents 
 were retreating towards Petersham. Of this fact, Lincoln 
 had notice at three o'clock on the same day ; but it was 
 not made certain till six o'clock. Notwithstanding the 
 severity of the weather, and the disadvantage of a night 
 march, he gave orders to his troops to be ready, with three 
 days' provision, at eight o'clock, at which time he departed 
 in pursuit. When they had arrived at New Salem, about 
 two o'clock in the morning, a violent wind from the north 
 arose, severely cold, and accompanied by a snow-storm, 
 which obstructed the path. There was no place for shelter, 
 or refreshment ; and as the intensity of the cold made it 
 hazardous to stop in the road, for any purpose, there was no 
 alternative but to pursue their disheartening march, which
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 9 
 
 could terminate no where but in the quarters of the enemy. 
 Thus, their march was prolonged to thirty miles, in the 
 night time, not a little resembling the retreat of the French 
 from Moscow. At nine next morning Lincoln's front was 
 at Petersham, his rear five miles distant. 
 
 This was the favorable moment for the insurgents. They 
 had passed the night in comfortable quarters, and were in 
 full vigor, and could easily be embodied, and conducted to 
 action, against an exhausted force, of which only the front 
 had presented itself. But Lincoln's flanks being defended 
 by the depth of snow, and there being no approach but in the 
 path in front, and having guarded this by placing his artillery 
 in front, he advanced with the certainty of success. 
 
 The first notice which the insurgents had of Lincoln's 
 presence, was from the entrance of the advanced guard 
 among them. The surprise was complete. Their minds 
 were directed to this wonderful achievement, and not to the 
 advantages which they might have had over those who had 
 performed it. Men who are conscious of being engaged in 
 punishable acts, must be assured of superior strength, or 
 driven to desperation, in contending against others who move 
 under the impulse of duty. Their courage abandoned them ; 
 they instantly fled, thinking only of personal safety. One 
 hundred and fifty were taken. The remainder escaped into 
 neighbouring states. 
 
 LETTER IV. 
 
 JAW. 27, 1833. 
 
 NOTWITHSTANDING the energetic measures of Bowdoin in 
 suppressing the rebellion, the attention of the people was 
 again turned to Hancock. He was always the popular ~? 
 favorite, and it was hoped, by those who sought relief from 
 the public burthens, that more was to be expected from 
 him than from Bowdoin. Many who had been, in princi- 
 ple, opposed to rebellious measures, and those who promo- 
 ted them, or were engaged in them, uniting in favor of 
 Hancock, constituted a majority of the electors. In these 
 early days it was suggested and believed, without any justi-
 
 10 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 fiable cause, that Bowdoin had English partialities ; because 
 an Englishman, who' bore a title, had become his son-in- 
 law. Hancock having been elected, continued Governor 
 / until his death, which occurred in October, 1793, at the 
 
 age of 50. 
 
 \"f Hancock will be considered in the history of our coun- 
 try, as one of the greatest men of his age. How true this 
 may be, distant generations are not likely to know. He 
 was the son of a clergyman in Braintree, and was educa- 
 ted at Harvard College, and inherited a very ample fortune, 
 from his childless uncle. Hancock left no child. He had 
 a son who died at an early age from an unfortunate acci- 
 dent. Hancock was sent as a delegate to Congress in 1774, 
 as before mentioned, and in consequence of. his personal 
 deportment, and his fame as a patriot, he was elevated, in 
 an assembly of eminent men, to the dignity of President, 
 which office he held when the Declaration of Independence 
 was signed, at which time he was only thirty nine years of 
 age. 
 
 (In June, 1782, Governor Hancock had the appearance of 
 advanced age, though only forty-five. He had been repeat- 
 edly and severely afflicted with the gout, a disease much 
 more common in those days than it now is,' while dyspepsia, 
 if it existed at all, was not known by that name.* As 
 recollected, at this time, Gov. Hancock was nearly six feet in 
 stature, and of thin person, stooping a little, and apparently 
 enfeebled by disease. His manners were very gracious, of 
 the old style of dignified complaisance. His face had been 
 very handsome. Dress was adapted quite as much to be 
 ornamental as useful. Gentlemen wore wigs when abroad, 
 and, commonly, caps, when at home. At this time, (June, 
 1782,) about noon, Hancock was dressed in a red velvet cap, 
 within which was one of fine linen. The latter was turned 
 up over the lower edge of the velvet one, two or three 
 inches. He wore a blue damask gown, lined with silk ; a 
 white stock, a white satin embroidered waistcoat, black 
 satin small-clothes, white *ilk stockings, and red morocco 
 slippers. It was a general practice in genteel families, to 
 
 / * It may be that the very general practice of drinking punch in the 
 forenoon, and evening, by all who could afford it, was the cause of the 
 common disease of gout.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 11 
 
 have a tankard of punch made in the morning, and placed 
 in a cooler when the season required it. Visiters were in- 
 vited to partake of it. At this visit, Hancock took from 
 the cooler, standing on the hearth, a full tankard, and 
 drank first himself, and then offered it to those present. 
 Hancock was hospitable. There might have been seen at 
 his table, all classes, from grave and dignified clergy, down 
 to the gifted in song, narration, anecdote and wit, with whom 
 " noiseless falls the foot of Time, that only treads on flowers." 
 There are more books, more reading, more thinking, and 
 more interchange of thoughts derived from books, and con- 
 versation, at present, than there were fifty years ago. It is 
 to be hoped that society is wiser, and happier, than it was, 
 from being better instructed. Some persons may be of 
 opinion, that if social intercourse is on a better footing 
 now, than formerly, it is less interesting, less cordial than 
 heretofore. It is not improbable that increase of numbers, 
 and of wealth, tend to make the members of society more 
 selfish ; and to stifle expansive and generous feelings. 
 Modes of life run into matters of show and ornament ; and 
 it becomes a serious occupation, to be able to compare con- 
 dition on advantageous terms. 
 
 Though Hancock was very wealthy, he was too much 
 occupied with public affairs to be advantageously attentive 
 to his own private ones. The times in which he lived, and the 
 distinguished agency which fell to his lot, from his sincere 
 and ardent devotion to the patriot cause, engendered a strong 
 self regard. He was said to be somewhat sensitive, and 
 easily offended, and very uneasy in -the absence of the high 
 consideration which he claimed, rather as a right, than a 
 courtesy. He had strong personal friends, and equally 
 strong personal enemies. From such causes arose some 
 irritating difficulties. He had not only a commanding de- 
 portment, which he could qualify with a most attractive 
 amenity, but a fine voice, and a highly graceful manner. 
 These were traits which distinguished him from most men, 
 and qualified him to preside, in popular assemblies, with 
 great dignity. 
 
 Hancock was not supposed to be a man of great intellect- 
 ual force by nature ; and his early engagements in political 
 life, and the scenes in which he was conversant, called for 
 the exercise of his powers only in the public service. He
 
 12 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 was so placed as not to have had occasion to display the 
 force of his mind, in that service, so as to enable those of 
 the present day to judge of it, excepting in his communica- 
 tions to the legislature. There is one exception. He de- 
 livered an oration on the massacre of March 5, 1770. 
 
 If history has any proper concern with the individual 
 qualities of Hancock, it may be doubtful whether, in these 
 respects, distant generations will know exactly what man- 
 ner of man he was. But as a public man, this country is 
 greatly indebted to him. He was most faithfully devoted 
 to the cause of his country, and it is a high eulogy on his 
 patriotism, that when the British government offered pardon 
 to all the rebels, for all their offences, Hancock and one 
 other (Samuel Adams) were the only persons to whom this 
 grace was denied. 
 
 LETTER V. 
 
 FEB. 1, 1833. 
 
 ONE who has been a careful observer of political events, 
 for a course of years, well knows, that it is in these, as it is 
 
 V\in private life, in this respect : sometimes seeming evil 
 ' results in good; and seeming good, earnestly desired, and 
 
 . labored for, turns to evil. This may be shown in the 
 N occurrences just mentioned. Hancock's resignation, Bow- 
 doin's election, his defeat at the third election (1787), and 
 Hancock's re-election, were respectively considered at the 
 time, by the best informed men, as public misfortunes. But 
 if Hancock had not resigned, the rebellion, probably, would 
 not have been suppressed. The war would have extended 
 to other states, and we might now have been in the like 
 condition with that of the Spanish provinces in South 
 America. If Hancock had not been elected in 1787, it is 
 
 f doubtful whether the federal constitution would have been 
 adopted in this state ; and if it had been rejected in Massa- 
 chusetts, such was the respect in which this state was then 
 held, it cannot be supposed that other states would have 
 done differently from this. If the union of the states had 
 not then been effected, it seems to have been admitted, that
 
 OF PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 13 
 
 there was no hope of agreeing on any other mode of accom- 
 plishing this object ; and none, that the old confederation 
 would long have held the states united. 
 
 When Hancock succeeded Bowdoin, all the causes of the 
 rebellion still continued. Taxes were exceedingly burthen- 
 some, and means for payment wholly inadequate. Com- 
 merce was conducted to great disadvantage, and mostly in 
 British vessels. The importations were of articles which 
 the sensible men of the day considered to be, in part unne- j 
 cessary, and in part worse than useless ; and not to be had 
 without draining the country of specie. But in the course 
 of this year the aspect of affairs changed in some degree ; 
 and inspired hopes that difficulties might be surmounted. 
 The fear of new commotions died away. The courts were 
 no more impeded. Nine of the insurgents were tried, and 
 condemned ; some of them escaped from prison, some were 
 pardoned ; one only was punished by commuting the pun- 
 ishment of death to that of imprisonment to hard labor. No 
 blood was shed by the civil authority. Public peace and 
 confidence in the government being restored, the natural x 
 energy of New England men was turned to objects of * 
 industry. About this time, with a view to aid domestic 
 manufactures, and to prevent importations, the state took an 
 interest in establishing a duck manufactory in Boston, and 
 a cotton manufactory in Beverly. For some reason, both 
 these efforts proved abortive. The manufacture of pot and 
 pearl ashes was much encouraged, and these became the 
 most important article of export. 
 
 In 1788, Governor Hancock was re-elected with somewhat 
 more of opposition than in the preceding election. When 
 the legislature assembled, he was too much indisposed toJ 
 make the customary speech. He sent a written message^\ 
 which is probably the first instance of a communication in 
 that form, at the opening of a session. 
 
 In this political year there are some things worth noticing. 
 Hancock made a persuasive appeal to the legislature to 
 provide by law for public schools, and for suitable instruc- : ' 
 tion. Notwithstanding the general poverty and distress, 
 laws were enacted, and carried into effect. Ability to 
 establish the means of education, indispensable to a healthy 
 state of society, and to the preservation of a republican 
 government are now abundant ; but in proportion to the 
 2
 
 14 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 increase of this ability, solicitude to apply it profitably seems 
 to have decreased. It is a just ground of complaint, that 
 the interests of education, so far as they are confided to the 
 care of the state, are not sufficiently regarded. 
 
 In 1788, Benjamin Lincoln, who commanded the troops 
 in the rebellion, was chosen lieutenant-governor. He had 
 acquired the highest respect and esteem, not only on that 
 occasion, but for his services in the revolutionary war. It 
 is not easy to assign the true cause for Hancock's treatment 
 of Lincoln. At that time, Castle William, now Fort Inde- 
 pendence, belonged to the state. The perquisites of the 
 command at this place, were equal to an annual salary of 
 one thousand dollars. The lieutenant-governor had always 
 been appointed to this command, and had received no other 
 compensation than these perquisites. Hancock did not 
 give the command to Lincoln, but exercised it himself, and 
 actually resided at the castle, whenever it suited his con- 
 venience. The reason for not appointing Lincoln was not 
 disclosed ; and there was no reason apparent to the public. 
 It can be accounted for only by knowing what opinions and 
 feelings Hancock could entertain, and how pertinaciously 
 he could adhere to them. The legislature interposed, and 
 requested to know why Lincoln was not appointed to the 
 command of the castle. Hancock evaded the inquiry, and 
 intimated, that he was himself the proper judge of the time, 
 when the appointment was to be made. The legislature 
 provided a salary and the appointment was not made. This 
 conduct materially affected Hancock's popularity, but not 
 to the extent of defeating his election, in the ensuing year. 
 Something may be inferred of the true character of Hancock 
 from this transaction ; for no man could be more deserving 
 of confidence and respect in public, and in private, than 
 Lincoln. Hancock's motives can only be conjectured. 
 
 In 1789, President Washington visited the eastern states. 
 He travelled in a post-chaise with four horses; he was 
 accompanied by Major Jackson, official secretary, and by 
 Tobias Lear, his private secretary ; and attended by his 
 famous man Billy, who makes a conspicuous figure in the 
 forged letters. A disagreement arose between the Governor 
 ^\ and the Town's Committee, to which of them belonged the 
 honor of receiving the President at the line of the town. 
 From this cause there was a long delay, during which the
 
 
 OP PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 15 
 
 President was exposed to a raw northeast wind, by which ^' 
 exposure he was visited by a severe cold. Many other 
 persons were exposed and affected in like manner, and the 
 affection became so general as to be called the Washington 
 influenza. He came in on horseback, dressed in his old ' 
 continental uniform, with his hat off. He did not bow to 
 the spectators , as he passed, but sat on his horse with a 
 calm, dignified air. He dismounted at the Old State 
 House, now City Hall, and came out on a temporary bal- 
 cony at the west end ; a long procession passed before him, 
 whose salutations he occasionally returned. A triumphal 
 arch was erected across the street at that place, and a choir 
 of singers were stationed there. When Washington came 
 within hearing, he was saluted by the clear, powerful voice 
 of Daniel Rea, who began the ode prepared for the occa- 
 sion : " The conquering Hero comes. 11 
 
 Hancock, with some feeling of state rights, had taken 
 the position that, as the representative of sovereignty in his 
 own dominion, he was to be visited Jirst, even by the 
 President ; who, on Hancock's own ground, is the repre- 
 sentative of sovereignty of all the states, wheresoever he may 
 be within their limits. The President was made to under- 
 stand that Hancock expected the first visit. This was not 
 deemed proper by the Ppesident. A negotiation ensued. 
 It ended in a refusal on the part of the President to see 
 Hancock, unless at his own place of abode, which was at 
 the house at the corner of Court and Tremont Streets. 
 The delay was afterwards imputed to Hancock's personal 
 debility. On the second or third day, Hancock went in his 
 coach, enveloped in red baize, to Washington's lodgings, 
 and was borne in the arms of servants into the house. 
 
 The President remained here about a week, and partook 
 of a public dinner, dined with the Governor, and attended 
 an oratorio in King's Chapel, on which occasion he was 
 dressed in black. On his departure for Portsmouth, he " 
 showed his regard for punctuality. He gave notice that he 
 should depart at eight o'clock in the morning. He left the 
 door at the moment. The escort not being ready, he went 
 without them ; they followed and overtook him on the way.
 
 16 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 LETTER VI. 
 
 FEB. 4, 1833. 
 
 IN 1774, on the suggestion of Massachusetts, a congress 
 of delegates assembled at Philadelphia. This assembly 
 conducted the affairs of the United States during the war 
 until the year 1781. It was commonly called " The Con- 
 gress." It was one body, and exercised legislative and 
 executive power ; and acted in the name of the states, in 
 the negotiations with all foreign powers. In 1781, the 
 several states adopted articles of confederation, intended to 
 vest such powers in The Congress as were then deemed 
 necessary ; but they amounted to no more than power to 
 recommend to the several states, the adoption of such 
 measures as the common defence and prosecution of the 
 war required.* 
 
 When the pressure of the war ceased, it was found that 
 the powers given by the articles of confederation made 
 Congress entirely dependent on the states. Congress could 
 demand of the states whatsoever was necessary for the per- 
 formance of its contracts made in the course of the revolu- 
 tion. But the states might comply or not ; and if they did 
 not, Congress had no power of coercion. If money was 
 wanted, Congress apportioned the sum among the states, 
 according to population and property. The states had then 
 to assess on their respective inhabitants the amount de- 
 manded. When the danger from the presence of the 
 enemy had ceased, the sates judged for themselves whether 
 they could, and would, comply with the demand. The 
 states began, also, to exercise acts of sovereignty among 
 themselves, and over such acts Congress had no control. 
 Congress could not regulate commerce between the states, 
 nor between them individually or collectively, and foreign 
 
 * It is not intended to do more than make a mere outline of his- 
 torical events. Those who desire accurate information are referred 
 to the first volume of the truly excellent work of Judge STORY, 
 entitled, " Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States." 
 All the works which relate to this interesting period are there re- 
 ferred to ; and his countrymen are indebted to him for an historical 
 compilation which leaves nothing to be desired.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 17 
 
 countries. It could not derive a revenue from importations. 
 In short it could recommend, and this was the extent of its 
 power. The disturbances, and consequent insurrection 
 and rebellion in Massachusetts alarmed all the states. 
 General Washington wrote to a friend, that if such was to 
 be the fruit of the revolution, it would have been far better 
 to have saved the lives and the money expended. 
 
 Several propositions were made to hold conventions to 
 consider the proper measures to be adopted. One was 
 held at Annapolis, in Maryland, in September, 1786, but 
 only five states were represented. These movements led to 
 the convention which began in Philadelphia in May, 1787, 
 at which all the states were represented, except Rhode 
 Island. From this convention came the present constitu- 
 tion, after a long and laborious discussion, in the course of 
 which the convention was frequently on the point of break- 
 ing up, hopeless of accomplishing any thing. This consti- ^ 
 tution was submitted to Congress, and by Congress to the A 
 states, with a recommendation that delegates from the people 
 should meet and consider it. Hancock submitted this con- 
 stitution to the legislature of Massachusetts in November, 
 1787, and a convention assembled in Boston on the 9th of 
 January following, consisting of three hundred and fifty-five 
 members. 
 
 The ablest men in the state were of this assembly. They 
 commenced their session in the Old State House, and soon 
 adjourned to a meeting-house, where the Rev. Dr. Chan- 
 ning's meeting-house now stands, whence that street has its 
 name. John Hancock was chosen president ; William 
 Gushing, then chief justice, vice president ; George Rich- 
 ards Minot, author of the History of the Insurrection, and of 
 a Continuation of the History of Massachusetts, was secre- 
 tary. An intense interest was taken in the proceedings of 
 this respectable assembly. It was believed that, if the consti- 
 tution was rejected by them, there could be no hope of hav- 
 ing it adopted by the requisite number of states. There is no 
 doubt that, if the question had been taken without discus- 
 sion, there would have been a large majority against the 
 adoption. Each member would have voted on his own 
 objections, and there were some objections in almost every 
 mind. The constitution had been thoroughly discussed, in 
 the most able manner, in newspapers in different parts of the 
 2*
 
 18 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 states, before the convention met. These commentaries 
 had been generally read. At the head of all of them are 
 the numbers entitled " The Federalist," which were the joint 
 work of Jay, Hamilton, and Madison, but principally of 
 Hamilton. This work is held to be a high authority at the 
 present day, as explanatory of the constitution. The theory 
 and practice of mankind in government, from the earliest 
 ages, were open to discussion as illustrative of the serious 
 measure proposed to the American people ; and it could not 
 be otherwise than that the ablest men in the country should 
 have been enlisted on the one side and the other. No one 
 who did not live at that time, with capacity to comprehend 
 the operation of hopes, fears, jealousies, doubts, and per- 
 plexities, can conceive of the sober and absorbing interest 
 which was then experienced in this community. This 
 interest was more deeply felt in Massachusetts than in any 
 other state, in consequence of the recent rebellion ; and 
 from this cause the zeal, both of advocates and opponents, 
 may have been the more ardent. There are few, if any, men 
 now living who were members of this convention. Some 
 of them held eminent stations in public life in after times. 
 There are not many now living who knew them personally, 
 and of these perhaps there is no one who will take the 
 labor of describing them, unless it be done in these letters. 
 All the men who took any active part in this assembly, and 
 who were sufficiently prominent to be objects of curiosity, 
 will be described according to the impressions which mem- 
 ory retains. 
 
 LETTER VII. 
 
 FEB. 8, 1833. 
 
 THE course of discussion was to take up paragraphs of 
 the constitution, in their order, and for each member, who 
 saw fit, to express his opinion. The final and only ques- 
 tion was, on the acceptance or rejection of the instrument, 
 in whole. Elbridge Gerry, who had been a member of the 
 convention, and afterwards Vice President of the United 
 States, as well as Governor of Massachusetts, was invited to
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 19 
 
 take a seat in the convention, that he might be called on 
 for explanations. He was so called on twice ; and, on de- 
 bate, it was settled, that his answers should be given in 
 writing. This gentleman was opposed to the constitution, v 
 and so declared himself to be, in a letter addressed to Gov- 
 ernor Hancock before he came home. Mr. Gerry was a 
 man of middling stature, and thin person, of courteous man- 
 ners, and gentlemanly appearance. He took an active and 
 zealous part in the revolution. His public transactions are 
 recorded in different forms, and to these reference is made 
 to satisfy curiosity, as to his ability and his usefulness in 
 public services. 
 
 The first important debate that occurred in the conven- ^ 
 tion, was on the election of representatives for two years. 
 Fisher Ames distinguished himself in this debate. He 
 was then about thirty years of age, and had been known as 
 a writer on the politics of the day. His speech, on this 
 occasion, placed him in an eminent rank as a statesman, 
 and orator, which he made still higher and higher as long 
 as his public life continued. No man has appeared in this 
 country, who took a deeper interest in its prosperity and 
 honor ; and it is not an easy matter to point out his superior 
 in comprehensive and just views, or in ability to display ^ 
 them, whether in speech, or writing. It is said that the \ 
 eloquence of the tongue, and the pen, do not often occur in / 
 the same man ; he was alike eminent in both. 
 
 The constitution having been adopted by nine states in 
 the course of the year 1788, the first elections under it oc- 
 curred in the autumn of that year. Mr. Ames was sent to 
 Congress, and remained a member during the whole of 
 Washington's administration. He made many elaborate 
 and able speeches. There is a test of congressional excel- 
 lence, in the general sentiment which the public acquire, 
 not from the hearing, or reading, of speeches by each one 
 who pretends to an opinion, but by a community of senti- 
 ment, of which friends and foes admit the correctness. 
 Thus, there are thousands who know that Mr. Ames was "\ 
 an eloquent statesman, who never heard his voice, nor read 
 a word of his utterance. The two speeches which may be 
 considered to have precedence of all others which he made, 
 were that on Mr. Madison's resolutions, and that on grant- 
 ing appropriations under Jay's treaty. The former was
 
 20 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 delivered on the 27th January, 1794, the latter on the 28th 
 April, 179C. The first of these speeches was in answer to 
 a course of policy, (proposed for the first time at the sug- 
 gestion of Mr. Jefferson in an official report,) which was 
 afterwards fully developed, and carried into effect, during 
 the administrations of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison. 
 "-jThe second speech was, probably, the greatest effort of his 
 political life. He was then in a state of health which 
 seemed to forbid any effort. He is represented to have 
 4jiven up all hope of being able to speak. His manly form, 
 wjnfeebled by disease, was hardly capable of supporting him 
 | in the action of his unimpaired mind, and, no doubt, this 
 I circumstance tended to excite a highly increased interest, 
 j No one who heard him could suppose it possible that he 
 (should ever be heard again in any legislative assembly. 
 : His friend and biographer, the Rev. Dr. Kirkland, in his 
 beautiful sketch of Ames, says of this speech, " When he 
 " had finished, a member in opposition moved to postpone 
 " the decision on the question, that they might not vote 
 " under the influence of a sensibility, which their calm 
 " judgment might condemn." Mr. Ames so far recovered 
 as to attend the next session of Congress. He lived till the 
 \ 4th of July, 1808, and died at the age of 50. Dr. Kirk- 
 ( land's volume contains his speeches and his writings, most 
 of which are essays on the political affairs of this country, 
 and Europe ; and also " Hints and Conjectures concerning 
 "the Institutions of Lycurgus, " "American Litera- 
 " ture, " " Review of a Pamphlet entittled, Present State 
 " of the British Constitution, historically illustrated, " 
 " Sketch of the Character of Alexander Hamilton." 
 
 Though Mr. Ames's professional brethren held him in 
 the highest respect, they concurred with his biographer, 
 that he was more adapted to the senate than the bar. 
 " It was easy and delightful to him to illustrate by a pic- 
 " ture, but painful and laborious to prove by a diagram." Mr. 
 
 /Ames was a man of purest morals ; of most amiable dis- 
 position ; and most sincerely beloved by his friends, among 
 whom were some of the most eminent men of that day. 
 He was above middle stature, and well formed. His features 
 were not strongly marked. His forehead was neither high 
 nor expansive. His eyes blue and of middling size ; his 
 mouth handsome; his hair was black, and short on the
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 21 
 
 forehead, and, in his latter years, unpowdered. He was very 
 erect, and when speaking he raised his head, or rather his 
 chin was the most projected part of his face. He had a 
 complacent expression when he was speaking, and if he 
 meant to be severe, it was seen in good-natured sarcasm, 
 rather than in ill-natured words. It was said that the 
 beautiful productions of his pen were the first flow of his 
 mind, and hardly corrected for the press. Mr. Ames's life \ 
 is supposed to have been shortened by his excessive anxiety 
 about his country. Many of his predictions have beenT 
 realized, and some of them in his lifetime. His air, man- ' 
 ner, and countenance, were those of an honest and sincere 
 man ; the condition of the country furnishes abundant proof 
 that he was, politically, a wise man ; all his mournful 
 prophesies may be in the course of fulfilment. 
 
 Rufus King was a member of this convention, from y 
 Newburyport. He had been in the first Congress. At this , - 
 time 1 he was thirty-three years of age. He was an uncom- ./ 
 monly handsome man, in face and form ; he had a powerful 
 mind, well cultivated ; and was a dignified and graceful 
 speaker. He had the appearance of one who was a gen- 
 tleman by nature, and who had well improved all her gifts. 
 It is a rare occurrence to see a finer assemblage of personal 
 and intellectual qualities, cultivated to the best effect, than 
 were seen in this gentleman. He expected to have been 
 chosen to the Senate of the United States after the adoption 
 of the constitution ; but this not having happened, he went 
 in the following year to reside in New York. He was there 
 elected to the Senate of the United States in 1794 ; and 
 was sent by Washington minister to London in 1796, and re- 
 mained there till 1803. He was twice afterwards elected 
 to the Senate; and when he was far advanced in life, he 
 was again sent to London ; but his health was so much 
 impaired, that he came home in about a year, and died at 
 the age of seventy-three. Mr. King's manner in the Senate 
 was highly dignified, and in private life that of a polished 
 gentleman. His speeches, in manner, and weight, gave him 
 an exalted rank. Among his superior advantages was an 
 accurate knowledge of dates, and facts, of most essential 
 service in the Senate. His two finest speeches are said to 
 have been on the burning of Washington by the British ; 
 and on the exclusion of Mr. Gallatin from the Senate, for
 
 ' 
 
 22 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 the reason, that he had not been a citizen long enough to 
 be entitled to a seat there. Mr. King was a public man 
 throughout his long life, with few and short intervals ; but, 
 like all other men, in our country, whose pride or pleasure 
 depends on office, he was subjected to some disappoint- 
 ments. Yet he may be considered as one of the most suc- 
 cessful of the eminent men whose relations to the public 
 endured so long. The private life of Mr. King is said to 
 have been highly respectable ; biographical sketches of him 
 mention, that he was a professor of Christianity. 
 
 Among other members of this convention, were Samuel 
 Adams, Charles Jarvis, Christopher Gore, Benjamin Lin- 
 coln, Theophilus Parsons, George Cabot, Francis Dana, 
 John Brooks, Caleb Strong, John Coffin Jones, Theodore 
 Sedgwick. There may be occasion to mention these again, 
 except Charles Jarvis, of whom it may be observed, that he 
 was a zealous advocate for the constitution, though after- 
 wards a decided opponent to the administration of it. This 
 gentleman was a physician ; he was a tall fine figure, bald 
 head, rather large face, and small eyes. His motions were 
 vehement, and he was of ardent character. He had a fine 
 voice, and a natural popular eloquence, rarely surpassed. 
 He was accustomed to pause in his eloquence, when he had 
 said something which he thought impressive, and to look 
 round upon his audience for the effect. This was a haz- 
 ardous experiment, but he never seemed to fail in it. 
 
 LETTER VIII. 
 
 FEB. 13, 1833. 
 
 (THE history of the world records no case of more intense 
 interest, than that which pervaded the United States, in 
 the year 1788. Thirteen independent sovereignties, seriously 
 i alarmed for their preservation against each other, more 
 alarmed with the apprehension that they might give up the 
 liberty, which they had gained with the utmost exertion of 
 mind and body from foreign tyranny, to one of their own 
 creation within their own limits, called into the deliberative 
 assemblies of the time, all the able men of the country.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 23 
 
 Some union of the states was admitted by all, to be indis- 
 pensable ; but in what manner it should be effected, what 
 powers should be given, and what powers reserved; how 
 these should be modified, checked, and balanced, were points 
 on which honest men might zealously contend. Here was 
 a case, in which a whole people, unawed by any foreign 
 power, in peace with all the world, sorely experienced in 
 what may be the exercise of civil authority ; dependent on 
 no will but their own ; convinced of the necessity of forming 
 some government ; were called on to settle, by peaceful 
 agreement among themselves, the must important questions 
 which can be presented to the human mind. 
 
 The first, and most comprehensive point of division, was 
 found in the extent of power to be granted to the national 
 government. Some men were disposed to guard state rights, 
 and, at all events, to avoid the establishment of powers which 
 might gradually absorb them, and result in a consolidation, 
 through the dominion of an aristocracy, or despotism. Others 
 foresaw the necessity of vesting powers adequate to the pre- 
 servation of peace among the states, to enabling all of them 
 to act as one, in relation to all foreign governments, and to 
 secure a coercive power, for all national purposes, over the 
 citizens of the several states. How, then, were these pow- 
 ers, so liable to abuse, to be defined and regulated to the 
 satisfaction of all parties ? 
 
 There may have been some men, who desired to be free 
 from all national government, and who preferred to rely on 
 the strength of their own state governments. This number, 
 probably, was not great. It is believed that a large majority 
 of the thinking men were decided, that there must be some 
 confederation of the states. The discussion, in convention 
 and in the public papers on the powers to be given, and 
 those to be reserved, became more and more zealous, and 
 divided the country into two great parties, who took the 
 name of Federalists, and Anti-federalists. This may be 
 called the second division into parties ; the preceding one, 
 during the war, having been that of whigs and tories, 
 borrowed from English politics, as far back as the reign 
 of the Charleses. 
 
 It is to be remembered, that the popular conventions, 
 assembled in the states, were not to settle what the powers 
 of the national government were to be, but whether the
 
 24 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 powers defined, in the proposed constitution, should be those 
 to be exercised ; and, consequently, whether the constitution 
 was to be accepted, or rejected. This question necessarily 
 led to the most searching discussion of these powers, accord- 
 ing to the views which the federalists, and anti-federalists, 
 entertained. Those who desire to be accurately informed 
 as to the ground of difference, will find an able summary in 
 Judge Story's first volume of Commentaries, Book III. 
 ch. II. in which this .learned and indefatigable student has 
 referred to all the authentic sources of information. 
 We are now looking back to those eventful days, after an 
 i / experience of more than forty years. It is humiliating to 
 ^>nnd, how groundless were some of the fears of the honest 
 f and able, and how unperceived were some of the perils, and 
 Nthe most dangerous ones too, which time has disclosed. The 
 objection least insisted upon was the abuse of executive 
 power ; that most insisted upon was the abuse of legislative 
 power. The danger is now known to be from the former 
 source, and that if there be any preventive power, it is to be 
 found in the latter. In the sketch of debates in the Massa- 
 chusetts convention, there is no notice of objections to the 
 executive power ; the discussion appears to have been warm 
 and zealous on that of the legislature. There has been 
 unwise and improvident legislation in abundance, but none 
 hitherto that has endangered the liberties of the country 
 which did not arise from executive suggestion. In what 
 danger these liberties are, under the combined dominion of 
 " the people's " president, and an association of artful, 
 selfish, and unprincipled men, and a subservient congress, is 
 a very serious inquiry. This is precisely the case which Mr. 
 Ames so eloquently discussed in his political writings. 
 
 How truly Mr. Ames foresaw a coming state of this coun- 
 try, may be seen from an essay of his entitled " No Revolu- 
 tionist," published in 1801. " The deceivers of the people 
 " tire out their adversaries ; they try again and again ; and an 
 " attempt that is never abandoned, at last, will not fail. We 
 ' have an enlightened people, who are not poor, and who 
 ' are, therefore, interested to keep jacobinism down, which 
 ' ever seeks plunder as the end, and confusion as the 
 ' means. Yet, the best informed of this mighty people are 
 ' lazy ; or ambitious and go over to the cause of confusion ; 
 ' or are artfully rendered unpopular, because they will not
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 25 
 
 'go over. The sense, the virtue, and the property of the 
 ' country, therefore, will not govern it ; but every day 
 ' shows that its vice, and poverty, and ambition, will. We 
 ' have thought that virtue, with so many bright rewards, 
 1 had some solid power ; and that with ten thousand charms, 
 ' she could always command an hundred thousand votes. 
 ' Alas ! these illusions are as thin as the gloss on other 
 ' bubbles. Politicians have supposed that man really is 
 ' what he should be ; that his reason would do all it can, 
 ' and his passions, and prejudices, no more than they ought ; 
 ' whereas, his reason is a mere looker-on ; it is moderation, 
 * when it should be zeal ; is often corrupted to vindicate, 
 ' where it should condemn ; and is a coward, or a trimmer, 
 ' that will take hush-money." 
 
 To return to the convention ; it has been observed, that ? 
 the adoption of the constitution in Massachusetts may have X 
 depended on Governor Hancock. He had been absent some 
 days from illness. On the 31st of January (1788) he re- 
 sumed his place, and after remarking on the difference of 
 opinion which prevailed in the convention, as he had seen 
 from the papers, he had to propose that the constitution 
 should be adopted ; but that the adoption should be accom- 
 panied by certain amendments, to be submitted to Congress, 
 and to the states. He expressed his belief, that it would be 
 safe to adopt the constitution, under the expectation, that 
 the amendments would be ratified. The discussion appears 
 then, to have turned on the probability of obtaining such 
 ratification. It cannot be assumed, for certainty, that this 
 measure of Hancock's secured the adoption ; but it is highly 
 probable. The convention may have been influenced by 
 another circumstance. About this time a great meeting of 
 mechanics was held at the Green Dragon tavern, situated in 
 what is now part of Union Street, and westerly of the 
 Baptist meeting-house. The tavern and the street were 
 thronged. At this meeting resolutions were passed, with 
 unanimity, and acclamation, in favor of the adoption. But 
 notwithstanding Hancock's conciliatory proposal, and this \ 
 expression of public feeling, the constitution was adopted by 
 the small majority of nineteen out of three hundred and fifty- 
 five votes. 
 
 The adoption was celebrated in Boston by a memorable 
 procession, in which the various orders of mechanics dis- 
 3
 
 26 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 played appropriate banners. It was hailed with joy through- 
 out the states. General Washington is well known to have 
 expressed his heartfelt satisfaction, that the important state 
 of Massachusetts had acceded to the union. There is much 
 secret history as to the efforts made to procure the rejection, 
 on the one side, and the adoption on the other. It would 
 take more time than the subject is worth, to detail the ru- 
 mors of the day, in this respect. 
 
 The proposed amendments were taken into consideration 
 at the first Congress, under the new constitution, and digested 
 into twelve articles. These were submitted to the several 
 states, and ten of them adopted, and now form part of the 
 constitution. They were in the nature of a bill of rights, 
 and of the same import with like provisions in the state 
 constitution of Massachusetts. The ninth and tenth arti- 
 cles, on the construction of powers, are frequently quoted 
 in Congress, and in courts. 
 
 The greatest anxiety followed the adoption, on account 
 of the uncertainty whether a sufficient number of states, 
 (several of them not having then called conventions,) would 
 accept the constitution. The required number (nine) did 
 so, within the next six months, and the elections were made 
 in the autumn, and following winter. 
 
 The first Congress met at New York in the month of 
 x v> April, 1789. Washington had been unanimously chosen 
 - President, and assumed his office on the 30th of April. 
 John Adams was chosen Vice President. The proceedings 
 of Congress, at the earliest sessions, are highly important. 
 They comprise the construction of the powers given by 
 the constitution to that body. This subject will be here- 
 after mentioned in connexion with the parties, who gave 
 a character to the times, under the political distinctions 
 before mentioned. 
 
 This minute account of the origin of parties has been 
 given to show, that the party-name, Federalist, was that of 
 the citizens who were in favor of adopting the proposed 
 confederation, or constitution ; that is, they were earnestly 
 desirous of entering into this new union. It will here- 
 after be seen, that Mr. Jefferson devoted much of his public 
 and private life to prove that they were dis-unionists and 
 monarchists ; factious and traitorous.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 27 
 
 LETTER IX. 
 
 FEB. 20, 1833. 
 
 GOVERNOR HANCOCK continued in office till October, 
 1793, and then died at the age of fifty-six, of gout and 
 exhaustion. In the latter years of his life, he was severely 
 afflicted with the gout, and hardly competent to perform the 
 duties of his place, even so far as these can be performed in 
 one's house. Still he retained a strong hold on the popular 
 good will. His funeral was conducted with great ceremony. 
 The militia of the town and surrounding country were 
 called into service. The judges of the Supreme Judicial \ 
 Court had, up to this time, worn robes of scarlet, faced \ 
 with black velvet, in winter, and black silk gowns in sum- ^ 
 mer. On this occasion they appeared in the latter, but, 
 for some reason, they wore neither robes nor gowns after- 
 wards. 
 
 Hancock had some faithful friends and advisers in whom 
 he reposed entire confidence. Among them was his clergy- 
 man, Dr. Samuel Cooper, though this person died during 
 the early years of Hancock's magistracy, (in December, 
 1783,) at the age of fifty-nine. Dr. Cooper was one of the ^ 
 great men in revolutionary days. He was learned and 
 eloquent, and one of the most finished gentlemen of that 
 age, and one of the ablest divines of any age. He was 
 singularly neat in his dress. He wore a white bushy wig, 
 a cocked hat, and gold-headed cane. He was tall, well 
 formed, and had an uncommonly handsome, intelligent, and 
 amiable face. One could not fail to remember him well 
 who had ever seen him. He was as much of a politician 
 as a divine, and a powerful writer on the patriot side ; 
 but there are no writings of his preserved, except sermons, 
 and newspaper essays, which cannot now be dsstinguished . 
 as his. He is supposed to have sacrificed his life to the 
 inordinate use of Scotch snuff. His brain was first seri- < 
 ously affected, and his mind was much impaired before 
 his physical powers failed. He told a friend who visited 
 him a short time before the close of his life, " when you 
 " come again, bring with you a cord ; fasten ends of it in 
 " each corner of the room ; let the cords cross in my head
 
 28 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " to keep it steady." There are representations of the 
 personal appearance of Dr. Cooper, having inscribed on 
 them this notice of his eloquence, melle dulcior fluebat 
 oratio. The most distinguished men of that time were his 
 parishioners, and among others, Governors Bowdoin and 
 Hancock. 
 
 It may not be uninteresting to sketch the condition and 
 usages of society about the time of the adoption of the con- 
 
 ; stitution, according to the impression now retained of them. 
 ^ There were families who were affluent and social. They 
 
 J interchanged dinners and suppers. The evening amusement 
 was usually games at cards. Tables were loaded with pro- 
 visions. Those of domestic origin were at less than half 
 /the cost of the present time. The busy part of society dined 
 then, as now, at one, others at two o'clock ; three o'clock was 
 the latest hour for the most formal occasions. There were no 
 
 / theatrical entertainments ; there was a positive legal prohibi- 
 ^ ' tion. There were concerts. About the year 1760, Concert 
 Hall was built by a gentleman named Deblois, for the pur- 
 pose of giving concerts ; and private gentlemen played and 
 sang for the amusement of the company. There were sub- 
 scription assemblies for dancing, at the same place, and it 
 required a unanimous assent to gain admission. Dress was 
 much attended to by both sexes. Coats of every variety 
 of color were worn, not excepting red ; sometimes the cape 
 and collar were of velvet, and of a different color from the 
 coat. Minuets were danced, and centre dances. Cotillions 
 were of later date. They were introduced by the French, 
 who were refugees from the West India Islands. A very 
 important personage, in the fashionable world, was Mrs. 
 / Haley, sister of the celebrated John Wilkes. She came 
 over in the year 1785, and purchased the house in which 
 the late Gardiner Greene lived, at the head of Court Street. 
 She was then advanced in life, of singular personal appear- 
 ance, but a lady of amiable deportment. She afterwards 
 married a gentleman who was the uncle of a celebrated 
 Scotch reviewer ; but after some years returned to England. 
 Her house was a place of fashionable resort. Marriages and 
 funerals were occurrences of much more ceremony than at 
 the present day. The bride was visited daily for four suc- 
 cessive weeks. Public notice was given of funerals, and 
 private invitations also. Attendance was expected; and
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 29 
 
 there was a long train of followers, and all the carriages and 
 chaises that could be had. The number of the former in 
 town was not more than ten or twelve. There were HO 
 public carriages earlier than the beginning of 1789 ; and 
 very few for some years afterwards. Young men, at their 
 entertainments, sat long and drank deep, compared to the 
 present custom. Their meetings were enlivened with anec- 
 dote and song. 
 
 Among the remarkable visiters of this country was Brissot 
 de Warville, in 1788, afterwards chief of a faction in the 
 French Revolution called the Girondists. He was executed 
 in Robespierre's time, at the age of thirty-eight. He came 
 over to learn how to be a republican. He was a handsome, 
 brisk little Frenchman, and was very well received here. 
 He wrote a book on this country. He was much delighted \ 
 with the Quakers, and is said to have respected their sim- J 
 plicity of dress, and to have introduced, in his own country, 
 the fashion of wearing the hair without powder. 
 
 The means of education have greatly improved. There 
 were two Latin Schools. One in School Street, and one at 
 the north part of the town. The only academies recollected 
 were one at Exeter (New Hampshire) and one at Andover, 
 and one near Newburyport, called Dummer Academy. 
 The latter was the seminary at which some eminent men 
 were instructed ; among others, Parsons, and Sewall, Chief 
 Justices in Massachusetts ; Willard, President of Harvard 
 College ; S. Phillips, Lieutenant Governor ; Rufus King ; 
 Commodore Preble. It was a common practice for cler- 
 gymen to receive boys into families to prepare them for 
 college. The means of educating females were far infe- 
 rior to those of the present time. The best were " board- 
 ing-schools," and there were but two or three of these. 
 The accomplishments acquired were inferior to those which 
 are common among hundreds of young females of the 
 present time. The sum of acquirements now, in the pro- 
 cess of education, greatly surpasses that of forty years ago 
 in both sexes. The moral condition of society, among the 
 well informed, (so far as is seen on the surface,) is greatly 
 improved. There is more occupation of various sorts. So- 
 ciety, collectively, is undoubtedly better. Whether its 
 members, in all things then and now, innocent, are hap- 
 pier or not, one cannot judge from youthful impressions. 
 3*
 
 30 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 In one respect there is a change of immeasurable value ; 
 that is, in the intercourse of parents and children. It is 
 very possible that there are some who prefer the strict 
 discipline of former days; and who believe that as much 
 of substantial benefit has been lost as gained, in the changes 
 which have occurred. If this be so, it arises from the 
 quality of education, and not because there is more of it. 
 
 LETTER X. 
 
 FEB. 22, 1833. 
 
 THE first occurrences under the new national govern- 
 ment, are known from the most authentic sources, and 
 eminently so from the fifth volume of Marshall's Life of 
 Washington. 
 
 The government, though one of deliberate consent, en- 
 countered, from the first moment of its being, a powerful 
 opposition. This gradually strengthened, and at the end of 
 twelve years, acquired an ascendency, and converted the 
 founders of the government into an opposition. It will ap- 
 pear, in distant times, to those who study the records of 
 times recently passed, that when the government has been 
 administered well, the principles developed by those who 
 were its founders have been adhered to. How long the 
 fabric on which the liberties of this nation depend, can 
 endure the shocks which it must inevitably encounter, is 
 beyond the power of conjecture. It may continue through 
 many generations, or expire before another is gone. Its form 
 and name may continue, though the true purposes for 
 which it was instituted, may have been entirely perverted. 
 /There is an unceasing peril in the intrinsic difficulty of 
 preserving the exact line between state and national author- 
 ity. The same population, in each of the states respect- 
 ively, being subjected to the two governments (national 
 and state) may honestly divide in opinion as to rights and 
 duties under each. This has been one of the causes of 
 dissension, sometimes operating in one part of the Union, 
 and sometimes in another. The end of the Union must 
 come from this cause, or from the extinction of state
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 31 
 
 governments, by the establishment of tyranny in the federal 
 head. Such results were foreseen at the commencement, 
 and faithfully considered in the FEDERALIST. 
 
 At the beginning of this government, there were causes 
 of party bitterness, which have long since disappeared. 
 Besides the jealousy as to state rights, and the necessity i^ 
 of effective national administration, there were the embar- 
 rassments arising out of the measures which Congress, and 
 the states, respectively adopted, during the war ; the claims 
 on the government ; and the delicate and difficult initiation 
 of the exercise of its powers. There existed, also, a vindic- 
 tive and, perhaps, justifiable feeling against Great Britain, j 
 and a natural partiality for France, whether justifiable or 
 not. The destruction of the French monarchy soon follow- 
 ed ; and the seeming of republican freedom began in that 
 country. War ensued between England and France. 
 French politics, enthusiasm, and power, sought dominion "N 
 in this country. The Americans who opposed this, were j 
 considered as devoted to England. Thus the war of 
 Europe actually raged in this country to the full extent, 
 excepting that no blood flowed. Then came the whiskey 
 insurrection of Pennsylvania. Amidst all these difficulties, 
 the national government would probably have perished in its . 
 infancy, if it had not been for the wisdom and firmness of j 
 Washington. 
 
 The respect, confidence, and affection universally enter- \\ 
 tained for this eminent man, were fully manifested in his 1 
 journey from Mount Vernon to New York to assume his 1^ 
 office. He arrived in April, 1789, wearing, it is said, a suit ] 
 of domestic manufacture. The members of Congress whom 
 he met there, were, in part, distinguished men, who had 
 assisted in framing the constitution, and who had taken a 
 conspicuous rank in the conventions in which it was dis- 
 cussed. The Vice President, Mr. Adams, who had been in 
 Europe during most of the war, and who had recently re- 
 turned, had taken his place at the head of the senate. There 
 were in both branches some members who had been oppos- 
 ed to the constitution. Among the federal members, who 
 may be hereafter described, were Caleb Strong, George 
 Cabot, Robert Morris, Theodore Sedgwick, James Madi- 
 son, Egbert Benson, William Smith, Elias Boudinot. Mr. 
 Ames has already been mentioned as being of this Congress.
 
 32 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 It is said that the executive officers began their official life, 
 with more parade and ostentation than was thought becom- 
 ing ; and that Mr. Adams walked the streets with his hat 
 'under his arm, wearing a sword. Possibly this may have 
 been so, because it was said, and believed in Richmond, in 
 1796, that Mr. Adams was always preceded by four men 
 bearing drawn swords; which is no very extraordinary 
 amplification, if there were any thing to rest upon. Wash- 
 ington's forms and ceremonies were complained of as 
 - amounting to royal customs. What these forms and cere- 
 Xmonies were, will be hereafter shown ; and why adopted, 
 ( may be found in Marshall's 5th vol. p. 163, where a letter 
 of Washington to Dr. Stuart, is quoted, stating the reasons ; 
 what Mr. Jefferson says (in one of his posthumous volumes) 
 to the contrary, notwithstanding. 
 
 Congress continued in session till the 29th of September, 
 (1789) employed in framing the laws necessary to the organ- 
 ization of the government. In this space of time, the con- 
 struction of the powers intended to be given, was very ably 
 discussed. The number of senators did not then exceed 
 eighteen. The number of representatives attending was 
 about eighty. Soon after the adjournment, Washington 
 made his eastern tour. He did not then visit Rhode 
 ' - Island, but did this in the following autumn. 
 
 Among the subjects strenuously debated at this Congress, 
 was the President's power of appointment, and removal of 
 the officers of his cabinet. The appointment was consti- 
 tutionally subject to the assent of the senate. The removal 
 was then settled to be, in the power of the President alone. 
 The history of the country shows, in what manner this 
 power may be used ; and some who were then opposed to 
 leaving it to the President alone, would have seen their 
 predictions realized, if they had continued to the present 
 day. It is perceived now, that the framers of the constitu- 
 tion erred in not restricting executive power ; and that the 
 /first legislators erred in like manner. Though they could 
 f not have expected a succession of Washingtons, they are 
 \lexcusable for not dreaming of Jeffersons and Jacksons. 
 another point much discussed was, whether the secre- 
 taries of the executive should make reports to Congress. 
 The duties and difficulties of the treasury department may 
 be discerned in Mr. Ames's remarks in support of the propo-
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 33 
 
 sition : " Among other things," he said, " the situation of 
 ' our finances, owing to a variety of causes, presents to the 
 ' imagination a deep, dark, and dreary chaos, impossible to 
 ' be reduced to order, unless the mind of the architect be 
 ' clear and capacious, and his power commensurate to the 
 ' object. It is with the intention of letting a little sunshine 
 ' into the business, that the present arrangement is pro- 
 ' posed." 
 
 The tonnage duty was one of the subjects, at this time, 
 considered. Even then, the spirit that never tired, nor 
 yielded, in. favor of France, till the conclusion of the war 
 in 1815, was clearly apparent. It has been before remark- 
 ed, that it was a natural political feeling. It may have been 
 honestly entertained. Whether it was honestly applied, at 
 all times to American affairs, is a matter which must be 
 left to the consideration of those who will examine with an 
 impartiality, not to be expected from men who united in it, 
 or lamented it. 
 
 LETTER XI. 
 
 MARCH 1, 1833. 
 
 BEFORE the President commenced his tour in the east, he 
 selected his cabinet. Mr. Jefferson was then on his voyage 
 from France, in which country he had been minister some 
 years. His return was intended to be temporary. On his v 
 arrival he found an invitation to assume the office of Secretary f 
 of State, with an intimation, that he was to retain his diplo- 
 matic character, and return to France, if he did not accept. 
 He is said to have preferred the latter, but did for some 
 reason forego this preference, and assumed the duties of 
 Secretary on the 22d of March, 1790. Alexander Hamilton \ 
 was appointed Secretary of the Treasury the preceding Sep- 
 tember. This office is supposed to have been offered first 
 to Robert Morris, who declined it, and who recommended 
 Hamilton. In the same month General Henry Knox was 
 appointed Secretary at War; and Edmund Randolph, At- 
 torney General. The office of Secretary of the Navy did not \ 
 exist till Mr. Adams's presidency, and was first filled by \
 
 34 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 George Cabot, in the month of May, 1798. In the lately 
 published biography of John Jay, it is said, that this gentle- 
 / man was invited to select an office for himself, and that he 
 V chose the place of Chief Justice, and was appointed in the 
 , same September. This eminent man will be hereafter de- 
 * scribed ; as well as each of those who have just been men- 
 tioned. 
 
 At the next session, which was held at New York, some 
 of the admirable reports of Hamilton were presented, which 
 established the true course of national policy from that time 
 to the present. Hamilton was then about thirty-three years 
 of age. The first object appears to have been to provide for 
 the debts contracted during the war, and to establish the 
 national credit. The light of the sun was then let in, as 
 Mr. Ames said, on this chaos. JThere was more light than 
 was acceptable to some of the members of Congress. A 
 great diversity of opinion arose ; and long and animated 
 debate ensued. This highly interesting subject, at that 
 time, was, and ever will be, one of deepest interest to this 
 country, as the true basis of national credit, and of the 
 national honor, then established. The discussion seriously 
 agitated the country, and gave new vigor to party dissensions. 
 There were two points of prominent interest, whether the 
 state debts should be assumed by the nation, and whether 
 the evidences of debt (called then public securities) should 
 be " funded " for the benefit of the holders, at the nominal 
 value, or at some depreciated value. They had long been 
 in circulation, and sometimes as low as at one eighth of 
 the sum for which they issued. These securities had gath- 
 ered in the hands of those who expected payment, if the 
 constitution took effect ; and this was among the causes of 
 the deep interest which the conventional meetings excited. 
 When " the funding system," on Hamilton's report, engaged 
 the attention of Congress, " speculation " might be called a 
 public distemper. At one time the securities rose above 
 their nominal value. Fortunes were won and lost in a sin- 
 gle hour. No one who can remember those days, needs to 
 be reminded of the intense excitement which prevailed 
 among speculators ; nor of the sullen dissatisfaction mani- 
 fested by individuals of the opposition. Doubtless the public 
 debt was to be provided for ; and, so far as can now be 
 discerned, this was honorably and equitably done. But
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 35 
 
 "* 
 
 the effect was to strengthen opposition, and to furnish one 
 more lever to pry up the administration. The greater part 
 of the securities were held in the middle and eastern states. 
 The wealth which was acquired in these parts of the 
 Union, may have been among the early causes of the feel- 
 ings which have been elsewhere manifested, since these 
 times. 
 
 No two men could have been brought together more 1 
 entirely opposed in opinion, and modes of action, than Jef-"^ 
 ferson and Hamilton. Their disagreement became an 
 implacable hostility, so that Washington thought it indispen- 
 sable to interpose, and attempt reconciliation, in the most 
 kind and persuasive manner, but all in vain. Jefferson had 
 the strongest partialities for France ; Hamilton seemed to 
 foresee and to feel a sense of horror for what was to be 
 enacted in that country. Hamilton had a high regard for 
 the stability and order of the English government. Jeffer- 
 son appears to have entertained, at all times, the strongest 
 dislike of it. It may be inferred from papers now of his- 
 torical record, that Jefferson thought the President to have 
 been unduly accommodating to Hamilton's opinions. This 
 the President denied. Placed as these two men were, in 
 the same cabinet, it is quite within the range of probability, 
 that Mr. Jefferson's subsequent political course may, in 
 some degree, have taken its character from the feelings 
 created, or strengthened, by these collisions. 
 
 In February, 1791, the bill establishing the Bank of the 
 United States was considered in the cabinet, to decide 
 whether it should have the President's approval. This insti- 
 tution was thought indispensable by Hamilton, in conduct- 
 ing the duties of his department. It had been thoroughly 
 discussed in the House on the ground of expediency and 
 constitutionality. Marshall says, (vol.v. p. 297,) " the Secre- 
 " tary of State; and the Attorney General," (when the subject 
 was discussed in the cabinet,) " conceived, that Congress 
 " had clearly transcended their constitutional powers ; while 
 " the Secretary of the Treasury, with equal clearness, main- 
 " tained the opposite opinion." Written opinions were re- 
 quired of each ; and the bill was approved. It does not 
 appear from Marshall, that the Secretary at War had any part 
 in this deliberation. From other sources of information, it 
 is believed that he concurred with Hamilton. Persons,
 
 36 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 who considered themselves well informed, have been heard 
 to say, that this discussion in the cabinet was a scene of 
 intense interest. Whether the public will ever know its 
 precise character, may be uncertain. This may depend on 
 U a biography of Hamilton, if such a work should ever be 
 written. How much the personal feelings of the two secre- 
 taries may have affected this great public interest, may never 
 be known. It is not too late, it seems, to doubt and contend 
 against expediency and constitutionality, all experience and 
 precedent, notwithstanding. 
 
 LETTER XII. 
 
 MARCH 3, 1833. 
 
 CONGRESS were engaged in February, 1791, in further 
 carrying into effect, by law, Hamilton's report on provision 
 \ for the public debt, and maintaining the national credit. 
 T The subjec^ then under consideration was the excise, or a 
 tax on the distillation of ardent spirits. This was vehe- 
 jnently resisted by the opposition. They represented it to 
 be, as it proved to be, an unwelcome exercise of power, 
 though the very same opposition afterwards resorted to the 
 same measure. It affected a numerous class of persons, 
 \ especially in the interior of Pennsylvania, and was generally 
 , unpopular throughout the Union. The tax was resisted on 
 many grounds, and among others, that it was unjust and 
 unequal, and that any tax on property, income, lawyers, on 
 written instruments, or on salaries, would be preferable. It 
 
 (affected persons who could feel the tax as an oppression, 
 but who could not comprehend its expediency or necessity 
 to maintain the public credit. We shall see its effect, when 
 enforced, and under its operation, an open rebellion against 
 the government. 
 
 About this time the French had made such progress in 
 their revolution as to have established their National As- 
 sembly, and the "great nation" had already become the 
 terror of Europe. The tree of liberty was to be planted 
 throughout the earth. The progress of French principles 
 was very grateful to the opposition in the United States ;
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 37 
 
 nor to them only. Many of the federal party were rejoiced 
 to see the coming freedom of a people who had so essen- 
 tially aided (from whatever motives) in securing that of 
 their own country. In the course of the year 1792 the 
 French Revolution had been so far accomplished as to 
 demand, it was thought, a public expression of joy by the 
 Americans. 
 
 " A civic feast " was undertaken in Boston ; such a one 
 as no rational being would desire to see repeated. A whole 
 ox, skinned and dressed, leaving the head and horns en- 
 tire, and the eyes protruding from their sockets, was turned 
 on a great wooden spit, before a furnace. When the ani- 
 mal was sufficiently roasted, he was placed on a sledge or 
 carriage, and there properly supported and propped up, was 
 drawn through the principal streets of the town, and was 
 followed by two cart-loads of bread and two hogsheads of 
 punch. An immense concourse of people attended ; there 
 was but one mind and heart, and there was no reference 
 to political divisions. The procession terminated in State 
 Street, where a table was laid from the eastern end of the 
 City Hall to near Kilby Street; and on this table it was 
 intended that the friends of liberty should feast from the 
 roasted ox. The scene soon changed ; the cutting up and 
 distribution of the animal became ridiculous ; and soon 
 riotous. The roasted fragments were thrown into the air, 
 and hurled at female spectators who thronged the balco- 
 nies, and crowded the windows. The end of this matter was, 
 that a pole of fifty or sixty feet in length was raised in 
 what was thence, Liberty Square, and surmounted with the - 
 horns of the ox, where they remained several years. It so 
 happened that the civic feast occurred here on the same 
 day that the head of Louis the XVI was severed from his 
 body by the guillotine. This unexpected event seemed 
 to open the eyes of many Americans to the true character 
 of the French Revolution. It struck some of them with 
 astonishment and horror; while it was to others, a mat- 
 ter of heartfelt pleasure. The latter, however, did not 
 approve because they were gratified in the destruction of 
 the man, for the common feeling was, that America was 
 greatly indebted to Louis ; but because a king had fallen ; 
 and a triumphant advance had been made in the cause of 
 liberty. It is probable that the leaders of the opposition 
 4
 
 38 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 in the United States, not only saw this event in this light, 
 but saw in it, also, new encouragement that federal power 
 might be demolished. 
 
 On the first application of the excise law, there were serious 
 discontents and popular movements in the western part of 
 Pennsylvania ; so much so, that the President issued a pro- 
 clamation commanding obedience, and intimating that legal 
 prosecutions would be enforced against all infractions of the 
 laws. This system of taxation was revised by Congress in 
 May, 1792, but the discontents continued. 
 
 (The year 1793 was one of many important events. Par- 
 ties had taken decided character in and out of Congress. 
 The veneration for Washington shielded him from open 
 attacks ; but his secretary, Hamilton, was not spared. On 
 the 27th of February, Mr. Giles, of Virginia, moved in the 
 House of Representatives a series of resolutions, comprising 
 several charges of official misconduct. These resolutions 
 were debated with great acrimony until the close of the ses- 
 sion on the 3d of March. But not more than sixteen 
 members voted to sustain any one of the resolutions. This 
 was a period of excessive bitterness, as appears from the 
 debates and newspapers of the day. 
 
 Hamilton was accused, in a paper called the " National 
 .. Gazette," well known to be edited by a clerk in the office 
 / of Mr. Jefferson, with designs to introduce a monarchy, 
 and to establish a government similar to that of Great 
 ; Britain. All the measures recommended by him, from the 
 \ commencement of his duties, were brought in proof of 
 these accusations ; particular expressions in his reports 
 were selected as conclusive evidence. On the other hand, 
 Mr. Jefferson was charged in the newspapers with the 
 design of subverting the government, by rendering its 
 officers odious ; with being the partisan of France ; and 
 with availing himself of his official station to misrepresent 
 the purposes of the executive. The motives of both these 
 gentlemen may be left to the decision of times more distant 
 from those in which they were acting, than the present ; 
 and to what may be then an impartial judgment. They are 
 referred to now, to show how the views of Mr. Jefferson 
 were afterwards carried into his own administration. To 
 this, some men of the present day believe, that subsequent 
 public difficulties, and the present state of the country, may 
 be attributed.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 39 
 
 Mr. Giles had a long political life. He was of middle 
 
 stature, rather full person, light complexion and hair, and 
 
 full face, without color. He was a very able debater, and 
 
 thoroughly versed in the tactics of deliberative assemblies. 
 
 He met with some accident which deprived him of the use 
 
 of one of his lower limbs. "When he was a senator, at the 
 
 close of Mr. Madison's administration, he moved on two 
 
 crutches. He showed himself to be a cool and determined 
 
 opponent of the Washington administration, and especially 
 
 of the Secretary of the Treasury. In this year, when the 
 
 customary motion was made on the 22d February, that the *" 
 
 House of Representatives should adjourn, for the well-known 
 
 purpose of visiting Washington, he was one of the eighteen 
 
 who opposed it. And when Washington retired, in 1797, 
 
 in the debate on the address to him, drawn by Mr. Ames, 
 
 Mr. Giles opposed its adoption. Among other things he 
 
 said, " He did not regret the President's retiring from 
 
 ' office. He believed there were a thousand men in the 
 
 ' United States who were capable of filling the presidential 
 
 ' chair as well as it had been filled heretofore. And 
 
 ' although a clamor had been raised in all parts of the 
 
 ' United States, more or less, from apprehensions on the 
 
 ' departure of the President from office, yet, not feeling 
 
 ' these apprehensions himself, he was perfectly easy on 
 
 ' the occasion." " He, for his part, retained the same 
 
 ' opinions he had always done with respect to certain 
 
 ' prominent measures of his administration ; nor should 
 
 ' any influence under heaven ever prevent him from ex- 
 
 ' pressing that opinion an opinion in which he was 
 
 ' confident, ere long, all America would concur." A 
 
 majority did concur with Mr. Giles ere long, and these 
 
 " measures," so far as was practicable, were overruled ; but 
 
 whether for the prosperity, honor, and happiness of the 
 
 country, it may be safely left to history to decide. Even 
 
 now, it must strike one with surprise, that a sensible man, 
 
 and a native Virginian too, found it an agreeable duty to*\ 
 
 record his disapprobation of a man whom all America, nay, 1 
 
 all the world, regards with a veneration which never before f 
 
 or since has fallen to the lot of any man. After Mr. Giles 
 
 left Congress he was for some time governor of Virginia. 
 
 To what extent genuine hatred of the persons who were the 
 
 authors of these " measures " imparted a character to Mr.
 
 40 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 Giles's feelings ; and how far he was convinced that Wash- 
 ington's administration was injurious to the country, he 
 might not have known himself; since his views as a states- 
 man, were so intimately combined with an implacable per- 
 sonal hatred. 
 
 It is worthy of notice, that the present chief magistrate 
 of the United States, was one of the twelve, in the House of 
 Representatives, who refused the proposed testimonial of 
 respect for the public services of GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 How much in character it was, for Andrew Jackson, so to 
 vote, may be judged of from the fact, that the address to 
 
 ! f Washington contained these sentiments : " For our coun- 
 " try's sake, for the sake of republican liberty, it is our 
 " earnest wish, that your example may be the guide of your 
 " successors ; and thus, after being the ornament, and the 
 \k " safeguard of the present age, become the patrimony of our 
 \ " descendants." (House of Rep., Dec. 15, 1796.) 
 
 LETTER XIII. 
 
 MARCH 6, 1833. 
 
 IN the early part of the year 1793, France declared 
 war against England. This country was then entangled 
 with France, by treaty. A very serious question arose, as 
 
 Y to the part which the United States should take, in this war, 
 or whether any. It appears to have been expected in 
 France, that the United States would engage on its side, 
 from treaty stipulations, or inclination, against England. 
 
 The President, and his cabinet, were unanimously of opin- 
 ion, that the United States were not held to take part in a 
 war begun by France ; and on the 18th of April, the cele- 
 brated proclamation of neutrality was issued. On the re- 
 ceiving of a minister from the French republic, the cabinet 
 were divided ; Jefferson and Randolph were in favor of it, 
 Hamilton and Knox against it. The President adopted the 
 opinion of the former. It appears to have been Washing- 
 
 V-/ ton's practice, to state questions in writing to the members 
 of his cabinet, and to require their written answers ; these 
 he appears to have examined, and to have formed his own
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 41 
 
 opinion ; sometimes requiring a discussion of these opinions 
 in his presence. 
 
 The country was already divided into parties, for and 
 against, making a common cause with France. That in 
 favor of it, severely condemned the proclamation ; the 
 other approved of it in the highest terms. The former 
 denounced it as a royal edict, and as a daring assumption 
 of power ; while the other upheld it as a new proof of the 
 wisdom and patriotism which had always distinguished 
 Washington. About this time, there were introduced from ^ 
 France imitations of what was there called the Jacobin 
 Club. This club (so called from its place of meeting) was 
 composed of certain prominent men who met to decide what 
 the measures of the government should be, and they accom- 
 plished their objects by intrigue and terror. The institu- 
 tions of the same sort here, were formed for the ostensible 
 purpose of preserving civil liberty, but for the real purpose 
 of overawing the government. They were here called 
 " Democratic Societies, " by their members, and " Jacobin 
 Clubs, " by their adversaries. They had an affinity with 
 each other, by means of corresponding committees. They 
 approved of all the excesses of the French Revolution. In 
 some of their festivals, especially in Philadelphia, extraor- 
 dinary ceremonies are said to have occurred, in the pres- 
 ence, too, of distinguished men. But the memory of them 
 has passed away ; and it is probable, that the agents in 
 these scenes lived to regret them. It can be no otherwise 
 useful to refer to them, than to show the character of the -v 
 times ; and the excessive enthusiasm which the transactions 
 of France inspired ; and how embarrassing it was to our 
 own government. Washington felt these combinations, as 
 being destructive of all social order ; and is supposed to \ 
 have alluded to them in his farewell address, in speaking of 
 " secret societies." He mentioned them again and again, ' 
 with the most decided disapprobation, in his private letters. 
 
 The first minister that appeared here from the French ^ 
 republic, was the " citizen " Genet, who is said to have insti- ^ 
 tuted the Jacobin Clubs in the United States. His employ- 
 ers assumed, that the United States were to engage, at once, 
 in the war ; and he was authorized to commission privateers, 
 and to raise, in the United States, forces to attack British 
 and Spanish possessions on this side of the water. He 
 4*
 
 42 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 seemed to consider himself entirely independent of the 
 government of the United States. He was a man of mid- 
 dling stature, and full person, (as now recollected,) and of 
 ardent and animated temperament. 
 
 It is usual for a foreign minister to present his creden- 
 tials to the government to which he is sent, and to be 
 received as such before he begins to exercise his functions. 
 But the citizen Genet did not stop for such ceremonies. He 
 landed at Charleston, S. C., on the 8th April. He was there 
 received with every demonstration of respect and joy, as 
 the representative of the great nation ; and during his resi- 
 dence there, assumed to issue commissions, for the arming, 
 fitting out, and manning with Americans, vessels of war 
 " to cruise and commit hostilities on nations with whom the 
 " United States were at peace." (Marshall, v. 411.) 
 
 His journey from Charleston to Philadelphia, was as that 
 ^lof a victorious chief, to whom a country was indebted for 
 'its salvation. He arrived at Philadelphia on the 16th of 
 May, and was there received in a manner which might 
 have misled a more intelligent man than citizen Genet. It 
 strikes one with some surprise, that such events could have 
 occurred in this country. One cannot look back on the 
 enthusiasm and gratitude felt for republican France, with- 
 out feeling how easily good sense and discretion may for- 
 sake a people. But we look back under the influence of 
 events of posterior times, and as though these ought then to 
 have been foreseen. Regarding this matter dispassionately, 
 nothing was more natural than this enthusiasm. Grateful 
 attachment to France while a monarchy, and detestation of 
 f England as a royal tyranny, had long been the common 
 \ sentiment of the whole country. Now that France had 
 become a republic, and was contending, to maintain her- 
 self, against England and royalty, the duty and interest of 
 siding with France was too certain to admit of reasoning, 
 Lit was an irresistible feeling. The greater, then, is the est- 
 imation in which Washington's foresight should be held, 
 I since he saw through, and far beyond this excitement ; and, 
 [ most honorable to him, was that magnanimity which op- 
 t posed itself to the popular clamor. 
 
 \ Genet was astonished to find, that he could not carry on 
 ^he war from this country, by exercising the powers of sove- 
 reignty in arming vessels, and having their prizes con-
 
 OP PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 43 
 
 * 
 
 demned by French consuls. The government was deter- 
 mined to adhere to the strictest neutrality ; to which Genet 
 had no objection, provided he could carry on the war him- 
 self; as though belligerent operations could be conduct- 
 ed in a neutral country in the name of a party to a war, 
 without making that country a party in it. This he insisted 
 on doing ; and when told that he would be resisted by force, 
 he threatened to appeal from the President to the people. 
 The controversies with Mr. Genet were exceedingly em- 
 barrassing to the President. On one occasion he had to N 
 call on Governor Mifflin, of Pennsylvania, to prevent the 
 sailing of a vessel which had been brought in, as prize by 
 a French frigate, and converted into a privateer at Phila- 
 delphia, and named Le petit Democrat. It was on this 
 occasion, that Genet told Alexander J. Dallas, secretary to 
 Governor Mifflin, that he would appeal to the people. Mr. 
 Dallas is the same gentleman, who was afterwards Sec- 
 retary of the Treasury of the United States. He was a 
 lawyer of some eminence, a tall man, of good manners, 
 marked with the small pox, (if rightly remembered,) -y 
 and of inexhaustible eloquence. A speech of two, three, ] 
 or even four days, was not an unusual effort with him../ 
 About twenty-five years ago he came to Boston to argue a 
 cause. He was a very fluent speaker, but diffusive, and 
 fanciful. He was entirely on the French side of American 
 feeling, as was Governor Mifflin. The conduct of Mr. 
 Genet became so insolent, and offensive, that the President \ 
 required of Gouverneur Morris to demand of the French I 
 government, his recall. Morris was then minister at Paris. 
 Genet was recalled, though his mission would have termina- 
 ted if he had not been, as in the revolutionary movements 
 in France, the party to which he was indebted for his min- 
 istry, was overthrown. Mr. Genet remained in the United 
 States, and retired to the interior of the state of New York, 
 where he lately deceased. He was succeeded by Mr. 
 Fauchet, whose agency was no less conspicuous, though 
 conducted with more regard to diplomatic usage than Mr. 
 Genet's. 
 
 In the prosecution of the war, between France and 
 England, in 1793, two serious difficulties arose. The 
 French having immense armies on foot, and the laboring 
 population having been drawn forth by military conscrip-
 
 44 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 tions, the want of provisions became very pressing. France 
 depended, to some extent, on supplies from America. The 
 English had the command of the ocean, and, in June, 
 issued an order to stop all vessels bound to France, loaded 
 with flour, corn, or meal ; and to take them into port, unload 
 them, pay for the cargoes and freight, and then liberate the 
 vessels. There was no doubt, that this was a strong meas- 
 ure, and whether defensible, or not, on any construction 
 of the law of nations, it is not the present purpose to 
 inquire. The order gave great dissatisfaction in the United 
 States. 
 
 The other difficulty was, that the British then began to 
 impress seamen from American vessels. Impressment has 
 been an immemorial usage in England ; and she asserts the 
 right of taking her own subjects, wherever found, in time 
 of war. The difficulty of distinguishing between her own, 
 and other subjects, often led to the impressment of Amer- 
 icans. This became a subject of very serious and just 
 complaint. Whether England might take persons out of 
 American vessels, who were born British subjects, but who 
 had been naturalized in the United States, was another 
 point of difference. England contended that her subjects 
 can never abandon their allegiance, and may be taken on 
 the high seas from any but a national vessel of war. Dur- 
 ing the administration of Mr. Jefferson, and that of Mr. 
 Madison, the protection, not only of naturalized persons, 
 but of all persons sailing in merchant vessels, bearing the 
 American flag, was contended for, and was fostered into 
 one of the causes for declaring war. This point remains 
 as it was, forty years ago, though rather worse for the war, 
 undertaken to sustain the American pretension. From the 
 national similarity of the English and Americans, it is 
 apparent, that it is a subject of intrinsic difficulty ; and one 
 that can be settled only by a course of negotiation, little 
 likely to occur.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 45 
 
 LETTER XIV. 
 
 MARCH 6, 1833. 
 
 THE effect of the aggressions of England during the year 
 1793, and the partiality for France, were apparent, at the 
 next meeting of Congress, on the 4th of December. There 
 was a majority of about ten votes against the administration, 
 as appeared in the choice of speaker. The opposition sup- 
 ported Mr. Muhlenberg, the federalists Mr. Sedgwick. 
 Thus it may be considered, that the federal administration 
 was destined to fall, and that the political system which the 
 federalists had founded, would, "erelong," pass into the 
 hands of those who had always been its enemies. 
 
 The speech of Washington, at the opening of the session, 
 was comprehensive and luminous, and well deserves the 
 study of all who would understand the elements of the great 
 political events which followed. Mr. Jefferson (Secretary 
 of State) presented his detailed and ingenious report on 
 commercial relations. This also deserves an attentive study, 
 since it shows the principles of the policy which was carried 
 into effect under his presidency. As these are matters of 
 history, ably set forth in Marshall's fifth volume, it would be 
 only transcription to notice them more fully ; nor would it 
 be expedient to do so, in these hasty sketches. Mr. Jeffer- 
 son had intimated his intention to resign his office some 
 months before this time. He was prevailed on (as he says) 
 to remain, until the 31st of December, 1793, and then with- 
 drew. The most favorable account of Mr. Jefferson's offi- 
 cial conduct, by any judicious and impartial writer, is that 
 given by Chief Justice Marshall, who is incapable of doing 
 injustice to any man, even when a political opponent. On 
 this occasion he was telling truth, with the sanction of his 
 own high reputation, and on as interesting a subject as ever -*-< 
 engaged the attention of any historian The Life of Wash- 
 ington. It is rather to be supposed, from his well known 
 character, that he was careful not to make himself liable to 
 the imputation of having performed a trust, unfavorably to 
 one, whose opinions he might not have approved. 
 
 This able historian's view of Mr. Jefferson at this period 
 should be considered, because it gives a key to his subse-
 
 46 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 t 
 
 quent political life. Chief Justice Marshall says, at a time 
 when Mr. Jefferson was living, (vol. v. 488,) among other 
 things : " This gentleman withdrew from political station, 
 at a moment when he stood particularly high in the es- 
 teem of his countrymen. His fixed opposition to the 
 financial schemes proposed by the Secretary of the Trea- 
 sury, and approved by the legislative and executive de- 
 ' partments of the government ; his ardent and undisguised 
 ' attachment to the revolutionary party in France ; the 
 1 dispositions which he teas declared to possess in regard 
 ' to Great Britain ; and the popularity of his opinions 
 ' respecting the constitution of the United States ; had 
 ' devoted to him that immense party whose sentiments 
 ' were supposed to comport with his on most, or all these 
 ' interesting subjects. To the opposite party, he had, of 
 ' course, become particularly unacceptable. But the publi- 
 ' cation of his correspondence with Mr. Genet, dissipated 
 ' much of the prejudice which had been excited against 
 ' him. He had, in that correspondence, maintained, with 
 ' great ability, the opinions maintained by the federalists on 
 ' those points of difference, which had arisen between the 
 ' two republics. The partiality for France, which was 
 ' conspicuous through the whole of it, detracted nothing 
 ' from its merits, in the opinion of the friends of the ad- 
 ' ministration, because, however decided they might be to 
 ' support their own government in a controversy with any 
 ' nation whatever, they felt all the partiality for that nation 
 ' which the correspondence expressed. The hostility of his 
 ' enemies, therefore, was for a time considerably lessened, 
 ' without a corresponding diminution of the attachment of 
 ' his friends. In office it would have been impracticable 
 ' long to preserve these dispositions. And it would have 
 ' been difficult to maintain that ascendency which he held 
 ' over the minds who had supported (and would probably 
 ' continue to support) every pretension of the French 
 ' Republic, without departing from principles and measures 
 1 which he had openly and ably defended." 
 
 It may not then have been Mr. Jefferson's love of his 
 " clover fields," and desire of retirement, that carried him 
 back (3lst December, 1793,) to Monticello ; but his percep- 
 tion of the same truths which were obvious to the historian. 
 It is well remembered that Genet openly charged Mr.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 47 
 
 Jefferson with having " a language official, and a language 
 confidential." * He may have entertained very different 
 opinions as secretary, from those which he entertained as a 
 man, and which he might fearlessly act upon when he 
 attained to the presidency. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson mentions Chief Justice Marshall several 
 times, in his volumes, with some sensibility. In writing to 
 his old friend John Adams, under date of January 15, 1813, 
 (vol. iv. 195,) he remarks : " Marshall has written libels on 
 "one side; others, I suppose, will be written on the other 
 " side ; and the world will sift both, and separate the truth 
 " as well as they can." 
 
 The session of Congress commenced on the 4th of De- 
 cember, 1793, was one of the most important and interest- 
 ing that had hitherto occurred. It intimated the motives of 
 parties, as they have since been developed, in public affairs. 
 Both branches were composed of able men, and among them 
 were some of the most eminent. The House of Representa- 
 tives was nearly equally divided on great questions. The 
 members who might be regarded as the most prominent in 
 the Senate, were George Cabot, Caleb Strong, Oliver Ells- 
 worth, Aaron Burr, Rufus King, Robert Morris, Albert 
 Gallatin. In the House of Representatives, were Abraham 
 Baldwin, William B. Giles, William B. Grove, Richard 
 Bland Lee, Nathaniel Macon, James Madison, John Francis 
 Mercer, F. A. Muhlenburg, Josiah Parker, Thomas Sump- 
 ter, Abraham Venable, Alexander White, who voted gen- 
 erally together. And on the other side, were Fisher Ames, 
 Robert Barnwell, Egbert Benson, Jonathan Dayton, Thomas 
 Fitzsimons, Nicholas Gilman, Benjamin Goodhue, James 
 Hillhouse, William Hindman, Daniel Huger, Philip Key, 
 Joho Laurence, Samuel Livermore, William Vans Mur- 
 ray, Theodore Sedgwick, Jeremiah Smith, William Smith, 
 Jeremiah Wadsworth, Artemas Ward, who on most occa- 
 sions voted together ; and sometimes Elbridge Gerry voted 
 with them. 
 
 To such men fell the duty of investigating the principles 
 
 * Mr. Jefferson, in a letter to Mr. G. Morris, says : " If our citizens 
 " have not already been shedding each other's blood, it is not owing 
 " to the moderation of Mr. Genet, but to the forbearance of the gov- 
 " eminent."
 
 48 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 which ought to regulate commercial relations with all foreign 
 countries, at a time when all Europe was in the parox- 
 ysm of revolution; and when the Mediterranean commerce 
 was at the mercy of the Algerines ; and the citizens of this 
 country divided almost to the line of civil war, among them- 
 selves. In this high excitement the fortress which was to 
 be demolished, or protected, was the Washington adminis- 
 tration. 
 
 The first great legislative movement arose on Mr. Madi- 
 son's resolutions on commercial affairs, presented on the 4th 
 January, 1794 ; (founded on Mr. Jefferson's report.) This 
 gentleman had disclosed similar views on the subject of ton- 
 nage duty, at the first Congress. The debate was long and 
 acrimonious. The feelings of the House, and the character 
 of the debate, may be judged of from this incident : Mr. 
 Ames said, the resolutions had French stamped on the very 
 face of them. 
 
 Josiah Parker, of Virginia, replied, that he wished there 
 was a stamp on every forehead, to designate whether he was 
 for France or Britain. 
 
 The two parties were so nearly balanced in the House of 
 Representatives, that measures, deeply affecting the per- 
 manent interests of the United States, might be settled by 
 majorities not exceeding five. In the Senate, the Vice 
 President had, repeatedly, to settle the most important ques- 
 tions by his casting vote. An act to cut off all intercourse 
 with Great Britain, passed the House by a small majority ; 
 in the Senate its fate depended on the casting vote of the 
 Vice President, who voted against it. 
 
 Inquiry into the official conduct of Hamilton, as Secretary 
 of the Treasury, was renewed at this session. Mr. Giles, 
 Mr. Monroe, Mr. Venable, all Virginians, and all of them 
 personal enemies of the Secretary, conducted the inquiry 
 with the utmost scrutiny ; but their efforts, even in these 
 bitterest times of party, were unavailing. The result was 
 most honorable to the Secretary. 
 
 The great subjects suggested in the President's message, 
 and in official reports, at the early part of the session, were 
 under consideration in the two branches, from the beginning 
 of January to the 16th of April. The French excitement 
 could rise no higher among the people. They insisted that 
 the friends of France should declare themselves by wearing
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 49 
 
 the national cockade. They insisted, too, on war against 
 England ; and that every motive of self-respect, and justice, 
 forbade a moment's delay : while every motive of gratitude 
 to the nation which had made us free, and were now strug- 
 gling to maintain their own freedom, demanded all our aid. 
 In the two branches of Congress the war of words disclosed 
 a state of feeling, which the decorum of the place hardly 
 restrained from full expression. 
 
 We live now in times of some interest ; and which ought 
 to be far more interesting than they are. No one, not old 
 enough to remember the state of feeling at that time, can 
 have any conception, from what is now experienced, of the 
 intense excitement which then prevailed. 
 
 LETTER XV. 
 
 MARCH 9, 1833. 
 
 IN this state of things, Congress, and the whole country, 
 were brought to a sudden pause, by the appointment of John **\ 
 Jay, then Chief Justice of the United States, to be Envoy 
 Extraordinary to Great Britain. This was an unexpected 
 blow to the French party. As soon as they could rally, the 
 administration was attacked, not only for the measure itself, 
 that is, opening a negotiation at all, but especially, that the 
 President should have nominated such a man as John Jay, 
 and furthermore a judicial officer. It may be some relief in 
 recurring to these dry and forgotten facts, to state what is 
 recollected of the personal appearance and conduct of 
 Mr. Jay. 
 
 Soon after Mr. Jay's appointment to the office of Chief 
 Justice, he came to Boston to hold a court. As now \ 
 remembered, his personal appearance indicated his origin, j 
 He was descended from one of the French Protestant fami-"*S 
 lies, usually called Huguenots. This name, which is of un- 
 certain derivation, was, like Puritans, given to a certain class 
 of Christians. It will be recollected that in 1698, when ~ 
 Henry IV. fought his way to the crown, he issued the ^ 
 edict of Nantz, by which he assured to all his Protestant 
 subjects, the rights and privileges enjoyed by those who were 
 5
 
 50 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 Catholics. In 1685, this edict was revoked by Louis XIV. ; 
 / at the instigation, it is said, of one of his female favorites, 
 ' who had great power over him. 
 
 The Huguenots escaped from France, and carried with 
 \ them skill, talents, industry and property, and established 
 V themselves in different parts of Europe. Many families found 
 r their way to America in the course of time. France is sup- 
 / posed to have lost, by persecution and emigration, a million 
 of its best subjects. Mr. Jay's family came over, and settled 
 | in New York. He was born in this country. He was forty- 
 / four years of age when appointed Chief Justice in 1790. 
 His height was a little less than six feet ; his person rather 
 thin, but well formed. His complexion was without color, 
 his eyes black and penetrating, his nose aquiline, and his 
 chin pointed. His hair came over his forehead, was tied 
 behind, and lightly powdered. His dress black. The ex- 
 pression of his face was exceedingly amiable. When stand- 
 / ing, he was a little inclined forward, as is not uncommon 
 / with students long accustomed to bend over a table. His 
 / manner was very gentle, and unassuming. This impres- 
 sion of him was renewed in 1795, in New York. He had 
 /returned from his mission to England in that year, and had 
 been chosen Governor of New York, which office he assum- 
 ed in July. He was then about fifty, (December, 1795.) His 
 deportment was tranquil and unassuming ; and one who had 
 met him, not knowing who he was, would not have been 
 led to suppose, that he was in the presence of one eminently 
 gifted by nature with intellectual power, and who had sus- 
 tained so many offices of high trust and honor. About six 
 years after this time, he retired from public life, and almost 
 from the world, and passed the remainder of his days at the 
 family estate at West Chester. He took no part in political 
 affairs, and was not publicly heard of, except in two or three 
 instances, when he answered inquiries concerning facts 
 within his knowledge. 
 
 / History will assign to John Jay an elevated rank among 
 
 I the great ; nor only so, it will place him equally high among 
 
 ly the pure and the virtuous. Throughout his useful and hon- 
 
 / arable life, he was governed by the dictates of an enlighten- 
 
 { ed Christian conscience. He thought and acted under the 
 
 , conviction, that there is an accountability far more serious 
 
 than any which men can have to their fellow men. The
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 51 
 
 bravest soldiers, and the worthiest statesmen, have ever been 
 those who believed in such accountability. 
 
 Other events of the year 1794, remain to be mentioned. 
 Congress adjourned June 9th, in very ill humor. In Feb- 
 ruary before^ Mr. Fauchet had arrived as minister from 
 France, having with him two associates, or counsellors, of 
 consular rank. The French government requested the 
 recall of Mr. G. Morris, who had taken no pains to conceal 
 his disapprobation of the revolutionary proceedings. This 
 was complied with, and Mr. Monroe, to whom no such 
 objection could be made, was his successor. 
 
 In August, 1794, the whiskey rebellion had taken so seri- . 
 ous a character in Pennsylvania, that an army was formed, 
 composed of volunteers from that state, and detachments of 
 militia from New Jersey, Maryland, and Virginia. The 
 Governor (Mifflin) exerted himself very honorably on this 
 occasion ; and took command of the troops of his state. 
 The Governor of New Jersey commanded the troops of 
 that state. Those of Maryland and Virginia, as well as the 
 others, were under command of General Henry Lee, then \ 
 Governor of Virginia. When these troops had assembled at 
 two respective places of encampment, Washington visited"" 
 them, and directed Hamilton to accompany them to the 
 West. The insurgents did not venture to meet this force ; 
 and the rebellion ceased without conflict. Two individuals 
 were tried and convicted, and afterwards pardoned. No 
 further opposition was then made to the excise law. It is 
 supposed that this rebellion was instigated by some men of 
 intelligence and influence ; but there is no such certainty of 
 this, as would justify the mention of names. 
 
 During this year the democratic societies, or Jacobin 
 Clubs, had extended themselves over the whole country, and 
 took a most active and offensive part against the adminis- 
 tration. They assumed that " the people " had the right to 
 dictate to the government the measures to be pursued ; and 
 that they were " the people." These societies were attacked 
 in various ways from the press and otherwise ; sometimes by 
 severe reproach, and sometimes by satire. They gradually 
 became odious, and disappeared. 
 
 In 1794 the celebrated Talleyrand was in the United ^ 
 States. He had been required to leave England. In July 
 and August he was in Boston. His personal appearance was
 
 52 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 as remarkable as his character. His height was above 
 middle stature, hair light, complexion sallow, eyes blue ; 
 louth wide and far from handsome. His body was large, 
 and protuberant in front, his lower limbs remarkably small 
 and his feet deformed. He declined speaking English, 
 whether he could, or not. He may have been about forty 
 years of age. The expression of his face was tranquil, 
 and his manner that of a cool observer. Little is known 
 of what he did observe, except from a small publication 
 which he made on his return to France.* No man lives who 
 i has seen a greater variety of fortune. The world would be 
 his debtor, if he should bestow upon it his knowledge of the 
 secret springs of political events. This is not to be ex- 
 ! pected. He will probably withdraw with little solicitude as 
 f to what is said, or done ; believed or discredited, after he is 
 1 gone. 
 
 At the close of the year 1794, General Knox resigned 
 his place as Secretary at War, and came to Boston. His 
 successor was Timothy Pickering, who was at that time 
 Postmaster General. When Hamilton returned from the 
 western expedition towards the close of the year, he gave 
 notice that he should resign on the 31st of January follow- 
 ing. His successor was Oliver Wolcott. 
 
 The last important public act of Hamilton, and perhaps 
 not inferior to any one, was a report on the means of sus- 
 taining the public credit, embracing a comprehensive view 
 of the system which he had pursued. The present unex- 
 pected reduction of the public debt, is entirely the conse- 
 quence of Hamilton's measures. He may safely rest his 
 Y fame, as a statesman, on his labor and success in placing 
 the public credit, so essential in war and peace, on a firm 
 foundation. It is perfectly in keeping, that anti-federal 
 rulers should assume to have won the plumes which they 
 found in the seats of their predecessors, and should wear 
 them with the insolence, which is the privilege of plun- 
 derers. 
 
 * It is entitled, Memoir concerning the Commercial Relations of 
 the United States and England ; by citizen Talleyrand, read at the 
 National Institute ; 15 Messidor year V.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 53 
 
 M 
 
 .' ** 
 
 LETTER XVI. 
 
 MARCH 11, 1833. 
 
 MR. JAY arrived in England in June, 1794. In Novem- 
 ber a treaty was signed. It arrived in the United States on 
 the 7th of March following. The President, to prevent the "v 
 preoccupation of the public mind did not allow its provis- * 
 ions to be known by any person but Mr. Randolph. Yet 
 within two days, a series of essays was commenced in a 
 newspaper in Philadelphia, condemning the treaty in the * 
 most opprobrious terms. The treaty had not been published . 
 in England ; and no copy had been received by the British 
 Minister. The President was astonished at the publication, ^ 
 and had no suspicion of the channel through which it oc- 
 curred. The Senate was convened on the 9th of June. 
 Pending the discussion in the Senate, one of the opposition 
 members, Mr. Mason, of Virginia, took a copy and caused^ 
 it to be published in a Philadelphia paper. The whole 
 country was immediately inflamed. Not only the opposi- 
 tion, but a large portion of those who had supported the 
 administration, were against the ratification. The former 
 now attacked the President personally, through the public ^ 
 papers. They denied to him all qualifications of a states- \ 
 man or even of a soldier. They charged him with being \ 
 the tool of England, and with having fraudulently drawn 
 money from the treasury. Addresses were sent in from 
 nearly all the seaports, and from many interior towns, stating 
 the reasons why the treaty should not be ratified. In Bos- * 
 ton, at a town-meeting, there was but one man who raised / 
 his voice in favor of it. But the chamber of commerce,""} 
 composed of all the respectable merchants, sent almost / 
 unanimously, their address of approbation. 
 
 Amidst all this ferment Washington stood as firm and / 
 undisturbed as he had ever done, relying on the conscious- ' 
 ness of performing his duty, with all the intelligence which 
 could apply to the subject. His letter to the Selectmen of """] 
 Boston, is worth transcribing, to show the serenity of a 
 great and good mind, under as trying circumstances as can 
 occur tomny man. 
 
 5*
 
 54 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 UNITED STATES, 28th July, 1795. 
 Gentlemen : 
 
 In every act of my administration, I have sought the hap- 
 piness of my fellow-citizens. My system, for the attain- 
 ment of this object, has been, to overlook all personal, 
 local, and partial considerations ; to contemplate the United 
 States as one great whole ; to confide, that sudden impres- 
 sions, when erroneous, would yield to candid reflection ; 
 and to consult only the permanent, and substantial interests 
 of our country. Nor have I departed from this line of 
 conduct, on the occasion which has produced the resolu- 
 tions contained in your letter of the 13th inst. 
 
 Without a predilection for my own judgment, I have 
 weighed, with attention, every argument which has at any 
 time been brought into view. But the constitution is the 
 guide which I never can abandon. It has assigned to the 
 President the power of making treaties, with the advice 
 and consent of the Senate. It was doubtless supposed, that 
 these two branches would combine, without passion, and 
 with the best means of information, those facts and prin- 
 ciples on which the success of our foreign relations will 
 always depend ; that they ought not to substitute, for their 
 own convictions, the opinions of others ; or to seek truth 
 through any channel, but that of a temperate and well 
 informed investigation. 
 
 Under this persuasion I have resolved on the manner of 
 executing the duty before me. To the high responsibility 
 attached to it, I freely submit ; and you, gentlemen, are at 
 liberty to make these sentiments known, as the grounds of 
 my procedure. While I feel the most lively gratitude for 
 the many instances of approbation from my country, I can 
 no otherwise deserve 'it, than by obeying the dictates of 
 my conscience. 
 
 With due respect, I am, Gentlemen, Your Ob't. 
 
 GEO. WASHINGTON. 
 
 The treaty was ratified on the 24th of June, by precisely 
 the constitutional majority, (two thirds,) after an investiga- 
 tion continued from the 9th of the same month. 
 
 At the very time when these addresses were pouring 
 upon the President from all quarters, an incident occurred
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 55 
 
 of deep interest to him, to his Secretary Mr. Randolph, and 
 to the whole country. It also disclosed the character of 
 French diplomacy, under the new republic, in a very unex- 
 pected manner. The unfortunate French nation, had voted 
 down the only rational support of public and private morals. 
 They had raised a deity, whom they called Reason, and to 
 whom they rendered their worship. With such creed, 
 worship, and their national enthusiasm, they had become 
 a terrible people to the civilized world. They were so 
 thought of, by the considerate people of the. United States. 
 But not by the opposition to Washington, and his measures. 
 Clearly, not by Mr. Jefferson. He, on the contrary, be- 
 held in the success of French power, diplomatic and 
 martial, the overthrow of " monarchists, Anglomen, and 
 federalism ; " the downfall of England, and the fruition of 
 all the blessings, which he and his associates had to bestow 
 on his country, as soon as the opportunity should arrive. 
 
 LETTER XVII. 
 
 MARCH 17, 1833. 
 
 MR. FAUCHET'S instructions and authority, appear to have 
 been much of the same import with those of Genet, but he 
 was much more of a diplomatist. In October he framed a 
 despatch, giving his views of the state of the country, and of 
 parties, and an account of his intercourse with the friends 
 of France in the United States. His communication was 
 sent by the Jean Bart, a French privateer, which was 
 captured by a British frigate. As the frigate's boat ap- 
 proached the privateer, Fauchet's despatches were thrown 
 overboard. There was an English captain on board the 
 privateer, whose ship the privateer had taken. This captain 
 followed the despatches, (supposing them to be his own ship's 
 papers,) seized them, and kept afloat till the frigate's boat 
 came to him. These were sent to Mr. Hammond, British 
 minister at Philadelphia, and by him delivered to Mr. Wol- 
 cott, who carried them to the President as soon as he 
 returned from Mount Vernon, the llth of August. Mr. 
 Wolcott had received them the 28th of July.
 
 56 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 
 
 Every one who remembers any thing of the political 
 events of that day, cannot have forgotten " the precious 
 confessions " of Edmund Randolph, then Secretary of State. 
 Whether Fauchet told the truth or not, this is his language : 
 " Two or three days before the proclamation " (of the Presi- 
 dent on the western insurrection) " was published, and of 
 ' course before the cabinet had resolved on its measures, the 
 ' Secretary of State came to my house. All his countenance 
 ' was grief. He requested of me a private conversation. 
 ' It is all over, he said to me ; a civil war is about to ravage 
 ' our unhappy country. Four men, by their talents, their 
 ' influence, and their energy, may save it.. But, debtors of 
 ' English merchants, they will be deprived of their liberty if 
 ' they take the smallest step. Could you lend them instan- 
 ' taneously funds sufficient to shelter them from English 
 ' prosecution ? This inquiry astonished me much. It was 
 ' impossible for me to make a satisfactory answer. You 
 know my want of power and deficiency in pecuniary 
 ' means." " Thus with some thousands of dollars the Re- 
 ' public could have decided on civil war or peace. Thus 
 ' the consciences of the pretended patriots of America have 
 1 already their prices." " What will be the old age of this 
 ' government, if it is thus already decrepit ! " 
 
 When the despatches of Fauchet were made known to 
 the President, he was still deliberating on the ratification 
 of the treaty. The causes of Mr. Randolph's determined 
 opposition, and of the advice which Randolph had so often 
 given in his official station, were now fully disclosed. On 
 the 12th the President held a council with his three Secre- 
 taries, (Pickering, Wolcott, and Randolph,) on the ratifica- 
 tion, probably to see for himself, among other things, the 
 manifestation of Mr. Randolph's views. He continued to 
 treat Mr. Randolph with his usual courtesy, while the de- 
 spatches were in the hands of a translator ; and on the 15th 
 and 18th received Mr. Randolph at his table. On the 19th, 
 while the President was conversing with Mr. Pickering and 
 Mr. Wolcott, Randolph came in. The President rose and 
 presented to him the intercepted letter, and requested him 
 to explain it, if he could. Perceiving his confusion, the 
 President proposed to him to step into another room and 
 consider of it. He presently returned, and said he would 
 make his explanation in writing. Soon after he resigned.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 57 
 
 Mr. Randolph published a defence, after following Mr. 
 Fauchet to Newport, (Rhode Island,) whither Fauchet had . 
 gone to embark for France. Mr. Randolph reached New- 
 port on the 31st, but failed to obtain a countervailing cer- 
 tificate. Fauchet promised it, but sailed without giving it. 
 In the midst of all these vexations the President ratified 
 the treaty on the 14th of August. 
 
 The general sentiment at the time was, that Mr. Ran- 
 dolph had abused the confidence which the President placed 
 in him, and that his party devotion had subjected him to 
 severe reproach. To what extent Mr. Randolph was cul- 
 pable, it is not material to inquire. With Mr. Randolph, as 
 an individual, there is no intention to interfere, but only to 
 show what the state of the country was, and what the 
 influence of French feeling was. 
 
 Mr. Randolph (at Richmond) in the autumn of 1796 
 had returned to the practice of the law. He was obviously 
 under a cloud. His appearance was that of a dejected 
 being. Mr. Randolph was a man of large person, with a 
 heavy, grave face. His reputation, as a lawyer, was very 
 respectable. At this day, candor compels us to say, that 
 Mr. Randolph had no treasonable views with regard to his 
 own country. He may have been so misled by the excite- 
 ment of the times, as to have justified to himself any thing 
 that would tend to the injury of England, and to the benefit 
 of France. But how far he could justify his acts on this 
 ground, while he held the station of Secretary, and had the 
 confidence of the President, is quite another consideration. 
 
 Timothy Pickering, who was at this time Secretary of 
 War, was charged with the duties of Secretary of State on 
 Mr. Randolph's resignation, and appointed to this office 
 in December following. In January following, James 
 McHenry was appointed to the office which Mr.. Pickering 
 had left. Between the month of August and the end of the 
 year, several events occurred which will merely be men- 
 tioned to keep up the connexion with those more interesting. 
 
 Favorable treaties had been made with the Indians in the 
 west and in the south ; of the latter we have lately heard 
 something in connexion with the movements in Georgia. 
 The Algerines had taken our vessels, and held many 
 Americans as slaves. A treaty was made with them, as 
 the United States had no maritime force to prevent their
 
 , 
 
 58 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 aggressions. There had been indications that some ar- 
 rangement might be made with Spain concerning the dis- 
 puted rights on the Mississippi, and on the navigation of 
 that river. William Short, of Virginia, was minister resi- 
 dent in Spain, and was succeeded the next summer by a 
 gentleman of South Carolina, Thomas Pinckney, usually 
 called Governor Pinckney, to distinguish him from Charles 
 Cotesworth Pinckney and his brother Thomas, then minis- 
 ter at London. Governor Pinckney was not of the family 
 of Charles and Thomas, unless by some remote relation, 
 and was a very different character from either of them. 
 There was a fourth gentleman (William) of this name, of 
 much celebrity, and especially in the profession of the law. 
 He was not of the Pinckney families of South Carolina. 
 He was of Maryland, and his name was written Pinkney. 
 The two brothers, in pursuance of their father's positive 
 direction by will, received the best education, and were at 
 Westminster School in England and at Oxford ; and were 
 admitted to the Bar in London. Both of them served in 
 the war of the revolution ; and both of them were among 
 the most honorable and excellent of the land. They \fere 
 afterwards candidates for the presidency. Thomas was a 
 man of about six feet in stature, of well formed, thin person, 
 of tranquil, modest appearance, and had the reputation of 
 being a person of high intellectual cultivation, and was 
 certainly of most amiable deportment. Being one day on 
 the edge of the cliff, which overlooks the falls of the Mohawk 
 river, he employed himself in loosening some large stones 
 to roll down the precipice. As they descended, he repeated 
 lines from the Latin and Greek poets which are descriptive 
 of the noise made by the rolling, rapid descent of a stone. 
 
 Charles, the elder brother, made a visit to the east in 
 1804, and passed the summer at Boston and in its vicinity. 
 He was of middle stature, and rather a full person com- 
 pared with' his brother. He was quite bald on the top of 
 his head ; his hair was short and gray at the sides. His 
 countenance was grave, but the expression was intelligent 
 and amiable ; his manners calm and dignified. He was 
 one of those who carry, in their appearance, the certificate of 
 having always been gentlemen. He wore boots and spurs 
 constantly, and was said to wear them even on ship board. 
 Thomas, though not joined in the commission, was Mr.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 59 
 
 Jay's assistant and counsellor in the negotiation at London 
 in 1794. Of Charles, there will be occasion to speak again. 
 He was probably about sixty years of age in 1804. 
 
 LETTER XVIII. 
 
 MARCH 20, 1833. 
 
 THE year 1796 was one of perplexing embarrassment to 
 the government from the manner in which England and 
 France conducted their war. It was made still more so by 
 Mr. Adet, who came over in June, 1795, as successor of 
 Fauchet. This gentleman was incessantly complaining of 
 infractions of the treaty with France, and of the violation of 
 neutrality. He lost no opportunity of reminding the Ameri- * 
 cans of their debt of gratitude to France, though if the true*< 
 motives of the French in giving their aid, were known, it j 
 would probably deduct essentially from the moral obligation, / 
 however important the acts done may have been. When\ 
 Mr. Monroe went to France he had a most brotherly recep- j 
 tion ; tears in every eye ; all which he duly reciprocated. "S 
 He carried with him the American flag to present to the I 
 National Assembly ; by what authority this was done, doesv 
 not appear. Mr. Adet brought out a French flag, to returnv 
 the compliment. New year's day was appointed for the pre-^. 
 sentation of this flag to the President. Among other things, ' 
 Mr. Adet said, " I am convinced that every citizen will 
 " receive, with a pleasing emotion, this flag, elsewhere the 
 " terror of the enemies of liberty ; here, the certain pledge 
 " of faithful friendship ; especially when we recollect, that 
 " it guides to combat men who have shared their toils, and ; 
 " who were prepared for liberty, by aiding them to acquire j 
 " their own." This speech drew from Washington that mem-""^ 
 orable reply, uttered with the full dignity of the man, and of 
 the office which he filled : " Born, sir, in a land of liberty ; 
 " having early learned its value ; having engaged in a 
 " perilous conflict to defend it ; having, in a word, devoted 
 " the best years of my life to secure its permanent establish- 
 " ment in my country ; my anxious recollections, my sympa- 
 " thetic feelings, and my best wishes are irresistibly excited,
 
 60 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " whensoever in any country, I see an oppressed nation 
 " unfurl the banners of freedom." 
 
 He finished with saying, " I rejoice that liberty, which 
 " you have so long embraced with enthusiasm, now finds an 
 asylum in the bosom of a regularly organized government." 
 . The flag so presented, and so accepted, was deposited in 
 ^ the " archives," as like things are, and not in view, as the 
 French minister intended it should be. On the 9th of the 
 same month he wrote a letter of complaint to the Secretary 
 of State, that the flag had been so shut up ; and demanded 
 that it should be exalted and displayed in the House of 
 Representatives ; and said that the disposal made of it 
 " would be looked upon by the Republic as a mark of con- 
 " tempt or indifference." But he had, as he had often 
 f occasion to know, a sturdy old Roman to deal with in 
 ' Timothy Pickering, and the flag remained where it was. 
 j. Soon after Mr. Adet complained of the impressment of 
 I American seamen by the British, as a wrong done to France ; 
 and that the United States were thereby voluntarily strength- 
 ening the enemies of the Republic, and endangering the 
 liberties of his country. And again, happening to see an 
 f almanac, in which the order of foreign rank, therein pub- 
 Wlished, placed England and Spain before the Republic, 
 /he sent a formal letter demanding a correction of this 
 I injustice, or a disavowal of it, by the executive. Mr. Pick- 
 'ering answered, that Americans printed almanacs as they 
 I pleased, and that the government had nothing to do with it ; 
 -4)ut added, for his consolation, that there was an alma- 
 / nac printed in Boston, in which the Republic was ranked 
 \ first. 
 
 _^> Such trifles show the temper of the times ; but there are 
 ' other things of far different import. The controversies about. 
 armed vessels, public and private, within the waters of the 
 United States, both English and French, kept the cabinet in 
 constant agitation. Besides these occurrences, French priva- 
 teers, which had the right by treaty to come in, waylaid and 
 captured American vessels, in some instances, within two 
 hours after pilots had left them, and carried them to the 
 West Indies for consular condemnation. Controversies arose, 
 also, on the construction to be given to shipments of mer- 
 chandise, by the law of nations, and by the existing treaties, 
 which were closely argued in diplomatic intercourse with 
 
 '
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 61 
 
 the French minister. He was sustained throughout, by the 
 French Americans, who considered all he said and did to 
 be right, and that all their own government did was entirely 
 British, and intended to be so. But impartial history will 
 show that never did any executive government struggle 
 harder, and with good temper too, to adhere to the principles 
 of strict neutrality, and to keep out of the war, which was 
 overwhelming Europe. As to the complaints made by the 
 French minister, and the manner in which they were an- 
 swered, these may be found (among public documents ac- 
 companying a message to Congress, January 17, 1797) in 
 the very able letter of the Secretary of State to Mr. Pinck- 
 ney, at that time minister to France. 
 
 When the treaty with Great Britain took effect, by the 
 interchange of ratifications, the whole country rung with 
 renewed clamor, in which Washington's public services 
 were remembered only as matters of reproach. At the 
 session of Congress which commenced December, 1795, 
 and continued into the summer of 1796, Theodore Sedgwick, 
 of Massachusetts, moved a general proposition for making 
 the laws necessary for carrying the treaties into effect made 
 with Algiers, the Indians, Spain, and Great Britain. The 
 latter was soon separated from all the others, and the most 
 ardent and most eloquent, and at the same time, most acri- 
 monious debate ensued, ever known in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives. Mr. Livingston, then of New York, and now 
 minister to France, began by moving that the President 
 should be called on for all the papers relating to the negotia- 
 tion of the treaty. This motion was vehemently debated, 
 and, after some days, carried by a majority of fifty-seven to 
 thirty-five. The President answered, with his accustomed 
 coolness and dignity, stating his reasons why the House of 
 Representatives, which has no part in the treaty-making 
 power, cannot be constitutionally entitled to the papers 
 called for ; and concluded with saying, " a just regard to the 
 " constitution, and to the duties of my office, under all the 
 " circumstances of this case, forbid a compliance with your 
 " request." This refusal was received with an indignation 
 which the majority were at no pains to conceal. The same 
 spirit was widely disseminated through the country, and 
 every body felt wise enough to settle the constitutional ques- 
 tion, whether the President was right or wrong, in this refusal, 
 6
 
 62 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 Most fortunately for the United States, as afterwards 
 appeared from the operation of the treaty, public opinion 
 had undergone an important change. Popular meetings 
 were again held, and though many of the provisions of the 
 treaty were thought to be objectionable, and though omis- 
 sions were thought to be apparent, yet it could not be 
 doubted that a majority, composed of the most respectable 
 'and intelligent citizens, were in favor of carrying the treaty 
 into effect, with entire good faith. It is worthy of remark 
 j that Mr. Fox, in the British Parliament, complained that 
 I the treaty was very unfavorable to England. It is known, 
 Wrom Mr. Jay's, and from Mr. Pinckney's communications, 
 / that the treaty was as favorable to this country, as could 
 \ have been obtained. 
 
 The popular sentiment was felt in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, and, probably, had an important influence on the 
 final result. The debate necessarily took the widest range. 
 Europe the belligerents the character of the war our 
 condition inevitable consequences dissension among the 
 branches of the government popular enthusiasm inter- 
 est duty honor inflamed party spirit war means 
 wholly inadequate confusion and anarchy all figure in 
 this memorable debate, and with the full glow of party ex- 
 citement, which seemed to have been gathering from the 
 first institution of the government, to storm forth on this 
 occasion. All this may be seen in the mere printed skeleton 
 of debate, which is silent as to tones, looks, and gestures. 
 In a former page, the part which Mr. Ames took, on this 
 occasion, has been noticed. Notwithstanding the state of 
 his health, his speech comprises thirty-five closely printed 
 octavo pages in Dr. Kirkland's compilation. This extract 
 will give some idea of the character of the discussion : " Our 
 " understandings have been addressed, it is true, and with 
 " ability and effect ; but, I demand, has any corner of the 
 " heart been left unexplored 1 It has been ransacked to 
 " find auxiliary arguments ; and when that failed, to awaken 
 the sensibility that would require none. Every prejudice 
 and feeling has been summoned to listen to some peculiar 
 style of address ; and yet we seem to consider a doubt as 
 an affront, that we are strangers to any influence but that 
 of unbiassed reason." 
 
 In committee of the whole, the question on making laws 
 to carry the treaty into effect, rested on the casting vote of
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 63 
 
 the chairman. The final question in the House was carried 
 by a majority of three only, fifty-one to forty-eight. It may 
 gratify curiosity to mention some of the individuals who^i. 
 were then members of this branch of the legislature. Amoncr 
 those who voted that it was expedient to make laws for 
 carrying the treaty into effect, were, Fisher Ames, Theophi- 
 lus Bradbury, Nicholas Oilman, Roger Griswold, R. G. 
 Harper, James Hillhouse, Theodore Sedgwick, Jeremiah 
 Smith, William Smith. Among those who voted in the 
 negative were, Abraham Baldwin, Thomas Blount, Thomas 
 Claiborne, Henry Dearborn, Albert Gallatin, William B. "** 
 Giles, Wade Hampton, Edward Livingston, Nathaniel Ma- 7; 
 con, James Madison, Joseph B. Varnum. In all, fifty-one x 
 for, forty-eight against the measure. 
 
 With a view to make known to France the true state of 
 the country, and to remove all erroneous impressions, the 
 President contemplated a special mission thither. He had \ 
 the further inducement, that he was not satisfied with the > 
 ministry of Mr. Monroe. But finding that he was not 
 authorized, as he considered, to create an office, without the 
 assent of the Senate, but only to fill vacancies in an existing 
 office, the design was relinquished. Mr. Monroe was re- ^ 
 called, and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney was appointed in 
 September, 1796. Mr. Monroe took offence at being dis- N^ 
 placed, and came home, published a volume of justification, " 
 which probably aided him in attaining to the presidency. 
 He therein assumes to say, that if a rupture should happen 
 with France, it would not be occasioned by the misconduct 
 of France, but by Washington's policy, which Monroe calls 
 " short-sighted and bad." 
 
 LETTER XIX. 
 
 MARCH 22, 1833. 
 
 SOON after the adjournment of Congress, (June 1, 1796,) . 
 the President engaged himself in attempting the liberation > 
 of Lafayette. It will be remembered, that Lafayette, in the 
 early part of the revolution, considering himself unsafe in 
 France, retired from it, intending to find safety on neutral
 
 64 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 ground ; and that he was taken, by an Austrian patrol, and 
 detained in a dungeon several years, first in the Prussian 
 ^ dominions, and afterwards within those of Austria. The 
 President directed Mr. Pinckney, minister in London, to 
 speak to the ministers from Prussia, and Austria, concern- 
 ing the interest felt by him, in the fate of Lafayette. Find- 
 ing that the object of his compassion had been transferred 
 to the Emperor of Austria, he wrote a letter to him on the 
 subject. What effect this measure had, does not appear. 
 In 1796 Dr. Bollman was in this country. He had made a 
 gallant attempt to free Lafayette, together with a young 
 gentleman of South Carolina, (since known as Colonel 
 Huger,) which was nearly successful. Bollman was a Ger- 
 man ; he had nothing in his common deportment, of the 
 zeal and enterprise, which such an attempt would imply. 
 He was a tranquil, quiet gentleman ; with the air, neverthe- 
 less, of a very determined man. In the same year, the pres- 
 ent Lord Lyndhurst was in the United States, by the name 
 of Copley. He was a tranquil, quiet gentleman, also. He 
 had the reputation of being a good scholar, but he gave no 
 indication, at that time, that he was thereafter to be Lord 
 Chancellor. He was rather above common stature of 
 thin person, light complexion, and large blue eyes ; and of 
 very courteous manners. He was born in Boston, and was 
 carried to England when about two years old, before the 
 revolution. He made many friends here, and in other places 
 at the south ; and was much esteemed. 
 
 Towards the close of the year, the third election of presi- 
 /dent engaged the national attention. Washington was 
 / earnestly solicited to be a candidate again. All who had 
 I opposed his administration, were still more earnest that he 
 r should not. Every measure, that party feeling and malice 
 could resort to, was taken to render him odious. It is pain- 
 ful to recur to any of these measures, but the character of 
 ^ the times cannot be understood without doing it. 
 
 Thomas Paine, an Englishman by birth, came to this 
 country in 1774, and was here during the war. He was a 
 powerful writer for the popular eye. A pamphlet called 
 " Common Sense " gave him some celebrity. The legisla- 
 ture of Pennsylvania voted him .500 for this production. 
 He was secretary to the committee of foreign affairs : but 
 was dismissed for misconduct. In 1787 he went to France,
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 65 
 
 and thence to England, where he wrote "The Rights of% 
 Man," in answer to Burke's Reflections on the French 
 Revolution ; for which he was indicted, but escaped to 
 France. He was a member of the convention, which voted 
 for the death of the king. He voted for banishment. InJ 
 1793 he wrote " The Age of Reason" in derision of Chris- | 
 tianity ; and in the same year, having fallen under the * 
 displeasure of the rulers in France, he was imprisoned ; 
 and so continued to be, till the fall of Robespierre, in 1795. 
 He returned to the United States, and died near the city of N 
 New York, in 1809, at the age of seventy-three. His true"\ 
 character may be inferred from his writings. Among the 
 pieces of defamation circulated in 1797, was a letter of 
 Paine, addressed to General Washington, though not intend-* 
 ed for his eye, but through the press. It is dated at Paris, * 
 July 30, 1796. This letter Benjamin Franklin Bache, 
 editor of the " Aurora," considered sufficiently valuable to 
 be protected by a certificate of copy-right. From this letter 
 one may learn what sort of opinions some of our country- 
 men, and especially Mr. Jefferson, then considered it proper 
 to circulate. In relation to the funding system, Paine says 
 " The Chief of the army became the patron of fraud." 
 " Elevated to the chair of the presidency, you assumed the 
 " merit of every thing to yourself, and the natural ingratitude 
 " of your constitution began to appear. You commenced 
 " your presidential career by encouraging, and swallowing, 
 " the grossest adulation ; and travelled America, from one 
 " end to the other, to put youreslf in the way of receiving 
 " it." Speaking of John Adams and John Jay, (pages 11 
 and 12,) Paine says, " these are the disguised traitors, who 
 " call themselves federalists. John Adams is one of those 
 " men who never contemplated the origin of government, or 
 " comprehended any thing of the nature of first principles." 
 In page 15 : " Mr. Washington is known to have no friend- 
 " ships, and to be incapable of forming any he can serve 
 " or desert a cause, or a man, with constitutional indiffer- 
 " ence." In page 63 : " As to you, sir, treacherous in 
 " private friendship, (for so you have been to me, and that 
 " in the day of danger,)* and a hypocrite in public life, the 
 
 * Paine applied to Washington to aid him to get out of Robespierre's 
 dungeon ; which was declined on the ground that Paine had made 
 himself a French citizen. 
 6*
 
 66 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " world will be puzzled to decide, whether you are an apos- 
 " tate, or an impostor ; whether you have abandoned good 
 " principles, or whether you ever had any." It is not to be 
 supposed that Mr. Jefferson, (who was one of Bache's pa- 
 trons, as appears from his recommendation to Mr. Madison, 
 to have Bache's paper supported, see vol. iii. p. 387,) was 
 ignorant of this national insult offered to Washington by 
 Thomas Paine. Yet among the earliest acts of power, after 
 Mr. Jefferson arrived at the presidency, was to invite this 
 unworthy person to take passage in a national ship to the 
 United States. Within a fortnight after Mr. Jefferson had 
 taken his oath of office, he wrote to Paine (vol. iii. 459) : 
 " The return of our citizens from the phrenzy into which 
 they had been wrought, partly by ill conduct in France, 
 partly by artifices practised on them, is almost entire, and 
 will, I believe, become quite so. But these details, too 
 long and minute for a letter, will be better developed by 
 Mr. Dawson, the bearer of this, a member of the late Con- 
 gress, to whom I refer you for them. He goes in the 
 Maryland, a sloop of war, which will wait a few days at 
 Havre to receive his letters, to be written on his arrival at 
 Paris. You expressed a wish to get a passage to this 
 country, in a public vessel.* Mr. Dawson is charged with 
 orders to the captain of the Maryland, to receive, and ac- 
 commodate you with a passage back, if you can be ready to 
 depart at such short warning. I am in hopes you will find 
 us returned, generally, to sentiments worthy of former 
 times. In these, it will be your GLORY steadily to have 
 labored, and with as much effect as any man living. That 
 you may long live to continue your useful labors, and to 
 reap their reward in the thankfulness of nations, is my 
 sincere prayer." 
 Among other things, Washington was charged with com- 
 mitting murder in the French war, in 1757 ; the circum- 
 stance alluded to, justified the accusation no more, than if 
 he had been so charged for what he did at the battle of 
 Monmouth in the revolutionary war. 
 
 * That he might be protected from British capture and earned to 
 
 England, where he knew public punishment awaited him. The con- 
 
 / sistent Wm. Cobbett, who has lately been employed in writing the 
 
 life of Andrew Jackson, caused Paine's bones to be taken up, and 
 
 carried to England.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 67 
 
 The forged letters, which had been circulated during the 
 war, (purporting to have been written to family friends by 
 Washington,) to make him suspected by his countrymen of 
 being favorably disposed to the British, were revived, and 
 circulated. 
 
 The National Gazette, before mentioned as having been 
 edited by Freneau, a clerk in Mr. Jefferson's office, but more 
 especially the Aurora, edited by Bache, daily came forth 
 teeming with abuse and invective. 
 
 The French minister seems to have thought it his official 
 duty to write a letter to the Secretary of State, under date of 
 the 27th October, 1796, containing the most explicit charges 
 of breach of neutrality ; and adds, at the close "that he 
 " will cause this note to be printed, in order to make pub- 
 " licly known the motives which, at the present juncture, 
 " influenced the French Republic." This note was accord- 
 ingly printed in a Philadelphia paper, and came forth as 
 soon as the Secretary could have read the original. 
 
 LETTER XX. 
 
 MARCH 25, 1833. 
 
 ON the 15th of November, 1796, the French minister 
 wrote another letter, which, though in diplomatic form, and 
 addressed to the Secretary, he caused to be published at the 
 same time, that it might have the effect intended on the 
 public mind ; and which might, also, be an impressive 
 monition to the successor of the President. Mr. Adet 
 calls the wise measure of the administration in 1793 " the 
 insidious proclamation " (of neutrality). This letter of the 
 15th of November is so descriptive of the fraternization 
 of Republican France, of which Europe was destined to 
 feel the full effect, while the Republic continued, and while 
 the Emperor reigned, that some extracts from it may be 
 acceptable : " The undersigned minister plenipotentiary, 
 " moreover declares, that the Executive Directory regards the 
 " treaty of commerce, concluded with Great Britain, as a 
 " violation of the treaty made with France in 1778, and 
 " equivalent to a treaty of alliance with Great Britain ; and
 
 68 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " that, justly offended, at the conduct which the American 
 " government has held in this case, they have given him 
 " orders to suspend, from this moment, his ministerial funo 
 " tions with the Federal Government." 
 
 " What joy did not the American flag inspire when it 
 
 s, " waved unfurled in the French Senate. Tender tears 
 " trickled from each eye ; every one looked at it with amaze- 
 " ment. There, said they, is the symbol of the independ- 
 " ence of our American brethren ! Behold there, the pledge 
 " of their liberty. May victory always attend it. May it 
 " lead to glory none but a free and happy people ! These 
 " words, which escaped from a thousand mouths, were the 
 " expression of the sentiments of the whole nation. Was 
 " not an American to each Frenchman, another French- 
 " man ? He was more he was a friend ; and that sacred 
 " name, amidst civil dissensions, was equally respected by 
 " all. 
 
 " Alas ! time has not yet demolished the fortifications 
 
 i " with which the English roughened this country ; nor 
 " those tjie Americans raised for their defence ; their half 
 " rounded summits still appear in every quarter, amidst 
 " plains, on the tops of mountains. The traveller need not 
 
 I " search for the ditch, which served to encompass them ; 
 " it is still open under his feet. Scattered ruins of houses 
 " laid waste, which the fire had partly respected, in order 
 " to leave monuments of British fury, are still to be found. 
 " Men still exist, who can say, here a ferocious English- 
 " man slaughtered my father ; there my wife tore her bleed- 
 
 j."ing daughter from the hands of an unbridled English- 
 " man. Alas ! the soldiers who fell under the sword of 
 " the Britons, are not yet reduced to dust : the laborer, in 
 " turning up his field, still draws from the bosom of the 
 " earth their whitened bones ; while the ploughman, with 
 " tears and gratitude, still recollects that his fields, now 
 
 , " covered with rich harvests, have been moistened with 
 
 ' " French blood, while every thing around the inhabitants of 
 " this country animates them to speak of the tyranny of 
 " Great Britain and of the generosity of Frenchmen ; when 
 " England has declared a war of death to that nation, to 
 " avenge herself for its having cemented, with its blood, 
 " the independence of the United States. It was at this 
 " moment, their government made a treaty of amity with
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 69 
 
 " their ancient tyrant, the implacable enemy of their ^/ 
 " ancient ally. O ! Americans, covered with noble scars ! 
 " O ! you who have so often flown to death and to victory, 
 " with French soldiers ! You, who know those generous 
 " sentiments which distinguished the true warrior : whose 
 " hearts have always vibrated with those of your compan- 
 " ions in arms ! Consult them to-day to know what they 
 " experience ; recollect at the same time, that if magnani- 
 " mous souls, with liveliness, resent an affront, they also 
 " know how to forget one. Let your government return to 
 " itself, and you will still find in Frenchmen faithful friends, \ 
 " and generous allies. 
 
 " Done at Philadelphia, the 25th Brumaire, 5th year of V 
 " the French Republic, one and indivisible (15th Novem- 
 " ber, 1796, O. S.) P. A. ADET." 
 
 This eloquent appeal, appearing as it did, and when it 
 did, was undoubtedly intended as a French invitation to 
 American citizens, to elect Thomas Jefferson, President. 
 It was nearly successful. But complete success, required 
 the lapse of four years more. To promote the object in 
 view, another measure was adopted, namely, the publication 
 of the queries which Washington had proposed to his 
 cabinet, on the eve of issuing his proclamation of neutral- 
 ity, in 1793 ; and to which written answers were required. 
 It seems to have been his practice to obtain the separate 
 and deliberate opinions of his ministers, and then to form 
 his own. As the queries were entirely confidential, and as 
 the publication of them could not have been made by Ham- 
 ilton, or Knox, they must have been made by, or with the 
 assent of Jefferson, or Randolph. Jefferson thought proper 
 to write to Washington to exculpate himself. Washington, 
 in answering him, uses, among others, these words : " If I 
 " had entertained any suspicion before, that the queries 
 " Which have been published in Bache's paper proceeded 
 " from you, the assurances you have given of the contrary, 
 " would have removed them, . . But the truth is, I har- 
 " bored none. I am at no loss to conjecture from what 
 " source they flowed, through what channel they were con- 
 " veyed, nor for what purpose they, and similar publica- 
 " tions, appear. 
 
 " As you have mentioned the subject yourself, it would
 
 70 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " not be frank, candid, or friendly to conceal, that, your 
 " conduct has been represented as derogating from that 
 " opinion I conceived you entertained of me ; that to your 
 " particular friends and connexions you have described, 
 " and they have denounced me, as a person under a dan- 
 " gerous influence, and that, if I would listen more to some 
 " other opinions, all would be well. My answer invariably 
 " has been, that I had never discovered any thing in the 
 " conduct of Mr. Jefferson, to raise suspicions in my mind 
 " of his sincerity ; that if he would retrace my public con- 
 " duct while he was in the administration, abundant proofs 
 " would occur to him, that truth, and right decisions, were 
 " the sole objects of my pursuit ; that there were as many 
 " instances, within his own knowledge, of my having de- 
 " cided against, as in favor of the person evidently alluded 
 
 C" to ; and moreover, that I was no believer in the infalli- 
 " bility of the politics, or measures of any man living. 
 " In short, that I was no party man myself, and that the 
 " first wish of my heart was, if parties did exist, to recon- 
 " cile them. 
 
 " To this I may add, and very truly, that until the last 
 " year or two, I had no conception that parties would, or 
 " even could, go the lengths I have been witness to ; nor 
 " did I believe, until lately, that it was within bounds of 
 'probability, . . hardly within those of possibility, that 
 while I was using my utmost exertions to establish a 
 ' national character of our own, independent, as far as our 
 ' obligations and justice would permit, of every nation on 
 1 the earth ; and wished, by steering a steady course, to 
 preserve this country from the horrors of desolating 
 war, I should be accused of being the enemy of one 
 ' nation, and subject to the influence of another ; and to 
 prove it, that every act of my administration would be 
 tortured, and the grossest and most insidious misrepre- 
 sentations of them be made, by giving one side only of a 
 subject ; and that too in such exaggerated and indecent 
 terms as could scarcely be applied to a Nero .... to 
 a notorious defaulter .... or even to a common pick- 
 pocket. 
 
 " But enough of this .... I have already gone further 
 in the expression of my feelings than I intended." 
 Let it not be forgotten, that though Washington seems,
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 71 
 
 to some extent, to exculpate Mr. Jefferson, yet, that the base 
 and wicked slanders and criminations of which he com- 
 plains, appeared in the newspaper edited by Mr. Jefferson's 
 clerk, Freneau, and in that edited by Bache. It will be 
 seen, hereafter, that on one occasion, Washington com- 
 plained to Mr. Jefferson of the publications, which ap- 
 peared in Freneau's paper, and also in what manner Mr. 
 Jefferson was pleased to treat that complaint. 
 
 LETTER XXI. 
 
 MARCH 30, 1833. 
 
 ON the 7th of December, 1796, Washington met Con- 
 gress for the last time, and commended to their attention 
 many highly important subjects, some of which have been 
 attended to, and others neglected. He adverted, modestly, 
 to the course which he had pursued in conducting the 
 government, but did not condescend to notice the slanders 
 which had been poured out against him. He had published 
 his memorable Farewell Address, in the month of Septem- 
 ber, 1796. 
 
 It is characteristic of Mr. Jefferson, that he makes an 
 attempt to rob Washington, in some degree, of the author- 
 ship of this precious legacy ; and to transfer it to his friend 
 Mr. Madison. There is not the slightest evidence any 
 where, that Washington had any such regard, or respect 
 for Mr. Madison, politically or individually, as to lead to 
 the belief that this gentleman would have been the selected 
 object of confidence, on this delicate and serious occasion.' 
 Mr. Jefferson says, (in a letter to Judge Johnson, of 
 South Carolina, vol. iv. p. 370,) " With respect to his 
 ' farewell address, to the authorship of which, it seems, 
 ' there are conflicting claims, I can state to you some 
 'facts. He had declined a re-election, at the end of his 
 ' first term, and so far determined, that he had requested 
 ' Mr. Madison to prepare for him something valedictory, to 
 ' be addressed to his constituents on his retirement." 
 ' When at the end of his second term, when his valedictory 
 ' came out, Mr. Madison recognised in it several passages
 
 72 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 ' of his draught ; several others, we were both satisfied, 
 ' were from the pen of Hamilton ; and others from that of 
 ' the President himself. These he, probably, put into the 
 ' hands of Hamilton to form into a whole ; and hence it 
 ' may all appear in Hamilton's hand-writing, as if it were 
 ' all his composition." That is, Hamilton took Madison's 
 manuscript, and adopted it as his, but to appear as Wash- 
 ington's ! The truth, in this matter, is now known from 
 the pen of John Jay. 
 
 Until the close of his administration, Washington had 
 never publicly noticed the " forged letters ; " he then 
 thought it proper to address to the Secretary of State, to 
 be filed in his office, a solemn declaration that they were 
 forged. 
 
 On the 22d of February, 1797, the citizens of Philadel- 
 phia asked Washington's presence at a ball, intended as a 
 mark of their respect. At that time, there was a circus, 
 and an hotel, (known as O'Ellers',) on the south side of 
 Chestnut Street, between Fifth and Sixth Streets. The 
 circus was floored over for dancing, and otherwise suitably 
 prepared ; and a settee, with a canopy over it, arranged in 
 an elevated position for Mr. and Mrs Washington. He 
 did not confine himself to this, but moved about the circus, 
 conversing freely with the company, consisting of citizens, 
 distinguished members of Congress, all foreign ministers, 
 and invited strangers. An opening was made through the 
 wall of the hotel, from the circus, and the company passed 
 through this into the- hotel to sup.* On the fourth of 
 March (1797) he was present when John Adams took the 
 oath of office ; and he appeared to be sincerely glad, in the 
 manner of his congratulations to the new President, that 
 the care and responsibility of that station, were no longer 
 his own. In two or three' days he withdrew from Philadel- 
 phia to Mount Vernon, to leave it no more for the residue 
 of his life.t He was sixty-five years of age the 22d of the 
 preceding February. 
 
 The following are recollections of Washington, derived 
 from repeated opportunities of seeing him during the three 
 
 * This hotel was shortly after destroyed by fire ; and the circus has 
 long since given place to other buildings. 
 
 t He appeared once as a grand juror and served as foreman.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 73 
 
 last years of his public life. He was over six feet in stature ; ,/ 
 of strong, bony, muscular frame, without fulness of cover- ;\ 
 ing, well formed and straight. He was a man of most ex- / 
 traordinary physical strength. In his own house his action 
 was calm, deliberate, and dignified, without pretension to 
 gracefulness, or peculiar manner, but merely natural, and 
 such as one would think it should be in such a man. When 
 walking in the street, his movement had not the soldierly~\ 
 air which might be expected. His habitual motions had l 
 been formed long before he 1 took command of the American J 
 armies, in the wars of the interior, and in the surveying of 
 wilderness lands, employments in which grace and elegance 
 were not likely to be acquired. At the age of sixty-five, 
 time had done nothing towards bending him out of his 
 natural erectness. His deportment was invariably grave ; 
 it was sobriety that stopped short of sadness. His presence ^ 
 inspired a veneration, and a feeling of awe, rarely experi- *i 
 enced in the presence of any man. His mode of speaking ) 
 was slow and deliberate, not as though he was in search of 
 fine words, but that he might utter those only adapted to his 
 purpose. It was the usage for all persons, in good society, 
 to attend Mrs. Washington's levee every Friday evening. = 
 He was always present. The young ladies used to throng \ 
 around him, and engage him in conversation. There were 
 some of the well remembered belles of that day who imagined 
 themselves to be favorites with him. As these were the 
 only opportunities which they had of conversing with him, 
 they were disposed to use them. One would think, that a 
 gentleman and a gallant soldier, if he could ever laugh, or 
 dress his countenance in smiles, would do so when sur- 
 rounded by young and admiring beauties. But this was~-s 
 never so ; the countenance of Washington never softened ; 
 nor changed its habitual gravity. One who had lived always 
 in his family, said, that his manner in public life, and in the 
 seclusion of most retired life, was always the same. Being 
 asked whether Washington could laugh ; this person said, 
 that this was a rare occurrence, but that one instance was . 
 remembered when he laughed most heartily at her narration < 
 of an incident in which she was a party concerned ; and in j 
 which he applauded her agency. The late General Cobb, J 
 who was long a member of his family during the war, (and 
 who enjoyed a laugh as much as any man could,) said, that 
 7
 
 74 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 he never saw Washington laugh, excepting when Dr. Tho- 
 mas of Massachusetts came to dine at head-quarters. This 
 gentleman had a fund of ludicrous anecdotes, and a manner 
 of telling them, which relaxed even the gravity of the com- 
 mander in chief. 
 
 General Cobb also said, that the forms of proceeding at 
 head-quarters were exact and precise ; orderly and punctual. 
 At the appointed moment, Washington appeared at the 
 breakfast table. He expected to find all the members of his 
 family, (Cobb, Hamilton, Humphreys, were among them,) 
 awaiting him. He came dressed for the day, and brought 
 with him the letters and despatches of the preceding day, 
 with short memoranda of the answers to be made ; also the 
 substance of orders to be issued. When breakfast was over, 
 these papers were distributed among his aids, to be put into 
 form. Soon after, he mounted his horse to visit the troops, 
 and expected to find, on his return before noon, all the papers 
 prepared for his inspection and signature. There was no 
 
 r familiarity in his presence ; it was all sobriety and business. 
 
 s His mode of life was abstemious and temperate. He had a 
 decided preference for certain sorts of food, probably from 
 early associations. Throughout the war, as it was under- 
 stood in his military family, he gave a part of every day to 
 private prayer and devotion. 
 
 While he lived in Philadelphia, as President, he rose at 
 
 . four in the morning ; and the general rule of his house was 
 that the fires should be covered, and the lights extinguished 
 at a certain hour ; whether this was nine or ten, is not recol- 
 lected. 
 
 In the early part of his administration, great complaints 
 
 ^ were made by the opposition, of the aristocratic and royal 
 
 (demeanor of the President. Mr. Jefferson makes some 
 
 % commentaries on this subject, which do no credit to his head 
 or his heart. These are too little to be transcribed from the 
 works of this " great and good man." (See vol. iv. p. 487.) 
 Dr. Stuart, of Virginia, wrote to him of the dissatisfaction 
 which prevailed on this subject in Virginia. In the 5th vol. 
 of Marshall, page 164, will be found an extract of Washing- 
 
 1 ton's vindication of his conduct; and a most satisfactory 
 
 one, and which shows the proper character of Mr. Jefferson's 
 
 " Anas." These complaints related, in particular, to the 
 
 .manner of receiving such visiters as came from respect, or
 
 ON PUBLIC CHAUACTERS. 75 
 
 from curiosity, of which there were multitudes. The purpose 
 of Washington was, that such visiters should accomplish their 
 objects, without a sacrifice of time, which he considered in- 
 dispensable to the performance of his public duties. 
 
 He devoted one hour every other Tuesday, from three to 
 four, to these visits. He understood himself to be visited as 
 the President of the United States, and not on his own 
 account. He was not to be seen by any body and every 
 body ; but required that every one who came should be in- 
 troduced by his secretary, or by some gentleman, whom he 
 knew himself. He lived on the south side of Market 
 Street, just below Sixth.* The place of reception was the 
 dining room in the rear, twenty-five or thirty feet in length, 
 including the bow projecting into the garden. Mrs. Wash- 
 ington received her visiters in the two rooms on the second 
 floor, from front to rear. 
 
 At three o'clock, or at any time within a quarter of an 
 hour afterwards, the visiter was conducted to this dining 
 room, from which all seats had been removed for the time. 
 On entering he saw the tall manly figure of Washington 
 clad in black velvet ; his hair in full dress, powdered and 
 gathered behind in a large silk bag ; yellow gloves on his 
 hands ; holding a cocked hat with a cockade in it, and the 
 edges adorned with a black feather about an inch deep. 
 He wore knee and shoe buckles ; and a long sword, with a 
 finely wrought and polished steel hilt, which appeared at the 
 left hip ; the coat worn over the sword, so that the hilt, and 
 the part below the folds of the coat behind, were in view. 
 The scabbard was white polished leather. 
 
 He stood always in front of the fire-place, with his face 
 towards the door of entrance. The visiter was conducted 
 to him, and he required to have the name so distinctly pro- 
 nounced, that he could hear it. He had the very uncom- 
 mon faculty of associating a man's name, and personal 
 appearance, so durably in his memory, as to be able to call 
 any one by name, who made him a second visit. He re- 
 ceived his visiter with a dignified bow, while his hands were 
 so disposed of as to indicate that the salutation was not to 
 be accompanied with shaking hands. This ceremony never 
 occurred in these visits, even with his most near friends, 
 that no distinction might be made. 
 
 * This was the house of Robert Morris before Washington occupied it.
 
 76 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 As visiters came in, they formed a circle around the 
 room. At a quarter past three, the door was closed, and 
 the circle was formed for that day. He then began on the 
 right, and spoke to each visiter, calling him by namei and 
 exchanging a few words with him. When he had com- 
 pleted his circuit, he resumed his first position, and the 
 visiters approached him, in succession, bowed and retired. 
 By four o'clock this ceremony was over. 
 
 On the evenings when Mrs. Washington received visiters, 
 he did not consider himself as visited. He was then as a 
 private gentleman, dressed usually in some colored coat and 
 waistcoat, (the only one recollected was brown, with bright 
 buttons,) and black, on his lower limbs. He had then 
 neither hat nor sword ; he moved about among the company, 
 conversing with one and another. He had once a fortnight 
 an official dinner, and select companies on other days. He 
 sat (it is said) at the side, in a central position, Mrs. Wash- 
 ington opposite ; the two ends were occupied by members of 
 his family, or by personal friends. 
 
 LETTER XXII. 
 
 APRIL 2, 1833. 
 
 AT this day, the conduct and character of Washington 
 spoken of with respect and veneration by most men. 
 : We have seen several sorts of administration of public affairs 
 L since his time ; it is not too soon to consider, calmly and 
 dispassionately, the worth of that conducted by himself. It 
 may be, that the efforts made in Washington's lifetime, by 
 Paine, Bache, and Freneau, (to say nothing of any which 
 Mr. Jefferson may have made, paid for, or approved of,) to 
 deprive him of the esteem of his countrymen, have still some 
 effect on the public mind. But the day will come when 
 ^ Washington and Jefferson will both be remembered, by all 
 who seek correct information, as they should be. 
 
 Washington brought into office the reputation of a suc- 
 cessful military chief. Not that which depends on personal 
 courage ; nor that which arises from the able use of the best 
 means for conducting warfare ; but the reputation of having
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 77, 
 
 used means which we now look back upon with astonish-) 
 ment, as having been capable of effecting the independence / 
 of the country. In all his agency, then, and ever after, _^ 
 wisdom, firmness, perseverance, great ability, unimpeach- 
 able integrity, are admitted to be his attributes. Infamous 
 slanders have been forgotten in the lapse of time ; and 
 some of those who paid for them, and circulated them, find 
 their own interests promoted, in having them forgotten. 
 
 Washington was not a successor. He had no path before *< 
 him, marked out by time, and experience. He had a nation 
 to rule, who were to receive rules for the first time, under a 
 voluntary government, obtained with great exertion, and 
 against the will of an able, and irreconcilable minority. 
 There was no reverence for ancient usages, no affection for 
 a system, which its subjects had been born under, and had 
 grown up with. No cherished recollections of evils averted, 
 and benefits secured, under a faithful exercise of power. 
 There were the abstract rules of a constitution ; no laws, no 
 officers, no application of its force, to the exigencies of the 
 country. There were all the complicated and embarrassing 
 concerns of the late war ; craving creditors to the amount 
 of many millions ; a pervading sense of gratitude to France ; 
 the memory of bitter sufferings under the cruel exercise of 
 British warfare, from one end of the continent to the other"; 
 and most especially in the south. 
 
 The memory of suffering in the south, particularly in > 
 South Carolina, was deep and eradicable. War there, was 
 bereft of all the magnanimity and forbearance, which 
 modern usages, under Christian influence, have introduced 
 to mitigate its horrors. It was vindictive, unsparing, merci- 
 less civil war. It was worse yet ; it was a wanton exercise 
 of force, which was infamous, even when attempted to be 
 palliated by calling it the lawful exercise of power against 
 rebels. A correspondent feeling and action, followed on the 
 part of the Americans. Besides the evils of such war, the 
 inhabitants of the country were divided into whig and tory 
 parties, and carried all the bitterness of the times into these 
 distinctions. Among the most disgraceful and mournful 
 tragedies ever acted among men, was the execution of the 
 gallant and honorable Colonel Isaac Hayne on the 4th of 
 August, 1781, at Charleston. The names of the two British 
 officers who had the heart to order this, shall not be mention- 
 7*
 
 78 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 .* * 
 
 ed. They resisted such an appeal, as ought to have softened 
 the hardest substance that can be called a human heart. 
 The second Gothic king that wore a Roman crown, died of 
 remorse, that he had put a fellow man to death, under cir- 
 cumstances more excusable than those which carried Colonel 
 Hayne to a place of execution. No time, no distance should 
 ever permit the oblivion of such scenes ; that they may 
 serve to moderate the exercise of power, and warn the 
 soldier that future generations will judge of him with im- 
 partial justice. Such feelings towards the British, were, 
 from like causes, prevalent in Virginia. The elements of 
 opposition, needed only some combining and exciting cause, 
 to be felt in all their force. 
 
 To the high responsibility of giving motion and effect to 
 the new system, among all these discordant elements, it was 
 the lot of Washington to be called. Without going minutely 
 into measures, let us glance at the prominent ones, and 
 judge, by the light of experience, whether he, and his politi- 
 cal associates, were right or wrong. 
 
 Was it right or wrong to provide for the payment of the 
 public debt, justly called " the price of liberty ? " Who can 
 answer in the negative 1 Was the manner of this provision 
 right or wrong? If wrong, it must have been so from not 
 paying the holders of securities, which had changed hands 
 innumerable times, at the rate of purchase. How could 
 this be ascertained ; and was every bargain made, in the 
 United States, to be traced through all its steps to the origi- 
 nal holder ? If some men thought better of eventual solven- 
 cy of the nation than others did, and chose to take the risk, 
 was this a reason why they should not be paid 1 If one man 
 could purchase an article, of uncertain value, at a rate 
 which the owner was disposed to take, what law of justice, 
 or honor, forbade the purchase? It is true that the poor 
 soldier and the war-worn officer, had parted, in their poverty 
 and necessity, with the paper payment for their services, for 
 an almost nominal consideration. But what was this to the 
 creditor ? To these soldiers and officers, there was still a 
 national debt in gratitude and justice. It has been poorly 
 paid to survivors, after most of the whole number had found 
 their graves. Gratitude is a fruitless claim, in most cases, 
 when presented to the conscience of a nation. Not to have 
 done what was done, would have been injustice, for which 
 there could have been no palliation.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 79 
 
 The manner of this provision was this right or wrong ? 
 The amount of the revolutionary debt, estimated at specie 
 value, in 1790, was ($135,190,703) more than one hundred 
 and thirty-five millions of dollars. It was to be liquidated 
 and funded, and provision made for interest and principal. 
 To this end, the commercial regulations, now in force, com- 
 prising the whole system of shipping interests, and insensi- 
 ble taxation by duties on importation, were established. 
 These regulations have been adhered to, in all the hostility 
 manifested in later times, to the Washington administration. 
 But it was not for the occasion of the day, that they were 
 established ; it was to make a sure foundation (united with 
 other subjects) for national credit and security in all future 
 times. When the government has been well conducted, 
 and has deserved public confidence, these regulations have 
 answered the intended purpose. From this system of things 
 arises now, the vital strength of the national government ; a 
 strength which may be safely relied on in every emergency 
 when the national rulers have justly the confidence of the 
 country. We hear, at this day, proud boastings of the 
 extinction of the national debt of the revolution, and of the 
 one hundred millions of debt accumulated in the late war. 
 By whose wisdom and foresight was it, that the extinction 
 of the debt has been effected ? By those who founded the 
 financial system, or those who, since that time, have applied 
 it, well or ill, as the case may be ? 
 
 Was Washington's administration right or wrong, towards 
 France and England, during their vindictive and exter- 
 minating war ? No man ever had a more delicate and diffi- 
 cult task to perform than in relation to these belligerents. 
 To both of them, this country, situated at the distance of 
 three thousand miles from the cabinets of each, and near 
 colonies of both, was a subject of unceasing jealousy. Each 
 desired to prevent this country from becoming adversely a 
 party in the war ; and France was resolutely determined, by 
 every art of corruption, and intrigue, and by open menace, 
 that it should become a party, in alliance with her. What 
 could this country gain, and how much was it sure to lose, 
 by engaging in the war, on either side ! Surely the true 
 policy of the country was strict neutrality. To preserve 
 this, the most forbearing and conciliatory measures were 
 adopted towards each ; ministers were sent, and instructions
 
 80 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 given to show, that the United States were and meant to be 
 neutral. 
 
 When the conduct of Great Britain became intolerable in 
 the capture of American ships, was it best to go to war, and 
 take the chances of French fraternity, or to send a special 
 messenger to make explanations, and demand reparation? 
 The good sense of the country came to the relief of the 
 administration in this measure ; and the country was saved 
 from the calamities which threatened it, by the ratification 
 of Mr. Jay's treaty, and by popular approval. 
 
 To the last hour of his administration, Washington per- 
 severed in his neutrality ; and was able to countervail the 
 popular clamor in favor of France. We can look back 
 calmly, on the policy of that peculiar country ; we now 
 know what the fate of all countries was that submitted to 
 French alliance, whether republican or imperial ; and we 
 can plainly see what would have been the fate of this 
 country, if Washington had yielded to the hollow assurances 
 and open menaces of Genet, Fauchet, and Adet, sustained 
 as they were, by an unfaithful or deluded portion of our 
 country, and sometimes amounting to a popular majority. 
 
 In the discretionary exercise of executive power, the 
 " r- Washington administration was wise and tolerant. In 
 ' filling offices the President preferred, when he could, the 
 revolutionary chiefs, of whose integrity, and ability, he had 
 ample proofs. No one will say that such men did not 
 deserve the honors and emoluments of office, which their 
 own perilous efforts helped to establish. He did not, like 
 some of his successors, profess to ask, Is he honest, is he 
 capable, is he faithful to the constitution. He appointed 
 men that were so. He displaced no man for the expression 
 of his opinions, even in the feverish excitement of French 
 delusion. 
 
 With regard to all other foreign governments ; the judi- 
 ciary ; the national bank ; the Indian tribes ; the mint ; in 
 his deportment to his own ministers ; his communications 
 to Congress ; his construction of the constitution ; his 
 sacred regard for it ; his devotion to the whole Union ; his 
 magnanimity and forbearance ; his personal dignity ; in all 
 these, and in relation to all other subjects, how great and 
 honorable was his example, how transcendently above all 
 praise that man can bestow ; and yet how utterly have his
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 81 
 
 views, and his example been disregarded within these 
 thirty years ! 
 
 As successive events, and new agents, arise in our na- 
 tional progress, and means of comparison are lost in the 
 lapse of time, we are in great danger, by taking those 
 which are most recent, of descending by steps, to the end 
 of republican freedom. The state of our country now, 
 freed as it is from debt, disentangled as it is from European 
 alliances, fearless as it is from Indian aggressions, presents 
 an humiliating contrast with its condition at the close of the 
 last century. On the disheartening difficulties of that day, 
 time has rolled its tide. Not one in a thousand of those 
 who were then minors, or born since, has given a serious 
 thought to them, with a view to know, as to all that is now 
 doing, what is right or wrong. These real difficulties are 
 gone ; and what have succeeded to them ? Those of do- 
 mestic creation ; the jealousies and enmities fomented 
 among the members of the same family ; the cravings for 
 power and distinction ; the reign of selfishness, and of pas- 
 sion. By these the strength of the government is to be 
 tried, as its founders predicted ; and not by the combined 
 strength of all Europe, while we are united among our- 
 selves. 
 
 LETTER XXIII. 
 
 APRIL 5, 1833. 
 
 IT is time to relieve this narration of political events by 
 some description of public men, at the close of the last cen- 
 tury. It must be remembered, that there are friends and 
 descendants of these men, now living, whose feelings are to 
 be respected ; and also, that the remarks to be made are 
 those of one individual who narrates from memory, and his 
 own notice of men and things, and who may not have seen 
 and observed, as others did. The inducement to make any 
 remarks of this nature, is, that the time is at hand, when 
 all power to speak of men who were busy at the close of 
 the last century, from personal knowledge, will cease. 
 Who and what they were, who were Washington's military 
 
 ) 
 II
 
 82 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 and political associates, friends or foes, must be interesting 
 especially as they lived when European governments 
 were shaken to the centre by the force of revolution, suffi- 
 ciently powerful to be felt and dreaded, in this far western 
 world ; and also, that they lived and acted at a time, when 
 fear of, or devotion to, revolutionary notions, brought all 
 minds, strong or feeble, into incessant action. Reason and 
 / good sense were then, as now, impotent agents, against 
 ' x that popular excitement which makes law for itself. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson mentions in his writings, " the Essex Junto" 
 with much reproach. What persons he meant by this party 
 distinction, he did not know himself. It seems to have 
 been his practice to throw out defamatory remarks, to fix 
 as they might. It is well remembered, that there were 
 intelligent men in the county of Essex, who were steadfast 
 friends of the Washington administration, and who sup- 
 ported that of Mr. Adams, though without unqualified 
 approbation. These men had intimate friends and asso- 
 ciates in Boston, who thought as they did. They were, 
 unitedly, sincere and uncompromising opponents of Jeffer- 
 sonism, in all its forms. Their political merits and de- 
 merits may depend on this. If the administrations of 
 Washington and Adams were right, they were right. If 
 devotion to France, merely because it was France, and 
 hatred of England, merely because it was England, re- 
 gardless of duty or interest, as to their own country, was 
 wrong, they were right, as subsequent events most clearly 
 proved. They were men, and like other men, might feel 
 and express indignation at the abuse and perversion of 
 power to mere party purposes ; and might have desired to 
 see power properly restrained, and rightly applied; and 
 may have expressed more decidedly, than some others did, 
 their own opinions. But Mr. Jefferson was the real cause 
 of these opinions. If he was a wise and honest states- 
 man, and deserved the confidence and gratitude of his 
 countrymen, the Essex Junto were wrong. If he was prac- 
 tically the enemy of the national constitution, and merely 
 the chief of a party, and not the President of the United 
 States, they were right. 
 
 . Among the distinguished men, at the close of the last 
 
 ^f century, was Benjamin Lincoln ; a revolutionary officer, 
 
 * Secretary at War, the General in the Massachusetts insur- 

 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 83 
 
 rection, and first Collector of the port of Boston. In 1794, 
 he was about sixty years of age. He had received only 
 an inferior education, but had done much to compensate 
 for its defects. Before the war, he had been town officer, 
 member of the legislature, and militia colonel. He was 
 about five feet riine inches in stature, and of so uncorn- *V 
 monly broad person, as to seem to be of less stature than 
 he was. His gray hair was combed back from his forehead, 
 unpowdered, and gathered in a long queue. His face was 
 round and full, his eyes blue, and his complexion light. 
 He was usually dressed in a blue coat, and light under 
 clothes, and wore a cocked hat. He always appeared in 
 boots, in consequence of the deformity of his left leg, oc- 
 casioned by a wound received at the capture of Burgoyne. 
 His speech was with apparent difficulty, as though he 
 were too full. The expression of his countenance was 
 exceedingly kind and amiable. His manner was very 
 gracious ; like those of all the high officers of the revolu-****^ 
 tion, his deportment was dignified and courteous. He 
 wrote essays on several subjects, commercial, agricultural, 
 and philosophical, some of which were published. He 
 employed some one to read these essays, and assigned for 
 a reason, that being entirely ignorant of the grammatical 
 construction of language, he could judge only by the sound, 
 of its correctness. 
 
 General Lincoln was one of the few persons who are j 
 afflicted with somnolency. This was not occasioned by j 
 age, but was constitutional. In the midst of conversation, j 
 at table, and when driving himself in a chaise, he would i 
 fall into a sound sleep. While he commanded the troops 
 against the Massachusetts insurgents, he dictated despatches I 
 and slept between the sentences. His sleep did not appear *\ 
 to disturb his perception of circumstances that were passing 1 
 around him. He considered this an infirmity, and his 
 friends never ventured to speak, to him of it. He was a -y 
 man of exemplary morals, and of sincere piety, carrying 
 fully into practical life, the ethics of the religion which he 
 professed. He enjoyed the high respect arid confidence of 
 Washington, and the affectionate regard of his fellow officers. 
 He performed his various trusts with ability, and incor- 
 ruptible integrity. He was a member of the American 
 Academy, and President of the Cincinnati.
 
 84 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 He died in 1810, at an advanced age. He was one of 
 'the very few whom Mr. Jefferson did not turn out of office. 
 But so many persons were placed in the collectorship, of 
 the new order of public officers, that it was disagreeable to 
 him to remain in office. From this cause, as well as in- 
 creasing years, he retired. 
 
 LETTER XXIV. 
 
 APRIL 10, 1833. 
 
 HENRY KNOX was a bookseller, and bookbinder, at Bos- 
 P ton, when the war began, at which time he was about twenty- 
 five years old. He had been captain of a grenadier com- 
 pany ; and was a volunteer at Bunker Hill battle. He 
 Tmet Washington at Cambridge, in 1776 ; and was immedi- 
 ately made chief of artillery, in which relation he contin- 
 ued during the war, and always near head-quarters. He 
 served throughout the war, and left the service with the 
 t rank of Major General. When he resigned the office of Sec- 
 ' retary, at the close of 1794, he removed to Boston, and for 
 some years afterwards resided there. He was a large, full 
 man, above middle stature ; his lower limbs inclined a very 
 little outward, as though they had taken a form from the 
 long continued use of the saddle. His hair was short in front, 
 standing up and powdered, and queued. His forehead was 
 low, his face large and full below ; his eyes rather small, 
 gray and brilliant. The expression of his face altogether, 
 was a very fine one. 
 
 When moving along the street, he had an air of grandeur, 
 and self-complacency, but it wounded no man's self-love. 
 He carried a large cane, not to aid his steps, but usually 
 under his arm ; and sometimes, when he happened to stop 
 and engage in conversation with his accustomed ardor, his 
 cane was used to flourish with, in aid of his eloquence. He 
 was usually dressed in black. In the summer he common- 
 ly carried his light silk hat in his hand, when walking in 
 f the shade. His left hand had been mutilated, and a part 
 / of it was gone. He wore a black silk handkerchief wrapt 
 around it, from which the thumb and forefinger appeared.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 85 
 
 When engaged in conversation he used to unwind and re- 
 place this handkerchief, but not so as to show his disfigured 
 hand. 
 
 When thinking, he looked like one of his own heavy 
 pieces, which would surely do execution when discharged ; 
 when speaking, his face had a noble expression, and was 
 capable of displaying the most benignant feeling. This 
 was the true character of his heart. His voice was strong^- 
 and no one could hear it without feeling that it had been 
 accustomed to command. The mind of Knox was power- 
 ful, rapid, and decisive ; and he could employ it continu- 
 ously, and effectively. His natural propensity was highly 
 social, and no man better enjoyed a hearty laugh. He said \ 
 that he had, through life, left his bed at the dawn, and had , 
 been always a cheerful, happy man. 
 
 He had a brilliant imagination, and not less brilliant modes 
 of expression. His conceptions of the power and glory of 
 the Creator of the universe, were of an exalted character. 
 That he might give scope to this sentiment, he chose the 
 region of Blue Hill, that he might there witness the great / 
 solar eclipse of June the 16th, 1806. His expressions, at\ 
 the decline of the light, in the moment of almost total dark- J 
 ness, and on the effulgence of the returning beams of the 
 sun, were worthy of the occasion, and of his own glorious ^ 
 mind. The immortality of the soul was not with him a | 
 matter of induction, but a sentiment, or fact, no more to be / 
 questioned, than his own earthly existence. 
 
 His noble hospitality, and exuberant generosity, and too 
 confident a calculation on the productiveness of sales of 
 extensive tracts of land in Maine, led him into some em- 
 barrassments, towards the close of his life. His life ended 
 at the splendid mansion which he erected at Thomaston, in 
 Maine, in the year 1896, from an unfortunate accident,* in 
 the 56th year of his age. 
 
 When President Adams concluded to form an army in / 
 1798, Washington accepted the chief corvmand with the jr* 
 right of naming his chiefs. He named Hamilton Inspector 
 General, and first in command under him, Charles Cotes- 
 worth Pinckney, second, and Knox, third. Knox was ex- 
 
 * He swallowed a piece of chicken bone, which produced a fatal 
 mortification. 
 
 8 

 
 f 
 
 86 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 ceedingly hurt at this, as he was Hamilton's senior, in years, 
 /and rank. He hesitated, for some time, whether to accept. 
 But his own manly feelings, and the nature of the call on 
 1 him, suppressed the natural sensibility of a soldier, and he 
 accepted. 
 
 The manners of the revolutionary officers among them- 
 
 Y[ selves (there were several in Boston at the time now spoken 
 
 f of) were exceedingly affectionate, and familiar. They spoke 
 
 to each other by their Christian names, or surnames only ; 
 
 but yet there was a courtesy and dignity which always made 
 
 it the intercourse of gentlemen. All of them were in the 
 
 habit of using expressions, (no doubt acquired in the army,) 
 
 which hardly seemed to be profaneness in them, though it 
 
 * would now be such, if used by any one. They were in 
 
 Cjnany respects a noble set of men. It is to be hoped, that 
 
 /the race is not extinct. Perhaps the occasion made them 
 
 I what they were ; for there seems to be few such men in 
 
 \ these days. 
 
 It was of this same Henry Knox, that Thomas Jefferson 
 has published to his countrymen, and for the benefit of pos- 
 terity, as follows : (vol. iv. page 484 :) " Knox subscribed at 
 " once to Hamilton's opinion, that we ought to declare the 
 " treaty void, (French treaty of 1778,) acknowledging, at 
 " the same time, like a fool as he is, that he knew nothing 
 " about it." " There having been an intimation by Randolph, 
 " that in so great a question he should choose to give a writ- 
 " ten opinion, and this being approved by the President, I 
 " gave in mine April the 28th. Hamilton gave in his. I 
 " believe Knox's was never thought worth offering, or ask- 
 " ing for." (In the same vol. page 491,) " Knox, in a 
 " FOOLISH, incoherent sort of a speech, introduced the pas- 
 " quinade, lately printed, called the funeral of George 
 
 " W n, and James W n," (Judge Wilson, of the 
 
 Supreme Court of the United States, one of the framers of 
 
 . the constitution,) " King and Judge, &c. where the Presi- 
 
 / " dent was placed on a guillotine. The President was much 
 
 \ " inflamed ; got into one of those passions when he cannot 
 
 " command himself; defied any man on earth to produce 
 
 " one single act of his, since he had been in the government, 
 
 " which was not done on the purest motives." In this page 
 
 fr. Jefferson records Washington as using an oath ; " that 
 by God, he had rather be in his grave than in his present
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 87 
 
 " situation." Thus, Mr. Jefferson is the American, who X 
 has taken pains to record for the public eye, (true or false,) ' 
 that Washington was guilty of profaneness ! 
 
 " Some officers of the army," (vol. iv. page 444,) " as it has 
 " always been said, and believed, (and Steuben and Knox \ 
 " have ever been named as the leading agents,) trained to ' 
 " monarchy by military habits, are understood to have pro- 
 " posed to General Washington, to decide this great question 
 " by the army, before its disbandment, and to assume, him- 
 " self, the crown, on the assurance of their support." It is 
 well known, that anonymous letters were circulated in 
 camp, to the above effect ; but this is the only case in which 
 the names of Knox and Steuben are so connected there- 
 with. On the contrary, two men (who afterwards figured 
 eminently, in the ranks of democracy) have ever been 
 " named, " truly or otherwise, as the authors of these let- 
 ters. As to Knox, this is certain, that when the officers 
 were assembled, to consider these letters, he was Chairman 
 of the Committee, which prepared the report of indignant 
 disapprobation of them. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson may have been of the number of those 
 who believed with Rochefoucauld, a French philosopher, 
 and maxim-writer, that there is something in the misfor- 
 tunes of our best friends which does not displease us. It is 
 quite certain that the misfortunes of Mr. Jefferson's political 
 adversaries gave him no pain. In a letter to Mr. Madison, 
 (January 3, 1799, vol. iii. page 406,) he says, " General 
 " Knox has become bankrupt for four hundred thousand dol- 
 " lars, and has resigned his military commission. He took in 
 " General Lincoln for one hundred and fifty thousand dol- 
 " lars, which breaks him. Colonel Jackson also sunk with 
 " him." The manner of this annunciation may be some 
 indication of the sort of heart, which Mr. Jefferson had. It 
 is to be hoped, that he did some injustice to that of Mr. 
 Madison, in so addressing him. It was undoubtedly true, 
 that General Knox, from causes before stated, was a debtor, 
 and embarrassed ; and, in some degree, from like causes, 
 with those which occasioned Mr. Jefferson's own embar- 
 rassments ; (a circumstance in his life which gave no pleas- 
 ure to his political adversaries ;) but it was never known, 
 in this part of the country, that General Lincoln was 
 broken, nor that Colonel Jackson had sunk. Both of them
 
 88 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 befriended Knox, and the fortunes of both may have been 
 in some degree impaired. But both ever entertained for 
 him the most affectionate attachment. 
 
 In making such assertions as are found in Mr. Jeffer- 
 son's volumes, and in recording what he calls, " false 
 facts, " has Mr. Jefferson erred ? One can speak to another 
 such things, as, if believed, would deprive the person spoken 
 to, of the esteem and respect of his fellow men, and per- 
 haps subject him to public punishment. The speaker, in 
 such case, must be presumed to have weighed consequen- 
 ces. One can speak of another, those things which would, 
 if believed, produce like effects as to the person spoken of. 
 There may be cases where it is justifiable and dutiful so to 
 speak. Suppose one to speak such things, as are adapted 
 to produce such effects, and that these things are false, and 
 that the speaker hopes these effects will be produced, but 
 that he shall not be known as the speaker ; what says the 
 true law of honor, the law of the land, and the precepts of 
 Christianity in such case ? Suppose one to write deliberate- 
 ly, and calmly to revise falsehoods of the dead, and of the 
 living, and to reserve these falsehoods for publication, when 
 he should be beyond personal accountability to the living, 
 and to the representatives of the dead, what is the sentence 
 which impartial justice must pronounce on his own fame ? 
 Whether Mr. Jefferson has or has not erred, in any of these 
 respects, is a question, on which he has appealed to posterity. 
 Let posterity pronounce its judgment. 
 
 LETTER XXV. 
 
 APRIL 15, 1833. 
 
 v' THERE were several distinguished persons visiting in the 
 
 f United States, in the last five years of the last century, and 
 
 among them some of royal blood. The Duke of Kent, son 
 
 ^j of George the Third, was here, father of the young princess, 
 
 7 now heiress to the throne. He was a tall man, of light 
 
 J complexion ; no opportunity occurred to describe, in him, 
 
 any peculiar traits of character. The present King of 
 
 France was here, by the name of Mons. d'Orleans, accom-
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 89 
 
 panied by his two brothers, who were called, before the revo- 
 lution, by the respective names of the Duke de Montpensier 
 and the Duke de Beaujolois. Both the latter are long 
 since deceased. The Duke of Orleans was a man rather 
 above middle stature, dark complexion, rather sunken eyes, 
 and of very dignified deportment. He kept aloof from the 
 agitation of politics. The friends of France, apparently, 
 did not think that his possible destiny could affect their 
 interests. He made extensive excursions in this country, 
 and was well informed, probably from his own observation, 
 of its condition and prospects. He was in the best society 
 in the several cities. The instability of human fortune has- 
 been strongly illustrated in the life of this person. Born to 
 high distinction, he had the affliction of seeing it all disap- 
 pear as a vision, and himself reduced to the necessity of- 
 toiling for subsistence. He bore his reverses with magna- 
 nimity, and profited from them, and may now be the better 
 monarch from these causes. Since his exaltation to the 
 throne he has done honor to his own heart by recognising 
 the courtesies and kindness experienced in this country. 
 
 A gentleman now known as one of the first merchants in 
 the world, and as a member of Parliament, Mr. Alexander 
 Baring, was then in this country. He was a man of mid- 
 dle stature, of light complexion and blue eyes. He was 
 considered to be a well informed person, and of highly 
 respectable manners. As to the former, this has since been 
 verified by useful and intelligent performances in parlia- 
 mentary debate. He married an American lady, the 
 daughter of Mr. Senator Bingham, who built and dwelt in 
 the house now known as the " Mansion House " in Phila- 
 delphia. This was one of the places at that time of elegant 
 hospitality in the " beautiful city," as it was called. " Beau- 
 tiful," however, should have been applied to what is intel- 
 lectual and social, in that day, no less than to that which 
 has not yielded to the unsparing hand of time. Certainly, 
 the social intercourse of Philadelphia, at the close of the 
 last century, was as delightful and interesting as could be 
 found on the globe. There may have been elsewhere, more 
 names, places of assembly, titles, and distinctions, than in 
 Philadelphia, at this period. But being the seat of govern- 
 ment, and place of Washington's abode, and Congress being 
 then an object of attraction to visitors, and this city the 
 8*
 
 90 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 attractive point for all distinguished foreigners, the society 
 of Philadelphia was well entitled to the praise of elegant, 
 and refined. 
 
 Volney, the correspondent of Mr. Jefferson, the cele- 
 brated traveller, philosopher, and contemner of Christianity, 
 (as his works show,) figured here at this time. He had a 
 genuine French physiognomy, which no one could misun- 
 derstand. He was a tall, straight, well formed person ; high 
 forehead, blue eyes, small mouth, and peculiar expression 
 of face. He asked Washington to give him letters of 
 
 v -frecommendation, to be used in his excursion in the states. 
 
 / He was probably understood. The letter given contained 
 
 (j only these words : " C. Volney needs no recommendation 
 
 7 " from George Washington." 
 
 The foreign ministers, then in Philadelphia, made their 
 houses places of agreeable resort. They usually gave a 
 dinner once a fortnight, and an evening entertainment, 
 commonly a ball, once in the same space of time. Mr. 
 Liston was then the British minister. He was a Scotchman, 
 of common size, dark complexion, and not distinguised for 
 courtly manners. He wore a wig with curls at the sides. 
 He had an amiable, knowing face. He was much esteemed. 
 The Spanish minister was named d'Yrujo, then or after- 
 wards a duke, and who has since made some figure in 
 Spanish affairs. He was a short, full man. He married a 
 lady of that city, a daughter of Chief Justice McKean, a 
 lady of celebrity for beauty. Among the members of Con- 
 gress who made part of the fashionable world, was William 
 Smith, of South Carolina, a gentleman much distinguished 
 in debate, on the federal side : and Robert Goodloe Harper, y 
 also of South Carolina, who came into Congress on the / 
 other side, but who conscientiously felt, in a short time, that 
 he was on the wrong side, and gave it up. He made a 
 celebrated speech on the French Revolution, which was 
 printed in England, and very generally distributed. This 
 speech- was prepared in Boston, where he passed a part of 
 the summer of 1795. Mr. Harper was a well formed man, 
 of middle stature, and uncommonly full chest ; and then 
 much in fashion in his personal appearance. He was a 
 man of strong mind, a fluent orator, of respectable, but not 
 adorned manner. In his private intercourse he was ex- 
 ceedingly amiable and pleasant. He was a man of excel-
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 91 
 
 lent heart, and friendly disposition, and, as a public man, 
 one of the most respectable of that time. He settled after- 
 wards in Baltimore, and married the daughter of the survi- 
 vor of those who signed the declaration of independence. 
 He held the rank of general, and distinguished himself 
 honorably, in repelling the attack of the British on Balti- 
 more in the late war. General Harper and William Smith, 
 are among the number of those whom Mr. Jefferson will 
 introduce to posterity as monarchists, and as being among 
 " the worthless and disaffected." 
 
 Mr. Carroll (just now alluded to) was rather a small and *, 
 thin person, of very gracious and polished manners. At J~ 
 the age of ninety, he was still upright, and could see and 
 hear as well as men commonly do. He had a smiling ex- 
 pression when he spoke ; and had none of the reserve which 
 usually attends old age. He was said to have preserved his \ 
 vigor, by riding on horseback, and by daily bathing in cold 
 water. He was a gentleman of the " old school " of de- , 
 portment, which is passing away, if not gone. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin made a distinguished figure in the House, in \^ 
 these days, on the opposition side. He indicated his origin * 
 by his pronunciation of our language, in a manner not to 
 be mistaken. It appears from the records of the Senate, 
 when his right to a seat there was objected to in 1795, on 
 the ground of defect in citizenship, that he was born in 
 Geneva, in January, 1761, and was for some time a teacher 
 of the French language at Cambridge. He was considered 
 to be a very able man, and has proved to be such in the 
 stations and writings of subsequent time. He was rather 
 above the common size, of intelligent face and brilliant 
 black eye. He was a frequent speaker in the House, an 
 argumentative, and not a graceful one. Mr. Madison was T" 
 then in Congress, and an efficient member on the opposition 
 side. A man of small stature, and g&ave appearance. At 
 the close of his presidency, he seemed to be a care-worn 
 man, and seemed, by his face, to have attained to a more 
 advanced age than was the fact. He had a calm expres- 
 sion, a penetrating blue eye, and looked like a thinking 
 man. He was dressed in black, bald on the top of his 
 head, powdered, of rather protuberant person in front, small 
 lower limbs ; slow and grave in speech. Mr. Madison was 
 a warm advocate for the Union, and the associate of Jay
 
 92 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 and Hamilton, in the effort to make it acceptable to the 
 public. But he early became an opponent of the adminis- 
 tration, and closely allied to Mr. Jefferson. It would be 
 exceedingly interesting to know what this eminent man's 
 opinions are, now that he can look back, dispassionately, on 
 a long, active, and responsible political life ; and what acts 
 of his public life, if any, he disapproves ; and whether in 
 his calm retrospection, he is satisfied with his pretensions 
 to be ranked among the truly worthy successors of Wash- 
 ington. 
 
 However it may have been with Mr. Madison, he may 
 have discerned, since his time, that public office in the 
 United States 'is not always a solemn trust to be executed, 
 according to enlightened conscience, for the common good : 
 but may be a mere convenience to carry into effect the un- 
 worthy purposes of party allegiance. 
 
 Among the eminent men who lived in Philadelphia at the 
 close of the last century, was Robert Morris. He was born 
 I in England, in 1733, and came to America when he was 
 fifteen years of age. He was placed in the counting-house 
 of Mr. Willing, father of Thomas Willing, who was the first 
 President of the United States Bank. On coming of age, 
 he was copartner with the latter gentleman, and continued 
 to be so for nearly forty years. Though Robert Morris was 
 
 \ of English birth, he devoted himself to the patriot side, in 
 the revolutionary contest. He had acquired great wealth as 
 a merchant, but he cheerfully risked the whole of it to gain 
 the independence of his adopted country. The final suc- 
 
 ," cess of the revolution depended no less on the ability and 
 /industry of this one man, than on all the armies, with 
 
 i Washington as their chief. When Congress had exhausted 
 their means, all other means depended on Robert Morris. 
 
 , At one time he had used his own personal credit to the ex- 
 
 ~-f tent of one million four hundred thousand dollars, to sustain 
 the credit of the United States. The records of these times 
 are the honorable proofs of the esteem and respect in which 
 both Congress, and Washington, regarded his patriotic 
 labors and services. 
 
 tHe was the founder of the first bank in this country, a 
 signer of the declaration of independence, member of the 
 convention which framed the constitution, for some years a 
 senator in the national government, and the personal friend 
 of Washington.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 93 
 
 In 1784, under the old confederation, he resigned his 
 office of " Financier," and when the new government went 
 into operation, he was solicited to take the place of Secretary 
 of the Treasury, but declined, and recommended the ap- 
 pointment of Hamilton. 
 
 After leaving all public employment, he exercised the 
 same inventive genius and indefatigable industry, which he 
 had devoted to the public service, in his own affairs, and 
 engaged deeply in many and extensive enterprises ; and 
 especially in the purchase of lands. Massachusetts had a 
 claim to extensive tracts within the limits of New York, of 
 which he became the purchaser. 
 
 In 1795-6, he was in the splendor of prosperity, and 
 then about sixty-three years of age. His house was at the 
 corner of Sixth and Market Streets, and he had laid the 
 foundation of a palace in the square, on the south side of 
 Chestnut Street next above Sixth, (if rightly remembered,) 
 with the intention of making the whole of that space his 
 residence. His home was the abode of noble, cordial hos- 
 pitality, abounding in every thing that tended to make 
 hospitality delightful. In his person (as now recollected) 
 he was nearly of six feet in stature, of large, full, well- 
 formed, vigorous frame, with clear, smooth, florid complexion. 
 His loose gray hair was unpowdered. His eyes were gray, 
 of middle size, and uncommonly brilliant. He wore, as 
 was common at that day, a full suit of broadcloth, of the 
 same color, and of light mixture. His manners were gra- 
 cious and simple, and free from the formality which generally 
 prevailed. He was very affable, and mingled in the common 
 conversation, even of the young. 
 
 Within the three years following, his very extended 
 concerns became embarrassed, and his prosperity declined. 
 The extraordinary talents which were able to manage the 
 monied concerns of 'the nation, under the most desperate 
 circumstances, were incompetent to extricate himself from 
 the difficulties which surrounded him. It is painful to 
 know, that this able and commanding person, in the affairs 
 of his country, and of society, closed his life under exceed- 
 ingly depressed circumstances. Still more painful to know, 
 that the turn of the times, and means which Morris would 
 have abhorred, raised some men to places of high distinc- 
 tion, and put them in the way to be long remembered,
 
 
 94 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 while this generous, high-minded patriot, Morris, will be 
 known to few only, to have ever lived. He should be re- 
 membered and honored, as among the earliest, and most 
 \ v persevering, and faithful worthies of this land ; while some 
 ; men, who will be so held, should be regarded with proper 
 sentiments, not for the good, but for the mischief which 
 , they achieved. Though Morris had leisure, at the close of 
 -/his protracted life, to have laid in his claims to the respect, 
 / and to the gratitude of future ages, he left no memoir, 
 ; letters, opinions, or Anas, by which his worth can be dis- 
 [ closed to the country, which he so truly adorned, and so 
 \^ faithfully labored to save. 
 
 LETTER XXVI. 
 
 APRIL 20, 1833. 
 
 IN 1795; the Governor of Massachusetts was the cele- 
 V brated Samuel Adams. He came in after Hancock, May, 
 1794, and was then seventy-two years of age. He remained 
 three years in office. He was one of the most ardent of 
 the patriots, before and during the revolution ; a popular 
 writer and energetic speaker. He was of common size, 
 of muscular form, light blue eyes, light complexion, and 
 erect in person. He wore a tie wig, cocked hat, and red 
 cloak. His manner was very serious. At the close of his 
 life, and probably from early times, he had a tremulous 
 motion of the head, which probably added to the solemnity 
 of his eloquence, as this was, in some measure, associated 
 with his voice. He was in favor of adopting the federal 
 constitution, but became an opponent to the administration. 
 Though he and Hancock were the only two men excepted 
 / in the British proclamation of amnesty, they were, at one 
 time, on very ill terms with each other from differences in 
 opinion. He died in 1803. Samuel Adams was a sincere, 
 xdevoted, and most effective agent in the revolutionary cause, 
 j with his pen, his tongue, and by example. He put every 
 thing dear to him upon the issue. 
 
 He was succeeded in 1797, by Increase Sumner, taken 
 from the bench of the Supreme Court. Governor Sumner
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 95 
 
 was of large person, a sensible man, of truly amiable char- 
 acter. He took an active part in the convention in favor 
 of the constitution. He died in June, 1799, much re- 
 gretted. 
 
 He was buried with the formal ceremonies, which have 
 been observed here, on such occasions, ever since Han- 
 cock's time. Four chief magistrates have died in office. 
 
 The Chief Justice was Francis Dana, who was sent to 
 Russia as minister during the war, and was absent three 
 years. He was a man of common stature, thin person, 
 stooping a little, and of studious face. He was called an 
 able lawyer, and was a very direct, clear, forcible speaker, 
 but his manner, on the bench, was severe. In winter, he 
 wore a white corduroy surtout, lined with fur, and a large 
 muff; probably Russian acquisitions. Robert Treat Paine* 
 was also on the bench. He was a signer of the declaration 
 of independence. He was a man of common stature, but 
 very thin person ; and of quick, ardent temper, as his black 
 and sparkling eye might indicate. He did not hear easily. J 
 The manners of the court to the bar were, in those days, 
 far from courteous ; which occasioned the remark of Mr. 1 
 Ames, that a lawyer should come prepared wilh a club in 
 one hand, and a speaking trumpet in the other. In his 
 private life, he was a kind-hearted, and affectionate man. 
 He was long in public life, and in responsible stations, but 
 there is not a speech, nor a word of his, preserved. He 
 was a strong, earnest speaker, but could not be ranked 
 among the eloquent. 
 
 In 1800, Theodore Sedgwick took his seat on the bench 
 of the Supreme Court. He was a zealous advocate for the 
 adoption of the constitution, and is frequently mentioned by 
 Mr. Jefferson, as one of the monarchists; and is included 
 among the disaffected and worthless. He had been for many 
 years in Congress, and Speaker of the House. He moved 
 that the House should pass the necessary laws to carry the 
 British treaty into effect. He was a man of large size, of 
 good face, of dignified and courteous deportment, but with 
 something of display of manner. From the time of his ap- 
 pointment to the bench, the conduct of the court towards 
 the bar underwent an entire revolution, and the former 
 causes of complaint soon disappeared. He was supposed to 
 have induced this important change. Judge Sedgwick had
 
 96 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 the reputation of being, a good lawyer, and a gentleman, in 
 every meaning of that term. 
 
 Towards the end of the last century, among the men who 
 were then juniors, and who were afterwards to take a very 
 important part in the affairs of the country, were Christopher 
 Gore, (then District Attorney,) Samuel Dexter, Harrison 
 Gray Otis, and John Quincy Adams. There was also at the 
 bar John Lowell, who, though he was not in Congress, nor 
 in the national government in any station, had great in- 
 fluence on public opinion, as an undaunted and powerful 
 writer in subsequent days, as there will be occasion to show. 
 Among the known writers on the opposition side, was the 
 indefatigable Benjamin Austin, author of a long series of 
 V essays signed " Old South," and many others. They have 
 1 ceased to be remembered ; but they may, at some distant 
 day, be worth an historian's perusal, as indicative of the 
 temper of the times. On the other hand, there was a very 
 * able writer who signed himself " Laco." His writings 
 /attracted great attention ; but the author kept his own 
 . secret ; and it is not known who he was. 
 
 About the end of the century, the forms of society under- 
 V? went considerable change. The levelling process of France 
 began to be felt. Powder for the hair began to be unfash- 
 ionable. A loose dress for the lower limbs was adopted. 
 Wearing the hair tied, was given up, and short hair became 
 common. Colored garments went out of use, and dark or 
 black, were substituted. Buckles disappeared. The style 
 of life had acquired more of elegance, as means had in- 
 creased. Crowded parties, in the evening, were not as 
 common then as they are now. There was more of socia- 
 bility, and less form and display, than there is now. Some 
 of these changes may be referred to the increase of numbers, 
 t and of wealth. The Americans are not a people of light, 
 .spiritual amusement, as the French and Germans are. In 
 I this part of the country, they are much more like what the 
 "^English are represented to be. There must be many still 
 living who remember the frank, friendly, social, uncere- 
 \ monious intercourse which prevailed thirty or forty years 
 ago. Has it disappeared ? If it has, from what cause ; 
 ' and is the present state of things a better one ?
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 97 
 
 LETTER XXVII. 
 
 APRIL 30, 1833. 
 
 THE retirement of General Washington was a cause of 
 sincere, open, and indecent rejoicing among the French 
 party in the United States. In France it was an event 
 long desired, and cordially welcomed. The real friends of f 
 this country, and who were intelligent enough to compre--4 
 hend the probable consequences, considered the loss of 
 Washington's personal influence a public calamity. . 
 
 At the time when the necessity of finding a new candi- 
 date for the presidency engaged the general attention, the 
 relations of the United States with France were never more 
 vexatious and embarrassing. President Washington had 
 recalled Mr. Monroe, and sent over Charles Cotesworth 
 Pinckney, as his successor. The government of France 
 was then vested in a Directory of five ; a Council of An- 
 cients, and an Assembly of five hundred. Mr. Monroe 
 was allowed a very gracious and complimentary retirement, 
 from the presence of the French dignitaries ; he was told 
 at the same time, what an abominable government his own 
 countrymen had, yet how ardently the French loved them. 
 But Mr. Pinckney was refused a reception, threatened 
 with police custody, and at length, peremptorily ordered to 
 quit the French territory. About this time, orders were 
 issued to capture American vessels, wherever found, and 
 bring them in as prize. These orders were faithfully exe- 
 cuted. The French colonies in the West Indies sent out 
 great numbers of privateers ; and that of St. Domingo alone, 
 sent out eighty-seven. 
 
 Before this change in the French policy was known in 
 the United States, the election of President came on. 
 There was great difference of opinion among the federal 
 party, whether to seek the election of John Adams, or 
 Thomas Pinckney. As the constitution then was, both 
 were voted for, by that party, expecting that one of them 
 would be President, and the other Vice President. Mr. 
 Jefferson and Mr. Clinton, of New York, were the two 
 opposing candidates. Most unexpectedly the result was, V 
 that Mr. Adams stood highest, Mr. Jefferson next, and Mr. 
 9 
 
 * . 
 
 *
 
 98 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 Pinckney third. It was supposed that so many of the 
 eastern electors, as preferred Mr. Adams to Mr. Pinckney, 
 placed the latter candidate lower than they intended to do, 
 and thereby gave a result which was exceedingly unwel- 
 come, as to the Vice President. 
 
 Mr. Adams, on the day of his inauguration, (March 4, 
 ^ 1797,) was in his 62d year. He was dressed in a full 
 suit of pearl-colored broadcloth ; with powdered hair. He 
 was then bald on the top of his head. Mr.- Adams was of 
 , middle stature, and full person ; and of slow, deliberate 
 manner, unless he was excited ; and when this happened, 
 'he expressed himself with great energy. Mr. Adams was 
 a man of strong mind, of great learning, and of eminent 
 i ability to use knowledge, both in speech and writmg. He 
 was ever a man of purest morals : and is said to have been 
 1 a firm believer in Christianity, not from habit and example, 
 _ but from diligent investigation of its proofs. He had an 
 .. uncompromising regard for his own opinion; and was 
 strongly contrasted with Washington, in this respect. He 
 I seemed to have supposed that his opinions could not be 
 corrected by those of other men, nor bettered by any com- 
 parison. He had been, from early manhood, a zealous 
 patriot, and had rendered most essential services to his 
 country, at home, and abroad. These he always seems to 
 have had in mind. He well remembered the painful strug- 
 gles experienced in Europe, to obtain aid for the patriots at 
 home, and an acknowledgment of independence, from gov- 
 ernments there, while the war was yet regarded, by England, 
 as rebellion. He ought to have known, as would seem 
 from his own writings, in what manner public services are 
 estimated. An individual can easily remember how much 
 ' good he has done to a community ; but those who are ben- 
 efited, as easily forget. If public ingratitude is common, it 
 is very natural. It is not improbable that Mr. Adams was 
 impatient in finding how much more the easily understood 
 services of military men were appreciated, than were the 
 secluded, though no less important ones, of diplomatic 
 agency and cabinet counsel. So made up, from natural 
 propensities, and from the circumstances of his life, Mi. 
 ^Adams came to the presidency at the time when more 
 forbearance, and discretion were required, than he is sup- 
 posed to have had. He seems to have been deficient in
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 99 
 
 the rare excellence of attempting to see himself as others 
 saw him ; and he ventured to act as though every body saw 
 as he saw himself. He considered only what was right in 
 his own view ; and that was to be carried by main force, 
 whatever were the obstacles. 
 
 He found Mr. Pickering in the department of state, and 
 continued him there. This gentleman was intelligent, hon- 
 est, and, like himself, disposed to respect his own opinion.- 
 Mr. Pickering had been most confidentially relied upon by 
 Washington, and expected the like intercourse with Mr. 
 Adams. But, perhaps, no two men, who had been asso-" 
 ciated in the national councils, except Jefferson and Ham- 
 ilton, were less likely to harmonize than these two ; but 
 from what causes, others must judge, from better means of 
 information than can be herein pretended to. 
 
 Mr. Pinckney's treatment in France was among the first 
 objects that engaged the attention of the new President ; 
 and connected with it, the seizure and condemnation of 
 American vessels, and the harsh treatment of their navi- 
 gators. Mr. Adams thought the state of affairs demanded 
 the deliberations of Congress, and its members were as- 
 sembled on the 15th of May, 1797. In his speech, he 
 commented on the expressions of the French government 
 when Mr. Monroe took leave, as being highly derogatory 
 to this country ; he said he should make a new attempt to 
 conciliate; but, thought it indispensable that Congress 
 should put the country, in such a state, as to enable it to 
 vindicate its honor, and independence. 
 
 Mr. Adams united, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, El- 
 bridge Gerry, and John Marshall (now Chief Justice) in 
 a mission to France, with very ample powers. These 
 envoys were assembled at Paris in the month of October 
 following ; and immediately attempted to execute their 
 commission. They gave the usual notice of their presence, 
 and of their readiness to be accredited. Scenes followed 
 of most exasperating character. Overtures, proposals, and 
 demands were made, which excited an almost universal 
 indignation in the United States, and, for a time, even 
 silenced the devoted friends of France. The despatches 
 of these Envoys are the authority for the occurrences at 
 Paris. The first of these was received at the close of the 
 year 1797, and others, later during the winter. On the
 
 100 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 3d of April, 1798, all the despatches, then received, were 
 communicated to Congress, and made public. 
 
 LETTER XXVIII. 
 
 MAY 5, 1833." 
 
 FROM such authority it appears, that Mr. Osmond, pri- 
 vate Secretary of Mr. Talleyrand, then minister for foreign 
 affairs, made known that the American Envoys could not 
 be received until certain expressions in Washington's last 
 speech to Congress, concerning the conduct of France, 
 were disavowed, and atoned for, and that certain other 
 things must be done before the Envoys could be received, 
 and treated with ; that with a view to such arrangements, 
 unofficial individuals would confer with the Envoys, and 
 make known the views of the Directory. Such individuals 
 presented themselves. Who they were was not then known ; 
 as their names were written in cipher, and not communi- 
 cated to Congress. Instead of their names, the letters 
 X, Y, Z, were used. In Mr. Jefferson's volumes he has 
 many remarks on the X, Y, Z, affair. He seems to have 
 been insensible to the conduct and character of the French 
 government. He discerned nothing humiliating, insolent, 
 or offensive, in the treatment of our Envoys. He says, 
 (vol. iii. p. 402,) " the X, Y, Z, fever has abated considera- 
 " bly through the country, as I am informed, and the alien 
 " and sedition laws are working hard." Elsewhere he 
 calls it, " the X, Y, Z, delusion." 
 
 Such conferences could only have been permitted from 
 the earnest solicitude of the Envoys to conciliate with 
 France, and avoid hostilities. They knew that if war en- 
 sued, the United States had to create its maritime force,~"*S 
 and that before this could be done, the commerce of the 
 country, then extensive, and valuable, might suffer still 
 more than it had. They endured, therefore, an irregular 
 intercourse, which they supposed would find an apology in 
 the necessity of the case. 
 
 Four things seem to have been positively demanded by 
 Messrs. X, Y, Z. First, atonement for so much of Wash-
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 101 
 
 ington's speech as the Directory disliked ; secondly, the 
 placing of France on the same privileged footing with Eng- 
 land ; thirdly, a loan in a covert and disguised manner, of a 
 large sum of money to France, so as to evade the appear- 
 ance of a belligerent act, on the part of the United States, 
 towards England ; fourthly, to give Mons. Talleyrand, to be 
 divided between himself and his friends, 1200,000 francs, 
 equal to about two hundred and twenty-three thousand dollars. 
 These propositions were met, and rejected, in a dignified, * 
 and manly spirit, though urged in every variety of form, and 
 presented with menaces of the power of victorious and tri- 
 umphant France. In one of these interviews, Mons. Y 
 said : " Gentlemen, I will not disguise from you, that, this 
 1 satisfaction being made, the essential part of the treaty 
 ' remains to be adjusted : II faut de 1' argent ; beaucoup 
 ' de 1'argent." (You must pay money; you must pay a~ 
 great deal of money. " He spoke much of the force, the 
 ' honor, and the jealous republican pride, of France, and 
 ' represented to us strongly, the advantages which we should 
 ' derive from neutrality, thus purchased. He said that 
 ' the receipt of the money might be so disguised as to prevent 
 ' its being considered a breach of neutrality by England, 
 ' and thus save us from being embroiled with that power. 
 1 Concerning the 1200,000 francs, little was said, that be- 
 ' ing completely understood, on all sides, to be required for 
 ' the officers of government, and, therefore, needing no 
 ' further explanation." In this manner this negotiation was 
 prolonged during about five months, but without making 
 any impression on the Envoys ; at the end of which time 
 Mr. Pinckney and Mr. Marshall were ordered to leave 
 France, but Mr. Gerry was invited to remain, and continue 
 the negotiation. He did so ; and did not return till Octo- 
 ber following. 
 
 When these despatches were made public, as already 
 observed, there was a general indignation in the United 
 States, and the common cry, was, " millions for defence, 
 not a cent for tribute." Mr. Gerry was severely censured 
 for not having left France with his colleagues. There is 
 no reason to doubt that he meant well ; and that he thought 
 he could do alone, what he, and his two associates, Pinck- 
 ney and Marshall, could not do jointly. He must have 
 assumed that his better esteem individually, with the French 
 9*
 
 102 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 rulers, would enable him to effect the purposes of the mis- 
 sion. He found himself, however, in the hands of adroit 
 managers, and was compelled, at last, to withdraw, without, 
 of course, effecting any thing ; and in a manner which 
 added nothing to his reputation as a diplomatist, though it 
 did nothing to impair his integrity. 
 
 At the summer session of Congress, in 1798, provision 
 was made for defence, by authorizing the organization of an 
 army, and for borrowing money. Loans were negotiated 
 at eight per cent., which was afterwards made a topic of 
 complaint, and abuse of Mr. Adams. The young men 
 took up the subject of the country's affairs with great zeal ; 
 V*and in Boston, Robert T. Paine, the celebrated poet, wrote 
 f the well known song of " Adams and Liberty." On the 8th 
 \ of July, 1798, he delivered a highly wrought oration to his 
 young associates. Addresses were sent to the President, 
 V from all parts of the country, glowing with patriotism, and 
 / with defiance of the great Republic. Mr. Adams had good 
 Lreason to think, that he stood strong in the respect and 
 f affection of the people ; and may well have considered this, 
 / the proudest period of his public life. 
 
 In the arrangement of the intended military force, all eyes 
 S were turned to Washington as the chief. Mr. Adams 
 made known his intention to appoint him ; and in answer, 
 without intimating a willingness to accept, he expressed 
 his full approbation of the President's measures. He was 
 afterwards appointed, with the condition that he might 
 select his officers next in command. Some troops were 
 embodied, and there was one encampment at Oxford, in 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 kl On the ocean, war began in earnest. The frigate Con- 
 Pstellation, of thirty-eight guns, was immediately built, and 
 command given to Thomas Truxton, who, on the 9th of 
 February, 1799, after an engagement of an hour and a 
 quarter, captured the French frigate 1'Insurgent (in the 
 West Indies) of fifty-four guns. The Constellation came 
 home to refit, and on the 1st of February, 1800, met 1'Ven- 
 geance, of fifty-four guns. The battle lasted five hours, at 
 the end of which time, 1'Vengeance was completely 
 silenced, but not captured. A squall enabled her to escape, 
 \ with the loss of one hundred and sixty men, killed and 
 \ wounded.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 103 
 
 In the early part of 1799, Mr. Adams contemplated a 
 new attempt at negotiation with France, in Paris. All 
 those who had so far supported Mr. Adams's measures, 
 considered it inconsistent with the honor and dignity of 
 the nation, to make any such attempt ; and that proposals 
 to treat should come from France. Mr. Adams did not 
 consult his cabinet on this occasion. When Mr. Pickering, 
 and Mr. McHenry, (Secretary at War,) were informed that 
 he intended a new mission, they remonstrated, and this 
 made the breach, which had long been widening, irrepara- 
 ble. On the 26th of February, 1799, the President ap- 
 pointed Oliver Ellsworth, of Connecticut, Patrick Henry, "\ 
 of Virginia, and William Vans Murray, of Maryland, (then 
 minister at the Netherlands,) Envoys Extraordinary, and 
 drew up his own instructions. Mr. Henry declined, and \ 
 William Richardson Davie, of North Carolina, was substi- 
 tuted. 
 
 France was surprised by the hostility of America ; more 
 so that their influence in the United States was incompe- 
 tent to prevent it. War was not her object. It could do 
 her no good, and there was, undoubtedly, a disposition on 
 her part to recede. The President, probably, took this 
 view of the case, though it had not the approbation of his 
 most intelligent supporters. Hamilton was much opposed 
 to it, and is said to have written to the President to dis- 
 suade him from sending Envoys. This dissent only made 
 the President more determined to persevere. The breach 
 occasioned by this measure, between the President and his 
 two ministers, Pickering and McHenry, (and some other 
 opinions, as it is said, expressed by the latter favorably to 
 Washington,) made the cabinet relation of these persons 
 too unpleasant to be endured ; and, in April or May, 1800, 
 the President abruptly dismissed both these ministers. This 
 event excited much sensation. It probably had some in- 
 fluence in reducing the federalists to a minority. But 
 another measure, then thought to be highly impolitic, was a 
 letter written by, and in the name of Alexander Hamilton, *yi 
 and published in 1800, " concerning the public conduct 
 and character of John Adams." This letter, disclosing, as 
 it did, and from an eminent man, a determined aversion 
 from the continuance of Mr. Adams's official power, may 
 be considered as among the operative causes of Mr. Adams's
 
 104 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 failure, at the ensuing election. This publication, what- 
 ever may be thought of it as to the time in which it ap- 
 peared, as to motives, and manner, may have hastened the 
 fall of federalism. Nothing, it is believed, would have 
 prevented it, in no very distant time. There was not then, 
 and never has been since, a majority who were disposed to 
 administer the government according to the true standard 
 established by Washington, and conformed to by Mr. 
 Adams, so far as his circumstances permitted ; although, 
 when pressed by necessity, subsequent administrations have 
 always returned to it. 
 
 The first subject of complaint against Mr. Adams, 
 among the friends of the government, resulted favorably to 
 the country. It prevented, for that time, the continuance 
 of the United States in a war, for which they were unpre- 
 pared, and in which they had much to lose, and nothing to 
 gain. So far as mere interest was concerned, one would 
 think Mr. Adams's policy was right. So far as honor and 
 dignity were involved, there seem to have been different 
 opinions. When the Envoys arrived, the Directory had 
 disappeared, and Napoleon Bonaparte was First Consul. 
 They were respectfully received ; a satisfactory " conven- 
 tion, " or treaty, was framed, and duly ratified by both par- 
 ties. Thus Mr. Adams had the honor and gratification, of 
 bringing the long continued controversy with France to a 
 conclusion, within his four years: at least, until new 
 difficulties arose. 
 
 Besides the mission to France, and the letter of Mr. 
 Hamilton, there were other circumstances, in his four 
 years, which were turned to account against Mr. Adams, 
 with great success. Among these were certain legislative 
 measures, severely reprobated by those whom they were 
 intended to affect. They furnished materials for abundant 
 invective, as they were thought to be adverse to personal 
 liberty, and freedom of speech. That they may be judged 
 of, with the calmness which comes with the lapse of time, as 
 to past events, it is worth while to speak of them more fully. 
 
 Among the legislative movements, intended to affect the 
 official reputation of Mr. Adams, was the motion of Edward 
 Livingston, made, originally, in February, 1800, in the 
 House of Representatives, to call on the President for his 
 reasons, for having delivered up to the British, Jonathan
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 105 
 
 Robbins, a native, and impressed American. The call 
 having been answered, the motion was extended, February 
 20th, and made to inculpate the President, for a dangerous 
 interference of the executive power, with judicial decisions; 
 that the compliance of the Judge (Bee, of South Carolina) 
 was a sacrifice of the constitutional independence of the 
 judiciary, and exposed the administration thereof to suspicion 
 and reproach. Mr. Livingston supported his motion, in a X 
 speech of three hours ; Mr. Gallatin and Mr. Nicholas did 
 their best to sustain him. 
 
 On the other side, Mr. Bayard, Mr. Harper, Mr. Otis, 
 Mr. Dana, and others, resisted the motion. On the 6th of 
 March, John Marshall made his masterly and conclusive \ 
 speech against the motion, which has been deemed equiva- 
 lent to a judicial authority, and has been bound up in books 
 of reports, and is referred to as such. The motion was 
 finally rejected by a vote of about sixty-four to thirty-eight. 
 
 This was a mere party effort, whether the mover, and his 
 political friends, so intended it to be or not. The unques- \l 
 tionable facts are, that this Jonathan Robbins was born at 
 Waterford in Ireland ; that his name was Thomas Nash ; 
 that he shipped on board the British frigate Hermoine ; that 
 in September, 1797, he, with others, murdered one or more 
 of the officers, and among others Lieutenant Foreshaw ; that 
 he escaped, and got to Charleston, and was there July 
 1st, 1799. He pretended that he was born in Danbury, 
 (Connecticut,) but the selectmen certified, that they knew 
 of no such person, nor any one of the name of Robbins, in 
 the town. Admiral Parker applied to Mr. Liston, the Brit- 
 ish minister, to request of the President to deliver up Nash, 
 pursuant to the 27th article of the British treaty with the 
 United States. The President wrote to Judge Bee to 
 deliver him up, he then being in custody. Proper evidence 
 of his identity, and of his crime, being presented to the 
 judge, he was delivered up, tried, and executed. He con- 
 fessed (it is said) at the time of execution, that he was J 
 Thomas Nash, born in Ireland. 
 
 Mr. Marshall's speech (now Chief Justice) went to prove, 
 that this was a proper exercise of executive power under 
 the treaty, as the crime was committed within the jurisdic- 
 tion of Great Britain. His speech was a most satisfactory 
 answer to the position taken on the other side, that Nash
 
 10G FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 was punishable in the United States, if punishable at 
 all, as a. pirate. The cause for demanding Nash was, that 
 he had committed murder; an offence against British, and 
 not against American law ; that whether he had also com- 
 mitted piracy, or not, (which crime, wheresoever committed, 
 may be punished by any nation, among whom the culprit 
 may be found,) he was a proper subject for delivery under 
 the 27th article of the treaty, as a murderer. So the House 
 decided. 
 
 This incident is strongly illustrative of the times. It is 
 remembered, that the impression sought to be made on 
 the public mind, was, that the President had delivered up 
 one of Ms own countrymen, in obedience to British requisi- 
 tion, to be hung; notwithstanding, the accused citizen, had 
 done no more than he lawfully might do, to escape from the 
 tyrannical impressment of the mistress of the seas. It is 
 not surprising that any administration should be overthrown, 
 when such calumnies were easily received as truths. 
 
 LETTER XXIX. 
 
 MAY 7, 1833. 
 
 OTHER legislative measures referred to, were the alien 
 and sedition laws. In 1797, there were computed to be 
 thirty thousand Frenchmen in the United States, all of 
 whom were devoted to their native country, and all of whom 
 were, in some way, associated, through clubs, or otherwise, 
 and who had a strong fellow feeling. This number does not 
 refer to the emigrants who had fled on the commencement of 
 the revolution ; but to men of very different order, who had 
 left France, (after the monarchy had fallen,) from necessity 
 or choice. Besides these, there were computed to be fifty 
 thousand who had been subjects of Great Britain, and some of 
 whom had found it unsafe to remain at home. They fled to 
 a country, as they understood it, where they should be free to 
 do any thing which they thought fit to do, in the name of 
 " liberty," and where its enemies might be encountered, 
 whether in office, or not. A combination was formed, and 
 organized with more detail than is common in military
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 107 
 
 usage, and prepared to act with union and effect, in any 
 " emergency." Philadelphia, at that time the seat of 
 government, was the head-quarters of this combination. 
 
 " The American Society of United Irishmen, " was at 
 this time, a very formidable body. In the troubles 
 Ireland, the United Irishmen there, had revived their 
 associations under the impulse of the French Revolution, 
 and the British government encountered them with civil and 
 military force. Some eminent men had joined the Union, \ 
 and entertained the hope of securing an independent govern--^ 
 ment. Thomas Addis Emmett engaged in this enterprise, 
 which was wholly, and disastrously unsuccessful. After a 
 long imprisonment, that gentleman came to the United 
 States in 1804, at the age of about forty, and rose to high 
 professional eminence. He was of amiable character, and 
 was highly esteemed. When the British government had 
 entirely defeated the objects of the United Irishmen, it was 
 proposed that they should be allowed to emigrate to the 
 United States. This measure, Mr. King, then minister at 
 London, strenuously opposed. After Mr. Emmett came to 
 this country he discussed publicly, with some severity, this 
 opposition. It is believed that Mr. Emmett did not other- 
 wise interpose, in any respect, in political movements, on 
 this side. Some who had been involved in the troubles of 
 Ireland came to the United States in 1795, and the two fol- / 
 lowing years, bringing with them, of course, a bitter hostil- 1 
 ity to the English government ; and a devotion to France, *\ 
 naturally arising from the belief, that the great Republic 
 was prevented only by British superiority at sea, from 
 sending over a force competent to establish liberty in their 
 native land. It was easy for such emigrants to learn, 
 and believe, that the government of the United States was 
 the proper object of their hatred, as identified with the 
 government at home ; and that every thing tending to up- 
 hold and honor republican France, demanded their zealous 
 attachment. The combinations of the United Irish could 
 not be misunderstood by our government ; and they were 
 sufficiently alarming to require preventive measures. The 
 Jacobin Clubs in the United States, if not then existing in 
 name, were still so sympathetic with these alien combina- 
 tions, as to be a most effective auxiliary. It is believed 
 that they were still organized, and in full vigor ; though 
 they were put down in France after the fall of Robespierre.
 
 108 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 In the then state of the country, in relation to France, 
 (which might intend to send over a military force, relying 
 on the aid to be found within our own territories,) these 
 powerful allies were, very justly, a subject of alarm, and 
 were so considered by the President. 
 
 In the official speech made to Congress, at the May 
 session, 1797, the President makes these remarks : " It is 
 " impossible to conceal from ourselves or the world, that 
 " endeavors have been employed to foster and establish a 
 " division between the government, and .the people, of the 
 " United States. To investigate the causes which have en- 
 " couraged this attempt, is not necessary ; but to repel, by 
 " united and decided councils, insinuations so derogatory 
 " to the honor, and the aggressions so dangerous to the 
 " constitution, union, and even independence of the states, 
 " is an indispensable duty. 
 
 " It must not be permitted to be doubted, whether the 
 " people of the United States will support the government 
 " established by their voluntary consent, and appointed by 
 " their free choice ; or whether, surrendering themselves to 
 " the direction of foreign and domestic factions, in opposi- 
 " tion to their own government, they will Jbrfeit the hon- 
 " orable station which they have hitherto maintained." 
 
 Congress passed a law, which was approved, on the 18th 
 of June, 1798, providing, among other things, for the 
 manner in which aliens might become citizens, whereby 
 the facility with which citizenship had before been ac- 
 quired, was much restricted. 2. It empowered the Presi- 
 dent to order all such aliens, as he should judge to be dan- 
 gerous to the peace and safety of the United States, or 
 concerned in treasonable measures, to leave the United 
 States. 3. To grant licenses to aliens to remain during 
 the President's pleasure. 4t. It provided imprisonment, not 
 exceeding three years, to such aliens as remained without 
 license, and perpetual disqualification to become citizens. 
 5. It authorized the President to require bonds of aliens 
 for good behavior. 6. Masters of vessels arriving in the 
 United States, were required to report the names of aliens, 
 if any were on board, under penalty of three hundred dol- 
 lars. 
 
 It appears from a letter of Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Madison, 
 (vol. Hi. p. 389,) that the mere discussion of this law had a
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 109 
 
 salutary effect. He says, " the threatening appearances 
 
 from the alien bills, have so alarmed tho French who are 
 
 among us, that they are going off. A ship, chartered by 
 
 ' themselves for this purpose, will sail in about a fortnight 
 
 ' for France, with as many as she can carry. Among these, 
 
 ' I believe, will be Volncy, who has, in truth, been the prin- 
 
 ' cipal object aimed at by the law." This gentleman 
 
 (Volney) has been before mentioned. He was a long 
 
 time in this country, and was thought to be an emissary of 
 
 France. 
 
 As this law was made at the suggestion of the President, 
 (John Adams,) it furnished a new and prolific theme of re- 
 proach. It was called by the opposition a British measure ; 
 a servile copying of the forms of kingly despotism ; and an \T 
 incontestable proof of design to assimilate our government / 
 to that of England, and eventually to arrive at monarchy. 
 
 This law was considered, (and especially in Virginia,) by 
 all opponents of the administration, as vesting in the Presi- 
 dent an authority capable of perversion to a most alarming 
 extent. Although it was expressly limited to aliens, yet it 
 was pretended, that it might be, and would be, applied to 
 native citizens. The opposition presses poured out their 
 invective with renewed vigor, and were able to make a 
 deep and lasting impression. Yet, when considered in itself, J 
 independently of party excitements, every one must admit^N 
 that all governments ought to exercise the power of sending 
 aliens from their territories, whenever their presence is, or / 
 may be, incompatible with the public peace and security. 
 There can be no distinction between a monarchy, and a 
 republic, in this respect. The clamor against this law, un- 
 doubtedly, had an effect in impairing the President's popu- 
 larity ; though it is not recollected to have been carried into 
 effect, in a single instance. 
 
 The other law alluded to, was called the sedition law ; \A 
 and, among the opposition, the " gag law." These were its 
 principal provisions ; it made punishable these offences, viz. 
 1. Defaming or bringing into contempt, the Congress, or 
 President. 2. Exciting the hatred of the people against them. 
 3. Stirring up sedition in the United States. 4. Raising 
 unlawful combinations for resisting the laws, and lawful 
 authorities. 5. Aiding and abetting foreign nations against 
 the United States, their people, or government. 
 10
 
 110 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 Looking back dispassionately, to these days, with a full 
 knowledge of the designs of France, and at the perils of 
 the country, from its internal enemies, (though they did not 
 so consider themselves, and therefore the more dangerous,) it 
 is inconceivable that such a law should have been unwelcome 
 to any, whom it was not intended to restrain. The alien law, 
 
 / it was said, if limited to aliens, was an exclusion of suffer- 
 ing patriots from the only asylum left to them on earth. 
 
 ^ This was odious enough, to be sure. But to make a law 
 which prevented the free citizens of the United States from 
 discussing the conduct and character of their own servants, 
 and the nature of their public acts, was utterly intolerable. 
 The complainants made no account of the fact, that punish- 
 ment could not be inflicted under this law, but through the 
 agency of a grand jury, in the first place ; and then by the 
 result of a trial by jurors, impartially selected from among 
 the people. They disregarded, or knew not, how important 
 a change was made of the English law of libel, then in force, 
 by this very law, in the provision therein contained, that it 
 should be lawful for the defendant to give in evidence, the 
 truth of the matter contained in the publication charged as 
 a libel ; and that the jury should have the right to determine 
 the law, and the fact, under the direction of the court. 
 
 There can be no stronger proof of the delusion which 
 prevailed, than is found in the clamor against this law, 
 from one end of the Union to the other. Intelligent Ameri- 
 can citizens joined in this clamor, and some eminent men 
 of the opposition, gave their able support to it. An alien, 
 by the name of James Thompson Callender, was indicted 
 
 . under this law for the publication of a book, entitled " The 
 \ Prospect before Us," comprising a series of calumnies, and 
 libels, against the measures of the government. Callender 
 was convicted at Richmond, in May, 1800, on trial before 
 Judge Chase. The manner of this trial, constituted one 
 article of impeachment against this magistrate. It was said, 
 that Mr. Jefferson knew of this publication, before it ap- 
 peared, and approved of it. However this may be, Mr. 
 Jefferson admits, in a letter to Mr. Monroe, (vol. iii. p. 494,) 
 that he knew Callender, and considered him " a man of 
 
 (science fled from persecution," and that he contributed to 
 his relief. He afterwards contributed a second time ; and 
 gave him fifty dollars as a third relief; and again fifty dol-
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. Ill 
 
 lars. Mr. Jefferson says, that Callender then asked the 
 office of Postmaster at Richmond, which being refused, 
 Callender became his enemy ; and published that Mr. Jef- 
 ferson helped him to print his book. 
 
 Whether a sedition law was necessary or not, may be 
 judged of from these extracts from Callender's " Prospect 
 before Us." " The reign of Mr. Adams has been one con- 
 '* tinned tempest of malignant passions. He has never 
 ' opened his lips, or lifted his pen, without threatening and 
 ' scolding. Mr. Adams has labored, with melancholy suc- 
 ' cess, to break up the bonds of social affection." " Adams 
 ' and Washington have since been shaping a series of these 
 ' paper jobbers, into judges and ambassadors, as their whole 
 ' courage lies in want of shame. These poltroons, without 
 ' risking a manly and intelligent defence of their own 
 ' measures, raise an affected yelp against the corruption of 
 ' the French Directory ; as if any corruption would be 
 ' more venal, more notorious, more execrated than their 
 own." " Mr. Adams has only completed the scene of 
 ' ignominy, which Mr. Washington began." " By sending 
 ' these ambassadors to Paris, Mr. Adams, and his British 
 ' faction, designed to do nothing but mischief." " This 
 ' hoary headed incendiary, (Adams,) this libeller of the 
 ' Governor of Virginia, bawls out, to arms ! then to arms ! " 
 ' He is not an object of envy, but of compassion and hor- 
 ' ror." " When a chief magistrate is, both in his speeches 
 ' and newspapers, constantly reviling France, he cannot 
 ' expect, nor desire, to live long in peace with her." 
 ' Take your choice, then, between Adams, war, and beg- 
 gary ; and JEFFERSON, peace, and competency." These 
 are only a small portion of similar expressions, which " The 
 Prospect before Us" contains. 
 
 This unfortunate disagreement between this " man of 
 science " and Mr. Jefferson, did not, probably, occur until 
 the latter became President ; because one of Mr. Jefferson's 
 first official acts was the release of Callender from prison. 
 The reason which Mr. Jefferson gives for this interposition, 
 is a remarkable one ; it is contained in a letter to George 
 Hay, Esq. (in vol. iv. p. 75, written while Burr was on trial,) 
 which shows how Mr. Jefferson construed constitutional 
 power. He says, " In the cases of Callender and others, 
 " the judges determined the sedition act was valid, under
 
 112 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 ' the constitution ; and exercised their regular powers of 
 ' sentencing them to fine and imprisonment. But the ex- 
 ' ecutive, " (that is, Thomas Jefferson,) " determined that 
 ' the sedition act was a nullity under the constitution, and 
 ' exercised his regular power of prohibiting the execution 
 ' of the sentence, or rather of executing the real law, which 
 ' protected the acts of the defendants. From these different 
 ' constructions of the same act, by different branches, less 
 ' mischief arises, than from giving any one of them a con- 
 ' trol over the others." Thus it is seen that Mr. Jefferson 
 asserted the right of declaring any law a nullity, although 
 the judicial power, which has the exclusive constitutional 
 right to decide, had determined otherwise. This was not a 
 perversion on his part, but was his notion of right and 
 wrong. Duane, or Bache, it is not recollected which, (both 
 of whom published papers of which Mr. Jefferson approved,) 
 was one of the " others " to whom Mr. Jefferson alludes. 
 This editor was under an indictment, at the suggestion of 
 the Senate, for a libel on that body. Mr. Jefferson ordered 
 this prosecution to be dropped, as soon as he became Presi- 
 dent. He also ordered the marshal of Virginia to pay back 
 to Callender the fine of two hundred dollars imposed on 
 him ; though Mr. Jefferson might as lawfully have ordered 
 the whole contents of the treasury to be paid to him. 
 
 The expediency, and even the necessity of the alien and 
 vVsedition laws, cannot be doubted by any reasonable man, in 
 the condition of the country at the close of the last century. 
 Unless the people of the United States were disposed to see 
 their own government, and their own public officers, sub- 
 mitted to the dominion of foreign and internal combinations, 
 1 such laws ought to have had their respect, and approbation. 
 There may have been some provisions, in these laws, which 
 were inexpedient ; that of vesting certain powers in the 
 President, may be thought so. It would have saved him 
 from some odium, perhaps, if the power to order aliens out 
 of the country, had been vested in some judicial officers. 
 It is not obvious how the President was to acquire that 
 knowledge of facts, which would enable him to exercise his 
 powers without oppression. It was an authority which an 
 executive officer could hardly desire ; and one which subse- 
 quent experience of official aptitudes, would not incline one 
 to see renewed. These were perilous days, originating in
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 113 
 
 the distempered state of Europe ; and it is to be hoped, that 
 the like will not recur from such, or any other cause. 
 
 Among other legislative movements in the summer of 
 1798, was a proposition made by Mr. Griswold, (afterwards 
 Governor of Connecticut,) to amend the sedition law, by 
 providing for the punishment of such persons as interfered 
 in the diplomatic affairs of the United States, and foreign 
 nations. Early in this year a certain Dr. Logan departed 
 from Philadelphia for Paris, charged with a private mission 
 on public affairs to the Directory. By whom sent, was no 
 secret. The House addressed the President, two to one, on 
 this very serious subject ; and a like address passed the 
 Senate, with only five dissentients. In this address it is said, 
 " We deplore that there are those who call themselves by 
 " the American name, who have daringly insulted our 
 " country, by an usurpation of powers not delegated to them, 
 " and by an obscure interference in our concerns." 
 
 Mr. Jefferson was said, at the time, to have sent Logan 
 to Paris. In one of his letters, he answers some inquiry on 
 this subject ; and says, that the accusation is groundless ; 
 that Logan was self-appointed, and that he (Mr. Jefferson) 
 did no more than to give him some sort of passport. 
 
 LETTER XXX. 
 
 MAY 17, 1833. 
 
 AN act of Congress, re-organizing the judiciary, passed 
 on the 13th of February, 1801, was considered almost uni- 
 versally, by the profession of the law, as a wise and expe- 
 dient measure. It proved to be among the acts of Mr. 
 Adams's administration which attracted, especially, Mr. 
 Jefferson's disapprobation. The details of this act show it 
 to have been prepared with great ability, and of all the 
 objects of vindictive demolition, this, certainly, was best 
 entitled to be spared. It divided the United States into six 
 circuits, and provided for the appointment of three judges 
 in each, leaving the judges of the Supreme Court to exercise 
 power as a court of appeals, and for the correction of errors. 
 Between the 13th of February and the 4th of March all the 
 judges were appointed by Mr. Adams, and the commissions 
 10*
 
 114 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 issued. The individuals selected for these offices were men 
 of high standing, and worthy of all confidence. But the 
 popular cry was set up, and the measure vehemently con- 
 demned by all the Jeffersonian party. The judges were 
 called " the midnight judges of John Adams," in allusion 
 to the supposed time of appointment, at the close of his 
 official duties. It will hereafter be seen what Mr. Jefferson 
 thought of this measure. He said, though one can hardly 
 credit that he did so, that he regarded all Mr. Adams's 
 appointments after the 14th of February, (while the House 
 of Representatives were balloting for President,) as abso- 
 lutely void. This must be understood to mean, that though 
 Mr. Adams was constitutionally President up to the mid- 
 night hour of the 3d of March, yet he ought to have sub- 
 mitted his will to that of his successor ; and should have 
 refrained from carrying an act of Congress into effect which 
 might not conform to that will. On the same principle, 
 Mr. Jefferson withheld the commissions of certain magis- 
 trates, whom Mr. Adams had appointed, in the District of 
 Columbia. The commissions were made out, and ready for 
 delivery, but Mr. Jefferson ordered them to be suppressed. 
 One of these magistrates (Mr. Marbury) applied to the 
 Supreme Court for a writ of mandamus (command) to Mr. 
 Madison, the new President's Secretary of State, to deliver 
 his commission. But after an able investigation of consti- 
 tutional law, the court did not grant the motion. Mr. Jef- 
 ferson found a commission, duly made out and signed by 
 Adams, appointing a gentleman District Judge in 
 Rhode Island. This commission he suppressed, and Mr. 
 Jefferson appointed one in whom he could confide. 
 
 Among his friends, President Adams was thought to have 
 exercised an indiscreet act of mercy in pardoning one John 
 Fries. This person was tried at the Circuit Court of the 
 United States, held at Philadelphia in April, 1800, on a 
 charge of treason. Samuel Chase, a Judge of the Supreme 
 Court of the United States, and the District Judge, Peters, 
 sat in the trial. 
 
 The "federal" administration of the government of the 
 United States terminated with Mr. Adams's four years, on 
 the 4th of March, 1801. Whether it would have continued 
 longer, if some other man of that party had been Washing- 
 ton's successor, can only be matter of conjecture. This
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 115 
 
 may perhaps be admitted, that some other man, Thomas 
 Pinckney, for example, might have conducted public affairs 
 with more prudence and conciliation. Mr. Adams was \ 
 liable to sudden impressions, and was little inclined to sur- I 
 render them under the influence of counsel. He felt great\ 
 confidence in the purity and soundness of his own views, 
 and thought the good of the country required that they j 
 should be carried into- effect. He failed, probably, in test- "^ 
 ing his own opinions by comparing them with the opinions i 
 of other men. Such comparison cannot depreciate sound / 
 opinions, and may often correct erroneous ones. It may 
 be, that Mr. Adams had some tendency to be jealous of 
 those around him, and disposed to apprehend that they 
 meant to exercise a control, to which it would be deroga- 
 tory to submit. But this apprehension would not prevent a 
 dignified inquiry into the sentiments of others ; nor an 
 adherence to his own, if they remained unshaken. It may 
 be too, that Mr. Adams over-valued his own services, and 
 importance, as a public man ; and was inclined to be his 
 own counsellor with more pertinacity than became a person 
 of his knowledge and actual experience. Whatever may 
 have been his qualities, this is certain, that he aided the 
 purposes of his political adversaries, and disconcerted some 
 of his best political friends. It is very possible, therefore, 
 that a more discreet man might have continued the federal 
 party in power, for another term. But Mr. Jefferson and 
 his partisans and newspapers, had made such and so general 
 an impression on public opinion, as to demonstrate, that 
 the original construction of constitutional power was not 
 destined to endure. The control which a certain class of 
 men, in this country, are likely ever to have over a majority, 
 leads to the conclusion, that they will always impose on such 
 men, as constituted the federal party, the duty of forming an 
 opposition, or of submitting to a popular despotism. This, 
 as history proves, again and again, is the precursor of real^ 
 despotism. Such seems to have been man's destiny ; and 
 what there is, or may be, to exempt Americans from it, is 
 not discerned from any experience hitherto had. 
 
 Taking out of the case Mr. Adams's peculiarities, the " 
 measures of his four years were honorable and useful to the 
 country ; incomparably more so (as will be proved) than 
 those of the next eight years. If the purpose of establishing
 
 116 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 a national constitution was to maintain the honor, dignity, 
 and independence of the United States, with foreign powers ; 
 to preserve peace and security within our own limits ; to 
 provide for the pure and able administration of justice ; and 
 to use all the powers delegated as they were used the first 
 eight years, that is, for the good of the whole, and not for 
 the benefit of a party, the federal administration under Mr. 
 Adams accomplished these purposes. 
 
 As to foreign powers ; a good understanding was pre- 
 served with England. A favorable treaty was made with 
 Tripoli. The former connexion with France was annulled, 
 and provision made for defending the country, and for main- 
 taining its rights by force. These efforts were successful ; 
 hostilities soon ceased, and a favorable convention, or treaty, 
 was effected. The prosecution of the war was in a spirit 
 well worthy of the national honor, while it continued. The 
 proper measures were adopted to preserve interior tranquil- 
 lity ; and to prevent the threatened dominion of deluded, 
 or mischievous factions. A faithful performance of duty as 
 to the promotion of all those objects which constitute do- 
 mestic welfare, and prosperity, is apparent from the various 
 statutes which were passed. Among others there was an 
 act establishing a uniform system of bankruptcy, which 
 the Jeffersonian administration permitted to expire. The 
 naturalization of aliens was placed on a rational and safe 
 basis. The judiciary was carefully revised, and a system 
 for the administration of justice was arranged, founded on 
 the experience of several years, and having a prospective 
 bearing on the probable exigencies of the country. The 
 navy was advanced and placed on a respectable footing ; 
 and has now become an object of popular favor. In short, 
 a more energetic, pure, and patriotic exercise of constitu- 
 tional power, could neither be expected nor desired. 
 
 But, this exercise of the power of government necessarily 
 involved expense. It was necessary to resort to loans, and 
 to internal taxation. These were causes of declamation, - 
 and reproach ; and were most faithfully availed of, to make 
 the administration, and especially Mr. Adams, odious in 
 popular estimation. Thus it appeared then, as it has done, 
 ever since, that the adroit and cunning who rule the multi- 
 tude, may do what they will ; and burthen the country to 
 any extent, involve it in hopeless war, and pervert all its
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 117 
 
 institutions at their pleasure, and yet, all is well. " The 
 friends of the people " can do no wrong. 
 
 LETTER XXXI. 
 
 MAV 21, 1833. 
 
 ON the 14th of December, 1799, General Washington 
 died, after a short illness. On Friday, the 13th, he had ""> 
 been exposed to a light rain ; and his hair and neck became 
 wet. He followed his usual occupations, within his house, 
 during the afternoon and evening, without any indisposition. . 
 In the following night he was affected by a general ague, j 
 and with a difficulty in swallowing ; but no apprehension was 
 then entertained that he was seriously ill. At eleven the 
 next day physicians attended, who found all their skill was 
 required. The disorder in the throat was seen to be an V 
 affection of the wind-pipe, usually called the croup. Every 
 effort was made -to rescue him from the attack, and he 
 patiently submitted to all the prescriptions of his attendants. v 
 Perceiving, before the close of the day, that his recovery was j 
 beyond hope, he desired to be relieved from any further j 
 efforts, and to take his position on his bed. There, with < 
 perfect calmness and resignation, he remarked to a friend, I 
 that he had known for some time, that he was dying, but / 
 that he was not afraid to die. At eleven o'clock, the same I 
 evening, he expired. 
 
 The decease of Washington was apparently a cause of %, 
 universal mourning. That portion of the citizens who had 
 always held him in the highest respect and honor, were sin- 
 cerely mourners, while those who had felt his example, and 
 influence, to be a restraint on their purposes, could join in 
 the general grief with pleasure. The most respectful de- 
 monstrations of the national loss, were every where shown. 
 The halls of Congress were hung with black, and General 
 Henry Lee, of Virginia, was appointed to deliver a eulogy 
 before the House of Representatives. The state legislatures 
 expressed their respect for the conduct and character of 
 Washington, by appointing orators to commemorate him, or 
 by such other testimonials as the occasion called for. Vari-
 
 ' 
 
 118 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 ous societies, of which Washington was a member, appointed 
 eulogists. Fisher Ames and George R. Minot were among 
 the orators in Boston. It is worth remarking, that the gen- 
 eral sentiment of respect and affection for this eminent man, 
 was so exalted, that few of the orators did, or could, come up 
 ( to the demand. The feeling of these public speakers was, 
 V s-and must have been, that of deep veneration, a feeling not 
 ' adapted to bring forth the touching expressions which would 
 be grateful to a numerous audience. Washington's charac- 
 ter was rather to be contemplated, than talked of. He was 
 to be estimated by comparison with other men, and a eulogy 
 does not permit of this. His eminent worth was to be found 
 ^f in n ne brilliant act, nor in any remarkable achievements, 
 but in a whole life of useful, dignified, and honorable ser- 
 vice. Most of the eulogists were compelled to resort to 
 biographical sketches, which do not admit of much elo- 
 quence. Even Mr. Ames did not succeed, in this effort, so 
 well, as the undefined expectation of his audience required. 
 The enthusiasm of the French better adapts oratory to fune- 
 ral eulogy, than the good sense and sobriety of Englishmen, 
 
 
 or Americans. Such efforts are rarely attempted in England, 
 
 
 A though common in France. 
 
 In Congress, a resolve was passed to raise a monument in 
 
 ' the city of Washington, and application was made to Mrs. 
 Washington for permission to deposit beneath it the remains 
 
 '. of her husband. This lady assented. But the resolve itself, 
 is the only monument hitherto raised ; and the remains of 
 Washington repose in the family tomb at Mount Vernon, 
 and are there to remain, so far as can now be discerned. 
 The more lengthened the remove from Washington's life- 
 time, the less, it is feared, will Washington be remember- 
 ed. Probably a large proportion of the adult population 
 of the United States hardly know, who or what he was ; 
 and there may be some voters who know not that there 
 
 \ever was such a man. The intelligent people of other 
 countries seem to know more of Washington, and to 
 respect his character more, than is common among his 
 own countrymen. His military and civil example, and 
 
 * his eminent virtues as a man, have given him a rank in 
 foreign estimation, which make mankind proud of him. If 
 his own countrymen have forgotten him, or if certain self- 
 stamped patriots so misunderstand his character, as to call
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 119 
 
 themselves his disciples, it is grateful to know that the in- 
 telligent of other countries are better informed. 
 
 It might have been expected, that a grateful nation would 
 have demanded of Congress, to adorn the city, that bears the 
 name of Washington, with such a monument as would illus- 
 trate the sense of his merits. Since March 4, 1801, that 
 assembly have had too much business of their own to attend 
 to, to think much of that which is purely public, and free 
 from party. Marshall has raised one monument by his able 
 pen. Another is preparing through the indefatigable indus- 
 try of Mr. Sparks. The latter is a judicious selection from ^ 
 the voluminous writings of Washington, designed to show 
 the state of his own thoughts, in the most eventful and inter- 
 esting periods of his life. Five volumes, the 2d to the 6th, 
 have appeared, and are understood to have satisfied the pub- , 
 lie wishes, and to have fully sustained the high reputation of 
 Mr. Sparks. But these are monuments for readers. The 
 national monument should rise for every eye, and that all 
 who behold it, may be reminded of him to whom they are 
 far more indebted, than to any other man, for civil liberty ; 
 and which may keep alive the desire to know under what 
 circumstances, and for what purposes, he lived. The mar- 
 ble is now submitted to the masterly genius of Grecnough, 
 and the capitol may be adorned with it in time to save the 
 country from the charge of ingratitude. 
 
 
 LETTER XXXII. 
 
 MAY 27, 1833. 
 
 MR. JEFFERSON left the office of Secretary of State, 
 December 31, 1793, and remained at Monticello, till called 
 to the Vice Presidency, in March, 1797 ; although in retire- 
 ment, he was not inattentive to the transactions at the seat of 
 government. The proof of this is found in the letter written 
 by him to an Italian, named Mazzei, under date of 24th of 
 April, 1796. This Italian had come over to America, under 
 the expectation of being able to cultivate the vine, in Vir- 
 ginia, and had chosen Mr Jefferson's neighbourhood for his 
 purpose. Ah intimacy appears to have grown up ; and
 
 120 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 Mazzei having returned to Florence, Mr. Jefferson wrote to 
 him, as may be presumed, in the utmost confidence ; and 
 discloses his own views of Washington's administration. 
 This letter appears to have been carefully, not to say studi- 
 edly, written. Whether the writer intended it should be 
 published or not, it is not easy to decide. Perhaps he 
 intended it should be, and to take the good or evil of the 
 publication. Its contents, when compared with the animad- 
 versions which appeared in Freneau's paper, and also in 
 Bache's, very clearly prove, that these must have had Mr. Jef- 
 ferson's hearty concurrence. This letter was published in the 
 Moniteur of Paris, on the 25th of January, 1798, with many 
 commentaries. Thence it came to this country, and was 
 published here. It excited great attention among both par- 
 ties. The partisans of Mr. Jefferson were not so far devoted 
 to France, as to relish so unqualified a denunciation of the 
 administration of their own country. They had no resource 
 but to consider it a malignant forgery, designed to disparage 
 Mr. Jefferson. From him, nothing was heard on the sub- 
 ject. The federal party had no doubt of the authenticity 
 of the letter. They understood well, the views and purposes 
 of this gentleman, and saw, in this letter, a perfect accord- 
 ance therewith. The letter was as follows : * 
 
 (From the Paris Moniteur, a French official paper, of the 25th of 
 January, 1798.t) 
 
 " MONTICELLO, April 24, 1796. 
 " Dear Sir, 
 
 "Our political situation is prodigiously changed since 
 " you left us. J Instead of that noble love of liberty, and 
 
 * Since this page was* written, a very able analysis of Mr. Jeffer- 
 son's attempts to explain away this Mazzei letter, has appeared in 
 the " History of the Hartford Convention," by Theodore Dwight ; see 
 pages 23 to 25. This attempt at explanation, was not published in 
 Mr. Jefferson's lifetime, but is found in his volumes. Whoever 
 reads Mr. Dwight's analysis will be satisfied, that Mr* Jefferson's 
 effort on this occasion, to preserve his fame as a fair, plain-dealing 
 man, has been very far from successful ; and that if he intended his 
 letter should find its way to the press, he made a blunder; and if he 
 did not, he was chagrined by the publication. 
 
 t This letter, literally translated, is addressed to Mazzei, author of 
 Researches, Historical and Political, upon the United States of Ameri- 
 ca, resident in Tuscany. 
 
 \ It does not appear when Mazzei came, nor when he left the United
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 121 
 
 " that republican government, which carried us through 
 " the dangers of the war, an Anglo-Monarchic-Aristocratic 
 "party has arisen. Their avowed object is to impose .on 
 " us the substance, as they have already given us the form, 
 " of the British government. Nevertheless, the principal 
 " body of our citizens remain faithful to republican princi- 
 " pies, and also the men of talents. We have against us 
 " (republicans) the EXECUTIVE power, and the JUDICIARY ; 
 " (two of the three branches of our government;) ALL the 
 " OFFICERS of government, all who are seeking for offices, 
 " all timid men who prefer the calm of despotism to the 
 " tempestuous sea of liberty ; the British merchants, and the 
 " Americans who trade on British capital, the speculators, 
 " persons interested in the bank, and public funds : [Es- 
 " tablishments invented with views of corruption, and to 
 " assimilate us, to the British model, in its corrupt parts.] 
 
 " I should give you a fever if I should name the APOS- 
 " TATES, who have embraced these heresies, men who were 
 " Solomons in council, and Samsons in combat, but whose 
 " hair has been cut off by the whore of England. They 
 " would wrest from us that liberty, which we have obtained 
 " by so much labor and peril ; but we shall preserve it. 
 " Our mass of weight and riches is so powerful, that we 
 " have nothing to fear from any attempt against us by force. 
 " It is sufficient that we guard ourselves, and that we break 
 " the LILLIPUTIAN TIES by which they have bound us, in 
 " the first slumbers that succeeded our labors. It suffices 
 " that we arrest the progress of that system of ingratitude 
 " and injustice towards France, from which they would 
 " alienate us, to bring us under British influence." 
 
 It is obvious, that in 1796, while Mr. Jefferson was a 
 private citizen, he had no means of keeping himself in view, 
 but by private conversation and correspondence. This let- 
 ter, compared with others of his, seems to have been written 
 for effect ; the concluding paragraph, especially, was adapted 
 to the meridian of Paris, and there it may have been 
 intended to go, and there it did go. Would any gentleman 
 
 States. It is probable, from the tenor of this letter, that both these 
 events happened before the adoption of the Constitution. If so, it 
 shows that Mr. Jefferson preferred the condition, antecedent to the 
 adoption. 
 
 11
 
 122 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 have ventured to make such a letter public, without some 
 intimation from the writer, that such use of it would be 
 agreeable to him ? 
 
 Yet it seems that the publication of this letter greatly 
 disconcerted Mr. Jefferson. He shows his trouble in a 
 communication to his friend, Mr. Madison. Now as Mr. 
 Jefferson takes the greatest pains to prove, that he always 
 retained the good will of Washington, whose honorable 
 fame he had not been able to demolish, but had found it 
 necessary to sustain his own by showing that Washington 
 thought well of him, it was indiscreet to publish this letter 
 to Mr. Madison. In truth, it is wonderful that Mr. Jefferson 
 should have prepared such matters for publication as his 
 volumes contain ; more wonderful, that his surviving friends 
 should have published from his own pen, a confirmation of 
 all the political blunders which federalists charged him 
 with. Nor of such blunders only : for as to the true char- 
 acter of the man, these volumes contain the proof of facts, 
 which, but for them, would have rested much on probability 
 and inference. In this letter to Mr. Madison, (August 3, 
 1797, vol. iii. p. 363,) after an ingenious commentary on 
 what he did mean in his letter to Mazzei, he says, " Now it 
 " would be impossible for me to explain this publicly, with- 
 " out bringing on a personal difference between General 
 " Washington and myself, which nothing, before the publi- 
 " cation of this letter, has ever done. It would embroil me 
 " also, with all those with whom his character is still popu- 
 " lar, that is to say, with nine tenths of the United States. 
 " And what good would be done by avowing the letter with 
 " the necessary explanations ?' very little, indeed, in my 
 " opinion, to counterbalance a great deal of harm. From 
 ' my silence, in this instance, it cannot be inferred, that I 
 ' am afraid to own the general sentiments of the letter. If 
 ' I am subject to either imputation, it is to avowing such 
 ' sentiments too frankly both in private and public, often 
 ' when there is no necessity for it, merely because I DISDAIN 
 ' EVERY THING LIKE DUPLICITY. Still, however, I am open 
 ' to conviction. Think for me on the occasion, and advise 
 ' me what to do, and confer with Colonel Monroe on the 
 ' subject." 
 
 It does not appear, that these two counsellors were able to 
 relieve their friend from his distress ; though it does appear
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 123 
 
 that he never afterwards ventured to see Washington, or 
 went to Mount Vernon but once afterwards, and then for 
 the purpose of weeping at his tomb. 
 
 It is probable, that Mr. Jefferson felt the full weight of 
 the embarrassment of reconciling this Mazzei letter, with 
 his solemn declarations in the Senate chamber ; and with 
 his oath there taken, that he would support the same con- 
 stitution, notwithstanding he told Mazzei that it was Lilli- 
 putian ties, and the substance and the form of the British 
 government. These declarations were made, and this oath 
 taken, within a year before this letter was published in 
 the United States, and within a year after that letter was 
 written. 
 
 Extract from the Inaugural Address of Mr. Jefferson, when inducted 
 into the office of Vice President of the United States, March 4th, 
 1797. 
 
 " I might here proceed, and with the GREATEST TRUTH, 
 to declare my zealous attachment to the constitution of the 
 United States ; that I consider the Union of these states 
 as the first of blessings ; and as the first of duties, the pre- 
 servation of that constitution which secures it ; but I suppose 
 these declarations not pertinent to the occasion of entering 
 into an office whose primary business is merely to preside 
 over the forms of this House ; and no one more sincerely 
 prays, that no accident may call me to the higher, and 
 more important functions, which the constitution eventu- 
 ally devolves on this office. These have been justly con- 
 fided to the eminent character who has preceded me here, 
 whose talents and integrity have been known and revered 
 by me, through a long course of years ; have been the 
 foundation of a cordial and uninterrupted friendship be- 
 tween us ; and I devoutly pray he may be long preserved 
 for the government, the happiness, and prosperity of our 
 common country." 
 Now compare these sentiments with the real ones enter- 
 tained by Mr. Jefferson, concerning the constitution and 
 Mr. Adams, as confidentially expressed in Mr. Jefferson's 
 volumes, and the true character of the man, in public and 
 in private, stands forth, stripped of all masks and disguises. 
 " But, (say Jefferson's partisans,) admit all these facts; call 
 " them contrivances, duplicities, and frauds, if you will ; did
 
 124 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " not Jefferson demolish federalism 1 " He did. But the 
 question is, did he do good to his country by that ; or only 
 to ins PARTY ? If only to the latter, (if good it can be 
 called,) do the members of his party approve the means 
 which he used ? If they do, they should not claim for Mr. 
 Jefferson sentiments due only to the just and pure. It may 
 appear, on further examination of Mr. Jefferson's public 
 life, that no man has lived in the United States who has 
 done so much to be lamented as done by him. It may 
 appear, that he did no good even to his party, if they are 
 intelligent and worthy citizens of a free republic. The 
 good which Mr. Jefferson did for himself may be tested by 
 this : Who would have had that good, and that character of 
 himself, which Mr. Jefferson has published and submitted 
 to the world 1 
 
 When Mr. Jefferson came to Philadelphia, in March, 
 1797, he was about fifty-four years of age. His personal 
 N[ appearance, as now recollected, was this: He was a tall 
 / man, over six feet in stature ; neither full nor thin in body. 
 His limbs were long, and loosely jointed. His hair was of a 
 reddish tinge, combed loosely over the forehead, and at the 
 sides, and tied behind. His complexion was light or sandy. 
 His forehead, rather high and broad. His eye-brows long 
 and straight ; his eyes blue, his cheek-bones high, his face 
 broad beneath his eyes, his chin long, and his mouth large. 
 His dress was a black coat, and light under-clothes. He 
 had no polish of manners, but a simplicity and sobriety of 
 deportment. He was quiet and unobtrusive, and yet a 
 I stranger would perceive, that he was in the presence of one 
 ^who was not a common man. His manner of conversing 
 f was calm and deliberate, and free from all gesticulation ; 
 but he spoke like one who considered himself entitled to 
 deference ; and as though he measured what he said by 
 some standard of self-complacency. The expression of his 
 face was that of thoughtfulness and observation ; and, cer- 
 tainly, not that of openness and frankness. When speaking, 
 he did not look at his auditor, but cast his eyes towards the 
 ceiling, or any where but at the eye of his auditor. He had 
 already become a personage of some distinction, and an 
 object of curiosity ; even to a very young man. These per- 
 sonal descriptions are from memory, after the lapse of many 
 years, and may not accord with those of persons, who had
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 125 
 
 more, and better opportunities to observe ; and are not, 
 therefore, offered with confidence, that Mr. Jefferson is here 
 in all respects, justly described. 
 
 During his vice-presidency, Mr. Jefferson was employed, 
 as usual for that officer, in the Senate. It does not appear 
 that the Vice President was ever called to cabinet meetings 
 in Washington's time ; or that Mr. Jefferson was ever called 
 to such meetings in the presidency of Mr. Adams, or ad- 
 vised with by him in any way. One of his volumes shows 
 that he continued his correspondence, especially with Mr. 
 Madison, who was carefully advised of congressional pro- 
 ceedings. Of his letters, Mr. Jefferson must have kept 
 copies, (which is not supposed to be a common practice in 
 familiar correspondence,) perhaps with intention to make 
 them public, as he has done. This is an unusual course, 
 because the parties written to have an interest in that mat- 
 ter. Mr. Madison, Mr. Giles, Mr. Monroe, Dr. Rush, and 
 others, derive no benefit from the publication of Mr. Jeffer- 
 son's letters to them. He compiled a small volume of rules, 
 for the government of the Senate. It is called Jefferson's 
 Manual, and is a work of authority, and much respected. 
 
 The very " great services " which he rendered in these 
 four years, (as stated on his application to the Virginia 
 legislature for leave to sell his estate by lottery,) in " making 
 head against federalism," are not recorded in his copies of 
 letters of his time, as one naturally expects to find them to 
 have been. Nor are these " services" specially noticed as hav- 
 ing been rendered within this time, though he considers them 
 (on the occasion before mentioned) as the most important 
 achievement of his political life. In this, as in some other 
 instances, there is some ground for suspecting Mr. Jefferson 
 of having resort to after thoughts, when it was convenient 
 to do so, to meet present emergencies. Whether this was 
 so, or not, readers will have an opportunity to form their own 
 opinions. 
 
 It is to be remembered, that this is not an attack, but a 
 defence ; and that in defending it is indispensable to show 
 Mr. Jefferson's own character, as disclosed by himself. 
 
 11*
 
 126 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 LETTER XXXIII. 
 
 JUNE 1, 1833. 
 
 No man has appeared in the United States in the last 
 fifty years, whose character, public and private, has been so 
 differently estimated as that of Thomas Jefferson. By some 
 
 irsons he has been considered as one of the most pure, 
 amiable, dignified, wise, and patriotic of men. By others 
 he has been considered, as remarkably defective in the 
 qualities which dignify and adorn human life ; and as one 
 of the worst men, and most wrong-headed statesmen that 
 ever lived. As Mr. Jefferson was neither a military man, 
 nor an orator, nor public speaker at all, and had only, as 
 means of influencing others, conversation and his pen, he 
 acquired an astonishing ascendency over the American 
 people. Readers will judge for themselves, which of these 
 parties was right, and which was wrong. The present object 
 is to exhibit Mr. Jefferson as he has seen fit to exhibit him- 
 self, taking the product of his own pen, as the principal 
 guide. He is his own voluntary witness ; and it is an in- 
 flexible rule, that every man makes the best of his own case ; 
 and that no evidence is so strong as one's own admissions. 
 Mr. Jefferson employed himself in preparing the materials 
 for a work, which he intended to have published to the world. 
 He so employed himself, not in the hurry of the official 
 scenes, in which he had been long engaged ; but in the 
 calmness of retired life ; with the benefit of retrospection, 
 and with the consciousness that he had a defence to make. 
 If not so, then with the belief that he deserved a better fame, 
 than might be allowed to him, if he did not plead his own 
 cause. 
 
 Before Mr. Jefferson is judged of, on the evidence which 
 he has furnished himself, it may be proper to recognise some 
 rules to be applied in estimating character. There are 
 certain qualities which entitle a man to his own self-respect. 
 He desires to be considered, by others, as having these 
 qualities. Among these are, regard for the truth ; for no 
 man endures the charge of mendacity. Every one desires 
 to be considered honest; for, to be even suspected of dis- 
 honesty, is to lose all just pretensions to esteem in the social
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 127 
 
 relations of life. A gentleman desires to be considered as- 
 above all propensity to abuse the confidence, which the 
 common intercourse of society requires. That which men 
 express in the friendly and social circle, in the fulness of 
 the heart, and without a suspicion of malicious use of what 
 is so expressed, and with the certainty of freedom from all 
 deliberative misrepresentation, is ever held, by gentlemen, to 
 be sacred. If this were not so, the intercommunication of 
 thought, must be excluded from social life, and every one 
 must speak as though in the presence of his, enemies. 
 Among well informed and polished men, there is a rule 
 which approaches near to the golden rule, " Do as you 
 would be done by," even though one feels no respect for the \ 
 authority from which it comes. There is a class of high- 
 minded men in society, who add to the acknowledged law 
 of honor, the sanction of Christian duty, which demands 
 candor, charity, forbearance ; and who consider the rule, 
 above mentioned, as intended to be the best which can be 
 prescribed, because it is founded in the human heart. 
 
 Statesmen in a republic, who are called to the perform- 
 ance of a public trust, are presumed to know, that they un-\ 
 dertake such trust, under a very solemn obligation to execute 
 it according to prescribed rules. They may misunderstand 
 these rules ; if they do, they have not the capacity which 
 the trust implies. They may misapply these rules; if so, 
 they have not the intelligence which they assumed to have, 
 when they bound- themselves to observe them. They may 
 intentionally pervert these rules, or substitute their own will 
 for them ; if so, they are false and fraudulent. As all men 
 in office are merely agents for constituents, they are held to 
 account for capacity, intelligence, and fidelity. While they 
 live, their constituents have the remedy of finding worthier 
 agents, by the peaceable remedy of elections. When they 
 have passed away, there is no earthly tribunal but that of 
 public opinion. No man, not even the malefactor who dies . 
 by the halter, is regardless of what will be said of him, when^/ 
 he is dead. This sensibility is, doubtless, one of the pro- | 
 visions of man's Creator, to keep him in the path of his 
 duties. 
 
 There must always be two classes of public men in a free 
 elective government. One of them holds political and social 
 life, to be ordained by the Deity ; that man's natural pro-
 
 123 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 pensities and wants, properly regulated, were intended to 
 prompt him to secure to himself the greatest good which he 
 can have ; that the establishment of wise rules, and the 
 faithful observance of them, in all social and political rela- 
 tions, secure to rulers and to the ruled, the best condition 
 which they can have. This class also holds, that all official 
 station is a mere trust to be executed wisely and honestly 
 for the common welfare. Those who are called to this 
 trust, hope for the esteem and respect of their constituents ; 
 if they fail to obtain these, they cannot be deprived of the 
 consciousness of having deserved them. But, even for this 
 class of public men, there cannot be claimed an exemption 
 from errors, incident to human nature. 
 
 The other class see in human society, only the means of 
 satisfying the worst cravings of the human heart. They 
 seek dominion, not for the common welfare, but for them- 
 selves. They use the rules established for the general good 
 to secure that dominion. They know that they must have 
 adversaries in the first mentioned class, and in all who sup- 
 port that class. These adversaries collectively, and indi- 
 vidually, must be traduced, calumniated, and made odious. 
 To their leaders must be denied talents and integrity. They 
 must be accused of the basest designs. The sovereign people 
 must be made to believe these criminations. To this end, 
 any fraud, cunning, perversion, or machination, is justifiable. 
 Private intercommunication, the public press, assuming to 
 be friends and protectors of the people against their enemies, 
 and to be the mere instruments of executing a popular will, 
 which they create themselves, are the well known means. 
 Why should not the great mass of the community be de- 
 ceived, by such means ? They hear and read, only as these 
 crafty politicians order. Why should they not believe what 
 their best friends tell them for truths ? To what an anxious, 
 miserable servitude do these politicians condemn themselves ! 
 Some of them prosper, it is true, to the end of life ; but in 
 general, they are found out, and they close their career with 
 sorrow, and disgrace. 
 
 Among this great political class, there are prominent men, 
 who have acquired the sincere belief, (from the habit of con- 
 templating the acts, and designs of adversaries, in peculiar* 
 lights,) that the country cannot be safe in any hands but 
 their own. They see through a distorting medium, but are
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 129 
 
 honest in their views. Then there is a portion who are 
 sincerely republican, as they understand the matter, who 
 feel, rather than reason, on the political system, and who 
 are liable to great mistakes. Then there is the class who 
 misunderstand the meaning of " liberty and equality," and 
 the order of society ; and who think any order must be 
 wrong, which does not place them in positions as desirable 
 as those which they see others to have. Then there are 
 the master spirits who know how to excite, regulate, and 
 control all these classes. To this combination, add the 
 leaven of party feeling, made up of hopes and fears, partiali- 
 ties and enmities, confidence and jealousy, ambition and 
 avarice, and one comes to the dominant power in most 
 popular governments. This power vehemently maintains, in 
 words, the excellence of civil liberty ; and conducts, by acts, 
 inevitably to despotism. To this condition Americans seem 
 to be hastening, notwithstanding they have the advantages 
 of schools, means of instruction, and a free press. 
 
 At first view, it strikes one with astonishment, that the 
 great mass of citizens, who suffer most from the errors of 
 ignorant rulers, or the frauds of dishonest ones, should sus- 
 tain and applaud both of these classes of politicians. But 
 one ought rather to be astonished, that a government which 
 is conducted merely on party dominion, has continued as 
 long as it has. Let any man examine into the true state of 
 information in any city, town, or village, in the United States, 
 and satisfy himself as to the sources of information which he 
 finds there ; and he cannot wonder at the opinions which 
 are prevalent, nor doubt as to the motives by which they are 
 imparted. He may lament, as he will, that such opinions 
 exist, but he can no more change them by stating truths, 
 than he can change the stature of those who entertain them, 
 by wishing to do it. The great mass of voters are not to be 
 reproached for their errors in judgment, as to men, or meas- 
 ures. For, to the natural impatience, and proneness to 
 complain, which mankind have, under almost any govern- 
 ment, is to be added the unceasing effort of the " people's 
 friends " to teach that, and that only, which they desire to 
 have this mass believe to be true. 
 
 Whether Mr. Jefferson belonged to the honorable, high- 
 minded, and intelligent order of statesmen, or to the man- 
 aging, contriving, and unprincipled class of politicians, it is
 
 \ 
 
 130 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 not assumed to decide. But it is intended so to arrange the 
 materials, (furnished by himself,) for forming a judgment, 
 as to enable others to decide for themselves. There is no 
 reason why Mr. Jefferson should be exempted from appear- 
 ing before that tribunal at which he has arraigned so many 
 of his eminent countrymen. Is there, (to use one of Mr. 
 Jefferson's favorite words,) a sacrosanct protection, or pano- 
 ply for him, and for no other man ? If so, is it found in his 
 virtues, in his example, in his science, in his philosophy, in 
 his religion, in his public services, his political wisdom and 
 fidelity ? Let Mr. Jefferson speak for himself. But why 
 ly should the repose of the dead be disturbed ? If Mr. Jefferson 
 / had lived out his term, and left his fame to history, as Wash- 
 | ington, Jay, Adams, and others have done, he would not 
 have been now a subject of commentary. If he had left for 
 publication his claims to the respect and gratitude of his 
 countrymen, without interfering with the like claims of 
 other men, history would have only to deal with him, as 
 with other men. 
 
 But when it comes to this, that in striving to uphold and 
 honor his own fame, he attempts to deprive all his contem- 
 poraries, who were not of his own school, not only of the 
 ordinary respect and consideration to which men in public 
 life may be supposed entitled, but to brand them as conspir- 
 ators, and traitors, is he to go unanswered ? If it be said 
 that history will do justice, will it not also be asked, where 
 were the survivors of those who were charged with misde- 
 meanors and crimes? Where were their sons and descend- 
 ants ? Why were they silent in their time 1 Have they not 
 pleaded guilty by their silence, to all the criminations of 
 Mr. Jefferson, both as to themselves, and their fathers ? 
 
 It is not to present Mr. Jefferson in unfavorable lights, 
 that these pages concerning him are written ; but to show 
 the true value of his testimony against others. If he had 
 left the federalists to be judged of, when he left the earth, 
 without his testimony against them, they would have had no 
 cause of complaint against him. His public acts, and their 
 public acts, remain recorded. These would have been ex- 
 amined, as the proper authorities, for the estimation of his 
 merits, and of their merits, as public agents. The bitter- 
 ness of party feeling, the personalities and enmities of adver- 
 saries, would not have appeared in these records. Time
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 131 
 
 would have obliterated all memory of them. It is, then, a 
 surprising and sorrowful fact, that a retired President of the 
 United States should have gathered the memoranda of his 
 own unkind feelings, the tattle of his associates, the hearsay 
 of excited partisans, the minutes of private and confidential 
 intercourse, among guests invited to his own table, and 
 dignify them with the title of " Memoirs and Writings 
 of Thomas Jefferson ! " This would only have been the 
 subject of regret and pity, if it could be so understood in 
 distant times, as it, probably, now is, by a great majority of 
 all who have read these writings. But these writings will 
 continue, and may be considered true, when those men- 
 tioned in them, will not be known as they were known 
 while they lived. It is then a duty, and one of which the 
 performance is demanded by truth, justice, and patriotism, 
 to weigh the worth of Mr. Jefferson's testimony. 
 
 In contemplation of his posthumous work, Mr. Jefferson 
 says, under date apparently of February 14th, 1818, (vol. iv. 
 p. 443,) "At this day, after the lapse of twenty-five years 
 'or more, from their dates, I have given to the whole a 
 ' calm revisal, token the passions of the time have passed 
 ' away, and the reasons of the transactions act alone on the 
 'judgment. Some of the informations I had recorded, are 
 ' now cut out from the rest, because I have seen that they 
 ' were incorrect, or doubtful, or merely personal, or private ; 
 ' with which we have nothing to do." We are, therefore, 
 to take all that Mr. Jefferson retains to be correct, free from 
 doubt, and neither personal nor private ; and also to be that 
 which Mr. Jefferson intended for the world after " calm 
 revisal." 
 
 LETTER XXXIV. 
 
 JUNE 5, 1833. 
 
 THE perusal of Mr. Jefferson's writings raises the very W 
 difficult question, What was his motive for preparing them, 
 and leaving them for publication '< 
 
 Did the writer, in this case, mean only to vindicate him- 
 self against aspersions made in his lifetime ; or against
 
 132 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 calumnies which might arise after he was gone ? Did he 
 mean to arrogate to himself pre-eminent merit, as a citizen 
 and statesman 1 If so, was it necessary to his purpose to 
 deny all merit to contemporaneous adversaries ? Was it 
 necessary to impute to these adversaries deliberate wicked- 
 ness, long cherished and persevered in? If he thought 
 such a course necessary or proper, how should it have hap- 
 pened that he so managed the matter as to have furnished 
 to these adversaries, all the proofs which they could desire, 
 of the errors and wrongs which they had imputed to him ? 
 
 The only candid answer that can be given to such in- 
 quiries is, that Mr. Jefferson entertained very erroneous 
 opinions of himself, and of others, and of the nature of 
 society. It is the more to be regretted, both for himself, 
 and his country, if he was perfectly sincere in what he 
 said and did ; and believed himself to be what he professed 
 to be. From his self-education, and the course of his 
 studies, from the natural turn of his mind, his perceptions 
 of his fellow men, and of the natural and necessary laws 
 of society, it is probable that he had formed rules of right 
 and wrong, adverse to those commonly received. It is also 
 probable, that Mr. Jefferson did not always respect the rules 
 of moral action, which those who live according to Chris- 
 tian precepts, are supposed to observe. It was doubtful, 
 at least, before Mr. Jefferson's books appeared, whether he 
 had any sound opinions on civil government ; and whether 
 he understood the true meaning of the political institutions 
 under which he lived. His books have had no tendency to 
 affect these doubts favorably to him ; certainly none to prove 
 that he was wise and useful in his application of the rules, 
 which the supreme law of the land prescribed to him. 
 
 Whatever Mr. Jefferson may have said of constitutional 
 rules, he thought himself under no obligation to observe 
 them, whenever he found them inconsistent with his own 
 views of expediency. He supposed a deliberate and solemn 
 establishment of a form of government, intended by one 
 generation for their own welfare, and that of all succeeding 
 ones, until changed with the like solemnities, bound only 
 the generation by which it was established. Selected to be 
 the chief ruler, by the people, he was the proper organ for 
 expressing their will, " Lilliputian ties," notwithstanding. 
 Even in this political latitudinarianism, if he did not like the
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 133 
 
 motive which he had assigned for any act done by him, he 
 was at liberty to assign any other, adapted to a present 
 exigency. If Mr. Jefferson's writings show that such were 
 his opinions, it does not necessarily follow that he was inten- 
 tionally wrong. It only shows that such was the character 
 of the man. How far he has maintained his claim to the 
 respect and gratitude of his countrymen, as " the great and 
 good Mr. Jefferson," is quite another matter. 
 
 With no part of Mr. Jefferson's life, before he became an 
 agent for the United States, is it intended to interfere. His 
 services to his native state, his fellow citizens there will 
 estimate. At the age of forty-one, (in 1784,) he departed 
 from the United States, to represent his country at the 
 French Court. He had, before that time, written his 
 " Notes on Virginia," in which he had expressed some 
 opinions tending to show, that he might be prepared to 
 regard, with complacency, the doctrines which prevailed 
 among certain philosophers. These men, (Voltaire, Rous- 
 seau, D'Alembert, Diderot, and others,) as is well known 
 from their lives and writings, had expressed a total disre- 
 gard of some precepts, which other men, commonly reputed 
 to be wise and virtuous, held in high respect. While he 
 was there, the French Revolution began ; and it is in no 
 wise discreditable to Mr. Jefferson, that he expected from it 
 a political and social renovation, which no country could be 
 more in need of than France. In this fermenting region, 
 Mr. Jefferson remained until the close of 1789, and then 
 came home. Meanwhile the national government had been 
 established, and he had been invited, by President Washing- 
 ton, to take the place of Secretary of State, which he did, 
 at New York, on the 22d of March, 1790. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson had never approved of the constitution. 
 He came into place with an honest and decided dislike of 
 some of its powers. He came in also, with an equally 
 honest and inveterate hostility to England ; and with a zeal- 
 ous devotion to the revolutionary measures of France. He 
 had, no doubt, such recollection of English measures during 
 the war, and while he was governor of Virginia, as may 
 have been a full justification, in his own mind, for all the 
 opinions which he entertained. The necessity, and the 
 utility, of the changes going on in France, were also sober 
 convictions. Many other men, quite as honest and clear- 
 12
 
 134 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 sighted as Mr. Jefferson, thought as he did, as to France, at 
 that time. Whether he carried into public policy his'hostility 
 towards one n'ation, and his affectionate attachment to 
 another, so thoroughly as to lose all consideration for the 
 interests of his own country, is a question on which there 
 were two opinions among his countrymen. 
 , . Mr. Jefferson found Alexander Hamilton at the head of 
 Mhe treasury, Henry Knox at the head of the war depart- 
 ment, and Edmund Randolph, Attorney General, and these 
 persons, with himself, were the constitutional advisers of the 
 President. It is probable that this selection was made to 
 inspire confidence in the administration. Hamilton was 
 y much esteemed in the state of New York, wherein there 
 ( was a strong minority against the constitution. Knox was 
 ^highly esteemed in Massachusetts, where there was also a 
 strong minority. From Virginia, where the like opposition 
 was vehemently manifested, it was, perhaps, deemed ex- 
 pedient to take two members of the cabinet, both of them 
 men of distinction, and one of them eminently so ; and both 
 of them well known to have been adverse to the constitution. 
 It may have been the intention of the President to have, in 
 / his councils, both sides of the case. 
 
 It is well proved, that from the beginning Mr. Jefferson 
 and Colonel Hamilton had very different views of expedi- 
 < ency ; equally well proved, that these gentlemen became 
 personally opposed, if not personal enemies, and so much so 
 as to call for the interference of the President to attempt a 
 reconciliation. Here may, perhaps, be found one of the 
 causes of the political conduct of Mr. Jefferson, and some 
 of his motives for the declarations, as to Hamilton, which ap- 
 pear in Mr. Jefferson's writings. 
 
 . The reproach which Mr. Jefferson, again and again, casts 
 i upon Hamilton, is, that he was a monarchist, and devoted to 
 ' the British interest. At the distance of more than thirty 
 years from the time, in which the scenes which he discloses 
 occurred, and more than twenty years after Hamilton was 
 dead, Mr. Jefferson intended the publication of the casual 
 confidential remarks of Hamilton, with such coloring, proba- 
 bly, as may have best suited his purpose. The point on 
 which Mr. Jefferson seems to have founded Hamilton's 
 political turpitude, was the proposal, and the support, of the 
 " funding system," and the bank. This appears to have
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 135 
 
 been considered, by Mr. Jefferson, as a corrupt design to 
 assimilate the government of the United States to that of 
 England, and gradually to introduce the political system of 
 that country. The following are some of the many similar 
 passages which are found in Mr. Jefferson's books, as pub- 
 lished since his decease : 
 
 Vol. iv. p. 450. " Hamilton was not only a monarchist 
 " but for a monarchy bottomed on corruption." 
 
 Same page. While Washington was absent, Jefferson 
 invited the members of the cabinet, and Mr. Adams, to dine 
 with him, to consult on Genet's movements. After dinner 
 Mr. Adams said, " Purge the (British) constitution of its 
 " corruption, and give to its popular branch equality of rep- 
 " resentation, and it would be the most perfect constitution 
 " ever devised by the wit of man." Hamilton said, " Purge 
 " it of its corruption, and give to its popular branch equality 
 " of representation, and it would become an impracticable 
 " government. As it stands, at present, with all its sup- 
 " posed defects, it is the most perfect government that ever 
 " existed." Mr. Jefferson adds, " Hamilton was, indeed, a 
 " singular character. Of acute understanding, disinter- 
 " ested, honest, and honorable, in all private transactions, 
 " amiable in society, and duly valuing virtue in private life ; 
 " yet so bewitched and perverted by the British example, as 
 " to be under thorough conviction that corruption was es- 
 " sential to the government of a nation." 
 
 Page 474. " Mr Butler tells me, that he dined last winter 
 " in company with Hamilton and others. Hamilton declar- 
 " ed openly, that there was no stability, no security, in any 
 " kind of government but a monarchy." 
 
 Page 503. December 27, 1797. " Tench Coxe tells me, 
 " that a little before Hamilton went out of office," (nearly 
 three years before,) Hamilton said, " For my part I avow 
 " myself a monarchist ; I have no objection to a trial being 
 " made of this thing called a republic, but, &c." 
 
 There are many similar records of Hamilton, in this 
 volume. This gentleman may have entertained speculative 
 opinions on government. He may have supposed, that his 
 own countrymen would not be able to carry on a republic. 
 He may have believed, if he had lived to the present day, 
 that he was actually a subject of something like despotic 
 rule, with the apparent approbation of a majority of the
 
 136 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 people. Under what circumstances, and with what qualifi- 
 cations, these opinions were uttered, Mr. Jefferson does not 
 make known, nor does it appear to have been material to 
 his purpose to have known. 
 
 There are, in this volume, numerous remarks concerning 
 Mr. Adams, apparently intended to make his fame odious to 
 posterity. These remarks were preserved for publication, 
 notwithstanding the renewed friendship with Mr. Adams. 
 Some of them are these : December 26, 1797, (vol. iv. p. 
 503,) " Langdon tells me, that Adams," (in allusion to votes 
 given for Clinton in opposition to Adams,) " gritting his 
 " teeth, said, Damn 'em, damn 'em, damn 'em, you see that 
 " elective government will not do." 
 
 Page 451. " Mr. Adams had originally been a repub- 
 
 " lican. The glare of royalty and nobility, during his mis- 
 
 ( *' sion in England, had made him believe their fascination 
 
 i " to be a necessary ingredient in government. His book on 
 
 " the American constitutions, had made known his political 
 
 " bias. He was taken up by the monarchical federalists in 
 
 " his absence, and on his return to the United States, he 
 
 " was by them made to believe that the general disposition 
 
 " of our citizens was favorable to monarchy." 
 
 It is difficult to reconcile this course of remark, with any 
 sound moral or social principle, which well-informed gentle- 
 men recognise. It is very possible that Mr. Adams may 
 ' have entertained the abstract opinion, that the government 
 of Great Britain, with some modifications, may be the best 
 of which mankind are capable. But this is a very different 
 yaffair from assuming, that Mr. Adams thought such a gov- 
 /ernment should be attempted in this country. Let it even 
 \ be supposed, as Mr. Jefferson would have it, that Mr. Adams 
 'thought that government the best for this country, what 
 motive could Mr. Jefferson have had, twenty-five years after 
 Mr. Adams had retired from public life, and had manifested, 
 in various ways, a decided attachment to republican govern- 
 ment, and after the affectionate friendship between these 
 two men had been cemented by a correspondence of the 
 most confidential character, that these sayings (if they were 
 ever said) should be treasured up, and given to the world ? 
 One cannot but ask, how Mr. Adams would have regarded 
 this 1 And as he was gone, and could not have suspected 
 that his friend intended any such reproach to his memory,
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 137 
 
 then those who now consider these things, may ask, was 
 this doing as one would be done by ? Or, is this the con- 
 duct of a man of honor ; of a real gentleman ? 
 
 There is another circumstance which Mr. Jefferson's 
 writings bring into prominent notice, and which goes far to 
 settle his true character. Washington had selected Mr. Jef- 
 ferson for one of his most confidential advisers, and under 
 circumstances which ought to have decided Mr. Jefferson to 
 adopt one of two courses ; first, to reject the confidence ; or, 
 secondly, to accept it, and to use it agreeably to Washing- 
 ton's implied expectation. Now there was a translating _< 
 clerk in Mr. Jefferson's office, by the name of Freneau; 
 who was also the publisher of the National Gazette. This 
 paper was issued continually, for the principal purpose of 
 bringing Washington's administration into contempt. It 
 denied to him personally, both capacity and integrity. 
 Freneau not only so published, but it was his practice daily 
 to send, three copies of his paper to Washington. This be- 
 came intolerable, and Washington could not forbear to 
 speak to his cabinet counsellor, on this highly unjust and 
 abusive conduct of his own clerk ; and requested his inter- 
 ference, as a member of the administration, to rebuke Fre- 
 neau. Considering the relation in which Jefferson stood to 
 Washington, and the fact of Freneau's dependence on the 
 former, what would have been the course of a fair dealing, 
 conscientious person ? Mr. Jefferson, more than thirty years 
 after this time, and in contemplation of his own decease, and 
 in preparing the materials for pages to be read after he was 
 gone, tells what his course was. He says, (vol. iv. p. 491,) 
 that Washington, at a cabinet council, remarked, " That -s. 
 " rascal, Freneau, sent him three of his papers every day, as 
 " if he thought he (Washington) would become the distri- 
 " buter of his papers ; that he could see in this, nothing but 
 " an -impudent design to insult him ; he ended in this high 
 " tone." Again at a meeting, May 23, 1793, (vol. iv. p. v 
 485,) speaking of Washington, Mr. Jefferson says, " He ad- 
 " verted to a piece in Freneau's paper of yesterday ; he said 
 " he despised all their attacks on him personally, but that 
 " there had never been an act of the government, not mean- 
 " ing in the executive line only, but in any line, which that 
 " paper had not abused. He was evidently sore and warm, ^ 
 " and I took his intention to be, that I should interpose in 
 12*
 
 138 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 some way with Freneau, perhaps withdraw his appoint- 
 ment of translating clerk to my office. But I will not do 
 it. His paper has saved our constitution, which was gal- 
 loping fast into monarchy, and has been checked, by no 
 one means so powerfully as by that paper. It is well and 
 universally known, that it has been that paper, which has 
 checked the career of the monocrats ; and the President, 
 not sensible of the designs of the party, has not with his 
 usual good sense, and sangfroid, looked on the efforts and 
 effects of this free press, and seen, that though some bad 
 things have passed through it to the public, yet the good 
 ' have preponderated immensely." 
 
 Mr. Jefferson could elect to retain Freneau, and to pa- 
 tronize his paper, and to approve of his abuse of Washing- 
 ton ; but that he could retain his place, and daily appear 
 before Washington, and affect to be well-disposed towards 
 him, and his administration, cannot be reconciled with the 
 feelings and sentiments of any honorable man. Why tuch 
 a man as Washington, kept such a man as he knew Jeffer- 
 son to be, near him, and in his counsels, can be accounted 
 for only on the supposition, that Washington desired to 
 sacrifice his own feelings, to what he may have considered 
 -to be the public good. Mr. Jefferson takes great pains to 
 show, that Washington was exceedingly reluctant to have 
 him retire, and kept him in office, against his own will, 
 throughout the year 1793. This is very possible. There 
 may have been good reasons for desiring to retain Mr. Jef- 
 ferson, in the probable relation of the United States to 
 France. We have Mr. Jefferson's version of the matter. 
 A contradictory one could come only from Washington him- 
 self. He knew that would never come ; for Washington is 
 not supposed to have kept memoranda of his confidential 
 intercourse for public inspection, nor, probably, even for his 
 own. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson is as little merciful to Washington, as to 
 other men of whom he records his opinions. In page 467, 
 of vol. iv., he remarks on Washington, who was then in his 
 sixty-first year, that he was sensible of the decay of his 
 hearing, of which no one is supposed to have heard but 
 Mr. Jefferson. 
 
 In page 455, (29th February, 1792,) wrien Washington 
 was only sixty years old, Mr. Jefferson relates a conversa-
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 139 
 
 tion on Washington's retirement from office, in which the 
 latter is reported to have said, " that he really felt himself 
 " growing old ; his bodily health less firm, his memory 
 " always bad, becoming worse, and perhaps the other facul- 
 " ties of his mind showing a decay to others, of which he 
 " was not sensible himself, and that this apprehension par- 
 " ticularly oppressed him." It may be that Washington 
 selected Mr. Jefferson for this delicate and confidential com- 
 munication. It is very unlike the supposed reserve, and 
 habitual dignity of Washington ; and not reconcilable with 
 his performance of the duties of his second term ; nor with 
 his acceptance of the command of the army, six years after- 
 wards. One is at a loss even to conjecture the motive for 
 making this record, if it was not to depreciate Washington, 
 which is obviously the motive in the following quotation : 
 
 Page 512, " Rush," (Dr. Rush, of Philadelphia,) " ob- 
 " serves, he never did say a word on the subject, in any of 
 " his public papers, except in his valedictory letter to the 
 " governors of the states, when he resigned his commission 
 " in the army, wherein he speaks of ' the benign influence 
 " of the Christian religion.'" 
 
 " I know that Gouverneur Morris, who pretended to be in 
 " his secrets, and believed himself to be so, has often told 
 " me, that General Washington believed no more of that 
 " system than he did himself." That is, Morris admitted 
 himself to be an infidel, and also knew that Washington 
 was an infidel ! , 
 
 In the same manner, Mr. Jefferson appears to have 
 treasured up all the opinions imputed to George Cabot, 
 Samuel Dexter, Christopher Gore, Robert G. Harper, Rufus 
 King, John Jay, Harrison G. Otis, Timothy Pickering, John 
 Lowell, and many other eminent men, for the apparent pur- 
 pose of proving to posterity, that they were enemies of the 
 institutions of their own country, and leagued together to 
 introduce a monarchy. It is to be remembered that the 
 recorded sayings and opinions came through two or more 
 mouths, and that the principal informant was a man of 
 whom Mr. Jefferson himself says, " he is too credulous of 
 what he hears." * 
 
 The fourth volume of Mr. Jefferson's works, abounds 
 
 * Beckley, clerk of the House of Representatives.
 
 140 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 with these narrations, concerning the distinguished men of 
 our country, for purposes which cannot be otherwise under- 
 stood than as designed to make these men odious. Now 
 Mr. Jefferson may have thought all this right, and becom- 
 ing. But so many of these tales are so near akin to mere 
 gossip, that it is surprising any gentleman could be disposed 
 to hear them. More surprising that any gentleman should 
 record them as truths. Lamentable, that they should have 
 been destined to the eye of future generations, with the 
 sanction of one who had held the highest offices in the gift 
 of his countrymen. 
 
 LETTER XXXV. 
 
 JUNE 9, 1833. 
 
 THE two points on which Mr. Jefferson appears to rely 
 most, to prove the design of establishing a monarchy, and a 
 corrupt one too, are the funding system, and the national 
 bank. He considers, whenever he mentions the former, 
 that the object was to create, in the two branches of the 
 legislature, " treasury votes" enough to carry all the meas- 
 ures of the administration ; and that these must always be 
 measures which ought not to be carried. He considers, too, 
 that every federalist who came into either branch, must 
 have been corrupted by the funding system or bank, although 
 not members when either was established. This is a very 
 comprehensive denunciation ; and not worth answering at 
 this day, if it were not to show the true character of Mr. 
 Jefferson's credulity, or something worse. 
 
 The best refutation may be, to mention the names of the 
 majorities in both branches, who voted to provide for the 
 public debt. If they were the corrupt men alluded to, they 
 were not so avaricious as may be supposed ; and not so wise, 
 as wicked, since no one was afterwards known to have 
 changed his condition for the better, in consequence of his 
 votes. 
 
 The funding system was finally established in July, 1790. 
 Those who voted for it in the Senate were :
 
 ON PU1JLIC CHARACTERS. 141 
 
 Butler, S. C. Morris, Penn. 
 
 Dalton, Mass. Paterson, N. J. 
 
 Elmer, N. J. Schuyler, N. Y. 
 
 Henry, Md. Strong, Mass. 
 
 Johnson, Conn. Walker, Va. 
 
 Izard, S. C. King, N. Y. 
 Langdon, N. H. 
 
 In the House of Representatives : 
 
 Ames, Mass. Leonard, Mass. 
 
 Benson, N. Y. Partridge, Mass. 
 
 Boudinot, N. J. Schureman, N. J. 
 
 Burke, S. C. Sedgwick, Mass. 
 
 Cadwallader, Penn. Sherman, Conn. 
 
 Carroll, Md. Silvester, N. Y. 
 
 Clymer, Penn. Sinnickson, N. J. 
 
 Fitzsimmons, Penn. W. Smith, S. C. 
 
 Foster, N. H. Sturges, Conn. 
 
 Gale, Md. Sumpter, S. C. 
 
 Gerry, Mass. Thacher, Mass. 
 
 Goodhue, Mass. Trumbull, Conn. 
 
 Grout, Mass. Tucker, S. C. 
 
 Huger, S. C. Vining, Va. 
 
 Huntington, Conn. Wadsworth, Conn. 
 
 Laurence, N. Y. White, Va. 
 
 R. B. Lee, Va. Wynkoop, Penn. 
 
 The following are among many similar notices of the pro- 
 vision for the payment of the public debt, found in Mr. Jef- 
 ferson's volumes. In page 446 of 4th volume : " Hamilton's 
 ' financial system had then passed. It had two objects : 
 ' 1st. As a puzzle to exclude popular understanding and 
 ' inquiry. 2d. As a machine for the corruption of the 
 ' legislature ; for he avowed the opinion, that man could be 
 ' governed by one of two motives only, force or interest. 
 ' Force, he observed, in this country, was out of the ques- 
 tion ; and the interest, therefore, of the members, must be 
 ' laid hold of, to keep the legislature in unison with the 
 ' executive. And with grief and shame it must be acknow- 
 ' ledged, that his machine was not without effect." 
 
 Almost all the members of both Houses of Congress, who 
 voted for the " funding system," were then sufficiently dis-
 
 142 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 tinguished to be known throughout the United States. 
 Every one who can remember as far back as thirty years, 
 and who was attentive to public affairs, must have been in- 
 formed, (as to those in his own state, if not more exten- 
 sively,) of the reputation of these men. Who among them 
 may be selected as a corrupt speculator ? Who among them 
 may be supposed to have advocated a great political meas- 
 ure, perfectly reconcilable with honor, justice, and duty in 
 itself, for the purpose of enriching himself? Mr. Jefferson 
 was among these men, from the 22d of March, 1790, to the 
 31st of December, 1793- He had Beckley and Freneau, 
 and many other skilful inquirers, and faithful reporters. 
 Who would Mr. Jefferson have selected as a corrupt monar- 
 chist, if in that space of time he had been called on to do 
 so? Was there nothing in the future days of these men, 
 and in the repeated marks of confidence, which were after- 
 wards conferred, where they were best known, which 
 might have corrected Mr. Jefferson's opinions, in the long 
 lapse of time through which he lived ? No, nothing. Among 
 the last acts of his life, he carefully prepared his charges to 
 go down to posterity, with his certificate that they were 
 true. 
 
 The same sort of record is made by Mr. Jefferson con- 
 cerning the National Bank, which was created by the votes 
 of nearly the same men. On the 2d of March, (vol. iv. 
 p, 481,) Mr. Jefferson thus describes the majority of the 
 House of Representatives : " 1. Bank directors. 2. Hold- 
 " ers of bank stock. 3. Stock-jobbers. 4. Blind devotees. 
 " 5. Ignorant persons who did not comprehend them ;" 
 (meaning Giles's resolutions, criminating Hamilton.) 
 " 6. Lazy, good-humored persons, who comprehended and 
 " acknowledged them, yet were too lazy to examine, or un- 
 " willing to pronounce censure. The three first descrip- 
 " tions, making one third of the House, and the three latter 
 " one half of the residue." 
 
 Now, did Mr. Jefferson really believe this, his own re- 
 cord ? or did he record that which he believed to be untrue, 
 to answer some purpose of his own ? If he really believed 
 all that he states to be true, what must be thought of his 
 understanding ? If he knew that he was stating that which 
 was untrue, what must be thought of his heart ?
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 143 
 
 LETTER XXXVI. 
 
 JUNE 12, 1833. 
 
 THE subject of monarchy, as charged against the federal- 
 ists as a party, is one on which Mr. Jefferson delights to 
 dwell. The following are samples of the multitude of 
 remarks to be found in his volumes : 
 
 In vol. iii. p. 402 : " The X, Y, Z, fever has considerably 
 " abated through the country, as I am informed, and the 
 " alien and sedition laws are working hard. For my own 
 " part, I consider those laws merely an experiment on the 
 " American mind, to see how far it will bear an avowed 
 violation of the constitution. If this goes down, we shall 
 immediately see another act of Congress attempted, de-_ 
 daring that the President shall continue in office during ^ 
 life, reserving to another occasion the transfer of the suc- 
 cession to his heirs, and the establishment of the Senate 
 for life." 
 
 In vol. iv. p. 183 : " This government they (federalists) 
 " wished to have established here, and only accepted and 
 " held fast, at first, to the present constitution, as a step- 
 " ping-stone to the final establishment of their favorite 
 " model. This party has, therefore, always clung to Eng- 
 " land, as their prototype and great auxiliary, in promoting 
 " and effecting this change. A weighty minority of these 
 " leaders, considering the voluntary conversion of our 
 " government into a monarchy, as too distant, if not despe- 
 " rate, wish to break off from our Union its eastern fragment, 
 " as being, in fact, the hot-bed of American monarchism, 
 " with a view to the commencement of their favorite govern- 
 " ment ; from whence the other states may gangrene by de- 
 " grees, and the whole be thus finally brought to the desired 
 " point." 
 
 " At the head of this minority, is what is called the Es- 
 " sex Junto of Massachusetts. But the majority of these 
 " leaders do not aim at separation. In this they adhere to 
 " the known principles of General Hamilton, never under 
 " any views, to break the Union. Anglomany, monarchy, 
 " and separation, then, are the principles of the Essex fede- 
 " ralists ; anglomany and monarchy, those of the Hamil-
 
 144 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " tonians ; and anglomany alone, that of the portion of people 
 " who call themselves federalists." (Letter to Mr. Melish, 
 map-maker, January 19, 1813.) 
 
 These are only some, of many similar remarks scattered 
 through Mr. Jefferson's third and fourth volumes. 
 
 The foregoing extracts, assume that almost immediately 
 after the adoption of the national government, there was a 
 party in New England, who designed to subvert that govern- 
 ment, and dissolve the Union, or to -convert that govern- 
 ment into a monarchy. No persons are named.* It is a 
 general denunciation of the federal party. There is no 
 mode of meeting and refuting Mr. Jefferson, but by stating 
 facts which cannot be denied ; and if these be utterly in- 
 compatible with the supposed design, the design itself must 
 be regarded as a mere calumny, chargeable on the per- 
 verted state of Mr. Jefferson's mind, or on his own want of 
 integrity. 
 
 These are historical facts : The federal party labored, 
 with all their might, to establish the national constitution. 
 King, Gore, Strong, Lowell, Parsons, Hamilton, Jay, Pick- 
 ering, Brooks, Sedgwick, and hundreds of such men who 
 might be named, were among the most zealous advocates of 
 the constitution. What were their motives ? If they had 
 any such purpose as Mr. Jefferson imputes to them, they 
 could not have been the advocates of a regular system of 
 government, which guaranteed to each and every state in the 
 Union, the continuance of republican forms. The firm es- 
 tablishment of such a government made the whole of the 
 United States one community, from which no state could 
 withdraw but by the consent of all. The whole physical 
 force in states adhering to the confederacy, could be arrayed 
 against any one which was disposed to depart from it. The 
 federal party intended that this should be so ; and they did 
 every thing that men could do to effect this object. They 
 discerned in the federal union the only security against ex- 
 ternal foes, and internal faction ; and above all, security 
 against the contentions, already becoming serious, between 
 the states themselves. If these are unquestionable facts, 
 how could the very men who thus laboured to establish this 
 
 This is the often repeated opinion of Mr. Jefferson, who says, in 
 his Mazzei letter, " we must break these Lilliputian ties, with which 
 " they have bound us," &c.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 145 
 
 government, have intended at the same time, or within a 
 few years afterwards, and while it was in the most satisfac- 
 tory execution under the direction of federalists, its dismem- 
 berment and destruction ! One would think, that these 
 men had every inducement, which can influence the human 
 mind, to preserve the constitution, and to have it wisely 
 administered. 
 
 If they had desired to create a monarchical system, their 
 course would have been to keep out of the Union, to have 
 promoted anarchy and confusion, and to have made force 
 necessary to preserve order ; and to have availed of that 
 force to establish their dominion. They were to do this 
 while the whole country was impoverished and distressed by 
 the effects of the revolutionary war ; and when New Eng- 
 land had almost exhausted its strength in repelling the ef- 
 forts of royalty to establish a tyrannical power. These very 
 men, whom Mr. Jefferson charges with the design of erecting 
 a monarchy, through the means of interior commotion, 
 were the foremost to suppress the rebellion in Massachusetts 
 in 1786-7; and who were instructed by that occurrence, 
 perhaps more than any other, in the necessity of a federal 
 union. These are facts not to be denied ; and how do they 
 agree with Mr. Jefferson's calumnies? 
 
 As to the design of converting the national government 
 into a monarchy, which Mr. Jefferson so often asserts, how 
 were they to effect such a purpose 1 Mr. Jefferson admits 
 that the people of the United States every where, except 
 among leading federalists, were republican. Monarchy 
 could be erected but in one of two modes, assent or force. 
 Mr. Jefferson does not pretend that it could be done by 
 assent. He says it could not ; and truly. The people of 
 the United States had just effected their liberation from a 
 monarchy. Were they, while the memory of their toils and 
 sufferings was so fresh, to have submitted to the dominion of 
 one of their own citizens, and have stood quiet or applaud- 
 ing spectators to see him crowned ? Were the federalists as 
 silly as Mr. Jefferson thought them wicked ? Did not they 
 know the state of public opinion, as well as he did? If one 
 could suppose such an absurdity as Mr. Jefferson has caused 
 to be published, who was to be the king ? Admit that 
 every body was ready for a monarchy, and that the federal- 
 ists had only to arrange their order of it, one had as much 
 13
 
 146 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 pretension to wear the crown as another. They must have 
 peaceably arranged among themselves, who should be mas- 
 ters and who should be servants. A king would need 
 >-dukes and lords to prop him up. Who were to be selected 
 '' for such dignity, and who excluded? Who but Thomas 
 Jefferson would impute to men, who certainly had some 
 claim to common sense, and who had done all they could to 
 establish republican liberty, the project of a peaceable ar- 
 rangement of a monarchy. 
 
 Royalty by force, was a still more absurd project. The 
 federalists must have had command of men and money. 
 How were either to be obtained ? The federalists had no 
 money, wherewith to maintain a military force ; and the 
 people must have submitted to military exactions to have 
 kept any force on foot, for a single week. Mr. Jefferson 
 presumed too much on the credulity of his countrymen, 
 in supposing that they would believe hirh ; or he had been 
 spoiled in finding that his assertions had been so long re- 
 ceived by them as truths. The more probable solution is, 
 JK that Mr. Jefferson's readiness to believe what he had hoped 
 * was true, had convinced him that it was true. He some- 
 V- where says, that an often asserted falsehood, comes at length 
 to be a truth in the mind of him who asserts it. 
 
 (Mr. Jefferson did no credit to his own book learning, of 
 which he had a great deal, in assuming, that a republic can 
 be converted into a monarchy, in either of the modes which 
 he imputes to the federalists. He knew, or ought to have 
 known, that republics have never changed into monarchies, 
 but always into despotisms. He must have known that 
 when despotism overwhelms this country, it will come by the 
 usurpation of men, who can delude the multitude under the 
 guise of being their friends. No man that has lived in the 
 United States in the last fifty years, has done so much as 
 Mr. Jefferson himself, to prepare the public mind for such 
 usurpation. All the misrule which now afflicts this coun- 
 try, can be fairly traced to him. He may have been far 
 enough, from any such design ; but the effect is a sorrowful 
 fact, as a large proportion of the thinking men of the coun- 
 try see with dismay. If there be, in the present chief ma- 
 gistrate, indications of a desire to exercise an absolute 
 authority, he proposes to do it, in virtue of being the popular 
 favorite. As such, his friends sustain him.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 147 
 
 LETTER XXXVII. 
 
 JUNE 15, 1833. 
 
 THE Jeffersonian dominion began in the United States ** 
 on the 4th of March, 1801. The opponents of the federal 
 constitution had, (by means well known, that is, by all 
 manner of appeals to popular prejudice,) been gaining 
 strength. The same means persevered in, would, in another 
 four years, have given the administration to them. The 
 experience of the last thirty years proves, that the majority 
 of the American people can always be ruled by their friends. 
 In other words, combinations of adroit men who want office, 
 emolument, and distinction, and who consider all these to 
 be only prizes to be gamed for, can always find the means 
 of winning them. Those who have the principles and feel- 
 ings of the founders of the government, by whatsoever name 
 dintinguished, must content themselves with opposition to 
 what they conscientiously believe to be destructive of the 
 original purposes for which the government was instituted. 
 This they must do, or prefer, as Mr. Jefferson says, " the 
 " calm of despotism to the tempestuous sea of liberty," under 
 very disagreeable masters. 
 
 When the votes were counted, it appeared that Mr. Jef- -^ 
 ferson had seventy-three, Aaron Burr, seventy-three, John 
 Adams, sixty-five, C. C. Pinckney, sixty-four. As the con- 
 stitution then was, two persons were to be voted for, both 
 of whom could not be resident in the state in which the vote 
 was given. The highest number of votes, being a majority j 
 of all the votes cast, made the President; the next highest, '' 
 being a like majority, made the Vice President. Jefferson 
 and Burr having an equal number, the choice devolved on 
 the House of Representatives. Mr. Jefferson took care to 
 have this " procedure corrected " by a change of the consti- 
 tution before another election. The House vote, on such 
 occasions, by states. If the number of representatives from 
 a state was seven, a majority of this number constituted 
 the vote of the state. If the number was equal, the vote of 
 the state might be divided ; but by a regulation adopted by 
 the House, the vote was not lost in case of division, but was 
 counted ; though for neither party. From New Hampshire
 
 148 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 there were four; from Massachusetts, fourteen; from Con- 
 necticut, seven ; from Vermont, two ; from Rhode Island, 
 two; from New York, ten ; from New Jersey, Jive ; from 
 Pennsylvania, thirteen; from Delaware, one; from Mary- 
 land, eight ; from Virginia, nineteen ; from North Carolina, 
 ten; from South Carolina, Jive; from Georgia, one; from 
 Kentucky, two; from Tennessee, one. Among the mem- 
 bers spoken of, from personal observation, were Sedgwick, 
 Thacher, Otis, Lincoln, Griswold, Dana, Goodrich, Smith, 
 Champlin, all of New England. Jonas Platt, New York ; 
 Edward Livingston, New York; Gallatin, Pennsylvania; 
 James A. Bayard, Delaware ; Samuel Smith, Maryland ; 
 Henry Lee, Virginia ; John Randolph, Virginia; Littleton 
 W. Tazewell, Virginia; N. Macon, North Carolina; R. G. 
 Harper, South Carolina; Thomas Pinckney, South Caro- 
 lina ; John Rutledge, South Carolina. 
 
 The House voted, among other regulations, to attend to 
 no business, but the election, while it was pending, and not 
 to adjourn until an election was effected. The balloting 
 began on Wednesday, the llth of February, and continued 
 until Tuesday, the 17th, at one o'clock ; recurring at longer 
 or shorter intervals. In thirty-five ballotings, the vote stood 
 eight for Thomas Jefferson, six for Aaron Burr, and two 
 states were divided. On the thirty-sixth ballot, Jefferson 
 had ten states; Burr, four; and two states gave a blank 
 vote. The presence of every member during this extraor- 
 dinary scene, which lasted seven days, was indispensable. 
 Some of them were infirm or indisposed, and were accom- 
 modated with beds or couches ; and one member was so 
 indisposed as to be attended by his wife. The whole num- 
 ber present was one hundred and four ; of whom a majority 
 were federalists, though there was not a federal majority of 
 states. The election was decided by the votes of Vermont 
 and Maryland. Lewis R. Morris is said to have withdrawn, 
 leaving his colleague, the famous Matthew Lyon, (who was 
 convicted of sedition,) to vote for Vermont. Four federalists, 
 in Maryland, are said to have given blank votes, and the 
 other four members from that state, to have voted for Jef- 
 ferson. 
 
 These seven days of balloting were days of great excite- 
 ment. Mr. Adams was there as President, contemplating 
 the approach of his political annihilation. Mr. Jefferson
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 149 
 
 was there, daily presiding in the Senate, in all the inquietude 
 of success or defeat. Burr was at New York or Albany. 
 The federalists, in the House, had a most painful and re- 
 sponsible duty to perform ; that of choosing between two 
 such men as Jefferson and Burr ! Among the rumors of 
 the time was this : That the federalists could, and would, 
 prevent any election, and would permit the balloting to go 
 on till the 4th of March, and consider both offices (Presi- 
 dent and Vice President) vacant, and leave to the President 
 of the Senate to exercise the executive power. Another 
 rumor was, that a law could be passed to vest in some 
 person the executive power. It is not improbable that, 
 from the abhorrence which some members may have felt of 
 seeing Mr. Jefferson in the office of President, means were 
 spoken of adapted to prevent such a national misfortune. 
 Doubtless the federalists would have done anything, which 
 they believed to be constitutional and dutiful, to prevent it ; 
 but no such propositions are supposed to have been discussed. 
 The Jeffersonians insisted that the people meant Jefferson 
 should be President, and that, if the House did not choose 
 him, an armed force would go from the neighboring states 
 to compel the House to choose him ; or, more probably, to 
 choose him themselves. Mr. Jefferson says, in a letter under 
 date of February 15, (1801) to James Monroe, while the 
 election was pending, (vol. iii. 452,) " If they could have 
 " been permitted to pass a law for putting the government 
 " into the hands of an officer, they would certainly have 
 " prevented an election. But we thought it best to declare, 
 " one and all, openly and firmly, that the day such an act 
 " passed, the middle states would arm ; and that no such 
 " usurpation, even for a single day, should be submitted to. 
 " This first shook them ; and they were completely alarmed 
 " at the resource for which we declared, viz. to re-organize 
 " the government, and to amend it. The very word con- 
 " vention gives them the horrors, as in the present democrati- 
 " cal spirit of America, they fear they should lose some of , 
 " the favorite morsels of the constitution." One would have 
 thought this a favorable time for the " monarchists" to have 
 made an attempt to set up a king. The government would 
 have come to a natural and easy dissolution, by refusing to 
 elect a President, and no better chance of scrambling for 
 royalty could ever be expected. 
 13*
 
 150 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 Mr. Jefferson says that he was frequently asked, during 
 
 this time, to promise that he would not do certain acts which 
 
 the federalists feared he would do ; that is, that he would 
 
 preserve certain features of federal policy. He says he 
 
 answered that he would not go into office with his hands 
 
 tied. It must be admitted that he acted with some firmness 
 
 (if the fact was so) in refusing, what proved to be for him 
 
 a crown (as he says) " on capitulation." Among other 
 
 rumors was this : Hamilton is said to have been consulted ; 
 
 and that he was of opinion that it was better to choose Jef- 
 
 . ferson than Burr. He seems to have had an abhorrence of 
 
 f Burr, and to have believed it safer to trust to Jefferson's 
 
 characteristic timidity than to Burr's insatiable ambition. 
 
 It was as embarrassing a question as could be proposed to 
 
 an honorable and patriotic mind, which of these two men 
 
 might do the most mischief! It might have made a favor- 
 
 / able difference to this country if Burr had been preferred, 
 
 (whatever Burr may have been since that day; and, cer- 
 
 / tainly, all the difference of life and death, to Hamilton him- 
 
 ( self. 
 
 This election of President (in February, 1801, by the 
 House of Representatives) is sufficiently interesting to be 
 further noticed, for two reasons ; first, to present a true 
 account of the federal party in the House, whose adversaries 
 attributed to them very reprehensible designs and attempts ; 
 secondly, to show the true character of Mr. Jefferson's 
 " Anas," and records. Both these objects will be accom- 
 plished by the perusal of evidence contained in the Appen- 
 dix. This evidence was published in the National Gazette, 
 (Philadelphia,) January 1, 1830, by Richard H. Bayard, 
 and James A. Bayard, sons of a gentleman of the latter 
 name, in refutation of two of Mr. Jefferson's statements. 
 This is an instance, in which it was deemed a duty to a 
 deceased parent, to inquire into the truth of Mr. Jefferson's 
 assertions. It will be seen, by the perusal of that evidence, 
 that Mr. Jefferson is plainly in error. Being proved to be 
 so, in this case, a strong presumption arises, that if the truth 
 of his statements, in other cases, could be tested in like 
 manner, they would be found to be equally erroneous. 
 
 James A. Bayard, the gentleman whom Mr. Jefferson 
 mentions so improperly, was a descendant of the Chevalier 
 Bayard, who died in 1524 ; and who is familiarly known
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 151 
 
 as the man (sans peur et sans reproche) without fear and 
 without reproach. In a letter written by Mr. Bayard in 
 1801, and which will be found in the Appendix, he says, 
 " I shall never lose sight of the motto of the great original 
 " of our name." This gentleman was an eminent lawyer 
 in the state of Delaware. He was in both branches of 
 Congress, and was second to no one in either branch. He 
 was one of the envoys who made the treaty of peace at 
 Ghent in 1814. He was a tall, well proportioned, erect 
 man, of light complexion, light hair, of handsome face, 
 intelligent and manly expression, and of courteous and dig- 
 nified manners. He was one, of whom it might be truly 
 said, that nature, education, mind, heart, and habit, had" 
 combined to make a gentleman. His eloquence was lofty 
 and commanding. He had, eminently, the first of its 
 requisites, sincerity, and certainty that he was right. It 
 was such a man, that Thomas Jefferson would declare, even 
 from his own tomb, to be a political knave. 
 
 The two passages complained of by Mr. Bayard's sons are 
 the following. The first of them will be found in vol. iv. 
 p. 515. 
 
 " February 12, 1801. Edward Livingston tells me, that 
 Bayard applied to-day, or last night, to General Smith, and 
 represented to him the expediency of his coming over to 
 the states who vote for Burr ; that there was nothing in 
 the way of appointment which he might not command, 
 and particularly mentioned the Secretaryship of the Navy. 
 Smith asked him if he was authorized to make the offer. 
 He said he was authorized. Smith told this to Living- 
 ston, and to W. C. Nicholas, who confirms it to me. 
 Bayard, in like manner, tempted Livingston, not by offer- 
 ing any particular office, but by representing to him his, 
 Livingston's, intimacy and connexion with Burr ; that 
 from him he had every thing to expect, if he would come 
 over to him. To Dr. Linn, of New Jersey, they have 
 offered the government of New Jersey. See a paragraph 
 in Martin's Baltimore paper, of February 10, signed ' A 
 Looker-on,' stating an intimacy between Harper and Burr." 
 Mr. Jefferson begins in page 520 of the 4th volume, 
 under date of April 15, 1806, the record of an interview 
 with Burr, which occurred, he says, about a month before, 
 in which Burr (then Ex-Vice President) appears to have
 
 152 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 intimated that an office would be agreeable to him. Mr. 
 Jefferson says that he said to Burr, " that if we believed a 
 " few newspapers, it might be supposed he had lost public 
 " confidence, but that / knew how easy it was to engage 
 " newspapers in any thing" " That as to any harm he 
 " could do me, I knew no cause why he should desire it ; 
 " but at the same time I feared no injury which any man 
 " could do me ; that I had never done a single act, or been 
 " concerned in any transaction, which I feared to have fully 
 " laid open, or which could do me any hurt, if truly stated." 
 
 He then adds, (same page) " I did not commit these things 
 " to writing at the time, but I do it now, because in a suit 
 " between him, [Burr] and Cheetham, he has had a deposi- 
 " tion of Mr. Bayard taken, which has no relation to the 
 " suit, nor to any other object than to calumniate me. Bay- 
 " ard pretends to have addressed to me, during the pending 
 " of the presidential election, in February, 1801, through 
 " General Samuel Smith, certain conditions on which my 
 " election might be obtained ; and that General Smith, 
 " after conversing with me, gave answers for me. This is 
 " absolutely false. No proposition of any kind was ever 
 " made to me on that occasion, by General Smith, nor any 
 " answer authorized by me ; and this fact General Smith 
 " affirms at this moment." 
 
 Now, so it is, that Mr. Bayard was one of the six persons 
 in the House of Representatives, on whom the election of 
 Mr. Jefferson depended ; either of whom could have decided 
 the election ; and that Bayard had less repugnance to the 
 election of Mr. Jefferson than to that of Mr. Burr ; . and 
 that he could, at any balloting, have settled^the question by 
 his vote ; and was resolved that there should be an election. 
 It also happens, that on the same day when Mr. Jefferson 
 made his record, General Smith, a personal and politi- 
 cal friend of Mr. Jefferson, was engaged in giving his 
 deposition in a case, in which he declares, that he 
 undertook, being a resident in the same house with Mr. 
 Jefferson, to inquire into his policy concerning commerce, 
 the navy, and the funding system ; that he did inquire of Mr. 
 Jefferson, and did report his answers ; and that the election 
 was thereupon made. He and Mr. Bayard both testify, that 
 no proposition was made to either of them, nor by either of 
 them, to promote Burr's election. Mr. Bayard says, that
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 153 
 
 at this time he had no personal acquaintance with Burr ; 
 and that he knew not of any effort made by Burr, to pro- 
 mote his own election ; that no means to that end were 
 taken, among the members, but argument and persuasion, 
 founded on the belief, that it would be less disastrous to the 
 country to elect Burr, than to elect Jefferson. It is further- 
 more a fact, that General Smith, on the floor of the Senate 
 denied that Mr. Jefferson had recorded TRUTHS ; and 
 another fact that Mr. Livingston stated, also, on the floor of 
 the Senate, that he remembered no such TRUTHS, as Mr. 
 Jefferson had recorded concerning himself. 
 
 If Mr. Jefferson could so write, on facts which must have 
 been within his own knowledge, and adapted to be strongly 
 impressed on his memory, it casts a deep shade over his 
 " tells me " assertions, and over his hearsay records, receiv- 
 ed from persons, who had, probably, learned how to gratify 
 his sense of hearing. * 
 
 LETTER XXXVIII. 
 
 JUNE 23, 1833. 
 
 THE election of Mr. Jefferson was regarded with strongly 
 contrasted feelings, by the two great parties of the United 
 States. He had not been a prominent object of attention, 
 while in retirement, between his resignation of the office of 
 Secretary, and his Vice Presidency. While in the latter 
 office, he was only a presiding officer, and had no call to ex- 
 press his opinions, publicly. As soon as it was ascertained 
 that he, or Burr, must be the President, it became highly in- 
 
 * The evidence collected by the sons of Mr. Bayard to vindicate the 
 honorable fame of their father, against the calumnies of Mr. Jefferson, 
 consists of two depositions given by Mr. Bayard, in cases of libel 
 which arose out of the election of February, 1801 ; and of a deposition 
 of Samuel Smith, in one of those cases ; also of letters from mem- 
 bers of Congress, who were present at that election. This evidence 
 is accompanied by some very becoming commentaries from Mr. Bay- 
 ard's sons, and was made public January 1, 1830, through the Na- 
 tional Gazette, (Philadelphia) in consequence of Colonel Hayne's 
 (South Carolina) having introduced Mr. Jefferson's record of facts, 
 in a debate in the Senate. This evidence is historically important.
 
 154 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 teresting, to both parties, to investigate his character, and 
 his political propensities. He was portrayed according to 
 the perceptions of the two parties, and presented in striking 
 colors. 
 
 By the one party, he was represented, as the early advo- 
 cate of religious freedom, and of the rights of man ; the 
 great apostle of liberty ; the friend of our excellent ally, 
 France ; the determined foe of British influence ; the re- 
 former of constitutional errors ; a sage, a philosopher, a true 
 patriot, and genuine republican. 
 
 By the other, as a man destitute of the commonly 
 received moral principles ; and one who entertained no 
 respect for the acknowledged foundation of all moral prin- 
 ciple ; the devoted admirer, and blind apologist of one 
 foreign nation, and the uncompromising enemy of another ; 
 nor less an enemy to the men who had conducted the govern- 
 ment for the first twelve years, and to all their measures ; 
 nor only so, he was declared to be hostile to the constitution 
 itself, and would exercise the powers which it vested in him, 
 to gratify one portion of his fellow citizens, and humble the 
 other ; that he would not be the dignified head of a great 
 republic, but an intolerant party chieftain ; that his learn- 
 ing had been used to break down and remove, rather than 
 to uphold and preserve, the landmarks by which the virtuous 
 and intelligent had, for ages, bounded social welfare. 
 
 How far from the truth these parties respectively were, it 
 is certainly of some importance to know. How near that 
 posterity, to which Mr. Jefferson appeals, will come to the 
 truth, cannot be foreseen. It is probable that the obscurity 
 rhich time throws over motives and acts, and the generali- 
 zation which is all that the limits of common history permits, 
 will prevent a true estimate of Mr. Jefferson's merits and 
 faults, among those of future days. Time will also diminish 
 the interest which will be felt in this gentleman's real char- 
 acter, and he will, probably, be known only as one who held 
 the first station in his country ; and that certain prominent 
 ^ events occurred in his time ; but why did they occur, will 
 ( interest very few. 
 
 This is not so, with those who are now living. Mr. Jef- 
 ferson has made it highly interesting to them to know his 
 true character, and the meaning and consequences of his 
 policy. If it be true, as many suppose it to be, that he was
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 155 
 
 the original cause of the dangerous theories and practice, 
 which now threaten to destroy the security and happiness of 
 the American people : if he was the author of that perver- 
 sion of our institutions, intended for common welfare of the 
 whole, to the exclusive use and benefit of a few ; if he was 
 the creator of that destroyer of all republics, PARTY, the well 
 known precursor of despotism ; if his political acts, and his 
 private writings, now given to the world with the sanction 
 of his own name, prove, that all or any of these suppositions 
 may be true, surely, all of the present day are interested 
 to inquire, and to decide. 
 
 Taking his public messages, and other official documents, 
 as the true index of his purposes as a public officer ; and 
 then taking the contents of his own volumes as the true 
 interpreter of his true meaning in all things, which he did 
 as an officer, as a citizen, and as a man, we may arrive at 
 demonstration. 
 
 It will, on such authority, appear, that from the 22d of 
 March, 1790, to the 4th of March, 1801, Mr. Jefferson had 
 three great purposes always in view, and that he spared no 
 exertion to accomplish them : 1. The aggrandizement of 
 France. 2. The destruction of England. 3. The demoli- 
 tion of federalists, as a party ; and the expatriation of the 
 citizens who were of that party. 
 
 It will also appear, that the means taken to accomplish his 
 objects, would be considered, in any other man, to be sub- 
 versive of the honor and independence of his own country ; 
 a perversion of its institutions ; unjust in motive ; oppressive 
 and demoralizing, in effect. But Mr. Jefferson is singularly 
 privileged from all imputations of base or unworthy motives, 
 in any case. He has undertaken to be responsible for his 
 own honesty. If it must be admitted that he was honest, 
 that is, that he really saw himself, his fellow-citizens, his 
 country, and its institutions, as he represents himself to have 
 seen them, he has proved his honesty at the expense of 
 respect for his intelligence, and of esteem for his heart. 
 If it were any other man, one might venture to say that he 
 thought anything right, which he thought expedient ; and 
 that anything was expedient, as to object and means, which 
 would accomplish his own ends. 
 
 When Mr. Jefferson became President, the people had 
 deliberately established a national form of government, as
 
 156 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 accurately defined as could be done by human wisdom. It 
 had received a practical construction during twelve years, 
 by very able men, and whom history will honor as wise, 
 virtuous, and patriotic. Fallible, they may have been, and 
 may have erred, under high party excitements, and in 
 opposing those whom they regarded as dangerous partisans, 
 whether these were deluded, or dishonest. 
 
 The Jeffersonian party, of the last thirty years, have never 
 amended the system which the first twelve years established. 
 They have often departed from it, and perverted it ; but in 
 their pressing necessities have always returned to it, and 
 relied upon it. That system contemplated and provided for 
 the national security and independence, by a sound credit, 
 by reasonable means of defence, by honorable and prudent 
 policy, as to all other nations. At home, it meant to secure, 
 and did secure, tranquillity, the reasonable protection of 
 domestic industry, gradual internal improvement, a sound 
 currency, and unrestrained exercise of every power to ac- 
 quire and enjoy, so far as the policy, rightfully adopted by 
 foreign nations, would allow. This system left, to state 
 sovereignty, its legitimate sphere of action, uncontrolled. 
 As the guardian and protector of all these rights, privileges, 
 and enjoyments, it provided a learned and independent judi- 
 ciary, capable of restraining the plain excess of legislative 
 and executive action in national affairs ; and of state sove- 
 reignty, whenever this should happen to exercise power, 
 wtych the people had clearly vested in the sovereignty of the 
 nation. 
 
 At the time when Mr. Jefferson came in, the United 
 States were prosperous under that system. The relations 
 with all foreign nations (except two on the coast of Barbary) 
 were pacific ; and with most of them, friendly. The public 
 debt was insignificant, compared with national means. At 
 home, excepting the factious temper, (which Mr. Jefferson 
 had done much to encourage,) all was well ; and never had 
 any man a fairer opportunity to secure to himself an honora- 
 ble fame, and to transmit his memory, to distant days as 
 one of the worthiest of rulers our country had known. There 
 was reason to expect that the party who had hoped nothing, 
 but had feared every thing frpm him, might have been un- 
 justifiably prejudiced.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 157 
 
 LETTER XXXIX. 
 
 JUJVE 27, 1333. 
 
 IN his inaugural speech, Mr. Jefferson soothed the serious 
 apprehensions which were entertained, as to the manner in 
 which he might exercise executive power. " Let us reflect," ' 
 says he, " that having banished from our land that religious 
 " intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suf- 
 " fered, we have yet gained little, if we countenance an 
 " intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter 
 " and bloody persecutions." " Every difference of opinion 
 " is not a difference of principle. We have called by dif- 
 " ferent names brethren of the same principles. We are 
 " all republicans, all federalists." " If there be any among 
 " us, who would wish to dissolve this Union, or to change's 
 " its republican form, let them stand undisturbed, as monu- 
 " ments of the safety with which error of opinion may be 
 " tolerated, when reason is left free to combat it." From 
 these declarations there was good reason to hope, that Mr. 
 Jefferson intended to be the President of the United States, 
 and not the chief of an intolerant and vindictive party. 
 Afflicted as the federalists may have been at seeing the exec- 
 utive power pass into his hands, they would have cheerfully 
 sustained him in the exercise of it, if that exercise of power 
 had been even in conformity with his own declarations. 
 On the contrary, Mr. Jefferson did all he could to subvert 
 every measure which the federal party had adopted, and to 
 obliterate every trace of their administration. 
 
 Whatever may be thought of the personal deportment of 
 the two first Presidents, as essential to the maintenance and 
 dignity of their stations, and to secure themselves from in- 
 terruptions, and from the loss of time necessary in the dis- 
 charge of public duties, it could not be agreeable to the 
 nation, to see the abolition of all official dignity. This it-. 
 was Mr. Jefferson's pleasure to do. He had no appropriate 
 hours for visiting. He was accessible by any one, almost . 
 at any hour, and descended, at once, to the lowest level. "* 
 To this example may be traced the scenes which are noticed 
 at this day, in the abode of the President, and which mortify 
 14
 
 158 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 our own community, and furnish a subject of ridicule to 
 European travellers. 
 
 The first contrast between Mr. Jefferson's inaugural 
 declarations and his intended acts occurred early in 1801. 
 Elizur Goodrich had been appointed collector of New 
 Haven by Mr. Adams. In June he was removed, without 
 any suggestion of incompetency, as to talents or integrity, 
 and a partisan, by the name of Samuel Bishop, was appoint- 
 ed. This drew from the merchants and most respectable 
 men of that city a calm remonstrance, in which they assert 
 Goodrich's promptness, integrity, and ability ; and add, that 
 these were qualities not to be found in Bishop. They also 
 assert, that Bishop was nearly seventy-eight years of age, 
 and so infirm as scarcely to be able to write his own name ; 
 that he was unacquainted with revenue laws, or mercantile 
 business, or even with the most simple forms of accounting. 
 To this remonstrance Mr. Jefferson made an answer, on 
 the 12th of July, in which he says, among other things : 
 " Declarations by myself in favor of political tolerance, 
 " exhortations to harmony and affection in social intercourse, 
 " and respect for the equal rights of the minority have, on 
 " certain occasions, been quoted and misconstrued into as- 
 " surances, that the tenure of offices was not to be disturbed. 
 " But could candor apply such a construction ?" 
 
 It was thus manifested what Mr. Jefferson's construction 
 of assurances would be, and what his acts would be, 
 throughout his administration. 
 
 In the memorable debate which arose on Mr. Jefferson's 
 proposal to abolish the Courts, (House of Rep. Feb. 1802,) 
 Mr. Giles's speech disclosed the hostility which the Jefferso- 
 nians entertained towards all federal measures from the first 
 institution of the government. Mr. Bayard, in his masterly 
 reply to Mr. Giles, states what the executive policy had al- 
 ready shown itself to be in dismissing worthy officers, and 
 in appointing mere partisans. Mr. B. said : " If the eyes 
 ' of the gentleman are delighted with victims, if objects 
 ' of misery are grateful to his feelings, let me turn his 
 ' view from the walks of the Judges to the track of the 
 ' present executive. It is in this path that we see the real 
 ' victims of stern, uncharitable, unrelenting power. It is 
 ' here we see the soldier who fought the battles of the revo- 
 ' lution, who spilt his blood, and devoted his strength to
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 159 
 
 ' establish the independence of his country, deprived of the 
 < reward of his services, and left to pine in penury and 
 ' wretchedness. It is along this path that you may see 
 helpless children crying for bread, and gray hairs sinking 
 in sorrow to the grave ! It is here, that no innocence, no 
 ' merit, no truth, no services can save the unhappy sectary, 
 ' who does not believe in the creed of those in power." 
 
 That which the people of the United States ought to re- 
 gard with abhorrence, in a President, is the implied in- 
 vitation given by Mr. Jefferson to all political adversaries, 
 to abandon their creeds and adopt his own ; and the clearly 
 implied promise of reward for apostacy. This was a well- 
 known mode of strengthening party, long before there were 
 white Americans. Mr. Jefferson has the distinction of 
 having introduced it into our republic. He carried it to its 
 full extent, officially and privately. In no nation, no, not 
 even in Rome, in its most corrupt days, has this demoraliz- 
 ing seduction been more effective than in our own land, 
 since Mr. Jefferson became President. 
 
 Opinions, long entertained, as to men and measures, and 
 as to creeds in religion, are sometimes honestly and honor- 
 ably abandoned, and opposite ones adopted. But a change 
 cannot be honest or honorable, where there is no new fact, 
 nor any reason for viewing facts, before admitted, in any 
 new light. Surely no change can be so, where the sudden 
 convert realizes benefits, not to be had without apostacy. 
 
 The distinction between parties was so marked in Mr. 
 Jefferson's time, that there could be no half-way change. 
 The convert could do nothing short of what is done by a 
 deserter from an army. Those who went over to Jefferson- 
 ism had the only merit of being ashamed of their desertion. 
 To cover this, and to prove their sincerity, they resorted to 
 the bitterest condemnation of their former principles and 
 associates. The most malignant libellers of federal men 
 and of federal measures were those who had been federal- 
 ists themselves. Sustained by the salaries of office, and 
 raised by titles above those they had deserted, they could 
 clearly see how base, plotting, and traitorous some of their 
 fellow citizens were, with whom, but yesterday, they were 
 proud to rank, and most zealous to uphold as worthy pat- 
 riots. Trace such men through to the end, and how has it 
 fared with them ? By adroit and timely desertions they
 
 160 
 
 may have found, for a while, office and emolument. But, 
 how is it with them, when they come to the searching ques- 
 tion, What do my fellow men think of me? A Caesar, an 
 Augustus, a Napoleon cannot evade this question. The 
 long list of dishonest deserters, which could be furnished, 
 would show, that few, in the revolutionary action of party, 
 secured the good they sought ; and that all of them planted 
 a thorn in conscience, which never withers, nor ceases to 
 prick. This was one of the practical uses of Mr. Jeffer- 
 son's " exhortation to harmony and affection in social in- 
 " tercourse." 
 
 There were instances of departure from the federal side, 
 distinguishable from such as have been mentioned, and 
 which did not deserve reproach. There were timid men, 
 who did not entirely approve of federal views of the national 
 policy ; others, who thought themselves not to have been 
 sufficiently valued and respected by their federal associates ; 
 and some, who were by nature and inclination Jeffersonians, 
 and who originally mistook their side, and very properly 
 went over where they belonged. When one leaves the true 
 
 f line, circumstances force him further and further from it, 
 and he must go over to the adversary, finally, as there is no 
 
 \intermediate tenure. But in all cases of such change of 
 opinion, there seems to have been a feeling, not unlike that 
 in political changes, at the present day. One, who goes 
 over from the opposition to the Jackson ranks, feels that he 
 has a defence to make ; while one who abandons Jackson- 
 ism holds his head up, and feels that he has done an act for 
 which he may respect himself. Thus in politics, as in 
 
 r morals, there is a sense of right and wrong, which men are 
 alive to, whether they admit its influence or not. There 
 are few Jackson men in the United States, (who can pre- 
 tend to good sense and sound principle,) who do not feel 
 a degree of shame that they are such. 
 
 It is the disease of republics, that they give life and action 
 to craving, knavish pretenders to integrity and. patriotism. 
 They are the humble servants of any power that has any- 
 thing to bestow. They are incompetent to gaining their 
 daily bread in any of the industrious orders of social life ; 
 and must, therefore, be where they can catch the droppings 
 of the treasury. Political chevaliers d'industric, they are 
 ready to profess and to do anything that promises gain and
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 161 
 
 power. But, such patriots must keep careful reckonings, and 
 make accurate observations. They change their course once 
 too soon or too late, and blunder ; and then all eyes are 
 turned to the course which they have run. The wreck that 
 follows has no one's sympathy or compassion. They learn, 
 too late, that honesty is the best policy no less in political, 
 than in common affairs. There is rarely a Talleyrand 
 among them. There is one hope for such men ; that is 
 if the republic can be converted into despotism, while they 
 happen to be in favor, they may acquire a stability of position 
 in supporting a tyranny, which will support them. 
 
 JMr. Jefferson's followers have already made some improve- 
 ments on his theories. They have advanced now to the 
 point, that the President, no, tJie man, who has been imposed 
 upon the nation to hold that office, is " The Government." 
 The laws, Congress, the judiciary, the constitution, are all 
 nothing ; the MAN is every thing. How far are we from a 
 political Augustan age ? 
 
 From the 4th of March, 1801, to the 7th of December, 
 when Congress met, Mr. Jefferson had ample time to con- 
 sider and determine, in what manner he would carry his 
 will into effect, so far as legislative aid was thereto indis- 
 pensable. He lost no time in disclosing, though with his 
 accustomed plausibility, that all the fears which his op- 
 ponents had entertained as to his policy, foreign and domes- 
 tic, were to become realities; and that all his dreaded 
 purposes were to be enforced, in the full vigor of official 
 power. 
 
 It was common, thirty years ago, to charge Mr. Jefferson 
 with deliberate wickedness in his office ; and to consider 
 him as intending to disregard all the obligations which hon- 
 orable, moral men acknowledge. This was, probably, an 
 injustice. It is more reasonable to suppose, that he had 
 either a singular obliquity of perception, as to right and 
 wrong, both as a man and as an officer ; or, that he had 
 undergone some strange perversion from that rank of moral 
 agents, to which he was, by nature, destined. His adver- 
 saries made no such apologies for him. They believed that 
 he did wrong, knowing that it was wrong, and because he 
 meant to do wrong. Accordingly they portrayed him in 
 the public prints, at full length. Some of his friends had 
 the indiscretion to introduce some of these sketches to the 
 14*
 
 162 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 notice of the House of Representatives in Massachusetts, at 
 the session in January, 1805. The newspaper, in which 
 the commentaries alluded to appeared, was published by the 
 printers of the House. The object of the motion was to 
 have the printers dismissed. It did not succeed. If these 
 delineations of Mr. Jefferson were to go down as authentic 
 proofs of the character of the man, he would fare but indif- 
 ferently with that cool judgment of posterity, to which he 
 confidently appeals. It is not intended to revive these 
 personal criminations. Whether the assertions, so made, 
 were mere calumnies, or truths, modified as they may 
 have been, is immaterial to the present American public. 
 His official conduct is most material, not only to the com- 
 munity of this day ; but it is to be feared, that it may be 
 so to every community, which is hereafter to arise in our 
 country. 
 
 LETTER XL. 
 
 JUNE 30, 1833. 
 
 MR. JEFFERSON'S opinions on the Judiciary were among 
 the most mischievous of any which he entertained. He had 
 a rooted dislike to courts ; particularly to those which were 
 established at the recommendation of his friend, John 
 Adams, as barriers against such encroachments as Mr. Jef- 
 ferson was supposed to intend. These courts were not 
 only constitutionally independent, but the judges, who had 
 been placed therein, were nearly all federalists. 
 
 If there be anything, which is capable of sustaining popu- 
 lar governments, and keeping their action within legitimate 
 constitutional boundaries, it is a learned, self-respecting, 
 independent judiciary. To make the administration of 
 justice, and all questions on the excess of power, dependent 
 on popular excitement, is to assume, that mere human pas- 
 sion is the best arbiter of right and wrong. On this subject, 
 Mr. Jefferson entertained and dissemninated the most ex- 
 ceptionable doctrines. This seems to have been his theory : 
 The people are the sovereign ; whatsoever they will is the 
 law ; they choose me to declare their will. My icill is the
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 163 
 
 law ; because the people's will can be no otherwise disclosed 
 than by expressing my own. He seems to have been inca- 
 pable of conceiving, that the people established judicial 
 courts to control all of their own number, who should violate 
 their own laws ; and to control their own legislators, if they 
 exceeded the limits of authority which the people had as- 
 signed to them by the constitution. Much less could he 
 conceive, that courts could bind him to do, or could prevent 
 his doing whatsoever he thought right. This was not tur- " 
 pitude in him, but inability to distinguish between right and ""1 
 wrong, as to the exercise of judicial power. 
 
 Whether this view of Mr. Jefferson is a correct one or 
 not, may be judged of by the following extracts from his 
 volumes. How many much stronger expressions may have 
 been found therein, if his editor had thought fit to publish 
 all of them, can only be conjectured. 
 
 " The principal of them (federal leaders) have retreated 
 " into the judiciary, as a strong hold, the tenure of which 
 " renders it difficult to dislodge them." (Letter to Joel 
 Barlow, March 14, 1801, vol. iii. p. 458.) 
 
 " The courts being so decidedly federal, and irremov- 
 " able, it is believed that republican attorneys and marshals, 
 " being the doors of entrance into the courts, are indispen- 
 " sably necessary as a shield to the republican part of our 
 " fellow-citizens, which, I believe, is the main body of the 
 " people." (Letter to W. B. Giles, March 23, 1801, vol. 
 iii. p. 464.) 
 
 The celebrated Luther Martin was counsel for Burr. Mr. 
 Jefferson frequently wrote to George Hay, conductor of the 
 prosecution, during the trial. In a letter (June 19, 1807, 
 vol. iv. p. 87,) he says : " Shall we move to commit Luther 
 " Martin, as particeps criminis with Burr 1 Graybell will 
 " fix upon him misprision of treason at least ; and, at any 
 " rate, his evidence will put down this unprincipled and 
 " impudent federal bull-dog, and add another proof, that**, 
 " the most clamorous defenders of Burr are all his accom- 7 
 plices." 
 
 This is a picture of Thomas Jefferson, drawn by himself, 
 and presented to the world by one of his own family ! Ob- 
 serve, that it is the chief executive officer of the United 
 States, interposing in a judicial trial, to deprive the accused 
 of counsel, who had no more to do with the crimes charged 
 upon Burr, than Jefferson had.
 
 164 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " The judiciary of the United States is the subtle corps 
 * of sappers and miners, constantly working under ground, 
 ' to undermine the foundations of our confederated fabric. 
 ' They are construing our constitution from a co-ordination 
 ' of a general and special government, to a general and 
 ' supreme one. This will lay all things at their feet ; and 
 ' they are too well versed in English law, to forget the 
 ' maxim, bonijudicis est ampliare jurisdictionem. We shall 
 f see if they are bold enough to make the stride their five 
 ' lawyers have lately taken. If they do, then with the 
 ' editor of our book, in his address to the public, I will say, 
 ' ' that against this every man should raise his voice ; ' and 
 ' more, should lift his arm."* (Letter to T. Ritchie, De- 
 cember, 1820, vol. iv. p. 336.) 
 
 In 1816, Mr. Jefferson appears to have been asked for an 
 opinion, in a contemplated amendment of the Virginia con- 
 stitution. He says, (vol. iv. p. 288,) " It has been thought 
 ' the people are not competent electors of judges learned in 
 ' the law, but I do not know that this is true ; and if doubt- 
 1 ful, we should follow the principle. In this, as in many 
 ' other elections, they would be guided by reputation, which 
 ' would not err oftener, perhaps, than the present mode of 
 ' appointment." In page 289, he sums up his theories : 
 ' 1. General suffrage. 2. Equal representation in the legis- 
 ' lature. 3. An executive chosen by the people. 4. Judges 
 1 elective or amovable. 5. Justices, jurors, and sheriffs 
 ' elective." 
 
 These were opinions on the judiciary, not to be wondered 
 at in a man, who thought a rebellion, once in twenty years, 
 a useful political occurrence, Such, however, were his 
 opinions, after an experience in political life, prolonged 
 through half a century. It has already been noticed, that 
 when he had come into office, he assumed to pronounce 
 laws, constitutionally enacted, and which had been pro- 
 nounced by the highest judicial tribunal to be laws, abso- 
 lutely void, because they had not his approbation. Mr. Jef- 
 ferson was as much bound by laws which he disliked, as by 
 any other laws, which he had sworn to execute. Thus, it 
 was his opinion, that an act of the two branches of Congress, 
 
 * It is not recollected what Mr. Jefferson here refers to ; either as to 
 five lawyers " or as to " our book."
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 165 
 
 approved by the President, and decided by the Supreme 
 Court to be constitutional, could be defeated by one man, 
 who happened to be raised to the executive power. 
 
 LETTER XLI. 
 
 JULY 7, 1833. 
 
 WHEN Congress met in December, 1801, Mr. Jefferson's 
 message, (for he chose to depart from the federal practice of J 
 going to meet Congress, and making a speech, and because i 
 a speech may be answered, and a message cannot,) suggested j 
 a revision of all federal measures, and an abrogation of 
 them, so far as they were within congressional reach. This 
 was done in his own plausible manner. He had a subser- \ 
 vient Congress, who needed only to know what he thought "S 
 was right, to think it so themselves. He suggested the ' 
 repeal of taxes, the reduction of the diplomatic corps, the 
 hauling up of the navy, the abolition of offices, and revision 
 of the judiciary system. The last suggestion was intended 
 to get at John Adams's " midnight judges" in their " strong 
 hold." He says in his message, that he had sent into every 
 state to inquire into the whole number of causes tried, since 
 the institution of the national government, and should 
 submit the result of his inquiries ; as though the number 
 of suits was the measure of utility and necessity of the 
 existing organization. In this session a bill was intro- 
 duced to repeal the recent law re-organizing the courts. 
 
 While this bill was under discussion, the highly respect- 
 able professional gentlemen of Philadelphia sent a memorial 
 to Congress, in which they disclaimed all interference of a 
 political nature, but begged leave to state facts within their 
 own experience. Among other things they said : " That 
 ' under the former law the greatest inconveniences were % 
 ' experienced by the court, the bar, and the suitors. That J 
 ' the judges were constantly engaged in traversing the 
 ' states, with little opportunity for reflection or. repose. ' 
 ' Judges presided in states, the laws, usages, and practices 
 ' of which were essentially different from those in which 
 ' they were educated ; and without adverting to the casual-
 
 166 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " ties of indisposition and weather, the inevitable consequen- 
 " ces of the late system were embarrassment, uncertainty, 
 " and delay." These gentlemen then go on to pronounce 
 the highest eulogium on the new judges in their own circuit ; 
 the increased confidence in this tribunal, &LC., " promises to 
 " render the court an honor and a benefit to the nation." 
 They conclude by declaring, that "the abolition of the 
 " court will probably be attended with great public incon- 
 " venience." This memorial was signed by thirty-seven 
 persons, the first in age and eminence ; and among others 
 by Joseph B. M'Kean and A. J. Dallas, well known as 
 two devoted friends of Mr. Jefferson. 
 
 In the debate on this bill, the two great champions were 
 James A. Bayard and William B. Giles. The former 
 maintained with eminent ability, that Congress had not the 
 power to deprive the judges of their stations by the indirect 
 course of repealing the law under which they were ap- 
 pointed. But, the day of Jeffersonian dominion had come. 
 The question of constitutionality and of expediency was 
 insignificant, when opposed to the President's pleasure. The 
 courts were abolished, and Mr. Jefferson had the gratifica- 
 tion of signing a law, which expelled the federal judges 
 from their " strong hold," and of seeing them all reduced 
 to the rank of private citizens. The real evil in this matter 
 is, that an example was thus given of the facility with which 
 the judiciary may be subjected to the will of a party ; this 
 was in perfect accordance with Mr. Jefferson's notions of 
 propriety. Some praise is due to Mr. Jefferson for not 
 having demolished the Supreme Court as well as the Circuit 
 Courts, that he might have routed Chief Justice Marshall, 
 as to whom his volumes contain no equivocal opinion. This 
 he might have done as legally as that which was done. 
 
 It cannot be too often brought to view, that the excellence 
 of our government, in comparison with any ever before 
 known, is that, while popular and elective, it has a power 
 intended to control other branches, when they transcend 
 their powers. Demolish this branch, and the union of the 
 two others would make a more terrible despotism than any 
 one man can exercise, because it would be despotism with 
 all the force of law. We have already seen a near approach 
 to this, as we shall have occasion to notice in considering 
 the embargo laws. It is true that the sovereign people may
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 167 
 
 arrest such a combination by the right of election. But 
 such combination arises from perversion of public opinion, 
 and holds its supremacy by relying on that perversion. 
 In such case, the slow, though sure process of the judiciary 
 is the only remedy. Is it not surprising, that a vigilant and 
 jealous community should not so understand the meaning of 
 its own deliberately adopted constitution ? Ought we not 
 rather to wonder, that our nation has preserved its republican 
 forms so long, when such a man as Mr. Jefferson, construing 
 the constitution as he did, was so long the popular idol ? 
 The power of party is fearfully illustrated by the fact, that 
 there are so many men in this country, and in high stations 
 too, who cannot be ignorant of the destructive tendency of 
 Mr. Jefferson's doctrines, who nevertheless quote them as 
 authorities. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson may not have intended to abolish the Su- 
 preme Court; he does not appear to have attempted it. It 
 is not known from his volumes, that he took any part in the 
 effort to remove the judges of that court. In the memorable 
 trial, presently to be mentioned, it is not apparent from any- 
 thing published, that he therein interested himself, excepting 
 that he somewhere remarks, " the farce of impeachment 
 " will not be tried again." But as Judge Chase was im- 
 peached for his conduct in trying a citizen for the breach 
 of a law, of which Mr. Jefferson had recommended a repeal ; 
 and for his conduct in trying James Thompson Callender, 
 (that man of science whom Mr. Jefferson befriended,) for 
 the breach of a law which Mr. Jefferson adjudged to be un- 
 constitutional and void, it is probable, that the prosecution 
 of Judge Chase had, at least, his entire approbation. If 
 this magistrate could have been sacrificed, there would 
 have been little difficulty in removing other obnoxious judges. 
 Their seats would have been filled by men, who would have 
 had an eye to executive pleasure, however they might have 
 seemed to the people. This would have been better suited 
 to Mr. Jefferson's purpose, than an abolition of the court, 
 which he cannot be supposed to have desired. 
 
 The trial of Judge Chase is one of the most remarkable 
 events in the history of our country, whether considered in 
 relation to the accused, to the character of the accusation, 
 the members of the court before which the trial was had, or 
 the motives and labors of those who conducted the defence :
 
 168 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 remarkable, indeed, that the person who presided at the 
 trial (Burr) was then under indictment for murder, and was 
 two years afterwards prosecuted by Mr. Jefferson, and 
 arraigned and tried on the charge of treason : but not 
 remarkable that Mr. Jefferson hoped to make out a suffi- 
 cient cause for impeaching the presiding judge, at the 
 latter trial. 
 
 SAMUEL CHASE was born in Maryland. He was at the 
 head of the patriot party in that state, during the revolu- 
 tionary days. He was a signer of the declaration of inde- 
 pendence. But he was a federalist. At the time of the 
 trial on impeachment before the Senate, he was nearly sixty- 
 
 ur years old, and much impaired in bodily strength. In 
 his full vigor, he was a man of herculean frame and vigorous 
 mind; a learned and honest man no doubt, but not of cour- 
 teous manners on the bench. 
 
 In preparation for the expected hostilities with France, 
 in Mr. Adams's time, a law passed in July, 1798, for a val- 
 uation of houses, lands, and slaves ; and in the same month, 
 another act was passed, for assessing a direct tax, in con- 
 formity to such valuation. In February and March follow- 
 ing, an insurrection occurred in the western part of Penn- 
 sylvania, to resist the execution of these laws. Among the 
 insurgents was John Fries. This man was tried before 
 Judge Paterson, in April following, at Philadelphia. The 
 fact of resisting the execution of the law was clearly proved. 
 The defence was : " to resist by force of arms a particular 
 "law of the United States does not amount to ' levying 
 " war ' against the United States, within the true meaning 
 " of the constitution, and therefore is not treason, but a riot 
 " only." Judge Paterson and Judge Peters, (district Judge,) 
 held such resistance to be treason. A new trial was had, 
 not on account of erroneous opinion on the law ; but be- 
 cause a juror had expressed, before he was sworn on the 
 trial, an opinion unfavorable to the accused. In April, 
 1800, Fries was again tried. Before the trial, Judge Chase 
 put his opinion of the law in writing ; which was in con- 
 formity with that of Judge Paterson. This opinion he 
 caused to be copied, one copy for the counsel of Fries, one 
 for the attorney for the United States, and one was intended 
 to be given to the jury when they retired, and to be carried 
 out by them and used in their deliberations in finding a 
 verdict.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 169 
 
 When Fries was brought in for trial, and before the jury 
 were sworn, the judge informed his counsel that he had put 
 this opinion in writing, to show what the meaning of " levy- 
 ing war," according to the constitution, was understood by 
 the court to be. Mr. Lewis and Mr. Dallas, counsel for 
 Fries, notwithstanding Judge Chase informed them, that 
 they would be permitted to offer arguments to the court, to 
 show them that they were mistaken in the law, said, that 
 they did not any longer consider themselves as counsel for 
 the prisoner. The prisoner was asked whether the court 
 should appoint other counsel ; and he declined having any. 
 The trial proceeded without counsel, Fries having challeng- 
 ed thirty-four jurors. He was convicted, and sentenced, 
 and afterwards pardoned by President Adams. This trans- 
 action was one ground of impeachment. 
 
 The trial of J. T. Callender occurred in the month of 
 May, 13 JJ, at Richmond. The ground of impeachment, in 
 this case, was the alleged illegal and oppressive conduct of 
 the judge. The charges against Callender were for expres- 
 sions in his " Prospect before Us," concerning John Adams, 
 some of which have been noticed in a former page.* A 
 minute examination would require more space than this 
 subject is now worth. The impeachment was drawn up, in 
 relation to this trial, with extreme particularity, and with all 
 the bitterness of malignant party spirit. 
 
 LETTER XLII. 
 
 JULY 10, 1833. 
 
 IN January, 1804, John Randolph, jr. moved the impeach- 
 ment against Judge Chase, which was carried about two to 
 one ; but it was not prosecuted until the following session, 
 in November. On the 2d of January, 1805, Judge Chase 
 appeared before the Senate, and the 4th of February was 
 assigned for his trial. The Senate Chamber was fitted up 
 in an appropriate manner, and with places for various official 
 
 * See page 111. 
 
 15
 
 f 
 
 170 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 dignitaries. * The accused appeared with Luther Martin, 
 R. G. Harper, and Joseph Hopkinson, as his counsel. The 
 managers, on the part of the House, were Messrs. Randolph, 
 Rodney, Nicholson, Clark, Campbell, Boyle, and Early. 
 The pleas and answer took nearly four hours in the read- 
 ing ; the Judge read the introductory part, Mr. Harper then 
 read more than an hour, Mr. Hopkinson continued the 
 reading two hours, and the accused read the concluding 
 part, in the most solemn and impressive manner. This 
 able and eloquent answer was in itself a complete refutation 
 of the criminality of the charges. The prosecution was not 
 considered, at the time, to have been so ably as malignantly 
 conducted, so far as party feeling was involved. But the 
 counsel of Judge Chase did themselves the highest honor, 
 
 f as lawyers, as men of kind feelings, as gentlemen, and as 
 
 ^orators. Mr. Hopkinson, though then a young man, acquir- 
 ed for himself an exalted reputation. The two other coun- 
 sel had long been of established fame. The trial lasted until 
 the first of March, when the Judge was acquitted. The 
 whole number of Senators was thirty-four. Two thirds of 
 the whole must have concurred in a conviction. To what 
 extent it was merely a political experiment may be judged of 
 by the answer to the question, Is the accused guilty, or not 
 guilty? There were eight distinct charges. The federal- 
 ists, viz. Mr. J. Q. Adams* Mass. ; Mr. Bayard, Del. ; 
 Mr. Bradley, Vt. ; Mr. Dayton, N. J. ; Mr. Hillliouse, 
 Conn. ; Mr. Mitchell, N. Y. ; Mr. Olcott, Vt. ; Mr. Picker- 
 
 i ing, Mass. ; Mr. Plumer, N. H. ; Mr. Smith, Va. ; Mr. 
 
 ( Smith, N. Y. ; Mr. Smith, Ohio ; Mr. Tracy, Conn. ; Mr. 
 White, Del.; voted not guilty, on all the charges; so 
 also did Mr. Gaillard, S. C., who is not supposed to have 
 been a federalist. Those who answered that Judge Chase 
 was guilty, on some of the charges, and who are supposed 
 to have been all Jeffersonians, were the following : Messrs. 
 Anderson, Baldwin, Brackenridge, Brown, Cocke, Condit, 
 
 " Ellery, Franklin, Giles, Rowland, Jackson, Logan, Maclay, 
 Moore, Samuel Smith, Stone, Sumpter, Worthington, 
 Wright. The answers of the latter class were very much 
 Taried ; no one considered the accused as guilty on all the 
 
 * This trial occurred before Mr. Adams had changed his opinions as 
 to the federal party.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 171 
 
 charges. So this experiment to subject the judiciary to the ^ 
 executive and legislative departments failed in this instance, 
 if such was the design. 
 
 This trial may be considered under different aspects. 
 The President, the judges, and other civil officers may be 
 guilty of high crimes and misdemeanors, in their official 
 stations, and some provision must exist for their removal 
 and disqualification to hold office in future. This provision 
 may be righteously, or oppressiveTy carried into effect. To 
 what end it was applied, in this instance, all may judge 
 from the circumstances of the case, and from the temper of 
 the prosecution. 
 
 The acts, charged as crimes, were done nearly five years 
 before the trial, and during the federal administration. The 
 accusation was made in a House of Representatives, of 
 which two thirds of its members were there, because they 
 were opponents of that administration. The accusation was 
 to be heard and tried in a tribunal, a large majority of whose 
 members were of the same political cast. There was an ex- 
 pectation, that the accused could not escape a judgment of 
 condemnation. It is a disheartening truth, that, in the best 
 of governments which men have invented, the malignity of 
 passion may assume all the attributes of impartial justice ; 
 and that the promptings of personal hostility may infuse a 
 spirit into a body of men, which impels them to do, in their 
 official stations, such acts as each one of them alone would 
 be ashamed to do. That which is still more disheartening 
 is, that, as this country grows older, and as its population 
 increases, and its parties become more and more embittered, 
 those who submit, through ignorance or fraud, to the influ- 
 ence of party delusion, will avail themselves of the constitu- 
 tional machinery, to remove and to crush political adversa- 
 ries. In all such painful forebodings, it is impossible to free 
 one's self from the belief, that Mr. Jefferson, whether he so 
 intended to do or not, has, by his example and his opinions, 
 done more than any other man to mislead and pervert his 
 fellow citizens. His theories of social union and govern- 
 ment were irrational and impracticable. He substituted 
 mere popular impulse, which cunning men can make to be 
 what they will, for the enlightened and honest application of 
 abstract rules. Popular election, really intended to be the 
 protective power which the people have reserved to them-
 
 172 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 selves, was converted by him into the dangerous engine, by 
 which the people themselves may be enslaved, and made to 
 rejoice in their own chains, since it is their own act which 
 puts them on. There are numerous instances in proof that 
 this may be so. To say nothing of events in the decline of 
 the Roman republic, there are proofs enough in the recent 
 history of France. At this day, the President of the United 
 States is sustained in his views of constitutional power by 
 the popular will. That will is none other than his own. It 
 makes no difference, whether a majority stand ready to ratify 
 and applaud all that a president calls right, or whether the 
 popular will is created by such means as Mr. Jefferson was 
 supposed to have organized, and to have bequeathed to his 
 countrymen, as his mode of" bringing Lack the constitution 
 " to its original principles." 
 
 LETTER XLIII. 
 
 SEPTEMBER 3, 1833. 
 
 THE great achievement of Mr. Jefferson's first four years 
 was the purchase of Louisiana. This country had belonged, 
 in early days, to the French, whence its name. It was after- 
 wards ceded to Spain, with the Floridas ; thus there was a 
 territory, which stretched across the Mississippi, and extend- 
 ed southwardly to the ocean, in the possession of a foreign 
 power. In Washington's time, (October 27th, 1795,) a 
 treaty was made with Spain, whereby this right was secured : 
 ' His Catholic majesty will permit the citizens of the United 
 ' States, for the space of three years from this time, to de- 
 ' posit their merchandise and effects in the port of New 
 ' Orleans, and export them from thence, without paying any 
 *' other duty than a fair price for the hire of stores ; and his 
 ' majesty either promises to continue this permission, &/c., 
 ' or if he should not agree to continue it there, he will as- 
 ' sign to them, on another part of the banks of the Missis- 
 ' sippi, an equivalent establishment." 
 
 In the same year, 1795, a treaty, offensive and defensive, 
 had been made between France and Spain. In 1801 and 
 1802, the Spaniards, under the influence of France, com-
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 173 
 
 mitted the most offensive aggressions, wherever they came 
 in contact with American shipping, or citizens. They 
 captured and carried into their ports more than 130 Ameri- 
 can vessels ; seized and imprisoned the American consul at 
 a port in the island of Cuba ; and as early as October, 1802, 
 Morales, Intendant of Louisiana, gave notice, that American 
 citizens would no longer be permitted to deposit their goods 
 at New Orleans ; nor was any " equivalent establishment " 
 assigned. These wrongs, on the part of Spain, were well 
 known to Mr. Jefferson long before the meeting of Congress 
 in December of this year, 1802. But the message was 
 entirely silent concerning all Spanish aggressions. In 
 January, 1803, the House of Representatives called on the 
 executive for information, and the fact of the interruption 
 of the right of deposit was communicated ; and, at the 
 same time, a secret message was sent, and debated with 
 closed doors. This message is too long to be copied, and is 
 not worth the labor. It shows only the sort of policy pur- 
 sued by Mr. Jefferson, which must be apparent on many 
 other occasions. 
 
 On demanding of Spain to redress this wrong, and to com- 
 ply with the treaty stipulation, the American minister was 
 informed, that Louisiana had been ceded to France. Mr. 
 Jefferson then undertook, without consulting Congress, to 
 purchase Louisiana of France, for fifteen millions of dollars ; 
 and to incorporate its inhabitants with those of the United 
 States. The people of that country were a mixture of 
 Spaniards and Frenchmen, in number about two hundred 
 and fifty thousand. The time taken for this measure was 
 during the peace of Amiens, as it was called, which lasted 
 from March, 1802, to the 17th of May, 1803. The pur- 
 chase was concluded in April, 1803. On the 13th of 
 March Napoleon announced, at an audience of foreign min- 
 isters, the approaching rupture with England. 
 
 This was a perilous and extraordinary assumption of 
 power ; and was most seriously condemned, on principle, by 
 all the opponents of the administration. Mr. Jefferson ad- 
 mitted, that he had no constitutional right to make this pur- 
 chase. It was said, at the time, that one object was to aid 
 France ; the other to escape the responsibility of asserting 
 the rights of the United States by force. 
 15*
 
 , *' 
 
 174 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 The federal party were reproached for their opposition to 
 s this wise measure ; but if the subject be viewed as it then 
 appeared, they were clearly right. 1. The title of France 
 was contingent. The treaty of Spain and France provided, 
 that if the Duke of Parma, son-in-law of the King of Spain, 
 were made King of Etruria, that within six months after- 
 wards, Louisiana should be ceded to France. Of course 
 the title was to be made. 2. The boundaries of Louisiana 
 were left undefined, furnishing thereby a cause of future 
 contentions. 3. The promise of a title was fraudulently 
 obtained from Spain, by the ministry of Godoy, whose acts 
 Spain might, at some future day, disavow. 4. The French 
 subjects of Louisiana could, and would, probably, have 
 made any treatment of them by the United States a suffi- 
 cient claim to the interposition of Bonaparte to protect them. 
 5. The patronage acquired by the President over this terri- 
 tory was little short of a royal authority. 6. There was 
 a provision, that the inhabitants of Louisiana should be 
 citizens of the United States. It would have required an 
 amendment of the constitution to make them such, which 
 amendment was never made, nor proposed. 7. Louisiana 
 ^ was then not in possession of France, but of Spain ; and 
 f the treaty of purchase itself provides, that a French com- 
 * missioner should go out to receive possession from the 
 Spanish officers, and make a delivery to the United States. 
 These (and many more objections might be stated) were 
 very sufficient grounds to the opposition, to say nothing of 
 the price, alleged bribery, and hurry of the transaction. 
 At the time of signing the treaty, it was well known that 
 war between France and Engjand was inevitable, that the 
 bargain must be forthwith made, or that the opportunity of 
 favoring France would be lost. Within twenty days hostili- 
 ties were renewed. 
 
 This diplomatic operation has proved to be far more ad- 
 vantageous to the United States, than there was any ground 
 even to hope for, thirty years ago. The fears, then enter- 
 tained, have disappeared in the changes which have occurred 
 in the power, and in the probable designs both of France 
 and Spain, in relation to this country. And also, that what- 
 ever Mr. Jefferson's motives may have been, and however 
 assuming, to make this purchase, it was certainly better to 
 have made it, and in whole, than to have had either a
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 175 
 
 Spanish or French colony, on the banks of the Mississippi. 
 Thus, Mr. Jefferson was so fortunate as to find, that an act -^ 
 which would have called for an impeachment under some 
 circumstances, is now regarded as the most meritorious of 
 his public life. It will be seen, hereafter, how well founded 
 the apprehensions of Mr. Jefferson's opponents were. With \ 
 respect to the sum, (fifteen millions,) it was probably thrice^A 
 as much as needed to have been given ; because Bonaparte ' 
 knew, at the time of the purchase, that on renewal of the 
 war the whole country of Louisiana would be taken posses- 
 sion of by the British ; and would consequently be lost both 
 to France and Spain. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's merits in this purchase are not to be esti- 
 mated by the subsequent turn of affairs in Europe, as to 
 France and Spain, which no one foresaw or imagined ; and 
 least of all men should Mr. Jefferson applaud himself, since 
 he wished and believed, that Bonaparte would subdue Eng- 
 land, instead of being subdued and exiled himself. If Mr. 
 Jefferson's ardent wishes had been realized, the people of / 
 the United States would have regretted the expenditure of 
 their millions, which would have become necessary in de- 
 fence against the man to whom they were given. In fact, 
 this brilliant achievement was a humiliating, degrading 
 policy in itself, and should be the least of all Mr. Jefferson's 
 claims to an honorable fame, notwithstanding it has proved, 
 so far as can now be discerned, a useful measure, excepting 
 in the amount which it cost. 
 
 The worshippers of Mr. Jefferson, (see July No. 1834, 
 of North American Review,) vaunt of the purchase of 
 Louisiana, as though Mr. Jefferson foresaw, and intended 
 to provide for the existence of a great commercial city on 
 the banks of the Mississippi. Mr. Jefferson's opinions on 
 commerce and cities are better ascertained, than any others 
 which he had. It is assertion in the face of Mr. Jefferson's 
 own declarations, that he wished to promote any of the 
 benefits which have arisen from this purchase. The evi- 
 dence is irresistible, that he was governed by that policy 
 which characterizes timid and irresolute men, who are al- 
 ways among the bravest, where there is no danger. He 
 seems to have wished to have Napoleon successful, and yet 
 to have dreaded the consequences of that success. He wish- 
 ed to have England conquered, yet feared the " Republican
 
 176 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 Emperor" would not stop at that conquest. He relieved 
 himself by giving whatsoever the Emperor demanded.* 
 
 LETTER XLIV. 
 
 SEPTEMBER 7, 1833. 
 
 AMONG the best legislative acts of John Adams's presi- 
 / dency, was the law for regulating the admission of aliens to 
 \citizenship. It is not enough that this country opens its 
 /ports to all men, wheresoever born, and howsoever educated; 
 { and whether educated or not ; and secures to them protec- 
 \tion of person and property? Is it right and just, relatively 
 /\<o our own citizens, to confer on aliens an equal share in 
 the sovereignty, after a short residence, whether such aliens 
 J do, or do not know anything of the institutions of this 
 \ country 1 Whether Mr. Jefferson considered the restrictive 
 provisions of the recent law inexpedient in themselves ; or 
 whether he included that law in his general condemnation 
 of all federal measures, merely because they were such, is 
 
 * " And what is to be our security, that when emharked for her 
 (England) in the war, she will not make a separate peace and leave us 
 in the lurch ? Her good faith ! The faith of a nation of MERCHANTS ! 
 The Punica fides of modern Carthage ! " (Jefferson to Governor John 
 Langdon, [wno was himself a merchant,] vol. iv. p. 146.) 
 
 "And have our commercial citizens merited from their country the 
 encountering another war to protect their gambling enterprises ? " 
 (Jefferson to John Adams, June 10, 1815, vol. iv. p. 262.) 
 
 " The proportion, which the aggregate of other classes of citizens 
 bears, in any state, to that of its husbandmen, is the proportion of its 
 unsound to its healthy parts ; and is a good enough barometer, whereby 
 to measure its degree of corruption." 
 
 " The mobs of great cities add just so much to the support of pure 
 government, as sores do to the strength of the human body." (Jeffer- 
 son's Notes on Virginia, p. 240, 241.) 
 
 " Our commercial dashers, then, have already cost us so many thou- 
 sand lives, so many millions of dollars more than their persons and all 
 their commerce were worth." (Jefferson to W. H. Crawford. June 20, 
 1816, vol. iv. p. 284.) 
 
 " A republican emperor, from his affection to republics, independent 
 of motives of expediency, must grant to us the Cyclops' boon of being 
 the last devoured." (Jefferson to Langdon, March 5, 1810, vol. iv. 
 p. 145.)
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 177 
 
 doubtful. If the former, his policy was erroneous ; if the 
 latter, it was only characteristic. No country but the United 
 States ever adopted (it is believed) such a policy. Its 
 operation in some of the maritime cities is felt to be a seri- 
 ous evil, whatever it may be in the new states. Even the 
 latter have derived no benefit from it, compared with its 
 disadvantages. Impolitic as it may be, it is one of the evils 
 which Mr. Jefferson has sanctioned ; and there is little hope 
 now, that it will ever be removed, by returning to the wise 
 provisions of the law of which Mr. Jefferson recommended 
 the repeal. As the law is now construed, any alien who 
 makes a previous declaration of two years' standing, in cer- 
 tain courts, of intention to become a citizen, may become 
 such, with some ceremonies easily accomplished. 
 
 In proposing the repeal of the naturalization law, as it 
 had been recently amended, as a federal measure, Mr. Jef- 
 ferson in his message of December, 1802, uses these words : 
 
 " I cannot omit recommending a revisal of the laws on 
 " the subject of naturalization. Considering the ordinary 
 " chances of human life, a denial of citizenship under a resi- 
 " dence of fourteen years, is a denial to a great proportion 
 " of those who ask for it ; and controls a policy pursued from 
 " their first settlement, by many of these states, and still be- 
 " lieved of consequence to their posterity. And shall we 
 " refuse to the unhappy fugitives from distress that hospi- 
 " tality, which the savages of the wilderness extended to our 
 " fathers arriving in this land ? Shall oppressed humanity 
 " find no asylum on this globe ? The constitution, indeed, 
 " has wisely provided that, for admission to certain offices 
 " of important trust, a residence shall be required sufficient 
 " to develope character and design. But might not the gen- 
 " eral character and capabilities of a citizen he safely com- 
 " municated to every one manifesting a bondjirle purpose of 
 "embarking his life and fortunes permanently with us? 
 " With restrictions, perhaps, to guard against the fraudulent 
 " usurpation of our flag ; an abuse which brings so much 
 " embarrassment and loss on the genuine citizen, and so 
 " much danger to the nation of being involved in war, that 
 " no endeavor should be spared to detect and suppress it." 
 
 This is a genuine Jeffersonian paragraph. Is it to be 
 most admired for its clearness in communicating the writer's 
 thoughts ; for its elegance of expression ; for its sound
 
 178 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 policy ; for its paternal care of the American flag ; or for its 
 wise precaution in keeping the nation from war, to protect 
 aliens? Every benefit, that Mr. Jefferson desired for aliens, 
 they had, as the law was when this message was sent, except 
 the right of voting and of holding real estate. Alienage is 
 not a bar to purchasing, and holding, and alienating real 
 estate ; though it is to transmitting it to heirs. In some 
 states, aliens may hold real property for all purposes for which 
 a native citizen may hold it. Mr. Jefferson must have de- 
 sired, therefore, principally to vest in them the right of suf- 
 j frage, which is a very interesting point to native citizens, 
 I considering the great number of foreigners " arriving in this 
 t land." There have been some arguments against such a 
 { policy ; and among others, these : 
 
 " It is for the happiness of those united in society to har- 
 " monize, as much as possible, in matters which they must 
 " of necessity transact together. , Civil government being 
 " for the sole object of forming societies, its administration 
 4 must be conducted by common consent. Every species 
 ' of government has its specific principles. Ours are more 
 ' peculiar, perhaps, than those of any other in the universe. 
 It is a composition of the freest principles of the English 
 constitution, with others derived from natural right and 
 natural reason. To these nothing can be more opposed 
 than the maxims of absolute monarchies. Yet from such 
 we are to expect the greatest number of emigrants. They 
 will bring with them the principles of the government they 
 leave, imbibed in their early youth ; or, if able to throw 
 them off, it will be in exchange for an unbounded licen- 
 tiousness, passing, as is usual, from one extreme to another. 
 It would be a miracle were they to stop precisely at the 
 point of temperate liberty. In proportion to their num- 
 bers, they will share with us the legislation. Suppose 
 twenty millions of republican Americans thrown all of a 
 ' sudden into France, what would be the condition of that 
 ' kingdom 1 If it would be more turbulent, less happy, less 
 " strong, we may believe that the addition of half a million 
 " of foreigners to our present numbers would produce a 
 " similar effect here." 
 
 This is Mr. Jefferson's own argument, taken from his 
 " Notes on Virginia," pages 125, 126 Probably it was 
 enough to change his views, that the recent naturalization
 
 ON PUIJL1C CHARACTERS. 179 
 
 law had been made by federalists. If not, sufficient reasons 
 may be found in the policy, disclosed in his administra- 
 tion, with respect to England ; and plainly discernible in 
 his message on naturalization. 
 
 While it is readily admitted, that every department of 
 industry, the bar, diplomacy, legislation, and even the bench, 
 has had ornaments of transatlantic origin, which are honor- 
 able to the country, yet the most expansive philanthropy 
 cannot embrace all the human beings which Europe throws 
 forth, to the extent of conferring on them, (almost at the 
 moment of arrival,) a participation in political sovereignty. It ! 
 is right to give to a stranger kindness and hospitality, as long "- 
 as he is worthy of them ; but it is the excess of folly to allow 
 him an equal voice in the government of the family, and a 
 claim to share the inheritance in common with its members. 
 If Mr. Jefferson had done no other ill-advised act, than thus *Sj 
 throwing open the avenue to citizenship, it would be enough 
 to deprive him of all consideration as a far-sighted, patriotic 
 statesman. 
 
 If there could be a discrimination between such aliens as\ 
 would understand and value our institutions, and those who '. 
 cannot, or who do understand only to pervert them, natural- 
 ization might be useful both to aliens and the country. ' 
 There can be but one rule for all ; and the country is in no ; 
 such want of population as to apply that rule to its own in- 
 jury. It may happen that some good citizens are excluded 
 by such a rule as that adopted in Mr. Adams's time, but this \ 
 weighs nothing against the evil of indiscriminate admission.* 
 
 LETTER XLV. 
 
 SEPTEMBER 11, 1833. 
 
 A NAVY is indispensable to a commercial country, and to 
 no one more than to the United States. It now has the un- 
 
 * The majority of the city of New York, it is said, indicates the 
 majority of the state ; and this, the majority of the nation. What 
 would have been the majority in that city, for years past, if Thomas 
 Jefferson had not asked of Congress to repeal the law made in John 
 Adams's time ? And what connexion had this matter with the elec- 
 tion of Andrew Jackson 1
 
 180 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 qualified confidence and respect of the whole nation. Wash- 
 r ington began it, in fact, whoever may contend for the honor 
 of originating the establishment. In Mr. Adams's time, it 
 attained to some celebrity, and was growing in respect and 
 confidence. What sort of a navy was it? Such as other 
 ^commercial nations have established and ever must establish, 
 to meet the naval force of any other country. It consisted of 
 ships, well armed, officered, manned, and disciplined. One 
 of the earliest built ships is still the pride of the nation 
 >*(" Old Ironsides"). Now what did the economical and 
 philosophic Mr. Jefferson think it best for this commercial 
 country to do with this infant navy ? He recommended its 
 reduction, and would, probably, have been glad to see it 
 annihilated. There is no way of knowing from what Mr. 
 Jefferson said what he really intended, so far as his " mes- 
 sages" expressed his meaning. When he came into power, 
 , there were fifteen frigates and twelve smaller ships. The 
 former were immediately reduced to nine and the latter to 
 two. Instead of such vessels of war as other maritime 
 .nations have, he substituted a quantity of GUN-BOATS, which 
 . were fit for nothing but to destroy the lives of those who at- 
 tempted to navigate them. A small boat with one great 
 gun mounted on its bow, was well adapted to roll over in a 
 heavy sea ; and so it proved, on actual experiment, and Mr. 
 Jefferson's gun-boats have long been abandoned ; and even 
 he seems to have been convinced of the folly of the inven- 
 : tion. He says himself, '" This species of naval armament 
 \"can have little effect towards protecting our commerce in 
 " the open seas, even upon our own coasts." This was an 
 unexpected concession, and could have been drawn forth 
 only by the truth, reluctantly admitted, that fifty such boats 
 were so many egg-shells against a fifty-gun ship. In the 
 " open sea" they were useless, and if good for anything any 
 where, it could only be in shallow water, where no enemy's 
 vessel could come. 
 
 Then as to the economy of this armament. It appears 
 
 from the official report of Mr. P. Hamilton, Secretary of the 
 
 Treasury, soon after Mr. Madison came to the presidency ; 
 
 That the frigate President of 56 guns, cost $221,000 
 
 Fifty-six gun-boats, would cost 496,000 
 
 Annual expense of a 56 gun-frigate 120,000 
 
 Annual expense of 56 gun-boats 655,200
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 181 
 
 Balance against gun-boats 535,200 
 
 Each gun in a frigate is supposed to be main- 
 tained at an annual expense of 2,142 
 Each gun, in a gun-boat, at an annual cost of 11,700 
 This gun-boat scheme is a fair illustration of the utility H 
 and economy of Mr. Jefferson's administration. This sort '. 
 of " armament," if such it can be called, seems to have been 1 
 authorized by act of Congress in 1803. Mr. Jefferson kept ! 
 it up during his presidency. It disappeared soon after his 
 retirement. 
 
 It is not distinctly remembered, after the lapse of nearly 
 thirty years, how Mr. Jefferson's eulogists considered this 
 exploit of the gun-boats ; nor whether they applauded Mr. 
 Jefferson for his ingenuity in devising means for conquering 
 the enemies of the country, or of defending it against their 
 attempts at conquest ; nor whether they applauded him for 
 his tenderness in guarding the money taken from " the 
 mouth of labor;" or only for his philosophy. But this is | 
 remembered, that among those who were of his party it was j 
 always certain, that a federal President could not do right, 
 and that Mr. Jefferson could not do wrong. 
 
 LETTER XLVI. 
 
 SEPTEMBER 15, 1833. 
 
 LOUISIANA having been purchased, a question soon arose 
 as to boundaries ; no other description being given in the \ 
 treaty, than that the territory purchased was that which ) 
 France held before Spain acquired it. Mr. Jefferson con- 
 sidered this to mean an extent of country eastwardly from 
 the Mississippi to the bay of Perdido. Spain, then holding -, 
 Florida, insisted that the limit was the river Iberville ; thus 
 cutting off about 30,000 square miles. This disputed terri- 
 tory had already been made a collection district by act of 
 Congress. When Spain denied the claim of the United 
 States and forcibly expelled American citizens from this 
 territory, Bonaparte was applied to for an explanation. He 
 answered that France had no right beyond the Iberville, and, 
 consequently, could not mean to sell any. Spain, displeased 
 16
 
 182 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 with the cession to the United States, refused to treat, insist- 
 ing that the Iberville was the boundary. While affairs were 
 in this condition, two remarkable events occurred, the Mi- 
 yranda expedition and the beginning of Burr's proceedings 
 f in the west. Both these affairs are very extraordinary in 
 their details, but cannot be followed out in these sketches, 
 further than may be necessary to show the character of Mr. 
 Jefferson's administration. 
 
 v , Miranda was the grandson of the governor of Caraccas. 
 
 Y He was in France in the early part of the revolution, and 
 
 / went through a variety of fortune, as a military officer in the 
 
 French service, and as a persecuted individual, as successive 
 
 factions arose. In 1806, he devoted himself to emancipate 
 
 Sonth America ; and knowing of the hostile spirit which 
 
 5 had arisen between Spain and the United States, he came 
 
 v hither in the hope of advancing his project. He openly fitted 
 
 /^out and armed a ship called the Leander, in the port of 
 
 / New York. Several Americans having, or supposing they 
 
 had the assent, or approbation of the government of the 
 
 United States, aided Miranda in this expedition ; and a 
 
 / number of young men of respectable connexions embarked 
 
 Xon board the Leander, and departed with Miranda, all which 
 
 ( was supposed to be well known at Washington, as no secret 
 
 was made of the purpose of Miranda. 
 
 The following is copied from a volume, entitled " Me- 
 moirs of Thomas Jefferson." Whether the facts therein 
 stated are true, or not, must be judged of from other facts 
 which are not disputable. Miranda, " in December, 1805, 
 " went to Washington, where he had an interview with Mr. 
 
 /' Madison, the Secretary of State, and laid before him and 
 ' the President a plan of an expedition against the Caraccas. 
 ' He showed them letters from friends in that country, which 
 ' went to prove, at least, the great probability of success ; 
 ' and unfolded to them a plan of the government, which he 
 ' meant to establish in those provinces. The President 
 ' attentively perused and considered the plan ; kept it 
 ' twenty-four hours, and then returned it to the General, 
 ' (Miranda,) with expressions of much approbation. Mi- 
 ' randa urged the co-operation of the American government. 
 ' Mr. Madison replied, that Congress did not approve of 
 going to war with Spain. Miranda replied, that though 
 ' government should not be disposed to aid him, he would
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 183 
 
 " carry the plan into execution himself, provided they would 
 " not interfere with his preparations ; to which the Secretary ^k 
 " made answer, that provided Miranda proceeded with \ 
 " proper precaution, so as not to commit them, the govern- 
 " ment would shut their eyes upon the matter. With this 
 " assurance Miranda returned to New York to make pre- 
 " parations." 
 
 There is some probability of the truth of this account 
 from the fact, that Colonel William S. Smith, son-in-law to *N 
 John Adams, was made acquainted with the design, and 
 permitted his son, William Steuben Smith, to accompany 
 Miranda. Mr. Samuel G. Ogden furnished Miranda with'-- 
 the ship Leander, to proceed to the town of Caraccas, and 
 to land him there, or as near thereto, as might be. Miranda ., 
 carried out 180 men, large quantities of military stores, two ^ 
 printing presses, and a number of journeymen printers. All 
 this was conducted so openly, as to be a subject of common 
 conversation. The ship was regularly cleared at the cus- 
 tom-house, and remained several days afterwards in port, 
 to increase the number of men. All this, with the excep- \ 
 tion of Miranda himself and, perhaps, a very few others, was 
 American. The Leander sailed early in 1806. v 
 
 On the 1st of March, 1806, Colonel Smith and Mr. Og- > 
 den were arrested on a warrant of Judge Tallmadge, and 
 being brought before him, each was informed, that he was 
 called on to give evidence against the other. Questions 
 were propounded, and these gentlemen were threatened 
 with imprisonment, if they did not answer. Finding this 
 consequence inevitable, they made and signed a written de- \ 
 claration of what they knew. A most remarkable prosecu- ^ 
 tion was carried on against these two men by a Jeffersonian 
 judge ; all of which may now be seen of record ; but when 
 it came to the opinion of a jury, they were honorably acquit- _ 
 ted. One would like to know what Mr. Jefferson and Mr. 
 Madison had to do with this prosecution ; what motives they 
 had for countenancing this expedition of the Leander up to 
 the hour of her departure ; and then turning upon Smith \ 
 and Ogden, to sacrifice them in the forms of a judicial pro- \ 
 cess. May it not have been for two purposes : first, to have 'v 
 all the mischief done to Spain, which Miranda contemplated ; 
 and, secondly, to exculpate themselves, if Spain, or France 
 should complain? If such were the motives, what name
 
 184 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 should be given to such statesmen 1 The end of this expe- 
 
 vdition was unfortunate enough for those who engaged in it. 
 
 They were taken, and most of them ended their lives in 
 
 Spanish dungeons. The gallant and accomplished Miranda 
 
 was sent to Spain, and confined in the dungeons of the in- 
 
 \ quisition at Cadiz, where he died at the end of four years. 
 
 - He was called " the earliest martyr of freedom in Spanish 
 
 [ America." 
 
 *A As to " Burr's conspiracy," this unfortunate man, on 
 r leaving the vice-presidency, in 1805, became a wanderer. 
 - He appeared in the western states, in the course of that 
 year ; and there attempted to carry into effect some designs, 
 but precisely of what character is not certain. It may be, 
 that he calculated on a war with Spain, and intended to ad- 
 vance his own interests under the supposed approbation of 
 the administration, as Miranda did. It may be, that he in- 
 tended to possess himself of Mexico ; or, perhaps, to plunder 
 New Orleans ; or to sever the Union, with the aid of Spain, 
 and found a western empire; perhaps he intended, as a last 
 resort, to effect a settlement of lands on the river Washita. 
 His purposes do not appear to have been disclosed, so that 
 they can be placed beyond conjecture. Whatever his plans 
 may have been, it is certain, that Mr. Jefferson knew, as 
 early as January, 1806, that Mr. Burr was in the western 
 country, and had plans of some sort interesting to the Unit- 
 ed States. 
 
 Joseph Hamilton Daveiss, at this time attorney of the 
 United States for the district of Kentucky, published a 
 pamphlet to show what he did to detect Burr. His pamph- 
 let gives copies of the letters which he wrote to Mr. Jeffer- 
 son, in the months of January and February of that year. 
 In these letters, Daveiss discloses a very intimate connexion 
 _ between the celebrated General Wilkinson (Mr. Jefferson's 
 military chief at New Orleans) and Mr. Burr. He also 
 mentions, that two men of distinction in the western country 
 /were under an annual stipend to promote the views of Spain. 
 I It seems to have been intended by Spain to detach all the 
 ', country west of the mountains from the United States, a 
 \very natural consequence of the purchase of Louisiana. 
 
 The first letter of Daveiss is dated the 10th of January, 
 1806. The first acknowledgment of it by Mr. Jefferson is 
 dated the 15th of February following. Although Mr. Da-
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 185 
 
 veiss appears to have devoted himself most faithfully to the 
 investigation of the designs going on in the western coun- 
 try, and wrote eight very circumstantial letters to Mr. Jef- 
 ferson, the next communication from Mr. Jefferson was a 
 short letter under date of September 12, 1806, merely 
 acknowledging the receipt of Mr. Daveiss's disclosures. 
 What motives Mr. Jefferson had , for taking no part in 
 defeating Mr. Burr's purposes at an earlier period, can only 
 be conjectured. He might have intended to let Burr, like 
 Miranda, do all the injury to Spain, which he could do, and, 
 in his own time, to disavow these acts, and to have the 
 gratification of punishing a man, who had dared to be a 
 competitor with him for the presidency. 
 
 It appears, that towards the close of 1806, Colonel Burr 
 did engage in some expedition to proceed down the Ohio 
 and the Mississippi ; that he had procured some boats, and 
 that a small number of men were to accompany him. On - 
 the night of the 10th of December, 1806, there were assem- "* 
 bled at Blannerhasset' s Island, in Ohio river, a few men, 
 who had two or three boats, on board of which some arms 
 are said to have been laden. These boats departed that 
 night, and arrived at the mouth of Cumberland river. 
 Burr was not of this party, but descended the Cumberland 
 with some boats, and there joined the Blannerhasset party ; 
 and the whole force proceeded down the Ohio, and into the 
 Mississippi. The number of boats, after Blannerhasset 
 united with Burr, was said to be not more than eight, and 
 the number of men not exceeding sixty. Before this time 
 Burr had been twice accused by grand juries in Kentucky ; 
 but there was no sufficient ground to proceed against him. 
 On hearing of the second accusation, he voluntarily pre- 
 sented himself at court, and was discharged. 
 
 An extensive combination had, undoubtedly, been con- -\ 
 templated ; and in part effected for some purpose. General -< 
 James Wilkinson, then at New Orleans, was in some way '. 
 connected with this affair, but in what manner and to what 
 extent seems to be questionable. There was a communi- 
 cation in cipher between him and Burr. The only letter 
 so written seems to have had relation to an invasion of Span- 
 ish territory. It is hardly doubtful whether the adminis- 
 tration were ignorant of this. If they were not, it is difficult 
 to account for continued confidence in Wilkinson to the 
 16*
 
 186 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 close of his life. Some persons had gone by sea to New 
 Orleans in expectation of Burr's arrival, and among others, 
 
 -." Mr. Swartwout, of New York, and the famous Dr. Boll- 
 man. Whatever the plot may have been, it was entirely 
 defeated. At the time which best suited the purposes of 
 the administration, the western country was awakened ; or- 
 ders were issued to the naval and military force of the United 
 States to take Burr and his party, while descending the 
 river, and " if it shall become necessary for that purpose, 
 
 / to destroy his boats." Apprised of these measures, Burr 
 .thought proper to be landed somewhere on the shores of the 
 Mississippi, and thence found his way to the Tombigbee 
 
 I river, in the Mississippi territory, on the 19th of February, 
 1807, accompanied by one person. 
 
 It appears that Burr was in advance of his companion 
 thirty or forty yards, in passing a settlement called Wash- 
 ington Court House, at about eleven o'clock at night. Burr 
 passed on without halting or speaking ; but his companion 
 inquired of one standing at the door of a public house for 
 the dwelling of a Major Hinson, and on being answered 
 followed Burr. The person inquired of, suspecting the first 
 traveller to be Burr, followed with a sheriff to Hinson's, and 
 there having his suspicions confirmed, went to Fort Stod- 
 dard, and obtained a military officer and four soldiers, who 
 took Burr into their custody. He was thence conducted as 
 a prisoner to Richmond, where he arrived towards the close 
 of the month of March. 
 
 LETTER XLVII. 
 
 SEPTEMBER 21, 1833. 
 
 ON the 30th of March, 1807, George Hay, Esq., Attorney 
 of the United States for Virginia, applied to Chief Justice 
 Marshall to commit Colonel Burr on the charge of treason. 
 A preliminary examination was had of the evidence, and 
 the judge was of opinion, that it did not authorize a com- 
 mitment for that crime, but only for a misdemeanor ; and 
 Burr was, therefore, allowed to find bail for his appearance 
 at the next Circuit Court at Richmond ; bail was given.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 187 
 
 On the 22d of May, the Circuit Court was opened. The 
 counsel for the prosecution were George Hay, Alexander / 
 McRae, and William Wirt. For Burr, John Baker, Benja-^S 
 min Botts, John Wickham, Edmund Randolph, and Luther 
 Martin appeared. At a subsequent day, Charles Lee also ' 
 appeared. To these may be added Burr himself, who had \ 
 been a lawyer of great eminence. Many days were passed 
 in selecting a grand jury. Among others William B. Giles 
 had been summoned, who had been informed by Mr. Jeffer- 
 son of the certainty of Burr's guilt. This gentleman, no 
 doubt at Mr. Jefferson's suggestion, had moved the Senate . 
 to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, which motion, if suc- 
 cessful in both branches, would have given Mr. Jefferson 
 unlimited control over the personal liberty of every citizen 
 in the United States. The motion was rejected even by that 
 Congress. Mr. Giles seems to have had little doubt of his 
 fitness to serve as grand juror. But after examination and 
 discussion he withdrew. John Randolph (the same who 
 was sent recently as minister to Russia) was foreman of the 
 grand jury. 
 
 There appears to have been much discussion in court on 
 the evidence which should go to the grand jury. Among 
 other persons called as witnesses for the government was 
 Dr. Erick Bollman, for whom Mr. Jefferson had prepared a 
 certificate of pardon, which Mr. Hay presented to Bollman 
 in court, and which Bollman peremptorily refused to accept. 
 He was, however, sworn and sent to the jury. 
 
 While the jury were deliberating, the court were engaged 
 in a long argument on a motion to punish General Wilkinson > 
 for contempt of court, in having unlawfully caused one Knox 
 to be arrested, imprisoned, and forcibly conducted on board 
 a United States vessel, called the Revenge, at New Orleans, 
 and thence brought to Richmond, as a witness against Burr. 
 The proceedings of Wilkinson appear to have been arbitrary 
 and oppressive, and enforced by his military authority ; but 
 the Chief Justice decided, that he was not chargeable with 
 contempt. Wilkinson came from New Orleans in the same 
 vessel. The precise charge against him was, that he had 
 used illegal means ; and had invaded the privilege of wit- 
 nesses, tending to the corruption of evidence ; and materially 
 to affect the justice and dignity of the court, so as to subject 
 him to process of contempt. But, as before stated, the 
 charge was not sustained.
 
 Ijy 
 
 188 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 On the 24th of June, the grand jury came in with charges 
 
 ' of treason and misdemeanor against Burr ; and with like 
 
 V^charges against Herman Blannerhasset. Afterwards similar 
 
 charges were found against General Jonathan Dayton and 
 
 one Smith. Great difficulties occurred in selecting a jury 
 
 for trial ; party feelings had taken so strong a hold, that 
 
 almost every person called seemed to have made up his mind 
 
 /from rumors and newspaper statements. The selection of a 
 jury occasioned a long delay. 
 
 On the 17th of August, Burr was put on trial, charged 
 o with having excited insurrection, rebellion, and war, on the 
 p 10th of December, 1806, at Blannerhasset's Island, in Vir- 
 ginia. Secondly, the same charge was repeated, with the 
 addition of a traitorous intention of taking possession of the 
 city of New Orleans with force and arms. To all which he 
 pleaded not guilty. 
 
 Many witnesses were examined to show in what manner 
 Colonel Burr had employed himself, in the western country, 
 in 1805 and 1806 ; and to show that he had contracted for 
 boats and provisions ; and had conferred with divers per- 
 sons, to some of whom he had disclosed one purpose, and 
 to some another, according to the expectation of operating 
 
 , on them through different motives. The probability is, 
 that Burr was then a desperate man. He was an exile from 
 the state of New York, in consequence of the pendency 
 there of the indictment for the murder of Colonel Hamilton ; 
 he had lost the popular favor ; his means had been much 
 reduced ; he held the administration in contempt ; he had 
 insatiable ambition ; and appears to have thirsted for oppor- 
 tunity to distinguish himself, and to retrieve his standing 
 at all hazards. Yet, as circumstances now appear, one can- 
 not but think, that a man of Burr's sagacity must have had 
 some assurances and encouragement from the government, 
 or from its military chief, Wilkinson, that he might move 
 against the Spanish territories, whatever other designs he 
 
 \ may have had. If Burr had no such reliance on govern- 
 ment, it is improbable so intelligent a person should have 
 imagined, that he could proceed successfully with his few 
 boats and men, even if permitted to do as he pleased. If 
 his object was to seize New Orleans, he must have been 
 
 I deranged to think his armament sufficient for his purpose, 
 
 / if he had not been assured of Wilkinson's co-operation. If
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 189 
 
 Wilkinson can be supposed to have favored Burr's design, 
 he may have changed his mind at a convenient time ; or 
 he may have accepted Burr's confidence, with the intention 
 of defeating his projects, when this could be most effectually 
 done. It is very possible that Mr. Burr, who is yet living, 
 may leave some account of these transactions. 
 
 Among the witnesses called by the government against 
 the accused was a very extraordinary man, well known N 
 and much esteemed for his exploits on the northern coast ' 
 of Africa. His testimony is interesting, because it discloses 
 his views of Colonel Burr ; and because it gives some ac- 
 count of himself. It should be remarked, that the counsel 
 of the accused had insisted, that the government's counsel 
 ought to be required to prove, in the first instance, some 
 overt act of levying war against the United States, accord- * 
 ing to the charge in the indictment, viz. at Blannerhasset's \ 
 Island, in the Ohio river, in the month of December, 1806. 
 This, like other suggestions, was fully argued, and it was 
 decided to be proper first to offer such proof. The gentle- 
 man above alluded to, Geneial William Eaton, was then ^ 
 called as a witness, and it was asked whether he was called 
 to prove the overt act. It was answered that he was not, 
 but to prove the previous intention of Burr. He was objected 
 to, and another argument ensued ; but the court decided, 
 that evidence might be given of the intentions entertained 
 by Burr, as these might show the character of the acts done 
 at the island. General Eaton was thereupon sworn and \ 
 examined. Commodore Truxton was also sworn and ex- J 
 amined. The testimony of these two witnesses furnish A 
 the best materials for judging of the real designs of Burr ; 
 but these have no longer such interest as to make it worth 
 while to transcribe this evidence. 
 
 LETTER XLVIII. 
 
 SEPTEMBER 25, 1833. 
 
 SEVERAL other witnesses were examined to prove the acts 
 done at Blannerhasset's Island by Colonel Burr's order, or 
 suggestion. The sum of this evidence was, that he had
 
 190 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 directed the building of boats and the purchase of provi- 
 sions ; and that three or four boats and some men with 
 arms were at the Island about the 10th of December ; that 
 under fear of being taken by the militia, this party left the 
 Island in their boats in the night, and went down the Ohio. 
 1 It appeared that Burr had been at the Island, though not 
 there at any time, while this party were there, but was at a 
 distance of hundreds of miles, and in another state, (Ken- 
 tucky.) The counsel for the accused then moved the court, 
 that the further examination should be arrested, inasmuch 
 
 \ as it was proved that Burr was not present when the overt 
 ^act, (if such it was,) alleged in the indictment, took place. 
 . This motion produced one of the most learned and able 
 
 X arguments to be found in the whole course of judicial pro- 
 ceedings. As much of it as is reported spreads over more 
 
 ! than 450 pages. The Chief Justice pronounced his opinion 
 on the 31st of August. At the commencement he says : 
 
 ' " A degree of eloquence, seldom displayed on any occasion, 
 " has embellished a solidity of argument and a depth of 
 " research, by which the court has been greatly aided in 
 
 V " forming the opinion which it is about to deliver." This 
 * carefully prepared and elaborate opinion resulted in this ; 
 that as the counsel for the government were not understood 
 to deny, that if the overt act be not proved by two witnesses, 
 so as to be submitted to the jury, all other testimony must 
 be irrelevant ; because no other testimony, (as to subsequent 
 acts,) could prove the overt act. That an assembly on Blan- 
 nerhasset's Island was proved by the requisite number of 
 witnesses, and the court might submit to the jury, whether 
 that assemblage amounted to a " levying of war ; " but the 
 presence of the accused at that assemblage being no where 
 alleged, except in the indictment, the overt act was not 
 proved by a single witness ; and, of consequence, all other 
 testimony must be irrelevant. 
 
 After this opinion had been delivered, Mr. Hay asked 
 time to consider what his duty further required. When the 
 
 I court met at a late hour in the afternoon, Mr. Hay said, 
 
 1 he had examined the opinion, (which had been Iranded to 
 
 ' him in writing,) and that he must leave the case with the 
 jury. The verdict was, " We of the jury say, that Aaron 
 " Burr is not proved to be guilty under this indictment, by 
 " any evidence submitted to us. We, therefore, find him 
 
 I
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 191 
 
 " not guilty." Burr was tried at the same court on the in- 
 dictment for misdemeanor and acquitted. At the conclu- v 
 sion, Colonel Burr was ordered to be committed to answer 
 in the state of Ohio to the charge of setting on foot, and 
 providing the means for a military expedition in that state, 
 against the territories of a foreign prince, with whom the 
 United States were at peace. He gave bail for his appear- 
 ance, and was set at liberty. Whether any prosecution "in | 
 this respect occurred, it has not seemed worth while to in-^ 
 quire. None is remembered. In 1808, Colonel Burr was ; 
 in England. He returned in 1812. He came home to 
 dwell in a humble seclusion, and was known only as a prac- 
 titioner at the bar. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson did not lose sight of Burr. In a letter to 
 Dr. James Brown, October 27, 1808, (vol. iv. p. 115,) he 
 says : " Burr is in London, and is giving out to his friends, 
 " that government (English) offers him two millions of 
 " dollars, the moment he can raise an ensign of rebellion, 
 " as big as a pocket handkerchief. Some of his partisans ^ 
 " believe this, because they wish it." 
 
 The trial being over, and the law having had its fair 
 operation on the case, it might be supposed that a Chief 
 Magistrate of the Union would be contented with having 
 done his duty ; and that decorum towards a co-ordinate 
 branch of the government would have prevented him from 
 dipping his pen anew. Most extraordinary is it, that one of \ 
 his own family should have given to the world the following 
 picture of the true character of the man. (See vol. iv. 
 p. 102.) 
 
 To George Hay. 
 
 11 MONTICELLO, September 4, 1807. 
 " Dear Sir, 
 
 " Yours of the 1st came to hand yesterday. The event 
 " has been," (here a number of stars are introduced, show- 
 ing that something was icritlen, which even Mr. Jefferson's 
 editor did not venture to disclose,) " that is to say, not only 
 " to clear Burr, but to prevent the evidence from ever going 
 " before the world. It is now, therefore, more than ever in- 
 " dispensable, that not a single witness be paid, or permitted 
 " to depart, until his testimony has been committed to
 
 192 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " writing, either as delivered in court, or as taken by your- 
 " self in the presence of any of Burr's counsel, who may 
 " choose to cross-examine. These whole proceedings will 
 " be laid before Congress, that they may decide, whether 
 " the defect has been in the evidence of guilt, or in the law, 
 " or in the application of the law ; and that they may pro- 
 " vide the proper remedy for the past and for the future. 
 
 " I must pray you, also, to have an authentic copy of the 
 " record made out, (without saying for what,) and to send it 
 " to me. If the judge's opinions make not a part of it, then 
 " I must ask a copy of them either under his hand, if he 
 " delivers one signed, or duly proved by affidavit. 
 \l " This criminal is preserved to become the rallying point 
 j\ " of all the disaffected and worthless in the United States ; 
 I " and to be the pivot, on which all the intrigues and con- 
 " spiracies, which foreign governments may wish to disturb 
 " us with, are to turn. If he is convicted of the misde- 
 " meaner, the judge must, in decency, give us respite by 
 " some short confinement of him ; but we must expect it to 
 " be very short. Be assured yourself, and communicate the 
 " same assurances to your colleagues, that your x and their 
 " zeal and abilities have been displayed in this affair, to 
 " my entire satisfaction, and to your own honor." 
 .' Such is the letter which Thomas Jefferson wrote concern- 
 l^ing the official conduct of John Marshall, Chief Justice of 
 I the United States ! Is it or not the outpouring of a pecu- 
 ' liarly organized mind, at having lost its expected victim ? 
 Is it or not a search after means to dishonor a judicial 
 officer, perhaps to impeach and remove him, because he did 
 not convict, on solemn public trial, with the guard of a jury, 
 one whom Mr. Jefferson had condemned in his closet, un- 
 heard, on the testimony of his own parasites ? Is such a 
 man a fit person to conceive of the solemnity and purity of 
 the administration of justice, where human life is involved, 
 and where the law declares every man to be presumed in- 
 nocent until found guilty ? If Mr. Jefferson could have 
 placed Tallmadges and Halls on the bench, at his plea- 
 sure, and could have packed his juries, what would have 
 been the fate of the " disaffected and the worthless," in this 
 s land of liberty ! Whatever may be thought of Burr, and 
 however desperately wicked any one may please to think 
 him ; it is the principle of action, disclosed in this letter, 

 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 193 
 
 which terrifies and astonishes, considering what station he 
 held, who wrote it. Here is one more proof, that those, who 
 talk and boast the loudest of republican liberty, are the men 
 least qualified to be trusted with power. 
 
 This trial requires some remarks. In the course of the 
 argument, some suggestions were made, (and very possibly 
 in consequence of the letters written to Mr. Hay by Mr. 
 Jefferson, during the trial,) that the court might be under 
 some bias favorable to Colonel Burr. These called for some 
 notice on the part of the Chief Justice. He did notice them^, 
 with calmness, self-respect, and dignity, which deserves to f 
 be remembered for ever, not only to his due honor, but as 
 an example of judicial independence and propriety, on 
 which, no doubt, the liberties of this country depend, Mr. 
 Jefferson's doctrines notwithstanding. 
 
 " Much," says the Chief Justice, " has been said, in the 
 " course of the argument, on which the court feels no incli- 
 " nation to comment particularly, but which may, perhaps, 
 " not improperly receive some notice. That this court 
 " dares not usurp authority is most true. That this court 
 " dares not shrink from its duty is not less true. No man 
 " is desirous of becoming the peculiar subject of calumny. 
 " No man, might he let the bitter cup pass from him with- 
 " out self-reproach, would drain it to the bottom. But if he 
 " have no choice in the case ; if there be no alternative pre- 
 " scribed to him, but a dereliction of duty, or the opprobrium 
 " of those denominated the world, he merits the contempt, 
 " as well as the indignation of his country, who can hesitate 
 " which to embrace. 
 
 " That gentlemen, in a case the most interesting, in the 
 " zeal with which they advocate particular opinions, and 
 " under the conviction, in some measure, produced by that 
 " zeal, should, on each side, press their arguments too far; 
 " should be impatient at any deliberation in the court ; and 
 " should suspect, or fear the operation of motives, to which 
 " alone they can ascribe that deliberation, is, perhaps, a 
 " frailty incident to human nature ; but if any conduct on 
 " the part of the court could warrant a sentiment that it 
 " would deviate to the one side or to the other, from th 
 " line prescribed by duty and law, that conduct would be 
 " viewed by the judges themselves with an eye of extreme 
 17
 
 194 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " severity, and would long be recollected with deep and 
 " serious regret." 
 
 These are the sentiments of one who understood the 
 sacred trust of administering justice according to law, in a 
 government of laws ; sentiments, of which Mr. Jefferson was 
 incapable of conceiving. He is rather to be commiserated 
 than reproached for his incapacity. 
 
 This trial deserves remark on other grounds. The time 
 may come, when a popular President and a subservient 
 Senate may place in judicial seats mere instruments of ex- 
 ecutive will. This is one way in which despotism may ap- 
 proach, and not an improbable one ; quite as probable as in 
 military form. We have already seen something of this in 
 Mr. Jefferson's reign (embargo times) ; nothing was want- 
 ing then but the proper instruments. 
 
 At the time of this trial, Mr. Jefferson had acquired to 
 himself, almost entirely by his pen, an astonishing supremacy 
 over public opinion. All who did not bow to him were the 
 " disaffected and the worthless." He cordially hated Burr. 
 Every measure had been taken to pre-occupy the minds of 
 the citizens against him. It was hardly to be expected, that 
 he should have a fair trial any where ; and especially, per- 
 haps, in the state in which he was tried ; for there he had 
 been prejudged by many of the most influential men on Mr. 
 Jefferson's own assurances of his guilt. It is of no import- 
 ance who, or what the accused may have been ; he was 
 entitled to a trial according to law. 
 
 Taking the peculiar circumstances of the trial into view, 
 it is one of remarkable interest, and is well worth considera- 
 tion for the instruction which it imparts. The accused had 
 been the equal competitor with his real prosecutor for the 
 highest office in a great republic. He was, for four years, 
 second only to him, and had but recently descended from 
 his elevation. His trial was for his life, nor for his life only, 
 but that it might end on the gibbet, for a cri.ne so infamous 
 as to include, in its complete perpetration, almost every 
 other in the catalogue of crimes. Here was a grand jury 
 who believed him so far guilty, as to think it their duty to 
 subject him to that trial. Here was a collection of jurors, 
 as fair and impartial, perhaps, as the state of public excite- 
 ment would permit ; and here were learned and eminent 
 counsel on both sides. The one intent to convict, not only
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 195 
 
 because they thought this the line of professional and pa- 
 triotic duty, but because they could not shut out from view, 
 that conviction would be grateful to the man of the people. 
 The other side, intent on applying the law and the evidence, 
 as it should be applied ; and, perhaps, influenced by the fact, 
 that they had some responsibility in shielding one, whose 
 condemnation would have been, not merely an act of justice, 
 but a political triumph. Presiding over this contention, sat 
 one, who could have felt no favor for the accused : and who 
 must have abhorred the crimes which the indictment alleged. 
 He could not have been ignorant of the character of the 
 prosecution. In such circumstances, happily for him, he 
 could rise above all motives, which the pure administration 
 of justice rejected. It has rarely fallen to the lot of any 
 man, to have had occasion to seek so earnestly for the truth, 
 both as to the law and as to the evidence ; and to no man, 
 to have conducted himself with more dignity and magna- 
 nimity, in the most responsible station in which one can be 
 placed. 
 
 There is an emotion of sadness in reflecting on the pro- 
 fessional labor of this case. The feelings and the exertions 
 of an advocate are little appreciated by the world. The 
 judge has to feel the way of his duty and to adhere to it, 
 leaving consequences to themselves. The accused must be 
 presumed to have thought of consequences, before he took | 
 on himself to act ; but he confides his hopes and his fears, i 
 his life and his fame to his counsel ; and they painfully re- 
 alize that he does so. Laborious, indeed, must have been ^ 
 the exertions, in the intensity of summer, in a southern l 
 clime, in this serious investigation. The arguments as re- ] 
 ported give some intimation of what these exertions were," 1 ^ 
 in searching out, comparing, and arranging authorities ; but j 
 they do not and cannot disclose to the world the painful ] 
 anxiety of preparing and delivering the result of intense in- 3 
 tellectual effort. 
 
 There is one circumstance in this affair of Colonel Burr, 
 which ought to be noticed, as it shows Mr. Jefferson's views " 
 of the proper exercise of power. Swartwout and Bollman 
 had been forcibly seized by General Wilkinson at New Or- 
 leans, and sent under guard to the city of Washington, and 
 there committed to prison. If these persons had been guilty, 
 or liable to be put on trial at all, the trial should have been
 
 196 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 had in the district in which the crime was committed, viz. 
 the Mississippi territory, in which the seat of justice was at 
 New Orleans. These persons moved the court for a writ of 
 habeas corpus, and both of them were discharged, because 
 the proper place of prosecution, if there were evidence 
 against them, was New Orleans and not the city of Wash- 
 ington. If Wilkinson did not act by order of Mr. Jefferson, 
 he acted with his approbation. Hence it appears what views 
 Mr. Jefferson entertained as to the exercise of power ; 
 and what he would have done, if his friend Giles's motion 
 to suspend the writ of habeas corpus had prevailed. The 
 only apology which can be offered for Mr. Jefferson is, that 
 he seems to have sincerely believed the will of a President 
 elected by the people, (and none could be considered as part 
 of the people who did not vote for him,) to be the supreme 
 law. Thus it is obvious, that the will of such a President 
 is a despotism ; and of the worst sort, because he can give 
 it the forms of law, when he can surmount the obstacle of 
 judiciary interference. 
 
 NOTICE OF MR. WIRT. 
 
 ' MR. WIRT, who makes a distinguished figure in this trial, 
 v^was then about thirty-four years of age. At the age of-about 
 , fifty-seven, an opportunity occurred to observe him, when 
 I he appeared in Boston, as counsel in a cause of great 
 
 interest to the parties. He was a tall, handsome man, well 
 
 formed and rather full person, of polished and amiable man- 
 v ners. He observed a highly decorous deportment in his 
 j forensic tactics. In private society (while in Boston) he 
 
 was grave, thoughtful, and not disposed to conversation. 
 WHe was said to be a true gentleman in his feelings and in- 
 /tercourse with others, and deservedly beloved in his domes- 
 / tic relations. He was a scholar, a profound lawyer, and a 
 \ man of real eloquence, founded on substantial intellectual 
 
 power. His fame was entirely professional', excepting that 
 he wrote a small volume, entitled the British Spy, describ- 
 
 ^ ing certain eminent men ; and the Life of Patrick Henry. 
 The former was much esteemed for the elegance of its 
 style ; of the latter, it is said, that he thought he had not 
 acquitted himself as well as he supposed he had when he 
 sent it to the press. Since the foregoing page was written, 
 the sorrowful intelligence is received, that this gentleman
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 197 
 
 has deceased in the midst of his professional labors; one 
 more proof of the severe cost and peril of eminence at the 
 bar. The following extract will give some, though but a 
 faint impression of the eloquence to which Mr. Wirt co"uld 
 ascend. It is taken from one of the many speeches which Y 
 he made in the course of Burr's trial. It is extracted for / 
 the further purpose of showing this gentleman's view of 
 Burr's machinations. 
 
 " Who Aaron Burr is, we have seen, in part, already. I 
 " will add, that beginning his operations in New York, he 
 " associates with him men whose wealth is to supply the ne- 
 " cessary funds. Possessed of the mainspring, his personal 
 " labor contrives all the machinery. Pervading the conti- 
 " nent from New York to New Orleans, he draws into his 
 " plan, by every allurement, men of all ranks and descrip- 
 " tions. To youthful ardor he presents danger and glory ; 
 "to ambition, rank, titles, and honors; to avarice, the 
 " mines of Mexico. To each person whom he addresses 
 " he presents the object adapted to his taste. Civil life is, 
 " indeed, quiet upon its surface, but in its bosom this man 
 " has contrived to deposit the materials, which, with the 
 " slightest touch of his match, produce an explosion to shake 
 " the continent. In the autumn of 1806, he goes forth, for 
 " the last time, to apply this match. He meets with Blan- \ 
 " nerhasset. 
 
 - " And who is Blannerhasset ? A man of letters, who fled \ 
 " from the storms of his own country, to find quiet in ours. 
 " He sought quiet and solitude in the bosom of our western / 
 " forests. But he carried with him taste, science, and 
 " wealth; and lo ! the desert smiled. Possessing himself of 
 " a beautiful island, in the Ohio, he rears upon it a palace, 
 " and decorates it with every embellishment of fancy. A 
 " shrubbery, that Shenstone might have envied, blooms 
 " around him. Music, that might have charmed Calypso 
 " and her nymphs, is his. An extensive library spread *"> 
 " its treasures before him. A philosophical apparatus offers 
 " to him all the secrets and mysteries of nature. Peace, 
 " tranquillity, and innocence shed their mingled delights 
 " around him. And to crown the enchantment of the 
 " scene, a wife who is said to be lovely beyond her sex, and--L 
 " graced with every accomplishment that can render it 
 17* 
 
 **
 
 198 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " irresistible, had blessed him with her love, and made him 
 " the father of several children. 
 
 " The destroyer comes ! he comes to change this para- 
 " disc into hell. Yet the flowers do not wither at his ap- 
 " proach. No monitory shuddering through the bosom of 
 " their unfortunate possessor warns him of the ruin that is 
 " coming. A stranger presents himself. Introduced to 
 " their civilities by the high rank which he had lately held 
 " in his country, he soon finds his way to their hearts, by 
 " the dignity and elegance of his demeanor, the light and 
 " beauty of his conversation, and the seductive and fasci- 
 " nating powers of his address. Innocence is ever simple 
 W" and credulous. Conscious of no design itself, it suspects 
 \ " none in others. Such was the state of Eden, when the 
 " serpent entered its bowers. 
 
 " By degrees he infuses into the heart of Blannerhasset 
 " the poison of his own ambition. He breathes into it the 
 " fire of his own courage ; a daring and desperate thirst for 
 " glory ; an ardor, panting for great enterprises ; for the 
 " storm, bustle, and hurricane of life. In a short time the 
 " whole man is changed ; every object of former delight 
 " is relinquished. No more he enjoys the tranquil scene. 
 " His books are abandoned. His shrubbery blooms, and 
 " breathes its fragrance upon the air, in vain. His ear no 
 " longer drinks the rich melody of music ; it longs for the 
 " trumpet's clangor and the cannon's roar. Even the prattle 
 " of his babes, once so sweet, no longer affects him. The 
 " angel smile of his wife, which hitherto touched his bosom 
 " with ecstacy unspeakable, is now unseen and unfelt. His 
 " imagination has been dazzled by visions of diadems, of 
 " stars, and garters, and titles of nobility, &LC. &LC. 
 
 " In a few months, we find the beautiful and tender part- 
 " ner of his bosom, whom he lately permitted not ' the winds 
 " of summer to visit too roughly ; ' we fyid her shivering 
 " on the winter banks of the Ohio, and mingling her tears 
 ' with the torrents that froze as they fell. Yet this unfor- 
 ' tunate man, thus deluded from his interest and his happi- 
 ' ness, thus seduced from the paths of innocence and peace, 
 ' thus confounded in the toils that were deliberately spread 
 ' for him, and overwhelmed by the mastering spirit and 
 c genius of another; this man, thus ruined and undone, 
 4 and made to play a subordinate part in this grand drama
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 199 
 
 ' of guilt and treason, this man is to be called the prin- 
 ' cipal offender ; while he, by whom he was thus plunged 
 ' in misery, is comparatively innocent, a mere accessory ! 
 ' Is this reason 1 Is it law '? Is it humanity ? Sir, neither 
 ' the human heart, nor the human understanding will bear 
 ' a perversion so monstrous and absurd ! so shocking to the 
 ' soul ! so revolting to reason ! Let Aaron Burr, then, not 
 ' shrink from the high destination which he has courted ; ^ 
 ' and having already ruined Blannerhasset in fortune, char- 
 ' acter, and happiness for ever, let him not attempt to finish 
 ' the tragedy, by thrusting that ill-fated man between him- 
 ' self and punishment." (Burr's Trial, vol. ii. pp. 96, 98.) 
 Highly honorable testimonials of Mr. Wirt's professional 
 eminence and individual worth occurred on the event of 
 his decease, as well among the members of the bar as in 
 court and in the House of Representatives. The latter an 
 unusual occurrence, as he had never been a member of 
 Congress, though he had been Attorney General twelve 
 years, (from 1817 to 1829 Monroe's and J. Q. Adams's 
 administrations.) 
 
 LETTER XLIX. 
 
 OCTOBER 10, 1833. 
 
 IN 1795, Alexander Hamilton, at the age of thirty-eight, 
 resumed the practice of the law in the city of New York, 
 and there continued until the close of his life. In Decem- 
 ber of that year, his personal appearance was this : He was 
 under middle size, thin in person, but remarkably erect and 
 dignified in his deportment. His bust, seen in so many 
 houses, and the pictures and prints of him make known, 
 too generally, the figure of his face, to make an attempt at 
 description expedient. His hair was turned back from his 
 forehead, powdered, and collected in a club behind. His 
 complexion was exceedingly fair, and varying from this only 
 by the almost feminine rosiness of his cheeks. His might 
 be considered, as to figure and color, an uncommonly hand- 
 some face. When at rest, it had rather a severe and 
 thoughtful expression ; but when engaged in conversation,
 
 200 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 V 
 
 it easily assumed an attractive smile. He was expected, 
 one day in December, 1795, at dinner, and was the last 
 who came. When he entered the room, it was apparent 
 from the respectful attention of the company, that he was a 
 distinguished individual. He was dressed in a blue coat, 
 with bright buttons ; the skirts of his coat were unusually 
 long. He wore a white waistcoat, black silk small clothes, 
 white silk stockings. The gentleman, who received him as 
 a guest, introduced him to such of the company as were 
 strangers to him ; to each he made a formal bow, bending 
 very low, the ceremony of shaking hands not being observed. 
 The fame of Hamilton had reached every one, who knew 
 any thing of public men. His appearance and deportment 
 accorded with the dignified distinction to which he had at- 
 tained in public opinion. At dinner, whenever he engaged 
 in the conversation, every one listened attentively. His 
 mode of speaking was deliberate and serious ; and his voice 
 engagingly pleasant. In the evening of the same day, he 
 was in a mixed assembly of both sexes ; and the tranquil 
 reserve, noticed at the dinner table, had given place to a 
 social and playful manner, as though in this he was alone 
 ambitious to excel. 
 
 The eloquence of Hamilton was said to be persuasive and 
 commanding ; the more likely to be so, as he had no guide 
 
 * but the impulse of a great and rich mind, he having had 
 little opportunity to be trained at the bar, or in popular 
 assemblies. Those who could speak of his manner from the 
 best opportunities to observe him, in public and private, 
 concurred in pronouncing him to be a frank, amiable, high- 
 minded, open-hearted gentleman. He was capable of in- 
 spiring the most affectionate attachment ; but he could 
 make those, whom he opposed, fear and hate him cordially. 
 He was capable of intense and effectual application, as is 
 abundantly proved by his public labors. But he had a 
 rapidity and clearness of perception, in which he may not 
 have been equalled. One, who knew his habits of study, 
 
 , said of him, that when he had a serious object to accomplish, 
 his practice was to reflect on it previously; and when he 
 had gone through this labor, he retired to sleep, without 
 regard to the hour of the night, and having slept six or 
 
 . seven hours, he rose, and having taken strong coffee, seated 
 himself at his table, where he would remain six, seven, or
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 201 
 
 eight hours ; and the product of his rapid pen, required \ 
 little correction for the press. He was among the few, alike 4 
 excellent, whether in speaking, or in writing. In private 
 and friendly intercourse, he is said to have been exceedingly 
 amiable, and to have been affectionately beloved. 
 
 Aaron Burr was at this time, (December, 1795,) probably \j 
 about Hamilton's age. He had attained to celebrity as a > 
 lawyer at the same bar. He was of about the same stature 
 as Hamilton, and a thin man, but differently formed. His 
 motions in walking were not, like Hamilton's, erect, but a 
 little stooping, and far from graceful. His face was short and 
 broad ; his black eyes uncommonly piercing. His manner 
 gentle and seductive. But he had also a calmness and 
 sedateness, when these suited his purpose, and an eminent 
 authority of manner, when the occasion called for this. He 
 was said to have presided with great dignity in the Senate, 
 and, especially, at the trial of Judge Chase. Though emi- 
 nent as a lawyer, he was not said to be a man of distin- 
 guished eloquence, nor of luxuriant mind. His speeches 
 were short and to the purpose. 
 
 Hamilton considered him, both as a man and as a politi- 
 cian, much as he proved to be in after life ; and was not 
 careful to conceal his opinions. In short, he held Burr to- 
 be an ambitious and dangerous man, and was indiscreet 
 enough to have expressed his opinions in such a manner, as 
 to enable Burr to take offence, and to call him to account. 
 
 It seems, that a certain Dr. Charles D. Cooper had written 
 a letter to some one, in which he said, " General Hamilton 
 " and " (another person who need not be named) " have 
 " declared in substance, that they looked upon Mr. Burr as 
 " a dangerous man, and one who ought not to be trusted 
 " with the reins of government." " I could detail to you 
 " a still more despicable opinion, which General Hamilton 
 " has expressed of Mr. Burr." On the 18th of June, 1804, 
 this letter had, sometime after its publication, come to Burr's 
 knowledge, and on that day he sent a copy of it to Hamil- 
 ton, by Mr. Van Ness, in which he demanded " a prompt 
 " and unqualified acknowledgment, or denial of the use of 
 " any expression, which would warrant the assertions of 
 " Dr. Cooper." 
 
 On the 20th, General Hamilton made a reply of some 
 length, commenting on the demand made on him, and on
 
 202 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 the expressions imputed to him, and concluded by saying, 
 " I stand ready to avow or disavow, promptly and explicitly, 
 " any precise or definite opinion, which I may be charged 
 " with having declared of any gentleman." " It cannot be 
 " expected that I shall enter into an explanation, upon a 
 " basis so vague as that which you have adopted. I trust, 
 " on more reflection, you will see the matter in the same 
 " light with me. If not, I can -only regret the circumstance 
 " and abide the consequences." 
 
 On the 21st, Burr answered, and among other things said, 
 
 " Political opposition can never absolve gentlemen from the 
 
 " necessity of rigid adherence to the laws of honor and the 
 
 " rules of decorum. I neither claim such privilege, nor in- 
 
 ' dulge it in others. The common sense of mankind affixes 
 
 ' to the epithet adopted by Dr. Cooper, the idea of dishonor. 
 
 ' It has been publicly applied to me, under the sanction of 
 
 * your name. Your letter has furnished me with new 
 
 ' reasons for requiring a definite reply." 
 
 On the 22d, General Hamilton consulted with a friend, 
 (Mr. Pendleton,) and showed to him an intended answer of 
 that date, in which he said, after some introductory remarks, 
 " If by a definite reply, you mean the direct avowal or dis- 
 " avowal, required in your letter, I have no other answer to 
 " give than that which has already been given. If you 
 " mean any thing different, admitting of greater latitude, it 
 " is requisite you should explain." 
 
 Conversations and correspondence ensued between Mr. 
 Pendleton and Mr. Van Ness, in which it was made known 
 to the latter, that General Hamilton could truly say, that he 
 recollected only one conversation in which Dr. Cooper was 
 present ; and that it turned wholly on political topics, and 
 did not attribute to Burr any instance of dishonorable con- 
 duct ; nor relate to his private character ; and that in rela- 
 tion to any other language, or conversation, which Burr 
 would specify, a prompt or frank avowal or denial would be 
 given. 
 
 This intercourse resulted in the express declaration of 
 Mr. Burr's friend, Van Ness, " That no denial, or declara- 
 " tion will be satisfactory, unless it be general, so as wholly 
 " to exclude the idea, that rumors derogatory to Colonel 
 " Burr's honor have originated with General Hamilton ; or 
 " have been fairly inferred from any thing he has said. A
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 203 
 
 " definite reply to a requisition of this nature was demanded 
 " by Colonel Burr's letter of the 21st instant. This being 
 " refused invites the alternative alluded to in General Ham- 
 " ilton's letter of the 20th." 
 
 Mr. Pendleton made a very becoming answer, showing 
 the extended requisition which this last letter contained, and 
 perceiving the intention of both Burr and Van Ness to have 
 the matter settled in one way and no other, appointed a time 
 to receive the communication. 
 
 On the receipt of " the message," General Hamilton 
 made a calm, deliberate commentary on the transaction, as 
 far as it had gone, and put it into the hands of Mr. Pendle- 
 ton, who offered it to Mr. Van Ness, but he declined re- 
 ceiving it ; alleging that he considered the correspondence 
 closed. In this commentary General Hamilton remarks, 
 that if the alternative alluded to is definitely tendered, it 
 must be accepted ; but that, as the Circuit Court of the 
 United States was then sitting, he could not suddenly with- 
 draw from his duties there ; and that the time of meeting 
 must be subsequently arranged. General Hamilton seems 
 to have had a foreboding of his fate. On Friday, July 6th, 
 the Circuit Court closed, and Mr. Pendleton informed Mr. 
 Van Ness, that General Hamilton would be ready at any 
 time after the following Sunday. 
 
 If Colonel Burr was resolved from the beginning to meet 
 Hamilton and to force him into conflict, as the record of 
 this affair would indicate, he had, afterwards, abundant 
 reason to regret, that it was Hamilton, and not himself, 
 who fell. 
 
 On Wednesday, July llth, (1804,) the parties crossed the 
 North River to Hoboken on the Jersey shore. Hamilton 
 arrived at seven in the morning. Burr, as had been agreed, 
 was already on the ground, accompanied by Van Ness and 
 a surgeon. Hamilton was attended by Pendleton, as his 
 second, and Dr. Hosack. Hamilton was shot at the first 
 fire, the ball entering his right side, and passing through to 
 the vertebrae. When the ball struck him, he raised himself 
 involuntarily on his toes and turned a little to the left, at 
 which moment his pistol went off and he fell on his face. 
 Dr. Hosack immediately came up and found him sitting on 
 the ground, supported in the arms of Pendleton ; he had 
 strength enough to say, " This is a mortal wound, Doctor,"
 
 204 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 and then sunk away and became, to all appearance, lifeless. 
 He was taken on board the barge and continued insensible, 
 until he was about fifty yards from the shore, when he re- 
 vived in consequence of the applications made to that end, 
 and said, " my vision is indistinct." His vision became 
 clearer, and seeing the pistol which he had held in his hand, 
 he said, " Take care of that pistol, it is undischarged and 
 " still cocked, it may go off and do harm ; Pendleton knows 
 " I did not mean to fire at him." It would thus seem, that 
 Hamilton was ignorant that he had discharged his pistol. 
 As he approached the shore, he said, " Let Mrs. Hamilton 
 " be immediately sent for ; let the event be gradually broken 
 " to her, but give her hopes." 
 
 General Hamilton lived in agony until two o'clock in the 
 afternoon of the following day. In the affecting narration 
 of Dr. Hosack of the closing scenes of Hamilton's life, he 
 says, " The great source of his anxiety seemed to be in his 
 ' sympathy with his half distracted wife and children. He 
 ' spoke to me frequently of them ; ' my beloved wife and 
 ' children,' were always his expressions. His fortitude 
 ' triumphed over his situation, dreadful as it was. Once, 
 ' indeed, at the sight of his children, brought to the bed- 
 ' side together, seven in number, his fortitude forsook him ; 
 ' he opened his eyes, gave them one look, and closed them 
 ' again until they were taken away. He alone could calm 
 ' the frantic grief of their mother. ' Remember, my Eliza, 
 ' you are a Christian,' were the words, which, with a firm 
 ' voice, but in a pathetic and impressive manner, he ad- 
 ' dressed to her." Dr. Hosack concludes his narrative with 
 the truly appropriate words 
 
 " Incorrupta fides nudaque veritas ; 
 " Quando ullam inveniet parem ? 
 " Multis ille quidem flebilis occidit." 
 
 As the state of public opinion then was, and as it may 
 still be with some persons, was Hamilton justifiable in haz- 
 arding his life against such a foe as Aaron Burr 1 No one 
 will deny, that, in whatsoever remarks he may have made on 
 the conduct and character of Burr, he was influenced by 
 good and patriotic motives. If he thought it was dangerous 
 to trust Burr with power in the republic, was he or not right 
 in striving to prevent his elevation?* If he thought he dis- 
 
 * Burr (if rightly remembered) was candidate for Governor.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 205 
 
 cerned the real character of this man, was he forbidden to 
 disclose it to prevent public evil ? What rule is a man to 
 prescribe to himself, in an elective republic, as to. disclosing 
 what he may honestly believe to be promotive of the public 
 welfare and preventive of public mischief? In such a case, 
 it is believed, that one has a right to speak the truth of men, 
 from good motives and for justifiable ends, especially when 
 the party spoken of is a candidate for public suffrage. But 
 prudence requires, that one should be careful to whom and 
 before whom he speaks. Having spoken from good motives 
 and for justifiable ends, no rule prescribed by any respect-, 
 able authority demands of one to risk his life. If this be ] 
 not so, a reckless Catiline may silence a thousand Ciceros. ) 
 In this case Hamilton was in a trying condition. He had 
 spoken of Burr what he believed to be true ; he could not 
 disavow what he had said, nor could he apologize, because "\ 
 he thought he had spoken only what was true, and that it J 
 was right so to speak. He was a soldier, and could not bear, ** 
 the imputation of wanting spirit ; least of all could he bear 
 the supercilious vaunting of Aaron Burr, that he had been 
 called by him to account, and shrunk from the call. But 
 Hamilton mistook the probable judgment of the world. If 
 he had refused the meeting with Burr, public opinion would 
 have absolved him. He thought this could not be so. He *' 
 went to the field of death from a mistaken but elevated sense 
 of self-respect. Doubtful of the public judgment, yet feeling 
 how pernicious his example might be, he conceived himself 
 bound to bespeak the candor of the world, if it should be his 
 fate to fall. The last paper he ever wrote was the following : 
 
 " On my expected interview with Colonel Burr, I think it 
 " proper to make some remarks explanatory of my conduct, 
 " motives, and views. 
 
 " I was certainly desirous of avoiding this interview, for-,, 
 " the most cogent reasons. 1. My religious and moral prin- 
 " ciples are strongly opposed to the practice of duelling ; 
 " and it would ever give me pain to be obliged to shed the 
 " blood of a fellow creature, in a private combat forbidden 
 " by the laws. 2. My wife and children are extremely dear 
 " to me, and my life is of the utmost importance to them in 
 " various views. 3. I feel a sense of obligation towards my 
 " creditors, who, in case of accident to me, may, by the 
 " forced sale of my property, be in some degree sufferers. I 
 18
 
 206 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " did not think myself at liberty, as a man of probity, lightly 
 " to expose them to this hazard. 4. I am conscious of no 
 " ill will to Colonel Burr, distinct from political opposition, 
 " which, as I trust, has proceeded from pure and upright 
 " motives. Lastly, I shall hazard much and can possibly 
 ".gain nothing by the issue of the interview. 
 
 " But it was, as I conceive, impossible for me to avoid it. 
 
 " There were intrinsic difficulties in the thing, and artificial 
 
 embarrassments from the manner of proceeding on the 
 
 part of Colonel Burr. Intrinsic, because it is not to be 
 
 denied that my animadversions on the political principles, 
 
 " character, and views of Colonel Burr have been extremely 
 
 severe ; and on different occasions, I, in common with 
 
 many others, have made very unfavorable criticisms on 
 
 " particular instances of the private conduct of this gentle- 
 
 " man. 
 
 " In proportion as these impressions were entertained with 
 " sincerity, and uttered with motives and for purposes, 
 " which might to me appear commendable, would be the 
 " difficulty, (until they could be removed by evidence of 
 " their being erroneous,) of explanation, or apology. The 
 " disavowal required of me by Colonel Burr, in a general 
 " and indefinite form, was out of my power, if it had been 
 " really proper for me to submit to be so questioned ; but I 
 " was sincerely of opinion, that this could not be ; and in 
 " this opinion I was confirmed by a very moderate and judi- 
 " cious friend, whom I consulted. Besides that, Colonel 
 " Burr appeared to me to assume, in the first instance, a 
 " tone unnecessarily peremptory and menacing ; and in the 
 " second, positively offensive. Yet I wished, as far as might 
 " be practicable, to leave a door open for accommodation. 
 " This, I think, will be inferred from the written communi- 
 " cations made by me and by my direction ; and would be 
 " confirmed by the conversation between Mr. Van Ness and 
 " myself, which arose out of the subject. I am not sure 
 " whether, under all the circumstances, I did not go further 
 " in the attempt to accommodate, than a punctilious delicacy 
 " will justify. If so, I hope the motives I have stated will 
 " excuse me. 
 
 "It is not my design in what I have said to affix any 
 " odium on the conduct of Colonel Burr, in this case. He 
 " doubtless has heard of animadversions of mine, which
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 207 
 
 " bore very hard upon him ; and it is probable that, as usual, 
 " they were accompanied by some falsehoods. He may 
 " have supposed himself under a necessity of acting as he 
 " has done. I hope the grounds of his proceeding have 
 " been such as ought to satisfy his own conscience. 
 
 " I trust at the same time, that the world will do me the 
 " justice to believe, that I have not censured him on light 
 " grounds ; nor from unworthy inducements. I certainly 
 " have had strong reasons for what I may have said, though 
 " it is possible, that, in some particulars, I may have been 
 " influenced by misconstruction or misinformation. It is 
 " also my ardent wish, that I may have been more mistaken 
 " than I think I have been ; and that he, by his future con- 
 " duct, may show himself worthy of all confidence and 
 " esteem, and prove an ornament and blessing to the country. 
 " As well because it is possible, that I may have injured 
 " Colonel Burr, however convinced myself, that my opin- 
 " ions and declarations have been well founded, as from my 
 " general principles and temper in relation to such affairs, I 
 " have resolved, if our interview is conducted in the usual 
 " manner, and it pleases God to give me the opportunity, to 
 " reserve and throw away my first fire ; and I have thoughts 
 " even of reserving my second fire ; and thus giving a double 
 " opportunity to Colonel Burr to pause and to reflect. It is 
 " not, however, my intention to enter into any explanation 
 " on the ground. Apology, from principle, I hope, rather 
 " than pride, is out of the question. 
 
 " To those, who, with me, abhorring the practice of duel- 
 
 ling, may think, that I ought on no account to have added 
 
 to the number of bad examples, I answer, that my relative 
 
 situation, as well in public as private, enforcing all the 
 
 considerations which constitute what men of the world 
 
 denominate honor, imposed on me (as I thought) a pecu- 
 
 liar necessity not to decline the call. The ability to be, 
 
 in future, useful, whether in resisting mischief, or effect- 
 
 " ing good, in those crises of our public affairs which seem 
 
 " likely to happen, would, probably, be inseparable from a 
 
 " conformity to public prejudice in this particular. 
 
 However deeply to be regretted it is, that the name and 
 memory of Hamilton must for ever be associated with the
 
 
 208 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 odious offence of duelling, it is some relief, that there is his 
 own condemnation of the practice. If there be any atone- 
 ment, even for him, it is found in the judgment which he 
 formed, however erroneously, that his future usefulness to 
 his country depended on his obedience to the barbarous 
 " law of honor." 
 
 On Saturday the 14th of July, the remains of General 
 Hamilton were consigned to the tomb, with every mark of 
 respect and honor, and with demonstrations, universal and 
 heartfelt, of touching grief. From a stage, erected in the 
 portico of Trinity Church, Gouverneur Morris, having with 
 him four sons of Hamilton, (the oldest sixteen and the 
 youngest six,) pronounced an extemporaneous oration over 
 the remains of Hamilton, to an afflicted multitude. What 
 occasion, in the history of the human family, could be more 
 touching ! It was HAMILTON who had fallen, in the midst of 
 manhood and usefulness, and by the hand of BURR ! The 
 oration was worthy of the difficult and delicate occasion. 
 It was uttered by one who felt the full sense of gratitude 
 due from the country, and who fully comprehended the irre- 
 parable loss which the country had sustained. It was the 
 overflowing of a mind that knew how to estimate the highest 
 human worth, and the bereavement which affectionate friend- 
 ship had to mourn. 
 
 The national misfortune was every where felt to be such, 
 by all who were not steeped in party venom. Many funeral 
 orations were pronounced ; among others, one in Boston 
 by Harrison Gray Otis, which was worthy of his own repu- 
 tation and of the lamented object of his eulogy. Rufus 
 King was among the audience on this occasion. It was 
 delivered to a crowded assembly in King's Chapel, on the 
 26th of July. Among the concluding paragraphs is this 
 faithful picture of the public feeling : " The universal sor- 
 row, manifested in every part of the Union upon the 
 melancholy exit of this great man, is an unequivocal tesli- 
 ' monial of his public worth. The place of his residence is 
 ' overspread with a gloom which b'espeaks the pressure of a 
 ' public calamity ; and the prejudices of party are absorbed 
 ' in the overflowing tide of national grief." 
 
 Whatsoever Thomas Jefferson may have recorded of Alex- 
 ander Hamilton, time and good sense are doing justice to 
 both. The fame of Hamilton, associated with the fame of
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 209 
 
 Washington, grows brighter and dearer to intelligent and 
 patriotic Americans, while that of Jefferson, (with his own 
 helping hand,) if remembered at all, will be only to show 
 the difference between patriotism and its counterfeit. 
 
 
 LETTER L. 
 
 OCTOBER 15, 1833. 
 
 MR. JEFFERSON professes, in his communications to Con- 
 gress, to be conscientiously careful of a " just economy ;" 
 he assumes to be impartial in all dealings with foreign na- 
 tions ; and scrupulously attentive to national honor. His 
 pretensions in all these respects, may be tested by a single 
 transaction. 
 
 The boundaries of Louisiana not having been defined, 
 and Spain being exasperated at the purchase, a state of hos 
 tility had arisen with Spain, which Mr. Jefferson hoped to 
 allay by negotiation. Mr Monroe, the ever-ready diploma- 
 tist of Mr. Jefferson, was sent to Madrid, and there passed 
 five months in an humiliating attempt at compromise. He ^ 
 was, at length, bold enough to say, that there were but two \ 
 modes, arbitration or war. Spain answered, that she should j 
 not choose arbitration. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson was compelled to make a communication 
 to Congress, which was confidential and secret, and wherein 
 he makes known, that the very difficulties, (so far as France 
 and Spain were concerned,) which the federalists had pre- 
 dicted, had actually occurred. This message is dated the 
 6th December, 1806, and from it the following extracts are 
 made. " A convention was accordingly entered into be- 
 ' tween our minister of Madrid and the minister of Spain 
 ' for foreign affairs, by which it was agreed, that spoliations 
 ' by Spanish subjects, in Spain, should be paid for by that 
 ' nation ; those committed by French subjects, and carried 
 ' into Spanish ports, should remain for further discussion. 
 ' Before this convention was returned to Spain with our 
 ' ratification, the transfer of Louisiana by France, took 
 ' place, an event as unexpected as disagreeable to Spain. 
 ' From that moment, she seemed to change her conduct 
 18*
 
 210 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " and disposition towards us. It was first manifested by 
 " her protest against the right of France to alienate Louis- 
 " iana to us ; which was, however, soon retracted ; and the 
 " right confirmed. (How ?) Then, high offence was mani- 
 " fested at the act of Congress, establishing a collection dis- 
 " trict on the Mobile. She now refused to ratify the con- 
 " vention, &,c." 
 
 .f The message goes on to say, that James Monroe was sent 
 V over, to settle boundaries. " Spain reserved herself for 
 ^events." Monroe, after five months' labor, effected nothing ; 
 no indemnity for spoliations ; no acknowledgment of limits 
 beyond the Iberville ; and that " our line to the west was one 
 " which would have left us but a string of land on the Mis- 
 " sissippi." Each party was thus left to pursue its own mea- 
 sures. Those, which they have chosen to pursue, " authorize 
 /" the inference, that it is their intention to advance on our 
 " possessions, until met by an opposing force." " France 
 " took the ground, that they acquired no right beyond the 
 " Iberville, and meant to deliver us none beyond it." " The 
 " protection of our citizens, the spirit and honor of our 
 " country require, that force should be interposed to a cer- 
 " tain degree." " The course to be pursued will require the 
 " command of means, which it belongs to Congress exclu- 
 " sively to yield, or deny." 
 
 Thus we have Mr. Jefferson's own admission, that every 
 evil which his political adversaries had foretold, had occur- 
 red, so far as they could occur, within the time between his 
 purchase and the writing of his message. There was cer- 
 tainly " a speck of war ; " how this was prevented from 
 enlarging, will be seen by the application of means, which 
 Congress could yield, or deny. What did Mr. Jefferson 
 really mean by this message ? Just what circumstances 
 might make it best to have it mean. 
 
 It was no new thing for Mr. Jefferson to express himself 
 I so ambiguously, as to meet any contingency, that might 
 Y arise. If Congress were willing to go to war, the message 
 
 was adapted to that end ; if Congress were willing to vote 
 i money, the message was adapted to that end. The latter 
 
 - was Mr. Jefferson's pujpose. Astonishing as the fact may 
 be, Congress did place two millions of dollars at the disposal 
 
 tof Mr. Jefferson, which sum was to be applied to settling 
 the troubles with Spain. The money was not so applied ;
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 211 
 
 but it was actually sent to France, in the United States ship. 
 Hornet, for no other reason than that France wanted money^\ 
 and must have it ; and that there was no other way to avoid \ 
 a war both with France and Spain ! 
 
 The proof of these facts comes from no less a personage i 
 than John Randolph, who was then a JefFersonian ; but he "j* 
 was so disgusted with this double dealing, and so shocked 
 at the degradation of the country, that he published a pam- 
 phlet signed Decius, in which he tells the truth, as to this* 
 transaction. If it be asked, how this is known to have 
 been John Randolph's work, the answer is, that it was 
 ascribed to him at the time, and not denied ; that the 
 internal evidence is irresistible, as it states facts which no 
 one but John Randolph, the President, Mr. Madison, (then 
 Secretary of State,) and Mr. Gallatin, (then Secretary of 
 the Treasury,) could have known ; and lastly, the narration 
 in this pamphlet accords with facts publicly known. From 
 this pamphlet the following extracts are made. 
 
 Mr. Randolph was chairman of the committee, to whom 
 this message was referred. He says, in his pamphlet : 
 ' The chairman of the committee, to whom the confidential 
 ' message was referred, immediately waited on the Presi- 
 ' dent, and informed him of the direction which had been 
 ' given to it. He then learned, not without surprise, that an 
 ' appropriation of two millions was wanted to purchase 
 ' Florida. He told the President, that he would never 
 ' agree to such a measure, because the money had not been 
 ' asked for in the message ; that he would not consent to 
 ' shift to his own shoulders, or those of the House, the 
 ' proper responsibility of the Executive ; if the money had 
 ' been explicitly demanded, he should have been averse to 
 ' granting it, because, after a total failure of every attempt 
 ' at negotiation, such a step would disgrace us for ever, be- 
 ' cause France would never withhold her ill offices, when, 
 ' by their interposition, she could extort money from us; 
 ' that it was equally to the interest of the United States, 
 ' to accommodate the matter by an exchange of territory ; 
 ' (to this mode of settlement the President seemed much 
 ' opposed ;) that the nations of Europe, like the Barbary 
 ' powers, would hereafter refuse to look on the credentials 
 ' of our ministers, without a previous douceur, and much 
 ' more to the same purpose."
 
 212 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " The committee met on the 7th of December. One of 
 " its members, (Bidwell, of Massachusetts,) construed the 
 " message into a requisition of money, for foreign inter- 
 1 course, and proposed a grant to that effect ; this was over- 
 ' ruled. He himself, when the subject was agitated in the 
 ' House, would not avow the same construction of the 
 ' message, which he had given in committee. On the 14th 
 ' of December, the chairman was obliged to go to Balti- 
 ' more, and did not return till the 21st. During this inter- 
 ' val, the despatches from Mr. Monroe, of the 18th and 
 ' 25th of October, were received by government. Pre- 
 ' vious to the chairman's departure, having occasion to 
 ' call on the Secretary of State, (Madison,) he was told by 
 " that officer, that France would not permit Spain to adjust 
 11 her differences with us ; that France wanted money, and 
 " that we must give it to her, or have a Spanish and French 
 " war ! " 
 
 Mr. Randolph returned from Baltimore on the 21st and 
 convened the committee. As they were assembling, he 
 goes on to say, " the Secretary of the Treasury, (Mr. 
 ' Gallatin,) called him aside, and put into his hands a paper 
 ' headed ' Provision for the purchase of Florida.' The 
 ' chairman declared he would not vote a shilling ; he ex- 
 ' pressed himself disgusted with the whole of this procedure, 
 ' which he could not but consider as highly disingenuous ; 
 ' that the most scrupulous care had been taken to cover 
 ' the reputation of the administration, while Congress were 
 ' expected to act as though they had no character to lose ; 
 ' that whilst the official language of the Executive was con- 
 ' sistent and dignified, (quoting the words of the message,) 
 ' Congress was privately required to take upon itself the 
 ' odium of shrinking from the national honor, and national 
 ' defence, and of delivering the public purse to the first 
 ' cutthroat that demanded it. From the official communi- 
 ' cations from the face of the record it would appear, that 
 ' the Executive had discharged his duty, in recommending 
 ' manly and vigorous measures, which he had been obliged 
 ' to abandon and had been compelled by Congress, to 
 ' pursue an opposite course, when in fact, Congress had 
 ' been acting, all the while, at Executive instigation. The 
 ' chairman further observed, that he did not understand this 
 ' double set of opinions and principles ; the one ostensible,
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 213 
 
 " to go upon the journals and before the public ; the other 
 " the efficient and real motives to action ; that he held true 
 " wisdom and cunning to be utterly incompatible in the 
 " conduct of great affairs : that he had strong objections to 
 " the measure itself, but in the shape in which it was pre- 
 ' sented, his repugnance to it was insuperable. In a subse- 
 ' quent conversation with the President himself, in which 
 ' those objections were recapitulated, he declared that he 
 ' too had a character to support and principles to maintain, 
 ' and avowed his determined opposition to the whole 
 ' scheme." 
 
 Mr. Randolph proceeds to state that a proposition, the 
 avowed object of which was to enable the President to open 
 a negotiation for Florida, now came upon the table. Mr. 
 Randolph moved that the sum to be appropriated should be 
 confined to that object, which was agreed upon. But after- 
 wards, when the bill was formally brought in, this specific 
 appropriation was rescinded by the House, and the money 
 left at the entire discretion of the Executive, to apply to any 
 extraordinary purpose of foreign intercourse whatever. To 
 use his own words : 
 
 " Mr. J. Randolph also moved, to limit the amount which 
 " the government might stipulate to pay for the territory in 
 " question ; upon the ground, that, if Congress were dis- 
 " posed to acquire Florida by purchase, they should fix the 
 " extent to which they were willing to go, and thereby 
 " furnish our ministers with a safeguard against the rapacity 
 " of France ; that there was no probability of our obtaining 
 " the country for less, but every reason to believe, that, 
 ' without such a precaution on our part, she would extort 
 ' more. This motion was overruled. When the bill came 
 ' under discussion, various objections were urged against it 
 ' by the same gentleman : Among others, that it was in 
 ' direct opposition to the views of the Executive, as expressed 
 ' in the President's official communication, [it was on this 
 ' occasion that General Varnum declared the measure to be 
 ' consonant to the secret wishes of the Executive:] that it was 
 ' a prostration of the national honor at the feet of our adver- 
 ' sary : that a concession so humiliating would paralyze our 
 ' efforts against Great Britain, in case the negotiation, then 
 ' and now pending between that government and ours, 
 ' should prove abortive : that a partial appropriation towards
 
 214 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " the purchase of Florida, without limiting the President to 
 " some specific amount, would give a previous sanction to 
 ' any expense which he might incur for that object, and 
 ' which Congress would stand pledged to make good : that 
 ' if the Executive, acting entirely upon its own responsi- 
 ' bility, and exercising its acknowledged constitutional 
 ' powers, should negotiate for the purchase of Florida, the 
 ' House of Representatives would, in that case, be left free 
 ' to ratify, or annul the contract: but, that the course which 
 ' was proposed to be pursued, (and which eventually was 
 ' pursued,) would reduce the discretion of the Legislature 
 ' to a mere shadow : that at the ensuing session, Congress 
 ' would find itself, in relation to this subject, a deliberative 
 ' body but in name : that it could not, without a manifest 
 ' dereliction of its own principles, and, perhaps, without a 
 ' violation of public faith, refuse to sanction any treaty 
 ' entered into by the Executive, under the auspices of the 
 ' Legislature, and with powers so unlimited ; that however 
 ' great his confidence in the Chief Magistrate, he would 
 ' never consent to give any President so dangerous a proof 
 'of it ; and that he would never preclude himself by any 
 ' previous sanction, from the unbiassed exercise of his judg- 
 * ment, on measures which were thereafter to come before 
 ' him ; that the House had no official recommendation for 
 ' the step which they proposed to take ; on the contrary, it 
 ' was in direct opposition to the sentiments, as expressed 
 ' in the confidential message ; and that the responsibility 
 ' would be exclusively their own : that if he thought proper 
 to ask for an appropriation for the object, (the purchase of 
 Florida,) the responsibility of the measure would rest upon 
 him : but when the Legislature undertook to prescribe the 
 course which he should pursue, and which he had pledged 
 himself to pursue, the case was entirely changed : that 
 " the House could have no channel through which it could 
 " be made acquainted with the opinions of the Executive, 
 " but such as was official, responsible, and known to the 
 " constitution ; and that it was a prostitution of its high and 
 " solemn functions, to act upon an unconstitutional sugges- 
 " tion of the private wishes of the Executive, irresponsibly 
 " announced, by an irresponsible individual, and in direct 
 " hostility to his avowed opinions." 
 
 After such a course of remarks, from a leading Jeflfer-
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 215 
 
 sonian, a Virginian, a man who called himself a genuine 
 republican, what would one suppose to have been the fate, 
 among the representatives of a free and enlightened people, 
 of Mr. Jefferson's double-dealing proposition? A declara- 
 tion of war against Spain 1 Not at all. This would have 
 been an admission, that the man of the people could have 
 made a blunder in disposing of fifteen millions of dollars of 
 the people's money. What then ? The Jeifersonian Ran- 
 dolph tells us, " The doors were closed, and the minority, 
 " whose motives were impeached, and whose motives were 
 " almost denounced, were voted down without debate." 
 
 The two millions of dollars were voted ; they were placed 
 at Mr. Jefferson's disposal, without limit, or restriction. ^ 
 They went in the Unitejd States ship Hornet, in specie, to 
 the coffers of Napoleon. Not a foot of territory was thereby 
 acquired ; if any thing, Napoleon was paid two millions for 
 his kind interposition in preventing the people of the United 
 States from knowing how far Mr. Jefferson had, or had not 
 been " honest, capable, and faithful to the constitution." 
 
 What were Mr. Jefferson's motives in this transaction ? 
 Was he moved by friendship for France ? By the desire to 
 strengthen France against England 1 By unwillingness to 
 vindicate the honor and independence of the country against 
 France? By the dread of showing, that the predictions of 
 political adversaries had been verified ? Was Mr. Jefferson 
 willing to give away two millions of the people's money for 
 all or any of these reasons ? However these questions may 
 be answered is not, at this day, material, so that Mr. Jeffer- 
 son's pretensions to the gratitude and respect of his coun- ^ 
 trymen be placed on the proper footing. Future generations^ 
 are to judge of Thomas Jefferson's fame, when the history 
 of these times shall have been written, and to decide for 
 themselves what Mr. Jefferson was, as an economist, as a 
 statesman, as a friend to his country ; and how he should 
 rank as an honorable and an honest man. It makes no 
 difference in forming such decision, that the unforeseen * 
 changes in European affairs made the purchase of Louisiana 
 a fortunate measure for this country. The motives which 
 then operated and the acts then done are the true and 
 only materials from which that decision is to be formed. If 
 Bonaparte had been successful : if Spain had not been dis- 
 tracted by civil commotions, what would Mr. Jefferson have
 
 216 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 acquired for his country, in exchange for his fifteen and his 
 two millions of dollars ? He certainly obtained nothing for 
 the two millions sent to France. This latter was a mere 
 donation, or rather tribute, and so it was considered at the 
 time, even by John Randolph. 
 
 If Mr. Jefferson was that abhorrer of duplicity, which he 
 assumes to be, he would have told Congress, that the pur- 
 chase of Louisiana was involved in difficulties ; that it would 
 lead the country into a war with both France and Spain ; 
 that he found himself in a very serious dilemma ; that Spain, 
 by fraud and force, was completely under the control of 
 Napoleon ; that if Congress would please to vote him a 
 couple of millions to give to Napoleon it would pacify him, 
 and that he would keep -Spain from showing her disgust and 
 enmity ; and finally, that he should still seem to his coun- 
 trymen to be the wise, the great, and the good Mr. Jeffer- 
 son ! He knew his Congress and the power of party too 
 well to find it necessary to disclose such truths. It is 
 highly probable that Mr. Jefferson thought this manage- 
 ment honest and proper, because it promoted the great ob- 
 jects of his policy it helped France it hurt England 
 it kept federalism down by keeping himself up. 
 
 LETTER LI. 
 
 OCTOBER 25, 1833. 
 
 LET it not be forgotten, that Mr. Jefferson began his presi- 
 dency with the most gracious and conciliatory assurances, 
 that we were all republicans, all federalists, and that univer- 
 sal peace and harmony were to prevail under his paternal 
 auspices; nor forgotten that before the first year had 
 elapsed, he denounced, in his smooth and ambiguous phrase- 
 ology, the whole tenor of federal administration, and disclosed 
 the intention of annulling and reversing, to the extent of his 
 power, all that had been done. He conducts the government 
 for eight years, retires devotes his remnant of days to 
 the same course of denunciation of federalists and federal- 
 ism and leaves, as his bequest to his countrymen, his tes- 
 timony of the worthlessness and wickedness of his political
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 217 
 
 adversaries ; and his assurances of his own honesty, ability, 
 usefulness, and patriotism. Has he not thus invited a com- 
 parison between himself, and those of his countrymen, whom 
 he would transmit to posterity, as destitute of every good 
 quality which he arrogates to himself? 
 
 There is no part of Mr. Jefferson's administration in which 
 his honesty and ability can be better tested, than in the 
 course of measures which led to the ".long embargo," and 
 by his perseverance in that extraordinary policy. 
 
 It may not be an easy matter to develope Mr. Jefferson's 
 motives in this part of his political machinery. It is ever 
 to be understood, that all Mr. Jefferson said and did had a 
 double import ; and that it is as difficult, as painful, to seek 
 out his real designs. In this matter of the embargo, it is 
 unavoidable, in showing the truth, to recur to some previous 
 circumstances. 
 
 The state of this country, as affected by the conduct of 
 the belligerents, was, no doubt, exceedingly embarrassing. 
 Mr. Jefferson assumes, that he conducted honestly and wisely 
 throughout. This is thought to be much otherwise, and 
 this is the question to be tried. 
 
 The United States complained of England : First. That 
 England interposed unjustly in the neutral commerce which 
 the United States was authorized to carry on. This is a dry 
 subject, and it would be uninteresting to go into details. 
 Secondly. That the practice adopted by England of declar- 
 ing ports, and even a whole coast, blockaded, when, in 
 fact, no force was present to enforce the blockade, was un- 
 just and oppressive to neutrals. Thirdly. The impressment 
 of seamen from American vessels. This cause of complaint 
 was much insisted on by Mr. Jefferson, who, nevertheless, 
 cared very little about seamen or commerce, except for the 
 revenue. 
 
 It should be remembered, that the conflict between France 
 and England was not one in which the parties had leisure 
 to advert to the law of nations; nor to apply the principles 
 which nations had respected in most of their wars. It was 
 a conflict of destruction and extermination, in which Eng- 
 land stood alone against the host of continental Europe. 
 
 Napoleon resolved, that there should be no neutrals in 
 that warfare. What would a patriotic and wise administra- 
 tion of this remote and neutral country have done under 
 19
 
 218 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 these circumstances? In 1806 Napoleon had pushed his 
 conquests to the borders of Russia ; he had converted Alex- 
 ander from an enemy into an ally. Mr. Fox, the firm and 
 '" undeviating friend of America, so far as he could be so 
 1 consistently with duty to his own country, was at the head 
 t of the British ministry. England could never be in circum- 
 stances more favorable to an adjustment of all points in 
 controversy. William Pinckney and James Monroe were 
 plenipotentiaries in England. The treaty, made by Jay in 
 <1?94, had expired in 1804 by its own limitation. The 
 's. United States had been prosperous under that treaty. Mr. 
 Jefferson refused to extend or renew it. 
 
 Messrs. Pinckney and Monroe effected a treaty in 1806, 
 on the two first points of difference, which they considered 
 highly advantageous to this country. On the third, Mr. 
 Jefferson required, that the American flag should protect all 
 who sailed under it, well knowing that England never could 
 concede this, without abandoning her maritime force; and, 
 while this point was a sine qua non, that no adjustment with 
 England could be effected. Yet Pinckney and Monroe 
 obtained assurances from the British ministry, though not in 
 the form of a treaty, which they deemed satisfactory. The 
 treaty was sent over, dated December 31, 1806. The 
 Senate were in session when it was received, and because 
 the British had not therein conceded, that all English, Irish, 
 and Scotchmen, and all deserters from the British navy 
 should be protected by the American flag, Mr. Jefferson did 
 not condescend to lay this instrument before the Senate, but 
 took on himself to reject it and send it back.* Now, was 
 this honest, or wise in Mr. Jefferson ? Does it or not show, 
 that he was resolved, the parade of negotiation notwithstand- 
 ing, to keep open the means of contention with Great Britain ? 
 And was not his motive to contribute to the universal domin- 
 ion of Napoleon, in Europe, including prostrate England ? 
 And was it wise for a republic to extinguish, if it could, the 
 only power that then stood between the hope of liberty and 
 one universal despotism ? 
 
 * Jefferson to Monroe, March 10, 1808. vol. iv. p. 107. " You com- 
 " plain of the manner in which the treaty was received. Two of the 
 " Senators inquired of me, whether it was my intention to detain them 
 " on account of the treaty. I answered, it was not ; and that I should 
 not give them the trouble of deliberating on it."
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 219 
 
 On the 21st of November, 1806, Napoleon, seated in the 
 palace of the vanquished king of Prussia, at Berlin, issued p 
 his decree, by which he declared the British Isles in a state | 
 of blockade ; and, consequently, that every American vessel ] 
 going to, or coming from these Isles, was subject to capture. 
 This decree appears to have slept for some months. The 
 same decree provided, that all merchandise belonging to 
 England, or coming from its manufactories, or colonies, 
 although belonging to neutrals, should be lawful prize on 
 land. This provision was carried into effect. This was the 
 phenomenon of a monarch, terrible to be sure on the land, 
 but without commerce, and with an inferior and humbled 
 marine force, announcing destruction to the trade of an 
 insular people, whose territories he could not approach. 
 
 Mr. Armstrong, minister of the United States in France, 
 inquired of Champagny, French minister of foreign relations, 
 (September 24, 1807,) what construction was to be given to 
 this decree of 21st November; and whether it would " in- 
 fract" the treaty between the United States and France? 
 Champagny answered, (October 7th, 1807,) that " his ma- 
 ' jesty has considered every neutral vessel, going from Eng- 
 ' lish ports, with cargoes of English merchandise, or of 
 ' English origin, as lawfully seizable by French armed ves- 
 ' sels." " The decree of blockade has been now issued 
 ' eleven months. The principal powers of Europe, far from 
 ' protesting against its provisions, have adopted them." 
 (All these powers had either become vassals or obedient 
 allies of his majesty.) " They have perceived, that its 
 " execution must be complete, to render it more effectual ; 
 " and it has seemed easy to reconcile the measure with the 
 " observance of treaties, especially at a time when the infrac- 
 " tions, by England, of the rights of all maritime powers 
 " render their interests common, and tend to unite them in 
 " support of the same cause." 
 
 The Berlin decree, then more than a year old ; the inquiry 
 of Mr. Armstrong, and the answer to it ; and the proclama- 
 tion of the British government, (cut from a newspaper,) 
 recalling British seamen, and prohibiting them from serving 
 foreign princes and states, dated October 16th, 1807, were 
 all the documents sent to Congress, proposing an unlimited 
 embargo. These showed " the great and unceasing dangers 
 " with which our vessels, our seamen, and merchandise
 
 220 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " were threatened on the high seas, and elsewhere, by the 
 " belligerent powers of Europe !" 
 
 It is true, that one of the senators from Massachusetts 
 (whose conduct was afterwards publicly censured by resolves 
 of the legislature, which induced him to resign) says in a 
 public letter of 31st March, 1808, that the British orders (re- 
 / taliating the Berlin decree) of llth November, 1807, were 
 not communicated to Congress, with the President's message 
 on the embargo, but that they were published in the National 
 Intelligencer on the 18th December, 1807, the day on which 
 the embargo message was sent to Congress. It is unac- 
 countable, that these orders were not communicated, if Mr. 
 Jefferson knew of their existence. The newspaper was a 
 sufficient authority for the proclamation, and must have been 
 equally so for the orders. Can it be doubted, that the em- 
 bargo was resolved on by Mr. Jefferson, before he knew of 
 these orders ? The senator alluded to had, about this time, 
 a most extraordinary illumination as to Mr. Jeffei son's 
 purity and intelligence ; and an equally extraordinary per- 
 ception of the worthlessness and wickedness of eminent men, 
 with whom he had long thought and acted. The sudden 
 confidence inspired by Mr. Jefferson led this senator to say, 
 in his place, on the embargo message ; " The President has 
 " recommended the measure on his high responsibility : I 
 " would not CONSIDER ; / would not DELIBERATE ; / would 
 " ACT. Doubtless the President possesses such further in- 
 " formation as will justify the measure." Thus it would 
 seem, that this senator and a majority of both Houses, at the 
 mere dictation of Mr. Jefferson, were ready, without any 
 deliberation, to impose the greatest evil on this country, 
 which could be imposed short of a ruinous and hopeless war. 
 
 No one who calmly considers this transaction can doubt, 
 that it was conceived and executed for the purpose, and 
 only purpose of enforcing, so far as this country could be 
 useful to that end, the " continental system" of Napoleon. 
 
 Now, is Mr. Jefferson entitled to the gratitude and respect 
 of his countrymen, for proposing and executing this political 
 measure ? 
 
 There are three views in which this subject is to be con- 
 sidered. First, as to France. The embargo was approved 
 of by the government there, as a measure against the com- 
 mon enemy.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 221 
 
 Assuming that the embargo was laid for the purpose of 
 aiding the continental system, it appears, that it did little ? 
 towards that purpose ; and the whole evil fell upon American"^ 
 citizens. Mr. Armstrong writes from Paris ; August 30th, / 
 1808. " The embargo is a measure calculated above any 
 " other to keep us whole, and keep us in peace ; but beyond 
 " this you must not count upon it. Here it is not felt ; and 
 " in England, (in the midst of the more interesting events of 
 " the day,) it is forgdlten." 
 
 Secondly, as to England ; it was an interdiction of all 
 commercial intercourse. But the injurious consequences to 
 that country were entirely miscalculated. England supplied 
 herself with cotton from other sources. The whole of the 
 bread stuff, exported from the United States, was not more 
 than one twentieth of the annual consumption of England, 
 and not one half of this, probably, went to England. The 
 West India Colonies turned their attention to their own 
 resources. England found other markets for her products. \ 
 If the embargo had continued as long as Mr. Jefferson / 
 intended it should, Europe would have forgotten, that there 
 was such a country, on the globe, as the United States. 
 
 Thirdly, the wisdom of this measure is to be tested by its 
 effects within our own limits, and on the adjoining provinces 
 of the English. . 
 
 First, it was an execution in effect, of the British procla- 
 mation of the 16th October, 1807, recalling seamen. Des- 
 titute of employment here, they found their way, through the ' 
 British provinces, to their own country. It is not improba-- 
 ble, that many American sailors went in the same way, into 
 the British service, in preference to starving at home. 
 
 Secondly, the export and import business was carried 
 on through the British provinces, greatly to their advantage, 
 while the coasting trade of the United States was conducted 
 in wagons. Flour could not be water-borne from the south, 
 without an official permit, by some agent thereto authorized 
 by Mr. Jefferson. 
 
 Thirdly, the attempts to evade the embargo led to vin- J 
 dictive prosecutions, to the multiplication of spies and in- 
 formers, and to an exercise of a tyranny of officers, great 
 and small, which would hardly have been endured in Algiers, 
 or Constantinople. 
 
 Fourthly, the effect was demoralizing. Smuggling had v 
 19*
 
 222 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 hardly been known in these days ; it now became common. 
 It was not thought to be morally wrong, to evade a law 
 which all, but Jeffersonians, knew to be oppressive and 
 ruinous ; and which the best informed men declared to be 
 unconstitutional. It brought the administration of justice 
 into contempt. Jury trials, on embargo bonds, became a 
 mockery. 
 
 A law so palpably against common sense, so oppressive 
 and ruinous in its consequences, and which a maritime 
 community might justifiably think ought to be evaded if it 
 could be, called for further enforcing legislation, which 
 resolved itself, in practice, into downright tyranny. After 
 the evils of the embargo had been endured more than a 
 year, and the public distress became insufferable, the remedy, 
 invented by Mr. Jefferson and his advisers, was a new law, 
 commonly called the enforcing act. This was passed on 
 the 9th of January, 1809. 
 
 At the session of the Massachusetts legislature in this 
 month, petitions came in from various quarters, beseeching 
 legislative interference. The community were exasperated 
 to the highest degree. The manner in which these petitions 
 were acted upon, by a federal legislature, may be some an- 
 swer to Mr. Jefferson's calumnies on this party ; and some 
 refutation to his often-repeated tale of a northern confeder- 
 acy to sever the Union. 
 
 At this time (January, 1809,) the alarming state of public 
 affairs had called into the legislature of Massachusetts the 
 ablest men in the state. Among them was the same Chris- 
 topher Gore, whom Mr. Jefferson so pointedly mentions, as 
 a monarchist and angloman ; and the same Harrison Gray 
 y Otis, whom he mentions in the same connexion ; and a 
 majority of similar citizens in both branches. 
 
 The following words are extracted from a report, made on 
 the petitions which the embargo laws caused to be pre- 
 sented : 
 
 The petitioners' complaints are, 1st. " The unnecessary, 
 ' impolitic, and unconstitutional interdiction of commerce, 
 ' by the several acts of Congress, falsely called embargo 
 ' laws. 2d. The apprehension that the nation is speedily 
 ' to be plunged into a war with Great Britain ; and conse- 
 quently entangled in a fatal alliance with France. 3d. 
 ' Some peculiarly oppressive and unjust provisions of the 
 ' last embargo act, passed on the 9th of January, 1809."
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 223 
 
 This report deserves the diligent study of citizens of a 
 free republic, because it shows how easily a popular Presi- 
 dent and an obedient Congress can establish an absolute 
 despotism' in the forms of law. If Congress had enacted, 
 that Thomas Jefferson may lawfully do anything that he 
 may choose to do, to annihilate commerce, and to strip 
 every citizen of his last shilling, who does not submit to 
 his will, it would not have been a more real despotism. 
 
 A Jeffersonian, of some distinction, who was a member 
 of the House at that time, but who has probably grown 
 wiser since, exercised his patriotism by proposing a series 
 of resolutions, one of which was in these words : " That 
 in case it shall appear to Congress, that all fair attempts 
 to remove said orders and decrees by negotiation shall 
 have been exhausted, and they shall find it necessary to 
 assume any other attitude of resistance, it will be the duty 
 of the whole people of the Commonwealth of Massachu- 
 setts to rally round the standard of their own nation and 
 its government, and to afford them their utmost support 
 by all constitutional means in their power." 
 The meaning of the mover, both as to the nation in re- 
 spect to whom an " attitude of resistance " was to be as- 
 sumed ; and to that portion of the whole people, who were 
 called on for their utmost support, was in no respect equiv- 
 ocal. His resolutions were committed to five, of whom the 
 mover was one, and Mr. Gore the chairman. The report 
 drawn by Mr. Gore is one of the masterly efforts of that 
 day, and the mover of the resolutions gave an opportunity 
 to the whole people to read an exposition of the true char- 
 acter and conduct of our national managers ; and also to 
 know what sort of citizens Mr. Jefferson's " anglomen and 
 monarchists " were. 
 
 Thus it appears, that more than three years before the ^ 
 war actually came, it was intended by one party, dreaded 
 by the other ; and that nothing was waited for but the fa- 
 vorable moment, which did not occur, as will hereafter be 
 shown, until Napoleon was duly prepared for it. 
 
 The picture drawn by this report of the state of the \ 
 country will be recognised as true and faithful, by all who I 
 can remember these days. The following is an extract ' 
 from it: 
 
 " In this condition of unexampled prosperity at home,
 
 224 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " peace and consideration abroad, our present rulers were 
 " called to the administration of public affairs ; and what 
 " has been the fruit of their labors 1 Let the following facts 
 " answer : 
 
 " Our agriculture is discouraged. 
 
 " The fisheries abandoned. 
 
 " Navigation forbidden. 
 
 " Our commerce at home restrained, if not annihilated. 
 
 " Our commerce abroad cut off. 
 
 " Our navy sold, dismantled, or degraded to the service 
 " of cutters or gun-boats. 
 
 " The revenue extinguished. 
 
 " The course of justice interrupted. 
 
 " The military power exalted above the civil ; and by 
 ' setting up a standard of political faith unknown to the 
 ' constitution, the nation is weakened by internal animosi- 
 ' ties and division, at the moment when it is unnecessarily 
 * and improvidently exposed to war with Great Britain, 
 ' France, and Spain." 
 
 Such a report as this was a very sufficient reason with 
 Mr. Jefferson, for regarding Mr. Gore as a " monarchist 
 and angrloman." 
 
 
 ' 
 
 LETTER LII. 
 
 NOVEMBER 6, 1833. 
 
 CALEB STRONG was Governor of Massachusetts from 
 May 1800 to May 1807. Under the influence of Mr Jeffer- 
 son, party contentions had become excessively bitter. There 
 was not only the common struggle for power, from which 
 even absolute despotisms are not exempt, and which is in- 
 separable from all elective governments, but the politics and 
 contentions in Europe were artfully intermingled with all 
 the elections which occurred in the United States. The 
 daily journals not only discussed qualifications for office, but 
 descended to personalities and calumnies, which might in- 
 duce one to suppose, that the Americans had been astute in 
 selecting the worst men of their nation for public trust. It 
 is in such paper warfare as in that of physical force ; " he
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 225 
 
 " is to be considered the author of the war, who causes the 
 " first blow to be struck." 
 
 At the election in 1807, the candidates for Governor were 
 Caleb Strong and James Sullivan ; the latter was chosen in 
 a severely contested election. He was elected the next 
 year, and continued in office till his decease, which happen- 
 ed on the 10th Dec. 1808. The following notice of him 
 is taken from the American Encyclopedia. The biographi- 
 cal sketches of that work are attributed to Mr. Robert 
 Walsh. 
 
 " James Sullivan, brother of the foregoing," (John Sul- 
 livan, an officer of the revolutionary war, and afterwards 
 Governor of New Hampshire,) " was born at Berwick, 
 ' Maine, April 22, 1744. He was educated entirely by his 
 ' father. The fracture of a limb in early life caused him 
 ' to turn his attention to legal pursuits, instead of embra- 
 ' cing the military career, for which he had been destined. 
 ' After studying with- his brother, General Sullivan, he was 
 ' admitted to the bar, and soon rose to celebrity. He was 
 ' appointed King's attorney for the district in which he re- 
 ' sided ; but the prospects of advancement, which he might 
 ' reasonably have entertained, did not prevent him from 
 ' taking an early and decided part on the side of his coun- 
 ' try, at the commencement of the revolutionary struggle. 
 ' Being a member of the provincial Congress in 1775, he 
 ' was intrusted, together with two other gentlemen, with a 
 ' difficult commission to Ticonderoga, which was executed 
 ' in a very satisfactory manner. In the following year he 
 ' was appointed a Judge of the Supreme Court. In 1779 
 ' -80, he was a member of the Convention, which framed 
 ' the constitution of th'e State. In February, 1782, he re- 
 ' signed his judgeship, and returned to the bar. In 1783 
 ' he was chosen member of Congress, and in the following 
 ' year was one of the commissioners in settling the contro- 
 ' versy between Massachusetts and New York, respecting 
 ' their claims to the western lands. He was repeatedly 
 ' elected representative of Boston, in the legislature. In 
 ' 1787 he was member of the Executive Council and Judge 
 ' of Probate for Suffolk ; and in 1790 was appointed At- 
 ' torney General, in which office he continued till June, 
 ' 1807, when he was elevated to the chief magistracy of 
 ' the Commonwealth. He was subsequently appointed by
 
 226 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 * President Washington agent under the fifth article of the 
 ' British treaty, for settling the boundaries between the 
 
 * United States and the British provinces.* He was a 
 
 * second time chosen Governor of the state ; but soon after 
 
 * his health became enfeebled, and on the 10th of December, 
 ' 1808, he died, in the tiSth year of his age. Governor 
 ' Sullivan was the projector of the Middlesex canal. Amidst 
 
 * his professional and political pursuits, he found time to 
 
 * prepare several works, mostly on legal and political sub- 
 ' jects. One is a history of the District of Maine, which 
 ' is a creditable monument of his industry and research." 
 
 On the decease of Governor Sullivan, executive power 
 
 V devolved on Lieutenant Governor Levi Lincoln, (the same 
 
 /^gentleman who was Attorney General of the United States 
 
 ; in 1801,) who exercised this power until the next election. 
 
 In his speech to the legislature at the January session, 
 
 1809, he noticed the event which had made it his duty to 
 
 address that assembly. At this time the executive council 
 
 was composed entirely of federalists, among whom was 
 
 George Cabot. There were federal majorities in both 
 
 branches of the legislature. The House, in its answer to 
 
 the speech, say of the deceased Chief Magistrate : 
 
 " The affecting dispensation of Divine Providence, which 
 " has deprived this commonwealth of its Cpmraander-in- 
 " chief, cannot be more sincerely deplored by your Honor, 
 " than it is sensibly felt by the House of Representatives. 
 " Elevated to the chair of state, in opposition to the political 
 " sentiments of a majority of the Legishiture, we are happy 
 " to declare, that the late Governor Sullivan, in the dis- 
 " charge of his high and important trust, appeared rather 
 " desirous to be the Governor of Massachusetts, than the 
 " leader of a party, or the vindictive champion of its cause." 
 
 It is not to be disputed, that Governor Sullivan was much 
 dissatisfied with the course of policy adopted by the leaders 
 of the party to which he belonged. He was so, especially, 
 with the embargo, and with the measures pursued to enforce 
 that system. It was the pleasure of Mr. Jefferson, that no 
 citizen should import a barrel of flour from southern states, 
 
 * There is an error here, as to the time of this appointment. It was 
 in 1796, during Washington's second presidency, and continued two 
 
 years.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 227 
 
 without having permission from an agent appointed by him- 
 self. Governor Sullivan was intrusted with granting such 
 permissions for the whole state, under the belief that he "} 
 would make party allegiance his rule in dispensing his 
 favors. He gave permits to every one who asked for them, "X 
 and Mr. Jefferson complains in one of his published letters 
 to Lieutenant Governor Lincoln, that permits were not given I 
 to those of the true faith only, but to every body, and were / 
 openly sold in the southern markets. He soon declined the 
 honor of being Mr. Jefferson's agent in this party monopoly. 
 
 Governor Sullivan had the disadvantage of an inferior 
 education, and of being drawn into an active agency in 
 public affairs at an early period of life. He was a man of 
 extraordinary industry and energy, and did much to remedy \ 
 the defects of early education by his own exertions. He 
 lived in troublesome times, and when no man of any emi- 
 nence could avoid being of some party, nor escape the feel- 
 ings which such times necessarily excite. In private life he 
 was social and hospitable. As a public man he was diligent 
 and ardent. He was a member of many societies, and 
 president of several of them. Judging from the tenor of his 
 life, one would think that no honors could compensate for 
 the toils and anxieties of public station. 
 
 When Lieutenant Governor Lincoln thus came to the 
 exercise of executive power, the long embargo had been in 
 operation more than twelve months. This magistrate shows 
 himself, in the speech which he made at the opening of the 
 session, heartily disposed to compensate the people of Massa- 
 chusetts for the defect of loyalty to Mr. Jefferson, disclosed 
 in the administration of the magistrate whose place he filled. 
 There was a new call for his zeal in the abominable enforc- 
 ing act (of the embargo) passed on the 9th of the same 
 month of January. 
 
 His Honor made a long and elaborate speech to a federal 
 legislature, and seemed not to have been aware, that he laid 
 himself open to be answered in a manner which became a 
 yet free but indignant community. 
 
 There are two kinds of despotism : 1. That which one 
 man may exercise, who has united in himself all the powers 
 of government ; 2. That which is exercised by a popular 
 Chief, in the name of liberty and the PEOPLE. The latter is 
 by far the most terrible, because it implies, that the physical
 
 228 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 strength, as well as the mere forms of law, is arranged to 
 sustain it. It is the more dangerous too, because those who 
 exercise power under such despotism really believe, that 
 they are performing their duties in counteracting the ene- 
 mies of the republic. Although the clear tendency of Lieu- 
 tenant Governor Lincoln's measures, in sustaining Mr. 
 Jefferson, deserved no better name than tyranny, since it 
 was in effect to establish the power of one man, and to 
 deprive free citizens of the right to discuss the measures of 
 public agents, chosen by themselves and responsible to them, 
 yet such a design is not to be attributed to him. He may 
 be supposed to have considered himself to be doing what it 
 was his duty to do, as a republican chief magistrate. Yet no 
 one can read his speech to the legislature of Massachusetts, 
 (January, 1809,) without perceiving, that the doctrines 
 therein contained would, if carried but little further, have 
 submitted the United States to the mere will of Thomas 
 Jefferson and his adherents. His Honor very plainly inti- 
 mates his own belief to be in perfect conformity with that, 
 conviction which Mr. Jefferson's fourth volume discloses, 
 viz. That Massachusetts was the hot-bed of disaffection, 
 disunion, and traitorous designs. His Honor spoke to men 
 who understood him, and who felt indignant at his insinua- 
 tions. They should rather have felt sorrow and compassion 
 for the delusions of party, while they repelled, (as the follow- 
 ing extracts from their answers will show they did,) his 
 Honor's unfounded suggestions. 
 
 The Senate (among other things) said : " We are happy 
 * to accord with you, ' that our enemies alone could have 
 1 represented the New England states, as prepared for op- 
 ' position to the authority of the law, and ripening for a 
 1 secession from the Union.' * The people of New England 
 ' perfectly understand the distinction between the constitu- 
 1 tion and the administration. An administration may 
 ' become corrupt, but the people will remain pure. Who 
 ' shall decide when the public functionaries abuse their 
 ' trust ? The ' meetings,' to which you allude, have been 
 ' attended by men second to none in the United States, for 
 ' their legal and political knowledge, for their love of order, 
 
 * Words in italics, quoted from the Lieutenant Governors's speech, 
 and by him applied to Jefferson's administration.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 229 
 
 " and for their patriotism. Can such assemblies of citizens 
 "merit censure in a republican government? Can it be 
 " necessary to remind your Honor, that the administration 
 " of Washington produced precisely the reverse of the pic- 
 " ture, which you have drawn so much to the life ? ' Whence 
 " then the causes of distrust, jealousy, altercations, and bit- 
 " ter aspersions ' upon that great and good man, and upon 
 " all who were attached to his measures ? ' Whence the 
 " ever to be regretted indiscretions, suddenness, and individ- 
 " ual rashness, which denounced' an administration, that 
 " safely guided the people to prosperity and glory, amidst 
 " great and impending dangers? We have seen as little of 
 " the spirit as of policy, in the embargo system. We know 
 '' that the EMPEROR approves, if he did not dictate the 
 " measure. We know that Great Britain receives immense 
 " advantage from the surrender to her of the whole trade 
 " of the world ; and we cannot imagine why the people 
 " should be called on to ' endure privations,' unless the ad- 
 " ministration, having failed to operate on the fears, or 
 " interests of the ' warring powers,' expect, ere long, to 
 " obtain relief from their compassion." 
 
 The House of Representatives, (among other things,) 
 answered : " The legislature and people of Massachusetts 
 " now are, and have ever been firmly and sincerely attached 
 ' to the Union of the states ; and there is no sacrifice they 
 ' have not been, and are not now willing to submit to, in 
 ' order to preserve the same according to its original pur- 
 ' pose. Of this truth your Honor must be convinced. We 
 ' do not appeal to the unvarying conduct of our citizens 
 ' during the glorious administrations of Washington and 
 " Adams, when the patriotic endeavors of our statesmen, 
 under the most perplexing embarrassments, pursued and 
 secured the interests and honor of the nation. But we 
 can appeal to the patience with which our citizens have 
 borne the administration of those, whose boast it has been 
 to proscribe all the measures of their predecessors, and 
 most of the men whose talents and virtues had assisted in 
 securing to the United States the blessings of a free gov- 
 ernment. It ought not to be a matter of surprise that men, 
 " who, either on the floor of Congress, or elsewhere, have 
 " adopted measures hostile to the Union and subversive of 
 " its principles, should endeavor to brand with the calumny 
 20
 
 
 230 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " you mention, the efforts of those who sincerely aim at pre- 
 ' serving the constitution, by demonstrating the tendency 
 of their acts ; and who studiously exert themselves to pre- 
 ' vent a dissolution of the federal compact, by stating the 
 ' dangers of such an event. We cannot agree with your 
 ' Honor, that in a free country there is any stage at 
 ' which the constitutionality of an act may be no longer 
 ' open to discussion and debate ; at least, it is only on the 
 1 high road to despotism, that such stages can be found. 
 ' Were it true, that the measures of government, once 
 i ' passed into an act, the constitutionality of that act is 
 V 7^ < stamped with the seal of infallibility, and is no longer a 
 [ " subject for the deliberation, or remonstrance of the citizen, 
 \" to what monstrous lengths might not an administration 
 " carry its power ! It has only to pass through rapid read- 
 " ings and midnight sessions, without allowing time for 
 " reflection or debate, to the final enactment of a bill, and 
 *' even before the people are informed of the intentions of 
 "their rulers; and then their chains are riveted, and the 
 " right of complaint denied them." 
 
 It may be inferred, from these extracts, what the charac- 
 ter and tendency of the republican Lieutenant Governor's 
 speech was ; and with what constitutional and honorable 
 spirit it was met by the true friends of the national union. 
 The long answer of the House of Representatives is full of 
 real republican principles ; such principles as must govern 
 in this land, or the doctrines of the Lieutenant Governor 
 must be admitted, namely, that the administration is every 
 thing ; and their electors nothing. 
 
 These events occurred about twenty-four years ago. It 
 
 was then the JefFersonian creed, that the executive and 
 
 legislative, united, were supreme ; do what they might, the 
 
 people must submit. This was received by FREEMEN with 
 
 indignation, and the tyrants retraced their steps. But now, 
 
 I in 1834, we have made an astonishing advance ! ONE man 
 
 7 has dared to do, in the character of President of a free 
 
 / republic, what no monarch in all Europe, crowned in right 
 
 I of hereditary succession, would venture to propose ; and a 
 
 \ majority of the House of Representatives look on and 
 
 applaud ! 
 
 While Lieutenant Governor Lincoln was at the head of 
 the Commonwealth, he had not only the difficult duty of
 
 ON PU1JLIC CHARACTERS. 231 
 
 vindicating Mr. Jefferson's measures generally, but the 
 highly responsible and special one of doing his will under 
 the enforcing act. He took an extraordinary course to 
 effect this object. The Governor, as Commander-in-chief, 
 issues, according to military propriety, his orders through 
 the Adjutant General to the Major Generals of divisions, 
 and requires of them to detach such force as occasions call 
 for. Such Chief cannot be supposed to know, officially, 
 that there can be any difference of opinion among those 
 who bear arms, and are subject to orders of superiors. 
 All are equally bound to render any legal service which is 
 required. But his Honor dispensed with all such forms, 
 and took the unprecedented course of writing to such sub- 
 altern officers as he, in some way, had found out to be good 
 sound Jeffersonians, and passed by all superiors, whom he, 
 in some way, knew, or suspected to be of a different order. 
 His circular, on this occasion, is worth transcribing as a 
 curious instance of what a genuine republican Chief Mag- 
 istrate may sometimes think to be his duty. 
 
 " The President of the United States has directed the 
 ' Secretary of War to request me to appoint some officer of 
 ' the militia, of known respect for the laws, in, or near 
 ' each port of entry, in this state, with orders, when applied 
 1 to by the Collector of the District, to assemble a suffi- 
 ' cient force of his militia, and to employ them efficaciously, 
 ' to maintain the authority of the laws respecting the em- 
 ' bargo. The President is peculiarly anxious, that the 
 1 officers selected should be such, who can be best confided 
 ' in to exercise so serious a power. Recollecting, that in 
 ' the happy government established by the American peo- 
 ' pie, the character of the citizen is not lost in that of the 
 ' soldier ; and that coolness, prompt obedience, and a 
 ' sacred regard to the rights of society and individuals 
 ' are essential to both ; you will duly appreciate this oppor- 
 ' tunity of serving your country, and of even increasing 
 1 the confidence she has placed in you." 
 
 This service was force by one class of citizens, distin- 
 guished by a political creed and by subserviency to 
 Thomas Jefferson's will, against another class who consid- 
 ered him as depriving them of rights guaranteed by the 
 constitution, with no other motive than to aid Napoleon to 
 enforce his continental system. The House of Represen-
 
 232 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 tatives very properly inquired into this alarming use of 
 power ; and resolved, that these orders were irregular, 
 illegal, and inconsistent with the principles of the constitu- 
 tion ; tending to the destruction of military discipline ; an 
 infringement of the rights and derogatory to the honor of 
 both officers and soldiers ; subversive of the militia system, 
 and highly dangerous to the liberties of the people. 
 
 The legality of this measure and its effect can best be 
 comprehended, by imagining selected bodies of militia to be 
 placed at the disposal of President Jackson's collectors of 
 ports ; and by imagining, that these bodies might be called 
 into action against the citizens, whenever these collectors 
 might be of opinion, that their agency was necessary in 
 maintaining the majesty of the President's will ! 
 
 LETTER LIII. 
 
 NOVEMBER 10, 1833. 
 
 THE experience hitherto had under our republican insti- 
 tutions clearly shows, that the only possible mode of pre- 
 serving these institutions is to awaken the whole community 
 to the progress of usurpation, and to rely on the people to 
 save themselves. The Jeffersonian delusion had taken such 
 absolute control over the reason of a majority of the nation, 
 that there was no hope of dispelling it. But this was other- 
 wise in some of the states, and so proved to be in Massa- 
 chusetts. The effect of the embargo and the tyrannical 
 measures adopted to enforce it, the poverty and distress 
 which were daily increasing, compelled the citizens to in- 
 vestigate causes and to think for themselves. They were 
 able to distinguish between the real friends and supporters 
 of constitutional policy, and those who pretended to be 
 such. 
 
 In April, 1809, Christopher Gore was supported by the 
 federalists for the office of Governor and was elected. He 
 is the same citizen who is mentioned in Mr. Jefferson's 
 fourth volume, as one of the most eminent of the monar- 
 chists and anglomen. The people of Massachusetts, among 
 whom he may be presumed to have been better known, than
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 233 
 
 he could have been to Mr. Jefferson, did not so regard him. 
 Whether Mr. Jefferson was right, or whether Mr. Gore was 
 a political hypocrite, may depend, in part, on the im- 
 pression which the following extract from his speech to 
 the legislature may make. It was delivered on the 7th of 
 June, 1809. 
 
 " Educated at a time when the principles of civil liberty 
 " were investigated and discussed by the sages and heroes, 
 " who conceived and accomplished our glorious revolution, 
 " my strongest and earliest impressions were in favor of that 
 " well regulated freedom which is secured by our excellent 
 " constitution. An absence of eight years in the service of 
 " our common country, by the opportunity it afforded of 
 " remarking the circumstances of other nations, served to 
 " confirm, and if possible to increase the respect and rever- 
 " ence I had previously imbibed for the civil and religious 
 " institutions of my native state. A comparison of our 
 " condition with that of any other people must convince 
 " every one of the enviable situation in which we are placed, 
 " and of the superior means afforded to us, for enjoying all 
 " the blessings of which social life is capable." 
 
 " To adopt a rule, that no man is to be selected for office, 
 " unless he be of the particular sect, or party of those who 
 " administer the government, or subscribe to their political 
 " creed, is to establish a principle, not only not recognised 
 " by, but directly repugnant to the constitution. It is, more- 
 " over, highly unjust to the people, as it narrows the choice 
 " for office, and may frequently exclude from their service 
 " the purest integrity, the highest capabilities, and the best 
 " dispositions. It is considering government as instituted, 
 " not for the common good, but for the exclusive advantage 
 " of an association, or party of men." 
 
 " The history of the United States and of this state has 
 " ever shown Massachusetts submitting with cheerfulness to 
 " the most important sacrifices, for supporting the common 
 " cause and general interests of the Union ; and this 
 " without the smallest disposition to dictate to the other 
 " members of the confederacy. Under the distressing cir- 
 " cumstances of the last year, the legislature did what duty 
 " rendered indispensable, and surely they did no more." 
 20*
 
 234 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 Extract from the answer of the House of Representatives. 
 " We feel sincere pleasure in the assurance of the observ- 
 ' ance, on the part of your Excellency, of those great funda- 
 ' mental principles of the constitution, and of all republican 
 ' governments, which ought never to have been denied in ar- 
 ' gument, nor violated in practice. We rejoice in a recurrence 
 ' to the first principles of the social compact : that all power 
 ' resides in the whole people ; that government is instituted 
 ' for their ' protection, safety, prosperity, and happiness,' 
 ' and ' not for the profit, honor, or private interest of any 
 ' one man, family, or class of men ; ' in short, that offices 
 ' of honor, or emolument are not intended to strengthen 
 ' the hands of party, but to promote the public good. They 
 ' ought not to be bestowed as bribes, to induce, or reward 
 ' political fidelity, or apostacy ; but to place the public in- 
 ' terest in the charge of men, whose principles and feelings 
 ' secure their interest in its support." 
 
 In this political year, commencing the last Wednesday in 
 May, 1809, among the names which appear in the executive 
 and legislative departments, are the following : 
 
 CHRISTOPHER GORE, Governor ; DAVID COBB, Lieutenant 
 Governor ; Edward H. Robbins, Artemas Ward, Thomas 
 Dwight, Ephraim Spooner, Prentiss Mellen, Oliver Fiske, 
 Nathaniel Dummer, William Prescott, Daniel Dewey, mem- 
 bers of the Executive Council. 
 
 Harrison Gray Otis, President of the Senate, William 
 Spooner, John Phillips, Peter C. Brooks, John Welles, Suf- 
 folk Senators ; and a majority in that branch of men of like 
 character. 
 
 Timothy Bigelow, Speaker of the House. Among the 
 members who represented Boston, were William Brown, 
 William Phillips, Daniel Sargent, Benjamin Russell, John 
 Parker, Joseph He*ad, Charles Jackson, William H. Sum- 
 ner, Daniel Messenger, Warren Dutton, John T. Apthorp, 
 and twenty-six others of like character and of various 
 vocations ; and a majority of men of like standing in the 
 House. 
 
 >It was at this time, that Mr. J. Q,. Adams imagined, that 
 a dangerous conspiracy was going oft to sever the Union, 
 and establish a northern confederacy. As these citizens, 
 who have been mentioned, and many others of like charac- 
 ter and condition, were those who directed the tone of
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 235 
 
 public sentiment at that time, certainly Mr. Adams would 
 find some of his disunionists and conspirators among those 
 who have been named.* It belongs to him to point them 
 out, and to compare the opinions by them publicly expressed 
 with any other opinions, which he knows them to have ex- 
 pressed or entertained. 
 
 Those of the seat of government have been mentioned, 
 rather than others from other parts of the state, because it 
 appears, that Mr. Madison particularly alludes to this " seat 
 of government " as the seat of conspiracy. 
 
 Of those who have been mentioned as members of the 
 executive, or legislative branches, Mr. Gore and Mr. Otis 
 will be elsewhere mentioned. There are others whom it 
 may be proper to notice more particularly here. General 
 Cobb, who was Lieutenant Governor, had been a member 
 of General Washington's military family during most of the 
 war. He was a physician ; and after the peace he resumed 
 his practice at Taunton, and was Chief Justice of the Court 
 of Common Pleas. In the times when the insurrectionary 
 spirit displayed itself in his county, he was Major General 
 of the militia, as well as Chief Justice of the Court. He 
 left the Bench to exercise his military command ; and de- 
 clared, that " he would sit as a Judge, or die as a General." 
 
 General Cobb was a man of middle stature and of full 
 person ; his face was large, and expressive of a manly and 
 resolute heart. He was frank, sincere, and honorable ; and 
 expressed his opinions without reserve; and, thinking as he 
 did of the opponents of Washington and of the friends of 
 Jefferson, he sometimes gave opportunity to his political 
 adversaries to quote his sayings to their advantage. But a^ 
 more pure, kind-hearted, honorable gentleman than General "% 
 
 * There is one man, yet among the living, who has done more good 
 to the American nation, than some who have called forth extravagant 
 eulogies, or than one man, who has been figured in bronze and mar- 
 ble. A sensible, well-informed, diligent Editor has a powerful 
 influence on public opinion. Benjamin Russell, Editor of the Centi- 
 nel for nearly half a century, was not surpassed, if equalled, by any 
 man in that vocation, since the revolutionary war. He was the best 
 commentator on the belligerent events of Europe, that there then 
 was in the United States. He was well versed in the character of 
 men and in the bearing of party policy at home. His long continued 
 paper is an historical treasure. Benjamin Russell deserves well of 
 his country.
 
 236 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 Cobb never lived. He was full of good social feeling, and 
 was welcome and gratefully received in the circles, where 
 the rational enjoyment of whatsoever is pleasant to the 
 senses derives a value from the interchange of intellectual 
 sympathy. He prolonged his life by a course of remarkable 
 
 'abstinence, after having been the delight of social circles 
 for no small portion of his days. He was a true Washing- 
 ton-man in all his political feelings, and saw, with sincere 
 regret, the decline and probable extinction of the true prin- 
 ciples of republicanism, which he had devoted the meridian 
 of his life to secure and preserve. 
 
 Timothy Bigelow, for a series of years Speaker of the 
 House, was a lawyer of eminence in the county of Middle- 
 sex. Perhaps no man has spoken to so many juries as Mr. 
 Bigelow. He was most faithfully devoted to the cause of 
 the revolution. His earliest impressions were associated 
 with the great contest for liberty. He used to speak with 
 enthusiasm of the national constitution and of the Union, 
 as consequences of success. He was a kind-hearted, friendly 
 man, and had many affectionate friends. He was distin- 
 guished as a man of taste ; towards the close of his life, he 
 took great delight in horticultural employments, and may 
 claim with others the merit of exciting the demand for this 
 gratification, which has now attained an eminence, asso- 
 ciated no less with science than with pleasure. Mr. Bigelow 
 was a tall man, well formed, and of courteous manners. 
 He had the narrative gift in an eminent degree ; which 
 among other qualities made society with him exceedingly 
 grateful. 
 
 To one who looks back on what the social world was, it 
 seems as though money-making and selfishness had frozen 
 
 rthe currents of the heart. That frank, friendly, social, hos- 
 pitable intercourse, which was once the delight of this land, 
 is gone (it is feared) for ever ; and the cold, calculating 
 spirit of accumulation, or the worthless emulation of show 
 and splendor has succeeded. 
 
 Among those who have been mentioned, as participating 
 in the government of 1809, there are some yet alive. It 
 would be grateful to speak of them as they should be spoken 
 of, as well as of some, who are not here to see the withering 
 of the hopes which they delighted to cherish. In the first 
 case, there is the risk of offending men who are not solicitous
 
 ON PUBLIC CHAUACTERS. 237 
 
 of the world's notice ; and in the second, the field is un- 
 limited, and there must be a stopping-place somewhere. 
 
 It might have been supposed, that intelligent and far- 
 sighted merchants would have been better judges of their 
 own interests, than southern planters, or than lawyers, or 
 cultivators from the new regions of the west. Good or 
 bad judges, they condemned, almost with unanimity, the 
 policy of Jefferson and Madison. Those, who had the most 
 to lose, or to gain in commercial enterprises, were the most 
 decided in their condemnation. Few of the eminent mer- 
 chants of those days are here to lament similar grievances 
 and follies of the present day. Among those who are no 
 longer among us, and who might be distinguished as intelli- 
 gent and accomplished men of business, were James Perkins 
 and Thomas C. Amory. The former and his partner, 
 Thomas H. Perkins, were the first Canton merchants in 
 the world. Thomas C. Amory was extensively engaged 
 in very varied commerce on the ocean. To these might 
 be added hundreds of others, who were large ship-owners. 
 None of these could discern any thing in the commercial 
 measures of the administration, but defeat of their plans 
 and ruin to their prospects. 
 
 There can be little doubt, that the care and solicitude 
 concerning ships, merchandise, and seamen manifested by 
 Jefferson and Madison were mere pretences. Neither of 
 these gentlemen differed in opinion from Napoleon on such 
 subjects; and he fully accorded with the Romans, (as shown 
 by Cicero,) in placing merchants among the lower orders of 
 society. These friends of liberty seem not to have known, 
 that commerce and liberty are twin sisters ; that, merchants 
 have been the true patrons of the arts, of science, of litera- 
 ture; the munificent supporters of public and charitable 
 institutions ; the ornament of social life. Even in our own 
 little community, how many instances are fresh in memory 
 of noble liberality among merchants. In the same street, 
 are seen two spacious buildings, formerly the dwelling-places 
 of two brothers, one of them the gift of one of these brothers 
 to the Athenaeum,* the other the gift of the other brother, 
 as an asylum for the blind ; t gifts, not postponed to the 
 time when the owner and his property must part for ever, 
 
 * James Perkins. ' t Thomas Handasyd Perkins.
 
 238 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 but while the donors were in full life. To commerce also 
 are we indebted for one of the most valued charities in the 
 nation. A merchant bequeathed an hundied thousand dol- 
 lars to the Lunatic Hospital.* These are the fruits of that 
 commercial dealing which Jefferson and Madison heartily 
 despised. There will be found, in a subsequent page, some 
 notice of Jefferson's opinions on merchants ; and no differ- 
 ence is known between his opinions and those of Madison.t 
 The embargo having been removed, and the busy citizens 
 of Massachusetts having engaged in their accustomed voca- 
 tions ; and thinking more of these, than of political dangers 
 and duties, an opportunity again occurred for the friends of 
 the people to take a majority into their custody. Elbridge 
 / Gerry was by them nominated against Governor Gore, and 
 was the successful candidate. He was the Chief Magistrate 
 t from May, 1810, to May, 1812. As there is nothing to be 
 ^said of his administration, which one could take pleasure in 
 saying ; so the pain of speaking of it as it may have deserved 
 v may be avoided. When the time comes for writing the 
 sober History of Massachusetts, the historian will find abun- 
 dant materials for his work in these two years; and the ex- 
 ercise of party power in districting the commonwealth for 
 the choice of senators is particularly commended to his 
 , notice. He will find the English language enriched by a 
 >new term, (Gerrymandering,) which may often find a suit- 
 j able application, when the origin of it may have been forgot- 
 1 ten. He may find it in the patriotic labors of the two years 
 in which Mr. Gerry was Governor of Massachusetts. 
 
 * John McLean. 
 
 t It cannot be unacceptable to any one who knew Thomas C. 
 Jlmory, to offer a passing tribute to his memory. He died in Novem- 
 ber, 1812, at the age of 44. He was a tall man, of amiable and intelli- 
 gent countenance, of frank and courteous manners, of clear, sound 
 judgment, and executive capacity. Such qualities may not distinguish 
 him from some others ; but he had qualities, which, if they did not so 
 distinguish him, placed him high among those, who are so fortunate as 
 to have the like ones. He had as kind and friendly a heart, as ever 
 beat in human bosom. He was considerate of others ; the friend and 
 the visiter of the sorrowful and unfortunate ; and of noble generosity. 
 He was eminently hospitable, and one of the most acceptable compan- 
 ions that ever adorned a social circle. His death, in the zenith of man- 
 hood, was a mournful bereavement. At this long distance from that 
 event, survivors remember him with a freshness of feeling and interest, 
 which makes it seem as the loss of yesterday.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 239 
 
 The dark and mysterious administration of Mr. Madison, 
 the able and enlightened discussions of the press, the exer- 
 cise of power in Governor Gerry's time, the apprehension of 
 war with Great Britain and of alliance with France again 
 called the attention of our community, from their private 
 affairs to the duties of citizens. It was a relief and gratifi- 
 cation, hardly to be described, to one portion of the people 
 of this state, that they were to have, at the head of the Com- 
 monwealth, the calm, steady, constitutional republican, 
 Caleb Strong, in the trying times that were expected, andly 
 not Elbridge Gerry. If this change had not occurred, the } 
 condition of Massachusetts and of its militia cannot be / 
 contemplated without dismay. There must have been a 
 civil war, or the militia would have gone to lay their bones 
 in Canada, in the fruitless, hopeless attempt to conquer that 
 country ; while the seaboard would have remained subject 
 to all the miseries, which a vindictive foe could inflict. 
 
 LETTER LIV. 
 
 NOVEMBER 16, 1833. 
 
 MR. JEFFERSON'S political life and his embargo system^ 
 terminated about the same time, the former on the fourth, 
 the latter on the fifteenth of March, 1809. The American 
 people resumed their industry as well as they could, under 
 the remaining embarrassments of non-intercouse with Eng- 
 land, which was a serious one, and with France, which was 
 believed to be a mere show of impartiality and of little real 
 importance. Mr. Jefferson retired to Monticello. In what 
 manner Mr. Jefferson disposed of himself, during the seven- 
 teen years through which his' life was prolonged, he has 
 permitted the world to know from his volumes. With the 
 help of these it may be proper to inquire into his real motives 
 for proposing and insisting on the continuance of the em- 
 bargo, because in the sweeping demand of his idolizers for 
 gratitude and admiration, this measure makes a prominent 
 figure in the acts on which that demand must be founded. 
 
 The declared motive for this measure, (unprecedented 
 any where in the world, unless in China,) as expressed in
 
 240 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 the message proposing it, was to protect " our vessels, our 
 " seamen, and merchandise from the belligerents." No 
 one can know the real motive of Mr. Jeffeison so well as 
 himself; and he says, that the motive assigned in his mes- 
 sage was not the real one. 
 
 On the 25th of December, 1825, he wrote a letter to his 
 faithful friend, William B. Giles, (vol. iv. p. 519,) in which 
 he gives an account of an interview with Mr. John Q,uincy 
 Adams. He therein sets forth, that Mr. Adams " spoke of 
 the dissatisfaction of the Eastern portion of our confed- 
 ' eracy with the restraints of the embargo then existing, 
 * and their restlessness under it. That there was nothing 
 ' which might not be attempted to rid themselves of it : 
 ' that he had information, of the most unquestionable cer- 
 tainty, that certain citizens of the Eastern states, (I think 
 ' he named Massachusetts particularly,) were in negotiation 
 ' with agents of the British government, the object of which 
 ' was an agreement, that New England should take no 
 ' farther part in the war then going on," &,c. [Mr. Jef- 
 ferson then goes on about the war, which had not yet 
 happened ; and, perhaps, alludes to some other patriotic 
 communication of Mr. Adams about his fellow-citizens of 
 Massachusetts.] " I expressed," (says Mr. Jefferson,) " a 
 "just sense of the merit of this information, and of the im- 
 " portance of this disclosure to the safety and even the 
 " salvation of our country : and, however reluctant I was to 
 " abandon the measure, (a measure, which, persevered in 
 " a little longer, we had subsequent and satisfactory assur- 
 " ance, would have effected its object completely,) from that 
 " moment, and influenced by that information, I saw the 
 " necessity of abandoning it; and instead of effecting our 
 " purpose by this peaceful weapon, ice must fight it out, or 
 " break the Union." 
 
 What was the object to be completely effected ? Certainly 
 riot the preservation of vessels, seamen, and merchandise, 
 for that was effected when the embargo was first imposed. 
 Was it to compel England to renounce her blockades, and 
 to cease to violate bur neutral rights ? These objects were 
 obtained by the treaty of 1806, which Mr. Jefferson rejected. 
 Was it to prevent impressment? How would the continu- 
 ance of the embargo " a little longer " have effected that 
 object ? This matter had been arranged with Pinckney and
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTEUS. 24] 
 
 Monroe, in London, to their satisfaction, but not to that of 
 Mr. Jefferson. There is some ground to believe then, that 
 Mr. Jefferson confesses he misrepresented his motive in pro- 
 posing the embargo to Congress, in December, 1807 ; and 
 that he admits the embargo to have been a hostile measure 
 to England ; or, in other words, a part of the continental 
 system. The sum of Mr. Jefferson's political wisdom in 
 this matter comes to this : He was willing to impose an 
 annual loss of fifty millions on his own countrymen, and 
 enforce his system of restriction at the point of the bayonet, 
 to aid Napoleon in humbling England. This it would 
 doubtless have pleased him to do, even at that cost, with all 
 its consequences. It is surprising, that this wise statesman 
 was the last man in the nation to perceive, that his costly, 
 oppressive, and ruinous measure had no tendency to effect 
 his object. 
 
 In another part of the same volume, (iv. p. 125,) Mr. Jef- 
 ferson gives another version of his embargo policy, in a le 
 to Dupont de Nemours. He therein contradicts his resolu- 
 tion formed on Mr. Adams's statement of the restlessness 
 and plots of the East and North. He says : " The edicts of 
 " the two belligerents, forbidding us to be seen on the ocean, 
 " we met by an embargo. This gave us time to call home 
 "our seamen, ships, and property; to levy men, and put 
 " our seaports into a certain state of defence," (by building 
 gun-boats?) " We have now taken off the embargo, except 
 " as to France and England, and their territories, because 
 tl fifty millions of exports annually sacrificed are the treble 
 " of what war would cost us ; besides, that by war we 
 " should gain something, and lose less than at present." 
 
 It requires all Mr. Jefferson's ingenuity to reconcile this 
 with his remarks found in vol. iv. p. 148, in a letter to Gen- 
 eral Dearborn, and also with his opinion on Mr. Adams's 
 disclosures : " The federalists, during their short-lived as- 
 " cendency, have, nevertheless, by forcing us from the em- 
 " bargo, inflicted a wound on our interests, which can never 
 " be cured ; and on our affections, which will require time 
 " to cicatrize. I ascribe all this to one pseudo-republican 
 " STORY. He came on, and staid only a few days ; long 
 " enough, however, to get complete hold of Bacon* who 
 
 * A member of the House of Representatives from Massachusetts. 
 
 21
 
 242 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " giving in to his representations, became panic-struck, and 
 " communicated his panic to his colleagues ; and they to a 
 " majority of the sound members of Congress." 
 
 The comparison of these various accounts of the matter 
 leaves one in no doubt, that Mr. Jefferson really intended to 
 promote the views of Napoleon by the embargo, and that the 
 " preservation," set forth in his message, was only the mask 
 of the true purpose. By keeping the vessels of the United 
 States at home, he prevented the products of the United 
 States from reaching England, and the products of England 
 from coming to the United States. This was one step be- 
 yond Napoleon. It looks as though Mr. Jefferson had, in 
 this matter, suggested what was false, and suppressed what 
 was true. But then it should be remembered, that he 
 thought it was right to do so. That is, it was right, by any 
 means, and at any cost and oppression to his own country- 
 men, to strengthen France in her war of destruction against 
 England ; and at the same time to break down monarch- 
 ists and anglomen. Nevertheless, on this " calm revisal," 
 the embargo system is not a ground on which the admirers 
 of Mr. Jefferson can safely rest his fame for wisdom and 
 virtue, in days to come. 
 
 It may be asked what a wise and honest President would 
 have done, in this state of the country 1 He would have 
 waited for the result of the negotiations in England. When 
 the treaty came, as it provided effectually for every subject 
 of controversy but that of impressment ; as there were as- 
 surances on that subject, as satisfactory as can ever be ex- 
 pected from a maritime nation, he would have ratified the 
 treaty. If he did not dare to recommend a defensive war 
 against France, he would have left it to the good sense of 
 merchants to regulate their own affairs, and to have taken 
 their chance upon the ocean. The marine of France was 
 little to be feared. Mercantile ingenuity would have dis- 
 cerned modes of profitable commerce ; and the gain of suc- 
 cessful enterprise would have far exceeded occasional loss. 
 If Mr. Jefferson really intended to protect seamen, ships, 
 and commerce, he was not statesman enough to know how 
 this could be effected. It is most consistent with his own 
 declarations to believe, that these objects were sacrificed 
 to promote his own purposes.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 243 
 
 LETTER LV. 
 
 NOVEMBER 20, 1833. 
 
 MR. JEFFERSON may be considered under two aspects : 
 First, as a witness against a large portion of his fellow-citi- 
 zens. Secondly, as a citizen and statesman, who confi- 
 dently claims the respect and gratitude of his country and 
 of posterity, for eminent public services ; services which, he 
 says, no other man but himself could have performed. Under 
 the first aspect, he presents himself in a character which 
 seriously affects the memory of the dead, the feelings of the 
 living, the honor of his country, and the interests of man- 
 kind. If Mr. Jefferson is a credible witness, the men who 
 conducted the American revolution, who founded the nation- 
 al government, and who administered our national affairs 
 for the first twelve years, were the most unprincipled, profli- 
 gate, and wicked body of men who are known in history. 
 They are worse than the Roman triumvirates and their 
 associates, for these did not conceal their purposes, but did 
 their work openly. If Mr. Jefferson is a credible witness, 
 he casts a deep and discouraging shade on the hopes of 
 mankind, that there is honor, intelligence, and virtue enough 
 in the world, to assert and maintain the right to rational 
 self-government. In the second aspect ; if Mr. Jefferson 
 did not render such services to his country ; if he rendered 
 to it no service, which entitles his memory to respect and 
 gratitude ; if he misapplied his trust ; if he established theo- 
 ries tending to destroy republican government ; if he op- 
 pressed and afflicted his country more than any man who 
 has lived in it ; if he established a party dominion, unknown 
 and repugnant to the constitution ; if such dominion is 
 seen to be here, as elsewhere in the history of nations, the 
 precursor of popular despotism, and that, the precursor of 
 military despotism, it is time, that Mr. Jefferson's example 
 and doctrines should be understood in this land : it is time, 
 that dignified senators should cease to read his books, as an 
 authority in their discussions. 
 
 There was no one among those, whom Mr. Jefferson has 
 spent so much time in defaming, who did not learn with 
 regret, that the abstraction from his private affairs, his
 
 244 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 unavoidable expenditures, his liberal hospitality, and the 
 general effect of his own policy had imposed upon him, in 
 the decline of life, some embarrassments. 
 
 Alive to this state of things, he sought relief, by suggesting 
 the grant of an authority from the legislature of his native 
 state, to sell his property by lottery. Congress had done for 
 him a very liberal act, in the purchase of his library, to re- 
 place that destroyed by the British, in that war, which Mr. 
 Jefferson could have easily prevented, but did not. To 
 induce the legislature so to interpose, Mr. Jefferson made 
 an elaborate disquisition on the policy of lotteries, which 
 appears in his 4th volume, pages 428-438. Having estab- 
 lished the utility and the morality of lotteries, he goes on 
 to show the propriety of extending the benefit of such a 
 measure to himself on the ground of his public services. He 
 sets forth what he had been, and what he had done. As to 
 the services done to his native state as there enumerated ; 
 that is, in abolishing " hereditary and high-handed aris- 
 tocracy," "the right of primogeniture " (in a community 
 dependent on a peculiar sort of labor) ; attacking a " domi- 
 nant religion ; " in other words, taking from Episcopalian 
 clergymen their parsonages and glebe lands ; and his ser- 
 vices as " governor," are all matters for the consideration 
 alone of Virginians. To the same parties may be referred 
 his foresight and good sense, in the establishment of the 
 University, in which it is said, there is no provision for reli- 
 gious instruction. It is the present purpose to consider him 
 only as a national citizen and ruler. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson refers to the address of the legislature of 
 Virginia, on his retirement in 1809, as illustrative of his 
 merits. He adds : " There is one service, not therein spe- 
 cified, the most important in its consequences of any trans- 
 action in any portion of my life ; to wit, the head I 
 personally made against the FKDERAL principles and pro- 
 ceedings, during the administration of Mr. Adams. Their 
 usurpations and violations of the constitution, at that pe- 
 riod, and their majorities in both Houses of Congress were 
 ' so great, so decided, and so daring, that, after contesting 
 { their aggressions, inch by inch, without being able in 
 ' the least to check their career, the republican leaders 
 ' thought it would be best for them to give up their use- 
 ' less efforts there ; go home, and get into their respective
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 245 
 
 " legislatures, embody whatever resistance they could be 
 
 " formed into, and, if ineffectual, to perish there as in the 
 
 " last ditch. All, therefore, retired, leaving Mr. Gallatin 
 
 1 alone in the House of Representatives, and MYSELF in the 
 
 ' Senate, where I presided as Vice President. Remaining 
 
 ' at our posts, and bidding defiance to the brow-beatings 
 
 ' and insults, by which they endeavored to drive us off 
 
 ' also, we kept the mass of republicans in phalanx together, 
 
 1 until the legislatures could be brought up to the charge ; 
 
 ' and nothing on earth is more certain, than that if I MYSELF, 
 
 " PARTICULARLY, placed by my office of Vice President at 
 
 " the head of the republicans, had given way and withdrawn 
 
 " from MY post, the republicans, throughout the Union, 
 
 " would have given up in despair, and the cause would have 
 
 " been lost for ever. By holding on, we obtained time for 
 
 ' the legislatures to come up with their weight ; and those 
 
 ' of Virginia and Kentucky particularly ; but more espe- 
 
 ' cially the former, by their celebrated resolutions, saved the 
 
 1 constitution at its last gasp. No person, who was not a 
 
 ' witness of the scenes of that gloomy period, can form any 
 
 " idea of the afflicting persecutions and personal indignities 
 
 " we had to brook. They saved our country, however. The 
 
 " spirits of the people were so much subdued and reduced 
 
 " to despair by the X, Y, Z imposture and other strata- 
 
 " gems and machinations, that they would have sunk into 
 
 " apathy and MONARCHY, as the only form of government 
 
 " which could maintain itself." 
 
 Certainly this great service well deserved not only a 
 lottery, but a bronze statue, even if Mr. Jefferson had never 
 laid and enforced an embargo, or built a gun-boat. 
 
 But this gentleman does himself injustice in commencing 
 the detail of his services in demolishing the " hydra of 
 federalism," (as he somewhere calls it,) with his patriotic 
 valor, while in the chair of Vice President. He might con- 
 sistently have ranged under the same head his patronage of 
 Freneau, Bache, and Duane, (honorably mentioned in his 
 volumes,) as his coadjutors in this service to his country. 
 He might have mentioned his liberality to that " man of, 
 science," James Thompson Callender. Nor ought he to \ 
 have disregarded the author of " The Age of Reason " and \ 
 of the " Letter to Washington," to whom Mr. Jefferson paid 
 the national compliment of offering him a passage from 
 21*
 
 246 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 France in the Maryland sloop of war ; and for whom he 
 offers the " sincere prayer," " May you long live to continue 
 " your useful labors, and to reap their reward in the thank- 
 " fulness of nations." (vol. iii. p. 459.) If these patriots 
 had not aided Mr. Jefferson with their pens, it is really 
 doubtful whether Mr. Gallatin and " myself" could have 
 been sufficiently strengthened to stand in the gap against 
 brow-beatings and indignities, until the constitution was 
 rescued from the hands of its enemies. 
 
 As France and Jeffersonism on the one hand, and Eng- 
 land and federalism on the other constitute the two great 
 parties, to uphold the one of which and destroy the other, 
 Mr. Jefferson toiled and devoted his patriotic life, he has 
 done himself another injustice. He should have gone back 
 to his report of December, 1793, made when he was Secre- 
 tary of State, and which disclosed the true principles on 
 which his own administration and that of Mr. Madison 
 were founded. He should have taken to himself the merit 
 of following this out, during twenty years, through commer- 
 cial restrictions, evasive and deceitful negotiations, gifts of 
 millions to Napoleon, oppressive and tyrannical embargo, 
 and finally WAR, unprepared for, costly, and profitless. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson did himself still another injustice, (as he 
 commences with his manhood,) in saying nothing of the 
 declaration of independence. This was one of his proud 
 achievements ; and the fac simile of it is appended to his 
 fourth volume. This gentleman's friends have treated this 
 production, as though it were an original invention ; the true 
 corner-stone of the revolution laid by this great architect. 
 One would not take from Mr. Jefferson any trophy where- 
 with he may think he ought to be adorned. The declara- 
 v^tion is a writing highly honorable to him, the most so of any 
 ( that came from his pen. It is a solemn and sacred writing, 
 and privileged from all criticism. If his admirers had 
 asked for him no higher praise than this, it would have been 
 improper to touch on this matter. But these admirers 
 have referred to this authorship as proof, that Mr. Jefferson 
 could not err as to the constitution, or in patriotism, or policy. 
 Such a shield it ought not to be. This writing sets forth 
 why a declaration should be made ; next, a recognition, 
 (not an invention,) of social and political principles ; then a 
 statement of British tyrannies; and then the inference, that
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 247 
 
 the colonies have the right, and that it is their duty to free 
 themselves from the parent country. It concludes with a 
 solemn pledge to maintain freedom and independence. Now 
 it cannot be denied, that such were the sentiments which 
 thousands of our countrymen entertained at that day. They 
 had been again and again expressed in popular essays, in 
 congressional speeches, and on so many occasions, that in 
 June, 1776, there could be no NEW thoughts. Mr. Jefferson 
 has the merit of having taken these thoughts, (as much his 
 own as of hundreds of others, and no more,) and of having 
 arranged them, and clothed them in suitable and expres- 
 sive language. This is meritorious, and this country is 
 grateful for the acceptable manner in which that work was 
 done. But this is not a satisfactory reason why Mr. Jeffer- 
 son should be considered as having done equally icell, all 
 that he ever afterwards undertook to do. Let him have the 
 full credit of that labor ; and judge of him righteously as to 
 all others. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson, with perfect consistency, does claim for 
 himself respect and gratitude for establishing the doctrine of 
 NULLIFICATION. He boasts, that he was the author of the 
 Kentucky resolutions in 1798, and the promoter of like 
 resolutions in Virginia, in the same year. These resolu- v 
 tions declared two laws of Congress to be null and void. v 
 (Sedition and Alien.) Here is found (as admitted by Mr. 
 J. C. Calhoun, in his publication of his " Sentiments," 
 dated July 26, 1831,) the real theory on which the state \ 
 of South Carolina assumes to decide for itself, what laws of 5 
 the Union it will obey, and which of them it will resist with \ 
 force and arms. If Mr. Jefferson had done no other acts 
 tending to disunion and civil tear, his memory deserves any 
 sentiment rather than that which he demands for himself of 
 his countrymen. 
 
 LETTER LVI. 
 
 NOVEMBER 25, 1833. 
 
 MR. JEFFERSON'S volumes make known to any one who 
 has the necessary patience to read them, that he entertained
 
 248 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 opinions on social and political relations, which are utterly 
 adverse to those expressed and maintained by the wise and 
 virtuous republicans of the last two centuries. His opinions 
 are entitled to no earlier origin, than the days of the French 
 Revolution. What can be less worthy of an intelligent 
 mind, than his theories on the rights of successive genera- 
 tions ; and of the incapacity of one generation to bind its 
 followers by any obligation. What less acceptable to the 
 lovers of order and social stability, than the periodical recur- 
 rence of rebellions. It is not surprising, that one who enter- 
 tained such opinions should gravely assert, that when the 
 constitutionality of a law is doubted, the whole nation must 
 /wait until a convention can be called by two thirds of the 
 states, to take the matter into consideration and decide 
 upon it. (vol. iv. p. 374.) Within a short time, a disciple of 
 Mr. Jefferson has maintained the same doctrine in the 
 Senate of the United States. In what manner he was met 
 and answered, (and with the general applause of the nation,) 
 cannot be forgotten. 
 
 To the same source is to be traced the impracticable, not 
 to say absurd notions on currency and banking, which 
 some persons maintain at the present day ; notions, proved 
 by the experience of all commercial people, and by none 
 more than our own, to be untenable and visionary. In 
 truth, all the disorganizing and destructive " heresies," which 
 certain politicians of the present times adhere to, are to be 
 found in Mr. Jefferson's theories or practice. And yet this 
 gentleman says, in obviating the objection of precedent in 
 allowing to him a lottery : " Let those who shall quote the 
 precedent bring their case within the same measure. 
 Have they, as in this case, devoted threescore years and 
 one of their lives to the service of their country ? Has 
 the share they have borne in holding their new government 
 to its genuine principles been equally marked ?" 
 What pretension can Mr. Jefferson have to say, that he 
 did this? The original founders of this new government 
 intended to bring, and did bring the people of the United 
 States into a national Union : To secure to them the 
 services of the most able and virtuous among them, 
 in maintaining peace, commerce, and friendly intercourse 
 with all nations ; to prepare for defence against foreign insult 
 and aggression, and to resist and resent, when national
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 249 
 
 honor demanded that course ; to promote internal com- 
 merce, and to keep the sovereign members of the Union in 
 peace and amity with each other ; to give to domestic in- 
 genuity and enterprise their fair competition with other 
 nations ; to assuage and compromise the jealousies and dif- 
 ferences, which might be expected, from the expanding and 
 unfolding of the powers of a great and increasing people. 
 This intention was fully accomplished accomplished to 
 the surprise and envy of the elder world ; and if Thomas 
 Jefferson had never lived, it is believed, that this substantial 
 and beautiful reality would not have been dissipated. 
 
 He came into this new government, and by means which 
 he has fully disclosed ; and there he ruled and reigned by 
 the magic of his PEN.* Passing over his disastrous policy 
 with foreign nations; the oppressions, losses, and sufferings 
 which he inflicted on his countrymen ; grievous as these 
 were, they are all nothing to that grievous wound which he 
 gave to this " new government," and which seems likely to 
 prove a mortal one. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson drew the line between rich and poor, in a 
 republic where family influence is unknown, where inher- 
 itance depends on equal distribution, where wealth depends 
 on industry and talents, and where the poor man's son is far 
 more likely to attain to office and honor, than the sons of 
 the rich. Mr Jefferson organized the elements which make 
 up that monster PARTY ; he invited apostacy ; he estab- 
 lished the odious doctrine of " rewards and punishments ; " 
 he made devotion to the MAN, not to the CONSTITUTION, the 
 passport to office ; he taught the " people " (as he calls 
 them) to sacrifice to personal feuds and jealousies their 
 respect for the institutions of their country. It was he who 
 misled and debased the public mind, and who converted 
 honorable and patriotic service, in a free republic, into a 
 low, selfish, and dishonest struggle for office. He led the 
 
 * This hook and the " History of the Hartford Convention," hy 
 Theodore Dwight, furnished a writer in the North American Review 
 (No. 84, July, 1834,) with an opportunity to give his views of " The 
 old parties." It is a very remarkable production. It required an 
 answer, and one appeared in a pamphlet of forty pages, on the first of 
 September, at Boston. In this may be found some disquisition on the 
 magic of Mr. Jefferson's pen; and some further developemcnt of his 
 real character.
 
 250 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 way to popular despotism. The perils, sufferings, and 
 dread of the present hour are all from his impulse. 
 
 That, which is most to be lamented in all this, is his sin- 
 cerity ; his real belief that all was right ; that all he did 
 was truly patriotic ; and that he is richly entitled to his 
 reward in the respect and gratitude of all succeeding gen- 
 erations. That, which is truly disheartening to the friends 
 of the constitution, of the Union, and of rational republican 
 liberty, is, that there are so many intelligent and respectable 
 men in the United States, who conscientiously believe, to 
 this day, in " the great and good " Mr. Jefferson. But his 
 glories are fading in the brilliancy of the " GREATEST and 
 BEST," the rightful successor in the line, of which Jefferson 
 was the FIRST. 
 
 LETTER LVII. 
 
 NOVEMBER 30, 1833. 
 
 _^j MR. JEFFERSON found the United States, in 1801, at 
 7 peace and in amity with all Europe ; in the enjoyment of a 
 secure and prosperous commerce ; with a respectable navy ; 
 a sound credit ; a learned and independent judiciary. He 
 found, it is true, some increase of debt for money honorably 
 and profitably expended, but which was insignificant and 
 hardly to be felt under the effect of Alexander Hamilton's 
 system of finance. He left the United States embroiled 
 with England ; more so with France ; he had demolished 
 the navy and the judiciary, so far as he had power to do it ; 
 he had banished the flag of the United States from the 
 ocean ; he had cost the people in actual, but useless expen- 
 diture, and by unwise restrictions on commerce, an immense 
 sum, which he estimated, merely as to exports for one year 
 of the embargo, at fifty millions. The nation were proba- 
 * bly one hundred millions the worse for Mr. Jefferson's 
 philosophy and statesmanship. There is not the least 
 doubt, that, if there had been a federal administration in- 
 stead of that of Thomas Jefferson, during his eight years, 
 the people of the United States would have gained and 
 saved together, a sum equal to the cost of the revolutionary
 
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 251 
 
 war. But he had slain federalism, and this he distinguishes 
 as the chief trophy of his political career.* 
 
 What a difference would it have made to the people of 
 this country, if Mr. Jefferson's successor had been an able, 
 faithful, constitutional President of the United States, and 
 not the mere chief of a vindictive and deluded party ! Such 
 a President, it is to be feared, the people of this country are 
 never again to see. If they do not, it will be for the reason, 
 that Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison have been in the place 
 of President. 
 
 Mr. Madison was a wiser and a better man, than Mr. 
 Jefferson. He had done himself an honor, for which his 
 countrymen should ever be grateful, in forming, recommend- 
 ing, and sustaining the constitution, jointly with Jay and 
 Hamilton, against its irreconcilable opponents. He was not 
 mean and malignant, like Jefferson. He was well informed ; 
 an able debater ; a good writer ; a man of comprehensive 
 and useful mind. There is nothing in the life of Mr. Mad- 
 ison to show, that he was not an honorable man. It was his 
 misfortune to have adopted all the notions of Mr. Jefferson, 
 as to France and England, and to have carried these fully 
 into his administration. How far he acted in pursuance of 
 his own judgment, and how far he yielded to the counsels of 
 party, will never be known. This gentleman, it may be 
 supposed, will not order the publication of his confidential 
 letters and of his " Anas," when he is dead. He will leave 
 history to do its duty. It will do this, no doubt, impartially ; 
 and though it may not commend his measures as a states- 
 man and public agent, it will not disgrace him as a man. 
 
 Mr. Madison may have better claim to charity, than Mr. 
 Jefferson. The latter was the inventor of a course of policy 
 in which the former was, probably, so deeply involved, that 
 he could not escape from it, when placed at the head of the 
 nation. A party chief soon finds himself a mere vassal. 
 He well knows that his creators can annihilate. He has 
 three alternatives; he can retire he can throw himself on 
 
 * " The war, ad interned onem, which we have waged against fed- 
 eralism, has filled our latter times with strife and unhappiness. We 
 have met it, with pain indeed, but with firmness, because we be- 
 lieved it the last convulsive effort of that Hydra, which in earlier 
 times we had conquered in the field." (Jefferson to Dr. Logan, 
 May llth, 1805, vol. iv. p. 35.)
 
 252 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 the confidence of adversaries and seek their support he 
 must do the will of his party. Mr. Madison embraced 
 neither of the two first alternatives. If he adopted the 
 last, his friends will support him by maintaining, that this 
 was the true course of wisdom and patriotism. So far as 
 the world knows, Mr. Madison sincerely approved of all 
 Mr. Jefferson's policy. If so, his countrymen are the prop- 
 er judges of his merits. It is certain, that Mr. Jefferson 
 approved of all Mr. Madison'* policy, as being a continua- 
 tion of his own ; and being such, his countrymen will 
 judge of his merits.* 
 
 The first indication of Mr. Madison's devotion to Jeffer- 
 sonism is found in his resolutions presented to the House 
 of Representatives in January, 1794, to carry into effect 
 Mr. Jefferson's report, as Secretary of State, dated in the 
 preceding month. The object of these resolutions is sup- 
 posed to have been to withdraw the commerce of the United 
 States from England, and to bestow it on France. From 
 this time to the close of the war in 1815, he faithfully pur- 
 sued the Jeffersonian policy of strengthening France, and 
 prostrating England, and of breaking down federalism. In 
 all this he was another Jefferson. It ought not to be doubt- 
 ed, that Mr. Madison was honest in all this, however unfor- 
 tunate it may have been for his country. But this inference 
 is to be drawn, that a mere partisan may become so thor- 
 oughly imbued with the spirit of party, as to be incapable 
 of receiving any sentiment of an exalted and patriotic duty 
 to a whole community. To every thing British Mr. Madi- 
 son seems to have entertained a decided and unchangeable 
 hostility. He associated all political opposition with his 
 British enmity. The correlative of this was devotion to 
 France. This devotion, equally manifested throughout the 
 
 * " My friendship for Mr. Madison, my confidence in his wisdom 
 and virtue, and my approbation of all his measures, and especially of 
 his taking up, at length, the gauntlet against England, is known to 
 all with whom I have ever conversed, or corresponded on these 
 measures. The word federal, or its synonyme lie, may, therefore, be 
 written under every word of Mr. Ralph's paragraph." (Jefferson to 
 Leiper, June 12, 1815, vol. iv. p. 265.) 
 
 What Mr. Jefferson meant by friendship, is known from his 4th vol. 
 p. 176. 
 
 Et idem velle, et idem nolle, ea demum amicitia est. (To have 
 the same desires and aversions is friendship.)
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 253 
 
 changes in that country, from the terrible misrule of democ- 
 racy to the tranquillity of no less terrible despotism, in the 
 person of imperial Napoleon, could have had no other 
 prompting, than the utility of prostrating, or humbling ty- 
 rannical England. We hope that no one will take the im- 
 pression, from anything expressed in this volume, that any 
 member of the Jeffersonian party was corruptly devoted to 
 France. This party no more desired ther subjugation of 
 this country to France, than to England. The sole purpose 
 is to compare the merits, policy, and usefulness of the lead- 
 ers of the two parties ; and to infer which of the two class- 
 es are best entitled to that praise and respect, which Mr. 
 Jefferson claims exclusively for himself and his party asso- 
 ciates. 
 
 One would like to know whether Mr. Madison, in his 
 retirement and retrospection, retains the belief that he gov- 
 erned wisely. Credit may be safely given to him for believ- 
 ing, that he did what he thought was right. He might 
 justify himself by insisting, that he did not foresee, any more 
 than others did, the conflagration of Moscow ; the flight of 
 Napoleon ; his fall from the throne ; and his exile to St. 
 Helena ; that he did not foresee, any more than others did, 
 that exasperated England, freed from European war, could 
 direct all her forces to our own shores. Will this excuse 
 Mr. Madison, as a patriotic and discerning statesman, from 
 not foreseeing, that, if Napoleon had been as successful as 
 Mr. Madison seems to have desired he should be, the 
 freedom and independence of this country would have de- 
 pended on a tremendous and appalling struggle with the 
 same Napoleon ? Was there nothing in the conduct, decla- 
 rations, and character of Napoleon, to warn him of this ? 
 How is Mr. Madison to excuse himself for this defect in fore- 
 sight 1 His excuse lies in the terrifying fact, that ever since 
 Mr. Jefferson's ascendency, this country has passed over, 
 bound in fetters never to be broken, to the dominion of party. 
 On the other hand, the principles of federalism were nothing 
 more nor less, than a faithful, able, and honest administra- 
 tion of national and state authority. Its object and sole 
 object was to promote industry, security, and happiness at 
 home, according to laws, made in conformity to the consti- 
 tution ; to avoid all participation in the wars of Europe, and 
 to make the American name justly respected, through impar- 
 22
 
 254 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 tial and honorable policy, by all nations. These principles 
 must always exist and have force, while a free republic 
 continues. They may be known under various names, but 
 in substance and effect they must ever be the same. Yet 
 all who profess them, by whatever party name distinguished, 
 are condemned by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison to 
 the odium of opposition. All the sound constitutional prin- 
 ciples of federalism, by whatsoever name they may be here- 
 after known, must struggle for existence against the corrupt 
 and demoralizing influences of party. 
 
 If this country is to be saved from despotism, originating 
 in democracy, it will be done by instructing the great body 
 of the people in the nature of their government, and in the 
 perils to which it is exposed. Suppose a case to exist, in 
 which a popular President is counselled by a combination 
 of men, who are unknown to the constitution as such advi- 
 sers ; that the President and this combination are sustained 
 by a majority of both branches of Congress ; that the whole 
 host of revenue officers are selected for their devotion to the 
 will of a cabinet so formed ; that all the postmasters through- 
 out the United States are selected and commissioned on the 
 same principle, and have the facility of communication free 
 of all expense ; that there are newspapers sustained and 
 circulated for the single purpose of teaching subserviency 
 to the cabinet, and hostility to all who venture to criticise 
 their measures ; that all the district attorneys and marshals 
 are chosen and appointed, because they have given satis- 
 factory evidence of their devotion to the cabinet. If such a 
 case may be supposed, what would be wanting to establish 
 an absolute despotism in the country ? Nothing but the 
 command of the public money, and a. judiciary of the same 
 class of citizens. If anything more be wanted, it might 
 easily be found by getting up a pretence, foreign or domestic, 
 to organize a military force. Are the United States free 
 from such perils? Is there any possibility of awakening 
 public attention to such perils ? One mode of doing this, if 
 it can be done, is to show how nearly such perils have over- 
 taken us, and how they were escaped. 
 
 Such a party dominion existed, when Mr. Madison came 
 to the presidency. The opponent party then were the fed- 
 eralists. The opponent party at this day are citizens known 
 by some other party name ; but they are men of the same
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 255 
 
 principles, that is, they are constitutionalists. The object 
 of Mr. Madison's party was to put the federalists down. 
 The object of the present dominion is to put down all 
 opponents, and to have the exclusive control of opinion, of 
 money, and of physical force. The citizens, who hold this 
 dominion, may think all they have done, are doing, and in- 
 tend to do, to be right and honest. So thought Mr. Madison 
 and his supporters. But the country was brought to the 
 verge of ruin. It is certain, that there can be no instruc- 
 tion but in suffering, at the present day, unless a knowl- 
 edge of what has been heretofore suffered from similar 
 causes may lead to comparisons and inferences. There are 
 millions in the United States who will listen to nothing but 
 praises and hosannas to a ruling power. But they may be 
 willing to know how similar exercise of power has hereto- 
 fore endangered civil liberty, and they may, perhaps, be 
 unwilling again to submit to the like dangers. 
 
 LETTER LVIII. 
 
 DECEMBER 5, 1833. 
 
 DURING Mr. Jefferson's eight years he had faithfully 
 cherished all the causes of controversy with Great Britain, 
 had resolutely abstained from all compromise, and had used 
 the means of negotiation, not to close, but to make the 
 breach wider. The principal causes of controversy were, 
 1. The colonial trade. 2. The blockades by England. 
 3. The affair of the Chesapeake. 4. Impressment of mari- 
 ners from American merchant vessels. 5. Orders of the 
 king in council. It is necessary, now, to look a little more 
 closely at these subjects, because in these are to be found 
 the pretended causes of Mr. Madison's war. 
 
 1. The colonial trade controversy arose thus : France had 
 colonies. In time of peace, neutrals could not lawfully 
 carry merchandise from them to France. England insisted, 
 that neutrals should not do in time of war, what they could 
 not do in time of peace ; and required that French colonial 
 merchandise should be carried home to the neutral country, 
 and a new voyage there commenced, if the neutral desired
 
 256 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 to carry such merchandise to France. This was a matter 
 much discussed, as to the right and the wrong ; but Mr. 
 Jefferson lost his hold on it, in consequence of the conquest 
 by the British of all French colonies. 2. The blockades of 
 the English. It was admitted that a place is blockaded, 
 when there is a competent force before it to prevent ingress 
 and egress ; but that the British could not lawfully affect the 
 trade of neutrals, by declaring a whole coast blockaded, 
 where such force was not present. As this point of contro- 
 versy was merged in a remaining one, it is unnecessary to 
 pursue it further. It makes, however, a conspicuous figure 
 in the discussions of the day. It was a material subject in 
 Mr. Madison's diplomacy, but not one for which even he 
 would have ventured on a war. 
 
 3. The affair of the Chesapeake and Leopard was shortly 
 this : Vessels of war belonging to France and to England 
 might, in 1807, come into the ports of the United States. 
 Those of France came, and those of England came to seek 
 them. 
 
 On the 7th of March, 1807, the British sloop of war, 
 Halifax, was near Norfolk, Townshend, commander. Rich- 
 ard Hubert, born in Liverpool ; Henry Sanders, born in 
 Greenock ; Jenkin Ratford, born in London ; George North, 
 born in Kinsale ; William Hill, born in Philadelphia, (but 
 who shipped on board the Halifax at the English Island of 
 Antigua,) were employed in a boat to weigh the anchor. 
 While so employed, they rose upon the officer in the boat, 
 threatened to murder him, and rowed to the American shore 
 and landed. The same day they entered at the rendezvous 
 of the Chesapeake, as seamen ; and on the same day they 
 were demanded of Lieutenant Sinclair, (of the Chesapeake,) 
 who neither delivered nor discharged them. Three other 
 demands were made for these men ; one by the British con- 
 sul on the mayor of Norfolk ; one on Captain Decatur ; and 
 one by the British minister on the Secretary of State. The 
 Chesapeake sailed with these five men on board, and while 
 going down the Potomac, all but Ratford deserted and got 
 on shore. 
 
 When the Chesapeake got to sea, she was met by the 
 British ship, Leopard, of fifty guns, commanded by Hum- 
 phreys. The American vessel had only 44 guns, though 
 not of inferior force. Humphreys demanded these men of
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 257 
 
 Captain Barren, commander of the Chesapeake, who replied, 
 that " he knew of no such men as Captain Humphreys de- 
 scribed." The Leopard fired upon the Chesapeake ; a short 
 action ensued and the Chesapeake struck her colors. The 
 British searched the American and found Ratford in the 
 coal-hole. They took him ; and he was tried and executed. 
 The British also took three other men, who were said to be 
 deserters from the Melampus ; one, a South American by 
 birth, and two black men, who were runaway slaves from 
 Maryland, and who protected themselves by entering on 
 board the Melampus, and afterwards shipped in the Chesa- 
 peake, having deserted from the former. 
 
 This was a gross outrage on the part of the British com- 
 mander, whatever the provocation may have been, because 
 the universally acknowledged principle is, that a national 
 ship at sea and the territory of its nation are alike inviolable. 
 Captain Humphreys might as lawfully have exercised force 
 to recover these deserters in the city of Washington, as from 
 the American ship. The British government so understood 
 this matter, and disavowed the act of its officer, and offered 
 a proper and honorable reparation, which was finally ac- 
 cepted before the war, and therefore this did not make one 
 of the causes which led to that calamity. It would be 
 tedious to follow out the right and the wrong of the negotia- 
 tion on this subject. It was one that afforded materials 
 abundantly for the purposes of irritation, which the admin- 
 istration faithfully cherished. 
 
 4. Impressment. This is a difficult subject, arising from the 
 similarity of language, manners, and appearance; and made 
 still more so, by the naturalization of British subjects in the 
 United States, under the patronage of Mr. Jefferson. The 
 English, in searching for their own subjects, had repeatedly 
 and oppressively taken native Americans. Whether they 
 did this, knowing that they took such natives, is doubtful ; 
 though they always pretended, at least, that they took only 
 their own. The federalists contended, that this seizure of 
 seamen was not a justifiable cause, certainly not a neces- 
 sary cause of war at any time, until all hope of compromise, 
 or redress through negociation had failed. The federalists 
 maintained, that all nations engaged in war have a right, 
 as the necessary consequence of allegiance, to the services 
 of their own subjects and citizens. That this right had 
 22*
 
 258 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 been asserted and maintained immemorially, by all the 
 maritime nations of Europe. The personal appearance and 
 language of Europeans divests this Abject of all difficulties 
 / among them. It is a very different subject as between 
 f England and the United States. Descended from the Eng- 
 V lish, Irish, and Scotch, and the common language being the 
 / same ; and some part of American seamen being British 
 subjects by birth, but naturalized in the United States, it 
 was not an easy matter to distinguish between the natives 
 of the one country and the other. The British did not 
 admit, that their subjects could change their native alle- 
 giance, by assuming one to a foreign country. They never 
 asserted a right to take native Americans, but they some- 
 times did take them in the exercise of the right which they 
 did assert. The federalists also contended, that the impress- 
 ment affected principally the middle and New England 
 states, the latter in the proportion, probably, of three fourths ; 
 and that the inhabitants of New England were far from 
 thinking this such a cause of complaint, as to call for a war : 
 that the right of taking native British subjects, who had 
 been naturalized, was not one in which the United States 
 were so much interested, as to subject the whole country to 
 the evil of war : that England had gone so far, as to modify 
 her pretensions in a manner, that ought to be satisfactory to 
 the United States ; for that the British ministry had agreed 
 with 'Mr. King, (minister in London, in 1802,) to renounce 
 the right of searching American vessels for British seamen, 
 /on the high seas, and would exercise it only on the narrow 
 \,seas, which wash the shores of British isles. (Over these 
 .'seas England has asserted dominion for centuries.) That 
 ; in 1806, Messrs. Monroe and Pinckney made an arrange- 
 ment on this subject, which they deemed to be " honorable 
 and advantageous;" and, therefore, that this was, properly 
 and from its own intrinsic difficulties, a subject of negotia- 
 tion, and not of war ; and could be adjusted in the former 
 mode, and never could be by the latter. 
 
 The principle for which Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison 
 contended was, that the American flag should protect all 
 who sailed under it. This extended, not only to native citi- 
 zens, but naturalized ones, and also to any and all British 
 subjects, sailing in American merchantmen. The reason- 
 ableness of this requisition may be tested by the inquiry,
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 259 
 
 whether a maritime power, which asserts the right to the 
 services of its native subjects in time of war, could consent, 
 that these subjects should find an asylum, tempting wages, 
 and personal security in neutral vessels, when most wanted 
 at home ? And whether a declaration of war would not be 
 a signal for all seamen to escape into neutral service ? If 
 this would be right and just for British sailors, so would it 
 be for those of America. Should we consent, on the hap- 
 pening of a war with France, for example, that our seamen 
 should withdraw to the neutral service of England? 
 
 The federalists also insisted, that negotiation might, and 
 that war could not devise modes of distinguishing natives 
 of Britain from natives of America ; that negotiation could, 
 and war could not settle, to what extent naturalization 
 should protect, and what should be evidence, that this change 
 of allegiance had occurred ; that negotiation could, and war 
 could not settle rights, in relation to British subjects sailing 
 under the American flag, who had not been naturalized. 
 
 The considerations thus presented had no effect on Mr. 
 Madison. He adopted all the theories of Mr. Jefferson, 
 manifested in his first presidential speech concerning aliens ; 
 and courageously insisted, that the American flag should \ 
 protect without qualification or exception ; and that if Eng- ; 
 land, in the midst of her struggle for existence, did not 
 assent, she must number the United States among her 
 enemies ; a principle which no nation will be more likely 
 to contend against hereafter, than that of the United States. , 
 
 Now, was this a wise, manly, and patriotic policy on the 
 part of Mr. Madison ; or was it in furtherance of a long 
 meditated design, to find the most convenient opportunity 
 to step into the pleasing occupation of overwhelming Eng- 
 land, and of silencing the " disaffected and the worthless" 
 at home 1 No reasonable being can doubt as to the motive 
 of Jefferson and Madison, in using, as they did, this cause 
 of complaint. 
 
 5. The Orders in Council were commercial edicts, or 
 regulations, ordered by the King of England, with the advice 
 and approbation of those persons who had been (according 
 to the usage of the English government) selected to be his 
 personal counsellors. It was well known to federalists and 
 to Mr. Madison and his party, that these orders were passed 
 to retaliate on France her own insolent and oppressive de-
 
 260 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 crees ; yet it was the persevering effort of Mr. Madison, to 
 make it believed by the citizens of the United States, that 
 England was the original aggressor. 
 
 Between the 4th of March, 1809, when Mr. Madison 
 became President, and the 18th of June, 1812, when war 
 was declared, England seems to have desired sincerely to 
 compromise the controversies with this country, and to 
 avoid conflict. Mr. Erskine, a very young man and not of 
 much experience, was British minister here, on the 4th of 
 March. An arrangement was made with him. It was said 
 at the time, that Mr. Madison knew, or might have known, 
 that he had exceeded his authority. This arrangement was 
 disavowed in England, and Erskine recalled. He was suc- 
 ceeded by Francis James Jackson, whom the administration 
 found so much to be displeased with, that all communication 
 was cut off with him, and, as it was then thought, offensively 
 and with the design to keep open the controversy. He was 
 succeeded by Mr. Foster, who was equally unsuccessful. 
 He remained here till war was declared. 
 
 This period was one of very deep interest. It exercised 
 the talents and called forth the eloquence of the ablest men 
 in the country, in and out of Congress, who desired to 
 avoid the calamity of war with England, and the inevitable 
 consequence, an alliance and colonial dependence on Napo- 
 leon, if nothing worse happened. Some very able speeches 
 were made in Congress, and some searching pamphlets were 
 written. The legislature of Massachusetts did itself great 
 credit in declaring its opinion on the state of the country. 
 All these will come in as materials of history, and will de- 
 monstrate the most abject subserviency to France and the 
 most impolitic hostility to England. 
 
 As before remarked, it is not to be supposed, that Jeffer- 
 son, or Madison, or any one of their political associates were 
 acting under a corrupt influence of France, any more than 
 that federalists were acting under the like influence of Eng- 
 land. The Jeffersonian party believed, that they could best 
 support themselves by adhering to France ; and by charging 
 their adversaries with being under British influence, and 
 with plots to sever the Union and set up a northern king- 
 dom, or, perhaps, subject the northern part again to Great 
 Britain. The federalists could deny these charges, and 
 could retaliate by charging the Jeffersonians with real des-
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 261 
 
 potism, and adduce devotion to the despot of continental 
 Europe, as the proof. But unfortunately a majority of the 
 American people honestly believed, that Napoleon was " the -4 
 man of destiny " sent to liberate the world from political \ 
 slavery ; and so some of Mr. Jefferson's admirers still main- 
 tain. In this warfare the Jeffersonians had the advantage, 
 because they could make the majority believe as they thought 
 best. The right and the wrong is now transferred to the ; 
 tribunal of history ; so let it go ; but do not let the citizens"^ 
 of this day slide into despotism from the example and pre- 
 cepts of former times. 
 
 LETTER LIX. 
 
 DECEMBER 10, 1833. 
 
 NOTHING will better illustrate the sincerity of Mr. Madi- 
 son's devotion to his party, than his twin effort in March, 
 1812, to inflame the excitement against England and his 
 fellow citizens at Boston. It is amusing, that Mr. Madison 
 should have paid an ingenious Irishman jiffy thousand 
 dollars, for an attempt to render a service to the object of 
 his hatred, England; still more amusing, that all he got 
 for his money was a faithful picture of Jefferson and him- 
 self, drawn by. a British painter. 
 
 On the 9th of March, 1812, Mr. Madison sent a message 
 to Congress, in which he says : " I lay before Congress 
 " copies of certain documents, which remain in the depart- 
 " ment of state. They PROVE, that at a recent period, 
 " whilst the United States, notwithstanding the wrongs sus- 
 " tained by them, ceased not to observe the laws of peace 
 " and neutrality towards Great Britain, and in the midst, of 
 " amicable professions and negotiations, on the part of the 
 " British government, through its public minister here, a 
 " secret agent of that government was employed, in certain 
 " states, more especially at the seat of government in Massa- 
 " chusettS) in fomenting disaffection to the constituted au- 
 " thorities of the nation ; and in intrigues with the disaffected, 
 " for the purpose of bringing about resistance to the laws, 
 " and eventually, in concert with a British force, of destroy-
 
 262 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " ing the Union, and forming the eastern part thereof into a 
 "political connexion with Great Britain." 
 
 It was said and believed, at the time of the publication of 
 the documents which accompanied this message, that the 
 naturalized citizen of the United States (John Henry) out- 
 witted Mr. Madison ; that he did not disclose these docu- 
 ments until he had received Jifty thousand dollars, which 
 Mr. Madison took out of the secret service fund ; and that 
 forthwith, on the receipt of the money, Henry decamped 
 and took passage for Europe, to enjoy his easily acquired 
 fortune. It seems, that he had tried to get money and 
 office from the Governor of Canada, and also from the 
 ministry in England, without success ; and that failing in 
 these efforts, he made Mr. Madison pay him very hand- 
 somely for what ? Giving a very just and true account 
 of the distress and well grounded dissatisfaction, which all 
 well-informed constitutional citizens felt, under the misrule 
 of the two popular Presidents. 
 
 Whether the British ministry knew, or connived at the 
 mission of Henry by the Governor of Canada, is of no im- 
 portance. It appears from Henry's showing, that they did 
 not. The British minister, then at Washington, disavowed 
 all knowledge of his government, that Henry was so em- 
 ployed. Mr. Madison had two objects in sending Henry's 
 dearly purchased papers to Congress. 1. To inflame the 
 hatred against Great Britain with his own party. 2. To 
 make the federalists, " at the seat of government in Massa- 
 chusetts," appear to be traitors. Unfortunately for Mr. Madi- 
 son, neither of these effects was produced. It was at once 
 discerned from the correspondence, that Henry had done 
 no more, than to speculate on the character and views of 
 parties, much to the disadvantage of Mr. Madison's party ; 
 and that he had never disclosed to any man in New Eng- 
 land, that he was a missionary. It was also discerned, at 
 once, that he was earning money, or office, and consequently 
 made the most of his materials. The most ridiculous part 
 of the affair was the sending of these papers to Congress, 
 who could do nothing with them. They were, in compli- 
 ment to Mr. Madison, and to make some show of money's 
 worth, committed with power to send for persons and papers. 
 There was nobody to send for, but a French Count, who 
 was supposed to have counselled Henry in his ingenious
 
 [ ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 263 
 
 contrivance. The committee reported, that, as Henry had 
 not named any traitor, they could do nothing. There are 
 many persons who remember John Henry, and that he was "\ 
 in Boston in 1809. But no one ever heard it suggested, that 
 he was a British agent. He was said to be engaged in some 
 sort of land speculation ; but very few knew, or cared how " 
 he was employed. He was a handsome, well-behaved man, 
 and was received in some respectable families. 
 
 The principal value of John Henry's papers is, that Mr. 
 Madison has filed in the office of Secretary of State a true 
 account of his own administration, and a delineation of him- 
 self, to which none of the traitors at the seat of government 
 in Massachusetts will object, since Mr. Madison has been 
 pleased to pay for, adopt, and file among the archives 
 the truth on these points, verified by Mr. Madison's own 
 witness. The following are extracts from Henry's letters to 
 the Governor of Canada. " On the subject of the embargo 
 " laws there seems to be but one opinion : That they are 
 " unnecessary, oppressive, and unconstitutional. It must 
 " also be observed, that the execution of them is so invidious, 
 " as to attract towards the officers of government the en- 
 " mity of the people, which is of course transferable to the 
 " government itself." " The embargo is the favorite meas- 
 " ure ; and it is probable, that some other measure will be 
 " adopted to excite England to commit some act of hostility." 
 " They will risk anything but the loss of power ; and they 
 " are well aware, that their power would pass away with 
 " the first calamity, which their measures might bring upon 
 " the common people." " Although it is believed, that there 
 " is no probability of an immediate war, yet no doubts are 
 " entertained, that Mr. Madison will fall upon some new 
 " expedient, to bring about hostilities." " The past admin- 
 " istration in every transaction presents to the mind only 
 " a muddy commixture of folly, weakness, and duplicity." 
 " But the observations made on his (Mr. Madison's) friendly 
 " dispositions towards Great Britain is a matter of no little 
 " astonishment. The whole tenor of his political life 
 " directly and unequivocally contradicts them. His speech 
 "on the British treaty in 1799, ['96?]; his attempts to 
 " pass a law for the confiscation of British debts and British 
 " property ; his commercial resolutions, grounded apparently 
 " on an idea of making America useful, as a colony of
 
 
 264 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 * France ; * his conduct while Secretary of State, all form an 
 ' assemblage of probabilities, tending to convince me at 
 ' least, that he does not seriously desire a treaty in which 
 ' the rights and pretensions of Great Britain would be fairly 
 ' recognised. It seems impossible, that he should at once 
 ' direst himself of that habitual animosity and that pride of 
 ' opinion, which his present situation enables him to in- 
 ' dulge ; but above all, that he should deprive his friends 
 ' and supporters of the benefit of those prejudices, which 
 ' have been carefully fostered in the minds of the common 
 ' people against England, and which have so materially 
 ' contributed to invigorate and augment the democratic 
 party." 
 
 It is improbable, that John Henry exhibited such sketches 
 of Mr. Madison to him before the money was paid. After it 
 was paid, and Mr. Madison had examined his purchase, as 
 the sum was considerable, it would be expended without 
 value, if these papers were merely deposited in the Secre- 
 tary's office. Perhaps it was not much otherwise, in 
 attempting to make them significant by the solemnity of 
 message, which might strengthen " those prejudices which 
 " had been carefully fostered in the minds of the common 
 " people against England ; " and at the same time make 
 one portion of the people distrust and hate another still 
 more cordially. Whatever these documents were really 
 worth, there they are * remaining in the department of 
 state," deposited by Mr. Madison's own hand, as a memorial 
 of his good sense and patriotism. Perhaps they did help to 
 increase the animosity which prevailed between the parties, 
 and to promote the reign of terror, which came with the 
 war. 
 
 These documents were sent on by a member of Congress 
 of this vicinity, who had the honor of being one of the sir 
 in the committee of foreign relations who reported the war 
 manifesto to the House, in the following month of June. 
 They arrived here in the morning of one day, and the press 
 was put in motion to multiply them and have them in 
 readiness to come forth, and confound the Yankee traitors 
 on the morning of the next day. The secret was not well 
 kept. It reached the ears of one person with sufficient dis- 
 
 * Founded on Mr. Jefferson's report when Secretary of State.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 265 
 
 tinctness to make its general purpose understood. He sat 
 down and wrote a refutation, to appear also on the nexfS 
 morning. It came out simultaneously with the documents, | 
 and was so triumphantly successful, as to take from Mr. / 
 Madison's barb all its venom and all its force. The pub- 
 lic were left only to wonder at the disposition with which it 
 was thrown, and at the feebleness of the arm which threw it. 
 (See the Commercial Gazette, of March, 1812.) 
 
 It is painful to believe, that so eminent a man, as Mr. 
 Madison, has exposed himself to the suspicion of having in- 
 tended to prevent the election of a federalist to the office of 
 governor in Massachusetts, and to secure the election of one 
 of his political friends ; and of having used his own official 
 power to this end. Whether this be a well-grounded sus- 
 picion, or not, may depend on the impression which the 
 following facts may make. 
 
 John Henry arrived from England at Boston, December \ j 
 23, 1811. He visited Governor Gerry, who gave him a r 
 letter of introduction to Mr. Madison, in which he says, that 
 Henry's " professional, literary, and polite accomplishments 
 have been much respected by all his acquaintance." This 
 letter bears date January 11, 1812. Henry arrived at 
 Washington January 31st, and kept within his lodgings in 
 the day time, and made his visits in the evening. He left ^/ 
 Washington February llth. On the 10th of February, fifty y\ 
 thousand dollars were drawn from the treasury, in the name 
 of John Graham, chief clerk in the office of Secretary of 
 State. On the llth of February, Henry arrived at Balti- 
 more, and is said to have negotiated there an order of the 
 Bank of Columbia at Washington in his favor, on the Me- 
 chanics' Bank of New York, for forty-eight thousand dollars. 
 Henry sailed from New York (or some other port) for 
 France on the ninth of March, in the United States sloop 
 of war Wasp. 
 
 It is a curious fact, that Henry had been at Washington, 
 had got his money, and had returned northwardly, and was 
 at Baltimore on the 1 1th of February, and that his letter of 
 disclosure to James Monroe, Secretary of State, is dated the 
 20th of that month, at Philadelphia. It is remarkable, that 
 Mr. Madison had these disclosures at least twexty-Jivc days 
 before he made them known to Congress ; that when he did 
 so make them known, Henry was actually under sail for 
 23
 
 266 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 France, and consequently could not be called on for any ex- 
 planation. From the date of Mr. Madison's message to 
 Congress to the election day in Massachusetts was twenty- 
 eight days. It might take eight days to get the news to 
 Congress, and through their agency to Massachusetts, and 
 the remaining twenty days was about a convenient measure 
 of time to disseminate it, and make it known to all those 
 who might thereby be influenced to vote for Elbridge Gerry 
 instead of Caleb Strong. 
 
 .Now it is not intended to say, that the President of the 
 United States (knowing as well before he sent his message 
 as afterwards, that Congress could do nothing with it) did 
 hope to influence the state election. Yet, as he was then 
 meditating a war message ; as it was a material thing to him 
 whether Gerry or Strong was governor of Massachusetts 
 during a war ; and as he might have sent his message of 
 disclosure at least twenty days sooner than he did, readers 
 will judge whether there be, or not, grounds for suspecting, 
 that the time was chosen for the disclosure. If such was the 
 intention, it met the defeat which it well deserved. Gerry 
 was not elected. 
 
 LETTER LX. 
 
 DECEMBER 15, 1833. 
 
 MR. MADISON'S war message was passed to the commit- 
 tee of foreign relations in the House, a majority of which, 
 viz, John C. Calhoun, S. C. ; Felix Grundy, Tenn. ; John 
 Smilie, Penn. ; John A. Harper, N. H. ; Joseph Desha, 
 Ken. ; and Ebenezer Seaver, Mass, agreed upon and re- 
 ported a manifesto, as the basis of a declaration of war. If 
 these gentlemen had not been under the high excitement 
 arising under Jeffersonian influence, how could they have 
 thought it to be dutiful and patriotic to recommend an of- 
 fensive war, in the then state of Europe, and especially of 
 their own country ? The manifesto sets forth the old griev- 
 ances of blockades, orders in council, and impressments, 
 all of them measures affecting the commercial part of the 
 nation. Three fourths at least of this part were to be found
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 267 
 
 north of the Delaware. The act declaring war was dated 
 the 18th of June, 1812. If the causes of war were such 
 as to warrant this declaration, it might be expected, that 
 those who were in favor of it would be found to be residents 
 north of the Delaware. This was not so ; on the contrary 
 the planters and lawyers of the south and of the west, and 
 others from those quarters knew better, than northern citi- 
 zens, what measures were necessary to protect their property 
 and to vindicate their rights. 
 
 In the House of Representatives the whole number of 
 members was 128 ; of these 79 voted for the war ; and of 
 these (79) 62 resided south and 17 north of the Delaware. 
 The Senate consisted of 32 members, 19 of whom voted for 
 the war, and 14 of these resided south of the Delaware ; and 
 5 of the 19 north. Putting together the war members of 
 both branches, residing south of the Delaware, viz. 62 and 
 14, they make 76; which is four short of half of the whole 
 number in both branches. Thus the war may be said to 
 have been a measure of the south and west, to take care of 
 the interests of the north, much against the will of the latter. 
 The whole number of members in both branches residing 
 north of the Delaware was 68, of whom only 21 voted for 
 the war. 
 
 There is some ground for the opinion, that a portion of 
 those members, who voted for the war in both branches, did 
 so because circumstances forced them to express an assent 
 contrary to their own convictions of duty. In truth, the 
 Jeffersonian party had created an excitement, which the 
 leaders could not control. There is one man now living, 
 who has long been a tenant of a seat in the capitol, who can 
 tell, if he would, with what extreme and foreboding reluct- 
 ance he voted for the war, as the least of the appalling evils 
 which haunted his mind and even his dreams. 
 
 The probability is, that the members from the west ex- 
 pected benefits from the war, which may have shut out all per- 
 ceptions of expediency. They may have believed, that their 
 own regions would be the scenes of activity, enterprise, and 
 acquisition ; and they may have been careless of consequen- 
 ces to the- seaboard, leaving- that to defend itself as it could. 
 Our southern and western brethren saw fit to make the 
 " experiment." Does any portion of them desire to see 
 another of the same kind 1 It is not intended to cast any
 
 268 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 reproach on those who proposed, or assented to the war ; 
 but to show what the perils of the country must always be, 
 when the government of it is submitted to party men. The 
 tyranny of party among its own members is as inexorable 
 and vindictive, as any which it exercises against its adver- 
 saries. Consider the state of the Representatives of the 
 nation at this moment. What prevents the House of Rep- 
 resentatives from doing what a large majority of them in 
 their consciences believe ought to be done for the relief of 
 the country ? Are they not sensible men .? Are they not the 
 sincere friends of their constituents ? Are they not desirous, 
 that their fellow citizens should enjoy all the benefits of in- 
 dustry, and all means of independence and happiness ? 
 Undoubtedly. Are they, then, fascinated by the intelli- 
 gence, the virtues, and the public services of Andrew Jack- 
 son 1 Not at all. They probably think him a very unfit 
 man for his station. By what spell, then, are they bound? 
 By that all powerful one which Mr. Jefferson created. They 
 are party men. Those, also, were party men who laid the 
 embargo and who voted for war. The denunciation of their 
 own partisans is more to be dreaded, than the dereliction of 
 duty and the reproaches and contempt of their own constit- 
 uents. It was the same spirit, in another form, which car- 
 ried the arms of France throughout the continent of Europe, 
 and occasioned the horrible scenes which disgraced the last 
 ten years of the last century. The members of selfish par- 
 ties may and often do hate each other, as men, most sin- 
 cerely. There may be such instances in certain honorable 
 assemblies of the present day. But this does not impair 
 fidelity in the common cause. Thus it requires far greater 
 magnanimity, than can ever be expected from party men, 
 to do what they know to be right ; and to abstain from what 
 they know to be wrong. The great leaders of the party in 
 power now had rather see the whole country as desolate as 
 a territory in Asia, after an army of locusts have encamped 
 upon it, than to yield a single point of party. The correc- 
 tive lies with the people ; they can set this matter right, and 
 no other earthly power can.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 269 
 
 LETTER LXI. 
 
 JANUARY 2, 1834. 
 
 THE friends of peace resisted the declaration of war in 
 Congress, with reason, good sense, faithful love of country, 
 and serious eloquence ; but such weapons were powerless 
 against the infatuation of PARTY. 
 
 They said, that neither the government nor the people |\ 
 were prepared for war ; that the removal of restrictions had i 
 induced the commercial part of our citizens to engage ex- 
 tensively in shipments, and that many millions, not insured 
 against war risks, would fall into the hands of the enemy. 
 They insisted, that the nation was destitute of all means of an- \ 
 noying the enemy on the ocean ; and that the whole effective 
 force of the United States (independently of militia) was in- 
 competent to defend any one of our seaports and cities. That 
 an army could not be made in a day ; that, if the materials 
 had been gathered, the officers and soldiers must undergo a 
 course of discipline and camp experience, which the war- 
 worn of Europe had declared could not be effected in less 
 time, than a year. They insisted not only, that the country 
 was utterly destitute of means to coerce an enemy, but 
 equally so of means of defence, if the enemy should become 
 the assailants. 
 
 They urged that impressment was not a cause of war ; 
 first, because war would not settle the right ; and secondly, 
 because Great Britain had always been willing to negotiate. 
 That all other subjects of controversy had passed away, but 
 the orders in council. That whether England had, or had 
 not a right to pass retaliatory orders, it was well known, 
 that these orders would be rescinded as soon as France had 
 annulled her decrees. That the administration had asserted 
 what no rational being in the nation believed but themselves, 
 viz. that these decrees were repealed. They further insisted, 
 that the present time was precisely that in which a war 
 should not be begun. They described the state of Europe 
 as one which if there were no other reason, demanded delay. 
 But this was not the most cogent reason. The government ,, 
 could not carry on a war without money. It had no depen- 
 dence but on commercial revenue. War would greatly 
 diminish, if not annihilate this. Loans, taxes, militia ser- 
 23*
 
 r 
 
 270 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 vice must be resorted to. Soon the enemy would be on our 
 coasts, and, defenceless as they were and would continue to 
 be, a comparatively small force could keep two thousand 
 miles of seabord in continual, harassing, and costly alarm. 
 
 If the object was the conquest of British provinces, there 
 were no means prepared to this end ; none which could be 
 prepared, before the whole force that could be organized 
 would be required for the sole purpose of defence along our 
 own shores. 
 
 The friends of peace further urged upon the war party, 
 that, if their purpose was the conquest of Canada, it was im- 
 practicable, and worse than worthless, if it could be accom- 
 plished. It is worth while to transcribe the opinion of that 
 'erratic administration-man, John Randolph, who was some- 
 times very right in his views, whatever may be said of him 
 at others. What he said in 1806, in committee of the whole, 
 was as true in 1812, as then. 
 
 " There are three points to be considered : 1. Our ability 
 " to contend with great Britian. 2. The policy of such con- 
 "test. 3. Conceding both these points, then the manner 
 " in which we can, with the greatest effect, retort upon and 
 " annoy our adversary. 
 
 " Now the gentleman from Massachusetts has settled, at 
 " a single sweep, not only, that we are capable of contend- 
 " ing with Great Britain on the ocean, but that we are 
 " actually her superior ! Whence does the gentleman de- 
 ' ' duce this inference 1 Because truly, at that time, when 
 " Great Britain was not mistress of the ocean, when a North 
 " was her prime-minister and a Sandwich the first lord of 
 " her admiralty ; when she was governed by a counting- 
 " house administration ; privateers of this country trespassed 
 " on her commerce. So, too, did the cruisers of Dunkirk. 
 " At that day Suffrein held the mastery of the Indian seas. 
 " But what is the case now ? Do gentlemen remember the 
 " capture of Cornwallis on land, because De Grasse main- 
 " tained the dominion of the ocean 1 To my mind no posi- 
 " tion is more clear, than, if we go to war with Great Britain, 
 "Charleston, Boston, the Chesapeake, and the Hudson 
 " will be invested with British squadrons. Will you call 
 "on the Count De Grasse to relieve them, or shall we apply 
 " to the Admiral Gravina, or Admiral Villeneuve, to raise 
 " the blockade ? But you have not only a prospect of gath-
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 271 
 
 ' ering glory, and what seems to the gentleman of Massa- 
 ' chusetts much dearer, profit, by privateering ; but you 
 ' will be able to make a conquest of Canada and Nova 
 ' Scotia. Indeed ! Then, Sir, we shall catch a Tartar. 
 ' I have no desire to see the Senators and Representatives of 
 ' the Canadian French, or of the tories and refugees of Nova 
 ' Scotia sitting on this floor, or that of the other House ; to 
 ' see them becoming members of the Union and participat- 
 ' ing in our political rights. And on what other principle 
 ' would the gentleman from Massachusetts be for incorpo- 
 ' rating these provinces with us ? Or, on what other prin- 
 ' ciple could it be done, under the constitution ? If the 
 ' gentleman has no other bounty to offer us for going to 
 ' war, than the incorporation of Canada and Nova Scotia, 
 ' I am for remaining at peace." 
 
 Every one of the predictions of the friends of peace were \t 
 sadly fulfilled ; arid greater evils, than they foretold, were P 
 experienced by this misgoverned country. 
 
 It is worth while to look at Europe, to judge of the time ^ 
 which Mr. Madison selected to go to war with England. 
 
 Napoleon had reduced the whole of Europe to his abso- \ 
 lute dominion, or to a state of dependence little short of it, 
 as far eastwardly and northwardly as the confines of Turkey 
 and Russia. There was still, in some parts of Europe, the 
 show of independent powers, but it was nothing more. He 
 had placed three of his brothers on thrones ; one in Spain, 
 one in Holland, one in Westphalia. One of his generals, 
 Murat, was king of Naples and husband of his sister. He 
 had first beaten the emperor of Austria, and then divorced \ 
 Josephine, to marry the emperor's daughter. He was king 
 of Rome, until he gave that title to his infant son. A 
 French general was on the throne of Sweden, and had 
 entered into the continental system. Russia alone stood 
 out and continued her commerce, so far as French pri- 
 vateers would permit, through the Baltic. It is a curious 
 fact, that Archangel, in north latitude sixty-four, on the 
 shores of the White Sea, was, in this derangement of Eu- 
 rope by Napoleon, the principal port of entry for all En- 
 glish and American merchandise, which could find its way 
 into the continent. A considerable amount of American 
 property was burnt at Moscow, when that city was destroyed, 
 after Napoleon had taken possession of it.
 
 272 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 England had resisted this terrible aggrandizement. She 
 had her thousand ships and had made herself the mistress 
 of the seas. Her maritime force had no enemy to contend 
 with ; she had driven every thing, that dared to show a 
 hostile flag, from the ocean; excepting that sometimes a 
 French squadron would steal a flight along the waves, to 
 shun English ships and burn those of Americans. 
 
 It was under such circumstances, that Mr. Madison chose, 
 for this commercial nation, England for an enemy, and Na- 
 poleon for an ally ! As the federalists dared to denounce 
 this abominable policy, they were in fact included, though 
 not expressly named, in his manifesto of war. 
 
 
 LETTER LXII. 
 
 JANUARY 7, 1834. 
 
 IT is remarkable, that on the 24th day of June, 1812, 
 hostilities commenced between Napoleon and Russia, and 
 that on the 18th of the same month, war was declared 
 by the United States against England. During the spring 
 of that year, Napoleon had been preparing for this war, 
 because Russia did not interdict the merchandise of Great 
 Britain. Having assembled his forces, he departed on the 
 9th of May from his palace of St. Cloud, to prosecute his 
 enterprise. It is also remarkable, that no change had 
 occurred in the negotiations with England, which should 
 have induced a declaration of war, in the month of June, 
 1812, rather than at any other time within several preceding 
 months. It was said and believed, that the embargo was 
 known in France to be an intended measure, while it was 
 not suspected in the United States ; and it is certain, that 
 war was known in France to be determined on, although 
 no rational man in the United States supposed, that the 
 administration would have the hardihood to propose it. 
 Was there, or not, a secret understanding, or agreement 
 between the French and American governments, that, as 
 soon as France was ready to attack the only power in 
 Europe, which had not bound itself to maintain the " con- 
 tinental system," the United States should declare war
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 273 
 
 against England ? Notwithstanding Mr. Madison assigned 
 the old causes for the war, he lies under the very serious 
 imputation of having had other causes at heart; nothing 
 short of having unnecessarily and wantonly engaged his 
 own country in war, for the mere purpose of aiding Napo- 
 leon to prostrate his enemy. However this matter may have 
 been guarded from the perception of his fellow citizens, if 
 the fact was so, Mr. Madison's integrity and fidelity will be 
 severely tried by impartial history. In truth, there was 
 nothing to gain by war, which negotiation would not have 
 gained ; and the treaty of peace settled no one of the con- 
 troverted points. 
 
 The first event after the declaration of war, that attracted 
 the public attention, was the address of the minority of the 
 House of Representatives. A more rational, interesting, 
 and dignified paper has not appeared since the institution 
 of the government. In manner, it is much superior to the 
 Declaration of Independence. This paper sets forth the 
 state of the country at that time, the course adopted to 
 obtain the presence and purposes of the war ; it is an in- 
 sulated paper and not easily to be found ; but it is due 
 to its writer and signers, that it should be kept in memory. 
 
 The declaration of war, though feared, was so serious and 
 shocking to a large portion of the community, that it could 
 only be likened to the distressing certainty of affliction to 
 surrounding relatives, when death has thrown his dart at 
 some lingering victim. While life remains, there is still 
 some vague and undefined hope ; and while war was not* 
 declared, there was yet a sentiment, that a calamity so 
 unnecessary, so oppressive, and so ruinous, would not be 
 forced upon the country. 
 
 It should be remembered, that the seaboard had not been 
 fortified ; the navy had not been augmented ; the army had i 
 not yet been increased ; nothing had been done to fill the 
 treasury the whole country was on a peace establishment. 
 Within the first month of the war, an unconstitutional de- 
 mand was made on the governors of Massachusetts and 
 Connecticut for militia, even before the news of this aston- 
 ishing measure could have reached the British Isles, and 
 three months before there was the slightest probability, that 
 the United States could be invaded. This demand proved 
 to be in prosecution of the design to invade and conquer 
 
 r
 
 274 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 Canada with militia ! If every subject and soldier in 
 
 Canada had been willing, that the militia should take quiet 
 
 k possession of that country, what good would this have done 
 
 r\ to the people of the United States ? During this profitless 
 
 conflict, the attempt at conquest was continued, but without 
 
 advancing a dozen miles into that territory at any time ; 
 
 while, on the other hand, the British became invaders ; but, 
 
 as should be, were driven within their own lines on this 
 
 frontier. 
 
 The military and naval character of the war it is not the 
 present purpose to describe. All this went on like other 
 wars, with the exception, that it soon became defensive on 
 our part.* Mr. Madison's ally, Napoleon, found a more 
 powerful and determined enemy, than he expected ; and 
 another enemy, little expected and not at all provided for, 
 even by this far-sighted chief. Every body knows, that the 
 
 > burning of Moscow and the bitterness of the winter anni- 
 hilated the hosts of the Emperor, and that he hurried home 
 to repair his disasters, but found his way to Elba. The fall 
 v of Napoleon was also the fall of Mr. Madison. The peace 
 "'of Europe, in the spring of 1814, left England at leisure to 
 attend to the enemy who had sought to overwhelm her in 
 her deepest distress. The war had assumed a ferocious 
 
 ' 
 
 * In what manner that philosophical philanthropist, Thomas Jeffer- 
 son, desired to have the war carried on, appears from the following 
 extract. 
 
 Jefferson writes to Monroe, January 1, 1815, vol. iv. p. 245 : " But 
 " however these two difficulties of men and money may be disposed 
 " of, it is fortunate, that neither of them will affect our war by sea. 
 " Privateers will find their own men and money. Let nothing be 
 " spared to encourage them. They are the dagger which strikes at 
 " the heart of the enemy, their commerce. Frigates and seventy- 
 " fours are a sacrifice we must make, heavy as it is, to the prejudices 
 " of a part of our citizens. They have, indeed, rendered a great 
 " moral service, which has delighted me as much as any one in the 
 " United States. But they have had no physical effect, sensible to the 
 " enemy ; and now, while we must fortify them in our harbors, and 
 " keep armies to defend them, our privateers are bearding and block- 
 " ading the enemy in their own ports." (Who, but Thomas Jefferson, 
 " knew this fact ?) " Encourage them to burn all their prizes, and 
 " let the public pay for them. They will cheat us enormously. No 
 " matter ; they will make the merchants of England feel, and squeal, 
 " and cry out for peace." 
 
 IHF This is the wise and moral Mr .'Jefferson ! None but pirates 
 burn ships at sea.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 275 
 
 character, little creditable to either of the parties, according / 
 to the rules of modern warfare. The burning of public J 
 buildings, and 'of private dwellings, is unworthy of modern I 
 military strife. These are matters within every one's reach, ' 
 who does not but desires to know them. The purpose now 
 in view is to notice the character of the times, which his- 
 tory will not notice. 
 
 If any one desires to see the best vindication, which 
 appeared, of the conduct of the administration in the war, 
 he will find it in an elaborate production, entitled " An Ex- 
 position of the Causes and Character of the late War." 
 This was dated February 10, 1815, and was attributed to 
 Mr. Dallas, then Secretary of the Treasury. 
 
 Independently of the vassalage of party, a small propor- 
 tion of the citizens of New England approved of the war. 
 Public opinion soon began to manifest itself in popular 
 meetings. Resolutions were passed, expressing in decided 
 terms the feelings of a free, intelligent, and indignant peo- 
 ple. Conventions were held in the different counties, not 
 by any concert, but spontaneously. That at Northampton, 
 at which fifty-six towns were represented, attracted particu- 
 lar attention. A preamble and resolutions were there adopt- 
 ed, prepared with great ability and genuine patriotic spirit. 
 In the county of Worcester a convention was held, in like 
 spirit, and remarkable for a pointed paraphrase of the decla- 
 ration of independence. ^ 
 
 On the 15th of July, a great meeting was held at Faneuil ^ 
 Hall, and resolutions were then adopted, well worthy of the 
 place and of the occasion. Among others who were heard 
 at this time was DANIEL SARGENT, a distinguished mer-\ 
 chant, who disclosed the fatal consequences to commercial 
 interests, and to all classes who are connected with and 
 dependent on them. JOSIAH QUINCY, just then returned ^ 
 from Congress, made known to his auditors, with his accus- 
 tomed fervor and eloquence, the scenes which he had wit- 
 nessed, and the true character and designs of the adminis- 
 tration. He was followed by HARRISON GRAY OTIS, then N 
 in the full vigor of manhood, as to whom, with all the 
 abatement which should be made for the high excitement 
 of the times, this description of his feelings and expressions 
 (as published then) is not too highly colored.
 
 276 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " It is unnecessary to say more, than that he renewed, 
 " with his pathetic and glowing eloquence, that enthusiasm 
 " which has been so often excited in the breasts of his fellow 
 " citizens, by his patriotic and masterly speeches : orations 
 
 ,"" they should be called ; for, like Demosthenes, rousing the 
 " Athenians to watchfulness against Philip, his addresses 
 " have awakened the citizens of Boston to a virtuous jeal- 
 " ousy of the intrigues of France, and of those who are 
 " co-operating with her ruler, to destroy the liberties and 
 " happiness of mankind." 
 
 Such reception of the war in New England was highly 
 displeasing, to Mr. Madison and to his political party. To 
 his mind it was conclusive evidence, that the land of the 
 pilgrims was sold to the enemy ; and that the war was as 
 necessary against its inhabitants, as against the government, 
 fleets, and armies of Great Britain. But the descendants 
 of the pilgrims had sold neither their land, their opinions, 
 nor their consciences. How it is now, in some portion of 
 the New England states, is not so certain. It may be that 
 the press, the post-offices, and " the standing army of forty 
 thousand " * may have deluded some of our fellow citizens ; 
 and may control a majority in more states than one. But 
 this will not last long. The people of New England are 
 sensible and discerning. The day is at hand, when they 
 will do justice to themselves and to those who have cheated 
 and defrauded them, to advance their own power and to 
 increase their own rich.es. In the day of adversity, this 
 people consider ; and no people are better qualified than 
 themselves, to understand cause and effect, when they do 
 consider. 
 
 * In a speech in the Senate, Mr. Clay estimated the number of 
 devoted partisans in office, in the United States, and who, from the 
 mere tenure of office, are pledged to sustain " the government," (as 
 President Jackson calls himself,) in all it has done, is doing, means 
 to do, or can do, at " forty thousand." He properly calls them a 
 standing army, since they command more opinions and votes, than 
 forty thousand bayonets could.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 277 
 
 LETTER LXIII. 
 
 JANUARY 9, 1834. 
 
 ALL citizens now alive, who were old enough to know 
 the character of the war in relation to the opponents of the 
 administration, remember, and will remember while they 
 live, that they were identified with the chosen and public 
 enemy of the United States. They were charged with ad- 
 hering to and giving aid and assistance to the enemy ; with 
 treason, and with the design to re-establish the dominion of 
 Great Britain in their native land ! What was the evidence ? 
 Opposition to Mr. Madison ! Opposition, for the reasons, and 
 none other, which are contained in the address of the minor- 
 ity of Congress to their constituents. Terror sealed the 
 lips of thousands in free America, concerning the conduct 
 and motives of their own elected rulers. If the burning of 
 Moscow and the freezing of Napoleon's hosts had not hap-*\ 
 pened, it is not hazardous to assert, that the press and the 
 tongue would have been used in the United States for no 
 other public purpose, than to subserve, applaud, and honor 
 Jefferson, Madison, and their adherents. What would have 
 prevented military executions, the action of the guillotine, 
 and the confiscation of the fortunes of traitors? Nothing but \N 
 the native spirit of New England could have prevented it : / 
 the spirit that descended from the pilgrim fathers. As / ' 
 soon as the horrible transactions, which occurred in Balti- 
 more in the last ten days of July, were known in Boston, 
 the proper spirit of the citizens was manifested. In that 
 city there was an undue proportion of " oppressed humani- 
 ty," which had sought " an asylum " there ; and they be- 
 came most effective allies in Madison's war. A meeting 
 was held at Faneuil Hall on the 6th of August, and reso- 
 lutions were passed, among which was the following : " Re- 
 solved, that we are alarmed, astonished, and confounded, "- 
 to find that a paper published at the seat of government, 
 and which is understood, on some occasions, to be its 
 organ, not only led the way to these scenes of confusion, 
 but has impliedly approved and justified them ; and that 
 while no mention is made of this late horrible massacre, 
 in which the blood of our oldest revolutionary officers 
 24
 
 278 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " flowed in the streets, a severe commentary was issued in 
 " that paper against a republican magistrate of New York, 
 " because he expressed his abhorrence of mobs. We will 
 " not admit the conclusion, which these facts would seem 
 " to warrant, that these mobs are not discountenanced by 
 " the Executive of the United States. We would rather 
 " consider them as of French origin, and the first fruits of 
 " that unnatural and dreadful alliance, into which we have 
 " entered in fact, if not in form." 
 
 The citizens of Boston took very effective measures, that 
 no such "fruits " should be known among them ; whether 
 any such were intended or not. There is no reason to sup- 
 pose, that these citizens will, in any future time, be regard- 
 less of their duties, either to their country, or to themselves. 
 
 The principal object of the disgraceful scenes at Balti- 
 more was to silence the Federal Republican, a paper edited 
 by Alexander Hanson, who was afterwards a member of 
 Congress. The same General Lee, who was the Governor 
 'of Virginia and the congressional eulogist of Washington, 
 carried the effects of that assault to his grave years after- 
 wards. It was seen with indignant astonishment, that no 
 reprobation of such measures came, directly or indirectly, 
 from Mr. Madison. It was believed, that he did not disap- 
 prove of them. If rumors are entitled to credit, he was 
 given to understand, that, if any such scenes occurred in the 
 city of Washington, he would be held responsible in his 
 own person. 
 
 These are no fictions, but realities, as thousands now liv- 
 ing can testify. Did Mr. Madison mean to break through 
 all constitutional restraints, and establish himself as a tyrant 
 over his fellow citizens ? Not at all. Mr. Madison was 
 acting, as he believed, constitutionally and as a patriot. It 
 was constitutional and patriotic to annihilate the natural 
 and determined enemy of France ; and to silence and make 
 odious every citizen who dared to say it was not so. Mr. 
 Madison is not to be charged with tyranny, nor with disre- 
 garding the constitution and laws ; but he is to be held up 
 as an example, and a terrible one too, of what PARTY may 
 do in a republic, when a ruler believes that THE PEOPLE, 
 (as he calls them,) will sustain him. Mr. Madison has been 
 long enough at leisure to review his political career again 
 and again ; long enough for the mists of party to clear away
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 279 
 
 from before his vision ; long enough to know, if he looks out 
 upon the world, how some of his opponents lived, and what 
 their countrymen did in honor of their fame ; and how those 
 who yet live are esteemed, whom he called traitors and en- 
 emies of his country. 
 
 The conscientious opponents of the national administra- 
 tion had reason to apprehend, and did believe, that opposi- 
 tion was to be silenced by violence and terror : that they 
 were, by such means, to be deprived of the right of judging 
 for themselves of the wisdom, fidelity, and purposes of their 
 own trustees and public servants. They felt, that the power, 
 which had been created for the security of life, person, and 
 property, was to be used to make all these objects secondary 
 to the will of a dominant faction. They found it necessary 
 to combine to obtain that protection, which their rulers 
 seemed voluntarily to have withdrawn. 
 
 For such reasons, and none other, they associated them- 
 selves under the name of Washington Benevolent Societies 
 throughout the state. They had regular meetings; quar- 
 terly addresses ; and annual orations. The members of 
 this society in Boston were of all the various classes. The 
 different vocations among the mechanics had their respec- 
 tive banners, bearing appropriate emblems of their callings ; 
 there were other banners which bore the insignia of peace, 
 union, fidelity, and patriotism. In the annual processions 
 these banners were carried through the streets. These 
 societies were not like jacobin clubs, or " secret societies," 
 as Washington called them, instituted to overawe the govern- 
 ment in the exercise of its powers ; but to maintain the rights 
 of free and independent citizens. Not a sentiment was 
 ever expressed, in these societies, inconsistent with the alle- 
 giance due to the constitution and to the union. On the 
 contrary, there is no doubt, that they tended to preserve 
 that allegiance, to preserve the union, and sustain the com- 
 munity through its discouraging oppressions. The frowns 
 and attempts of the war party to make these societies objects 
 of suspicion, and to render them odious, served only to 
 strengthen them, and convince their members of their utility 
 and necessity. If the day shall ever come, when the like 
 perils shall overtake the good citizens of the United States, 
 let them remember this example. When the causes which 
 produced these combinations ceased, these also ceased ; but
 
 280 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 their banners are still preserved ; and are occasionally pro- 
 duced to decorate the " cradle of liberty." 
 
 LETTER LXIV. 
 
 :, ' 
 
 JANUARY 13, 1834. 
 
 IN the course of the summer of 1812, there was some 
 reason to hope, that Mr. Madison had become sufficiently 
 unpopular by his war measures, to lose a re-election. De 
 Witt Clinton was then a person of some distinction in the 
 state of New York. He had expressed his detestation of 
 monocracy, and had been reprimanded for it in a govern- 
 ment paper. Although he had been ranked with the Jeffer- 
 sonian school, yet, as he had indicated his dissatisfaction 
 with the policy of Mr. Madison, it was hoped, that he might 
 be elected President. Any man, that could have been 
 elected, would have been thought by the federalists prefer- 
 able to Mr. Madison. This party were willing to combine 
 with any portion of the citizens, who were willing to with- 
 draw from the support of that gentleman. They felt, that 
 any change must be for the better. 
 
 Measures were taken to hold a convention in the city of 
 New York, in the month of September, 1812. No con- 
 vention was ever assembled from more pure and patriotic 
 motives, nor any, whose members were more worthy and 
 respectable, as men and citizens. Many of them had filled 
 exalted stations; and were afterwards honored with high 
 confidence by their fellow citizens and by executive appoint- 
 ment. If this page should ever fall under the eye of any 
 surviving member of that assembly, it may remind him of 
 the solemnity and dignity of the proceedings then had ; he 
 can answer for himself for the purity and patriotism of his 
 own motives ; he will remember the fervent eloquence there 
 displayed ; and the dreadful apprehensions then entertained 
 for the fate of his country. 
 
 This convention continued three days. It resolved on 
 supporting De Witt Clinton, as the best chance of defeating 
 Mr. Madison's election. This measure was adopted with 
 reluctance by some who were present. They could not
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 281 
 
 overcome the repugnance which they felt to supporting 
 Mr. Clinton ; there were others who feared, that he had not 
 strength and popularity enough, in his own state, to be 
 successful. A large majority of the convention, however, 
 determined on making the proper effort to elect him. All 
 the New England states, (except Vermont,) New York, 
 New Jersey, Delaware, Tennessee, and Louisiana voted for 
 Mr. Clinton, and five votes out of eleven in Maryland, were 
 given for him ; eighty-nine in all. Mr. Madison had one 
 hundred and twenty-eight ; making a difference of thirty- 
 nine. But the Pennsylvania votes (twenty-one in number) 
 having been rejected, the majority was reduced to eighteen. 
 It is supposed, that with a better management, and with a 
 candidate more attractive than Mr. Clinton may have been, 
 Mr. Madison's election might have been defeated. Under 
 almost any other President, the war would have been much 
 shortened ; and the people of the United States might have 
 escaped a portion of their distress, and have saved many 
 millions, expended almost for the only purpose of producing 
 it. 
 
 This convention consisted of seventy members. There 
 were from Vermont, two ; from New Hampshire, two ; from 
 Massachusetts, eight ; from Rhode Island, three ; from New 
 York, eighteen ; from Connecticut, six ; from New Jersey, 
 twelve ; from Pennsylvania, ten ; from Delaware, two ; from 
 Maryland, three ; from South Carolina, four. 
 
 LETTER LXV. 
 
 JANUARY 15, 1834. 
 
 As before remarked, it is not intended to follow out the 
 naval and military events of the war. These will be found 
 in history already written, which, like other history, delights \ 
 to show when and how mortals have butchered each other. ) 
 When war exists, those who are to do the fighting are not 
 much concerned with the right and the wrong of the matter. 
 Those who originate the war, from whatsoever cause, know, 
 that to carry it on and fight the battles is resolved into 
 24*
 
 282 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 patriotism ; and that whoever is opposed to it is, of course, 
 a traitor. 
 
 There were disasters, and some reprehensible measures, 
 on the part of those to whom the belligerent duties were as- 
 signed. But there were, also, some brilliant achievements 
 on land and on the ocean, and especially on the latter. 
 The navy fought itself into credit and renown, at home and 
 abroad; and has most deservedly been, ever since, a favorite 
 with the nation. 
 
 But the war went on heavily, as a whole. The navy was 
 not of sufficient magnitude to form a fleet, excepting on the 
 v, lakes; the regular army had some fine officers, and some 
 T who were of other descriptions. The rank and file were 
 such, probably, as other armies are made up of; but they 
 were new in their occupation, and few of them had ever 
 seen a battle when they enlisted. The militia were as good 
 as such forces are ever expected to be at repelling invasion ; 
 and not better than might be expected in the serious em- 
 ployment of conquest. 
 
 Meanwhile the liberation of the experienced soldiery of 
 
 England, from European contests, permitted them to appear 
 
 von our shores ; and our gallant little navy was incompetent 
 
 / to meet a foe on salt water, except sometimes in single 
 
 \ ships. 
 
 As was foreseen, the treasury was soon exhausted. Al- 
 most every form of taxation was resorted to. It soon came 
 to the necessity of issuing paper money from the treasury, 
 which was called exchequer bills. These rapidly depreci- 
 ated and fell to twenty per cent, below their nominal value. 
 /Capitalists would not lend money to carry on a war which 
 they considered unnecessary and ruinous ; and they were 
 \iSeverely reproached because they would not. The enemy 
 were now strong enough with fleets, to blockade all the 
 / great ports of the continent ; and had troops enough to 
 / harass the whole sea coast, from the British Provinces to the 
 ^ Mississippi. That great resource which " the gentleman 
 from Massachusetts " (as Mr. Randolph said) relied on, was 
 not found so effectual as had been anticipated. " Priva- 
 teering " was not much approved of, and but few engaged 
 in it. But few of those who did so engage grew rich from 
 their adventures. 
 
 Thus, in less than two years, Mr. Madison and his co-
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 283 
 
 patriots had reduced this whole country to a state of misery 
 and degradation, much resembling that which it experienced 
 at the close of the revolutionary war. 
 
 In this state of things, bereft as the administration was of 
 the confidence of the country, and absolutely bankrupt in 
 resources, a measure was devised to command men, for 
 naval and land service, which was as unconstitutional and 
 as abhorrent to the feelings of the citizens, as the condition 
 of our rulers was desperate. Mr. Madison directed his 
 Secretary of State, (and Secretary of War pro tern, on dis- 
 missing incompetent men in that office,) Mr. Monroe, to pro- 
 pose to Congress a system of impressment more odious, than 
 was ever known in England, and a conscription more shock- 
 ing, than had ever been experienced in France. It seems 
 to have been no objection, in the minds of these gentlemen, 
 that their system would have demolished by one and the 
 same blow, the personal rights of the citizen, the rights of 
 property, and the provisions for the security of these, in the 
 constitutions, both state and national. The true character 
 of this measure is disclosed in " Dwight's History of the 
 Hartford Convention," pages 311-336. Every American 
 citizen ought to study this, to know what the rulers of a 
 republic can sometimes dare to do. The Congress of that 
 day, submissive as it was to the will of the Executive, or 
 submissive as the Executive may have been to its will, 
 (as the truth may be,) had not the hardihood to give to 
 this proposal the form of law ; though it came near to that 
 point. 
 
 Congress was called together by the President, on the 
 19th of September, (1814.) The message disclosed the 
 deplorable state of the country, as to credit and force to 
 carry on the war, and called on Congress to exert all its 
 energies. Congress inquired of Mr. Monroe, then lately 
 appointed (or acting) Secretary of War, what he had to 
 propose. It was not until the 17th of October, that he 
 presented his conscription plan. This was made public, 
 and was as thoroughly discussed out of Congress, as by its 
 members. Eighty thousand men were by a law proposed 
 by Mr. Giles, to be submitted to the conscription,' probably 
 as the first call. The law passed the House, 84 to 72 ; the 
 term of service to be one year ; and that the President 
 might call directly on the militia officers for the men, in case
 
 284 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 the governors of states refused, on request of the President, 
 to detach and surrender the required number. 
 
 The Senate insisted, that the term of service should be 
 two years, and that the President should not have the power 
 to call on the militia officers, if the governors of states 
 refused to comply with his call. So the two branches dis- 
 agreed. When the subject came again before the Senate, 
 Mr. Rufus King moved to postpone the bill to the second 
 Monday of March, (a day beyond that at which the session 
 /was to close,) which was carried, 14 to 13. Thus nar- 
 / rowly did the citizens of the United States escape the 
 \ conscription. 
 
 It is highly probable, that, if it had been attempted to en- 
 
 ' force the system of impressment and military conscription, 
 
 . by law, the government would have come to an end. The 
 
 citizens of the United States could not, and would not have 
 
 submitted themselves to its operation. 
 
 It is a long time since military conscription was familiarly 
 spoken of in this country. As some future administration 
 may venture on the like measure, it may not be useless to 
 speak of it briefly, as it existed in France, from which 
 country it was undoubtedly borrowed, to be applied to our 
 own. 
 
 The world had, for a long time, regarded with terror and 
 f abhorrence the military ascendency of France. It was 
 seen, that French armies were every where victorious by the 
 combination of skill and numbers. Skill could be accounted 
 for. Young and ambitious generals, called to command in 
 right of talents, and not of family, or princely favor, could 
 hazard life, and make their followers emulate their example ; 
 and numbers, thoroughly drilled and animated by French 
 enthusiasm, could do all that was required for conquest. 
 But how these myriads were drawn forth was not so easily 
 understood. 
 
 To Mr. Robert Walsh, now of Philadelphia, must be 
 given the honor of having disclosed to Europe, as well as to 
 his own country, the true causes of the military power of 
 France. When Mr. Walsh was yet a very young man, he 
 had diligently investigated the origin and character of this 
 power, and published the result in the Edinburgh Review 
 in the year 1809. This essay was sufficiently attractive to 
 have been translated into all the languages of Europe.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 285 
 
 After Mr. Walsh returned to the United States, he published 
 another work early in 1812, entitled " A Letter on the Ge- 
 " nius and Dispositions of the French Government, including 
 " a View of the Taxation of the French Empire." 
 
 This production was also translated into all the languages 
 of Europe. Several editions of both works were published 
 in the United States. Before these labors of Mr. Walsh 
 were thus published and made known, there was an unde- 
 fined terror of French power, which made a war with Eng- 
 land exceedingly dreaded, because an inevitable conse- 
 quence was held to be an alliance with France. When the 
 pages of Mr. Walsh had been read, contrary to the common 
 maxim, that undefined apprehension is more terrific than the 
 reality, it was made clear to every thoughtful mind, that 
 nothing which had been imagined of the fraud and force of 
 France had come even near to the truth. An edition of 
 Mr. Walsh's exposition of France was published by subscrip- 
 tion in Massachusetts, to be circulated gratis, so that the 
 people might judge of the sort of dominion under which they 
 were sure to come, in the event of a war with England. 
 
 Mr. John Howard, son of Governor Howard of Maryland, 
 also published a work on French conscription. This work 
 shows, what Mr. Madison, as President, and Mr. Monroe, 
 his Secretary, really intended, and desired to impose on 
 their fellow-citizens, in the form of military conscription for 
 the conquest of Canada. But then it should be remembered 
 not only, that the free citizens of America were to endure all 
 the miseries to which French population were subjected, but 
 also, that the proposed system here was most obviously a 
 mere tyranny, and amounted to an absolute repeal of all 
 constitutional security. 
 
 Whenever the measures of government are such as to 
 come home to daily bread and to personal liberty, Americans 
 will stop to inquire, and will not be contented with any 
 thing short of the truth. This odious conscription was thor- 
 oughly understood. If it had assumed the form of law, and 
 if it had been attempted to enforce that law, no doubt the 
 citizens would have armed and might have marched ; but 
 not, it is believed, to Canada.
 
 286 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 LETTER LXVI. 
 
 JANUARY 19, 1834. 
 
 IN the summer of the year 1814, the enemy had taken 
 possession of so much of the state of Maine, as extends from 
 the British provinces to the Penobscot ; and had absolute 
 command in all the neighbouring waters. The head-quar- 
 ters of the enemy were at Castine ; and one frigate ventured 
 to ascend quite up to Bangor. It is believed, that there was 
 not a single soldier in the service of the United States, any 
 where within the limits of New England, unless towards the 
 northern frontier. It was rumored and believed, that a 
 British force was about to embark in England and Ireland, 
 under the command of General Hi}l, for the special purpose 
 of invading New England. The troops thus expected had 
 been in the battles of Europe, and were likely to be very 
 unwelcome visiters. 
 
 Governor Strong was advised by his Council, to call the 
 legislature together, and to lay before them the state of the 
 country. The leading men who were to be present in the 
 legislature, and others, whose judgment was respected, fre- 
 quently compared opinions on the deplorable condition to 
 which the country was reduced, and on the possible means 
 of resisting invasion, and securing themselves, their families, 
 and fellow-citizens from the evils which were impending. 
 
 Utterly abandoned as New England was by the national 
 government, there was no alternative but to use its own 
 means of protection. The general sentiment was, that the 
 New England states must combine to save themselves, by 
 their own force and resources, from becoming a conquered 
 country. The terror of the conscription system, on the one 
 side, and the terror of invasion, on the other, had produced 
 a popular excitement, which made it inevitable, that some- 
 thing must be done under state authority, to prevent evils, 
 the consequences of which could be more easily dreaded, 
 than remedied when present. 
 
 Under such circumstances, the legislature assembled. 
 After the most serious deliberation, it was resolved, that as 
 the perils, to which Massachusetts was subjected, were com- 
 mon to all the New England maritime states, that a common
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 287 
 
 f- 
 
 cause should be made among them all ; and that to effect 
 this object, delegates should be invited to assemble at Hart- 
 ford on the 15th day of December following ; and that 
 reports should be made to the legislatures of their respective 
 states. 
 
 The members of this convention, as stated by Mr. Dwight, 
 in page 351 of his work, were these : From Massachusetts, 
 George Cabot, Nathan Dane, William Prescott, Harrison 
 Gray Otis, Timothy Bigelow, Joshua Thomas, Samuel 
 Sumner Wilde, Joseph Lyman, George Bliss, Stephen 
 Longfellow, jr., Daniel Waldo, and Hodijah Baylies. From 
 Connecticut, Chauncey Goodrich, John Treadwell, James 
 Hillhouse, Zephaniah Swift, Nathaniel Smith, Calvin God- 
 dard, and Roger Minot Sherman. From Rhode Isla 
 Daniel Lyman, Samuel Ward, Edward Manton, and Benja- 
 min Hazard. From New Hampshire, Benjamin West, and 
 Mills Olcott. From Vermont, William Hall, jr. The three 
 last members were chosen by local conventions, and not by 
 legislative authority. 
 
 [The appearance of Mr. Theodore Dwight's History of 
 the Hartford Convention has diminished the number of 
 pages originally intended for this volume. Some materials 
 which would have been used have been so much better used 
 by him, than they could have been on this occasion, that 
 whoever desires the most accurate information on the train 
 of events which led to the necessity of a convention, will be 
 sure to find it in Mr. Dwight's volume. Some reference 
 must be made to the same events, to connect the general 
 course of things, but in a very brief manner.] 
 
 The History of the Hartford Convention, published by 
 Theodore Dwight, is a triumphant vindication of the con- 
 duct and character of the opposition in New England. 
 Every position assumed by this writer, in relation to the 
 ruinous party measures of the administration, is proved by 
 documents proceeding from that administration. Every po- 
 sition assumed in relation to the patriotism of the members 
 of this opposition, to their fidelity to the constitution, and 
 attachment to the Union, is proved by documents which no 
 perversion of party zeal, no effort at popular delusion, can 
 ever discredit. All his positions are sustained by a clear 
 and cogent course of argument, which, while it confers a 
 lasting honor on the writer, will carry conviction to all
 
 288 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 honest and impartial minds, in generations to come. This 
 writer is also sustained by the character, the conduct, and 
 the lives of the men who constituted the leaders of opposition, 
 and who gave to all opposition its tone. 
 
 To those who read and think, to all who sincerely support 
 pure republican government, to all who believe, that such 
 government can be secured only by a just and faithful exer- 
 cise of state and national authority, Mr. Dwight's volume is 
 earnestly recommended. 
 
 The positions which Mr. Dwight has assumed and 
 proved to all men, who can divest themselves of party pre- 
 judice, are the following : 
 
 First. From the time of Mr. Jefferson's first appearance 
 in the national government until he left it, he was disposed 
 to favor France and to prostrate England ; and that he 
 used all the powers confided to him to these ends, however 
 sincere and honest he may have been in the prosecution of 
 such policy. 
 
 Secondly. That Mr. Madison was not only his successor, 
 but the faithful promoter of the same policy, and from the 
 same motives. 
 
 Thirdly. That Mr. Madison fostered all the causes of 
 hostility which existed between the United States and Eng- 
 land ; while he either overlooked, or tolerated far greater 
 aggressions on the part of France, than England ever com- 
 mitted in retaliation of French measures. 
 
 Fourthly. That Mr Madison, in his first presidential 
 term, recommended a declaration of war against England, 
 either because he approved of that measure himself; or 
 because he was assured, that, if he did not recommend it, 
 he could not be elected a second time. 
 
 Fifthly. That the real causes of the war were the 
 motives before stated, while the ostensible causes of the 
 war were the orders in council and the impressment of 
 seamen. 
 
 Sixthly. That the time chosen for this declaration was 
 one, in which the great cities of the Atlantic shore were not 
 provided with defence ; when there was no source of revenue 
 but commerce, which war would annihilate ; when there 
 was a maritime force too small to deserve that name, com- 
 pared with the like force of the enemy ; and when there 
 were no land forces, but such as could be had from the 
 militia and from hurried enlistment.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 289 
 
 Seventhly. That the time chosen for this declaration 
 was that, when Napoleon was on the march to subdue the 
 only power on the continent of Europe, which had resisted 
 his measures for the subjugation of England ; and who mov- 
 ed with a force so commanding, as seemed to bid defiance 
 to the fortunes of war and the reverses of unforeseen events. 
 
 Eighthly. That the first effort, in the prosecution of this 
 offensive war, was an unconstitutional demand on the gover- 
 nors of Massachusetts and Connecticut for bodies of militia, 
 not to repel invasion, but to make a conquest. 
 
 Ninthly. That the territory intended to be conquered 
 was the Canadas ; that this measure wa*s persevered in 
 throughout the war ; that the sea-coast was left defenceless 
 by the administration, and that these causes led to a defen- 
 sive war, in which a portion of our own territory was con- 
 quered. 
 
 Tenthly. That the administration became destitute of 
 resources ; was compelled to resort to oppressive taxation ; 
 to issue paper money which depreciated twenty per cent. ; 
 and that its credit was too much impaired, to have carried 
 on even a defensive war, if the New England states had not 
 interposed their credit and physical force, under their own 
 authority, to defend themselves and their own homes. 
 
 Eleventhly. That the war assumed a vindictive and fe- 
 rocious character ; and that the only alternative which the 
 government could discern was to propose CONSCRIPTION 
 and IMPRESSMENT. 
 
 Twelfthly. That in this extremity of distress, three of 
 the New England states, by the act of their legislatures, 
 ordered a convention of delegates, for what? Not to dis- 
 solve the Union, not to oppose the administration, but to be 
 permitted to employ, under the sanction of the United States, 
 their own credit and their own physical force, in defence of 
 their own territory, property, and fire-sides ; duties which 
 constitutionally belonged to the national government, but 
 which that government had first neglected, and then became 
 unable to perform. 
 
 Lastly. This convention, smarting under the perversion 
 of constitutional power, properly took that occasion to pro- 
 pose some amendments of the constitution, and among 
 others, such as might prevent the recurrence of commercial 
 restrictions, and the presence of desolating war, by the vote 
 25
 
 290 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 of a bare majority in the two branches of Congress ; and 
 the assent of one man exercising executive power. 
 
 ,fund 
 
 LETTER LXVII. 
 
 JANUARY 24, 1834. 
 
 THE Hartford Convention was a rich and inexhaustible 
 of abuse and crimination, for many years. Those 
 persons, who knew the least of the causes which led to it, 
 | and nothing of the motives of those who were its members, 
 V, were the most busy, and the most malignant calumniators. 
 It is now mere matter of history. Its members and their 
 associates are, mostly, beyond the hearing of earthly cen- 
 sure, or praise ; and those who survive have nothing to hope, 
 or to fear from their fellow-citizens, connected with this 
 subject. But they have, themselves, some interest in that 
 t impartial judgment of posterity, for which Mr. Jefferson 
 has taken such unfortunate measures to prepare himself. 
 
 Perhaps such of that posterity, as care to know anything 
 of gone by events and persons, will review the first twelve 
 years, and the next sixteen years, of the national administra- 
 tion. Perhaps some of their number will read Mr. Dwight's 
 book. Perhaps they will know the real and hopeless dis- 
 tress, to which Mr. Madison had reduced New England. 
 Perhaps they will discern the true political character of those 
 who made the war, and of those who proposed, held, or ap- 
 proved of the convention. History is said to be little declar- 
 ative of real motives and that those of one generation 
 cannot be well instructed in facts, as they occurred among 
 former ones. But if history does not make extraordinary 
 blunders on this subject, it may perhaps be received as truth, 
 j that the Hartford Convention did much to preserve the 
 v'Union, and nothing towards dissolving it. It may also be 
 f believed, that if that spirit, out of which the convention 
 arose, had not been manifested, this country would, in Mr. 
 Madison's time, have submitted to a despotism, which it 
 could not have shaken off but " through blood and slaugh- 
 ter," as Mr. Jefferson says, in recovering not " long lost," 
 but very lately lost " liberty."
 
 * ^ 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 291 
 
 It is to be hoped, that these historical students will know, 
 that the alleged causes of the war were the orders in coun- 
 cil and impressment ; that the former were in fact repealed 
 six days after the declaration of war ; that Mr. Madison 
 refused an armistice proposed by admiral Berkeley, after he 
 knew of the repeal ; that he carried on a war, much more 
 against his own country, in effect, than against the enemy, 
 for two years, to maintain the principle of protecting all 
 who sail under the American merchant flag ; a principle 
 which he well knew England would concede, as soon as 
 Mr. Jefferson could leave his " clover fields " to have the\ 
 pleasure of dining with Mons. Le General Pichegru in Lon- 
 don, (see his 3d vol. p. 314,) and not a moment sooner. 
 
 It will not be overlooked either, that the diplomatic in- 
 structions to the peace-makers gradually declined from a 
 high tone of demand, to the simple command Makepeace -. 
 at all events. Peace was made ; and nothing else wag 
 made, during the two years that preceded it, but distress, 
 calamity, and debt, excepting that there was proof enough 
 made, that Americans can fight, when they are properly "^ 
 called on to engage in that business. The matter of En- j 
 glish impressment remains just where it was, when the na- 
 tional government was instituted, excepting only, that it may 
 be somewhat the worse for the war. 
 
 The concerns of this world are too insignificant, in the ' - 
 view of any rational man, to be intentionally misrepresented, 
 when all his connexion with them is soon to end. If any 
 injustice has been done to Mr. Madison in these remarks, it 
 is not intended. He was Mr. Jefferson's friend and associ- 
 ate, in their joint views of federalism. If, in defending the 
 fame of men as honest, as wise, and patriotic, as either 
 Mr. Madison, or Mr. Jefferson, will hereafter be considered 
 to have been, some painful truths must be asserted, it is the 
 necessity of the case, and not the gratification of any un- 
 worthy feeling, that calls for them. The people of this 
 country are deeply interested to know what sort of public 
 agents and servants, in high places, they have had, that 
 they may make their own comparisons, and judge correctly 
 of present and of future ones, as they successively arise.
 
 292 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 LETTER LXVIII. 
 
 JANUARY 27, 1834. 
 
 THE convention was in session from the 15th of Decem- 
 ber, 1814, to the 5th of January following. It sat with 
 closed doors, and no information was given, by any of its 
 members, while sitting, of the measures which were dis- 
 cussed. This secrecy was construed to mean, most treason- 
 able designs, and all the friends of the administration were 
 industrious to have the matter so understood. To the 
 opponents of the administration, who knew the men there 
 assembled, and knew also, that they could listen to no 
 counsels, nor propose, nor adopt any measures inconsistent 
 with duty, self-respect, and sober wisdom, the secrecy was 
 in no wise alarming, but, on the contrary, satisfying and 
 consolatory. 
 
 The only measure, which the legislatures of Massachu- 
 setts and Connecticut thought it necessary immediately to 
 adopt, on receiving the report of the convention, was to 
 send commissioners to Washington. Harrison G. Otis, 
 Thomas H. Perkins, and William Sullivan were sent from 
 Massachusetts ; Nathaniel Terry and Calvin Goddard from 
 Connecticut. The nature of their duties and, in effect, the 
 whole mischief of the Hartford Convention may be truly 
 understood by this extract from the commission : 
 
 " To make earnest and respectful application to the gov- 
 
 " ernment of the United States, requesting their consent to 
 
 " some arrangement whereby the state of Massachusetts, 
 
 " separately, or in concert with neighbouring states, may be 
 
 " enabled to assume the defence of their territories against 
 
 " the enemy ; and that to this end a reasonable portion of 
 
 " the taxes, collected within said states, may be paid into the 
 
 ' respective treasuries thereof, and appropriated to the pay- 
 
 ' ment of the balance due to the said states and to the 
 
 ' future defence of the same ; the amount so paid into the 
 
 ' treasuries to be credited, and the disbursements so made 
 
 ' to be charged to the United States." The commissioners 
 
 were further required, " to consult with and to solicit the 
 
 " assistance and co-operation of the senators and representa- 
 
 "tives of this Commonwealth in the Congress of the United 
 
 " States."
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 293 
 
 This commision was dated the 31st of January, 1815. 
 The commissioners had just arrived at Washington about the -^ 
 middle of February, when the news of peace was received 
 at that place. The joy was universal and unalloyed ; and 
 if greater among any one class than another, it was so 
 among administration men, who saw before them not only 
 peace, but the prospect of retaining their power. 
 
 In proof of the propriety of the measures adopted by New 
 England, and of the desperate condition in which the ad- 
 ministration found itself, it should be added, that a bill had 
 been introduced, at the session of the existing Congress, to 
 authorize the several states to take measures to DEFEND 
 themselves. This was the principle object of the Hartford 
 Convention. As the conscription had been defeated, there 
 is little doubt, that such authority would have been given to 
 the states, if the war had continued. 
 
 So general and heartfelt was the joy at being at peace 
 again, that celebrations were had in all the cities, in which 
 both sexes, all ages, and all parties united with the strongest ^ 
 enthusiasm. There were splendid processions, bonfires, and 
 illuminations, as though the independence of the country 
 had been a second time achieved. 
 
 There was too universal and too sincere a joy, on the 
 restoration of peace, to allow of comment on Mr. Madison's 
 self-congratulatory address to Congress, announcing the 
 treaty, concluded at Ghent on the 24th of December, 1814, 
 by Albert Gallatin, James A. Bayard, John Q. Adams, 
 Henry Clay, and Jonathan Russell, on the part of the United 
 States, and Lord Gambier, Henry Gouldburn, and William 
 Adams, on the part of England. 
 
 On this occasion Mr. Madison said, among other things, 
 
 " I lay before Congress the treaty, &c. ; while performing 
 " this act, I congratulate you and our constituents upon an 
 " event which is highly honorable to the nation, and ter- 
 " minates, with peculiar felicity, a campaign signalized with 
 " the most brilliant successes. 
 
 " The late war, although reluctantly declared by Con- 
 " gress, had become a necessary resort, to assert the rights 
 " and independence of the nation. It has been waged with 
 " a success, which is the natural result of the wisdom of the 
 " legislative counsels, of the patriotism of the people, of the 
 " public spirit of the militia, and of the valor of the military 
 25*
 
 294 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 1 and naval forces of the country. Peace, at all times a 
 ' blessing, is peculiarly welcome, therefore, at a period 
 ' when the causes of the war have ceased to operate, 
 ( when the government has demonstrated the efficiency 
 ' of its powers of ^/" DEFENCE, and when the nation can 
 ' review its conduct without regret and without reproach." 
 
 It would not be difficult to make a version of this congrat- 
 ulatory message, partaking, at the same time, of the serious 
 and the ludicrous. But the high esteem and respect, in 
 
 r which Mr. Madfson is held by most of his countrymen, are a 
 very sufficient reason for not doing it. In truth, the main 
 -5-object of these pages (as has been more than once acknowl- 
 edged) is to weigh the worth of Mr. Jefferson's evidence 
 against a numerous body of his fellow citizens, a purpose not 
 to be effected without investigating his own worth and the 
 value of his services. No such motive is felt towards Mr. 
 Madison, who has not appeared as a calumniator of his fel- 
 low citizens, except in a single instance. How Mr. Madison 
 could have conceived the American public would credit that 
 purchased renegade, John Henry ; and what Mr. Madison 
 saw in that man's disclosures, which warranted him to pro- 
 claim the existence of crimes, which, if real, would have 
 deserved a halter, we leave to Mr. Madison to explain. He 
 included in his comprehensive denunciation many men as 
 honorable, as wise, and as patriotic as any discerning and 
 impartial historian will consider him to have been. With 
 this exception, we know not, that Mr. Madison departed from 
 the dignity implied in being the President of a whole peo- 
 ple, by stooping to traduce and vilify a portion of them. 
 Mr. Jefferson stands in a very different light in this sort of 
 odious offence. He not only descended to the lowest calum- 
 nies in his life time, but provided for the republication of 
 them when, he knew, that he could not be called to account. 
 If Mr. Madison had not been so intimately associated 
 with all Mr. Jefferson's public policy, as to identify his own 
 therewith, the present might not be a proper occasion for 
 even adverting to the talents and integrity of Mr. Madison, 
 as a statesman. We should have left this gentleman to be 
 dealt with in the tribunal of history. Nor is it now expedi- 
 ent to do more, than suggest the questions to which some 
 future historian may think it his duty to furnish the proper 
 answers.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 295 
 
 1. Why did Mr. Madison, after having been among the 
 ablest of the able men who framed the federal constitution ; 
 after having been the associate of Jay and Hamilton in com- 
 mending it to public favor ; and after faithfully advocating 
 its adoption by the Convention of Virginia, become the lead- 
 er of opposition to the administration of that very system 
 under Washington ? 
 
 2. Why did Mr. Madison frame and present his famous 
 resolutions in January 1794, based on Mr. Jefferson's com- 
 mercial report, designed to hamper the commerce of this 
 country with one nation, and to restrict it to a disadvan- 
 tageous intercourse with another ? 
 
 3. Did, or did not, Mr. Madison, under the seductive and 
 persuasive influences of Mr. Jefferson, desire to see this 
 country depart from neutrality, and engage in the wars of 
 Europe on the side of the French republic 1 
 
 4. Did Mr. Madison know and approve of the investiga- 
 tion, instituted by Giles, Monroe, and Venables, into the 
 official conduct of his former associate, Hamilton ? 
 
 5. Did Mr. Madison know and approve of his friend Jef- 
 ferson's patronage of Jacobin clubs ; and of his nullifying 
 doctrines expressed in the Virginia and Kentucky resolu- 
 tions of 1798? 
 
 6. Was Mr. Madison the friend and counsellor of Thomas 
 Jefferson, (when Secretary of State from March, 1801, to 
 March, 1809,) and did he approve of all that Mr. Jefferson 
 did as President in these eight years 1 Did he advise to the 
 exercise of executive power, to convert the government into 
 an exclusive party machinery ; to diminish the judicial 
 power; to substitute gun boats for a navy; to the pur- 
 chase of Louisiana? Was fear of or favor to Napoleon, 
 among the motives 1 to the gift of two millions to Napo- 
 leon ; to the course of restrictions on commerce, and to 
 its annihilation by embargo ; and to the tyranny of the 
 enforcing law ? 
 
 7. Why did Mr. Madison plunge this country into war, 
 when he knew it to be wholly unprepared for an appeal to 
 arms ? 
 
 8. Why did he refuse an armistice, when the cost and 
 calamities of war could have been thereby prevented ? 
 
 9. Why did he persevere in the war after the pacification 
 in Europe of 1814? was it to settle, by war, the question of
 
 296 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 impressment? What did Mr. Madison, or Mr. Jefferson 
 really care for seamen, ships, and commerce ? 
 
 Such and many similar questions some future historian 
 will discuss, to show the value of Mr. Madison's integrity 
 and talents, as a public man. But he will also consider the 
 close intimacy of this gentleman with Thomas Jefferson ; 
 he will not overlook the peculiarly disturbed state of the 
 civilized world at this time ; nor how difficult it is to 
 govern in a country, where the press is free, and where 
 there are exasperated parties. The historian will heed also 
 how diseased the perceptions of great men may be, 
 when they are ambitious and subjected to the dominion of 
 party ; nor will he, if deserving the trust which he assumes, 
 forget that the station of a popular ruler is exceedingly 
 arduous at all times, and that he needs especially that 
 charity which few public men, or any others, have not 
 needed. 
 
 The future historian will turn with pleasure to those 
 parts of Mr. Madison's character, which all virtuous and 
 intelligent Americans ought to respect him for ; amongst 
 others, for his services in framing and commending the 
 constitution ; for his conduct as chief magistrate, after the 
 affairs of Europe took that turn which enabled him to 
 escape from the toils in which Jefferson had entwined him ; 
 for his independence and good sense in establishing a na- 
 tional bank.* He will honor Mr. Madison for having re- 
 
 * The charter of the first Bank of the United States had expired 
 before the war began. The embarrassments of the war are supposed 
 to have been greatly increased by the want of such an institution. 
 All the state banks in the Union (except those of New England) were 
 compelled to suspend specie payments. This was an unavoidable 
 consequence of the war. It is supposed, that Mr. Madison was in- 
 structed by the experience of these times, that a national bank is 
 indispensable in our country. His approbation of a bank entitles him 
 to respectful consideration, because it was given against the well 
 known opinion of Mr. Jefferson, and perhaps, against the opinion of a 
 majority of citizens of his native state, to whom he was about to re- 
 turn to spend the remainder of his days. The following anecdote may 
 show what the state of the country was at this time : A person car- 
 ried to a bank in Pennsylvania some bills which that bank had issued, 
 and demanded gold or silver for them. He was answered, that the 
 bank did not pay gold or silver. " Give me then bills of the United 
 " States Bank." " There are none." " Then give me bills on any 
 " bank in New England." " We have none of these." " Pay ine 
 " then in the best counterfeit bills you have."
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 297 
 
 tired with dignity from his high station, and for having 
 maintained that dignity in retirement ; exhibiting an hon- 
 orable and exemplary virtue, as a private citizen throughout 
 a prolonged life. 
 
 The citizens of the present day, and all who are to be 
 citizens while the republic continues, have a serious inter- 
 est in the public character and conduct of the two first 
 and two next Presidents. So recently after their ministry, 
 and while one of them is still living, and while so many of 
 both parties are still living, who are little likely to have 
 changed their views, a fair and impartial judgment of these 
 eminent men may be unattainable. But, if the materials 
 for judging are not to be furnished to those who have be- 
 come citizens, since these excitements have gone by, they 
 must pass away themselves, before the time for impartial 
 judgment may have come. How are such citizens to know, 
 (what it most concerns them to know,) the origin and char- 
 acter of public policy, and the merits and faults of former 
 agents? The constitution, be it remembered, is no more 
 than a collection of rules, to be expounded by practice in 
 the exigencies of a nation. The constitution of England 
 is not like ours, written ; but is found in a long series of 
 political events and usages. If our citizens are not to 
 know what has been the practical exposition of their con- 
 stitution, in former times, they cannot know the soundness, 
 or unsoundness of the current one. It is not too early to 
 inquire what good or evil was done in the days of Wash- 
 ington and Adams ; and what good or evil was done in the 
 days of Jefferson and Madison, if one has any interest to 
 know what good or evil is going on at the present day. 
 
 If any one who reads these pages is disposed to think 
 them the product of party favoritism, he need not and will 
 not rely on them. But let him look to the public docu- 
 ments which have been cited. Let him look to facts 
 which are open to every man's view, and judge for himself. 
 The writer has no point to carry, but to show Thomas 
 Jefferson as he really was; and, fortunately, every proof 
 that is needed has been furnished either by Mr. Jefferson's 
 confidential associates, or by his own pen. In showing 
 Thomas Jefferson as he was, it is believed that an abun- 
 dance of indisputable facts have been stated to show, who 
 and what they were whom he spent fifty years in CALUMNI-
 
 298 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 ATING, to carry his points. There are yet other facts to 
 state of the same tendency, in their proper place. 
 
 The time is not afar off, when the American people will 
 rid themselves of Mr. Jefferson's " heresies." They will 
 understand his faults, his follies, and pretensions. They 
 will estimate the worth of his assertions, made even from 
 his own ashes. Self-sculptured, he stands forth, as calum- 
 niator, in a bold relief, unknown before of any man. He 
 may be likened to the manager of a theatrical company, who 
 has played in every variety of comedy and tragedy ; and 
 who at the close of the season, and when the curtain has 
 dropped for the last time, re-appears and invites the whole 
 audience to come behind the scenes, to see for themselves 
 by what trumpery they have been beguiled of their money ; 
 and for what sort of kings, heroes, and patriots they have 
 thundered applause, or shed tears of sympathy. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson's Religion. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson demands the admiration of the world. He 
 
 ranks himself with Washington ; with the benefactors of 
 
 mankind. It is true, that he is not responsible to men for 
 
 his religious opinions. But if he has taken on himself to dis- 
 
 y avow that religion on which believers found their hopes of 
 
 I the future ; and which the wise and virtuous regard as the 
 
 f very bond of society and the best security for human happi- 
 
 \ ness, he has essentially impaired the force of his demand. 
 
 \ Considering Mr. Jefferson as an individual, it is of no more 
 
 importance to inquire what his religion was, than what his 
 
 friend Thomas Paine's was. But as he is still held up as an 
 
 J example, it is proper, that a Christian community should 
 
 \ know what sort of a Christian he was. The following ex- 
 
 > tracts will settle that matter. They might be multiplied, 
 
 but it is painful to transcribe them : 
 
 In a letter to Mr. Adams, January llth, 1817, (vol. iv. 
 
 p. 300,) he says : " The result of your fifty or sixty years 
 
 ii " of religious reading in the four words, ' be just and good,' 
 
 ^ *' is that in which all our inquiries must end ; as the riddles 
 
 ; ," of all the priesthood end in four more ; ' ubi panis, ibi deus.' 
 
 ''i' (My living is my religion.) What all agree in is probably 
 
 " right ; what no two agree in is probably wrong. One 
 
 " lately inquired of me, whether he might consider as au-
 
 . ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 299 
 
 " thentic the change in my religion, much spoken of in 
 " some circles. Now this supposed, that they knew what 
 " had been my religion before, taking for it the words of 
 " their priests, whom I certainly never made the confidants 
 " of my creed. My answer was : ' Say nothing of my S 
 " religion. It is known to God and myself alone. Its evi- 
 " dence before the world is to be sought in my life ; if that 
 " has been HONEST AND DUTIFUL TO SOCIETY, the religion 
 " which has regulated it cannot be a bad one.' " 
 
 It is with some reluctance,, that the following extract is 
 made from a letter of Jefferson to William Short, dated Au- 
 gust 4th, 1820, (vol. iv. p. 327.) 
 
 " That Jesus might conscientiously believe himself in- ^ 
 ' spired from above is very possible. The whole religion 
 ' of the Jews, inculcated on him from his infancy, was 
 ' founded in the belief of divine inspiration. The fumes of 
 ' the most disordered imaginations were recorded in their -^ 
 ' religious code, as special communications of the Deity ; 
 ' and as it could not but happen, that, in the course of ages, 
 ' events would now and then turn up, to which some of 
 ' these vague rhapsodies might be accommodated by the 
 ' aid of allegories, figures, types, and other tricks upon 
 ' words, they have not only preserved their credit with the 
 ' Jews of all subsequent times, but are the foundation of 
 ' much of the religions of those, who have schismatized from 
 ' them. Elevated by the enthusiasm of a warm and pure 
 ' heart, conscious of the high strains of an eloquence, which 
 ' had not been taught him, he might readily mistake the 
 ' coruscations of his own fine genius for the inspirations 
 ' of a higher order. This belief carried, therefore, no 
 more personal imputation, than the belief of Socrates, that 
 " himself was under the care and admonitions of a guardian 
 Demon. And how many of our wisest men still believe in 
 the reality of these inspirations, while perfectly SANE on 
 all other subjects. Excusing, therefore, on these consid- 
 erations, those passages in the gospels, which seem to 
 bear marks of weakness in Jesus, ascribing to him what 
 alone is consistent with the great and pure character 
 of which the same writings furnish proof; and to their 
 proper authors their own trivialities and imbecilities, 
 I think myself authorized to conclude the purity and 
 distinction of his character, in dpposition to the impostures 

 
 300 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 " which those authors would fix upon him." (Mr. Jefferson 
 r was about 77, when this letter was written ; and his mind 
 
 seems to have been as sound then as it had ever been. We 
 
 should not have adverted to Mr. Jefferson's religious opin- 
 f ions, if he had not been held up as a Christian ; and had 
 
 not deliberately published, that Washington was an infidel.} 
 
 LETTER LXIX. 
 
 FEBRUARY 3, 1834. 
 
 ON Mr. Madison's retirement, Mr. Monroe (whose name 
 should ever be associated with impressment and conscrip- 
 tion) was the Jeffersonian candidate for President. The 
 peace of Europe, our own peace, the return of prosperity, and 
 the inexpressible relief from non-intercourse, embargo, and 
 war, had made the federalists very indifferent as to Mr. 
 Madison's successor. They had little to fear from him, and 
 nothing to hope. Mr. Monroe met with little opposition at 
 his first election, and with one opposing vote only at the 
 second. He was of course a Jeffersonian President, and 
 adhered to his party in all distributions of favors. He had 
 no opportunity to adopt a mischievous policy, nor probably 
 any desire to do it. His useful merit consisted in governing 
 
 / but little, and in leaving people to manage for themselves : 
 
 ; a merit which belonged to neither of his predecessors. 
 
 f It is a remarkable fact, that the most peaceable, tranquil, 
 and prosperous eight years, which the country has expe- 
 rienced since the beginning of this century, was during the 
 administration of this gentleman. Whether this arose from 
 
 / his positive, or negative qualities, or from the fact, that fede- 
 ralists never make opposition, for opposition's sake, and care 
 not who governs, if they are governed well, it is not under- 
 taken to decide. 
 
 If Mr. Monroe's talents and usefulness are to be meas- 
 ured by the number of his elections and appointments, he 
 was, undoubtedly, the greatest man that has ever appeared 
 in the . United States. There are a sort of middling-men, 
 who are not objects of envy, nor are they -so inferior as to 
 pass unnoticed. They are always ready for any office, and
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 301 
 
 equally fit for any. Some persons have supposed, that Mr. 
 Monroe was at the head of this class. He served, honora- \ 
 bly, some years in the revolutionary war. He seems to have 
 been esteemed in his native state. (He was born in Virginia *""'- 
 in 1758.) He was frequently in the legislature, and gov- 
 ernor on two different elections ; and member of the old 
 Congress. He was of the convention in 1787, and senator ' 
 for some years. He was acting secretary at war, and secre- - 
 tary of state. He had four missions to Europe, and divers I 
 other appointments in the course of his life ; and lastly . 
 President of the United States. 
 
 He was not a mercenary man, for he left public employ- ^ 
 ment, with slender means for future subsistence. Congress 
 was supposed to have failed in showing proper respect and 
 consideration for a man, who had been so long in public 
 service ; and who, doubtless, was an honest man, whether 
 he was right, or wrong in his views. He labored a long -<; 
 time with Congress, after he left the presidency, to get some 
 accounts settled, in which he claimed to be a creditor; but 
 without much success. It is probable, that the wicked fac- 
 tion of federalists would have taken pleasure in seeing Mr. 
 Monroe made comfortable in his declining years, even at the 
 public expense. 
 
 Mr. Monroe was nearly six feet in stature, well formed, 
 light complexion, blue eyes. His countenance had no indi- 
 cations of superior intellect. He was a respectable looking 
 man of that order called common. He was a very laborious 
 and industrious man ; and may have compensated in some 
 degree by diligence, for deficiencies in ability. He was ~^ 
 the third Ex-President who died on the 4th of July. He 
 died in New York in 1831, at the age of 73. 
 
 Mr. J. Q,. Adams went to Russia in the summer of 1809, 
 as minister by Jefferson's appointment. He remained there 
 until his appointment in April 1813, to be a negotiator of 
 peace at Ghent. After the peace was made, he was appoint- 
 ed minister to England in February 1815, and went thither, 
 and remained, until he returned to be Secretary of State 
 under Mr. Monroe in March 1817. He continued in this 
 office during Mr. Monroe's eight years, and became a candi- 
 date for the Presidency, and was elected by the House of 
 Representatives in Feb. 1825, there being no choice by the 
 Electors. While he was Secretary, General Jackson carried 
 26
 
 302 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 on the Seminole war, which occasioned some sharp diplo- 
 macy with Spain. It was in this war, that General Jackson 
 / hung a couple of English subjects (Arbuthnot and Ambris- 
 ter), a most extraordinary proceeding, to which some persons 
 have given a most opprobrious appellation. Mr. Adams is 
 understood to have approved of the General's conduct in this 
 war. It had not Mr. Clay's approbation, who made some 
 memorable speeches in the House of Representatives on this 
 subject. On the eve of the Presidential election, (October, 
 1828,) Mr. Adams published a new edition of those charges 
 against his fellow citizens in New England, which he had 
 confidentially communicated to Mr. Jefferson about twenty 
 years before. This led to a correspondence between Mr. 
 Adams and some surviving federalists, in which he was re- 
 quested to furnish his proofs. This he declined to do. 
 f This correspondence was published in a pamphlet. Mr. 
 / Adams was a candidate at the next election, but the reign 
 ! of Andrew Jackson began on the 4th of March, 1829, and 
 \still continues. There can be no lower degradation for the 
 ^American people, unless they are to see Mr. Van Buren, or 
 Mr. Amos Kendall on the Presidential throne. 
 
 LETTER LXX. 
 
 FEBRUARY 5, 1834. 
 
 THERE are many citizens in the United States who have 
 come to manhood since this century began, and who sin- 
 cerely believe, that the Federalists were an unprincipled and 
 odious faction. They have derived this belief from vague 
 traditions, or perhaps from such speculations as are found 
 in Mr. Jefferson's volumes. If the day for vindicating fede- 
 ralists has not come, they may safely trust their fame to the 
 tribunal of posterity, and may have no fear there, in asking 
 judgment, whether they, or Mr. Jefferson, are entitled to 
 respect and gratitude. To aid in producing a just and 
 righteous judgment will be the purpose of the residue of 
 these pages ; and to this end facts must be stated, which no 
 one, who pretends to know anything of the history of this 
 country, can deny.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 303 
 
 There were intelligent and honest men who hazarded 
 their lives in the field, or councils, or in both, to free this 
 country from the monarchy and tyranny of Great Britain. 
 A large proportion of these men united to form for thirteen 
 free, sovereign, and independent states, an elective, national 
 republican government. The powers of this government 
 were carefully limited and defined ; and all powers not ex- 
 pressly, nor by necessary implication delegated, were reserv- 
 ed to the states, or to the people. The members of the 
 convention, who deliberately framed this system of govern- 
 ment, with very few exceptions, united with other eminent 
 citizens in recommending it to the people of the states. 
 Most of these members were in the state conventions, where 
 the constitution was discussed ; and by their efforts in these 
 conventions, and by appealing to the good sense of the peo- 
 ple through the press, and by all other proper means to which 
 they could resort, they obtained, against powerful opposition, 
 the acceptance of this constitution ; and thus formed the 
 national union. The men, who thus resisted English mon- 
 archy and tyranny, and who thus formed this republican and 
 national union, were FEDERALISTS. 
 
 The President of the convention (which framed this 
 constitution) must have been well informed, by the discus- 
 sions which he heard, of the true meaning and practical 
 application of every sentence and phrase in that instrument. 
 He was the first President of the United States, selected to 
 execute the powers which that instrument conferred. The 
 Senate and House of Representatives were composed of 
 men, many of whom had been zealous patriots throughout 
 the revolutionary struggle, and most of whom had been 
 members of the national, or state conventions ; or who were 
 otherwise informed of the true meaning and intent of the 
 constitution. The first Vice President was a man who had 
 devoted himself to the cause of the revolution, and who may 
 be said to have stood second to no one in efforts, as a civil- 
 ian, to free the country from foreign dominion, and to 
 enable it to govern itself, as a republic. The President, the 
 Vice President, and a large majority of both branches of 
 Congress were FEDERALISTS. 
 
 This new form of government was organized. All the 
 various powers delegated by the constitution were defined 
 by wise laws, and carried into effect. The whole country
 
 304 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 arose, almost miraculously, from a state of confusion, des- 
 pondency, idleness, and imminent peril, to one of peace, 
 confidence, industry, security, and unexampled prosperity. 
 The wreck and ruin, which the revolutionary struggle 
 brought on, both of private and public credit, disappeared ; 
 and all the benefits, which those who led the country through 
 the revolution had desired, or imagined, were fully realized. 
 The people of the United States, in their new and flourish- 
 ing republic, took their place among the nations of the 
 earth. This was the achievement of FEDERALISTS. 
 
 In the first twelve years of the national administration, 
 the wars of Europe hazarded the peace of the United States. 
 The aggressions of the belligerents, the insolent and seduc- 
 tive character of French enthusiasm, secret combinations, 
 and claims for gratitude (to revolutionary France) called 
 for all the firmness, wisdom, and personal influence of 
 WASHINGTON ; and for the best exertions of his political 
 associates, to save the United States from the loss of all the 
 benefits, which had been acquired by previous toils and 
 sacrifices. Compensation for wrongs, was amicably made 
 by one of the belligerents, and a treaty highly beneficial 
 and honorable was negotiated and ratified. With another, 
 peace and compensation were sought, and insolently denied; 
 all connexion by treaty was annulled ; the attitude of war 
 was assumed ; and then the rights of the country were im- 
 mediately recognised, even by fraudulent and unprincipled 
 France. The prosperity of the country, and the benefits of 
 enriching neutrality were secured, amidst all the desolating 
 conflicts of Europe. This was the work of FEDERALISTS. 
 
 How, then, should it have happened, that the very men, 
 who hazarded all that was dear to them, to prepare their 
 country for republican freedom ; who triumphantly suc- 
 ceeded in their efforts, and who blessed the nation with the 
 best form of government which human wisdom could devise, 
 and raised their fellow-citizens to security, honor, and pros- 
 perity, unexampled in the history of the world, should have 
 been suddenly converted into monarchists ; and into ene- 
 mies and destroyers of their own monuments of glory ! A 
 rational motive must be found for such a supposed change. 
 It must be a motive founded in the perversions to which the 
 human mind is liable ; and that perversion must arise from 
 interest ; and interest must be found in the hope of acquiring
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 305 
 
 some good for one's self, or in inflicting some evil on others. 
 What good could the founders of a republican union promise 
 themselves, so soon after its foundation, in destroying it, 
 and in erecting a monarchy, even if such a measure were 
 possible ; or even if it were a change to be had by merely 
 willing it ? Then, what evil to others could they have medi- 
 tated, which would not have fallen equally on themselves 1 
 Usurpation was impracticable. A perversion of legislative 
 and executive power, to accomplish such designs, involves 
 the absurdity, that the great body of citizens were ripe for 
 such a change. 
 
 The true cause of the odium, attached to the name of 
 Federalist, is to be found in the natural and malignant feel- 
 ings of opponents. At the head of this opposition was Mr. 
 Jefferson. He desired the overthrow of federalists, that he 
 and his party might reign. The means were obvious ; they 
 were such as he and his associates may have thought honest 
 and right. There is little doubt, that he thought of federal- 
 ists as he spoke and wrote ; and as little, that he thought 
 it honest and right, through the press and by the exertion 
 of his own personal influence, to lead the mass of citizens 
 to distrust, to fear, and to hate federalists. He well knew 
 the means of doing this. He appealed to the prejudices 
 and delusions of those, whom he was pleased to call THE 
 PEOPLE ; he told them of burthens which they never felt ; of 
 usurpations and misapplication of power, which had no basis 
 but in his own imagination. He associated himself with the 
 lowest order of popular deceivers. He triumphed and be- 
 came President, and officially confirmed all that he had 
 done, as an individual. He applied the constitutional power, 
 vested in him, to establish the dominion of PARTY, under 
 which the United States have been struggling ever since. 
 The effect of his exercise of power, on the welfare and 
 morals of the people, is shown in the present condition of 
 the United States. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson, in enumerating his own merits, claims the 
 gratitude of his countrymen, for his excellent achievement 
 in "making head" against federalism, and in finally de- 
 stroying its dominion. In all this Mr. Jefferson was sincere 
 and honest ; and died in the belief, that he was a great and 
 good patriot, in having made the monarchical founders of 
 the national union, the enemies of France, and the friends 
 26*
 
 306 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 of England (as he viewed them) odious to a majority of his 
 fellow-citizens. Most of this majority were little competent 
 to judge, whether Mr. Jefferson was credible in his male- 
 dictions, or not. Less of their number were competent to 
 judge, whether the measures of federalists were adapted to 
 promote the honor and happiness of the nation, or not. It 
 was satisfactory to this majority, that the great and good 
 Mr. Jefferson said they were not, and that the authors of 
 them were traitors and monarchists. 
 
 So fell federalism ; not from its want of talent, integrity, 
 or patriotism ; not for its perversion of power ; but as the 
 Spartan band fell at Thermopylae beneath a mound of 
 arrows, so fell federalism beneath a mound of calumnies 
 and slanders, of which Thomas Jefferson was the maker, or 
 patron. The name became so odious, that it was abandoned. 
 It ought ever to have been the most honorable, that any 
 citizen could wear. Mr. Jefferson thought otherwise ; and 
 doomed all federalists to struggle in the ranks of opposition 
 under whatsoever name they could assume. 
 
 "Federalist " meant no more than attachment to the nation- 
 al union, in contradistinction to those who were opposed to it. 
 Like whig and tory, democrat and jacobin, it signified the 
 principles and actions of a political class. In this relation, 
 federalism ever meant this, and this only, a pure and right- 
 eous administration of national and state governments, in 
 strict conformity to the established constitutions. So feder- 
 alism will be considered in history, and as such will be 
 honored by future generations. 
 
 No exemption from human frailty is claimed for federal- 
 ists. They were a political party. Mr. Jefferson and his 
 associates compelled them to be such party. They may, or 
 may not, be thought to have acted prudently in some re- 
 spects ; and especially, in passing the alien and sedition 
 laws. They thought, that the acts of those, whom Mr. Jef- 
 ferson befriended and patronized, endangered the safety of 
 the country, and forced these measures upon them. It is 
 believed, that they were right. Whether they were so, or 
 not, in these measures, were they an exclusive, vindictive 
 party t Did they turn any man out of office merely for 
 political opinions ? Did they make it an indispensable 
 qualification for office, that a candidate should have vowed 
 allegiance to them and hostility to their adversaries ? Did
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 307 
 
 they combine postmasters, revenue officers, clerks, printers, 
 and every grade of diplomatic and executive agents, in one 
 solid body, to uphold them, right or wrong 1 These were 
 not the acts of federalists. 
 
 The perversions and misrule of party power under the 
 two Presidents, Jefferson and Madison, called forth the 
 patriotic exertions of federalists. Some were in Congress, 
 some in state legislatures ; and, sometimes, a federalist was 
 in the chief executive station, in some of the states. Many, 
 in private life, could not be tame and silent spectators of the 
 ruinous measures, which these two Presidents recommended, 
 or adopted. What these federalists did, as opponents of 
 Jeffersonism, is no less to their honor and credit, than their 
 efforts to establish a government, which these two Presidents, 
 under the guidance of party zeal, did all but annihilate. 
 
 It remains to say something of the individuals, who did 
 themselves equal honor in founding and sustaining the re- 
 public ; and in opposing the perverse measures of Jefferson 
 and Madison. To these individuals we are indebted, that 
 there is still such an institution as the national republic of 
 the United States. 
 
 LETTER LXXI. 
 
 FEBRUARY 10, 1834. 
 
 THE writer of these sketches well knew all the men in 
 Massachusetts, who were engaged in public life, during the 
 administrations of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison. He has 
 heard all of them express their opinions on the state of the 
 country, in those days, in public and in private. With 
 some of them he was intimately associated, and knew their 
 thoughts on all subjects of political character, as certainly 
 as thoughts can be known, where there is unreserved con- 
 fidence, and a common interest on the same subject. He 
 never heard, from any one of these men, any opinion hos- 
 tile to the national constitution, or the union of the states ; 
 but from all of them, a most unqualified and zealous devo- 
 tion to the preservation of both. He has heard, from all of 
 them, the most decided disapprobation of the public policy 
 
 -
 
 308 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 - 
 
 of which they were opponents. They were, one and all, 
 from interest, duty, and principle, constitutional republicans. 
 Yet, they were called monarchists, anglomen, disorganizes, 
 and traitors, because they warned their countrymen of the 
 errors and follies of national rulers. 
 
 When Thomas Jefferson first became President, CALEB 
 STRONG was Governor of Massachusetts. He was born in 
 Northampton in 1744 ; educated at Harvard University ; by 
 profession a lawyer ; and was actively engaged in the first 
 scenes of the revolution. As early as 1775, when he was 
 only 31 years of age, he was a member of the committee of 
 public safety. He was in puplic service during the whole 
 of revolutionary times ; a member of the convention which 
 framed the federal constitution, and of that which adopted 
 it in his native state. He was senator in Congress in 
 Washington's time ; governor of Massachusetts from 1800 
 to 1807, and again elected in 1812, and continued in that 
 office during the war. He refused to give up the militia 
 called for at the beginning of the war, because, in his 
 opinion, the call was not warranted by the constitution. In 
 this opinion, he was sustained by that of the Supreme 
 Judicial Court. Governor Strong was a tall man, of mode- 
 rate fulness, of rather long visage, dark complexion, and 
 blue eyes. He wore his hair loose, combed over his forehead, 
 and slightly powdered. He had nothing of the polish of 
 cities in his demeanor, but a gentle complaisance and kind- 
 ness. He was a man of strong mind, calm, cool judgment, 
 and of purest character throughout his life. Perhaps no 
 man in the United States could have been so unlike a 
 monarchist and a traitor as Caleb Strong. 
 
 His successor, JOHN BROOKS, was born at Medford in 
 1752. By profession, a physician, though not favored with 
 a liberal education. He engaged very early in the revolu- 
 tionary war, and acquired celebrity ; and was much distin- 
 guished at the capture of Burgoyne. He attracted the 
 notice and enjoyed the confidence and friendship of Wash- 
 ington. He was often a member of the legislature, and 
 was adjutant general under Governor Strong, in Mr. Madi- 
 son's war. Without high pretensions to intellectual dis- 
 tinction, he was a man of practical wisdom, sound judgment, 
 and of pure and elevated mind. No man was more es- 
 teemed and respected than John Brooks. He was of mid-
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 309 
 
 die stature, well formed, and of soldierly dignity of manner. 
 Mr. Jefferson does not mention John Brooks by name, as 
 one of the " worthless and disaffected," but he was of the 
 denounced class of citizens. 
 
 CHRISTOPHER GORE is specially named as one of the an- 
 glomen and traitors. He was born in Boston in 1758, and 
 educated at Cambridge, and became an eminent lawyer. He 
 was one of the convention that adopted the constitution, in 
 which he took an active and honorable part. He was 
 the first attorney of the United States, for the Massachusetts 
 district, under the new constitution. In 1796, he was ap- 
 pointed a commissioner to settle the claims for British 
 spoliations, under Jay's treaty. He was eight years in 
 England in this employment. On his return, so acceptable 
 had been the performance of his duties in that station, that 
 the most respectable persons united in a festival to do him 
 honor ; and a more sincere and cordial testimonial of re- 
 spect and esteem was never given to any man. He was in 
 the Senate of Massachusetts for two or three years after his 
 return. One of the ablest papers that appeared on the 
 orders in council and the decrees of France, and on the 
 manner in which these had been treated by the national 
 government, was drawn up by him, in the form of a report 
 on a memorial of citizens to the legislature. There are 
 many other public documents from his pen. In 1809 he 
 was chosen Governor. His speeches, in that office, are to 
 be considered in relation to Mr. Jefferson's commentaries 
 on Governor Gore's political tendencies. In 1814 Mr. 
 Gore was senator in Congress from Massachusetts, where he 
 remained about three years, and then withdrew from all 
 public employment. Mr. Gore was rather tall, and, in mid- 
 dle age, of full person and erect, but began to bend forward 
 at an earlier age than common. He was bald on the whole 
 upper surface of his head, at an unusually early period. 
 His hair was tied behind and dressed with powder. His 
 face was round and florid, his eyes black ; his manners 
 courteous and amiable. His eloquence was dignified and 
 impressive. In all his relations and deportment, he had 
 the bearing of a polished and well-bred gentleman. With 
 his intimates he was free and social, and had, and deserved 
 to have, many affectionate friends. Mr. Gore was a man of 
 very considerable wealth, portions of which he bestowed
 
 310 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 0i 
 
 munificently by will to public institutions, and especially to 
 Harvard University. One can readily see, why a man so 
 circumstanced in the world, should desire that the Union 
 and the national constitution should be preserved, and the 
 latter righteously administered; and it is impossible to discern 
 any motive which such a man could have, for desiring to 
 introduce popular commotion and anarchy. But it is easily 
 to be perceived, why Mr. Jefferson may have found it con- 
 venient to make such an opponent odious. 
 
 One of the eminent men whom Mr. Jefferson is particu- 
 larly disposed to notice as a monarchist and angloman, 
 (Mr. Jefferson's favorite name for those whom he considered 
 to be of the English faction,) was GEORGE CABOT. This 
 gentleman was born in Salem in 1752. Before he was 26 
 years of age he was a member of the Provincial Congress 
 of Massachusetts. In 1787 -8 he was a distinguished mem- 
 ber of the state convention, on the federal constitution ; and 
 for several years senator in Congress. The latter years of 
 his life he was sometimes in the state legislature, and in 
 the executive council. In the deplorable distress, caused 
 by Madison's war, Mr. Cabot consented to be one of the 
 Hartford Convention, in which assembly he was President. 
 Mr. Jefferson had the strongest inducement to depreciate 
 Mr. Cabot, for no man saw more clearly the motives of Mr. 
 Jefferson and the consequences of his policy. All the party 
 malignity, which Mr. Jefferson felt for Hamilton, was ex- 
 tended to all Hamilton's political friends, and to none more 
 than to Mr. Cabot and Mr. Ames, who accorded entirely with 
 Hamilton, in his views of national policy. It is no easy 
 task to describe George Cabot in a manner worthy of him, 
 and adapted to make known by words, what he was, as a 
 statesman, a man of information, a patriot, a citizen, and a 
 gentleman. His early days were passed in the usual semi- 
 naries ; and he was, for some time, at Cambridge University, 
 but left it in his boyhood, for the purpose of qualifying him- 
 self for a life of business. He became his own teacher, and 
 for the high elevation, to which he afterwards attained, he 
 was indebted to his own cultivation of his extraordinary 
 powers of mind. The state of the country and the deep 
 concern, which he took in its prosperity, directed his atten- 
 tion to the great public interests. One who had the best 
 opportunities to know him, (Dr. Kir kl and,) thus describes
 
 * -j 
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 311 
 
 his qualities : " His mind was at once comprehensive and 
 ' discriminating; full, yet accurate. He was sagacious and 
 ' acute in disentangling involved and difficult subjects ; 
 ' knowing how to separate appearances from realities ; to 
 ' distinguish the probable, the true, the practical. The 
 ' materials, that constituted his intellectual store, lay in his 
 ' mind in methodical arrangement, ready to be applied to 
 ' their proper uses, for argument, persuasion, colloquial 
 ' communication, or the conduct of life." 
 
 On national subjects, which engaged the public attention 
 in the first fifteen years of this century, no man thought 
 more, or more profoundly and justly, than Mr. Cabot. He 
 was listened to with the highest respect and confidence by 
 the most eminent men of the time ; and by no one more 
 than his intimate friend, Mr. Ames. No one left Mr. Cabot's 
 presence without being made wiser, if he was capable of 
 being instructed. Not only were the treasures of his mind 
 frankly and freely poured forth, but with a clearness and 
 elegance of expression, and in tones so captivating, that no 
 parallel case can be mentioned. 
 
 His life was as -pure and blameless, as his intellectual 
 powers were transcendent. He had manifested, in all his 
 public relations, an ardent zeal for the constitution and the 
 union ; all his hopes of welfare and personal consideration 
 rested on the republican experiment, that his country was 
 making. No one desired more sincerely, that the experi- 
 ment should be successful, and, consequently, no one felt 
 more keenly the defeat which Jeffersonism threatened to 
 effect. Of that system of policy he was seriously and con- 
 scientiously an opponent. In proportion to his influence 
 was the measure of calumny. 
 
 Mr. Cabot is most affectionately and respectfully remem- 
 bered, by all who had the honor and good fortune to enjoy- 
 his friendship. But they who knew him are passing away ; 
 the remnant is daily diminishing ; and it is sorrowful to feel 
 assured, that so little will be known in distant times of one, 
 whose counsels, while living, were held in the highest vene- 
 ration. It is to be regretted, that there is nothing preserved 
 of so rich and prolific a mind, but in the memory of those, 
 who are also soon to pass away. 
 
 Mr. Cabot was a tall man, well formed, of courteous and 
 elegant manners, and refined aspect ; his complexion light,
 
 312 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 his eyes blue ; his mode of speaking in colloquial inter- 
 course serious and earnest, but not vehement. The dress 
 of his thoughts was clear, strong, and appropriate, and every 
 sentence apparently incapable of amendment. 
 
 It was such a man, that Mr. Jefferson would send down 
 to posterity, as a monarchist, disorganizer, and enemy of 
 his country.* 
 
 To these four names, (Strong, Brooks, Gore, and Cabot,) 
 might be added hundreds of others, no longer among the 
 living,) comprising lawyers, merchants, farmers, and me- 
 chanics, as well known in their respective spheres as these 
 four were ; all of whom thought, on national subjects, as 
 these four thought ; and all of whom were conscientiously 
 opponents of Jeffersonism ; and all of whom were, conse- 
 quently, monarchists, disorganizers, and traitors. These 
 men, one and all, regarded with abhorrence the reign of 
 French jacobinism in Europe, and were indignant in seeing 
 Mr. Jefferson's efforts to transplant, or to engraft it on 
 American stock. 
 
 These four have not been selected in disregard of others, 
 not less respectable and worthy, but because three of these 
 four began with the American revolution, and labored 
 through it ; because one of them was a framer of the na- 
 tional constitution ; all four of them strenuous advocates 
 for its adoption ; three of them officers under it ; and all of 
 them in high offices under the state constitution. The elec- 
 tion of such men, by those who knew them well, is some 
 evidence of their intelligence and virtues.! 
 
 Such men Thomas Jefferson charges with plots and com- 
 binations to subvert the institutions which they had estab- 
 lished ; and at the very time when their purposes were in 
 successful experiment, under their own direction. On the 
 
 * It is well remembered to have been one of Mr. Cabot's opinions, 
 that this country must, sooner or later, submit (as in ancient republics) 
 to the termination of freedom, through popular delusion. He thought 
 the natural action of this spirit was most terrible in small communities ; 
 and that the prolonged safety of this country would be found, in the 
 diffusion of its inhabitants over a wide surface. He was, therefore, 
 for continuing the unity of the American people, and avoiding the 
 evils of party feeling, when limited to narrow spaces and to small 
 numbers. 
 
 t Caleb Strong died in 1820 ; George Cabot in 1823 ; John Brooks 
 in 1825 ; Christopher Gore in 1827. 
 
 * -
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 313 
 
 continued success of this experiment depended their fame, 
 their property, their personal welfare, the prosperity and 
 happiness of their friends and kindred. 
 
 What, then, was Thomas Jefferson's motive? Was he 
 fraudulent and base ? Probably not. He was under the 
 delusion which beguiles a vain, wrong-headed, selfish party 
 man. It is such men, who have overturned all former re- 
 publics. They substitute themselves and their party for 
 the country, the people, the laws, and the constitution ; and 
 are, at last, forced into despotism, whether they so intended, 
 or not. 
 
 LETTER LXXII. 
 
 FEBRUARY 16, 1834. 
 
 THERE are three persons whom Mr. Jefferson is pleased 
 to distinguish, with peculiar emphasis, in his writings, viz. 
 Timothy Pickering, John Lowell, and Stephen Higginson. 
 Mr. Pickering was in the public service from the com- 
 mencement of the revolution, almost to the close of his long 
 life, in various and in honorable stations. He proved him- 
 self to be an able man in all of them, and an officer of in- 
 corruptible integrity. This gentleman has but recently 
 deceased ; and there are so many now living who knew him 
 well, and who speak of him with the highest respect, that it 
 must be left to those, who are so much better informed, than 
 the writer of these sketches can assume to be, to do him 
 justice, if they think Mr. Jefferson's remarks worth noticing. 
 It must strike them as ludicrous, that a man, who might be 
 selected as a model of republican simplicity and directness, 
 should be publicly charged with plotting, (in conjunction 
 with a London merchant of singular retiredness of deport- 
 ment, in all things but his mercantile concerns,) to subject 
 his own country to British dominion. Mr. Jefferson may 
 have known how such affairs are managed ; but it is be- 
 lieved, that the British ministry and federalists were equally 
 strangers to such modes of managing public interests. The 
 absurdity of supposing, that the British could carry any de- 
 signs which they may have had by corrupt means, or that 
 any distinguished members of the federal party imagined 
 27
 
 314 
 
 they could accomplish any British purpose through such 
 means, is too glaring to have found admission to any but a 
 distempered mind. The case was much otherwise with the 
 French. The miseries to which they subjected other na- 
 tions were the consequences of management, no less than of 
 force. 
 
 There is a very remarkable record in Mr. Jefferson's 4th 
 volume, page 514, under date of December 25, 1800, con- 
 cerning the two other persons before named, John Lowell 
 (sen.) and Stephen Higginson. Though there is no pleas- 
 ure in copying Mr. Jefferson, this record cannot be under- 
 stood without taking the whole of it together. 
 
 " Colonel Hichborn tells me, what Colonel Monroe had be- 
 
 " fore told me of, as coming from Hichborn. He was giving 
 
 " me the characters of persons in Massachusetts. Speaking 
 
 " of Lowell, he said he was in the beginning of the revolu- 
 
 " tion a timid whig, but as soon as he found we were likely 
 
 " to prevail, he became a great office hunter. And in the 
 
 " very moment of speaking of Lowell, he stopped : Says he, 
 
 " I will give you a piece of information, which I do not vcn- 
 
 " ture to speak of to others. There was a Mr. Hale in Mas- 
 
 " sachusetts, a reputable, worthy man, who becoming a little 
 
 " embarrassed in his affairs, I aided him, which made him 
 
 " very friendly to me. He went to Canada on some 
 
 business. The Governor there took great notice of 
 
 him. On his return, he took occasion to mention to 
 
 me, that he was authorized by the Governor of Canada to 
 
 give from three to Jive thousand guineas, each, to himself, 
 
 and some others, not to do anything to the injury of their 
 
 country, but to befriend a good connexion between England 
 
 and it. Hichborn said he would think of it, and asked 
 
 Hale to come and dine with him to-morrow. After din- 
 
 " ner, he drew Hale fully out. He told him he had his 
 
 " doubts, but particularly, that he should not like to be 
 
 " alone in such a business. On that, Hale named to him 
 
 " four others who were to be engaged, two of whom, said 
 
 " Hichborn, are now dead and two living. Hichborn, 
 
 " when he had got all he wanted out of Hale, declined in a 
 
 " friendly way. But he observed those four men, from that 
 
 " moment, to espouse the interests of England on every 
 
 " point and on every occasion. Though he did not name 
 
 " the men to me, yet as speaking of Lowell was what
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 315 
 
 " brought into his head to tell me this anecdote, / concluded 
 " he was one. From other circumstances respecting Stephen 
 11 Higginson, of whom he spoke, I conjectured him to be the 
 " other living one." 
 
 " December 26th. In another conversation, I mentioned 
 " to Colonel Hichborn, that, though he had not named 
 " names, I had strongly suspected Higginson to be one of 
 "Hale's men. He smiled and said, if I had strongly sus- 
 " pected any man wrongfully, on his information, he would 
 " undeceive me : that there were no persons he thought 
 "more strongly to be suspected himself, than Higginson and 
 " Lowell. / considered him as saying they were the men. 
 " Higginson is employed in an important business about our 
 " navy." 
 
 A personal friend of the late Judge Lowell, and of the 
 late Mr. Higginson, has favored the writer with the follow- 
 ing remarks on the foregoing extracts : 
 
 ' This most extraordinary accusation was entered in Mr. 
 ' Jefferson's diary in 1800, twenty-five years after the sup- 
 ' posed and imputed transactions and crimes ; it was care- 
 ' fully concealed by Mr. Jefferson during his whole life, and 
 ' left to be published to the world half a century after the 
 ' supposed transaction ; and when, from Mr. Jefferson's un- 
 ' common longevity, it was absolutely certain, that there 
 ' could not be a single surviving witness to an accusation so 
 ' solemn, and, if unfounded, atrocious. It was upon its face 
 ' a case, in which a man indulged his passions, to gratify 
 ' his own personal hatred towards men, who differed from 
 ' him in political opinions. This should not be forgotten. 
 ' As to the degree of unfairness, and we may add baseness, 
 ' of leaving a posthumous charge on record against men of 
 ' as high and honorable character, as any in New England, 
 ' and who enjoyed always the entire confidence of the in- 
 ' telligent and astute people of the state of Massachusetts, 
 ' every man can form an opinion for himself. When history 
 ' can be so much corrupted and defiled, that a man, con- 
 ' suiting his own passions and governed solely by his personal 
 ' prejudices, shall be permitted to state, as facts, such idle 
 ' and unfounded surmises, after the demise of his friends 
 ' and coadjutors, surely there is no security for the truth of 
 ' history, or for the character of individuals employed in the 
 ' great concerns of a nation.
 
 316 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 ' But, to analyze this most licentious, and, in its form and 
 ' circumstances, most improbable story : " A Mr. Hale," 
 ' without a Christian name, without any description of resi- 
 ' dence to enable the accused parties to identify him, and 
 ' utterly unknown to any man now living, applies to Colonel 
 ' Hichborn, and admitting that he had himself received a 
 ' bribe of three thousand guineas from the Governor of 
 ' Canada, proposes to bribe the Colonel himself. This, he 
 ' says, was owing to great favors, he (Colonel Hichborn) 
 1 had rendered to Hale. The Colonel, after this base offer, 
 ' invites Hale to his table, and learns from him, that four 
 ' other persons had received bribes, and, therefore, the 
 ' Colonel need feel no delicacy in following the example. 
 ' The Colonel's own sense of honor and patriotism forbade 
 ' him to accept the bribe. He had not the courage and 
 ' hardihood to announce to Jefferson the names of the 
 ' guilty parties, even in 1800, twenty years after the sup- 
 ' posed events. Jefferson presses him to name the parties 
 ' in vain, and therefore he suggests to the Colonel who they 
 ' were. The Colonel replies in an oracular style, and Jef- 
 ' ferson " concludes " and " conjectures," that Lowell and 
 ' Higginson were the men intended by Hale. Thus he 
 ' commits to posterity, on the credit of Colonel Hichborn, 
 ' and on his own conjectures, (which Hichborn, the most 
 'fearless and dauntless of men, did not venture to disclose,) 
 ' a charge against Judge Lowell and Stephen Higginson, 
 ' amounting to treason. To be sure, both of these men 
 ' afterwards enjoyed, during their long lives, the confidence 
 ' of all who knew them. To be sure, they were among the 
 ' most active revolutionary patriots. They were, moreover, 
 ' the personal friends and coadjutors of Jefferson himself, as 
 ' can be proved by their correspondence ; still this did not 
 ' hinder Mr. Jefferson, at the end of fifty years, a half cen- 
 ' tury after the supposed events, from committing this atro- 
 ' cious charge against his co-patriots and personal friends to 
 'paper, to be published after his decease. 
 
 ' Mr. Jefferson was a lawyer and a very sagacious man. 
 ' He was perfectly capable of weighing evidence. How, 
 ' then, could the following queries have escaped him ? And 
 ' why should he not have put them to Colonel Hichborn, if 
 ' his only object was the truth 1 
 
 ' Colonel Hichborn, that Mr. Hale, whoever he might be,
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 317 
 
 ' avowed himself to you to be a purchased traitor. He had 
 ' received, he told you, his three thousand guineas for the 
 ' sale of his principles. He was, by our law, subject to death 
 ' as a traitor. You were his confidential friend. Why did 
 * not you denounce him at once to the committee of safety, 
 ' or to the Attorney General of the state, or to the grand 
 ' jury ? You were guilty of misprision of treason. This is 
 ' not all ; you ought to have denounced, openly and frankly, 
 ' Higginson and Lowell. They enjoyed the highest confi- 
 ' dence in our republic. They were not only members of 
 ' the legislature of Massachusetts, but were both of them 
 ' unanimously elected members of the revolutionary Con- 
 ' gress, and one or the other of them continued in these 
 ' important stations till the peace. Why did you not alarm 
 ' the republic 1 You hated, with as deep and cordial a 
 ' sentiment as a man could do, Stephen Higginson ; but 
 f you . admired, courted, and praised John Lowell till his 
 ' death. How then can I reconcile your story with your 
 ' patriotism ? How, in the bitter times which followed the 
 ' revolutionary war, can I reconcile your silence with truth ? 
 ' Did you not go out with Stephen Higginson as your second 
 ' in command, to suppress the insurrection of 17'86, and 
 ' did you eVer lisp a word against him till now ? Sir, I doubt 
 ' your story. 
 
 ' Such would have been the reflections of an honest mind. 
 ' Such were not those of, Mr. Jefferson.' 
 
 Such are the views of one, who knew Judge Lowell and 
 Stephen Higginson much better, than the writer could have 
 known them. Setting aside the improbable occurrence, that 
 the Governor of Canada would first corrupt an obscure in- 
 dividual, and then trust him with fifteen or twenty thousand 
 guineas to corrupt others ; it is quite incredible, that two 
 such men, as Lowell and Higginson were ever known to be, 
 would trust their fame to " a Mr. Hale." It is very uncer- 
 tain what Colonel Hichborn told to Mr. Jefferson, with the 
 preface, that he would tell no one but him, though he had 
 before told the same thing to Monroe, who had told it to 
 Jefferson. It is still more uncertain what was told, for the 
 reason that Mr. Jefferson says it was ; because it is proved, 
 that Mr. Jefferson had, either such a memory as he says 
 Washington had, (always bad and growing worse,) or that 
 he could record " false facts." 
 27*
 
 318 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 There is a striking absurdity in Mr. Jefferson's own state- 
 ment. These " three to five thousand guineas each " were to 
 be given to men, as a bribe, for what 1 " Not to do anything 
 " to the injury of their own country, but to befriend a good 
 connexion between England and it." It is much to be re- 
 gretted, that " a Mr. Hale " did not bribe Mr. Jefferson 
 with the whole amount, if he could have been thereby in- 
 duced to act in conformity to the Governor's proposal. It 
 was his duty " to befriend a good connexion with England," 
 as Washington did, as well as with all other nations. He 
 pursued, on all occasions, precisely the opposite course. 
 And as to doing " nothing to the injury of his own country ; " 
 surely, no man above, or below its surface, (not even ex- 
 cepting Andrew Jackson,) has done it so much injury. 
 
 But, it is feared, that this calumny has been treated with 
 much more seriousness than it deserves. It would not have 
 been noticed at all, but for the purpose of presenting Mr. 
 Jefferson in one more aspect of his own choosing ; certainly 
 not to vindicate either of the gentlemen so accused. They 
 need no vindication, but that which the record carries in 
 itself. 
 
 John Lowell was an eminent lawyer, and in full practice 
 at the commencement of the revolution. He continued his 
 practice during the war, as counsel for merchants and others, 
 who were zealous on the patriot side. He was a member 
 of the old Congress ; and on the adoption of the federal 
 constitution was appointed District Judge in Massachusetts 
 by President Washington ; in which office he continued, 
 until appointed Chief Justice of the Circuit Court in 1801 
 by Mr. Adams. He remained in that office, until Mr. Jef- 
 ferson caused that court to be abolished in 1802, in which 
 year Judge Lowell died, at the age of about 59. 
 
 Judge Lowell was one of the most amiable, pure, and 
 honorable men, that ever lived. He was a true constitution- 
 al federalist, and expressed his opinions as such. But his 
 judicial character and his own sense of propriety prevented 
 him from engaging in political controversies. Mr. Jefferson 
 could not have made a more unfortunate selection of a man 
 to receive " three to five thousand " British guineas, than 
 Judge Lowell. 
 
 Stephen Higginson was an eminent merchant ; an inti- 
 mate friend of George Cabot ; and was undoubtedly charge-
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 319 
 
 able with the twofold sin of being a stanch Washingtonian 
 federalist, and a most sincere and inflexible opponent of the 
 Gallic-American policy of Mr. Jefferson. He was navy 
 agent of the United States, from the first beginning of the 
 navy, until he was dismissed to accommodate one of Mr. 
 Jefferson's partisans. Mr. Higginson was a man of strong, 
 clear mind, of simple, serious manners, and very competent 
 to understand the character and tendency of Mr. Jefferson's 
 measures. He was a man of habitual reserve and few words, 
 except among his friendly associates. To any one who 
 knew Mr. Higginson there can be nothing more palpably 
 absurd, than to suppose him a purchased man, in a scheme 
 of intrigue and treason. Mr. Jefferson has been very 
 unlucky in his selection of men, in this quarter, for political 
 knaves. 
 
 Colonel Hichborn was a lawyer ; and was of the Jefferson 
 party ; he was a man of very varied fortune. He well knew 
 Judge Lowell and Mr. Higginson, and both of them well 
 knew him. And though Colonel Hichborn may not have 
 felt much restraint in discussing the characters of political 
 adversaries, (apparently a favorite vocation of Mr. Jefferson,) 
 it is very doubtful, from Mr. Jefferson's own record, whether 
 Colonel Hichborn intended to convey the opinions which 
 Mr. Jefferson intended to make credible, by his adoption, or, 
 more properly, his creation of them. 
 
 LETTER LXXIII. 
 
 FEBRUARY 25, 1834. 
 
 THE number of distinguished men, who appeared at the 
 close of the last and the beginning of this century, is so 
 great, that it is a delicate matter to decide who among them 
 should not be mentioned, as all of them cannot be. It may 
 be safest not to add to the number of those who have been 
 mentioned ; but there are some, who held so conspicuous a 
 rank, that they should not be passed over ; especially, as in 
 mentioning them, a deserved homage will be rendered to the 
 human mind. In these instances, there are seen two men, 
 both of whom are entitled to be called great, both eminent
 
 320 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 lawyers ; the one rich in the knowledge of other men's 
 thoughts, as well as of his own ; the other rich in knowledge 
 for which he was little indebted to other minds, and most of 
 which he created in his own. These were Parsons and 
 Dexter. 
 
 TheopJiilus Parsons, the son of a clergyman, was born in 
 Byfield, Mass., February, 1750. He was educated at Cam- 
 bridge, and is said to have been an uncommonly hard student 
 while there. He kept school at Portland, and was admitted 
 to the bar at that place. When Portland was burnt, he 
 went to his father's at Byfield. The learned Judge Trow- 
 bridge, who lived in Cambridge, retired to the same town 
 during the war, and carried with him his law library for 
 amusement. As professional books were difficult to be had, 
 Mr. Parsons availed himself of the Judge's books and con- 
 versation ; and studied so intently as to impair his health, 
 and to make the continuance of his life exceedingly preca- 
 rious for many years. He became an invalid, very thin in 
 person, and an afflicted hypochondriac. The extreme care 
 which he manifested in after life, in guarding his person, 
 may have arisen from these early solicitudes. After the war, 
 he opened an office in Newburyport, and soon became emi- 
 nent. He afterwards removed to Boston. In 1806, on the 
 resignation of Chief Justice Dana, he was appointed to the 
 vacated station, and held it to the close of his life, October 
 30th, 1813, when he was 63 years of age. 
 
 He was the most learned lawyer of his time ; and was 
 called the giant of the law. He comprised in his professional 
 attainments, among other things, a full and accurate knowl- 
 edge of the common law, civil, maritime, and ecclesiastical 
 law, the law-merchant, the statute and common law of his 
 own country, and the law of nations. He retained all the 
 learning which he thought it necessary to acquire, and, 
 from the methodical order of his mind, all he knew was 
 ever familiarly at his command. His speeches to juries and 
 judges were neither eloquent nor elegant, in anything but 
 pertinency and argument. They were never long, and he 
 was among the few, who could discern when they have said 
 enough for their purpose. His eloquence was earnestness, 
 his manner easy, familiar, persuasive, and never vehement. 
 It is not remembered, that he ever used a brief; his memory 
 was his brief and the best one that a lawyer can use.
 
 * ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 321 
 
 His presidency on the bench was an era in judicial ability, 
 and in despatch of business. It would be assuming too much 
 to pronounce on the character of his judgments. Very few 
 of them have not been approved by the able minds, which 
 have since been employed on the same subjects. Some of 
 them have been especially respected for their explanatory 
 and illustrative notice, of what may be distinguished as the 
 common law of the state. There may be different opinions 
 as to the manner in which he performed his official duties. 
 It satisfied him, that a case was rightly disposed of, wheth- 
 er the counsel and parties were, or were not satisfied 
 with the despatchfulness with which it was done. If he 
 thought a case needed no argument, he was not disposed to 
 hear any. However much the patience of judges and 
 jurors may sometimes be exercised, litigants win, or lose 
 cases with much more complacency, if the matter has been 
 well " spoken to." It is a trait in the character of Yankees, 
 that they like a close warfare of words, especially when they 
 pay money to have it ; and they like to have their wranglers 
 for hire " hold on." But the Chief Justice, by intuition, or 
 some process analogous to his familiar use of algebraic 
 deduction, saw what the end must be ; and was impatient of 
 the slow process by which inferior minds arrived at it. It 
 is doubtful, whether it is best for a judge, or for the commu- 
 nity, that he should know much more and discern much 
 more rapidly, than any or all around him, when engaged in 
 the administration of justice. Whatever may be thought of 
 such matters, Chief Justice Parsons was one of the most 
 learned and able Judges that ever appeared in any court. 
 
 His political life was not distinguished. He is said to 
 have had a distaste to political controversy. It was not con- 
 genial to the character of his mind. He was of the conven- 
 tion which framed the Massachusetts constitution, and of 
 that which adopted the national one. In both these assem- 
 blies he held a high rank, and was the inferior of no man 
 whom he met therein. On extraordinary occasions, he 
 sometimes accepted a seat in the state legislature. He was 
 an original and thorough federalist ; and, consequently, 
 understood and condemned Mr. Jefferson's theories and 
 practice. As Mr. Jefferson was curious and diligent, as to 
 friends and foes, and loved to discuss character, he ranked 
 Judge Parsons among the enemies of the country. No
 
 322 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 doubt this gentleman kept very bad company, in Mr. Jef- 
 ferson's opinion ; for he was the intimate associate of such 
 men as Cabot, Lowell, Higginson, and Ames; and (which 
 must have been conclusive with Mr. Jefferson) he was 
 appointed Chief Justice by Caleb Strong. 
 
 As a scholar and a man of science, (especially in Greek 
 and mathematics,) there is unquestionable evidence, from the 
 most competent judges, of his very high attainments. These 
 studies were his amusements ; but he also read and delighted 
 in the current literature of the day, and, it is said, that he 
 was as well read in novels and romances, as in the law. 
 
 Mr. Parsons was one of the most unremitting and inces- 
 sant students that ever lived. When not called off by 
 business, his daily habit was to sit and study, from twelve to 
 fifteen hours a day, all his life ; and this without exercise or 
 relaxation. Great lawyer as he was, he -did not study law 
 from the love of it. He left a great mass of manuscripts, 
 comprising classical literature, a Greek grammar, profession- 
 al essays, and on mathematics and astronomy ; the two latter 
 subjects and natural philosophy being his favorite studies. 
 On such subjects he had collected a very considerable libra- 
 ry ; and had also an extensive and valuable collection of 
 optical and philosophical instruments. It is said, that he 
 published nothing, and did not intend anything that he 
 wrote for publication. Nothing was left in condition for the 
 press ; so that nothing remains of this great mind, but his 
 official judgments. 
 
 It is grateful to know that such a powerful mind, as Judge 
 Parsons had, was applied, with all its force on the truths of 
 Christian revelation. He is said to have examined this 
 subject with the acute and discriminating ability, which 
 marked all his intellectual action. He publicly professed 
 his belief in Christianity, and closed his life in that belief. 
 
 He was a man of six feet in stature, of full person, but 
 rather small lower limbs. It was not till he was about fifty, 
 that his fulness of person occurred. His face was round 
 and full, his complexion sallow, his eyes large and blue. 
 He affected no elegance of manner or dress ; in the latter 
 he was indifferent, if not careless. He often wore a colored 
 silk handkerchief around his neck and over his coat. He 
 wore a brown tie wig, the hair coming down in front almost 
 to his eyebrows ; and his own hair sometimes appearing
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 
 
 from behind. He had a very keen, intent look when 
 making, or listening to an argument, and this appeared to 
 be the more so from his habit of drawing his chin towards 
 his breast, and looking almost through his eyebrows. This 
 position of his head was probably acquired by his sedentary 
 habit of study. The expression of his tranquil face was' 
 amiable and pleasing. In his day, at the bar, there was 
 often a keen and close encounter of wit and sarcasm ; 
 seasoned a little, sometimes, with political excitement, and, 
 sometimes, arising to passionate expression. But Mr. Par- 
 sons did not lose himself on these occasions. 
 
 He was naturally liable to passionate excitement. When 
 he was about thirty years of age, he gave way to a very 
 justifiable cause of violent anger. This happened in the 
 presence of his wife, who was so much affected, as to faint. 
 He then resolved, never in his life to give way to passion, 
 and, it is said, he never did. It has been thought, that all 
 men of very exalted intellect, by nature, are liable to violent 
 passions. Certainly there are many such cases ; but there 
 are also many cases of passionate persons, of very inferior 
 minds. 
 
 In private life and social intercourse, he was an amiable 
 man, of very easy, familiar manner ; and was very gracious 
 to his young brethren. He loved good stories and told 
 them well ; was full of apt anecdote and pleasant wit, and 
 was ready and sharp at repartee. He laughed heartily, but 
 inwardly, and with his lips closed. 
 
 This eminent man had something of a defect, not uncom- 
 mon with " giant " minds. Though the ends which he 
 desired to accomplish were such as ought to be accomplished, 
 he thought inferior minds should be managed. The suspi- 
 cion, that he was disposed to management, impaired his 
 influence. Ingenuity in leading inferior minds to assent, 
 where it is proper, that they should do so, is not an uncom- 
 mon trait in men of superior intellect. It is a sort of hom- 
 age, which such intellect pays to itself. But contempt and 
 management are not readily forgiven, even by the most in- 
 ferior. All that is true in this respect of Mr. Parsons prob- 
 ably came to no more than this ; that he was adroit in 
 accomplishing commendable purposes, which is a merit ; 
 and not that he managed to attain improper purposes, which 
 is adding one vice to another. Enough, perhaps, has been
 
 324 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 quoted from Mr. Jefferson's writings to show what sort of a 
 manager he was. 
 
 The successor of Chief Justice Parsons was Samuel 
 Sewall, of the ancient and distinguished family of that name. 
 He was a native of Boston, but had resided for many years 
 at Marblehead. He had been a member of Congress, and 
 thirteen years on the bench, when appointed Chief Justice. 
 He held this place but a few months. He died at Wiscasset, 
 while on the circuit, instantly, and without any previous 
 illness, June, 1814, at the age of 57. He is supposed to 
 have had some disease of the heart. He was below middle 
 stature, and of rather full person. His manners were those 
 of a gentleman, amiable and courteous. He was a learned 
 lawyer, and was highly esteemed and respected. If his 
 judicial opinions had any defect, it was in the want of 
 clearness and simplicity. 
 
 Chief Justice Sewall was succeeded by Isaac Parker, 
 a native of Boston. After admission to the bar, he removed 
 to Castine, and thence to Portland. He was Marshal of the 
 district, member of Congress, and was appointed associate 
 Justice of the Supreme Judicial Court in 1806, and soon 
 after removed to Boston. Among the first acts under his 
 new appointment, was to sit, as sole judge, in the remarka- 
 ble trial of Thomas O. Selfridge, a- member of the bar, for 
 manslaughter. In this trial Gore and Dexter were counsel 
 for the accused. In 1814 he was promoted to the office of 
 Chief Justice, and continued in that station till July, 1830, 
 when he died suddenly of paralysis, at the age of 63. 
 
 Chief Justice Parker was not supposed to be a learned 
 lawyer when he first took his seat on the beach ; but he 
 proved to be one of the ablest judges that ever sat in this 
 court. He was naturally disinclined to labor ; but he had 
 a clear and powerful mind, and was capable of intense and 
 rapid application. His learned and lucid judgments, pro- 
 duced with wonderful facility, are the best evidence of his 
 capacity. Whether his labors, or those of Chief Justice 
 Parsons, in the same seat, were most useful to the Common- 
 wealth, is a point, on which there may be difference of 
 opinion. They were both eminently useful, but were, in 
 many respects, very different men. They died at the same 
 age, and probably Parker could not number as many hours 
 of study, in his whole life, as Parsons could number days.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 325 
 
 Chief Justice Parker was a man of middle stature, of full 
 person and full face, light, or red complexion, blue eyes, 
 and very high forehead, and remarkably bald. His manners 
 were very simple and without pretension to polish. He was 
 very affable, amiable, and unpretending ; and a most com- 
 panionable and agreeable associate, in private life. Perhaps 
 no man excelled him in kind and friendly feelings. He 
 used snuff immoderately ; it affected his voice in his latter 
 years, and may have had some agency in producing his 
 sudden and lamented death. For some years at the close . 
 of his life, he rose long before the dawn of day, and dressed, 
 and took his walk of four or five miles before breakfast, 
 whatever was the season, or the state of the weather. He 
 certainly lived most usefully and honorably for the public, 
 and ought, therefore, to be considered to have lived usefully 
 for himself. He may not have thought so ; for, like most 
 other men of his profession, however eminent, he had little 
 to bequeath as the product of laborious life, but his honor- 
 able fame. * 
 
 Samuel Dexter was a native of Boston, born in 1761. 
 He was (like John Jay) of Huguenot descent, t on the 
 maternal side, and of English, on the paternal. His father 
 was an eminent merchant, and a patron of science and 
 literature. Mr. Dexter was educated at Harvard University, 
 and left that seminary with high reputation. He engaged 
 in the profession of the law, and rose rapidly in the public 
 estimation. He became a member of the state legislature ; 
 was sent to Congress, and distinguished himself honorably 
 in both branches. Mr. John Adams appointed him secre- 
 
 *The Chief Justice was a man of the simplest habits of life. He 
 happened to have taken a servant, on the very day of an evening, 
 when he was to receive a society of his professional brethren. This 
 servant had left a family in which it was the usage to announce 
 visitors, a practice unknown in the Judge's house. The two first 
 who came were asked at the door for their names, and amused 
 with the Judge's new style, one of them answered, John Doe and 
 Richard Roe. The servant threw open the door and announced, 
 "Mr. John Doe, Mr. Richard Roe." The Chief Justice came for- 
 ward with his usual good nature, and extending his hand said, 
 " Gentlemen, I have read of you and heard of you all my life, but 
 " I had despaired of making a personal acquaintance." He ordered 
 his servant to forego his gentility in future. 
 
 t See page 50. 
 
 28
 
 326 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 tary of war, and then secretary of the treasury, which 
 latter office he held, when Mr. Jefferson became President. 
 He performed the duties of these two offices with great 
 ability. When Jefferson came in, he withdiew from public 
 employment and resumed his profession. He continued in 
 this vocation to the close of his life, which event occurred, 
 (from sudden disease of the throat) while on a visit to the 
 interior of the state of New York, May 4th, 1816, when he 
 was in his fifty-fifth year. 
 
 It will be observed, that Mr. Dexter had filled the various 
 places which have been mentioned, before he was forty 
 years of age ; and in a manner which proved, that he well 
 deserved all the confidence and honor, which had been 
 offered and accepted. Associated with Mr. Adams, it 
 would have been surprising, if Jefferson, Freneau, Bache, 
 Duane, Callender, and other like guardians of the public 
 welfare had not noticed him. They availed themselves 
 of an unfortunate accident, to aid them in their patriotic 
 purpose of demolishing federal character. In the new and 
 unprepared state of the city of Washington to be the seat of 
 government, a building was hired for the use of the secre- 
 tary. The adjoining building took fire, in consequence of 
 which the office of the secretary, with many papers belong- 
 ing to it, were burnt. It was an opportunity not to be lost 
 by this company of public guardians. Accordingly, Mr. 
 Dexter was charged with peculation, and with the wilful 
 burning of his office, books, and papers, to conceal it. 
 
 Notwithstanding Mr. Dexter's attention had been so 
 much abstracted from his profession, he resumed his place 
 at the bar, as though he had not been absent from it ; and 
 was at once in full practice, in all the courts which he 
 chose to attend. His professional reputation was sufficiently 
 high, to call him annually to the Supreme Court at Wash- 
 ington, during the rest of his life. In this forum, he met, 
 among others, William Pinkney, Robert G. Harper, Thomas 
 Addis Emmet, who were glad of his aid as an associate ; 
 and who knew what was necessary, when opposed to him. 
 The course of the national administration occasioned many 
 highly important litigations, in this tribunal. 
 
 It is said, that Mr. Dexter had impaired his eye-sight by 
 hard study, early in manhood. This, no doubt, was consid- 
 ered a misfortune, but it may not have been ; for being
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 327 
 
 disqualified, by this occurrence, to deal with the thoughts of 
 others, he was compelled to find thoughts for himself. He 
 may thus have acquired a facility, in that very difficult 
 exercise of the mind, voluntary thinking. His manhood 
 may be considered to have been one long process of medita- 
 tion, reluctantly interrupted by business and sleep. He had 
 no relaxation, and knew nothing of what are called amuse- 
 ments. He sat, and thought ; or more commonly paced his 
 room ; or, at least, so it was said of him. However this 
 may have been, Mr. Dexter depended very little on books 
 and less on his pen, in preparing, or delivering his elaborate 
 arguments. He posessed himself of facts, and then resorted 
 to his own contemplations to jind the law, when the partic- 
 ular case did not turn on technical distinctions. 
 
 Mr. Dexter rarely had a brief; and never larger than a 
 quarter of a sheet of letter paper, and seldom took notes, 
 unless to preserve the words of a witness, or the book and 
 page of an authority. His common manner of speech was 
 deliberate, and his thoughts were very clearly expressed ; 
 and the effect was to command attention, whether of the 
 judges or the jury ; but it was only the eloquence of argu- 
 ment. In general, he stood still and erect, and used no 
 gesticulation, excepting occasionally his right arm was ex- 
 tended. But it was much otherwise when his case called 
 for strong and impassioned expression, and when he was 
 excited himself. He was capable of the strongest excite- 
 ment, and sometimes rose to tremendous eloquence. Some 
 instances are well remembered, where his own feelings were 
 strongly interested, and then his mighty mind came forth 
 in words, in tones, and manner, that can be best compre- 
 hended by referring to that all-absorbing interest which is 
 sometimes felt, in highly wrought scenes of the drama. Mr. 
 Pinkney is said to have prepared his pathos. But these 
 great efforts of Mr. Dexter could not have been prepared. 
 They were the eloquence of the moment; and may have 
 been as unexpected to himself, as to his audience. Like 
 Garrick, he may have been surprised by the unintended 
 excelling of himself. 
 
 It is not possible to point out his greatest argument. 
 That which was considered to be one of the ablest he ever 
 made was on the unconstitutionality of the embargo laws. 
 This was delivered in the District Court of the United States.
 
 328 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 There was no reporter. The argument was lost except for 
 the occasion. It is much to be regretted, that this exposition 
 of constitutional law, from Mr. Dexter, has not been pre- 
 served. It is believed, that no product of his mind, but official 
 papers, professional arguments, and congressional speeches, 
 (from the hands of reporters,) has been preserved, excepting 
 his Eulogy on Ames. Mr. Dexter was a deep thinker ; and 
 theology was one of the subjects which engaged his attention. 
 He was a Christian ; and it was intimated, in his lifetime, 
 that he intended a publication of his views ; and had begun 
 to write. But since his decease, it is understood, that he 
 left nothing sufficiently prepared for the press. 
 
 He took an earnest part in the suppression of intemper- 
 ance, and was one of the first, if not the first distinguished 
 man, who thought it practicable. He was the first president 
 of the first temperance society formed in Massachusetts, 
 about the year 1813.* He had consented to deliver the first 
 address, but was unable to do so, in consequence of being 
 detained at Washington. 
 
 Mr. Dexter was nearly six feet in stature, of well propor- 
 tioned, muscular frame. His hair was black, loose, unpow- 
 dered, and worn rather long ; it came lightly over his high, 
 expansive forehead. His face was long, his complexion 
 dark, his eyes large and light blue. There are men whose 
 expression of face indicates, that they are mostly engaged 
 with what is passing without them, while others show, that 
 they are occupied with what is passing within them. 
 Mr. Dexter was of the latter description ; though he could 
 observe keenly, when it was interesting to him to do so. 
 His common and usual manner was a dignified and formal 
 reserve, that of one who is conscious of intellectual superi- 
 ority. His personal presence indicated, that he was not a 
 man, with whom liberties could be taken, or to whom 
 familiarity could be offered. Yet in private intercourse, 
 and when he felt himself unrestrained, he was an agreeable 
 and instructive associate ; but he did not take much interest 
 in what is called " company," and spent but little time in 
 that way. Instances, however, are remembered, in which 
 he gave full scope to social sympathies. He was a parish- 
 
 * This is supposed to have heen the first Temperance Society ever 
 formed.
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 329 
 
 ioner of the celebrated and lamented Buckminster, (who 
 died June, 1812.) The distinguished men of the parish 
 visited Mr. Buckminster on the evening of Sunday. (The 
 same practice was observed in the time of his predecessor, 
 Dr. Thacher, and of his predecessor, Dr. Cooper.) In 
 these social interviews Mr. Dexter received, as well as 
 imparted, pleasure. It is believed, that he was not of that 
 class of men who need, or who desire intimacies ; but was 
 of the privileged few, who can always be companions to 
 themselves. Whether this course is, on the whole, the best, 
 each one must judge for himself. 
 
 During Mr. Madison's war, Mr. Dexter separated from his 
 federal friends ; a circumstance which they exceedingly 
 regretted. It is not known, that the true causes of this 
 separation have been explained. The separation contin- 
 ued to the close of his life. 
 
 LETTER LXXIV. 
 
 MARCH 9, 1834. 
 
 THERE are yet among the living some men, whom Mr. 
 Jefferson included in his general denunciation, and who 
 held a conspicuous rank in the first fifteen years of this cen- 
 tury. It would be a grateful pleasure to speak of them, as 
 men and as citizens. This would lead to a long enumera- 
 tion ; too long for the present purpose. It cannot be dis- 
 respectful to others to mention some, who deserved well of 
 their country in the greatest perils, and but little less 
 serious than those experienced in the revolution. Party men 
 they were, because none but party men could live in the 
 days of Jefferson and Madison. But this they may say of 
 themselves and their associates, and as the last act to be 
 done on this side the grave, that they ever acted from purest 
 motives ; that their country had no just cause to complain, 
 that they did act, but, on the contrary, should be ever 
 grateful to them for their resistance of ill-advised and dan- 
 gerous measures. 
 
 Harrison Gray Otis was too young to have taken a part 
 in the revolution ; but not to bear arms, when the insurrec- 
 28*
 
 330 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 tion of 1786 - 7 required the services of all good citizens. 
 He was too young to have been a member of the convention, 
 which adopted the constitution ; but in 1800 he was in 
 Congress, an opponent of Jeffersonism ; and was among the 
 embarrassed number, who had to choose between Jefferson 
 and Burr. From that time to the close of Mr. Madison's 
 war, Mr. Otis was constantly in Congress, or in one, or the 
 other of the legislative branches of the state ; and for many 
 years at the head of one, or the other. He was the orator 
 of all popular assemblies ; the guide of popular opinion in 
 all the trying scenes of commercial restrictions, embargo, 
 and war. With a fine person and commanding eloquence, 
 with a clear perception and patriotic purpose, he was the 
 first among his equals, alike ready, at all times, with his 
 pen and his tongue. What motive could this gentleman 
 have had, to effect such purposes as Mr. Jefferson charged 
 upon him and his associates ? Disunion 1 He and all ra- 
 tional men knew then, as they now know, that the moment 
 the Union is broken, discord, anarchy, civil war, and despot- 
 ism must come* They knew then, as now, that a " northern 
 confederacy " could be effected only by force ; and if to be 
 effected even by consent, what hope of peace and prosperity 
 could there be within its limits ; or security from the hostile 
 dispositions of those beyond them ! It is hardly credible 
 that even such men as Jefferson and Madison, deluded as 
 they were, could have so underrated the intelligence of nor- 
 thern men, as to have imputed to them such designs. If 
 they knew, that those imputations were false and groundless, 
 there is no apology for having made them, but this; party, 
 disorganizing, demoralizing, tyrannical party holds all 
 means to be lawful, which can accomplish its purpose. 
 
 There is one man, whose name does not appear in con- 
 ventions, nor much in the legislative or popular assemblies, 
 but who had, when in these, as at the bar, a fervent and 
 commanding eloquence. But especially he had a powerful 
 influence on public opinion, through the press. The dis- 
 cussions of public measures, during these fifteen years, by 
 John Lowell * were published without his name, in pamph- 
 lets. It is improbable, that distant generations will know 
 (if efforts to preserve civil liberty shall be worth their notice, 
 
 * Son of Judge Lowell. 

 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 331 
 
 or if they are in condition to understand its worth,) how 
 much they are indebted to Mr. Lowell. He fearlessly op- 
 posed, in masterly reasonings, the disastrous and unprinci- 
 pled policy of these fifteen years. His style and manner 
 were clear, cogent, and convincing. His works were uni- 
 versally read, and were invaluable in correcting and en- 
 lightening public opinion. His " Madison's War," one of 
 the most elaborate of his works, was so independent of all 
 personal consequences which might arise, (from the perform- 
 ance of what he held to be his duty, as a true patriotic citi- 
 zen in developing the character of national administration,) 
 that his friends were inclined to dissuade him from publish- 
 ing. This country is under the greatest obligation to him 
 for his manly perseverance. All the evils which he prophe- 
 sied were realized, short of absolute despotism ; and that 
 this was not is to be ascribed only, to the better perceptions 
 of the community of impending perils, in effecting which 
 he labored with eminent success.* 
 
 Josiah Quincy was in Congress, from 1805 to 1813, and 
 therefore present at the creating of commercial restrictions, 
 embargo, and war. He was a fearless and eloquent oppo- 
 nent of all those measures ; and therein faithfully repre- 
 sented the feelings, wishes, and sound judgment of his con- 
 stituents. His speeches are among the best records of the 
 character of the times. He drew up the admirable address 
 of the minority of Congress. James A. Bayard, then in the 
 Senate of the United States, from Delaware, examined and 
 approved, with the serious responsibility which that state- 
 ment of unquestionable truths involved. Mr. Quincy is still 
 before the public, and it would not accord with his own per- 
 
 * It is believed, that the following pamphlets were written hy Mr. 
 Lowell, though none of them bear his name : 
 
 1. Madison's War. 2. The Boston Rebel. 3. The Road to Peace, 
 Commerce, Wealth, and Happiness. 4. An Appeal to the People on 
 the Causes and Consequences of a W T ar with Great Britain. 5. Per- 
 petual War, the Policy of Mr. Madison. 6. Diplomatic Policy of Mr. 
 Madison unveiled. 7. Analysis of the Correspondence between our 
 Administration and Great Britain and France. 8. An Essay on the 
 Rights and Duties of Nations relative to Fugitives from Justice, con- 
 sidered with reference to the affair of the Chesapeake. These pro- 
 ductions were republished in the several states, were applauded by 
 all discerning and honest men, and obtained for their author distin- 
 guished fame.
 
 332 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 ceptions, to speak of him but in allusion to historical events 
 in former years.* 
 
 Artemas Ward (now Chief Justice of the Common Pleas) 
 was the worthy successor of Mr. Quincy. He was present 
 at the trying scenes, which occurred in the latter time of 
 the war, in the House of Representatives. The speeches of 
 this gentleman were grateful to his constituents, as they 
 showed him to be most diligent and faithful in maintaining 
 their constitutional rights, and in resisting the dangerous 
 encroachments of power. 
 
 James Lloyd was a senator from Massachusetts in these 
 days. He was a gentleman of liberal education, and an 
 eminent merchant. He distinguished himself very honor- 
 ably in the Senate, in many speeches ; comprising, not only 
 the intelligence of a statesman, but a practical knowledge in 
 commerce, which was much more rare in the assembly 
 which he addressed. Mr. Lloyd demonstrated the folly of 
 the embargo in the clearest manner. 
 
 [It was intended to have described the eminent men, who 
 were in Congress during the war, and to have shown what 
 
 * Among the speeches preserved of Mr. Quincy, are the following : 
 1806. On fortifying the ports and harbors of the United States. 
 
 1808. On the first resolution of the committee of foreign relations. 
 " On foreign relations. 
 
 " On the resolution to raise 50,000 volunteers. 
 
 1809. On the bill for holding an extra session of Congress. 
 
 1810. On the resolution of Congress, approving the conduct of the 
 Executive towards Francis J. Jackson, (British minister.) 
 
 1811. On the bill to admit the territory of New Orleans, as a state, 
 into the Union. 
 
 1811. On the influence of place and patronage. 
 " On the non-intercourse law. 
 
 1812. On maritime protection. 
 
 " On the pay of non-commissioned officers. 
 
 " On the relief of merchants from penalties incurred on importa- 
 tions of British goods. 
 
 1813. On raising an additional military force. 
 
 These speeches (among others) will attract the notice of some future 
 historian, who desires to know the true character of the times. There 
 were very able men, in these days, in both branches, who did their 
 duty. Though the country is deeply indebted to Mr. Quincy, he owes 
 one debt to it, which he is very able, and it is to be hoped, equally will- 
 ing, to pay. He must have the materials on hand, for an accurate and 
 just history of the eventful times, in which he was a public man. He 
 is already known as a historian, and the time has already come in 
 which he might put forth his knowledge of men and things. 
 
 '
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 333 
 
 part they respectively took in the affairs of the country. But 
 many of them are still living, and this discussion may be 
 left to a more distant day from these scenes, and to a better 
 delineator.] 
 
 LETTER LXXV. 
 
 MARCH 20, 1834. 
 
 IF, in attempting to show the dangers to which republics 
 are liable, under the dominion of PARTY RULERS ; or if, in 
 attempting to weigh the worth of Thomas Jefferson's evi- 
 dence against a numerous class of his fellow-citizens, any 
 malignant or unworthy feeling has been displayed, the writer 
 is unconscious of it. Towards Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, 
 and their political associates, he is influenced by no vindic- 
 tive or unkind impulse. He readily admits, that the Jeffer- 
 soriian party may have believed they were governed by good 
 motives ; but then he insists, that, good as their motives 
 may have been, their acts were dangerous to civil liberty, 
 and the effect of them ruinous to the country. The people 
 did not intend, when they established their government, nor 
 can any citizen, who is worthy to live under it, desire, that 
 all its powers and purposes should be perverted to the use 
 and benefit of a few men, who are ingenious enough to 
 obtain the control. 
 
 It is well known from history, and from the very nature 
 of man, that when such control is obtained, that is, when- 
 ever rulers assume to have power for their own use and 
 emolument, and not for the good of the nation, usurpation 
 must follow. One usurpation introduces another. No usur- 
 per (as in case of our " republican" friend Napoleon) com- 
 putes from the original starting point, but always from the 
 one last arrived at. Thomas Jefferson, and his selected 
 friends, prescribed to themselves the patriotic labor of de- 
 molishing federalism and federalists ; then, the acquisition 
 of power for themselves; then, the most effectual means of 
 keeping it ; then, the most certain means of strengthening 
 it, to the exclusive use of party ; and finally, the substitution 
 of mere party will for the laws and the constitution it-
 
 334 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 self. * In all this " the people " were called on to rejoice 
 and applaud. All was done in the name of the people and 
 in the name of liberty. There is nothing new in all this. 
 It is only the common course of usurpation, which naturally 
 tends to self-defending despotism ; and ending in bloody 
 tragedy, so often seen in the history of nations. Man is 
 man's enemy; and the only creature of the earth, who is the 
 enemy of his own species. He will ever be so, until refined 
 by that morality which Mr. Jefferson did not promote, and 
 chastened by that religion, which he attempted to discredit. 
 
 Every rational man in the United States, of whatsoever 
 party he now is, or may have been, must admit the abstract 
 truth, that government, in a republic, is a guardianship in- 
 stituted by the people, to prevent them from doing wrong to 
 themselves and to each other ; and to secure the enjoyment 
 of whatsoever good is allowed by the Creator to human life. 
 Whether this guardianship has been well or ill conducted, 
 at any time, does not depend on what the selected guardians 
 are pleased to say of their own acts, but upon the good or 
 evil, which they have done in the exercise of their trust. 
 
 Thus, it does not depend on presidential messages, on 
 congressional speeches, on the making of laws, on the ex- 
 ecution of them, nor on the exercise of executive discretion, 
 nor on the applause of venal presses, whether the trust has 
 been righteously performed or not ; but on the effect pro- 
 duced on those for whom that trust was undertaken. 
 
 What GOOD can be done, when this public trust, in such a 
 government as ours, is wisely and honestly executed ? It 
 can protect industry, property, and personal liberty. It can 
 administer equal and exact justice to all men. It can prevent, 
 or repel foreign aggression. If can keep peace at home. 
 It can secure to every one the right to do, or not to do all 
 things, consistently with the rules intended for the govern- 
 ment of all. 
 
 What EVIL can be done, when this trust is perversely and 
 dishonestly executed ? <s It can corrupt the ignorant and the 
 deceived. It can call into energetic action the very worst 
 
 * It is well remembered, that one man, whose shoulders Mr. Madi- 
 son adorned with epaulets, is reported to have said, that if he could be 
 permitted to use- a guillotine in State Street, for a single hour, he 
 would effectually silence opposition !
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 335 
 
 of human passions and cravings. It can hush conscience. 
 It can substitute the will of a faction for the law of the land. 
 It can shackle industry, and stop the circulation of the life- 
 blood of the social state. It can lay excessive burthens on 
 the people, destroy life in domestic tumults, or waste the 
 strength, the spirit, and the wealth of a nation in war. It 
 can palsy the hand, and close the lips by terror. All this 
 it can do, and do it in the name of the people, of liberty, and 
 the constitution. 
 
 It is not asked of 'those who are now alive, but of the 
 posterity to which Mr. Jefferson appeals, which of these 
 things were done in the days of Washington and Adams 
 which of them were done, in the days of Jefferson and 
 Madison ? 
 
 It is to be hoped, that the day is yet afar off, when there 
 will be an American President, who will be insensible to the 
 inquisition of history. Andrew Jackson may be an excep- 
 tion, as he is a sort of lusus reipublica, held by no rules or 
 laws, and who honestly believes his sycophants, that he was 
 " born to command." A proposition, this, which he has 
 spared no pains, and has halted at no legal, or constitutional 
 obstacle to verify. With a head and heart not better than 
 Thomas Jefferson had, but freed from the inconvenience of 
 that gentleman's constitutional timidity, and familiar with the 
 sword, he has disclosed the real purpose of the American 
 people in fighting the battles of the revolution, and in estab- 
 lishing a National Republic, viz. : THAT THE WILL OF 
 ANDREW JACKSON SHALL BE THE LAW AND ONLY LAW OF 
 THE REPUBLIC ! 
 
 Are the people of the United States so far gone in despot- 
 ism, that they MUST submit ; or can they in any, and in 
 what way, wrest their constitution, their personal freedom, 
 their honorable fame, the last hope of civil liberty, from the 
 grasp of usurpers t They have a formidable adversary to 
 contend with. There is the President, the Vice President, 
 the cabinet proper, " the cabinet improper," * a minority of 
 the Senate, a majority of the House, (and SUCH a majority ! ) 
 the whole host of post-masters, mail-contractors, revenue 
 officers, district attorneys and marshals, agents, sub-agents, 
 clerks, and dependents ; in short, all who are IN, by direct, 
 
 * Webster's Speech at Worcester, October, 1832.
 
 336 
 
 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 or circuitous executive patronage. Then there are the daring 
 and flagitious presses, that speak to millions, who hear no 
 voice but that which they utter. To this well-entrenched 
 and strongly fortified camp add the power, obtained by the 
 forcible seizure of the whole of the revenues of the United 
 States, to be applied in maintaining this terrible combination. 
 But that which is astounding and ludicrous, at the same 
 moment, is, that this army of patriots announce and maintain, 
 that the people know, UNDERSTAND, and approve of all their 
 doings I No doubt, these patriots are sincere and honest. 
 No doubt, they believe, that this whole country, its people, 
 its institutions, the products of the " sweat of the brow " do 
 of right belong to them, because they have no other sense of 
 right, than the will and power to command them. In a less 
 enlightened state of the world than the present, the only 
 obstacle was the physical force to be encountered ; if this 
 could be subdued, terror easily held in subjection a broken 
 spirit. There are terrible examples of such truths in the 
 forty-seven years, next preceding the establishment of Au- 
 gustus Caesar on the ruins of the Roman republic. We 
 have seen the same thing in these times, in the " republican 
 Emperor." Man has not changed his nature in Americans. 
 If he is here more intelligent, than those who have been, his 
 craving ambition has partaken of the progress of improve- 
 ment. Its arts do not rely on force, but they are the more 
 dangerous, since they are more adroit and cunning. 
 
 Our republic will endure many years more, because our 
 citizens will avail themselves of the right of suffrage, when 
 they can be sufficiently awakened to impending perils. 
 When this remedy fails to produce the necessary changes, 
 it will only aid in transferring us to despotism, How is this 
 country to escape the Jcjfcrsonian vice of electing partisans ? 
 No doubt every President must be elected by a party ; but 
 if he prove himself to be a partisan in office, he is a tyrant 
 at heart, and is no more worthy of the confidence of those, 
 who voted for him, than of those, who voted against him. 
 
 At this day, (March 20, 1834,) there is not the least doubt, 
 that a large majority of the American people are disgusted 
 and astonished by the usurpations of Andrew Jackson ; 
 and by the dominion, which irresponsible individuals have 
 obtained over his official will. If this majority (who are 
 sound constitutionalists) were as united in their remedy, as
 
 ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 337 
 
 they are in reprobating the wrong, the course to be pursued 
 would be plain and easy. It is naturally to be expected, that 
 in a republic so extensive as that of the United States, and 
 in which there are eminent men, better known within the 
 limits of their personal action, than they can be all over the 
 Union, there will be decided preferences ; and such as may 
 not be easily relinquished. But may it not be expected, 
 when the whole country is in peril, and struggling to escape 
 from the grasp of despotism, that all minor considerations 
 will be yielded 1 May it not be expected from the eminent 
 men, who may be considered as candidates, that they will 
 prefer the security and happiness of their country to them- 
 selves ! Such men, surely, will not permit disunion among 
 themselves, to constitute successful strength in their com- 
 mon adversary. The condition of the country seriously 
 calls on such men to make some sacrifices. The constitu- 
 tionalists, no doubt, would hold the concessions of honor- 
 able ambition, on this occasion, as the highest proof of 
 magnanimity. 
 
 By such devotion to the true interests of the country 
 among parties, and their preferred citizens, the American 
 people may entertain the hope, that the suffrages of an 
 abused and indignant community will unite, in some high- 
 minded, virtuous, and trustworthy person, who may be able 
 to bless this country with an administration like that of 
 WASHINGTON. They can have but one requisition to make, 
 as the condition of their suffrages, that he will put his VETO 
 to the reign of party, and will be the President of the 
 United States. 
 
 To the YOUNG MEN of the country, into whose hands these 
 pages may chance to come, it may not be obtrusive to offer 
 a word of counsel. Youthful aspiration naturally looks to 
 the offices of the republic ; and this is proper, when motives 
 are pure, and intelligence competent. But if it be one's 
 self only that is cared for, there are abundant proofs, that 
 this is the last country on earth, in which elective office 
 should be desired, and the very best, (when well governed,) 
 in which to hold one's own office, and adhere to one's own 
 place of business. One could easily make a long list of 
 paupers, who were such from having sought and obtained 
 high places. Patriots and their countrymen estimate public 
 services very differently ; and if one labors for any other 
 29
 
 338 FAMILIAR LETTERS 
 
 reward than the consciousness of performing duties, he must 
 contract with the grave to spare him the sense of hearing. 
 Americans are munificent in eulogies of the departed. 
 These do no evil but that of misrepresenting historical truth ; 
 and nothing is hazarded in praising the dead, who are no 
 longer aspirants for place and power. Such considerations 
 absolve no man from the duties of a citizen. It is the first 
 of political duties to be a consistent, intelligent, constitu- 
 tional republican. If one has no desire for office, still it is 
 his duty to hold up to rulers, that they will be justly but se- 
 verely judged of. The more one studies the institutions of 
 his country, state and national, and the more he compares 
 them with those of any other countries, ancient or modern, 
 the more will he be convinced, that they deserve his best 
 exertions to preserve and perpetuate them. Every young 
 man, who is worthy of living under such glorious institutions, 
 should form and maintain opinions ; not such as spring up 
 in the hot-bed of party excitement ; not such as begin and 
 end, in getting this man in, and keeping that man out ; but 
 his opinions should rise on the broad and firm basis of con- 
 stitutional right. What is it, in fact, to nine hundred and 
 ninety-nine men in every thousand, who is the Governor of 
 a state, or the President of the United States, so that he is 
 an able, virtuous, and conscientious man, and disdains the 
 influence of corrupting party ? 
 
 There is one solemn truth, which all young men, who wish 
 to live in pure republican government, must keep in mind, 
 viz. : That every thing, which the Creator has given for 
 man's security and happiness, comes with an inseparable 
 condition, that he shall bestow his care upon it, to keep it 
 in a proper state to impart the benefit for which it was de- 
 signed. This truth is apparent to every one who considers 
 his person, his heart, his mind', his worldly possessions. This 
 truth is not less applicable to political government, (the very 
 thing of all others most easily perverted,) with which all that 
 can be called good is necessarily connected. The duty of 
 preservation and proper use is given, by election, (but not 
 for their exclusive use and benefit,) to rulers. Constituents 
 are faithless to themselves, and must and will suffer the con- 
 sequences of perfidy, if they permit rulers to separate them- 
 selves, and set up an exclusive dominion in their own right. 
 
 The continually besetting danger lies in the cupidity and 

 
 ON PUBLIC CHAUACTERS. 339 
 
 ambition of a class of men, who understand the art of sepa- 
 rating mere numbers from intelligence and property. They 
 do this by instilling into these numbers a belief, that they 
 have a separate interest from all others in the community. 
 This is a profitable field to cultivate, because it is manured 
 with all the perversions of which human nature is capable. 
 There never has been in the world any community, in which 
 it was so entirely false, that the members of it have separate 
 and distinct interests. On the contrary, no community ever 
 existed, in which the welfare of each one so entirely de- 
 pended on the welfare of all. There can be nothing more 
 false, flagitious, and wicked, than to inculcate that the rich 
 and the poor have separate interests, as fellow-citizens. 
 They must suffer and enjoy together, in measures which 
 affect the whole of society. The most astute ingenuity 
 cannot point out a case in which a man can use property, 
 by laic, beneficially to himself, and injuriously to others. 
 If he use property injuriously to others, against law, there 
 is law enough to stop him. Suppose there were no men who 
 were able to build rail-roads, undertake voyages, build houses, 
 carry on manufacturing, &c. ; what would become of those 
 who must be employed, or starve ? The proportion between 
 laborers and employment in this country is, and long must 
 be such, that those who have labor to exchange for wages, 
 must rather have the advantage, and to a most extraordinary 
 degree, compared with any other country on the globe. That, 
 which the young citizens owe it to themselves and to their 
 country to do is, to examine rationally and dutifully into 
 these popular delusions ; and not to permit interested, or 
 ignorant partisans to defraud them of their republican in- 
 heritance, by exciting one class of citizens against another. 
 The preservation of the Union is implied in supporting, 
 and preserving the constitution. The writer, readily ad- 
 mitting to all men the same independence in matters of 
 opinion, which he claims to exercise for himself, is sincerely 
 convinced, that some of the best intended measures, now 
 going on in the New England states, will do more towards 
 breaking up the Union, than all that " anglomen, monarch- 
 ists, and traitors" could have done, if all which Mr. Jefferson 
 said of them were as true, as he wished to have it believed 
 to be. Whatever philanthropists and Christians may say 
 and feel, as to the abolition of slavery, and however sound
 
 Jf: 
 :J40 FAMILIAR LETTERS ON PUBLIC CHARACTERS. 
 
 
 they may be in their abstract notions, this is a subject in 
 which those dwelling in non-slaveholding states have not 
 the right to interfere, but are positively forbidden to do so, 
 by the constitution and laws. All-sufficient as these diffi- 
 culties may be to arrest one's progress, these reformers 
 overlook the fact, that their measures can do no possible 
 good, while they are sure to effect the most serious evil 
 evil, which will be felt by irritated reaction, on all the 
 most precious interests of the East and the North. This 
 policy, if pursued, will inevitably conclude in the separation 
 of the Union ; and then an Andrew Jackson may be a bless- 
 ing. 
 
 As to remedies for the afflictions and degradations, which 
 our republic is now suffering, it is nearly three years before 
 there can be any relief in the executive department. In this 
 space of time the people must suffer and mourn. But in 
 affliction there is wisdom ; for in affliction men consider. 
 Already, the true principles of our institutions attract de- 
 served attention. 
 
 Our citizens are reflecting on their duties to themselves, 
 to each other, and to successors. Every thing is to be hoped 
 from this state of things. To the good sense of the people 
 only can we look, for the salvation of the republic. If this 
 fail, the American people will have proved, what European 
 theorists have always said they would, that mankind, under 
 the most favorable circumstances, are incapable of self- 
 government; and, that it is the ordained destiny of men, 
 to waste themselves in vindictive and bloody factions, till 
 they welcome despotism as the only chance for repose.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Adams, John, Vice Pres. 1789, 31 Pres. 
 of U. 8. 1797, 98 personal appear- 
 ance, 98 remarks on, 98 first speech 
 to Congress, 98 his cabinet, 99 mis- 
 sion to France 1797, 99 public appro- 
 bation of, 102 Adams and Liberty 
 (song), 102 his conduct towards 
 France, 103 administration of, 104- 
 116 judiciary law (1800), 113. 
 
 Adams, John Q.., his vote on embargo, 
 minister to Russia, at Ghent, at Lon- 
 don, Sec. of State, Seminole war, Presi- 
 dent of U. S., denunciation of traitors, 
 renewal of, correspondence with, there- 
 on, Jefferson's remarks to, Giles on his 
 communications, 301, 302. 
 
 Adams, Samuel, Gov. of Mass., 94 per- 
 sonal appearance, 94. 
 
 Adct, French minister 1795, 59 speech 
 to Washington (French flag), 59 his 
 official conduct, 60 attempt to influ- 
 ence election 1796, 67. 
 
 Administrations, comparison of, 306, 
 
 Alien and sedition laws, 106-8. 
 
 Aliens, Jefferson's policy on, 177 made 
 citizens, by Jefferson, 177. 
 
 Ames, Fisher, Mass., in Cong. 1787, 19 
 speeches of, 20 personal appearance, 
 20 on public dangers, 24 speech on 
 Jay's treaty, 62. 
 
 Amury, Thomas C. (merchant), 238. 
 
 Apostacy, in Jefferson's time, 159. 
 
 Appointments by Pres. of U. S. (construc- 
 tion), 32. 
 
 Baltimore in 1812, 278. 
 
 Sank of United States 1791, 35. 
 
 Baring, Alexander, (M. P.) in United 
 States, 89. 
 
 Bayard, James A., and Jefferson, 150 
 Jefferson's calumnies on, 150 person 
 and character, 152 vindication of, by 
 his sons, 153 speech on judiciary, 158 
 
 speech on Jefferson's policy, 158 
 commissioner at Ghent, 293. 
 
 Bigelow, Timothy, notice of, 236. 
 
 Bollman,Vr. (Lafayette), 64 at Burr's 
 trial, 187 and S wartwout, 195 treat- 
 ment of, by Jefferson, 195. 
 
 .Boston in 1788 (customs), 28 in 1798, 96. 
 
 Bowdoin, James, Gov. of Mass, in 1787, 5 
 
 founder of the American Academy 
 of Arts and Sciences, 5 administra- 
 tion of, 6 Gov. during rebellion, 6 
 personal appearance of, 6. 
 
 Brissot de Warville in United States, 29 
 guillotined at Paris, 29. 
 
 29* 
 
 Brooks, John, Gov. of Mass., 308 per- 
 son and character, 308. 
 
 Burr, Aaron, conspiracy of, 184 his acts 
 in, 185 arrested as a traitor, 186 
 indictment of, for treason, 187 (Wil- 
 kinson, Giles, Randolph), 188 trial of, 
 before Ch. Just. Marshall, 190 Jeffer- 
 son's conduct on, 191 Ch. Just. Mar- 
 shall's remarks, 193 Wirt's eloquence 
 at, 197 personal appearance of, 200 
 Hamilton's opinions of, 201 challenges 
 and kills Hamilton, 202. 
 
 Cabinet, Executive, the first formed, 33 
 in 1795, 57 of John Adams, 103. 
 
 Cabot, George, first secretary of the navy, 
 34 character of, 310. 
 
 Callender, his " Prospect before Us," 110 
 
 Jefferson's support of, 110 and Jef- 
 ferson, 110 indicted for sedition, 110 
 
 pardoned by Jefferson, 112. 
 
 Carroll, Charles (survivor), 91. 
 
 Causes of war, in 1812, alleged, 255. 
 
 Cliase, Judge, trials before, 168 im- 
 peachment of, 169 trial and counsel 
 of, 170 remarks on his trial, 171. 
 
 Chesapeake and Leopard (ships), 25f>. 
 
 Citizens, how misled by public men, 129. 
 
 Civic feast in Boston in 1793, 27. 
 
 Clay's remarks on patronage, 276. 
 
 Clinton, Dewitt, nominated for Pres. 280. 
 
 Cobb, David, Lieut. Gov. of Mass. 235 
 person and character of, 235. 
 
 Commissioners to Washington in 1815, 292. 
 
 Confederation, old, of United States, 16 
 Story on, 16. 
 
 Congress in 1774, 16 first, under U. S. 
 Const., 26 number of members, 32 
 opposition to Washington in 1793, 45 
 parties in 1793, 1794, 48 in Dec. 1790, 
 140 House of Rep. in 1801, 147. 
 
 Conscription proposed in U. S., 283 
 French, 284. 
 
 "Conspirators' 7 in Mass., 201 Madi- 
 son's denunciation of, 261 J. Q.. Ad- 
 ams on, 301. 
 
 Constitution of U. States, Story's Comm. 
 on, 16 discussed at Boston, 18 in- 
 terest, at adoption of, 22 different 
 views of, 23 and Hancock, 25 
 amendments of, 26 dangers incident 
 to, 30 amendment in Jefferson's time, 
 147. 
 
 Convention at Annapolis in 1786, 17 at 
 Philadelphia in 1787, 17 at Boston in 
 1787, 17 at N. York f P. U. S.) in 1812, 
 280 at Hartford in 1814, 286.
 
 342 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Cooper, Rev. Dr. Samuel, 27 person and 
 
 character of, 27. 
 Country after peace of 1783. 2 in 1788, 
 
 22. 
 
 Dallas, A. J., on the war of 1812, 275 
 person and character, 43. 
 
 Dana, Francis, Ch. Jus. Mass., 95 his 
 person and character, 95. 
 
 Debt, public, of U. S. in 1789, 79. 
 
 Democratic Societies, 41 introduced by 
 Genet, 41 disapproved of by Wash- 
 ington, 41. 
 
 Despotism, near approach of, 1809,222 
 danger of falling into, 254 and 336. 
 
 Dexter, Samuel, 325 person and char- 
 acter, 326. 
 
 Dummer academy, 29. 
 
 Dwight's history of Hart. Con., 287. 
 
 Eaton, Gen. William (Burr's trial), 189. 
 Education in 1788, 29. 
 Embargo of 1807, 217 alleged causes for 
 laying, 217 real causes for laying, 220 
 
 effects of, 220 proceedings in Mass, 
 on, 222 Lieut. Gov. Lincoln's acts 
 on, 223 repealed, 239 Jefferson's 
 various accounts of, 240. 
 
 Emmet, Thomas Addis, 106 and Rufus 
 King, 106. 
 
 English aggressions in 1793, 44 cap- 
 tures, impressments, 44. 
 
 Essex Junto and Jefferson, 82. 
 
 Excise law, 1791, 36 rebelled against, 38. 
 
 Executive of U. S.. dangerous power of, 
 24. 
 
 Fauchet, French minister, 1794, 51 in- 
 tercepted despatches of, 55. 
 
 Federal administration, 116 end of, 
 lli>. 
 
 Federalism, character of, 302 causes of 
 overthrow, 304. 
 
 Federalist, by Jay, Hamilton, and Madi- 
 son, 18. 
 
 Prance, war and peace with, 102 mis- 
 sion to, in 1799, 103 disapprobation of 
 this measure, 103. 
 
 French influence in 1793, 41 in 1794, 48 
 
 nation in 1795, 55 flag brought by 
 Adet,59 difficulties with, 1795, 60 
 Gov't's treatment of Pinckney, 97 
 privateers of, 97 Gov. and Amer. En- 
 voys, 1797, 99 X, Y, Z despatches, 
 100. 
 
 Fries pardoned by John Adams, 114. 
 Funding system, 78. 
 
 Oallatin, Albert, 91 person and charac- 
 ter, 91. 
 
 Genet, French minister, 1793, 41 intro- 
 duces Jacobin clubs, 41 his conduct, 
 42. 
 
 Oerry, Elbridge, Envoy to France, 99 
 Governor of Mass., 238 Vice Pres. 
 of the U. S., 238. 
 
 Gerrymander, 238. 
 
 Giles, his resolutions against Hamilton, 
 38 speech against Washington, 39 
 as a public man, 39 his resolutions 
 renewed, 48. 
 
 Gore, Governor of Mass., 1809, 232 his 
 report on Clay's resolutions, 232 
 speech of, to Legis., 233 members of 
 Legis., 1809, 234 person and charac- 
 ter of, 309. 
 
 Gun-boat system (Jefferson), 179. 
 
 Haley, Mrs., sister of Wilkes, in U. 8., 
 28. 
 
 Hamilton, Alexander, Sec. of Treasury, 
 33 first reports of, 34 and Jefferson, 
 hostility between, 35 resolutions 
 against, 38 attacked in Freneau's pa- 
 per, 38 resolutions against, renewed, 
 48 last report, 52 letter on John 
 Adams, 103 character of, by Jeffer- 
 son, 135 personal appearance, 199 
 eloquence of, 200 character of, 200 
 
 killed by Burr, 203 reasons for ac- 
 cepting challenge, 205 his commen- 
 tary on the affair, 205 his opinion on 
 duelling, 205 funeral of, 208 H. G. 
 Otis's eulogy on, 208. 
 
 Hancock, Governor of Mass., 9 person- 
 al appearance, 10 succeeds Bowdoin, 
 10 character of, 11 effect of election 
 of, 12 patron of schools, 13 con- 
 duct to Gen. Lincoln, 14 Washing- 
 ton's visit to the East, 14 motion to 
 adopt the constitution of U. 8., 25 
 death and funeral of, 27. 
 
 Harper, Gen. R. G., 90 person and char- 
 acter, 90. 
 
 Hartford Convention, 286 causes of, 280 
 
 D wight's history of, 287. 
 Hayne, Col. Isaac, S. C., 77. 
 Henry plot (Madison), 261. 
 HiMoni, Col. B., 314 
 Higginaon, Stephen (Jefferson), 314. 
 Howard on French conscrip. 285. 
 Huger, Col. (Lafayette), 64. 
 
 Impressment, English, 44 American pro- 
 posed, 283. 
 
 Insurrection in Mass., 4 in Penn. 51. 
 Irishmen, United, 106. 
 
 Jackson, Andrew, vote against thanking 
 Washington in 1796, 40. 
 
 Jacobin clubs, 167. 
 
 Jarvis, Dr. Chas., described, 22. 
 
 Jay, mission to Eng. 1794, 49 personal 
 appearance, 49 character of, 49 
 treaty, reception of, 53 ratified by 
 Senate, 54 Washington's reply to 
 Boston, 54 public dissatisfaction, 61 
 
 call on Pres. for papers, 61 Debate 
 in House of Rep. 1796, 62 law to 
 carry into effect, 62 change of public 
 opinion on, 63. 
 
 Jefferson, his commercial report, 1793, 45 
 
 character of, by Marshall, 45 re- 
 signs as Sec. of State, 1793, 46 no-
 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 343 
 
 tice of Marshall, 47 letter to Thom- 
 as Paine, 66 recommendation of 
 Bache, 66 letter of Washington to, 
 on abuse, 67 opinions of General 
 Knox, 86 and Callender, " Prospect 
 befoie Us," 110 construction of con- 
 stitution (Callender), 111 construc- 
 tion of constitution (Duane), 112 
 remarks on others, 112 annulling Ad- 
 ams's appointments, 114 letter to 
 Mazzei, 119 Dwight's analysis of, 
 120 inaugural speech, Vice Pres., 123 
 
 personal appearance, 124 vice pres- 
 idency, 125 " great services " as 
 Vice Pres., 125 how to be judge of, 
 126 of what class of statesmen, 129 
 
 why to be answered, 130 writings 
 of, 131 what sort of man, 132 mis- 
 sion to France, 1784, 133 never liked 
 the constitution of the U. S., 133 Sec. 
 of State, 1790, 134 notice of Hamil- 
 ton, 134 notice of John Adams, 135 
 
 friendship for John Adams, 136 
 employment of Frenoau, 137 Wash- 
 ington's notice of, 138 calls Washing- 
 ton infidel, 139 remarks on federalists, 
 139 opinions on funding and U. S. 
 Bank, 140 opinions of Congress, 142 
 
 opinions on X, Y, Z " fever," 143 
 
 opinions on Essex Junto, 143 
 causes of his success, 147 election to 
 Presidency, 147 balloting for in H. 
 of Rep., 148 account of House of 
 Rep., 150 calumny on Bayard, 150 
 views of him when elected, 153 his 
 real policy, 155 mode of effecting, 
 155 _ state of the country in 1801,155 
 inaugural speech, 157 deportment as 
 Pros., 157 invitation to apostacy, 158 
 
 Bayard on his appointments, 158 
 apostacy in his time, 159 hostility to 
 judiciary, 162 and 166 first message 
 to Congress, 165 remarks on his pol- 
 icy, 171 purchase of Louisiana, 172 
 
 what his motives in, 174 on alien 
 and sedition laws, 176 his opinion of 
 merchants, 176 citizenship of aliens, 
 177 hostility to navy, 179 and 274 
 
 un-boat system, 180 Bollman and 
 wartwout, arrest of, 195 and Spain, 
 (Louisiana,) 209 two millions given 
 Napoleon, 209 message to Congress 
 on, 209 Randolph's pamphlet on, 211 
 
 Randolph's opinion of, 211 opin- 
 ion of Congress, 215 his account of 
 himself, 143 his "greatest service," 
 244 declaration of independence, 
 246 author of nullification, 247 
 extraordinary opinions of, 248 effect 
 of his policy, 249 author of party 
 violence, 249 how he found the U. S. 
 in 1801, 250 how he left the U. S. 
 in 1809, 250 respect for privateering, 
 274 his religion, 298. 
 
 Judges of Mass., robes of, 27. 
 Judiciary, its importance, 166 Jeffer- 
 son's hostility to, 162-7. 
 
 Judiciary law (John Adams), 113. 
 
 Kent, Duke of, in the U. S., 88. 
 
 King, Rufus, personal appearance, 21 
 
 character of, 21 speeches of, 21. 
 Knox, Henry, resigns as Sec. of War, 52 
 
 personal appearance, 84 character 
 of, 84 Jefferson's opinion of, 86 
 on " anonymous letters," 87. 
 
 Lafayette and Washington, 63. 
 
 Lee, Gen. Henry, 51 commands in 
 Pennsylvania insurrection, 51 Con- 
 gress eulogist of Washington, 117 
 wounded in Baltimore mob, 278. 
 
 Lincoln, Gen. Benj. (Mass.), 82 Han- 
 cock's treatment of, 14 personal ap- 
 pearance, 81 character of, 83. 
 
 Lincoln, Levi, Lieut. Gov. of Mass., 226 
 
 speech to Legis. 1809, 226 reply 
 of Legis. to, 228 conduct on militia. 
 231. 
 
 Listen, English minister, 1797, 90. 
 Lloyd, James, Senator, 20. 
 Logan's mission to France, 113. 
 Louis Phillipe, (King) in U. S., 89. 
 Louisiana, purchase of, 172 difficulties 
 
 on, 180. 
 
 Lowell, John, public writings, 330. 
 Lyndhurst, Lord, in U. S., 64. 
 
 Madison, his resolutions, 1794, 48 perso- 
 nal appearance, 90 policy as Pres. of 
 U. S., 251 declared motives to war, 
 255 supposed motives to war, 280 
 Henry plot, message on, 261 and 
 "conspirators" Mass., 261 propose! 
 war with Eng., 266 proposes to con- 
 quer Canada, 273' demands militia, 
 273 his supposed opinions of himself, 
 278 distress during war, 282 pro- 
 posed conscription, 283 proposed im- 
 pressment, 283 declines armistice, 291 
 
 peace made at Ghent, 293 message 
 on, 293 public services, 295 retire- 
 ment of, 296 character of, 296 why 
 he should be treated of, 297. 
 
 Marshall, John, life of Washington, 30 
 his character of Jefferson, 46 Envoy 
 to France, 99 speech on Jona. Rob- 
 bins, 105 Secretary of State (J. Ad- 
 ams) in 1800, appointed Chief Justice 
 in 1801, presides at Burr's trial, 186. 
 
 Massachusetts after peace of 1783, 2 
 debt of, 3 rebellion in, 1787, 4 end 
 of, 6 manufactures in, 1788, 13 
 proceedings of Leg., 1809, 227 mem- 
 bers of Leg., 234 " Conspiracy " in, 
 (Madison) 261. 
 
 Maizei, Jefferson's letter to, 119 troubla 
 on, 122 attempt to exculpate, 122. 
 
 Merchants, Jefferson and Madison on, 
 176 their usefulness, 237. 
 
 Minot, G. R., historian, eulogist, 118. 
 
 Monroe, James, sent to France, 1795, 59 
 
 Pres. of U. S., 300 personal ap- 
 pearance, 300 character of, 301.
 
 344 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Morris, Robert, 92 personal appearance, 
 92 public services, 93 character of, 
 94. 
 
 National Gov. under U. S. Cons., 30. 
 Naturalization of aliens (Jefferson), 177. 
 Navy and gun-boats, 180. 
 Neutrality, proclamation of 1793, 40 
 
 Acid's complaints on, 67. 
 New England, distresses of, by war, 28 
 
 measures for defence, 286. 
 
 Old confederation, 16 Story on, 16. 
 
 Orders in Council, English, 259. 
 
 Otis. Harrison Gray, in 1812, 275 Com- 
 missioner to Nat. Gov. 1712, 292 pub- 
 lic services of, 329 eulogy on Hamil- 
 ton, 208. 
 
 Paine, R. T., Judge, 95 poet, 102 
 Adams and Liberty, 102 Oration to 
 young men, 102. 
 
 Paine, Thomas, letter to Washington, 64 
 letter of Jefferson to, 66 invited to 
 U. S. by Jefferson, 66 Cobbett takes 
 up his bones, 66. 
 
 Parker, Isaac, Ch. Jus., 324 person and 
 character, 325. 
 
 Parsons, Theophilus, Ch. Jus., 321 per- 
 son and character, 322 
 
 Parties in 1789, 23 in 1793, 48 how 
 composed, 126. 
 
 Party, present dominion of, 254, 
 
 Peace of 1815, 293. 
 
 Perkins, James, merchant, 237 gift to 
 Athenseum, 837. 
 
 Perkins, Thomas H., merchant, 237 
 gift to Asylum for blind, 237. 
 
 Philadelphia in 179G, 1797, 1798, 90. 
 
 Pickering, Timothy, dismissed by J. Ad- 
 ams, 103 character of, 313 Jeffer- 
 son's remarks on, 314. 
 
 Pinckney, Charles C., 58 minister to 
 France, 1795, 63 reception of, 57. 
 
 Pinckney, Thomas, minister in London, 58 
 
 person and character, 58. 
 Pinckney, Governor, minister in Spain, 58. 
 Pinkney, Wm. (lawyer), 58. 
 
 Power of appointment, Ex. of U. S., 32. 
 President of U. S., election of, 1796, 97 
 
 1801, 147 1813, 280 1837, 336. 
 Proclamation of neut. 1793, 40. 
 " Prospect before Us " (Callender), 110. 
 
 Quincy, Josiah, author of address of mi- 
 nority of H. of R. 1812, 273 in 1812, 
 275 public services of, 275. 
 
 Randolph, Edm., of Virg. 56 and Fau- 
 chet's despatches, 56 personal ap- 
 pearance, 57. 
 
 Randolph, John, on Louis, purchase, 210 
 
 on money given to Napoleon, 210 
 speech on taking Canada, 270. 
 
 Rebellion in Mass. 1787, 6 in Pennsyl- 
 vania 1794. 51. 
 Report* of Sec. to Congress, 32. 
 
 Robbins, Jona., Marshall's speech on, 104 
 
 party measure, 106. 
 Russell, Benjamin, editor, 235. 
 
 Sargent, Daniel, merchant, 275. 
 Secretaries, reports to Congress, 32. 
 Sedgwick, Theo., in Congress, 95 Judge 
 
 Mass., 95 person and character, 95. 
 Sedition law (J. Adams), 109. 
 Sewatt, Sam., Ch. Jus., 324. 
 Society in 1788, 11. 
 Spain, negotiations with 1805, 209. 
 Sparks, J. (Washington), 119. 
 Speculation in funds, 1790, 1791, 34. 
 Statesmen, two kinds of, 127. 
 Story, Judge, on Constitution of U. S., 16 
 
 in Congress (Jefferson, embargo), 
 241. 
 
 Strong, Caleb, Governor of Mass., 308. 
 Sullivan, James, Governor of Mass., 255. 
 Sunnier, Increase, Gov. of Mass., 94. 
 
 Talleyrand in U. S., 51 personal ap- 
 pearance, 51 remarks on U. S., 52. 
 
 Tender laws, 3. 
 
 Terror which came with war, 277. 
 
 Tonnage, duty in 1793, 33. 
 
 Treaty with England, 1794, 53 France 
 1800, 103 England 1806, rejected, 
 218 of peace 1815, 293. 
 
 Truxton, Commodore, captures French 
 frigate, 102 witness in Burr's trial, 
 189. 
 
 Union, danger of dissolution of, 339. 
 
 United Irishmen, 106. 
 
 United States in 1801, 250 in 1809, 250 
 
 in 1815, 293 in 1834, 235 peril* 
 of, from party, 235. 
 
 Volney, of France, in U. S. in 1797, 90 
 Jefferson's remarks on, 109. 
 
 Walsh, R., on French power, 284. 
 
 War of 1812, 255 alleged causes of, 
 255 supposed, 260 committee of 
 H. of R., 266 on what grounds op- 
 posed, 269 Randolph's opinion of 
 that project, 270 state of Europe 
 when declared, 271 address of mi- 
 nority of H. of R., 273 condition of 
 U. S., 273 conquest of Canada, 273 
 
 terror which came with, 277 pro- 
 gress of, 281 distress of admin., 282 
 
 end of, 293. 
 
 Ward, Artemas, member of Cong., 332. 
 Washington benevolent societies, 279. 
 Washington, his visit to the Eastern 
 States, 14 first President of U. S., 30 
 
 arrival at N. Y., 1789, 31 forms 
 cabinet, 33 proclamation of neutrality, 
 40 speech to Congress, 1793, 45 
 abuse of, on Jay's treaty, 53 reply to 
 Boston, on, 54 conduct to E. Ran- 
 dolph, 56 reply to Adet (flag), 59 
 perplexities with France, 60 attempti 
 to free Lafayette, 63 Th. Paine'a let-
 
 INDEX. 
 
 345 
 
 ter to, G4 charges against, 66 abuse 
 at end of hia second term, 67 letter 
 to Jefferson on, 69 farewell address, 
 71 ball in Phila., 72 present at J 
 Adams's inaug., 72 retirement of, 72 
 personal appearance, 1797, 72 hab- 
 its of life, 74 complaint on his cere- 
 monies, 74 his vindication of, 74 
 his levees, 75 Mrs., visits to, 76 
 difficulties of his administration, 76 
 character of his admin., 77 appoint- 
 ed to command in the war with France, 
 85 death of, 117 eulogies on, 118 
 
 monument of, proposed, 118 re- 
 marks on Freneau, 137 Jefferson's 
 remarks on, 139. 
 
 Win, William, 1% counsel against 
 Burr. 196 personal appearance, 196 
 
 eloquence of, 196 character of, 
 196. 
 
 X, Y, Z affair in France, 100. 
 
 Young men, suggestions to, 337. 
 Yrujo, Spanish minister, 90. 
 
 For eradicable, page 77, line 27, read irradieable. 

 
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