1
 
 y 
 
 ^VKCHAIC GEEECE 
 
 AND THE EAST. 
 
 IliGiiT Hon. W. E. (rLADSTOXE, M.P., 
 
 IlKSIDKNT OK TIIF. SECTION FOH AIICIIAIC (iKKKOK AiND TIIK F.AST.
 
 ocffoo 
 
 URL 
 
 ARCHAIC GREECE AND THE EAST. 
 
 However indulgent may be the audience that I have 
 the honour to address, some apology is unquestionably 
 necessary for the association of my name ^Yith the 
 work of an Oriental Congress. Ignorant of the 
 languages of the East, I am not cognizant of its 
 races, manners, and institutions, except at a period 
 which must still be termed pre-historic, although 
 some important parts of what belongs to it have, 
 during the present century, gradually acquired the 
 solidity of history. That, however, was the period 
 when, from a central point in Asia, population 
 radiated towards most, if not all, points of the com- 
 pass : under a kindred impulsion, but with incidents 
 and destinies infinitely various. 
 
 The oldest civilizations tolerably known to us are 
 those which appear to have sprung up with a marvel- 
 lous rapidity in the Babylonian plain and in the valley 
 of the Nile. With one or both of these was minis- 
 terially associated a navigating and buildhig race, 
 which touched the Persian Gulf eastwards and the 
 Mediterranean westwards, and probably kept 02')cn 
 and active the line of traffic and passage between 
 
 B 
 
 2107413
 
 the two. Through this race seems to have been 
 distributed over the coasts of the great inland sea, 
 and beyond them, a knowledge of the arts. It 
 was this wealth of the East, which was thus 
 gradually and irregularly imparted, to relieve the 
 poverty and develop the social life of the West. 
 
 The receptivity, so to speak, of the different 
 countries and races lying within the circle of these 
 visits would appear to have been extremely 
 diversified, and the traces of the process are, for 
 the most part, fragmentary and casual. In one 
 case, and in one only, there is cast upon it the 
 light of a literary record. Of all that was said or 
 sung on the shores of the Mediterranean in those 
 shadowy times, nothing great or weighty has 
 survived, with the solitary, but inestimable and 
 splendid exceptions of the two works known as 
 the Poems of Homer. They alone (to use the lan- 
 guage of a great modern orator) have had buoy- 
 ancy enough to float upon the sea of time. In 
 them we see the life of those times, such as it was 
 actually lived. We see it as we see in some great 
 exhibition what is termed going machinery. They 
 exhibit to us, as their central object, in the forma- 
 tion stage of its existence, the nation which then 
 inhabited the Greek Peninsula, together with im- 
 portant, tliough isolat<jd or subordinate, traits of 
 other races and lands. 
 
 We have then before us the following group of
 
 3 
 
 facts : — First, there is a great treasure of social art 
 and knowledge accumulated, pci-haps for the first 
 time, by human labour in the East. Secondly, we 
 have a seafaring people on the Syrian coast, filled with 
 the vivid energy of commerce, who left in different 
 shapes on every accessible shore the marks of im- 
 ported arts. Next we have obtained, during the 
 present century, a large access of independent 
 knowledge, which exhibits to us the particulars of 
 these Eastern civilizations in their original seats, and 
 which, as we shall see, has found its counterpart or 
 echo in some recent researches of Western archae- 
 ology. To this we have to add, from the Poems of 
 Homer, a delineation of what may fairly be called 
 contemporary life, which is so copious as to apparently 
 exhaust the whole circle of the simple experience of 
 those times, and to be indeed encyclopaedic. 
 
 It may seem, then, that we possess in the poems 
 rare and unrivalled means of interpreting the voice- 
 less treasures supplied from the various sister sources, 
 and of estimating now, somewhat less imperfectly 
 than heretofore, the aggregate of the original debt, 
 which Europe and the West owe to Asia and the 
 East. 
 
 And here I reach the point at which, if anywhere, 
 I may find an apology for my intervention in the 
 proceedings of an Oriental Congress. For what I 
 may fairly term a long and patient, though necessarily 
 often intermitted, study of the t€xt of Homer may 
 
 n i!
 
 possibly enable me to offer a small and exotic con- 
 tribution to the great and many-sided purpose of tlie 
 present distinguished assembly. 
 
 In approaching my immediate subject, I. have 
 no other concern with the long and, in the main, 
 unprofitable group of controversies, known as the 
 Homeric question, than tliis— that I have to treat 
 the Poems as an integral mass of contemporary 
 testimony to the life, experience, and institutions of 
 a particular age and people ; to which they add other 
 collateral illustrations. Whatever speculators may 
 have fancied as to their origin and authorship, the 
 general rule has been to treat their contents as 
 an unity for practical purposes. AVhether the aim 
 has been to describe the Zeus or the Hermes of 
 Homer, or the ship, or the house of Homer, the 
 voice of the Poems has been accepted as one 
 authentic voice. The chief exception to that rule 
 has been made in the case of the glimpses of 
 other religions supplied by the Odyssey ; glimpses 
 which, in my firm opinion, do not impair, but 
 illustrate and confirm belief in that unity of mind 
 which has governed the composition of the Poems. 
 But this is a point on which it is unnecessary to 
 dwell. 
 
 In considering the contributions of the East to the 
 life and manners of the Achaians — for that is the 
 designation most properly attaching to the Homeric 
 forefathers of the Greek nation — I shall not begin
 
 witli religion. "We are not now inquiring what 
 elements of religion were carried westwards by those 
 who progressively migrated from the central seat in 
 Asia ;. but what aggregate of all arts and knowledge, 
 after the first peopling of the Greek Peninsula, was 
 imparted to its inhabitants and their neighbours from 
 the stores of those Eastern civilizations which had 
 been developed during the intervening ages, and 
 through the medium generally of the Phoenicians ; 
 that is to say, of that navigating race, who were, to 
 all appearance, the exclusive intermediaries of inter- 
 course by sea between Asia and Europe. 
 
 It is recognized as a certainty that this people 
 formed the maritime arm of the great Egyptian 
 Empire. But commerce is comprehensive in its sym- 
 pathies, and disposes men rather to profit as neutrals 
 by the quarrels of other people than to share in them 
 as parties ; so a people like the Phoenicians would, 
 in the natural course of things, and regardless of 
 partisanships, be carriers from Babylon and Assyria, 
 or from any region with which they traded, as 
 well as from Egypt, with which they had a distinct 
 political relation. 
 
 But now is the time to make an observation of 
 vital importance with regard to the comprehensive 
 meaning that attaches in Homer to the Phoenician 
 name. AVhether the Achaian Greeks themselves 
 devised that name to describe a set of strangers who 
 frequented their coasts, we have no means of know-
 
 iiig. It derives, however, no support or illustration 
 from the Pentateuch, or (as I believe) from the 
 monuments. But for Homer it seems to cover every- 
 thing found in the Achaian Peninsula that was of 
 foreign origin. Not that the poet is fond of tracing 
 the particulars of arts and manners to their Eastern 
 sources. The intense sentiment of nationality, which 
 led some Greek states of later days to covet the title 
 of Autochthons, was most of all intense in him ; and 
 it is, for the most part, by undesigned coincidences 
 alone, and by the careful co-ordination of particulars 
 sometimes brought together from afar, that we are 
 able to make out the large catalogue of Achaian 
 obligations to the East. But whether the question 
 be of persons settling in the peninsula, or of things 
 brought by or learned through maritime visitors who 
 came from the south-eastern corner of the Mediter- 
 ranean, all of these apparently had but one vehicle, 
 and that vehicle was the Phoenician ship. Con- 
 sequently all came to carry the Phoenician name, 
 or to run up into Phoenician association, for the 
 contemporary Achaian. Much as to the Turk of 
 later days every European was a Frank, so to the 
 Achaians of Homer all persons and things reaching 
 them over sea were bound up with this Phoenician 
 name. The designation accordingly covers not only 
 the bold mariners of the time, but everything for 
 which they were the purveyors, or supplied the 
 vehicle ; in a word, all Syrian, Assyrian, Egyptian,
 
 and generally all Eastern meanings. What it indi- 
 cates is a channel ; and all that came through that 
 channel is embraced by it. This extended use 
 of the term would appear then to have a more 
 consistent basis than that which I have quoted as 
 a parallel usage. Europeans were all Franks in 
 Turkey by a metonymy which gave the designation 
 of the majority to the whole. Egyptians or Egyptian 
 subjects were reckoned as Phoenicians ((^otvt/ces), 
 because, all reaching the Achaians in Phoenician ships 
 and Phoenician company, they presented in this 
 particular a real unity of aspect. 
 
 Taken in this pervading sense, the first Phoenician 
 gift to the Greek Peninsula would appear to have 
 been one connected with civil institutions. We obtain 
 a view of it through the remarkable phrase Anax 
 andron. Nothing can be simpler than the meaning 
 of the two words. They signify not king of men, 
 but lord of men ; the word anax designating a class 
 and not an office. 
 
 The phrase is most commonly applied by Homer 
 to Asamemnon. But it is also used for five other 
 persons, and with indications which, though far 
 from complete, are abundantly sufficient to show 
 that it is not a merely ornamental invention of 
 the poet, but a note attaching strictly to particular 
 persons in virtue of some common quality or attri- 
 bute. It is not royal, and does not indicate 
 supremacy, for the word anax is wholly distinct
 
 fr(^in basileus (a king), and only indicates in 
 Homer, as applied to men, the liiglier class of men, 
 or some notable member of that class. It is 
 heritable, for it is given both to Aineias and his 
 father Anchises. It does not go with powerful and 
 marked individualities ; for Agamemnon is only, as a 
 character, one of the second class among the great 
 chieftains, and all the others are lower in Homeric 
 rank. It is not national, for it is enjoyed by Trojan 
 princes. It is ancient ; we find it borne by Augeias 
 two full generations at least before the Trojan War. 
 
 Agamemnon was the fourth^ ruler in his family 
 since, apparently under Pelops, it first became 
 connected with Greece ; while the Dardanian line, 
 in which we find it, was the senior of the two royal 
 branches in Troas, and is carried upwards from the 
 time of the AVar through six generations. Shall we 
 suppose the A7iax andrOn to have been the Governor 
 or Satrap, sent over sea from Egypt at the climax of 
 its power when it ruled the Greek Peninsula and the 
 neighbouring regions at a period preceding, by an 
 interval we cannot yet define, the age of the Trojan 
 War ? We should thus find an explanation consistent 
 witli all the facts for a phrase which certainly 
 requires an explanation, and which otherwise cries 
 out for it in vain. 
 
 This phrase supplies us wath the oldest his- 
 toric note of settled and regular government in 
 » II. ii. 104-8.
 
 Greece. Not only because we find it associated with 
 kingship, but because we find organised, under 
 Augeias who had borne it, the peaceful institution 
 of the Games,^ which we know to have attracted 
 bards as well as horses from neighbouring districts. 
 As we have no trace of any struggle connected 
 with the Egyptian invasion, it may he that the 
 foreign rule, loose in its character, after the manner 
 of Asiatic rule, was easily established over a popula- 
 tion living by agriculture, and dwelling village-wise 
 {komedoii) ; and that, under the larger organizations 
 thus created by degrees, may first have grown that 
 consciousness of strength, and that capacity of pro- 
 gress, which led, after a time, even to national 
 reaction as^ainst the foreimer. 
 
 This reaction took the various forms of the 
 Theban and the Trojan wars, of the Colchian 
 expedition, and probably also of an Achaian share 
 in the now historically known combination of eman- 
 cipated or struggling neighbour States against 
 Egypt in the time of Merephthah. This remark, 
 however, requires something of detailed exposi- 
 tion. It is not from Homer himself that we 
 are to expect any willing indication of the pre- 
 valence at a former time in his already glorious 
 country of a foreign rule. Yet we are not wholly 
 without evidence from extraneous sources of a con- 
 nexion between the title of Anax amlrOn and the 
 
 ' II. xi. 098, sqq.
 
 10 
 
 great Egyptian Empire. For example, we learn 
 from the Egyptian monuments that in the fourth 
 year of Rameses 11. , at the close of the 15th 
 century B.C., the Dardanians of Troas fought as 
 allies in the armies of Egypt under Maurnout, King 
 of the Hittites, and that after a series of years they 
 returned to their own country. Nothing could be 
 more natural than that, in virtue of this political 
 connexion, the ruling Dardanian line, which pre- 
 served its separate existence down to the period of 
 the Trojan War, should be invested with an Egyptian 
 title. 
 
 In the case of the Pelopids, we find ourselves pro- 
 vided, by the discoveries of Schliemann at Mycenae, 
 with evidence of a different class, but tending with 
 the highest degree of likelihood to the same result. 
 In the Agora at Mycense, Dr. Schliemann discovered 
 four tombs ^, of which Mr. Newton said that we must 
 rest content with the " reasonable presumption " that 
 they contained Royal personages ; and as to which I 
 believe that no one now disputes their belonging to 
 the heroic and prehistoric age. If so, they surely 
 also belonged to the house which during that age 
 ruled in Mycenae — namely, the house of Pelops. 
 In a preface to Dr. Schliemann's '^ volume on his 
 discoveries there, I have set forth a number of con- 
 siderations connected with the Poems, which there is 
 
 1 Mycenae, Preface, p. xxvii. 
 '^ pp. xxiv. xxviii. tcq.
 
 11 
 
 not time to notice here, but wliicli tend towards the 
 conclusion that one of these tombs may contain the 
 remains of an historical Agamemnon himself. But 
 it is enough for my present purpose to observe that 
 the title of Anax andron was descendible from father 
 to son, and that it is accorded in the poems to 
 personages altogether secondary — viz., Eumelos, II. 
 xxiii. 288, 354, and Euphetes, xv. 352; who is 
 nowhere else mentioned by Homer— in all likelihood 
 on this especial ground. 
 
 We must, therefore, suppose it probal)ly to have 
 been inherited by Agamemnon ; and there is no 
 counter evidence to impair the reasonable conclusion 
 that the sovereigns buried in these tombs belonged 
 to a line having the title of Anax andron. 
 
 But, on the other hand, these sepulchres offer us 
 numerous and clear notes of connexion wdth the 
 usages of the Egyptian Empire. Among these are 
 the presence in one of the sepulchres of the scales for 
 weishino; the actions of the deceased, which recall 
 the Book of the Dead ; the use of gold leaf, which 
 was found as it had been laid over the countenances 
 now long decayed ; the position of five bodies 
 stretched in a long but narrow tomb, not along 
 but across it, with inconvenient compression from 
 lack of space, but in the direction of east and west,^ 
 and facing westwards according to the usage of 
 Egyptian burial. Such, in fact, is the strength of 
 1 MycencC, p. 295.
 
 12 
 
 Egyptian association as to these tombs, and other- 
 wise established by the Mycenian remains, as to 
 leave little room for reasonable doubt on its existence. 
 And thus we have the title ^of Anax andron once 
 more placed in relation with Egypt, since it clearly 
 subsisted in the Pelopid line, and since individuals 
 of that line were in all likelihood the occupants of 
 Mycenian sepulchres. The title itself is of so marked 
 a character that we arc led to connect the assumption 
 of it with some great event, and such an event would 
 undoubtedly be the first mission of Pelops, or the 
 first head of the Pelopid house, to bear rule on 
 behalf of Egypt in the Greek Peninsula. 
 
 If these conjectures be correct, and if an Eastern 
 Empire imparted in various quarters of the North 
 and West the first germ of a civil society extending 
 beyond the scale of the village community, it is 
 matter of extreme interest to note the differences of 
 mode and of result with which the gift was received 
 by different races and regions. If we judge by the 
 lenf^h of the genealogies in Homer, Troas was the 
 seat of States older than any in the Achaian Penin- 
 sula, those, namely, of Ilion and Dardania. It is in 
 Dardania only, the older of the two, that we find the 
 Ana,x andron. And it is true that we have no de- 
 tailed account of Dardanian manners and institutions. 
 
 Wc ha\'c, however, this detail in the case of 
 Troy, and we have no reason to assume a substantial 
 difference between them. But as between Trojan and
 
 13 
 
 Achaian, in tlic political department, we find marked 
 differences all along tlie line. The Trojan State lias 
 indeed a King and an Assembly, but they do not 
 present so much as the beginnings of free speech, of 
 real deliberation, or of national life. The bribes of 
 Paris appear to supply the main motive power. All 
 is coloured with an Asiatic hue. And so among the 
 Phaiahes, where the colour of the description is not 
 Hellenic but Phoenician. A recent American com- 
 mentator^ remarks on the absoluteness of Alcinous 
 in his kingship, there being assemblies, but no 
 debate ; only immediate acquiescence in the views 
 of the King. But in the Achaian communities, 
 whether at peace, as in Ithaca, or in the camp before 
 Troy, we recognize the elements of the grand con- 
 ceptions I have named. They may not indeed be 
 fully and consistently developed, but they are visi])le 
 everywhere in their outline, and they reach even up 
 to the point where we find that the will of the 
 supreme chieftain is liable to be checked in a regular 
 manner by other judgments ; liable, we may almost 
 say, to be out-voted. So that when, at nearly the 
 lowest point in the fluctuating fortunes of the army, 
 Agamemnon has proposed to abandon the expedition, 
 he is resolutely resisted in debate by Diomed, and the 
 general feeling of the soldiery compels him to give- 
 way. ^ 
 
 ^ ]\Ierria:a, riiocnician Episode, un Od. vii. 2. 
 - II. ix. 46, scq.
 
 14 
 
 Here we have exhibited in a particular case the 
 essential character of the Achaian receptivity. What 
 the East had the faculty of conceiving, but not of 
 developing, the more elastic and vigorous nature of 
 the Achaian Greek took over as an imparted gift, 
 and then by its own formative genius opened out, 
 enlarged, and consolidated in the form and with 
 the effect of an original endowment. I shall pre- 
 sently endeavour to unfold this proposition in a 
 diversity of particulars. 
 
 It will naturally be asked if the Egyptian Empire 
 left upon once subject lands a trace of departed 
 authority in the title Anax andron, did it not impress 
 on the traditions of the Achaian race any note of its 
 own conception of kingship, and of the remarkable 
 connection whicli it had established between royalty 
 and divinity ? The oldest dynasty given by Manetho 
 is said to have been of the gods and demigods. The 
 list of Egyptian kings on the Turin papyrus begins 
 with a line of deities, the last of whom is Horus.^ 
 
 The divine name Ra, incorporated in the names of 
 kings, carries downward into historic time the 
 memory of this belief ; and it is not surprsing that 
 we should find a pretty distinct trace of the same 
 belief in the Homeric Poems. I refer to his use 
 of the two phrases DiotrepJies^ Zeus-nurtured, and 
 Diogenes, Zeus-born. The first of these is applied 
 to the race of the Phaiahes, with the distinct 
 * Rawlinson, Herod, ii. 337 .
 
 15 
 
 intention of representing them as of the kin- 
 dred of the gods ; ^ and in the Iliad we have it 
 used to signify the kings of cities as a class.^ It is 
 nowhere otherwise employed except in a line ^ where 
 it has been allowed to supplant an old and I 
 believe legitimate reading, and where it is little 
 better than senseless. Once, in the singular, it is 
 applied caressingly by Achilles to his instructor, 
 Phoinix/ But it may be stated generally that both 
 words are confined in Homer to Royal personages 
 with a remarkable strictness ; and, as if further to 
 impress on them the characters of titles, the favourite 
 usage of them is in the vocative. Conformably with 
 the sense of these remarkable epithets, the ances- 
 tries of the Homeric Kings often run up to Zeus ; 
 sometimes to Poseidon, and this probably in his 
 character as a god supreme in his own proper regions 
 and mythologies. It seems easy here to perceive a 
 real connexion with the Egyptian idea and practice. 
 
 But again, we have to notice that the transplanta- 
 tion into Achaian Greece of the Asiatic or Egyptian 
 notion did not imply continuing confinement within 
 its bounds. The poet availed himself of the vener- 
 able character thus accorded to the bearers of civil 
 authority, the basis of which he always regards as 
 divine ; but this did not lead him into the region of 
 despotic ideas. Nothing can be less like the Eastern 
 despot than an Achaian King, who has to rely upon 
 1 0(1. V. 278. -II. ii.60. ^ j], i^^ 430. * H. ix. 603.
 
 16 
 
 reason, upon free speech, upon the assembly, as prin- 
 cipal governing forces ; and who seems to supply an 
 historic basis for the succinct but very remarkable 
 description given by Thucydides of the early Greek 
 rulers as kings upon stipulated conditions.^ 
 
 But before proceeding to details, I will describe 
 certain impressions, strictly relevant to the present 
 subject, which have resulted from my long study of 
 the poems, and which, if they be correct, would prove 
 that Homer himself had an energetic and also a 
 methodical conception of the obligations of his 
 country to the East. It is, I believe, generally 
 admitted that in Achilles, the protagonist of the 
 Iliad, we have a superb projection of the strictly 
 Hellenic character, magnified in its dimensions to the 
 utmost point consistent with the laws of poetical 
 probability. In the epithet Hellenic is conveyed 
 that wonderful receptivity which first accepted and 
 then transmuted the Eastern rudiments of civilization. 
 But, by the side of this Hellenic form of character, 
 there is another at once its sister, its rival, and its 
 complement ; and, as the Iliad is the triumphal 
 procession of the one, so the Odyssey is the deathless 
 monument of the other. It is remarkable that the 
 poet has placed these two, different as they are, 
 in relations of close sympathy and attachment, so 
 that they never clash ; while, of the two next Achaian 
 heroes, Diomed has no point of personal contact with 
 1 Time. i. 13.
 
 17 
 
 Achilles (offering, indeed, to carry on the war witli- 
 out him), and Ajax becomes involved in a deadly 
 feud with Odysseus. The distinctness of the two 
 gfeat dominating characters enables them to fit 
 into, to integrate one another, and jointly to ex- 
 press the entire mental and moral aggregate of 
 the race. There was indeed a third ethnical in- 
 gredient, the Pelasgian, which perhaps had to bide 
 its time for its own proper development. For the 
 Homeric and heroic picture, Achilles and Odysseus 
 between them expressed all that was great, signal, 
 and formative in Achaianism. We may perhaps sum 
 up the greatness of Achilles in this, that he ex- 
 pressed a colossal humanity. What was it that he 
 did not express ? He did not express, and Odysseus 
 did, the many-sided, the all-accomplished, the all- 
 enduring man : the polutropos, the jyolumetis^ the 
 demon, the poluttls, the polumekanos, the poikilo- 
 metis, the poluphron, the ddiphron, the talasiphron — 
 in whom this is perhaps above all remarkable, that 
 the completeness of his structure, the firmness of his 
 tissue, raised his passive even up to the level of his 
 active qualities. 
 
 Let us look a little round the circumference of 
 the man. In battle he is never foiled. In counsel 
 he is supreme. His oratory is like the snow flakes 
 of the winter storm. Victor in the severe strength- 
 contests of the Twenty-third Iliad, he conquers also 
 among the Pliaiakes in their game of skill. This is
 
 a specimen only; and lie tells tliem he is no bad 
 hand at any of the athletics practised among men/ 
 He is the incomparable bowman, who performs a 
 feat otherwise beyond human strength. His is the 
 spirit of boundless patience wdiich enforces silence 
 in the cavity of the horse. But the range of his 
 accomplishments also includes every manual art. In 
 the island of Caliipso he appears as the ship carpenter. 
 As the ploughman he can challenge a haughty suitor 
 to compete with him in harvesting corn all day till 
 nightfall without a meal, or in drivino; the straifjlit 
 and even furrow with a team of powerful oxen.^ In 
 his own palace, he Imilt his chamber after the Phoe- 
 nician manner, that is, with great hewn stones.^ It 
 was reared over a full-grow^n olive tree, which he 
 cut at a proper height, and then shaped the stump 
 into his nuptial bed. Into this he wrought inlaying 
 of gold, of silver, and of ivory, and this opera- 
 tion supplies the sole instance in which not merely 
 any Achaian chieftain, but any Achaian whatever is 
 found in the Poems to execute a work of art. That 
 it is such is undeniable, for he applies to it the very 
 term daidalldn, from Daidalos, wdiose name may be 
 said to give the summit level of art for those days. 
 Even the bed-covering expresses the same idea of 
 foreign art, for it is dye<l with purple (phoiniki) which 
 carries the IMio'iiiciaii name.* Alone among the 
 
 1 0<1. viii. 100, 214. 2 od. xviii. 3G5-75. 
 
 '-' 01. xxiii. 192. ■• 0(1. xxiii. 188-201.
 
 1!) 
 
 Acliaian Greeks, he elevates his manual hil)()ur into 
 the reuioii of genuine art ; as he was also alone 
 among them in presenting to us the character of a 
 daring navigator prepared to face distant voyages 
 with the extremes of climate and adventure. 
 
 I have endeavoured elsewhere to show how 
 Ithaca, as well as its head, abounds in the signs 
 of Phoenician association/ Here I will only observe 
 that if the character of Odysseus has been based by 
 Homer upon Pho^^nician elements, trained by Hellenic 
 contact and experience into a superior development, 
 and set out in the Poems by the side of the purely 
 Hellenic Achilles, there cannot l)e a more decisive ex- 
 hibition of a belief in the mind of Homer that the 
 institutions and arts of life viewed as an aggregate 
 were imported from the East. 
 
 But, over and above this universality of Odysseus 
 in the arts of life, he bears the Phoenician stamp in 
 what may be termed his craft. In the Thirteenth 
 Odyssey, Athene signifies to him pretty plainly ^ that 
 there can be no use in their endeavouring to impose^ 
 upon one another, as he is first of all mortals in 
 counsel and in figments, while she has a corresponding 
 precedence among the Immortals. In general, a high 
 prudence is the characteristic of each, sometimes 
 degenerating into cunning. This combination of 
 prudence with cunning is everywhere in the Poems a 
 
 ^ See PLoenician Affinities of Ithaca, Nineteenth Century, Aug., 
 1889. * Od. xiii. 20G-9. 
 
 c 2
 
 20 
 
 leading Plioenician characteristic, and it supplies a 
 fresh note of affinity between the Phoenician idea 
 at large and the wonderful and consummate character 
 of Odysseus. 
 
 Let me now endeavour to show in some important 
 details how this general idea receives its verification 
 from the Poems. I have spoken of government. 
 In the great chapter of religion the case is different. 
 There is but little in Homer to associate the loftier 
 elements of the Olympian religion with Egypt or 
 Assyria or the race of Phoenician navigators ; and the 
 same may be said as to the Nature ^vorship which 
 was probably the previous religion of the mass of pre- 
 Ilellenic inhabitants. The principal contribution from 
 Phoenician sources to the mixed scheme of this Achaian 
 thearchy was the great god Poseidon. But of all the 
 chief deities of the system, Poseidon • is the lowest in 
 type. Powerful as an exhibition of force, he is nowhere 
 in touch with such ethical elements as subsist in the 
 Olympian religion, or with its least materialistic 
 elements. But when we turn from the religion to the 
 ethnography of the poems, the god Poseidon becomes 
 to us a great fountain head of instruction. First we 
 identify him as at every point associated with the 
 Plifjcnician name and character. Of the Phaiakes, 
 who are so deeply coloured with their attributes, 
 lie is the supreme local deity, and they are 
 indeed his kin. In tlic conventional triad of Homer 
 he rules the sea, of wlii^-li f]]ey are the earthly
 
 21 
 
 masters. Nestor is, next to Odysseus, the cliicftuin, 
 who exhibits the Phoenician quality of prudence 
 bordering upon craft ; but Nestor is his descendant, 
 and there were others of his lineaii;e in the Western 
 Peleponnesos, where we find the Anax andrOn in the 
 person of Augeias, who may have been of the same 
 race. Next we note conclusive evidence that Poseidon 
 is a southern deity. His descendants, the race of 
 Kuklopes, have been sliown^ to be on the Libyan coast. 
 He frequents the Aithiopes of the south to enjoy their 
 sacrifices, even at a time when the Olympian gods are 
 holding a solemn assembly ; and he seems to be 
 specially associated with the Solyman mountains. 
 He also carries the sure note of dark colour, and has 
 the word Kvavo^diTy^s not only for an epithet, but for 
 a title. 
 
 Such being his ethnical and such his local asso- 
 ciations, let us next inquire what are the special attri- 
 butions of this Deity, and we shall find that they at 
 once supply us with three of the most essential con- 
 stitutive elements of social existence — the instrument 
 of sea passage, the instrument of laud passage, and 
 the means of solid and permanent habitation. In 
 relation to ships, it was his to grant tlie good voyage 
 or to refuse it. Achilles had no special connexion 
 with Poseidon, but when, in the Ninth Iliad, he 
 threatens to sail home, he says it will be accomplished 
 if Poseidon^ favours him. And so conversely the 
 ' Sec Mr. R. Brown's roseidoii. - 11. ix. 3(32.
 
 voyage of Odysseus from Ogugie, though favoured 
 l)y the gods at large, is doomed to fail because 
 Poseidon has determined that he shall be wrecked. 
 On the other liand the Phaiakes, who are special 
 worshippers of Poseidon, excel all men in navigation 
 as rowers, with a speed equalling that of the hawk 
 in the air, or of the four-horse chariot on the plain. ^ 
 
 The main instrument of agriculture was the ox, but 
 the main instrument of locomotion, and the grand 
 auxiliary in war, was the horse. The connexion 
 of Poseidon with the liorse is even more intimate 
 than with the ship. He unyokes and puts up the 
 horses of Zeus on their arriving in Olympos,^ which 
 cannot be a simple note of inferiority, since Hore 
 performed the same office for Athene. The signi- 
 fication here of the horse attribute is made all 
 the more pointed, because this is the only act 
 performed ])y Poseidon in Olympos. Peleus was 
 of the lineage of Zeus ; yet the deathless horses of 
 Achilles w^ere presented to his father not by Zeus 
 but by Poseidon. Neleus had the distinction of 
 a four-horse team ; l)ut Neleus was the child of 
 Poseidon. "When Antilochos was to be instructed 
 in horse-craft, Poseidon united with Zeus in im- 
 parting it. When ]\Icnelaos challenges Antilochos 
 to ]mv<^(\ liirnself in. the horse-race, of a suspected 
 liuud, li(-' rc'ijuires him to lay his hand upon the 
 horses and to swear ])y Poseidon that he is inno- 
 1 0.1. xiii. 8I-G. 2 jl. viii. 440.
 
 23 
 
 cent of tliis incident. 1 know l)ut one provable 
 construction.^ It is that Poseidon was the god of 
 the particular region, Africa, without doubt, which 
 principally supplied the Achaian Peninsula with its 
 horses. There are still very curious traces of the 
 ancient importation of horses from Africa on the 
 tract of Mediterranean Coast lying between Frejus 
 and Hyeres, and bearing the designation of Pays 
 des maures. 
 
 Not less remarkable is the relation between 
 Poseidon, with the Phoenicians, and the construction 
 of houses with hewn or wrought stone. We trace 
 this connexion in the legend of the perjury of 
 Laomedon, whcj is said to have withheld the pay 
 stipulated to be paid to that divinity for having con- 
 structed the walls of Troy. This legend probably 
 had its basis in some transaction with the Phoinikes, 
 his worshippers. For it may be laid down as a 
 general rule that, wherever throughout the Poems 
 we meet a mention of skilled building or ornamenta- 
 tion, or of the use of hewn stone, it is among men 
 who stand in association with the Phoenicians. 
 Thus we have an imposing description of the palace 
 of Alhinoos, and of the buildings of his city ; Ijut 
 through Phaiakes, Homer signified Phoinikes.^ We 
 have a case of inferior but similar magnificence in 
 the palace of Menelaos ; but then Menelaos had 
 spent eight years in Eastern travel, and had ac- 
 1 II. xxiii. 5.t2-j. - Od. vii. 44-6, F 1 Sai
 
 24 
 
 quired much substance in the course of it, wliich 
 ■would naturally imply knowledge of its arts/ Even 
 Polupliemos, brutal as he was, had the courtyard for 
 his sheep and goats built of quarried stone ; but 
 Poluphemos was the son of Poseidon, and thus allied 
 Avith the irreat buildino- race. I have assumed all 
 alouir that the inhabitants of the Peninsula were 
 acquainted with agriculture before the advent of the 
 Phoenicians, or of those whose nationality was covered 
 by their name. This, I think, is sufficiently shown 
 by the etymology of a portion of the names given 
 to Achaian soldiery, which is indicative of pursuit, 
 and is markedly different from those of the chiefs. 
 I know but one place in Homer which associates 
 the East specially with the art of tillage. It is 
 where the cultivation of the Egyptian fields is 
 specially commended. But, speaking generally, it 
 is for advances beyond this stage of civil progress 
 that we have to look to the Phoenician vehicle. And 
 I think that already the debt of the Achaian Penin- 
 sula to the East has been shown to be considerable. 
 Let us carry the process somewhat further. In truth 
 the difficulty would be to point to any of the arts of 
 life, as exhibited in the Poems, which was not derived, 
 at least in germ, from Eastern and South-Eastern 
 sources. Nothing has been said of hunting. It may 
 probably have been known in some shape as a de- 
 fensive incident of rural pursuits before it had grown 
 into a recognised princely pursuit. 
 1 Oa, iv. 82-90.
 
 25 
 
 I come next to art. And here it has to be observed 
 that, although the use of the potter's wheel is known 
 in Homer, yet there is nowhere an association of this art 
 with the effort to produce beauty ; nowhere, therefore, 
 an indication of the fine arts, except in connexion 
 either with metals or with embroidery. To begin 
 with embroidery, which is the smaller of the two 
 subjects. When, in the Sixth Iliad, Hecuba has to 
 select the most precious robe she possesses for a pro- 
 pitiatory offering to Athene, she chooses the largest 
 and the best adorned with patterns, which glittered, 
 too, like a star.^ Now it is probable that Troy may 
 have been more advanced in art than Greece, for it 
 was an older settled country, if we judge by the 
 number of generations allowed by Homer from the 
 first ancestors. But this choice robe and the collection 
 from which it was taken were not the work of Trojan 
 women. They were wrought by the damsels whom 
 Paris brought with him over sea from Sidon. In this 
 case the word poikihnata, which describes the patterns, 
 does not seem to include representations of the human 
 form, which Homer, with his intense sense of form, 
 would hardly have allowed to pass as mere decoration. 
 When Penelope resorts to her famous device in the 
 Odyssey,^ we are told only of its size and fineness. 
 It was meant professedly for a shroud to enwrap the 
 body of Laertes ; and the mere incident that it was 
 unwoven at nijxht shows that it was not a work of 
 art. The apparatus employed l)y Helen in the Fourth 
 1 II. vi. 289, scq. ' Od. iii. 104, se^- 95.
 
 2C) 
 
 0(lys^?cy wus one for spinning only ; and even this 
 was a o-ift made to her in Egypt. ^ In the Third 
 Iliad, however, we find her employed in her chamber 
 upon a wel) upon which she embroidered {enepassen 
 is the word, used upon this occasion only) many 
 combats of the Trojan and Achaian warriors.^ Here, 
 and here only in Homer (as we must except works 
 wholly ideal), we have that higher form of art 
 which consists in the representation of the human 
 form. But the foreign derivation is here obvious, 
 for we must suppose Helen to have learned the 
 art either at Sidon, which ^ he had visited in her 
 company, or from the Sidonian attendants of whom 
 mention has been made. 
 
 Metallic art holds a more important place in the 
 poems than embroidery, and it assumes more forms 
 than one. Most commonly it is exhibited in portable 
 articles of war or other use ; but it is also an 
 auxiliary of architecture, which nowhere, except in 
 connexion with metallic workmanship, approaches to 
 an ornamental character. This art is so entirely 
 Eastern in its associations, that the possession of it 
 by Odysseus supplies one of the substantive pre- 
 sumptions that lie was modelled upon lines originally 
 Pha'iiician. TIephaistos and Athene* are the two 
 standing instructors in arts, she for women in textile 
 work, and he for metals. His name appears to fall 
 
 1 0(1. iv. 120-3.''.. •■; II. iii. 125. 3 ji vi. 292. 
 
 * 0(1. vi. 2;;:{: xxiii. 160.
 
 27 
 
 witliiu the stiitcment of Ilerixlotus as to gods whose 
 designations were derived from Egypt. His divinity 
 was probably established on the coasts of the ^gean 
 as that of a nature power, for the name is more than 
 once used as synonymous with the element of fire.^ 
 But this character is in him wholly subordinate to 
 that of the worker in art, and he fights against Troy, 
 which is befriended by the nature powers. His true 
 character is that of the art-worker. He builds the 
 Olympian palaces. He fashions the shield of Achilles. 
 He made the most precious of all the valuables in the 
 palace of Menelaos, a silver bowl, with edges of gold, 
 and this bowl was presented to the Achaian Prince 
 by Phaidimos, the King of Sidon.' Tlie silver bowl 
 given by Achilles as a prize in the foot race was of 
 Sidonian manufacture, and was brought to Greece by 
 Phoenician traffickers. The signs of his handiwork 
 abound in the palace of Alkinoos, where he made 
 the golden and the silver dogs.^ Throughout the 
 poems nothing can be clearer than the association 
 of metallic art with the Phoenician coast. Even a 
 superficial view of the Homeric text cannot fail to 
 recognise in this particular respect the debt of the 
 Greek Peninsula to the East. 
 
 But, as it was the general rule of the Greek race to 
 improve upon the benefactions they thus acquired, we 
 have a very signal example of such improvement in 
 
 1 II. ii. 226; Od. xxiv. 71. - Od. iv. Gi7 ; xv. 117. 
 
 ^ Od. vii. 02.
 
 28 • 
 
 the case of works in metallic art. With an extra- 
 ordinary daring, the Achaian poet endows these 
 works with automatic motion, and even with the 
 gift of understanding. The lame Ilephaistos, as he 
 proceeded to his anvil and his forge, w\as propped 
 by female figures in gold, which he had wrought, 
 and which were educated in accomplishments by the 
 Immortals.^ So likewise in the palace of Alkinoos, 
 besides the golden youths w4io hold torches to light 
 the banquet, and who are named without any other 
 express specification, the golden and silver watch 
 dogs, which have already been named, are endowed 
 with the life w^hich was needful for the performance 
 of their office, and are exempt both from death and 
 from old aixe.^ In the marvellous details of the 
 Shield, the poet seems always to be imparting life 
 to the metallic product. Thus wonderfully was he 
 made at once the recorder of what the East had 
 invented, and the prophet by anticipation of those 
 more splendid triumphs which in the aftertime his 
 countrymen were to achieve. 
 
 I might show if time permitted the connexion 
 between the Phoenician idea and the establishment 
 of the Games, the knowledge of drugs, the use of 
 pork as an article of food, and the supply of slaves 
 to the Achaian region. 
 
 But it is time to say a few words on the case 
 of Assyria, to whicli thus far I have made little 
 1 II. xviii. 37G, 417-20. - Od. vii. 91-4, 100-2.
 
 29 
 
 or no specific reference. The Assyrians were too 
 distant to be even within the range of the poet's 
 knowledge, as exhibited in his sketch^ of the travels 
 of Menelaus in the south-east. We are therefore 
 led to the supposition that what the Achaians 
 had obtained from Assyria they had obtained with- 
 out definite acquaintance with the source whence it 
 came, knd that the name and marine of the Phoenicians 
 stood as an opaque curtain between them and the 
 great south-eastern empire. Much, nevertheless, may 
 have come, especially if in a fragmentary form. I 
 have elsewhere^ made a collection of particulars from 
 the Homeric text which appear to betray an Assyrian 
 origin. I say advisedly to betray, for we are wholly 
 without direct information, and have only internal 
 evidences to guide us. A portion of these I will 
 briefly set forth : — • 
 
 1. Homer gives us the great encircling river 
 
 Okeanos as the origin not only of rivers and fountains, 
 
 but of gods and men. Compare a citation made 
 
 by Dr. Driver from the tablets concerning Heaven 
 
 and earth : — 
 
 " The august ocean was their generator, 
 The singing deep was she that bare them all." 
 
 2. Thalassa, the Greek name for the sea, is of 
 Chaldean origin. 
 
 3. Poseidon has a marked correspondence with 
 
 1 Od. iv. 83-5. 
 
 2 "Landmarks of nomeric Study," pp. 127, sqq., with tho 
 authorities are there cited.
 
 30 
 
 tlie Ilea of the Assyrian Triad or Trinity, in certain 
 respects. Neither of them was an elemental god, but 
 each was ruler of the sea. Poseidon was dark in 
 line ; and Ilea was the creator of the hlack race. 
 
 4. Deification is found on the tablets in the case 
 of Izdubar. The only instance of absolute and pure 
 deification given by Homer is that of Leucothea, and 
 she belono's to the Phoenician or Eastern circle. 
 
 o 
 
 5. Babylonia records the gigantic size and strength 
 of primitive man, and so Poseidon has relations with 
 the giants in various forms. 
 
 6. The Ishtar of the tal)lets appears to correspond 
 with the Aphrodite of Homer, the passage of whose 
 worship into Greece we can trace by her associa- 
 tion chiefly with Paphos, and next with Cythera or 
 Cerigo. 
 
 7. Aidoneus, the Greek Pluto, has among his other 
 epithets in Homer that of pulartes, the gate-fastener. 
 The term receives little or no illustration from the 
 Homeric text. But the Assyrian Underworld has no 
 less than seven gates ; and its leading idea is not that 
 of receiving the dead, but of shutting in the dead. 
 
 8. The relation of sonship, and of a conformity of 
 will attending it, between tlie god Merodach and liis 
 father is represented in a peculiar and most striking 
 manner l)y the conformity of will between the Apolh^ 
 of the Iliad and his father Zeus. 
 
 9. The Babylonian Triad of Anu, Bel, and Hea is 
 the possible oi- prnb.iblo source of tlic Hoiiicric Triad 
 of Zeiis. I*<)scid<»ii. and A'i'doiieus.
 
 31 
 
 10. Wherever there is any purtieukir notice of stars 
 in Homer it is always in Phoenician association, as if 
 based upon accounts of the Chaldean astrology. 
 
 11. Heptaism, or the systematic and significant 
 use of the number seven, is peculiarly Chaldean. 
 The only marked use of this numl)er in Homer is for 
 the seven 2:ates of Thebes. Now Tliebes was the 
 only one of the Achaian cities distinctly traceable in 
 Homer to an Eastern origin. 
 
 12. CancHi Eawlinson gives reasons for supposing 
 the Assyrian gods to have been about 19 in number ; 
 and Homer seems to use 20 as an approximate 
 number for the Olympian gods. 
 
 13. The descent of Ishtar to Hades caused ofreat 
 disorders in the Upper Workl. We may, perhaps, 
 compare the threat of Helios to Zeus, that if his 
 demand was refused he would cease to travel the sky 
 and shine only in the Underworld.^ 
 
 14. On the tal)let the Flood is the consequence 
 of sin, and the allusion to a flood in an Homeric 
 simile associates it with the sins of rulers. 
 
 15. In the Babylonian system the JMoongod is 
 the father of the Sungod. In Homer tlie moon is 
 nowhere personified, ])ut thrice we find the sun 
 invested with the patronymic Hyperion ; and in 
 each case the passage is one of strictly Oriental 
 association. 
 
 It will be observed that in this enumeration I have 
 not yet alluded lo tlie great gift of the alpliabet 
 ' Od. xii. 374-83.
 
 32 
 
 \vliicli lias been commonly recognised as a gift of the 
 Phoenicians to Greece/ To this gift and to its source 
 Homer bears witness in a single passage of the Sixth 
 Iliad. It records the legend of Bellerophon, who is 
 himself a descendant of Cloeus or Aiolas, and this 
 name when found in Homer is, I venture to assert, 
 a sure sign of Phoenician association. The other 
 chief actor, who transmits the written or symbolic 
 message, is Proitos, and Proitos is the king of Argolis, 
 an undoubted seat of immigration from the south-east. 
 
 Yet one other remark, whatever the East gave to 
 the West, it did not supply Europe with the basis of 
 its social morality in the great article of marriage. 
 Sexual license is, according to the Poems of Homer, 
 traceably wider in the East than in Western regions ; 
 and it is remarkable that at that early date we should 
 find the line between polygamy and monogamy 
 already drawn where it may be said generally to 
 have lain ever since, namely, at the Bosphorus ai- i 
 the Dardanelles. 
 
 I now, with renewed apologies, bring to a close 
 
 this very lium})le contribution to a great cause. 
 
 To have offered it will give me sincere pleasure, 
 
 if it prove to be in any degree a source of interest 
 
 or profit to any among the members of the Oriental 
 
 Congress of 1892. 
 
 W. E. GLADSTONE. 
 
 July-Awjust, 1892. 
 
 ' Kawlinson's Herodotus, ii. 717, 9. 
 
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