ilifornia 
 
 ional 
 
 ility
 
 AT LOS ANGELES
 
 S' 
 L 
 
 o 7
 
 REMARKS 
 
 o N T H E 
 
 tvf**j '!' 
 
 MAR QJJ IS DE CHASTELLUX's 
 
 TRAVELS. 
 
 THE Marquis de Chaftellux was a 
 French major-general, and in that 
 capacity went to Rhode Ifland with the 
 army under the command of M. Rocham- 
 beau -, all his intelligence, of courfe, was 
 derived through a medium fo oppofite to 
 the interefts of Great Britain, that he can 
 only be conlidered as furniming an ex parte 
 evidence for the judgment of fome hifto- 
 rian ; and he too muft not be of the prefent 
 age, as the Marquis juftly remarks : " It is 
 for a Salluft and a Tacitus alone, fays he, to 
 tranfmit, in their works, the actions and 
 harangues of their contemporaries ; nor did 
 they write till after fome great change in 
 affairs had placed an immenfe interval be- 
 tween the epocha of the hiftory they tranf- 
 B mitted,
 
 mitted, and that in which it was com- 
 pofed." 
 
 The Marquis's teftimony is frequently 
 favourable to the Britifh armies, from whofe 
 merit, it is obvious, he aims to detract ; and 
 indeed it was politic for him to do fo, as 
 printed copies of his work were circulated 
 at Paris during the war, the flattering con- 
 tents of which in all probability echoed to 
 America. Speaking of the ftrength of Mud 
 Ifland, the Marquis remarks, " When we 
 recollecl: the innumerable obstacles the Eng- 
 lilh had to furmount in the prefent war, it 
 is difficult to affign the caufe of their fuc- 
 cefTes ; but if we turn our eyes on all the 
 unforefeen events which have deceived the 
 expectations of the Americans, and fruf- 
 trated their beft concerted meafures, one 
 cannot but be perfuaded that they were de- 
 voted to deflruction, and that the alliance 
 with France alone proved the means of 
 their prefervation." There never can be 
 a greater panegyric beftowed on the Britim 
 generals than what this fentence contains j 
 innumerable obftacles they did furmount, 
 and it did not depend on them to crufli the 
 naval power of France. 
 
 The
 
 <- D o VX~./A- / 
 
 IA 
 >Y 
 
 [ 3 1 
 
 The Marquis, in viewing the doubts 
 thrown up by the Britim in front of Phila- 
 delphia, remarks on the defeat of the po- 
 lition -, and he might have related that the 
 houfes, which he takes care to mention as 
 deftroyed near that fpot, were thrown down 
 to ftrengthen it. He then fays, " At every 
 ftep one takes in America, one is aftonimed 
 at the ftriking contrail: between the con- 
 ut tempt in which the English affected to hold 
 w their enemies, and the extreme precautions 
 they took on every occaiion." There can- 
 |j not be a greater proof of military talents in 
 a commander in chief than this obfer- 
 ^ vation. 
 
 The Marquis fays, that " the Englim 
 
 ' attack coniifts in general in a brifk fire 
 
 rather than in clofing with the enemy." 
 
 This French officer is unacquainted with 
 
 j the theory of the Britiih army ; and to 
 
 "j apply with the ftricleft truth his own words 
 
 to one of its generals, " the many unfore- 
 
 4 feen events that deceived their expectations" 
 
 prevented fir Henry Clinton from inftruct- 
 
 ing him and the French troops at Rhode 
 
 Ifland in its practice. 
 
 B 2 The
 
 The limits of this pamphlet preclude me 
 from entering into the detail of the lefs 
 important events of the war. Suffice it to 
 obferve, that the Marquis has been much 
 milled in the account that he relates of 
 them ; and what he faid in raillery to M. 
 Fayette, on one occafion, may in ibber fe- 
 rioumefs be applied to him and his other 
 military informers on all, " He was a Gafcon 
 as well as the reft of them." When the 
 Marquis de Chaflellux relates that he was 
 at the houfe where lord Cornwallis came 
 to take Mr. Lincoln, he forgets to re- 
 count that, although his lordmip miffed 
 the general, he took what was better, his 
 cannon. 
 
 The efcape of Mr. Washington from 
 Trenton, and that of the marquis de la 
 Fayette, are not juftly related : it is cer- 
 tain they did efcape, and the Marquis does 
 not praife them for being placed where 
 flight was neceffary for their prefervation. 
 To his remark on the battle of Brandy- 
 wine, I only add, that darknefs prevented 
 the purfuit j and had it not, it muft have 
 been ineffectual, for Mr. Wafhington wrote 
 a letter that night many miles from the 
 
 field
 
 [ 5 J 
 
 field of a&ion, and the gentlemen of 
 France, whofe engagements in the Rebel 
 fervice at this time were contrary to the 
 laws of nations, were not lefs panic-ftruck : 
 they were flying, and on their journey con- 
 fidenng whether it .would not be better 
 for them to retreat by the Ohio to the 
 Milfiflippi, and ib to Old France : they 
 expected that the people of the country 
 would rife up again ft them ; not being 
 able to forefee that a fevere and more than 
 tropical rain, a few nights after, would 
 *' fruftrate the beft concerted meafures" of 
 fir William Howe, and preferve Wafhing- 
 ton's army from deftru&ion *. 
 
 At 
 
 * The Marquis is in doubt whether the Britifh 
 troops, who paffed Chadsford, were in one or two co- 
 lumns. Though I have failed in my enquiries relative 
 to this point, I have met with an anecdote that may 
 illuflrate his account, and deferves to be made more 
 generally known. The Marquis was informed, that 
 the redoubt which Mr. Wafhington had thrown up to 
 cover Chadsford, " could not be taken, unlefs turned." 
 Lieutenant -colonel Moncrief, then captain, was in the 
 front of a column, which advanced to a redoubt : 
 there was a howitzer in it, loaded with grape (hot, 
 pointed dire&ly towards the column, and a man 
 (landing by it with a lighted match in his hand; 
 
 colonel
 
 At the affair of German Town, the Mar- 
 quis blames general Wafhington's inten- 
 tions, as being beyond his force - y here 
 we moft perfectly agree : the execution of 
 his defign can be well explained from the 
 Marquis's recital : "A thick fog came on, 
 favourable to the march, but which ren- 
 dered the attack more difficult, as it became 
 impoffible to concert the movements, and 
 extend the troops." He adds, " The Eng- 
 lim piquet were furprifed, put to the rout, 
 and driven to the camp." The fact is, a 
 battalion of light infantry and the fortieth 
 regiment were in advance ; the piquet 
 guard was driven in by the enemy; nor 
 could it be fuppofed that two battalions 
 fhould withftand, or were meant to with- 
 ftand, an army ; they retreated alfo, and the 
 enemy pofTeiTed themfelves of their camp -, 
 under the cover of the fog, and, in conie- 
 
 colonel Moncrief, with his ufual prefence of mind, 
 called out, " I'll put you to death, if you fire:" the 
 man threw down the match, and ran off; had he 
 fired, he could equally have efcaped, and in all pro- 
 bability colonel Moncrief had not lived to difplay his 
 energy and abilities in the defence of Savannah and 
 the conqueil of Charles Town, 
 
 quence
 
 t 7 1 
 
 quence of their numbers, they had nearly 
 turned the right of the fortieth regiment, 
 when colonel Mufgrave mewed his military 
 talents, and deciiive application of them, 
 by throwing himfelf and his battalion into 
 Chews Houfe. General Washington loft 
 time at this houfe ; but had he immediately 
 advanced, he would have found the Britifh 
 army in order of battle, and ready to receive 
 him ; they, however, could not leave their 
 pofition to attack, till the fog cleared up : 
 as foon as this happened, they did advance, 
 and general Wafhington and his people 
 fled on all fides *. The Marquis de..Chaf- 
 tellux only fays, " The piquet was fur- 
 prifed, and fled/' (it fled of courfe, and this 
 is rather a proof it was not furprifed) ; but 
 the tranflator heightens the expreffion, and 
 applies it to the army -, and then affirms the 
 Marquis calls it " a complete furprize," 
 and goes on to queftion the evidence which 
 fir George Ofborne gave in the houfe of 
 
 * This precipitate flight occafioned an officer to fay, 
 upon the field of battle, " Waftiington may write a 
 fhorter letter to Congrefs than he did after Brandy- 
 wine ; he may copy Csefar's words, with a flight alte- 
 ration, Veni t vidiy iugi." 
 
 commons,
 
 [ 8 3 
 
 commons, " That the army was not fur- 
 prifed at German Town;" a teftimony 
 which, if it was neceffary, could now be 
 confirmed by whole regiments. I am forry 
 that the gallantry of the aflault made upon 
 Red Bank by colonel Donop meets with no 
 applaufe from an officer: indeed it needs 
 none ; its plain recital is fufficient : nor 
 can the hiflory of the war among the con- 
 tending, nations, exhibit any thing parallel 
 to the undaunted refolution and perfeverance 
 {hewn in that unfortunate attempt. 
 
 On what principle does the Marquis de 
 Chaftellux remark, " That the gallows 
 ought to be the reward of the exploits of 
 thirty foldiers, or regimented tories, who, 
 detached with the Indians, had burnt up- 
 wards of two hundred houfes, and deftroyed 
 above one hundred thoufand bufhels of 
 corn ?" Does the French Nobleman con- 
 demn thefe men for loyalty ? Or does the 
 Officer think the deftruclion of one hundred 
 thoufand bufhels of corn no object of mi- 
 litary expedition ? No lofs to an army, 
 which is defcribed to have been frequently 
 in the utmoft want of food ? Or mufl they 
 fuffer becaufe they act with Indians ? How 
 3 exalted
 
 I 9 ] 
 
 exalted then mufl be the gallows for M. 
 Fayette, who made uie of thefe people, not 
 in a frontier country, where the inhabitants 
 are more favage and barbarous than the In- 
 dians, bur, as M. de Chaftellux informs 
 us, within fifteen miles of the city of Phi- 
 ladelphia ! 
 
 As the following pages will contain ob- 
 fervations more of a civil than a military 
 complexion, I mall now introduce the 
 Tranflator to the notice of my readers. He 
 flyles himfelf an " Englishman ;" I can 
 fcarcely believe him. He relates his hav- 
 ing been in " the feven teen th regiment ;" 
 that he had been " an apprentice to a Lon- 
 don merchant, a Swiis, who was violent in 
 his approbation of the government-mea'- 
 fures againft the Americans, and fupplied 
 them fecretly with gunpowder;" that he 
 had ferved on board an " American priva- 
 teer, with wretches of every defcription j" 
 that he was " in the Texel and in Ame- 
 rica during the war;" he alfo adds, that he 
 law the camps in England : if ib, he 
 probably vifited them upon that lame ho- 
 nourable motive which brought M. Fayette 
 to London, long after he had determined 
 G to
 
 to enter into the fervice of the Congrefs. 
 If he be an Englimman, his own reproba- 
 tion of White may fuit him, whom he 
 defcribes as going over to the enemy, and 
 " diflinguiming himfelf by every act of 
 virulence againft his country." 
 
 The war h^s ceafed, but not with the 
 Tranflator : his bufinefs is to vilify the 
 Britifti army, whofe officers, he affirms, 
 broke their parole ; but that " out of re- 
 fpect to their families, he does not mention 
 their names." He alfo fpeaks of a " Britifli 
 chaplain, as dividing plunder" on the march 
 through the Jerfeys. He affects to " blufh 
 for England :" if he really felt for the honour 
 of that country, he would mention names, 
 and not by concealing them be injurious to 
 the whole community ; but ftories like his 
 are improbable in themfelves, and will not 
 be believed on the anonymous affertions of 
 one, who, by his own account, has acted 
 both as a lurking fpy and avowed rebel to 
 his country. The Tranflator heightens the 
 ravages of the Britifh army to the greatefl 
 degree, and the good difcipline of the French 
 is fpoken of with enthufiafm : the fituation 
 of the armies admitted of no comparifon -, 
 
 to
 
 [ II ] 
 
 to form one, we muft take the Britifh troops 
 as they now are marching from town to 
 town in England; the French army had 
 no enemy to oppofe, and the way was 
 fmoothed before them. Refentment againft 
 the fuperiority of the Britifh arms in the 
 former war inflamed their hopes, and po- 
 licy regulated their conduct : on the con- 
 trary, the Britim army, when no enemy 
 dared to oppofe them in the field, were 
 yet fired upon by a fkulking peafantry, 
 whom no laws, or ufage of European war, 
 could juftify; their characters were aiTaffi- 
 nated by fuch inftruments as the Tranfla- 
 tor, while rebel America affected to be 
 aftonimed that war brought with it any de- 
 predations or miferies. 
 
 The Marquis de Chaftellux feems to have 
 caught the political contagion : for him, 
 and thofe who think like him, it will not 
 be improper to relate fome of the fuffer- 
 ings of Germany in the former war, from 
 the difcipline of France and the avarice of 
 its general : if the troops of that ambitious 
 country are now under a better difcipline, 
 and the fentiments of their generals are as 
 delicate and fenfitive as thofe of the Mar- 
 C 2 quis
 
 t 12 ] 
 
 quis de Chaflellux, the pandects of Quebec, 
 Mincien, and Rolbach have produced admir- 
 able effects, and Wolfe, Ferdinand, and Fre- 
 derick have been moft ufeful lawgivers. 
 
 I fhall give a fummary character, from the 
 Annual Regiiler, of the conduct of the French 
 army in Hanover, in 1757; a narrative that, 
 in the hands of the marquis de Chaflellux, 
 would have been fpun out into pages, could 
 they detract from the glory of Great Britain. 
 " The moft exorbitant contributions were le- 
 vied with the moft inflexible feverity - y every 
 exaction which was fubmitted to, only pro- 
 duced a new one flill more extravagant, and 
 all the orderly methods of plunder did not 
 exempt them from the pillage, licentiouf- 
 nefs, and infolence of the French foldiery." 
 The baron Germingen, in a memorial pre- 
 fented to the diet of the empire, fays, " the 
 damage of the firfl invafion was feveral mil- 
 lions, they made a fecond invaiion, exacted 
 infupportable contributions, plundered fe- 
 veral places, &c. thejb/e end of 'which was 
 to ravage the kings dominions and thofe of 
 Jleffe *." A Frenchman, the flave of his 
 
 govern - 
 
 * Vengeance foon overtook another army of French, 
 
 cqualJr
 
 t '3 ] 
 
 government, facrifices every thing to the 
 politics of his king; I am not furprifed 
 therefore at the indiicriminate cenfure that 
 the marquis de Chaftellux beftows upon the 
 Englifh generals and armies ; it is his endea- 
 vour to make them odious : this poffibly he 
 thought became a Frenchman; but an 
 Englishman, the member of a free govern- 
 ment, would be inconfiftent with its prin- 
 ciples, did he not feledt, to the beft of his 
 power, the deierving from the unworthy ; 
 did he not, in this prefent inftance, add his 
 testimony to thofe eulogiums which the peo- 
 
 equally remarkable for their cruelty ; and the immor- 
 tal Frederick, according to their own Voltaire, met 
 them at Rofbach, where 
 
 Aux plaintes de la Germanic 
 
 L'Orgueil Francois eft ecrafe. 
 
 * c Depredatory expeditions is a term too fiiameful 
 to be made ufe of in the vocabulary of war,'' fays the 
 Tranflator. The pafiage I have quoted proves it not to be 
 new, and it ought to be remembered that the prudent 
 Turenne either burnt the Palatinate, or could not 
 prevent his troops from doing it, through their refent- 
 ment, and without orders. Expeditions of the Britifli 
 troops, which the Tranflator calls predatory, were made 
 to deftroy privateers, and their arfenals j as the Tranf- 
 lator was not of their councils of war, it is among his 
 abfurdities to prefume to give the fentiments of its 
 members, which neceflarily were/r*/. 
 
 8 pic
 
 pie of Hanover beflow on the military vir- 
 tue and good faith of the duke of Randan. 
 
 Much of the ravages in America was at- 
 tributed to the Heffians : it was certainly 
 difficult to inculcate into their, that the 
 country fnould enjoy the advantages of 
 peace, the inhabitants of which were in 
 arms againft them ; and who hourly violat- 
 ed the regulations which Europe has adopt- 
 ed to leffen the calamities of war. A very 
 refpedable officer of the Heflians obferved, 
 and it was not contradicted by any of thole 
 prefent who had ferved in Germany, " that 
 even the allied army, when it drove the 
 French marauders from HefTe, pillaged the 
 country more than the Heffians or Britifh 
 did America ;" and added he, with great in- 
 dignation, " no American town has been 
 laid under contribution, and what is there 
 to deftroy ? wooden houfes deferted of their 
 inhabitants, pigs, and poultry." 
 
 The marquis's Journal bears teftimony to 
 the real poverty and the fancied magnificence 
 of America. An European, upon looking 
 on the maps of Britifh America, miftakes 
 capital letters for cities, and thefize offome 
 diftrict or townmip for a large town. From 
 
 the
 
 [ 15 ] 
 
 the Marquis he will learn, that he and his 
 fuite could fcarcely be accommodated with 
 provifions at an immoderate price ; and he 
 will then eftimate the difficulties that an 
 army muft have laboured under for fubfift- 
 ancein the country. The Tranilator fpeaks 
 to its almoil impoiTibility, when lord Corn- 
 wallis's army receded from Rivers -, and fure- 
 ly this alone muffc excufe ibldiers for taking 
 provifions wherever they could find them; 
 it being an avowed maxim of European war, 
 to live upon an enemy's country. In gene- 
 ral, the Britifh armies were fupplied with 
 provifions from England; an immenfe ope- 
 ration ! but which proves the little inclina- 
 tion that its government had to carry on the 
 war in its utmoft rigour, and that it did not 
 confider its revolted colonies as enemies ; 
 that it did not look upon them as the duke 
 de Richelieu did on the unhappy inhabitants 
 of Hanover, or as Mr. Washington and 
 the provincial affemblies did on the Tories, as 
 they politically termed them, whofe whole 
 property they confifcated, and whofe perfons 
 they banimed. Charles Town, near Bof- 
 ton, was burnt during the heat of action, 
 and it was neceilary in a military light; 
 
 Houfes
 
 [ 16 ] 
 
 Houfes and forage fufFered the fame fate in 
 the vicinity of Bofton, by general Wafhing- 
 ton's army ; they too confamed the houfes 
 in the neighbourhood of White Plains. 
 Thefe, and many others, were military o- 
 perations; but Norfolk in Virginia, unne- 
 ceflarily burnt by their back-woodfmen, 
 contained in it more houfes and a greater 
 property than the licentioufnefs of the Bri- 
 tifh foldiers ever deflroyed. 
 
 The Loyalifts are mentioned in this work 
 with the utmoft calumny and hatred : this 
 their principles, fo different from thofe of 
 the Author or Tranflator, naturally account 
 for The tranflator fays, " the Loyalifts 
 ravaged fome parts of America it is true ; 
 but ruined England, by infpiring her ene- 
 mies with an irreconcileable hatred." The 
 irreconcileable hatred to England was in- 
 fpired by the " enlightened few*." Such 
 incendiaries as the Tranflator may add fewel 
 to it; but, by the bleffing of God, the 
 ruin of England is not likely to be the refult 
 of their wiihes. 
 
 * This is the Translator's term for thofe " few," 
 v?ho, according to the Author, led the Virginians 
 into revolt, and, agreeable to the Tranflator, formed 
 tke government of North Carolina. 
 
 I beg
 
 [ '7 ] 
 
 I beg now the attention of the readers of 
 the marquis de Chaftellux's Travels, to the 
 numbers of the Britim and Irim whom the 
 Translator's notes point out as holding the 
 highefl pofts in America, and to his obferva- 
 tion that the latter porTeffed as much ener- 
 gy at leaft, and ferved that country " with 
 as much enthufiafm in the cabinet and the 
 held as the native Americans, and, to fpeak 
 with the late lord Chatham, they infuied a 
 portion of new health into the conflitution." 
 Attend alfo to his remark on Mr. Wafhing- 
 ton's army, for it is a true one > " this ar- 
 my was compofed of all nations > yet they 
 feem to be pervaded but by one fpirit, and 
 fought and acted with as much enthufiafm. 
 and ardour as the moft enlightened and de- 
 termined of their leaders." What infer- 
 ences mall we deduce from this account? 
 Shall we fay that thefe Irim leaders, that 
 this army was pervaded with that true fpirit 
 of liberty, which is the refult of liberal e- 
 ducation and of virtuous principles, of a 
 cool judgment and a warm heart; and that 
 it was called forth to action by individual 
 difcernment in the one, and perfonal fufTer- 
 ings in the other? Or mall we fay that the 
 D former
 
 former were reftlefs adventurers ; who, hav- 
 ing nothing to lofe, had nothing to rifk ; 
 and who, from " finall beginnings *," aim- 
 ed at the poflemons of the Loyalifts ? That 
 the latter, an afiemblage of all nations, 
 were collected together from neceflitv, co- 
 
 w- ^ 7 
 
 alefced through fear of puniihment, and were 
 preferved in their union by fevere and uni- 
 form difcipline ? Tbefe arc the facls 
 Their army was under a more than Pruf- 
 fian difcipline; I fpeak not of its mode, 
 but of its fpirit ; and nothing lefs than inch 
 a difcipline could poffibly have held toge- 
 ther the outcafts of Europe, and the ban- 
 ditti of the univerfe -)*, 1 detracl not from 
 the worldly wifdom of their leaders ; I con- 
 trovert their claims to public virtue and in- 
 
 * The Tranflator's expreflion of Mr. M'Clenachan, 
 who bought Mr. Chew's houfe. 
 
 t Thefe expreflions are not too ftrong, they \villbear 
 the ftrileft examination. The fobcr emigrant retired 
 into the interior countries, or joined the Britifh army; 
 the felons of England, the adventurers of the conti- 
 nent, and thofe Hearts of Steel, and White Boys, 
 who fled from the juftice of Ireland, formed this army, 
 which, under the pretext of liberty, had as many well- 
 wifhers to it as were difTaffeted to the government of 
 church and ftate in Great Britain. 
 
 tegrity :
 
 [ '9 ] 
 
 tegrity : I admire the fpirit and ability of 
 Romulus ; but I deteft his fratricide, and 
 the principles of his companions. 
 
 To underftand, and to account for this 
 difcipline, it is neceffary to remark that the 
 civil government of the feveral Hates was 
 infinitely fubdivided, and diffufed through- 
 out the whole continent ; that by this the 
 militia was called out into the field, and the 
 continental army was ready to punifh, and 
 in many cafes did feverely puniih, any de- 
 lay in obeying its fummons. The militia 
 once out, it formed an horizon round their 
 camps, as ufeful in a military view to pre- 
 vent furprizes, as the light troops of an 
 European army; but their utility was of 
 higher import, they greatly prevented de- 
 fer tion, from the refpective fituation of the 
 armies difficult in itfelf, and acting on the 
 principles of felf-intereft they effectually 
 checked marauding, that bane of all armies. 
 The civil government, in the mean time, 
 fined, whipt, baniftied, and hung without 
 mercy, all who oppofed their refolutions ; 
 they feized the prefs throughout America, 
 and in the moft infamous manner managed 
 it to their purpofe ; they moulded many to 
 D 2 their
 
 [ 20 ] 
 
 their views by inflaming their paffions -, to 
 fome they ibid the properties of the Loyal- 
 ifts at a low price, who thenceforward be- 
 came attached to their intereil ; others were 
 connected to it through fear of punifhment, 
 or dread of retribution ; and the whole force 
 of America, civil and military, combined 
 to place in Mr. Waihington's hands a more 
 ievere, fyflematie, and uniform mode of 
 diicipline over his mercenary army t than any 
 European potentate in the time of war can 
 avail himfelf of. 
 
 In fupportof the obiervation of the Tranf- 
 lator, that Wailiington's army was com- 
 pofed of all nations, not or. native Ameri- 
 cans ; and of my petitions, that the civil 
 and military powers were clofely connected 
 with, and mod ftrongly ailiiied each other ; 
 the marquis de Chaftellux gives thedefcrip- 
 tion of one colony, " fpeaking of the re- 
 volution unhappily with regret," and of 
 the numbers who were difafFected to it in 
 others ; he mentions alfo " Mr. Pendleton, 
 chief juft ice of Carolina, having the cou- 
 rage to hang three Tories at Charles Town, 
 a few days before the furrender of the town, 
 and was accordingly in great danger of lof- 
 
 mg
 
 ing his life, had he not efeaped out of the 
 hands of the Englifh, though comprifed in 
 the capitulation." He informs us, likewife, 
 that when Mr. Harrifon had perfuaded the 
 people of Virginia to take his word for it 
 that the congrefs acted properly, " he, Mr. 
 Harrifon, found himfelf greatly relieved by 
 a fpeech made by lord North, foon after this 
 fpeech was printed (properly garbled with- 
 out doubt), and the public papers and all 
 America rang with its contents." 
 
 The marquis fays, <c governor Clinton is 
 inexorable to the Tories, whom, he makes 
 tremble, though they are very numerous *:" 
 and well might he, for the Britifli govern- 
 ment executed no man through the war for 
 his civil principles ; yet what province, 
 what county, what town in America, has 
 not fome dreadful truth to relate of Loyalists 
 
 * Mr. Payne, in his famous publication of Common 
 Senfc, previous to the declaration of independency, 
 fays, " a line of difti notion fhould be drawn between 
 Englifh foldiers taken in battle, and inhabitants of A- 
 merica taken in arms. The firft are prifoners, but the 
 latter are traitors. The one forfeits his liberty, the o- 
 ther his head. 1 ' As the Britifh governmenc did not 
 proceed upon thefe principles, nothing but confcience 
 could make Pendleton think it proper to efcape from 
 Charles Town. 
 
 executed
 
 [ 22 ] 
 
 executed for offences againft laws to which 
 they had not afiented, and by a power whofe 
 legality they had always denied ? More per- 
 fons were put to death by the hands of the 
 executioner, in obedience to the rebel legif- 
 lature, than fuffered a fimilar fate from both 
 parties, during the civil wars of Charles the 
 Firft's reign*. 
 
 Nor was this the whole that the unfortu- 
 nate Loyalifts fuffered ; upon them murder 
 was let loofe; mobs and the virulence of 
 demagogues were fomented by the magi- 
 llrates, to deftroy thofe whom no pretexts 
 of their laws could reach ; and this happen- 
 ed not in the barbarous and diftant parts of 
 the continent, but in commercial towns, 
 and in colonies on the vicinity of the fea- 
 coaft. Nothing but a wifh to place truth 
 in its real light, and to refcue the Loyal- 
 ifts from the infamous alperfions thrown on 
 them by the enemies of Great Britain,, could 
 draw thefe remarks from me ; but the in- 
 ftances of thefe murders are Ib numerous, 
 and the proofs fo ftrong, that fhould they 
 
 * France became the pander to American cruelty, 
 and fometimes the executioner of its political punifli- 
 inents. 
 
 be
 
 [ 23 1 
 
 be produced, it would be confefTed that 
 modern times are ignorant of fuch another 
 catalogue, and Europe would blufh for its 
 American offspring. The Tranflator relates 
 an inftance of murder in the back country, 
 which amidft all his palliatives and artifice, 
 will make an European fnudder, and which 
 is even worfe than all the calumnies, were 
 they true, that he and his author have med 
 upon the Loyalifts, and the Britim generals 
 and armies, 
 
 " The inhabitants of the back frontiers 
 of Penfylvania, goaded to fury by the ra- 
 vages of the Indians, took the field; in 
 one of their excurfions they fell in with a 
 fmall tribe of Chriftian Indians, called the 
 Mufkingaws, who being fufpefted of at- 
 tachment to the Americans, had been for 
 fome time confined at Detroit, and were re- 
 leafed only on condition of obferving a ftricft 
 neutrality ; thefe unhappy wretches, to the 
 number of two hundred, returning to tljeir 
 habitations, were employed in putting tfieir 
 feed-corn into the ground, when they w^re 
 furprifed by the American militia; in vain 
 did they urge their fituation, and their fuf- 
 ferings from the Britim ; they were Indians, 
 
 -and
 
 [ 24 ] 
 
 and their captors men who had loft, fome 
 brothers, fathers, wives, and children In this 
 horrid war j no other plea was necciTary to 
 palliate their meditated vengeance. The 
 Indians were all (hut up in a barn, and or- 
 dered to prepare for death, but with this 
 barbarous confblation, that as they were con- 
 verted Chriitians they mould be allowed a 
 refpite till the next morning ; the innocent 
 victims {pent the night in finging Moravian 
 hymns, and other acts of Chriftian devotion, 
 and in the morning were led, men, women, 
 and children to the (laughter, and butcher- 
 ed by their fellow- wormlppers of the meek 
 Jefus. The Moravians at Bethlehem and 
 Nazareth, whofe mimonaries had converted 
 them, made ftrong repreientaticns to con- 
 grefs on the fubject. I was at Philadelphia 
 when the news arrived, and it is but juflice 
 to fay that horror was painted on every coun- 
 tenance, and every mind was at work to de- 
 vife expedients for avenging this atrocious 
 murder; but, after various efforts, both con- 
 grefs and the aflembly of the ftate were 
 found unequal to the puniihment of thefe 
 afiafiins, who were armed, diftant from the 
 feat of government, the only fafeguard and 
 
 7 protection
 
 protection of the frontiers - t and from their 
 own favage nature alone fit to cope with the 
 dreadful enemy brought into action by the 
 Britifh." So far the the Tranilator. 
 
 " The all-feeing eye of divine juftice a- 
 lone can difcover and make known the au- 
 thors of fuch a crime ; but if difcovered, 
 Oh ! for the voice of Stentor, and the trum- 
 pet of Fame, to devote the vile perpetrators 
 to prefent and future horror, and to anounce 
 to all fovereigns and generals in chief, that 
 the enormities which they tolerate or leave 
 unpunished will accumulate upon their heads, 
 and at fome future time render them the ex- 
 ecration of a pofterity, ftill more fenfible and 
 more enlightened than we are yet." This 
 is a reflection of the marquis de Chaftellux, 
 but not by him applied to this pafTage. It 
 is in the French manner, and I think it will 
 appear proper in the opinion of the Englifh 
 reader as I have placed it : here it is a more 
 applicable execration againfl thofe " hunters 
 of men," the armed afTaffins of congrefs, 
 the favages of the back-countries, than as it 
 was denounced by the marquis on the fpec- 
 tacle of a tingle event of this war. 
 
 The Marquis relates that he met with a 
 E man
 
 [26 ] 
 
 man pale in appearance, and whofe wife 
 /hewed to him a piece of his fkull that had 
 been cut out j and he was informed that the 
 man had received fifteen or fix teen wounds 
 with a hanger. *' I was the- more concern- 
 ed, fays the Marquis, to learn that it was 
 alter he had received his firft wound and was 
 made prifoner that he had been fo treated." 
 Then follows the exclamation I have recit- 
 ed. Any ill ufage of prifoners is certainly 
 unwarrantable, and infamous to a degree ; 
 iuppofing it to be proved, and not depend 
 upon this man's own account, that he had 
 furrendered j and that after furrendering, as 
 many of his countrymen did, he had not 
 again made ufe of his arms ; or that fome 
 ruffian had executed this villainous outrage 
 upon him ; ftill it appears to me that the 
 Marquis's vivacious language is but ill ap- 
 plied to a general or a fovereign, unlefs their 
 orders had directed fuch cruelties, or that 
 they were endowed with ubiquity to prevent 
 them, and did not make ufe of it. I there- 
 fore think I have done the Marquis' fenti- 
 ments juftice, in adapting them to a repro- 
 bation of cool, difpaiiionate, unprincipled 
 murder, not afted in heat of blood, but af- 
 ter
 
 r */ ] 
 
 ter a more than diabolical consultation. Nor 
 was even this atrocious murder of the Indi- 
 ans fingular ; a full and well attefted narra- 
 tive has appeared in the newfpapfcrs, of a 
 Britim major, whofe name I am forry I have 
 forgotten, being murdered with other pri- 
 foners, many days after he was taken ; and 
 thefe deeds of blood were frequently repeated 
 in detail upon the Loyalifls -, fo that it is no 
 wonder that they mould be irritated, to 
 wreak upon Huddy*, a wretch marked with 
 a thoufand crimes, the vengeance due to their 
 flaughtered countrymen, and calculated for 
 a better purpofe than vengeance ; the pre- 
 venting future barbarities. That this prin- 
 ciple was a jufl one, let the marquis de 
 Chaflellux teilify, who, in the cafe of the 
 thirty regimented Tories, before mentioned, 
 fays, " they ought to have been executed; 
 but the enemy having alfo made fome prifon- 
 ers, reprifals were dreaded, and thefe rob- 
 
 * The Loyalists felt equally, at leaft as other men, 
 for captain Afgili's fufferings, and they equally rejoice 
 in that young gentleman's being reftored to his friends 
 and country, after exhibuing in his unfortunate fitua- 
 tion an heroifrn that his companions bear tefiimony of, 
 and which the United States, in all their records, can- 
 jior parallel. 
 
 E 2 bers
 
 bers were only confined in rigorous and cloie 
 imprifonment." If the government of Great 
 Britain retaliated upon no man, it proves 
 that its hopes were to reclaim, not to de- 
 ft roy ; and let thofe who arraign its want 
 of fjrmnefs, reipcct its clemency. 
 
 The marquis de Chailellux blames ge- 
 neral Burgoyne for burning a houfe of Mr, 
 Schuyler ; the Tranflator produces general 
 Burgoyne's account of the matter j and mi- 
 litary judges will leave to the Marquis his 
 choice of being a malignant narrator, or an 
 injudicious officer: nor mould I here men- 
 tion this matter, but to draw from the Tranf- 
 lator's character of that general, a reafoa 
 whv Great Britain was unfuccefsful in the 
 
 t 
 
 war. " The Tranilator knows general Bur- 
 goyne to be a foldier of honour, who in that 
 capacity sever wiihes to forget the para- 
 mount duties of a citizen and a man.'' The 
 people of England reafoned as men rnay 
 well be fuppofed to do, who are blerTed by 
 nature and their own fpirit with ample pro- 
 tection from the injuries of internal war; 
 long may they befo! They felt every wound 
 inflicted on America, and ihrunk from its 
 bare recital; and, from their companion and 
 
 generous
 
 I 29 ] 
 
 generous wifhes, they feem to have believed 
 that confuiion was capable of all the mild 
 ielections of order, that war might be admi- 
 niftered without individual calamity, and 
 that the duties of peace were ftill paramount. 
 America acted differently, " Hollis, hoflem 
 occidere volui," ran through her whole pro- 
 ceedings, it fharpened the axe of her afTum- 
 ,ed juflice, and pointed the dagger of her 
 afiaffi nation. She left the well-known line 
 of the poet, its application, and inefficacy to 
 her mother country, 
 
 " Parcere fubje&is & debellare fuperbos." 
 
 Great Britain accepted of it, and direct- 
 ed the operations of mercy to precede thofe 
 ofconqueft. This anticipation principally 
 loft her America. 
 
 I join in the marquis de Chaflellux's ob- 
 fervations on Mr. Read ; / know, in the 
 profperous fituation of the Britifii affairs in 
 j 777, and before the unhappy event at Tren^- 
 town, that Bowes Read, a brother of go- 
 vernor Read, crofTed the Delaware from Pen- 
 fylvania, aiid took, with the prefcribed 
 forms, a Britiih protection from a Heilian 
 pfficer, I believe colonel Donop, at the fame 
 
 time
 
 r 3 ] 
 
 time he requeued one for his brother the 
 governor, which colonel' Dcnop declined 
 giving him, unlefs he fhould appear in per- 
 form Soon after Bowes Read acted himfelf 
 in a civil employment in the flate of New 
 Jerfey ; and the governor, it is well known, 
 as the Marquis obferves, '* publifhed and 
 exaggerated the offers that were made him 
 by governor Johnfon, and attained his end 
 of playing a leading part in the country." 
 The Marquis fays that R.ead is an enemy of 
 Dr. Franklin's. They are worthy rivals. 
 The doctor was equally fufpected, in the be- 
 ginning of the war, in America, as in Eng- 
 land ; and though there is no doubt but that 
 he was then the ambitious and inveterate e- 
 nemy of the latter, it would have been dif- 
 ficult to prove it, had any finifter event wi- 
 thered his hopes in their progrefs to matu- 
 rity. The Tranflator fays, " Dr. Franklin, 
 whofe amiable and philofophic mind fin- 
 cerely laments all the evils attendant on hu- 
 manity, ufed frequently to regret the par- 
 ticular neceffity under which he forefaw A- 
 merica would fhortlv find herfelf. of ufing 
 Tiolence againft the i'avages, from the bloody 
 fcenes in which they were led by the policy 
 
 of
 
 of the Engliili government." The mar- 
 quis de Chaftellux philofophifes in the fame 
 amiable manner. 
 
 I totally deny Dr. Franklin's evidence, 
 that to the policy of the Englifh government 
 the Indian war is to be attributed; nor is 
 it a novel doctrine that American mercy 
 muil deftroy them. Dr. Franklin well 
 knows that the French let loofe * thefe 
 dogs of war" in the year 1756, and that It 
 coft Great Britain very dear to preferve the 
 Americans from their fury : the murders 
 committed by the favages in violation of a 
 facred capitulation, and in light of the mar- 
 quis de Montcalm, have lately been brought 
 to the recollection of the public ; and Dr. 
 Franklin was in Philadelphia, when a pro- 
 poiition was made to a Britim officer, from 
 a furgeon of that place, to inoculate blan- 
 kets, and to diftribute them as prefents to 
 the Indians, to whom that diibrder was fa- 
 tal. Can the fables of Europe match a ftory 
 of fo much bafenefs and horror ? It can 
 find its parallel only in the maflacre of the 
 Moravian profelytes, which has been here- 
 tofore related, to whom Britim faith allow- 
 ed a neutrality, and American mercy denied 
 
 an
 
 C 3* ] 
 
 an exigence. From the nature of the people 
 on the American frontiers, the genius of the 
 Indians, and their recollection of the former 
 perfidies with which the French and A- 
 merican fettlers accufe each other, a neutra- 
 lity is icarcely ever to be depended upon. 
 
 Dr. Franklin well knows that Congrefs 
 early endeavoured to feduce the Indians to 
 war againfl Great Britain. The attempt 
 on Canada was a fecondary proof of this ; 
 and the Tranflator fpeaks of a perfon who 
 " was employed by the irates of Virginia to 
 conciliate the favages, and to obtain their 
 neutrality." " We have been tried and 
 tempted by the Bonbon ians," was the an^ 
 fwer of an old Iroquois chief, to General 
 Burgoyne's fpeech to the Indians ; grateful 
 for the benefits they had received from Great 
 Britain, and dreading the extirpation that 
 attend^ the marquis de Chaftellux's philo- 
 fophy, all temptations were in vain. Ge- 
 neral Burgoyne fufiiciently exemplified in 
 his conduct how defirous the Britiih go- 
 vernment was of retraining their ravages. 
 
 The Tranflator fays, " Serjeant Glyn's 
 
 character of Mr. Wilkes may with peculiar 
 
 juilice be applied to this great man, Dr. 
 
 7 Franklin,
 
 Franklin ; few men in whole revolving ages 
 can be found who dare oppofe themfelves 
 to the force of tyranny, and whofe finglc 
 breafts contain the fpirit of nations." This 
 great, this eloquent eulogium, if truly ap* 
 plied, reduces the reft of the Americans to 
 be cyphers, or, what is worfe, the tools of 
 Dr. Franklin. Many doubtlefs were fo; 
 but the combuftible materials had long been 
 gathering, not in the oppreffion of Great 
 Britain, but in the original and republican 
 principles of New England ; Dr. Franklin 
 became the incendiary, and, regardlefs of the 
 danger to the community, his malignity led 
 him to fnatch lightning from heaven * to 
 confume his perfonal enemies; and if he 
 feized the fceptre from one tyrant, it was to 
 (hare it with a thoufand. 
 
 The Marquis de Chaftellux relates a long 
 converfation that he had with Mr. Samuel 
 
 X 
 
 Adams upon the principles of a government, 
 
 * A note of the Tranflator's is, 
 
 " Eripuit coelo fulmen fceptrumque tyranni." 
 
 This verfe is of that virtuous politician and good 
 man Mr. Turgot. The Tranflator has inferted it, as 
 h feems, by the author's omitting it to be of too high 
 a flavour for French cwfure. 
 
 F of
 
 [ 34 ] 
 
 of which, the Marquis fays, Mr. Samuel A- 
 dams was the fabricator. The Tranilator, in 
 a note, fays the Marquis is miftaken j and 
 that Mr. John Adams was the author of 
 the constitution in queftion. I have always 
 understood that Mr. John Adams, the law- 
 yer, not Mr. Samuel Adams, the malfter, 
 was the author of this constitution ; and 
 indeed an intercepted letter of the former's, 
 at the beginning of the war, developed his 
 fcheme, and the feverity on which he meant 
 to fupport it. Yet, the long convention 
 the Marquis held on the fubjecl:, and his 
 own fagacity, make it fo doubtful, that I can 
 only reconcile the difference by prefuming 
 that Mr. John Adams framed the conftitu- 
 tion j and that the honourable Mr e Samuel 
 Adams claimed the merit of it with the 
 Marquis, who appears to have been furnifh- 
 ed with many fimilar refpectable informa- 
 tions. The Tranilator remarks, " it was 
 to this houfe the Marquis de la Fayette re- 
 tired, to be cured of the first wound he re- 
 ceived in fighting for America. An acci- 
 dent, which I am well allured gave this gal- 
 lant young nobleman more pleafure than 
 molt of our European petit maitres would 
 
 receive
 
 [ 35 ] 
 
 receive from the moil flattering proofs of 
 the favour of a miftrefs." The account of 
 the Marquis de la Fayette's wound is what 
 has been generally given, excepting that 
 what the Translator relates as his own ob- 
 fervation, was part of the original ftory ; to 
 which he has, by his ingenuity, given a more 
 favourable turn. The coquetry, the afrect- 
 ed coynefs, the prudery, with which the 
 Marquis dallied with his admirers, and dif- 
 played his wound, gave the true idea of a 
 French petit maitre to the beholders, and 
 made him the object of ridicule to his fel- 
 low-foldiers. 
 
 Speaking of general Sullivan's expedition 
 againft the Indians, the Tranflator remarks, 
 " it may be fafely arTerted, that the journal 
 of this expedition would lofe nothing in a 
 comparifon with the famous retreat of the 
 ten thoufand, which it would referable very 
 much if we could compare the manoeuvres, 
 the object of which is attack, with thofe 
 which have no other than the prefervation of 
 a forlorn army." Unhappy Greeks, had 
 you been conquered you would have fuffer- 
 ed lefs difgrace ! Unfortunate Xenophon ! 
 your talents, your courage, are fo miierably 
 F 2 degraded,
 
 t 36 ] 
 
 degraded, that even the mild philofophy of 
 Socrates would become indignant, could he 
 but know that his illuftrious difciple was 
 compared to an attorney of New Hamp- 
 fhire ! 
 
 " General Sullivan, after a month's march, 
 arrived without any check at the intrenched 
 camp, the laft refuge of the favages ; here 
 he attacked them, and was received with 
 great courage, infomuch, that the victory 
 would have remained undecided had not the 
 Indians loft many of their chiefs in battle, 
 which never fails to intimidate them, and 
 retreated during the night. The general de- 
 ftroyed their houfes and plantations, fmce 
 which they have never Ihewn themfelves in 
 a body. However inefficient and flight the 
 idea may be that I have given of this cam- 
 paign, it may neverthelefs aftonim our Eu- 
 ropean military men to learn, that general 
 Sullivan was only a lawyer in 1775, and that 
 in the year 1780 he quitted the army to re- 
 fume his profeflion, and is now civil gover- 
 nor in New Hampfhire." European mili- 
 tary men, I am apt to believe, will think, 
 that the whole of this expedition favours 
 more of the lawyer than of the foldier ; the 
 
 delay
 
 [ 37 ] 
 
 delay of procefs, minute account of thepre- 
 mifes, and of the apple-trees, which were 
 enumerated in the American papers as de- 
 ftroyed, the indecifion of the action, and the 
 cofts of fuit, reminded Congrefs of the ge- 
 neral termination of a law-fuit; for they 
 were to pay the bill. 
 
 On the Marquis de Chaftellux's character 
 of colonel Wadfworth, the Tranflator's note 
 is, " The Tranflator cannot forbear adding 
 his teftitnony to this brilliant, but exagger- 
 ated eulogium." This furely, in Engliih, 
 muft mean the Marquis's eulogium is bril- 
 liant, but exaggerated ; pretty in itfelf, but 
 not true : and this opinion of the Tranfla- 
 tor I muft beg leave to transfer to the au- 
 thor's character of Mr. Wamington. This 
 celebrated man may poflefs the foundation 
 of political abilities ; for, like other politi- 
 cians, he is hard-hearted and verfatile. The 
 part he had to act was not a very difficult 
 one ; and in the execution of it he was uni- 
 formly fupported by the civil power - t they 
 bore the odium of feverities, which they 
 could not have executed but for his protec- 
 tion i and he afTumed the appearance of le- 
 nity and forbearance. He had the power 
 
 to 
 
 
 
 _d_
 
 to crufh all rivals, and his jealoufy made him 
 employ it. He was the natural and abfo- 
 lute difpofer of all military preferment ; he 
 has been called a Fabius, but by thofe only 
 who knew the Roman by newfpaper allu- 
 rions. The fyftem of the one was, at his 
 out-fet, procraftination, that of the other of- 
 feniive war ; and what the Roman adopted 
 from choice, the Virginian was driven into 
 from neceffity. 
 
 The American buzzard mould be flopped 
 of the eagle's plumage. The nature and 
 lize of this publication prevent me from a 
 perfect and regular analyfis of his conduct ; 
 but I may obferve, that the credit which 
 our merchants of London gave to the Ame- 
 ricans in commerce, all ranks of Englimmen 
 extend to them in a political and military 
 line : hence they believe in their profeffions 
 of virtue, and magnify accidental fuccefs in- 
 to uniform ability. Credit degenerates into 
 credulity. No greater inflance can be given 
 than in the general praife mowered upon 
 Washington for not ufurpiag the govern- 
 ment of America, and overturning the con- 
 ilitution of his country. I mould not have 
 remarked it, but that this moderation is fup- 
 
 pofed
 
 [ 39 ] 
 
 pofed to be the refult of an uniform condud, 
 and that it eftablifhed the virtuous confiften- 
 cy of his character. I (hall ftate a few facts, 
 that will prove he could not have oppofed 
 his army to the country ; and I mail pub- 
 lim afiertions that have hitherto been un- 
 contradi&ed, and obfervations which fup- 
 port them, and deny to Mr. Washington 
 the merit of confiftency. I have formerly 
 analyfed the American army ; and agreed 
 with the Tranflator of the Marquis de Chaf- 
 tellux's Memoirs, that it was an aflemblage 
 of all nations. Had it been an army of na- 
 tives, it would have been an army of agita- 
 tors ; and a real Cromwel would have match- 
 ed the fword of e.mpire from an imaginary 
 one * : but neither Congrefs nor Wafhing- 
 ton could have led this heterogeneous army 
 againft any one ftate ; it would have moul- 
 dered away on its march, and perimed in the 
 onfet. I believe Mr. John Adams to have 
 ieen as far as any man in Europe or Ameri- 
 ca ; his original object was to eftablifh a 
 
 * I will not degrade the virtues and military talents 
 of Fairfax by comparing him to Wafhington, the re- 
 femblance would be much the fame as between Xeno- 
 phon and Sullivan. 
 
 8 republic ;
 
 [ 4" ] 
 
 republic \ and he never loft fight of it. To 
 conceal their intentions, to deny, and to dif- 
 avow, " fallere & effugere" (which has been 
 fo often and fo well applied to American ar- 
 mies), were the means by which the Con- 
 grefs paved their way to fuccefs : indepen- 
 dency was the point at which Mr. Adams 
 aimed; this was the goal, where he ex- 
 pected to triumph. At the commence- 
 ment of the war, when England was in 
 hourly expectation of amicable accommoda- 
 tion, and Congrefs dreaded that a fkirmim 
 might be deciiive, this able man then de- 
 clared, " we can fight Great Britain for 
 five years with her own weapons" (mean- 
 ing European emigrants), " and it is flrange 
 if, during that period, fome fortunate e- 
 vent does not happen in Europe to befriend 
 us." He did forefee this, and he might 
 conjecture, that he mould become an am- 
 baflador to the court of Great Britain ; but 
 it was beyond his forefight, that America 
 probably owes her fafety to the compofi- 
 tion of her army, to her defenders be- 
 ing aliens, and not natives ; in either cafe, 
 Mr. Washington , as the leader of it, was 
 not to be dreaded. 
 
 I bear
 
 I bear no refentment to that general ; his 
 virtues and his vices are now out of the 
 queftion ; and whether he continues a land- 
 jobber in Virginia, or the president of 
 Congrefs, is totally indifferent. The expo- 
 fitton of truth is all my deiign. Succefs 
 animates a mercenary army; Mr. Wafh- 
 ington had no hold on this chain of union. 
 The capture of Lord Cornwallis's army 
 was the effedt of joint operation and French 
 artillery. The furprize of Wafhington at 
 Brandywine, and defeat at German Town, 
 have not added to his reputation; and the 
 terming his repulfe at Monmouth a defeat 
 of the Britiih army, proved, that having 
 afiumed French politics, he was intoxicat- 
 ed with their manners. The Congrefs 
 called it a victory, the army knew the term 
 to be a " dimonourable gafconade." Sol- 
 diers draw their concisions, not from 
 gazettes which they hear, but from opera- 
 tions to which they contribute. 
 
 The army having little reafon to rely on 
 the abilities of the general, we mall now 
 fee what right it had to confide in the mi- 
 litary talents of thofe fecondary perfons, 
 the intermediate links between the com- 
 
 G mander
 
 [ 42 ] 
 
 mander in chief and the army, the general 
 officers, whom Mr. Wafhington t rutted 
 and employed. M. Fayette, whom I again 
 call, in the Marquis de Chaftellux's terms, 
 " a Gafcon as well as the reil of them," 
 was diftinguilhed in every American Ga- 
 zette by name*, and no where by action. 
 General Wayne, indefatigable, active, and 
 brave, had made fome amends, by his tak- 
 ing of Stoney Point, for having himfclf 
 been circumvented by fir Charles Grey in 
 a fituation moft disgraceful tu a foidicr, 
 that of being furpriied by an army,, whole 
 motions he was fent to cbferve ; if he 
 
 * The Marquis de la Fayette's claim to any military 
 reputation I abfolutely deny ; chat he was a man of 
 political confequence cannot be difputed; nor can 
 
 there be a better idea of it than in what the Marquis 
 
 ' 
 
 de Chaftellux a'fferts, " That private letters from him 
 have frequently produced more effect on fome ftates 
 than the ftrongcft exhortations from the Congrefs ;" 
 but this remark leflens our idea of American union. 
 Congrefo muft have wanted principle in their exhor- 
 tations, or patriotifm in the feparate ftates by no means 
 been univerlal. M. Fayette's aiming to command an 
 entcrprize that Schuylerhad projected againft Canada, 
 as the M. de Chaftellux relate. , it does him no credit, 
 and diigraces Wafhington ; Schuyler was too cunning 
 for both.
 
 [ 43 ] 
 
 fhould ever read my account of the Marquis 
 de la Fayette, he will enjoy it, and fay it is 
 true. Mifflen and Lee were driven from 
 the army they had often faved. M. de 
 Chafteliux heard Mifflen harangue in the 
 fenate; and, from his defcription, it was 
 with that fame fuperiority and imperatorial 
 dignity which, in the greatefh emergencies, 
 he dictated to general Washington the 
 means of his prefervation. As an American 
 foldier, Lee was the mofl injured man in 
 the univerfe j as an Englishman, he pro- 
 felled to fight on the fame principles which 
 made fo beautiful a figure in the fpeeches 
 of the Britifh parliament. The generals 
 Sullivan and Stirling often invaded the 
 iilands in the pofTeflion of the Britiih : 
 their firft imprifonment always made them 
 attentive to fecure a retreat, and they re- 
 treated " bootlefs, weather-beaten," and 
 difgraced. General Gates, the nominal 
 conqueror of general Burgoyne, laid laurels, 
 not his own, at lord Cornwallis's feet. He 
 is no hypocrite, but real in his love for li- 
 berty ; and if Washington, as the Tranf- 
 lator hints, replaced him in his confidence, 
 it was not whije he was an object of envy. 
 G 2 M. de
 
 t 44 ] 
 
 M. de Chaftellux mentions nothing of 
 general Green ; his Tranflator fpeaks of the 
 " unabated courage of that great officer, 
 general Green :" his courage was certainly 
 unabated, and in this con(ifr.ed his only 
 greatnefs ; he iiew from defeat to defeat ; 
 he ihrurik from the correction of lord Raw- 
 don as a fchool-boy would from his mailer ; 
 and the cannon, which he laved at Cambden, 
 by fortunately hiding them, he loft when he 
 injudiciouily expofed them at Entaw Springs. 
 I mean not to depreciate the American ge- 
 nerals : the art of war is a fcience ; it re- 
 quires ftudy ; and a Britiih officer, who has 
 been any tiire in the army, is difgraced, if 
 not fuppofed to be fuperior to thofe who 
 have not made it their profetlion * : if he is 
 
 not 
 
 * It may befoul that genius will far outftrip applica- 
 tion ; thai a civii war is its proper foil - 9 and there- 
 fore char the American generals may have been more 
 capable of leading armies than the Britifh officers, who 
 hare rifen to command by rotation. I believe civil 
 war changes the courfe of ability, but adds not to its 
 quantity; an uniform dereliction of conscience is the 
 great ftep to eminence in fo dreadful a conteft. Poli- 
 tical men, without any peculiar military talents or in- 
 clinations, may embrace the profeflion of arms, as 
 that which experience teaches us has ultimately ar- 
 rived
 
 [ 45 1 
 
 not fo, it is a ferious misfortune to his coun- 
 try. 
 
 From thefe fads it appears Mr, Wafh- 
 in<*ton had no influence in his army, deduc- 
 ible from his own perfonal fuccefs, or thofc 
 of his generals whom he principally em- 
 ployed*. The greateft conqueft the Ameri- 
 cans 
 
 rived at the ftimmit of pow^r. The fepafate iiafesof 
 America feem to have trufted the command of ihek 
 armies to thrir citizens, and not to have fought for fol- 
 diers; fuppofing that they had aclad otherwjfe, in the 
 late American war, fo extenfive in its operations, and 
 forming a period, 
 
 " When all the youth of England were on fire;* 
 
 it was natural to prefume that cultivated military geni- 
 us among the Britiih army might find its way to com- 
 mand; and it did fo: my account of general Green 
 is ftri&ly true ; he was the chofen general of the Ame- 
 rican army, and he mud have drawn confutation from 
 the very fuigular talents, both as a foldier and a ftatef- 
 man, that interelt this country in the life of lord 
 Ravvdon. 
 
 * The Trariflator mentions " Montgomery's monu- 
 ment and fame, as a vicTim to tyranny, and a cham- 
 pion of freedom, configned to be celebrated by an en- 
 ilaved people, again ft whom he had often fought in 
 defence of the fame cauie in which he facrinced his 
 life." This paragraph is curious enough from an a- 
 vowed partizan of France. Aiontgomery was neither 
 diftinguifhed by high rank, or eminent for abilities; 
 
 his
 
 cans gained was oVer general Burgoyne ; 
 whofe valour, military abilities, bright en- 
 dowments, the utmoil confidence of his 
 troops, and thofe fecond to none in the uni- 
 v }{'-; the fcietvce of Philips, and the cou- 
 rage of Frazer, were unavailing again ft the 
 ii ; aural obllaclcs of the country, and the 
 numbers of the native Americans. His fail- 
 ure of fuccefs is an irrefragable proof that 
 
 o r 
 
 Wa&ingtoiJ could net become the ty- 
 rant of his country 5 and that,, if we praife 
 the prudence of his head, we have no right 
 to infer from moderation in this refpe6t, the 
 virtues of his heart ; much lefs to draw de- 
 tiuClicns from it in funport of the principles 
 of his former conduct. 
 
 The Translator mentions a ftrong party, 
 
 Ms adoption of the American caufe fupplied both, and 
 he was raifed to iuch reputation as parliamentary ora- 
 
 10. y cou.d bcRow, by his countrymen, Mr. Edmund 
 Burice, ai*d co ! oucl Barre. 'J'heir encomiums are but 
 vouis -, be was neither a W T olfe, nor a liampden 5 and 
 the enilavcd people of France m^y celebrate him 
 as a hero. General Carieton, now lord Dorcheller, 
 \vho hau been infulted by Montgomery, and in the 
 American idiom, for fuch is, " by Heavens I will 
 (hew you no nnrcy," r.obly avenged himfelf, by giv- 
 ing his body a foldier's funeial. 
 
 7 " who
 
 [ 47 1 
 
 <c who affected to hold Mr. Wafliington in 
 no high rdpect." When M. de Chaftellux 
 ipeaks cf the propriety of erecting flatues to 
 Wafhington, the Tranflator praiies " tlic 
 wiidom of Cong re fs in not erecting a ftatue 
 to him during his-liie time." And he adds, 
 
 o 
 
 that the Marquis would be iatisfied with their 
 reafons, if he knew them. The Tranflator 
 fays, " Reflection might have convinced 
 Mr. Bracknel, who hung up Cromwell's 
 head as his fign, that, in the actual pofition 
 of America, there was more to be appre- 
 hended from a Cromwell than a Charles." 
 And adds, " that nothing could have made 
 him replace Cromwell but the Britiih hav- 
 ing thrown him down." Circumitances like 
 thefe detract from the eulogiums that the 
 Marquis de Chaitellux and other flatterers 
 pour upon Mr. Washington ; it has been 
 ailerted that Mr. W amington was flattered 
 into his command; that this was the me- 
 thod by which New England policy ani- 
 mated the fupinenefs of Virginia, and led it 
 into action ; and it has been laid, and never 
 contradicted, that Mr. Wafliington fre- 
 quently and repeatedly declared that he ne- 
 ver would confent to independency j if it 
 
 be
 
 [ 48 ] 
 
 be fo, the reader probably will agree with 
 me> that Mr. Washington is not a confid- 
 ent character : that he is fufpected in Ame- 
 rica; and he will think with the Tranflator, 
 " that Congrefs are wife in not erecting a 
 ftatuein his life-time to that general." 
 
 The order of Cincinnati, which has been 
 firppofed the offspring of political defign, 
 appears to me a natural bond of union be- 
 tween thofe whom accident had called to- 
 gether, fimiLir fortunes endeared, and whom 
 peace has again difievercd : incapable of ef- 
 fecting any ambitious views, commentators 
 have amplified it into confequence ; it cer- 
 tainly is more .calculated to awaken the ta- 
 lents of the orator than the fears of the po- 
 litician. Futurity is haftening to produce 
 new revolutions, and conquefl will be check- 
 ed only by the boundaries of nature, not the 
 divifions of geometry. Then the chimeras 
 of democracy will be done away, and riches, 
 as M. de Chaftellux obferves of the ladies of 
 Philadelphia, will eftablifh their natural pre- 
 cedency; they will combine with arms to 
 acquire, and tranfmit hereditary honour?. 
 Tyranny may inftantaneoufly form an iron 
 bond of union, and preferve its force during 
 
 the
 
 [ 49 ] 
 
 the unnatural flate of warfare; but laws 
 and provisions, neceffary to fecure the mul- 
 tifarious interefls of a peaceful people, and 
 to difFufe and render permanent thofe blefT- 
 ings which, as Montefquieu affirms, Eng- 
 land knows befl how to ufe and to enjoy, 
 " the bleffings of religion, liberty, and com- 
 merce," mufl be the refult, not of fpecula- 
 tion, but of practice j of the'wifdom of 
 ages, not of the refolves of a moment. 
 Whenever I read of the American laws, of 
 fome being adapted to the infantine flate of 
 fociety, others to a maturer age, and many 
 negligently looking forward to poflerity, I 
 fmcerely lament the condition of the poor 
 people, and apply to them what the Tranf- 
 lator remarks when M. de Chaflellux talks 
 of the French adopting our manner of gar- 
 dening, " the gardens I have hitherto feen 
 in [America] France, profeffedly laid out on 
 the Englifh model, are, with great deference 
 to the authors, very unfuccefsful imitations 
 of the Englifh flyle." The reader may pur- 
 fue the metaphor, and he will find, wind- 
 mills, Chinefe bridges, and cockle-fhell 
 temples, to illuftrate the creation of thefe 
 fyftern-mongers . 
 
 H From
 
 From the Tranflator we gather, that ge- 
 neral Arnold received feven thoufand pounds 
 in the funds ; and from the Author, that he 
 was to deliver up Weft Point. The death 
 of major Andre is univerfally known ; and 
 the rank that he bore of adjutant-general in 
 the Britim army. From thefe inferences, 
 admitting their truth, what deductions can 
 we draw ? Could Arnold alone give up 
 Weft Point ? Would an adjutant-general 
 have vifited him for what he alone could 
 have accomplished ? Would he have been 
 hazarded for the completion of fo fmall an 
 object ? Is there nothing in Arnold's afle- 
 verations ? Gave he no reafons for his con- 
 duct ? He did. Much of this extraordi- 
 nary event will doubtlefs be ever concealed; 
 and probably little more than what has al- 
 ready tranfpired will be known to the pre- 
 fent generation. Arnold's afTertions, that 
 America in general was fatisfied with the 
 offers of the Britifh nation, that it was a- 
 verfe to the French, and the continuation 
 of the war, were true. It has been before 
 obferved, that Washington aflerted, that he 
 would never agree to independency; and 
 though the Congrefs decreed that all their 
 
 votes
 
 votes mould be ftyled unanimous, it is well 
 known that more than once a fingle voice 
 or two has decided upon their moft import- 
 ant refolutions. To a certain length Gallo- 
 way acceded to the American caufe, and in 
 England, people at different periods defift- 
 ed from their fupport of America as me re- 
 ceded from her connections with this coun- 
 try ; this did the great and wife earl of Chat- 
 ham, the firfl ftatefman of the age. 
 
 The argument is not whether this change 
 of fentiments proceeded from patriotic prin- 
 ciples, or finifler paffions ; it is the fact that 
 linfifr. upon. In our own civil wars, Hyde 
 and EiTex, Falkland and Whitlock, and 
 many others, furnimed the precedent ; and 
 this conduct muft arife from the nature of 
 man, imperfect in himfelf, his judgments, 
 and opinions -, and actuated from events and 
 effects originating from fo imperfect a fource. 
 Was it not fo, how could a war ever be 
 terminated ? A brave, but a divided peo- 
 ple, under the influence of confcience, and 
 a firm belief of the juftice of their caufe, 
 would fight to their mutual destruction, 
 Sf and darknefs be the burier of the dead." 
 Hiflory, when it points out to us the cala~ 
 H 2 mities
 
 [ 5* ] 
 
 mities of civil wars, uniformly delineates 
 their termination, not fo much in the de- 
 finition of mankind, as in their change of 
 opinions. Had Lambert efcaped from his 
 purfuers, and the army revolted from Monk, 
 what would have been Monk's fate ? And 
 in what light would pofterity confider his 
 memory ? A republican, and therefore un- 
 conftitutional party, at prefent detract from 
 his reputation 5 but he is venerated by Eng- 
 lifhmen in general, as the reftorer of the 
 
 o 
 
 peace of his country. That general has 
 been blamed for permitting the reiteration 
 of the king without compact : the time ne- 
 ceflary for making fuch -zfree, general^ and 
 Eng/tjb compaft) would have ruined his mea- 
 fures ; fecrefy alone could give fuccefs to his 
 arduous undertaking. He trufted, and he 
 trufled juftly, that the fpirit of the times 
 would fecure the liberty of the fubject, againft 
 which it was viiible the crown muft con- 
 tend in vain. Clarendon had wifdom fuffi- 
 cient to diftinguifh the momentary acclama- 
 tions of all ranks of people, happy in the 
 termination of their individual miferies, from 
 the fober and collective voice of their judg- 
 ment. Jf the houfe of Stuart, on the re- 
 moval
 
 [ S3 1 
 
 moval of that great man, forgot their own 
 interefts, and ungratefully invaded the li- 
 berties of the people, it certainly was con- 
 trary to the calculations of reafon, and they 
 loft the crown in confequence; the fpirit of 
 the people, as one man, rofe up againft them, 
 and let it be remembered, the Revolution 
 was effected without bloodmed. Had Ar- 
 nold, and thofe who thought with him, gi- 
 ven a fevere blow, and without bloodfhed, to 
 Wamington's army ; had he broke the civil 
 chains of the people, and reftored the fword 
 to their hands, had they accepted the more 
 than independency which was offered to A- 
 merica by Great Britain ; and had the em- 
 pire by thefe means been restored to union, 
 who would have enjoyed the bleffings of this 
 age, and been the favourite of pofterity, the 
 active, enterprifing American Arnold, or 
 the cool, defigning, frenchified Wafhing- 
 ton? Thefe terms are derived from the 
 Marquis's Memoirs - 3 his opinions, and the 
 rejoicings of the Americans upon the failure 
 of Arnold's attempt, eftablifh its magni- 
 tude. 
 
 The Marquis de Chaftellux obferves, " I 
 cannot help admiring the addrefs with which 
 
 Mr.
 
 [ 54 ] 
 
 Mr. Barkminfter, a young minifter, intro- 
 duced politics into his fermons." I will not 
 even quote the paflage, it is offence to a 
 Chriftian ear. Nor is the Tranflator's ac- 
 count much better, that the prevalent reli- 
 gion of the principal inhabitants of America, 
 and particularly to the Southward, is pure 
 Deifm. I mail only remark, that the moft 
 ftupendous event which has hitherto been 
 produced by the American revolution, is the 
 introduction of Epifcopacy; an end oppo- 
 fite, very oppofite indeed, to the intentions 
 and expectancy of thofe who, in Europe and 
 America, were among the promoters of its 
 independency, and totally contrary to the 
 politics of the fanatic and the felf-fufficien- 
 cy of the Deift. 
 
 As a general obfervation, though fre- 
 quently applicable to the Author of thefe 
 Travels, and univerfally to the Tranflator of 
 them, I mail remark the variety of abufe 
 that has been thrown upon Britim ge- 
 nerals, and the Britim armies *. Eloquence 
 
 has 
 / 
 
 * The Marquis is proud to celebrate the dancing of 
 his countrymen ; and the Tranflator relates, with 
 great complacency, a dance at Alexandria, attended 
 
 with
 
 [ 55 1 
 
 has been employed to blacken their reputa- 
 tion ; poetry has attempted to embellifh the 
 unjuft fidions of party with the luftre of 
 truth; the Englim garden has been disfi- 
 gured by mifplaced ornaments, and polluted 
 by temples unneceffarily erected to America. 
 Such calumnies the Britim generals may look 
 down upon with magnanimous difdain ; they 
 know that war has its unavoidable miferies, 
 they know that Bofton, Philadelphia, 
 Newport, and Charles Town, acquit them 
 of unneceflary definition. CarelefTnefs in 
 a fmgle centinel, or defign in any injured, 
 irritated, and exiled Loyalift, would have 
 reduced either of thofe capitals to afhes; 
 
 with circumftances that Europeans will think indecent 
 in the French officers to fuffer ; but he terms the Mef- 
 chianza, which was conducted with magnificence, ele- 
 gance, and decorum, " An illuftrious acl: of folly and 
 infatuation." What one military operation could this 
 noble entertainment prevent ? or what expence fell up- 
 on the public ? It was the tribute of affection from, 
 the field-officers of an army to a general they revered, 
 on the eve of his departure for Europe, and when he 
 could no longer ferve them. This diiinterefted grati- 
 tude, in the purity of American principles, the Tranfla- 
 tor calls an illuftrious aft: of folly; and in his eyes the 
 judgment that an army forms of its general, is infatu- 
 ation. 
 
 6 this,
 
 C 56 ] 
 
 this, their orders, and the vigilant and faith- 
 ful execution of them effectually prevented. 
 New York too, amidit her ruins, will re- 
 mind pofterity to whofe exertion it owes 
 what remains of it ; the Guards of the king 
 of Great Britain having preferved what a 
 cowardly enemy had devoted to the flames. 
 But while there can be no doubt but that 
 thefe generals may rely upon the testimony 
 of their hearts for the propriety of their con- 
 duct, and that a future age will do their 
 memory ample juftice, the fubordinate offi- 
 cer, whofe flation will not procure him ad- 
 miffion to the augufl tribunal of pofterity, 
 fuffers the taunts and ignominy which arife 
 from groundlefs calumny, and the effront- 
 ery of falfehood. He expects an enemy in a 
 French officer ; nor does he wiih for an ad- 
 vocate in a fubject of the United States j but 
 he has a right to demand, that Britons will 
 receive no imputations that injure national 
 or individual reputation, without the fulleft 
 proofs; they will then only be juft to their 
 own intereft, for though in other profeiiions 
 the venality of politics, and the frequency 
 of anonymous abuie, has almoft introduced 
 an indifference to all afperfions ; in the fol- 
 
 dier
 
 [ 57 ] 
 
 dier the definition of private fenfibility is 
 an injury to national honour; for whatever 
 blunts the one, detracts from that fum 
 which conftitutes the value of the other. 
 
 Mr. Payne j an Englifh emigrant, and 
 fuch perfons as the Tranflator, may calcu- 
 late as they pleafe, may elevate the power 
 of America, and degrade that of Europe ; 
 they may endue infancy with ftrength and 
 animation, and reduce the vigour of youth 
 to decrepitude. Such reprelcntations will 
 have no effect. The Tranflator, if a native of 
 Great Britain, will be defpifed at home, and 
 meet with that neglect from America which 
 has uniformly attended his countrymen, 
 when they could no longer injure Great Bri- 
 tain. The potency of Mr. Payne's affir- 
 mations, the fpells of his language, were 
 fuccefsful in disturbing the peace of ibciety, 
 and in injuring the country from whence he 
 drew his unhallowed birth ; peace has at 
 once difperfed his incantations. He, pro- 
 bably, curfes the hour in which Dr. Frank- 
 lin fummoned him from his country ; al- 
 lured him acrofs the Atlantic, and compadt- 
 ed with him to fell his talents for the moft 
 mifchievous purpofes. Let us leave him to 
 I the
 
 t 58 ] 
 
 the contempt which he has long met with 
 from the inhabitants of Philadelphia, and 
 the upbraid ings of his own confcience. 
 
 But I muft confefs I am inclined to be- 
 lieve the Marquis de Chaftellux's character 
 of Mr. JefFerfon. The very inclination is 
 refpect. There is an uniformity through- 
 out, that appears to me to be natural ; and 
 the Author in this delineation has at leaft the 
 merit of confiftency. I have no pofitive tef- 
 tirnony to contradict what is afferted of his 
 talents and virtues, and I refpect mankind 
 too much to be follicitous in my fearch of a 
 negative ; to him therefore, and to men of 
 fimilar defcription, thefe concluding ani- 
 madverfions are addrefied -, my heart neither 
 dictates them through malignity, nor doth 
 my hand fubfcribe them through apprehen- 
 iion ; if they come not from a friend to A- 
 merica, they proceed not from an enemy $ 
 and in either cafe their intrinfic merit muft 
 decide upon their reception. The Tranf la- 
 tor remarks, " Mr. JerTerfon, a man of 
 profound thought, and of great penetration, 
 is of opinion, that emigrants from Europe 
 are not defirable; left the emigrants bring- 
 ing with them, not only the vices, but the 
 
 corrupt
 
 [ 59 ] 
 
 corrupt prejudices of their refpective ancient 
 governments, may be unable to relifh that 
 bold univerial fyflem of freedom and to- 
 leration which is a novelty to the old world." 
 This opinion the Tranilator controverts. 
 
 Mr. JefFerfon well knows that no emi- 
 grant comes to difpute the laws of the coun- 
 try to which he wanders, but to fubmit to 
 them ; not to difplay his own wifdom, but 
 to be benefited by that of others. For 
 Englifhmen it is a fublimer, and more na- 
 tural hope, to amend the defects of their 
 own laws than to feek refuge from them in 
 the wilds of America ; the field of Nafeby, 
 and the Revolution bear witnefs to it ; e- 
 vents to which we owe the bleffings we now 
 enjoy, and are thankful for ; and which, in 
 all human probability, will fecure Britifh 
 freedom for ages, amidft the wrecks of ar- 
 bitrary republics, and abfolute monarchies. 
 
 The Tranilator furnifhes me with an- 
 other obfervation, which will produce the 
 conclufion I mean to draw, and I believe the 
 reader will think it explanatory of Mr. Jef- 
 ferfon's real reafons for wifhing to prevent 
 emigrations to America : what have been; 
 given I efteem as merely ojlcnfibk ones. "It 
 I 2 is
 
 [ 60 ] 
 
 is from the interior fettlements of this vaft 
 country that America will derive her future 
 greatnefs, and eflablifh new empires to rival, 
 sn 1 perhaps outdo, the ancient world." It 
 is the jealoufy of thefe new empires, Mr. 
 Jefrerfon, that prevents you from the encou- 
 ragement of emigrants. For whither will 
 they refort to ? Not to the old colonies, 
 but to the new pofTefilons; not to fickly 
 climates, but to thofe which are as healthy 
 as any in the world ; not to where they will 
 become fervants, but where they may enjoy 
 equality : your flaves, the very negroes, 
 will participate the benefits of thefe new 
 fettlements ; and what to you, Sir, huma- 
 nity poffibly may dictate, felf-intercft will 
 i eludtantly compel others to follow; a mil- 
 der treatment of thefe unfortunate men, to 
 prevent their flight and emancipation. Your 
 Congrels muil admit thefe fettlements into 
 4 federal union, when they acquire power to 
 claim independency ; it muft aiTume the 
 graces of benevolence from the compulfion. 
 of felf-intereft., and diverting neceffity of her 
 iron habiliments, array her in all the deco-r 
 rations of juftice. 
 
 Virginia may abandon the luxuries of Eu- 
 rope;
 
 rope j but Europe is elegant as well as lux- 
 urious : her embellifhments have an intrin- 
 fic merit to attract the eyes of the ignorant, 
 and the judgment of the polite. Habit a- 
 lone, without the national character which 
 M. de Chaftellux attributes to the Virgini- 
 ans, has made them neceflary to you. You 
 will foon become an objedt of envy to thofe 
 who do not poffefs your fplendour ; thefe 
 rifing empires, thefe interior emigrants, 
 when they obferve your enjoyments, and 
 vour natural oftentation will difplay them, 
 they will regret their own fituation, and, as 
 it is natural for the human mind, they will 
 
 tt 
 
 feek for coniblation in a comparison of their 
 own advantages, and they will find it in the 
 enjoyment of fupertor force. Having once 
 reafoned themfelves into a knowledge of their 
 own fuperiority, it will only remain to prove 
 it upon you. Europe, in it> nations the 
 moft diftant from each other, has not an 
 example where man is fo different in himfelf, 
 as in the enervated inhabitant of Virginia 
 and Carolina, and his vigorous neighbour of 
 the back-fettlements and Kentuck : employ- 
 ment adds to the force of climate, in render- 
 ing the difference permanent j the one is a 
 6 country
 
 [ 62 ] 
 
 country of merchants and artizans, fubject 
 to emigrations -, the other of peafan try, like 
 the ancient Romans, adjunfti gleba, on the 
 beft motives, they are the owners of it. 
 Such, Sir, being the weaknefs of your na- 
 tive colony : fuch, in refpedt to other rif- 
 ing empires, being the fituation of moil of 
 the ftates of your confederacy ; talk not of 
 naval force, of combined fleets, and future 
 hostilities j adopt a fvftem of government 
 ufeful to your own fubjects, and be at peace 
 with the world. Away with fuch fenti- 
 ments as your's, " that Providence has plac- 
 ed the richefh poflemons of Europe at our 
 door, and has obliged their moll precious 
 commerce to pafs as it were in review be- 
 fore us * :" they convey piratical ideas - y and 
 fuch as I am perfuaded are foreign to your 
 meaning. At this time they are particular- 
 ly unfeafonable ; mankind has a right to be 
 jealous, not of the power of Congrefs, but 
 of its perfonal weaknefs -p ; reafon and ex- 
 perience 
 
 * The Tranflator quotes this paflage from a work 
 of Mr. Jefferfon's. 
 
 f One of Mr. Payne's humane difcoveries to pro- 
 mote American independence was, u The diminution 
 
 of
 
 perience convince us that ftatefmen who 
 have been eminent, and are fallen into neg- 
 left, will endeavour to regaia their power 
 by the fame means which produced it ; and 
 will pradtife what the theorifl prefcribes to 
 kingdoms in a ftate of decay, the recurring 
 to firft principles for the renovation of their 
 conftitution and pre-eminence. In the o- 
 pinion of Congrefs, war may reftore its 
 confequence ; its prefent weaknefs is evi- 
 dent in its not fulfilling the treaty of peace, 
 which mould not be attributed to want of 
 faith, but to the want of power. 
 
 There is in general but one fentiment re- 
 lative to America throughout Great Bri- 
 tain ; fhe regrets only her national debt, 
 and not the lofs of her colonies. Some are 
 not wanting to fay that even that debt is 
 cheaply purchafed, if Great Britain is wife 
 enough to attend to her internal advantages, 
 and to prefer the certainty of their cultiva- 
 tion to all foreign and precarious emolu- 
 ments. The moft determined enemies of 
 American independence are not fo to the 
 
 of trade affords an army, and the neceflities of an ar- 
 my create a new trade." May it never again be appli- 
 cable ! 
 
 United
 
 United States. Perfonal diflike to the go- 
 vernors is lofl in general companion for 
 their fubjects, and the fole object of the in- 
 habitants of Great Britain is the preferva- 
 tion of peace. 
 
 Argument mould be combated with ar- 
 gument. If you appeal to the fword, it is 
 neceflary you mould meafure that of your 
 adverfary ; and that you mould inform your- 
 felf of his force, whenever you produce 
 your own. " England, you fay, muft act 
 by detachment." England could act by 
 detachment; not only naval, which you 
 allow, but military, \vhich you have for- 
 gotten. The force which conquered the 
 Kavannah would be fully fufncient to re- 
 duce any one of the United States to think 
 peace, on the mod unconditional terms, 
 deftreable. And this might be eafily effect- 
 ed by the introduction of the mildeft me- 
 thods of European warfare, which every 
 military author directs, and every general 
 practifes, by burning the houfes of luch 
 peafants as take up arms without being re- 
 gimented ; levying contributions upon towns 
 to fave them from plunder ; and living up- 
 on the country. What confolation would
 
 [ 65 1 
 
 it be to fuch a country, that it is preferved 
 from abfolute territorial conqueft, which 
 Great Britain is too wife to aim at, by be- 
 longing to an impotent confederation. The 
 eftabliihment of your independency was not 
 the refult of American taleats, or American 
 courage. It is to be attributed to Britiih 
 credulity, and Britifh difunion ; and, final- 
 ly, as the Marquis de Chaftellux obferves, 
 to the amflance of France. Having juft 
 hinted that England might be an active and 
 fatal enemy, if any finifter pamon mould 
 lead Congrefs to quarrel with her, I mall 
 fbte to you forjie moral and political rea- 
 ibns, that mould make you prefer her alli- 
 ance ; and emancipate yourfelves from the 
 power of France. The facred war has ceaf- 
 ed; thank Philip, but let him preiide not 
 in the council of the Amphictyons. 
 
 The late war originated from error, not 
 defign ; from even.ts which, though futuri- 
 ty may regret, the prefent age did not oc- 
 cafion. The glorious Revolution, in fact, 
 annihilated the fource from whence the 
 chartered governments of America deduced 
 their origin, without the proper fubftitu- 
 tion of power that might connect and in- 
 corporate the empire. It was not then forefeen 
 
 K that
 
 [ 66 ] 
 
 that America, in her weak fituation, would 
 lilently accord with the principles of the 
 Revolution, to which when (he grew into 
 itrength ihe would refuie obedience; that 
 fhe would claim her rights under the fanc- 
 tion of kingly government, which was an- 
 nihilated, and refuie the obedience which 
 Great Britain yielded to the fupremacy of 
 king and parliament *. The very effects 
 deducible from thefe caufes were perverted, 
 and the principle of no man's being taxed 
 without repreientation, which could flow 
 only from the government of king and par- 
 liament, was in rifted upon by thofe who re- 
 fufed obedience to king and parliament, and 
 who deduced their privileges from royal 
 charters, where no fuch principles are to be 
 found. Many, who viewed the circle of 
 government on its wideft range, thought 
 
 * Read the Marquis de Chaftellux's converfation 
 with governor Trumbull, and the account of New 
 England, in 1670, declining to apply to the Englifli 
 parliament, as the Marquis obferves, " early proving 
 that they never acknowledged the authority of parlia- 
 ment." It is fcarce neceifary to obfervc, that had this 
 <lohine been earlier divulged, the Englifli parliament 
 would not have fubmitted to a co-ordinate power in 
 its colonies; nor would they have been justified in 
 fpending the treafure of their condiments in their 
 defence. 
 
 that
 
 [ 67 J 
 
 that it was abfolutely neceflary for the fafe- 
 ty and connection of the empire, that fove- 
 reignty mould refide fomewhere, and that 
 its proper ftation was in the Britim parlia- 
 ment : others contended that the colonies 
 were too great for fuch zn obedience, and 
 that the fyflem of government mould be ac- 
 commodated to their prefent fituation. 
 Thefe various reafons had an honourable in- 
 fluence on the minds of thinking men . Fac- 
 tion afliduoufly moulded the tempers and 
 various intcrefls of others to her bafer pur- 
 pofes. She pervaded England, mixed in 
 her mod; ferious councils, and rendered all 
 her operations inconfiftent and ineffectual. 
 But no political controveriy or fpeculative 
 opinion could have had fo prodigious an ef- 
 fect, had not the paffions of the people of 
 America been inflamed, or their felf-interefl 
 been injured -, and this was the cafe in the 
 northern colonies, where the war firfl com- 
 menced : the attempt to fupprefs illegal 
 commerce foured the numbers who were 
 benefited by it on the fea-coaft ; and fana- 
 ticifm, drefied in the garb of religion, became 
 the medium of politics in the recelTes of 
 New England, and infufed itfelf into the 
 hearts of its inhabitants j they firmly be- 
 lt 2 lieved
 
 [ 68 ] 
 
 lieved that " the end of New England's 
 coming was religion *," bore a hoftile hatred 
 to the eftablifhment that proteded a differ- 
 ent church-government, and faw the time 
 was arrived in which they had the profpedt 
 of involving it in ruins. 
 
 To the fouthward, fupine and indolent 
 were your exertions ; " an enlightened few 
 only" leagued themfelves with the northern 
 colonies, with people whom they defpifed 
 as hypocrites in religion, and as atheifts in 
 morality. The difpute in Virginia, as the 
 Marquis obferves, " arofe from a different 
 nature ;" and if the people of South Caro- 
 lina {hewed at any time any exertion, it was 
 only the inhabitants of the back-country - y 
 and they were allured by the hopes of plun- 
 dering the Loyalifts j they flew to arms, and 
 Fergufon fell a victim to people whofe ex- 
 iftence is fcarcely known to yourfelves. I 
 have given this detail, to prove, in the firft 
 inftance, that the fuppofed origin *\ of the 
 quarrel was fuch as, on the beft principles, 
 Great Britain and America might ftedfaftly 
 
 * Expreflions in the famous fanatical compofnion of 
 Elijah's Mantle, univerfally credited among the int^- 
 j-ior parts of New England. 
 
 f Read the Marquis de Chaftellux's account qf 
 his interview with Mr. Harrifpn. 
 
 fupport j
 
 [ 69 ] 
 
 fupport; that it was natural for them mu- 
 tually to appeal to the fword ; and that the 
 fword being fheathed, fuch errors ought 
 to be mutually forgiven. I alfo offer it, fe- 
 condarily, as a memento to the inhabitants 
 of the ibuthern ftates, who know fuccefs 
 has rather confirmed than altered the fana- 
 ticifm* of New England; that the doc- 
 trines of Elijah's Mantle are confidered by 
 them as prophecies, and that " the rolling 
 ftone which is to overturn^, overturn, over- 
 turn, all nations," in its firft bounds, will 
 pafs the Delaware and the Chefapeak, be- 
 fore it acquires the momentum to leap a- 
 crofs the Atlantic. 
 
 Place us in the fituation we were in 1763, 
 fays Congrefs, and America will be fatis- 
 fied : was this fpeech made in earneft ? was 
 it j uft ? was it the language of that Congrefs 
 which was " compofed of every wife man 
 in America," as the Marquis de Chaftellux 
 obferves? was it true? It was. Truth is im- 
 mutable the acceilaries, the calamities, 
 
 * The Tranflator informs us, that lately at Bofton 
 the propofal for the Sabbath's confiding of fix and 
 thirty hours pafTed the aflembly where the country in- 
 tereft prevailed, and was thrown out by the merchants 
 who predominated in the fenate. 
 
 t From Elijah's Mantle. 
 
 that
 
 [ 7 ] 
 
 that war has brought with it may obfcurc 
 its luftre, but cannot alter its nature ; a re- 
 volution may affect your form of govern- 
 ment, but cannot change the fubftance of 
 your intereft. The naval power of Great 
 Britain has the advantage of increafmg in 
 the hour of peace. When the reft of man- 
 kind are in profound repofe, the fearnen, 
 who are to fight our future battles, are dif- 
 ciplined by the dangers they have to com- 
 bat, and the elements they muft overcome ; 
 the Navigation Act, that facred Palladium, 
 which our anceftors have delivered to us, 
 we will pioufly tranfmit to our children. 
 You fpeak of creating a navy; it will im- 
 poverifh you : it includes arfenals to efta- 
 blim, and fortifications and troops to pro- 
 tect it. A fource of expence, which, in 
 your ftate of infancy, will be infupportable, 
 and which nothing but an unjuftjealoufy of 
 Great Britain, or a worfe principle, can 
 make neceflary. Our national gratitude, 
 our honour is pledged to France, fays the 
 American. On what principle did France 
 affifl you ? Avowedly on that of its own 
 intereft. - The object being fulfilled, the 
 contract is no more. If you make a com- 
 mercial treaty, contrary to your own inter- 
 
 eft,
 
 eft, to ferve France, me certainly will fay 
 you are her friend; but Europe will call you 
 her tributary. Your enmity to England is 
 unnatural ; no rational man will allow that 
 refentment is a proper guide in the paths of 
 public virtue, or political wifdom ; if pri- 
 vate paffions, and effects which exifl be- 
 yond their caufes, are to regulate the pro- 
 ceedings of your governments miferable in- * 
 deed will the people of America be ! They 
 will have facrificed the fubftance, without 
 a fight of the madow; and that hour will 
 doubly be accuried, in which Pandora's box 
 was opened in the New World, if Hope 
 remains not behind ! 
 
 Having analyzed the principles which fet 
 Great Britain and her Colonies at variance j 
 having itated the well-known views of felf- 
 intereft that led France to afliil America ; I 
 /hall add, that Corlica at this moment is a 
 bleeding witnefs of French politics; that 
 her wars have always been the wars of am- 
 bition ; and that no fophiftry can diminifh 
 or obliterate the hiftorical truth, that Great 
 Britain has folely undertaken them to pre- 
 ferve the balance of power, and confequent 
 liberties, of Europe, againft the encroach- 
 ments of France* The gradual fubfiding 
 8 of
 
 [ 72 ] 
 
 of defpotifm into a milder fway, the hu- 
 mane administration of laws, which now 
 pervades the world, originate more from ex- 
 ample than precept - y more from the obierv- 
 ance of the advantages with which freedom 
 has enriched England, than aay incidental 
 liberality in the governors of mankind. The 
 utility of France, as an ally, depends upon 
 * circumftances that probably will never hap- 
 pen - y to. fecure you to her interefts me will 
 alarm your fears, by pointing out Canada as 
 connecting the inhabitants of the back- coun- 
 tries, and uniting nations againft you : or, 
 to allure your avarice, me will defcribe her 
 as rich ; and, with the Tranflator of M. de 
 Chailellux's Travels, eafy of conquest : me 
 may mew you the Weft India iflands as de- 
 pendant upon you ; and hint, that Mexico 
 is at no great diitance. Thefe are views of 
 general policy, and are not applicable to 
 the prefent moment of univerfal peace. 
 When the will of arbitrary princes, or the 
 pafiions of republican governors, fufpend 
 not the real advantages of their fubjects, 
 the conclufion of what treaty is beneficial 
 to them will be drawn from the numbers 
 who can be employed, and benefited by a 
 commercial interccurfe with other nations, 
 
 and
 
 [ 73 ] 
 
 and from the companion of the refpective 
 utility which the individuals of one coun- 
 try can be of to another; and in this pre- 
 fent in fiance it is to be weighed, whether 
 a connexion with Great Britain or France 
 is molt profitable to the Americans ? Every 
 community which nature, habit, interefl, 
 policy, and language produce, affi milages 
 him with the Briton, and preffes upon him 
 an averlion to the fubject of France. 
 
 There never was a kingdom, or even a 
 
 O 
 
 republic, Mr. Jefferfon, in which the fub- 
 ject enjoys fo -much individual freedom as 
 in Great Britain. The French, on the con- 
 trary, are in abfolute flavery ; their chains 
 are gilded, and they wear them as orna- 
 ments ; the more they are individually 
 known, the lefs will they be nationally 
 refpected * : if you admit net of emigrants 
 amongft you, Mr. Jefferfon, " left they 
 fhould be unable to relim your bold iyftem 
 
 * What the flirewd Jefuit Charlevoix fays of the 
 French and Indians, m.iy literally be applied to the 
 French and the Americans, " L'experience, non pas 
 dedit aris, mais de plus d'un fiecle nous a appris que 
 le plus mauvais fyiteme pour bien gouverner ces peu- 
 ples, & pour les tnaintenir dans nos interets, ccoit de 
 les. approcher des Frai^ois ; qu'ils auroient beaucoup 
 plus cftimes, s'ils Jes avoient mcins vus de pre^." 
 
 L of
 
 [ 74 ] 
 
 of freedom and toleration;" permit not 
 your fubjecls to enter into too clofe connec- 
 tion with thofe who have neither freedom 
 nor toleration ; and who, however profufe 
 they may be of their Utopian ideas to dif- 
 turb the peace and welfare of the reft of 
 mankind, mrink from the very recital of 
 any political matters that relate to their own 
 government. Englishmen, on the contrary, 
 will tell you, that the bold iyftem you fpeak 
 of, has for years been in their pofTeffion ; 
 and that your prefent greatnefs is a proof of 
 it. They will do more, they will fincere- 
 ly wim you long to preferve your freedom ; 
 they have an interest in it ; Holland and 
 Switzerland are not to be named ; they are, 
 in fad:, the tributaries of France, and where 
 elfe is liberty to be found ? 
 
 " Idque etiam adverfus Britannos pro- 
 futurum, ii Romana ubique arma, & velut 
 e confpedhi Libertas tolleratur," was a 
 principle on which the Roman governor of 
 England meant to fubdue Ireland; policy 
 therefore makes an intercourfe with the fub- 
 jecls of Great Britain and America of mu- 
 tual advantage, to inculcate and preferve 
 the principles of their mutual freedom. 
 There are ftronger reafons than fpscula- 
 
 tions,
 
 [ 75 ] 
 
 tions, which, originating from the paft, 
 look forward to futurity : prefent intereft, 
 and commercial advantages, thefe, allure 
 you to renew your intercourfe with that 
 country. A wonderful event is now tak- 
 ing place, a treaty of commerce between 
 England and France ! Light is about to 
 fpring from a chaos of politics -, and na- 
 tional amity from the violence of national 
 refentment : this is an effect that none of 
 the fons of men could have expected to at- 
 tend the termination of the late war. 
 Englimmen may fafely afk, if France and 
 England forget the injuries which for ages 
 they have received from each other ? Shall 
 America retain her refentment, the refent- 
 ment of a day ? It is the duty of men, Sir, 
 who are in your iituation, to allay this re- 
 fentment ; a moiety of the abilities which 
 have been employed to feparate America and 
 Great Britain, will reftore them to a bene- 
 ficial union ; and pofterity, which at a 
 glance can trace the caufes and effects of 
 the prefent age, will confecrate him who 
 mall be inftrumental therein, among the 
 benefactors of mankind. 
 
 The prefent moment is big with import-* 
 
 ant events. Commerce is breaking the 
 
 L 2 bonds
 
 bonds of monopoly-, and pervading all na- 
 tions -j when infinitely fubdivided and dif- 
 fufed, like the elements, (he is an univer- 
 fal bleffing ; but if, by the puny artifice of 
 men, or by fome hidden operation in na- 
 ture, fhe is pent up, and colleded in one 
 ilation, her expanfions are dreadful ! They 
 have ruined republics and empires, and pro- 
 duced as many calamities in the moral world, 
 as inundations, earthquakes, and volcanoes 
 have to the natural one. Commerce fhrinks 
 from the fight of arbitrary power : that 
 which is the bufinefs of all men, will not 
 be confined by the will of one ; and that 
 country will enjoy the greater! (hare of her 
 favours, and acl: upon her trueft principles, 
 where there is equal juflice and common 
 freedom : this country is Great Britain. To. 
 what a wonderful eminence have their mer- 
 chants arrived ! From your youth, Mr. 
 Jefferfon, you mufl have heard of their great- 
 nefs, and in all probability been benefited 
 by its effects ! 
 
 A memorable and well known expreffion 
 of the unfortunate king John of France was, 
 " If good faith mould be banifhed from the 
 reft of mankind, it ought to find harbour 
 in the hearts of kings." The idea is fublime, 
 
 a nd
 
 [ 77 1 
 
 and the faying truly royal ! It is at this mo- 
 ment exemplified by the merchants of Eng- 
 land, " thofe princes of the earth ;" and in 
 a profefTion to which arbitrary monarchies 
 deny the privileges and rank of honour, its 
 purefl principles are carried to a height that 
 is unrivalled in ancient or modern hiftory. 
 " Their words are bonds, their oaths arc 
 oracles." 
 
 The effects are worthy of fa virtuous a 
 caufe. It is this probity, this perfonal ho- 
 nour, which fupporis the confequence of 
 Great Britain. It is this reputation, which 
 in other countries it would require ages to 
 eftablifh, that has enabled them to raife 
 thofe immenfe individual properties, which 
 invigorate the machine of commerce beyond 
 the efforts of princes, or the calculation of 
 governments. The unbounded credit that 
 
 o 
 
 Englifhmen of this deicription, and they are 
 not a few, may obtain, is an aufpicious, 
 and noble feature in the national character. 
 The merchants of other nations link in, 
 companion before them; to thefe men, Sir, 
 intereft mould teach the Americans to look 
 up for ancient connection, and effectual af- 
 fiftance. Such men as you may fmooth the 
 difficulties which impede the renewal of 
 
 fricndfhip
 
 [ 78 ] 
 
 friendship and credit, by flrictly fulfilling the 
 articles of your public treaty; and by fct- 
 ting that example of probity in your own 
 perfons, which it is the advantage of the 
 community to adopt. 
 
 The Tranflator has informed the world, 
 that the prelTure of a fevere domeftic cala- 
 mity has led you to feek relief in public bu- 
 iinefs : misfortune is the great link that 
 connects the higheft and the loweft of man- 
 kind ; and fympathy of fuffering continual- 
 ly reminds us of our original equality. The 
 refpectable prelldent, Lawrence, has born 
 his teftimony to this remark ; and your con- 
 duel, I hope, will be an illuilration of it 
 in a fimilar diflrefs : the " Bellum inter 
 remedia," fignalized a great character of an- 
 tiquity. May a nobler activity diftinguim 
 Mr. JefFerfon ! The re-eflablimment of a 
 real Family Compaft. The Family Com- 
 pact is a tye, which from one family pof- 
 fefling abfolute power therein, actuates flates 
 and kingdoms contrary to their feparate in- 
 terefts ; it connects and points their force 
 at the will of the chief of it, the French 
 monarch. 
 
 As far as the interefts of nations are fu- 
 
 perior to thofe of kings, a Family Com- 
 
 8 pact,
 
 t 79 ] 
 
 pad;, in greater luftre, and more extenfive 
 meaning, would be created by an union of 
 force and of commerce between Great Bri- 
 tain, Ireland *, and America. No unne- 
 cefTary wars would difturb the world by this 
 junction; the ambition of eaclvcountry be- 
 ing confined to its internal improvement, 
 and the reciprocal circulation of its com- 
 merce. They are of one origin, language, 
 manners, and freedom of government. A- 
 
 * The Tranfldtor fays, " on more than one immi- 
 nent occafion Congrefs owed their exiftence, and Ame- 
 rica poffibly her prefervation, to the fidelity and firm- 
 nefs of the Irifh. I had the honour of dining with the 
 Iri(h Society, compofcd of the fteadieft Whigs upon 
 the continent, at the City Tavern, in Philadelphia, 
 on St. Patrick's day. The members wear a medal- 
 lion, fufpencled by a ribband, with a very fignificant 
 device, which was fo applicable to the American Re- 
 volution, that until I was allured that it fubfifted prior 
 to that event, and had reference only to the oppreflion 
 of Ireland by her powerful fitter, I concluded it to be 
 a temporary illtifiin" The reader will give as much 
 credit as he pleafes to this recital ; but I doubt not he 
 will agree with me, that the error of the prefs is an 
 admirable one; that temporary illufion may be truly 
 faid of all that can difturb the harmony of Great Britain 
 and Ireland, notwithstanding the implied wiflies of the 
 Tranflator. This error, illufion for allufion, reminds 
 me of the painter, who threw the fpunge at his pic- 
 ture in d^fpair, and produced a more true effect by ac- 
 cident than he could accomplish by defign. 
 
 way
 
 way then .with the remembrance of ihe late 
 
 war and its < individual -mikries. Let Great 
 *j 
 
 LJritirin. a'nd- America purfue their proper ad- 
 v.intiges ; they will foon lead" to reconcilia- 
 tion : let all retrofpecl: be* avoided; let all 
 harfh and aggravating expreffions ceafej and 
 fuoh incendiaries as the Tranflator of the 
 Marquis dp Chaftellux's Memoirs be treated 
 with deferved contempt. This conduct re- 
 ligion recommends, and hiilory points out 
 in the moft forcible manner to Britons and 
 their American defcendants. For who a- 
 mongft us, moft converiant in the annals of 
 our country, and glowing with the pureft 
 irit or liberty, can pniife the uniform con- 
 duel: of any one patriot in t'hofe civil v/ars 
 to which we have been . jndcbtcd for our 
 freedom ? Or who can fa^ had I lived in 
 thofe times of necefTary conteft, fo far would 
 I have gone, and no farther ? And yet what 
 thinking man is not grateful to the Supreme 
 Being, who, out of the probation and mi- 
 lories of our anceftors, has diftributed fo 
 much civil* and religious liberty to the pre- 
 icnt generation ? 
 
 Fr I N I S. 
 
 TI 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALiFOHNL&T J
 
 NON-RENEABLE 
 
 FEB 4 
 DUE 2 WKS FROM DAIE RECEIVED
 
 E163 
 
 C38vZs [Simooe] - 
 Remarks on 
 
 Marquis de Chastellux's 
 
 iQt;n 
 
 *-. 
 
 A 000 993 558 
 
 E163 
 
 C38vZs