B H ^=^fl Mbi \U\ I lliii;^^ «iu II i ■ 1 1 t "^ h ''.'<'. -S A Study of Memory FOR Connected Trains of Thought BY E. N. HENDERSON Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the REqyiREMENTs for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Philosophy, Columbia University LT3/0&3 pRies OP IKE NEW ERA PRINTINO COMPANY, LANCASTER, PA. CONTENTS. Page. Introductory. Education and Experimental Psychol- ogy I Part I. Education and the Experimental Study of Memory 6 Educational Bearing of Certain Experimental Work on Memory 7 Data Gathered from Experiments with Classes of School Children 8 Results of Laboratory Experimentation ii Summary of Results 19 Part II. The Special Research 26 The Method 26 The Tests 28 The Classes of Subjects tested 31 The Results 32 A. Amounts of Loss ,'. 3^ Effect of Age and Training on Power to Learn and to Remember 38 Correlation of Scores According to Ability 40 Comparison of Results in Tests 3, 4, and 5 49 Effect of Method of Learning on Results 50 Comparison of Standing in Tests with Teacher's Marks 51 Summary of Conclusions on Amountsof Loss 52 B. Character of the Changes in the Later Reproductions 53 1. Recognized Words 54 2. Accounts of Introspection of Graduate Students. 58 3. Comparative Strength of Memory for Details and for Larger Topics 62 4. History of the Ideas regarding the Contents of the Passages 64 a. Types of Changes in the Reproductions 65 b. Modifications in the Reproduction of ' The Dutch Homestead.' 70 iii O '- •- <-\ fl IV CONTENTS. c. Comparison of the Generalizing Processes in Tests 3, 4 and 5 75 d. Comparison of tlie Generalizing Processes in Adults and Children 80 e. Extent of Loss of Details by Generalizing Processes 82 f. Summary 83 Educational Significance of the Results of theSpecial Research 85 Appendix 88 ■Ti. INTRODUCTORY. EDUCATION AND EXPERIMEN- TAL PSYCHOLOGY. Any one who, working from the point of view of a student of education, ventures upon the territory of the experimental psychologist is forced to come to some conclusion, for better or for worse, as to whether experimental psychology has anything to give to the intelligent appreciation of education. A decision on this matter will rest largely upon point of view. One's gen- eral philosophy will go far toward determining whether one says that the teacher has no real use for the experimentalist or that education must be revolutionized by this comparatively new sci- ence. From the historical point of view, it is interesting to note that consistency should keep experimental psychology the willing bond-servant of the science of education. For, if we regard the attempt of Herbart to deal quantitatively with con- sciousness as furnishing the initial impulse toward the develop- ment of experimental study of mental phenomena, then it is plain that in its beginnings this science was created to further an analysis, the great aim of which was a theory of teaching. Herbart was primarily interested in education, and his psycho- logical theories were probably influenced largely by the bias of his educational principles. The experimental psychology that gives us what it declares to be a purely academic analysis of consciousness — an analysis professedly useless to the teacher — such a science is, indeed, an ungrateful child. As a matter of fact, is it not likely that a science of education, if ever there is such a subject, must be based on a psychology that does not fall short of a study of acts of will in such a way as to further practical efficiency in dealing with children and men? May not our generation be justified in saying not only that knowl- edge is power, but that all significant knowledge must be a source of practical strength? And if we have so far not pro- foundly modified educational practice by reason of our psycho- 2 E. N. HENDERSON. logical investigations, should we lose hope? The Baconian method realized signally feeble results in the hands of Bacon himself. After all, will not any verdict on the relation of ex- perimental psychology to education have to wait a few more years on practical results? It is in the hope that we may be working toward such results, possibly building better than we know, or than those about us know, that the following study is submitted, claiming to be on the one hand in the interest of ed- ucation, and on the other a venture in the field of experimental psychology. As a matter of fact, it is only by addressing itself to peculiarly educational problems that experimental psychology is apt to gain any results of substantial educational importance. The teacher, reading over the dreary tables of data that record ex- perimental results, finds, it is true, a little that is significant for his purposes. Possibly it would be unjust to say that this is so little that it does not repay the effort expended in its search. Certainly, where the investigations were conceived in the in- terest of education, we may expect and get something. The so-called * child-study ' movement has aimed to place teaching on a ' scientific ' basis. As a rule, however, it has been scarcely scientific enough itself, and many of its results are insufficiently criticised. But it would be hard to measure the effect of the spirit and attitude of child study upon ways of thinking and methods of work of teachers, and upon the curriculum gener- ally. However unscientific from the point of view of a labora- tory science, it was, nevertheless, as a rule more accurate and conclusive than mere common sense, and though it may have worshipped idols, they probably replaced the fetishes of a more debased superstition. The teacher who endeavors to apply the theory of culture epochs will very likely work more intelligently than one who simply follows in blind routine the grind of centuries. Child study may be said to have stood for the thesis that the school programme should conform to the needs of the child that is, rather than those of the adult that is to be. In fact, it is claimed that only in being true to the nature of the child can we properly prepare for adult life. But the emphasis is laid, not A STUDY OF MEMORY. 3 SO much on education as preparation for the future, as on edu- cation as interesting and satisfying for the present. Thus inspired, the new education has introduced a muUitude of de- vices to enrich the work of the school-room, to provide motives for it, and to render it interesting. It has done this, confident that the essential preparation for life may be gained far more easily and effectively in this way than by the unenlivened dis- cipline of the old-fashioned masters. It has assumed that the natural way of doing things is the effective way, and has busied itself in hunting the natural way — which was to be revealed by the study of child nature, of the genesis of mind. But the assumption remains as yet unverified. No one has proved that the new methods of education are better than the old in prepar- ing for life or even in teaching the rudiments of learning. The new education has, indeed, striven to be practical, and it may with justice be granted that a persistent attempt to be a thing ought ordinarily to approximate nearer to it than haphazard work. But it can scarcely be affirmed that the old education neglected the practical. In that it aimed to store up in child- hood treasures that were to be used much later, it was apt to be miserly and to collect riches that were never used. Worse ! The thief of forgetfulness all too often stole away most of its accumulations. On the other hand, while the new education may not build palaces never to be occupied, it runs the risk of not getting beyond mere play-houses. May we not question whether the palace crumbled into ruins will not be as useful to the man as the toy structures of the child? Does it not remain to be proved that the games, the imitations, the natural occupations of the child furnish the most effective means of preparing him for the life that is to come? Is that education which is practical in preparing for immediate needs more practical in the long run than the one that thinks almost solely of the remote future? I do not think that we can doubt that our modern schools are more interesting than their forerunners. The old-fashioned schoolmasters were not concerned very much in pleasing the child. But as yet we have no means of determining adequately the effectiveness of results in education. That our educational methods succeed, too often means that they gratify the preju- 4 E. N. HENDERSON. dices of parents or excite the interest of pupils, rather than that they prepare adequately for the future. The judgment of time may often be counted on to eliminate the unfit in this business of training for life. But a school ought to be able to test its methods before they land it in bankruptcy. Nor should its success, like that of a dramatic company, depend on the ability to gratify the fancy. We need usable criteria for determining the success of school work. These criteria should be based on the needs of life rather than on the work of the school. Other- wise they merely test the child's success in certain work with- out reference to the real value of the work itself, and the real standing of the child in the race of life. Such tests would be able to anticipate the careers of our graduates more confidently than those now in vogue. In this period of educational experimentation, of storm and stress in school circles, the need of scientifically determined methods of examination by which we can get something like an adequate test of the effect of our various school methods is especially desirable. From whom are these methods of testing to come if not from the educational psychologist? Certainly no one is in a better position to view various subjects and methods impartially. The specialist in any department is apt to have his eyes turned toward his course of study. He will examine to find whether his students have learned what was taught them. Doubtless this is a very important kind of test. But who is to determine what value this learning has for life? Some will say that there is no way of settling this question except by waiting for the practical test of living. Unquestionably this is in many cases true ; possibly in all cases. Yet if it were uniformly so, who is to collect the facts by which the verdict of life is brought home to the teacher? For this is not so simple a matter as it may appear. Suppose we could show that most of our ablest men knew Greek. Would this show that their ability was due to their study of Greek, or that, as Professor Thorndike sug- gests, most people with considerable ability happen to have been taught Greek. To disentangle apparent from real evi- dence in these matters, to determine in how far a college exami- nation in history is comparable to a life examination in the same A STUDY OF MEMORY. 5 subject, or in the citizenship to which it is supposed to con- tribute ; such tasks certainly require special training, ability to gather a special kind of evidence, and the entire time of a special body of workers. A hopeless task, you may think, but certainly the matter is of such importance as to make any gain that may result from substituting scientific methods for guess- work a gain worth while. To settle by adequate tests the relative efficiency of different methods of learning to read, to write, to compute, would mean immense advance. Indeed, the imagination can picture an age in which the random work of our schools will be as much surpassed as is the scientific method of antiquity by modern experimentation. In such an age no one will mistake even experienced judgment for proof, and the number of questions in regard to which men will plunge into controversy instead of resorting to investigation will have been materially reduced. It would seem then a not insignificant division to say that educational psychology works at two problems. The first is that of the nature of mental growth, and the second concerns the effect of mental training. These problems are mutually interdependent. Yet from the educational point of view each is worthy of distinct treatment. For the one is concerned with processes, the other with results ; the former starts on foot new methods, the latter investigates the effect of these methods. That has its eyes turned toward the child, this directs its gaze toward the man. Both can profitably employ, indeed both must, to be effective, employ some experimentation. Statis- tical investigation may or may not be experimental. Methods of testing are themselves to be determined and justified only by experiment, and they are the means of determining the results of still more extensive educational experiments. We are not without examples of this psychology of the effects of training. The study by Professors Thorndike and Wood worth, ' The Influence of Improvement of One Mental Function upon the Efficiency of Other Functions'' is an illustration. Such re- searches offer evidence that experimental psychology is not utterly disconnected with education, and encourage further study along similar lines. 1 Psych. Rev., 1901, Vol. VIII., Nos. 3, 4, 6. E. N. HENDERSON. PART I. EDUCATION AND THE EXPERIMENTAL STUDY OF MEMORY. Any test of the result of school work is at bottom a test of memory. We may raise on our educational banners the rally- ing cry 'not information but culture, not knowledge but power, but the culture and the power are none the less results of the activity of a function that may best be given the general name, memory. A habit, we must admit, is only a memory ground in so well that we can act effectively without conscious adjustment. Wherein the information-giving type of education may fall short is, therefore, not in its attempt to give knowledge, but in its failure to select the kind of knowledge that can most effec- tively be stored in memory, and to see to it that this knowledge becomes part of the life of the individual. The reforming maxim that we should ' learn nothing by heart ' owes what- ever truth it contains to its implied criticism of the knowledge that is committed to memory in this way. The great problem of education is, after all, how most usefully to store the memory, how to create the habits of thought and action that will be most valuable in future life. Hence the examination, or test of what is committed to memory, is an indispensable part of school practice. No system can get along without it. Exam- inations mean standards : definite, positive work. To have no examinations means loose work and uncertainty about results. The character of the examination is the test of the aim and quality of the course of study. A purely academic examina- tion is indicative of a purely academic course. The most practi- cal examination is that which requires an application of the material committed to memory. This sort of examination is in many lines difficult, yet teachers are coming to feel that it is the only true method. It is not quite so easy to grade pupils by it as by answers involving information in the specific form in which that information was given, but, what is far more A STUDY OF MEMORY. 7 important, the examination of this sort correlates far more closely with that given by life itself. As a matter of fact, it is not so easy to determine the grading of life as it is to range test papers according to percentages. If it be admitted that the storing of memory is the object of education, and that the examination should exist to reveal the results of the training, any investigations of the manner in which memory operates and how best to test it are certainly important. Teachers have been working on these problems so long that a well-criticised and fairly effective school practice may be said to exist. Yet with all the reading of examination papers that goes on, there has been, so far as I know, no care- ful study of them as revelations of a psychological process. For one thing, conditions are so different with different pupils that the examination tests rather these various conditions than the fate in the normal mind of the material presented in a cer- tain way. Teachers do indeed recognize in the examination a means not only of grading the pupils, but also of estimating their own work. But this estimate is made in a very uncritical way. The average of the marks of the class may, it is true, be taken as the measure of whether the teacher has gained her aim, but it indicates no definite relationship between conditions of presentation and retention. The experienced examiner knows in a general way what questions she may expect to have an- swered by the average student. But we may hope, I take it, far more from investigations conducted under controlled and known conditions than from mere general experience. Educational Bearing of Certain Experimental Work ON Memory. It has already been suggested that here and there among the reports of psychological experimentation may be found material of interest to the teacher. This is possibly even more true of work on memory than of that in any other field. Some account of it may not be amiss in a paper of this sort. The material may be said to consist of two main kinds : (i) Data gathered from experiments with classes of school children ; (2) results of laboratory experimentation that have an educational value. 8 E. N. HENDERSON. I. Data Gathered f 7' om Exferhnents -with Classes of School Children.^ This material we may naturally suppose to be of especial interest to the teacher. The method of most of the experiments was that of reading or exhibiting at a uniform rate a series of numbers, letters, syllables, words or objects, and asking the children to write out the series in the original order. The num- ber of units in the series was by some observers varied, and the results noted. Others contented themselves with a fixed number of units, but the nature of the units in the series was varied. All observers tested children of various ages, and some contrasted the abilities of girls and boys. The results may be divided into two classes : (i) Those indicating the growth of power to reproduce the series with increasing age ; (2) Those indicating the kind of material easiest reproduced, and the methods of presenting the series that were most efficacious. I. Comparing such of the data of different observers as are sufficiently similar to admit of this, we discover that they agree in finding that the older children reproduce the series better.^ 1 The researches the results of which have been considered in this review are : (i) 'The Growth of Memory in School Children,' T. L. Bolton, Am. Jour- nal of Psych., Vol. TW .,-p^. 362-380. (2) ' Memory, an Experimental Study,' E. A. Kirkpatrick, Psych. Rev., 1S94, pp. 602-609. (3) ' Influence de I'age sur la memoire immediate,' B. Bourdon, Revue Phil., No. 38, pp. 148-167, {4) ' La m^moire des mots,' A. Binet et V. Henri, VAnnee Psych., Vol. I., pp. 1-23. Also 'La memoire des phrases,' pp. 24-59. (s) 'Experiments on Memory Types,' C.J. Hawkins, Psych. Rev., Vol. IV., pp. 289-294. (6) ' Ex. Unter- such. ii. d. Gedachtnissentwickelung b. Schulkindern, A. NetschajefF, Ztsch. filr Psych., Vol. XXIV., pp. 321-351. (7) Research with same title, MarxLob- sien, Ztsch. fur Psych., Vol. XXVII., p. 34. 2 The most evident comparison lies between the results of Bolton and Bour- don, both of whom read series of digits at a uniform rate to classes, and asked for written reproductions. Bolton's scores indicated amounts of forgetting, but they can be converted into scores of amount remembered, and in this form they appear in the following table. The scores indicate the average percentage of numbers in a series retained by children of a certain age. Age of Subjects. Experi- Nos. of 8 9 10 II 12 13 14 15 menter. Digits. Years. Years. Years. Years. Years. Years. Years. Years. Bolton, 6 43-7 54-5 57.6 67.6 68. 7 72.3 76.5 74-7 Bourdon, 6 22 59 56 61 74 43 90 47 Bolton, 7 22 35-4 33.8 37-5 48.5 50.8 639 59-3 Bourdon, 7 13 28 5 37 33 43 40 Bolton, 8 16 26.3 29-5 34-5 33-8 Bourdon, 8 19 19 33 20 A STUDY OF MEMORY. 9 Bolton's subjects were evidently as a rule brighter than those of Bourdon. The latter's scores also show greater variability, and indeed a very ragged sort of progress. This is doubtless due to the fewness of his subjects. Bolton had 100 children of each age. But it is by no means sure that the increase of ability with age is due to growth in power to retain. As Professor Thorndike indicates/ it is probably the result of a complicated group of factors, including better attentiveness, greater power of comprehending instructions, etc. The rate of improvement from year to year cannot be determined with sufficient definiteness to be of any significance. Different observers report nothing that indicates clearly anything but variability in this rate. Bolton's experiments with series of 6 digits show improvement of about 75 per cent, from 8 to 14 years of age. Bourdon's show 400 per cent, improvement in the same time. Kirkpatrick, using series of 10 monosyllabic words, finds an improvement of about 34 per cent, for girls and 60 per cent, for boys from the primary grades to the high school. Lobsien, using series of 9 words of 1,2 or 3 syllables each, finds between the ages of 9 and 14 an almost equal improvement for boys and nearly 80 per cent, for girls. Kirkpatrick, Bourdon and Netschajeff unite in finding the greatest improvement somewhere between the ages of 8 and 14, but Binet, using series of 5 to 7 monosyllables, finds almost no improvement between 7 and 13. This is all the more strik- ing, inasmuch as he used series of the same length as those of Bourdon. With many of his series Bourdon reports the best reproductions from children of 14, the older subjects proving no better, if not actually worse. Netschajeff seems to corroborate this notion. It is possible that these older pupils were lackadais- ical in the experiment. Kirkpatrick finds improvement between the high school and college, but the college students tested were doubtless on the average of higher ability than the younger sub- jects. In general I think we may say that the experiments show the most rapid improvement in power of reproduction of series before the age of 14. After that, if there is any advance, it is slight. As regards the relation between girls and boys, we may 1 ' Notes on Child Study,' p. 78. lO E. N. HENDERSON. conclude that younger girls do better than boys of the same age. Whether this advantage is overcome after adolescence, we cannot tell. The testimony of Lobsien and Netschajeff shows no such change in the superiority of the girls, while that of Kirkpatrick indicates a reversal of the earlier relationship. 2. Passing to the question of the relative ease of reproducing different classes of material, we find similar contradictions and variations. Netschajeff finds number series the hardest of eight types of series to reproduce. Lobsien finds them easier than any other of the same types except those made up of objects seen.^ Kirkpatrick finds series of shown words in general easier to reproduce than series of spoken words. Hawkins reverses this relation.^ Certain points of agreement come out promi- nently, however. A series of objects seen is invariably reported as remembered better than a series of words. In Kirkpatrick's experiment series of objects were best retained ; words pre- sented to the eye were next in the order of ease of reproduction. Three days after his original experiment, he asked for a second reproduction. The number of objects remembered was three times as great as that of the words in the visually presented series. It is not strange that we remember the objects that we see about us better than what we read. Yet Kirkpatrick's ex- periment must be granted to be striking, and not without its lesson. The difficulty in remembering abstract words, that both Netschajeff and Lobsien found, is to be expected, and when one see Lobsien's lists, one wonders whether the children were philosophers enough to understand many of them. ^The nature of the series used by these experimenters is indicated by the following list. The order is that of ease in reproduction. Netschajeff. Lobsien. 1. Objects. I. Objects. 2. Words indicating things seen. 2. Numbers. 3. Sounds. 3. Words indicating things seen. 4. Words indicating sounds. 4. Words indicating tastes. 5. Words indicating tastes. 5. Sounds. 6. Abstract words. 6. Words indicating sounds. 7. Words indicating feelings. 7. Words indicating feelings. 8. Numbers. 8. Abstract words. '^ Kirkpatrick is probably nearer the general fact here, as his results are cor- roborated for adults (see p. 17). A STUDY OF MEMORY. II It is also noticeable that younger children find series of more than eight quite difficult to manage, indicating either a feebler immediate memory, or, what is more likely, less power of in- tense concentration of attention than they come to possess later. Hawkins made the interesting observation that with younger pupils a series of fifteen words could better be reproduced if the words were shown successively, one every 2 seconds, than if they were all given at once, and the subject allowed 30 seconds to look them over. With older pupils this difference disap- peared. One is tempted to think, however, that the explana- tion offered by Hawkins, /. e., that the span of immediate mem- ory grows greater, may not be the entire account of the matter. Probably improved methods of committing to memory causes the older students to waste less time in learning the series shown simultaneously. Netschajeff found that in general those who from indepen- dent evidence were found to be of the visual type had better memories than those of the motor or acoustic types. He thinks, however, that the motor element entered into the efforts of most subjects to commit to memory words shown, so that those with good visual memories really enjoyed the advantage of motor memories reinforced by those of sight. Several studies have been made on the power of children to reproduce sentences or stories.^ The only conclusions of impor- tance refer to the growth with age of ability to recount the matter dictated. Experiments made by Lay ^ indicate that with college students a passage containing abstract material is much more difficult to retain than a concrete one. 2. Results 0/ Laboratory Experimentation. When we pass to the material offered by researches in the experimental laboratories to the study of educational problems, we find that the contributions may be classified under the fol- lowing heads : (i) Conditions favorable or unfavorable to com- mitting to memory ; (2) the nature of the memory image as compared with the original experience. 1 Binet (see reference, p. 8) ; Shaw, ' A Test of Memory in School Children,' Ped. Sent., 1S96-97, pp. 60-78. 2L,ay, 'Mental Imagery,' Psych. Rbv., Monograph Supplement, No. 17. 12 E. N. HENDERSON. I. The ordinary way of fixing a thing in mind is by repetition. Practice creates habits. But laboratory researches have established some interesting things about the effect of repetition and the method thereof. To the teacher it might be worth while to know these. Ebbinghaus/ probably the earliest systematic experimenter in these fields, committed to memory series of nonsense syllables by repeating them. The difficulty of learning was estimated by the number of repetitions required. The rate of forgetting was also tested. He found that after a series was learned further repetitions fixed it better in memory. There would seem, however, to be a limit to this effect. Bair, who investigated carefully the results of practice,^ concludes that after a certain time a physiological limit is reached, beyond which further practice does not increase either speed or accuracy — although it keeps the power at its climax. It is interesting to note that the mere ability to go over a series accu- rately does not mark the attainment of the highest excellence of which memory is capable. Such a limit may be conceived to be either the greatest speed in repetition or the longest reten- tion in memory. Moreover, it is likely that practice after the highest speed is attained will not be utterly useless in causing longer retention of the series. Again, we ought to notice that memorizing a series of nonsense syllables is very likely largely a matter of motor associations, and so approximates closely to learning a motor habit. May not the same thing be said of nearly all the exercises that come under the head of learning by heart? They are as mechanical as learning to walk. Spelling and multiplication are gymnastic exercises. It is of great importance to know when repetition has done its work and drill may stop. Further, Bryan and Harter,' in their study on learning telegraphy, found that after the limit of improve- ment seemed to have been reached, and progress had for a long time ceased, certain operators enter upon a second stage of growth, and struggle toward a new ' physiological limit.' Here we have an illustration of a common phenomenon in the 1 'Ueber das Gediichtniss,' Leipzig, 18S5. 2 'The Practice Curve,' Psych. Rkv., Monograph Supplement, No. 19. 'Psych. Rev., Vol. IV., p. 27, and Vol. VI., p. 345. A STUDY OF MEMORY. 1 3 class room. Certain pupils seem to stop for awhile, develop- ment is ' arrested ' as it were. But the experienced teacher knows that this is often not the end, and awaits patiently the renascence of capacity for growth. How best to fill in such an interval, or to initiate the new era? These are problems for the educational psychologist. The effectiveness of learning depends not alone on mere number of repetitions, but also on the way in which these are distributed. "^ It is a common opinion that little or no gain comes from practice after fatigue sets in. ' Whatever can be said of this,^ both Ebbinghaus and Jost^ agree that it is better to have the repetitions scattered over considerable time, rather than con- centrated within a short period. Jost found that a series of twelve syllables was better learned if repeated ten times a day for three days than if repeated thirty times in one day. Ebbing- haus indicated that there are limits to the extent of scattering that is desirable. Here we have the problem involved in the division of time in the school program. Teachers know that they get better results by having frequent short drills than by lengthen- ing the periods and increasing the intervals between them. They must be glad to find their general idea corroborated by the psychologist, but they have yet to learn by experimental evidence the distribution of time that will be most suitable in various cases. In regard to the length of the series which can best be grappled with as a unit of work, the experimenters come a little nearer giving practical information. With nonsense syllables a single repetition was found by Ebbinghaus to suffice for the learning of seven syllables. As the number of syllables was increased, the number of repetitions required to learn the series increased, at first very rapidly, then more slowly. These longer series committed by a greater number of repetitions were, I conjecture, retained better than the shorter series learned more easily. Most school work where mechanical memory alone is involved does not require the serial learning of more new units than can be grappled in a single act of thought. Hence the , iSee 'Mental Fatigue,' g. L. Thorndike, Psych. Rev., Nov., 1900. ^Ztsch. f. Psych. ^ 1897, pp. 436-472. H E. N. HENDERSON. repetitions are to fix in memory rather than to enable a bare reproduction. Longer series enter in where the units are con- nected because they belong to a common topic, as in the case of sentences, of passages, etc. Miss Steffens ^ contributes some information in regard to the length of the unit that can be most effectively used in learning such material. She found that if, instead of learning certain stanzas of ' Childe Harold ' verse by verse, as her subjects were inclined to do, each stanza was read repeatedly as a whole, fewer repetitions were necessary, and the time of memorizing was reduced. She also found the same to be true of longer series of nonsense syllables. Doubtless, the reason why we prefer to take the shorter section is because our progress is then more evident. On the other hand, most of us have suddenly realized that we knew passages of consider- able length when we have made no effort to commit them piece- meal, but have read or heard them a number of times. We may well suppose that we waste much time in learning by short sections. But where a thing is to be learned by heart, doubtless the sections might also be too long. The psychologists here give us a valuable suggestion, but not a definite rule. When we contrast the effect of repetition upon memory with that of vividness, we are at once confronted with the difficulty of generalizing in regard to the latter. The lack of any stand- ard to which we can refer various kinds of vivid stimuli make such experiments as those of Miss Calkins^ inadequate to the formulation of any general law. By associating numerals in pairs she ascertained that a number would recall one occurring with it several times better than one paired with it only once but printed in a striking color. Moreover, the number was less apt to call up a recent associate with which it had been paired but once, than a vivid or a frequent one. The teacher may con- clude that undesirable but strong associations may be overcome by constantly repeating others. This, however, is one of the commonest methods in education, and Miss Calkins' experi- ments do not indicate any definite way of determining degrees of vividness in such a way that we can establish for any case ^ Ztsch. f. Psych. ^ 1900, pp. 321-380. * Psych. Rev. Monograph Supplement, No. 2. A STUDY OF MEMORY. 15 how much repetition will overcome a given vivid association. It may be that such a law is unattainable. The effect of rhythm on the ease with which we can commit series of nonsense syllables was elaborately investigated by Miiller and Schumann.^ That rhythm makes memorizing easier is a commonplace truth, but the specific value of differ- ent classes of rhythm for this purpose had never been investi- gated. I do not see, however, that Miiller and Schumann have given teachers any news that it is important for them to learn. The study of the relation between the motor adjustment and the memory of series is more significant educationally. Strieker's well-known experiment, of trying to think the sound ' bubble ' with the mouth open, brings out clearly the extent to which motor elements enter into our acoustic memories. Cohn^ in- vestigated the effect of pronunciation on memorizing series. Certain series were shown to the learner, and also pronounced by him. Others were shown, but all articulation by the learner was inhibited. In still other cases the subject pronounced some other sound or counted as the letters were being read. Those who seemed to be of the visualizing type were not bothered much by not articulating the letters nor by counting. On the other hand, those who were of the acoustic-motor type were seriously hampered by the lack of acoustic-motor associations or by the presence of interfering ones. Smith, ^ whose experi- ments antedate those of Cohn, found that with all his subjects counting increased the number of errors in committing to mem- ory a shown series. He also found that the characters of the deaf and dumb alphabet could be learned easier if they were made by the hands as they were being observed. The importance of the motor element in committing to mem- ory is emphasized especially by Bair,^ who experimented on the effect of breaking the sensory-motor associations involved in a habit, as compared with breaking the order of the sensory im- pressions. His subjects learned to write with rapidity a series ^ Ztsch.f. Psych., Vol. VI., pp. 81-190 and pp. 257-339. "^Ztsch./. Psych., Vol. XV., pp. 161-183. ^ Am. Journal of Psych., 1896, pp. 453-490. * Psych. Rev., Monograph Supplement, No. 19. l6 E. N. HENDERSON. of letters on a typewriter. Then the keys were capped so as to change the arrangement of the letters thereon. This was found to retard more the writing of a learned series than the change of the order of the letters in the series without modify- ing the lettering of the keys. It follows, Bair concludes, that the association between a sense impression and the motor re- sponse to it is in the case of such habits the hardest association to break. This is probably due to the fact that a new associa- tion of the sort is hard to form. I have already noted that all learning by heart at school is nothing more than a gymnastic drill. As James indicates,^ the association in such cases is from sensory stimulus to motor response, the feeling of which consti- tutes the stimulus for the next response. Frequently we find it hard to anticipate the next sensory element without going through the motions that precede it. In such cases the associa- tion between sensory elements is comparatively weak. There is, however, a sensory element here that such analysis neglects. In spelling village for example, the thought of the word as a whole, possibly also of the object, enters in to determine the series of letters reproduced. The letters v-i-l-l-a might as easily lead on to i-n as to g-e. What prevents this is the total idea in the mind. But while the process of spelling is going on the motor feelings constitute the cues by which the succes- sion of letters is controlled. The general thought ' spelling village ' plus the feeling that we have pronounced a suffices to stimulate the pronunciation of g before we have thought of it. The ordinary stock association is between thinking a and then pronouncing it. In this case the feeling of having pro- nounced a leads to the pronunciation of g. That this should happen is due to the general thought in the mind. At this point it may be worth while to suggest that the change in the order of the letters in Bair's experiment may have destroyed not so much the sensory associations between the letters as the sen- sory-motor association between the feeling of having struck one key and the motor impulse to strike the next. If this is the case, he simply compared the strength of two sensory-motor associations. At any rate, we may be fairly sure that sensory- 1 'Psych.,' Vol. I., p. ii6. A STUDY OF MEMORY. 1 7 motor associations play the most important part in all thor- oughly learned series that we are taught in the schools, and we are also comparatively sure that it would be harder for us to pronounce the symbol a as we now 3o za than to learn to spell sate/ after we had spent some time in putting these letters into TV as. In leaving the subject of the importance of the motor asso- ciations in committing to memory, I wish to emphasize the thought that in the learning of serie§ they are especially effect- ive. If one tries to recall the episodes of a story, he will find, I think, that the points come out much more clearly and effect- ively if he iel/s the7n instead of merely imagining them. Where thought works out into movement we find it easiCT to travel straight on toward our goal, whereas unexpressed imaginations do not lead on so decisively, but waver to and fro. There can be no doubt that expression is indispensable to learning most things in the school room, and that memories thus reinforced are far more effective than those of experiences in which the pupils have merely assumed passive attitudes. But while ex- pression is probably from the educational point of view the most valuable aid to memory, it is well to note that material furnished to both eye and ear is better retained than that presented to either alone. This fact was established by Miinsterberg and Bigham.^ They also found that in general visually presented series were better remembered than aurally presented ones, a conclusion that was verified by Miss Calkins. There remains to chronicle the experiments that have been performed testing the effect on learning and remembering of various sorts of distraction and the extent to which certain habits interfere with others. W. G. Smith ^ performed experiments similar to those of Cohn and T. L. Smith already reported, ex- cept that his purpose was not so much to segregate the effect of the muscular responses in memorizing, as to estimate the effects of various sorts of distraction. His results can scarcely be generalized to advantage, but it is interesting to note that he found the learning of twelve syllables to be interfered with less ' Psych. Rev., 1894, pp. 34-38. ^Mind (New Series), Vol. IV., pp. 47-73. 1 8 E. N. HENDERSON. by carrying on addition at the same time than by repeating the sound la to the beat of a metronome. The addition, though complicated, was so well drilled that it required less thought than the much simpler exercise. However, it must be noted that to keep time required sensory attention, and thus interfered with the sensory attention to the syllables. We can think about one thing and do another more easily than we can think about two things at once. This information will probably not surprise the experienced teacher. In regard to the effect on our powers of recall of distracting conditions in the interval between memorizing and recall. Big- ham^ has^ade some interesting contributions. He found that the memWy was in general affected more by acoustical distur- bances than by optical ones ; also that if what was to be retained consisted of visual images, optical disturbances affected it more, but acoustical disturbances were found to be especially destruc- tive to auditory memories. Teachers generally have commented on the disturbing effect of noises. Possibly a m(>re valuable reflection that the study of distraction suggests concerns the ex- tent to which different functions act independently. The con- ception of the mind as consisting of a great number of com- paratively independent aptitudes rather than of a few general powers is a still further amplification of this thought, and ex- periments on the effect of a habit upon the power to learn one that is apparently antagonistic tend to justify the notion. Berg- strom^ found that if a pack of cards were sorted with piles placed in certain positions, this interfered with the natural ease of sorting them into piles differently placed. Miinsterberg,^ however, maintains that apparently contradictory habits do not destroy each other, but that each can subsist beside the other, and be called forth on occasion. At first it is hard to create the new habit, but once formed it is easy to shift back and forth from the one to the other. Bair corroborates this view of Miinsterberg, both from experiments on the typewriter, and by repeating Bergstrom's experiments with a view toward finding 1 Psych. Rev., 1894, pp. 453-461. "^ Am. Journal of Psych., Vol. VI., p. 438. 3 'Gedachtnisstudien. Beitrage zur experimentellen Psychologic,' Heft 4. A STUDY OF MEMORY. 19 whether the initial interference due to the readjustment neces- sary in forming a new habit would persist after both habits might be said to be formed. He found that practice constantly- reduced the interference of shifting. 2. On the subject of the quality of the memory image as related to the original experience, what seems to me the most suggestive contribution that laboratory psychology has to give is that our memories represent, as it were, a sort of generalized experience. They are modified in the direction of a standard value. Leuba ^ suggests such a transformation. Philippe^ noted the loss of particular factors in the memory images of certain objects, as a statue of Venus, a bangle, a cigarette, etc. Bentley,^ experimenting with colors, discovered that the memory image was as a rule darker, but when the subject was in the light it seemed lighter. Warren and Shaw* noticed that in selecting by memory a square of a certain size from a number of squares of different sizes a tendency to choose from near the center of the list was observable. Xilliez^ ob- served that in endeavoring to repeat a series of numbers just heard there was a tendency to make the intervals be- tween their values smaller. These are typical of that regress toward a general washed-out image which plays so important a part in discussions of the general idea. The nature of the images we retain is, of course, a matter of first importance to the teacher. Experimental psychology, however, has not con- tributed anything more definite to increase the knowledge of teachers regarding the fate of the ideas they so sedulously im- plant in the minds of their pupils. Summary of Results. What then are the results of experimental researches on memory that may be applied to education? We have learned that children grow in power to reproduce series, and that this growth is most rapid before fourteen. This increased power is '^ Ant. Journal of Psych., Vol. V., pp. 370-384. ^ Revue Philos., Vol. XVI., pp. 508-524 ; Vol. XVIIL, pp. 481-493. ^ Am. Journal of Psych., 1899, pp. 1-4S. * Psych. Rev., Vol. II., pp. 239-244. ^ L' Annie Psych., Vol. II., pp. 193-200. 20 E. N. HENDERSON. due to greater ability to memorize, which in turn is due either to increased power of concentration, to greater knowledge, or to greater natural retentiveness. We have learned that boys before adolescence, and probably for several years after, do worse at such reproductions than girls of the same age ; and that later on they probably catch up. We have been told that children remember series of objects far better than series of words, and that words indicating abstractions are very poorly retained. We know that after a thing is learned by heart further effort may strengthen our grip on it, though we do not know any way to determine practically the point at which such effort ceases to avail. We know that a certain effort expended at intervcHs over considerable time is likely to produce better results than if it were continuous, but we do not know the limits of effective scattering, nor whether the principle applies to anything save to learning by heart. We have found that larger units can frequently be memorized as wholes with greater economy of time than if we learned them in sections, but we do not know the size of the unit most favorable, nor have we any rule that can be applied to different classes of material. Repetition we have found to fix associations better than a certain kind of vividness. The principle is, however, so indefinite as to have little practical value, save that it may encourage us to repeated efforts to eliminate by repetition un- desirable associations. We can be sure that rhythm helps to memorize, that expression is of enormous assistance, that two senses working together fix a series of ideas better than one, that apparently contradictory habits can exist side by side, and that disturbing sounds are especially destructive to memories of what has been learned, although sight memories are particu- larly affected by ocular distractions. Doubtless this is not all that experimental research on memory has to yield to educa- tion. But it represents about all. What can be said of it? In the first place most teachers will say that they knew all that before. So they did — in a general way. Nevertheless, it may be agreed that the facts gain clearness and emphasis by being shown by experimental methods, not to speak of the ad- vantage of having opinions converted into certainties. Again, A STUDY OF MEMORY. 21 the criticism will be made that the facts thus derived are proved for special cases, and that no general rule such as can be ap- plied in teaching is to be drawn from them. This is doubtless a serious criticism. Moreover, even if general principles could be drawn from the experiments, they would have to be modified to apply to special educational questions. The art of teaching, it may be urged, is one of continuous adjustment to special sit- uations. Not so much general psychological principles as spe- cial applications of these, such as experience alone can make, is what is desirable. Nor is this criticism to be dismissed as the protest of a mere rule-of-thumb artisan. What we need is ex- periment directed toward express educational problems. Such work, doubtless, will derive general principles rather than spe- cial rules, but they will be principles directly applicable to edu- cation, because derived from a consideration of the school en- vironment. They doubtless will not attain such accuracy as that afforded by laboratory research. However, numbers and statistical methods will compensate for this. On the other hand, the teacher, fully conscious that each subject, each les- son, each pupil, constitutes an individual problem, ought not to forget the value of a broad generalization summing up experi- ence in the large. Principles prevent experience from crystal- lizing into poverty-stricken methods that appeal to their users, not so much from their educational efficiency as because these people are accustomed to them. Therefore, let us have prin- ciples, not to supplement experience, but to enable us to master it. * Herein we discern the peculiar value that a study of what experimental psychology has done may have to school men. It has given us principles to guide further research. While it may not contribute in the most direct and manifest manner to educa- tional practice, its methods and its results furnish the basis on which we must proceed. The experimentalist is at present en- gaged in clearing our farm. Some small patches he has culti- vated, and reaped therefrom a scanty harvest, but for the most part his task has been to remove forests, underbrush and rocks, and to make possible the productive tasks. We must know his work in order not to duplicate both his failures and successes. 22 E. N. HENDERSON. when we experiment on educational problems. His work has been as a rule minutely critical, but it has concerned very simple and abstract matters. We need researches that will reach into the concrete work of the school and test its results. One striking contrast is noticeable between the material used in most of the experimental work on memory that has been reviewed and the kind of memory work done in the school room. The former is largely concerned with power to retain unconnected, often meaningless series, whereas the school very rarely asks for work depending on this power alone. The experiments, therefore, bear on the most mechanical tasks of the pupil. But a more important kind of experiment would concern itself with memory for connected thought. Even spelling is a rational process. The letters make a whole by the character of which they are to a great extent determined. What interests the teacher is not so much the absolute strength of the most wooden sort of memory, but the methods of associ- ation by which the memory is stocked most richly and effect- ively. To ascertain these, and also what becomes of the asso- ciation groups with the lapse of time, may well furnish abundant opportunity for research. As a matter of fact the physiological and psychological proc- esses involved in the remembering of a connected train of thought are probably far different from what we have in the case of a mere mechanical habit. The link of the common theme greatly increases the number of units that can be retained. Binet and V. Henri ^ found that by the use of a mn^onic de- vice the number of digits that can be recalled on a single read- ing may be raised from eight to thirty-six. They also noted ^ a far smaller amount of forgetting in phrases than in series containing the same number of disconnected words. I per- formed a rough experiment as follows. I took from a popular novel sentences of twenty words each; e. g.^ " A sprinkle of blood, occasionally quite a dash of it, reddened the leaves and tufts of grass along his pathway." From similar sentences I selected phrases having four words each, and putting five of ^ Revue Philos., No. 37, pp. 11 4-1 19. ^L^ Annie Psych., No. I., pp. 1-59. A STUDY OF MEMORY. 23 these together made series of twenty words each ; e. g., " Into their selfish dreams — like an eagle dancing — something im- portant for him — forethought, zeal, and preparation — his fid- dle and bow." Again, taking several of the sentences I ar- ranged the words in as many series of twenty words each, the combinations making no sense either as a whole or in phrases. I read these various series at a uniform rate and in a monotone, and then asked the listening students to write down the words they remembered in as near the original order as possible. Several readings of each series were given. One student in- variably got the sentences perfectly in two readings, sometimes in one. The series of phrases took him always two and sometimes three readings, while the series of disconnected words took from four to six readings, to learn. The difference was equally manifest when we compare the reproductions after a single read- ing. The words in the sentences were recalled with from no omissions to at most five ; those in the series of phrases with from five to ten omissions ; while there was an average of eight omissions in the case of the disconnected words. A second student required from two to four readings in order to get the sen- tences, from three to five to get the phrases, and from six to eleven to get the series of disconnected words. A third student made on a single reading one slight error in reproducing the sentence, omitted seven words from the phrase series, and eight from the series of disconnected words. The latter series re- quired of him three readings, while the other two were per- fected on the second trial. The results of this experiment are such as we might cer- tainly expect, but the consideration of the difference in the mental conditions involved reveals the difference between school memorizing and that which we have reviewed. In recalling the sentence the idea of the meaning is dominant. In the one quoted the general picture of a bleeding man traversing a path- way suggests the cue, ' a sprinkle of blood,' and each succeed- ing thought, — /. e., 'quite a dash of it,' 'leaves and tufts of grass,' etc., — helps to fill in the details of the same picture — a picture that persists while the sentence is being spoken. One subordinate thought does not replace another. All are in the 24 E. N. HENDERSON. mind at the same time. All that their serial order means is that they are emphasized in succession. To keep the original order of the thought and the special arrangement of words involves the mere mechanism of association by serial contiguity. But it is much more involved in remembering the series of phrases, where the thought of one phrase does not fuse with that of the others. It would, however, be an error to suppose even here that there is no common mental state to which all the separate thoughts contribute. We feel in a vague unan- alyzed way that we must recall the five phrases of four words each that we have just heard. This feeling guides and stimu- lates our recall, much as the picture of the bloody trail leads to repeating the sentence. The mental state is difficult to analyze. It involves a recall of the total condition under which the phrases were learned with sufficient accuracy to range them in order and to exclude phrases belonging to other series. This vague guiding consciousness becomes quite prominent when some time later we endeavor to recall such a series. But it is doubtless present and just as important in the guidance of an immediate reproduction. It may be characterized as the attention absorb- ing itself in the situation in which the series was learned. Such an attitude exists as preliminary to the recall of the sentences, but it is quickly replaced by a sense of the meaning they con- vey — a far more potent ' open sesame ' to the details of the series. When we pass to the series of twenty disconnected words, the attitude of attention is reinforced still less by inherent com- bining forces. The main force of serial association by contig- uity is required to do most of the work. Each of the twenty meanings conveyed by the twenty words is gone with the utter- ing of the word that expresses it. It gets little attention either in learning or recall. It is quite otherwise with the meanings of the words in the sentence. Each shares all the emphasis that every other gets, because it is part of that other. Ebbing- haus has given the average memory span for nonsense syllables as seven. We may suppose that for disconnected words it is from eight to ten. But with connected words it ranges with average minds from twenty to forty, depending upon the diffi- A STUDY OF MEMORY. 25 culty of the form of expression and the degree of unity in the thought. School work is concerned largely with meanings. Words sink into mere means of expression. The kind of experiment on memory that most directly concerns the teacher, therefore, will be that which deals with different sorts of associated material. To find out how well comparatively different classes of such material are retained, to investigate the efficiency of different ways of learning it, to compare the way in which the memories vary with the lapse of time, this comes nearer the living problems with which education has to deal. We want an experimental psychology of rhetoric and methods of teach- ing, as well as of the relation of school training to practical life. The following research deals with connect^ material. It does not profess to have attained any results of strikingly prac- tical value. It may claim, however, to have worked in material such as constitutes an important part of school-room work, and to have done something to indicate the possibility of far more extensive and valuable researches regarding the products of school training. 26 E. N. HENDERSON. PART II. THE SPECIAL RESEARCH. The experiments, the results of which it is the special object of this paper to discuss, consist in having certain passages of connected matter learned in a given time, and reproduced after definite intervals. A careful comparison of the successive reproductions with each other and with the original is then made, with the object of finding out both the amount and the character of the material retained on each occasion. The investigations bear on the relation between power of learning readily and of retaining what is learned, the relative amount of forgetting after different intervals, and the relation between memory for ideas and memory for words. Moreover, since classes of different ages were tested, the results indicate some- thing about the effect of age and training on the power to learn and to remember. In two cases adults were given the same tests as children, thus furnishing sharply contrasted conditions of age and training. Inasmuch as one class of students took part in several tests, a comparison of their relative rank in each gives some notion of the influence of the kind of material upon the relative ability to learn and remember. Finally, a careful study of what ideas are reproduced on the first occasion and their fate as evidenced in the later reproductions sheds some light on the qualitative modifications of our ideas regarding certain things that occur with the lapse of time. The tests, it will be seen, consist of material like that which students of dif- ferent subjects might be expected to learn and to reproduce in some fashion in the various exercises of the school room. They have therefore a direct bearing on the significance of the results of examinations, and on the fate of the ideas implanted by the teacher in the minds of the pupils. r"^ The Method. / The members of the class to be tested were informed that I they were about to be asked to commit to memory as much of A STUDY OF MEMORY. 27 a certain passage as they could in three minutes. They were told that this was ample time in which to go over the passage a number of times and to memorize a large part of it. The object of this statement was to allay the excitement that the thought of so short an interval might arouse, while insuring the putting forth of all the energies in as concentrated an efifort as the indW vidual could evoke. I do not think that many of the persons who took part felt their efficiency materially interfered with by the confusion of nervous excitement. As soon as these general instructions were given, a typewritten copy of the passage to be studied was handed to each member of the class, to be kept face downward until a signal was given. They were told that they should read the passage over at least twice, and then memorize it in any way they wished. This instruction aimed at insuring some attention to the ideas of the latter part of the passage. The class was also informed that a written reproduction of the passage would be called for, in which the words should be given where remembered. In case they were forgotten, the ideas that were retained were to be expressed as the subject chose. At a given signal the papers were turned, and the work began. It was stopped by having the subjects turn over the papers at the end of the three minutes. 1 Two__days later I returned and asked for a second reproduc- tion of the passage, giving instructions as before. In many "cases I asked that the words which they were confident had oc-/ curred in the original passage be underscored. Four weeks later I returned again, and asked for a third reproductrdn, giving sim-;^- ilar instructions. With the graduate students in Columbia Uni- versity, who memorized on separate occasions three different passages, it was necessary to announce in the beginning that other reproductions would be expected. They found no diffi- culty, however, in carrying out my request to banish the thought of the passage from their minds during the interval. A similar warning was given to the mature students in the summer session of 1902 at Columbia University who took part in the experi- ment. Thus a comparison of notes was avoided. To the other classes nothing was said, and my second and third appearances were surprises. I assumed that the later reproductions would 28 E. N. HENDERSON. be influenced far less by whatever discussion might appear spontaneously than by the effect of suggestion in keeping the passage before their thoughts, in case I warned them not to talk about it, assigning the reason that I expected them to write it out again. Moreover, with the younger classes a request that they do not communicate with each other would doubtless have stimulated rather than repressed such discussion. From a com- parison of papers T am certain that there was very little gained by intervening conversations. I took the testimony of the sub- jects regarding the matter. Most declared that they had not talked about the passage at all. A few had discussed it, but an examination of their later papers showed little or nothing new. Their talks, therefore, could have had no effect except to strengthen their earlier impressions. The Tests. Five passages were used in the various experiments. They were as follows. Test I. — The King Who Became Just. " There was-once, | in the eastern-part-of Egypt,-a king, || whose-reign-had long been-a course-of savage-tyranny ; | long- had he ruined-the rich | and distressed-the poor. || Suddenly-he changed-his course ] and ruled-so well as-to be called-the just. 1| When asked-by a favorite-the reason-for this-change, | he re- plied: II 'I saw-a dog, | which, soon after-it had bitten-off-the leg-of a fox, II was struck-on the head-by a great-stone, | that cracked-its skull. | The stone-was thrown-by a man, || who-at that instant-ran-in the way-of a horse | and was trod on-and lamed-forever. || A short time-after | the horse-broke-its ankle- bone-between two-stones. || These-sudden-misfortunes-con- vinced me | that men-are used-as they use-others.'" This passage was selected and adapted as one suitable for younger classes. It presents interesting and intelligible mate- rial, and contains a variety of elements. It is so condensed as to furnish abundant matter for a three-minute exercise in mem- orizing. The marks indicate the analysis on the basis of which the scoring of the number of ideas retained was based. The hyphens separate the detailed thoughts, the score in regard to A STUDY OF MEMORY. 29 which was usually taken as the record of the excellence of the memory. The perpendicular lines separate certain subtopics, the score in regard to which I have compared with the score in detailed ideas. Finally, the parallel perpendiculars separate the main topics into which the thought of the passage was analyzed. Test 2. — Cicero. •' Cicero, | the greatest-of the Roman-orators, || was born-at Arpinum, | an obscure-country-town. || His family-was of the middle class-only, | and without wealth, || yet he rose-rapidly | through the ranks-of Roman-official service | until at the age-of forty-six | he became-consul. || In oratory-he is | by universal consent | placed side by side-with Demosthenes, | or at least- close after him. || He surpassed-the great- Attic-orator | in bril- liancy-and variety, | but lacked-his moral-earnestness-and con- sequent-impressiveness. || He could be-humorous, -sarcastic, | pathetic, -ironical,-satirical, || and when he was-malignant | his mouth was-most-foul | and his bite-most-venomous. || His de- livery-was impassioned-and fiery, | his voice strong, -full, -and sweet, I his figure-tall, -graceful, -and impressive." It was thought that this passage would be suitable for his- tory or Latin classes of the high-school grade, and it was used with such subjects. It bore on work that frequently they were doing, and it offered a chance to study the influence of this work, besides appealing to the teachers as embodying material worthy of reflection. These two passages were the ones used with by far the greater number of subjects. The other three : one, a con- densed historical sketch ; the second, a detailed description, and the last, an abstract discussion, were given to the same stu- dents. They represent widely different fields of thought, and may be taken as affording a good basis for comparing the memory for different classes of material. The passages follow. Test J. — The History of the Jews. (From Milman's * History of the Jews.') ♦' The Jews, -without reference to-their religious-belief, -| are among-the most-remarkable-people-| in the annals-of man- 30 E. N. HENDERSON. kind. II Sprung-from one-stock, | they pass-the infancy-of their nation | in a state of servitude-in a foreign-country, || where, nevertheless, -they increase-so rapidly-as to become-on a sudden | the fierce-and irresistible-conquerors | of their native- valleys-in Palestine. || There they-settle down | under a form of government-and code of laws | totally unlike-those of any other I rude or-civilized-community. || They sustain-a long- and doubtful-conflict, ] sometimes-enslaved, -sometimes-victori- ous, I with the neighboring-tribes. || At length, -united-under one-monarchy, | they gradu ally-rise-to the rank j of a powerful, - opulent, -and commercial people. || Subsequently, -weakened by-internal-discord, | they are overwhelmed-by the vast-mon- archies I which arose-on the banks-of the Euphrates, | and are transplanted-into a foreign-region. || They are partially-re- stored I by the generosity-or policy-of the Eastern-sovereigns, | to their native-land." Test /J.. — The Dutch Homestead. (From Irving's 'Leg- end of Sleepy Hollow.') "It was-one-of those spacious-farm-houses, j with high- ridged-but lowly-sloping-roofs, | built-in the style-handed down from-the first-Dutch-settlers, || the low-projecting-eaves-forming a piazza-along the front | capable-of being closed up-in bad weather. || Under this-were hung-flails, -harness, | various- utensils-of husbandry, ] and nets-for fishing-in the neighboring- river. || Benches-were built-along the side-for summer use; I and a great-spinning wheel-at one end, | and a churn-at the other, I showed-the various uses-to which this important-porch- might be devoted. |1 From this piazza-one might enter-the hall, I which formed-the center-of the mansion | and the usual- place of residence. || Here-rows-of resplendent-pewter | ranged-on a long-dresser | dazzled-his eyes. || In one corner- stood a huge-bag of wool, | ready-to be spun ; | in another-a quantity-of linsy-woolsey, | just-from the loom; || ears-of Indian corn I and strings-of dried-apples-and peaches ] hung-in gay- festoons-along the walls, | mingled-with the gaud-of red-pep- pers." Test ^. — The Stages in the Development of Human Theory. (From Martineau's ' Comte's Positive Philosophy.') A STUDY OF MEMORY. 3 1 " From the study-of the development-of human-intelligence, in all-directions, -and through all-times, | the discovery-arises- of a great-fundamental-law, || to which-it is necessarily-subject, I and which-has a solid-foundation-of proof, | both-in the f acts-of our-organization | and in our-historical-experience. || The law- is this :- I that each-of our-leading-conceptions,- | each-branch-of our-knowledge,- | passes-successively-through three-different- theoretical-conditions : II the Theological, -or fictitious; | the Metaphysical, -or abstract; | and the Scientific, -or positive. || In other words, -the human-mind, -by its nature, | employs-in its progress-three-methods-of philosophizing, | the character of which-is essentially-different, | and even-radically-opposed : | viz., -the theological-method, -the metaphysical,-and the posi- tive. I Hence-arise-three-philosophies, | or general-systems-of conceptions-on the aggregate-of phenomena, | each of which- excludes-the others. || The first-is the necessary-point of de- parture-of the human-understanding ; | and the third-is its fixed- and definitive-state. | The second-is merely-a state of transi- tion." The Classes of Subjects Tested. The following classes of students took part in the experi- ments : 1. One hundred and three pupils in Public School No. 40, New York City. These were all boys varying in age from 10 to 16. The school includes both primary and grammar depart- ments, and all pupils are ranged from beginning to finishing classes in 16 grades ; grade lA being the lowest and 8B the highest. The pupils taking part in the experiment were in three grades as follows : 33 in grade 7B, 43 in grade 6B, and 27 in grade 5B. 2. Fifty-three pupils in the Erasmus Hall High School, Brooklyn. Of these 37 were girls and 16 boys. The school is arranged in 8 grades, beginning with grade i, and the grades are divided into sections indicated by the letters A, B, etc. The pupils tested were in three grades : 23 in grade i, section A, 18 in grade 4, section B, and 12 in grade 8, section B. 3. Twenty-one students in a course in psychology in Colum- 32 E. N. HENDERSON. bia University. Most of them were seniors in Columbia Col- lege. Four, however, were women from Barnard College. 4. Eighteen graduate students in Columbia University. 5. Seventeen students in the summer session of 1902, at Co- lumbia University. Of these 4 were women. The following abbreviations will be used to indicate the different classes of subjects: P. S. 7B, P. S. 6B, and P. S. 5B will signify the different grades in Public School No. 40. E. H. S. 8B, E. H. S. 4B, E. H. S. lA, will indicate the various classes in the Erasmus Hall High School. S. S. students will be used for students in the summer session at Columbia Univer- sity. The expressions college students and graduate students will serve to denominate the other classes tested. It will be seen that the 212 subjects range from the young pupil, whose ability to read and write is barely sufficient to make such an experiment possible, to individuals well on toward middle life, and representing a high grade of scholastic attain- ment. Inasmuch as most of the graduate students took part in three experiments and the college students in two, I had in all 259 papers in which the various reproductions were complete. This number may not seem sufficiently large for a statistical investigation, but it must be remembered that the length and character of the tests made them fairly reliable measures of the powers of the individuals. It was not so necessary, therefore, as it would have been in a shorter test, to swallow up errors re- garding individual measurements by the mere mass of testimony. On the other hand, only in so far as the individuals tested are typical can the results be said to be universally valid. To the consideration of these results let us now proceed. The Results. These I think it convenient to group in two divisions: A^ the amounts of loss in the various reproductions and with the various classes of subjects and tests ; B^ the character of this loss in the different cases. J. A. The Amounts 0/ Loss. In order to deal with this matter a method of scoring was necessary. This required analysis of the thought of the pas- ^^: A STUDY OF MEMORY. 33 sages — an analysis that is indicated in the passages as printed. The following table gives the standard score of each passage. Topics. Subtopics. Details. Words. The King Who Became Just. 9 20 69 138 Cicero. 9 25 64 125 The History of the Jews. 8 26 80 163 The Dutch Homestead. 8 26 88 180 The Stages in the Development of Human Theory. 7 25 93 171 It must be confessed that this analysis has in it something arbitrary. To say that each of the detailed thoughts thus indi- cated is equal in value to every other is manifestly absurd. And this is true whether our estimate be based on relative impor- tance to the thought in general or on relative difficulty of recall. But it must be granted that the same objection could be raised against any endeavor to compare two mental conditions quanti- tatively. However, as the mind of the subject traveled over the thought it was trying to reproduce, it may be conceived to have rested momentarily on each of the details indicated. In | general, the better memories could be expected to retain not only the easily remembered details, but also the ones harder to recall, whereas the poorer ones would retain only the former class. In such cases the scores given can not be challenged on the ground that the lack of equality between the units renders the ranking of the subjects arbitrary. Placing different values on the ideas or analyzing the units differently might affect the ranking in cases where the loss of certain ideas is pitted against that of different ones, but seldom, I am confident, could one justify a valuation or an analysis so different from mine as to affect materially the ranking of the student. Hence, the general results of my investigation are, I conceive, not dependent on the peculiarities of my scoring. The scores given have not been diminished because of errors. They are records only of what was retained. I have taken the ground that the erroneous idea that contains the suggestion of the true one deserves a positive rather than a negative score. It indicates a thought corresponding, however inaccurately, to the earlier one. Such ideas are given a part of the value of an accurate memory. Some individuals, it is true, leave unex- 34 E. N. HENDERSON. pressed the hazy idea that they fear is erroneous. They might suffer by comparison with cloudier minds that failed to discover the presence of the fog. However, a mind that feels a certain idea to be inaccurate is usually able to express the part or phase of the thought that is accurate, and thus render a true account of what was in the memory. In comparing the abilities of different classes of subjects, I have used for the most part the scores made in detailed thoughts and in words. This was regarded as the safest basis for such comparison. If the equal value of the elemental ideas is ques- tioned, much more might that of the subtopics and topics into which the thought of the passage was analyzed. A considera- tion of the scores in larger thoughts as compared with those in details is reserved for the discussion on the qualitative differ- ences between the different reproductions. The scoring of words remembered might easily become a complicated matter. Doubtless, the reproducing of certain words means far more power of memory than that of others. I have used the following system. All words of the original that were reproduced in their former contexts were scored full value. Commonplace words, particularly articles, prepositions, and conjunctions, were not scored when reproduced out of their context. On the other hand, an unusual word was regarded as remembered, even though it appeared in the wrong context. ■Occasionally a word was evidently used because its sound was ;somewhat like that of one in the original. A half credit was here given. Words that were modified to suit changes in con- struction, etc., were given partial credit also. Let us now pro- ceed to the comparison of the various records.^ Average Scores of the Different Classes. Test. Class. ist Rep. Av.Dev. Id( 2d Rep. ;as. Av '. Dev. 3d Rep. Av. Dev. Test I. S. S. students, 53-0 6.6 48.3 5.6 45.8 6.5 P. S. 7B pupils, 49-5 6.9 46.5 4.8 41.9 8.2 P. S. 6B " 45-9 6.0 44.6 7-3 41-3 6.2 P. S. 5B " 38.3 8.3 36.3 8.8 32,0 7-5 * I introduce in the appendix, for the benefit of those who care to examine the numerical data on the basis of which all these computations depend, a list of the individual scores in the various tests. A STUDY OF MEMORY. 35 Ideas. Test. Class. ist Rep. Av.Dev. 2d Rep. A V. Dev. 3d Rep. Av. Dev Test 2. E. H. S. SB students, 42.6 5-1 38.0 6.6 33-5 8.8 E. H. S. 4B 38.0 7-5 34-9 9-3 24.9 10.6 E. H. S. lA 36.8 7-9 31.0 8.1 22.8 8.4 College students, 48.0 8.2 36.5 8.2 34-5 10.3 Test 3. College " 37-0 4.4 27.0 5-1 24.1 7.2 Graduate " 42.2 10.2 34.6 10.3 29-5 10. 1 Test 4. Graduate " 57-5 8.8 46.9 8.1 40.6 8.0 Test 5. Graduate " 45-9 13.2 30-4 8.9 21.8 8.9 Test 3. 12 selected graduates,' 44-5 9.9 37-5 9.2 32.9 8.0 Test 4. 12 60.6 7.0 49.0 6.4 41.8 7-7 Test 5. 12 45-6 II. 7 30.1 8.6 22.4 9-5 Average Scores of the Different Ci• .^ajrJAA= LD21-100m-7,'39(402i VD 00712 UNIVERSITY OF CAUFORNIA LIBRARY '^''^ItHr