THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 JOHIVERSITY OP n * T 
 LOS 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 THE MARITIME HISTORY OF 
 MASSACHUSETTS
 
 THE MARlTIMh HIS 
 
 Shipping at Boston Wharves in 1832
 
 THE MARITIME HISTORY 
 OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 17831 860 
 BY 
 
 SAMUEL ELIOT MORISON 
 
 WITH ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 BOSTON AND NEW YORK 
 
 HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY 
 
 Clir fUbersibr press <Tambritiijr 
 1921
 
 COPYRIGHT, 1921, BY SAMUEL E. MORISON' 
 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED 
 
 THIS LARGE-PAPER EDITION CONSISTS OF THREE 
 HUNDRED AND EIGHTY-FIVE NUMBERED COPIES, 
 OF WHICH THREE HUNDRED AND FIFTY ARE TO 
 BE SOLD. THIS IS NUMBER. AJ.. . .
 
 College 
 Library 
 
 HF 
 
 3161 
 
 M5M8 
 
 IN MEMORIAM 
 
 N. G. H. , 1875-1907 
 T. C D. , 1885-1918 
 Q. S. G., 1891-1918
 
 PREFACE 
 
 Here is no catalogue of ships, reader, nor naval chronicle, 
 but a story of maritime enterprise; of the shipping, sea- 
 borne commerce, whaling, and fishing belonging to one 
 American commonwealth. I have chosen to catch the story 
 at half flood, when Massachusetts vessels first sought Far- 
 Eastern waters, and to stay with it only so long as wind 
 and sail would serve. For to one who has sailed a clip- 
 per ship, even in fancy, all later modes of ocean carriage 
 must seem decadent. 
 
 Having written these pages for your enjoyment, I have 
 not burdened them with citations; but, having discovered 
 much sunken historical treasure, and taken of it but spar- 
 ingly, I have added some sailing directions and soundings 
 thereto in a bibliography. Therein also, that this preface 
 may be short, I have thanked the many persons who have 
 aided me in the search. But I cannot close without par- 
 ticular acknowledgment to Captain Arthur H. Clark, au- 
 thor of " The Clipper Ship Era, 1 ' for bearing with my 
 constant demands on his time, patience, and memory; and 
 to Dr. Octavius T. Howe, who placed freely at my dis- 
 posal the results of many years' research on the Argonauts 
 of forty-nine. 
 
 S. E. MORISON 
 
 Harvard University 
 February 1921
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 I. COAST AND SEA I 
 
 II. THE COLONIAL BACKGROUND 8 
 
 III. REVOLUTION AND RECONSTRUCTION 27 
 
 IV. PIONEERS OF THE PACIFIC 41 
 V. THE NORTHWEST FUR TRADE 52 
 
 VI. THE CANTON MARKET 64 
 
 VII. THE SALEM EAST INDIES 79 
 
 VIII. SHIPS AND SEAMEN 96 
 
 IX. MERCHANTS AND MANSIONS 119 
 
 X. THE SACRED CODFISH 134 
 
 XI. NEWBURYPORT AND NANTUCKET 151 
 
 XII. FEDERALISM AND NEUTRAL TRADE 160 
 
 XIII. EMBARGO AND WAR 187 
 
 XIV. THE PASSING OF SALEM 213 
 XV. THE HUB OF THE UNIVERSE 225 
 
 XVI. SHIPS AND SEAMEN IN SOUTHERN SEAS 253 
 
 XVII. CHINA AND THE EAST INDIES 273 
 
 XVIII. MEDITERRANEAN AND BALTIC 286 
 
 XIX. CAPE COD AND CAPE ANN 300 
 
 XX. THE WHALERS 314 
 
 XXI. OH! CALIFORNIA 327 
 
 XXII. THE CLIPPER SHIP 339 
 
 XXIII. CONCLUSION 365 
 
 APPENDIX: STATISTICS 375 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 379 
 
 INDEX 391
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 SHIPPING AT BOSTON WHARVES, IN 1832 
 
 Colored Frontispiece 
 
 From a painting by Robert Salmon, owned by Henry R. 
 Dalton, Esq. 
 
 CHART OF CAPE ANN AND THE NORTH SHORE, 1800 2 
 
 From A New Edition Much Enlarged of the Second Part 
 of the North American Pilot for New England, by Robert 
 Laurie and James Whittle. 
 
 CHART OF THE COAST OF MASSACHUSETTS SOUTH OF 
 BOSTON, 1800 10 
 
 From the North American Pilot. 
 
 LETTER-OF-MARQUE SHIP BETHEL OF BOSTON, 1748 20 
 
 From a contemporary painting in the Massachusetts His- 
 torical Society. 
 
 PAUL REVERE 's ENGRAVING OF BOSTON IN 1774 28 
 
 From the Royal American Magazine. 
 
 CHART OF BOSTON HARBOR IN THE i8ra CENTURY 32 
 
 From Capt. Cyprian Southack 's Survey of the Sea Coast 
 from New York to the I. Cape Breton, 1735. 
 
 SAMUEL SHAW 42 
 
 From the portrait by John Johnston, owned by George 
 Shaw, Esq. 
 
 CAPTAIN GRAY OF THE COLUMBIA AT WHAMPOA, 1792 46 
 
 SHIP COLUMBIA ATTACKED BY INDIANS AT JUAN DE 
 FUCA STRAIT 46 
 
 This and the preceding are from the drawings by George 
 Davidson, who accompanied the Columbia on her second 
 voyage; owned by Dr. Edward L. Twombly. 
 
 THOMAS HANDASYD PERKINS 50 
 
 From a portrait by Sully in the Boston Athenaeum. 
 
 CAPTURE OF A NOR'WESTMAN BY INDIANS 56 
 
 The ship Boston. From the Frontispiece of "Jewitt's 
 Narrative," 1816. 
 
 THE HONGS OF OLD CANTON 64 
 
 From a painting in the Peabody Museum, Salem. 
 
 xi
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 THE PAGODA ANCHORAGE, WHAMPOA 64 
 
 From a painting owned by the Historical Society of Old 
 Newbury. 
 
 CAPTAIN WILLIAM STURGIS 70 
 
 From a photograph owned by Dr. William Sturgis Bigelow. 
 
 CAPTAIN JOHN SUTER 70 
 
 From a miniature owned by Rev. John W. Suter. 
 
 SLOOP jUNION ENTERING BOSTON HARBOR AFTER HER 
 VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD 76 
 
 From a watercolor by Captain Boit in his Journal of the 
 Voyage, at the Massachusetts Historical Society. 
 
 SALEM MARINE SOCIETY CERTIFICATE OF MEMBERSHIP 82 
 
 Representing scenes in Salem Harbor, about 1790. 
 
 CAPTAIN JACOB CROWNINSHIELD AND CAPTAIN BEN- 
 JAMIN CARPENTER 92 
 
 From portraits in the Peabody Museum. 
 
 Two SALEM SHIP PORTRAITS BY ANTOINE Roux OF 
 MARSEILLES; THE FRANCIS AND THE AMERICA 100 
 
 In the Peabody Museum. 
 
 NATHANIEL BOWDITCH 114 
 
 From an unfinished portrait by Gilbert Stuart, owned by 
 James H. Bowditch, Esq. 
 
 THE PIERCE-NICHOLS HOUSE, SALEM 120 
 
 Exterior, and Mantel in the Adam parlor. From photo- 
 graphs by Frank Cousins. 
 
 CHARLES BULFINCH 124 
 
 From a portrait by Mather Brown, 1786, in the Massa- 
 chusetts Historical Society. 
 
 SUMMER STREET AND THE NEW SOUTH CHURCH, BOS- 
 TON 128 
 
 From a lithograph owned by the Bostonian Society. 
 
 JAMES PERKINS 132 
 
 From a portrait by Gilbert Stuart in the Boston Athe- 
 naeum. 
 
 MARBLEHEAD FIREBOARD REPRESENTING TWO ' HEEL- 
 TAPPER ' FISHING SCHOONERS COMING TO ANCHOR 
 INSIDE THE NECK 138 
 
 Painted about 1800; in the Marblehead Historical Society. 
 xii
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 A TOPSAIL SCHOONER OF MARBLEHEAD IN FOREIGN 
 TRADE 1796 138 
 
 From a watercolor of the schooner Raven in the Marble- 
 head Historical Society. 
 
 A WATERFRONT SCENE AT DUXBURY, ABOUT THE 
 YEAR 1800 144 
 
 From a painting now in the Harrison Gray Otis house, 
 2 Lynde Street, Boston. 
 
 NANTUCKET HARBOR IN 1810 158 
 
 From an engraving in Dennie's Portfolio, 1814, after a 
 drawing by J. Samson. 
 
 CAPTAIN JOHN BAILEY, OF MARBLEHEAD 172 
 
 From a portrait owned by Mrs. E. C. Doane. 
 
 CAPTAIN ELIJAH COBB, OF BREWSTER 172 
 
 From a portrait owned by Mrs. A. S. Cobb. 
 
 A TYPICAL NEUTRAL TRADER 178 
 
 Schooner Lidia of Newburyport entering Marseilles, 1807. 
 From a painting by Cammillieri, owned by Mr. Charles 
 H. Taylor, Jr. 
 
 SHIP HERCULES OF SALEM ENTERING NAPLES, 1809 188 
 
 From a painting in the Peabody Museum. 
 
 SHIPS OF THE LINE! No SHAVING MILLS 196 
 
 Federalist ballot for the election of 1814, in the Massa- 
 chusetts Historical Society. 
 
 PRIVATEER BRIG GRAND TURK SALUTING MAR- 
 SEILLES, 1815 202 
 From a painting by Antoine Roux in the Peabody Museum. 
 
 JOSEPH PEABODY 214 
 
 From a portrait by Charles Osgood in the Peabody Museum. 
 
 DlXCOVE ON THE GOLD COAST; BRIG HERALD OF 
 SALEM APPROACHING 222 
 
 From a watercolor in the Peabody Museum. 
 
 BRIG MERCURY OF BOSTON ENTERING ELSINORE 
 ROADS, 1825 232 
 
 From a painting owned by H. K. Devereux, Esq. 
 
 PACKET SHIP EMERALD OF BOSTON, PHILIP Fox 
 MASTER 232 
 
 From a painting owned by William 0. Taylor, Esq. 
 xiii
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 STEAMBOAT BANGOR 236 
 
 From a painting owned by F. B. C. Bradlee, Esq. 
 
 A GROUP OF BOSTON MERCHANTS IN 1854 240 
 
 From a photograph owned by Frederic Cunningham, Esq. 
 
 A SCENE AT THE NAHANT REGATTA OF 1845 246 
 
 From a painting in the Eastern Yacht Club. 
 
 FATHER TAYLOR 250 
 
 From a photograph owned by the Bostonian Society. 
 
 DEEP-SEA TYPES OF THE THIRTIES 256 
 
 East-Indiaman Columbiana, built at Medford in 1837, 
 from a painting by Walters owned by Mr. Charles H. 
 Taylor, Jr. The Merrimac-built ship Dromo of Boston, 
 John Devereux master, off the port of Marseilles in 1836, 
 from a painting by Antoine Roux fits, owned by H. K. 
 Devereux, Esq. 
 
 BRIG CLEOPATRA'S BARGE AS ROYAL HAWAIIAN 
 YACHT 262 
 
 From a drawing by Charles S. Stewart, reproduced in 
 his "Voyage to the Pacific Ocean." 
 
 BILL OF HEALTH OF THE CLEOPATRA'S BARGE 266 
 
 Owned by Rev. John W. Suter. 
 
 Two BOSTON EAST-!NDIAMEN OF 1840 276 
 
 Ship Saracen being towed into Table Bay, and ship Car- 
 natic in a Hurricane, from paintings owned by H. K. Dev- 
 ereux, Esq. 
 
 EAST-INDIAMEN LOADING ICE AT CHARLESTOWN, 
 MASSACHUSETTS 284 
 
 From 'a photograph taken about 1870, owned by Joseph 
 Grafton Minot, Esq. 
 
 BARQUE OSMANLI LYING AT SMYRNA 292 
 
 From a painting by Raffael Corsini, 1851, owned by T. G. 
 Frothingham, Esq. 
 
 BRIG WATER WITCH OF BOSTON LEAVING THE MOLE 
 OF MALAGA, 1833 292 
 
 From a painting by Francesco Lengi, owned by Captain 
 Arthur H. Clark. 
 
 PROVINCETOWN IN 1839 300 
 
 From the original woodcut block used in Barber's His- 
 torical Collections, lent by George F. Dow, Esq. 
 
 MACKEREL SCHOONER FRANK ATWOOD OF WELL- 
 FLEET 306 
 
 From a painting in the Marblehead Historical Society. 
 
 xiv
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 BANKER AND CHEBACCO BOAT IN GLOUCESTER 
 HARBOR 306 
 
 From engraving by Fitz Hugh Lane, about 1835. Block 
 lent by Fred W. Tibbets, Esq. 
 
 A CAPE COD SHIPMASTER AND HIS HOME 310 
 
 Captain Caleb Sprague, master of the clipper ship Gravina, 
 etc., and his cottage at Barnstable, from photographs 
 owned by F. W. Sprague, Esq. 
 
 NEW BEDFORD IN 1839 314 
 
 From woodcut block lent by George F. Dow, Esq. 
 
 NEW BEDFORD WHALERS STRIKE A POD OF WHALES 318 
 
 From colored engraving by J. Hill, "A Shoal of Sperm 
 Whale off the Island of Hawaii, 1833" after a drawing by 
 Cornelius B. Hulsart, who was aboard one of the ships. 
 Owned by Allan Forbes, Esq. 
 
 FROM THE LOG OF THE WHALER ISABELLA OF NEW 
 BEDFORD 322 
 
 For July 21-23, l8 3i. Recorded by Joseph Taber, Jr. 
 Owned by George H. Tripp, Esq. 
 
 A FULL-BODIED SHIP AND A CLIPPER SHIP 328 
 
 Ship Mary Clover and Clipper Ship Wild Ranger. From 
 ' paintings formerly in the Williams Collection. 
 
 PACKET-SHIP DANIEL WEBSTER RESCUING PASSEN- 
 GERS FROM THE SHIP UNICORN 332 
 
 From painting formerly in the Williams Collection. 
 
 THE BEST CHANCE YET FOR CALIFORNIA! 336 
 
 Poster of a Forty-niner emigrant company, owned by the 
 Bostonian Society. 
 
 CLIPPER SHIP SURPRISE IN THE ENGLISH CHANNEL 340 
 
 From a painting owned by Mrs. Philip K. Dumaresq. 
 
 DONALD McKAY 344 
 
 From an engraving owned by Mr. Charles H. Taylor, Jr. 
 
 CENTRAL AND INDIA WHARVES IN 1857 348 
 
 Photograph taken from Josiah Bradlee's Counting Room. 
 Negative owned by F. B. C. Bradlee, Esq. 
 
 CAPTAIN PHILIP DUMARESQ 352 
 
 From a crayon portrait by Stagg, 1847; owned by Mrs. 
 George Wheatland. 
 
 CAPTAIN JOSIAH PERKINS CRESSY 352 
 
 Photograph taken during the Civil War; owned by S. 
 Brown, Esq. 
 
 XV
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Two BOSTON BOYS WHO WENT TO SEA IN CLIPPER 
 SHIPS 356 
 
 i Arthur Hamilton Clark, aged 19, when second mate of the 
 Northern Light, 1860; and Henry Jackson Sargent, Jr., aged 
 . 27, master of the Phantom, 1861. From photographs. 
 
 CLIPPER SHIP SOVEREIGN OF THE SEAS 360 
 
 From a painting formerly in the Williams Collection. 
 
 CLIPPER SHIP WESTWARD Ho! 360 
 
 From a painting. Negative owned by Captain Arthur H. 
 Clark. 
 
 CLIPPER SHIP LIGHTNING 364 
 
 From a painting after the original plans by Charles Tor- 
 rey, Esq., and owned by him. 
 
 CLIPPER SHIP JAMES BAINES 364 
 
 From a lithograph after a drawing by S. Walters; owned 
 by Captain Arthur H. Clark. 
 
 BOSTON HARBOR IN CLIPPER-SHIP DAYS 368 
 
 From an engraving by C. Mottram; owned by Allan 
 Forbes, Esq. 
 
 CLIPPER SHIP FLYING CLOUD 372 
 
 Photograph of a model after the original plans, made by 
 the H. E. Boucher. Company, New York, under the di- 
 rection of Captain Arthur H. Clark. Owned by Frederick 
 C. Fletcher, Esq.
 
 THE MARITIME HISTORY OF 
 MASSACHUSETTS
 
 ESSEX COUNTY includes Salem, Marblehead, Cape Ann, 
 Newburyport, and all the seacoast north of Boston and its 
 suburbs. Hingham and the South Shore (except Cohasset) 
 are in Plymouth County, which also includes a few towns 
 on Buzzard's Bay. Barnstable County is synonymous with 
 Cape Cod. Bristol County includes New Bedford, Fair- 
 haven, and the Taunton valley. Nantucket is a separate 
 county, and Martha's Vineyard and the Elizabeth Islands 
 constitute the " County of Dukes County." It will be un- 
 derstood that the term " town," in this book, has no urban 
 connotation, being used in its New England sense of a terri- 
 torial and political unit. 
 
 When three dimensions are given for a vessel, they are 
 length on deck, greatest breadth of beam, and depth of 
 hold.
 
 THE MARITIME HISTORY 
 
 OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 17831860 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 COAST AND SEA 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS has a history of many moods, every 
 one of which may be traced in the national character 
 of America. By chance, rather than design, this short 
 strip of uninviting coast-line became the seat of a 
 great experiment in colonization, self-government, and 
 religion. For a generation, Massachusetts shared with 
 her elder sister, Virginia, leadership in the Ameri- 
 can Revolution. For another generation, with her off- 
 spring Connecticut, she opposed a static social system 
 to the ferment of revolutionary France. With the world 
 peace of 1815 she quickened into new life, harnessed 
 her waterfalls to machine industry, bred statesmen, 
 seers, and poets, generated radical and revolutionary 
 thought. The Civil War rubbed smooth her rough 
 corners, sapped her vitality to preserve the Union and 
 build the Great West, and drew into the vacuum new 
 faiths and peoples. 
 
 Through every phase and period, save the last, 
 breathes a rugged faith and blows the east wind. For 
 two hundred years the Bible was the spiritual, the sea 
 the material sustenance of Massachusetts. The pulse 
 of her life-story, like the surf on her coast-line, beat 
 once with the nervous crash of storm-driven waves on
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 granite rock; but now with the soothing pour of 
 ground-swell on golden sands. Now and again a 
 greater wave rolls in with crested menace, but ends in 
 harmless curl of foam on shelving beach. 
 
 Massachusetts proper (for I do not speak of her 
 first-born, Maine, whose maritime history deserves a 
 special volume) has a coast-line of some seven hundred 
 and fifty miles, following the high-water mark. It 
 begins "three English miles to the northward" of a 
 "great river there commonly called Monomack river, 
 alias Merrimack river," as King Charles I determined. 
 The Merrimac now means whirring spindles, sordid 
 tenements, and class struggles. But for two centuries 
 and more its tidal waters, flowing between towns that 
 bear the old-world names of Salisbury, Amesbury, 
 Haverhill, and Newbury, midwifed hundreds of noble 
 vessels; and Newburyport was the mart for a goodly 
 portion of interior New England. 
 
 From the river mouth to Cape Ann, the long sandy 
 finger of Plum Island protects a region sung by 
 Whittier, where 
 
 Broad meadows reached out seaward, the tidal creeks between, 
 And hills rolled wave-like inland, with oaks and walnuts green. 
 
 Here even the agriculture was maritime ; not creaking 
 wains, but broad-beamed "gundalows" collected the 
 harvest of salt hay. Yet seagoing vessels could make 
 their way up to Rowley and Essex, and the white spires 
 of old Ipswich. 
 
 Once past the gleaming dunes of Castle Neck, and 
 across Squam River (which may lead us, if we will, to 
 Gloucester's back door), we are fairly on Cape Ann. 
 This rocky fist of Massachusetts, like the slender, 
 sandy arm of Cape Cod, has led whole generations of 
 boys afishing. Hotels and villas and granite quarries 
 
 2
 
 iSi'3 *W& 
 
 Charfo fi$yi 3 ^. 
 
 Wemou^i
 
 COAST AND SEA 
 
 now crowd its shores, once white with drying codfish, 
 and more funnels than sails now break the horizon. 
 But on its seaward thrust you may still find spots 
 where, but for the wail of whistling buoy, and the twin 
 light towers of Thatcher's, nothing has changed since 
 the "spectral host, defying stroke of steel and aim of 
 gun," assaulted the Cape Ann garrison. 
 
 Cape Cod and Cape Ann are the two horns of 
 Massachusetts Bay; two giant limbs thrown seaward, 
 like the wings of a fish-weir, to guide sea-borne com- 
 merce into Boston's fruitful embrace. But Cape Ann 
 and its southern base (together called the North Shore 
 of Massachusetts) contains certain pockets, Glouces- 
 ter and Salem and Marblehead, which for two centu- 
 ries managed to cull from the choicest of the catch. 
 Neither imposing nor spectacular, this North Shore; 
 yet the massed and multi-colored rocks, with bits of 
 beach or shingle nestling between, have a subtle charm 
 that every summer attracts thousands of city-dwellers 
 from all parts of America. Factory chimneys and 
 yachting centers have now replaced the fishing vil- 
 lages; Italian gardens and palaces blot out even the 
 memory of the rugged seashore farms. 
 
 In the lap of Massachusetts Bay sprawls Boston; 
 long since outgrown the small rocky peninsula of her 
 birth, and ever in need of a new suit of clothes. Point 
 Shirley at the north, Hull at the south, and the rocky 
 barrier of the Brewsters, as tough as the Puritan elder 
 whose name they bear, shield a gracious, island-dotted 
 bay, and a deep, landlocked inner harbor. The Blue 
 Hills of Milton, unchanged from the day they caught 
 the first white man's searching gaze, make a serene 
 background to the nervous, bustling activity of the 
 modern seaport. 
 
 With Nantasket Beach begins the South Shore, 
 
 3
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 ending at Plymouth in the armpit of Cape Cod. In 
 Cohasset the granite skeleton of Massachusetts pro- 
 trudes for the last time, making a small fishing har- 
 bor behind a cluster of tide-swept rocks, from which 
 Minot's Light, flashing one-four-three, warns shipping. 
 Beyond we cross the southern boundary of the Massa- 
 chusetts-Bay Colony, and enter the "Old Colony," 
 as it is still called, of Plymouth Plantation. This 
 South Shore is a complete contrast to the North, even 
 in climate; a succession of barrier-beaches in flattish 
 curves, backed by salt marshes and wooded country 
 with gentle contours. There is another tiny harbor at 
 Scituate, between which township and Marshfield the 
 North River admits a thin stream of tidewater well 
 inland. Then come Salt-House or Duxbury Beach and 
 the Gurnet, Saquish and Long Beach, protecting Ply- 
 mouth Bay from the Atlantic rollers. But Plymouth 
 Bay, a series of tortuous channels between shoals and 
 grassy flats, could not serve a great trading commu- 
 nity. In compensation, Pilgrim grit and native white 
 oak made of its shores and the North River banks, 
 a great shipbuilding center. 
 
 Once past the wooded bluffs of Manomet, we are on 
 the biceps of "th' Cape," Cape Cod. East twenty-five 
 miles into the Atlantic, then north by west another 
 score, pushes this frail spit of sand, ending in a skinny 
 finger forever beckoning seaward the sons of Massa- 
 chusetts. The Cape is unique, this side of Brittany. 
 It has been the greatest nursery of seamen in North 
 America, but its offspring have had to sail from other 
 ports than their own. Save for the great haven within 
 its finger-tip, the Cape has no harbor fit for larger than 
 fishing vessels; and Provincetown, in its ocean-walled 
 isolation, could never become a center of commerce. 
 
 The Bay side of Cape Cod is to-day the most un- 
 
 4
 
 COAST AND SEA 
 
 spoiled maritime section of the Massachusetts main- 
 land. From the car-shops of Sagamore to the artist- 
 fishing colony at Provincetown, not one smoking fac- 
 tory chimney, and only a handful of summer palaces, 
 mar the simplicity of beach, dune, and marsh. Shin- 
 gle-sided cottages of the ancient style, shell-white 
 or weather-rusted, line the sandy roads; slim spires 
 spindling up from a mass of foliage betray a village; 
 low pine-clad hills break the sky-line. As we proceed 
 northward, the Cape grows wilder and bleaker, up 
 to the wind-swept highlands of Truro, the topgallant 
 forecastle of Massachusetts. 
 
 At Chatham, on the "back side" of the Cape, we 
 reach once more the summer estates' "No Trespass- 
 ing" signs, which hardly end before our circuit of the 
 Massachusetts coast is concluded at Westport. Nar- 
 ragansett Bay belongs to Rhode Island ; but one of its 
 tidal tributaries, the Taunton River, has from time 
 immemorial sent herring, shad, and alewives up into 
 the heart of the Old Colony; and in times historic 
 floated down ships. 
 
 Detached from the mainland, annexed to Massa- 
 chusetts only in 1691, since held by the slenderest of 
 political ties, is a diadem of island jewels the Eliza- 
 beth Islands and Martha's Vineyard ; Chappaquiddick 
 and Muskeget, Tuckernuck and Nantucket. Hardly 
 a spot on the New England coast lacks passionate 
 devotees; but the worshipers of Nantucket form a cult 
 of positive fanatics. Anchored on the edge of the Gulf 
 Stream, this bit of terminal moraine has a unique 
 climate, flora, landscape, and population. On her 
 south shore endlessly breaking, the southwest swells 
 impart their surge to the long grasses of Nantucket's 
 flower-starred moors. Under their lee nestles the one 
 unspoiled seaport town of New England; a town in 
 
 5
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 which every house built before 1840 and few were 
 not was sired out of the sea. For this island, peo- 
 pled by Quaker exiles from Puritan persecution, 
 created that deep-sea whaling, whose peculiar blend of 
 enterprise, dare-deviltry, and ruthlessness forms one 
 of the most precious memories of our maritime past. 
 New Bedford, and the minor ports of Buzzard's Bay, 
 were but mainland colonies of Nantucket; although 
 in course of time, like the colonies of ancient Greece, 
 they surpassed their mother state. 
 
 Yet for all this wealth of coast-line and abundance 
 of good harbors, maritime Massachusetts enjoyed no 
 natural advantage over other sections of the Atlantic 
 coast. Cape Breton and Newfoundland are nearer the 
 Grand Banks; hundred-harbored Maine offers better 
 anchorage. Chesapeake Bay is more deeply indented, 
 more richly supplied with agricultural wealth, more 
 centrally placed, and seldom obstructed by snow or 
 fog. No great river comparable to the St. Lawrence, 
 the Hudson, or the Delaware, tapping the wealth of 
 a mighty interior, makes a great trading city on the 
 Massachusetts coast inevitable. Boston has always 
 felt this handicap; her persistent place among the 
 greater American cities, in spite of it, is a miracle of 
 human enterprise. The back country, limited by a 
 political frontier in the north and a mountain barrier 
 in the Berkshires, produced no staple to compare 
 with those of the middle and southern colonies. 
 Boston is two hundred miles nearer northern Europe 
 than New York: but Nova Scotia is nearer still. 
 Boston Harbor freezes but once a generation: but 
 Massachusetts Bay in sailing-ship days was dangerous 
 water in dirty weather. Its irregular bottom gives the 
 lead-line no clue. When a northeast snowstorm ob- 
 scured Boston Light, a mistake of a quarter-point 
 
 6
 
 COAST AND SEA 
 
 fetched up many a good ship on Cohasset rocks or 
 the Graves. Before the days of cheap chronometers, 
 when a slight mistake in longitude meant Nantucket 
 South Shoals, vessels from the West Indies, South 
 America, and the Orient dared approach Boston or 
 Salem only by the long d6tour of Vineyard Sound, 
 Nantucket Sound, and the back side of the Cape. 
 Returning East-Indiamen were sometimes detained 
 for weeks in Wood's Hole or Vineyard Haven, awaiting 
 a chance to weather Monomoy and Pollock Rip, whilst 
 fair wind and sheltered waters pled the advantages of 
 New York. The Pilgrims began to agitate for a Cape 
 Cod canal as soon as they discovered the head of 
 Buzzard's Bay; but it was not until 1916 that the 
 canal was built. 
 
 Nature seemed to doom Massachusetts to insignifi- 
 cance; to support perhaps a line of poor fishing sta- 
 tions and hardscrabble farms, half-starved between 
 the two hungry mouths of Hudson and St. Lawrence. 
 Man and a rugged faith have made her what she is. 
 With but a tithe of the bounty that Nature grants 
 more favored lands, the Puritan settlers made their 
 land the most fruitful not only in things of the spirit, 
 but in material wealth. Even Nature's apparent liabili- 
 ties were turned into assets. The long-lying snow gave 
 cheap transport inland, the river rapids turned grist 
 and fulling mills, then textile factories ; even granite and 
 ice became currency in Southern and Oriental trade. 
 
 The ocean knows no favorites. Her bounty is re- 
 served for those who have the wit to learn her secrets, 
 the courage to bear her buffets, and the will to persist, 
 through good fortune and ill, in her rugged service.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 THE COLONIAL BACKGROUND 
 1602-1760 
 
 THE maritime history of Massachusetts, so far as 
 white men are concerned, began when some Basque or 
 Norman or "Portingale" unknown, blown off Grand 
 Banks by an easterly gale, found shelter under the lee 
 of Cape Cod or Cape Ann. Finding the Indians ready 
 to truck, and the adjacent waters teeming with fish, 
 he and his kind returned. By the time the Mayflower 
 sailed, one could find men in any fishing port from 
 Bristol to Bilbao who could tell the bearings of Cape 
 Ann from Cape Cod, and compare the holding-ground 
 in every harbor from Narragansett to Passamaquoddy. 
 When the Pilgrims were casting about for a permanent 
 settlement, the Mayflower's pilot recommended "a 
 good harbor on the other headland of the bay, almost 
 right over against Cape Cod ... in which he had been 
 once." They would have fared better had they taken 
 this seaman's advice. 
 
 Bartholomew Gosnold visited Cape Cod and the 
 Elizabeth Islands in 1602, and named them. De 
 Champlain, two years later, made a good harbor 
 chart of Gloucester ("le Beau Port"), fought with 
 natives at Nauset ("Mallebarre"), and looked in at 
 the site of Boston; but New France he preferred to 
 build along the mighty outlet of the Great Lakes. 
 The Onrust sailed around Cape Cod to Nahant, and 
 returned to Manhattan. 
 
 Captain John Smith, in 1614, was the first English- 
 man to examine the Massachusetts coast, and to give 
 
 8
 
 THE COLONIAL BACKGROUND 
 
 it that name. Erecting his fish-flakes (wooden frames 
 for drying fish) on the Island of Monhegan, he sent 
 one shipload to England, and another to Spain, where 
 it fetched five Spanish dollars the quintal. The six 
 months' voyage cleared fifteen hundred pounds. In 
 the meantime he explored the coast, and told the 
 world about it in his "Description of New England," 
 a sane, conservative exposition of the natural advan- 
 tages of Massachusetts. For his pioneer work, sound 
 advice, and hearty support of the Pilgrim colony, 
 John Smith should rightly be regarded as the founder 
 of maritime Massachusetts. Yet in all our glut of 
 tercentenaries, this honest, valiant captain has been 
 forgotten. No monument or tablet commemorates his 
 services in the region of his choice. 
 
 Stirred by Captain Smith's writings, and still more 
 by his success, English fishermen began to crowd their 
 Celtic rivals from New England waters. Now, Smith 
 himself had urged his countrymen to save time and 
 "overhead" by basing the fisheries in New England, 
 and combining them with fur-trading and shipbuild- 
 ing; rather than sending out fresh crews and equipment 
 every summer. In 1623 the "Dorchester Adven- 
 turers," a group of West-County capitalists, endeav- 
 ored to put his suggestion into practice. A crew of 
 men landed at the site of Stage Fort Park on Glouces- 
 ter Harbor, built huts, flakes and a fishing stage, 
 commenced tillage, and drew plans for a fishing- 
 trading colony, with church, school, and shipyards. 
 The immediate experiment failed (though not before a 
 full fare had been sent to Spain) ; but the promoters 
 were reorganized as the "Governor and Company of 
 the Massachusetts-Bay," with a title to all land be- 
 tween the Merrimac and the Charles, from sea to sea. 
 
 In the meantime, the Plymouth Colony had arrived. 
 
 9
 
 The Pilgrim fathers sailed with high hopes and a 
 burning faith, but with few preparations and no clear 
 idea of how to make a living on the Atlantic coast. 
 Intending to "finde some place aboute Hudsons 
 river for their habitation," the "deangerous shoulds 
 and roring breakers" about Monomoy forced the 
 Mayflower to "bear up againe for the Cape." Had the 
 sands of Cape Cod afforded a sustenance, they might 
 well have tarried at the site of Provincetown. But 
 the cleared Indian cornfields across the bay, vacant 
 through a providential pestilence, tempted them to the 
 spot named Plymouth on Captain Smith's map. 
 
 Save for the overwhelming need of saving precious 
 lives, this choice was unfortunate. Plymouth was 
 deeply embayed, devoid of a dry landing place or 
 anchorage for large vessels ; and ill provided with back 
 country. The Pilgrims learned the secrets of fur-trad- 
 ing and fishing only after costly failures. They were 
 mercilessly exploited by English financiers. For two 
 generations they owned no great shipping. Ree'n- 
 forced by the Puritan emigration of a later decade, 
 they eventually spread out along Cape Cod, the South 
 Shore, and Buzzard's Bay. Their faith and courage 
 are beyond disparagement; but had Massachusetts 
 been peopled alone by the Pilgrim seed, it would long 
 have remained a mere slender line of cornfields, 
 trucking posts, and fishing stations. 
 
 In 1630, ten years after its settlement, the Plymouth 
 Colony contained but three hundred white people. At 
 that time the Colony of Massachusetts- Bay, founded 
 only at the end of 1628, had over two thousand in- 
 habitants. Within thirteen years the numbers had 
 reached sixteen thousand, more than the rest of the 
 English colonies combined; and the characteristic 
 maritime activities of Massachusetts fishing, ship- 
 
 10
 
 North Rn-fr 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS 
 
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 ( t / l >3 \ i4-^r-rs> ..-r
 
 THE COLONIAL BACKGROUND 
 
 ping, and West India trading were already com- 
 menced. 
 
 It was not the intention of the founders of Massa- 
 chusetts-Bay to establish a predominantly maritime 
 community. The first and foremost object of Winthrop 
 and Dudley and Endecot and Saltonstall was to found 
 a church and commonwealth in which Calvinist Pu- 
 ritans might live and worship according to the Word 
 of God, as they conceived it. They aimed to found a 
 New England, purged of Old England's corruptions, 
 but preserving all her goodly heritage. They intended 
 the economic foundation of New England, as of Old 
 England and Virginia, to be large landed estates, tilled 
 by tenants and hired labor. 
 
 In this they failed. The New England town, based 
 on freehold and free labor, sprang up instead of the 
 Old English manor. And for only a decade was 
 agriculture the mainstay of Massachusetts. The 
 constant inflow of immigrants, requiring food and 
 bringing goods, enabled the first comers to profit by 
 corn-growing and cattle-raising. This could not con- 
 tinue. "For the present, we make a shift to live," 
 wrote a pessimistic pioneer in 1637; "but hereafter, 
 when our numbers increase, and the fertility of the 
 soil doth decrease, if God discover not means to enrich 
 the land, what shall become of us I will not deter- 
 mine." 
 
 God performed no miracle on the New England soil. 
 He gave the sea. Stark necessity made seamen of 
 would-be planters. The crisis came in 1641, when civil 
 war in England cut short the flow of immigrants. 
 "All foreign commodities grew scarce," wrote Gover- 
 nor Winthrop, "and our own of no price. Corn would 
 buy nothing; a cow which cost last year 20 might now 
 be bought for 4 or 5 ... These straits set our people 
 
 II
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 on work to provide fish, clapboards, plank, etc., . . . 
 and to look out to the West Indies for a trade ..." 
 
 In these simple sentences, Winthrop explains how 
 maritime Massachusetts came to be. The gravelly, 
 boulder-strewn soil was back-breaking to clear, and 
 afforded small increase to unscientific farmers. No 
 staple of ready sale in England, like Virginia tobacco 
 or Canadian beaver, could be produced or readily 
 obtained. Forest, farms, and sea yielded lumber, beef, 
 and fish. But England was supplied with these from 
 the Baltic, and by her own farmers and fishermen. Un- 
 less a new market be found for them, Massachusetts 
 must stew in her own juice. It was found in the West 
 Indies tropical islands which applied slave labor to 
 exotic staples like sugar-cane, but imported every ne- 
 cessity of life. More and more they became dependent 
 on New England for lumber, provisions, and dried 
 fish. More and more the New England ships and mer- 
 chants who brought these necessities, controlled the 
 distribution of West-India products. 
 
 Massachusetts went to sea, then, not of choice, but 
 of necessity. Yet the transition was easy and natural. 
 "Farm us!" laughed the waters of the Bay in May- 
 time, to a weary yeoman, victim of the 'mocking 
 spring's perpetual loss.' "Here thou may'st reap 
 without sowing yet not without God's blessing; 
 't was the Apostles' calling." And with sharp scorn 
 spake the waters to an axeman, hewing a path from 
 river landing to new allotment: "Hither thy road! 
 And of the oak thou wastest, make means to ride it! 
 Southward, dull clod, and barter the logs thou would'st 
 spend to warm thy silly body, for chinking doubloons, 
 as golden as the sunlight that bathes the Spanish 
 main." 
 
 Materials and teachers for a maritime colony were 
 
 12
 
 already at hand. The founders had been careful to 
 secure artisans, and tools for all useful trades, that 
 Massachusetts might not have the one-sided devel- 
 opment of Virginia. Fishing had not ceased with the 
 failure of the Gloucester experiment. Dorchester, the 
 first community "that set upon the trade of fishing 
 in the bay," was little more than a transference to New 
 England soil of Dorset fishing interests. Scituate_avas 
 settled by a similar company. The rocky peninsula of 
 Marblehead, with its ample harbor, attracted fisher- 
 folk from Cornwall and the Channel Islands, who 
 cared neither for Lord Bishop nor Lord Brethren. 
 Their descendants retained a distinct dialect, and a 
 jealous exclusiveness for over two centuries. Marble- 
 head obeyed or not the laws of the Great and General 
 Court, as suited her good pleasure ; but as long as she 
 'made fish,' the Puritan magistrates did not interfere. 
 Literally true was the Marblehead fisherman's reproof 
 to an exhorting preacher: "Our ancestors came not 
 here for religion. Their main end was to catch fish!" 
 Equally true was Marblehead 's protest against an 
 export tax in 1669. "Fish is the only great stapple 
 which the Country produceth for forraine parts and 
 is so benefitiall for making returns for what wee need." 
 The firm-fleshed codfish of northern waters is unsur- 
 passed for salting and drying. Colonial Massachusetts 
 packed three grades. Dun fish, the best, was 'made' 
 by alternately burying and drying the larger-sized cod 
 until it mellowed sufficiently for the taste of Catho- 
 lic Europe. Portugal and Spain, where Captain John 
 Smith sold his first fare, Southern France and the 
 'Western' and 'Wine* Islands, were the markets for 
 dun fish; and for barrel- and pipe-staves as well. 
 In exchange, Cadiz salt; Madeira and Canary wine; 
 Bilbao iron and pieces of eight; Malaga grapes and 
 
 13
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Valencia oranges were carried to English and colonial 
 markets. When Charles II began tightening up colo- 
 nial trade, Sir George Downing, of Harvard's first 
 graduating class, saw to it that this Mediterranean 
 traffic was allowed to continue. The middling grade 
 of dried codfish, easy to transport, to keep, and to 
 prepare, was a favorite winter food of colonial farm- 
 ers. The lowest-grade dried fish, together with pickled 
 mackerel, bass, and alewives, was the principal me- 
 dium in West-India trade. As John Smith predicted, 
 "Nothing is here to be had which fishing doth hinder, 
 but further us to obtain." Puritan Massachusetts de- 
 rived her ideals from a sacred book; her wealth and 
 power from the sacred cod. 
 
 Shipping was the other key industry of the colony. 
 Fishing would have brought little wealth, had Massa- 
 chusetts depended on outside interests for vessels 
 as she must to-day for freight-cars. Distribution, not 
 production, brought the big returns in 1620 as in 1920. 
 Massachusetts shipbuilding began with the launching 
 in 1631 of Governor Winthrop's Blessing of the Bay, 
 on the same Mystic River that later gave birth to 
 the beautiful Medford-built East-Indiamen. By 1660 
 shipbuilding had become a leading industry in New- 
 bury, Ipswich, Gloucester, Salem, and Boston. The 
 great Puritan emigration brought many shipwrights 
 and master builders, such as William Stephen, who 
 "prepared to go to Spayne, but was persuaded to New 
 England." A four-hundred-ton ship Seqfort l was built 
 
 1 The method of computing tonnage in colonial times was probably 
 the same that prevailed in the United States from the Revolution to 
 1865. Tonnage meant a vessel's capacity in tons of forty cubic feet each, 
 estimated by the following formula (L = length on deck, B = greatest 
 breadth, D = depth of hold) : 
 
 (L- 3 / 5 B)XBXD 
 95
 
 THE COLONIAL BACKGROUND 
 
 at Boston in 1648, but wrecked on the Spanish coast, 
 decoyed by false lights ashore. 
 
 Few Massachusetts-built vessels were so large as 
 this; four hundred tons meant a great ship as late as 
 1815. The colonial fleet for the most part consisted 
 of small single-decked sloops, the usual rig for coasters, 
 and lateen-rigged ketches, the favorite rig for fisher- 
 men, of twenty to thirty tons burthen, and thirty-five 
 to fifty feet long. 1 Good oak timber and pine spars were 
 so plentiful that building large ships on order or specu- 
 lation for the English market soon became a recognized 
 industry. Rope- walks were established, hempen sail- 
 cloth was made on hand looms, anchors and coarse iron- 
 work were forged from bog ore, and wooden 'trunnels' 
 (tree nails) were used for fastening planking to frame. 
 
 The English Navigation Act of 1651, restraining 
 colonial commerce to English and colonial vessels, 
 gave an increased impetus to New England ship- 
 building; for the Dutch, with their base at New Am- 
 sterdam, had been serious competitors. In another 
 generation, vessels built and owned in New England 
 were doing the bulk of the carrying trade from Chesa- 
 peake Bay to England and southern Europe. "Many 
 a fair ship had her framing and finishing here," wrote 
 Edward Johnson about 1650, "besides lesser vessels, 
 barques and ketches; many a Master, beside common 
 Seamen, had their first learning in this Colony." 
 
 Half the breadth was generally used in lieu of depth after the War of 
 1812, and sometimes so used as early as 1789. William Stephen in 1661 
 contracted to build for Salem parties a two-decked ship, 91 x 23 X 9$ at 
 3.5 per ton. Her tonnage would be 190. The Mayflower's was 180 
 (according to Bradford), but she was probably somewhat shorter and 
 deeper. 
 
 1 See the model of the ketch Sparrow-Hawk, which brought forty 
 passengers to Plymouth Colony in 1626, in the Peabody Museum, 
 Salem; and her very ribs, preserved for two centuries in Cape Cod sand, 
 now in the basement of Pilgrim Hall, Plymouth. 
 
 15
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 The shipmaster's calling has always been of high 
 repute in Massachusetts. Only the clergy, the magis- 
 tracy, and the shipowning merchants, most of whom 
 were retired master mariners, enjoyed a higher social 
 standing in colonial days. The ship Trial of two hun- 
 dred tons, one of the first vessels built at Boston, was 
 commanded by Mr. Thomas Coytmore, a gentleman 
 of good estate, "a right godly man, and an expert 
 seaman," says Governor Winthrop who made his 
 fourth matrimonial venture with Captain Coytmore's 
 widow. The foremast hands were recruited in part 
 from English seaports, but mostly from the adventure- 
 loving youth of the colonies. When Captain John 
 Turner came back from the West Indies in a fifteen- 
 ton pinnace, with so many pieces of eight that the 
 neighbors hissed "Piracy!"; when the Trial "by the 
 help of a diving tub," recovered gold and silver from a 
 sunken Spanish galleon ; what ploughboy did not long 
 for a sea-change from grubbing stumps and splitting 
 staves? When gray November days succeeded the 
 splendor of Indian summer, the clang of wild geese 
 overhead summoned the spirit of youth to wealth and 
 adventure 
 
 "La-bas, ou les Antilles bleues 
 Se p<Lment sous 1'ardeur de 1'astre occidental." 
 
 A sea voyage, moreover, was an easy escape from 
 the strict conventions and prying busybodies of New 
 England towns. Not even Cotton Mather could ex- 
 tend the long arm of Puritan elder into cabin and fore- 
 castle. " It is a matter of saddest complaint that there 
 should be no more Serious Piety in the Sea-faring 
 Tribe," states his "Sailours Companion and Counsel- 
 lor." "Old Ambrose called the Sea, The School of 
 Vcrtue. It afflicts all the vertuous here, that the Mari- 
 
 16
 
 THE COLONIAL BACKGROUND 
 
 ners of our Dayes do no more to make it so." His sub- 
 sequent enumeration of seamen's vices suggests that 
 the clipper-ship crews could have taught little to these 
 sons of pious Puritan households. "No Sundays off 
 soundings" doubtless held good in the seventeenth 
 century as in the nineteenth. 
 
 Edward Randolph, an unfriendly but accurate Eng- 
 lish observer, describes Massachusetts in 1676 as a 
 thriving maritime colony. Thirty of her merchants 
 have fortunes of ten to twenty thousand pounds. 
 The colony feeds itself, and produces a surplus for 
 export to Virginia and the West Indies, as well as 
 "all things necessary for shipping and naval furniture." 
 Four hundred and thirty vessels between thirty and 
 two hundred and fifty tons burthen "are built in and 
 belong to that jurisdiction." They traffic with the 
 West Indies, and with most parts of Europe, carrying 
 their own or other colonies' produce, distributing re- 
 turn ladings throughout continental colonies and West 
 Indies, "so that there is little left for the merchants 
 residing in England to import into any of the planta- 
 tions." They pay no attention to the English laws 
 regulating trade. They have even sent ships to 
 'Scanderoon* (Alexandretta) ; to Guinea, the slave 
 mart; and to Madagascar, the pirate rendezvous. 
 Randolph's conclusion is significant. " It is the great 
 care of the merchants to keep their ships in constant 
 employ, which makes them trye all ports to force a 
 trade, whereby they abound with all sorts of commodi- 
 ties, and Boston may be esteemed the mart town of the 
 West Indies" 
 
 Colonial Massachusetts, then, was a chain of pros- 
 perous trading towns and fishing villages, separated 
 from the wilderness by a belt of farming communities. 
 The key industries were fishing and shipbuilding. 
 
 17
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 The secret of maritime success was that persistent 
 enterprise which led her merchant-shipowners to 
 "trye all ports" and to risk all freights. 
 
 Even farming Massachusetts clung to coast-line 
 or Connecticut River, a feeder of the Sound ports. 
 Worcester County was a wilderness until 1730. For 
 over a century after the Mayflower's voyage, few 
 Massachusetts farms were more than thirty miles 
 distant from tidewater, and all felt the ebb and flow of 
 sea-borne commerce. "If the merchant trade be not 
 kept on foot, they fear greatly their corne and cattel 
 will lye in their hands," writes Edward Johnson. 
 A Yankee farmer prospered only through foreign 
 markets for his industrial by-products, such as bar- 
 reled beef and pork, hewn lumber and staves; bowls, 
 buckets, brooms, ox-bows, axe-helves, and the like, 
 whittled out by firelight in long winter evenings. The 
 influence of West- India trade and the fisheries pene- 
 trated the remotest frontier settlements of New Eng- 
 land. 
 
 * 
 * * 
 
 The half-century of peace and virtual independence, 
 which permitted this extraordinary development, was 
 followed by forty years of war, Indian massacres, 
 pestilence, witchcraft, and loss of liberty. In 1691 the 
 Massachusetts-Bay Colony was combined with Ply- 
 mouth, the islands of Martha's Vineyard and Nan- 
 tucket, and the provinces of Maine and Sagadahoc, 
 under a royal charter as the "Province of Massa- 
 chusetts-Bay." Imperial control was tightened, but 
 not enough to prevent another outburst of prosperity 
 after the Peace of Utrecht in 1713^ 
 
 That date begins a general broadening-out in all 
 
 18
 
 THE COLONIAL BACKGROUND 
 
 lines of marine activity. In codfishing it marks an era, 
 both by the launching of the first schooner at Glouces- 
 ter, and the British acquisition of Newfoundland and 
 Nova Scotia, with their convenient shores and teeming 
 waters. Admission to the French West Indies in 1717 
 extended our fish market, and increased our impor- 
 tations of molasses, until sixty-three Massachusetts 
 distilleries were running full time. New England rum 
 replaced beer and cider as the favorite American 
 beverage, and supplanted French brandy as medium 
 in the 'Guinea trade.' Slaving popular tradition 
 and Faneuil * Hall to the contrary notwithstanding 
 never became a leading interest of Massachusetts; 
 Boston and Salem as slaving ports were poor rivals to 
 Newport. But most Boston merchants owned slaves 
 as house servants, and bought and sold them like other 
 merchandise. 
 
 Massachusetts also traded with the mainland of 
 South America. At Surinam fish and lumber were ex- 
 changed for the products of the Dutch East Indies; 
 at Honduras logwood and mahogany were cut for the 
 London market. New England provisions even found 
 their way into Brazil by way of Madeira. 
 
 Shipbuilding increased so rapidly that in 1724 sev- 
 eral master builders of London petitioned the Lords 
 of Trade "not to encourage ship building in New 
 England because workmen are drawn thither." Dux- 
 bury shipbuilding began in 1719, when Thomas Prince 
 built his first vessel of wild cherry wood ; and the North 
 River became a serious competitor to the Merrimac. 
 
 In 1713, the merchants of Boston proposed "the 
 Erecting of a Light Hous and Lanthorn" at the 
 
 1 Properly pronounced "Funnel," and so spelled on Peter's tomb- 
 stone. But the last generation of schoolma'ms has taught us to call it 
 "Fan-you-well." 
 
 19
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 harbor entrance; and three years later Boston Light, 
 the first lighthouse in the new world, was completed. 
 "A great Gun to answer Ships in a Fog" was shortly 
 added to its equipment. Marine insurance began at 
 Boston a few years later. Offshore whaling was per- 
 haps the most important development of the half- 
 century before the Revolution. Cape Cod taught Nan- 
 tucket how to harpoon whales, but Nantucket went 
 her teacher one better when in 1715 Christopher 
 Hussey fitted out a vessel to pursue sperm whales, and 
 tow them ashore. A few years later, by erecting brick 
 try-works on shipboard, the Nantucket whalers were 
 able to extend their cruising radius to the coast of 
 Brazil and the Arctic Ocean. 
 
 Massachusetts enjoyed peace for three-quarters of 
 the period from 1713 to the Revolution. In war-time 
 her fishing fleet was dismantled, but the fishermen 
 found exciting employment on armed merchantmen 
 bearing letters of marque and reprisal. A typical 
 Massachusetts-built vessel of the larger class, subject 
 of our unique pre- Revolutionary ship portrait, was the 
 Bethel, owned by the Quincy family. 1 Armed with 
 fourteen guns and carrying thirty-eight men, she 
 captured in 1748 by sheer Yankee bluff a Spanish 
 treasure ship of twenty-four guns and one hundred 
 and ten men, "worth the better part of an hundred 
 thousand pounds sterling." So congenial, in fact, did 
 our provincial seamen find privateering, that many 
 could not bear to give it up when peace was concluded. 
 In consequence, not a few were hanged in chains on 
 Bird Island or Nix's Mate, whereby every passing sea- 
 man might gain a moral lesson. 
 
 Boston increased in population from about seven 
 thousand in 1690 to about seventeen thousand in 1740. 
 
 1 The c in this name is pronounced like z. 
 20
 
 THE COLONIAL BACKGROUND 
 
 It was the largest town in the English colonies until 
 1755, when passed by Philadelphia, and "the principal 
 mart of trade in North America" for a much longer 
 period. "Boston Pier or the Long Wharf," built in 
 1710, extended King (now State) Street some two 
 thousand feet into deep water. Wealthy merchants 
 came from overseas to share the results of Puritan 
 thrift and energy. Thomas Amory, of London, after 
 visiting Lisbon, Amsterdam, Charleston, Philadelphia, 
 and New York, found Boston their superior in com- 
 mercial activity, and settled there in 1720. 
 
 A fresh tide of immigration was beginning to flow 
 into Massachusetts Bay, and a good part of it was non- 
 English. The Yankee race, in fact, had never been all 
 English. Were I asked to mention two Massachusetts 
 families who generation after generation sent their 
 sons to sea, I should name the Devereux and the 
 Delano, both of French origin. In Mr. Whitmore's 
 blue-book of Boston provincial society, about one- 
 third of the families are of non-English origin; prin- 
 cipally French and Scots, like the Faneuils and Bow- 
 doins, Shaws and Cunninghams, but including Ger- 
 mans like Caspar Crowninshield and Dutchmen like 
 John Wendell. Irishmen like Patrick Tracy, of New- 
 buryport, and Captain James Magee, of Boston, rose 
 to eminence in maritime pursuits, and married into the 
 old Puritan families. Thomas Bardin, a Welshman, 
 founded the Hanover forge where North River vessels 
 obtained their anchors and ironwork. Another Welsh- 
 man taught Lynn to specialize in women's shoes, 
 which before the Revolution became an important 
 medium in the coasting trade. 
 
 Equally false are two contrasting notions : the 
 one that New England was of 'pure Anglo-Saxon 
 stock' at the Revolution; the other that the Revo- 
 
 21
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 lution was an Irish movement. These are the pet 
 lapdogs of modern race snobbery. The seventeenth- 
 century stock completely absorbed its eighteenth- 
 century accretions, both English and non-English. To 
 outsiders, as late as 1824, the population of seaboard 
 Massachusetts seemed, and was, racially homogene- 
 ous as that of Brittany. But the race was not Anglo- 
 Saxon, or Irish. It was Yankee, a new Nordic amalgam 
 on an English Puritan base; already in 1750 as differ- 
 ent in its character and its dialect from the English as 
 the Australians are to-day. A tough but nervous, tena- 
 cious but restless race; materially ambitious, yet prone 
 to introspection, and subject to waves of religious 
 emotion. Conservative in its ideas of property and 
 religion, yet (in the eighteenth century) radical in 
 business and government. A people with few social 
 graces, yet capable of deep friendships and abiding 
 loyalties; law-abiding yet individualistic, and im- 
 patient of restraint by government or regulation in 
 business; ever attempting to repress certain traits of 
 human nature, but finding an outlet in broad, crude 
 humor and deep-sea voyages. A race whose typical 
 member is eternally torn between a passion for right- 
 eousness and a desire to get on in the world. Religion 
 and climate, soil and sea, here brewed of mixed stock 
 a new people. 
 
 From 1740 to the Revolution, Boston declined 
 slightly in population owing probably to frequent 
 epidemics, high taxes, and high cost of fuel but the 
 smaller seaports came up. A glance at the Georgian 
 mansions of Michael Dalton and Jonathan Jackson 
 at Newburyport; of John Heard at Ipswich; of Win- 
 throp Sargent at Gloucester; of George Cabot at 
 Beverly; of Richard Derby and Nathaniel Ropes at 
 Salem; of Jeremiah Lee and 'King' Hooper at Mar- 
 
 22
 
 THE COLONIAL BACKGROUND 
 
 blehead, and the latter's country seat in Danvers, will 
 convince the most skeptical that wealth and good 
 taste came out of the sea, into these little towns ; mere 
 villages they would be called to-day. Marblehead in 
 1744 had ninety vessels in active service, two hundred 
 acres covered with fish-flakes, and an annual catch 
 worth 34,000 sterling. In 1765, with just under five 
 thousand inhabitants it was the sixth town in the thir- 
 teen colonies; behind Newport, but ahead of Salem, 
 Baltimore, and Albany. 
 
 Why was maritime Massachusetts so prominent in 
 the American Revolution? Because she was so demo- 
 cratic! answers the bright scholar. Here is another 
 fallacy I would puncture in passing. American democ- 
 racy was not born in the cabin of the Mayflower or 
 in Boston town meeting, but on the farming, fighting 
 frontier of all the colonies, New England included. 
 Seaboard Massachusetts has never known such a thing 
 as a social democracy; and in seaboard Massachusetts, 
 as elsewhere, inequalities of wealth have made political 
 democracy a sham. Few town meetings have been 
 held near tidewater where the voice of shipowner, 
 merchant, or master mariner did not carry more 
 weight than that of fisherman, counting-room clerk, or 
 common seaman. Society in seaboard New England 
 was carefully stratified, and the Revolution brought 
 little change save in personnel. The 'quality' dressed 
 differently from the poor and middle classes, lived in 
 finer houses, expected and received deference, and 
 'ran' their communities because they controlled the 
 working capital of ships and goods. The only differ- 
 ence from old-world society lay in the facility in 
 passing from one class to another. 
 
 Marblehead has always had a reputation for de- 
 mocracy, especially after the departure of 'King' 
 
 23
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Hooper. But Bentley, apropos the death of Colonel 
 Glover in 1805, remarked, "The leading men had 
 power nowhere else known in N. England." Visiting 
 Andover, the same keen observer noted the young 
 people assembling to dance, "in classes according to 
 their ages, not with any regard to their condition, as 
 in the Seaport Towns." Manchester, a poor fishing 
 village, voted as the Boston merchant who handled its 
 catch dictated. Even in Cape Cod, there was a great 
 gulf between squire and fisherman. "Was Cape Cod 
 democratic?" I asked an aged gentleman from Barn- 
 stable, who had gone west before the Civil War. 
 "Why, yes; it was n't like Boston everybody spoke 
 to everybody else." "But was it democratic like 
 Wisconsin?" "No! by no means!" 
 
 The sea is no wet-nurse to democracy. Authority 
 and privilege are her twin foster-children. Instant and 
 unquestioning obedience to the master is the rule of the 
 sea; and your typical sea-captain would make it the 
 rule of the land if he could. 
 
 Since the merchants ruled society and politics in 
 Massachusetts almost from the beginning to 1825, 
 when they were forced to divide with the manufac- 
 turers, it were well to be sure we know what a mer- 
 chant was. Down to the Civil War, the word was un- 
 derstood as Dr. Johnson defines it: "one who trafficks 
 to remote countries." A merchant was no mere shop- 
 keeper, or commission dealer. He bought and sold, 
 at home and abroad, on his own account, and handled 
 'private adventures' on the side. He owned or char- 
 tered the vessels that carried his goods. Specializa- 
 tion came only within a generation of 1860. The 
 provincial merchants owned not only merchant ships, 
 but fishing craft, whalers and coasters, sent their ves- 
 sels to the other continental colonies, England, the 
 
 24
 
 THE COLONIAL BACKGROUND 
 
 Mediterranean, the West Indies, and the Spanish 
 main for all sorts of commodities; sold their return 
 ladings at wholesale, and at retail from their own 
 shops; speculated in wild lands, did a private banking 
 business, and underwrote insurance policies. Many of 
 them were wealthy, for the time. Thomas Boylston, 
 the richest man in Provincial Massachusetts, was sup- 
 posed to be worth about $400,000 just before the 
 Revolution; and Colonel Elisha Doane, who main- 
 tained a country estate and a perpetually sandbound 
 coach at Wellfleet on the Cape, was a good second. 
 
 These colonial merchants lived well, with a spacious 
 brick mansion in Boston and a country seat at Milton 
 Hill, Cambridge, or as far afield as Harvard and Hop- 
 kinton, where great house parties were given. They 
 were fond of feasts and pageants, of driving out to 
 country inns for a dinner and dance, of trout-fishing, 
 and pleasure cruises to the Maine coast. They car- 
 ried swords, and drew them if not granted proper defer- 
 ence by inferiors. Their wives and daughters wore the 
 latest London fashions, and were painted by Smibert, 
 Blackburn, and Copley. Their sons went to sea on a 
 parental ship, or, if they cared not for business, to 
 Harvard College. Nor was this 'codfish aristocracy' 
 ashamed of the source of all these blessings. The 
 proudest names in the province appear in "Boston 
 Gazette" or "Post-Boy" offering for sale everything 
 from fish-lines to broadcloth. The Honorable Benja- 
 min Pickman placed a half-model of a codfish on every 
 front stair-end in his new Salem mansion. 
 
 The backbone of maritime Massachusetts, however, 
 was its middle class; the captains and mates of vessels, 
 the master builders and shipwrights, the ropemakers, 
 sailmakers, and skilled mechanics of many different 
 trades, without whom the merchants were nothing. 
 
 25
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Benjamin Franklin was a typical product of this class, 
 the son of an English-born tallow-chandler, and a 
 Folger of Nantucket. As the broad humor of that 
 island puts it, " Ben's keel was laid in Nantucket, but 
 the old lady went to Boston to launch him." His 
 first childish invention was a cob-wharf in the Boston 
 millpond marsh, as a fishing station for minnows; his 
 first imprints were broadside ballads on Blackbeard, 
 and the shipwreck of Captain Worthilake, which he 
 hawked about the crooked streets. In all his varied 
 career the New England salt never worked out of 
 Franklin's blood. One remembers the Gulf-Stream 
 chart, which he persuaded a Nantucket cousin to 
 sketch, in the vain hope of dissuading British ship- 
 masters from bucking that ocean river. His "Mari- 
 time Suggestions" contain some practical hints that 
 were later followed up by shipbuilders. It was this 
 Yankee middle class of the water-front, keen, ambi- 
 tious, inventive, courageous, that produced the great 
 merchants and shipmasters of later generations; that 
 gave maritime Massachusetts its characteristic flavor.
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 REVOLUTION AND RECONSTRUCTION 
 1760-1788 
 
 A DOGGEREL tory poet made no bad analysis of the 
 Patriot party in the northern colonies, as a coalition 
 of 'John Presbyter,' 'Will Democrack,' and 'Nathan 
 Smuggle': 
 
 John answer'd, Thou art proud, 
 Brittania, mad and rich, 
 
 Will d d her, with his Crowd, 
 
 And call'd her, 'Tyrant . ' 
 
 While Nathan his Effusions bray'd 
 And veaw'd She ruin'd all his Trade. 
 
 Boston became the headquarters of the American 
 Revolution largely because the policy of George III 
 threatened her maritime interests. "Massachusetts- 
 Bay is the most prejudicial plantation to this king- 
 dom," wrote Sir Josiah Child. Instead of trading only 
 with the mother country, and producing some staple 
 which she could monopolize, Massachusetts would 
 spite the Acts of Trade and Navigation, would "trye 
 all ports," would trade with England's rivals, and 
 drive English ships from colonial commerce. 
 
 Of course she had to do all this in order to live and 
 prosper; and every penny won from free trade (as she 
 called it) or smuggling (as the English called it) was 
 spent in England. Until 1760, Englishmen saw the 
 point and let well enough alone; but the ministers of 
 George III believed it their duty to enforce the stat- 
 utes, and make Massachusetts a colony in fact as in 
 name. Not only their policy, but their method of exe- 
 
 27
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 cuting it was objectionable. Loyalty was chilled, and 
 a fighting spirit aroused, by incidents such as this: 
 
 On Friday last a Coaster belonging to Scituate was passing one 
 of the Ships of War in this harbour, when they dous'd their mainsail, 
 but it not being quite to the satisfaction of the commanding officer 
 of the Ship, they sent their boat on board and upon the Officer's 
 stepping upon the Sloop's deck he immediately drew a cutlass with 
 which he struck the master of the Coaster on the cheek, which cut a 
 gash near three inches long, after which he damn'd him for not 
 showing more respect to the King's Ship and then cut the halliards 
 of the mainsail and let the sail run down upon deck. 1 
 
 The American Revolution in eastern Massachu- 
 setts was financed and in part led by wealthy mer- 
 chants like John Hancock, Josiah Quincy, James 
 Bowdoin, Richard Derby, and Elbridge Gerry. 2 When 
 the crisis came in 1775, a minority of the merchants, 
 alarmed at mob violence, preferred law and order to 
 liberty and property; but the majority risked the one 
 to secure the other and obtained both. They may, 
 too, have been moved by the same high ideals which, 
 spread broadcast by the voice and pen of Adams and 
 Otis, Hawley and Warren, set interior Massachusetts 
 ablaze. But their interests as well were at stake. If 
 American trade were regulated by corrupt incom- 
 petents three thousand miles away, Massachusetts 
 might as well retire from the sea. 
 
 In consequence, the Revolution in eastern Massa- 
 chusetts, radical in appearance, was conservative in 
 character. The war closed with little change in the 
 social system of provincial days, although the change 
 in personnel was great. Maritime interests were still 
 supreme. The Constitution of 1780 was a lawyers' 
 and merchants' constitution, directed toward some- 
 
 1 Boston Gazette and Country Journal, Sept. 25, 1769. 
 * The G in this name is hard. 
 
 28
 
 REVOLUTION AND RECONSTRUCTION 
 
 thing like quarterdeck efficiency in government, and 
 the protection of property against democratic pirates. 
 
 The maritime history of Massachusetts during the 
 War of Independence would make a book in itself; 
 it has already lent color to many books. We must pass 
 by the marine Lexington in Machias Bay, the state 
 navy fitted out in 1775, the British attacks on Glouces- 
 ter, Portland, and New Bedford. Just a word, how- 
 ever, on privateering. Her success in this legalized 
 piracy was probably the greatest contribution of sea- 
 board Massachusetts to the common cause. Six hun- 
 dred and twenty-six letters of marque were issued to 
 Massachusetts vessels by the Continental Congress, 
 and some thousand more by the General Court. Priva- 
 teers were of little use in naval operations, as the dis- 
 astrous Penobscot expedition proved; but they were 
 of very greatest service in preying on the enemy's 
 commerce, intercepting his communications with 
 America, carrying terror and destruction into the very 
 chops of the Channel, and supplying the patriot army 
 with munitions, stores and clothing at Johnny Bull's 
 expense. 
 
 From an economic and social viewpoint, privateer- 
 ing employed the fishermen, and all those who de- 
 pended on shipping; taught daring seamanship, and 
 strengthened our maritime aptitude and tradition. 
 Privateers required speed; and the Massachusetts 
 builders, observing, it is said, the scientifically de- 
 signed vessels of our French allies, did away with high 
 quarterdecks, eased water-lines, and substituted a 
 nearly U-shaped cross-section for the barrel-shaped 
 bottom and unseemly tumble-home of the old-style 
 ships. Commerce continued with the West Indies, 
 France, and Spain in letter-of-marque ships, armed 
 merchantmen with a license to take prizes on the side. 
 
 29
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 The letter-of-marque ship General Pickering of Salem, 
 Captain Jonathan Haraden, fourteen guns and forty- 
 five men, but heavily laden with sugar, beat the Brit- 
 ish privateer Achilles of three times her size and arma- 
 ment off Bilbao, in one of the most gallant sea-fights 
 of the Revolution. On the back side of Cape Cod, 
 whalemen with swivel-armed boats kept watch on 
 Nantucket and Vineyard Sounds, the sea-lane to the 
 British base in New York. With an impudent daring 
 that astounded the enemy, they swooped down on his 
 vessels when becalmed, or cut them out of Tarpaulin 
 Cove and Holmes Hole at night-time. On Salem, in 
 particular, the Revolution wrought an entire change in 
 commercial spirit. Before the war Salem was mainly 
 a fishing port. Privateering gave her seamen a broader 
 horizon, and her merchants a splendid ambition. 
 
 In the earlier years of the war, large profits were 
 made from privateering by every one connected with 
 it. A favorite speculation for merchants was to buy, 
 in advance of his cruise, half a privateersman's share 
 of his forthcoming prizes. But in the last year or two 
 of the war the British tightened their blockade, cap- 
 tured a large part of our fleet, and drove the rest into 
 port. The insurance rate from Beverly to Hayti and 
 back was forty per cent in 1780. The Derbys of Salem 
 are said to have been the only privateering firm to re- 
 tain a favorable balance, when peace was concluded. 
 
 But it was a great war while it lasted ! 
 
 Then came the worst economic depression Massa- 
 chusetts has ever known. The double readjustment 
 from a war to a peace basis, and from a colonial to an 
 independent basis, caused hardship throughout the 
 colonies. It worked havoc with the delicate adjust- 
 ment of fishing, seafaring, and shipbuilding by which 
 Massachusetts was accustomed to gain her living. By 
 
 30
 
 REVOLUTION AND RECONSTRUCTION 
 
 1786, the exports of Virginia had more than regained 
 their pre-Revolutionary figures. At the same date the 
 exports of Massachusetts were only one-fourth of what 
 they had been twelve years earlier. 
 
 The fisheries had to be reconstructed from the be- 
 ginning. Owing to the diplomacy of John Adams, 
 Massachusetts codfishermen retained access to their 
 old grounds; but they lacked vessels, gear, and capital. 
 It is generally assumed that our fishing fleet had been 
 transformed into privateers, and needed only recon- 
 version to go out and catch cod. But the fishing 
 schooner of that period was a slow, unwieldy craft, of 
 little use in privateering. Such of them as had been 
 converted, for the most part were captured; the rest, 
 high and dry for seven years, needed expensive repairs. 
 The whaling fleet of Nan tucket and Dartmouth l had 
 been wiped out. Only four or five remained out of two 
 hundred sail; the rest had been lost, burned, or cap- 
 tured. 
 
 Independence deprived the Massachusetts cod- 
 fisheries of their greatest market, the British West 
 Indies; and the whale-fisheries of their only foreign 
 market, England. Johnny Bull naturally slammed 
 his colonial doors in Jonathan's face; would receive his 
 ships on no terms, nor even his salt provisions and cod- 
 fish in British vessels. He intended to build up his own 
 fisheries and lumber trade. France and Spain excluded 
 recent allies from their colonial preserves. The Dutch, 
 Danish, and Swedish islands remained ; not important 
 markets, but good centers for smuggling. But until 
 the new ropes were learned, the returns to New Eng- 
 land fishermen were meager indeed. After four years 
 of peace, about four-fifths of the Grand Banks fleet 
 
 1 Dartmouth until 1787 included New Bedford, Fairhaven, and 
 Westport. 
 
 31
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 was in commission; but the men were not earning 
 enough to see their families through the winter. By 
 1789, only one-third of the whaling tonnage of 1773 
 had been restored. 1 
 
 The coasting trade was under a similar handicap, for 
 Massachusetts had been accustomed to pay for her im- 
 ports of tobacco and Southern produce largely with 
 West India goods. Almost the only thing that could 
 be done was to send small sloops and fishing vessels 
 to peddle out local produce along the shores of Ches- 
 apeake Bay, Albemarle Sound, Pamlico Sound, and 
 Cape Fear River, for corn, tobacco, and naval stores. 
 For example, three fishing schooners cleared from 
 Beverly for Maryland and North Carolina during the 
 first two weeks of December, 1787. The Swallow, forty- 
 five tons, takes bricks, butter, fish, rum, potatoes, and 
 "6 Tons of English Hay here produced." The Wood- 
 bridge, Seward Lee master, takes "5 hhd. salt, 12 q. 
 dry fish, 5 hhd. molasses, 4 bbl. Mackerell, 6 doz. 
 buckets, 9 Setts wooden measures, 3 half-pecks, n 
 buckets with covers, 6 hhd. & 6 bbl. N.E. Rum, 8 
 boxes chocolate, 3 doz. common cheeses, 2 cases 
 Earthen ware, I doz. axes, 36 bbl. potatoes, I doz. 
 setts Sugar Boxes" ; and "all the above are the Growth 
 and Manufacture of this state." With such typical 
 cargoes of "Yankee notions," pathetic in their homely 
 variety, the smaller seaports of Massachusetts were 
 wooing the prosperity which had already returned to 
 the South. 
 
 And what of the slave trade? A dark subject, indeed ; 
 one which I have endeavored in vain to illuminate. 
 The "Guinea trade" had never been an important 
 line of commerce in Massachusetts. It was forbidden, 
 under heavy penalties, by an act of the General Court 
 
 1 See table in Appendix. 
 32
 
 JTT??* fi\^\ < 
 
 ^fy^\j>^&:;3^. 
 
 BOSTON HARBOUR 
 
 /eu<). 
 
 accortforui to tA* latent *.
 
 REVOLUTION AND RECONSTRUCTION 
 
 in 1788. Yet it did not entirely cease. Felt, in his 
 "Annals of Salem," prints the instructions of an owner 
 to a slaver which left that port in 1785. Dr. Bentley, 
 who had a keen scent for this nefarious traffic, notes in 
 his diary the names of at least eight Salem shipmasters 
 who engaged in it, at one time or another, between 
 1788 and 1802. A mutiny in the middle passage dis- 
 posed of one ; another was killed by a negro in revenge ; 
 one, "of a most worthy family," died at Havana, an- 
 other cut his own throat. Only one seems to have been 
 arrested, and he was released for lack of evidence; al- 
 though an extant log of one of his voyages, from Salem 
 to the Guinea coast and the West Indies, bears witness 
 to his guilt. Salem had a regular trade with the West 
 African coast, rum and fish for gold dust, palm oil, and 
 ivory; and it would be surprising if an occasional ship- 
 master did not yield to the temptation to load ' black 
 ivory' as well. 
 
 The statistics of slave imports at Charleston, be- 
 tween 1804 and 1808, disclosed by Senator Smith, of 
 South Carolina, in the latter year, state that seventy 
 of the entering vessels belonged to Great Britain, sixty- 
 one to Charleston itself, fifty-nine to Rhode Island, 
 only one to Boston, and none to any other Massachu- 
 setts port. But this does not include the West- Indian 
 slave trade; and an interesting insurance policy, dated 
 June 13, 1803, suggests how it could be carried on with- 
 out breaking either the laws of Massachusetts or of 
 the United States. One of the most eminent and fa- 
 mous firms of China merchants, acting as agents for 
 one Robert Cuming, of St. Croix (Danish West Indies), 
 insures for $33,000 at ten per cent, his ship Hope and 
 cargo from the coast of Africa to Havana, under Danish 
 colors. " The assurers are liable for loss by insurrection, 
 but not by natural mortality. Each slave is valued at 
 
 33
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 two hundred dollars." This policy is underwritten by 
 seven of the most respectable Boston merchants, and 
 negotiated by an eighth. 
 
 William Lloyd Garrison exposed a domestic slave- 
 trader of Newburyport in 1829, one who took slaves as 
 freight from Baltimore to New Orleans. Even later the 
 New Bedford whaling masters occasionally engaged 
 in the African trade. Only a thorough examination of 
 our court records, and of the archives of such foreign 
 seaports as Havana, would reveal a measure of the full 
 truth. Yet I believe the statement warranted that the 
 slave trade, as prosecuted from Massachusetts or by 
 Massachusetts capital after the Revolution, was occa- 
 sional and furtive, rather than a recognized under- 
 ground traffic. Certainly it played no prominent part 
 in the commercial prosperity of the community; and 
 the assertion, often disproved but as often repeated, 
 that Massachusetts was "the nursing mother of the 
 horrors of the middle passage," is without any founda- 
 tion in fact. 
 
 Shipbuilding came to a standstill shortly after the 
 Revolution. With no British market for our bottoms, 
 and British colonial ports closed to the American 
 flag; with French, Austrians, Germans, Dutch, and 
 Swedes competing for our carrying trade, and no gov- 
 ernment capable of granting protection; the shipping 
 supremacy of Massachusetts seemed forever ended. 
 According to an official report of the French consul at 
 Boston, about one hundred and twenty-five vessels 
 had been launched annually in Massachusetts be- 
 fore the war. In 1784, only forty-five vessels left the 
 ways; and twelve of them, built for the French East- 
 India service, were so poorly constructed that no more 
 outside orders came. Between 1785 and 1787, only 
 fifteen to twenty were built annually. A goodly fleet of 
 
 34
 
 REVOLUTION AND RECONSTRUCTION 
 
 merchantmen, and several new privateers like the 
 Astrea and Grand Turk, constructed during the last 
 year or two of the war, were on hand; but there was 
 little employment for them. Instead of sending her 
 fleet to all Europe, as optimists predicted, Massachu- 
 setts found her own harbors thronged with foreign 
 flags, and her wharves heaped high with foreign goods. 
 
 Between May and December, 1783, twenty-eight 
 French vessels, and almost the same number of English 
 merchantmen, brought cargoes, worth almost half a 
 million dollars, into Boston Harbor alone. Consisting 
 largely of luxuries, they were nevertheless snapped up 
 (on credit, of course) by the merchants of this war- 
 stricken town of ten thousand inhabitants. Peace 
 brought a riot of luxury such as Massachusetts never 
 saw again until 1919. The war debt was enormous, the 
 need of production imperative; but privateering, spec- 
 ulation, and the continental currency had so under- 
 mined Yankee thrift and energy that many persons 
 thought the character of the race had completely 
 changed. Travelers commented on the vulgar display 
 of the profiteers, and the reckless spending of farmers 
 and mechanics. We hear of artisans buying silk 
 stockings, and 'jeunes paysannes' coming into Bos- 
 ton market, wearing 'chapeaux Montgolfiers.' 
 
 Worst of all, civil conflict was impending. For some 
 years before the Revolution, central and western 
 Massachusetts had been increasing rapidly in popula- 
 tion, and acquiring class consciousness. The farmer no 
 longer blessed the merchant, but cursed him as an 
 exploiter. All classes and sections had allied to resist 
 British imperialism; but the war brought about much 
 friction. Mutual accusations of profiteering and slack- 
 ing were frequent. Berkshire County refused obe- 
 dience to the Boston government until 1780; and few 
 
 35
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 debts or taxes were paid in western Massachusetts for 
 seven years. 
 
 By 1783 the farmers had acquired a higher standard 
 of living, and a heavy burden of debts. European 
 creditors began to press Boston merchants ; who turned 
 to their country storekeeper debtors, who began to 
 distrain on the farmers, who then called upon govern- 
 ment to establish a moratorium for debts, and to issue 
 cheap money. But maritime Massachusetts controlled 
 the government, by the simple device of apportioning 
 the state senate according to taxable wealth. Every 
 effort of the representatives to relieve the farmers 
 died in the upper house. 
 
 The merchants even shifted the burden of taxation 
 to those who could least bear it. Forty per cent of the 
 state expenses were raised by poll-taxes, which fell 
 equally on rich and poor, merchant prince and plough- 
 boy. The customs duties were low, and largely evaded ; 
 Samuel Breck tells in his "Recollections" how the best 
 people would smuggle in a good proportion of each 
 cargo, as if the customs were still the King's. 
 
 Owing to the dislocation of the West- India trade 
 and the departure of the French and British armies, 
 there was no longer a market for the farming and 
 domestic produce of central New England. Prices 
 and common labor fell to almost nothing. At this 
 crisis, the state government began to distrain on tax 
 delinquents, and the merchants on their debtors. The 
 courts became clogged with suits. Farms which had 
 been in one family for generations, were sold under the 
 hammer at a fraction of their real value, to pay debts 
 contracted at inflated prices, or a few years' overdue 
 taxes. The situation became intolerable to men who 
 had fought for liberty. 
 
 In the summer of 1786 the storm broke. The up- 
 
 36
 
 REVOLUTION AND RECONSTRUCTION 
 
 country yeomanry, under the leadership of Revolu- 
 tionary officers like Daniel $hays, began breaking up 
 sessions of the courts, in the hope of a respite from 
 confiscations until the next state election. Govern- 
 ment ordered them to disperse, and preached "fru- 
 gality, industry and self-denial." The yeomanry 
 persisted, and the tide of lawlessness rolled nearer 
 Boston. Governor Bowdoin proclaimed the rebel 
 leaders outlaws. They then resolved to be outlaws in- 
 deed, and attacked the Springfield arsenal in search of 
 better weapons than pitchforks and Queen's arms. 
 One ' whiff of grapeshot ' dispersed the ragged battal- 
 ions to the bleak hills of western Massachusetts. Loyal 
 militia and gentlemen volunteers from the seaboard, 
 advancing through the deep snow of a hard winter, 
 broke up the remaining bands, early in 1787. It was 
 a victory of property over democracy; of maritime 
 Massachusetts over farming Massachusetts. 
 
 Notwithstanding these civil disorders, some brave 
 efforts were made both by the Commonwealth and by 
 private individuals, in the years near 1786, to make 
 the state more self-sufficient. The Massachusetts 
 Bank, first in the state, was chartered in 1784. A 
 small manufacturing boom set in about the same 
 time. The "Boston Glass House" was established by 
 a group of local capitalists in 1786, and received a state 
 monopoly for manufacturing window-glass. The Cabot 
 family established the Beverly Cotton Manufactory 
 in 1787. Most of these experiments closed their doors 
 in a few years' time. But the Charles River Bridge 
 from Boston to Charlestown, opened on the eleventh 
 anniversary of the battle of Bunker Hill, was a financial 
 success, and encouraged the building of several other 
 toll-bridges that greatly increased the facilities of the 
 seaport towns. 
 
 37
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 In the meantime, commerce was slowly reviving. 
 Yankee skippers l were learning to outwit both Bar- 
 bary corsairs and West India regulations. Orders in 
 Council changed neither the Jamaican appetite for 
 dried codfish, nor the Yankee thirst for Jamaica rum. 
 A Massachusetts vessel putting into a British port 
 "in distress" was likely to obtain an official permit to 
 land its cargo and relieve the "starving population." 
 France, thanks to Jefferson's diplomacy, gradually re- 
 opened her insular possessions ; and Spain permitted di- 
 rect trade with Havana, Trinidad, and New Orleans. 
 St. Eustatius, St. Bartholomew, and the Virgin Islands 
 became entrepots for illicit traffic. Much New England 
 lumber and whale oil found its way to the West India 
 and English markets by acquiring a " British " character 
 in Nova Scotia. Despite the English disposition to 
 "cramp us in the Cod-Fishery," as Stephen Higgin- 
 son put it, and the bounties paid by France to her 
 pecheurs d 'Islande, the West Indies took a greater pro- 
 portion of our dried codfish in 1790 than in 1775. But 
 the total exports were still far below those of the pre- 
 Revolutionary era. 
 
 By 1787 the West-India trade was in a measure re- 
 stored. Beverly, for instance, imported about 3100 
 gallons of foreign rum, 7000 gallons of "other foreign 
 distilled spirits," 400 pounds of cocoa, 3500 pounds of 
 sugar, and 50,000 pounds of leaf tobacco, between 
 April I and July I, 1787. The benefits of a reopened 
 market for farm produce and wooden ware, percolating 
 into the interior, did more to salve the wounds of 
 Shays's Rebellion than all the measures passed by the 
 Great and General Court. 
 
 1 This term is correctly used only for the masters of fishing vessels, 
 coasters, and small craft such as traded with the West Indies. A docu- 
 ment of 1775 in the Beverly Historical Society speaks of "the chuner 
 Mary thomas Rusel Skiper & oner." 
 
 38
 
 REVOLUTION AND RECONSTRUCTION 
 
 But the general commercial situation in Massachu- 
 setts was still most unsatisfactory. Every state, under 
 the Confederation, had its own customs duties and 
 tonnage laws. When Massachusetts attempted to dis- 
 criminate against British vessels, her neighbors re- 
 ceived them with open arms; and British goods reached 
 Boston from other ports by coasting sloops. Not even 
 the coasting trade was confined to the American flag ; 
 and the port dues were constantly changed. More 
 commercial treaties were needed with foreign powers. 
 Federal bounties were needed to revive fishing. Shays's 
 Rebellion, fortunately, sent such a thrill of horror 
 through the states, that conservative forces drew to- 
 gether to create a more perfect union. 
 
 In the struggle of 1788 over the ratification of the 
 Federal Constitution, Massachusetts was a pivotal 
 state. The voters returned an anti-Federalist majority 
 to her ratifying convention. By various methods, 
 enough votes were changed to obtain ratification. A 
 meeting of four hundred Boston mechanics (following, 
 it is said, a promise by local merchants to order three 
 new vessels upon ratification) drew up strong Federalist 
 resolutions, which turned the wavering Samuel Adams. 
 Governor Hancock was reached by methods less 
 direct. Boston hospitality had its influence. "I most 
 Tel you I was never Treated with So must politeness 
 in my life as I was afterwards by the Treadesmen of 
 Boston merchants & every other Gentlemen," wrote a 
 backwoods member. Finally the Convention ratified, 
 by a majority of 19 out of 355 votes. The sectional 
 alignment was significant. The coast and island coun- 
 ties of Massachusetts proper cast 102 votes in favor, 
 and only 19 against, ratification. The inland counties * 
 
 1 Including Middlesex and Bristol, the bulk of whose population was 
 agricultural at this period. 
 
 39
 
 MAKITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 cast 60 in favor, 128 against. For the third time in 
 ten years, maritime Massachusetts won over farming 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 On her proper element, maritime Massachusetts 
 was already winning a cleaner fight: victory over 
 lethargy and despair; victory over powers who would 
 cramp her restless energy, doom her ships to decay, 
 and her seamen to emigrate. Some subtle instinct, or 
 maybe thwarted desire of Elizabethan ancestors who, 
 seeking in vain the Northwest Passage, founded an 
 empire on the barrier, was pulling the ships of Massa- 
 chusetts east by west, into seas where no Yankee had 
 ever ventured. Off the roaring breakers of Cape Horn, 
 in the vast spaces of the Pacific, on savage coasts 
 and islands, and in the teeming marts of the Far East, 
 the intrepid shipmasters and adventurous youth of 
 New England were reclaiming their salt sea heritage.
 
 PIONEERS OF THE PACIFIC 
 1784-1792 
 
 MARITIME commerce was the breath of life for Massa- 
 chusetts. When commerce languished, the common- 
 wealth fell sick. When commerce revived even a little, 
 the hot passions of Shays's Rebellion cooled just 
 enough to permit a ratification of the Federal Con- 
 stitution. Prosperity, not only of the seaport towns, 
 but of the agricultural interior, depended as of old 
 upon the success of seafaring Massachusetts. Without 
 prosperity, emigration would follow, and slow decay, 
 and death. The codfishermen must exact tribute from 
 the Banks; the whalers must pursue their 'gigantic 
 game' around the Horn, the merchants and trading 
 vessels must recover their grip on the home market and 
 the handling of Southern exports; must find substitutes 
 for the protected trade of colonial days; must elude 
 the Spanish guarda costas along the circumference of 
 South America; must compete with English, Scots, and 
 Dutchmen in the Baltic and the Indies; and must 
 seek out new, virgin markets and sources of supply in 
 the Pacific. All this had to be done, that Massachu- 
 setts retain her position among the brighter stars of the 
 American constellation. The doing of it determined her 
 political orientation ; transformed a revolutionary com- 
 munity, the most fecund source of political thought in 
 the western world, into a conservative commonwealth, 
 the spearhead of the aggressively reactionary Federal- 
 ist party. 
 
 " From 1790 to 1820, there was not a book, a speech,
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 a conversation, or a thought in the State," wrote 
 Emerson. Speaking relatively and broadly, he was 
 right. The Yankee mind, engrossed in the struggle for 
 existence, neglected things spiritual and intellectual 
 during this Federalist period of its history; and the 
 French Revolution made thought suspicious to a com- 
 mercial community. Yet thought there was, even 
 though the Sage of Concord might not call it by that 
 name ; the thought that opens up new channels of trade, 
 sets new enterprises on foot, and erects a political 
 system to consolidate them. By such thought, no less 
 than the other, the grist of history is ground. 
 
 Every seaport of Massachusetts proper from New- 
 buryport to Edgartown was quickening into new 
 activity in 1789; none more so than the capital. The 
 Boston of massacre and tea-party, of Sam Adams and 
 Jim Otis, of uproarious mobs and radical meetings, 
 was in transition to that quiet, prosperous, orderly 
 Federalist Boston, the Boston of East-India merchants 
 and Federalist statesmen; of Thomas Handasyd Per- 
 kins, Charles Bulfinch, and Harrison Gray Otis. 
 
 In appearance, the Boston of 1790 was unchanged 
 since 1750. Charles Bulfinch had returned from Eu- 
 rope, but his native town had barely taken up the slack 
 of the turbulent era ; some accumulation of wealth was 
 needed to employ his architectural talents. The eight- 
 een thousand inhabitants were not crowded on their 
 peninsula of seven hundred and eighty acres about 
 nine-tenths the area of Central Park, New York. As 
 one approached it by the Charles River Bridge in 1790, 
 Boston seemed "almost to stand in the water, at least 
 to be surrounded by it, and the shipping, with the 
 houses, trees, and churches, have a charming effect." 
 Beacon Hill, a three-peaked grassy slope, still innocent 
 of the gilded dome, dominated the town. From its 
 
 42
 
 SAMUEL SHAW
 
 PIONEERS OF THE PACIFIC 
 
 base a maze of narrow streets paved with beach stones, 
 wound their way seaward among ancient dwellings; 
 dividing around Copp's and Fort Hills to meet again 
 by the water's edge. One of them, to be sure, led to 
 "landward to the west," but at spring tides even that, 
 too, went "downward to the sea." Buildings crowded 
 out to the very capsills of the wharves, which poked 
 boldly into deep water. The uniform mass of slate and 
 mossy shingle roofs, pointed, hipped, and gambreled, 
 was broken by a few graceful church spires, serene 
 elders of the masts that huddled about the wharves. 
 As for the people, "Commerce occupies all their 
 thought," writes Brissot de Warville in 1788, "turns 
 all their heads, and absorbs all their speculations. 
 Thus you find few estimable works, and few authors." 
 But "let us not blame the Bostonians; they think of 
 the useful before procuring themselves the agreeable. 
 They have no brilliant monuments; but they have 
 neat and commodious houses, superb bridges, and ex- 
 cellent ships." To Timothy Dwight, of New Haven, 
 the Bostonians seemed "distinguished by a lively 
 imagination. . . . Their enterprises are sudden, bold, 
 and sometimes rash. A general spirit of adventure 
 prevails here." 
 
 One bright summer afternoon in 1 790 saw the close 
 of a great adventure. On August 9, Boston town heard 
 a salute of thirteen guns down-harbor. The ship 
 Columbia, Captain Robert Gray, with the first Ameri- 
 can ensign to girdle the globe snapping at her peak, 
 was greeting the Castle after an absence of three years. 
 Coming to anchor in the inner harbor, she fired another 
 federal salute of thirteen guns, which a "great con- 
 course of citizens assembled on the various wharfs re- 
 turned with three huzzas and a hearty welcome." A 
 rumor ran through the narrow streets that a native of 
 
 43
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 "Owyhee" a Sandwich-Islander was on board; 
 and before the day was out, curious Boston was grat- 
 ified with a sight of him, marching ' after Captain 
 Gray to call on Governor Hancock. Clad in a feather 
 cloak of golden suns set in flaming scarlet, that came 
 halfway down his brown legs; crested with a gorgeous 
 feather helmet shaped like a Greek warrior's, this 
 young Hawaiian moved up State Street like a living 
 flame. 
 
 The Columbia had logged 41,899 miles since her de- 
 parture from Boston on September 30, 1787. Her 
 voyage was not remarkable as a feat of navigation; 
 Magellan and Drake had done the trick centuries be- 
 fore, under far more hazardous conditions. It was the 
 practical results that counted. The Columbia's first 
 voyage began the Northwest fur trade, which enabled 
 the merchant adventurers of Boston to tap the vast 
 reservoir of wealth in China. 
 
 The history of this discovery goes back to the close of 
 hostilities, and reveals a thread of optimism and energy 
 running through years of depression. In December, 
 1783, the little fifty-five-ton sloop Harriet, of Hingham, 
 Captain Hallet, sailed from Boston with a cargo of 
 ginseng for China. Putting in at the Cape of Good 
 Hope, she met with some British East-Indiamen who, 
 alarmed at this portent of Yankee competition, bought 
 her cargo for double its weight in Hyson tea. Captain 
 Hallet made a good bargain, but lost the honor of 
 hoisting the first American ensign in Canton, to a New 
 York ship, the Empress of China. 
 
 Although the capital and the initiative were of 
 New York, the direction of this voyage was entrusted 
 
 44
 
 PIONEERS OF THE PACIFIC 
 
 to the supercargo l of the Empress, Major Samuel 
 Shaw, of Boston, one of the few sons of New England 
 mercantile families who had served through the entire 
 war. The Empress of China arrived at Macao on 
 August 23, 1784, six months out from New York; and 
 despite Shaw's inexperience brought home a cargo that 
 proved America need pay no further tribute for teas 
 or silks to the Dutch or British. Major Shaw's report 
 to the government was published, stimulating others to 
 repeat the experiment; and he freely gave of his ex- 
 perience to all who asked. After receiving the purely 
 honorary title of American consul at Canton, he re- 
 turned thither in 1786, on the ship Hope of New York, 
 James Magee master, to establish the first American 
 commercial house in China. He was also one of the 
 first in the East-India trade. A short residence in 
 Bombay so affected his liver, that he died on a home- 
 ward voyage in 1794, in his fortieth year. Of Samuel 
 Shaw it was said by that rugged shipmaster of Dux- 
 bury, Amasa Delano, that "he was a man of fine tal- 
 ents and considerable cultivation ; he placed so high 
 a value upon sentiments of honor that some of his 
 friends thought it was carried to excess. He was can- 
 did, just and generous, faithful in his friendships, an 
 agreeable companion, and manly in all his inter- 
 course." 
 
 Shortly after her arrival at Canton, the Hope was 
 joined by the Grand Turk, of Salem, Captain Ebenezer 
 West, the first Massachusetts vessel to visit the Far 
 
 1 A supercargo was the representative on shipboard of owners and 
 consigners. He took no part in navigation, but handled the business side 
 of the voyage. A captain often acted as supercargo, especially when a 
 relative of the owners; in such cases he generally carried a clerk to keep 
 the books. Promotion of a supercargo to the command of a vessel was 
 called "coming in through the cabin window"; promotion of a foremast 
 hand, "coming in through the hawse-hole." 
 
 45
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 East. Her return to Salem on May 22, 1787, brought 
 fabulous profits to her owner, whetted the appetite of 
 every Massachusetts merchant, and (what was equally 
 important) fixed their good wives' ambition on a chest 
 of Hyson, a China silk gown, and a set of Canton china. 
 
 Although America was outstripping every other 
 nation in China trade, save Britain, she could not long 
 compete with Britain without a suitable medium. 
 The Canton market accepted little but specie and 
 eastern products. British merchants could import 
 the spoil of India and the Moluccas opium and 
 mummie and sharks' fins and edible birds' nests. Yet 
 Britain paid for the major part of her teas and silks in 
 silver. Massachusetts, on the morrow of Shays's 
 Rebellion, could not afford to do this. Ginseng could 
 be procured and sold only in limited quantities. Unless 
 some new product were found to tickle the palate or 
 suit the fancy of the finicky mandarins, the Grand 
 Turk's voyage were a flash in the pan. To find some- 
 thing salable in Canton, was the riddle of the China 
 trade. Boston and Salem solved it. 
 
 The ship Columbia was fitted out by a group of 
 Boston merchants who believed the solution of the 
 problem lay in the furs of the Northwest Coast. Cap- 
 tain Cook's third voyage, the account of which was 
 published in 1784, and John Ledyard's report of the 
 Russian fur trade in Bering Sea, gave them the hint. 
 Possibly they had also learned from Samuel Shaw that 
 a few Anglo- Indian traders, whom Captain Gray later 
 met on the Coast, had already sold Alaskan sea-otter at 
 Canton. 
 
 Although privately financed, with fourteen shares of 
 $3500 each, 1 the voyage was conceived in the public 
 
 1 The shareholders were Joseph Barrell, Samuel Brown, and Captain 
 Crowell Hatch, prominent Boston merchants; Charles Bulfinch the 
 
 4 6
 
 CAPTAIN GRAY ASHORE AT WHAMPOA 
 
 SHIP COLUMBIA ATTACKED BY INDIANS IN JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT
 
 PIONEERS OF THE PACIFIC 
 
 spirit of the old merchant adventurers. A medal was 
 struck to distribute among the natives. An expert 
 furrier, a surgeon, and (luckily for us) an artist were 
 taken. John Kendrick, of Wareham, commanded 
 both the expedition, and the ship Columbia, eighty- 
 three feet long, two hundred twelve tons burthen, 
 built at Hobart's Landing on the North River, Scitu- 
 ate, in 1773. Robert Gray, born of Plymouth stock in 
 Tiverton, Rhode Island, and a former officer in the 
 Continental navy, was master of the ninety-ton sloop 
 Lady Washington, which accompanied the Columbia as 
 tender. Both vessels made an unusually long passage, 
 and encountered heavy westerly gales off Cape Horn, 
 which they were the first North American vessels to 
 pass. On April i, 1788, in latitude 57 57' south, they 
 parted company. Gray reached the coast of "New 
 Albion" eleven months out of Boston, and was joined 
 by the Columbia at Nootka Sound, the fur-trading 
 center on Vancouver Island. It was too late to do any 
 trading that season, so both vessels were anchored in a 
 sheltered cove, while the crew lived ashore in log huts 
 and built a small boat. In the summer of 1789, before a 
 full cargo of skins had been obtained, provisions began 
 to run low. Captain Kendrick therefore remained be- 
 hind, but sent Gray in the Columbia to Canton, where 
 he exchanged his cargo of peltry for tea, and returned 
 to Boston around the world. 
 
 The Columbia's first voyage, like most pioneering 
 enterprises, was not a financial success. Fourteen 
 American vessels preceded her to Canton, and most of 
 them reached home before her. Four of them, belong- 
 ing to Elias Hasket Derby, of Salem, had approached 
 the China market from a different angle and with 
 
 architect, John Derby, son of E. H. Derby, of Salem, and J. M. Pintard, 
 a merchant of New York. 
 
 47
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 greater success. The ship Astrea, Captain James 
 Magee, 1 carried a miscellaneous cargo, which had 
 taken almost a year to assemble. The barques Light 
 Horse and Atlantic exchanged provisions at Mauritius 
 (lie de France) for bills which at Bombay, Calcutta, 
 and Surat bought a good assortment for Canton ; the 
 brig Three Sisters, Captain Benjamin Webb, disposed 
 of a mixed cargo at Batavia, where she was chartered 
 by a Dutch merchant to carry Java products to Canton. 
 She and the Atlantic were there sold, and the entire 
 proceeds invested in silks, chinaware, and three- 
 quarters of a million pounds of tea, which were loaded 
 on the two larger vessels. 
 
 Elias Hasket Derby, ignorant even of the arrival of 
 his vessels at Canton, was beginning to feel a bit nerv- 
 ous toward the end of May, 1790, when a brig arrived 
 with news of them. On June I, the Astrea was sighted 
 in Salem Bay. But Mr. Derby's troubles were not yet 
 over. On June 15, the Light Horse appeared; but for 
 lack of wind was forced to anchor off Marblehead. In 
 the night an easterly gale sprang up. The vessel was 
 too close inshore to make sail and claw off. Early in 
 the morning her crew felt that sickening sensation 
 of dragging anchors. Astern, nearer, nearer came the 
 granite rocks of Marblehead, where the ragged popula- 
 tion perched like buzzards, not displeased at the pros- 
 pect of rich wreckage at Salem's expense. "King 
 Darby" hurried over in his post-chaise to watch half 
 his fortune inching toward disaster on his very door- 
 step. Finally, with but a few yards to spare between 
 rudder and rocks, the anchors bit, and saved the Light 
 
 1 Captain James Magee (1750-1801), described as "aconvivial, noble- 
 hearted Irishman," during the Revolution commanded the man-of-war 
 brig General Arnold, which was wrecked in Plymouth Bay. He mar- 
 ried Margaret Elliot, sister of Mrs. Thomas Handasyd Perkins, and 
 lived in the old Governor Shirley mansion at Roxbury. 
 
 4 8
 
 PIONEERS OF THE PACIFIC 
 
 Horse until a shift of wind brought her to the haven 
 where she would be. 
 
 Two months later, Captain Gray entered Boston 
 with a damaged cargo to find Captain Magee adver- 
 tising China goods in the Boston papers. But the 
 Columbia had opened a channel to fortune that her 
 rivals were quick to follow. 
 
 As supercargo of the Astrea, Mr. Derby had chosen 
 Captain Magee's young brother-in-law, Thomas Hand- 
 asyd Perkins. The Boston " Herald of Freedom " for 
 January 6, 1789, announced that all persons "wishing 
 to adventure" aboard the Aslrea "may be assured of 
 Mr. Perkins' assertions for their interest." Those who 
 accepted were not disappointed; and the pedigrees of 
 many Boston fortunes can be traced to that China 
 voyage and its consequences. Young Perkins inherited 
 an aptitude for the fur trade from his grandfather, 
 Thomas Handasyd Peck, the leading fur exporter of 
 the province; and he had learned the mercantile busi- 
 ness at his mother's knee. The widow Perkins, one of 
 those remarkable New England women of the Revo- 
 lutionary period, carried on her husband's business 
 with such success that letters used to be received from 
 abroad addressed to "Elizabeth Perkins, Esq." No 
 wonder that, with such forbears, Thomas Handasyd 
 Perkins became the first of Boston merchants, both in 
 fortune and in public spirit. 
 
 On returning to Boston in 1790, young Perkins 
 bought the little seventy-ton brigantine Hope, and 
 sent her under Captain Gray's former mate, Joseph 
 Ingraham, to the Northwest Coast. In a single summer 
 she collected fourteen hundred sea-otter skins. The 
 Columbia started on her second voyage in September, 
 1790, and the brigantine Hancock, one hundred fifty- 
 seven tons, Samuel Crowell master, two months later. 
 
 49
 
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Lieutenant Thomas Lamb and his brother James, 
 merchants, joined Captain Magee in building at Bos- 
 ton, the ship Margaret, one hundred fifty tons, which 
 sailed under the latter's command on December 24, 
 1791, "bound on a voyage of observation and enter- 
 prise to the North- Western Coast of this Continent." 
 Others quickly followed. 
 
 By 1792 the trade route Boston-Northwest Coast- 
 Canton-Boston was fairly established. Not only the 
 merchantmen of Massachusetts, but the whalers (of 
 whom more anon), balked of their accustomed traffic 
 by European exclusiveness, were swarming around the 
 Horn in search of new markets and sources of supply. 
 It was on May 12, 1792, that Captain Gray (according 
 to the seventeen-year-old fifth mate of the Columbia, 
 John Boit, Jr.) "saw an appearance of a spacious 
 harbour abreast the Ship, haul'd our wind for it, 
 observ'd two sand bars making off, with a passage 
 between them to a fine river. Out pinnace and sent 
 her in ahead and followed with the Ship under short 
 sail, carried in from 1/2 three to 7 fm. and when over the 
 bar had 10 fm. water, quite fresh. The River extended 
 to the NE. as far as eye cou'd reach, and water fit to 
 drink as far down as the Bars, at the entrance. We 
 directed our course up this noble River in search of a 
 Village. The beach was lin'd with Natives, who ran 
 along shore following the Ship. Soon after, above 20 
 Canoes came off, and brought a good lot of Furs, and 
 Salmon, which last they sold two for a board Nail. 
 The furs we likewise bought cheap, for Copper and 
 Cloth. They appear'd to view the Ship with the great- 
 est astonishment and no doubt we was the first civ- 
 ilized people that they ever saw. At length we arriv'd 
 opposite to a large village, situate on the North side of 
 the River, about 5 leagues from the entrance. . . . Capt. 
 
 50
 
 THOMAS HANDASYD PERKINS
 
 PIONEERS OF THE PACIFIC 
 
 Gray named this river Columbia's and the North en- 
 trance Cape Hancock, and the South Point, Adams. 
 This River in my opinion, wou'd be a fine place for to 
 set up a Factory. . . . The river abounds with excellent 
 Salmon." 
 
 On her first voyage, the Columbia had solved the 
 riddle of the China trade. On her second, empire fol- 
 lowed in the wake.
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 THE NORTHWEST FUR TRADE 
 1788-1812 
 
 BEFORE the Columbia returned again, another rash 
 enterprise of Boston merchants, an attempt to enter 
 the Canton market through imitation of the British 
 East India Company, had failed. The ship Massachu- 
 setts, of almost eight hundred tons burthen, the largest 
 vessel constructed to that date in an American ship- 
 yard, was built at Quincy in 1789 for Samuel Shaw 
 and other Boston merchants. Her model and dimen- 
 sions were taken from a British East-Indiaman, and 
 her equipment and roster, with midshipmen and cap- 
 tain's servants, imitated the Honourable Company so 
 far as Yankee economy permitted. Under the com- 
 mand of Captain Job Prince, the Massachusetts sailed 
 from Boston on March 28, 1790. She carried a gen- 
 eral cargo, which her owners expected to exchange at 
 Batavia for goods suitable for Canton. But the Dutch 
 authorities (as one might have foreseen) refused a 
 permit. When the Massachusetts arrived at Canton 
 with an unsalable cargo, after a long and tempestuous 
 voyage, Samuel Shaw gladly seized an opportunity 
 to sell her for $65,000 to the Danish East India 
 Company. This experience prejudiced American ship- 
 owners against vessels larger than five hundred tons, 
 and determined the merchants of Boston to concen- 
 trate on the Northwest fur trade. 
 
 "The habits and ordinary pursuits of the New Eng- 
 landers qualified them in a peculiar manner for carry- 
 ing on this trade," wrote one of them, "and the em- 
 
 52
 
 THE NORTHWEST FUR TRADE 
 
 barrassed state of Europe gave them . . . almost a 
 monopoly of the most lucrative part of it." Salem 
 merchants preferred the Cape of Good Hope route, 
 over which they attained their first success; English- 
 men, Philadelphians, and New Yorkers soon dropped 
 out; and by 1801, out of sixteen ships on "The Coast" 
 (as Boston called it this early) all but two were Bos- 
 tonian. The masters and mates, and at first the crews, 
 were for the most part Bostonian, and the vessels of 
 Boston registry. So it is no wonder that the Chinook 
 jargon, the pidgin English of the Coast, names United 
 States citizens "Boston men" as distinguished from 
 " Kintshautsh (King George) men." 
 
 The most successful vessels in the Northwest fur 
 trade were small, well-built brigs and ships of one 
 hundred to two hundred and fifty tons burthen (say 
 sixty-five to ninety feet long), constructed in the ship- 
 yards from the Kennebec to Scituate. Larger vessels 
 were too difficult to work through the intricacies of the 
 Northwest Coast. They were heavily manned, in case 
 of an Indian attack; and copper-bottomed by Paul 
 Revere's newly invented process, to prevent accumu- 
 lating barnacles and weeds in tropic waters. The Win- 
 ships' Albatross, which neglected this precaution, took 
 almost six months to round Cape Horn, and found her 
 speed reduced to two knots an hour. Clearing from 
 Boston in the autumn, in order to pass the high lati- 
 tudes during the Antarctic summer, they generally 
 arrived on the Coast by spring. 
 
 "The passage around Cape Horn from the East- 
 ward I positively assert," wrote Captain Porter, of the 
 frigate Essex, "is the most dangerous, most difficult, 
 and attended with more hardships, than that of the 
 same distance in any other part of the world." A 
 passage in which many a great ship has met her death ; 
 
 53
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 in which the head winds and enormous seas put small 
 vessels at a great disadvantage. Yet, so far as I have 
 learned, not one of these Boston Nor'westmen failed 
 to round the Horn in safety. 
 
 To obtain fresh provisions and prevent scurvy, the 
 Nor'west traders broke their voyage at least twice; 
 at the Cape Verde Islands, the Falklands, sometimes 
 Galapagos for a giant tortoise, and invariably Hawaii. 
 For these were leisurely days in seafaring, when a 
 homeward-bound vessel would stand by for hours while 
 the crew of an outward-bounder wrote letters home. 
 Captain Ingraham on his passage out in the Hope, in 
 1791, discovered and named the Washington group of 
 the Marquesas Islands, whose women (so he informed 
 the jealous officers of the Columbia) were "as much 
 handsomer than the natives of the Sandwich Islands 
 as the women of Boston are handsomer than a Guinea 
 negro." 
 
 After the soft embrace of South Sea Islands, the 
 savage grandeur of the Northwest Coast threw a chill 
 on first-comers. Behind rocks and shingle beaches, on 
 which the long Pacific rollers broke and roared in- 
 cessantly, spruce and fir-clad mountains rose into 
 the clouds, which distilled the sea-borne moisture in 
 almost daily showers. The jagged and picturesque 
 coast-line a Maine on magnificent scale offered 
 countless harbors; but behind every beach on the 
 outer margin was a mass of dank undergrowth, 
 impenetrable even for the natives, whose dugout 
 canoes served for hunting and fishing, transport and 
 war. 
 
 On making his landfall, a Boston Nor'westman came 
 to anchor off the nearest Indian village, bartered so 
 long as he could do business, and then moved on to one 
 after another of the myriad bays and coves until his 
 
 54
 
 THE NORTHWEST FUR TRADE 
 
 hold was full of valuable furs. It was a difficult and 
 hazardous trade, requiring expert discrimination in 
 making up a cargo, the highest skill in navigation, and 
 unceasing vigilance in all dealings with the Indians. 
 
 The Northwest Indians were dangerous customers. 
 Captain Kendrick, on parting with Gray during their 
 pioneer voyage, wrote him, "treet the Natives with 
 Respect where Ever you go. Cultivate frindship with 
 them as much as possibel and take Nothing from them 
 But what you pay them for according to a fair agree*, 
 ment, and not suffer your peopel to affront them or 
 treet them 111." Gray obeyed, although he found 
 the Indians already treacherous and aggressive; the 
 result, he believed, of English outrages. The Boston 
 men, both from interest and humanity, endeavored by 
 just and tactful dealings to win the natives' confidence. 
 But their work was hampered by irresponsible fly-by- 
 nights who would pirate a cargo of skins, and never 
 return. 
 
 In the early days, scarcely a voyage passed without 
 a battle. Captain Kendrick lost a son, and was once 
 driven from his own vessel by an Indian Amazon and 
 her braves. The Columbia lost her second mate, and 
 several members of her crew at " Murderers' Harbor." 
 In 1803, the natives near Nootka Sound attacked 
 the Amorys' ship Boston, Captain John Salter, and 
 slaughtered all the ship's company but two; one of 
 whom, John Jewitt, lived to write a narrative that 
 thrilled generations of schoolboys. Given a firm mas- 
 ter and stout crew, the Nor'west trading vessels could 
 take care of themselves. Beside swivel-guns on the 
 bulwarks, they were armed with six to twenty cannon, 
 kept well shotted with grape, langrage or canister; 
 and provided with boarding nettings, muskets, pistols, 
 cutlasses and boarding pikes. The quarterdecks were 
 
 55
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 loopholed for musket fire, the hatches were veritable 
 'pill-boxes.' When a flotilla of dugouts surrounded 
 the vessel, only a few natives were permitted on board 
 at one time, and men armed with blunderbusses were 
 sent into the cross-trees, lest the waiting customers 
 lose patience. 
 
 Even peaceably inclined, the natives were hard to 
 please. "They do not seem to covet usefull things," 
 writes Captain Gray's clerk, "but anything that looks 
 pleasing to the eye, or what they call riches." They 
 rated a fellow- Indian socially by his superfluous 
 blankets, by copper tea-kettles that were never used, 
 and by bunches of old keys worn like a necklace and 
 kept bright by constant rubbing. When rebuked by 
 Captain Sturgis for this wasteful display, an Indian 
 chief anticipated Veblen by adverting to the Boston 
 fashion of placing brass balls on iron fences, to tarnish 
 every night and be polished by the housemaid every 
 morning! 
 
 The Indians evidently had more discrimination than 
 generally acknowledged, for on her first voyage the 
 Columbia carried large numbers of snuff-bottles, rat- 
 traps, Jews'-harps, and pocket mirrors, which (except 
 for the last) were a dead loss. Her second cargo, in 
 1790, is typical of the Northwest fur trade as long as it 
 lasted. From Herman Brimmer were bought 143 
 sheets of copper, many pieces of blue, red, and green 
 'duffills' and scarlet coating. Solomon Cotton sold 
 the Columbia's owners 4261 quarter-pound ' chissells ' ; 
 Asa Hammond, 150 pairs shoes at 75 cents; Benjamin 
 Greene, Jr., blue duffle trousers at 92 cents, pea 
 jackets, Flushing great coats, watch-coats and 'fear- 
 noughts'; 1 Samuel Parkman, 6 gross 'gimblets,' and 
 
 1 A stout woolen cloth, used for outside clothing at sea. The chisels 
 were merely short strips of iron. Duffles, also a coarse woolen, had been 
 
 56
 
 THE NORTHWEST FUR TRADE 
 
 12 gross buttons; Baker & Brewer, striped duffle 
 blanketing; Samuel Fales, 14 M 2od. nails; and the 
 United States government, 100 old muskets and 
 blunderbusses. 1 Very few of these articles were manu- 
 factured in Massachusetts, and sometimes a Nor'west- 
 man would make up a cargo in England before starting 
 for the Coast. New England rum, that ancient medium 
 for savage barter, is curiously absent from the North- 
 west fur trade. Molasses and ship-biscuit were used 
 instead of liquor to treat the natives. 
 
 The principal fur sought by Boston traders was that 
 of the sea-otter, of which the mandarins had never 
 been able to obtain enough from Russian hunters. 
 Next to a beautiful woman and a lovely infant, said 
 Captain Sturgis, a prime sea-otter skin two feet by 
 five, with its short, glossy jet-black fur, was the finest 
 natural object in the world. Its price varied consider- 
 ably. Captain Gray's mate obtained two hundred 
 skins at Queen Charlotte's Island for two hundred 
 trade chisels (mere bits of strap iron) ; but at Nootka 
 Sound the price was ten chisels apiece, or six inches 
 square of sheet copper. Most vessels took a metal- 
 used by New Englanders in the beaver trade since the seventeenth 
 century. 
 
 1 Most Boston business firms who do not figure in the invoices are 
 found among those supplying the outfit. John Derby, part owner, fur- 
 nished 4 cannon and 8 swivels (probably from one of his father's former 
 privateers), and Captain D. Hathorn (great-uncle of Nathaniel Haw- 
 thorne) freighted them from Salem. S. & S. Salisbury furnished twine and 
 lead pencils; John Joy, one medicine chest; Thomas Amory Jr. & Co., 
 14 bbls. pitch and turpentine; J. & T. Lamb, 6 anchors; Josiah Bradlee, 
 horn Mantherns,' tin kettles and a coffee pot; Samuel Whitwell, a 
 blacksmith's bellows; J. Levering & Sons, 27 Ib. tallow; Elisha Sigourney, 
 71 Ib. grape shot; J. L. & B. Austin, cordage; Jonathan Winship, 135 
 bbls. beef; Mungo Mackay, 3 hds. N.E. rum; Lewis Hoyt, 2 hds. W.I. 
 rum and 3 kegs essence of spruce; Wm. Boardman Jr., 3 ironbound 
 casks; Robt. & Jos. Davis 20 bbls. cider, 6 of cranberries, 2 of barberries 
 and 10 pigs. (Columbia MSS., 59.) 
 
 57
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 worker to make tools and weapons to order. Captain 
 Ingraham's armorer made iron collars and bracelets, 
 which became all the rage on the Coast and brought 
 three otter skins each. Captain Sturgis, observing 
 that the Indians used ermine pelts for currency, 
 procured five thousand of them at the Leipzig fair for 
 thirty cents apiece. On his next voyage he purchased 
 one morning five hundred and sixty sea-otter skins, 
 worth fifty dollars apiece in Canton, at the rate of five 
 ermines, or a dollar and a half, each. But he so in- 
 flated the currency that it soon lost value ! Later, not- 
 ing that war-captives were a recognized form of wealth 
 among the Indians, some Boston traders began buying 
 them from tribes which were long on slaves, and selling 
 them to tribes which were short. This form of specu- 
 lation in foreign exchange was sternly reproved by 
 George Lyman, and forbidden to his vessels and ship- 
 masters. 
 
 The first white men to attempt a permanent estab- 
 lishment in the Oregon country were the Winship 
 brothers of Brighton Abiel, the Boston merchant, 
 Captain Jonathan, Jr., and Captain Nathan, who com- 
 manded the family ship Albatross. On June 4, 1810, 
 she sailed forty miles up the Columbia River and 
 anchored off an oak grove, where her crew broke 
 ground for a vegetable garden, and started work on a 
 log house. But the Chinook Indians, the fur middle- 
 men of Oregon, would brook no competition. Having 
 no warships or marines to back them up, the Winships 
 were forced to evacuate. It was a sad disappointment. 
 Jonathan Winship, Jr., whose hobby was horticulture, 
 "hoped to have planted a Garden of Eden on the 
 shores of the Pacific, and made that wilderness to 
 blossom like the rose." Others fulfilled his dream, 
 bringing slips from the very rose-garden of Brighton 
 
 58
 
 THE NORTHWEST FUR TRADE 
 
 where Captain Jonathan spent the long tranquil years 
 of retirement he had earned so well. 1 
 
 Unless exceedingly lucky, vessels remained eighteen 
 months to two years on the Coast, before proceeding 
 to Canton, and it was commonly three years before 
 Long Wharf saw them again. Small brigs and sloops 
 were sent out, or built on the Coast, to continue the 
 collection of furs during the absence of the larger vessel. 
 
 The Sandwich Islands proved an ideal spot to re- 
 fresh a scorbutic crew, and even to complete the cargo. 
 Captain Kendrick (who plied between Canton and the 
 Coast in the Lady Washington until his death in 1794) 
 discovered sandalwood, an article much in demand 
 at Canton, growing wild on the Island of Kauai. A 
 vigorous trade with the native chiefs in this fragrant 
 commodity was started by Boston fur- traders in "the 
 Islands"; leading to more Hawaiian visits to New 
 England, to the missionary effort of 1820, and even- 
 tually to annexation. 
 
 Another variation to the standard China voyage 
 was contraband fur-trading along the coast of Spanish 
 California. According to H. H. Bancroft, the first 
 American vessel to anchor in California waters was 
 the ship Otter of Boston, one hundred and sixty-eight 
 tons, Ebenezer Dorr, Jr., master, which put in at 
 Monterey for provisions in 1796. All trade and inter- 
 course between Boston men and Californians was con- 
 traband; but both seized every opportunity to flout 
 the Laws of the Indies. 
 
 1 "Solid Men of Boston" (MS.), 70. Jonathan, Jr., founded the beef- 
 slaughtering business at Brighton in 1775, and supplied the American 
 army and French fleet during the Revolution. Charles Winship, another 
 brother in this remarkable family, died at Valparaiso about 1800, when 
 in command of the brigantine Betsy, bound for the Northwest Coast. 
 A second Captain Charles Winship, son of a fifth brother, died at Val- 
 paraiso in 1819 or 1820 when in command of a sealing voyage. 
 
 59
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Boston vessels generally carried a Carta de Amistad 
 from "Don Juan Stoughton, Consul de S.M.C. para 
 los Estados Unidos de New Hampshire, Massachu- 
 setts," etc. This was to be used if forced to put into 
 one of His Catholic Majesty's ports "par mal Tiempo 
 o otre acontecimiento imprevisto" which exigency 
 was pretty sure to occur when the land breeze smelt 
 sea-otterish. Richard J. Cleveland, of Salem, owner 
 and master of the brig Lelia Byrd, tried to make off 
 with some pelts under the very nose of Commandant 
 Don Manuel Rodriguez, who retaliated in the blood- 
 less "Battle of San Diego" on March 21, 1803. But 
 untoward incidents were rare. At his next port, San 
 Quintin, the Lelia Byrd's people got on beautifully with 
 a group of mission fathers who came down to trade and 
 gossip. They spent two merry weeks together on this 
 lonely shore, dining alternately in tent and cabin, 
 inaugurating a half-century of close and friendly rela- 
 tions between Puritan and Padre on the California 
 coast. Nothing like a common interest in smuggling to 
 smooth religious differences! 
 
 Captain Joseph O'Cain, of Boston, in a ship of 
 two hundred and eighty tons named after himself and 
 built on North River for the Winships, inaugurated a 
 new system of otter-hunting in 1804. Putting in at 
 New Archangel (Sitka), he persuaded Baranov, the 
 genial Russian factor, to lend him a hundred and fifty 
 Aleut Indians, on shares. These expert otter-hunters, 
 putting out from the ship in their skin canoes, like 
 Gloucester fishermen in dories, obtained eleven hun- 
 dred sea-otter pelts for Captain O'Cain in his first 
 California cruise. Kills were made under the very walls 
 of the San Francisco presidio. Three years later, 
 O'Cain chartered his ship Eclipse of Boston to the 
 Russian-American Company, traded their furs at 
 
 60
 
 THE NORTHWEST FUR TRADE 
 
 Canton, visited Nagasaki and Petropavlovsk, lost the 
 vessel on the Aleutian Islands, built another out of the 
 wreck, and returned to trade once more. 1 California 
 sea-otter and fur-seal hunting, combined with contra- 
 band mission trade, was pursued with much success 
 for about ten years, when the Russians declined 
 further aid to their competitors. 
 
 Another class of Pacific fur-traders were the "seal- 
 skinners." About 1783, the ship States, owned by a 
 Boston woman, 2 was fitted out for a voyage to the 
 Falklands in search of fur-seal and sea-elephant oil. 
 Some of the sealskins obtained were carried on a 
 venture to China, and the result encouraged others to 
 follow. Although sealskins brought but a dollar or two 
 at Canton, such quantities (even a hundred thou- 
 sand on a single voyage) could be obtained merely by 
 landing on a beach and clubbing the helpless animals, 
 that vessels were especially fitted out to go in search 
 of them, and the smaller Nor'westmen occasionally 
 picked up a few thousand on their way to the Coast. 
 Connecticut was more conspicuous in this trade than 
 Massachusetts; but several vessels were commanded 
 by Nantucketers, and others were owned there and in 
 Boston or Salem. As in whaling, the men were gen- 
 erally shipped on shares, and often cheated out of 
 them. Masafuero, in the Juan Fernandez group, was 
 the center for seal-killing; but other islands off the 
 Chilian coast, St. Paul and Amsterdam Islands in the 
 
 1 One would like to know more of this Captain O'Cain. He was an 
 Irishman whose parents lived in Boston, and first visited the Coast in 
 1795 on an English vessel, whose master, at his request, left him at 
 Santa Barbara. He managed to return to Boston in time to be married 
 there in 1799. 
 
 * ' Lady ' or ' Madam ' Haley, as she was called in Boston, was a sister 
 of the famous Jack Wilkes: for second husband, she married Patrick 
 Jeffery, a Boston merchant. 
 
 6l
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Indian Ocean, South Georgia, the Farralones and 
 Santa Catalina off California, were visited before 1810. 
 Gangs of sealers would be left on some lonely island 
 in the South Pacific, while the vessel smuggled goods 
 into Callao, Concepcion, Valparaiso, and smaller places 
 like Coquimbo and Pisco. Amasa Delano, of Duxbury 
 (private, U.S.A., at fourteen, privateersman at sixteen, 
 master shipbuilder at twenty-one, second mate of the 
 ship Massachusetts), with his brother built the sealers 
 Perseverance and Pilgrim, and sailed as far as Tas- 
 mania, where they matched rascalities and exchanged 
 brutalities with one of the British convict colonies. 
 It was a Boston sealskinner, the Dorrs' Otter, which 
 rescued from Botany Bay Thomas Muir, one of the 
 victims of Pitt's Sedition Act. Eighty years later, 
 New Bedford whalers were extending the same cour- 
 tesy to exiled Fenians. 
 
 The first commercial relations between the United 
 States and the west coast of South America, were 
 established by sealers, Nor'westmen, and whalers 
 putting in "under stress of weather" to obtain provi- 
 sions, and indulge in the favorite Yankee pastime of 
 swapping. To a certain extent they imported ideas; 
 Richard J. Cleveland made a point of spreading 
 republican propaganda at Valparaiso. The manner of 
 their reception depended on the official mood. Bernard 
 Magee in the ship Jefferson had only to present his 
 ship's papers, signed by Washington, to receive the 
 freedom of Valparaiso from Governor-General Don 
 Ambrosio O'Higgins. Others were not so fortunate, 
 and many a poor sailor, forced against his will into 
 smuggling, spent in consequence a term of years in a 
 South American calaboose. 
 
 Whaling was another industry of maritime Massa- 
 chusetts that renewed its strength in the Pacific. But 
 
 62
 
 THE NORTHWEST FUR TRADE 
 
 we must postpone our whaling voyage lest we lose sight 
 of the Canton market, the golden lodestone for every 
 otter-skin, sealskin, or sandalwood log collected on 
 Northwest Coast, California, or Pacific Islands.
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 THE CANTON MARKET 
 1784-1812 
 
 THE Northwest trade, the Hawaiian trade, and the fur- 
 seal fisheries were only a means to an end: the pro- 
 curing of Chinese teas and textiles, to sell again at 
 home and abroad. China was the only market for sea- 
 otter, and Canton the only Chinese port where foreign- 
 ers were allowed to exchange it. 
 
 Major Shaw's description of the Canton trade in 
 1784 would fit any year to 1840. After a voyage of 
 several weeks from Hawaii, a Yankee trader passed be- 
 tween Luzon and Formosa, made Lintin Island, ran a 
 gantlet of piratical junks, paused at the old Portuguese 
 factory of Macao, and sailed up-river past the Bogue 
 forts to Whampoa, the anchorage for all foreign mer- 
 chantmen. There the Hoppo came aboard to receive 
 gifts for wife, mother, and self, and measure the ship 
 for her 'cumshaw-duty.' Thence her cargo was light- 
 ered in chop-boats twelve miles upstream to Canton, 
 landed at Jackass Point, and stored in a factory or 
 hong hired from one of the twelve Chinese security 
 merchants, who had a monopoly of foreign trade, and 
 acted as commercial godfathers to the Fan-Kwae, or 
 foreign devils. 
 
 To Yankee seamen, fresh from the savage wilderness 
 of the Northwest, how marvelous, bewildering was old 
 Canton ! Against a background of terraced hongs with 
 their great go-downs or warehouses, which screened 
 the forbidden City of Rams from foreign devils' gaze, 
 flowed the river, bearing a city of boats the like of 
 
 64
 
 THE HONGS OF OLD CANTON 
 
 THE PAGODA ANCHORAGE, WHAMPOA
 
 THE CANTON MARKET 
 
 which he had never dreamed. Moored to the shore 
 were flower-boats, their upper works cunningly carved 
 into the shape of flowers and birds, and strange sounds 
 issuing from their painted windows. Mandarin boats 
 decorated with gay silk pennants, and propelled by 
 double banks of oars, moved up and down in stately 
 cadence. Great tea-deckers, with brightly lacquered 
 topsides and square sail of brown matting, brought 
 the Souchong, Young Hyson, and Bohea from up- 
 river. In and out darted thousands of little sampans, 
 housing entire families who plied their humble trades 
 afloat. Provision dealers cried their wares from boats 
 heaped high with colorful and deadly produce. Bar- 
 bers' skiffs announced their coming by the twanging 
 of tweezers, emblem of their skippers' painful profes- 
 sion. Twilight brought the boat people to their moor- 
 ings, a bamboo pole thrust in oozy bottom, and paper 
 lanterns diffused a soft light over the river. For color 
 and exotic flavor there was no trade like the old China 
 trade, no port like Canton. 
 
 Boston traders, in contrast to the arrogant officials 
 of Honourable John, were welcomed by the Chinese; 
 and on their part acquired an esteem for the Chinese 
 character that has endured to this day. Russell Sturgis, 
 who traveled and resided in many lands, said that he 
 never knew better gentlemen than the Hong merchants. 
 Houqua's name was a household word in Boston mer- 
 chants' families. They never tired of describing old 
 Houqua tearing up the $72,000 promissory note of a 
 homesick Bostonian, with the remark, "You and I olo 
 flen; you belong honest man only no got chance. . . . 
 Just now have setlee counter, alia finishee; you go, you 
 please." But trade did not always go on in this princely 
 manner. The Chinese were able to instruct even 
 Bostonians in the pleasant art of smuggling. There 
 
 65
 
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 was much clandestine trade in otter-skins from Yankee 
 ships in Macao Roads, or the near-by Dirty Butter 
 Bay; good training for opium-running at a later period. 
 
 The strange laws and customs of the Chinese led to 
 the creation of Boston mercantile agencies at Canton 
 in order to ease the way for American traders. Major 
 Shaw established the first, Shaw & Randall, on his 
 return to Canton as American consul in 1786. The 
 Columbia's cargo was handled by him, and a commis- 
 sion of seven and one-half per cent charged on the re- 
 turn lading. Competition later reduced this to two and 
 one-half per cent, of which one was returned to the su- 
 percargo. The most famous house of our period was 
 Perkins & Co., a branch of J. & T. H. Perkins, of Bos- 
 ton. Established in 1803, the illness of the chief put 
 this concern under the charge of his sixteen-year-old 
 clerk, John Perkins Gushing. The young man's letters 
 were so precocious that his uncles made him permanent 
 head man, and took him into partnership. Except for 
 two brief visits home, Gushing remained at Canton 
 thirty years, and became the most wealthy and highly 
 respected foreign merchant in China. 
 
 What with the commissions, duties, presents, and 
 graft that must be yielded at every step to hoppo, 
 comprador, or linguist, the cost of doing business at 
 Canton was very heavy. The Columbia's first lading, 
 of one thousand and fifty sea-otter skins, sold for 
 $21,404.71; but after fees, expenses, and repairs were 
 deducted, only $11,241.51 remained to invest in a 
 homeward cargo. Even after the ropes were learned, it 
 was a clever captain who expended less than six thou- 
 sand dollars at Canton. Yet the American demand for 
 tea, nankeens, crapes, and silks increased so fast, and 
 Boston merchant-shipowners proved so efficient in the 
 cheap handling and distribution of China goods to all 
 
 66
 
 THE CANTON MARKET 
 
 parts of the world, that the trade grew by leaps and 
 bounds. The value of imports at Canton on American 
 vessels rose to over five million dollars in 1805-06; of 
 this over one million was accounted for by 17,445 sea- 
 otter, 140,297 seal, and 34,460 beaver-skins, and 1600 
 piculs of sandalwood. Most of the remainder was spe- 
 cie brought directly from Boston, New York, and Phil- 
 adelphia. The same year American vessels exported 
 almost ten million pounds of tea from Canton. It 
 was a constant marvel to Europeans, who conducted 
 the China trade in great ships owned by chartered 
 monopolies, how the Americans managed to survive 
 these heavy charges with their small, individually 
 owned vessels. Yet the American, and particularly 
 the Boston way of China trading was the more econom- 
 ical. Free competition, and elimination of pomp and 
 circumstance, more than made up for the small craft's 
 disadvantage in 'overhead.' 
 
 When the winter season brought favoring winds, 
 the ships quickly completed their lading, obtained the 
 Grand Chop that passed them down-river, and caught 
 the northeast monsoon down the China Sea. Off the 
 coast of Borneo began several hundred miles of danger- 
 ous waters: shoals, reefs, and fantastic islands, baffling 
 winds and treacherous currents, among which one had 
 the feeling that Conrad describes, of being constantly 
 watched. Let a vessel but touch on submerged reef, 
 and hundreds of Malay proas come swarming to take 
 her life's blood. Through Caspar Passage or Banka 
 Straits the vessel reached a welcome stretch of open 
 water, and before long the sight of Java Head. A 
 stop for fresh provisions was made off the village of 
 Anjer, where Java "rose from level groves of shore 
 palms to lofty blue peaks terraced with rice and red- 
 massed kina plantations, with shining streams and 
 
 67
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 green kananga flowers and tamarinds, and the land 
 breeze, fragrant with clove buds and cinnamon, came 
 off to the ship like a vaporous dusk." 1 There, the ship 
 was quickly surrounded by a swarm of canoes plied 
 by naked Malays, and laden with cocoanuts, oranges, 
 mangoes and mangosteen; with Java sparrows, par- 
 rots, monkeys, green turtles, and Malacca-joint canes. 
 
 From this enchanted spot the ship threaded the 
 Sunda Straits, full of dangerous rocks that rose out of 
 seventy-fathom depths, toward which the currents ir- 
 resistibly drew becalmed vessels. "Thank God we are 
 clear of Sunda Straits," confided a Boston shipmaster 
 to his sea journal on November 19, 1801. '"T is sur- 
 prising to see the joy depicted on every one's counte- 
 nance at getting clear of these horrid straits. Many 
 of the sailors who had never been off duty was now 
 obliged to take to their beds. Many a time they had 
 to support themselves on a Gun while doing their 
 duty. Still they would not give out till we got clear. 
 Such men as these deserve my best regards." 
 
 Once a vessel was clear of the straits, a quartering 
 southeast wind stretched her across the Indian Ocean 
 to Madagascar and the Cape of Good Hope. Simon's 
 Town was frequently visited for a little smuggling. 
 Then, after a last call at St. Helena, the China trader 
 squared away for Cape Cod. 
 
 "There are better ships nowadays, but no better 
 seamen," wrote an aged Boston merchant in 1860; and 
 his words still hold good. Of these gallant Nor'west- 
 men, who thought no more of rounding the Horn than 
 their descendants do of rounding Cape Cod, Captain 
 
 1 Hergesheimer, Java Head. 
 
 68
 
 THE CANTON MARKET 
 
 'Bill' Sturgis was one of the best. A tough, beetly- 
 browed son of a Cape Cod shipmaster, he left Boston 
 for the Coast in 1798 as sixteen-year-old foremast hand 
 on the ship Eliza, belonging to T. H. Perkins, his 
 young but wealthy relative. He returned to Boston 
 five years later as master of the Lambs' ship Caroline, 
 and of the fur trade. On his third voyage, in command 
 of Theodore Lyman's new ship Atahualpa with $300,- 
 ooo in specie on board, he beat off an attack of sixteen 
 pirate junks in Macao Roads. Returning, he formed 
 with John Bryant, of Boston, the firm of Bryant & 
 Sturgis, which after the War of 1812 revived the North- 
 west fur trade, and opened the hide traffic with Cali- 
 fornia. 
 
 William Sturgis became one of the wealthiest mer- 
 chants of Boston, and lived to hear the news of Gettys- 
 burg; but no one dared call him a merchant prince. 
 Owing perhaps to the caricature of leisure-class display 
 he had seen among the Northwest Indians, Captain 
 Sturgis refused to surround himself with paintings, 
 bric-a-brac, and useless furniture. Throughout the 
 worst period of interior decoration, his simple mansion 
 on Church Green remained as neat and bare as a ship's 
 cabin. When he occupied a Boston seat in the Great 
 and General Court, one of the professional orators of 
 that body got off a long Greek quotation. Captain 
 Bill replied in one of the Indian dialects of the North- 
 west Coast, which, he explained, was much more to the 
 point, and probably as well understood by his col- 
 leagues, as that of the honorable and learned gentle- 
 man. Public-spirited without self-advertisement, writ- 
 ing and lecturing with salty emphasis on the Oregon 
 country, an honored member of learned societies, yet 
 proud that he came in through the hawse-hole; Wil- 
 liam Sturgis was the finest type of Boston merchant 
 
 69
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 created by these far-flung adventures of Federalist 
 days. 
 
 Another famous Nor'westman, who had neither the 
 background nor the connections of William Sturgis, 
 was Captain John Suter. Born of Scots parents near 
 Norfolk, Virginia, in 1781, left a penniless orphan at 
 the age of eight, he made his way to Boston on a 
 schooner. The child was befriended by a Boston pilot, 
 who taught him to hand, reef and steer, to read his 
 Bible, and to live straight. At seventeen he began his 
 deep-sea voyages. The next two years brought ad- 
 ventures enough to have dampened any one's ardor 
 for seafaring; privateering against France, capture, and 
 a Brest dungeon; a West- India voyage, impressment 
 into a British frigate, an attack of smallpox, and one of 
 ' yellow jack/ Yet no sooner was the boy back in Bos- 
 ton than he shipped as foremast hand on the ship Alert 
 outward bound to the Northwest Coast and Canton. 
 
 Without education, family, or anything but his own 
 merits to recommend him, John Suter did so well on his 
 first Northwest voyage that on his second, in 1804, 
 he sailed as mate and "assistant trader" on the ship 
 Pearl. On her return, he was promoted to master and 
 supercargo, and made a most successful voyage to the 
 Coast and Canton. The value of ship, outfit, and cargo, 
 judging from statistics of other voyages, could not 
 have exceeded forty thousand dollars. 1 In spite of 
 some unpleasantness with the Indians who once had 
 to be cleared from the Pearl's decks by cross-fire from 
 the loopholes Captain Suter collected enough furs 
 
 1 The cargoes of twelve vessels which cleared from Boston for the 
 Northwest Coast between 1797 and 1800 were invoiced between $7500 
 and $19,700. (Solid Men of Boston, 76.) The Caroline in 1803 asked only 
 $14,000 and obtained but $13,000 insurance for ship, cargo, and outfit. 
 The rate was seventeen per cent, covering risk "against the Natives and 
 as well on shore as on board." 
 
 70
 
 and sandalwood to pay all expenses at Canton, and 
 lay out $156,743.21 in goods. His return cargo is so 
 typical of that trade and period, that I give it in detail, 
 from the Captain's own manuscript memoranda, with 
 the prices realized at auction sale in Boston. 
 
 SALES OF SHIP PEARL'S CARGO AT BOSTON, 1810 
 
 50 blue and white dining sets, 172 pieces each. ... $ 2 290.00 
 
 480 tea sets, 49 pieces each 2 704.80 
 
 30 boxes enameled cups and sauces, 50 dozen each I 360.00 
 
 100 boxes Superior Souchong tea 795-87 
 
 100 chests Souchong 3 834.66 
 
 235 " Hyson 13 290.65 
 
 160 Hyson Skin 5 577.40 
 
 400 " other teas 13 668.48 
 
 200 chests Cassia of 2208 "matts" each 8 585.52 
 
 170 ooo pieces ' Nankins' 1 18 850.00 
 
 14 ooo " (280 bales) blue do 24 195.00 
 
 5 ooo " (50 " ) yellow do 6 800.00 
 
 2 ooo " (50 " ) white do 2 580.00 
 
 24 bottles oil of Cassia 466.65 
 
 92 cases silks (black 'sinchaws,' black ' sattins,' 
 white and blue striped do. dark brown plains, 
 bottle-green and black striped 'sattins for 
 
 Gentlemens ware" 56 344.61 
 
 And sundries, bring the total to 261 343.18 
 
 Expenses of sale, including auctioneer's commission, 
 wharfage, truckage, "advertising in Centinel and 
 Gazette, 5.50," "advertising and crying of sales, 30.31," 
 
 "liquors, 5.88" 2 129.06 
 
 Captain Suter's 'primage,' 5% on balance 12 960.70 
 
 Balance to owners 246 253.42 
 
 On this were paid customs duties, within 12 months. . . 39 602.95 
 Net profit on voyage 206 650.47 
 
 Having proved himself both a keen trader and an 
 able master, Captain Suter was offered by George 
 
 71
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Lyman a 'primage' of ten per cent, with the usual 
 ' privilege ' and salary, to succeed Captain Sturgis on 
 the Atahualpa. He accepted, and took a sixteenth 
 share in ship and cargo as well. 
 
 Owing to his ruthless repulse of a band of Indians 
 who had boarded the Pearl, Captain Suter returned 
 to the Coast a marked man. One day an Indian chief 
 came on board, ostensibly to trade. Immediately a 
 flotilla of dugouts, containing over two thousand 
 warriors, issued from behind a wooded point and sur- 
 rounded the Atahualpa. They found a worthy suc- 
 cessor to Captain Sturgis on her quarterdeck. Suter 
 took the chief by the throat, put a pistol to his head, 
 and told him to order the canoes away or he would 
 blow his brains out. The order was given. Deliber- 
 ately weighing anchor, Captain Suter made sail, and 
 when free of the canoes released his prisoner, who 
 turned out to be the very Indian who had successfully 
 attacked John Jacob Astor's Tonquin. 
 
 Owing to the War of 1812 and the presence of British 
 cruisers in the Pacific, Captain Suter sold the Atahu- 
 alpa at Hawaii at considerable sacrifice; but he got 
 enough furs into Canton to send home, after peace was 
 concluded, a cargo that netted the owners almost 
 $120,000 on their original adventure of not over 
 $40,000. 
 
 Would that we could reproduce the language, ex- 
 pressions, and motions of that extinct breed, the Nor'- 
 westman of Boston ! Of John Suter, little survives but 
 bare facts, and one anecdote. He was more deeply 
 religious than most New England-born sea-captains, 
 and read the Bible aloud daily on shipboard. One 
 young scamp of a supercargo amused himself by put- 
 ting back the bookmark at the conclusion of every 
 day's reading, until the Captain remarked mildly that 
 
 72
 
 THE CANTON MARKET 
 
 he seemed to be having head winds through the Book 
 of Daniel ! After a sixth and a seventh voyage around 
 the world, Captain Suter settled down in Boston to 
 the tranquil joys of home and family, church and lodge, 
 that he had fairly won from sea and savage barter. 
 
 "Sir, you'l please to let my mama know that I am 
 well, Mr. Boit [the fifth mate, aged seventeen] also 
 requests you'l let his parent know he is in health." 
 This postscript to a letter of John Hoskins, clerk of the 
 Columbia, to her principal owner, reminds us how 
 young were the Yankee seamen of that period. It 
 seems that the generation of Revolutionary privateers- 
 men was so quickly absorbed in our expanding mer- 
 chant marine as to call the youngest classes to the 
 colors. A famous youngsters' voyage to Eastern 
 waters, many times described, was that of the Derby 
 ship Benjamin, of Salem, in 1792-94. Captain Na- 
 thaniel Silsbee, later United States Senator from 
 Massachusetts, was but nineteen when he took com- 
 mand of this vessel; yet he had followed the sea for 
 five years, served as Captain Magee's clerk on the 
 Astrea, and commanded two voyages to the West In- 
 dies. His first mate, Charles Derby, was but one year 
 older; his clerk, Richard J. Cleveland, but eighteen. 
 The second mate, an old salt of twenty-four, proved 
 insubordinate and was put ashore! 
 
 With a miscellaneous cargo, including hops, saddlery, 
 window glass, mahogany boards, tobacco, and Madeira 
 wine, these schoolboys made a most successful voyage 
 to the Cape of Good Hope and He de France, using 
 sound judgment as to ports, cargoes, and freight, 
 amid embargoes and revolutions; slipping their cables 
 at Capetown after dark in a gale of wind to escape a 
 British frigate; drifting out of Bourbon with the ebb 
 tide to elude a French brig-o'-war; spending a few 
 
 73
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 days fishing, shooting wild goats, and catching turtles 
 at Ascension ; returning to Salem after nineteen months' 
 absence, with a cargo which brought almost five hun- 
 dred per cent profit to the owner, and enabled the young 
 master to make a home for his mother and sisters. 
 
 Captain Silsbee was by no means the youngest ship- 
 master on record. James Rowland, 2d, of New Bed- 
 ford, was given a merchant ship by his father on his 
 eighteenth birthday, and as her captain went on a 
 honeymoon voyage to the Baltic with his still younger 
 bride, before the year elapsed. 
 
 But the most remarkable youthful exploit in this 
 bright dawn of Pacific adventure, that has come to my 
 notice, is John Boit, Jr.'s voyage around the world, 
 in the eighty-nine-ton sloop Union, of Boston. 
 
 At the age of nineteen, on August I, 1794, he sailed 
 from Newport as master of this sixty-foot craft and 
 her crew of twenty-two, with ten carriage guns, eight 
 swivels, and a full cargo and outfit for the Northwest 
 Coast. The voyage south was pleasantly broken by 
 catching green turtles and shooting albatross one 
 measuring sixteen feet tip to tip ; by celebrating Christ- 
 mas Day, and stopping at St. lago and the Falklands, 
 to save the crew from scurvy, and to hunt wild hogs. 
 The Union rounded the Horn safely in thick, blowy 
 weather, reaching 57 42' south latitude on February 
 4, 1795. On May 16, two hundred and sixty days out, 
 she sighted land, and the next day dropped anchor in 
 "Columbia's cove, Bulfinch's Sound," on Vancouver 
 Island. Here, young Boit tells us, he felt quite at 
 home. The natives recognized him, and inquired 
 after each and every member of the Columbia's crew. 
 Furs were double the price of 1792, but trade was 
 brisk, and the sloop went as far north as 54 15' to 
 complete her cargo. 
 
 74
 
 THE CANTON MARKET 
 
 On June 20, when lying at anchor in Puget Sound, 
 the Union was attacked by several hundred Indians 
 under Chief Scootch-Eye. With husky savages swarm- 
 ing around the sloop and over his bulwarks, Captain 
 Boit and his crew kept their nerve, and without a sin- 
 gle casualty to themselves killed the chief and forty of 
 his warriors. When they got under weigh, and stood 
 in toward the nearest village, the Indians came out 
 trembling, waving green boughs and offering otter- 
 skins in propitiation. 
 
 After a fruitless attempt to cross the bar at the 
 mouth of the Columbia River, the Union went north 
 again to Queen Charlotte's Island, and left the Coast 
 for Canton on September 12, 1795. One month later, 
 Captain Boit sighted "Owhyhee," at a distance of 
 thirty leagues. The next day, sailing alongshore, the 
 sloop was visited by native canoes bringing hogs and 
 pineapples, and "the females were quite amorous" 
 On December 5, the sloop joined seven larger American 
 vessels at Whampoa. After exchanging his sea-otter 
 for silk and nankeens, and taking freight and passen- 
 gers for the lie de France, he got under weigh in com- 
 pany with the American fleet on January 12, 1796. 
 It was a two months' sail through the China Sea, the 
 Straits of Sunda, and the Indian Ocean to Mauritius. 
 Completing his cargo there with coffee and pepper, 
 Captain Boit began the last leg of his voyage at the 
 end of March, 1796. After passing the Island of Mada- 
 gascar, he found the sloop's mast sprung, and had to 
 fish it and apply preventer backstays while under 
 weigh. Then came a four days' westerly gale, which 
 stove in part of the Union's bulwarks, and swept the 
 hen-coops off her deck, as she lay to. Early in May she 
 rounded the Cape of Good Hope, and caught the 
 southeast trades. Off Georges Bank, she was brought 
 
 75
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 to by the French sloop-of-war Scipio, but allowed to 
 pass "with the utmost politeness." Near Boston Har- 
 bor the British frigate Reason fired a shot through the 
 Union's staysail, and forced the young master to come 
 aboard with his papers, but "finding they could not 
 make a prize of the sloop, suffer'd me to pass, after 
 treating me in a rough and ungentlemanlike manner." 
 At last, on July 8, came the welcome gleam of Boston 
 Light. Castle William, as seafaring men still called 
 Fort Independence, saluted the returning sloop with 
 fifteen guns, which she returned. Anchoring in the 
 inner harbor, she saluted the town, and got "three 
 huzzas of welcome" from the wharves. The Union 
 made a "saving voyage," beat most of the fleet home, 
 and was the first, possibly the only, sloop-rigged vessel 
 ever to circumnavigate the globe. 
 
 In view of the newspaper publicity given nowadays 
 to men of twice Boit's age and experience for cross- 
 ing the Atlantic in vessels no smaller than the Union 
 and far better equipped, it is refreshing to note the 
 scant attention he got. "Sloop Union, Boit, Canton," 
 in small type at the end of 'Arrivals' in the "Boston 
 Centinel." That was all ! l 
 
 Many a Boston family owes its rise to fame and 
 fortune to the old Nor'west and China trade ; and not 
 a few of them were founded by masters who came 
 in through the hawse-hole, like Sturgis and Suter. 
 Emoluments were much higher than on any other trade 
 route. Masters and mates received only twenty to 
 twenty-five dollars monthly wages; but each officer 
 
 1 Another Boston paper reports his experience with the men-of-war, 
 but makes no comment on his voyages. 
 
 76
 
 THE CANTON MARKET 
 
 had the 'privilege' of one-half to five tons (twenty to 
 two hundred cubic feet) cargo space on the homeward 
 passage for his private adventures in China goods; 
 beside 'primage,' a commission of from one to eight 
 per cent 1 on the net proceeds of the voyage. It was 
 only prudent for owners to be generous with their 
 ships' officers, on a route where the opportunities for 
 private trading and fixing accounts were so great. 
 Even with half the luck of John Suter, a master could 
 clear twenty-five hundred dollars a year, and pyramid 
 his profits by taking a share in the next voyage he 
 commanded. 
 
 These wages and allowances were sufficient to at- 
 tract the best type of New Englander. Nor'westmen's 
 officers were almost exclusively native-born or adopted 
 Yankees, and the men recruited largely from Cape 
 Cod, Boston, and ' down East.' But every forecastle 
 contained a few foreigners. 2 
 
 No Richard Dana has told the story of the Nor'- 
 westmen from the foremast angle. Unless the rec- 
 ords of our admiralty courts yield something, the 
 common seaman's side is lost. Certain it is, that the 
 Northwest fur trade, until it existed no more, enjoyed 
 a greater prestige and popularity among New England 
 seamen than any other route. 3 Mutinies occurred, but 
 
 1 Suter's primage of ten per cent on the Atahualpa was exceptional. 
 On his next voyage, in the Mentor, he received but seven and one-half. 
 The Mentor's chief mate had twenty dollars wages, one per cent on net 
 sales at Canton, and two and one-half tons ' privilege' home. 
 
 1 See chapter vm. 
 
 1 Dana tells a good story illustrating this, in his Two Years Before 
 the Mast. On her homeward voyage from the California coast, with a 
 cargo of hides, the Alert spoke a Plymouth brig, and sent a boat aboard 
 to procure fresh provisions. Her Yankee mate leaned over the rail, and 
 asked where they were from. "From the Nor'west Coast !" said sailor 
 Joe, wishing to gain glory in the eyes of this humble West-India trader. 
 "What's your cargo?" came next. "Skins!" said Joe. "Here and there 
 a horn?" said the mate dryly, and every one laughed. 
 
 77
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 mutinies prove little. One that Captain Suter sup- 
 pressed in Honolulu Harbor, with his strong right arm 
 and cutlass, was caused by gambling among the crew. 
 Many deserted in the Sandwich Islands, but who would 
 not? Rumors have come down of unscrupulous own- 
 ers, who in order to save money abandoned men on 
 the Northwest Coast and substituted Kanakas. Cap- 
 tain James Magee brought the first Chinaman to the 
 United States, but he was a student, not a sailor. And 
 few such made the voyage twice. As "China Jack" 
 (the favorite Whampoa factotum for American ves- 
 sels) remarked after essaying a round trip to Boston, 
 "Too muchee strong gale, sea allsame high mast head 
 no can see sky!"
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 THE SALEM EAST INDIES 
 1790-1812 
 
 THE most formidable rival to Boston in the contest for 
 Oriental wealth lay but sixteen miles "to the east'd," 
 as we say on the Massachusetts coast when we mean 
 north. Salem, with a little under eight thousand in- 
 habitants, was the sixth city in the United States in 
 I79O. 1 Her appearance was more antique even than 
 that of Boston, and her reek of the salt water, that 
 almost surrounded her, yet more pronounced. For half 
 a mile along the harbor front, subtended by the long 
 finger of Derby Wharf, ran Derby Street, the residen- 
 tial and business center of the town. On one side were 
 the houses of the gentry, Derbys and Princes and 
 Crowninshields, goodly gambrel or hip-roofed brick 
 and wooden mansions dating from the middle of the 
 century, standing well back with tidy gardens in front. 
 Opposite were the wharves, separated from the street 
 by counting-rooms, warehouses, ship-chandlers' stores, 
 pump-makers' shops, sailmakers' lofts; all against a 
 background of spars, rigging, and furled or brailed-up 
 sails. Crowded within three hundred yards of Derby 
 Street, peeping between the merchants' mansions and 
 over their garden walls like small boys behind a po- 
 lice cordon, were some eighteen or nineteen hundred 
 wooden buildings, including dwellings of pre-witch- 
 craft days, with overhanging upper stories, peaked 
 gables, small-paned windows, and hand-rifted clap- 
 boards black with age. 
 
 1 Not including Beverly, which with three thousand, three hundred 
 inhabitants in 1790, was combined with Salem as a port of entry in 1789. 
 
 79
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 A few steps from the merchant's mansion lies his 
 counting-room and wharf, where his favorite vessel is 
 loading Russia duck, West-India sugar, New-England 
 rum and French brandy for anywhere beyond the 
 Cape of Good Hope; to return with goodness knows 
 what produce of Asia, Africa, and the Malay Archipel- 
 ago, which you may then purchase at wholesale or 
 retail from the selfsame wharf. From his front chamber 
 the merchant may watch the progress of his new vessel 
 in the near-by shipyard ; but unless he be a privileged 
 character like ' King' Derby, with " an intuitive faculty 
 in judging of models and proportions," he had best not 
 interfere. Shipbuilding, an ancient industry in Salem, 
 is now growing fast ; the China voyages of the Grand 
 Turk and Astrea produced such a demand for new ton- 
 nage that Enos Briggs, a master builder of Pembroke 
 in the Old Colony, has come to Salem, and at the head 
 of Derby Wharf is constructing a new Grand Turk of 
 five hundred and sixty tons, for which the new duck 
 manufactory is weaving sailcloth. Next year he shall 
 astonish the natives by launching a vessel sideways 
 from the wharf; all Salem, summoned by town crier, 
 helping or cheering. Ebenezer Mann, another North- 
 Riverite, has the barque Good Intent on the stocks for 
 Simon Forrester; and a vessel is rising on every slip of 
 the ancient yard where Retire Becket carries on the 
 business of his ancestors. 
 
 A Salem boy in those days was born to the music of 
 windlass chanty and caulker's maul ; he drew in a taste 
 for the sea with his mother's milk; wharves and ship- 
 yards were his playground; he shipped as boy on a 
 coaster in his early teens, saw Demerara and St. 
 Petersburg before he set foot in Boston, and if he had 
 the right stuff in him, commanded an East-Indiaman 
 before he was twenty-five. 
 
 80
 
 THE SALEM EAST INDIES 
 
 Whenever a Salem lad could tear himself away from 
 the wharves, he would go barefoot to Juniper Point 
 or pull a skiff to Winter Island, and scan the bay for 
 approaching sail. Marblehead was a better vantage- 
 point ; but it was a lion-hearted Salem boy indeed who 
 dared venture within the territorial waters of Marble- 
 head in those days! The appearance of a coaster or 
 fisherman or West-India trader caused no special 
 emotion; but if the stately form of an East-Indiaman 
 came in view, then 't was race back to Derby Wharf, 
 and earn a silver Spanish dollar for good news. The 
 word speeds rapidly through the town, which begins to 
 swarm like an ant-hill ; counting-room clerks rush out to 
 engage men for unloading, sailors' taverns and board- 
 ing-houses prepare for a brisk run of trade, parrots 
 scream and monkeys jabber, and every master of his 
 own time makes for cap-sill, roof- tree, or other vantage- 
 point. 
 
 Let us follow one of the privileged, an old-time 
 provincial magnate now in the East-India trade, as 
 with powdered wig, cocked hat, and scarlet cloak, 
 attended by Pompey or Cuff with the precious tele- 
 scope, he puffs up garret ladder to captain's walk. 
 What a panorama! To the east stretches the noble 
 North Shore, Cape Ann fading in the distance. No 
 sail in that direction, save a fisherman beating inside 
 Baker's. Across the harbor, obscuring the southerly 
 channel, Marblehead presents her back side of rocky 
 pasture to the world at large, and Salem in particular. 
 Wind is due south, tide half flood and the afternoon 
 waning, so if the master be a Salem boy he will bring 
 his ship around Peach's Point, inside Kettle Bottom, 
 Endeavors, Triangles, and the Aqua Vitaes. We adjust 
 the glass to the outer point where she must first appear, 
 and wait impatiently. A flash of white as the sun 
 
 81
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 catches foretopgallant sails over Naugus Head; then 
 the entire ship bursts into view, bowling along at a good 
 eight knots. Her ensign 's apeak, so all aboard are well. 
 A puff of smoke bursts from her starboard bow, and 
 then another, as the first crack of a federal salute 
 strikes the ear. Fort William replies in kind, and all 
 Salem with a roar of cheering. Every one recognizes 
 the smart East-Indiaman that dropped down-harbor 
 thirty months ago. 
 
 "Is the front chamber prepared for Captain Rich- 
 ard?" asks our elderly merchant, as he descends to 
 greet his son just in time, for the ship, hauling close 
 to the wind, is making for Derby Wharf. Within ten 
 minutes she has made a running moor, brailed up her 
 sails, and warped into the best berth. The crowd parts 
 deferentially as master and supercargo stalk ashore, 
 gapes at a turbaned Oriental who shipped as cabin 
 boy, exchanges good-natured if somewhat Rabelaisian 
 banter with officers and crew, and waits to see the 
 mysterious matting-covered bales, shouldered out of 
 the vessel's hold. 
 
 To conclude this picture of Salem at the dawn of her 
 period of greatest prosperity, read this abstract of the 
 entries and customs duties during a period of twenty 
 days, from May 31 to June 18, 1790, as I found them 
 in the old custom house on Derby Street ; and remem- 
 ber that these are foreign entries only, not including 
 the fishermen, and the coasters that distributed Salem's 
 winnings to a hundred American ports. 
 
 May 31. Brig William 6" Henry, B. Hodges master, 
 from Canton. Tea, coffee, silks, spices and nankeens for 
 Gray & Orne, Benj. Hodges, George Dodge, Jno. Apple- 
 ton, Samuel Hewes Jr., Simon Elliot, Robt. Wyer, Mark 
 Haskoll 9,783.81 
 
 June 2. Schooner Betsy, William Wooldridge master, 
 
 82
 
 ' </f',/r'r ,rf/,f i)afin Vunriht C 
 
 //<///, at ,/-, */j~re. f,,,-,,, ',/,, ',,, /.., /* 
 
 SALEM MARINE SOCIETY CERTIFICATE OF MEMBERSHIP 
 Above is a view of Salem Harbor from South Salem. Derby and Crowninshield 
 wharves are shown on the left; Baker Island and Naugus Head in right back- 
 ground. The small engravings on the left show men heading a barrel of dried fish, 
 and a vessel hove down, having her seams payed with tar
 
 THE SALEM EAST INDIES 
 
 from Cadiz. Lemons, feathers, raisins, oil and salt for 
 
 William Gray 1 14.30 
 
 June 3. Schooner Active, Seward Lee master, from 
 Lisbon. Wine, salt, lemons, and feathers for William Gray 17147 
 
 June 5. Schooner Lark, Saml. Foster master, from 
 Cadiz. Salt, Lemons, figs, &c. for Brown & Thorndike. . . . 354O 
 
 June 5. Schooner Bee, Hezekiah Wallace master, from 
 Lisbon. Wine, salt and feathers for William Gray 166.92 
 
 June 5. Ship Astrea, James Magee master, from Can- 
 ton. Tea, silks, China ware, nankeens and other mer- 
 chandise for O. Brewster, J. Powers, Wm. Cabot, Webb 
 & Brown, E. Verry, A. Jacobs, David Barber, B. Pick- 
 man, J. McGregore, G. Dodge, E. H. Derby, S. Parkman, 
 
 D. Sears, E. Johnson, N. West, J. Gardner Jr., T. H. 
 Perkins, Jno. Derby Jr., Webb & Bray, Magee & Perkins, 
 
 J. Magee, T. H. Perkins & Co., J. Magee & Co 27,109.18 
 
 June II. Schooner Experiment, Joseph Teel master, 
 from St. Eustatia. Sugar, rum, gin and salt for R. Beck- 
 ett & J. Teel 123.64 
 
 June II. Brig Three Brothers, John Collins master, 
 from the West Indies. Sugar, rum, iron and salt for John 
 Collins 207.82 
 
 June 12. Schooner Nancy, Sam. Mclntire master, 
 from the Isle of May. 1 Salt for Samuel Page 96.12 
 
 June 14. Schooner Hanah, Rich. Ober master, from 
 Lisbon. Salt, wine, and lemons for Hill & Ober 55-23 
 
 June 15. Ship Light Horse, Ichabod Nichols master, 
 from Canton. Tea, silks and China ware for E. H. Derby, 
 Hy. Elkins, J. Crowninshield, I. Nichols, Jno. Derby Jr., 
 
 E. Gibaut 16,312.98 
 
 June 17. . Schooner Dolphin, Thos. Bowditch Jr. 
 
 master, from Port au Prince. Salt, sugar, and coffee for 
 
 Norris & Burchmore 56.97 
 
 June 17. Schooner Sally, John Burchmore master, from 
 Port au Prince. Sugar and molasses for Jno. Norris & Co. 323.93 
 
 June 1 8. Schooner Lydia, Gabriel Holman master, 
 from Aux Cayes. Molasses for Sprague & Holman 70.43 
 
 June 18. Schooner Sukey & Betsey.. Thos. Bowditch 
 master, from Martinico. Molasses, raisins & limes, for 
 Saml. Ingersoll 101.97 
 
 1 Maia, in the Cape Verde Islands. 
 83
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 June 1 8. Schooner John, Nehemiah Andrews master, 
 from St. Lucia. Sugar, coffee, cocoa and molasses for 
 N. West 297.42 
 
 June 1 8. Brig Favorite, William Bradshaw master, from 
 Lisbon. Salt, wine, and lemons for Joshua Ward & Co. . 113.13 
 
 Boston was the Spain, Salem the Portugal, in the 
 race for Oriental opulence. Boston followed Magellan 
 and the Columbia westward, around the Horn; Salem 
 sent her vessels eastward after the Astrea, around Af- 
 rica, along the path blazed by Vasco da Gama. Trace a 
 rough curve from the Chinese coast along 20 north 
 latitude, pull it south before reaching Hawaii, to join 
 120 west longitude at the equator, and you have a 
 rough line of demarcation between the two. Every- 
 thing north and east was preempted by Boston. Salem 
 never entered the Northwest fur trade, and her first 
 circumnavigator was a humble sealskinner in 1802. 
 But to the southward and westward of this line, in the 
 Dutch East Indies, Manila, Mauritius, both coasts of 
 Africa, and the smaller islands of the Pacific, Salem had 
 the same connotation as Boston on the Northwest 
 Coast; it stood for the whole United States. As late 
 as 1833, Po Adam, the wealthiest merchant of Qual- 
 lah Battoo, " believed Salem to be a country by itself, 
 and one of the richest and most important sections 
 of the globe." Boston vessels competed at Calcutta; 
 Salem vessels sometimes attained Canton; the fleet 
 met off Java Head and returned home together; but 
 for the most part each respected the other's territory, 
 and left little to divide between Providence, New York, 
 Philadelphia, and Baltimore. 
 
 The usual Salem method of making a trading voyage 
 was to start off with a mixed cargo, assembled from 
 Southern ports, the Baltic, the West Indies, and New 
 England; peddle it out at the Cape of Good Hope, 
 
 84
 
 THE SALEM EAST INDIES 
 
 Mauritius, and various ports in the East Indies; pick- 
 ing up oddments here and there, taking freight when 
 occasion offered, buying bills of exchange on London or 
 Amsterdam, and like as not making three or four com- 
 plete turnovers before returning home. A typical out- 
 ward cargo was that of 'King' Derby's ship Henry, 
 one hundred ninety tons, which cleared from Salem for 
 the He de France (Mauritius) in 1791. Pottery and ale, 
 iron and salt fish, soap and gin, hams and flints, whale 
 oil and candles, saddles and bridles, lard and tobacco, 
 chocolate and flour, tables and desks made up her 
 manifest. Her twenty-one-year-old master, Jacob 
 Crowninshield, 1 was one of four brothers, each of whom 
 commanded a vessel at about the same age. Their 
 father, George Crowninshield, had but recently retired 
 from the sea at the age of fifty-five, and was soon to 
 rival 'King' Derby as merchant-shipowner. Captain 
 Jacob had a great career before him; crowned by an 
 offer, thirteen years later, of the Navy Department 
 by President Jefferson. Ill health from long voyages 
 in tropical waters obliged him to decline ; but the same 
 high office was subsequently conferred on a younger 
 brother by President Madison. 
 
 The Henry obtained most of her return lading at 
 Mauritius. But British sea power gradually strangled 
 this eastern emporium of France, and Salem vessels 
 were obliged to go to the source of supplies. This led to 
 Massachusetts men taking up their residence in the 
 seaports of British India. Samuel Shaw found his 
 friend Benjamin Joy already established at Calcutta, 
 on his return from China; and Thomas Lechmere, of 
 Salem, became an alderman of Bombay. 
 
 In this sort of commerce, a large discretion was left 
 to shipmasters and supercargoes. A typical letter of 
 
 1 Pronounced ' Grounsell ' at that period, but now as it is spelled. 
 
 85
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 instruction is one of 1792 from William Gray, another 
 Salem rival of the Derbys, to Captain William Ward, 
 of the brig Enterprise, one hundred sixty-four tons. He 
 will dispose of his Russia duck, 'coles' (from Liver- 
 pool), and anything that he may think proper, at the 
 Cape of Good Hope. There he is to pickup wine, brandy, 
 raisins, and almonds for the lie de France, where the 
 whole cargo ought to sell for one hundred percent profit, 
 provided the Enterprise arrives before a certain Boston 
 vessel. Captain Ward is to purchase there anything 
 that will pay cent per cent at Salem, according to a list 
 of prices current furnished him. His next stop should 
 be Calcutta to take on sugar, saltpeter, and " Bandanno 
 silk Handkerchiefs" at the same rate. Otherwise he 
 must try to get a 'cheep' cargo of teak to exchange 
 at Canton for China goods. He may even sell the brig, 
 if a good opportunity offers. As Captain Ward did not 
 find prices low enough for his owner's modest expecta- 
 tions, he took freight from India to Ostend, and there 
 filled his hold with European merchandise. 
 
 Until 1811, when British regulations (surprisingly 
 liberal at first) forbade all but direct voyages between 
 India and the United States, the East-India trade was 
 susceptible of infinite variety. Benjamin Carpenter, 
 the Salem master of the Boston ship Hercules, wrote in 
 1794 that profits might be pyramided indefinitely by 
 freighting goods between Ceylon, Bombay, Calcutta, 
 and Madras, and by judicious turnovers at Rangoon, 
 Bengal, and Coromandel. That is, provided one tipped 
 heavily, and behaved like a gentleman. "From the 
 Governor to the meanest citizen, I have made it my 
 study to please. Let a man's occupation be what it will, 
 you may have occasion for his aid. I have known a 
 present of 10 s. to be the means of saving 100. Good 
 language will have the same effect, therefore exert 
 
 86
 
 THE SALEM EAST INDIES 
 
 yourself as much as possible this way and set apart 
 20 for these purposes." 
 
 During the European war, Madeira acquired an im- 
 portant relation to the East-India trade. Salem and 
 Boston merchants exchanged general cargoes there 
 for Madeira wine, which found a ready sale in Cal- 
 cutta. They also began the pleasant practice of lay- 
 ing in a few pipes l for home consumption, the long 
 voyage in southern waters improving its flavor. A 
 typical voyage was that of the Maine-built ship Her- 
 ald, three hundred twenty-eight tons, commanded 
 by Nathaniel Silsbee (formerly of the Benjamin), and 
 owned by himself, Samuel Parkman, and Ebenezer 
 Preble. She sailed from Boston in January, 1800, with 
 a cargo consisting of butter, beef, tobacco, codfish, 
 rum, nankeen from China, two hundred thirty-six pipes 
 of French brandy that had run the British blockade, 
 and a large quantity of silver dollars and bills of ex- 
 change. Most of the provisions, the nankeen and the 
 liquorwere exchanged at Madeira for two hundred sixty 
 pipes of "India market" wine and a score of "choice 
 old London particular" for Boston. This genial cargo 
 was carried around the Cape of Good Hope to Madras, 
 where the India market wine was sold, and pepper, blue 
 cloth, 'camboys' and 'Pulicate' handkerchiefs taken 
 aboard. At Bombay and Calcutta, the bills and specie 
 purchased pepper, sugar, ginger, and a bewildering 
 array of India cottons, for which the fashions of that 
 day, and the absence of domestic competition, afforded 
 an excellent market in the United States. 2 The Herald's 
 
 1 A pipe was a double hogshead, containing no to 125 gallons. 
 
 * In the "Beverly Shipping Documents," I, at the Beverly Historical 
 Society, is an important letter of 1796 from Benjamin Pickman, of Salem, 
 to Israel Thorndike, of Beverly, advising him how best to lay out $20,000 
 at Calcutta, with samples of several different cottons attached. It ap- 
 pears from this that Beerboom Gurrahs, a stout white sheeting, cost 
 
 87
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 invoice shows ' Callipatti Baftas,' ' Beerboom Gurrahs,' 
 'Allabad Emerties,' and a score of different weaves. 
 Madras chintzes and seersuckers are the only, names 
 recognizable to-day. 
 
 Calcutta, lying eighty miles up the Hoogly River, 
 was a port most difficult of access before the days of 
 tugboats. After passing- the Sand Heads a consid- 
 erable feat of navigation in itself, at times it often 
 took weeks to beat up-river. The anchorage at Cal- 
 cutta was dangerous on account of the tidal bores, which 
 in certain seasons worked havoc with ground-tackle 
 and shipping. In the southwest monsoon season of 
 1799, writes William Cleveland, of Salem, insurance 
 from Calcutta to Hamburg was sixteen per cent; but 
 premiums would be written for half that rate from the 
 Sand Heads to Hamburg. 
 
 The Herald left the Hoogly in company with three 
 vessels {rom Philadelphia and one from Baltimore. 
 Outside competition was evidently becoming serious. 
 It was the period of our naval hostilities with France. 
 When the Americans fell in with a British East-India- 
 man, under fire from a French privateer, they decided 
 to bear a hand, and formed line-of -battle. The master 
 of the vessel abreast the Herald expressed a keen desire 
 to leave, his speed being sufficient to elude the privateer. 
 Captain Silsbee roared through his speaking-trumpet, 
 " If you do, I '11 sink you!" To which his colleague re- 
 plied, "Damn you, Silsbee, I know you would!"; and 
 saw the action through to a successful finish. 
 
 Small "private adventures" for the officers' and 
 
 about twelve cents a yard, white print cloth seven to eleven cents, and 
 "mock Pulicat Handkerchiefs," eighty-four to ninety-five cents for 
 eight. William Tileston, of Boston, known as 'Count Indigo,' did an 
 extensive business printing India bandannas at his dyehouse in the old 
 feather store, Dock Square, and at Staten Island. The duty saved by 
 importing plain goods made this profitable. 
 
 88
 
 THE SALEM EAST INDIES 
 
 owners' friends, varying in amount from a box of cod- 
 fish to several thousand dollars in specie, were carried 
 both by China and East-India traders. Captain Gibaut, 
 of Salem, in 1796, "had private orders to execute in his 
 ship at Canton amounting to $4000, for the little ele- 
 gancies of life ... so rapid are our strides to wealth and 
 luxury," notes the Reverend William Bentley. On the 
 brig Caravan, of Salem (two hundred sixty-seven tons), 
 early in 1812, Captain Augustine Heard took two thou- 
 sand silver dollars to invest for his father, the same for 
 each brother, and from twenty to one hundred dollars 
 for sundry maiden aunts and retired Ipswich sea-cap- 
 tains. Numerous friends requested him to purchase 
 for their wives red cornelian necklaces, camel's-hair 
 shawls, pieces of cobweb muslin or Mull Mull, straw 
 carpets, bed coverings, and pots of preserved ginger. 
 Henry Pickering wanted a Sanskrit bible, and three 
 children gave him a dollar each to invest in Calcutta. 1 
 Besides there was a cargo valued at forty thousand 
 dollars, and the first consignment of missionaries, male 
 and female, sent by the Puritan Church of Massachu- 
 setts to " India's coral strand." But the Reverend and 
 Mrs. Adoniram Judson and Samuel Newell were not 
 wanted at Calcutta by the British authorities, and had 
 to,. be dropped at Mauritius. 
 
 Augustine Heard was a shipmaster whose cool daring 
 became legendary. Approaching the Sand Heads in an 
 onshore hurricane, having lost his best bower anchor, 
 and drawing a foot more water than there was on the 
 bar, Captain Heard shook a reef out of his topsails, 
 and laying the vessel on her beam ends, managed to 
 
 1 One of the notes pasted in the Caravan's invoice book is: "Sir 
 Please to purchase for Capt. John Barr $200 2 Camels Hair Shawls 
 White 2 yards in Length & I J yards in width, with a Broad Palm 
 leaf Border mostly Green." A feminine hand has added, " narrow Border 
 round Edge avoid Red. If any Baljance] buy best Bandannas." 
 
 8 9
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 scrape across. Once, he is said to have run a pirate 
 ship under in the China Sea. There are two versions of 
 his return voyage in the Caravan, after the War of 1812 
 had commenced. According to one, he sold the Caravan 
 and cargo to avoid capture in a South American port, 
 and disguised as a shipwrecked mariner, with the 
 specie proceeds in his sea-chest, took passage on a 
 slaver to Rio de Janeiro, and thence to Boston. Ac- 
 cording to the other, the Caravan was captured off the 
 coast of Madagascar by an English cruiser, which sent 
 a lieutenant and prize crew aboard. All the Ameri- 
 cans were placed in irons except the colored cook, and 
 Captain Heard. Some days afterwards, a sudden and 
 violent storm arose. While the English crew was aloft 
 taking in sail, and the lieutenant busy giving orders, 
 Heard went into the galley, got the cook, and with his 
 aid knocked the irons off his own people. They then 
 seized arms, rushed on deck, and as each English Jack 
 descended the rigging, clapped him in irons and sent 
 him below. Captain Heard then extended the courtesies 
 of the cabin to the English officer, and brought him and 
 his crew as prisoners into Salem Harbor. 
 
 On the Northwest coast of Sumatra, Salem found 
 wealth and adventure such as Boston men obtained on 
 the Northwest coast of America. Her merchant sea- 
 men, like the Portuguese before them, tracked Eastern 
 spices to their source. It was at Benkulen, in 1793, 
 that Captain Jonathan Carnes heard a rumor of wild 
 pepper to the northwestward. Returning to Salem, he 
 was given command of a fast schooner, and cleared for 
 unknown destination. "Without chart or guide of any 
 kind, he made his way amid numerous coral reefs, of 
 which navigators have so much dread even at the 
 present day, as far as the port of Analaboo." 1 His 
 
 1 J. H. Reynolds, Voyage of the U.S. Frigate Potomac (1835), 201. 
 
 90
 
 THE SALEM EAST INDIES 
 
 cargo, costing (with expenses) eighteen thousand dol- 
 lars, sold for seven hundred per cent profit at Salem. 
 The town went pepper mad. A dozen vessels cleared 
 for Benkulen ; but few of them got so much as a sneeze 
 for their trouble. Gradually, however, the secret 
 leaked out; and by 1800, years before there was a 
 published chart of the Malay archipelago, the harbors 
 of Analabu, Susu, Tally-Pow, Mingin, Labuan-Haji, 
 and Muckie and all those treacherous waters now il- 
 luminated by the genius of Conrad, were as familiar 
 to Salem shipmasters as Danvers River. Twenty-one 
 American vessels, ten from Salem and eight from Bos- 
 ton, visited this coast between March I and May 14, 
 1803, bargaining with local datus for the wild pepper 
 as the natives brought it in. Between the two north- 
 west coasts there was little choice, in point of danger. 
 Many a Salem man's bones lie in Sumatran waters, a 
 Malay kreese between the ribs. 
 
 By way of reward, Salem became the American, and 
 for a time the world emporium for pepper. In 1791, 
 the United States exported 492 pounds of pepper; 
 in 1805, it exported 7,559,244 pounds over seven- 
 eighths of the entire Northwest Sumatran crop; and 
 a very large proportion of this was landed in Salem. 
 Captain James Cook imported over one million pounds 
 of pepper in one lading of his five-hundred-ton ship 
 Eliza. 
 
 Some of the tinware that itinerant Yankees peddled 
 throughout the Eastern States, was made from Banka 
 tin, obtained by Salem traders from an island beside 
 the Caspar Straits. Batavia, the Tyre of Java, shortly 
 
 This is the usual version of the origin of the Northwest Sumatra trade. 
 W. Vans, however, claims that he and Jonathan Freeman opened that 
 trade in their brigantine Cadet in 1788. (Life of William Vans (1832), 4.) 
 See forthcoming articles by Mr. George Putnam in Essex Historical 
 Collections. 
 
 91
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 after the ship Massachusetts was refused entrance, 
 opened her doors to American vessels, which brought 
 home increasing amounts of sugar and coffee. 
 
 The famous Astrea, John Gibaut master, ventured 
 into the harbor of Pegu, near Rangoon, in 1793, and 
 was promptly commandeered by His Burmese Majesty. 
 This enabled Captain Gibaut to travel up the Irawaddy 
 River, collecting curiosities for the East-India Museum 
 and for his Salem pastor, Dr. Bentley. He was un- 
 doubtedly the first American to take this classic road 
 to Mandalay. No permanent trading connection, how- 
 ever, seems to have been established with Burma. 
 A year later, one of the numerous Captain Hodges of 
 Salem adventured a quantity of gum lacquer from 
 Pegu, but was unable to dispose of it at any price. 
 
 "This day a letter from an Arabian Chief, Said 
 Aimed," records Dr. Bentley on October 2, 1805, "by 
 Mr. Bancroft, a Salem Factor in those seas. He men- 
 tioned the wish of a Jew to write to me in that country, 
 from whom I may expect to hear by Capt. Elkins." 
 That year Salem imported two million pounds of coffee 
 from Arabia. So remote from the beaten track of ves- 
 sels was Mocha, that the Recovery, of Salem, Captain 
 Joseph Ropes, which opened the trade in 1798, was 
 given a reception similar to that of Columbus in the 
 new world. In 1806, the ship Essex, Captain Joseph 
 Orne, with sixty thousand dollars in specie, adventured 
 up the Red Sea to Hodeda. At Mocha he augmented 
 his crew with some Arabs, who turned out to be ' in- 
 side men' of a notorious pirate. The Essex was cap- 
 tured, and her entire crew massacred. When the news 
 reached the Salem owner, who was Captain Orne's 
 uncle, he is said to have remarked, "Well, the ship is 
 insured!" 
 
 A more cheerful story of the Mocha trade is the 
 
 92
 
 THE SALEM EAST INDIES 
 
 maiden voyage of the well-armed ship America, owned 
 by George Crowninshield and his sons, and com- 
 manded by his nephew, Benjamin Crowninshield. 
 On July 2, 1804, she left Salem with very positive and 
 emphatic orders to proceed to Sumatra for pepper, 
 and nowhere else ; for Captain Benjamin was too much 
 inclined to use his own judgment. "Obey orders if you 
 break owners," was a maxim of the old merchant ma- 
 rine. Yet this independent master received at Mauri- 
 tius such favorable news of the coffee market that once 
 more he determined to disobey. On November 30, the 
 America passed "through the straits of Babelmandel, 
 and anchored off Mocha, the Grand Mosque bearing 
 E. by S." There, and at Aden and Macalla Roads she 
 took in coffee, gum arabic, hides, goatskins, and senna, 
 and cleared for Salem. 
 
 Now, by June, 1805, when the America was sighted 
 from Salem town, pepper had fallen and coffee risen 
 to such an extent that the owners were praying Captain 
 Ben had broken orders! Unable to restrain their im- 
 patience until she docked, the Crowninshield brothers 
 put off in a small boat. Approaching her to leeward, 
 they began sniffing the air. One was sure he smelled 
 the desired bean; but another suggested it might be 
 merely a pot of coffee on the galley stove. Finally, dis- 
 regarding all marine etiquette, Benjamin W. Crownin- 
 shield shouted, "What's your cargo? " " Pe-pe-per ! " 
 answered the Captain, who was enjoying the situation 
 hugely. "You lie! I smell coffee!" roared the future 
 Secretary of the Navy through his speaking-trumpet. 
 
 Once having found their way into the Pacific Ocean, 
 Salem shipmasters began to exploit its " Milky-ways 
 of coral isles, and low-lying, endless, unknown archi- 
 pelagoes and impenetrable Japans." The crews of Sa- 
 lem vessels, undismayed by the occasional killing and 
 
 93
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 eating of their comrades by Fiji cannibals, gathered 
 edible birds' nests from surf-beaten rocks, employed 
 native divers to fish tortoise-shell and mother-of-pearl ; 
 and gathered slimy sea-cucumbers ('beech de mer') 
 from coral reefs, to make soup for the mandarins. 
 Thus a new medium was obtained for purchasing China 
 tea. One lonely group in the South Atlantic, Tristan 
 de Cunha, was taken in formal possession by Jonathan 
 Lambert, of Salem, remaining his private principality 
 until his death in 1813. 
 
 A second ship Astrea, Henry Prince master, dis- 
 played her ensign in Manila Bay on October 3, 1796, 
 and opened a trade in sugar, hemp, and indigo that con- 
 tinued as long as Salem men owned vessels. No Salem 
 boy, in seventeen ninety-eight, thought the Philippines 
 were canned goods! Most of our present insular pos- 
 sessions were visited by Boston or Salem ships before 
 the nineteenth century except Guam, which was 
 saved for 1801. The barque Lydia, of Boston, Moses 
 Barnard master, was chartered by the Spanish govern- 
 ment to convey thither a new governor of the Mari- 
 anas, with "Lady, three Children and two servant girls 
 and 12 men servents, A Fryar & his servent, A Judge 
 and two servents." The log of this voyage, by the 
 Lydia' s first mate, William Haswell, is among the most 
 entertaining of the several hundred sea-journals pre- 
 served in Salem. The Lydia first put in at Zamboanga 
 (Mindanao), a pleasant place which produced nothing 
 but "Cocoa Nuts, water & Girls." Six of the latter 
 were brought on board by the governor's sons, with 
 "Music to Entertain us, but the Ship was so full of 
 Lumber that they had no place to shew their Dancing 
 in ; how ever we made a shift to amuse ourselves till 3 
 in the Morning, the Currant then turning and a light 
 breeze from the Northward springing up sent them all 
 
 94
 
 THE SALEM EAST INDIES 
 
 on shore, they Singing and Playing their Music all the 
 way." At Guam, officers and crew had royal enter- 
 tainment. The governor and family wept copiously at 
 their departure, and pressed livestock, fruit, and other 
 gifts on the captain until they overflowed the deck, and 
 had to be towed astern in the jolly-boat. 
 
 This commerce with the Far East, in pursuit of 
 which early discoverers had scorned the barren coast 
 of Massachusetts, was a primary factor in restoring 
 the commonwealth to prosperity and power, in giving 
 her maritime genius a new object and a new training, in 
 maintaining a maritime supremacy that ended in a 
 burst of glory with the clipper ship. By 1800, Massa- 
 chusetts had proved the power of her merchants and 
 seamen, when unrestrained by a colonial system; had 
 given the lie to tory pessimists who predicted her 
 speedy decay when detached from the British Empire. 
 A tea party in Boston Harbor, at the expense of the 
 British East India Company, brought on the American 
 Revolution. Twenty years later, tea and spices earned 
 through trafficking with savage tribes, carried in Mas- 
 sachusetts vessels and handled by her merchants, were 
 underselling the imports of that mighty monopoly in 
 the markets of Europe.
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN 
 I79O-I8I2 
 
 SHIPBUILDING, the ancient key industry of Massachu- 
 setts, expanded greatly during the Federalist period. 
 Exactly how much, we have no means of knowing, 
 for no record was kept of the many vessels built for 
 other states and countries. But the total merchant 
 and fishing fleet owned in Massachusetts (including 
 Maine) tripled between 1789 and 1792, doubled again 
 in the next decade, and by 1810 increased another fifty 
 per cent, attaining 500,000 tons, a figure not surpassed 
 until after 1830. 
 
 The far-flung commerce of Salem and Boston was 
 conducted in vessels that were small even by contem- 
 porary standards. 'King' Derby's entire fleet of six 
 ships, one barque, four brigs, two ketches, and a 
 schooner had a total tonnage of 2380, less than the 
 clipper-ship Sovereign of the Seas a half-century later. 
 William Gray owned 113 vessels first and last, before 
 1815 ; but only ten of them were over 300 tons burthen, 
 and the largest was 425 tons. The average dimensions 
 of six famous East-Indiamen of Salem, built between 
 1794 and 1805, are, length 99 feet, breadth 28 feet, 
 burthen 336. l The second Grand Turk (124 feet long, 
 564 tons), Salem's "Great Ship," was sold to New York 
 in 1795 for $32,000, as "much too large for our Port & 
 the method of our Trade." Salem Harbor was so 
 shallow that vessels drawing more than twelve feet 
 
 1 The same length as, and a slightly greater breadth than the Boston 
 mackerel schooner Fannie Belle Alwood in 1920. 
 
 9 6
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN 
 
 had to unload by lighters; but in Boston, twelve feet 
 could be carried up to Long Wharf at low tide. Yet 
 Boston vessels seem to have been no larger than those 
 of Salem, and the average Nor'westman was nearer 
 two hundred than three hundred tons. 
 
 "A wise marchant neuer adventures all his goodes 
 in one ship," wrote Sir Thomas More. Even those 
 who could afford large ships preferred to distribute 
 the tonnage among several small ones. For it is a great 
 mistake to suppose that the danger of seafaring de- 
 creases as tonnage increases, beyond a certain point. 
 Every square yard more sail area, in those days of 
 single topsails, hemp rigging, and simple purchases, 
 increased the difficulty of handling. Every foot more 
 draft increased the danger of navigating uncharted 
 seas and entering unbuoyed harbors. "Lost at sea 
 with all hands," that frequent epitaph of the great 
 clipper ships, was seldom if ever the fate of a Massa- 
 chusetts vessel in the Federal period. The Crownin- 
 shields lost but four of their great fleet of East- India- 
 men by 1806; two on Cape Cod, one on Egg Harbor bar, 
 and one on the French coast. Massachusetts builders, 
 moreover, had not yet acquired the technique to con- 
 struct large vessels properly. Hence the superstition, 
 current in New England seaports until 1830 or there- 
 abouts, that five hundred tons was the limit of safety ; 
 that a larger vessel might break her back in a heavy 
 sea. To round the Horn in a vessel under one hundred 
 tons, as did several of the Boston Nor'westmen, was 
 a remarkable feat of seamanship. But the boldest 
 Yankee shipmaster of 1800, if given the choice, would 
 rather have taken a Chebacco boat around Cape Stiff 
 than a two-thousand-ton clipper ship. 
 
 Salem's fleet included vessels constructed on the 
 North River, the Merrimac, or "Down East," but her 
 
 97
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 merchants greatly preferred home-built ships, under 
 their immediate supervision. A launching, "the no- 
 blest sight man can exhibit," thought Dr. Bentley, was 
 a gala occasion. In his diary for October 31, 1807, he 
 writes: "This day Mr. Brigs in South Fields launched a 
 ship [the Francis] for Mr. Peabody, Merchant of this 
 town of Salem, into South river. And about an hour 
 afterwards Barker, Magoun & Co. launched at the en- 
 trance of the neck into the Lower harbour a Ship for 
 Nathaniel Silsbee, Merchant of this Town. This last 
 I saw. As the flats are level & the building ground low, 
 the builders could not have the advantages of the two 
 other yards which are steep banks of the rivers. But 
 As soon as her stem block was taken away she began 
 with a gradual increased motion to descend to the 
 water, & without the least interruption or crack of 
 anything near her, she rode upon the Ocean amidst the 
 incessant shouts of the Spectators." 
 
 Most American seaports, including Boston, have 
 shamefully neglected the splendid history of their 
 maritime efforts. But Salem loved her ships, and 
 cherished their memory. Hence she has taken first 
 place by default, and her many writers have uncon- 
 sciously given the modern public (as did their ances- 
 tors the South-Sea islanders) the impression that Sa- 
 lem means America; that nowhere else in the world 
 were built or owned such fast and wonderful vessels. 
 The Peabody Museum ship portraits deepen this im- 
 pression; for Salem employed the best artists of the 
 day to depict her vessels Antoine Roux, of Mar- 
 seilles, portraitiste de navires unsurpassed for precision 
 of detail and artistic effect; Michele Corn, whom the 
 Mount Vernon brought from Naples in 1800, to pass 
 the rest of his long life in New England seaports; and 
 his pupil George Ropes. " In every house we see the 
 
 98
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN 
 
 ships of our harbor delineated for those who have 
 navigated them," wrote Dr. Bentley in 1804; and the 
 same holds true to-day. When Salem capital was 
 transferred to cotton mills, her merchants, unlike 
 those of Boston and New York, did not discard their 
 ship pictures in favor of steel engravings after Sir 
 Edmund Landseer, or dismal anonymous etchings of 
 wintry trees. 
 
 Quaint and interesting the ships of the Federalist 
 period certainly were, with their varied coloring 
 (bright, lemon, or orange waist against black, blue, or 
 dark green topsides, and a gay contrasting color for 
 the inside of bulwarks); their carved 'gingerbread 
 work' on stern, and 'quick- work' about the bows; 
 their few large, well-proportioned sails (royals seldom, 
 and sky sails never being carried), and their occa- 
 sionally graceful sheer. But strip off their ornaments, 
 and you find, with few exceptions, a chunky, wall- 
 sided model. The big ships of that day were built in 
 Philadelphia and Europe; the small, fast clipper 
 schooners and brigs, on Chesapeake Bay. New Eng- 
 land builders obeyed the ancient tradition that "ships 
 require a spreading body at the water's edge, both 
 afore and abaft, to support them from being plung'd 
 too deep into the sea." 1 The apparently sharp bow in 
 some contemporary pictures is really nothing but 
 deadwood, an ornamental cutwater preserving the 
 tradition of a Roman galley's rostrum. The real bows 
 were of the ' cod's head ' type, bluff and full, buffeting 
 a passage for the ship by sheer strength. And in no 
 Massachusetts- built ship of this period whose dimen- 
 sions are preserved, was the length as much as four 
 times the beam. 
 
 1 William Hutchinson, Treatise on Practical Seamanship (Liverpool, 
 1777), 12. 
 
 99
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Several of these vessels made good, but not remark- 
 able passages. The ship Fame (112 feet long, 263 
 tons), whose launching was a great event of 1802, once 
 made Vineyard Haven in ninety-two days from Su- 
 matra, completing the round voyage in seven months 
 and seven days. But the full-bodied New York 
 packet-ship Natchez, built in 1831, made her home 
 port in sixty-seven days from Java Head, when driven 
 by 'Bully' Waterman. The fastest Salem vessel of 
 our period was the ship America, 114 feet long, 31 feet 
 beam, and 473 tons burthen, built in 1809 by Retire 
 Becket, with the aid of a local Scots draughtsman. 
 Her beautiful portrait by Antoine Roux suggests 
 easier lines than were then common. But her record 
 day's run (over 240 miles) and bursts of speed (13 
 knots) were made as a privateer, with hull razeed to 
 331 tons, and a lofty rig that no mere merchantman 
 could have carried. Another much-touted Salem- 
 built vessel is the frigate Essex; but a careful reading 
 of Captain David Porter's log of her Pacific cruise 
 proves her to have been an uncommonly slow sailer 
 for an American frigate. In the Peabody Museum, 
 Salem, is an interesting half-model of the ketch Eliza 
 (93 X 25 x 9 feet, 184 tons), built by Enos Briggs in 
 1794, and indicating a striving after speed. She has a 
 curved stem, hollow water-lines, the stern of a modern 
 navy cutter, and considerable deadrise; suggesting 
 both a Baltimore clipper and the yacht America. 1 The 
 Eliza once made a round voyage to India in nine 
 months. She must have carried very little cargo com- 
 pared with the usual chunky type, for which reason, 
 possibly, the experiment led to nothing. 
 
 1 Very likely her lines were copied from a Chesapeake Bay schooner. 
 The "Fast-sailing Virginia built schooner Fox, 30 tons, 58 feet," is ad- 
 vertised for sale in the Salem Gazette of July 15, 1796. 
 
 IOO
 
 JOSEPH PEABODY'S SHIP FRANCIS 
 
 
 THE CROWNINSHIELDS' SHIP AMERICA 
 TWO SALEM SHIP PORTRAITS BY ROtJX OF MARSEILLES
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN 
 
 It did not take much in those days to give a vessel a 
 reputation for speed. In 1816, Augustine Heard, who 
 had commanded Boston and Salem vessels for years, 
 considered the brig Hindu fast, because on a voyage 
 from Calcutta to Boston she sailed 7 to 7.5 knots an 
 hour within six points of the wind, and 8.9 knots off 
 the wind. Dr. Bentley notes that several Salem ves- 
 sels, unable in their outward passage to breast the 
 winds and currents off the coast of Brazil, were forced 
 ignominiously to run home. 
 
 Until some competent naval architect makes a 
 thorough study of American shipbuilding (and may 
 the day come soon!) no one has a right to be dogmatic. 
 But I venture the opinion that Salem-built vessels of 
 the Federalist period were in no way superior to those 
 constructed elsewhere in Massachusetts; that the 
 builders of New York, the Delaware, and Long Island 
 Sound were probably quite as competent as those of 
 New England; and that the first real advance in the 
 design of large American merchantmen, subsequent to 
 the Revolution, came during or after the War of 1812. 
 
 The lower Merrimac from Haverhill to Newbury- 
 port was undoubtedly the greatest shipbuilding center 
 of New England, at this period as in colonial days. 
 Currier's rare monograph on Merrimac shipbuilding 
 lists about 1115 vessels constructed and registered 
 there between 1793 and 1815, inclusive; and a number 
 constructed for outside parties are not to be found 
 on his list. Twelve thousand tons of shipping were 
 launched on the Merrimac in the banner year of 1810. 
 As in other shipbuilding centers, all the cordage, sails, 
 blocks, pumps, ironwork, anchors, and other fittings 
 were made locally, employing hundreds of skilled 
 mechanics. The jolly ropemakers of Salem used to 
 outwit the Puritan taboo on a merry Christmas, by 
 
 101
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 feasting St. Catherine of Alexandria, the patron saint 
 of their profession, every December 25 ! 
 
 It was a Newburyport builder, Orlando B. Merrill, 
 who in 1794 invented the lift or water-line model, 
 probably the greatest invention in the technique of 
 naval architecture between the days of Drake and 
 the days of Ericsson. The lifts of the model, measured 
 with a foot-rule, determined the dimensions of the 
 vessel; and when she was completed, the model was 
 neatly sawed amidships, one-half going to the owner, 
 the other remaining in the builder's shop. Every 
 builder was his own designer, as a matter of course. 
 The technique was handed down from father to son; 
 but there was such competition that no shipbuilder 
 ever grew rich in the Federalist period. 1 
 
 Medford, where the Blessing of the Bay was launched 
 in 1631, became again a shipbuilding center in 1802. 
 In that year Thatcher Magoun, of Pembroke, a pupil 
 of his townsman Enos Briggs at Salem, examined the 
 shores and bed of the Mystic River. Finding them 
 free of obstruction, noting the noble oak groves in 
 the neighborhood, and estimating that the Middlesex 
 Canal, just completed, would enable him to tap the 
 timber resources of the upper Merrimac, he decided to 
 establish a shipyard at Medford. Calvin Turner, of 
 Scituate, and another member of the house of Briggs, 
 joined him in 1804. From the start, these Medford 
 builders specialized in large ships and brigs two 
 hundred and fifty tons up but until the War of 1812 
 they only built two or three apiece annually. After 
 1815, the vessels that he built for the China trade gave 
 
 1 I have found little data on the cost of vessels at this period. The 
 Merrimac-built brig Enterprise, 164 tons, cost $5000 to build in 1792, 
 and the Maine-built ship Wells, 205 tons, sold when three years old for 
 $7000 in 1804. 
 
 102
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN 
 
 Thatcher Magoun a reputation second to none among 
 American shipbuilders; and " Medford-built " came to 
 mean the best. 
 
 Boston and Charlestown yards did little but naval 
 construction and repairing during the Federalist pe- 
 riod, although several fine ships were there built by 
 Josiah Barker (of North River origin), and Edmund 
 Hart, the master builders of the Constitution. The Bos- 
 ton fleet, three times as great as Salem 's and second 
 only to New York's, was largely procured from the Maine 
 coast, the Merrimac, and the North River. That narrow 
 tidal stream, dividing the towns of Marshfield and Pem- 
 broke from Scituate, Norwell, and Hanover, was like 
 the Merrimac a cradle of New England shipbuilding. 
 
 The North River attained the height of its activity 
 in Federalist days. Thirty vessels were completed 
 here in 1801, and an average of twenty- three a year, 
 1 799 to 1 804. Looking downstream from the Hanover 
 bridge, eleven shipyards were in view, filled with ves- 
 sels in various stages of construction. Every morning 
 at daybreak the shipwrights might be seen crossing 
 the pastures or walking along the sedgy riverbank to 
 their work, for a dollar a day from dawn to dark. 
 When the sun rose above the Marshfield hills, like a 
 great red ball through the river mist, there began the 
 cheery clatter of wooden shipbuilding clean, musi- 
 cal sounds of steel on wood, iron on anvil, creak of 
 tackle and rattle of sheave; with much geeing and 
 hawing as ox-teams brought in loads of fragrant oak, 
 pine, and hackmatack, and a snatch of chanty as a 
 large timber is hoisted into place. At eleven o'clock, 
 and again at four came the foreman's welcome shout 
 of "Grog O!" For it took rum to build ships in those 
 days; a quart to a ton, by rough allowance; and more 
 to launch her properly. 
 
 103
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Standing on this same Hanover bridge to-day, it is 
 hard to believe what the records show to be true, that 
 within a few hundred yards, where there seems hardly 
 water enough for a good-sized motor boat, were built 
 for New York merchants in 1810-11 the ships Mount 
 Vernon l and Mohawk, respectively 352 and 407 tons 
 burthen. Farther down, near the Columbia's birth- 
 place, even greater vessels were launched poking 
 their sterns into the opposite bank, and having to be 
 dug out. Getting them down this narrow, tortuous 
 river, full of rocks and shoals, was a ticklish business, 
 entrusted to a special breed of North River pilots. 
 Crews of men followed the vessel on both banks, with 
 long ropes attached to each bow and quarter, hauling 
 or checking as the pilot, enthroned between knight- 
 heads, commanded, "Haul her over to Ma'sh-field!" 
 or, " Haul her over to Sit-u-wate ! " Motive power was 
 provided by kedging, heaving up to an anchor dropped 
 ahead by the pilot's boat. Fourteen tides were some- 
 times required to get a vessel to sea, as the mocking 
 river sauntered for miles behind the barrier beach, and 
 dribbled out over a bar that taxed all Yankee ingenu- 
 ity to surmount. When shipbuilding had ceased, a 
 new outlet opened at the nearest point to the ocean. 
 
 The North River builders did much work for "for- 
 eign" (i.e., non-Massachusetts) order, and for the 
 whalemen. Their vessels seem to have lacked even 
 a local reputation for speed. Very few paintings of 
 them have survived. One, of the ship Minerva, 223 
 tons, built by Joshua Magoun at Pembroke in 1808 for 
 Ezra Weston and others of Duxbury, shows a vessel 
 built in the best style of the day; gray-blue topsides 
 
 1 Length 99 feet, 6 inches, breadth 28 feet, depth 14 feet, 3 inches. 
 The largest vessel ever constructed on the North River was another ship 
 Mount Vernon, 464 tons, built in 1815 for Philadelphia by Samuel Hartt. 
 
 IO4
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN 
 
 and bulwarks, with bright waist, quarter-galleries, 
 beautiful quick-work on the bows, and a finely pro- 
 portioned sail plan. 
 
 Fishermen and other small vessels were constructed 
 in Plymouth Bay at this period ; and at Wareham and 
 Mattapoisett on Buzzard's Bay were more children 
 of North River, building three-hundred-ton whalers 
 for Nantucket, and neutral traders for New Bedford. 
 Fishing vessels were also built on Cape Cod, Cape Ann, 
 and Essex, as well as in the larger centers. The pres- 
 ence in the Boston registry of the two-hundred-ton 
 ship Merry Quaker, built at Dighton in 1795, proves 
 that that center of religious dissent on the Taunton 
 was up and doing. But having viewed the Merrimac, 
 Salem, the Mystic and North Rivers, we have made 
 the rounds of the greater shipyards in Massachusetts 
 proper. 
 
 And now for the sailors. A frequent occurrence in 
 the New England of our period is illustrated by a pretty 
 story of Cohasset. One spring evening young South- 
 ward Pratt, a farmer's barefoot boy, goes out as usual 
 to drive the cattle home. But the cows are heard 
 lowing at the pasture bars, long after their accustomed 
 hour to be milked. There is no trace of the lad. Some- 
 thing called him from that rocky pasture; a sea- turn 
 in the wind, perhaps; or a glimpse of Massachusetts 
 Bay, deep blue and sail-studded, laughing in the May 
 sunshine. True to his name, Southward obeyed the 
 call. 
 
 Three years pass. The cows are now tended by young 
 Mercy Gannett, who has come from Scituate to live 
 with the Pratts as hired girl, in the friendly fashion of 
 
 105
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 the day. One summer evening she comes running home 
 from the pasture, frightened, breathless. A strange 
 young man with bronzed face and lithe, free move- 
 ments, had appeared at the pasture bars, and an- 
 nounced he would drive the cattle home that evening. 
 Of course it was the prodigal son; and naturally he 
 married Mercy, and lived happily ever after. 
 
 Southward's sudden departure, and his return, are 
 both typical of the Massachusetts merchant marine. 
 The Bay State, more seafaring in her taste (if one in- 
 cludes Maine) than any other American common- 
 wealth, has never had a native deep-sea proletariat. 
 Her fleet was manned by successive waves of adven- 
 ture-seeking boys, and officered by such of them as 
 determined to make the sea their calling. The Euro- 
 pean type of sailor, the "old salt" of English fiction, 
 content to serve before the mast his entire lifetime, 
 was almost unknown in New England. High wages 
 and the ocean's lure pulled the Yankee boys to sea; 
 but only promotion or rum could keep them 
 there. If Southward or Hiram enjoyed his first voyage 
 and made good, he was soon given an officer's berth, 
 of which there were plenty vacant in a marine that in- 
 creased from 58,800 to 435,700 tons (excluding fisher- 
 men 1 ) between 1789 and 1810, which required from 
 eleven to fifteen men per ton, and in which the pro- 
 portion of officers to seamen was not less than one to 
 five. If quickly cured of his wanderlust, he went back 
 to the farm, and was replaced by another boy. When 
 the embargo tied up Salem shipping, the discharged 
 crews returned to their villages precisely as did the 
 Russian workmen during the late Revolution.. 
 
 Speaking broadly, officers' berths in European ma- 
 
 1 For the crews of fishermen, to which these statements do not apply, 
 see chapter x. 
 
 I O6
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN 
 
 rines were class preserves, going by favor and influ- 
 ence to the sons of shipmasters, merchants, and their 
 dependents. Few European sailors had the education 
 to qualify themselves for command. But in the Massa- 
 chusetts marine the great majority of masters came 
 in through the hawse-hole, and the vast majority of 
 seamen had sufficient command of the three R's to 
 post a log, draft a protest, draw up a manifest, and, 
 with a little instruction on shore or shipboard, find a 
 position at sea. Captain Zachary G. Lamson, of Bev- 
 erly, tells of sailing as foremast hand on a Salem brigan- 
 tine, every one of whose crew of thirteen rose to be 
 master of a vessel. With officers thoroughly trained in 
 the rudiments of their profession, and young, ambi- 
 tious seamen culled from the most active element of a 
 pushing race, it is no wonder that the Massachusetts 
 marine achieved great things. 
 
 Never, save possibly at some colonial period, has 
 the Massachusetts marine been one hundred per cent 
 American. In Federalist days, it certainly contained an 
 appreciable minority of foreigners. How much, it is 
 impossible to say. Not until 1817 did federal law re- 
 quire two-thirds of a crew to be American. Even be- 
 fore 1793 we find a foreign minority in the crew lists 
 of some famous Pacific traders; 1 and after that date, 
 
 1 On the ship Massachusetts in 1790, there were six petty officers from 
 Massachusetts, four from England, and one each from New Hampshire, 
 Ireland, Scotland, and Sweden. Before the mast were nineteen from 
 Massachusetts, seven from other New England states, ten from England, 
 six from Ireland, and one each from Scotland and Virginia (Delano, Voy- 
 ages, 27). Eight nationalities were represented in the Boston's crew of 
 fifteen, in 1803 (Jewitt's Narrative); but this crew was enlisted in Eng- 
 land. The New York brig Betsey, in the China trade, picked up her 
 crew at New Haven and Stonington (Edmund Fanning, Voyages, 1833 
 ed., 69). The Margaret, Captain James Magee, had two Swedes, one 
 Dutchman, and sixteen Americans before the mast. On the Boston 
 ship Hercules, in a voyage to Calcutta in 1792-94, all four officers, eight 
 
 107
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 when British subjects with forged naturalization pa- 
 pers, or birth certificates purchased from a discharged 
 American, sought whatever protection the American 
 flag afforded, these crew lists are open to suspicion. A 
 Spanish boy named Benito, who joined the Astrea at 
 Cadiz, shipped on his next voyage as Benjamin Eaton, 
 of Salem. Captain Samuel Snow, of Cohasset, was 
 really Salvador Sabate y Morell, brought from Spain 
 many years before by Captain Ephraim Snow, of 
 Truro. William Gray testified in 1813 that in his opin- 
 ion one-fifth of the seamen in the American merchant 
 marine were foreigners. Adam Seybert, the statisti- 
 cian, estimated one-sixth in 1807. Probably the pro- 
 portion was less in New England, where the native 
 supply was abundant. A British agent was told by 
 Salem merchants in 1808 that they no longer em- 
 ployed British seamen, in order to avoid trouble from 
 impressment. John Lowell asserts that only the ves- 
 sels of the middle and southern states, where the 
 native population had little maritime aptitude, em- 
 ployed foreigners to any extent. This statement must 
 be taken with caution, as made for political effect ; but 
 the argument is reasonable. Only a careful examina- 
 tion and rigorous checking-up of the crew lists in our 
 custom-house records can establish the truth. 
 
 Looking over these crew lists of registered vessels, 
 one finds a small, constant minority of foreigners 
 not only Englishmen, but Germans, Scandinavians, 
 and Latins who acknowledge themselves such. But 
 the great majority profess to be native-born Yan- 
 kees, and probably were. Newburyport drew farmers' 
 
 out of nine petty officers, and fifteen out of twenty-five seamen were 
 Massachusetts men. The other petty officer and one seaman were Irish, 
 seven seamen were English, and two doubtful. (MS. Journals, Essex 
 Institute.) 
 
 1 08
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN 
 
 boys from the valley of the Merrimac and from all 
 southern New Hampshire. Marblehead's sailors were 
 mostly of the tough local breed. Salem drew upon her 
 own population, and all Essex County; her vessels also 
 include a large number of men from the Middle States 
 and Baltimore. 1 Boston's crew lists have been de- 
 stroyed; but most Cape Cod boys seem to have gone 
 there for a start. The youthfulness of them is striking. 
 Most are in their teens and early twenties; seamen 
 over thirty are rare, and over forty almost unknown. 
 The few older men were probably victims of drink, 
 who squandered their wages at the end of each voyage, 
 in classic sailor .fashion, and had no other recourse but 
 to reship. 
 
 Tradition, love of adventure, desire to see the world, 
 and the social prestige of the shipmaster's calling were 
 partly responsible for Yankee boys going to sea. Few 
 could grow up in a seaport town and resist the lure. 
 For boys in the inland towns, seafaring offered the 
 only alternative to clodhopping, the sole means of 
 foreign travel, and the best opportunity to gather 
 wealth. The West was not yet a word to fire the imagi- 
 nation. Hewing out a new farm in the Green Moun- 
 tains or the Genesee Valley did not promise much 
 variety from home life. One could fight Indians on the 
 Northwest Coast and play with the Kanaka girls 
 between fights. Ordinary life, to be sure, was not so 
 dismal in New England farming towns as the self- 
 styled experts in Puritanism would have us think. 
 
 1 On the ship Restitution of Salem in 1804, out of nine seamen seven 
 give their residence as Baltimore, although two were born in Salem, two 
 in Germany, and one each in North Carolina, Rhode Island, and Phila- 
 delphia. On the ship John of Salem, 250 tons, in 1804 nine seamen give 
 their birthplace in Essex County, nine elsewhere in Massachusetts, three 
 elsewhere in New England, two in New Jersey, one each in Maryland, 
 "America," and Denmark. 
 
 109
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 There was a succession of husking-bees and barn-rais- 
 ings and rustic dances and sleighing parties, well lu- 
 bricated with rum. But imagine the effect of a young 
 man returning with tales of pirates and sea-fights and 
 South Sea Islands, with 'cumshaws' of tea and silk 
 and Chinese carving for his mother and sweetheart, 
 and a bag of silver dollars to boot. 
 
 For one of the chief attractions of seafaring was the 
 high wages that were not only earned, but actually 
 paid, in the Federalist period. The Columbia, on her 
 first voyage, paid ordinary seamen but $5, and able 
 seamen $7.50 per month; but she sailed in a period of 
 unemployment. Wages quickly rose with commercial 
 expansion. By 1799, J. & T. Lamb were paying boys 
 $8 to $10, ordinary seamen $14 to $17, able seamen 
 $18, and petty officers up to $24 per month, in the 
 Northwest fur trade. The crew of their snow Sea Otter 
 was paid off with $500 to $600 each, after deducting 
 $100 to $150 for articles furnished from the slop chest, 
 on which (if the Lambs followed the practice of Bryant 
 & Sturgis) the men were charged at least one hundred 
 per cent profit. In addition they could make a couple 
 of hundred dollars on a judicious investment at Can- 
 ton, stuffed into their sea-chests. 
 
 Data on wages in other trade routes are scarce, but 
 what we have indicate a rise to a similar high level. 
 Israel Thorndike, of Beverly, was paying ordinary sea- 
 men $4.50 and able seamen $7 per month in schooner 
 voyages to the West Indies and Portugal in 1790. In 
 1794, the A.B.'s rate had risen to $10. On the U.S. 
 frigate Essex, in 1799, boys and ordinary seamen got 
 from $5 to $14, able seamen $17, besides prize money; 
 at a time when an army private's pay was $3 per month. 
 According to a French admiral in 1806, some seamen he 
 impressed from an American brig were getting $17. 
 
 no
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN 
 
 In the Russian trade in 1811, William Gray is paying 
 his ordinary seamen $16 and his A.B.'s $20 and $21. 
 Senator Lloyd, of Massachusetts, stated early in 1812 
 that the average pay of American seamen was $22.50 
 per month. 
 
 Shore wages, in comparison, were low. Common 
 labor received but eighty cents to a dollar a day in New 
 England between 1800 and 1810, and out of this had 
 to feed and house itself. There were few opportunities 
 for wage-earning, outside farm labor. Consequently 
 many young men went to sea merely to lay by a little 
 money to get married on, or buy a farm. But many of 
 them never returned from their dangerous calling. 
 Yellow Jack contracted in a West-India port disposed 
 of many a stout ploughboy. We hear of schooners 
 limping home from the Spanish Main, sailed only by 
 one sickly man and a boy. Out of 634 members of the 
 Essex Lodge of Free Masons in Salem, 293 were mari- 
 ners and 246 master mariners; of these 50 were lost at 
 sea and 42 died in foreign ports. "By the arrival of 
 Capt. Phillips from Calcutta in the ship Recovery" 
 writes Dr. Bentley, "we learn of the death of Winthrop 
 Gray, the last of a company of jolly fellows at Salem. 
 We hear of the death of several of our promising young 
 seamen." Within a few yards of each other in the old 
 graveyard at Kingston, overlooking Plymouth Bay, 
 may still be seen the following memorial stones: 
 
 Erected in memory of Capt. Joshua Delano who died in Havanna 
 April 2, 1800 aged 31 years. 
 
 Erected in memory of Capt. William Delano, who died on his 
 passage home from Batavia Octr. 21, 1797, aged 27 years. 
 
 In memory of Peleg Wadsworth, who was drowned February 
 24th 1795 in Lat. 39 N. Long. 70 W. aged 21 years 6 months and 
 5 days. 
 
 Ill
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 In memory of Amasa Holmes, who died in his passage from 
 Cronstadt to Boston Jan'y 30, 1834, in the 24th year of his age. 
 
 In memory of Simeon Washburn who was drowned July 6, 1805, 
 aged 24 years. 
 
 The only approach to a privileged class in the Massa- 
 chusetts fleet was the supercargoes. This position 
 the business agent of the owners on shipboard was 
 often reserved for Harvard graduates, merchants' 
 sons, and other young men of good family who had 
 neither the taste nor the ruggedness for the rough-and- 
 tumble of forecastle life. His position was no sinecure. 
 The relationship with the master, between whose 
 functions and the supercargo's there was no sharp line, 
 required diplomatic qualities. Responsibility for sell- 
 ing and obtaining cargoes required self-reliance, and 
 sound knowledge of world commerce and economics. 
 John Bromfield, a supercargo with two generations of 
 Boston merchants back of him, read Henry Cole- 
 brooke's "Husbandry and Commerce of Bengal," 
 William Marsden's "History of Sumatra," Colonel 
 Symes's "Embassy to Ava," Stavorinus's "Voyage a 
 Batavia," and Wilcocke's "History of Buenos Ayres," 
 to qualify himself for his business. As supercargo un- 
 der Captain Bill Sturgis in the Atahualpa, he informed 
 the master of the pirate junks' approach off Macao 
 his brother had been killed by Malay pirates a few 
 years before and fought like a lion during the action. 
 Joseph W. Cogswell, one of that group of New England 
 intellectuals who attended Gottingen, first changed 
 his sky if not his mind as supercargo on William Gray's 
 brig Radius, in the most difficult days of neutral trade. 
 Patrick T. Jackson, pioneer cotton manufacturer and 
 founder of the city of Lowell, learned his first lessons 
 from the world as clerk to his brother Captain Henry 
 
 112
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN 
 
 Jackson, on J. & T. H. Perkins's ship Thomas Russell, 
 in the Mediterranean and East-India trade. 
 
 A supercargo was occasionally promoted to master 
 mariner, as in the case of Dr. Bowditch; but there were 
 few captains in the Massachusetts fleet who had not 
 worked their way up from the forecastle. In spite of 
 this democratic method of selection, New England 
 shipmasters were distinguished for their gentlemanly 
 qualities. The English merchant marine, in spite of 
 privilege, was still officered by Captain Cuttles and 
 Hatchways, of the type described by Smollett. If an 
 English gentleman went to sea, he chose the navy. But 
 in New England the social prestige of the merchant 
 service remained as high as in colonial days. Gentle- 
 men of family and education set the quarterdeck 
 standards, to which homespun recruits conformed as 
 best they could. Consequently we find American ship- 
 masters received into the upper bourgeois society of 
 the seaports where they traded ; and not infrequently 
 marrying Spanish or Italian girls of good family. 
 Captain E. H. Derby, Jr., was entertained by Nelson 
 aboard the Victory. The same wages and commissions 
 were given generally as in the Canton trade, 1 although 
 naturally the latter was the most lucrative, and ob- 
 tained the best men. Thus the officers became partners 
 in every voyage. Not infrequently a shipmaster re- 
 tired by the age of thirty with sufficient capital to start 
 a mercantile business of his own. The master mariners 
 whose names are in the records of the Boston Marine 
 Society before 1812, were the merchant-shipowners of 
 the next generation. 
 
 Hitherto, Yankee shipmasters had never been con- 
 spicuous in navigation. In seamanship they were 
 preeminent; in rigging, handling, and caring for their 
 
 1 Chapter vi.
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 vessels in getting the last ounce of speed and service 
 out of them. Having no dockyards to depend on, they 
 were used to turn engineer on occasion. Captain 
 William .Mugford received a gold medal from the 
 American Philosophical Society, for the jury rudder 
 he rigged on the ship Ulysses. They thought nothing 
 of heaving down or careening a vessel on some lonely 
 South-Sea beach, scrubbing her bottom, paying her 
 seams, and making extensive repairs, while part of the 
 crew stood guard against cannibals. When Captain 
 Penn Townsend, by miscalculation, found his brig 
 Eunice high and dry on St. Paul's Island (a favorite 
 Salem resort in the Indian Ocean), his crew built a 
 huge wooden cask around her hull, and rolled her off. 
 
 Dead reckoning, by compass, log, and dipsey lead, 
 was the traditional New England method of finding 
 one's position at sea. * That was all very well for At- 
 lantic and West- India voyages, but not for circum- 
 navigating the globe. The stately ship Massachusetts, 
 in 1790, in all her padded equipment, had no chro- 
 nometer, and no officer who could find longitude by 
 any other method. Consequently she missed Java 
 Head, and lost several weeks' time. But a Salem boy 
 was already planning a remedy. 
 
 Nathaniel Bowditch 2 was born at Salem in 1773, the 
 son of Habakkuk Bowditch, a shipmaster who had 
 seen better days. His formal schooling was slight. 
 The dawn of Salem's maritime expansion found him ap- 
 prentice to a local ship-chandler. He fed a precocious 
 passion for mathematics in the Philosophical Library, 
 
 1 All the seaport towns had private schools of navigation in the sev- 
 enteen-nineties. Even at as small a village as Wellfleet, "We have in the 
 winter a number of private schools, by which means the greater part of 
 the young men are taught the art of navigation," writes the Reverend 
 Levi Whitman, of that place, in 1794. 
 
 * First syllable rhymes with 'how.' 
 
 114
 
 NATHANIEL BOWDITCH
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN 
 
 the nucleus of which was an Irish scientist's collection 
 which a Beverly privateer had captured during the 
 Revolution. In 1796, he went to sea as captain's clerk 
 on the ship Henry, Salem to the He de France, and the 
 following year sailed as supercargo in the Astrea, to 
 Manila. On this voyage he not only spent every spare 
 moment in making observations, but taught twelve 
 members of the crew to take and work lunars, the only 
 method of getting longitude without a chronometer, 
 which no Salem vessel could afford. Working lunars 
 is a tricky business, for any error in the observation 
 brings a thirty-fold error in the result; and as young 
 Bowditch found no less than eight thousand errors in 
 the tables of the standard English book on navigation, 
 he decided to get one out of his own. Two more 
 voyages gave him the practice and the leisure for the 
 immense amount of detailed calculations; and in 1801 
 appeared the first edition of Bowditch's "Practical 
 Navigator," which has been translated into a dozen 
 languages, passed through countless editions, and still 
 remains the standard American treatise on navigation. 
 
 While the "Navigator" was making a market for 
 itself, its author went to sea, as master of the ship 
 Putnam, Beverly to the northwest coast of Sumatra. 
 At the close of this successful pepper voyage, he proved 
 his own theories by entering Salem Harbor on Christ- 
 mas Eve, 1803, in a blinding northeast snowstorm, 
 without having picked up a single landmark. For 
 years to come, " I sailed with Captain Bowditch, Sir!" 
 was a Salem man's password to an officer's berth. 
 
 Notwithstanding the work of Bowditch, it took a 
 generation or more to wean most Massachusetts ship- 
 masters from their dependence on dead reckoning, in 
 which primitive method they were adepts. An inter- 
 esting incident of neutral trading illustrates this. In
 
 1NIARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 1810, an American vessel was seized at Christiansand, 
 and condemned by the admiralty courts of Denmark 
 (then at war with England) on the ground that her lack 
 of chart or sextant proved that her voyage commenced 
 in the British Isles. The other American shipmasters 
 in port then drew up a protest in which they assert, 
 "we have frequently made voyages from America 
 without the above articles, and we are fully persuaded 
 that every seaman with common nautical knowledge 
 can do the same." 
 
 Captain Jeremiah Mayo, of Brewster, about the 
 year 1816, took the brig Sally of Boston, 264 tons, from 
 Denmark through the English Channel to the Western 
 Ocean in thick weather without an observation or 
 a sight of land. Bryant & Sturgis reprimand one of 
 their East-India shipmasters, in 1823, for purchasing 
 a chronometer for $250, and inform him he must pay 
 for it himself. "Could we have anticipated that our 
 injunctions respecting economy would have been so 
 totally disregarded we would have sett fire to the Ship 
 rather than have sent her to sea." Nathaniel Silsbee, 
 in 1827, sailed to Rotterdam in a brig that had no 
 chronometer, and whose officers knew nothing of lunar 
 observations. 
 
 Still it was not Bowditch's fault if seamen did not 
 use the means he offered ; and an increasing proportion 
 of them did. On his death, in 1838, the Boston Marine 
 Society resolved, "As astronomer, a mathematician 
 and navigator himself, a friend and benefactor has he 
 been to the navigator and Seaman, and few can so 
 justly appreciate the excellence and utility of his la- 
 bours, as the members of this Society. . . . His intui- 
 tive mind sought and amassed knowledge, to impart 
 it to the world in more easy forms." 
 
 Boston, Salem, and Newburyport all had their 
 
 116
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN 
 
 marine societies, open to master mariners and some- 
 times shipowners as well, before the Revolution. But 
 at Salem in 1799 there was organized the East India 
 Marine Society, with membership restricted to Salem 
 shipmasters or supercargoes, "who shall have actually 
 navigated the Seas near the Cape of Good Hope or 
 Cape Horn." An exclusive club, perhaps; one whose 
 certificate of membership equaled a patent of nobility 
 in Essex County; but not a small or merely a social 
 club. Fifty-seven members were admitted during the 
 first two years. The Society furnished them with blank 
 duplicate sea-journals to be filled out and deposited 
 in the Marine Library at the close of each voyage. 
 Therein were faithfully noted all observations of lati- 
 tude, with the position of ports, reefs, and headlands, 
 as "the means of procuring a valuable collection of 
 useful information." Blank pages were assigned for 
 "remarks on the commerce of the different places 
 touched at in the voyage with the imports, exports 
 and manner of transacting business." In this way the 
 community gathered strength from the achievements 
 of its members. 
 
 "Whatever is singular in the measures, customs, 
 dress, ornaments, &c. of any people, is deserving of 
 notice," continue the directions, which conclude with 
 an injunction to note down "any remarkable books in 
 use, among any of the eastern natives, with their sub- 
 jects, dates and titles"; and to collect for the East 
 India Marine Museum, articles of dress and ornament, 
 idols and implements and all things vegetable, animal, 
 and mineral. At their annual meetings the members, 
 each bearing some Oriental trophy, passed in proces- 
 sion through the streets, preceded by a man "in Chi- 
 nese habits and mask," and a palanquin borne by Sa- 
 lem negroes tricked out as natives of India, bearing a 
 
 117
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 proud Salem youngster in the habiliments of a native 
 prince. To the public spirit of her shipmasters, Salem 
 owes the nucleus of her famous Ethnological Museum, 
 and records of her early commerce unsurpassed by any 
 American seaport.
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 MERCHANTS AND MANSIONS 
 1782-1812 
 
 DIVITIS India usque ad ultimum sinum (the spoil of 
 Ind, to the uttermost gulf) was the appropriate motto 
 on Salem 's city seal. Wealth, her merchants certainly 
 did acquire. Elias Hasket Derby, dying in 1799, be- 
 queathed an estate of a million and a half dollars to 
 his sons. Israel Thorndike, of Beverly, and Captain 
 Simon Forrester, who came to Salem a poor Irish lad, 
 each left about the same sum. 'Billy' Gray, when 
 Jefferson's embargo caught him, was reputed to be 
 worth three million dollars, and known to be the 
 greatest individual shipowner in the United States. 
 But more than this, the Salem merchants spent their 
 money in a manner that enhanced the pleasant art of 
 living, and permanently enriched the artistic content 
 of America. 
 
 Puritanism, in its religious and social implications, 
 stamped Federalist Salem. Puritanism is the reputed 
 enemy of art and genial living. Yet the people of 
 Massachusetts Bay, since their first struggle for exist- 
 ence on the fringe of the continent, had built a succes- 
 sion of goodly houses in oak and pine, and even brick, 
 whose beauty improved as the sea yielded an increas- 
 ing store. The spoil, accumulated through twenty 
 years' voyaging to the uttermost limits of the Far 
 East, produced at Salem the fairest flowers of Ameri- 
 can domestic architecture. 
 
 The presiding genius of this Federal architecture 
 (as it should be called, rather than the loose and ill- 
 
 119
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 fitting 'Colonial* or 'Georgian') was Samuel Mc- 
 Intire. Born at Salem in 1757, the son of a house- 
 wright, Mclntire had as hard and meager a boyhood 
 as Bowditch. Of his young manhood we know little. 
 Probably he worked as a woodcarver, and exercised his 
 talents not only on houses, but on the figureheads, 
 cabin mouldings, and quick-work of vessels. Suddenly 
 in 1782, the year of peace, he blossoms forth as the 
 architect of the Fierce-Nichols house; with its out- 
 buildings one of the finest architectural groups ever 
 executed in wood in the United States. 
 
 This house was built for Jerathmeel Pierce, a mer- 
 chant who saved enough out of the Revolution to prove 
 an early success in the East-India trade. It marks a 
 new type, the square, three-storied, hip-roofed, de- 
 tached dwelling, which stamps the Federalist period in 
 New England. Captain Pierce, after a frugal fashion of 
 that day, had only half the interior completed at once. 
 The rest was fortunately postponed until Mclntire had 
 acquired a new manner; the refined and delicate style 
 of interior decoration introduced in London by the 
 brothers Adam. The east parlor was completed in 
 1801, just in time for the marriage of Sally Pierce to 
 Captain George Nichols. 
 
 This twenty-three-year-old shipmaster had followed 
 the sea since the age of sixteen, and had many ac- 
 quaintances at London, St. Petersburg, Calcutta, and 
 Batavia. He brought his bride from Bombay, for her 
 wedding dress, the most beautiful piece of striped mus- 
 lin ever seen in Salem. After four weeks' honeymoon 
 he was off again to Sumatra. At the age of twenty- 
 nine he retired from the sea, and lived long enough in 
 the beautiful house that his father-in-law built, to vote 
 twice for Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 For twenty years after the building of the Pierce- 
 
 120
 
 FIERCE-NICHOLS HOUSE, SALEM, AND 
 MANTEL IN THE ADAM PARLOR
 
 MERCHANTS AND MANSIONS 
 
 Nichols house, little notable construction was done in 
 Salem. A few merchants, like E. H. Derby, employed 
 the young architect to erect new and splendid dwellings, 
 adorned by pilasters and surmounted by glazed cupolas 
 whence approaching sail might be surveyed in comfort. 
 But the greater number required a prudent accumula- 
 tion, before deserting the ancestral gambrel. As they 
 gathered wealth and the possibility of leisure, the mer- 
 cantile families shrank from the raw east winds, and 
 picturesque but embarrassing contacts of the water- 
 front. About 1 80 1, they began to desert Derby Street 
 and its tributaries for Essex Street, Washington Square, 
 and above all, Chestnut Street. 
 
 On this broad, elm-shaded avenue to-day the- 
 finest street, architecturally, in New England Mc- 
 Intire and his nameless fellow-workers expended the 
 endeavors of their fruitful years. The square, three- 
 storied, hip-roofed house, constructed of warm red 
 brick laid in flawless Flemish bond, prevailed. The 
 front doors are framed in fanlight and sidelights, 
 shaded by oblong or elliptical porches whose roofs are 
 supported by attenuated columns, their capitals carved 
 by the master himself. A Palladian window opens on 
 a formal garden in the rear. The interiors are simply 
 arranged, with four rooms to a floor, and decorated in a 
 free and original adaptation of the Adam style. Stables, 
 barns, and garden houses are designed with the same 
 care as the mansion, that nothing might mar the 
 general effect. 
 
 In his public buildings the Court House, assem- 
 bly halls, and South Meeting-House, Mclntire was 
 equally successful. 
 
 There was little in the architecture of these dwellings, 
 save their uncompromisingly square mass, to suggest 
 the character of their occupants. For very few of the 
 
 121
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 shipmasters and merchants of Federalist Salem came 
 of wealthy colonial families. They were a rugged race, 
 with little of the polish that marked contemporary 
 society in Boston or Philadelphia or Charleston. They 
 were self-educated; for Salem then had miserable 
 schools, and no boy destined for the sea went to Har- 
 vard. They were not ashamed to work with their own 
 hands in garden or outlying farm; and in a run of ill- 
 luck, their wives or sisters could without loss of caste 
 open a little shop in a front room as Hepzibah in 
 ' ' The House of the Seven Gables. ' ' Their ways were at 
 best bluff and simple; at worst, harsh and blustering. 
 Too many carried the manners of the quarterdeck 
 into their Adam parlors. One wonders where they 
 acquired the taste to erect such dwellings, or, if the 
 taste was wholly their architects' l to enrich them with 
 the beautiful furniture, porcelain, and glass that are 
 still the pride of Salem. Everything made in 1810 was 
 not good ; Chestnut Street mansions might as well have 
 been stuffed with vulgarized empire as with chaste 
 Chippendale. 
 
 Salem society, like that of all our seaport towns, was 
 stratified. Of the life of her middle and lower classes 
 we know little save their occasional delinquencies. 
 Salem is said to have had a greater per capita wealth 
 than any American town; but hard winters always 
 crowded the almshouse and demanded much charity 
 of the well-to-do. All classes were bound together by a 
 common interest in maritime prosperity. In 1790, the 
 two hundred and twenty-eight heads of families (includ- 
 ing widows) in Dr. Bentley's East Church, included 
 thirty-five mariners, fifty-eight master mariners, nine 
 
 1 For the sort of thing that the Salem architects avoided, see the 
 engraving of "Mr. Dorsey's Gothic mansion" at Philadelphia, in Den- 
 nie's Portfolio, v, 124 (1811). 
 
 122
 
 MERCHANTS AND MANSIONS 
 
 boat- or ship-builders, five rope- or sail-makers, and 
 five fishermen. Even people whose principal occupa- 
 tion was independent of commerce, generally owned a 
 share in a ship, or made private adventures. Nathaniel 
 Richardson, who owned the largest tannery in Essex 
 County, also owned four vessels; and his son Nathaniel, 
 who "hurried into bold adventures," died in Malaga 
 at the age of eighteen. 
 
 Unquestioned social preeminence was enjoyed by 
 the merchant-shipowners, who with few exceptions 
 had commanded vessels on East-India voyages. Their 
 social life was simple rather than brilliant. Formal 
 dinners were infrequent, balls given only by subscrip- 
 tion, at stated intervals, in Hamilton Hall or Washing- 
 ton Hall, according as the company was Federalist 
 or Republican. For the bitter politics of this period 
 divided Salem society by a deep longitudinal chasm, 
 across which the rival clans of Derby and Crownin- 
 shield glared defiance. Driving or sleigh-riding, with 
 Nahant or some good tavern for objective, was a com- 
 mon diversion. But perhaps the favorite one for ship- 
 masters' families was a fishing party in the bay, followed 
 by landing on Baker's or Misery Island for a magnifi- 
 cent chowder, cooked, as a chowder should be, in iron 
 pot over driftwood fire by a Salem African. Several 
 families maintained small pleasure-boats. The finest 
 of them, George Crowninshield, Jr.'s, thirty-six-foot 
 Jefferson, rigged like a Chebacco boat, once took 
 Dr. Bentley from Salem to Beverly harbor in fifteen 
 minutes and back in thirty-four. Wealth cost that 
 generation too much effort to be frittered in riotous 
 living or wasteful display. Those Salem families who 
 acquired a fortune in the days when every day brought 
 a ship, have with few exceptions retained their position 
 to this day. 
 
 123
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 / 
 
 Boston throughout the Federalist period was a 
 
 commercial center of about three times the importance 
 of Salem, whether one takes population, tonnage, or 
 customs duties as the standard of comparison. The 
 commercial activity of Boston Harbor was prodigious. 
 "Upwards of seventy sail of vessels sailed from this 
 port on Monday last, for various parts of the world," 
 states the " Columbian Centinel " on Wednesday, Oc- 
 tober 26, 1791. In 1793 there entered and cleared 
 eleven vessels from England, one hundred and nine- 
 teen from the West Indies, and one hundred and sixty- 
 three from other foreign ports. "The harbour of Bos- 
 ton is at this date [November, 1794] crowded with 
 vessels," wrote Thomas Pemberton. " Eighty-four sail 
 have been counted lying at two of the wharves only. 
 It is reckoned that not less than four hundred and 
 fifty sail of ships, brigs, schooners, sloops and small 
 craft are now in this port." The population increased 
 from 18,320 in 1790 to 33,787 in 1810. 
 
 To take care of this expanding commerce and popu- 
 V lation, Boston began the process, which still continues, 
 of making new land by filling in various coves that 
 gave her so jagged a shore-line. A corporation began 
 shoveling the crest of Beacon Hill into the Mill Pond, 
 near the present North Station, about 1807; and 
 another laid out Broad Street, somewhat straight- 
 ening the harbor front. Other companies financed 
 new wooden bridges to Charlestown, Cambridge, and 
 South Boston, which opened up sections of the town 
 never before utilized ; and before the end of the War of 
 1812 work started on the Mill Dam, a continuation 
 of Beacon Street across the Back Bay. Still, not very 
 much was done before 1825 to take away the pictur- 
 esque stabs that salt water made into old Boston. One 
 tongue of the harbor came up to Liberty Square; and 
 
 124
 
 CHARLES BULFINCH
 
 MERCHANTS AND MANSIONS 
 
 another to Dock Square, which was the market and 
 retail center of the town. A few yards away was State 
 Street, rapidly becoming lined with the new banks and 
 insurance offices that commercial expansion required. 
 Near by was completed, in 1808, the new Exchange 
 Coffee-House, whose seven stories proclaimed Boston 
 a town, merely because she was too proud to become a 
 mere city! A Boston Loyalist who returned for a visit 
 in 1808, wrote, "The great number of new and elegant 
 buildings which have been erected in this Town, within 
 the last ten years, strike the eye with astonishment, 
 and prove the rapid manner in which the people have 
 been acquiring wealth." Boston was practically re- 
 built between 1790 and 1815, in a distinctive style 
 of Federal architecture which the public persists in 
 lumping with everything else built before 1840 as 
 1 colonial.' 
 
 Like the merchants of Renaissance Italy, those of 
 Federalist Boston wished to perpetuate their names and 
 glorify their city by mansions, churches, and public 
 buildings of a new style and magnificence. Luckily, 
 among their number was a young man who had the 
 training and the genius to guide this impulse into fruit- 
 ful and worthy channels. Charles Bulfinch, in con- 
 trast to Mclntire, had every " advantage of birth, 
 wealth, and education. The son and grandson of prom- 
 inent physicians, he graduated at Harvard in 1781, and 
 was sent to France and England for five years' study of 
 architecture. On his return, in 1786, he found Boston 
 more concerned in preserving its existing property 
 from Dan Shays, than ambitious to build. With un- 
 erring instinct, he helped to launch the very voyage 
 whose consequences made his career. The Columbia's 
 great adventure was planned at his father's house, and 
 Charles Bulfinch himself was one of her owners. 
 
 125
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 The merchants were soon ready for new houses, and 
 the cramped condition of Boston compelled them to 
 economize space. Only in "West Boston" (Cambridge 
 Street) and Beacon Hill ("out of town") was it still 
 possible to erect detached mansions. Hence the first 
 important commission that came to young Bulfinch 
 was to design the first solid block of residences in New 
 England, the Tontine Crescent on Franklin Place. l 
 
 Crescents are common enough in English cities; but 
 none had yet been built when Bulfinch sailed for 
 Boston. He may have seen a design for one by the 
 Adam brothers, who taught him his sense of propor- 
 tion, as they inspired Mclntire's detail. Whatever the 
 source, Bulfinch's handling of the problem was mas- 
 terly. Sixteen three-story brick houses were built ac- 
 cording to a plan that showed uniformity without tire- 
 some repetition. The entrances were grouped by twos, 
 the end groups advanced six feet beyond the others, 
 and adorned by pilasters. Instead of breaking the 
 crescent in its center, where another street entered 
 Franklin Place, Bulfinch arched it over with a library, 
 whose classic columns, Venetian window, and attic 
 story pleasantly broke the uniform line of roofs. The 
 middle of the oval in front was occupied by a grass 
 plot and trees, with a classic urn in memory of Frank- 
 lin ; the opposite side was filled with another harmoni- 
 ous group of dwellings, and the approaches were given 
 distinction by Boston's first theater, and first Catholic 
 cathedral church, which the young master designed. 
 The general effect of Franklin Place, as of all the Bul- 
 finch school, suggests London of the Regency; but 
 loyal Bostonians prefer to compare London to Boston 
 and the chronology bears them out! 
 
 Bulfinch also designed a new form of detached man- 
 
 1 On the site of the curved portion of Franklin Street. 
 126
 
 MERCHANTS AND MANSIONS 
 
 sion for the wide, elm-shaded spaces on Summer 
 Street, and for Beacon Hill, where residences were 
 springing up on the sunny slope of Copley's pasture. 
 Bulfinch relieved the square mass of Georgian tradi- 
 tion by a bow in the center of side or rear, making 
 place on the ground story for an elliptical dining-room. 
 The best example, still extant, is the Governor Gore 
 mansion at Waltham. His later city houses gained 
 light and distinction by a double bow or swell front, 
 accentuated by pilasters reaching to the cornice. 
 
 As architect of public buildings, from the capital 
 at Augusta to that of Washington, no American save 
 Stanford White has ever surpassed Bulfinch. The 
 Boston State House (1795), with its gilded dome, is 
 his most famous early work; one should visit the old 
 Representatives', and present Senate Chamber, to 
 appreciate the full measure of his genius at the age of 
 thirty-two. In his later work, like the New South 
 Meeting-House (1814), and University Hall at Harvard 
 (1815), he found in hammered granite a fit medium 
 for his chaste lines, as a gray dress for a Puritan maiden. 
 Most interesting of his public works, from our view- 
 point, was the brick block of thirty-two stores, with 
 counting-rooms or warehouses overhead, which he 
 designed for the new India Wharf in 1805, giving the 
 water-front an air of solidity and permanence more 
 common to European than American ports. 1 It was 
 the boldest bit of harbor development yet undertaken 
 in the United States. Sixty years later, Atlantic 
 Avenue ploughed its way through the middle of India 
 Wharf, disrupting the graceful archway with attic 
 story that broke the long slate roof. The remaining 
 portion, its red brick mellowed by the east wind, still 
 
 1 A part of India Wharf may be seen at the right of the photograph 
 of shipping in chapter xxu. 
 
 127
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 maintains a frigate-like dignity amid motor trucks 
 and excursion steamers. 
 
 In repairing and enlarging old buildings, like Christ 
 Church and Faneuil Hall, Bulfinch showed a reverence 
 for the old forms, of which his own work seemed a 
 natural development. He and his school gave Boston 
 architecture a stamp of distinction that even the imita- 
 tors of Romanesque, Gothic, and French Renaissance 
 have been unable wholly to efface. One is tempted 
 to ascribe his pure taste and perfect proportion to an 
 ocean origin; but, curiously enough, land architecture 
 grew steadily worse in Massachusetts as naval archi- 
 tecture reached perfection in the clipper ships. 
 
 Boston society differed from that of Salem, as the 
 graceful curves of Bulfinch's dining-rooms and spiral 
 staircases differ from the straight lines of Mclntire's 
 interiors. Boston society was less simple, both in its 
 manners and its composition ; and quite as aristocratic 
 as that of Philadelphia or London. "The better people 
 are all aristocrats," wrote John Singleton Copley, Jr., 
 from Boston in 1796. " My father is too rank a Jacobin 
 to live among them." Well-to-do professional men like 
 Harrison Gray Otis, Federalist politicians like Josiah 
 Quincy, retired capitalists like Christopher Gore, and 
 wealthy shopkeepers like Samuel Eliot and David 
 Sears, formed as conspicuous a portion of the social 
 upper crust as merchant-shipowners; and few names 
 were included which had risen to prominence since the 
 Revolution. Social life was formal and brilliant, with 
 private balls and cotillion parties, and immense din- 
 ners. Several merchants maintained country seats in 
 the neighborhood, like their colonial forbears ; but most 
 of them found Boston a good enough summer resort. 
 Few traces of Puritanism were left among the gentry. 
 It was a period of religious tolerance, before Protestant 
 
 128
 
 MERCHANTS AND MANSIONS 
 
 and Catholic had renewed, or Orthodox and Unitarian 
 begun their quarrels. But political feeling was ex- 
 ceedingly bitter, and any deviation from Federalist 
 orthodoxy was punished by social ostracism. East- 
 India voyages seemed to mellow manners, and Madeira 
 wine; but to sharpen political prejudices. 
 
 The merchants themselves did not form a social 
 unit, as in smaller towns. Their portraits by Gilbert 
 Stuart have a sort of family likeness, a complacent air 
 and ruddy face suggesting a seafaring youth, with a 
 plenty of "choice old London particular," that had 
 passed the equator four times before its final ripening 
 under the eaves. Those who inherited wealth, or had 
 begun business before the Revolution, were more highly 
 regarded than the self-made man who had traced new 
 trade-routes; but certain families combined both dis- 
 tinctions. There was a distinct class of merchant 
 princes, who lived in magnificent style, surrounded 
 by suggestions of Oriental opulence. The Honorable 
 Thomas Russell was a sort of marshal of this mer- 
 cantile nobility, and passed on his baton to Thomas 
 Handasyd Perkins. On a social pinnacle of their own 
 making were the mercantile emigres from Essex 
 County the Lowells, the Higginsons, and the Jack- 
 sons, who (according to Colonel Henry Lee) "came 
 up from Newburyport to Boston, social and kindly 
 people, inclined to make acquaintances and mingle 
 with the world pleasantly. But they got some Cabot 
 wives, who shut them up." Another distinct group 
 was composed of plain, hard-working men, toilsomely 
 accumulating a fortune and a name; men like Nathan- 
 iel Goddard, of a poor farmer's family of Brookline, 
 who made his first capital by tending a lonely trad- 
 ing post on Passamaquoddy Bay; Josiah Marshall, a 
 farmer's boy from Billerica, who attained Franklin 
 
 129
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Place via Coast and Islands ; Josiah Bradlee, the most 
 extensive advertiser in the Federal press, spending in 
 his entire lifetime, from 1778 to 1860, but one night 
 outside Boston, and that at Nahant; a merchant of 
 whom it was said that if he sent a shingle afloat on 
 the ebb tide bearing a pebble, it would return on the 
 flood, freighted with a silver dollar! 
 
 The merchant princes clung to the ways and fashions 
 of colonial days, or of 1790 at the latest, unwilling to 
 admit even by the cut of a waistcoat that Robespierre 
 could change their world. At eight or eight-thirty the 
 well-to-do Boston merchant appeared among his fam- 
 ily in China silk dressing-gown and cap, as Copley had 
 painted his father. Short family prayers, and a hearty 
 breakfast by a blazing hickory fire. Then the mysteries 
 of the toilet, performed by body servant or, preferably, 
 by a neighborhood Figaro, a San Domingo refugee who 
 discreetly gossips while he performs the rite of shav- 
 ing. Hair is dressed, tied in a queue, and powdered; 
 unless there is a white wig to be nicely adjusted. A 
 fresh white cravat with long lapels, is folded and skill- 
 fully tied. Then for the nether limbs. Linen drawers 
 are tied down, silk stockings pulled up smooth, and gar- 
 tered against all chance of ungentlemanly wrinkling; 
 buff nankeen breeches arranged neatly over them and 
 silver buckle drawn tight. Low-hung waistcoat and 
 broad-skirted coat of light-colored broadcloth come 
 next. After a few parting suggestions to his lady, 
 Master takes a stout gold-headed Malacca-joint cane, 
 three-cornered hat, scarlet cloak if chilly, and sallies 
 forth on foot, followed by Cicero, the colored butler, 
 with huge market-basket. For it is the simple custom 
 of the day, on one's way to business, to choose the 
 materials for one's dinner, in the neighborhood of 
 Faneuil Hall. 
 
 130
 
 MERCHANTS AND MANSIONS 
 
 Suppose one of those sharp, bright winter days, fol- 
 lowing a fresh snowfall that has etched the outlines of 
 new brick shops and black old gabled houses with high 
 lights. Huge " pungs " (ox- or horse-drawn sledges) , the 
 connecting links between ocean commerce and New 
 England farms, are drawn up in Dock Square three 
 deep and piled high with butter, cheeses, fresh and 
 salt meat, game, winter vegetables, wooden ware, and 
 barrels of cider and perry, from some of which small 
 boys are sucking through a straw until the owner 
 shouts "Hey, you've had your penny-worth!" 
 Through this cheerful activity strolls our merchant, 
 and having chosen his joint and poultry and game 
 and fixings, sends his servant home, and continues 
 to his counting-room on India Wharf, or near by. 
 
 If it is winter, there is not much to do; for the larger 
 vessels are away; but there are always accounts to be 
 made up, tea and silks to be withdrawn from bond, and 
 plans for next season discussed with master builders. 
 At eleven, Henry the chief clerk mixes a stiff jorum of 
 Jamaica rum, to get himself and master through the 
 morning. At half-after twelve or one, the business 
 day ends, save for the genial institution of 'Change. 
 This is a meeting of all the merchants, on the sidewalk 
 of State Street if weather permits, otherwise in tavern 
 or insurance office, to talk shop, ships, and politics 
 for a half-hour or so. 
 
 By two o'clock the merchant is at home again, and 
 at two-thirty comes dinner. Perhaps it is a formal 
 feast, in the oval dining-room, with some fellow-mer- 
 chants, a state senator or two, a judge, and their re- 
 spective ladies; begun by a hot punch handed to the 
 gentlemen in a China loving-cup; continued through 
 several substantial courses, washed down with sherry, 
 madeira, and (rarely) champagne ; prolonged into can-
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 dlelight after the ladies retire and the cloth is removed, 
 by port, brandy, political gossip, and damning the 
 Jacobins. If an ordinary family dinner, it is followed 
 by a sleigh-ride, or, in long summer days, a family 
 drive in coach or high English phaeton, behind fat 
 bays, to take tea and fruit at some country seat 
 with Harry Otis at Oakley, or Kitty Gore at Waltham, 
 or John Lowell at Roxbury, or Ben Bussey at Jamaica 
 Plain. A ball or evening supper party, perhaps; other- 
 wise a cold supper and glass of madeira at home, ' and 
 so to bed.' 
 
 Federalist Boston was full of small gentlemen's 
 clubs, which met at each others' houses or at taverns, 
 for evening talk and cheer. Several of them were fire 
 societies, each member maintaining a pair of leathern 
 buckets, a canvas bag for saving valuables, and a bed 
 key ; which articles had to be solemnly inspected every 
 so often, as an excuse for a party. In addition, there 
 were large public dinners, followed by formal toasts, 
 accompanied by music, and (on the Fourth) discharges 
 of artillery such as the annual feast of shells on 
 Forefathers' Day, the festivities of election week, and 
 the annual dinner of the Boston Marine Society. The 
 meetings of this society were common ground where all 
 Bostonians interested in seaborne commerce met. The 
 secretary describes it in 1811 as "composed of upwards 
 of one hundred former shipmasters who have retired 
 from sea with adequate fortunes, many of whom are 
 largely interested in the insurance offices and as under- 
 writers, and about fifty of the most respectable mer- 
 chants and shipowners and gentlemen of the highest 
 stations in the commonwealth. The rest of the Soci- 
 ety is composed of the more active and younger mari- 
 ners who still follow the seas as a professional business." 
 These last were the men who made the name of Bos- 
 
 132
 
 Copyright, 1903, by the Trustees of the Jloston Atlienxun 
 
 JAMES PERKINS
 
 MERCHANTS AND MANSIONS 
 
 ton famous from Archangel to Smyrna, and east by 
 west to the River Plate and Calcutta. Too busy, as 
 yet, to care for social life or Bulfinch mansions, the 
 next generation was their harvest season.
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 THE SACRED CODFISH 
 1784-1812 
 
 ON March 17, 1784, Mr. John Rowe, of Boston, mer- 
 chant, arose from his seat in the Representatives' Hall 
 of the Old State House, and offered a motion, "That 
 leave might be given to hang up the representation 
 of a Codfish in the room where the House sit, as a 
 memorial of the importance of the Cod-Fishery to the 
 welfare of this Commonwealth, as had been usual 
 formerly." Leave was accordingly granted; and the 
 same wooden emblem presented by genial Johnny 
 Rowe, having followed the Great and General Court to 
 Beacon Hill, still faces the Speaker's desk. 
 
 Massachusetts still retains her supremacy in the 
 American codfisheries; but in 1790 this industry was 
 in the parlous state that the war had left it. Relief 
 came quickly from the federal government. On July 4, 
 1789, Congress granted a bounty of five cents on every 
 quintal of dried fish or barrel of pickled fish exported. 
 Elbridge Gerry, of Marblehead, and Benjamin Good- 
 hue, of Salem, had a good deal to do with obtaining this 
 favor; but there was no opposition from other parts of 
 the country. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, of South 
 Carolina, in the debates of the ratifying convention 
 in his state, had generously urged the distress of the 
 New England fisheries as a reason for closer union. 
 In 1791, the General Court of Massachusetts begged 
 additional protection. Thomas Jefferson, Secretary 
 of State, issued a friendly but rather non-committal 
 report ; but Senator George Cabot, formerly the owner 
 
 134
 
 THE SACRED CODFISH 
 
 of Beverly fishermen, framed and put through the act 
 of February 9, 1792, granting a bounty of one dollar 
 to two dollars and a half per ton (depending on the 
 size) to vessels engaged in the codfishery four months 
 in the year; three-eighths of the bounty to go to the 
 owner, the rest to be divided among the crew. 
 
 Under the influence of federal bounties, and the 
 general expansion of commerce in the late eighteenth 
 century, the Massachusetts codfishery began to look 
 up again. The tonnage of her fishing fleet (including 
 that of Maine) gradually increased from about 10,000 
 in 1790 to 62,000 in 1807, when Jefferson's embargo 
 brought another check. 
 
 The Grand Banks of Newfoundland fisheries were 
 renewed in what was left of the pre-Revolutionary 
 fleet old-fashioned barrel-bottomed schooners of 
 not over seventy tons, called "heel-tappers" on ac- 
 count of their low waists and high quarterdecks. 1 
 Fishermen, the most conservative of seafarers, seem 
 to have made no improvement in their models until 
 after 1815. Methods were unchanged. Bankers made 
 two or three fishing trips a year. The spring fare was 
 either brought home in time for election day (the last 
 Wednesday in May), or dried on "any of the unsettled 
 bays, harbors and creeks of Nova Scotia, Magdalen 
 Islands and Labrador," as Article III of the Treaty 
 of Peace (thanks to John Adams) permitted, but most 
 of the curing was done on the sands or ledges of the 
 home port. 
 
 The only innovation of the Federalist period was a 
 wider range. The "Bay" (of Chaleur) and Labrador 
 shore fisheries, secured in the same treaty, were first 
 
 1 One of these tubby schooners is depicted in the foreground of the 
 Salem Marine Society Certificate, in chapter vn. The old fireboard op- 
 posite shows two of them at anchor in Marblehead Harbor. 
 
 135
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 visited shortly after the war, and immediately became 
 popular. Almost a thousand sail passed through the 
 Strait of Canso in 1807, outward bound 
 
 Where Anticosti lies 
 Like a fell spider in its web of fog, . . . 
 And frost-rimmed bays and trading stations seem 
 Familiar as Great Neck and Kettle Cove, 
 Nubble and Boon, the common names of home. 
 
 On Sundays, the New England fishermen "swarmed 
 like flies" on the shore of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, said 
 a British observer, whose reports were largely responsi- 
 ble for his government's efforts to restrict these grounds 
 in the negotiations at Ghent. By 1808, three-quarters 
 of the dried fish exported from Massachusetts came 
 from the Bay and Labrador coast ; less than one-quar- 
 ter from the Grand Banks, which required larger ves- 
 sels and more expensive outfits. The Bank fishermen, 
 however, were able to export their own fares, when 
 cured, to France, Spain, Portugal, or the West Indies 
 in the winter season. 
 
 Encouragement of the New England fisheries was 
 often justified on the ground that they contributed 
 both men and vessels to the navy and merchant ma- 
 rine. In time of war, when unarmed Bankers would fall 
 certain prey to the enemy, their crews perforce enlisted 
 in the navy or on a privateer. But on the merchant 
 marine their influence was slight, except in so far as 
 their produce furnished freight and a medium for trade. 
 The more ambitious youths of fishing towns entered 
 the merchant marine Captain Cressy, for instance, 
 of the Flying Cloud clipper, was a Marblehead boy. 
 But notwithstanding popular belief and congressional 
 oratory, ex-fishermen were seldom found among the 
 crews of deep-sea merchantmen, at any period of our 
 
 136
 
 THE SACRED CODFISH 
 
 history. 1 "They make troublesome merchantmen," 
 writes Bentley of the Marblehead fishermen in 1816. 
 " But no men are equal to them in the things they know 
 how to do from habit." 
 
 Fishing was a specialized form of maritime enter- 
 prise. The small amount of capital required, the short 
 voyages (enabling a man to live at home with his 
 family at least half the year), and the share system of 
 rewarding crews, appealed to a class of men who could 
 not afford the expense of mercantile ventures, and would 
 not submit to the wage system, the discipline, and the 
 lengthy voyages of merchant vessels. The Yankee liked 
 fishing ' on his own hook ' the phrase originated 
 here, before the Revolution, to describe a system in 
 which each member of the crew supplied his own gear, 
 bedding, and food. Fishermen had their own customs 
 and costumes, 2 types and traditions which were handed 
 down from generation to generation. 
 
 A fisherman's son was predestined to the sea. As 
 soon as he could walk, he swarmed over every Banker 
 or Chebacco boat that came into port, began 'hand- 
 lining' for cunners off wharves and ledges, and begging 
 older boys to teach him to row. At six he was already 
 some aid in curing the catch, and he helped his mother 
 with the household work, in order to qualify as sea- 
 cook. Boys of nine to twelve years did the cooking in 
 Marblehead and Gloucester fishermen at this period, 
 
 1 R. B. Forbes is most emphatic on this point. Captain Arthur H. 
 Clark backs him up. The author of The Mate and his Duties (Liver- 
 pool* 1855), p. 24, states, "It is in general much easier to make a good 
 sailor out of a landsman than a fisherman." Fishermen were not used to 
 discipline or to quick movements, and were apt to shy at laying out on 
 yardarms. 
 
 * The New England fisherman's costume, until about 1830, when 
 oilskins were adopted, was a sheep- or goat-skin jacket, and 'barvel' 
 (leather apron), baggy calfskin trousers, yellow cowhide "churn boots," 
 and tarred canvas hat, shaped like the modern sou'wester. 
 
 137
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 and on Cape-Codders even later. After a voyage or two 
 he handed over his cooking utensils a single iron 
 pot and long spoon to a younger brother or cousin, 
 became an apprentice, learned the secrets of luring 
 codfish to hook, and the art of heading, splitting, and 
 salting with quick precision. A strong boy of fifteen or 
 sixteen might be as accomplished a fisherman as any; 
 a 'high-liner' of the fleet. To save enough to acquire 
 a fishing vessel, and live ashore on her earnings, was 
 his highest ambition. Otherwise he grew gray in the 
 service of the sea. When rheumatic arms could no 
 longer haul on sheet or cable, and eyes grew dim from 
 straining through night, fog, and easterlies, he retired 
 from deep waters, and puttered about with lobstering, 
 shore fishing, or clam-digging. 
 
 Marblehead, a scant three miles from Salem, was 
 as different in its appearance, its commerce, and the 
 character of its people, as if it lay overseas. Built on 
 ground so hilly and boulder-strewn that there seemed 
 hardly place for the weather-beaten houses; peopled by 
 descendants of the peculiar old stock ; the harbor open 
 to northeast gales, which sent in great wicked rollers 
 that tore up the stoutest ground tackle; Marblehead 
 yet remained the premier fishing port of Massachu- 
 setts. 
 
 Few seaport towns in America had lost more by 
 the Revolution. Before the war, Marblehead had 
 rivaled Salem in population and foreign commerce. 
 But 'King' Hooper and Benjamin Marston had be- 
 come tories, and the elder Ornes, Lees, Pedricks, and 
 Gerrys had died or removed to more prosperous cen- 
 ters. Their sons remained (for this being Marblehead 
 the ordinary laws of emigration did not hold) ; but they 
 had no capital to renew the foreign trade; and indeed 
 it would have been useless to compete with Salem. 
 
 138
 
 A 
 
 MARBLEHEAD FIREBOARD, REPRESENTING TWO HEEL-TAPPER 
 
 FISHING SCHOONERS COMING TO ANCHOR 
 
 INSIDE THE NECK, ABOUT l8OO 
 
 A TOPSAIL SCHOONER OF MARBLEHEAD IN FOREIGN TRADE, 1796
 
 THE SACRED CODFISH 
 
 There was nothing left but the fisheries, and even they 
 were at the lowest ebb. Average gross earnings per 
 vessel had fallen frqm $483 in 1787 to $273 in 1789. 
 There were 459 widows and 865 orphans, mostly de- 
 pendent for support on the taxpayers, in this town of 
 5500 people. Houses and fish sheds were tumbling to 
 pieces, and the sea threatened to make a clean breach 
 through the Neck and ruin the harbor. 
 
 Marblehead stiffened her back, organized a lottery 
 to relieve the poor, founded an academy in time to fit 
 Joseph Story for college, acquired a bank and insur- 
 ance company, and was rewarded with a partial return 
 of prosperity. Her fishing schooners were the largest 
 and best of the New England fleet. With the aid of 
 small brigantines and topsail schooners like the Raven, 
 their local catch was exported to France, Spain, and 
 the West Indies, where high prices prevailed. "We 
 got about one dollar for every fish we carried out" to 
 Bilbao, one voyage, remembered an old fisherman. 
 
 When the Napoleonic wars raised freights to un- 
 heard-of figures, the Marblehead schooners and brig- 
 antines from seventy-five to one hundred and fifty tons 
 burthen found it profitable to engage in the carrying 
 trade. In 1 792, Marblehead had only three entries from 
 Europe; in 1805, the old impost book at the custom 
 house records sixteen entries from Bilbao, one from 
 Lisbon, four from Bordeaux, three from Nantes, one 
 from La Rochelle, one from Alicante, two from Tonning 
 (Holstein), one from St. Petersburg, and eight, with 
 salt, from the Cape Verde Islands. In addition, there 
 were the same year ten entries from Martinique, three 
 from Havana, and one each from Guadeloupe and 
 Dominica. In 1806, Marblehead had her first entry 
 from the East Indies; the brigantine Orient (187 tons), 
 Edmund Bray master, from Calcutta, with cottons, 
 
 139
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 gunny bags, ginger, sugar, segars, bandannas, carpets, 
 cords and blinds for Robert Hooper and several others. 
 The customs duties annually collected at this little 
 port rose from $22,300 in 1801 to $156,000 in 1807, 
 when her fleet had a tonnage of 21,068; more than 
 half that of Salem, but less than Newburyport or New 
 Bedford. 
 
 Notwithstanding these impressive figures, 1 Marble- 
 head never recovered her provincial affluence. Her 
 newly won wealth went mostly to swell Salem and 
 Boston fortunes. Her fishermen, less thrifty than the 
 Puritan stock of Beverly and Cape Cod, frolicked 
 away every winter the remembrance of their summer 
 toils, and kept in debt to the vessel owners. Her popu- 
 lation increased only by 239 souls from 1790 to 1810, 
 which means, in view of the notoriously large families 
 of Marblehead fishermen, that considerable emigration 
 took place. 
 
 Jefferson's embargo achieved the ruin of Marblehead 
 as the first fishing port of New England ; and the War 
 of 1812 found her much as the Revolution had left 
 her, poor but proud, sullen but excitable. Happy the 
 visiting 'furriner' from Salem, Lynn, or Boston, who 
 escaped a 'squaeling' from her 'ragged urchins!' 2 
 In 1808 occurred the regrettable incident of Skipper 
 Benjamin (not Floyd) Ireson, for his crew's cowardice 
 and lying (not for his hard heart), tarred and feathered 
 and carried in a dory (not cart) by the fishermen (not 
 
 1 Due partly to Oriental imports in Boston vessels, consigned to 
 Boston and other outside merchants. One such cargo, in the ship Liver- 
 pool Packet, W. T. Magee master, from Canton, consigned to George 
 W. Lyman and James Morgan, paid over $72,500 duties in 1811. 
 
 8 'Squaeling,' in Marblehead dialect, meant hurling a stone, or other 
 hard object. " I don't remember any one being squaeled," said an old 
 lady of Marblehead to a friend of mine not many years ago "unless 
 't were a Lynn man!" she added, thoughtfully. 
 
 I4O
 
 THE SACRED CODFISH 
 
 the women) of Marblehead. Mr. Roads told the facts 
 in his history, and Mr. Whittier acknowledged, "I 
 have no doubt that thy version of Skipper Ireson's 
 ride is the correct one." 
 
 T'other side Salem from Marblehead, not fifteen 
 minutes' ride across Essex Bridge (completed in 1788 at 
 the colossal cost of sixteen thousand dollars), was the 
 ancient town of Beverly. Here were the stately homes 
 of the Cabots, Lees, and Thorndikes, who, in combina- 
 tion with the clever lawyers of Newburyport, the ora- 
 tors of Boston, and the tea barons of Salem, controlled 
 Massachusetts politics for the coming generation. 
 History has not been kind to Beverly. After teaching 
 Boston how to bake beans, the metropolis usurped the 
 credit. After showing Salem how to fish and privateer, 
 the larger port absorbed her neighbor in 1789 as a place 
 of entry and registry. But the records of the state 
 custom house, during the 'critical period,' throw light 
 on her commercial economy. Apart from the operations 
 of her distinguished triumvirate, Beverly was a fishing 
 port, and the only fishing port which by 1790 had in- 
 creased her catch and tonnage over pre-Revolutionary 
 figures. In 1785, she was the proud possessor of thirty 
 schooners and a sloop, from twenty to fifty tons bur- 
 then, including two Pollys two Larks, three Betsys, 
 three Swallows, a Two Friends, a Three Friends, a Three 
 Brothers, an Industry, a Cicero, and a Hannah. Every 
 summer they made from two to four fares of fish, and 
 every winter traded with the South and the West 
 Indies, and the Cape Verde Islands. Within ten years 
 Beverly's tonnage had doubled. Dr. Dwight, of Yale, 
 judged her fishermen " distinguished for good order, 
 industry, sober manners, and sound morals." The 
 records of the Beverly Farms Social Library, organized 
 in 1806, bear him out; for we find that Skipper Charles 
 
 141
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Dodge took to sea with him Bishop Gardiner's 'Life,' 
 Henry's 'Meditations,' and Baxter's 'Saints' Rest'; 
 while Skipper Gamaliel Ober, for light summer read- 
 ing on the Grand Banks, chose Jonathan Edwards on 
 ' Religious Affections,' the third volume of Josephus, 
 and Drelincourt on ' Death.' 
 
 Whilst Marblehead reverted from trading to fishing, 
 and back again, Gloucester declined as a fishing port, 
 but revived her foreign trade. In 1790, she already 
 owned four ships, nine brigs, and twenty-three schoon- 
 ers, beside fishing vessels. Gloucester's specialty was 
 a commerce in fish and molasses with Surinam. Why 
 Gloucester should have gotten a grip on this trade, 
 which was common to all the fishing ports in colonial 
 days, is a mystery ; but certain it is that until well on in 
 the nineteenth century, Gloucester vessels were better 
 known in Dutch Guiana than those of any other North 
 American port. The wealthier merchant families of 
 Gloucester Harbor Sargents and Parsons and Pearces 
 aspired to higher things. They formed an asso- 
 ciation to carry on the East-India trade in the ship 
 Winthrop and Mary, but the total loss of this vessel on 
 her homeward passage from Sumatra in 1800 ended 
 the experiment. Nevertheless, Gloucester was a thriv- 
 ing and prosperous town in the Federalist period, boast- 
 ing a bank with a vault carved out of solid rock, a 
 schoolhouse with cupola, and a two-story "artillery 
 house" or armory, with four field pieces and a bell pro- 
 cured from Denmark. "They excell in their parties, 
 their clubs, and also in their military parades," wrote 
 Dr. Bentley, after being entertained by the Gloucester 
 people in 1799. 
 
 Inability to man her Bankers, owing to the popular- 
 ity of the Bay, Labrador, and offshore fisheries, was 
 responsible for Gloucester's temporary decline as a 
 
 142
 
 THE SACRED CODFISH 
 
 fishing port. These minor fisheries were the specialty 
 of Gallop's, Folly, Pigeon, Long, and Loblolly coves 
 on Sandy Bay and the north side of Cape Ann. 1 They 
 were prosecuted not in Bankers of a size requiring capi- 
 talist backing, but in smaller boats, which the fisher- 
 men themselves could build and own on shares. The 
 typical Cape Ann fishing vessel of the Federalist period 
 was a Chebacco boat (ancestor of the Down East 
 'pinkies' of to-day) so called from the Chebacco 
 Parish of Ipswich where the type was invented and 
 built. Double-ended, 'pink* (sharp) sterned, rigged 
 with two pole masts, stepped well forward so that 
 no headsail was needed, and not over thirty feet long, 
 the Chebacco boats were easy to handle and rode 
 the waves like a duck. They were seaworthy enough 
 for a Labrador voyage, but for the most part sought 
 cod, haddock, or pollock on the banks and submerged 
 ledges along the Maine coast, or within a hundred 
 miles of Eastern Point Old Man's Pasture, Matinicus 
 Sou' Sou' West, Spot o' Rocks, Saturday Night Ledge, 
 Kettle Bottom, Cashe's Ledge, and the Fippennies. 
 In 1792, Cape Ann owned one hundred and thirty- 
 three Chebacco boats of eleven tons burthen on an 
 average; and by 1804 the number had increased to 
 two hundred and the tonnage doubled. 
 
 Yet the Cape Ann fishermen were as a class miser- 
 ably poor, and generally in debt to some storekeeper 
 at Gloucester Harbor. The picturesque coves where 
 their tiny cottages clustered, afforded poor anchor- 
 age and protection. At any sign of a northeast storm 
 every Chebacco boat had to leave its tree-root moor- 
 
 1 These villages were all in the township of Gloucester, until 1840, 
 when some of them were set off as the town of Rockport. Gloucester 
 village, now the city, was called "The Harbor," to distinguish it from 
 other villages in the township. 
 
 143
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 ing, and slip around Cape Ann, to the protection of 
 Gloucester Harbor. 
 
 Chebacco (incorporated as a town of Essex in 1819) 
 owned a fleet of about forty local boats. At Ipswich, up 
 a narrow, winding river where nothing larger than a 
 motor boat ventures nowadays, the Parleys, Tread- 
 wells, Lakemans, and others owned a fleet of Bankers, 
 Bay fishermen, and West-Indiamen. In ascending the 
 river, they had to be warped around Nabby's Point by 
 cables bent onto iron rings set in the rocks. Ipswich, 
 in spite of her lace industry and fishing fleet, was 
 somewhat of a decayed town during the Federalist 
 period; an example of what Salem would have been 
 without the East-India trade. 
 
 Reserving Newburyport for another chapter, let 
 us coast by the fishing ports south of Boston. The 
 South Shore was at a standstill during the Federalist 
 period; but whatever life it had came from fishing. 
 Cohasset with but 817 inhabitants in 1790, barely 
 passed the thousand mark in 1820. Scituate increased 
 by less than three hundred between 1776 and 1810. 
 "The whole region," observed Dr. Dwight, "wears re- 
 markably the appearance of stillness and retirement; 
 and the inhabitants seem to be separated, in a great 
 measure, from all active intercourse with their coun- 
 try." But Dr. Dwight did not visit the active ship- 
 yards on the upper North River. Plymouth Bay was 
 slightly more progressive; but the combined popula- 
 tion of Duxbury, Kingston, and Plymouth, including 
 considerable farming country, hardly exceeded that of 
 Marblehead or Gloucester in 1800, and "about half 
 the inhabitants live by husbandry." Their fleet was 
 almost annihilated by the Revolution. Before the 
 war, these towns marketed their catch at the West 
 Indies or through Boston, but about 1790 a Plymouth 
 
 144
 
 I 
 
 tf 

 
 THE SACRED CODFISH 
 
 merchant opened an export trade to the Mediterra- 
 nean. Plymouth Bay then built up a considerable fleet 
 sixty-two schooners of thirty-eight to one hundred 
 and thirty-six tons burthen by 1807. Two of them 
 belonged to Joshua Winsor, of Duxbury, whose house, 
 warehouse, wharf, and other possessions are shown in 
 the attached illustration, the work of some itinerant 
 painter. Fish-flakes of the ancient pattern woven 
 platforms of alder branches, on posts about thirty 
 inches above the ground lined the shores for two 
 miles either side of Plymouth Rock. And as a neutral 
 trading port, Plymouth Bay was not far behind 
 Marblehead. 1 
 
 Cape Cod, which had never permitted the war to 
 shake its thrift and frugality, recovered a modest 
 prosperity through a combination of fishing and salt- 
 making. This latter industry began at Dennis early 
 in the Revolution, when the British fleet cut off 
 our supply of salt a necessity for curing fish, and 
 preserving meat in pre-cold-storage days. After the 
 war, it was necessary to cheapen the process in order 
 to compete with imports. One Cape-Codder har- 
 nessed the wind, to save pumping; and another har- 
 nessed the sun, with an ingenious arrangement of 
 wooden vats and sliding covers, to save fuel. By 1800 
 there were one hundred and thirty-six salt-works be- 
 tween Sandwich and Provincetown, yielding twenty- 
 five to thirty-three per cent profit from their sales of 
 marine and Glauber salts, despite the heavy imports 
 from Maia, Lisbon, and Turks Island. Dr. Dwight 
 in his travels was impressed by the ''tidy, comfortable 
 appearance" of the Cape Cod cottages, and with the 
 surprisingly fruitful yield of Cape Cod agriculture. 
 Barnstable, for instance, exported about fifteen thou- 
 1 See below, chapter xn. 
 145
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 sand bushels of flax annually. "But husbandry is 
 pursued with little spirit," wrote the minister of 
 Chatham; "the people in general passing the flower of 
 their lives at sea, which they do not quit till they are 
 fifty years of age, leaving at home none but the old men 
 and small boys to cultivate the ground." In Wood's 
 Hole, Barnstable, and other harbors vessels were 
 fitted for combination fishing and whaling voyages, 
 sailing to the Gulf of St. Lawrence prepared to catch 
 anything from a herring to a Greenland whale. The 
 population of Cape Cod increased from seventeen 
 thousand in 1790 to twenty-two thousand in 1810; and 
 the fishing fleet in proportion. But Provincetown, in 
 1810, still had less than one thousand inhabitants; and 
 Cape civilization did not reach full bloom for another 
 generation. 
 
 Going fishing or to sea was looked forward to by 
 every Cape Cod boy. Elijah Cobb, later an eminent 
 Brewster shipmaster, embarked at Namskaket on the 
 packet-schooner Creture in 1783, to seek his fortune at 
 Boston, paying his passage with two bushels of home- 
 grown corn. He felt lucky to be shipped as cook and 
 cabin boy for Surinam, at $3. 50 per month; and brought 
 his mother twenty silver dollars, more than she had 
 seen since the death of her husband at sea, years be- 
 fore. Osborne Howes, a prominent Boston merchant 
 of Cape origin, describes the thrifty life in a North 
 Dennis shipmaster's family, about 1812. Deborah, his 
 mother, made all the clothing for herself and the five 
 children. Cotton and wool were purchased in Boston, 
 and made into yarn on the family spinning-wheel 
 during the winter. When the days became longer, she 
 and the older children spent an hour or more weaving 
 every morning before feeding the stock or preparing 
 breakfast; and in this way every child had a new 
 
 146
 
 THE SACRED CODFISH 
 
 woolen kersey suit, and two of striped or checked 
 cotton cloth every year. Yet she was always bright 
 and joyous, and received or gave visits three or four 
 times a week. The Cape had to work hard for its daily 
 bread, but what it got was good. The minister of 
 Chatham gives us the typical menu of fishermen's 
 families, toward the end of the eighteenth century. 
 Breakfast: tea or coffee, brown bread (of home-grown 
 'rye and injun'), and salt or fresh fish. Dinner: one 
 or more of the following dishes: roots and herbs, 
 boiled salt meat, wild fowl in autumn, fresh fish, boiled 
 or fried with pork, shellfish, boiled salt fish, indian 
 pudding, pork and beans. Supper: the same as break- 
 fast, plus cheese, cakes, gingerbread, and pie. "Some 
 have pie for breakfast." Thank God for that! 
 
 " In the seaports of Massachusetts Bay, one-quarter 
 of the people live on fresh fish," wrote Stephen Higgin- 
 son in 1775. Every seaside village sheltered a number 
 of boat fishermen, who supplied the population with 
 fresh fish, especially in the winter season. Of this in- 
 dustry no statistics and few records have been pre- 
 served. Every locality had its favorite type of boat, 
 the larger using the mainsail and foresail rig of the 
 Chebacco boats (as shown in the picture of Mr. 
 Joshua Winsor's house at Duxbury and the wood cut 
 of Provincetown in 1839); the smaller hoisting a 
 spritsail, as shown on the certificate of the Salem 
 Marine Society. One also finds frequent mention of 
 canoes, 1 but whether these were dugouts, such as the 
 
 1 For instance, "Went adrift, a small canoe last week, supposed to 
 have been taken up by some Vessel a spritsail, driver and Gibb, 
 two oars, &c on board." (Boston Independent Chronicle, July 2, 1798.) 
 The birch-bark canoe was very little used in colonial Massachusetts, 
 which lay south of the range of the canoe birch. The square-sterned skiffs 
 carried at the taffrail on seagoing vessels, as shown in several of our il- 
 lustrations, were called "Moses boats." 
 
 147
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 colonists used, or whether the name had been trans- 
 ferred to a small type of lapstreak boat, I have been 
 unable to ascertain. On Cape Ann, when winter kept 
 the Chebacco boats at home, the Sandy Bay boys put 
 out in small flat-bottomed wherries, ancestors of the 
 modern dory, and sold their catch to local storekeepers. 
 Swampscott, a snug little village on the bight between 
 Marblehead and Nahant, used a similar model to 
 supply the shoemakers of Lynn. Cape Cod and Buz- 
 zard's Bay used the lapstreak, round-bottomed whale- 
 boat, and the Block Island or Vineyard sailboat, a 
 fast, able flat-bottomed type with a Chebacco rig. 
 
 We must not forget the humble shellfish, whose 
 praises were sung by William Wood in his "New 
 England's Prospect " : 
 
 The luscious Lobster, with the Crabfish raw, 
 The Brinish Oister, Muscle, Periwigge, 
 And Tortoise sought for by the Indian Squaw, 
 Which to the flats daunce many a winters Jigge, 
 To dive for Codes, and to digge for Clamms, 
 Whereby her lazie husbands guts shee cramms. 
 
 Wellfleet, on Cape Cod, specialized in oysters. The 
 enterprising people of this place, when some marine 
 epidemic depleted their oyster-beds, procured fresh 
 stock from Chesapeake Bay; and by 1800 some sixty 
 thousand bivalves were annually transplanted in order 
 to acquire the Wellfleet flavor. When properly fat- 
 tened, they were transported by locally owned vessels 
 to the markets of Boston, Salem, and Portland. 
 
 Swampscott claims the invention of the lobster 
 trap in 1808, previous to which one could pick up 
 enough lobsters at low tide to supply the Boston mar- 
 ket. Orleans specialized in the humble industry of clam- 
 digging, the product of which, shucked and salted 
 and packed into barrels, provided bait for codfishing. 
 
 148
 
 THE SCARED CODFISH 
 
 Another Cape r industry which profited by the shipping 
 expansion of Federalist days was "moon-cursing," or 
 plundering wrecks. Gossipy Dr. Bentley, apropos the 
 snowstorm of 180,2 in which several of his parishioners 
 were lost on Peaked Hill Bar, recalled the story of the 
 Reverend Mr. Lewis of Wellfleet. During his sermon 
 one Sabbath, this sporting parson saw through the 
 window a vessel going ashore. He stopped his ser- 
 mon, descended the pulpit stairs, and with a shout 
 of "Start fair!" led his congregation pell-mell out of 
 the meeting-house door. A few years later, Dr. Bent- 
 ley had to acknowledge his Cape Ann neighbors no 
 greater respecters of flotsam than the men of Cape 
 Cod. A richly laden East-Indiaman, running ashore 
 on Thatcher's, was quickly relieved of her cargo. But 
 note the inexorable workings of divine justice. The 
 local market became so glutted with India cottons that 
 the wreckers' wives could sell no product of their looms 
 for almost a year! 
 
 Dark traditions have come down of the inhabitants 
 of Cuttyhunk and Tarpaulin Cove, decoying vessels 
 ashore by false lights, and murdering the crew. But 
 the people of Cape Cod and Cape Ann always treated 
 shipwrecked mariners with the utmost humanity. 
 Zachary G. Lamson, in his autobiography, describes 
 running ashore on the back side of Cape Cod, on the 
 last night of the year 1801. The schooner drove over 
 the shoals onto the beach, so that the crew was able 
 to walk ashore over the bowsprit ; but after wandering 
 about in the small hours of a frigid morning, in vain 
 search for shelter, two fell exhausted on the beach. 
 The others crawled over the schooner's gunwale as she 
 lay stranded by the tide, and turned in, with clothes 
 frozen stiff. That afternoon some men of Orleans and 
 Chatham, who had seen the vessel from the hills, 
 
 149
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 pulled them out of bed, and dug their shipmates out 
 of the snow. A tough breed, these Beverly seamen. 
 Peter Woodbury and John Low, after lying twelve 
 hours in the snow without boots or mittens, plus a six- 
 mile boat journey, encrusted with ice like a tongue in 
 aspic, were restored by kind Chatham women apply- 
 ing hot blankets steadily for seven hours. A day or two 
 later, they walked all the way home to Beverly; and 
 Peter served as master's mate on the Constitution dur- 
 ing the War of 1812. 
 
 Although the codfisheries no longer played a stellar 
 r61e in the pageant of maritime Massachusetts, their 
 lesser part was no less indispensable. Pacific and Baltic 
 trade required other currency than fish; but much of 
 that currency was obtained in the first instance from 
 fish. The sacred cod still fed the West-India and Medi- 
 terranean trades. He and his humbler cousins pro- 
 vided the seaboard population with cheap food. Pur- 
 suit of him employed thousands of people who must 
 otherwise have emigrated ; restored prosperity to the 
 minor seaports, and preserved their pristine vigor.
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 NEWBURYPORT AND NANTUCKET 
 I79O-I8I2 
 
 NEWBURYPORT was unique among Massachusetts sea- 
 ports of Federalist days, in that she acquired consid- 
 erable wealth without aid of Oriental trading. This 
 compact little town, covering one square mile at the 
 mouth of the Merrimac, recovered prosperity through 
 a thrifty combination of shipbuilding, fishing, West- 
 India and European trading, distilling, domestic manu- 
 factures, and internal improvements. Her population 
 doubled between 1776 and 1810, her fleet increased 
 from 118 vessels of twelve thousand tons in 1790 to 
 176 vessels of thirty thousand tons in 1806. Duties 
 collected on imports tripled in ten years. 
 
 Much human effort was required before Newbury- 
 port could reap full advantage of her position at the 
 mouth of the Merrimac. The entrance lay over a bar 
 with only seven feet of water on it at low tide ; a bar 
 that broke in easterly gales. An intricate system of 
 day and night signals, shown from the lighthouses on 
 Plum Island, warned approaching sail when it was un- 
 safe to enter. Newburyport opened inland communi- 
 cation with Hampton by a canal through the salt 
 marshes. Her capitalists organized, in 1792, the "Pro- 
 prietors of the Locks and Canals on Merrimack River," 
 who in four years' time completed a canal around the 
 Pawtucket Falls between Chelmsford and Dracut. 1 
 
 1 It was this corporation which, in the hands of Boston capitalists 
 of Newburyport descent, became the corporate overlord of the manu- 
 facturing city of Lowell.
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 By this means, Newburyport became the emporium 
 for lumber, firewood, and country produce of north- 
 eastern Massachusetts and southern New Hampshire. 
 At the same time the Chain Bridge, built three miles 
 above the town, induced seagoing vessels to end their 
 voyages at Newburyport instead of ascending higher. 
 
 It was this canal, tapping new sources for oak and 
 pine, plus inherited aptitude, which enabled the lower 
 Merrimac to hold its own in shipbuilding. There were 
 two shipyards at Haverhill in 1800, others at Ames- 
 bury, Salisbury, and Old Newbury, and at least six 
 at Newburyport, owned by Jackmans, Curriers, and 
 other ancestors of the clipper-ship builders. Twelve 
 thousand tons of shipping were launched on the Merri- 
 mac in 1810, and practically all their cordage, sails, 
 blocks, ironwork, and fittings were made locally. 
 
 Newburyport specialized in the Labrador and Bay 
 fisheries, in which sixty vessels were engaged in 1806. 
 Her other hundred and sixteen vessels were employed 
 in coasting, West-Indian, and European trade of 
 which more anon. Newburyport was also noted for 
 rum and whiskey distilleries, for Laird's ale and porter, 
 and for goldsmiths; Jacob Perkins having discovered 
 a cheap method of making gold-plated beads, which 
 were then in fashion. Even after the war-time de- 
 pression there were ten jewelers' and watchmakers' 
 shops at Newburyport. Here were printed and pub- 
 lished the numerous editions of Bowditch's "Navi- 
 gator," and Captain Furlong's "American Coast 
 Pilot." 
 
 Newburyport boasted a society inferior to that of 
 no other town on the continent. Most of the leading 
 families were but one generation removed from the 
 plough or the forecastle; but they had acquired wealth 
 before the Revolution, and conducted social matters 
 
 152
 
 NEWBURYPORT AND NANTUCKET 
 
 with the grace and dignity of an old regime. When 
 Governor Gore, in 1809, made a state visit to New- 
 buryport, where he had once studied law, he came in 
 coach and four with outriders, uniformed aides, and 
 a cavalry escort; and when the town fathers informed 
 his ancient benefactress, Madam Atkins, that His Ex- 
 cellency would honor her with a call, the spokesman 
 delivered his message on his knees at the good lady's 
 feet. We read of weekly balls and routs, of wedding 
 coaches drawn by six white horses with liveried foot- 
 men, in this town of less than eight thousand inhab- 
 itants. When personal property was assessed, several 
 Newburyport merchants reported from one thousand 
 to twelve hundred gallons of wine in their cellars. 
 
 Federalist architecture has here left perhaps her 
 finest permanent trace. High street, winding along a 
 ridge commanding the Merrimac, rivals Chestnut 
 Street of Salem, despite hideous interpolations of the 
 late nineteenth century. The gambrel-roofed type 
 lasted into the seventeen-nineties, when the Newbury- 
 port merchants began to build square, three-storied, 
 hip-roofed houses of brick, surrounded with ample 
 grounds, gardens, and 'housins.' The ship carpen- 
 ters who (if tradition is correct) designed and built 
 these houses, adopted neither the graceful porches nor 
 the applied Adam detail of Mclntire ; but their tooled 
 mouldings on panel, cornice, and chimneypiece have 
 a graceful and original vigor. They also invented, or 
 perhaps acquired from provincial Portsmouth, an 
 ingenious form of stairway, branching, Y-shaped, to 
 serve front and rear. Although inferior to Boston and 
 Salem in public buildings, "the steeple of the First 
 Church lately built" in Newburyport, asserts the criti- 
 cal and much-traveled Dr. Bentley, "rivals anything 
 in New England." It certainly does, to-day. 
 
 153
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Timothy Dwight, who visited Newburyport about 
 1800, wrote: "The houses, taken collectively, make a 
 better appearance than those of any other town in 
 New-England. Many of them are particularly hand- 
 some. Their appendages, also, are unusually neat. 
 Indeed, an air of wealth, taste and elegance, is spread 
 over this beautiful spot with the cheerfulness and bril- 
 liancy, to which I know no rival. . . . Upon the whole, 
 few places, probably, in the world, furnish more means 
 of a delightful residence than Newburyport." 
 
 When 'Lord' Timothy Dexter, Newburyport's fa- 
 mous eccentric, sent his consignment of warming- 
 pans and woolen mittens to the West Indies, he knew 
 what he was about. The warming-pans, as every one 
 knows, were sold for syrup ladles; and the mitts made 
 a suitable speculation for some Massachusetts vessel 
 that was leaving for Russia. 
 
 This Russian trade was an innovation of the Federal- 
 ist period. Massachusetts began it, and until the Civil 
 War retained over half of it, through her facilities for 
 handling the West- India goods of which Russia stood 
 in need. George Cabot of Beverly opened this com- 
 merce in May, 1784, by sending his ships Bucanier 
 and Commerce to the Baltic and to St. Petersburg. In 
 1788 theAstrea was disposing of tea, Bourbon coffee, 
 New England rum, Virginia flour and tobacco at 
 Gothenburg. They brought back canvas, duck, hemp, 
 Russian and Swedish iron, which, with household 
 linen, were the staples of the Baltic trade for the 
 next fifty years. These articles were used in the New 
 England shipbuilding industry, and also entered 
 largely into cargoes exported to the Far East. No in- 
 
 154 

 
 NEWBURYPORT AND NANTUCKET 
 
 considerable part of the goods exchanged by St. Peters- 
 burg and Riga with India and China went in Massa- 
 chusetts vessels, via Salem and Boston. And it will 
 doubtless surprise many people to learn that Salem was 
 importing candles and soap from Archangel in 1798. 
 
 Dipping casually into the old custom-house records 
 of Newburyport, I find on top of a neat bundle of 
 coastwise manifests for 1810, that the locally owned 
 ship Nancy, Moses Brown master, paid $3279.25 in 
 duties on eighty-eight boxes of sugar from Pernam- 
 buco. It was shipped to Boston in the sloop Mary, and 
 exported thence to St. Petersburg in the brig Industry. 
 The next document traces a parcel of Russia linen 
 sheetings. Imported from Cronstadt into Newbury- 
 port by the ship Merrimack, William Bartlett master, it 
 was shipped in the sloop Blue Bird 1 to Boston, and re- 
 exported thence in the brig Betsey to Havana. There, 
 it was doubtless exchanged for sugar, the most valu- 
 able medium for our Baltic trade. Not only did this tri- 
 angular commerce give quick turnover and large prof- 
 its; it supplied maritime New England with the iron, 
 hemp, and linen duck, which, until replaced by the 
 products of Pennsylvania, Manila, and Lowell, were 
 indispensable to her shipbuilding, fisheries, and naviga- 
 tion. 
 
 * 
 * * 
 
 The first white settlers of Nantucket, in the seven- 
 teenth century, were Quakers and harborers of Quakers 
 who fled from persecution at Old Newbury. With 
 Whittier as guide, let us follow Goodman Macy's little 
 shallop across the harbor bar, by the golden sands of 
 
 1 This small coasting packet, when wrecked in 1805, had a cargo 
 aboard worth $90,000. She was refloated, but the cargo lost. 
 
 155
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Plum Island, and watch the sun drop behind the 
 rounded Ipswich hills. The garrison's watch-fire guides 
 us around Cape Ann ; keeping the North Star over our 
 port quarter brings us to Cape Cod. After a pause in 
 Provincetown Harbor for a good chance, an offshore 
 breeze takes us around the Cape, through the danger- 
 ous shoals and rips which deflected the Mayflower from 
 her course ; and to Nantucket. 
 
 Before 1775, the descendants of the Macys and 
 Coffins and Folgers and Husseys had spread the fame 
 of this island by their boldness and enterprise as 
 whalemen. Then came the war. Nantucket lost one 
 hundred and fifty vessels by capture and shipwreck, 
 leaving only two or three old hulks out of her entire 
 fleet. The whaling village of Bedford, her young main- 
 land rival, was equally depressed. The British had 
 burned its warehouses and thirty-four sail in the har- 
 bor; and only two or three survived of its whaling fleet 
 of forty or fifty. 
 
 The English government, hoping to force the Is- 
 landers to remove to Nova Scotia, placed a prohibitive 
 duty on whale and sperm oil, cutting off their principal 
 market; and in 1785 the French government invited 
 them to settle at Dunkirk. Beggars were crying for 
 bread in the streets of Nantucket ; but only nine fami- 
 lies accepted this invitation, and even less went to 
 Dartmouth, Nova Scotia. But over two hundred of the 
 men, either during or after the Revolution, were forced 
 to accept commands of British or French whalers. 
 Others turned to codfishing, founding picturesque but 
 profitless settlements on the south shore of the island, 
 at Siasconset, Sasacacha, and Weweeder. One group 
 attempted an East-India voyage, with disastrous re- 
 sults. For the most part the people waited for better 
 times, "taking in each others' washing" for a living, 
 
 156
 
 NEWBURYPORT AND NANTUCKET 
 
 according to the classic jest and it was something 
 more than a jest in the Nan tucket of 1790, with no less 
 than one hundred and eighty-five widows unable to 
 support themselves. 
 
 The commonwealth, out of its poverty, granted a 
 bounty on whaling products; England gave up trying 
 to sink Nan tucket ; and the old whaling masters began 
 to fit out old vessels, and to have apple-bowed, square- 
 sterned ships of two to three hundred tons burthen 
 built for them on the North River. 1 By 1789, Nan- 
 tucket had eighteen vessels engaged in the northern 
 right-whale fishery, and an equal number pursuing the 
 more valuable sperm whale off the coast of Brazil; 
 Dartmouth (including New Bedford and Westport) 
 and Cape Cod had fifty-seven small right-whalers of 
 sixty tons, and nine sperm-whalers. 
 
 It was a British whaler manned by exiled Nantuck- 
 eters that first pursued the sperm whale into the Pa- 
 cific Ocean. Four years later, in 1791, six Nantucket 
 whalers, and one from New Bedford, took the same 
 course. They found good hunting along the Chilian 
 coast, and returned in time to profit by a good market 
 in France. 
 
 From that time on, smoky glare of whalers' try- 
 works was never absent from the vast spaces of the 
 Pacific. Before the end of the eighteenth century, the 
 whalemen began that exploration of the South Sea 
 which is still recorded by islands named for Starbucks, 
 Coffins, Bakers, Folgers, Husseys, and Rowlands of 
 Nantucket and New Bedford. 
 
 1 The Maria, 202 tons, built at Pembroke for William Rotch, in 1782, 
 was still whaling in 1872. Oil acted on the timbers as a preservative. 
 The ship Rousseau was in commission ninety-seven years, the barque 
 Triton, seventy-nine; and in the summer of 1920 the barque Charles W. 
 Morgan, built in 1841, was fitting out for another whaling voyage at 
 Fair haven. 
 
 157
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 On the Island of Santa Maria in the Galapagos 
 group, was the ' whalers' post-office ' ; a box on a tree 
 where letters and two-year-old newspapers were ex- 
 changed. Even Australasia lay within their scope. By 
 1804, our whalemen and sealskinners had made them- 
 selves so comfortable along the north coast of Tasmania 
 that the governor of Australia issued a proclamation 
 against their building vessels on his shores. 
 
 Whaling crews at this period were recruited entirely 
 from Nantucket and the Old Colony. Gay Head In- 
 dians were preferred as harpooners, and many local 
 negroes were shipped as green hands; but a whaling 
 skipper generally knew the record if not the pedigree 
 of every man who sailed under his command. Wages 
 were not paid to whalemen. The old share or 'lay' 
 system of the seventeenth century continued; and for 
 the first time was recorded in written contracts. The 
 workers' share was far more generous than in the so- 
 called golden age of whaling, a generation later. The 
 usual 'lay' for a three-boat ship of twenty-one men, 
 about 1804, was three-fifths of the catch to the owners, 
 one-eighteenth to the master, one-forty-eighth to the 
 "ends men," one-seventy-fifth to each able seaman, 
 one-eightieth or ninetieth to each negro hand, and 
 a one-hundred-and-twentieth to the cabin boy. 
 
 Prices of whale products ruled fairly high during 
 the Federalist period, and a good export trade was 
 built up; England being our best customer for sperm 
 oil, and France and Spain for whale oil. But the ground 
 lost in the Revolutionary War was not entirely recov- 
 ered. 1 Americans had become so used to tallow can- 
 dles during the war, that they had to be educated to 
 appreciate the excellent spermaceti article turned out 
 by Nantucket. The European war, with its spoliations 
 1 See table in Appendix. 
 158
 
 NEWBURYPORT AND NANTUCKET 
 
 and embargoes, greatly hampered whaling, while it 
 gave inflated profits to the merchant marine. The 
 harbor, with only seven and a half feet on the bar at 
 low tide, was a serious handicap as the size of whal- 
 ers increased, and eventually proved Nantucket's un- 
 doing. 
 
 Nantucket, however, by handling and marketing 
 her own products, prevented 'off-islanders' from reap- 
 ing the fruits of her industry. Byi8n,when a Phila- 
 delphia traveler made the accompanying sketch, the 
 town had every earmark of thrift and prosperity. It 
 had doubled its pre-Revolutionary population, and 
 acquired some fifteen thousand tons of shipping, most 
 of which was absent on the Pacific Ocean when the 
 sketch was made. Several sail of whalers, however, 
 are lying at the wharves, and the Falmouth packet- 
 sloop has just passed in between Brant Point Light 
 and Coatue. 
 
 Even before the famous foundation of her distin- 
 guished exile, Admiral Sir Isaac Coffin, Nantucket 
 had better schools than many mainland seaports. She 
 had fifteen to twenty candle-works and refineries, ten 
 rope-walks, a bank, a museum, an insurance office, and 
 a Free Masons' hall "with lonick pilasters in front." 
 The Lisbon bell, whose sweet tones to-day greet off- 
 island visitors, was already hung in the stumpy tower 
 of the old North Church. Tidy clapboarded houses, 
 painted white or green, with 'captains' walks' atop, 
 were beginning to replace the shingled dwellings of 
 colonial days. Almost the entire male population of 
 Nantucket followed the sea; and the rest were de- 
 pendent on it. Even the cows, apparently, came down 
 to the harbor's edge to browse, and take in the scene 
 of marine activity!
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 FEDERALISM AND NEUTRAL TRADE 
 1789-1807 
 
 FEDERALISM has opposite connotations in Europe and 
 America, and a very special meaning east of the Hud- 
 son. New England Federalism was at once a political 
 system, and a point of view. Sired by Neptune out 
 of Puritanism, the teacher of its youth was Edmund 
 Burke. Washington, Hamilton, and Fisher Ames 
 formed the trinity of its worship. Timothy Pickering 
 was the kept politician of New England Federalism, 
 Harrison Gray Otis its spellbinder, Boston its political 
 and Hartford its intellectual capital, Harvard and 
 Yale the seminaries of its priesthood. New England 
 Federalism believed that the main object of govern- 
 ment was to protect property, especially commercial 
 and shipping property; and it supported nationalism 
 or states' rights according as the federal government 
 protected or neglected these interests of maritime New 
 England. It aimed to create and maintain in power 
 a governing class, of educated, well-to-do men. Re- 
 garding Jeffersonian democracy a mere misbegotten 
 brat of the French Revolution, New England Federal- 
 ism directed its main efforts toward choking the par- 
 ent, hoping thereby either to starve the progeny, or to 
 wean it from an evil heritage. 
 
 Federalism did not attain the rigidity of a system 
 until the early nineteenth century; but the economic 
 block that formed its basis was already formed in 1790. 
 All the maritime interests of New England were in 
 reality one interest, that must stand or fall together. 
 
 160
 
 FEDERALISM AND NEUTRAL TRADE 
 
 No one of her sea-borne industries was self-sufficient, 
 and many of the greater merchants were directly con- 
 cerned in all of them. By 1790, Boston and Salem . 
 were no mere market towns for salt fish and country 
 produce, but entrepots of world commerce. The out- 
 ward cargoes to the East Indies were first obtained 
 through trading with the West Indies, the Mediter- 
 ranean, and northern Europe; and the success of 
 Yankee vessels in these markets depended as much on 
 their skillful handling of Southern produce, as on the 
 ancient Massachusetts staples of fish, lumber, whale- 
 oil, and rum. Although the use of tea, coffee, spices, 
 and imported sugar became general among all classes 
 of the New England population at this period, the 
 bulk of the Oriental cargoes brought into Salem and 
 Boston was reexported. No section of the edifice 
 could be touched without disturbing the rest. Yet 
 every block was composed of white oak, the raw ma- 
 terial of New England shipping. In final analysis, the 
 power of Massachusetts as a commercial state lay in 
 her ships, and the men who built, owned, and sailed 
 them. 
 
 All matters of shipping and navigation fell within 
 the scope of the federal government's protecting arm. 
 Massachusetts promptly ceded her seven lighthouses 1 
 to the United States, which assumed the burden of 
 maintaining them, and of building new ones. For 
 these few,' dim whale-oil lights did not satisfy com- 
 
 1 Portland Head (Maine), Plum Island Lights near Newburyport, 
 Cape Ann Lights on Thatcher's Island, Boston Light, Plymouth Lights 
 on the Gurnet, Brant Point and Great Point Lights on Nantucket. 
 There were only eight more in the whole United States. 
 
 161
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 mercial interests. Vessels from the South, the West 
 Indies, and the Far East approached Massachusetts 
 Bay by way of Vineyard Sound, Nantucket Sound, 
 and the back side of the Cape. On a fair westerly day 
 in the seventeen-nineties, fifty or sixty sail could be 
 seen from any point on this great ocean fairway. But 
 imagine sailing this course at night, as the most lei- 
 surely of merchantmen might wish to do if the wind 
 were fair, rather than risk a week's stay at Holmes's 
 Hole. Leaving Great Point astern, one entered a dark 
 chasm into which Cape Cod stretched its tentacles of 
 death. 
 
 Petitions from the Boston Marine Society and other 
 influential bodies induced the Government in 1797 
 to erect on the Clay Pounds, Truro, the Highland or 
 Cape Cod Light. His powerful glare, varied by a com- 
 forting wink every sixty seconds, took vessels in charge 
 before Great Point dipped under the horizon, and saw 
 them safely around the Cape to within the scope of 
 Boston Light or Thatcher's. Within a few years Gay 
 Head Light was established at the entrance to this 
 highway, the twins of Chatham Bar gave the line to a 
 safe shelter, and Boon and Seguin were set up to guard 
 the coast of Maine. 
 
 The approach to Salem Harbor is particularly diffi- 
 cult in thick weather or at night, on account of the 
 many islands and submerged rocks in the bay. After 
 a fatal storm in January, 1796, the federal govern- 
 ment established a safe guide to the best channel, the 
 Baker's Island Lights: 
 
 Two pale sisters, all alone 
 
 On an island bleak and bare, 
 Listening to the breakers moan, 
 
 Shivering in the chilly air. 
 
 162
 
 FEDERALISM AND NEUTRAL TRADE 
 
 Four buoys at the mouth of the Merrimac were ap- 
 parently the only such aids to navigation in Massa- 
 chusetts waters until 1797, when Congress appro- 
 priated sixteen hundred dollars for sixteen buoys, "to 
 be placed in and near the harbor of Boston." They 
 were made of five-foot wooden staves bound by iron 
 hoops, in the form of a truncated cone, and moored by 
 the smaller end. Nantucket Harbor, so difficult of 
 access as to require twice the pilotage rates of Bos- 
 ton, was buoyed before 1809. But the present efficient 
 marking of ledges and channels developed very slowly. l 
 Not until 1843 did the federal government begin a sys- 
 tematic coast survey. 
 
 Private enterprise supplemented the Government's s 
 efforts. The Boston Marine Society passed critical 
 judgment on published charts, and examined candi- 
 dates for Boston pilots. Nathaniel Bowditch brought 
 out an excellent chart and sailing directions to Salem 
 bay, based on surveys and soundings made by Captain 
 John Gibaut and his pastor, Dr. Bentley. Before 1800 
 there was established a 'Telegraphe' system, which, 
 by semaphores at Edgartown, Wood's Hole, Sand- 
 wich, Plymouth, Marshfield, Scituate, and Hull, noti- 
 fied Boston and Salem shipmasters of the arrival of 
 their vessels at Vineyard Haven. The Humane So- 
 ciety of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts and the 
 Merrimack Humane Society erected huts of refuge 
 on dangerous and deserted stretches of the coast; a 
 
 1 The method of establishing new buoys is shown by the following let- 
 ter from H. A. S. Dearborn, collector of the port of Boston, to the col- 
 lector at Barnstable, May 22, 1813: "Sir, I am directed by the Secretary 
 of the Treasury to have a Buoy placed at the entrance of Barnstable 
 Harbour, provided the expense does not exceed one Hundred Dollars. 
 You are hereby authorized to have a Buoy made, & placed where it is 
 most wanted. . . . Mr. J. L. Green has recommended Captain Prince 
 Howe as a suitable person to do the work." 
 
 163
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 boon to shipwrecked mariners who often passed safely 
 through the breakers only to perish of exposure and 
 hunger on the sandy wastes of Cape Cod or Plum 
 Island. 
 
 Shipwrecks on the New England coast still remained 
 the principal form of casualty in the Massachusetts 
 merchant marine. Peaked Hill Bar on Cape Cod took 
 a heavy toll, even after Highland Light was estab- 
 lished; for no light could penetrate the fog, rain, and 
 snowstorms that inflict our coast. Four vessels were 
 lost within sight of Salem, in a southeast rainstorm of 
 February, 1807. The reefs off Cohasset were "annu- 
 ally the scene of the most heart-rending disasters," 
 forty vessels being wrecked in one space of nine years, 
 until the present lighthouse on Minot's Ledge, a site 
 more difficult even than the famous Eddystone, was 
 completed in i860. 1 Nan tucket Shoals lightship was 
 not established until 1854. But the lighthouses 
 erected and maintained by the United States, under 
 the watchful care of Hamilton, saved many valuable 
 lives and ships, and created a new bond of obligation 
 between maritime Massachusetts and the administra- 
 tion. 
 
 Maritime Massachusetts expected something more 
 from the federal government than 'lights, buoys and 
 daymarks,' and she sent the right men to the capital 
 to get it. Her senior senatorship was first conferred 
 upon Caleb Strong, of Northampton, to conciliate the 
 western counties. But when it came to choosing the 
 junior senator, "the merchants made the Constitu- 
 tion," said James Sullivan, "and they should name the 
 candidate." Tristram Dal ton was accordingly chosen, 
 and proceeded to New York in Newburyport style, in 
 
 1 The first Minot's Ledge Lighthouse, completed in 1850, was demol- 
 ished by a gale the following year. 
 
 164
 
 FEDERALISM AND NEUTRAL TRADE 
 
 his own four-horse coach, emblazoned with the Dalton 
 arms, and attended by servants in the Dalton livery. 
 "Everything that can affect shipbuilding I shall watch 
 with a jealous eye," he wrote a constituent, when the 
 first tariff debate began. Other jealous eyes were on 
 the rum industry, and Vice-President Adams's casting 
 vote once broke a Senate deadlock in favor of a low 
 duty on molasses. Dalton was succeeded in the Senate 
 by George Cabot, who had left Harvard before the 
 Revolution to go to sea, and conducted a mercantile 
 business at Beverly and Boston, beside taking an ac- 
 tive part in the state government. Until 1816 the 
 United States Senate contained a merchant of Boston 
 or of Essex County, except for a period of five years, 
 when Timothy Pickering upheld the same interest. 
 
 The merchants had worked for a more perfect union 
 to obtain protection; nor were they disappointed. No 
 section or interest in the United States was so fa- 
 vored by Washington's and Adams's administrations, 
 as maritime Massachusetts. The fishing bounties, we 
 have already mentioned. The first tariff acts (1789 
 and 1790) caused much grumbling, because of duties 
 on iron, hemp, and molasses (2! cents a gallon!); but 
 no subsequent tariff proved of such benefit to Massa- 
 chusetts shipping and commerce. The drawback sys- 
 tem (refunding of tariff duties) was adopted for goods 
 reexported within a year; and Massachusetts became 
 the greatest state for this branch of commerce. For- 
 eign vessels had to pay ten per cent additional duty 
 on ordinary goods, and about fifty per cent on teas. * 
 
 1 Bohea tea, the cheapest grade, paid 10 cents a pound duty if im- 
 ported in an American vessel from beyond the Cape of Good Hope; 12 
 cents if imported in an American vessel from Europe; 15 cents if other- 
 wise imported. For Hyson tea the figures were 32, 40, and 50 cents. 
 American registry at this period was confined to vessels owned wholly 
 by American citizens and built in the United States; or foreign-built 
 
 165
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Elias Hasket Derby petitioned, and Hamilton recom- 
 mended a bonded warehouse system, which was 
 adopted for teas in 1791. Customs duties could be paid 
 as the teas were sold, at any time within two years of 
 their importation. A similar privilege for shorter pe- 
 riods was extended in 1795 to importers of West- India 
 and European goods. 
 
 Most important in their consequences were the ton- 
 nage duties, which were levied on vessels entering from 
 foreign ports. American vessels paid six cents per ton 
 burthen under the act of 1790; foreign vessels, fifty 
 cents per ton. In the coasting trade an American ves- 
 sel need pay this fee but once a year, but a foreign ves- 
 sel had to pay it at every port. 
 
 The direct result of these discriminating duties was to 
 drive English and other foreign vessels from American 
 ports, in favor of those built and owned in the United 
 States. Massachusetts shipbuilding was quick to bene- 
 fit from the change. Her tonnage in 1 792 was triple that 
 of 1789, and amounted to a little over one- third the 
 total American fleet. This extraordinary increase came 
 before the Anglo-French war gave additional stimulus. 
 
 Most of these protective measures had been pushed 
 through by Alexander Hamilton. His conscious policy 
 was to favor the merchant-shipowner class, both to gain 
 their powerful influence for strong government, and 
 for the impost and tonnage duties, which accounted 
 for ninety-two per cent of the revenues of the United 
 States in 1791. His funding of the domestic debt, and 
 assumption of the state debts, put money in the 
 pockets of the merchants, who held large quantities 
 
 vessels already owned by Americans in 1789. Other vessels such as 
 condemned French prizes owned by Americans were allowed to sail 
 under authority of a sea-letter, but had to pay the same dues as foreign 
 vessels, except light-money. 
 
 1 66
 
 FEDERALISM AND NEUTRAL TRADE 
 
 of depreciated government securities. Consequently 
 Hamilton's financial policy, which from the latitude 
 of Charlottesville, Virginia, appeared unwarranted, 
 unconstitutional, and anti-republican, seemed natural, 
 necessary, and statesmanlike in Essex County, Massa- 
 chusetts. It was just what maritime Massachusetts 
 had ratified the Constitution to obtain ! To the leaders 
 of Bay State Federalism, Thomas Jefferson seemed a 
 mutinous officer on the ship of state, and his demo- 
 cratic, loose-construction principles, the Jolly Roger 
 of a piratical craft. 
 
 From 1789 to 1799 Hamilton dictated the financial 
 and the foreign policies of the Washington and Adams 
 administrations; and his privy council was the Essex 
 Junto. This remarkable group of men, which guided 
 the destinies of New England Federalism from its birth 
 to its dissolution, was composed of practical and highly 
 intelligent merchants and lawyers of Essex origin, who 
 had migrated to Boston in search of greater opportu- 
 nities. George Cabot was the Junto oracle, Stephen 
 Higginson, of Salem, its practical merchant, Jonathan 
 Jackson and John Lowell, Jr., of Newburyport, its 
 elder statesman and pamphleteer, and Chief Justice 
 Parsons, brother of two prominent merchants from 
 Gloucester, its fount of legal learning. Timothy Pick- 
 ering and Fisher Ames were admitted to full intimacy, 
 Christopher Gore and James Lloyd hovered on the out- 
 skirts. Most of their families were intermarried, and 
 their opinions, or rather prejudices, were the standard 
 of 'right thinking' in eastern Massachusetts. Life 
 and politics they regarded as from the quarterdeck of 
 an East-Indiaman. Harrison Gray Otis and Josiah 
 Quincy were little more than their political chantey- 
 men, and all Massachusetts scurried to furl topsails 
 when the Essex Junto roared the command. 
 
 167
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 The affiliations of maritime Massachusetts with 
 British capital were equally significant. In 1783 the 
 merchants renewed their ties with London merchant- 
 bankers, like the firm of Lane, Son & Fraser, with 
 whom they had traded before the war. With other 
 firms, like the Baring Brothers (both of whom married 
 daughters of a wealthy Philadelphia merchant), their 
 relations became very close. Hamilton's United States 
 Bank, and the several state banks organized at this 
 period, by no means sufficed to float commercial 
 operations. 1 It was from merchant-bankers of London 
 
 1 The insurance of the Massachusetts merchant marine at this period 
 was underwritten locally, however. Between 1799 and 1805 there were 
 incorporated at least three marine insurance companies in Boston (in 
 addition to seven private insurance offices), three each in Salem and 
 Newburyport, two in Nantucket, and one each in Beverly, Marblehead, 
 Gloucester, and New Bedford. Peter C. Brooks, one of the wealthiest of 
 Boston merchants, made most of his fortune in marine insurance. I add 
 some of the rates occasionally quoted in the Boston Price-Current and 
 Marine Intelligencer showing the difference made by the French spolia- 
 tions. 
 
 From Boston to 
 
 Sept .-Dec. 
 1796 
 
 Feb. 6, 
 1797 
 
 Any European port, except the following 
 
 2j@ 3 
 
 6 @ 7 
 
 Baltic and Mediterranean ports, warranted free 
 from seizure 
 
 3 @ 3! 
 
 5 
 
 Cape of Good Hope, He de France, &c 
 
 5 @ 6 
 
 9 @ 10 
 
 Madeira, Canaries, C. Verde Is. &c 
 
 2\ t 
 
 
 Persia, India, with liberty to trade at any ports 
 or places 
 
 5 @ 6 
 
 IO 
 
 China out and home 
 
 IO @ 12 
 
 20 
 
 Jamaica 
 
 2$ @ 3 
 
 17* 
 
 Other West-India Islands 
 
 2i @ 1 
 
 9 @ 10 
 
 Nova Scotia and Newfoundland 
 
 2 @ 2\ 
 
 5 @ 6 
 
 Quebec . . 
 
 l4 A. 
 
 
 New Orleans 
 
 . .3* @ 4 
 
 IO 
 
 St. Augustine and Bahamas 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 United States ports 
 
 ii @ 2 
 
 2i @ ^ 
 
 
 
 
 168
 
 FEDERALISM AND NEUTRAL TRADE 
 
 that the Boston shipowners obtained, on credit, their 
 outward cargoes to the Northwest Coast. London, 
 moreover, was the world's money-market. Exchange 
 on Boston or New York was valueless outside the 
 United States ; but exchange on London was as good 
 as gold throughout the western world. With proper 
 banking connections in London, a Massachusetts ship- 
 master could buy bills with his cargo in a foreign port 
 where no profitable return lading was available, and 
 remit to his London banker; or instead of having to 
 sell his outward cargo before reloading, he could leave 
 it with a commission merchant, obtain a new venture 
 by drawing against his London account, and be off 
 without loss of time. Such relations were particularly 
 useful when unexpected repairs or losses had to be met. 
 They were equivalent to a Brown-Shipley or Baring 
 Brothers letter of credit to-day, or to a checking ac- 
 count in making local purchases. Consequently her 
 English connections were vital to maritime Massachu- 
 setts, and peace with Britain seemed worth almost any 
 price. 
 
 Had Europe remained tranquil, had the Dutch Re- 
 public endured, and had French energy been guided 
 into finance and industry, it is possible that Amster- 
 dam or Paris would have replaced London as the finan- 
 cial center for American commerce. Many Massachu- 
 setts merchants deplored their too close dependence 
 on English credit. The French Revolution served to 
 draw the two countries together in trade as well as in 
 thought, until its cataclysmic period began in 1792. 
 From that time on the American trade with France 
 and the French colonies became a colossal speculation, 
 which appealed to the younger and more adventurous 
 merchants, but appalled those who already had sound 
 British connections. France, hemmed in by British 
 
 169
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 sea-power, threw open her colonial trade to neutrals. 
 Famine, disorganization, and blockade raised the price 
 of American provisions to unheard-of figures. Fortunes 
 could be made in Paris by speculating in exchange, 
 buying confiscated church or emigre estates, taking 
 a share in French privateers, or bidding in their prizes. 
 Such members of the younger generation as desired 
 more refined adventure than the Northwest Coast af- 
 forded, hastened to France. The blithe spirit of these 
 youngsters is well illustrated by a letter of twenty-one- 
 year-old Ralph Bennet Forbes, who founded a great 
 mercantile family of Boston: 
 
 Boston i Nov. 1794. 
 
 ... I was hurried away in June ten days after my arrival in France 
 (almost malgre moi) in order to close in the West Indies to the sat- 
 isfaction of the two respectable houses who were concerned (James 
 & Thomas H. Perkins & Stephen Higginson, Esq.) of these people 
 I enjoy the confidence and I believe the esteem, this I hope is not 
 lessened by having made a great voyage this by the way le 
 temps passe, il faut tenir parole. 
 
 I have now in contemplation a voyage to France . . . my plan is 
 rather speculative and I may extend my personal excursion as far 
 as 1'Isle de France, this will depend on 1'etat actuel de la guerre, 
 which I think will soon be finished. C'est le moment, mon cher, pour 
 les jeunes gens de mon caractere de faire des mouvements rapides, 
 de ramener quelques capitaux pour leur etablissement apres la paix. 
 C'est alors qu'il faut des Bases bien solides pour tre respect^ dans le 
 Commerce. ... I find myself the loser by the Hispaniola Revolution 
 of two hundred Joes (1600 Dollars) ; this affects me in beginning. 
 
 I must speak seriously of my intentions; after this voyage it 
 must be entirely between ourselves I must be fixed in Boston for 
 these reasons; my mother's property will constitute part of my capi- 
 tal, she will give it to me on no other terms. I have here a great 
 many rich friends who though they might not launch out, would 
 readily put their marks on the back of a note for an occasion, this is 
 a good introduction to the Bank, of course, a key to the False Capi- 
 tal mode of Operation. I am determined to have a Southern Con- 
 nection, on account of French business; they are not fond of cold 
 
 170
 
 FEDERALISM AND NEUTRAL TRADE 
 
 fingers. I am resolved never to connect myself, but with men 
 stamped from infancy with Industry and determined like myself to 
 devote every instant of time to business. My connections in Ja- 
 maica are King's Contractors they will commission whomever 
 established at the southward, with the purchase of flour and bis- 
 cuit for that Island; this is an object I am determined never to see 
 the West Indies again. 
 
 Many were the gay adventures enjoyed by young 
 shipmasters like John Bailey of Marblehead, whose 
 fresh, confident features are preserved for us in minia- 
 tures and portraits by French artists. One form of 
 speculation was to purchase French prizes in American 
 ports, and take them to Mauritius for sale. Such a one 
 the captured English snow George, with a cargo of pro- 
 visions invoiced at $25,000, was bid in at Boston in 
 1796 for $8000 by Crowell Hatch, one of the Colum- 
 bia's owners, and placed under the command of his 
 young kinsman John Boit, Jr., who had just returned 
 from his remarkable voyage around the world. The 
 George was foul, slow, and leaky. Near the Cape of 
 Good Hope, Captain Boit got a spare topsail under 
 her bows, which decreased the leak from 1500 to 400 
 strokes per hour; but as he neared Port Louis, Mau- 
 ritius, the snow sailed more and more slowly, the leak 
 gained, and the crew became weak from pumping. 
 A signal of distress the ensign in a wiff brought 
 out a naval detail from the French authorities, to 
 relieve the men at the pumps, and saved her from 
 foundering within sight of land. Captain Boit sold 
 his cargo to the Government at a "ruinous advance," 
 hove down his vessel, found the bottom worm-eaten 
 and almost destitute of oakum, but cheerfully " painted 
 the old Snow up as fine as a fiddle, & on the 2Oth of 
 May del'd her up to Monsieur Hicks a hard bar- 
 gain on his side, I must confess! . . . God send I may 
 
 171
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 never sail in the like of her again!" He then laid out 
 the proceeds in coffee and East- India goods, which 
 he carried to Charleston, South Carolina, for another 
 turnover, in a chartered ship. 
 
 It was easy enough to sell provisions in France at 
 profiteer rates, but quite a different affair to collect 
 payment. The adventures of Captain Elijah Cobb, 
 of Brewster, illustrate the distinction. His brig Jane 
 of Boston, on her way to Cadiz, was captured by a 
 French frigate and sent into Brest, early in 1794. The 
 prize court released her, and Cobb made a contract to 
 sell his cargo of rice and flour for two hundred per cent 
 profit, in bills of exchange on Hamburg. After waiting 
 a month for the bills in vain, he sent the Jane home 
 under the mate, and procuring a passport from Jean- 
 bon St. Andr6, went to Paris with an armed national 
 courier, traveling day and night to escape brigands. 
 At Paris the Terror was at its height. The authorities 
 pretended never to have received the brig's papers, 
 and deliberately mislaid the certified copies which the 
 prudent master brought with him. There was nothing 
 left but to interview Robespierre, who called him a 
 sacre coquin, but gave the word that produced his 
 papers and bills. Cobb left the capital just before the 
 9th Thermidor; but Joseph Russell, John Higginson, 
 and Thomas H. Perkins, of Boston, witnessed the 
 guillotining of Robespierre in the Place de la Con- 
 corde. 
 
 The death of his benefactor so reduced the market 
 value of Captain Cobb's bills, that he went himself to 
 Hamburg to collect. The French agent there had be- 
 gun to protest payment, but by a good bluff Cobb had 
 his accepted, and remitted the funds to T. Dickerson 
 & Sons, London. On his next voyage to Havre, with 
 flour, the same performance had to be repeated. Two 
 
 172
 
 FEDERALISM AND NEUTRAL TRADE 
 
 visits to Paris, and five months' dancing attendance 
 at the ministry of finance, were required to obtain full 
 payment. Captain Cobb exchanged the silver ingots 
 with which his debt was discharged, for three thousand 
 Spanish doubloons, which he managed to smuggle out 
 of France on his person despite the chouans, and a 
 strict search at the frontier. 
 
 American diplomatic history, in the period 1793- 
 1815, is closely interlocked with that of commerce and 
 of all maritime pursuits. Broadly speaking, one may 
 say that in 1793 maritime Massachusetts was making 
 up her mind on the American policy toward the Euro- 
 pean war. By 1795 she found her opinion to be flatly 
 pro-British; in 1796 she imposed it on the rest of the 
 state, and in 1797 on the rest of the nation. 
 
 British depredations on American commerce, in 
 1793-94, were irritating and costly. Other things be- 
 ing equal, maritime Massachusetts, a lusty young rival 
 to the mistress of the seas, would have helped revolu- 
 tionary France break British sea-power. But other 
 things were not equal. American democracy, that 
 nine-lived feline which the merchants had petted 
 in 1775 and repeatedly drowned since now re- 
 turned with a new lover, the battle-scarred French 
 tomcat Jacobinism ; and their amorous yowlings made 
 sleep impossible for decent merchants in Franklin 
 Place. They were disgusted and alarmed by Genet's 
 impudence, and his American partisans' lawlessness. 
 The successive upheavals In France showed that no 
 substitute could there be found for the London money 
 market; and in 1795 France engulfed Holland. Fi- 
 nally, the Reign of Terror and the politique de Van III 
 
 173
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 seemed to confirm Burke's warning, that the French 
 Revolution was an international menace. Embattled 
 France became an object of horror and loathing, as 
 now Soviet Russia. To seat Jacobinism on Neptune's 
 throne, because of British enmity to American ship- 
 ping, would merely destroy all property. "Civiliza- 
 tion" was the issue. 
 
 So reasoned New England Federalism; an alliance 
 of merchant-shipowner, country squire and Congre- 
 gational clergy, that carried everything before it in 
 Massachusetts. The first test came with Jay's treaty. 
 This pact of November, 1794, averted a war with Eng- 
 land, and secured compensation for the British spoli- 
 ations; but renounced neutral rights and commercial 
 equality, in terms so humiliating "that some of our 
 respectable men have . . . joined the Jacobins," wrote 
 Cabot. Anti-British feeling flared to its highest point 
 since the war. At a word from the French consul, a 
 Boston mob sacked and burned to the water's edge a 
 Bermudian privateer in the harbor. But the merchants 
 soon saw the deeper issue of England, law, and order 
 against France, Jacobinism, and terror. The eloquence 
 of Harrison Gray Otis wooed the Boston democracy 
 into agreement. Thereafter, Boston regularly deliv- 
 ered a Federalist majority in state and national elec- 
 tions. The clergy cowed their country congregations 
 with tales of French atheism and atrocity. The treaty 
 was ratified and carried into effect. 1 John Adams was 
 
 1 " In consequence of the disposition shown in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives of the Union not to grant the supplies for carrying the 
 British treaty into effect, business has been very slack for these two 
 weeks. All new appropriations are entirely suspended. The alarm is 
 very general lest the dearest interests of our country peace and 
 national honor should be sacrificed to party-spirit and Antifederal- 
 ism." (J. & T. H. Perkins to one of their correspondents, April 30, 
 1796.) Although Jay's treaty, as ratified, did not permit American ves- 
 
 174
 
 FEDERALISM AND NEUTRAL TRADE 
 
 elected President, and Timothy Pickering, of Salem, 
 became Secretary of State. 
 
 French spoliations in 1797 and Talleyrand's treat- 
 ment of the American mission discredited Jefferson, 
 made the Federalists dangerously popular, and en- 
 abled them in the name of patriotism to enforce con- 
 formity by sedition trials, social pressure, and other 
 means now sadly familiar. There would, in fact, have 
 been a war with France in 1799, had not President 
 Adams defied Hamilton and the Essex Junto by sud- 
 denly adopting a pacific policy. Thereby began the 
 feud between the Adams family and State Street. 
 
 Although war was not declared against France, a 
 state of war existed on the sea, and was very popular 
 in the Massachusetts seaports. By local initiative the 
 sloop-of-war Merrimack and the frigate Essex were 
 built at Newburyport and Salem. The frigate Consti- 
 tution (Boston-built, but Philadelphia-designed) had 
 been launched in view of an immense, enthusiastic 
 crowd the previous year. A subscription loan of $136,- 
 500 from the Boston merchants floated the frigate 
 Boston in 1799. Acts of Congress, now completely 
 under the control of Hamilton and the Essex Junto, 
 permitted American merchantmen to strike back at 
 their French tormentors, and to make prize of any 
 French armed vessel. 
 
 A typical cruise for a half-freighter, half-trader, was 
 that of the letter-of-marque ship Mount Vernon of 
 Salem, 355 tons, 20 guns and 50 men. She belonged 
 to 'King' Derby, and was commanded by his son, 
 E. H. Derby, Jr. Leaving Salem on July 14, 1799, 
 
 sels to trade with British colonies, the regular quotations of insurance 
 rates to Jamaica, Bahamas, Quebec, Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland, 
 in Boston papers of 1796-97, proves that the trade was going on never- 
 theless. 
 
 175
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 with a complete outfit of light sails, including fore- and 
 main-topgallant studdingsails, square spritsail on the 
 jibboom, ringtail and steering-sail rigged below the 
 spanker, she made Corvo in the remarkably short 
 time of eight days, seven hours. After a running fight 
 with a French frigate, a brush with a heavily armed 
 lateener, and a regular battle with another off Alge- 
 ciras, she made Gibraltar in seventeen days, twelve 
 hours,! from Salem. Her last assailant struck ensign 
 and pennant. Captain Derby did not stop to take 
 him, but put into Gibraltar with the satisfaction of 
 having "flogged the vessel in full view of the English 
 fleet." 
 
 At Gibraltar colonial produce such as sugar, with 
 which the Mount Vernon was laden, was a drug in the 
 market. Captain Derby therefore joined John Wil- 
 liams, of Baltimore, 1 in chartering and loading a brig; 
 and on August 10 the two vessels left for the Levant. 
 Touching at Palermo, but finding the market poor, 
 they continued to Naples, where Captain Derby sold 
 the Mount Vernon's cargo, valued at $43,275, for 
 $120,000. "My sales have been handsome, though 
 not so great as I could have wished," he wrote his 
 father. 
 
 Exchange on London being disadvantageous, Cap- 
 tain Derby made an investment of his gains, typical of 
 this troubled period. Fifty thousand dollars were laid 
 aside for wines and silks; but it was some time before 
 they could be delivered. Yet even the hospitality of 
 Nelson, and the smiles of Lady Hamilton, could not 
 tempt Captain Derby to tarry in Naples. He pur- 
 chased two new polacca-rigged ships for sixteen thou- 
 
 1 Probably of the Roxbury Williamses, who settled in Baltimore at 
 this period. Amos Williams, of Baltimore, was part owner with the 
 Peabodys of the schooner Equality of Salem. 
 
 I 7 6
 
 FEDERALISM AND NEUTRAL TRADE 
 
 sand dollars, and convoyed them in the Mount Vernon 
 up the Adriatic (beating off two Turkish pirates en 
 route), to Manfredonia. There he loaded wheat, which 
 was carried around Italy and sold at Leghorn. The 
 profits on this venture paid for the two polaccas with 
 thirty thousand dollars to boot, only two and a half 
 months after their purchase. In less than eleven 
 months' time Captain Derby had made a net profit 
 of over a hundred thousand dollars on an investment 
 of forty- three thousand. 
 
 The European war did not create, it merely ex- 
 panded, this Massachusetts-Mediterranean traffic, 
 which dates back to Captain John Smith. The reex- 
 port thither of Oriental goods began about 1790, when 
 the glut of tea at Salem and Boston forced their mer- 
 chants to seek new outlets. But this coasting trade of 
 the Mount Vernon was new, and typical of war condi- 
 tions. Schooners of seventy tons or under like the 
 Raven of Marblehead and the Lidia of Newburyport 
 crossed the Atlantic with a cargo of salt fish, sugar, and 
 rum, bought goods cheap in one ^European port, sold 
 them dear in another, and if they were so lucky as to 
 avoid capture, cleared several times their cost in one 
 voyage. Frequently they were sold abroad to avoid 
 capture, and sometimes their officers and men stayed 
 with them. The brig Salem of Boston, for instance, 
 after a voyage to Amsterdam, Cadiz, and San Sebas- 
 tian, was sold to French parties at Bordeaux. Captain 
 Jeremiah Mayo, using her American papers, then took 
 a cargo of claret to Morlaix, where it brought three or 
 four times its cost in the Gironde. 
 
 Wheresoever in Europe a Massachusetts vessel was 
 disposed of, it was easy for the officers and crew to 
 pick up a passage home, as the following letter of a 
 Beverly shipmaster relates : 
 
 177
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Li[s]bon. May ye 18, 1793 
 Kind & Loving Wife 
 
 I now take this operty. to inform you of my well fair & good state 
 of health. Blessed be God for the same; hoping this will find you 
 & fammele in as good health as it Leaves me at preasent ; after I sold 
 the schooner hope at Bilboa I wated for to get a passage to Amer- 
 ica but cold not get a passage in a vessel that was coming Directly 
 hoom; therefore I took passag with Capt. Joshua Orne to Lisbone 
 and from thence I expected to go with him to Marblehead ; but find- 
 ing a snow near bound for Boston which wanted a mate and so I 
 shipped with her, and shall sale tomorrow if nothing disapoints us, 
 I have sent you By Cap. Joshua Orne: 7 dozn & 10 silk handchafs 2 
 Long Looking glasses a dozn of knives & forks one half of which is for 
 your brother Beckford and a Little Gun and I Expect to send sum 
 other things which I shall put on bord this Night and you Go for 
 them or send sum boddey with an order, you may expect me in a few 
 days after you receive this if nothing happens to us ... 
 from your ever loving husband till Death 
 
 JONATHAN BASEY 
 
 During the first half of the Revolutionary-Na- 
 poleonic wars, and until 1806, the yoke of Britain's 
 sea-power was an easy one. No interference was 
 made with broken voyages or with neutrals trading 
 between the Baltic, the Hanse towns, and France. 
 "I find several vessels have been advantageously em- 
 ployed in plying between Hamburg, Rotterdam, and 
 France, and that neutral vessels have been permitted 
 a free trade even from England," writes James Per- 
 kins to his brother at Bordeaux, in February, 1795. 
 He is sending out the ship Betsy, with a cargo of rice, 
 which is to serve as capital for continuing the carrying 
 trade between northern and French ports. American 
 entries at Hamburg increased from 35 in 1791 to 192 
 in 1799; and after Hamburg was closed to American 
 shipping in 1804, vessels entered at Tonning in Schles- 
 wig-Holstein, or at Ltibeck. At Amsterdam there were 
 1 60 American entries in 1801. 
 
 178
 
 _ 
 
 > .2 
 
 H T)
 
 FEDERALISM AND NEUTRAL TRADE 
 
 This North-European trade was not without its cul- 
 tural contacts. "This day my box from Hamburg 
 arrived with the proceeds of my Coffee," writes Dr. 
 Bentley in his Salem diary for 1806. "The good Pro- 
 fessor has furnished me with great economy with some 
 of the best Books which his country has yielded." 
 Thus German erudition entered New England. Dr. 
 Bentley was one of the American correspondents of 
 Professor Ebeling, of Hamburg, buying for his learned 
 friend numerous imprints of the smaller New England 
 presses, which have disappeared in the country of their 
 production. The books and coffee which the good 
 Doctor cast upon the waters were indeed found after 
 many days, and by his alma mater; for Professor 
 Ebeling's incomparable collection of Americana was 
 purchased by Israel Thorndike, merchant of Beverly, 
 and presented to the Harvard College Library. 
 
 If Massachusetts had the same share of the Ham- 
 burg trade as of Baltic commerce, more than half the 
 American entries were owned in her ports. For in 
 1802, out of eighty-one vessels that passed Elsinore dur- 
 ing the open season, twenty-one belonged to Salem, 
 fourteen to Boston, eight to Newburyport, eight to 
 New York, seven to Providence, five to Marblehead, 
 four to Gloucester, two to Charleston, and one each 
 to Philadelphia, Norfolk, New Bedford, and Salisbury. 1 
 Many arrived not from their home port, but from Lis- 
 bon, Cadiz, the Western Islands, the West Indies, 
 Amsterdam, and Bremen; bringing nankeens, pepper, 
 sugar, fruit, coffee, tea, rum, wine, cotton, indigo, to- 
 bacco, and mahogany to Copenhagen and St. Peters- 
 burg. They cleared, laden with iron, hemp, flax, cord- 
 age and sailcloth, for all parts of the world. Several 
 were schooners and brigantines under eighty tons 
 
 1 From a " Sound list " brought home by one of the shipmasters. 
 
 179
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 burthen. This type of commerce is generally called 
 the neutral carrying trade; but it was more than a 
 carrying trade as the term is now understood, for the 
 vessels did not merely take freight at inflated figures ; 
 they bought and sold goods on their owners' account, 
 and made immense sums, which no statistics record, 
 by the repeated turnovers. 
 
 The European trade was also vitally interlocked 
 with the East-India and China trade, that was so rap- 
 idly expanding in the closing years of the eighteenth 
 century. Unless an East-Indiaman made Madeira her 
 first port of call, she generally acquired specie in Eu- 
 rope, or a cargo suitable for Bengal, by selling the 
 proceeds of a former voyage, together with West-India 
 goods, salt provisions, fish, and Southern staples, at 
 any northern or Mediterranean port. "The speedy 
 conversion of your present lading into dollars must 
 be a governing object in your operation," state the in- 
 structions of J. & T. H. Perkins to one of their super- 
 cargoes, outward-bound with East- and West- India 
 goods to the Mediterranean and Calcutta. 
 
 Hardly a port of Europe there was, from Archangel 
 to Trieste where the Yankee trader was not as familiar 
 as the seasons; hardly an occasion where he was not 
 present, with something to swap. As Nelson's fleet 
 lay licking its wounds after Trafalgar, who should 
 heave in sight but the ship Ann Alexander of New 
 Bedford, Captain Loum Snow, with a cargo of lumber, 
 flour, and apples just what the fleet needed ! Super- 
 cargoes founded mercantile houses in foreign ports. 
 Thomas Hickling, of Boston, settled in the Azores 
 shortly after 1780. Preble & Co. (Ebenezer and 
 Henry, brothers of the Commodore) were soliciting 
 consignments at Dieppe, in 1804. George Loring, of 
 Hingham, married a beautiful Spanish girl in the 
 
 1 80
 
 FEDERALISM AND NEUTRAL TRADE 
 
 seven teen-nineties; his sons formed the firm of Loring 
 Brothers of Malaga, which fifty years later was oper- 
 ating Massachusetts-built clipper ships under the 
 Spanish flag. 
 
 The seamen of colonial and post- Revolutionary 
 Massachusetts thought they knew the ropes of Euro- 
 pean trade, but the war led their sons to new ports. 
 Smyrna, the mart of Asia Minor, became the final 
 residence of a loyalist member of the Perkins family, 
 with whom J. & T. H. Perkins opened profitable rela- 
 tions before the end of the eighteenth century, obtain- 
 ing Turkish opium for Canton. A convincing contrast 
 of Yankee enterprise with Eastern lethargy, is the 
 trade followed by Ebenezer Parsons for several years; 
 loading coffee at Mocha in the Red Sea, and circum- 
 navigating Africa to sell it at Smyrna, for three and 
 four hundred per cent profit. 
 
 The west coast of South America had already made 
 the acquaintance of Yankee whalers and fur-traders, 
 when the Napoleonic wars opened the east coast as 
 well to Massachusetts vessels. The first North Ameri- 
 can merchantman to enter the River Plate appears to 
 have been the brig Alert of Salem, owned by Dudley 
 L. Pickman and others, and commanded by Captain 
 Robert Gray, of Columbia fame. She was captured by 
 a French privateer and carried into Montevideo late 
 in 1798. The Spanish officials fitted her out as a priva- 
 teer under their own colors, but Captain Gray was 
 released, and returned voluntarily in 1801 in command 
 of the schooner James, after touching at Rio de Janeiro. 
 Between February and July, 1802, eighteen Massa- 
 chusetts vessels, and twenty-six from other North 
 
 181
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 American ports, brought mixed cargoes to the River 
 Plate, and took away hides and specie ; portending the 
 great hides and lumber traffic of later years between 
 New England, Argentina, and Uruguay. In 1810, 
 William Gray was reexporting " Buenos Ayres Hydes " 
 and Peruvian bark from Boston to Tunis. 
 
 Several Massachusetts men entered the service of 
 the new republics. Dr. Franklin Rawson, of Essex 
 County, founded a distinguished Argentinian family. 
 The name of Benjamin Franklin Seaver, of Boston, 
 killed in battle while second in command of the Argen- 
 tine fleet, is commemorated in a street of Buenos Aires ; 
 and William P. White, of Pittsfield, who established a 
 mercantile agency there as early as 1804, gave such 
 effective aid to the cause as to be called the "father of 
 the Argentine Navy." A little later, Paul Delano, one 
 of the twenty-one children of Nathan Delano, of Fair- 
 haven, commanded the Chilean frigate Independencia, 
 and applied his Yankee ingenuity to the construction 
 of port works in open roadsteads. William Delano, of 
 the same maritime family, served on the staff of Gen- 
 eral San Martin. Both remained in Chile, where their 
 descendants are prominent citizens to-day. 
 
 Japan first saw the American flag in 1791, when the 
 famous Boston sloop Lady Washington, Captain Ken- 
 drick, accompanied by the Grace of New York, Cap- 
 tain Douglas, entered a southern Japanese harbor in 
 the hope of selling sea-otter. But the natives knew not 
 the use of fur, and no business was done. It was the 
 foreign policy of the French Committee of Public 
 Safety that gained American commerce its first ex- 
 change with the forbidden kingdom. For almost two 
 centuries the Dutch East India Company had enjoyed 
 the exclusive right of sending one ship a year from 
 Batavia to trade at Nagasaki, when, in 1795, French 
 
 182
 
 FEDERALISM AND NEUTRAL TRADE 
 
 arms and propaganda transformed the Netherlands 
 into the Batavian Republic, an ally and vassal to 
 France. Fearing capture of its vessels by British war- 
 ships, the Dutch East India Company for four succes- 
 sive years chartered American vessels for the annual 
 cruise. The first, apparently, to have this honor was 
 the ship Eliza of New York, of which there is a con- 
 temporary Japanese painting, showing her being light- 
 ered off a rock in Nagasaki Harbor, in 1798, by several 
 dozen small boats. In 1799 the Perkins's ship Frank- 
 lin of Boston, James Devereux master, was the lucky 
 vessel ; and of her voyage from Batavia to Japan and 
 back we have a full account, from Captain Dever- 
 eux's clerk, George Cleveland. On entering Japanese 
 waters she hoisted the Dutch ensign, fired prescribed 
 salutes of seven to thirteen guns each on passing seven 
 different points, and another on anchoring in Nagasaki 
 Harbor. The Yankee officers had to bend almost dou- 
 ble when Japanese officials came on board, and to com- 
 ply with minute and rigorous harbor regulations dur- 
 ing their four months' stay. But they were allowed, 
 carefully guarded, to visit the town, and to bring back 
 private adventures of cabinets, tea-trays, and carved 
 screens which are still treasured in Salem homes. In 
 1800 the ship Massachusetts of Boston received the 
 annual charter for the colossal sum of $100,000, it was 
 rumored ; and in 1801 the ship Margaret of Salem pulled 
 off the prize. She was apparently the last American 
 vessel to be received in a Japanese harbor until Com- 
 modore Perry broke the isolation of Nippon. . 
 
 In 1801, with the election of Jefferson to the presi- 
 dency, the national government fell into the hands of 
 
 183
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 a combination partial to France, and professedly un- 
 friendly to maritime commerce. But Jefferson's mod- 
 eration agreeably disappointed maritime Massachu- 
 setts. The Hamiltonian system of fishing bounties, 
 drawbacks, discriminating tonnage duties, and friend- 
 ship with England continued unimpaired. Barbary 
 corsairs were forced to respect the American flag. 
 Jefferson chose his Attorney-General and his Secretary 
 of War in Massachusetts, and but for the illness of 
 Jacob Crowninshield, whose family had been consist- 
 ently Republican, he would have had a Secretary of the 
 Navy from the same state. 
 
 Early in 1802 Napoleon made peace with England, 
 and the European trade slackened somewhat; but, of 
 course, Massachusetts could not blame this on Jeffer- 
 son. And in 1804, despite the raving of Federalist poli- 
 ticians, the commonwealth cast its electoral vote for 
 the great Virginian. No doubt the maritime interests 
 would have become reconciled to his administration 
 had not a renewal of the war revived the passions and 
 the difficulties of the previous decade. 
 
 England and Napoleon, by a series of Orders in 
 Council and Imperial Decrees, began attempting to 
 drive neutral shipping from each other's ports. As 
 British sea-power tightened, and Napoleon extended 
 his control over continental Europe, it became no 
 longer easy for American shipping to play both sides. 
 Hitherto, the British prohibition of neutral trading 
 between her enemies and their colonies had been 
 evaded by the "broken voyage" bringing French 
 colonial produce to Boston or Salem, paying duty, re- 
 loading it even on the same vessel, receiving the draw- 
 back, and proceeding to France. But in 1805 Sir Wil- 
 liam Scott made an example of the ship Essex of Salem, 1 
 
 1 The same vessel which met a tragic fate in the Red Sea, in 1806. 
 
 184
 
 FEDERALISM AND NEUTRAL TRADE 
 
 in a decision which remains a landmark in interna- 
 tional law, so-called. Her voyage from Barcelona to 
 Havana via Derby Wharf was declared one continuous 
 voyage, and the cargo confiscated. 
 
 The merchants of Boston and Salem loudly pro- 
 tested. But before long they discovered that the bark 
 of the Essex decision was worse than its bite. An old 
 drawback book in the Plymouth custom-house records 
 shows what indirect trade was going on in 1806 and 
 1807. The brig Eliza Hardy of Plymouth enters her 
 home port from Bordeaux, on May 20, 1806, with a 
 cargo of claret wine. Part of it is immediately ree'x- 
 ported to Martinique in the schooner Pilgrim, which 
 also carries a consignment of brandy that came from 
 Alicante in the brig Commerce, and another of gin that 
 came from Rotterdam in the barque Hannah of Ply- 
 mouth. The rest of the Eliza Hardy's claret is taken 
 to Philadelphia by coasters, and thence reexported in 
 seven different vessels to Havana, Santiago de Cuba, St. 
 Thomas, and Batavia. The brig Rufus King, about the 
 same time, brought into Plymouth a cargo of coffee from 
 St. Thomas. It is transferred to Boston, and thence 
 reexported to Rotterdam and Amsterdam in four differ- 
 ent vessels. The barque Hannah also brought wine and 
 brandy from Tarragona, which is reexported from Bos- 
 ton to Havana and Madeira. The schooner Honest Tom 
 left Plymouth for Bordeaux on December 21, 1806, 
 with sugar and coffee that another vessel had brought 
 from the West Indies. She returned to Plymouth on 
 May 1 8, 1807, with wine and brandy which flowed from 
 Boston to Demerara in the ship Jason, to the East In- 
 dies in the ship Jenny, and to San Domingo in the brig 
 Eunice. Thus interposing a coastal voyage between the 
 two ends of an essentially unneutral traffic evidently 
 confused or satisfied the British admiralty. 
 
 185
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 President Jefferson stood up for neutral rights, and 
 his representatives at London did their best to have the 
 Essex decision rescinded. But before anything could 
 be done, new and more stringent orders and decrees 
 were issued by England and Napoleon ; and in 1807 the 
 country was stirred by an impressment outrage on 
 the U.S.S. Chesapeake. Had Jefferson then called for 
 a declaration of war, Massachusetts would have ac- 
 cepted war with good grace. Instead, he chose a 
 policy which, without coercing the belligerent nations, 
 sacrificed the commercial profits of Massachusetts 
 and her political good-will. December 22, 1807, the 
 date that Jefferson's embargo went into effect, begins 
 a new period in American maritime history.
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 EMBARGO AND WAR 
 1807-1815 
 
 Our ships all in motion once whitened the ocean, 
 They sailed and returned with a cargo; 
 Now doomed to decay, they have fallen a prey 
 To Jefferson worms and embargo. 
 
 THUS jingled a newspaper poet at Newburyport in 
 1808. It was bad enough trying to feel out a channel 
 between orders in council and imperial decrees : but to 
 have one's fleet scuttled by act of Congress, on the 
 pretense of protecting it, seemed outrageous and hypo- 
 critical. 
 
 The Embargo Act, which remained in force from 
 December 22, 1807, to March 15, 1809, forbade any 
 American vessel to clear from an American harbor for 
 a foreign port, and placed coasting and fishing vessels 
 under heavy bonds not to land their cargoes outside 
 the United States. Another act, which went into effect 
 at the same time, forbade the importation of many 
 British goods. Nothing prevented American vessels 
 then abroad from entering a home port, but once there, 
 they could not legally depart for a foreign voyage. 
 
 There were many leaks in the embargo. For a time, 
 by special dispensation of the President, merchants 
 were allowed to send abroad for property they had 
 already purchased. An immense smuggling trade went 
 on over the Canadian and Florida borders. Vessels al- 
 ready abroad did not return until the embargo was 
 repealed, if they could help it. The coast was more 
 heavily guarded by federal officials and soldiers than 
 
 187
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 during the War of 1812, but nevertheless a number 
 of vessels managed to slip out. Captain Charles C. 
 Doten, of Plymouth, performed two notable feats of 
 this sort. One dark night, in a southeast rainstorm 
 that drove the water-front guards to cover, he re- 
 rigged the schooner Hannah, which had been 'stripped 
 to a girtline' by the collector of the port, with the 
 sails and rigging of another vessel, and piloted her 
 safely out of Plymouth Bay. Later he took the brig 
 Hope out of Provincetown in a northeast gale, hotly 
 pursued and fired upon by the revenue cutter; sold 
 vessel and cargo of fish at St. Lucia for twenty-five 
 thousand dollars, and brought it home in the form of 
 Spanish doubloons, sewed into his clothing. The em- 
 bargo did not kill Massachusetts commerce, then ; but 
 suspended at least half of it, and rendered the rest more 
 furtive, difficult, and hazardous than it ever would 
 have been under mere orders in council and imperial 
 decrees. 
 
 At the time the embargo was laid, Massachusetts 1 
 was the principal shipowning commonwealth in 
 America. Her total tonnage per capita was more than 
 twice that of any other state. Her registered tonnage 
 in foreign trade in 1807, 310,310 tons, was thirty- 
 seven per cent of the total for the United States, and 
 more than twice that of her nearest competitor, New 
 York. In coasting trade she was also first, although 
 her proportion was slightly less. Her fishing fleet, 
 62,214 tons, was eighty-eight per cent of the total; and 
 although there was nothing in the embargo acts to 
 prevent fishing, loss of the foreign market put the 
 
 1 See statistics in Appendix. The figures here quoted for the state 
 include Maine; those quoted for ports include minor ports in the custom 
 district of that name. Whaling vessels are apparently included in the 
 foreign tonnage. 
 
 188
 
 O 
 oo
 
 EMBARGO AND WAR 
 
 greater part of the fleet out of commission. The same 
 applied to the whaling. In all these branches of ship- 
 ping the gains during the profitable years of neutral 
 trade had been tremendous. Boston had passed Phila- 
 delphia, and become second only to New York for 
 amount of tonnage owned. Following Baltimore and 
 Charleston; Portland, Salem, and Newburyport were 
 respectively the sixth, seventh, and ninth shipowning 
 communities in the United States. The minor ports 
 of Massachusetts, tempted by the rich freights and 
 turnovers of neutral commerce, had increased their 
 fleet considerably in the last few years. 1 Adopting 
 Adam Seybert's estimate, that the American merchant 
 marine in 1801 was earning at least fifty dollars per ton 
 annually, the Massachusetts fleet of 1807 was bringing 
 home about fifteen and a half million dollars a year in 
 freight money alone, an amount far greater than the 
 capital value of the fleet that earned it. Congress 
 ordered the shipowners to forego this colossal income 
 equal to the entire federal revenue in 1806 as well 
 as the greater gains made by buying cheap and selling 
 dear, in order to save their vessels from capture. 
 Could the gain balance the loss? 
 
 This was a burning question in 1808, and continues 
 to divide historians to this day. There were many in 
 Massachusetts who agreed with Jefferson, but more 
 who did not. John Bromfield, supercargo by profes- 
 sion and a Federalist in politics, wrote from London in 
 
 1 Plymouth tonnage, for instance, had just doubled since 1800. In 
 1804 Plymouth had eleven entries from Portugal, one from Spain, one 
 from Cape Verde Islands, two from Russia, ten from Martinique, and 
 ten from smaller West Indian Islands all schooners. In 1805 she 
 exported almost half a million pounds of sugar to Holland. New Bedford 
 had increased fifty per cent, to over 25,000 tons. Of her ninety to one 
 hundred square-rigged vessels, only twelve were whalers. See chapters 
 x and xi for the neutral trade of Marblehead and Newburyport. 
 
 189
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 1808, "It was certainly a very well-timed restriction 
 upon our commerce, and has undoubtedly saved his 
 political opponents from the loss of property to an 
 immense amount." The Republican Crowninshields 
 defended the embargo, and William Gray, a Federal- 
 ist, and the largest individual shipowner in the United 
 States, rallied to it as a necessary measure of self- 
 protection. His Federalist neighbors retorted by accus- 
 ing him of profiteering from his stock on hand. This 
 charge he denied : and any statement from a man with 
 the simple honesty and independence of William Gray 
 carries weight.. He sacrificed personal comfort and 
 social position by his stand. Yet even Mr. Gray did 
 not see fit to order home one of his vessels, the ship 
 Wells, which left Salem eighteen days before the em- 
 bargo was laid, and remained abroad making money 
 for her owner while it endured. Marblehead remained 
 faithful to embargo and Republicanism, despite her 
 growing commerce. As Salem was Federalist, Marble- 
 head was naturally the contrary; 1 but it seems that 
 Marblehead was somewhat favored during the em- 
 bargo. The local collector continued to issue San 
 Domingo bonds, an indication that he was allowing 
 vessels to clear for the West Indies. 2 
 
 In general, the verdict of maritime Massachusetts 
 was thumbs down on Jefferson and his "terrapin" 
 
 1 Frequently, throughout the Federalist period, small seaports that 
 were rivals to a near-by prosperous and Federalist center of commerce, 
 voted Republican; Dorchester, Weymouth, Fairhaven, and Dighton, 
 for example. 
 
 1 Custom-house records, searched for me by Miss E. R. Trefry. The 
 act of Feb. 28, 1806, required vessels clearing for certain parts of the 
 West Indies to be bonded against trading with the Haytian rebels 
 against Napoleon. But Marblehead had only twelve foreign entries dur- 
 ing the embargo period, paying $35,000 duties, as compared with seventy 
 for the year 1807, paying $156,000. The figures given in Dwight's 
 Travels in New England are incorrect.
 
 EMBARGO AND WAR 
 
 policy. The new British orders required some adjust- 
 ment of trade routes, but as George Cabot said, profits 
 were such that if only one out of three vessels escaped 
 capture, her owner could make a handsome profit on 
 the lot. It was still possible to ply neutral trade under 
 British convoy, inspection, and license; a system de- 
 grading perhaps to national honor, but very similar to 
 that which all neutrals, including the United States, 
 permitted during the World War. Insurance rates were 
 not prohibitive ; and after the removal of the embargo 
 Massachusetts shipping arose to a new high level de- 
 spite the orders in council. As a pure business propo- 
 sition, then, Jefferson's plea of protection made little 
 appeal. 
 
 The embargo caused greatest hardship in the smaller 
 ports, and among small shipowners and working peo- 
 ple dependent on shipping. Newburyport, Salem, and 
 Plymouth never recovered their former prosperity. 
 Jefferson hastened the inevitable absorption of their 
 commerce by Boston. Shipbuilding, with all its sub- 
 sidiary industries, ceased altogether. Mechanics and 
 master mariners had to resort to the soup kitchens 
 established in the seaport towns, or exhaust their sav- 
 ings, or emigrate to Canada in search of work. The 
 only consolation that Dr. Bentley, the stanch Repub- 
 lican pastor of Salem, could find in the embargo, was 
 the stimulus it gave to pleasure-boating in Salem Bay! 
 But few were so fortunately circumstanced as to seek 
 solace from business depression in yachting life. 
 
 In 1807, the Federalist Party was in extremis. It had 
 lost even the state government of Massachusetts. The 
 embargo rescued it from the shadow of death, thrust 
 into its palsied hands the banner of state rights, and 
 sent it forth to rally the seafaring tribe. Politicians 
 like Timothy Pickering hoped the embargo would re- 
 
 191
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 main in force until the "people recovered their true 
 sight" and President Jefferson proved most accom- 
 modating. It was not difficult to persuade people of 
 the hypocrisy of his plea of protection, and to prove 
 that his real wish was to coerce England. With such an 
 object the Federalists had no sympathy. Their con- 
 viction that France was the center of disturbance and 
 unrest had deepened, although Napoleon did his best 
 to prove the contrary. Yet the Federalists were right 
 in believing that the restoration of peace and the hope 
 of liberty in Europe depended on the overthrow of 
 Napoleon; that any attempt to clip the British Sam- 
 son's hair was at that time internationally immoral, 
 and without sharp scissors, imprudent. 
 
 Not content with these arguments, the Federalists 
 asserted, with some plausibility, that Jefferson's ulti- 
 mate object was to destroy New England's wealth and 
 power. How else could one explain, for instance, his 
 ban on East- India and China commerce? The orders 
 in council permitted our Oriental trade; Napoleonic 
 decrees were powerless in far eastern waters. Keeping 
 Salem's East-Indiamen in port merely helped English 
 shipowners. So abject a failure was the embargo as a 
 measure of coercion that Jefferson's persistent faith 
 in it could be explained only by enmity to American 
 shipping, or by pathological causes. 
 
 Fourteen months of embargo enabled the merchants 
 to recover their political supremacy, and to organize 
 a campaign of town-meeting resolutions that had the 
 ring of 1776. Deserted by his northern partisans in 
 Congress, Jefferson finally consented to sign the repeal 
 of the embargo on his last day in office March 3, 
 1809. Prosperity promptly returned. But the em- 
 bargo did a moral damage that determined New Eng- 
 land's alignment In the coming war. It enabled the 
 
 192
 
 EMBARGO AND WAR 
 
 Essex Junto, the most bigoted group of Federalist 
 politicians, to endoctrine maritime New England with 
 a blind hatred for the Republican Party; to regard the 
 administration as a greater enemy than any foreign 
 country. It bred a spirit of narrow self-complacency, 
 a belief in the superior virtue, enterprise, and worth 
 of Yankees as against New Yorkers, Pennsylvanians, 
 and Southerners, that all but flared up into secession 
 before the cause was removed. 
 
 After the embargo was lifted, a non-intercourse act 
 with Great Britain remained in force three months; 
 but this did not prevent the prompt reopening of 
 Oriental, West-Indian, Baltic, South American, and 
 Mediterranean commerce. Fortunes were made by 
 supplying the British army in the Peninsular War. 
 Shipyards awoke. Fayal in the Azores, where John B. 
 Dabney, of Boston, was American consul and leading 
 merchant, became a new St. Eustatius, a go-between for 
 nations forbidden to trade with one another. Russia 
 became almost our best customer, as Napoleon closed 
 the ports of western Europe to our vessels. Almost two 
 hundred United States vessels were now trading with 
 Russia, over half of them, probably, belonging in 
 Massachusetts. 1 Yankee shipmasters quickly adapted 
 themselves to the new conditions. Wintering at Riga 
 in 1810-11, they took part in the open-handed social 
 life of the Bait nobility; skating carnivals, sleigh rides 
 at breakneck speed over the flat country, montagnes 
 russes, brilliant balls and Gargantuan dinners. To 
 avoid the Danish privateers which were preying on 
 American vessels, many made the long voyage around 
 Norway to Archangel, whence their imports went a 
 thousand miles overland to Moscow. But the ship- 
 
 1 In 1803, fifty-four out of the ninety American arrivals in St. Peters- 
 burg belonged in Massachusetts. See also chapters xi and xil. 
 
 193
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 masters found Archangel rather exhausting, as the 
 Russian merchants, after hibernating, expected their 
 American customers to stay up and drink with them 
 through the bright summer nights. The Baltimore 
 brig Calumet penetrated the Black Sea to Odessa in 
 1810; shortly followed by a vessel commanded by a 
 Ropes of Salem. Profits in this Russian trade were 
 immense. The ship Catherine of Boston, 281 tons, 
 worth possibly $7000, cleared $115,000 net in one 
 voyage of 1809. 
 
 President Madison's policy, at first favorable to 
 commerce, won away from the Federalists a part of 
 their previous gains. In 1810 William Gray was 
 elected lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts. His 
 friend John Quincy Adams, who likewise had been 
 expelled from the Federal Party for supporting the 
 embargo, was appointed minister to Russia, went out 
 in one of the Gray ships, and proved a useful friend at 
 court. William Gray was the principal Russian trader 
 In the United States. He distributed Russian duck, 
 sheetings, cordage, and iron (which sold for $115 a ton 
 in Boston), to Philadelphia, Charleston, and New Or- 
 leans, there loading tobacco, sugar, and "cotton wool" 
 for the Baltic market. Other vessels of his fleet took 
 lumber and coffee to Algiers, and proceeded to Galli- 
 polis to load olive oil for Russia. In addition, he was 
 conducting a Mediterranean-Calcutta trade. 
 
 Napoleon considered the American Baltic fleet essen- 
 tially British ; and according to the British doctrine of 
 neutral rights he was not far wrong. Certain vessels 
 did a ferrying trade between Copenhagen and London ; 
 and all had to conform to British regulations, and 
 accept naval convoy through the Belts. Even William 
 Gray, who was continually protesting his innocence 
 of British connections, used London bankers almost 
 
 194
 
 EMBARGO AND WAR 
 
 exclusively, and on one occasion chartered a British 
 vessel. Napoleon, to complete his continental block- 
 ade, required the occlusion of neutral shipping from 
 Russia, whose emperor was his nominal ally; and from 
 Sweden, whose ruler was his former marshal. In the 
 summer of 1810 he made the demand. Alexander and 
 Bernadotte equivocated, and then refused. They had 
 no intention of shutting off their subjects' supplies of 
 West- and East-India goods. Then began Napoleon's 
 preparations to invade Russia. Thus the Baltic trade 
 of Massachusetts played an important if unconscious 
 part in the chain of events that led Napoleon to Mos- 
 cow and to St. Helena. 
 
 Within a week of the Grand Army's entrance into 
 Russia, the United States declared war on Great Brit- 
 ain. To this War of 1812 maritime Massachusetts 
 was flatly opposed. Her pocket and her heart were 
 equally affected. She deemed the war immoral, be- 
 cause waged against the "world's last hope"; unjust, 
 because Napoleon had done her commerce greater in- 
 jury than had England; and hypocritical, because de- 
 clared in the name of "free trade and sailors' rights" 
 by a sectional combination that had neither com- 
 merce nor shipping. In Congress, a majority of the 
 representatives from New England voted against the 
 declaration of war, which was carried by a new group 
 of representatives from the South and West, who were 
 burning for a fight and anxious to conquer Canada. 
 
 Reviewing the diplomatic ineptitude of Madison's 
 administration, the opposition of Massachusetts is not 
 surprising. Napoleon's pretended revocation of his de- 
 crees had been exposed by Adams at St. Petersburg 
 
 195
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 as "a trap to catch us into a war with England." 
 Every shipmaster knew that the French confiscations 
 and sequestrations had continued. Secretary Monroe 
 admitted as much in 1812, after war had been declared. 
 By his own figures, the Napoleonic system had done 
 more damage to American commerce than had British 
 navalism. Yet the administration, on the ground that 
 the "national faith was pledged to France," 1 adopted 
 successively non-intercourse, embargo, and war against 
 Great Britain. When the administration heard that 
 England had repealed her orders in council, two days 
 after our declaration of war, it decided to continue the 
 war on the ground of impressment alone. 
 
 It was difficult to discover the true extent of im- 
 pressment in 1812, and impossible now. Certain it 
 is, however, that those seaboard communities of New 
 England, which furnished the bulk of her merchant 
 seamen, showed repeatedly by vote and deed their 
 opposition to a war waged ostensibly in their behalf. 
 Monroe's report of 1812, giving over six thousand 
 cases of American seamen impressed into the English 
 navy, was shot full of holes by a committee of the Gen- 
 eral Court of Massachusetts. Fifty-one of the lead- 
 ing shipowners of Massachusetts, who had employed 
 annually over fifteen hundred seamen for the last 
 twelve years, could remember but twelve cases of 
 Americans being impressed from their vessels. Nor 
 were all these witnesses Federalists. William Gray 
 gave witness against his party, when he was able to 
 recall but two cases of impressment from his great fleet 
 in the last decade. 
 
 The truth probably lies somewhere between these 
 
 1 By the Macon Act of 1810, which proposed that whenever either 
 England or France should repeal their objectionable measures against 
 the United States, non-intercourse should be adopted against the other. 
 
 196
 
 Ships of the rJNE-lXo Moving MiU<i. 
 
 FEDERALIST BALLOT FOR THE ELECTION OF 1814
 
 EMBARGO AND WAR 
 
 extremes. A large number of impressed Massachusetts 
 seamen spent the period of hostilities in Dartmoor 
 Prison, rather than fight against their country. Con- 
 temporary newspapers, sailors' narratives and deposi- 
 tions, contain numerous and outrageous cases; none 
 worse, however, than an instance of which Adams in- 
 formed the Secretary of State, when twenty-two Amer- 
 ican seamen were seized by Napoleon's agents at 
 Danzig, marched to Antwerp, and impressed into the 
 French navy. Impressment gave sufficient cause for 
 war, by modern standards. But war was no remedy, as 
 the Peace of Ghent proved. A powerful navy was the 
 only language England understood. 
 
 "Sir, if we are going to war with Great Britain," 
 said Senator Lloyd, of Massachusetts, "let it be a real, 
 effectual, vigorous war. Give us a naval force . . . give 
 us thirty swift-sailing, well appointed frigates . . . and 
 in a few weeks, perhaps days, I would engage com- 
 pletely to officer your whole fleet from New England 
 alone." Yet the war congress adjourned without pro- 
 viding any increase of the weakened navy; without 
 even proper appropriation for the vessels in commis- 
 sion. The navy department could not even afford to 
 send the frigate Constitution to sea, after her escape 
 from the British fleet; and had not William Gray dug 
 into his own pocket for her supplies, she would not have 
 met and defeated the Guenilre. Yet on the eve of war, 
 Madison and Monroe squandered fifty thousand dollars 
 of the nation's money on a worthless Irish adventurer, 
 in the hope he would furnish proof of New England Fed- 
 eralist disloyalty. Is it surprising that the Federalist 
 leaders cried out at this war for "free trade and sailors' 
 rights," declared by "men who rarely ever saw a ship 
 or sailor"; and that maritime Massachusetts followed 
 Chief Justice Marshall rather than President Madison? 
 
 197
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 "The declaration of war has appeared to me," wrote 
 John Marshall, "to be one of those portentous acts 
 which ought to concentrate on itself the efforts of all 
 those who can take an active part in rescuing their 
 country from the ruin it threatens." Massachusetts 
 agreed. "Organize a peace party throughout your 
 Country," resolved her House of Representatives, 
 after the declaration; and " let the sound of your dis- 
 approbation of this war be loud and deep, ... let there 
 be no volunteers except for defensive war. ' ' The Barn- 
 stable County peace convention, uniting many ship- 
 masters sent by Cape Cod town meetings, declared 
 the war to have "originated in hatred to New England 
 and to commerce; in subservience to the mandate of 
 the Tyrant of France" To sabotage the war, in the 
 interest of an early peace, became the declared policy 
 of maritime Massachusetts. 
 
 The community could not wholly refrain from en- 
 thusiasm at naval victories, especially when Boston's 
 favorite frigate, the Constitution, was the victor. Hull 
 and Bainbridge were banqueted by Boston merchants, 
 and Perry presented with a service of plate. The Fed- 
 eralists even attempted to capitalize naval success, as 
 the appended Boston ballot for the spring election of 
 1814 indicates. 1 But the State Senate, on motion of 
 Josiah Quincy, refused a vote of thanks to Captain 
 Lawrence for his capture of the Peacock, on the ground 
 that "in a war like the present" it was "not becoming 
 a moral and religious people to express any approba- 
 tion of military and naval exploits." When Law- 
 rence's body, after his glorious death aboard the Chesa- 
 peake, was brought back to Salem for burial, the North 
 
 1 Ballots in these days were prepared by each party, and distributed 
 at the polls. By law, they had to be written, not printed. A 'shaving- 
 mill ' meant a Jeff ersonian gunboat. 
 
 198
 
 EMBARGO AND WAR 
 
 Meeting-House was refused for the funeral ceremony, 
 and its bell hung silent when the procession passed. 
 The East-India Marine Society only by a vote of 32 to 
 19 decided to attend. A local militia company refused 
 to do escort duty, and not a single representative of the 
 state government attended in his official capacity. 
 
 Political sentiment being such, it is not surprising 
 that Massachusetts did not show her former preemi- 
 nence in privateering. As against fifty-eight privateers 
 from Baltimore and fifty-five from New York, Boston 
 only fitted out thirty-one, Salem forty-one, 1 and the 
 smaller ports, probably not more than fifteen alto- 
 gether. " Federalist ideas were so prominent " in New- 
 buryport "that the fitting of privateers was opposed 
 strongly," stated a contemporary. New Bedford, not 
 only Federalist but Quaker, declared in town meet- 
 ing on July 21, 1814, "we have scrupulously abstained 
 from all interest and concern in sending out private 
 armed vessels"; and resolved to quarantine for forty 
 days any American privateer that polluted her har- 
 bor. The efforts of Salem's Republican minority, de- 
 spite Federalists like Captain Ichabod Nichols, who 
 read Marshall's "Life of Washington" through annu- 
 ally, explain her activity. Privateering was much the 
 most popular form of service in maritime Massachu- 
 setts; it paid better wages, was safer, and more fun 
 than the army or navy. Marblehead, which supported 
 the war, provided 726 privateersmen, 120 naval sea- 
 men, and only 57 soldiers, not including the local 
 militia. 
 
 1 Rear-Admiral Emmons in 1853 estimated that 526 privateers were 
 fitted out from the United States during the war; but this doubtless 
 includes letter-of-marque vessels which were primarily traders, not 
 commerce destroyers. Five of Salem's privateers were small open boats 
 armed only with muskets, and only twelve were over one hundred tons 
 burthen. 
 
 199
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 The first privateer to fit out from Salem was the 
 new Gloucester-built Chebacco boat Fame, thirty tons, 
 owned jointly by her master William Webb, and crew 
 of twenty-four ex-shipmasters. 1 She put to sea on July 
 i, 1812, and returned eight days later with two prizes, 
 a three-hundred-ton ship and a two-hundred-ton brig, 
 taken off Grand Manan without firing a shot. George 
 Crowninshield, Jr., decked over his thirty-six-foot 
 yacht Jefferson, armed her with a gun or two, and sent 
 her out with thirty men. "When I saw you landing, 
 I could think of nothing else than so many goslins in 
 a bread tray," said a Maine woman to the Jefferson's 
 crew; but they sent in the second lot of prizes to 
 Salem. There were rich pickings to be had on the 
 Western Ocean that summer, before John Bull was 
 fairly aroused. By the end of the year eighteen Salem 
 privateers had captured eighty-seven prizes, of which 
 fifty-eight, worth with their cargoes half a million dol- 
 lars, were safely sent in. The local Federalist paper 
 remarked that Salem property to the value of nine 
 hundred thousand dollars had in the meantime been 
 taken by the enemy. Perhaps the name of a new Salem 
 privateer, the Grumbler and Growler, was a compliment 
 to this unpatriotic sheet! 
 
 Most Salem privateering was done near the Ameri- 
 can coasts. But French ports offered a convenient 
 base and refuge, as in the Revolution ; especially in the 
 latter year of the war, when the United States was 
 blockaded. The schooner Brutus slipped out of Salem 
 early in November, 1814. According to the log kept 
 by her Nantucket sailing-master, Henry Ingraham De- 
 frees, she took six prizes in six weeks' time; and near 
 the coast of France, after a long stern chase, came up 
 
 1 Maclay (American Privateers, 239) is in error in identifying this 
 vessel with a Revolutionary privateer of the same name. 
 
 2OO
 
 EMBARGO AND WAR 
 
 with the armed British ship Albion. At 3 P.M. "Bore 
 down on the enemys Larboard quarter within pistol 
 shot & gave him 2 broadsides, wore across his sterne & 
 from thence under his Starboard quarter, gave her 
 several broadsides, & musketry. At 3:30 she struck." 
 Three days later, the captor put in at Quimper, 
 Britanny, where one of her crew "was put in Irons for 
 strikeing the 1st Seargent of Marines, he then insulted 
 all the officers & to Prevent further insolence he was 
 gagged for two hours with a pump bolt." 
 
 The most artistic ship picture in the Peabody Mu- 
 seum is Antoine Roux's portrait of the privateer brig 
 Grand Turk x saluting Marseilles on her last cruise of 
 the war. Her records give all the business details of 
 commerce-destroying. The owners pay all expenses, 
 and receive half the net proceeds of prizes. The re- 
 mainder is divided into about one hundred and fifty 
 shares, of which Captain Nathan Green gets ten, the 
 first lieutenant, seven and a half; second lieutenant, 
 sailing master, and surgeon, each six; secretary, pay- 
 master, and pilot, each three; gunners and petty offi- 
 cers, each two or two and a half; and ninety-five sea- 
 men, each one. In addition, there is twenty dollars for 
 whomever first sights a prize, and half a share extra 
 for the first to board one. No seaman may sell more 
 than half his share in advance. 
 
 Chesapeake-built clipper schooners, with their sharp 
 ends, shoal draft, and cloud of canvas, were the most 
 popular privateers in the War of 1812. Salem owned 
 several of them; but a greater proportion were cap- 
 tured than of the home-built sort. During the war, 
 
 1 Built at Wiscasset, Maine, 18 guns, 309 tons burthen. Maclay is 
 again in error in identifying this vessel with the Grand Turk which 
 made an early voyage to Canton. She was owned in Boston, but 
 manned largely by Salem men. 
 
 2OI
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Massachusetts builders probably began that process 
 of drawing out the length of vessels and sweetening 
 their lines, which in another fifteen years' time pro- 
 duced a much faster and handier type of merchant- 
 man than the Federalist period ever knew. 1 
 
 Although the brig Grand Turk, according to Dr. 
 Bentley, was considered the best sailer out of Salem, 
 the Crowninshields' ship America was the most suc- 
 cessful, as indeed she had been as a merchantman. Her 
 new rig was enormous in comparison with her hull. 
 Her main truck was 136 feet from the deck; her bow- 
 sprit, lengthened by jibboom and flying jibboom, 107 
 feet long; she had a 67-foot mainyard, and the total 
 spread of her sail, from studdingsail boom-end to 
 boom-end, was 104 feet. 2 Yet her length was only 
 108 feet, 7 inches, and breadth 30 feet, 8 inches. With 
 her twenty-four guns and one hundred and fifty men 
 she netted twenty-six prizes, which sold for over a 
 million dollars. One of them was a Liverpool ship, by 
 which the Irving family of New York was trying to 
 smuggle English goods after hostilities had com- 
 menced. This explains why Tom Walker, in Wash- 
 ington Irving's story, on observing the name of 
 Crowninshield, "recollected a mighty rich man of that 
 name, who made a vulgar display of wealth, which it 
 was whispered he had acquired by buccaneering." 
 
 1 J. & T. H. Perkins to Perkins & Co., Canton, November 17, 1814, 
 about their ship Jacob Jones, "Some insurance has been done on her, 
 owing to her being a war built vessel, and having the reputation of a 
 swift sailor, at fifty per cent . . . Vessels built before the war cannot be 
 insured at seventy-five per cent." 
 
 2 The picture of her in chapter vn shows her merchantman rig. There 
 is a full-rigged model of her as a privateer in the Peabody Museum, and 
 a reconstructed sail-plan in the Essex Historical Collections, xxxvii, 7. 
 During her three last cruises she was commanded by James Chever, Jr., 
 of Salem, who had started as her cabin boy in 1804, and had had a 
 brother impressed into the British navy. 
 
 2O2
 
 EMBARGO AND WAR 
 
 "Mr. Madison's war" interrupted the Pacific com- 
 merce of Massachusetts, to the profit of Great Britain. 
 English letter-of-marque whalers, some manned by 
 renegade Nantucketers, played havoc with our Pacific 
 whaling fleet until Captain David Porter turned the 
 tables with the frigate Essex. The salty narrative of 
 her cruise, by this young Boston commander, is the 
 best bit of sea literature of the period. Captain Porter 
 gave his scorbutic seamen six months of heaven in 
 Nukahiva Island, of which he formally took possession 
 in the name of the United States, and rechristened the 
 principal harbor Massachusetts Bay. Although Cap- 
 tain Ingraham of the Hope had discovered the island, 
 the United States did not see fit to confirm Captain 
 Porter's occupation ; and the Marquesas fell to France. 
 
 The Essex never cruised far enough to protect our 
 China and East-India traders. A number of them 
 reached home safely during the first year of the war, 
 giving small harbors their first and last contact with 
 the Far East. Late in 1812 the ship American Hero 
 from India put in at Barnstable. Early in April, 1813, 
 the ship Sally from Canton learned from a fishing boat 
 off Cape Cod that war had been declared the previous 
 June. She also learned that two British frigates were 
 waiting for her outside Boston Light. A favorable 
 slant enabled her to slip into Plymouth Bay, and to 
 give the Pilgrim capital its greatest sensation since the 
 Mayflower landed. For not only did the Sally's rich 
 cargo pay $133,73147 in duties more than that 
 customs district had taken in since Jefferson's em- 
 bargo but she landed a Chinese passenger, who in 
 full mandarin costume attended ' meeting ' the follow- 
 ing Sabbath. The collector of the port of Boston did 
 his best to deprive Plymouth of the duties; but posses- 
 sion proved nine points of the law, and the Sally's 
 
 203
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Canton goods were forwarded to her Boston owners in 
 a fleet of wagons. 
 
 At Honolulu, early in 1812, the Winships of Bos- 
 ton had obtained a sandalwood monopoly from King 
 Kamehameha I, in return for a percentage of the 
 profits. Arrival of the first fragrant cargo at Canton 
 was closely followed by news of the war, so that the 
 Winships' agents, for fear of capture by English cruis- 
 ers, had to ship the king's share of silk and specie in a 
 slow Portuguese vessel. By the time she arrived at 
 Honolulu, some British residents had so prejudiced 
 Hawaiian royalty against Americans that the king 
 showed signs of breaking the contract. To prevent 
 this, Jonathan Winship, Jr. instructed the Portuguese 
 captain to hold the specie until a new lot of sandal- 
 wood forthcame; unless indeed a British cruiser ap- 
 proached. In that event, the silver should be landed 
 on the royal wharf, to avoid the possibility of seizure. 
 A Hawaiian princess, overhearing the conversation, 
 played a neat Yankee trick on the Yankee traders. At 
 the lookout on Diamond Head, where the government 
 maintained a signal station, her royal highness cor- 
 rupted the human semaphore, who signaled to the inner 
 harbor, " Big British warship coming! " The Portuguese 
 captain hurriedly landed his cargo; and before the ship- 
 ping intelligence proved false, Kamehameha had the 
 specie, and snapped his fat fingers at Messrs. Winship, 
 Winship & Davis. Not until another reign did Amer- 
 icans recover their influence at the Islands. 
 
 In order to send instructions to their blockaded 
 vessels at Whampoa, the Boston China merchants 
 dispatched three letters-of-marque, the brig Rambler, 
 sixteen guns and fifty men, ship Jacob Jones, and 
 schooner Tamaamaah. * All three reached Canton 
 
 1 The common spelling at that time of Kamehameha. 
 204
 
 safely, and took a few prizes off Lintin. Ordering the 
 merchant vessels to remain until peace was announced, 
 the three letters-of-marque, loaded deep with China 
 goods, dropped down-river from Whampoa on the 
 night of January 18, 1815, passing in the darkness two 
 British men-of-war, and about twenty armed East- 
 Indiamen, which fired guns and burned blue lights to 
 no purpose. Keeping company through the homeward 
 passage, they arrived at Boston on May 3 and 4, 1815, 
 1 08 and 109 days out from Whampoa, in time to get 
 the high prices that prevailed just after the war. 
 
 During the first six months of the war, every Atlan- 
 tic port of the United States traded with England, 
 under license from the British blockading squadron. 
 The ship Ariadne of Boston, owned by Amorys, Per- 
 kinses, Parsons, and Nathaniel Goddard, was a case in 
 point. Obtaining informal permission from the Attor- 
 ney-General and the Secretary of the Treasury, she 
 took a cargo of provisions to Cadiz, under British 
 license. It was currently believed in Massachusetts 
 that tobacco from President Madison's own plantation 
 went to England by this system, which Congress made 
 no effort to restrain until the crops of 1812 had found 
 profitable market. Much contraband trade went on 
 over the New Brunswick and Florida frontiers, and 
 part of the Massachusetts fleet took out Portuguese 
 papers. Boston merchants made large profits from the 
 enhanced price of foreign goods. John McLane cleared 
 $100,000 by a corner in molasses soon after the decla- 
 ration of war. Later, he established the McLane pro- 
 fessorship of modern history at Harvard. 
 
 By 1813 conditions had changed. Only five Ameri- 
 can and thirty-nine neutral vessels cleared that year 
 from Boston for foreign ports. On September 8 there 
 lay idle in Boston Harbor, with topmasts housed and 
 
 205
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 mastheads covered by inverted tar-barrels or canvas 
 bags ("Madison's night-caps") to prevent rotting; 
 ninety-one ships, one hundred and eleven barques and 
 brigs, and forty-five schooners. And in December, 
 1813, Congress passed a new embargo act, which for- 
 bade all coastwise as well as foreign traffic, and was 
 rigorously enforced. It is said that a man from the 
 Elizabeth Islands, who brought corn to the New Bed- 
 ford grist-mill, was refused clearance home for his 
 bag of meal. Such a clamor arose against "Madison's 
 embargo" that Congress repealed it in the spring of 
 1814; but no sooner was this done than the British 
 blockade was extended from Long Island Sound to the 
 Penobscot. 
 
 So completely did embargo and blockade stop 
 coasting that a wagon traffic began between maritime 
 Massachusetts and the South. Federalist wits ex- 
 pended their energy on this new form of commerce. 
 Pungs and wagons were christened the Jefferson's 
 Pride of Salem, and Mud-clipper of Boston. News- 
 papers reported, under "Horse-marine Intelligence," 
 the entrance of fast-sailing wagons from New York 
 and Albany, with news of vessels spoken en route, to- 
 gether with sundry searchings by customs officials and 
 boardings by tithing-men, who vainly invoked blue 
 laws against the deep-sea slogan of "No Sundays off 
 soundings." Chanties were composed for the land 
 navy: 
 
 Ye waggoners of Freedom, 
 Whose chargers chew the cud; 
 
 Whose wheels have braved a dozen years 
 The gravel and the mud. 
 
 Much commerce was also done in whaleboats which 
 sneaked along the South Shore to Sandwich, and were 
 then transferred overland with their cargoes to Buz- 
 
 206
 
 EMBARGO AND WAR 
 
 zard's Bay, along the present route of the Cape Cod 
 Canal. An adept at this trade was Captain John Col- 
 lins, of Truro, who later became a famous packet-ship 
 commander, and an organizer of the Collins line of 
 ocean steamers. 
 
 The British fleet made life very stimulating along 
 the Massachusetts coast, during the summer and au- 
 tumn of 1814. Two frigates made their headquarters 
 at Provincetown, which the government had neglected 
 to fortify, and cruised constantly between Cape Cod 
 and Cape Ann. In August another British base was 
 established at Castine on the Penobscot. South of the 
 Cape, H.M.S. Nimrod ruled the waters of Nantucket 
 and Vineyard Sounds, and Buzzard's Bay. These 
 vessels captured, and often ransomed, such coasting 
 and fishing vessels as ventured out; their armed barges 
 made frequent forays and landings on the coast, to 
 destroy shipping and obtain fresh provisions. For de- 
 fense, the Navy Department provided four JefFersonian 
 gunboats, two at Newburyport and two at New Bed- 
 ford, which were perfectly useless. The southern pair 
 spent most of its time safely hidden in the Acushnet 
 River, and even dared not attack the Nimrod when she 
 stranded on Great Ledge near New Bedford. When 
 the frigates raided Wareham, destroying buildings and 
 shipping to the value of many thousand dollars, the 
 gunboats bravely issued forth when it was all over 
 and Wareham stopped counting her losses to laugh. 
 Otherwise, Massachusetts depended for defense on her 
 regular militia, stationed in small forts at most of the 
 larger seaports; and on volunteer companies of 'sea- 
 fencibles.' 
 
 No part of the long coastline was unvisited by the 
 British frigates or barges. They landed a crew at 
 Thatcher's Island off Cape Ann, and dug potatoes; cut 
 
 207
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 fishing boats out of Kettle Cove; drove a schooner 
 ashore on Mingo Beach, Beverly; took vessels from 
 under the guns of Fort Sewall, Marblehead, and cap- 
 tured six coasters close by the Neck. In general, Brit- 
 ish landing parties had their will of Federalist towns, 
 and were driven off by Democratic towns. " Province- 
 town received no small benefit from the English ves- 
 sels, and some of the fortunes since acquired, had their 
 beginning from this source," says the historian of 
 Truro. Duxbury and Plymouth informed the com- 
 mander of H.M.S. Leander that they considered the 
 war none of .their business; the Old Colony had not 
 been consulted. But for the Gurnet garrison's per- 
 verse belligerency, Pilgrim neutrality might have been 
 respected. Nantucket declared her neutrality in Au- 
 gust, in order to procure food through the blockade. 
 So near starving was the island, that a local wag asked 
 his rich neighbor for a hammer to knock his teeth out 
 "he had no need of them, because he could n't get 
 anything to eat!" 
 
 Captain Mathew H. Mayo, of Eastham, impressed 
 as pilot on board a captured pinkie, managed by a 
 series of clever stratagems to run her ashore within 
 a mile of his own house. For this exploit the town of 
 Eastham paid twelve hundred dollars to the British 
 authorities, under threat of bombardment. Brewster 
 was an easier mark. In September, 1814, Commodore 
 Ragget, of H.M.S. Spencer, demanded four thousand 
 dollars, to spare the village and the salt-works. Brew- 
 ster had a company of artillery, with two field pieces ; 
 but the town meeting (whose moderator was Captain 
 Elijah Cobb, that young shipmaster who had bearded 
 Robespierre) calmly paid the money. Such non-re- 
 sistance was quite unnecessary, for the British war- 
 ships could not get within range of the bay-side Cape 
 
 208
 
 EMBARGO AND WAR 
 
 cottages, and a good demonstration of militia usually 
 frightened away landing parties. Democratic Orleans 
 "promptly and indignantly rejected" a demand for 
 ransom, and was not molested. Two girls, left in 
 charge of the Scituate Lighthouse, frightened off a 
 British barge by retiring behind a hillock and playing 
 furiously on fife and drum. 
 
 Falmouth 1 best upheld the honor of the Cape. In 
 January, 1814, the commander of H.M.S. Nimrod 
 demanded that Falmouth surrender the Nantucket 
 packet-sloop, and several pieces of artillery which had 
 been used to good effect. Weston Jenkins, shipmaster 
 and militia captain, replied, "Come on and get them!" 
 The Nimrod then stood close in shore, and after grant- 
 ing two hours' truce to remove non-combatants, bom- 
 barded the houses from noon to nightfall. Eight can- 
 non balls were lodged in one cottage alone ; but beyond 
 smashing furniture and breaking salt-vats, little dam- 
 age was done, and no lives lost. The entrenched mili- 
 tia prevented a landing. Later in the year Captain Jen- 
 kins, with a crew of neighbors in a small sloop, cut the 
 British privateer Retaliation out of Tarpaulin Cove. 
 
 Disaffection reached a dangerous point in all south- 
 ern New England during the summer and autumn of 
 1814. In addition to its original grievance against the 
 war, maritime Massachusetts felt abandoned by the 
 federal government. Her volunteers were marched off 
 to the Canadian frontier, and her coast left defenseless ; 
 while war taxes increased, and the administration 
 showed no sign of yielding its high pretensions, which 
 postponed the conclusion of peace. Interior Massa- 
 chusetts was in general of like mind ; and Connecticut 
 and Rhode Island as well. Secession from the Union 
 was openly propagated by the Federalist press; and 
 1 The village now known as Wood's Hole. 
 2C9
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 there are various indications that secession sentiment 
 had gone far among the people. According to the rec- 
 ords of the Beverly artillery company, it "exercised 
 the Gun as usual and fired a Royal Salute of 5 guns," 
 on July 4, 1814. The Newburyport Sea Fencibles, 
 composed principally of shipmasters and builders, 
 flung a five-starred, five-striped flag to the breeze 
 from Plum Island fort. 
 
 At the darkest hour of the war, when one British 
 army was massed on the Lake Champlain front, an- 
 other on its way to New Orleans, and the government 
 of the United States a refugee from the destroyed capi- 
 tal, the General Court of Massachusetts summoned 
 a New England convention at Hartford, to confer 
 not only upon military defense against the enemy, 
 but on political defense against the administration. 
 Although the moderate Federalists conceived the 
 Hartford Convention largely as a safety-valve to the 
 passions they had helped arouse, the Essex Junto 
 had other plans. Timothy Pickering, just reflected to 
 Congress by an all but unanimous vote, wished the 
 Convention to draft a new constitution, and present it 
 as a loaded pistol at the original thirteen states, with 
 the alternative of an independent New England Con- 
 federacy. John Lowell paved the way, with articles 
 and pamphlets defending the right of secession. 
 
 The unpatriotism of this programme needs no com- 
 ment. However justified the Federalist opposition to 
 the war in 1812, the war in 1814 had become a defen- 
 sive struggle against the massed resources of the Brit- 
 ish Empire. Napoleon had been disposed of. The un- 
 wisdom of secession, for communities that depended for 
 their very life on free intercourse with the other United 
 States, is equally obvious. Politicians were perhaps 
 more directly responsible for it than shipmasters; but 
 
 210
 
 EMBARGO AND WAR 
 
 the maritime interests of Massachusetts supported 
 the politicians. And among the members of the Gen- 
 eral Court who voted for a convention at Hartford 
 were merchants like T. H. Perkins, Israel Thorndike, 
 Daniel Sargent, and Captain William Sturgis. 
 
 It seems strange that a people whose sails whitened 
 every sea; whose two commercial cities, in many and 
 remote parts of the world, stood for the United States; 
 who talked familiarly of the Far West and Hawaii as 
 The Coast and The Islands; should be so narrow and 
 inflexible in their politics. Yet this attitude was 
 natural and inevitable. Ccdum non animum mutant 
 qui trans mare currunt. They that do business in great 
 waters have little in common with their land-plodding 
 countrymen. Their native land is but a resting place 
 between voyages; a wharf and shipyard and cottage by 
 the sea. New England was but a broader Nantucket, 
 where aged shipmasters could be found who knew half 
 the coral reefs of the South Sea, but had never set foot 
 in the United States. A sailor's daughter worked the 
 creed of maritime Massachusetts into her sampler: 
 
 Amy Kittredge is my name 
 Salem is my dwelling place 
 New England is my nashun 
 And Christ is my Salvation. 
 
 The Union ceased to be valuable when fresh-water 
 politicians took bread from the mouths of honest sea- 
 men. Better go it alone, a North American Denmark, 
 than stifle under the rule of scatter-brained dema- 
 gogues. 
 
 New England held her breath while the Hartford 
 Convention secretly deliberated. Its report, appearing 
 on January 6, 1815, showed that common sense and 
 moderation had gained control. The administration 
 was severely scolded, and nullification threatened if 
 
 211
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 conscription were applied. But secession was calmly 
 considered, and ruled out of practical politics. 
 
 Five weeks later, in the midst of a cold February 
 that sealed the war-bound shipping in the idle ports, 
 arrived the news of peace. From Newburyport to 
 Provincetown sped the good news; shouted along the 
 roads by stage-drivers through clouds of frozen breath, 
 blared out by rusty fishhorns, and joyously tolled by 
 meeting-house bells whose sullen silence no battle had 
 broken. For maritime Massachusetts, peace meant the 
 unlocking of prison doors ; a return to the wide arms of 
 her ocean mother.
 
 CHAPTER XIV 
 
 THE PASSING OF SALEM 
 1815-1845 
 
 THE first few years of world peace were the severest 
 test that maritime Massachusetts had ever met. New 
 conditions, foreign and domestic, required a readjust- 
 ment of her economic system. Europe at peace was re- 
 covering her own carrying trade. Only gradually did 
 England open her colonial ports to Yankee ships, and a 
 generation elapsed before new markets were found in 
 California, Australia, and South Africa. At the same 
 time the westward movement in the United States left 
 Massachusetts more remote from the center of popula- 
 tion ; and it was difficult to find artificial means to sur- 
 mount the Berkshire barrier. As places of exchange be- 
 tween the West and Europe, ports like New Orleans, 
 Baltimore, and New York with the Erie Canal, had 
 such obvious advantages over Boston and Salem that 
 it was difficult to see how Massachusetts could survive 
 as a commercial community. The futile, unpatriotic 
 policy of New England Federalism made Massachu- 
 setts the butt and scorn of her sister states, and lost 
 her, for the time being, all influence at Washington. A 
 sullen pessimism was the prevailing attitude on State 
 Street. The decline of Boston to a fourth-rate seaport, 
 and the total extinction of Salem, were confidently 
 predicted. 
 
 The younger and more far-sighted men put their 
 money and brains into making Massachusetts a manu- 
 facturing state. Embargo and war had acted as a pro- 
 hibitive tariff on English manufactures; and just be- 
 
 213
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 fore the war ended two scions of shipping families, 
 Francis C. Lowell and Patrick T. Jackson, prepared 
 against peace by setting up power looms at Waltham, 
 in the first complete American cotton factory. Against 
 the will of the shipping community, they obtained a 
 protective tariff in 1816; and within a generation the 
 manufacturing cities of Lowell, Lawrence, Chicopee, 
 and Manchester, had been established by capital ac- 
 cumulated through neutral trading. Every country 
 town with a good-sized brook or river set up a textile 
 or paper mill or iron foundry; and a similar expansion 
 in shoemaking altered the economy of fishing villages. 
 The center of interest in Massachusetts shifts from 
 wharf to waterfall; by 1840 she had become predomi- 
 nantly a manufacturing state. 
 
 Yet the same grit and enterprise that made this 
 corner of the United States into a great workshop, 
 managed to retain, and even to increase, its maritime 
 activities. The merchants could no longer obtain spe- 
 cial favors for their class. They were unable to main- 
 tain a distinct political party. Federalism, after a 
 placid and powerless Indian summer, melted into 
 dominant Republicanism by 1825. Daniel Webster, 
 the child whom it had raised, seceded to high protec- 
 tion in 1828, and Boston ratified his change by electing 
 'Nathan Appleton to Congress against Henry Lee, a 
 leading East- India merchant and brilliant writer on 
 free trade. The mercantile and shipping community 
 then made the best terms it could with the Whig 
 Party. At the price of prohibitive duties on India 
 cottons and cheap English woolens, and a heavy tariff 
 on wool, hemp, and iron, it obtained low schedules 
 for other Oriental goods, fruit and wines, and exotic 
 products that did not compete with "infant indus- 
 tries." Manufacturing stimulated the import of wool 
 
 214
 
 JOSEPH PEABODY
 
 THE PASSING OF SALEM 
 
 from Smyrna and South America, of coal from Phila- 
 delphia, and cotton from the Gulf ports and Charles- 
 ton; it provided a new export medium, domestic cot- 
 tons, which Yankee vessels introduced into the world's 
 markets; and it greatly increased the buying power of 
 New England. Many of the old mercantile families, 
 who became pioneer manufacturers, still remained 
 shipowners, reluctant to lose all touch with the element 
 that raised them from obscurity; and merchant-ship- 
 owners invested their surplus in manufacturing stock. 
 Ships lay idle when looms were still, and the ebb and 
 flow of commercial prosperity passed inland with the 
 east wind. 
 
 A surprisingly large tonnage managed to follow with 
 profit the old routes established in Federalist days; 
 proving that superior skill, not merely war conditions, 
 was at the bottom of the earlier prosperity. Boston 
 remained the principal North American emporium for 
 East-Indian, Baltic, and Mediterranean products until 
 the Civil War. And Massachusetts, though mutilated 
 by the separation of Maine in 1820, remained the lead- 
 ing shipowning state until 1843, when passed by New 
 York. Maritime history is punctuated by depressions, 
 when money was "tighter than the skin on a cat's 
 back," by periods of inflation, and by the panics of 
 1819, 1837, and 1857. But on the whole there was 
 progress, both in technique and in earnings. The usual 
 post-bellum inflation was liquidated in 1819. A toil- 
 some advance in the eighteen-twenties was followed by 
 perceptible speeding-up in the thirties, full-tide pros- 
 perity in the forties, and a glorious culmination in the 
 fifties, with the clipper ship. 
 
 Concentration was the order of the day. In her 
 struggle to keep pace with New York, Boston ab- 
 sorbed the foreign commerce and shipping of every 
 
 215
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 other Massachusetts seaport. The capital in twenty 
 years' time recovered the losses from a decade of re- 
 strictions and war. Newburyport, Beverly, Salem, 
 Marblehead, and Plymouth, after a brave effort to 
 pick up, turned to manufacturing. New Bedford and 
 Gloucester, Wellfleet and Provincetown, survived 
 through specialization in whale, mackerel, and cod- 
 fisheries. 
 
 "Newburyport has withered under the influence of 
 Boston," wrote Caleb Gushing in 1825. Her popula- 
 tion declined from 7634 in 1810 to 6375 in 1830. The 
 Middlesex Canal, by tapping the Merrimac River at 
 Chelmsford, diverted from Newburyport the lumber 
 and produce of southern New Hampshire. Portland, 
 Boothbay, and Bangor, in the thriving state of Maine, 
 were exporting their lumber and fish direct, undermin- 
 ing her West-India trade. Gloucester absorbed a large 
 part of her fisheries, and those of Ipswich as well. 
 Deep slumber rested upon Newburyport. William 
 Lloyd Garrison, the inspired printer's devil, tried to 
 arouse her with a new journal, the "Free Press." 
 High Street rubbed its eyes and rolled over, mumbling 
 "Jacobin!" Then Garrison followed the white sails to 
 Boston. 
 
 Marblehead made a brave, and partially successful, 
 effort to revive her Baltic, South American, and West- 
 Indian trade after the war. In August and September, 
 1821, she had three entries from St. Petersburg, two 
 from Brazil, and two from Martinique; all of them 
 schooners and brigantines from seventy-five to one 
 hundred tons burthen. 1 But by 1840 her most success- 
 
 1 One of them, the schooner Sarah, seventy-four tons, was the last 
 command of John Roads Russell, who as a private in Colonel Glover's 
 regiment had rowed the boat that ferried Washington across the Dela- 
 ware. 
 
 216
 
 THE PASSING OF SALEM 
 
 ful merchants, such as Robert Chamblett Hooper, had 
 moved to Boston; and the rest put their money into 
 fishing schooners and shoe shops. Lucy Larcom has 
 excited our pity for Hannah at a Window Binding 
 Shoes in Marblehead, awaiting the return of fisherman 
 Ben. Cold statistics, however, place Hannah among 
 eleven hundred Marbleheaders producing annually 
 over a million pairs of shoes, worth twice the average 
 catch of the fishing fleet. Clearly, there were no eco- 
 nomic grounds for Hannah's loneliness! 
 
 Salem as a seaport died hard. The merchant-ship- 
 ping firm of Silsbee, Stone & Pickman, formed in the 
 eighteenth century, lasted until 1893, when their (and 
 Salem 's) last square-rigger, the Mindoro, left Derby 
 Wharf to become a coal barge. Yet Salem was pros- 
 trated by the war. Her overseas trading fleet declined 
 from 182 sail in 1807 to 57 in 1815, and never again did 
 she attain the tonnage or the entries of pre-embargo 
 days. William Gray's departure to Boston in 1808 be- 
 gan a process that did not stop. The removal of an- 
 other leading family of merchants and shipmasters 
 
 Old Low, old Low's son, 
 
 Never saw so many Lows since the world begun 
 
 to Brooklyn about 1825, where they established the 
 merchant-shipping firm of A. A. Low & Brother, was a 
 typical event of the period following 1815. "Nearly 
 half our commerce and capital are employed in other 
 ports," stated a Salem newspaper in 1833. 
 
 It became the practice for a Salem East-Indiaman to 
 make two or three round voyages before returning to 
 the home port, in the meantime piling up a balance 
 for the owner at the London banking house of George 
 Peabody. This famous son of Essex County was born 
 of poor parents in 1795, in the part of Danvers after- 
 
 217
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 wards given his name. His first fortune was made in a 
 mercantile business at Baltimore, between 1815 and 
 1837, when he established himself in London as a com- 
 petitor to Baring Brothers. Being a bachelor, George 
 Peabody gave or bequeathed the bulk of his fortune, 
 eight and a half million dollars, to the various funds, 
 libraries, institutes, and museums that now bear his 
 name. His partner and successor, Junius Spencer 
 Morgan, left a son. 
 
 Joseph Peabody, a cousin of George, was the wealth- 
 iest merchant-shipowner of Salem between the em- 
 bargo and 1845. He emphatically did not belong to the 
 class described by Hawthorne, whose "ventures go to 
 swell, needlessly and imperceptibly, the mighty flood 
 of commerce at New York and Boston." His brig Le- 
 ander, 223 tons, built at Salem in 1821, made twenty- 
 six voyages to Europe, Asia Minor, Africa, and the 
 Far East in the twenty-three years of her life. His ship 
 George made twenty-one round voyages from Salem to 
 Calcutta between 1815 and 1837, with such regularity 
 that she was called the "Salem Frigate." l Salem ves- 
 sels were always manned in part by local boys, but the 
 George was a veritable training ship. No less than 
 twenty-six mates and forty-five captains graduated 
 from the forecastle of this floating bit of Essex County. 
 
 "Capt. West is respected & loved by every man on board," writes 
 John Lovett, her Beverly supercargo, from Leghorn in 1818. "And 
 I must say I think there is but few better men in Beverly, than Mr. 
 Endicott [the first officer] is. We have an excellent crew they are 
 all young & very smart, & noisy enough. It is always ' drive on boys ! ' 
 Whether to work, or to play, in the heat or cold, wet or dry. Oh the 
 
 1 The ship George was 1 10 feet, 10 inches by 27 feet by 13 feet, 6 inches, 
 328 tons, and somewhat of a Baltimore clipper model. Built at Salem 
 for a privateer in 1814, she was purchased by Mr. Peabody for $5250. 
 It is said that she made Salem in forty-one days from the Cape of Good 
 Hope in 1831. 
 
 218
 
 THE PASSING OF SALEM 
 
 passage the Capt. wished us to take care of ourselves, when the 
 weather was bad the Ship was all under water and then he would call 
 every man from the deck & forecastle to sleep in the cabin and then 
 he was obliged to lay with us himself to keep peace that the Super- 
 cargo & mates might sleep. We have discharged the principal part 
 of our Cargo, and taken in some goods for Calcutta." 
 
 On arrival there, he writes, "There are now four ships 
 in this port belonging to Mr. Peabody. . . . There are a 
 great many Beverly men of my acquaintance in this 
 place." 
 
 For several years Joseph Peabody competed in the 
 China trade, and continued the famous pepper trade 
 between Salem and Sumatra. It was in 1830 that his 
 ship Friendship was attacked and captured by natives, 
 off the village of Quallah-Battoo. 
 
 Salem had not yet spent her maritime energy. The 
 palm-tree, Parsee, and ship on her new city seal repre- 
 sented something more than a tradition. Salem men 
 and Salem vessels were still seeking the spoil of Ind, 
 usque ad ultimum sinum. They clung to their Oriental 
 specialties, like the Northwest Sumatra pepper trade, 
 as barnacles to a ship's bottom ; and taught new black 
 and brown peoples that Salem meant America. One of 
 our most interesting books of American voyages, "The 
 History of a Voyage to the China Sea," by Lieutenant 
 John White, .U.S.N., records a Salem adventure in the 
 brig Franklin, which sailed up-river to Saigon in 1819, 
 and opened Cochin-China to American commerce. 
 The Fiji Islands were repeatedly visited, in spite of 
 their danger. Nathaniel L. Rogers 's brig Charles Dog- 
 gett, William Driver master, lost five of her crew at 
 Fiji in 1833. In the very same month that Mr. Knight, 
 of Salem, chief mate of the Friendship, was done in by 
 Malays at Quallah-Battoo, his brother Enoch was 
 killed by Penrhyn Island savages on board Joseph 
 
 219
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Peabody's ship Glide. In the interesting sailor's narra- 
 tive of that disaster we find the best description of the 
 Fiji trepang or beech-de-mer trade, which was mo- 
 nopolized by about six Salem vessels until the Civil 
 War. Cannibal chiefs, warriors, women and children, 
 tempted by trinkets and Yankee notions, came from a 
 radius of a hundred miles to gather the delectable sea- 
 cucumber, which the Salem men boiled in 'pot-houses' 
 and cured in ' batter-houses ' erected on shore. The re- 
 sultant trepang, to the annual value of thirty thousand 
 dollars, was carried to Manila or Canton, whence it 
 found its way into soup at mandarin banquets. Occa- 
 sionally the proletariat of Fiji would unite, and make 
 Salem stew in the 'pot-houses,' but the Salem men 
 came back, and brought their wives. 
 
 Several of these brave ladies of the sea, to our ulti- 
 mate profit, were bitten by the literary microbe so 
 common in New England of their day. Mrs. Captain 
 Wallis, of the barque Zotoff, published an interesting 
 "Life in the Feejees." Miss Lowe, in a delightfully 
 girlish journal, has described life in the foreign settle- 
 ment at Macao ; and her friend Mrs. William Cleveland 
 made colored sketches of Macao types and incidents. 
 A brief manuscript journal of her voyage to Timor, 
 Macao, and Rio Janeiro also survives. Sailing from 
 Salem in the ship Zephyr commanded by her husband, 
 on October 29, 1828, they made Timor in the excellent 
 time of eighty-nine days, and touched at various small 
 islands and harbors to obtain sandalwood. At Dilli she 
 sketched the process; the Portuguese governor, clad in 
 a scarlet silk shirt and white nankeen pantaloons, is re- 
 clining in a hammock slung between two palm-trees, 
 watching his subjects loading sandalwood logs on the 
 Zephyr's tender. 
 
 "If the natives on the West Coast of Africa have 
 
 220
 
 THE PASSING OF SALEM 
 
 been temperate," remarks a historian of Salem, "they 
 have been so in spite of the efforts of the Salem mer- 
 chants to supply them with the materials for intemper- 
 ance. . . . Salem has contributed largely to spread a 
 knowledge of the virtue and good qualities of New 
 England rum, of the astounding effects of gunpowder, 
 and of the consoling influences of Virginia tobacco, 
 among the savage tribes of the West Coast." 1 There 
 were 558 arrivals at Salem from that part of the world 
 between 1832 and 1864. It was an alongshore bartering 
 business, to obtain ivory, gold dust, palm-oil, peanuts, 
 and camwood. Small brigs and schooners, often com- 
 manded by their owners, made Africa somewhere 
 about Sierra Leone, traded along the Guinea, Libe- 
 rian, Ivory and Gold Coasts, and as far east as Akessa. 
 At the larger places business was transacted through 
 local merchants; but at the smaller trading stations 
 the appearance of a Salem brig was a signal for the 
 Kroomen to launch their long trading canoes through 
 the surf. A sable potentate, dressed perhaps in a cast- 
 off naval jacket, a hussar's helmet, and a loin-cloth, 
 would be received on board and suitably 'dashed' 
 (West Coast for tipped), to obtain his gracious per- 
 mission for shipboard dicker, while the vessel lay at 
 anchor or hove to. At Grand Bassam "we got a little 
 ivory and camphor wood and a plenty of noise and 
 begging," writes the mate of the African trading brig 
 Neptune of Salem. "They always bring empty jugs 
 with them if nothing else and plague a man's soul to 
 death with entreaties to fill them with rum and gin and 
 give them a little tobacco. A person may judge of the 
 
 1 To which list they might have added cottons, wooden clocks, brass 
 pans and other 'dicker* for the natives; and furniture, shoes, and pro- 
 visions for the European residents. I have found no instance of Salem 
 vessels engaging in the slave-trade at this period. 
 
 221
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 pleasure and satisfaction we have in trading with them 
 by supposing himself on board a vessel and from one to 
 three hundred naked niggers on deck and every one of 
 them howling with the full strength of their lungs to 
 make themselves heard." 
 
 This fever-infested coast was dangerous alike for 
 seamen and for vessels. Harbors there were none, and 
 the Salem brigs often needed their best seamanship to 
 claw out of an anchorage that became a lee shore in a 
 sudden change of wind, great rollers booming in at 
 short notice, and breaking in forty feet of water. Yet 
 the West Africa trade afforded a good living to many 
 swapping Yankees, who had insufficient capital for the 
 grand routes of commerce. 
 
 It was in the early thirties that the smaller Salem 
 shipowners began trading with Madagascar, and with 
 the neighboring island of Zanzibar. There they ac- 
 quired the friendship of the Sultan, Seyyid Said, and 
 monopolized the export of copal, a basic gum for var- 
 nish. An important local industry grew out of this 
 trade. Jonathan Whipple discovered a new and cheap 
 method of cleaning copal, about 1835, and about a 
 million and a half pounds of the gum passed annually 
 through his shop on the Salem water-front between 
 1845 and 1861. 
 
 Salem's vicinity to the Danvers tanpits and the cob- 
 blers' shops of Essex County, enabled her to hold a 
 place in the South American hide trade, which led to 
 the creation of a new American industry. According to 
 local tradition it was Captain Benjamin Upton who 
 brought from Para, Brazil, in 1824, the first consign- 
 ment of pure gum 'rubbers.' Although heavy and 
 clumsy, stiff as iron in cold, and liable to melt in warm 
 weather, these overshoes proved just the thing for 
 navigating the slushy streets of Salem in winter. The 
 
 222
 
 THE PASSING OF SALEM 
 
 local merchants, sensing a new trade, sent Lynn lasts 
 to Para, and thereby procured a better fit of rubber 
 overshoes than the original native product. The Para 
 customs records show that between 1836 and 1842, 
 that port sent three quarters of a million pairs of pure 
 gum overshoes to Salem, almost as much as to all other 
 places combined. Thus began a new branch of the 
 New England shoe industry, and the first step towards 
 Charles Goodyear's momentous discovery, in 1839, of 
 the vulcanization of rubber. 
 
 About 1845 the control of the Para rubber trade 
 passed to New York, which gradually absorbed most of 
 Salem 's South American commerce, except a part of the 
 hides needed for local consumption. Direct voyages 
 from Salem to Manila continued until 1858; the ship 
 St. Paul, owned by Stephen C. Phillips, making twelve 
 round voyages in thirteen years. Salem clung desper- 
 ately to her minor specialties, such as the trade with 
 Fiji, Zanzibar, and the West Coast of Africa. But 
 these were poor substitutes for the Calcutta, the China, 
 and the Sumatra voyages, which ended with the death 
 of Joseph Peabody in 1844. Although for fifty years 
 thereafter a dwindling number of Salem firms traded 
 with the Far East, Salem ceased to be an important 
 seaport in 1845. 
 
 That was the very year when President Polk ap- 
 pointed Nathaniel Hawthorne surveyor of the port of 
 Salem; in 1849 President Taylor removed him. In 
 "The Scarlet Letter," which Hawthorne then wrote to 
 replace official emoluments, he draws a true and en- 
 during picture of Salem's gentle decay. The last en- 
 tries from a dozen ports of world commerce had lately 
 been recorded in the custom house, where Hawthorne 
 dreamed away the idle days between the arrival of 
 occasional hide ships, West Coast brigs, and Nova 
 
 223
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Scotia wood schooners. In 1848, with the establish- 
 ment of the Naumkeag Steam Cotton Mills, Salem en- 
 tered the factory era; and a fluttering drone of spin- 
 dles began to dominate the empty harbor and idle 
 wharves.
 
 CHAPTER XV 
 
 THE HUB OF THE UNIVERSE 
 1830-1845 
 
 BOSTON STATE-HOUSE is the hub of the solar system. You could n't 
 pry that out of a Boston man if you had the tire of all creation 
 straightened out for a crowbar. (The Autocrat of the Breakfast Table.) 
 
 WHILE foreign trade slipped away from the smaller 
 seaports of Massachusetts, and riverside villages be- 
 came manufacturing cities, Boston commerce in- v 
 creased to an extent undreamed of in Federalist days. 
 Without annexing territory, Boston grew from forty- 
 three thousand to sixty-one thousand souls between 
 1820 and 1830, passed the hundred-thousand mark 
 about 1842, and increased over sixty per cent in the 
 fifteen prosperous years that followed. In shipping 
 and foreign commerce she managed to remain a good 
 second to New York, despite the geographical ad- 
 vantages of Philadelphia, Baltimore, and New Orleans. 
 Never before or since had Boston Harbor been so 
 crowded, or the waterfront so congested with sailing 
 vessels. 1 In 1806, the banner year of neutral trade, one 
 thousand and eighty-three sail entered Boston from 
 foreign ports. In the eighteen-thirties the yearly aver- 
 
 1 Average annual arrivals from foreign ports at Boston, by decades: 
 1790-1800 1800-10 1810-20 1820-30 1830-35 1835-41 
 569 789 610 787 1199 1473 
 
 Annual arrivals of coasting vessels at Boston: 
 
 1830 1840 1844 1849 1851 
 
 2938 4406 5312 6199 6334 
 
 From Hazard's U.S. Register, VI, 32, and Boston Shipping List and Price 
 Current, January 3, 1852. 
 
 225
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 age almost attained fifteen hundred, and the average 
 size of vessels was growing as well. Coastwise arrivals 
 increased in the same proportion; and by 1844, when a 
 new and even greater era began, fifteen vessels entered 
 and left the harbor for every day in the year. 
 
 At the same time Boston had become the financial 
 center for New England manufacturing, with a bank- 
 ing system that withstood the panic of 1837; and itself 
 a manufacturing city for Yankee notions, in both 
 senses of the word. Next door to the Boston merchants 
 lived the Boston reformers and poets. Not that they 
 were any more welcome than before 1815; but some- 
 how they appeared ; and not infrequently in the midst 
 of a shocked shipping family. 
 
 Old Boston was very young in 1840. "Here was the 
 moving principle itself," wrote Emerson, "a living 
 mind agitating the mass and always afflicting the con- 
 servative class with some odious novelty or other." 
 Here, in 1832, young Emerson himself challenged the 
 past by resigning the pastorate of the Second Church. 
 Within a quarter-mile of State Street was the obscure 
 hole where 'the freedom of a race began,' when in 1831 
 young Garrison composed, set up, and printed the first 
 number of "The Liberator." Wendell Phillips, off- 
 spring of all that was worthy and respectable on Bea- 
 con Hill, became Garrison's convert after seeing him 
 mobbed by counting-room clerks. Under the very hub 
 itself began a new chapter in education, when Hor- 
 ace Mann, in 1837, became chairman of a new state 
 board. The education of the blind had already begun 
 through the concentrated brains, money, and benevo- 
 lence of Samuel Gridley Howe and Thomas Handasyd 
 Perkins. Longfellow, son of a member of the Hartford 
 Convention, was domiciled under the Cambridge elms 
 in 1836; and Prescott, whose father belonged to the 
 
 226
 
 THE HUB OF THE UNIVERSE 
 
 same council of elders, produced his "Ferdinand and 
 Isabella" the following year. In Faneuil Hall, in 1845, 
 Charles Sumner flung down his challenge to milita- 
 rism, which James Russell Lowell mercilessly satirized 
 in the "Biglow Papers." Henry Thoreau, in the mean- 
 time, had found a new way of life at Concord, and 
 Brook Farm had flourished and collapsed. 
 
 There is little connection, to be sure, between the 
 maritime history of Massachusetts and these high 
 lights of reform, revolt, and letters. Commercial Bos- 
 ton published their books, and financed such of their 
 efforts as came under patchwork philanthropy ; but for 
 the most part ridiculed, condemned, or ignored. In all 
 New England letters there is no genuine sea poetry; l 
 nothing to equal the rollicking chanties that the com- 
 mon seamen improvised. Yet maritime Massachu- 
 setts became articulate in Dana's "Two Years Before 
 the Mast" and Melville's "Moby Dick." What sea- 
 faring people, in the nineteenth century, has left prose 
 monuments to compare with these? Dana, too, must 
 be counted among the New England reformers. Many 
 well-meaning people endeavored to save Jack's soul, 
 philanthropists provided him with a snug harbor for 
 his old age; Dana endeavored to obtain him justice. 
 
 New York was the only successful rival to Boston 
 among North American ports, if one takes shipping as 
 well as commerce into consideration. Her exports 
 steadily advanced, while those of Boston remained 
 stationary; for Boston, as usual, lacked a good export 
 medium. 2 The imports of Boston increased, but New 
 
 1 Longfellow's "Building of the Ship "and Whittier's" Legends of New 
 England" perhaps might be stretched into this class, and Holmes's 
 prose passage on "Sea and Mountains" in The Autocrat, paper xi. In 
 general, however, the New England poets' attitude toward the sea is 
 that of a summer boarder who is afraid to get his feet wet. 
 
 1 New England manufactures were absorbed largely by the domestic 
 
 227
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 York's increased still more, and by 1845 the Empire 
 State had a greater fleet than that of Massachusetts. 
 To the extraordinary commercial growth of New 
 York, the Bay State was a leading contributor. Many 
 of the famous New York shipbuilders and merchants 
 were Massachusetts men. "What aided in making 
 great merchants in this city thirty years ago," wrote 
 the author of "Old Merchants of New York City" in 
 1863, "was their having foreign or New England con- 
 nections. Most of the shipping was owned in these 
 eastern places, and consequently the merchant in New 
 York who had the most extensive eastern connec- 
 tions did the largest business." "It is well known," 
 writes another Manhattan expert in 1844, "that one- 
 third of the commerce of New York, from 1839 to 
 1842, was carried either upon Massachusetts' account, 
 or in Massachusetts vessels." Eighty-three per cent 
 of Boston's imports were on local account; i.e., pur- 
 chased abroad by Boston firms. But only twenty- 
 three per cent of New York's imports were owned 
 by New-Yorkers. Manhattan's geographical position 
 was such that all the world. poured gold into her lap. 
 Boston's growth resulted entirely from local enter- 
 prise. 
 
 Shipping is the main explanation of Boston's suc- 
 cessful rivalry with her other American competitors. 
 A large proportion of the American merchant marine 
 was still owned by Boston merchants, who preferred to 
 handle the cargoes themselves rather than give Phila- 
 delphia or Baltimore the profits of distribution. The 
 ability of her merchant-shipowners to earn freights, to 
 
 market. The average yearly export of domestic cottons from Boston was 
 only about $2,250,000 between 1848 and 1856, although Massachusetts 
 and New Hampshire together produced cotton goods to the value of 
 $28,500,000 in 1850. 
 
 228
 
 THE HUB OF THE UNIVERSE 
 
 gather in cargoes from all parts of the world, and to 
 find the right market, lay at the very root of Boston's 
 success. 
 
 The old commercial spirit kept Boston abreast of 
 modern improvements, provided harbor and railroad 
 facilities, built larger and faster vessels, and estab- 
 lished packet-lines. Boston's "principal advantage for 
 the security of vessels," wrote a New-Yorker in I844, 1 
 "and it is one that distinguishes this port from other 
 principal ports of our country," is her "numerous 
 docks, which are constructed with solid strength, and 
 run far up into the city. These are bordered by con- 
 tinuous blocks of warehouses, either of brick or Quincy 
 granite, which have an appearance of remarkable uni- 
 formity, solidity, and permanence. By the arrange- 
 ment of these docks the numerous vessels, whose trac- 
 ery of spars and cordage line them on either side, may 
 unship their cargoes at the very doors of the bordering 
 warehouses, and receive in return their supplies for 
 foreign ports with the utmost security and dispatch." 
 
 Central Wharf, built in 1819, with fifty-four brick 
 stores running down its center for a quarter of a mile, 
 was a fitting companion to India Wharf. In its upper 
 stories were three great halls for auction sales, and in 
 its octagonal cupola the headquarters of the "Sema- 
 phore Telegraph Company," to which the approach 
 of vessels was signaled from Telegraph Hill in Hull. 2 
 Below, as on India Wharf, were warehouses, whole- 
 sale stores, and counting-rooms of leading mercantile 
 firms. Here cargoes from all parts of the world were 
 bought and sold and accounted for, without the aid of 
 steam heat, clacking typewriter, and office system. An 
 
 1 James H. Lanman, in Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, x (1844). 
 1 Central Wharf is shown on the left of Salmon's painting of the 
 Wharves of Boston. 
 
 229
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 odor of tar and hemp, mingled with spicy suggestions 
 from the merchandise stored above, pervaded every- 
 thing. Respectable men clerks (female clerks, sir? 
 would you have female sailors?) on high stools were 
 constantly writing in the calf-bound letter-books, 
 ledgers, and waste-books, or delving in the neat 
 wooden chests that enclosed the records of each par- 
 ticular vessel. Owners, some crabbed and crusty, others 
 with the manners of a merchant prince, received you 
 before blazing open fires of hickory or cannel coal, in 
 rooms adorned with portraits and half-models of ves- 
 sels. Through the small-paned windows one could see 
 the firm's new ship being rigged under the owner's eye. 
 The invention and quick application of steam rail- 
 roads was a great aid to the commerce of Boston. After 
 playing with the idea of a Boston and Albany canal, 
 Massachusetts wisely accepted the veto of her topogra- 
 phy. In 1825 the Quincy Granite Railway, a short 
 gravity tramway connecting granite quarries with 
 tidewater, was financed by Thomas Handasyd Perkins. 
 Further progress was delayed for several years, but by 
 1841 railroads spread fan wise from Boston to Salem 
 and Portsmouth, New Hampshire, to Lowell and other 
 manufacturing centers, to Providence and to Albany. 
 Other local lines, like the Old Colony to Plymouth, 
 soon followed. The Western Railroad, Boston's single 
 connection with the West, was badly managed, and 
 sent very little through freight to her wharves until 
 after the Civil War, when the first grain elevator was 
 erected on the harbor front. But the others, with 
 water-front termini at Boston, and (in 1850) a belt- 
 line connecting all with each other and the wharves, 
 distributed incoming cargoes to inland points, and 
 brought miscellaneous products of farm and forest, 
 home workshop and factory, to Boston warehouses. 
 
 230
 
 THE HUB OF THE UNIVERSE 
 
 More important than the railroads as distributing 
 agencies were the sailing packets. Every tidewater 
 village between Eastport and Provincetown, and many 
 beyond, had a packet-sloop plying to Boston. Even 
 nearby Hanover found it cheaper to send packet-sloops 
 down the tortuous course of the North River and 
 around the Cohasset reefs to Boston, than to use the 
 road. Plymouth, in 1830, had a population less than 
 five thousand ; but six sloops of sixty tons each were em- 
 ployed as Boston packets, exchanging local products 
 for raw materials used in the textile, iron, and cordage 
 factories; two schooners of ninety tons plied around 
 the Cape to Nantucket, New Bedford, and New York; 
 and three other vessels brought lumber from Maine. 
 A study of our coasting trade would reveal many 
 quaint characters, and curious trade routes. Skipper 
 Brightman, of Westport, for instance, collected fresh 
 eggs from the surrounding country, and took them to 
 Providence market in his sloop ; he calculated that by 
 1840 he had transported at least three million and a 
 half eggs. Hingham maintained rival Republican and 
 Federalist lines of Boston packets; and so high ran 
 political feeling that if a Federalist missed his boat he 
 would spend the night on Long Wharf rather than 
 take the Jacobin sloop. The Federalist Rapid, built in 
 1811, long outlasted her party, continuing in service 
 until the Civil War. 
 
 Short local lines like these had existed since colonial 
 days, and in the Federalist era there had been "con- 
 stant traders," as they were advertised, which took 
 freight to New York, Albany, Philadelphia, Alexan- 
 dria, and Baltimore. Innovations of the era of peace 
 were regular packet-lines l to Southern ports and to 
 
 1 A packet-line, as the term was understood before the Civil War, 
 meant two or more vessels whose owners advertised sailings to desig- 
 
 231
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Liverpool. By 1844 we find advertised in the Boston 
 papers the " Regular " line, with four vessels running to 
 Havana, and others to Alexandria and Washington, to 
 Savannah, and every ten days to New Orleans ("The 
 ship has fine 'tween decks for dry goods, shoes, &c."). 
 Allen & Weltch are running packets to Norfolk, Mo- 
 bile, and to New Orleans ("elegant and extensive 
 accomodation, no ice or lime taken"). Nathaniel 
 Winsor competes for the New Orleans, the Savannah, 
 and the Mobile traffic; A. C. Lombard's line runs to 
 Charleston, Benjamin Bruce's to Mobile, W. B. Ken- 
 dall's to Savannah, and Reed's to Norfolk, City Point, 
 and Richmond; Baltimore is served by the Manufac- 
 turers', the Union, and the Despatch lines; four differ- 
 ent lines run to Philadelphia, and at least five to New 
 York. 
 
 Since colonial days there had been constant traders 
 between Boston and Liverpool and London; but the 
 famous Black Ball Line of New York, established in 
 1816, was the pioneer transatlantic packet-line under 
 the American flag. The Boston & Liverpool Packet 
 Company was founded in 1822, with four new ships 
 named after jewels, one of which, the Boston-built 
 Emerald 1 made an extraordinary passage from Liver- 
 pool to Boston under Captain Philip Fox, of Cohasset. 
 Leaving Liverpool on February 20, 1824, at 3 P.M., 
 she stayed with an easterly gale all the way, and car- 
 ried sail enough to keep her lee rail buried until 3 P.M. 
 March 8, when she hove to for a pilot off Boston 
 Light, just seventeen days out. Three hours later 
 she anchored below Fort Independence. The owners 
 
 nated ports, on schedules as regular as wind and weather permitted; and 
 which depended for their profit on freight and passengers furnished by 
 the public, rather than goods shipped on their owners' account. 
 1 Length no feet, breadth 27 feet, tonnage 359. 
 
 232
 
 
 BRIG MERCURY OF BOSTON ENTERING ELSINORE ROADS, 1825 
 
 
 PACKET SHIP EMERALD OF BOSTON
 
 THE HUB OF THE UNIVERSE 
 
 thought she had returned from some mishap on her 
 outward passage, and would hardly believe Captain 
 Fox until he handed them some Liverpool papers of 
 the day he sailed. 
 
 Captain Fox was an early example of that breed of 
 sea-captains called 'drivers,' for in 1819 he had made 
 a similar passage only a few hours longer, in the Merri- 
 mac-built ship Herald, 302 tons. Neither vessel ever 
 showed much speed under other masters. To appreci- 
 ate his achievement we must remember that the 
 Emerald's record for a westward transatlantic passage 
 was seldom, perhaps only once, surpassed by a sailing 
 vessel, and then by a clipper ship five times her size. 1 
 
 The Boston & Liverpool Packet Company failed 
 very shortly, and was succeeded by a new line in 1827, 
 for which several packet-ships of about 425 tons each 
 were built to order at Medford and Boston. The ac- 
 commodation plans of one of these, the Dover (121 feet 
 long, built at Charlestown by John M. Robertson in 
 1828), show a forty- five foot main cabin with eleven 
 staterooms about six feet square; a library, wine and 
 spirit room, covered deck abaft the mainmast, for 
 passengers' use and a "bathing room" (by the bucket 
 method probably) on the port quarter. The charge 
 for cabin passage was $140, including "mattresses, 
 bedding, wines, and all other stores." 
 
 1 Captain Clark (Clipper Ship Era, 247) states that the record is fif- 
 teen days Rock Light to Sandy Hook, made by the Andrew Jackson 
 (1676 tons) in 1860. The famous Dreadnought's fastest westward passage 
 was nineteen days. For a good example of the untrustworthiness of 
 second-hand and subsequent statements of sailing ships' records, com- 
 pare the yarns about the Emerald's passage in R. W. Emerson's Journals, 
 in, 204 (told him in 1833 on shipboard); Nathaniel Spooner, Gleanings 
 from the Records of the Boston Marine Society (1879), 98; H. A. Hill, 
 Trade and Commerce of Boston (1894), 121, with Edmund P. Collier (who 
 took the pains to examine contemporary and reliable sources), Cohasset's 
 Deep-Sea Captains, 13. 
 
 233
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Both packet-lines succumbed for the same cause: 
 Boston's inability to furnish return cargoes. England, 
 unlike the Baltic and Mediterranean, imported her 
 East- and West-Indian goods in her own bottoms. No 
 money could be made in the miscellaneous notions 
 sassafras, corn husks, cow horns, and rubber shoes 
 that Boston was shipping to Liverpool at this period. 
 The packets were forced to Southern ports for an out- 
 ward cargo of cotton; and this detour lost them their 
 passenger business. Not until 1844, when the Train 
 Line was founded, did Boston get a Liverpool sailing 
 packet service of any vitality. 
 
 As early as 1825 the Boston merchants began to talk 
 of a transatlantic steamship line. The matter had to 
 wait until Samuel Cunard founded his North American 
 Royal Mail Steam Packet Company, in 1839. Greatly 
 to the delight of Bostonians, Mr. Cunard chose their 
 city as his United States terminus. A wharf and docks 
 at East Boston were leased to him rent free; and on 
 June 2, 1840, the pioneer Cunarder Unicorn, 700 tons, 
 entered the harbor. Boston had hardly recovered 
 from the banquets given in her honor when the Bri- 
 tannia steamed in, bearing Mr. Cunard himself; and 
 a new set of festivities commenced. A fortnightly 
 schedule of side-wheelers was soon established, greatly 
 to the disgust of New York, which had only one trans- 
 atlantic steam packet to Boston's four. In January, 
 1844, when Boston Harbor froze out to Fort Inde- 
 pendence an event that comes hardly once a genera- 
 tion the local merchants, to escape the jeers of New 
 York, had a channel cut for the Britannia to get to sea. 
 
 The average length of the first thirty passages of 
 Cunard liners to Boston, including the stop at Halifax, 
 was one hour less than fifteen days. Within a decade, 
 the time had been reduced by thirty hours. Rarely a 
 
 234
 
 THE HUB OF THE UNIVERSE 
 
 sailing packet would make better time than this on an 
 eastward passage; but for westward passages the 
 Emerald's record was never surpassed by a packet- 
 ship, and seldom approached. The average was nearer 
 forty days. A great Train packet-ship in the fifties 
 once took fifty-six days to make Boston against west- 
 erly gales, and a New York liner once required sixteen 
 weeks. The sufferings of the Irish immigrants, who 
 came to Boston in these and even less speedy and com- 
 modious sailing vessels, were hardly inferior to those 
 of the seventeenth-century Puritans who founded our 
 first settlements. 
 
 The maritime enterprise of Massachusetts seemed 
 to crumple up before the problem of steam navigation. 
 On western waters the steamboat became an estab- 
 lished institution before the Peace of Ghent; but Yan- 
 kees, for a generation after, regarded a steamer trip as 
 a reckless form of sport. They felt much safer under 
 sail. The shipwrecks on a lee shore, broachings-to and 
 "all hands lost," of which the interior read with horror, 
 seemed light risks in comparison with bursting boilers, 
 scalding steam, and "burning to the water's edge." 
 Even within my recollection, old ladies would ask for 
 a stateroom on the Bangor boat "as far as possible 
 from the boiler." 
 
 Coastwise steam packet-lines were established very 
 slowly. In 1 8 1 7 a group of Salem men purchased in New 
 York the steamboat Massachusetts, and attempted 
 to establish a route between Salem and Boston. Al- 
 though they advertised liberally in the newspapers, 
 offering the public a trip around the bay at a dollar a 
 head, no 'write-up' appeared, or passengers either. 
 The Salem "Gazette" even described a "melancholy 
 occurrence" on the Potomac, a steamboat accident 
 with details "too shocking to relate," at a time when 
 
 235
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 the Massachusetts was trying to drum up trade. She 
 was sold to the southward, and wrecked. A New 
 Bed ford-Nan tucket service was attempted the next 
 year in the Eagle, but withdrawn for want of patron- 
 age. A tiny steam tug, the Merrimack, was placed on 
 the Middlesex Canal in 1818, and several times at- 
 tained Concord, New Hampshire ; but proved a finan- 
 cial failure. 
 
 Beyond a daily summer service to Nahant, wliich 
 began in 1818, Boston had no steamboat facilities until 
 1824, when a Maine corporation established a line 
 from Boston 'down East.' The Medford-built steam- 
 boat Patent left Boston every Tuesday for Portland 
 and Bath. There one could transfer to the steamboat 
 Maine (a local product of two schooners' hulls, fas- 
 tened catamaran fashion), for Boothbay, Owl's Head, 
 Camden, Belfast, Sedgwick, Cranberry Isles, Lubec, 
 and Eastport. The entire journey consumed five days, 
 spending the nights in harbors along the coast. A di- 
 rect line to the Penobscot was established in 1833, 
 with the steamboat Bangor. Replaced by a larger boat 
 in 1842, and sold to the Turkish government, this 160- 
 foot sidewheeler cheerfully proceeded to Constanti- 
 nople under her own steam, calling for coal at Nova 
 Scotia, Fayal, Gibraltar, and Malta. 
 
 The remaining story of Massachusetts steam navi- 
 gation before 1860 is one of costly failures in transat- 
 lantic enterprises, ambitious projects that came to 
 nothing, and a slow improvement in the down East, 
 Nantucket and Long Island Sound service. Down to 
 the Civil War steam played a very small part in the 
 commerce of Massachusetts. 
 
 236
 
 THE HUB OF THE UNIVERSE 
 
 Boston of 1 830, already outgrown her original penin- 
 sula, was unable to make land fast enough to prevent 
 both commerce and population spilling over into 
 near-by islands and necks. Charlestown was more 
 populous in 1860 than the whole of Boston in 1800; 
 and East Boston, which as Noddle's Island had just 
 twenty-four inhabitants in 1825, passed the fifteen 
 thousand mark within thirty years. East Boston owed 
 its sudden rise to a shipbuilding industry, which in 
 twenty years' time produced the finest sailing ships 
 that the world had ever seen. Owing to lack of timber, 
 which all New England shipyards had drawn from 
 their immediate neighborhood and back-country, Bos- 
 ton had declined as a shipbuilding center. In 1834 the 
 pioneers of East Boston purchased land and erected 
 a sawmill on Grand Island in Niagara River, transport- 
 ing the timber to Boston by Erie Canal and Albany 
 sailing packet. When Samuel Hall, of the old North 
 River breed of master builders, established a yard at 
 East Boston in 1837, the future of that place was 
 assured. 
 
 No sooner had Boston acquired a municipal govern- 
 ment than it resumed the process of pulling itself a few 
 yards nearer the sea, by filling in the old Town Cove, 
 whose creeks and docks ran up into the heart of the 
 city. Josiah Quincy, the second mayor, turned out to 
 be as far-sighted and enterprising in municipal affairs 
 as he had been narrow-minded and reactionary in the 
 affairs of the nation. His monument is Quincy Market 
 and the surroundings; completed in 1827 at a cost of 
 over a million dollars. Unlike modern municipal im- 
 provements, Quincy Market not only paid for itself, 
 but has returned a handsome income to the city. A 
 stone's throw from the market was a new town wharf, 
 where market boats could land their provisions. Com- 
 
 237
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 mercial Street was laid out to the northward along the 
 heads of the wharves, filling up many a noisome dock 
 on its way. To the southward, India and Broad 
 Streets made the water-front until Atlantic Avenue 
 cut off another bight of harbor in 1868. 
 
 Charles Bulfinch was employed in Washington from 
 1817 to 1830, and made few designs after his return. 
 The mode of his successors in the public architecture 
 of Boston, Isaiah Rogers, Ammi B. Young, and Alex- 
 ander Parris, was the neo-classic, with heavy Doric 
 pillars and pediment; -their material, smooth Quincy 
 granite, a stone without the mineral constituents to 
 acquire an agreeable patina, but which takes on a cer- 
 tain dingy impressiveness with age. Their masterpiece 
 was the "new Custom House" constructed between 
 1837 and 1848 at the head of the tongue of water be- 
 tween Central and Long Wharfs. Its classic pediment 
 and monolithic granite pillars each brought from 
 Quincy by thirty-two yoke of oxen now mask the 
 foundations of the twentieth-century Custom House 
 Tower. 
 
 The center of mercantile and municipal Boston in 
 1840 was the Old State House, at the head of State 
 Street. Built in 1748 to house the Province govern- 
 ment, its walls had once resounded with the eloquence 
 of Otis and the Adamses. After the state government 
 had moved to its Bulfinch front on Beacon Hill, the 
 Old State House became the town, and subsequently 
 the city hall. But there was plenty ot room to spare. 
 The small size, and still more the modest government 
 of the Boston of 1840, is brought home to us when we 
 find that this three-story brick building, no by 38 
 feet, housed not only the municipal government, but 
 the post-office and a merchants' club. In the ground- 
 floor room at the Washington Street end, Nathaniel 
 
 238
 
 THE HUB OF THE UNIVERSE 
 
 Greene, with fifteen other deserving Democrats, a 
 messenger and a porter, handled Boston's mail. Over- 
 head was the hall of the Common Council. Opposite, 
 in the old Council Chamber, "the chief magistrate of 
 the city, together with the City Clerk, remain through 
 the day in the discharge of their ordinary duties," and 
 the Board of Aldermen meet on Monday evenings. In 
 the attic, and around the central stairs, were the offices 
 of all other city officials. Under the aldermen's cham- 
 ber, looking down State Street, was Topliff's News 
 Room, a subscription club and reading-room for Bos- 
 ton merchants. Newspapers and periodicals from all 
 parts of the world, a complete register of entrances and 
 clearances in American and foreign ports, and bulle- 
 tins from foreign correspondents, were kept on file. 
 Samuel Topliff had a system of signals from Long 
 Island in the harbor to his house on Fort Hill, to in- 
 form him of arriving vessels, when a swift rowboat that 
 he maintained would put out to obtain the latest for- 
 eign news. The Boston newspapers of 1840, lacking 
 an Associated Press to give them such foreign news as 
 seemed wise for the people to know, used Mr. Topliff 
 as a news bureau. 
 
 The Boston merchants still continued their eight- 
 eenth-century custom of meeting on 'change, at one 
 o'clock every week day, to discuss business and politics 
 before going home to their two or three o'clock dinner. 
 That formidable rite over, they 'took the air' in 
 chaise or sleigh on the Mill Dam, or otherwise amused 
 themselves while clerks carried on business in the 
 counting-rooms. 'Change had been somewhat broken 
 up into cliques by the practice of dispersing to adjoin- 
 ing insurance offices in wet or cold weather. In order 
 to restore a community spirit, a new Merchants' Ex- 
 change building was erected on State Street in 1842. 
 
 239
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Thither removed the Topliff News Room, and the pre- 
 vious year the municipal government had moved to 
 the Court-House that Bulfinch built in 1810 on the 
 site of the present City Hall. The Old State House 
 was then given over to shops and offices. 
 
 During the generation following the war, fashionable 
 Boston covered the open pastures and spacious gardens 
 of Beacon Hill, with blocks of houses in smooth-faced 
 red brick. Their architecture retained enough im- 
 press of Bulfinch to be vastly superior to anything that 
 followed, but sacrificed his sense of proportion to a 
 fashion for long, high-studded rooms, and ignored the 
 fine detail that gave half its charm to Federal architec- 
 ture. Louisburg Square, and the North side of Mount 
 Vernon Street, are the best surviving examples of this 
 style of the early thirties. In the flush days of the early 
 fifties the newly rich turned toward the newer South 
 End, where they surrounded graceful squares and 
 lined broad avenues with brown-stone fronts and high 
 stoops, which they speedily abandoned when the Back 
 Bay was filled in. Western Avenue or the Mill Dam 
 (now Beacon Street) was completed in 1821 across the 
 Back Bay, which sheet of water, after a further cutting 
 up by railroad embankments, became a veritable open 
 cesspool. After prolonged litigation the filling in of 
 the Back Bay ("with tomato cans and hoop skirts," as 
 the ancient jest records) began in 1858. 
 
 Many of the leading merchants had remained faith- 
 ful to the older South End, to be near their counting- 
 rooms and the harbor. Summer Street, with provin- 
 cial and Federal mansions surrounded by gardens and 
 shaded by great elms, was the favorite residence 
 of retired shipowners. A wall of Chinese porcelain 
 screened the house of John P. Gushing from vulgar 
 gaze; the door, opened by Chinese servants, disclosed 
 
 240
 
 THE HUB OF THE UNIVERSE 
 
 a veritable museum of Eastern art. The first shop in- 
 vaded Summer Street in 1847; Bulfinch's incompa- 
 rable crescent on Franklin Place was replaced by gran- 
 ite business blocks between 1857 and 1859; and by the 
 Civil War this section was almost wholly given over to 
 business. 
 
 Despite the rise of manufacturing, merchants con- VN 
 tinued to dominate the social life of Boston. In the old 
 directories one finds under the heading of " Merchants, 
 principally ship owners and importers of cargoes of 
 Russia, South America, Calcutta, Canton, European 
 and West India Goods, etc.," most of the leading busi- 
 ness men in Boston. Many left fortunes that are still 
 intact; a few left some trace in local history. 
 
 Robert Bennet Forbes had the most original brain, 
 and the most attractive personality of any Boston 
 merchant of his generation. His first sea- voyage was 
 made in 1811 as a six-year-old passenger with his 
 mother in the fish-laden topsail schooner Midas, to 
 join his father Ralph B. Forbes in France. The whole 
 family, including the baby, James Murray Forbes, 
 afterwards a famous railroad builder, returned in an 
 armed Baltimore clipper in 1813, escaping the British 
 blockading squadron by a running fight. Perhaps it 
 was his short French residence that gave Bennet his 
 frank, impetuous nature, so foreign to his Scots blood 
 and Yankee upbringing. 
 
 Although a nephew of the great T. H. Perkins, 
 young Bennet found no short cut to fortune. Shipping 
 before the mast in the Canton Packet at the age of thir- 
 teen, "with a capital consisting of a Testament, a 
 Bowditch, a quadrant, a chest of sea clothes, and a 
 mother's blessing," he rose to be master at twenty, 
 passed but six months ashore in ten years of China 
 trading, and commanded his own ship at twenty-six. 
 
 241
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 At twenty-eight he entered the firm of Russell & Co., 
 Canton, and rose to its head in eight years more. In 
 1840 he became merchant-shipowner in Boston; and 
 engaged in various picturesque and benevolent side 
 activities. An early convert to the screw-propeller and 
 the iron steamer, he would have had Massachusetts 
 lead in steam as in sail; he did introduce auxiliary 
 steamers to the waters of China, and built the first 
 ocean-going twin-screw iron tugboat, which was ap- 
 propriately named R. B. Forbes. 
 
 The merchants of Boston were quick to respond 
 whenever disaster came to the toilers of the sea. 
 About 1840 a group of Boston gentlemen sent a cargo 
 of provisions to famine-stricken Madeira, the product 
 of whose vineyards had brought cheer to themselves 
 and gout to their grandfathers. The grateful people re- 
 turned the relief ship Nautilus laden with their choicest 
 wine; and I have happily ascertained that the "Nau- 
 tilus Madeira" is not yet entirely consumed. In 1841 
 a disastrous storm at Cape Ann brought charity nearer 
 home. But the Irish famine of 1846-47 brought the 
 greatest charitable 'drive' of this period. Early in 
 1847 a New England Relief Committee for the Famine 
 in Ireland and Scotland was organized at Boston, with 
 Mayor Quincy as chairman. Through free advertising 
 and local committees, cash and provisions to the value 
 of over $150,000 (of which $115,500 from Massachu- 
 setts) were quickly collected in New England, and a 
 few hundred dollars additional came in from Yankees 
 in the West, all forwarded to the wharves free of trans- 
 portation charges. Congress, at the request of Robert 
 C. Winthrop, lent the sloops-of-war Jamestown and 
 Macedonian. The former began to load at Boston on 
 St. Patrick's Day. Local Irishmen completed the 
 work in record time, and on March 28 the vessel, laden 
 
 242
 
 THE HUB OF THE UNIVERSE 
 
 to the danger point and officered by civilian volunteers 
 under R. B. Forbes, caught a fresh northwest breeze 
 from her wharf. Through northeast gales and with 
 roaring westerlies in that boisterous season on the 
 Western Ocean, Captain Forbes drove the Jamestown 
 without mercy, mindful of the starving children of 
 Erin. Fifteen days and three hours out from Boston, 
 he let go both anchors in Cork Harbor. Few sailing 
 packets at any season have made a faster passage. 
 But she had only transported one quarter of New Eng- 
 land's contributions. Captain Forbes, refusing flatter- 
 ing invitations to Dublin Castle and London, drove 
 her back to Boston, and hastened to New York to load 
 the Macedonian, which the New York relief commit- 
 tee had been unable to fill. Four merchant ships and 
 two steamers were required to take the balance. Had 
 Old England shown the same prompt generosity as 
 New England, there need have been no famine in 
 Ireland. 
 
 Once more, Boston's bread cast upon the waters 
 returned after many days ; in the stomachs of brawny 
 Irishmen who came to build her railroads, tend her 
 looms, and control her politics. Furthermore, the 
 Jamestown's voyage began a regular grain trade be- 
 tween Boston and Great Britain. 
 
 Two years after this errand of mercy, Captain 
 Forbes, now aged forty-five, was the hero of a collision 
 at sea between the Cunard side-wheeler Europa and 
 the barque Charles Bartlett of Plymouth, laden with 
 emigrants. Leaping overboard, he passed the end of a 
 rope around a fat German, and clung to him while both 
 were alternately jerked out of water and plunged under 
 it by the rolling of the ship to which the rope was fast. 
 Then taking bow oar in a lifeboat, he helped pull more 
 people out of water. This was only one of a series of 
 
 243
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 adventures that make his "Personal Reminiscences" 
 one of the best books of its kind. 
 
 Captain Forbes was also one of the pioneer yachts- 
 men of New England. Yachting in Massachusetts re- 
 sulted from a new custom of the merchants, a summer 
 residence by the sea. In Colonial and Federalist days, 
 Boston and Salem were so salty themselves that the 
 few who felt the need of a "change of air" took it in- 
 land, at a country seat. Horticulture was the gentle- 
 manly hobby for a shipowner. But as Massachusetts 
 '/.. turned inland for profit, she returned seaward for pleas- 
 ure. Thomas Handasyd Perkins set a new fashion 
 when, in 1817, he built a stone cottage just above the 
 Spouting Horn at Nahant. 
 
 This rugged peninsula at the north margin of Boston 
 Bay, a miniature, even rockier Marblehead, had re- 
 mained a mere sheep-pasture for lack of a proper har- 
 bor. After the war several Boston families began 
 boarding in the few native houses, and in 1818 crowds 
 of excursionists came by the steamboat Eagle to view 
 Swallow Cave, Pulpit Rock, Natural Bridge, and other 
 features that appealed to a romantic age in literature. 
 Samuel A. Eliot erected a worthy example of the Greek 
 revival in 1821; Frederic Tudor, the ice king, built 
 a tasteful stone cottage in 1825, established a remark- 
 able garden, and set out elm-trees. 1 The first Nahant 
 Hotel, also of stone, was built on East Point in 1820, 
 on the site of Senator Lodge's present voting residence ; 
 and quickly became the center of fashionable summer 
 life on the New England coast. Other mercantile fam- 
 ilies followed the dean of their order; and by 1860 
 Nahant exhibited every known atrocity in cottage 
 
 1 Like almost everything else Mr. Tudor did, the setting out of elms 
 was scoffed at "no tree would grow on Nahant." The Tudor elms 
 now make one of the most handsome avenues of trees in New England. 
 
 244
 
 THE HUB OF THE UNIVERSE 
 
 architecture, and had fairly earned its jocose subtitle 
 of "Cold Roast Boston." 
 
 This peaceful capture of Nahant by the merchant 
 princes began a process that has utterly transformed 
 the New England sea-front. Swampscott, for exam- 
 ple, was a poor fishing village until 1815, and mainly 
 that for another forty years. 'Farmer' Phillips began 
 taking a few summer boarders the year of peace. In 
 twenty years this business had so expanded 1 that one 
 of our earliest barrack- like summer hotels was erected, 
 on the site of the present Ocean House. In 1842 a mer- 
 chant of Boston offered four hundred dollars an acre 
 for a farm next the hotel, and the astonished native 
 threw down his rake and ran for a lawyer to get the 
 deed signed before the Bostonian came to his senses! 
 'Cottages' began to spring up along the picturesque 
 bluffs and beaches; and to-day Swampscott is part 
 summer resort, part bourgeois suburb of Lynn and 
 Boston. 
 
 The nucleus of the present Gold Coast from Beverly 
 Cove to Eastern Point began between 1844 and 1846, 
 when four Bostonians of mercantile stock, and a retired 
 Salem shipmaster, purchased the better part of the 
 shore-front of Beverly Farms ; and Richard Henry Dana 
 established the first summer estate in Manchester. 
 The native who sold his hundred-acre seashore farm to 
 Charles C. Paine for six thousand dollars (possibly a 
 hundredth part of its value to-day), felt rather badly 
 about the price. "These city men don't know nothing 
 about farming land," he said, and threw in a yoke of 
 white oxen to square the bargain with his conscience! 
 It was not the fault of these newcomers that the North 
 
 1 'Aunt Betsey' Blaney, for room and board in 1830 charged three 
 dollars a week, "which was considered high, as the boarders often waited 
 upon themselves." 
 
 245
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Shore eventually became a millionaire?' club. They 
 only asked to be let alone in their simple pleasures of 
 boating and fishing, and driving along the twisty lanes 
 of Essex County weather-rusted houses of the seven- 
 teenth century with tiny detached shoe shops, elbowed 
 apple-trees dropping their fruit over stone walls, dark 
 pine woods where witches used to lurk, glimpses of sea 
 and islands and white sails from close-nibbled sheep- 
 commons. 
 
 About the same time the picturesque shore-line and 
 excellent shooting at Cohasset attracted thither a few 
 Boston families; and Daniel Webster maintained his 
 magnificent physique by fishing and farming on his 
 Marshfield estate. J. Murray Forbes acquired a foot- 
 hold at Naushon in 1843, and the whole island fifteen 
 years later. 
 
 "What can be more magnificent," wrote this same 
 Forbes at sea in 1830, " than a strong gale (right astern, 
 mind) of a clear winter's day the ship springing for- 
 ward under reefed topsails, and nothing to be seen but 
 the white foamy tops of the waves. There is nothing 
 that elevates the spirits so much as this, it is like riding 
 a fiery horse,he goes at his own speed, but he carries you 
 where you guide." Memories of these halcyon days 
 led the Boston merchants to yachting, after their re- 
 tirement from the sea. Others, like Captain Charles 
 Blake, of the barque Griffin, returned to the ocean 
 after acquiring from her bounty the privilege of leis- 
 ure; trading about the Mediterranean and South Sea 
 for the mere joy of it. Yachting, at best, is a poor imi- 
 tation ; yet even a sail in sheltered waters, if the breeze 
 be brisk, gives something of that mental uplift of which 
 Forbes speaks, and the skipper of the smallest sail- 
 boat that boasts a crew is kin to the proudest clipper 
 ship commander. 
 
 246
 
 IO 
 
 Tt- 
 
 00
 
 THE HUB OF THE UNIVERSE 
 
 Apart from the two famous yachts owned by George 
 Crowninshield, Jr., and small undecked pleasure boats, 
 Massachusetts yachting begins in 1832 when Benja- 
 min C. Clark, a Boston Mediterranean merchant who 
 passed his summers at Nahant, purchased the pilot 
 schooner Mermaid. John P. Gushing, just returned 
 from China, then had built for him the sixty-foot 
 pilot schooner Sylph and made his young kinsman 
 Robert Bennet Forbes her sailing master. Her first 
 cruise, with Captains 'Bill' Sturgis and Daniel C. 
 Bacon as guests, was a night run from Boston 
 around the Cape to Wood's Hole, which she made in 
 fourteen hours. Before returning, the Sylph won the 
 first recorded American yacht race, from Vineyard 
 Haven to Tarpaulin Cove, against the schooner yacht 
 Wave, owned by Commodore John C. Stevens, of Ho- 
 boken. 
 
 In 1835 R. B. Forbes was elected commodore of the 
 Boat Club, an association of young merchant-ship- 
 owners and gentlemen of leisure, which owned a thirty- 
 ton schooner yacht, the Dream. Three years later, 
 with Daniel C. Bacon and Willaim H. Bordman, 
 Forbes built another schooner, the Breeze, which 
 started her career by racing the Dream from Boston 
 to Marblehead for lunch, and then home; the Breeze 
 flying an empty champagne bottle in lieu of ensign. 
 The following year came a famous ocean race, from 
 Long Island to Halfway Rock off Marblehead and 
 back, between the New York sloop Osceola and Mr. 
 Clark's new thirty-six-foot schooner Raven, which 
 won. 
 
 Off Nahant, on July 19, 1845, was held the first 
 open yacht race in Massachusetts. A contemporary 
 painting, here reproduced, gives a scene at this pioneer 
 regatta. From left to right the contestants are the 
 
 247
 
 Stars and Stripes, a Swampscott fisherman; the sloop 
 Evergreen, owned by an aboriginal Johnson of Na- 
 hant ; Mr. Clark's Raven, the schooner Avon (on the port 
 tack), owned by Edward Phillips; the Northern Light; l 
 and the schooner Quarantine, owned by the City of 
 Boston. Of these only the Avon and Raven started in 
 the race, but there were nine other contestants not 
 shown in this picture. Wind was steady, from the 
 S.S.E., the hotel was full of guests, the rocks covered 
 with spectators, and a fisherman's dory race (shown 
 in the foreground) furnished additional sport. The 
 course was triangular, around a stake-boat off the 
 Graves, around Egg Rock, and thence to the starting- 
 line off Nahant. The schooner Cygnet, owned by John 
 E. Thayer, a Long Wharf boatman, finished first, but 
 the little Raven came in only four minutes later, and 
 won on a time-allowance. 
 
 The fame of this regatta, the boats owned by her 
 summer residents, and a huge new hotel, made Nahant 
 the yachting center of Massachusetts Bay until the 
 Civil War; although some very fast yachts, including 
 the Cygnet, were kept for hire by the Long Wharf boat- 
 men, who took many a party of jolly fellows for a Sun- 
 day cruise down harbor and bay. For many years 
 almost all the yachts were of schooner rig, and differed 
 not from the prevailing type of pilot-boat and clipper 
 fishing schooner; indeed, a pilot-boat was often pur- 
 
 1 This schooner yacht (62 feet, 8 inches, by 17 feet by 7 feet, 3 inches, 
 70 tons), designed by Lewis Winde, a Danish naval architect, settled in 
 Boston, who made a specialty of pilot boats, was built at Boston in 1839 
 at a cost of $7000, and owned by William P. Winchester, a beef-packer. 
 She was the largest and smartest yacht in Massachusetts waters for 
 many years. Her bends were scraped bright and varnished, she had 
 black topsides with a crimson stripe, and her crew wore red shirts and 
 white trousers. She was lost in the Straits of Magellan in 1850, when on 
 her way to San Francisco. 
 
 248
 
 THE HUB OF THE UNIVERSE 
 
 chased for a yacht, or vice versa; and several yachts 
 were sent to Pacific waters to be used as pilot-boats or 
 opium clippers. 1 Light sails and outside ballast were 
 unknown. But in 1854 the centerboard sloop James 
 Ingersoll Day, built at Stonington, Connecticut, came 
 around the Cape, beat everything in Massachusetts 
 Bay, and forced the local designers to create a yacht- 
 ing type. Although George Steers, of New York, with 
 his America had the start of them, the Boston yacht 
 designers pulled ahead after the Civil War. Corin- 
 thian yachting is the only maritime activity, save 
 fishing, in which Massachusetts still retains her pre- 
 eminence. 
 
 Summer vacations and summer yachting were the 
 privilege of a very few, until after 1870. Almost every 
 Boston boy learned to swim, to pull an oar, and to sail 
 a small spritsail-rigged boat. His education was not 
 complete until he had gotten lost in the fog, and spent 
 the night on an island in Boston harbor. But another 
 half-century passed before the income or the taste of 
 bourgeois and mechanic allowed acquisition of summer 
 camp and catboat. 
 
 Bourgeois Boston inhabited the West End, the filled- 
 in Mill Pond land and South Cove, and overflowed to 
 South and East Boston. The proletarian quarters 
 were the Broad Street-Fort Hill section, and the North 
 End, east of Hanover Street. Here were the sailors' 
 boarding-houses and dance-halls, and here lived the 
 longshoremen, truckmen, and Irish laborers. Over 
 half were foreign-born; congestion and the infantile 
 
 ] l The pilot schooner Fanny (7 feet by 18 feet, n inches, by 7 feet, 
 aj inches, 82 tons), designed by William Kelly and built by his brother 
 Daniel at East Boston in 1850, made San Francisco ma the Straits of 
 Magellan in 108 days from Boston, and served as pilot-boat to the 
 Golden Gate for twenty-six years. 
 
 249
 
 
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 death-rate were becoming a public scandal. For Bos- 
 ton had no city water supply until I848, 1 nor until 
 then one scrap of plumbing. 
 
 In North Square, the heart of the workers' district, 
 Father Taylor set his net for sinners. This remarkable 
 man was born in Virginia in 1793, went to sea at seven, 
 and sailed the globe for ten years. In 1810, still a 
 foremast hand, a vessel brought him into Boston. 
 Strolling along Tremont Street, he heard the bell toll- 
 ing in the new steeple of Park Street Church, where, to 
 use his own words, he "put in, doffed hat and pennant, 
 scud under bare poles to the corner pew, hove to, and 
 came to anchor." A Methodist preacher completed his 
 conversion. War followed, and Edward T. Taylor 
 experienced privateering and Dartmoor. Returning to 
 Boston, he peddled tinware about the country-side, 
 exhorted sinners in the Old Rock school-house at 
 Saugus, rode the Methodist circuit of eastern Massa- 
 chusetts, and was called by the Boston Port Society 
 to its seamen's chapel. A new Sailors' Bethel was 
 erected for him on North Square in 1833, and for 
 the next thirty-eight years he walked its pulpit like a 
 quarterdeck. 
 
 "I have never heard but one essentially perfect orator," wrote 
 Walt Whitman in his "November Boughs." "During my visits to 
 'the Hub,' in 1859 and '60 I several times saw and heard Father 
 Taylor. In the spring or autumn, quiet Sunday forenoons, I liked 
 to go down early to the quaint ship-cabin-looking church where the 
 old man minister'd to enter and leisurely scan the building, the 
 low ceiling, everything strongly timber 'd (polish 'd and rubb'd appar- 
 ently), the dark rich colors, the gallery, all in half-light and smell 
 the aroma of old wood to watch the auditors, sailors, mates, 
 'matlows,' officers, singly or in groups, as they came in their physi- 
 ognomies, forms, dress, gait, as they walk'd along the aisles 
 
 1 Save a supply piped in hollow pine logs from Jamaica Pond, which 
 reached comparatively few homes. 
 
 250
 
 FATHER TAYLOR
 
 THE HUB OF THE UNIVERSE 
 
 their postures, seating themselves in the rude, roomy, undoor'd, 
 uncushioned pews and the evident effect upon them of the place, 
 occasion, and atmosphere. . . . 
 
 "Father Taylor was a moderate-sized man, indeed almost small 
 (reminded me of old Booth, the great actor, and my favorite of those 
 and preceding days), well advanced in years, but alert, with mild 
 blue or gray eyes, and good presence and voice. Soon as he open'd 
 his mouth I ceased to pay any attention to church or audience or 
 pictures or lights and shades; a far more potent charm entirely 
 sway'd me. In the course of the sermon, (there was no sign of any 
 MS., or reading from notes), some of the parts would be in the high- 
 est degree majestic and picturesque. Colloquial in a severe sense, it 
 often lean'd to Biblical and Oriental forms. Especially were all allu- 
 sions to ships and the ocean and sailors' lives, of unrivall'd power and 
 life-likeness. Sometimes there were passages of fine language and 
 composition, even from the purist's point of view. A few arguments, 
 and of the best, but always brief and simple. ... In the main, I 
 should say, of any of these discourses, that the old Demosthenean 
 rule and requirement of 'action, action, action,' first in its inward 
 and then (very moderate and restrain'd) its outward sense, was the 
 quality that had leading fulfilment. 
 
 "I remember I felt the deepest impression from the old man's 
 prayers, which invariably affected me to tears. Never, on any similar 
 or other occasions, have I heard such impassion'd pleading such 
 human-harassing reproach (like Hamlet to his mother, in the 
 closet) such probing to the very depths of that latent conscience 
 and remorse which probably lie somewhere in the background of 
 every life, every soul. For when Father Taylor preach'd or pray'd, 
 the rhetoric and art, the mere words, (which usually play such a big 
 part), seem'd altogether to disappear, and the live feeling advanced 
 upon you and seiz'd you with a power before unknown. Everybody 
 felt this marvellous and awful influence. One young sailor, a Rhode 
 Islander (who came every Sunday, and I got acquainted with, and 
 talked to once or twice as we went away), told me, ' that must be the 
 Holy Ghost we read of in The Testament.' . . . 
 
 " I repeat, and would dwell upon it (more as suggestion than mere 
 fact) among all the brilliant lights of bar or stage I have heard in 
 my time ... I never had anything in the way of vocal utterance to 
 shake me through and through, and become fix'd, with its accom- 
 paniments, in my memory, like those prayers and sermons like 
 Father Taylor's personal electricity and the whole scene there 
 the prone ship in the gale, and dashing wave and foam for back- 
 
 251
 
 ground in the little old sea-church in Boston, those summer Sun- 
 days just before the secession war broke out." 
 
 The fame of Father Taylor was more widespread 
 than that of any Massachusetts author or statesman, 
 for it penetrated every part of the world visited by 
 ships and sailors. When he died in 1871, "just as the 
 tide turned, going out with the ebb as an old salt 
 should," Father Taylor was mourned by thousands of 
 humble folk who had never so much as heard of 
 Emerson and Webster. 
 
 The coming of the Cunarders increased the morale 
 of commercial Boston several hundred per cent. A 
 New York paper admitted that Boston's trade with 
 New Orleans and the Mississippi Valley equaled Man- 
 hattan's. Boston is "gaining rapidly on her great rival, 
 New York," crows Hay ward's Gazeteer in 1846. 
 "In arrivals from foreign ports, New York exceeded 
 Boston in 1839, 606 vessels ... in 1844, only 34 ves- 
 sels." So many of Boston's foreign entries were Nova 
 Scotia schooners that the tonnage figures tell a differ- 
 ent story; but her waterfront activity in the harbor, 
 with close to three thousand foreign and six thousand 
 coastwise entries a year, was prodigious. If Boston 
 really expected to catch up with New York commerce, 
 she was destined to disappointment; not even Yankee 
 ingenuity could overcome the Hudson and the Erie. 
 But in 1 845 the most prosperous decade in the maritime 
 history of Massachusetts was just beginning.
 
 CHAPTER XVI 
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN IN SOUTHERN SEAS 
 1820-1848 
 
 LITTLE change can be observed in the routes or the 
 methods of Massachusetts commerce between 1815 
 and 1850. Maritime commerce is still a tale of the 
 West Indies and South America, of Mediterranean and 
 Baltic, of East Indies and China and South Seas, and of 
 small coasters that assembled and distributed cargoes. 
 Certain routes, like the New Orleans and the South 
 American, rise greatly in importance; others, like the 
 Northwest fur trade, decline; but no new ones were 
 established, for the excellent reason that our pioneer 
 shipmasters of the seventeen-nineties had traced every 
 ocean-way that could be pursued with profit, until 
 new folk-migrations made new markets in California, 
 Australia, and South Africa. 
 
 In 1815 the old crew merely picked up the lines 
 which war had loosed, and continued hauling to the 
 old chanties. The bulk of our overseas trading was 
 done by merchant-shipowners as before, men who 
 owned fleets of vessels both large and small, traded 
 with many countries on their own account, chartered 
 their vessels or took freight for others when opportun- 
 ity offered, distributed their cargoes by auction sales 
 on the wharf or through their own wholesale stores in 
 Boston. Commerce was still dominated by the men 
 who had learned its secrets as captains and super- 
 cargoes before the war. 1 
 
 1 Of the twelve officers of the new Boston Chamber of Commerce 
 founded in 1836, I recognize the names of all but three as prominent 
 merchants and shipowners of the Federalist period. 
 
 253
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Besides the establishment of packet-lines, which we 
 have already noted, one noteworthy change took 
 place in maritime technique between 1815 and 1850 
 an improvement in the design, rig, and handling of 
 vessels. A shipmaster, retired since 1819, who took 
 passage fifteen years later on a recent Boston-built 
 ship, was astonished at her ability to carry sail, to beat 
 to windward, and to "tack in a pint o' water." The 
 Medford builders, in particular, had quietly evolved 
 a new type of about 450 tons burthen which, handled 
 by eighteen officers and men, would carry half as much 
 freight as a British East-Indiaman of 1500 tons with 
 a crew of 125, and sail half again as fast. Such a ship 
 cost, in 1829, seventy dollars a ton to build or thirty 
 dollars to charter for a China voyage; she could earn 
 forty dollars a ton freight out and home and the in- 
 surance rate was four per cent for the round passage, 
 one per cent less than was charged Englishmen. More 
 carrying capacity, and greater speed than older vessels 
 of the same burthen, were obtained by greater length 
 and depth in proportion to breadth, and a cleaner run. 
 The bows are still bluff, but have sweeter water-lines 
 than the older vessels. Longfellow has described the 
 type in his "Building of the Ship": 
 
 Broad in the beam, but sloping aft 
 With graceful curve and slow degrees, 
 That she might be docile to the helm, 
 And that the currents of parted seas, 
 Closing behind, with mighty force, 
 Might aid and not impede her course. 
 
 Iron was superseding rope for permanent lashings such 
 as trusses, parrels, and the gammoning of bowsprits. 
 Sails were now made of Lowell cotton duck, instead of 
 Russia linen or baggy, porous hemp; and there were 
 many more of them. Vessels of this period, in fact, 
 
 254
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN IN SOUTHERN SEAS 
 
 carried a loftier rig in proportion to their length than 
 the clipper ships. Skysails appear for the first time in 
 our merchant fleet, and royal studdingsails so small 
 that the seamen called them the ' tub o' dusters.' Rus- 
 sell Sturgis describes sailing from Manila to Caspar 
 Passage in 1844, with eleven sails set on the mainmast 
 alone. Quarter-galleries, quick-work and gingerbread- 
 work alike disappeared ; leaving nothing of traditional 
 adornment but a figure-head or billet-head, and a small 
 scroll or shield on the transom. The clean, stripped, 
 youthful-looking hulls, in marked contrast to the 
 painted ladies of Federalist days, were clothed in dead 
 black, relieved only by a bright waist, or white strip 
 checquered by black ports. 
 
 In the shipbuilding boom that began about 1831, 
 Maine overtook her parent Massachusetts. The great 
 shipyards of the Sewalls and others on the Kennebec, 
 St. George, and Penobscot rivers became serious com- 
 petitors of the Mystic and Merrimac; and small coast- 
 ing vessels were constructed all along the spruce- 
 rimmed shore. Skeleton schooners and brigs crowded 
 the shingle beaches at the head of rocky coves; then 
 noisy with the cheerful clatter of shipbuilding, now si- 
 lent from one year's end to another, save for scream 
 of tern, and quork of blue heron. 
 
 Very different types of vessels were needed for dif- 
 ferent routes. For the cotton-carrying trade the old- 
 fashioned converging topsides were preferred, to in- 
 crease stability with so light a cargo. But most ship- 
 owners wanted vessels-of-all-work, as it were, which 
 could be sent to any part of the world where chances 
 were good and freights high. The finest type of the 
 period was the Medford- or Merrimac-built East- 
 Indiaman; seldom over five hundred tons burthen, and 
 usually smaller; for the size of vessels was just begin- 
 
 255
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 ning to increase. The Alert, which seemed so enormous 
 to Dana after his California voyage in the brig Pilgrim, 
 was but 113 feet long and 398 tons burthen. The 
 Rajah, built by J. Stetson at Medford in 1836, 530 
 tons, 140 feet long, and 30 feet beam, is cited as "a fair 
 specimen of our best freighting vessels." * They were 
 not sharp ships, or clipper ships, or one-quarter the 
 size of the most famous clippers; but they were the 
 fastest and most economical ocean carriers of their 
 generation. With their burly bows, lofty rig, flush 
 decks, and bright waist or painted ports, these old 
 Boston East-Indiamen have a certain charm that 
 the clippers lack. Happy they, born in time to have 
 seen such a ship rolling down from St. Helena, lee and 
 weather studdingsails set alow and aloft, tanned and 
 bearded sailors on her decks and Anjer monkeys chat- 
 tering in her rigging, wafting an aroma of the Far East 
 into the chilly waters of Massachusetts Bay. 
 
 From 1815 to 1840 Yankee seamen still existed. 
 A strong minority, in some cases a majority, of foreign- 
 ers, especially Johnny Bulls and Scandinavians, could 
 be found in the forecastle of almost every Massachu- 
 setts vessel. But the greater part of most crews were 
 native Yankee. 'Crimping' had not yet become the 
 usual method of shipping a crew. Wages were lower 
 
 1 In the Newburyport yards, the Volant of 457 tons, launched in 1810, 
 held the record for size until 1836, when John Currier, Jr., built the 
 Columbus, 594 tons, for the Black Ball Line. The next record-breakers 
 in size were the Flavio, 698 (1839), St. George, 845 (1843), and Castillian, 
 1000 (1850). In the Medford yards, no vessel over 435 tons was built 
 between 1810 and 1832. The first over 500 tons came in 1834, over 600 
 in 1837, over 800 in 1839, and the thousand-ton mark was touched in 
 1849. The yards of Bath, Maine, first passed the soo-ton mark in 1836. 
 In 1841 the Sewalls built the Rappahannock, 1133 tons, for the cotton 
 trade. She was too large to be profitable, and it is said that freight 
 dropped a quarter of a cent a pound whenever she appeared at New 
 Orleans. Not until 1852 did the Bath yards build another vessel above 
 1000 tons. 
 
 256
 
 THE MEDFORD-BUILT EAST-INDIAMAN COLUMBIANA, 1837 
 
 SHIP DROMO OFF MARSEILLES, 1836 
 DEEP-SEA TYPES OF THE THIRTIES
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN IN SOUTHERN SEAS 
 
 than in Federalist days eight dollars a month for 
 boys, ten for ordinary and twelve for able seamen on 
 long voyages but good men were still attracted by 
 the chance to rise, for vessels were small, and the pro- 
 portion of officers to men about one to four or five. It 
 was not uncommon for youngsters of the best families 
 to ship before the mast, although these ship's cousins, 
 as the regular seamen called them, generally bunked 
 in steerage or 'tween-decks, and played the gentleman 
 ashore. "Sailors are the best dressed of mankind," 
 wrote Emerson in 37 4' North, 36 n' West. They 
 still wore a distinctive costume ; shiny black tarpaulin 
 hat, red-checked shirt, blue bell-mouthed dungaree 
 trousers, navy-blue pea-jacket or watch-coat off the 
 Horn ; and for shore leave, a fathom of black ribbon for 
 the hat, black silk kerchief in a neat sailor's knot 
 around the neck, white ducks and black pumps. 
 
 The standard of seamanship was never higher. No 
 man could be rated an able seaman until he became an 
 expert in the beautiful splicing, seizing, parceling, 
 grafting, pointing, worming, and serving which was 
 included in the old-time art of rigging. Even an ordi- 
 nary seaman was expected, "to hand, reef and steer, 
 ... to be able to reeve all the studdingsail gear, and 
 set a topgallant or royal studdingsail out of the top; 
 to loose and furl a royal, and a small topgallant-sail 
 or flying jib; and perhaps, also to send down or cross 
 a royal yard." Constant, hard work was the rule. No 
 'sogering' was allowed on Yankee vessels, and the 
 treatment of the men was sometimes unnecessarily 
 harsh, as Dana relates. Medicine chests were carried, 
 and many a stern master nursed a sick seaman back 
 to health in the cabin. But how these deep-sea sailor- 
 men must have laughed at the unconscious humor of 
 Dr. Lowe's "Sailor's Guide to Health" which accom- 
 
 257
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 panied the medicine chests! Among the rules in this 
 omniscient manual were, "Use tobacco sparingly if at 
 all " ; "Eat freely of vegetables, especially on long voy- 
 ages"; "Observe regular hours for sleep"; and "Select 
 an anchorage to the windward of the land." 
 
 It was no laughing matter, however, for a sick sea- 
 man who fell under the care of a captain's wife, so 
 conscientious as Mrs. William Cleveland, of the Salem 
 ship Zephyr. This good lady relates in her journal for 
 1829, how, "intending to be on the safe and cautious 
 side," while in the fever-infested waters of Timor, she 
 gave a chilly sailor "a powerful dose of Calomel and 
 Jalap which was afterward followed by a dose of castor 
 oil and numerous injections, blisters upon the calf of 
 both legs after soaking them well in hot water, a blister 
 on the breast, throat rubbed with Cinnamon, &c. He 
 complained of no pain excepting the headache . . . soon 
 after, delirium came on, which continued but a short 
 time when he appeared to fall into a gentle quiet sleep 
 ..." and passed away. 
 
 This voyage of the Zephyr is the earliest instance 
 that has come to my notice of a Massachusetts ship- 
 master taking his wife to sea. The practice never be- 
 came general until after the Civil War, but on short 
 voyages was not uncommon in the forties. Captain 
 Caleb Sprague, of Barnstable, master of the ship 
 North Bend, writes from Bordeaux in 1844, "There is 
 9 American Vessels here and 5 of the Capts. have their 
 Wifes. ... we have had more invitations to dine than 
 we have wish'd as the dinners in this Country are very 
 Lengthy say from 3 to 4 houres before you rise from the 
 Table and than not dry for Wine etc." No wonder 
 Mrs. Sprague acquired a nautical turn of speech, re- 
 marking that an ill-fitting suit of clothes on her small 
 boy "set like a shirt on a marlin-spike." 
 
 258
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN IN SOUTHERN SEAS 
 
 As for eating and drinking, the age of rum was pass- 
 ing, and the age of canned goods not arrived. Water, 
 hard-tack, molasses, and 'salt horse' were the stand- 
 bys. Colored sea-cooks compounded these maritime 
 staples into the questionable amalgams which Rufus 
 Choate described in one of his glowing periods as the 
 "nutritious hash, succulent lob-scouse, and palatable 
 dandy- funk." At Anjer, where hogs, chickens, and 
 fresh vegetables were incredibly cheap, shipmasters 
 laid in a store of them ; but before long sarcastic grunts 
 and crows informed the quarterdeck that Jack wanted 
 his salt junk again. As one old shell-back asserted: 
 "Yer may talk of yer flummadiddlers and fiddlepad- 
 dles, but when it comes down to gen-u-ine grub, there 
 ain't nothing like good old salt hoss that yer kin eat 
 afore yer turns in and feel it all night a-laying in yer 
 stummick and a-nourishin' of yer." 
 
 Seafaring, at best, was a rough, dangerous calling, 
 and often rendered unbearable by the brutality of > 
 master or mate. The humanitarian movement of the 
 eighteen-thirties made a few feeble attempts to pro- 
 tect Jack from injustice and extortion. A federal 
 statute of 1835 prescribed severe punishment for an 
 officer who "from malice, hatred or revenge" shall 
 "beat, wound or imprison" a member of his crew, or 
 inflict "any cruel or unusual punishment." An act of 
 1840 gave a United States consul the power to dis- 
 charge, with three months' advance pay, a seaman of 
 whose cruel treatment he was convinced. It would 
 seem, however, that those laws remained a dead letter, 
 and that the shipmaster's despotism, benevolent or 
 otherwise, remained unimpaired. Unscrupulous law- 
 yers, inducing disgruntled seamen to bring action on 
 flimsy grounds, so discredited the value of Jack's testi- 
 mony that juries would seldom convict on it. And as 
 
 259
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 United States consuls in those days received no sal- 
 ary, but depended for their livelihood on commission 
 business, they seldom had the courage to affront own- 
 ers or officers. 
 
 Nevertheless, a foremast hand on a Yankee East- 
 Indiaman was the best paid, best fed, and most com- 
 petent sailor in the world, regarded by coasters, fisher- 
 men, whalers, and man-o'-war's-men, as the top-dog 
 of his profession. And the officers must no more be 
 judged by the brutality of Captain Thompson than 
 other professions by their black sheep. A Yankee ship- 
 master, in 1840, was the world's standard in ability and 
 in conduct. The Massachusetts merchant marine was 
 commanded for the most part by men of high charac- 
 ter and education ; navigators who could work lunars as 
 well as Bowditch himself, and who inherited all the 
 practical seamanship of the old school; "merchant- 
 captains" who owned part of their vessel, and had full 
 responsibility in trading. Most of the famous clipper- 
 ship commanders had their training during the thirties 
 and forties, which we may fairly call the golden age of 
 the American merchant marine. 
 
 The old Northwest fur trade was resumed in 1815 by 
 several Boston firms which had long been engaged in it. 
 Captain 'Bill' Sturgis, now head of Bryant & Stur- 
 gis, and Josiah Marshall, a countryman from Billerica 
 who had built up an importing business at Boston 
 during the Federalist period, were now the most active 
 Nor'westmen. The letters of these firms show little 
 change in method, but a decline in profits. Competi- 
 tors were many; the Hudson's Bay Company, the 
 Northwest Fur Company, American fur-traders who 
 
 260
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN IN SOUTHERN SEAS 
 
 operated from St. Louis, and the Russians, who threat- 
 ened to monopolize all. In consequence, the sea-otter 
 became too scarce and high to continue an important 
 medium for China. Between 1821 and 1830 the vessels 
 annually engaged in the Northwest fur trade declined 
 from about thirteen to two. For some years longer 
 William H. Bordman, Jr., and Perkins & Co. found it 
 profitable to carry supplies to Sitka and the Hudson 
 Bay posts. But by 1837 the old Northwest fur trade, 
 Boston's high-school of commerce for forty years, was 
 a thing of the past. l 
 
 When the fur-traders departed, the settlers began 
 to arrive. Hall J. Kelley, an energetic and erratic Bos- 
 ton schoolmaster, founded in 1829 an Oregon Coloniza- 
 tion Society, which was supported by Edward Everett 
 and other prominent men. His plans for peopling the 
 banks of the Columbia with picked New Englanders 
 came to naught, but his activities turned the minds of 
 restless Yankees to that region. One of his associates, 
 a Cambridge ice-man named Nathaniel J. Wyeth, led 
 overland in 1834 the first group of permanent settlers 
 to the Oregon country. 
 
 In the meantime another outpost of Massachusetts 
 had been founded, at Honolulu. In 1819 a band of 
 Congregational missionaries and three native Hawai- 
 ians, "formed into a Church of Christ" at Park 
 Street, Boston, took passage around the Horn on the 
 brig Thaddeus, to convert the heathen. On April 4, 
 1820, one hundred and sixty-three days out of Boston, 
 this Hawaiian Mayflower anchored abreast the village 
 of Kailua, where the king and queen, with hundreds 
 
 1 In 1831 Captain Dominis, of Josiah Marshall's brig Owhyhee, tried 
 the experiment of bringing pickled Columbia River salmon to Boston. 
 It sold for fourteen dollars a barrel, but the Treasury Department made 
 Marshall pay duty on it, as if purchased outside the United States, and 
 the venture was not repeated. 
 
 26l
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 of their subjects, were playing in the surf. Later in 
 the day the royal family was entertained at dinner on 
 the brig's quarterdeck. King Liholiho, dressed in a 
 feather wreath, a string of beads, and a loincloth, was 
 introduced to the missionaries' wives, while George 
 Tamoree, a graceless native member of the party, fur- 
 nished music for the meal on an orthodox bass viol. 
 
 The Boston missionaries arrived in the nick of time, 
 partially to off set the demoralization introduced by Bos- 
 ton traders and Nantucket whalers. The latter were 
 just beginning to use the Islands as a base; the traders, 
 as we have seen, had been coming for a generation 
 past. It so happened that the panic of 1819, making 
 it difficult to procure specie for China, coincided with 
 a new reign in the Sandwich Islands, which took the 
 lid off the sandalwood traffic. Kamehameha I had con- 
 served this important natural resource, so much in 
 demand at Canton. But Liholiho, a weak-minded and 
 dissolute prince, cheerfully stripped his royal domain 
 in order to gratify tastes which the Boston traders 
 stimulated. They sold him on credit rum and brandy, 
 gin and champagne, carriages and harnesses, clothes 
 and furniture, boats and vessels ; until he had tonnage 
 and liquor enough for an old-time yacht club cruise. 
 
 In 1820 Josiah Marshall sent out from Boston two 
 small brigs, which were exchanged for sandalwood at 
 Honolulu. Bryant & Sturgis dispatched under the 
 command of Captain John Suter, the veteran Nor'- 
 westman, a veritable fleet consisting of the ships Tar- 
 tar and Mentor, brigs Lascar, Becket, and Cleopatra's 
 Barge. The latter was a famous vessel. Built at 
 Salem in 1816 for George Crowninshield, Jr., a young 
 gentleman of leisure, she had taken him on a trans- 
 atlantic yachting cruise. Sold for a song after his 
 death, she made a trading voyage to Brazil, and was 
 
 262
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN IN SOUTHERN SEAS 
 
 then purchased by Bryant & Sturgis. The Hawaiian 
 monarch gave in exchange for her an amount of sandal- 
 wood worth fifty to ninety thousand dollars, and made 
 her his royal yacht. 1 Her outward cargo, typical of 
 the trade, is listed on the annexed bill of health. Pos- 
 sibly its rhythmic phrasing is accidental. But General 
 Henry A. S. Dearborn, who as collector of the port of 
 Boston signed this document, was something of a lit- 
 terateur. Did the romantic name and history of the 
 Ckopatra's Barge inspire him to premature effort in 
 free verse? 
 
 The Barge was as long as the ship Columbia, but 
 some of the schooners and brigs that our Pacific trad- 
 ers sent around the Horn to Hawaii were even smaller 
 than Captain Ingraham's brig Hope or John Boit's 
 sloop Union. James Hunnewell, of Charlestown, who 
 established a famous mercantile firm at Honolulu, 
 brought out in 1826 a crank, leaky little schooner 
 called the Missionary Packet, only fifty-four feet long, 
 thirteen feet beam, six feet depth, and thirty-nine 
 tons burthen. His passage of the Horn almost ended 
 his career, and the single voyage took nine months. 
 While resting at Honolulu after his hard experience, 
 Hunnewell was pulled out of bed by a party of rollick- 
 ing whalemen, and induced to treat the crowd from his 
 cargo of rum. Disliking the quality of the liquor, they 
 forced the owner to sample it himself before letting 
 him go! 
 
 This genial traffic continued about ten years, when 
 sandalwood became a drug in the Canton market, and 
 all but extinct on the Islands. In the meantime New 
 
 1 The illustration, from a sketch made by Charles S. Stewart, one of 
 the missionaries, in 1823, shows the Cleopatra's Barge under Hawaiian 
 colors at Lahaina anchorage, island of Maui. Originally rigged as a 
 brigantine or hermaphrodite brig, she was altered to a brig when she 
 became a merchant vessel. 
 
 263
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Bedford and Nantucket whalers were flocking to 
 Hawaii, to 'recruit/ as they called it, with fresh pro- 
 visions and Kanakas. As many as sixty put in at 
 Honolulu in 1822, and in 1844 the total arrivals of 
 whaling craft surpassed four hundred. Their presence 
 greatly increased the difficulties of the missionaries, 
 but proved a godsend to the merchantmen whose 
 holds they lined with oil and whalebone, obtained in 
 Arctic and Japanese whaling grounds. At the same 
 time the native demand for American manufactures 
 was increasing. Hawaii by 1830 had become the com- 
 mercial Gibraltar of the Pacific; the basis of a trade, 
 by Massachusetts merchants there established, with 
 California, Canton, Kamchatka, and the smaller 
 South Sea islands. Honolulu, with whalemen and mer- 
 chant sailors rolling through its streets, shops filled 
 with Lowell shirtings, New England rum and Yankee 
 notions, orthodox missionaries living in frame houses 
 brought around the Horn, and a neo-classic meeting- 
 house built out of coral blocks, was becoming as Yankee 
 as New Bedford. "Could I have forgotten the circum- 
 stances of my visit," wrote a visiting mariner in 1833, 
 "I should have fancied myself in New England." l 
 Even the first constitution of the Kingdom of Hawaii, 
 issued by Kamehameha III under missionary influ- 
 ence, had a flavor of the old Massachusetts theocracy : 
 " No law shall be enacted which is at variance with the 
 word of the Lord Jehovah." 
 
 The Boston firms interested in Hawaii extended 
 their operations to other South Pacific islands, violat- 
 ing the old demarcation line at the expense of Salem. 
 
 1 Francis Warriner, Cruise of the U.S. Frigate Potomac (1835), 224. 
 Daniel Webster about 1840 tried a case at Barnstable, Cape Cod, that 
 involved the nature of the entrance to the "harbor of Owhyhee." It 
 was unnecessary to call in experts, as seven members of the jury were in- 
 timately acquainted with said harbor. 
 
 264
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN IN SOUTHERN SEAS 
 
 Josiah Marshall's brig Inore, Eliah Grimes master, 
 even went to the Marquesas in search of edible birds' 
 nests, but without success. A typical South Sea voyage 
 was that of James Hunnewell's ship Tsar, Sam Ken- 
 nedy master, a new vessel built for the Russian trade, 
 and purchased from J. William Ropes for $28,000. 
 Although of 470 tons burthen, the Tsar required no 
 more men to handle her than a Nor'westman of one- 
 quarter her size in the eighteenth century; for the 
 South Sea was becoming safer than the Caribbean. 
 Clearing from Boston in the spring of 1848, the Tsar 
 stopped four days at Rio Janeiro, rounded the Horn, 
 and let the trade-winds bring her to the enchanting 
 island of Tahiti. For six weeks she rode at anchor 
 in the landlocked harbor of Papeete (white crescent 
 beach, border of palms, orange and banana trees, half 
 concealing white cottages and thatched huts; back- 
 drop of verdure-clad mountains, and slumbrous pour 
 of surf on barrier reefs). Goods were sold to the 
 amount of $23,712.20, including codfish, lumber, rice, 
 Lowell and Amoskeag cottons, German glass, iron 
 safes, needles and thread, drugs and gravestones. 
 Some of the knobs dropped off the safes when swung 
 out of the hold; one of the packages marked "Tartar 
 Emetic" contained calomel; and one of the grave- 
 stones, intended apparently for the Salem market, was 
 already inscribed, "Sacred to the Memory of Maria 
 Peabody." Otherwise everything was in good order. 
 After selling all the market would take, Captain 
 Kennedy unloaded a large separate consignment, with 
 which Edward L. Gray, Jr., who sailed on the Tsar 
 with his wife and sister, opened an agency at Papeete. 
 Thence the ship proceeded to Honolulu, and discharged 
 the rest of her cargo, including Merrimack Prints, 
 Hamilton Ticking, Denims, fancy plaid linings, blaii- 
 
 265
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 kets, salt provisions, groceries and umbrellas, shoes 
 and saddlery, and palm-leaf hats. Yankee mer- 
 chants would carry coals to Newcastle, if Newcastle 
 wanted them ! Captain Kennedy had the owners' per- 
 mission to proceed from the Islands on "any lawful 
 trade to any part of the world at peace with our na- 
 tion," according to his judgment; or even to sell the 
 ship. But the whalemen at Honolulu offered him a re- 
 turn cargo of oil and bone, which with Hawaiian goat- 
 skins and bullock hides, and some of the first gold- 
 dust extracted from the California washings, gave him 
 a valuable return freight. 
 
 When the Northwest fur trade died out, its place 
 was taken by the hide traffic with California. The 
 Coast from Cape Mendocino to Cape San Lucas had 
 long been familiar to contraband fur-traders from 
 Massachusetts, when, in 1822, California's adhesion 
 to the Mexican Empire threw open her ports to legi- 
 timate commerce. Before the year elapsed, William 
 Alden Gale, of Boston (Cuatro Ojos the Calif ornians 
 called him by reason of his spectacles), induced Bryant 
 & Sturgis to send their Sachem to the Coast with a 
 cargo of notions to exchange for hides. From that time 
 to the Mexican War the Californians obtained most 
 of their merchandise from Boston 'hide-droghers,' as 
 these Pacific Coast traders were called ; for their return 
 cargoes took the bulk of California's hides into New 
 England shoe shops. In addition to this direct trade 
 from Boston the sea-otter business continued into the 
 thirties; New Bedford whalers visited the Coast for 
 fresh beef, doing a little smuggling on the side ; Boston 
 firms at Honolulu smuggled in merchandise by swift 
 brigs, using Santa Catalina Island as a base; and the 
 China merchants sent over Canton goods direct. 
 R. B. Forbes, when visiting the Mission Dolores at 
 
 266
 
 \ 
 
 ict of JOo<iton and 
 
 To a\\ lo ^w\\om VYiese present* shall covue *. 
 the Collector and Naval Officer of the Port of Ration and 
 Ckarlettoirn, do, by the tenor of these presents CERTIFY and 
 make known, .that the Captain, Officers, Seamen, and Passenger* 
 
 of the - -?/*sy called 
 
 / 
 laden witbx 
 
 i s Captain ; 
 
 /?s >/ Officers and Seamen, and 
 
 Passengers, now ready to proceed on a 
 voyage to " ' '"''" ^3 / 1**"^- and elsewhere beyond sea, 
 
 <". f Vssir it &s*. i 
 
 are all in good health. 
 
 And ice do further certify That no plague, or other contagious 
 or dangerous disease at present exists in this port or iu its vicinity. 
 
 BILL OF HEALTH OF THE CLEOPATRA'S BARGE
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN IN SOUTHERN SEAS 
 
 San Francisco in 1870, recognized among its 'old 
 masters' some products of Hog Lane, Canton, which 
 he had sold the padres thirty-five years before. 
 
 Secularization of the missions was regretted by the 
 Yankee traders, from its unsettling effect on business. 
 Protestants were not permitted to remain in Mexican 
 California, but many Yankees of Puritan stock "left 
 their consciences at Cape Horn," joined Mother 
 Church, spoke Spanish with a down-east twang, mar- 
 ried Californian heiresses, and absorbed the trade of 
 the country. Dana found Massachusetts men estab- 
 lished all along the Coast, from a one-eyed Fall River 
 whaleman tending bar in a San Diego pulperia, to 
 Thomas O. Larkin, the merchant prince of Monterey. 
 
 In the two years (1834-36) that Dana spent before 
 the mast in Bryant & Sturgis's vessels, the California 
 trade was at its height. All cargoes had to be entered 
 at the Monterey custom house, Mexican duties were 
 from eighty to one hundred per cent, and the regula- 
 tions many. But the Mexican officials, knowing Cali- 
 fornia's dependence on the Boston traders, let them off 
 with a reasonable lump sum per cargo. The ships 
 brought "everything that can be imagined, from 
 Chinese fireworks to English cart-wheels," including 
 even lumber (which the Californians were too lazy to 
 cut for themselves), and shoes made at Lynn out of 
 California hides. Part of the cargo was disposed of on 
 shipboard, the cabin being fitted up as a variety store, 
 to which dark-eyed senoras were conveyed in ship's 
 boats. What they did not buy was placed in charge 
 of a resident agent, who peddled it out at enormous 
 profits (twenty dollars for a three-dollar piece of Lowell 
 print-cloth) to the rancheros, against future deliv- 
 eries of tallow at six cents a pound, and hides ('Cali- 
 fornia bank-notes ') at one to two dollars apiece, worth 
 
 267
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 more than double in Boston. No contract was signed, 
 for a Calif ornian's word was his bond; but the agents 
 employed cuerreros, or hide-brokers, to attend the 
 matanzas (slaughters), receive the hides, and convey 
 them in bullock-carts to an embarcadero on the coast. 
 The Boston hide-droghers collected and carried them 
 to San Diego. There each firm maintained salt-vats, 
 where seamen and Kanakas cured the hides, and 
 stored them until a shipload was accumulated. "Since 
 the time when Queen Dido came the hide game over 
 the natives at Carthage," wrote an irreverent grandson 
 of Paul Revere, "it is probable that there has been no 
 parallel to the hide-and-go-seek game between Boston 
 and California." 
 
 Clean, slender ships anchored with slip-cable three 
 miles offshore, gently swaying in the long Pacific swell, 
 sails stopped with rope-yarns to break out and put to 
 sea in a sou'easter. No sound to break the eternal roar 
 and roll of surf on endless beach, save tinny bells jan- 
 gling out vespers from a white mission tower. Sailors 
 waist-high in boiling foam, 'droghing' hides on aching 
 head from beach to longboat, or hurling them down 
 cliff at San Juan Capistrano. Sleepy Santa Barbara 
 coming to life at the wedding of Dona Anita de la 
 Guerra de Noriego y Corillo to plain Alfred Robinson, 
 Bryant & Sturgis's agent. "Splendid, idle forties" 
 for the Californians ; not so idle for the Yankee 
 seamen whose labor made cent per cent for owners, 
 and fat primage for officers. Few survived to get into 
 Bancroft's register of California pioneers. Dana's 
 book is their only monument who would wish a 
 better? 
 
 268
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN IN SOUTHERN SEAS 
 
 It was the very low price of California hides that 
 made it worth while to send vessels for two years' voy- 
 ages around the Horn in search of them. South Amer- 
 ica was the great source of supply for Massachusetts 
 tanpits and shoe shops. In 1843, out of a total of 
 311,000 hides imported at Boston alone (and Salem 
 took many thousand in addition), over 100,000 came 
 from Buenos Aires and Montevideo, over 46,000 from 
 Chile, 48,000 from New Orleans, and only 33,000 from 
 California. 
 
 Many years before 1815, during the first struggles 
 of the South American patriots, Yankee vessels flocked 
 to their ports; and Massachusetts commission houses 
 preceded American consuls in several South American 
 cities. 1 Let historians seeking economic origins of the 
 Monroe Doctrine look to the Northwest fur trade and 
 to this early intercourse with South America! 
 
 The Lowell power looms at Waltham were making 
 sheetings for the South America trade before 1824, 
 and by 1850 that continent was taking over three- 
 quarters of the total export of ' domestics ' from Boston. 
 The lumber trade to the River Plate increased, and 
 old vessels on the point of falling to pieces were filled 
 with Maine pine boards and sent to Buenos Aires to 
 be sold for firewood. There was a sale for almost any- 
 thing in South America, provided it could compete 
 with British goods. In return, there was an excellent 
 market in Boston, and all North American cities, for 
 River Plate wool, hair, hides, sheepskins, and tallow, 
 until the protective tariff system was applied to favor 
 cattle ranches in the United States. The principal im- 
 
 1 One of them, Richard Alsop, of the firm of Alsop, Wetmore & Cry- 
 der, at Valparaiso, with a branch at Lima, was making $100,000 a year 
 by 1827. Others were Samuel Pomeroy at Arica, William Wheelwright 
 at Guayaquil and other ports, the Thayers of Lancaster in Chile, 
 Joseph W. Clapp at Montevideo, and Loring Brothers at Valparaiso. 
 
 269
 
 porting and exporting firm at Buenos Aires was Samuel 
 B. Hale & Co., whose founder, of a Boston mercantile 
 family, first visited the River Plate in 1830 as super- 
 cargo on a Boston ship. The firm at one time owned 
 forty-six sailing vessels, and in addition Mr. Hale be- 
 came a director of the first railway in the Argentine 
 Republic. 
 
 Along the Central American coast small brigs and 
 schooners peddled notions, bringing home cochineal, 
 goatskins, and tropical woods. Pirates were a menace 
 in the Caribbean as late as 1840. The brig Mexican 
 of Salem was plundered of her specie in 1832, and 
 only an opportune gale prevented the pirate crew from 
 executing their captain's order "Dead cats don't 
 mew." Five of them were hanged in Boston two years 
 later. 
 
 Rio de Janeiro was a favorite port of call for Yankee 
 traders. " I shall never forget," wrote Osborne Howes, 
 "the beautiful afternoon that we sailed into that mag- 
 nificent harbor." It was November 25, 1833, and he 
 was master of the little barque Flora of Boston, with 
 flour and lumber to exchange for sugar. 
 
 We passed the fort shortly before sunset, were hailed and directed 
 to proceed to the anchoring grounds some two miles distant, and 
 were there boarded by the health officer. When the business with 
 him was finished I went on deck. The land breeze had set in, bring- 
 ing with it the fragrance of the orange-trees. The beautiful little 
 islands rose abruptly from the water, on the tops of many of them 
 were churches, the bells of which were ringing. West of us was a deep 
 bay, some fifteen or twenty miles in extent, at the head of which 
 were the Organ Mountains, with their peaks from five thousand to 
 six thousand feet in height. Near us rose the Sugar Loaf, one thou- 
 sand feet or more above the sea, and not far distant, the beautiful 
 Corcovado Mountain. Small boats were passing across the bay, 
 urged by sail or oar, and the negroes, as they pulled at the latter, 
 were singing gayly. The lights of the city, some two miles distant, 
 gleamed over the water, and these, brought out by the high moun- 
 
 270
 
 SHIPS AND SEAMEN IN SOUTHERN SEAS 
 
 tainous lands a little behind them, rendered the outlook most en- 
 chanting. The moon was shining brightly, and I remained on the 
 deck till midnight, enjoying the beauty of the scene. 
 
 A considerable coffee trade was built up with Brazil; 
 in 1843 Boston imported thence over four million 
 pounds, one-quarter of her total imports of the fra- 
 grant bean; and a million and a quarter more from 
 Puerto Cabello. A million more came from Cuba, and 
 eight and one half millions from Hayti. In this, as 
 in most branches of South American trade, Boston 
 was surpassed by other Atlantic ports of the United 
 States, but at Valparaiso the enterprise of Augustus 
 Hemenway gave Boston the bulk of North Ameri- 
 can commerce. This self-made merchant approached 
 South America by way of the Maine coast and the 
 West Indies. He owned a township in Washington 
 County, Maine, where pine was cut on his own land, 
 sawed into lumber at his own sawmill in Machias, 
 and carried to Cuba (where he owned a sugar planta- 
 tion) or Valparaiso on his own ships, which returned 
 from the west coast laden with copper and nitrate of 
 soda. 
 
 Massachusetts merchants found South America a 
 good market for India shawls and China silk, which 
 suggested a direct trade from Canton in Boston ves- 
 sels. R. B. Forbes, at twenty-one given command of 
 his uncle Perkins's brig Nile, disposed of a Canton 
 cargo at various ports from Bodega Bay to Buenos 
 Aires, where John M. Forbes, another uncle, was 
 charge d'affaires. 
 
 As a feeder to New England's leading industry, as 
 an outlet for her products, and as a carrying trade, 
 this intercourse with South America became one of the 
 most important branches of Massachusetts commerce ; 
 and it is one of the few branches that still continues 
 
 271
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 in sailing vessels. It was very similar to, and largely 
 replaced the West-India trade of colonial days; with 
 the important difference that it fed looms and shoe fac- 
 tories instead of slave coffles and distilleries.
 
 CHAPTER XVII 
 
 CHINA AND THE EAST INDIES 
 1820-1850 
 
 RETURNING around the Horn, we find that the China 
 trade until 1840 was carried on by the same unique 
 methods and the same shrewd traders as before the 
 war. Ships of all nations still anchored at Whampoa, 
 and lightered their cargoes up-river to Jackass Point. 
 Boston merchants of the old Nor'wester families 
 maintained luxurious bachelor quarters in the Canton 
 factories, and a summer residence at Macao. The 
 only new element was the missionaries, among whom 
 the Reverend Peter Parker, M.D., of Framingham, 
 Massachusetts, deserves a passing mention for his 
 pioneer work in founding native hospitals at Can- 
 ton and Macao. There was little variation from dec- 
 ade to decade in the total volume of the American 
 China trade, but a great change took place, even 
 before 1840, in its character, and its relative impor- 
 tance for Massachusetts commerce. 
 
 Among the "flowery-flag devils," as the Chinese 
 called our compatriots, the Perkins-Sturgis-Forbes 
 connection remained all-powerful; for China trading 
 required great experience in details, and sound finan- 
 cial backing. 'Ku-shing 1 (John P. Cushing), their 
 Canton agent, with only two clerks to his establish- 
 ment, did a business of millions a year, and returned a 
 wealthy man in 1830 to his Summer Street mansion 
 and his Belmont estate, attended by a retinue of 
 Chinese servants. Perkins & Co., James P. Sturgis & 
 Co., Russell, Sturgis & Co., and Russell & Sturgis of 
 
 273
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Manila were finally consolidated into the firm of Rus- 
 sell & Co. of Canton, which had been founded by 
 Samuel Russell, of Middletown, Connecticut, about 
 1818. Joseph Peabody, of Salem, as we have seen, 
 maintained a foothold at Canton until 1840. Augus- 
 tine Heard, at one time a partner of Russell & Co., 
 established a separate house which remained in the 
 hands of his nephews until well after the Civil War. 
 Small firms were founded from time to time ; but these 
 "needy adventurers" and "desperadoes," as Captain 
 Bill Sturgis called them, did not last long. 
 
 Russell & Co. did more business at Canton than 
 any other American house. No small measure of this 
 success was due to the friendship of Houqua, the 
 Chinese hong merchant; a legacy of John P. Cushing. 
 Houqua, as generous as he was wealthy, extended un- 
 limited credit facilities to his Boston friends during the 
 worst financial panics. He shipped his own teas to 
 Europe and America on the Russell ships, and on one 
 occasion sent J. Murray Forbes half a million dollars to 
 invest in New England factory stock. In England the 
 relations of the Boston China merchants with Baring 
 Brothers, who had financed their early ventures to the 
 Northwest Coast, became so intimate that Joshua 
 Bates (who married a Sturgis) and Russell Sturgis (a 
 great-nephew of T. H. Perkins) were successively ad- 
 mitted partners in that great merchant-banking house. 
 
 After 1815 the character of American imports from 
 China gradually changed. Canton willow-ware, after 
 a brief recovery, was crowded out of the Boston mar- 
 ket by Staffordshire, Royal Worcester, and French 
 porcelain. European imitations killed the nankeens. 
 Crapes and silks declined with changes in fashion, and 
 by 1840 teas made up over eighty per cent of American 
 imports from China. 
 
 274
 
 CHINA AND THE EAST INDIES 
 
 The greater part of this, even when shipped by 
 Boston firms in Boston vessels, was sent into New 
 York. Out of ninety-one vessels entering New York 
 from Canton and Manila between 1839 and 1842, 
 thirty-nine belonged in Massachusetts; and the en- 
 tries from China at Boston and Salem averaged but 
 five or six annually. 
 
 A one per cent state tax on auction sales, the custom- 
 ary method for disposing of China products, has been 
 blamed for this exodus to Manhattan. This tax resulted 
 from a temporary alliance in 1824 between retail grocers 
 and the farmer vote. The former, for some obscure 
 reason, wished to kill the auction system. The latter 
 were looking for a new source of revenue rather than 
 raise the state property tax from $75,000 to $100,000. 
 
 It was unwise to remove Boston's advantage (for 
 New York already had an auction tax) at a period 
 when the Erie Canal was pulling trade to Manhattan. 
 But it is doubtful whether the tax drove any one from 
 Boston. Some of her tea ships were already being sent 
 to New York in 1824, and most of them continued 
 thither when the tax was reduced one-quarter in 1849, 
 and abolished in 1852. East-Indian, Russian, and 
 Mediterranean imports continued to be sold princi- 
 pally in Boston, although disposed of by auction, and 
 subject to the same duty. Both Boston and Salem 
 maintained their early lead in the Manila trade, which 
 was closely connected with the China trade, and car- 
 ried on by the same firms. Four and a quarter million 
 pounds of Philippine Islands sugar, and great quan- 
 tities of Manila hemp and indigo, were landed at Bos- 
 ton in 1843. Similar commodities were imported from 
 Batavia, where a Bostonian was the principal Ameri- 
 can merchant in 1850, and near which Boston interests 
 acquired a large sugar plantation. Massachusetts also 
 
 275
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 retained a considerable though irregular share of the 
 Java coffee trade. For obvious geographical reasons 
 New York, after the opening of the Erie Canal, was a 
 better market for teas than Boston, so that when one 
 China merchant began sending his ships there, the rest 
 followed in self-defense. The same movement took 
 place, twenty years later, in the wholesale cottons 
 trade. Other shipping merchants and wholesalers who 
 did not enjoy the social preeminence of the China mer- 
 chants might have followed their example; after the 
 Civil War most of them did. Until then they remained 
 loyal to Boston. The fate of Salem warned Bostonians 
 to retain control of distribution, as the condition of a 
 healthy commercial life. 
 
 On the whole the China trade grew less important 
 for Massachusetts year by year. It enriched but two 
 or three family connections, and between 1820 and 
 1845 was not very lucrative even for them. Yet it 
 produced a new type of vessel, the Medford-built 
 East-Indiaman, 1 and provided an important outlet 
 for New England manufactures. Our teas were no 
 longer purchased with otter-skins and sandal wood. 
 About 1817, the Boston merchants began to ship 
 English goods to Canton, in competition with the 
 British East India Company. Their success greatly 
 irritated British merchants, excluded by the Honorable 
 John's monopoly, and provided an additional incen- 
 tive for Parliament throwing open the trade to all 
 British subjects, in 1834. Already the Bostonians had 
 begun to substitute Lowell cottons for the Lancashire ; 
 and ten years later the prosaic fruit of New England 
 looms, to the annual value of a million and a half 
 dollars, had replaced the lustrous and fragrant prod- 
 ucts of Coast and Islands. 
 
 1 See previous chapter. 
 276
 
 SHIP SARACEN BEING TOWED INTO TABLE BAY 
 
 SHIP CARNATIC IN A HURRICANE 
 TWO BOSTON EAST-INDIAMEN OF 1840
 
 CHINA AND THE EAST INDIES 
 
 In spite of these new exports to China there still 
 remained a heavy annual balance against Boston. 
 The growing Chinese consumption of Indian opium 
 created a demand at Canton for bills on London, 
 which our China merchants began to supply, in place 
 of Spanish dollars, about 1827. To a certain extent 
 they supplied the forbidden drug itself, and made no 
 secret of it. Since the opening years of the century, 
 Perkins & Co. had made a specialty of carrying Smyrna 
 opium to Canton; so did Joseph Peabody and every 
 Boston or Salem merchant who could get it. But the 
 total import of this inferior variety was inconsiderable, 
 in comparison with the immense consignments of 
 opium from British India five hundred and seventy- 
 eight thousand dollars' worth in the season of 1833-34, 
 as compared with fourteen million dollars' worth of 
 seductive Malwa and fragrant Patna, smuggled in by 
 British ships. 1 
 
 A small part, also, of the imports under the British 
 flag were on the account of Russell & Co. and Augus- 
 tine Heard. Within a few years' time, a fleet of Boston 
 clipper schooners and brigs (like the 92-ton Ariel, 
 which almost drowned R. B. Forbes on her trial trip, 
 the loo-ton Zephyr and the 370- ton Antelope, built by 
 Samuel Hall) was distributing opium along the China 
 coast from Lintin Island, where the American firms 
 maintained receiving ships. One small house at Can- 
 ton was founded by a Salem mate and ship's carpenter 
 who, taking advantage of Chinese respect for the dead, 
 landed a large consignment of the forbidden drug in 
 coffins supposed to contain departed shipmates! Oly- 
 phant & Co. of New York (derisively called 'Zion's 
 
 1 The American ships at Canton this season numbered 70, as against 
 24 British East-Indianmen, 77 Country ships (vessels owned in British 
 India), 37 Spaniards, and 45 of all other nations. 
 
 277
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Corner' by their rivals) was the only Canton house 
 that refused to participate in the opium trade; and 
 their motive was not so much moral as practical. 
 They feared that a traffic forbidden by the Chinese 
 government, however countenanced by its officials, 
 would breed trouble. They were right. 
 
 Having stated these facts, I must, in justice to the 
 candid old China merchants and their descendants 
 who made them public, warn the reader against exag- 
 gerating this opium traffic. For English firms, it was 
 vital. For Boston firms, it was incidental, even in the 
 China trade; 1 which trade was but a small and declin- 
 ing item in the commerce of Boston and Salem after 
 1815. Few, at the time, appreciated the moral and 
 physical injury to the Chinese people they were com- 
 mitting through this traffic. Even Christian mission- 
 aries countenanced it, by taking passage on the opium 
 clippers to ports they could not otherwise reach, and 
 by accepting money from firms and individuals who 
 dealt in the drug. It was commonly asserted that 
 opium had no more effect on the Chinese than rum on 
 Yankees. At the risk of appearing to black the kettle, 
 I further submit that there is a difference between 
 smuggling opium under the official wink and driving 
 in opium with cannon and bayonet when officials are 
 making a sincere if tardy effort at moral reform. 
 
 In England's opium war of 1840, Americans had no 
 share; and few justified it save John Quincy Adams. 2 
 
 1 Opium made up over half of the British imports into China in 
 1831-32. Only one-fifteenth to one-twenty-fifth of the American im- 
 ports at the same period were in Smyrna opium, and the amount of 
 Indian opium imported in American vessels before 1850 must have 
 been very small, so few were engaged in it. British opium imports ex- 
 ceeded greatly the total American trade. 
 
 8 In a public lecture at Boston, that aroused a storm of protest; 
 printed in Chinese Repository, xi, 274. 
 
 278
 
 CHINA AND THE EAST INDIES 
 
 Many profited by it, nevertheless; both by absorbing 
 the British trade during its course and sharing the 
 fruits of its success. After England had extorted the 
 Treaty of Nanking, which ended forever the old Can- 
 ton methods and opened four new ports to European 
 commerce, the United States government sent out 
 Caleb Cushing, of Newburyport, as envoy extraor- 
 dinary. In the treaty which he concluded on July 3, 
 1844, the United States disavowed all protection of 
 opium smugglers. 
 
 The principal profits thereafter made by Boston 
 capital in China were in tea, in steam freighting along 
 the Yangtze River, and in clipper-ship freighting from 
 the Treaty Ports to New York and London. A cer- 
 tain amount of opium smuggling continued. As late as 
 1872 fast steamers, some of Boston registry, were run- 
 ning it into Formosa, a thousand chests a trip ; carrier 
 pigeons conveying prices-current to interior corre- 
 spondents. Russell & Co. removed to Shanghai, and 
 finally went bankrupt in the nineties, by which time 
 the Germans had crowded out the smaller Boston 
 firms. 
 
 To-day no trace remains in Boston of the old China 
 trade, the foundation of her commercial renaissance, 
 save a taste for li-chi nuts, Malacca joints, and smoky 
 Souchong. 
 
 Do you remember, in the "Second Jungle Book," 
 the adjutant bird's description of his frigid and 
 wounded feelings, after swallowing a "piece of white 
 stuff," which a man threw him from a great boat in 
 the Ganges? And Mr. Kipling's explanation that the 
 Adjutant had swallowed "a seven-pound lump of 
 
 279
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Wenham Lake ice, off an American ice-ship"? Now, 
 it cost one visionary Yankee some twenty-eight years' 
 struggle to deliver that frozen sample of Wenham 
 Lake, Massachusetts, to the Adjutant's crop. 
 
 When twenty-two-year-old Frederic Tudor pro- 
 posed to ship ice to the West Indies from his father's 
 pond in Saugus, Boston thought him mad; and sea- 
 faring men, fearing such a cargo would melt and swamp 
 a vessel, with some difficulty were persuaded to handle 
 his brig. His first venture was one hundred and thirty 
 tons of ice to Martinique in 1805. On receiving news 
 of its complete failure, he wrote in his journal, "He 
 who gives back at the first repulse and without striking 
 the second blow despairs of success, has never been, is 
 not and never will be a hero in love, war, or business." 
 By 1812 he had built up a small trade with the West 
 Indies. The war wiped him out. After the Peace of 
 Ghent he obtained government permission to build 
 ice-houses at Kingston and Havana, with a monopoly 
 of the traffic. It began to pay, and between 1817 and 
 1820 he extended the business to Charleston, Savannah, 
 and New Orleans. 
 
 Frederic Tudor's letter-books (preserved in an old 
 Boston office, under ship pictures and photographs of 
 Tudor ice-houses in the Far East) reveal something 
 of the pains, ingenuity, and persistence required to 
 build up the ice-exporting business. Vessels had to be 
 double-sheathed, to protect the ice from melting, and 
 the captains had to be cautioned, with wearisome 
 repetition, never to let the hatches be removed. Tudor 
 experimented with all sorts of filling; with rice and 
 wheat chaff, hay, tan-bark, and even coal-dust, before 
 he settled upon pine sawdust as the best insulator. In- 
 stead of filling a long-felt want, he had to create a 
 market at every new port; and to make the market 
 
 280
 
 CHINA AND THE EAST INDIES 
 
 pay, he had to educate not only the well-to-do, but 
 the working people. He instructed Osgood Carney, 
 supercargo of the barque Madagascar which took his 
 first shipment to Rio de Janeiro, " If you can make a 
 commencement for introducing the habit of cold 
 drinks at the same price as warm at the ordinary drink- 
 ing places . . . even if you give the ice ... you will do 
 well. . . . The shop frequented by the lowest people is 
 the one to be chosen for this purpose." In addition, 
 Mr. Carney must promote an ice-cream establishment, 
 instruct people in the art of preserving ice at their 
 homes, construct a temporary ice-house on shore, in- 
 troduce it into the hospitals, and persuade the Brazil- 
 ian government, on the ground of public health, to 
 remit export duties on all products taken away by the 
 Tudor vessels. 
 
 Nor did his pioneer work end with creating a market. 
 No one in Southern ports knew how to store ice during 
 hot weather. Mr. Tudor had to provide the materials 
 for ice-houses, employees to construct them, and 
 agents to take charge of distribution. Their careless- 
 ness and dishonesty was a constant trial. He became 
 an expert in what nowadays is called the science of 
 salesmanship. Playing on local excitement and curios- 
 ity, a high price was charged on first shipments. Grad- 
 ually the price was lowered ; and in order to stimulate 
 steady sales, tickets were sold at a reduced rate, en- 
 titling the bearer to so many pounds on presentation 
 at the ice-house. 1 
 
 1 At Charleston, South Carolina, in 1834, Tudor sold ice for I J cents 
 per pound, but ice tickets were sold at the rate of ij cents. Previously 
 he had cut the rate to three-fourths of a cent in order literally to freeze 
 out the Thayers of Boston, who endeavored to compete with him. At 
 New Orleans, to which he paid from $435 to $600 for freight per small 
 brig-load of ice, he was selling it for 2 cents; at Havana for 3 cents. The 
 first price at Rio de Janeiro in 1833 was 12 pounds for a Spanish dollar. 
 
 281
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 In May, 1833, Tudor made his first venture to Cal- 
 cutta; one hundred and eighty tons of ice in the ship 
 Tuscany. "As soon as you have arrived in latitude 
 12 north," he instructed Captain Littlefield, "you 
 will have carried ice as far south as it has ever been 
 carried before, and your Ship becomes a discovery 
 ship and as such I feel confident you will do every- 
 thing for the eventual success of the undertaking; as 
 being in charge of the first ship that has ever carried 
 ice to the East Indies." 
 
 After sailing twice through the torrid zone, the 
 Tuscany landed almost two-thirds of her chilly cargo 
 in good order at Calcutta. Many are the yarns told 
 of its reception. A Parsee asked the Captain, "How 
 this ice make grow in your country? Him grow on 
 tree? Him grow on shrub?" Indignant natives de- 
 manded their money back, after leaving a purchase in 
 the sun. The poverty of the people made it difficult 
 to establish a wide market; but the Anglo-Indian com- 
 munity quickly took to iced drinks, and paid large 
 sums for the Baldwin apples, which were buried in 
 the chilly cargoes. The trade was as genial for ship- 
 masters as it was profitable for Mr. Tudor. While 
 supercargoes dickered for return freight with the Babu 
 Rajkissen Mitter, or Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy & Co., 
 the Boston captains moored their vessels to the banks 
 of the Hoogly, and played host with drinks mixed 
 Yankee-fashion, to all ships' officers in the port of 
 Calcutta. 
 
 Mr. Tudor and his ice came just in time to preserve 
 Boston's East-India commerce from ruin. Our carry- 
 ing trade between Calcutta and Europe had declined 
 almost to extinction. A precarious foothold in Bengal 
 was retained by Boston and Salem houses only by im- 
 porting specie, eked out with 'notions' such as spiced 
 
 282
 
 CHINA AND THE EAST INDIES 
 
 Penobscot salmon, cods' tongues and sounds, coarse 
 glassware, sperm candles and Cape Cod Glauber 
 salts. 1 Our importing business from Calcutta had 
 been "cut up by the roots" by the tariff of 1816, as 
 Daniel Webster said ; and within a few years the Massa- 
 chusetts mills were making cotton cloth in sufficient 
 variety to kill all demand for Allabad Emerties, Beer- 
 boom Gurrahs, and the like, so extensively imported in 
 Federalist days. But the ice business increased to such 
 an extent that by 1841, although pushed by fifteen com- 
 petitors, and forced to lower the retail price to one cent 
 a pound, Frederic Tudor was able to pay off a debt of a 
 quarter-million contracted by his early experiments. 
 
 Between 1836 and 1850 the Boston ice trade was 
 extended to every large port in South America and 
 the Far East. When, at the Court of St. James, Ed- 
 ward Everett met the Persian ambassador, his first 
 words were an appreciation of the benefits of American 
 ice in Persia. For a generation after the Civil War, 
 until cheap artificial ice was invented, this export 
 trade increased and prospered. Not Boston alone, but 
 every New England village with a pond near tidewater, 
 was able to turn this Yankee liability into an asset, 
 through the genius of Frederic Tudor. 
 
 The center of the business was Gray's (later Tudor's) 
 Wharf, Charlestown. There the ice was brought by 
 pung or train, as it was needed, from the ice-houses at 
 Fresh Pond and other lakes in the neighborhood. In 
 the winter of 1846 "a hundred Irishmen, with Yankee 
 overseers, came from Cambridge every day to get out 
 the ice" from Walden, where Thoreau was dividing 
 his time between the study of nature and the Indian 
 philosophers. 
 
 1 The cargo of the Emerald, Captain Augustine Heard, in 1826. See 
 also that of William H. Bordman's Arbella, next chapter. 
 
 283
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 "Thus it appears," he writes, 1 "that the sweltering inhabitants of 
 Charleston and New Orleans, of Madras and Bombay and Calcutta, 
 drink at my well. In the morning I bathe my intellect in the stupen- 
 dous and cosmogonal philosophy of the Bhagvat-Geeta ... I lay 
 down the book and go to my well for water, and lo ! there I meet the 
 servant of the Brahmin, priest of Brahma and Vishnu and Indra, 
 who still sits in his temple on the Ganges reading the Vedas, or dwells 
 at the root of a tree with his crust and water jug. I meet his servant 
 come to draw water for his master, and our buckets as it were grate 
 together in the same well. The pure Walden water is mingled with 
 the sacred water of the Ganges. With the favoring winds it is wafted 
 past the site of the fabulous islands of Atlantis and the Hesperides, 
 makes the periplus of Hanno, and floating by Ternate and Tidore 
 and the mouth of the Persian Gulf, melts in the tropic gales of the 
 Indian seas, and is landed in ports of which Alexander only heard 
 the names." 
 
 As might be expected, the Boston merchants found 
 new East- India products with which to replace cot- 
 tons, and turn over the profits they made on outward 
 cargoes. "East-India goods," between 1830 and the 
 Civil War, meant buffalo hides and jute; indigo and 
 other dyestuffs; linseed and shellac; saltpeter; gunny- 
 bags which Boston supplied to the corn-growers of the 
 West, and gunny-cloth which was sent South for bal- 
 ing cotton. Colonel Francis Peabody, son of Joseph, 
 established a linseed oil and jute factory near Salem 
 about 1841, and began exporting its by-product of 
 oil-cake to England. Adjoining Tudor's Wharf at 
 Charlestown was his linseed oil and cake manufactory, 
 and a shop where rice and gunny-cloth were prepared 
 for the American market. In 1857 ninety-six out of the 
 hundred and twelve vessels that loaded at Calcutta 
 for the United States, landed their cargoes at Boston, 
 earning an average freight of twenty thousand dollars. 
 
 The homeward voyage from Calcutta was not so 
 pleasant as the cool outward passage. Various forms 
 1 Walden, end of chapter xvi. 
 284
 
 CHINA AND THE EAST INDIES 
 
 of insect life came aboard with the jute and gunnies, 
 and propagated with surprising rapidity. Whoever 
 left his boots outside his bunk (it is said) found nothing 
 in the morning but the nails and the eyelets. An arri- 
 val from Calcutta in Boston (I have been told) was 
 sometimes announced by a pack of terrified dogs 
 running up State Street pursued by an army of Cal- 
 cutta cockroaches! 
 
 In spite of these unpleasant if true incidents, the 
 East-India trade (including, in the popular meaning 
 of the word, the China, Manila, and Java trades as 
 well as that of British India) enjoyed a greater prestige 
 than any branch of Boston commerce since the North- 
 west fur trade died. An "East-India merchant," in 
 ante-bellum Boston, possessed social kudos to which 
 no cotton millionaire could pretend, unless previously 
 initiated through Federalist commerce. To have an 
 office on India Wharf, Boston, or to live in the India 
 Row that comprised the fine old square-built houses 
 of many a seaport town, conferred distinction. Among 
 sailors, the man who had made an East-India voyage 
 took no back- wind from any one; and on Cape Cod it 
 used to be said of a pretty, well-bred girl, "She 's good 
 enough to marry an East-India Cap'n!"
 
 CHAPTER XVIII 
 
 MEDITERRANEAN AND BALTIC 
 1820-1850 
 
 WHILE Frederic Tudor was building a bridge of ice 
 between Concord anarchy and Indian philosophy, the 
 Mediterranean trade of Boston ferried Ralph Waldo 
 Emerson to Malta, on his way to Florence and Ferney, 
 Savage Landor and Carlyle. Let Emerson's own jour- 
 nal begin the story: 
 
 At Sea, January 2, 1833. 
 
 Sailed from Boston for Malta, December 25, 1832. in Brig Jasper, 
 Captain Ellis, 236 tons, laden with logwood, mahogany, tobacco, 
 sugar, coffee, beeswax, cheese, etc. A long storm from the second 
 morn of our departure consigned all the five passengers to the irre- 
 medial chagrins of the stateroom, to wit, nausea, darkness, unrest, 
 uncleanness, harpy appetite and harpy feeding, the ugly "sound of 
 water in mine ears," anticipations of going to the bottom, and the 
 treasures of the memory. I remembered up nearly the whole of Lyci- 
 das, clause by clause, here a verse and there a word, as Isis in the 
 fable the broken body of Osiris. 
 
 Out occasionally crawled we from our several holes, but hope and 
 fair weather would not; so there was nothing for it but to wriggle 
 again into the crooks of the transom. Then it seemed strange that the 
 first man who came to sea did not turn round and go straight back 
 again. Strange that because one of my neighbours had some trum- 
 pery logs and notions which would sell for a few cents more here than 
 there, he should thrust forth this company of his poor countrymen 
 to the tender mercies of the northwest wind. . . . 
 
 The Captain believes in the superiority of the American to every 
 other countryman. " You will see," he says, "when you get out here 
 how they manage in Europe; they do everything by main strength 
 and ignorance. Four truckmen and four stevedores at Long Wharf 
 will load my brig quicker than a hundred men at any port in the 
 Mediterranean." It seems the Sicilians have tried once or twice to 
 bring their fruit to America in their own bottoms, and made the 
 passage, he says, in one hundred and twenty days. 
 
 286
 
 MEDITERRANEAN AND BALTIC 
 
 One hopes that the last item is nearer the truth than 
 the wild yarns of the Emerald's record passage with 
 which his homecoming captain stuffed Emerson. At 
 Malta he left the brig Jasper, and she disappears into 
 the fleet of undistinguished brigs and topsail schoon- 
 ers that traded from Boston to that part of the world. 
 
 Add lumber, 'domestics,' and East- India goods to 
 the Jasper's cargo, and you have a typical outward 
 lading from Boston to the Mediterranean for the pe- 
 riod 1820-1850. The South European and Levantine 
 peoples had by this time lost their taste for New 
 England salt fish, but in compensation they had 
 learned the good wearing qualities of Lowell cottons, 
 and acquired a profitable thirst for New England rum. 
 One Mediterranean firm ran a distillery in its Central 
 Wharf store, importing the molasses and exporting the 
 rum in its own vessels. But most outward cargoes had 
 to be completed outside Massachusetts in Maine 
 and Chesapeake Bay, in the West Indies, South 
 America, and the East Indies. Honduras logwood was 
 in demand, to give that warm, rich color to Medi- 
 terranean wines. The ports of destination included 
 Gibraltar, Malaga, Marseilles, Genoa, Leghorn, Sar- 
 dinia, Gallipolis, Messina, Marsala, Palermo, Trieste, 
 Zante, Volo, and Salonica. Return cargoes comprised 
 oranges and lemons, wine and currants, nuts and 
 raisins, corkwood, wool, olive oil, and a score of minor 
 products. " I find that a large proportion of our trade 
 with Genoa," wrote the American consul there in 
 1 843, "has been carried on by Boston and Salem mer- 
 chants. Some years, more than half the vessels en- 
 tering this port have been owned by Robert Gould 
 Shaw of Boston." 
 
 The letter-book of William H. Bordman, Jr., a 
 young Boston merchant who had been to sea, shows 
 
 287
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 in some detail the indirect methods by which the Med- 
 iterranean trade was generally carried on, the way it 
 fitted into other trade routes, and the unspecialized 
 methods by which shipowners won wealth. 
 
 In 1824 Bordman ships domestic brown shirtings, 
 Canton goods, soap, ham, and pickled Penobscot 
 salmon, to the value of $1684, in one of his own ves- 
 sels to South America. The supercargo is instructed 
 to use his own judgment as to the port of sale, but is 
 warned that Montevideo is overstocked with shirtings, 
 and that the ship Romeo has just cleared for Buenos 
 Aires with a similar cargo. The salmon will keep only 
 twelve months, and must be sold before it spoils. 
 Returns are left to the supercargo's judgment; but 
 horsehair is suggested, and something must be shipped 
 home "in time for me to take up my notes for the 
 shirtings." The same year Bordman consigns codfish, 
 cheese, and lard to Havana, in exchange for cigars of 
 the "Dos Amygos or Cabanas brands, preferably of a 
 light yellow color." Pipe, hogshead and barrel staves 
 are then obtained at Norfolk, Virginia, where the coop- 
 erage inspection is more strict than in New England, 
 for sale at Gibraltar and Cadiz. On vessels other than 
 his own, he adventures 429 pairs of shoes, invoiced at 
 $347.05, to New Orleans, where they sell for $850, less 
 freight and expenses; and to Liverpool a consignment 
 of sassafras Gosnold's export from Cuttyhunk in 
 1602. 
 
 In 1826 Bordman sends his ship Arbella to Calcutta, 
 laden with cigars and paint, currant jelly and shaving 
 soap, cider, oakum and ham, Dutch, pineapple, and 
 native cheese the latter at three and a half cents a 
 pound. The same year, when spices were scarce, one 
 of his father's vessels enters from Sumatra with a 
 cargo of pepper and Bourbon cloves, giving the Bord- 
 
 288
 
 MEDITERRANEAN AND BALTIC 
 
 man family a corner. Part was shipped to Messrs. 
 Perkins & Saltonstall at Baltimore, and the proceeds 
 invested in ''superfine Howard St. flour" at $4.12!. 
 Part of this, together with more pepper and cloves, is 
 sent to Hayti and Havana, and the proceeds invested 
 in sugar. Three years later Bordman's vessels are 
 taking sugar from Havana to Gothenburg for Swedish 
 iron; and in 1830 he is sending pepper to the Mediter- 
 ranean. His supercargo will decide the destination, 
 when advised at Gibraltar on the state of the pepper 
 market at Antwerp, Leghorn, Genoa, and Trieste ; and 
 may invest in a return cargo, or remit balance to 
 London. 
 
 By 1830 Bordman has added a new arrow to his 
 quiver the Northwest Coast and Canton trade. 
 The supercargo of his brig Smyrna is ordered to sell 
 Northwest sea-otter at Canton, but to bring his ac- 
 quisitions of beaver to Boston, where it is selling for 
 eight dollars a pelt. Luckily the letter is not received, 
 for by the time the Smyrna returns, enterprising 
 Yankee hatters have popularized the silk hat, and 
 beaver has fallen to four dollars. In search of the illicit 
 medium for China trading, Bordman in 1832 sends a 
 cargo of sugar from Havana to Smyrna for opium. 
 "If on arrival the sugars will pay a profit, dispose of 
 them at once, as I make it a rule never to speculate 
 on certain gain." At this point the letter-book ends. 
 From the manuscripts of Captain John Suter, who 
 took a share in Bordman's vessels and ventures, we 
 find that he was one of the last to enter and the last 
 to leave the old Northwest fur trade. In 1833 he sent 
 the ship Rasselas to Valparaiso and the Sandwich 
 Islands, and the same year the brig Smyrna to Suma- 
 tra for pepper. Cost of vessel, cargo, and outfit was 
 
 5,218.09. Expenses of the fourteen months' voyage 
 
 289
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 were $5050.82, including $854 wages to the Captain, 
 and $1404.76 to the crew. Net sales amounted to 
 almost one hundred per cent on the investment. 
 
 Massachusetts commerce, lacking a local export 
 medium, was largely triangular, if not four- and five- 
 cornered. For this reason, perhaps, we find that even 
 those merchants who attempted to specialize in a sin- 
 gle line participated in many others as well in order 
 to assemble their outward cargoes and dispose of their 
 acquisitions. On these secondary routes they some- 
 times employed their own vessels, but perhaps more 
 often retained a share in a large number of vessels, in 
 order to have some control over their movements and 
 their cargo space. Specialization shows a marked in- 
 crease about 1830, and by 1850 there was hardly a 
 Boston merchant who did not confine his activities to 
 one or two regions that fitted well together, such as 
 China and East Indies, the Mediterranean and Smyrna, 
 the South Sea Islands and South America, the Baltic 
 and West Indies, or New Orleans, Havre, and Liver- 
 pool. 
 
 As yet there was no tendency to separate the ship- 
 owning, purchasing, and distributing functions; and 
 there were merchants who had even more irons in the 
 fire than William Bordman. Ezra Weston built ves- 
 sels in his own yard, opposite his paternal mansion on 
 Powder Point, Duxbury, out of timber brought from 
 Maine and the Merrimac in his schooners, or from 
 Bridgewater and Middleborough on his own ox-teams. 
 He rigged them with the products of his own ropewalk, 
 sparyard, blacksmith shop, and sail loft at Duxbury; 
 loaded them opposite his counting-room on Com- 
 mercial Wharf, Boston; and sent them under his 
 house flag to the Mediterranean, and all parts of the 
 world. 
 
 290
 
 MEDITERRANEAN AND BALTIC 
 
 As a distributing point for Mediterranean fruit and 
 wine, Boston maintained its lead over New York until 
 about 1850. As emporium for the varied products of 
 the Near East, which found vent through Smyrna, it 
 never had a serious rival. The same strange yearning 
 for the Orient which pulled Boston ships around the 
 Horn to Canton, drew her Mediterranean traders to 
 this ancient mart of Lydia, since the dawn of history 
 an outport of the hither East. Rounding the Pelopon- 
 nesus, passing the white columns of Poseidon on Cape 
 Sunium, and crossing the JEgean to Chios, the little 
 brigs and barques of Boston or Plymouth, keeping a 
 sharp lookout for Levantine pirates, entered a gulf 
 that narrowed to a point where sits white Smyrna. 
 Here, in an amphitheater of snow-crowned mountains, 
 whose lower slopes were bright with orange and almond 
 blossoms amid silver-gray olives, verdant fig orchards 
 and somber cypress groves, they found a city in whose 
 narrow streets Kurd and Anatolian rubbed shoulder 
 with Armenian, Frank, and Greek; where Turkish rule 
 rested lightly on survivors of ancient sea-powers 
 Tyrian and Hellenic, Prankish and Maltese, Genoese 
 and Venetian. Easy it was at the bazaars to swap 
 clocks and cottons, candles and rum, for the products 
 brought in by camel-train, pack-mule, and felucca; 
 easier still to sell them for vague promises of the same. 
 In Smyrna, as in every Eastern port, business ceased 
 to be robbery only when conducted by men who knew 
 the local ways and customs. 
 
 It was a loyalist merchant of Boston, after long 
 wanderings settling at Smyrna, who established the 
 permanent connection in Federalist days. Two other 
 Bostonians were resident there by 1816. Through 
 them and their successors almost all the Mediterra- 
 nean merchants of Central Wharf did a certain amount 
 
 291
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 of business; but the bulk of the traffic was absorbed by 
 two adopted citizens of Massachusetts. The Marquis 
 Nicholas Reggio, of a Genoese family resident at 
 Smyrna for centuries, and Joseph lasigi, a Smyrniote 
 Armenian, established themselves in Boston as mer- 
 chant-shipowners about the year 1830. They im- 
 parted color to Boston society, and erected the statues 
 of Columbus and Aristides in Louisburg Square. 
 Their local, almost tribal connections, and instinctive 
 knowledge of the devious, immutable methods of 
 Smyrna, nailed Boston's supremacy in the Eastern 
 Mediterranean for the rest of the sailing-ship era. 
 
 In a valley back of Smyrna are produced the best figs 
 in the world, which, sun-dried and packed in drums, were 
 shipped to Boston in sufficient quantities to supply all 
 North America. Feluccas and camel-trains brought in 
 coarse wool for the New England mills; gum-arabic and 
 tragacanth, essentials for cotton printing; sponges and 
 Turkey carpets, and drugs such as myrrh and scam- 
 mony, which ante-bellum physicians loved to adminis- 
 ter in generous doses. Smyrna opium we have already 
 mentioned. The Mediterranean merchants imported it 
 for the domestic drug trade, and the China merchants 
 took it East by West; almost half the entire crop, about 
 1820, being handled by one Boston firm at Canton. 
 
 Naval architecture also profited by our Mediter- 
 ranean trade. Baltimore clipper brigs and schooners 
 were first used by Mediterranean merchants, to get 
 their fruit to market in good season. By 1830 Massa- 
 chusetts builders had created a type of deep, sharp 
 brig with a rakish rig, which produced as much speed as 
 the Chesapeake type and carried more cargo. Among 
 the famous 'fruiters' were the brigs Water Witch, 1 
 
 1 Brig Water Witch, 86' 6" x 21' 3" x 10' 4", 168 tons; built by 
 Joseph Clapp on the North River, Scituate, in 1831. 
 
 292
 
 BARQUE OSMANLI OF BOSTON LYING AT SMYRNA, 1851 
 
 BRIG WATER WITCH OF BOSTON LEAVING THE MOLE 
 OF MALAGA, 1833
 
 MEDITERRANEAN AND BALTIC 
 
 News Boy, 1 Sea Mew, and Red Rover. After bringing 
 home grapes and oranges for the Thanksgiving and 
 Christmas season, they would often make a winter 
 voyage to Rio de Janeiro or to the West Indies. Cap- 
 tain Paxton, of the Water Witch, would return thence 
 with bunches of bananas hanging from his main boom, 
 for distribution among the friends of her owner, Ben- 
 jamin C. Clark. Rivalry for each new crop of figs be- 
 tween the houses of Reggio and lasigi led to a com- 
 petitive building of swift barques. lasigi & Goodard's 
 Osmanli,' 2 painted in the port of Smyrna by a local 
 artist, is here shown; in the clipper ship era the Reg- 
 gios' Smyrniote was only surpassed by lasigi's Race 
 Horse* which also distinguished herself in the San 
 Francisco trade. 
 
 Fayal in the Azores, where in any year (save three) 
 between 1807 and 1892 one would discover the prin- 
 cipal merchant to be a Dabney of Boston, was an out- 
 post of the Mediterranean trade. The outward-bound 
 whalers stopped there to pick up cheap labor, and to 
 unload their early acquisitions of oil, which the Dab- 
 neys then shipped to Boston in their own vessels, 
 bringing back foodstuffs and notions for the Western 
 Islanders. Oranges and Pico wine were local products 
 that found their way to the Boston market. When his 
 Dabney brother-in-law served him "Pico Madeira," 
 
 1 Brig News Boy, in' x 26' 2" x 11' 5", 299 tons, designed by D. J. 
 Lawler and built at Thomaston, Maine, for Frederic Cunningham in 
 1854. 
 
 2 Barque Osmanli, 106' 2" x 24' 5" x 15', 287 tons; built by Water- 
 man & Ewell at Medford in 1844. 
 
 1 Barque Race Horse, 125' x 30' 3" x 16', 514 tons; designed by 
 Samuel H. Pook, and built by Samuel Hall at East Boston in 1850. 
 
 293
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Lewis Cunningham exclaimed, "Charles, I am very 
 
 fond of you, but d n your wines!" Like other 
 
 Bostonians, he preferred the genuine article from 
 Funchal, ripened in the hold of an East-Indiaman. 
 Happily for our Fayal trade, only connoisseurs could 
 tell the difference. Many a pipe of honest Pico was 
 reshipped from Boston as "Choice old London par- 
 ticular." 
 
 Baltic-bound vessels would often stop at Fayal to 
 top off their cargoes with oranges, whale-oil, and wine. 
 For Massachusetts approached Russia, as in Feder- 
 alist days, by a long detour in Southern waters, and 
 her merchants managed to maintain their early su- 
 premacy in the Baltic until the Civil War. 1 
 
 Sugar, shipbuilding, and cotton were the three keys 
 to this triangular trade. Boston vessels took mixed 
 cargoes to Havana, and there loaded sugar for the 
 Baltic. By this means they paid for the Russia hemp 
 and Baltic iron, which until the Civil War were es- 
 sential raw materials for American shipbuilding. 
 Manila was used on our merchantmen for sheets and 
 halyards, lifts and braces; but the stout, inelastic 
 Russia hemp was required for bolt-rope and standing 
 rigging. Russia hemp upheld the lofty spars of our 
 clipper ships, and indeed of all our vessels, until wire 
 rigging was introduced in the sixties. Russian iron 
 was preferred by the harpoon-makers of New Bedford ; 
 Swedish iron was used for the metal-work of wooden 
 
 1 In 1820 seventy-seven American vessels passed the Sound on home- 
 ward passage. Of these twenty-nine were destined for Boston, eight for 
 Salem, two for Newburyport, one for Marblehead, Gloucester, Plymouth, 
 Beverly, and New Bedford. In 1840, out of sixty-four American vessels 
 entering St. Petersburg, forty-nine belonged in Massachusetts; and out 
 of sixty-five vessels entering the United States from St. Petersburg and 
 Riga, thirty-two came to Boston and twelve (five of which belonged in 
 Massachusetts) to New York. , See also statistics in Appendix. 
 
 294
 
 MEDITERRANEAN AND BALTIC 
 
 ships, and in the ironworks of Plymouth County, 
 which had fairly exhausted the native ore. From 
 Russia, too, came a superior grade of iron boiler-plate, 
 the secret of whose composition eluded the Pennsyl- 
 vania ironmasters for fifty years; also bristles for the 
 brush factories, rags for the paper-mills, crash and 
 linen for the housewives of New England, and ex- 
 pensive furs sewed up in leather trunks. 
 
 Boston remained the American emporium for Baltic 
 products partly because it was the natural distributing 
 point for shipbuilding materials, but mostly from the 
 enterprise of her merchants. We have already seen, in 
 William Bordman's letter-book, how a Baltic voyage 
 fitted into the activities of a typical shipping mer- 
 chant. Brigs and small ships were especially built for 
 the trade. The itinerary of one such, the brig Cronstadt 
 (100 feet long, 273 tons), built on the North River 
 in 1829 for Thomas B. Wales and others of Boston, 1 
 shows that even vessels as small as the usual Mediter- 
 ranean fruiter could be profitably employed. Baltic- 
 bound cargoes were commonly owned in thirds by the 
 shipowner, the Cuban sugar merchant, and the Rus- 
 sian consignee, who got the lion's share of profits 
 through commissions not only on sales, but upon the 
 heavy import duty, together with fees and tips as 
 varied as the cumshaws of Canton. 
 
 In order to absorb to his own profit these heavy 
 charges, William Ropes, of a Salem family long expert 
 in the Russian trade, established himself at St. Peters- 
 burg in 1832, and was admitted to the guild of mer- 
 chants. He gave the Baltic trade a fresh impetus by 
 
 1 1834: Boston-Cuba-St. Petersburg twice, and Boston-Charleston- 
 Marseilles with cotton. 1835-36: Boston-Matanzas-St. Petersburg 
 twice; Boston-Charleston-Rotterdam. 1837: Boston-Rio de Janeiro- 
 Hamburg twice, with coffee, and Boston-Charleston-Amsterdam; etc. 
 
 295
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 importing Southern cotton in his own ships, to supply 
 the new factories at Narva, Riga, and Reval. Leaving 
 his son William Hooper Ropes in charge of the Rus- 
 sian branch, he returned to Boston, and resumed the 
 active charge of his firm. As soon as mineral illuminat- 
 ing oil began to replace the New Bedford product, 
 William Ropes exported it to Russia, and before his 
 death in 1859 Ropski kerosin was known throughout 
 the Empire. 
 
 William H. Ropes, attended by his head clerk, and a 
 large dog "Tiger" as protection against bandits, trav- 
 eled by sleigh thousands of miles in the interior of 
 Russia every winter to buy bolt-rope, crash, and 
 sheet-iron from the local merchants. His hobby was 
 distributing among the peasants religious tracts, trans- 
 lated into Russian by his student brother of the Im- 
 perial University; his favorite charity, and his father's, 
 was to give free passage in his ships, and hospitality 
 at his mansion on the English Quay, to overworked 
 New England ministers. 
 
 The Ropeses were not the only Russia merchants 
 of Boston. The fortune that built Fenway Court is 
 said to have originated in those northern waters. 
 Enoch Train, the daring and public-spirited founder 
 of the Train packet-line, saw that the Baltic cotton 
 trade would require larger vessels. Waterman & 
 Ewell built for him at Medford in 1839 the ship 
 St. Petersburg, which broke all previous records for 
 size in New England shipbuilding; she was 160 feet 
 long, 33 feet broad, and 814 tons burthen. With the 
 painted ports and square stern of a New York packet- 
 ship, she had such beautiful fittings and accommoda- 
 tions as to attract thousands of sight-seers at every 
 port. Richard Trask, of Manchester, her master and 
 part owner, was one of the dandy merchant-captains 
 
 296
 
 MEDITERRANEAN AND BALTIC 
 
 of his generation. After arranging for the return cargo 
 at St. Petersburg and visiting his friends, he would 
 leave the vessel in charge of the first officer and return 
 via London by steamer. 
 
 Somewhat akin to the Baltic trade was the coffee 
 carry ing- trade from Brazil to Antwerp, Amsterdam, 
 Hamburg, and Konigsberg; and the staves and 
 brandy trade between Norfolk and La Rochelle, in 
 which Thomas B. Wales and Nathaniel H. Emmons 
 kept several small vessels employed. But to analyze 
 every minor route of foreign trade that began and 
 ended at Boston would be an endless task. Peruse, if 
 you will, in the Appendix, the list of foreign ports from 
 which vessels cleared for Boston in 1857, for emphatic 
 proof of the variety and interest of her foreign com- 
 merce. 
 
 Space and time likewise forbid a proper analysis of 
 the North American coasting trade of Massachusetts. 
 In 1831 American tonnage engaged in coasting for the 
 first time exceeded the registered tonnage in foreign 
 trade, and the disproportion grew in spite of the rail- 
 roads. Coal and cotton explain the change. James 
 Collier, of Cohasset (1813-91), who once won a bet in 
 London for having commanded more vessels and voy- 
 ages than any shipmaster in port, first won the title of 
 captain at the age of eighteen, by taking the schooner 
 Profit from Boston to Norfolk, returning with a cargo 
 of coal for the Ames plow works. It was landed at 
 Weymouth and carted to North Easton. In the forties 
 this trade increased as the use of stoves and furnaces 
 became general, as hardwood disappeared from the 
 Maine coast, and as tidewater textile mills were es- 
 
 297
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 tablished at Newburyport, Salem, New Bedford, and 
 Fall River. Until the adoption of steam-towed coal 
 barges, after the Civil War, the freighting of lumber 
 and apples, fish and ice between New England and 
 Philadelphia and Norfolk, to return with coal, em- 
 ployed a great fleet of small sloops and schooners, 
 representing the labor and the savings of seafarers in 
 every village from Eastport to Westport. 
 
 The corn and cotton trade with the lower South, 
 which we have already noted in several connections, 
 deserves mention as one of the most lucrative routes 
 for Massachusetts vessels between 1830 and 1860. 
 In part it was a coasting trade ; in part, the last sailing- 
 ship phase of a Massachusetts interest two centuries 
 old the carrying of Southern staples to a market. 
 Year by year the wealthy Cotton Belt wore out more 
 boots and shoes, purchased more cottons for her slaves, 
 used more Quincy granite in her public buildings, and 
 consumed more Fresh Pond ice in her mint juleps. 
 The New England mills, on their part, were calling 
 for more cotton; and every pound of it that they re- 
 ceived, before the Civil War, came by sailing vessel 
 from Charleston, Savannah, Mobile, and New Or- 
 leans. The factory hands were equally hungry for 
 cheap food. Boston's total imports by sea from New 
 Orleans totaled $3,334,000 in 1839, and steadily rose; 
 in the period from September I, 1841, to May I, 1842, 
 one-quarter of the lard, more than one-quarter of the 
 flour, nearly half the pork and more than half the corn 
 shipped out of New Orleans went to Boston. 
 
 Sailing packet-lines were insufficient to fill this de- 
 mand. One hundred and seventy-five vessels cleared 
 from Boston in 1855 for New Orleans alone. But not 
 all of them returned directly to Boston. The typical 
 Massachusetts cotton-carrier, after waiting for a 
 
 298
 
 MEDITERRANEAN AND BALTIC 
 
 place on the crowded levee of New Orleans, while the 
 air rang with shouts of negro roustabouts and wild 
 chanties of cotton-screwers' gangs, took the best pay- 
 ing freight she could get to any foreign port. In keen 
 competition with the merchant marine of England, 
 France, and Germany, our vessels supplied the cotton- 
 mills of Lancashire, Normandy, Flanders, Alsace, 
 Prussia, Saxony, and the Baltic provinces. When 
 freights were good and anything above a cent a 
 pound made a ' saving voyage ' a ship would dis- 
 charge her cargo at Havre or Liverpool, and hasten 
 back in ballast for more cotton. 1 Otherwise she took 
 a European cargo to Boston, or was chartered by a 
 packet-line at Liverpool to relieve the heavy emigrant 
 traffic. Boston's imports from England far exceeded 
 those from any other country, and the freight money 
 on cotton went a long way toward balancing accounts. 
 Cotton, in fact, was the most important medium in 
 our carrying trade, replacing colonial rum and codfish, 
 and the Oriental goods of Federalist days. 
 
 Few converts were obtained by the abolitionists 
 in Boston counting-rooms. Society, business, and 
 politics in Massachusetts were dominated by a triple 
 entente between the "Lords of the Lash and the Lords 
 of the Loom" and the Lords of Long Wharf. 
 
 1 The records of the ship Rubicon (Medford built, 490 tons) from 
 1836 to 1838 show that in two years, on a total investment of $25,094.28 
 and disbursements of $10,960.40, she made $29,698.43 "cash receipts" 
 for her owners in the New Orleans-Havre cotton trade.
 
 CHAPTER XIX 
 
 CAPE COD AND CAPE ANN 
 I82O-I86O 
 
 CAPE COD was ripening off, as Thoreau walked its 
 sandy length in 1855. Untouched, through lack of 
 water-power, by the industrial revolution; neglected 
 alike by foreign commerce and railroad ; producing but 
 a fraction of its own food; Barnstable County in- 
 creased in population and in wealth solely by the skill 
 of its people in farming the sea. The towns and vil- 
 lages of the Cape, from Sandwich to Provincetown, 
 and down the back side around Chatham to Wood's 
 Hole, increased their sea-borne tonnage six fold be- 
 tween 1815 and 1850. Not only Barnstable and Prov- 
 incetown, but every tidal harbor and tiny creek 
 Yarmouthport, Sesuet, Namskaket, Herring River, 
 Rock Harbor, Wellfleet, Pamet, Chatham, Bass River, 
 Harwichport, Hyannis, Osterville, and Cotuit had 
 its fishing fleet, with dependent shipyards, sail-lofts, 
 stores, and wharves. Coasting vessels plied "down 
 East" or "out South," and made foreign connections 
 at Boston, to which every place on the Bay side ran a 
 sailing packet. Provincetown and Wood's Hole had a 
 small fleet of whalers, and all parts received an occa- 
 sional oily bounty from a school of blackfish, driven on 
 the beach and tried out by the united effort of the 
 community, with a spirit that would delight Lenin. 
 
 Of the minority that did not engage in fishing or 
 coasting, the more adventurous entered the merchant 
 marine, the stay-at-homes worked the oyster-beds and 
 clam-flats, or harnessed wind and sun to extract salt 
 
 300
 
 CAPE COD AND CAPE ANN 
 
 from the sea. 1 Many young men worked at a trade in 
 Charleston or some other Southern seaport during 
 the winter, returning to the Cape by sea in time for 
 a summer's fishing. Widows and retired captains in- 
 vested their savings in sixteenth-shares of fishing ves- 
 sels, or in the stock of a local marine insurance com- 
 pany. Until 1850 almost every one lived in a snug 
 Cape cottage, built with that nice sense of proportion 
 that a ship-carpenter instinctively absorbs. The pop- 
 ulation of thirty-five thousand (1850) was ninety- five 
 per cent native-born, and in about the same propor- 
 tion dependent on the sea for a livelihood. 
 
 Distinct section that it was, Cape Cod's every town 
 was distinctive. Chatham had a small fleet of shad- 
 seiners about 1840. Provincetown, with its capacious 
 harbor, had the largest fleet of fishermen and whalers, 
 and the greatest salt-works. Her shores were lined 
 with picturesque windmills, which pumped sea-water 
 into pine vats for evaporation; her quaint cottages 
 emerged from sand and fish-flakes, instead of gardens 
 and shrubbery. Brewster, having no proper harbor, 
 was a nursery of sea-captains for the merchant marine, 
 and snug harbor in their old age. Barnstable, the 
 county seat, had a native aristocracy of lawyers, 
 judges, and clipper-ship commanders. Sandwich, 
 where the Cape begins, capitalized Cape sand. Its 
 six-acre glass factory was the largest in the country, 
 and one of the first in New England to use steam 
 power. 
 
 Wellfleet maintained its oyster-breeding reputation. 
 Seed oysters were obtained in Wareham Harbor, the 
 
 1 The salt industry on the Cape did not entirely close until about 
 1870, but it was pretty well killed off before the Civil War, through the 
 import duty being reduced from twenty to two cents per bushel, 1830-46. 
 In 1837 the Cape had 668 salt-works and produced to the value of 
 $ 225,098; in 1855 this had fallen to 181 and $47,657. 
 
 301
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Taunton River, and other points in Buzzard's and 
 Narragansett bays. In winter the local mackerel fleet 
 brought bivalves from Chesapeake Bay and bedded 
 them down on the Wellfleet flats, where during the 
 R-less months they grew plump for the Boston market. 
 About 1824 Wellfleet schooners began bringing Vir- 
 ginia oysters directly to Northern markets; but a 
 sojourn behind Billingsgate Island greatly enhanced 
 their value. In the fifties the canning industry ex- 
 tended the market not only for oysters, but for lobster 
 and Penobscot salmon. From colonial times to the 
 present, almost every oyster-dealer in New England 
 has been a Wellfleet man. Isaac Rich climbed on 
 oyster-shells to a fortune, which he left to Boston 
 University. 
 
 A regional readjustment in the fishing industry went 
 on between 1835 an d I&55. 1 Boston, the second great- 
 est fishing port in 1837, gradually went out of the 
 business, and no other town on Boston Bay but Hing- 
 ham owned a fishing schooner in 1855. The South 
 Shore and the Merrimac declined; the North Shore 
 remained stationary. The only regions which in- 
 creased their fleet during these eighteen years were 
 Cape Cod, and her rocky rival Cape Ann. The latter's 
 fishing fleet in 1837 was less than half that of Cape 
 Cod. But in the next twenty years Cape Ann caught 
 up. The population of Gloucester and Rockport (sep- 
 arated in 1840) more than doubled between 1820 and 
 1855. Sandy Bay Breakwater (hardy perennial of 
 river and harbor bills), which the federal government 
 began to construct about 1836, protected the fishing 
 coves on the exposed side of Cape Ann, and made it 
 possible for the Rockport granite quarries to compete 
 with Quincy. But concentration was the tendency of 
 
 1 See statistics in Appendix. 
 302
 
 CAPE COD AND CAPE ANN 
 
 the age, and "the harbor" (Gloucester) gradually ab- 
 sorbed all Cape Ann fisheries. 
 
 Newburyport lost half her fleet in this period, but 
 codfishing remained the typical industry of the smaller 
 ports of Essex County until the Civil War. Swamp- 
 scott, despite an influx of summer boarders, increased 
 her fleet to thirty-nine small schooners, dried her cod- 
 fish exceptionally well, and remained the last place 
 where the delectable dunfish was properly cured. 1 It 
 was no uncommon sight to see fifty to one hundred 
 farmers' teams at one time on King's and Blaney's 
 beaches, dickering with the fishermen for a winter's 
 supply. 
 
 "Our neighbors of Beverly have dropped quietly 
 back into the fisheries again," writes Dr. Bentley in 
 1816. "I saw several fields replanted with flakes, 
 which had been divided for house lots. ... At Beverly 
 they have received half a million of fish in 16 vessels." 
 Her fleet rose from twenty-one sail in 1825 to sixty- 
 four in 1840, when it began to decline: and the Beverly 
 schooners were Grand Bankers, thrice the tonnage of 
 the Swampscott vessels. 
 
 Shoemaking brought a great change in the economy 
 of North Shore fishing ports after 1815. The schoon- 
 ers, instead of refitting for a winter's trading voyage, 
 were now hauled out by Thanksgiving Day; the fish- 
 ermen, instead of idling or shipping abroad, pegged 
 and cut shoes in a neighborly "ten-footer" shop, dis- 
 cussing meanwhile the ways of fish and politicians, 
 ships and women. Many fishermen from ' abroad ' 
 
 1 Fish for 'dunning* at this period was caught in deep water, pref- 
 erably off the Isles of Shoals in early spring. It was split and slack 
 salted, piled up for two or three months, covered with salt hay or eel 
 grass in a dark store, uncovered once and restacked under pressure, and 
 by late_summer, if nothing went wrong, had acquired the proper ripeness 
 and dun color. 
 
 303
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 (Cape Cod) brought their catch for curing to Beverly, 1 
 whose rocky shores as far as West Beach were white 
 and odorous every autumn with drying cod. A pleas- 
 ant, well-balanced life had the North Shore fisherman- 
 farmer-shoemakers, for about two generations. The 
 industrial revolution then made a factory industry of 
 their sociable handicraft; and on the stony acres of 
 their forefathers arose the palaces and Italian gardens 
 of a new feudalism. 
 
 Marblehead still had a large fleet of Bankers, and 
 even in its absence the Provincetown mackerel fleet, 
 putting in for shelter, would fill her harbor with sail. 
 Glorious nights there were, when the Cape Codders 
 came ashore, bent on draining every Marblehead grog- 
 shop, kissing every Marblehead girl, and blacking the 
 eyes of every Marblehead boy. Glorious mornings 
 followed, when a clearing northwest breeze sent wave- 
 lets slap-slap-slapping on black topsides, while the 
 surf still roared outside; when to the chuckling chorus 
 of halyard blocks, foresails and mainsails arose to 
 catch the dawn; when "Shanandore" or "Lowlands" 
 from five hundred lusty throats, brought up, all stand- 
 ing, such aged natives as had thought it worth while 
 to retire. Glorious days, too, when the Marblehead 
 Banker fleet departed for its summer fare. Church- 
 bells ring, fish-horns blare, and in sight of the whole 
 town each schooner, dressed in all her colors and new- 
 est suit, must sail up and down the harbor thrice, 
 and for good luck toss a penny on Halfway Rock. 
 
 Plymouth increased her fishing fleet at this period 
 to over fifty sail, and specialized in mackerel; but 
 the smaller South Shore fishing villages allowed their 
 
 1 On account of her early railroad facilities, which attracted buyers 
 from the interior. The Eastern Railroad reached Salem in 1838, Marble- 
 head and Beverly in 1839. 
 
 304
 
 CAPE COD AND CAPE ANN 
 
 fleets to decline in the forties. Probably the active 
 shipyards of Cohasset, Scituate, the North River, and 
 Duxbury were absorbing the slack. West of the Cape 
 there was little codfishing; but the Maine coast was 
 becoming a worthy rival. 
 
 Expansion marked the industry as a whole between 
 1820 and 1860. Mackerel-fishing now for the first 
 time attained the dignity and importance of codfish- 
 ing. The sportive and elusive mackerel taxed the in- 
 genuity of fishermen far more than the stolid cod, but 
 the amount of him brought into Massachusetts in- 
 creased from twelve thousand barrels full, the highest 
 for any year before the war, to over three hundred 
 thousand in 1830. Prices rose as well. 1 There fol- 
 lowed a lean decade, when the mackerel fled the coast, 
 but in 1840 a series of heavy catches began again. In 
 1851 the mackerel fleet of Massachusetts numbered 
 eight hundred and fifty sail, of over fifty- three thou- 
 sand tons burthen. 
 
 The same types of vessel were used in mackerel as in 
 codfishing. Chebacco boats and 'heel-tappers' were 
 gradually superseded by pinkies an enlarged and 
 improved Chebacco boat with bowsprit and jib, meas- 
 uring twenty to sixty tons. 2 About 1830 a new type 
 of square-sterned schooner, of twenty to ninety tons 
 burthen, came into use. Apple-bowed, barrel-sided, 
 and clumsy craft that they were, these 'new-style 
 bankers' or 'jiggers' had easier lines than the old type, 
 and a flush deck. They were built all along the New 
 
 1 The price of No. i mackerel rose from $5 per barrel in 1830 to $ii) 
 in 1856. Codfish in the same period rose from $2.12 to $3.75 per quintal 
 of 112 pounds. 
 
 * The measurements of an early pinkie, the "pink-stern schooner 
 Pink of Edgartown," in the Plymouth registry for 1810, are 42' x 12' 6" 
 X 5' 3"i tonnage 24}. One is shown in the engraving of Boston Harbor 
 in chapter xxil. 
 
 305
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 England shore from Frenchman's Bay to Dartmouth. 
 In accommodations they were no improvement on 
 earlier models. All the cooking, even the tea and coffee, 
 was done in a large iron pot over a brick hearth di- 
 rectly under the fore scuttle, through which the smoke 
 was supposed to find its way out. Halibut's fins and 
 napes, smoked to a pungent flavor on the cabin beams 
 of the pinkies and jiggers, were a favorite delicacy in 
 Massachusetts coast towns. 
 
 Swampscott adopted small, fast schooners of im- 
 proved model about I84O. 1 The launching, at Essex, 
 of the so-called clipper schooner Romp, in 1847, ex- 
 tended this principle to the larger vessels. Only two 
 years elapsed before Samuel Hall designed the schoon- 
 ers Express and Telegraph for the Wellfleet oyster and 
 mackerel fleet. Of clipper model, increased size (one 
 hundred tons or thereabouts), and large sail area, 
 these vessels set the fashion for New England fishing 
 schooners for the next generation. The Frank Atwood, 
 designed by Donald McKay in 1868, was the most 
 famous of this class. But the clipper schooners were 
 too shallow and tender for safety; every great storm 
 brought a holocaust of New England fishermen. 
 About 1890 a new, faster, and safer type was evolved 
 through the collaboration of yacht designers with 
 master mariners. To this class belongs the Esperanto, 
 champion of the North American fishing fleet in 1920. 
 
 In codfishing the ancient method of hand-lining 
 from the vessel's deck, day and night, prevailed unti T 
 the Civil War. Stories are told of 'high-liners' who 
 fished twenty hours a day, lashed to the rigging lest 
 they fall overboard when they dozed off. Mackerel- 
 fishing was more sporty. The schools were generally 
 found within fifty miles of the New England coast, 
 1 See picture of Nahant regatta, above. 
 306
 
 MACKEREL SCHOONER FRANK ATWOOD OF WELLFLEET 
 
 BANKER AND CHEBACCO BOAT IN GLOUCESTER HARBOR
 
 CAPE COD AND CAPE ANN 
 
 and at times they struck into Massachusetts Bay in 
 such numbers that a vessel could make her ' trip o' fish ' 
 twixt dawn and dark. But often the mackerel schoon- 
 ers would sail "clear to Scatteree" in search of a fare. 
 
 The universal method of catching mackerel was 
 'jigging.' A mackerel 'jig,' invented about 1812, was 
 simply a hook around the shank of which was cast a 
 plummet of lead or pewter. For bait, herring or small 
 mackerel, or menhaden ('po'gies') were 'slivered' 
 (sliced), and then ground up by the night watch iii a 
 bait-mill like a farmer's feed-cutter. A favorite Cape 
 Cod joke was the fisherman whose wife had to grind a 
 bait-mill at home to make him sleep. 
 
 A school of mackerel was 'tolled* or attracted to 
 the surface by throwing this chopped bait broadcast 
 while the vessel slowly drifted, hove to. The fish 
 were caught on sliver-baited jigs, each member of the 
 crew handling two or three short lines, and dextrously 
 snapping his mackerel into a barrel with the same mo- 
 tion that jerked him out of water. It was an exciting 
 moment when flashes of silver and drumming of lively 
 fish in empty barrels announced that a 'spurt' had 
 struck the edge of the fleet; and each master, with 
 hair's-breadth handling that a yachtsman would envy, 
 endeavored to dribble his schooner under the lee bow 
 of some vessel with a 'fishy' skipper, like "Osceola 
 Dick" Rich, of Truro, or John Pew, of Gloucester. 
 The sight of such a fleet, two hundred sail, perhaps, 
 engaged in these nervous evolutions; or (as Thoreau 
 saw them) 'pouring around the Cape'; or, winging it 
 for home with a full fare, was one of the many beauti- 
 ful maritime spectacles of sailing days. 
 
 Mackerel were dressed and salted on board the ves- 
 sel that caught them, culled (graded) on shore under 
 the eye of a deputy-inspector appointed by the com- 
 
 307
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 monwealth, and barreled by young boys at three to 
 five cents a barrel. Massachusetts-inspected salt mack- 
 erel was distributed all over the country. In 1835 
 Georgia took thirty-seven thousand barrels, and 
 Philadelphia, one hundred thousand. Toward the 
 end of our period some sharp Yankees who lived in 
 states where there were no inspection laws, began 
 " re-inspecting" Massachusetts mackerel, so that the 
 lower grades could be passed off on inland consumers 
 as number one. 
 
 Both mackerel and codfishing were much hampered 
 by the British treaty of 1818, under which the Cana- 
 dian and Provincial authorities undertook to with- 
 draw our ancient access to the shores and territorial 
 waters of Labrador and the Bay of Chaleur. A revival 
 came in the thirties, when Gloucestermen began to 
 frequent the Georges Bank, only a hundred miles east 
 of Cape Cod. For generations fishermen had visited 
 these dangerous ocean shoals without daring to anchor, 
 for fear of being 'drored under' by the tide; and mod- 
 ern drift-fishing with cusk bait had not been invented. 
 After Captain Samuel Wonson had proved one could 
 anchor in safety, winter-fishing on the Georges became 
 the chief supply for the fresh-fish business. 
 
 This important branch of the fisheries, nowadays 
 far more lucrative than the salt-fish business, began its 
 first extension beyond tidewater radius about 1837, 
 when some smart Yankee combined ice, fresh fish, and 
 the railroad. The fish were brought alive in salt-water 
 wells in the vessels' holds l to Boston, where they were 
 dressed, iced, and shipped inland by rail. As early as 
 the season of 1843-44, one Boston firm was sending 
 almost half a million pounds of fresh cod, haddock, 
 
 1 Vessels with wells for keeping fish alive were called 'smacks,' the 
 only use of that term in the Massachusetts fisheries. 
 
 308
 
 CAPE COD AND CAPE ANN 
 
 and halibut to New York, Albany, and Philadelphia. 
 When the railroad reached Gloucester, in 1846, that 
 port began to compete with Boston in fresh-fishing, 
 and two or three years later the Georges Bankers 
 began to carry ice with them, and to chill the fish as 
 soon as caught; a method which enabled even mack- 
 erel to be shipped fresh. Haddock and halibut, formerly 
 a drug in the market, now became valuable parts of 
 the catch. 
 
 The market for salt codfish changed radically after 
 the Peace of Ghent. Exports to Europe fell off to al- 
 most nothing by 1832. The West Indies and Surinam, 
 where Gloucester disposed of her hake and lowest- 
 grade dried fish, took over ninety per cent of our 
 foreign exports ; but the amount remained constant to 
 the average of Federalist days. All the increase in 
 production was absorbed by the domestic market, 
 which in 1840 took three-quarters of the fish cured in 
 New England. Yankee pioneers saw to it that a taste 
 for salt-fish dinners kept pace with the westward- 
 striding frontier. Consequently there was an increase 
 in the Grand Banks codfishing fleet, parallel to that 
 of the mackerel fishermen. 
 
 Although the fisheries made a smaller contribution 
 than whaling to the production statistics of Massa- 
 chusetts, the workers got a much larger share of the 
 profits. In cod and mackerel fishing the share system 
 has continued to this day, and has never become the 
 caricature of communism that it did in New Bedford. 
 
 At Gloucester, the vessels were owned by a distinct 
 class of merchant-shipowners, who also kept general 
 stores and acted as wholesale distributers. All sup- 
 plies were furnished by the owners, each fisherman 
 getting half of his catch, and the skipper an addi- 
 tional bonus of six to eight per cent on the gross 
 
 309
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 amount. On Cape Cod and the other fishing sections, 
 the system was more democratic. The vessels were 
 owned generally in sixteenth-shares; sometimes, in 
 part, by their own crews. Every one fished "on his 
 own hook," furnishing his lines and gear and part of 
 his food. The "great general" essential food such 
 as salt meat and biscuit, and ship chandlery was 
 furnished by the owners, who deducted the cost from 
 the "whole stock" (gross proceeds) of the trip before 
 a division was made. 1 In some ports there was also a 
 "small general" including firewood, beans, potatoes, 
 and meal, the cost of which was divided among the 
 crew. Prior to the temperance movement rum was 
 considered as necessary for the fisherman as bait for 
 the fish; and every one took from three to six gallons 
 of the liquor to sea with him for a four months' cruise. 
 But "at the present time," writes Dr. Thatcher of 
 Plymouth in 1832, "some vessels go entirely without 
 ardent spirits." Having deducted the "great general," 
 the owners took one-quarter to three-eighths of the net 
 proceeds, and the rest was divided among the crew in 
 proportion to the amount each man caught. In mack- 
 erel-fishing it made a great difference from what part 
 of the vessel one fished ; hence every man's station was 
 allotted beforehand. 
 
 Codfishermen received, in addition, a bonus of eight 
 to ten dollars a year from the federal government. A 
 Gloucester physician stirred up a tempest in 1840, 
 when he exposed methods by which mackerel-fisher- 
 
 * Illustrated by the "Settlement " of one trip of the Wellfleet mackerel 
 schooner Boundbrook in 1843. The "whole stock" was sold for $836.11. 
 Outfitter's bill was $83.92, and the "great general" (food furnished by 
 owners), $87.65. The owners' share 25 per cent of the "whole stock" 
 after these items were deducted was $166.13. Eleven members of 
 the crew divided the rest, the lowest share being $18.78. The skipper 
 and two others got $54.09 apiece. 
 
 310
 
 A CAPE COD SHIPMASTER AND HIS HOME 
 
 Captain Caleb Sprague, Master of Ship North Bend and Clipper Ship 
 Gravina, and his Cottage at Barnstable
 
 CAPE COD AND CAPE ANN 
 
 men became codfishermen for bounty-getting pur- 
 poses. But by constantly reiterating the "nursery 
 of our seamen" and "cradle of the American Navy" 
 argument, Massachusetts congressmen managed to 
 retain the federal bounty until 1866. There is no 
 doubt that the men needed it. The average earnings 
 of a Gloucester fisherman, for the working year of nine 
 months, were estimated at one hundred and fifty- 
 seven dollars in 1850. A fair-sized Cape Cod fisher- 
 man's family needed a hundred dollars more than that 
 to carry it through the winter, and the maximum ever 
 made by a lucky fisherman in a banner year was only 
 eight to nine hundred dollars. Their calling was most 
 dangerous. Seventy-eight men of the Cape Cod fleet 
 were drowned in 1837. Truro, Dennis, and Yarmouth 
 lost eighty-seven bread-winners in the October gale 
 of 1841, which swept away the new Sandy Bay break- 
 water on Cape Ann, and destroyed fourteen out of 
 sixteen vessels owned at Pigeon Cove, representing a 
 lifetime's savings of many hard-working men. Eleven 
 vessels from Marblehead, with sixty-five men and 
 boys, went down in the September gale of 1846; and 
 the "Minot's Light" gale of October, 1851, took a 
 fearful toll from every fishing village in New England. 
 Except in the shoemaking region, a season's gains were 
 generally used up by the spring, and a fisherman's 
 family lived on credit in his absence. Bad luck or mis- 
 fortune would prolong the debt to the vessel's owner 
 or the local storekeeper (often the same person), in- 
 definitely. But on the whole, especially on the North 
 Shore and Cape Cod, the fishermen seem to have been 
 a much happier and more independent class of sea- 
 farers than the whalemen or merchant sailors. 
 
 The decade 1850-1860 marks the end of an era in 
 the Massachusetts fisheries. On the cod banks, dory
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 hand-lining and trawling commenced. Mackerel-fish- 
 ing was revolutionized by the purse seine; and the 
 clipper fishing schooner was perfected. Gloucester in- 
 itiated and reaped the benefit of these modern im- 
 provements. Her branch railroad, connecting her with 
 Boston in 1846, attracted buyers from all parts of the 
 country. Her vessel owners, commanding more capital 
 than the Cape-Codders, and living in one compact 
 community, were better able to survive years of bad 
 luck and disaster, more prompt to scrap obsolete ves- 
 sels, and to adopt new methods. Isaac Higgins, of 
 Gloucester, invented the modern seine boat, a model 
 which no other builder to this day has been able to 
 improve. The Canadian Reciprocity Treaty of 1854, 
 notwithstanding the competition of Canadian fish, 
 restored access to the inshore "Bay" fisheries, and 
 permitted free import of Newfoundland herring for 
 bait. Foreign immigrants settled in Gloucester in 
 large numbers ; and by the close of the Civil War, it was 
 by far the greatest fishing town in America, with a 
 fleet of three hundred and forty-one cod and mack- 
 erel schooners, a tonnage greater than Salem's, and 
 an annual catch worth almost three million dollars. 
 Gloucester, too, has been afflicted (or blessed, if you 
 like) with factories and summer visitors; but Glouces- 
 ter still farms the sea. Her population of twenty-four 
 thousand, in 1920, depends largely on the sacred cod 
 and his humbler cousins. 
 
 For Cape Cod, however, the decade 1850-1860 
 marks a decline both in population and maritime 
 activity. Various are the explanations. Her capitalist 
 class was too small, poor, and conservative to adopt 
 the new methods. Modern purse-seining required 
 strong men, giving no employment to the boys who 
 were useful in jigging. Lack of rail transportation 
 
 312
 
 CAPE COD AND CAPE ANN 
 
 (although the Old Colony Railroad did finally wander 
 into Provincetown in 1873) gave the profits of dis- 
 tribution to Boston wholesalers. After the Civil War 
 the Cape Cod fleet began to concentrate in Wellfleet 
 and Provincetown. Elsewhere wise men imitated 
 Captain Zebina H. Small, of Harwich, who sold his 
 fishing vessel in 1845 and set out a cranberry bog. 
 Others emigrated to Boston, New York, and the West, 
 where the sturdy qualities of their salty upbringing 
 helped many to acquire fortunes, and summer estates 
 on Cape Cod.
 
 CHAPTER XX 
 
 THE WHALERS 
 1815-1860 
 
 the whaleman's joys! O I cruise my old cruise again! 
 
 1 feel the ship's motion under me, I feel the Atlantic breezes fanning 
 
 me, 
 
 I hear the cry again sent down from the mast-head, There she 
 blows! 
 
 Again I spring up the rigging to look with the rest We see 
 
 we descend, wild with excitement, 
 
 I leap in the lower'd boat We row toward our prey, where he lies, 
 We approach stealthy and silent I see the mountainous mass, 
 
 lethargic, basking, 
 I see the harpooner standing up I see the weapon dart from his 
 
 vigorous arm : 
 
 swift, again, now, far out in the ocean, the wounded whale, settling, 
 
 running to windward, tows me, 
 
 Again I see him rise to breathe We row close again, 
 
 1 see a lance driven through his side, press'd deep, turn'd in the 
 
 wound, 
 Again we back off I see him settle again the life is leaving him 
 
 fast, 
 As he rises he spouts blood I see him swim in circles narrower 
 
 and narrower, swiftly cutting the water I see him die; 
 He gives one convulsive leap in the centre of the circle, and then 
 
 falls flat and still in the bloody foam. 
 
 WALT WHITMAN, "Song of Joys" 
 
 WHEN Boston absorbed the foreign commerce of Mas- 
 sachusetts, New Bedford became the whaling me- 
 tropolis of the world. Nantucket, after losing half 
 her fleet of forty-six whalers during the war, began to 
 recover in 1818. By the end of another year she had a 
 fleet of sixty whalers, and fourscore sail in the coasting 
 trade as well. In 1843, the peak year of her population
 
 THE WHALERS 
 
 and prosperity, Nantucket had nine thousand souls, 
 seventy-five hundred sheep, eighty-eight whalers, and 
 the largest output of refined oil and sperm candles of 
 any American community. With a high school, an 
 Athenaeum, and a Lyceum; Nantucket, for all her pris- 
 tine simplicity, had caught the cultural waves from 
 'off-island.' But her whalemen, by following a mis- 
 taken policy of sperm or nothing, ran out of luck. 
 Vessels had to be floated over the harbor bar on 
 'camels,' at great expense. Population and fleet be- 
 gan to taper down. The last forlorn whaling barque 
 sailed from Nantucket in 1870, but in the summer of 
 1920 the eighty-year-old Charles W. Morgan of New 
 Bedford was bravely fitting out for another voyage. 
 
 " New Bedford is not nearer to the whales than New 
 London or Portland," wrote Emerson, "yet they have 
 all the equipments for a whaler ready, and they hug 
 an oil-cask like a brother." He guessed the secret of 
 New Bedford's success. Her spacious harbor, in con- 
 trast to the bar-blocked entrance to Nantucket; her 
 mainland situation, and her railroad connections 
 counted for much; but her persistent specialization in 
 whaling alone, counted most. Other small seaports of 
 New England hugged the delusion that foreign trade 
 would return ; New Bedford hugged her oil-casks. Her 
 Quaker shipowners who had made fortunes by neutral 
 trading before 1812, perceived that the palmy days of 
 the carrying trade were past, refitted their merchant- 
 men as whalers, and went out after oil with a spirit and 
 perseverance that made their town within six years 
 the first whaling port of North America. They were 
 as tight-fisted, cruel and ruthless a set of exploiters as 
 you can find in American history, these oil kings of 
 New Bedford. But they were canny as well. By in- 
 telligent specialization they escaped the commercial 
 
 315
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 extinction that overtook the smaller Massachusetts 
 seaports ; and instead of awaiting the inevitable decline 
 of whaling, they chose the very height of its prosperity 
 to give a new hostage to fortune the Wamsutta 
 cotton-mill. 
 
 Fairhaven, on the opposite side of New Bedford 
 Harbor, became the third whaling center by 1831, 
 although later passed by New London. Edgartown 
 on the Vineyard had a fleet of ten to twenty whalers 
 in the forties and fifties, and Provincetown at one 
 time had as many as thirty. Every little seaport on 
 Buzzard's Bay Dartmouth and Mattapoisett and 
 Marion, Wareham and Westport, Wood's Hole and 
 Rochester entered the game. In fact there were 
 few seaports of Massachusetts and Long Island Sound 
 that did not at one time or another go in for blubber- 
 hunting ; but all north of Cape Cod gave it up after a 
 short trial. New Bedford's fleet surpassed all others 
 combined, attaining three hundred and thirty vessels 
 in 1857. The population of four thousand in 1820 had 
 tripled by 1840, and almost doubled again in the next 
 twenty years. With its oil refineries, cooper's shops, 
 tool-works, and the hundred-and-one industries sub- 
 sidiary to whaling, New Bedford became a hive of 
 industry; it was the fifth port for shipping in the 
 United States, and was pushing Baltimore hard for 
 fourth place. 
 
 The historic process of opening new whaling grounds 
 continued. By 1821 there were five recognized grounds 
 in the Pacific Ocean the ' on-shore ' along the coast 
 of Chile, the 'off-shore' between 5 and 10 south lati- 
 tude and longitude IO5-I25 west, discovered by 
 Captain George W. Gardner, of Nan tucket, in 1818; 
 the 'country whaling,' among the Pacific reefs and 
 islands; the Indian Ocean; and the coast of Japan,
 
 THE WHALERS 
 
 which was first visited in 1820 by Captain Joseph 
 Allen, of Nantucket, following a tip from Jonathan 
 Winship, the Boston Nor'westman. In 1835, when 
 Captain Barzillai T. Folger, of the Nantucket ship 
 Ganges, took the first right whale on the Kodiak 
 ground, the vessels extended their cruising grounds to 
 the Northwest Coast and Alaska. Eight years later 
 two New Bedford masters discovered the value of the 
 bowhead whale off the coast of Kamchatka; and by 
 1851 Melville could write with truth that the oil fleet 
 of Massachusetts was "penetrating even through 
 Bering's Strait, and into the remotest secret drawers 
 and lockers of the world." l 
 
 A summer's cruise in the Arctic Ocean gave the 
 keenest delight to owners and skippers, as the mid- 
 night sun enabled them to work their crews twenty- 
 four hours a day. 
 
 When in 1839 sperm-oil rose above a dollar a gallon 
 for the first time since the war, Nantucket increased 
 her fleet from sixty-four to eighty-one vessels, New 
 Bedford and Fairhaven from eighty-nine to two hun- 
 dred and twenty-one, and others in proportion. Yet 
 the price of oil and bone, after a brief depression, rose 
 to unheard-of figures during this golden age of the in- 
 dustry $1-77 for sperm and 79 cents for whale-oil 
 in 1855-56, 97 cents a pound for whalebone; although 
 two millions and a half pounds were landed that year 
 as against twenty thousand in 1817, when the price 
 was twelve cents. By 1840 half a million gallons of 
 sperm-oil, four and a half million of whale-oil, and two 
 million pounds of bone were exported from the United 
 States. Whaling and the manufacture of whaling 
 products became the leading industry in Massachu- 
 
 1 Moby Dick, chap. cv. All other quotations in this chapter are from 
 the same whaling classic. 
 
 317
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 setts after shoes and cottons, and provided commerce 
 with an important export medium. 1 
 
 Little technical advance seems to have been made 
 at this period. A toggle harpoon that locked the iron 
 in the whale's back came into general use. The barque 
 rig became popular for whaling vessels, which now 
 averaged between three hundred and five hundred 
 tons burthen ; but little if any improvement was made 
 in the model. 'Spouters,' or 'blubber- boilers,' as the 
 merchant marine called them, were still broad on the 
 beam, bluff-bowed, and "sailed about as fast as you 
 can whip a toad through tar." Capacity, not speed, 
 was the desired quality; hence many ships which had 
 outlived their usefulness in the merchant service were 
 converted into whalers. The whaleboats (rowboats car- 
 ried aboard the whalers, and used to chase the quarry) 
 were beautiful craft, perfected by a century of ex- 
 perience. Double-ended, twenty-eight to thirty feet 
 long, six feet broad, and but twenty-six inches deep 
 amidships, with half-inch cedar planking on white-oak 
 .frames, propelled by a spritsail or by five stout four- 
 teen- to eighteen-foot oars, "like noiseless nautilus 
 shells their light prows sped through the sea." For a 
 nautical thriller give us a fifteen-knot "Nantucket 
 sleigh-ride" over great Pacific rollers, in a whaleboat 
 fastened onto a gallied whale, steersman straining on 
 his twenty-two-foot oar to prevent an upset, and the 
 line smoking as it whips around the loggerhead. No 
 wonder that Hawaiian royalty, in its pageants, used a 
 New Bedford whaleboat for triumphal car. 
 
 1 A good part, but not all of the oil was handled by Massachusetts 
 merchants. Charles W. Morgan, of New Bedford, sent part of his 
 cargoes to his brother Thomas W. Morgan at Philadelphia, part to 
 Josiah Bradlee, of Boston, and part to Hussey & Macy, a Nantucket 
 firm in New York. He also exported oil in his own vessels to Europe, 
 and imported cargoes of general merchandise. 
 
 318
 
 THE WHALERS 
 
 It was a golden age for owners. The ship Lagoda, 
 belonging to Jonathan Bourne and others, netted them 
 an average of ninety-eight per cent profit for each of 
 the six voyages she made between 1841 and i860. 1 
 Several simple Quaker families of 1815 had become 
 millionaires by 1840. The nucleus of the great How- 
 land and Hetty Green fortunes was gathered in 1824, 
 when Isaac Howland, Jr., died. Stately mansions of 
 granite in the neo-classic style, and elaborate Gothic 
 cottages, arose on the high ground overlooking the 
 harbor, amid ample lawns and luxuriant gardens. New 
 Bedford society combined the grace of provincial 
 Newburyport and the power of Federalist Salem. . . . 
 But it was an iron age for the men who did the work. 
 
 Whaling skippers had been proverbial for cruelty 
 and whale-ship owners for extortion, since colonial 
 days; but the generation of 1830-60 surpassed its 
 forbears. The old 'lay' system, it will be remembered, 
 gave each whaleman a fractional share of the proceeds 
 of the voyage. On paper, this sounds so fair and just 
 that a gullible economic historian has called it "the 
 best cooperation of capital, capitalizer, and laborer 
 ever accomplished." Yet by 1830, if not earlier, this 
 cooperation had been perverted into a foul system of 
 exploitation. 
 
 In the first place, the dividend of a voyage was 
 usually computed not on what the cargo fetched, but 
 on oil prices fixed by the owner in advance, at a rate 
 well below the market price, which was constantly 
 
 1 These voyages ranged in length between two and four years. On 
 her next voyages, during the Civil War, the Lagoda netted her owners 
 219 and 363 per cent profit. The average cost of a whaler, fitted for sea, 
 was estimated in 1841 at $20,120, of which about half was the value of 
 the vessel and the other half outfit. The Lagoda's cost of fitting out came 
 very close to this average. She measured 107' 6" X 26' 9" X 18' 4", 371 
 tons. 
 
 319
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 tending upward. The 'lay' or proportion of the 
 catch granted an able seaman declined to one-seventy- 
 fifth or one-ninety-fifth, and that of a green hand to 
 one-one-hundred-and-fiftieth, one-two-hundredth, or as 
 little as ignorant men could be induced to take. Divide 
 fifty to seventy-five thousand dollars, a high average 
 yield for a voyage at this period, by 175, and you get 
 $285.72 to $428.57; a green hand's gross compensa- 
 tion for three to four years' labor at sea. 1 Even this 
 
 1 The following account of a voyage of the New Bedford whaling ship 
 Benjamin Tucker between 1839 an d 1843 is fairly typical of a number I 
 have seen in the New Bedford public library. Accounts of men who did 
 not complete the voyage are omitted. 
 
 
 Lay 
 
 Share of 
 proceeds of 
 voyage 
 
 Charged for 
 outfit, plus 
 25 per cent 
 
 Captain's 
 bill (slop- 
 chest, and 
 advances of 
 spending 
 money) 
 
 Captain 
 
 1/16 
 
 / 1W 
 
 $2358.75 
 
 
 
 First Mate 
 
 1/24. 
 
 1 572. SO 
 
 
 
 2 d " 
 
 /** 
 
 1/43 
 
 IO23.Q5 
 
 
 
 id " 
 
 1/65 
 
 677.38 
 
 
 
 4 th " 
 
 1/78 
 
 564.4.8 
 
 
 
 Boat steerer 
 
 1/87 
 
 5O6.OQ 
 
 
 38.08 
 
 Boat steerer 
 
 1/95 
 
 4.6^.47 
 
 74.36 
 
 64.12 
 
 ii 
 
 
 *"?,*' 
 
 
 82.03 
 
 II <! 
 
 II 
 
 ii 
 
 
 90.68 
 
 Cook 
 
 I /I SO 
 
 203.83 
 
 90.00 
 
 123.48 
 
 Seaman 
 
 I/I7O 
 
 259.OO 
 
 21. OO 
 
 66.02 
 
 
 
 
 
 36.4O 
 
 52.12 
 
 ii 
 
 1/160 
 
 275.12 
 
 IO7.OO 
 
 76.66 
 
 Landsman 
 
 I/IOO 
 
 231.7'* 
 
 IO7.57 
 
 63.46 
 
 it 
 
 ' <Y^ 
 
 
 IOO.7O 
 
 76.IO 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 In addition, each man had charged against him the above-mentioned 
 fees for fitting out, discharging cargo, and medicine chest; but no in- 
 surance. The two landsmen and the last seaman left the ship owing the 
 owners money, at the end of this four-year voyage. After another voy- 
 age on the same ship, one green hand was paid off with $1.31* and 
 another with $16. 
 
 320
 
 THE WHALERS 
 
 beggarly sum was begrudged him by the owners, who 
 devised various means to rob him thereof. On many 
 ships ten per cent was deducted for 'leakage,' and 
 three per cent for insurance; yet if the ship and cargo 
 were lost, all the insurance money went to the owners. 
 Certain owners charged against each lay the value of 
 the casks, and a commission for selling the oil, in 
 spite of judicial decisions against the legality of such 
 practice. Each whaleman was charged eight to ten 
 dollars for fitting out, and the same for discharging 
 the vessel ; and a dollar and a half for his share of the 
 medicine chest. For his 'expenses' and 'outfit,' some 
 'land-shark' outfitter at New Bedford was given a 
 good round sum, on which the owners charged the men 
 twenty- five per cent interest; and the 'slop-chest* 
 absorbed a good part of the rest. 
 
 This slop-chest was the skipper's store, from which 
 the men replenished their tattered garments and empty 
 tobacco pouches at a high advance on cost. 1 It existed 
 on merchantmen as well. But on many whalers the 
 only way for a man to get spending money at Fayal 
 or Honolulu or Papeete was to buy slops at inflated 
 prices and sell them ashore for a song. Consequently 
 
 1 Verbal tradition, and some of the authorities mentioned in the 
 Bibliography, state that several hundred per cent profit was made by 
 the slop-chest. In the ship's disbursement accounts I have examined, 
 the profits were fairly reasonable, judged by 1921 standards. Here are 
 some extracts from the 'slop-chest invoice' of the Benjamin Tucker: 
 
 Cost Sell at 
 
 Monkey jackets $6.50 $10.00 
 
 Trousers 2.40 4.00 
 
 Guernsey frocks 87 1.50 
 
 Scotch caps 37 .62 
 
 Jack-knives I&-.29 4O-.5O 
 
 Tobacco, Ib 16 .25 
 
 The slop-chest was also used in trading with natives for supplies, and 
 contained bolts of cheap cottons, and other merchandise for this especial 
 purpose. 
 
 321
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 many whaling ships returned to New Bedford after 
 a cruise of several years, with every green hand's 'lay* 
 eaten up by his debts to the ship. 
 
 Except for the boat-steerers or harpooners, who 
 lived apart from the common sailors and had a 'lay' 
 that netted them something, whaling vessels did not 
 ship seamen. Neither American seamen nor any other 
 kind would have stood for the extortion and cruelty 
 practiced by owners and skippers. Shipping agents, 
 with offices in New York, Boston, and inland cities 
 like Buffalo, circulated lurid handbills depicting the 
 'excitement of the chase and the fat profits of a voyage. 
 Their principal victims were farmer boys from New 
 England and New York, bitten with the lure of the 
 sea. Unemployed immigrants and mill-hands, fugi- 
 tives from justice, and human derelicts were also drawn 
 in. Many are the stories of old-time whaling agents. 
 If a raw rustic protested against the size of his lay, the 
 agent would magnanimously grant him one-two- 
 hundred-and-seventy-fifth instead of one-hundred- 
 and-seventy-fifth. A well-known Boston agent, after 
 describing to a Maine ploughboy the imaginary joys 
 of this glorious profession, concluded confidentially: 
 " Now, Hiram, I '11 be honest with yer. When yer out in 
 the boats chasin' whales, yer git yer mince-pie cold!" 
 
 During the first months of a whaling voyage the 
 green hands were 'learned ' the ropes with a rope's end, 
 taught to row the whaleboats, and broken in generally. 
 Their numbers were increased by a few hungry and 
 docile 'Portygees' at Fayal or St. lago, where the 
 whaling vessels touched to trade liquor for fresh pro- 
 visions and to ship home the oil obtained on the pas- 
 sage across. 1 This led to an extensive migration from 
 
 1 "We are in advance to all your crew from 70 to 80 dollars, it will 
 therefore be necessary to obtain some oil before going into port as they 
 
 322
 
 y^^c~> 
 
 ^.cy 
 xSWi/fc/ 
 
 &6+^<&xv* w^^^^ffa^**^ 
 
 K s2&~. &&^&~ <tf^;* f%j5rs#g 
 
 c# 
 
 FROM THE LOG OF THE WHALER ISABELLA OF NEW BEDFORD
 
 THE WHALERS 
 
 the Azores and Cape Verde Islands to New Bedford, 
 until to-day the Western Islanders and Bravas are 
 the most numerous alien element in the Old Colony, 
 and in parts of it the sole cultivators of the soil. 
 
 Whaling vessels never returned to New Bedford or 
 Nantucket with the same crew that they shipped. 
 Many whalemen deserted their floating hells in the 
 Pacific Islands. Those who kept out of debt to the 
 ship .were encouraged to desert, or abandoned no 
 frivolous pretexts, in defiance of the law, that their 
 lays might be forfeited. 1 And once a Pacific beach- 
 comber, a man seldom became anything better. A 
 United States consul in the Pacific estimated in 1859 
 that three or four thousand young men were annually 
 lost to their country through this channel. To replace 
 them, Kanakas, Tongatabooars, Filipinos, and even 
 Fiji cannibals like Melville's hero Queequeg, were 
 signed on for a nominal wage or microscopic lay. 
 Whaling vessels no longer returned as soon as their 
 holds were full; a cargo would be shipped home by 
 merchant vessels from Honolulu, and the voyage pro- 
 longed until the old hooker crawled around the Horn 
 with a yard of weed on her bottom and a crew that 
 looked like shipwrecked mariners. 
 
 These three- and four-year voyages, 2 touching at 
 
 may be likely to desert in which case we are losers." (Charles W. 
 Morgan's instructions to Capt. Charles Downs of the barque President, 
 "4th mo., 23d, 1830.") The captain of another whaler is instructed not 
 to stop at the Westward Islands, as $100 or more has been expended for 
 each whaleman's 'outfit.' 
 
 1 The most impressive fact in the ship's disbursement accounts I 
 have examined is the large number of men who deserted at outlandish 
 ports, although money was coming to them. If a deserter was appre- 
 hended, the local police fees were charged up to him, with 25 per cent 
 interest to boot. 
 
 1 The average voyage of fifty-two sperm whalers and fifty right 
 whalers which returned in 1847, was respectively forty-five months, 
 twelve days, and thirty-one months, seven days. 
 
 323
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 no civilized port, brought out the worst traits of hu- 
 man nature. Whalers' forecastles were more efficient 
 schools of vice than reformatories. Brutality from 
 officers to men was the rule. Many whaling skippers, 
 who on shore passed as pious friends or church- 
 members, were cold-blooded, heartless fiends on the 
 quarterdeck. Then, having made conditions such that 
 no decent American would knowingly ship on a whaler, 
 the blubber barons used the character of the crews 
 they obtained as an argument for still harsher dis- 
 cipline. Men were hazed until they deserted, became 
 cringing beasts, or mutinied. The ingenuity of whaling 
 skippers in devising devilish punishments surpasses 
 belief. Nor should one forget other ways in which 
 these blackguards degraded the flag and the name of 
 America. " Paying with the foretopsail" (sailing away 
 without paying) was frequently practiced on Pacific 
 islanders who had furnished supplies. The numerous 
 conflicts between whalemen and natives were generally 
 due to the meanness and rascality of skippers. Another 
 practice, by no means uncommon at New Bedford and 
 the Sound ports, was to fit out a whaler for a slaving 
 voyage, unbeknown to the crew. As late as 1861 the 
 owners of two New Bedford barques were condemned 
 to hard labor in jail for slave- trading. 
 
 Whaling, after all, was better than most systems of 
 peonage that flourish to-day, for it released its victims 
 after a single voyage. Rarely, if a green hand made 
 good with the skipper, he could be able seaman or 
 boat-steerer (harpooner) on his second voyage; but 
 the good ' short lays ' were generally reserved for na- 
 tive Nantucketers, New Bedfordites, and Gay Head 
 Indians. Compensations there were, even in a whale- 
 man's life. If his vessel ran into several 'pods' of 
 whales in succession, he was worked until he dropped, 
 
 324
 
 THE WHALERS 
 
 and then kicked to his feet; but ordinarily he had 
 plenty of leisure to play cards and smoke, and to 
 carve sperm whales' teeth into marvelous 'scrimshaw 
 work' and 'jagging wheels.' There was nothing in 
 the merchant marine corresponding to the friendly 
 'gams' or visits between whalers at sea; half the offi- 
 cers and crew of each vessel spending several hours, 
 even the whole night, aboard the other. 1 But the 
 great redeeming feature of whaling was the sport of it. 
 
 "There she blows! there she breaches!" from the 
 masthead lookout, was a magic formula that exalted 
 this sordid, cruel business to an inspiring game; a 
 game that made the rawest greenie a loyal team-mate 
 of the hardest officer. First there was the bustle of 
 sending away the boats, then the long, hard pull to 
 the quarry, each of the four mates exhorting his crew 
 with picturesque epithets to win the race: "Sing out 
 and say something, my hearties. Roar and pull, my 
 thunder- bolts! Beach me, beach me on their black 
 backs, boys ; only do that for me, and I '11 sign over to 
 you my Martha's Vineyard plantation, boys; including 
 wife and children, boys! Lay me on lay me on! O 
 Lord, Lord! but I shall go stark, staring mad! See! 
 See that white water!" The rowers' backs are to the 
 whale, it is bad form to glance around, they know not 
 how near they are until the mate shouts to the bow 
 oar, the harpooner, "Stand, up, and let him have it!" 
 A shock as bow grounds on blubber, a frantic " Starn 
 all!" and the death duel begins. 
 
 Anything may happen then. At best, a Nantucket 
 sleighride, waves rushing past the whaleboats with 
 a "surging, hollow roar . . . like gigantic bowls in a 
 
 1 "Endeavor to avoid those [ships] that wish to spend much time in 
 gamming as a lone chance is generally best," writes Charles R. 
 Tucker, owner, to Captain Charles Starbuck in 1836. 
 
 325
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 boundless bowling-green; the brief suspended agony 
 of the boat, as it would tip for an instant on the knife- 
 like edge of the sharper waves, that almost seemed 
 threatening to cut it in two; the sudden profound dip 
 into the watery glens and hollows; the keen spurrings 
 and goadings to gain the top of the opposite hill; the 
 headlong, sled-like slide down its other side; . . . the 
 cries of the headsmen and harpooners, and the shud- 
 dering gasps of the oarsmen, with the wondrous sight 
 of the ivory Pequod bearing down upon her boats with 
 outstretched sails, like a wild hen after her screaming 
 brood." Finally the whale slows down, exhausted, 
 and the crew pull up on him, hand over hand on the 
 line, and dispatch him with a few well-timed thrusts; 
 then pull quickly out of his death-flurry. At worst, a 
 canny old 'sparm' sinks out of sight, rises with open 
 jaws, directly under the boat, and shoots with it 
 twenty feet into the air, crushing its sides like an egg- 
 shell, while the crew jump for their lives into seething, 
 blood-streaked foam. 
 
 Whalemen enjoyed a variety of adventures such as 
 no other calling approached, such as no millionaire 
 big-game hunter of to-day can command. "Not the 
 raw recruit, marching from the bosom of his wife into 
 the fever heat of his first battle; not the dead man's 
 ghost encountering the first unknown phantom in the 
 other world ; neither of these can feel stranger and 
 stronger emotions than that man does, who for the 
 first time finds himself pulling into the charmed 
 churned circle of the hunted sperm whale." When 
 that moment came, no braver or gamier men could 
 be found on blue water, than the whalemen of New 
 England.
 
 CHAPTER XXI 
 
 OH! CALIFORNIA 
 1844-1850 
 
 Oh! Susannah, darling, take your ease, 
 For we have beat the clipper fleet 
 The Sovereign of the Seas. 
 
 THUS roared in lusty chorus one hundred seamen on 
 the Boston clipper ship Sovereign of the Seas, as she 
 sailed through Golden Gate, on November 15, 1852. 
 Before her, behind a hedge of spars and rigging, 
 swarmed a hill of human ants, building a great city 
 where ten years before the only signs of human life 
 were a mission village, and a Boston hide-drogher. 
 The refrain of that old popular song, the anthem of 
 the Argonauts, resounds through the clipper-ship era 
 of maritime Massachusetts. 
 
 Imagine a Yankee Rip van Winkle, who had slept 
 out his twenty years within hailing distance of the 
 State House dome. As he looked about him in 1853 
 the most astonishing sight would be not the rail- 
 road, not the telegraph, not the steamship but the 
 clipper ship. During the last half of his sleep there had 
 taken place the greatest revolution in naval architec- 
 ture since the days of Hawkins and Drake. Below in 
 Boston Harbor, and setting sail for a port whose name 
 he had never heard, were vessels four and five times 
 as large as any he had ever seen, with canvas five and 
 six times the utmost area that the old Boston East- 
 Indiamen dared spread to the lightest air. 
 
 Now, before we relate this revolution, a paragraph 
 of definitions. A ship, as old-time sailors use the word, 
 
 327
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 and as I have attempted to use it throughout this 
 book, meant a full-rigged ship, a three-masted vessel 
 with square sails on all three masts. A clipper ship, 
 as distinguished from other ships, was built and rigged 
 with a view to speed, rather than carrying capacity or 
 economy. Although larger, in general, than the older 
 sailing vessels, it was the model and the rig of clipper 
 ships that made them such, not their size. They were 
 sharper in the ends, longer in proportion to their 
 breadth, and more heavily sparred than the full- 
 bodied, bluff-bowed ships of previous, and even later 
 generations. 1 For the clipper ship came all at once, 
 and fled as quickly as she came. There had been 
 clipper schooners and clipper brigs since 1812, the 
 term "clipper" connoting speed and smartness; but 
 only six or eight clipper ships had been built before 
 1850. Then were brought forth, like so many Cythe- 
 reas arising from the sea, the fairest vessels that ever 
 sailed, to meet a special need speed to California 
 at any price or risk. 
 
 About 1840 the rate of increase in the American 
 merchant marine began to accelerate. The basic 
 cause was ability of American shipbuilders and ship- 
 owners to keep pace with the growing wealth, pros- 
 perity, and population of America. In 1849 Parlia- 
 ment repealed the Navigation Acts, thereby throwing 
 open the British market to the products of New 
 
 1 Compare in the accompanying illustration the ship Mary Clover, 
 a non-clipper built in the clipper-ship era, with the clipper ship Wild 
 Ranger; or, better still, visit the Peabody Museum, Salem, and compare 
 the half-models of the Flying Cloud and the frigate Constitution; or the 
 Marine Museum at the Old State House, Boston, to compare models of 
 different types. 
 
 328
 
 SHIP MARY GLOVER 
 
 CLIPPER SHIP WILD RANGER
 
 OH! CALIFORNIA 
 
 England shipyards. At the same time the China trade 
 was prospering; and competition between the ships of 
 Russell & Co., the New York firms, and the great 
 British houses, to market the new teas, stimulated 
 shipbuilders. 
 
 These conditions created a demand for more ships, 
 speedier ships, and bigger ships. Samuel Hall, of 
 East Boston, built for the Forbes's China fleet in 
 1839 an unusually fast ship Akbar, 650 tons, the last 
 word of the Medford type of 1830. New York build- 
 ers knew how to construct the larger vessels through 
 their experience with the North Atlantic packets; 
 but the merchants wanted something more than size. 
 Baltimore builders had the reputation for speed, 
 through their clipper schooners and brigs of the long, 
 low, rakish type beloved by slavers, pirates, and 
 novelists. Samuel Hall had successfully copied or 
 adapted their lines for pilot schooners, fishing schoon- 
 ers, and small opium clippers. But the Baltimore clip- 
 per model was as unsuitable for a vessel of one thou- 
 sand tons, as would be a cat-boat model for a fishing 
 schooner. For centuries, shipbuilders had maintained 
 that you could have either speed or burthen, not both; 
 but New York and Boston wanted both, and they 
 got it. 
 
 Although Boston carried the clipper ship to its 
 ultimate perfection, New York invented the type. 
 John W. Griffeths, chief draughtsman of Smith & 
 Dimon, produced in 1845 the Rainbow, 750 tons, the 
 first extreme clipper ship. Her long, fine ends and 
 cross-section like a flattened V, came from the Balti- 
 more clipper; but the concave lines of her bow above 
 the water-line, a characteristic feature of the clipper 
 ships, were suggested by the model of a Singapore 
 sampan which Captain Bob Waterman brought home. 
 
 329
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 After some remarkable passages to China, the Rain- 
 bow's model was imitated in five or six clipper ships 
 of moderate burthen, built at New York between 1844 
 and 1848. As yet not a single vessel of this type had 
 been launched from a Massachusetts yard. But the 
 way was being prepared. 
 
 Donald McKay, born of Scots stock at Shelburne, 
 Nova Scotia, in 1810, played about the local yards as 
 a boy, and built a fishing boat with his brother in their 
 early teens. Stimulated, perhaps, by a wandering 
 Sam Slick, this youthful ' blue-nose ' emigrated to New 
 York, obtained employment at the shipyard of Isaac 
 Webb, and quickly mastered the profession. Luckily 
 for Massachusetts, he turned eastward again at the age 
 of thirty, when he was ready to launch out as a mas- 
 ter builder. At first working under John Currier, Jr., 
 a leading shipbuilder of Newburyport, he became his 
 partner in 1841, and produced for New York order 
 two ships which proved wonders for finish, appearance, 
 and speed. 
 
 In 1843 Enoch Train, a Boston merchant in the 
 South American and Baltic trades, decided that his 
 city must have a line of Liverpool sailing packets. He 
 doubted whether any New England yard were capable 
 of turning one out. Meeting by chance the New York 
 owner of Donald McKay's first ship, he heard such 
 praise of the young master builder of Newburyport as 
 to give him the contract for his first packet. When he 
 saw the Joshua Bates, this pioneer ship of his new 
 line, glide gracefully into the Merrimac, Enoch Train 
 recognized the genius of her builder. At his persuasion, 
 and backed by his financial influence, McKay estab- 
 lished a new shipyard at East Boston. There he 
 built in rapid succession, the Ocean Monarch, 1 Daniel 
 
 1 Ocean Monarch, 178' 6" X 40' X 26' 10", 1301 tons; built 1848. 
 
 330
 
 OH! CALIFORNIA 
 
 Webster, 1 and other famous packet-ships for the Train 
 Line, and (in 1846) the New World, 1404 tons, a 
 record in size, for a New York firm. These ships were 
 not clippers, but they established the reputation of 
 Donald McKay, and gave him the practice and equip- 
 ment to astonish the world when another event created 
 a demand for clipper ships of fifteen hundred tons 
 upwards. 
 
 On January 24, 1848, a workman at Sutter's Mill, 
 California, discovered a gold nugget in the raceway. 
 When the news reached the Atlantic coast, it was re- 
 ceived with incredulity, but by the end of the year, 
 when reports were accompanied by actual nuggets, 
 the gold-fever of '49 swept through Massachusetts. 
 Farmers mortgaged their farms, workmen downed 
 tools, clerks left counting-rooms, and even ministers 
 abandoned their pulpits in order to seek wealth in 
 this land of Havilah. Few Yankee Argonauts took 
 the usual overland trail. True to type, they chose the 
 ocean route. But like most of the 'forty-niners,' many 
 of them went organized in semi-communistic brother- 
 hoods. How this idea originated no one seems to 
 know. Whether Fourierism had any influence is 
 doubtful, and the Communist Manifesto could hardly 
 have inspired a movement, the sole object of which 
 was money-getting. A few companies were financed by 
 local capitalists, in return for a guaranteed percentage 
 of the winnings, precisely as the merchant adventurers 
 of Old England 'grub-staked* the Pilgrim fathers. 
 But for the most part the gold-seekers of Massachu- 
 
 1 Daniel Webster, 185' x 37' 3" X 24' (unusually long and narrow for 
 a packet ship), 1187 tons; built 1850. 
 
 331
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 setts journeyed West in organized groups, each mem- 
 ber of which was pledged to serve his fellows to the 
 best of his particular ability, and entitled to receive an 
 equal share in the common gold production. 
 
 These emigrant companies varied in number from 
 ten to one hundred and fifty young men, of all trades 
 and professions. There was the Bunker Hill Mining 
 & Trading Company, composed of thirty mechanics 
 from Charlestown, Cambridge, and Somerville, paying 
 five hundred dollars each ; the New Bedford Company, 
 commanded by Rotches and Delanos; the El Dorado 
 Association of Roxbury; the Hampshire & Holyoke 
 Mining & Trading Company; the Sagamore & Sacra- 
 mento Company of Lynn; the Cotuit Port Associa- 
 tion ; the Winnigahee Mining Company of Edgartown ; 
 the Hyannis Gold Company ; the Cape Ann Pioneers ; 
 and at least a hundred and fifty others from all parts 
 of the state. 
 
 A few of these emigrant companies followed the 
 transcontinental route. The Overland Company, of 
 fifty young Roxbury men, marched in gray-and-gold 
 uniforms, with seven wagons, thirty-one mules, four 
 horses, six dogs, two colored servants, and four musi- 
 cians. They arrived in Sacramento after intense suf- 
 ferings, and heavy casualties among the mules. A few 
 took the Panama route, but suffered great hardships 
 crossing the Isthmus, and were charged from two 
 hundred to six hundred dollars each for passage thence 
 to San Francisco. But the great majority took sail 
 around the Horn. Not clipper ships; far from it! 
 There were few companies like the exclusive North 
 Western of Boston, composed of Adamses, Dorrs, and 
 Whipples paying a thousand dollars each, which could 
 afford a crack clipper brig. Few shipowners would 
 charter. The oldest, slowest, and most decrepit ves- 
 
 332
 
 OH! CALIFORNIA 
 
 sels were purchased, because they were cheap. Many 
 companies, especially those recruited on Cape Cod and 
 Nantucket, handled their own vessels. Twelve out of 
 one company of sixteen that left the island on Feb- 
 ruary i, 1849, were whaling captains, as familiar with 
 the route to 'Frisco as with " Marm Hackett's garden." 
 The gold-fever drained Nantucket of one-quarter of 
 its voting population in nine months. In the same 
 period eight hundred men left New Bedford for the 
 mines. There were one hundred and fifty clearances 
 from Boston to California in 1849, one hundred and 
 sixty-six in 1850, and many more from the smaller 
 ports. 
 
 The Mexican War had hardly disturbed Massa- 
 chusetts; but all through forty-nine the Bay State 
 presented the spectacle of a community preparing for 
 war on a large scale. Prudent companies took two 
 years' provision, and stories of 'Frisco lawlessness 
 made every emigrant a walking arsenal. Beef-packing 
 establishments, ship-biscuit bakeries and firearm man- 
 ufactories were running full blast; and the Ames plow 
 works turned from agricultural machinery to picks 
 and shovels. "The members of a society could be told 
 by their slouched hats, high boots, careless attire and 
 general appearance of reckless daring and potential 
 wealth," writes Dr. Octavius T. Howe. On the Sab- 
 bath preceding departure each company marched in a 
 body to hear a farewell sermon (Genesis n, 12, being 
 the favorite text), and to receive one or more Bibles 
 each from sympathetic and envious neighbors. Most 
 companies took care to admit only men of good char- 
 acter, and their by-laws usually contain prohibitions of 
 drunkenness, gambling, and swearing, which, like all 
 their regulations, were well enough observed until 
 they reached California. The Boston Journal pub- 
 
 333
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 lished a special California edition for circulation on 
 the Coast. 
 
 When the Salem barque Eliza cast off from Derby 
 Wharf for California, late in '48, one of the passengers 
 sang the following words to the popular tune of "Oh! 
 Susannah": 
 
 I came from Salem City, 
 
 With my washbowl on my knee, 
 I 'm going to California, 
 
 The gold dust for to see. 
 It rained all night the day I left, 
 
 The weather it was dry, 
 The sun so hot I froze to death, 
 Oh ! brothers, don't you cry. 
 Oh! California, 
 
 That 's the land for me! 
 I'm going to Sacramento 
 
 With my washbowl on my knee. 
 
 I jumped aboard the 'Liza ship, 
 
 And traveled on the sea, 
 And every time I thought of home 
 I wished it was n't me! 
 Oh! California, 
 
 That's the land for me! 
 I'm off for Calif orni-a 
 
 With my washbowl on my knee. 
 
 This song in countless versions, but with the same 
 washbowl chorus, became the anthem of the forty- 
 niners. 
 
 Deep-sea sailormen have always insisted that the 
 discipline and safety of a ship can only be maintained 
 by despotic power in the master. But democracy 
 ruled on the forty-niner vessels. Each company, al- 
 though composed in good part of master mariners, was 
 a miniature soviet. The captain was elected, and some- 
 times deposed by majority vote; and the same method 
 
 334
 
 OH! CALIFORNIA 
 
 determined ports of call, and whether the Straits of 
 Magellan or the Cape Horn were chosen. One night 
 off the River Plate on the little schooner Roanoke, 
 belonging to the Boston Marine Mining Company, all 
 the watch were below playing whist with the skipper, 
 except a man at the wheel and another on the lookout. 
 The latter, seeing a squall approach, called repeatedly 
 to his captain to send up the watch, but the game was 
 too interesting to interrupt. Finally he sang out, 
 "Say, Captain, if you don't send that watch up to 
 take in the flying jib, you can take it in yourself, I '11 
 be d d if I 'm going to get wet!" 
 
 In spite of these soviet methods (or because of them 
 some will say) it seems that every one of these small 
 and often superannuated vessels arrived safely at San 
 Francisco. But ship fever (typhus) took a heavy toll 
 of their passengers, on the five to eight months' voyage. 
 
 On arrival, each member's part was provided in the. 
 by-laws. Some were to stick to the ship, guard the 
 stores, or cook; the majority wash for gold; but all 
 share alike what the mining members produced. What 
 actually happened is well told in a doggerel poem by 
 Isaac W. Baker, in his manuscript "Journal of Pro- 
 ceedings on board the barque San Francisco, of and 
 from Beverly for California": 
 
 The San Francisco Company, of which I 've often told, 
 At Sacramento has arrived in search of glittering gold, 
 The bark hauled in, the cargo out, and that is not the worst 
 The Company, like all the rest, have had a talk and burst. 
 For 't was, talk, talk, growl, growl, talk, talk away, 
 The devil a bit of comfort 's here in Calif orni-a. 
 
 While on the passage all was well, and every thing was nice, 
 And if there was a civil growl, 't was settled in a trice, 
 But here example had been set by companies before, 
 Who'd all dissolved and nothing less, so we did nothing more 
 But talk, talk, etc. 
 
 335
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 We'd forty men of forty minds, instead of one alone, 
 And each wished to convert the rest, but still preferred his own, 
 Now in some places this might do, but here it won't, you see, 
 For independence is the word in Californi-e. 
 
 At first the price of lumber fell, which made it bad for us, 
 
 Some wished to sell and some did not, which made the matter 
 
 worse, 
 
 Some longed to start into the mines and let the Barkey stay 
 While others said it would n't do for all to go away. 
 
 Some longed to get their ounce a day, while others knew they 
 
 could n't, 
 And wished to share and keep all square, but then the workers 
 
 would n't. 
 
 A meeting of the whole was called, the question put and tried, 
 Our Constitution voted down, our Bye Laws null and void. 
 
 Now carpenters can take a job and work for what they please, 
 And those who do not like to work can loaf and take their ease 
 And squads can form for travelling, or any thing they choose, 
 And if they don't a fortune make, they '11 not have it to lose. 
 
 And can chat, chat, sing, sing, chat, chat away, 
 
 And take all comfort that they can in Calif or ni-a. 
 
 Within three weeks of landing on California soil, 
 every emigrant company dissolved into its separate, 
 individual elements. For a treasure-seeking enter- 
 prise like that of '49, in a setting of pioneer individual- 
 ism, communism was about as well suited as to the 
 New York stock exchange or the Supreme Council of 
 the League of Nations. 
 
 The Massachusetts forty-niners did not go to Cali- 
 fornia to settle. The average man's intention was to 
 make his pile and return home rich. A few did come 
 back to dazzle the natives, and a few became Cali- 
 fornia millionaires; but the greater part went broke. 
 It was not the miners who made the big money in '49- 
 '50, but the men who exploited the miners. 
 
 Of the many stories of fortunes lost and won by 
 
 336
 
 The Best Chance Yet, for 
 
 C4LIFORNA! 
 
 
 A Meeting will be held in COIIASSET, at the Office of 
 
 H. j. mm, 
 
 On SATURDAY, January 21th, at II O'clock, fin- the pur- 
 pose of forming a Company, to be called the " South Shore and 
 California Joint Stock Company ;" to be composed of 3O 
 Members, and eaeh Member paying sJHM>. 
 
 COHASSET, JANUARY 44, 
 
 Propeller Power Preio>, 142 Wajhington Bt, Bo.ton. 
 
 POSTER ADVERTISING AN EMIGRANT COMPANY
 
 OH! CALIFORNIA 
 
 emigrating Yankees, that of Dr. Samuel Merritt, of 
 Plymouth, is typical. Liquidating his property, he 
 purchased a brig and loaded her with merchandise and 
 passengers. At the last moment he decided to invest in 
 tacks for the California market, and started on horse- 
 back for the Duxbury tack factory. On the way he was 
 overtaken by a messenger, who recalled him to attend 
 an accident, immediately after which he had to sail, 
 without the tacks. They were selling for five dollars a 
 paper at San Francisco when he arrived. At Valparaiso, 
 on the way, another fortune was missed by failing to 
 fill up a hole in the cargo with potatoes, of which the San 
 Francisco market was totally denuded. But the bottom 
 had fallen out of the market for every other article in 
 his cargo. However, within a year his medical practice 
 at San Francisco brought him forty thousand dollars. 
 Hoping to become the Frederic Tudor of the coast, 
 Dr. Merritt chartered a Maine brig to load 'ice at 
 Puget Sound and bring it to San Francisco in time for 
 summer. His captain discovered that Puget Sound 
 was not Maine, but returned with a load of piles in 
 lieu of ice. Piles happened to be much wanted then 
 for wharves, and the venture proved profitable, as did 
 a second of the same nature. Vessels began to flock 
 northward for piles, so the Doctor wisely decided he 
 had had the cream, and would let them take the skim 
 milk. He directed his shipmaster to take Puget Sound 
 timber to Australia, to exchange for coal. Again the 
 captain used good judgment. Instead of coal, he re- 
 turned with a load of oranges from the Society Islands, 
 and made another killing. Dr. Merritt then closed his 
 office, purchased a large tract of land across the Bay, 
 created the city of Oakland, and in due course became 
 a multi-millionaire, mayor of the city, and owner of 
 the finest yacht on the Coast. 
 
 337
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 A stranger fate was that of John Higgins, of Brew- 
 ster, forty-niner who never reached California. Work- 
 ing his way out on a steamer, he was wrecked on the 
 Australian coast, shipped as second mate on a brig, 
 was shipwrecked again, and drifted to the Wellington 
 Islands, where the natives received him with open 
 arms. He married the chief's daughter, established a 
 trading business with the whalers, and left two sons 
 to continue his work of civilization, which even the 
 missionaries acknowledged to be more successful than 
 any black-coated brother possibly could have done. 
 
 Many Massachusetts shipowners sent their vessels 
 with full cargoes to San Francisco in time to obtain the 
 prices of '49 that seem fabulous even to-day forty- 
 four dollars a barrel for flour, sixteen dollars a bushel 
 for potatoes, ten dollars a dozen for eggs that had been 
 around the Horn, one thousand per cent profit on 
 lumber. Freights rose to such figures that the ship 
 Argonaut, built at Medford in 1849 for John E. Lodge, 
 paid for herself before casting off her lines for her 
 maiden voyage. When reports of these prices reached 
 the merchant-shipowners, they rushed cargoes of 
 every sort and description around the Horn, until in 
 1851 the market became glutted and unopened cases 
 of dry goods were used for sidewalks in the muddy 
 streets of San Francisco. Between June 26 and July 
 28, 1850, there entered the Golden Gate seventeen 
 vessels from New York and sixteen from Boston, 
 whose average passage was one hundred and fifty-nine 
 days. Yet on July 24 there arrived at San Francisco 
 the little New York clipper ship Sea Witch, just 
 ninety-seven days out. Every mercantile agency in 
 San Francisco began clamoring for goods to be shipped 
 by clipper, and the shipyards responded to their 
 demand.
 
 CHAPTER XXII 
 
 THE CLIPPER SHIP 
 1850-1854 
 
 THE golden sands of California were a quickening 
 force to the shipyards of Massachusetts. For four 
 years they teemed with the noblest fleet of sailing 
 vessels that man has ever seen or is likely to see. 
 
 Massachusetts launched her first clipper ships in 
 1850, from the yard of Samuel Hall; the Surprise l for 
 the Salem Lows, then of New York; and the Game- 
 Cock 2 for Daniel C. Bacon, of Boston. 
 
 Samuel Hall, now fifty years old, was the most emi- 
 nent shipbuilder in the commonwealth. Of an old 
 Marshfield family, he served his apprenticeship on 
 the North River, and at his majority left for Medford 
 with a capital consisting of a broad-axe and twenty- 
 five cents. After pursuing his trade on the Mystic, the 
 Penobscot, and at Duxbury, he became, as we have 
 seen, the pioneer master builder of East Boston. The 
 Game- Cock and Surprise were designed by a twenty- 
 three-year-old Bostonian named Samuel H. Pook, 3 
 the first independent architect of merchant vessels 
 in New England. 
 
 Well did Sam Hall choose the name of his first 
 
 1 Surprise, 183' 6" x 38' 8" X 22', 1261 tons. 
 
 * Game-Cock, 190' 6"x 39' 10" x 22', 1392 tons. 
 
 * Samuel Hartt Pook (1827-1901) designed three of the eighteen 
 California clippers that made a voyage of less than one hundred days 
 from an Atlantic port to San Francisco before 1861 the Surprise, 
 Witchcraft, and Herald of the Morning ; and the Northern Light, which 
 has the record from San Francisco to Boston. An early advocate of iron- 
 clads, he became, like his father, Samuel Moore Pook (1804-78) a naval 
 constructor, U.S.N., and remained in the service until 1889. 
 
 339
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 clipper ship. One surprise of her launching was a 
 banquet, not for owners and bankers and all bumble- 
 dom, but for the mothers, wives, and sweethearts of 
 the workingmen who built the ship. The next sensa- 
 tion came when she was launched fully rigged, with 
 her gear rove off, all three skysail yards crossed, and 
 colors flying. Water-front pessimists expected her to 
 capsize with such heavy top-hamper. Others said she 
 would slide into the harbor mud and stick there. But 
 with half Boston cheering, and the bells of every 
 church and meeting-house jangling out a welcome, the 
 Surprise clave the water with her sharp stern, shot out 
 into the harbor, swayed gently to get her balance, and 
 paused, erect, with the air of a young and insolent 
 queen. 
 
 She was the first clipper ship commanded by Philip 
 Dumaresq. 1 He came of a long line of merchant- 
 captains. His mother belonged to the Gardiner-Hallo- 
 well family, and Philip was born on one of their great 
 Kennebec estates in 1809. But like his only peers on 
 clipper quarterdecks, Captains "Bully" Waterman, 
 of New York, "Nat" Palmer, of Stonington, and 
 "Perk" Cressy, of Marblehead, Captain Dumaresq 
 had followed the sea since his teens, and worked his 
 way up from before the mast. At twenty-two he re- 
 ceived his first command, and in Russell & Co.'s 
 China fleet became noted for his expert navigation, 
 for quiet, effective discipline, and for getting the ut- 
 most speed out of a vessel. The Surprise, under 
 Captain Dumaresq, again fulfilled the promise of her 
 name. On her maiden voyage she knocked a day off the 
 Sea Witch's record to San Francisco, which conserva- 
 tives had ascribed to Waterman's luck. But the new 
 mark of ninety-six days did not last long. 
 1 Pronounced "D'merrick." 
 340 .
 
 THE CLIPPER SHIP 
 
 On a bitterly cold December afternoon in 1850, 
 Donald McKay launched the Stag-Hound, his first 
 clipper. Pioneer of a new fifteen-hundred-ton class, 
 the Stag-Hound both by her appearance and her per- 
 formance l placed Donald McKay at the head of his 
 profession. Before many months passed the head of 
 the New York firm of Grinnell, Minturn & Co. visited 
 McKay's yard, and took a fancy to a ship that was 
 being built for Enoch Train. He offered double the 
 contract price to the owner, who could not afford to 
 refuse. It was a good bargain for Grinnell & Minturn ; 
 for this was the Flying Cloud. 
 
 McKay built faster clippers and larger clippers; 
 but for perfection and beauty of design, weatherliness 
 and consistent speed under every condition, neither 
 he nor any one else surpassed the Flying Cloud. She 
 was the fastest vessel on long voyages that ever sailed 
 under the American flag. 
 
 Her dimensions were 229 feet length on deck, 40 
 feet, 8 inches breadth, and 21 feet, 6 inches depth; reg- 
 istered tonnage 1783. Her figurehead was a winged 
 angel blowing a trumpet just under the bowsprit. 
 Captain Josiah Perkins Cressy, 2 of Marblehead, thirty- 
 seven years old but fourteen years a shipmaster, was 
 her commander. On her maiden voyage in the summer 
 of 1851 the Flying Cloud made a day's run of 374 
 miles, logged 1256 miles in four consecutive days, and 
 arrived at San Francisco eighty-nine days out of New 
 York. This run was only twice equaled, by herself in 
 1854, and by the Andrew Jackson in 1860. On her 
 
 1 The Stag-Hound (209' X 39' 8" X 2l', 1534 tons) holds the record 
 of thirteen days from Boston Light to the equator, no other ship having 
 come within three days of it, whether from Boston or Sandy Hook. She 
 has second-best record, eight days, twenty hours, from San Francisco to . 
 Honolulu. 
 
 7 Pronounced "Creecy." 
 
 341
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 return passage, having crossed the Pacific to Canton 
 for a cargo of tea, the Flying Cloud made the two 
 thousand miles from that port to Java Head in six 
 days, almost halving the previous record. In addition, 
 she has the best average for three, four, and five voy- 
 ages from an Atlantic port to San Francisco. 
 
 Donald McKay was an unusual combination of 
 artist and scientist, of idealist and practical man of 
 business. With dark hair curling back from a high, 
 intellectual forehead, powerful Roman nose, inscruta- 
 ble brown eyes, and firm lips, he was as fair to look 
 upon as his ships. His serene and beautiful character 
 won him the respect and the affection of his employees, 
 and made the atmosphere of his shipbuilding yard 
 that of a happy, loyal family. His ships were alive to 
 him, and when permitted to name them himself by 
 a wise owner, he invariably chose something fitting 
 and beautiful. Stag-Hound and Mastiff for two power- 
 ful, determined clippers that could grapple with every 
 element but fire; Flying Cloud her rivals knew what 
 that meant, when she tore by them at sea; Flying Fish 
 and Westward Ho! both of the . California fleet ; 
 Romance of the Seas for a ship whose sleek, slender 
 beauty reminded the old salts of their youthful visits 
 to Nukahiva; Sovereign of the Seas for a stately clipper 
 that made a marvelous record against head winds and 
 hurricanes; Great Republic for the ship of ships; Light- 
 ning for the fastest sailing vessel ever built, and Glory 
 of the Seas for his last, and in some respects his best, 
 creation. 
 
 Experience, character, and mathematics self-taught 
 were the firm soil from which the genius of Donald 
 McKay blossomed. He designed every vessel built in 
 his yard, and personally attended to every detail of 
 her construction. 
 
 342
 
 THE CLIPPER SHIP 
 
 . . . First with nicest skill and art, 
 Perfect and finished in every part, 
 A little model the Master wrought, 
 Which should be to the larger plan 
 What the child is to the man, 
 Its counterpart in miniature. 
 
 From the model the lines were taken off, enlarged to 
 their proper dimensions, and laid down in the mold- 
 loft. When the great frames were in place, Donald 
 McKay would inspect the ship's skeleton from every 
 angle, clothing it in imagination with skin of oak; 
 and if anything looked wrong by perhaps an eighth 
 of an inch, he chalked a frame for shaving off or filling 
 out. By such methods were designed these great 
 clipper ships that moved faster through the water, 
 laden down as they were with heavy cargoes, than 
 any sailing yacht or fancy racing machine designed 
 by the scientific architects of to-day. 1 Eight knots 
 an hour is considered good speed for an America's cup 
 race of thirty miles. The Red Jacket logged an average 
 of 14.7 for six consecutive days in the Western Ocean; 
 the Lightning did 15.5 for ten days, covering 3722 
 miles, and averaged II for an entire passage from 
 Australia to England. A speed of 12.5 knots on a 
 broad reach in smooth waters, by the Resolute or 
 Shamrock, excites the yachting reporters. The Light- 
 ning logged 1 8.2 for twenty-four hours in 1857, and 
 there is a tradition that the James Baines on an 
 Australian voyage in 1856 logged 21 knots for one 
 hour. 2 
 
 1 No disparagement of modern naval architects is intended ; they have 
 progressed far beyond the designs of the fifties in fishing schooners and 
 yachts. Yet, I am informed by one of the most eminent among them, 
 no one to-day could make an essential improvement over the McKay 
 clippers, for a sailing ship of their size. 
 
 1 In justice to the improved full-bodied vessels built at this period, it 
 
 343
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 The records show conclusively Donald McKay's 
 supremacy over any other builder, and the supremacy 
 of Massachusetts builders over those of any other 
 state. Only twenty-two passages from an Atlantic 
 port around Cape Horn to San Francisco, in less than 
 one hundred days, are on record. Of these, seven were 
 made by McKay ships Flying Cloud and Flying 
 Fish, two each; Great Republic, Romance of the Seas, 
 and Glory of the Seas. Only two other builders, Samuel 
 Hall, of Boston, with the John Gilpin and Surprise, 
 and Westervelt, of New York, have even two voyages 
 in this honor list. Including the Witchcraft, built by 
 Paul Curtis at Chelsea, and the Herald of the Morning, 
 built by Hayden & Cudworth at Medford, we have 
 one-half of these record voyages over the longest race- 
 course in the world, to the credit of Massachusetts- 
 built vessels. Of the rest, four belong to the other 
 New England states, and seven to New York. 1 
 
 There were a dozen or more Massachusetts builders 
 besides Donald McKay and Samuel Hall, who built 
 clipper ships that were a credit to the commonwealth. 
 Edward and Henry O. Briggs, of South Boston, grand- 
 should be remarked that they too made some remarkable passages. In 
 1854 the barque Dragon of Salem, 289 tons, Captain Thomas C. Dunn, 
 built at Newburyport in 1850, made the i6,67O-mile run from Salem 
 to the Fiji Islands in eighty-five days; an average of 8.2 knots for the 
 entire voyage. Few tramp steamers to-day could do better. 
 
 1 The list of all California outward passages between 1850 and 1861 
 made in no days or better (in Captain Clark's Clipper Ship Era, 
 Appendix n) gives the same result. Nineteen are by McKay ships. His 
 nearest competitor, Webb, of New York, has fifteen. All the other 
 Boston builders together have twenty-two, all the other New York 
 builders, twenty-three. Medford builders have seventeen; other Mas- 
 sachusetts builders, seven. Yet out of 171 California clipper ships and 
 barques listed by Captain Clark, McKay built only ten; Samuel Hall 
 and Briggs Bros., of Boston, and Webb, of New York, each built eleven. 
 In addition, McKay built the great Australian clippers which do not 
 figure in this list, and which no builder, American or foreign, equaled. 
 
 344
 
 DONALD MCKAY 
 
 Master Builder of Clipper Ships
 
 THE CLIPPER SHIP 
 
 sons of the North River builder of the Columbia, spe- 
 cialized in medium clipper ships, a class somewhat 
 underbred in appearance compared with the Flying 
 Cloud and Surprise, but with carefully designed water- 
 lines and small displacement which often produced 
 remarkable speed. Their Northern Light, 1 under the 
 command of Captain Hatch, completed a round voy- 
 age from Boston to San Francisco in exactly seven 
 months. On the homeward passage, off Cape Horn, 
 she passed the New York clipper ship Contest, which 
 had sailed a day earlier; and with skysails, ringtail 
 and studdingsails set on both sides, alow and aloft, she 
 slipped into the Narrows of Boston Harbor on the 
 evening of May 27, 1853, just seventy-six days, five 
 hours, from San Francisco. That record remains good 
 to this day. 2 
 
 Other bright lights of Briggs Brothers were the 
 Boston Light, Starlight, and the ill-fated Golden Light, 
 which, ten days out on her first voyage, was set afire 
 by lightning, and abandoned at sea. 
 
 Robert E. Jackson, of East Boston, built the Winged 
 Racer, John Bertram, Blue Jacket, and the Queen of 
 Clippers* "one of the finest and largest of these ships," 
 wrote Frank Marryat, the English traveler, from San 
 Francisco. "She is extremely sharp at either end, and, 
 'bows on,' she has the appearance of a wedge. Her 
 accommodations are as perfect as those of a first-class 
 ocean steamer, and are as handsomely decorated; and, 
 
 1 Northern Light, 171' 4" X 36' x 21 ' 9", 1021 tons; built 1851. 
 
 1 In San Francisco voyages the homeward passage was much easier 
 than the outward owing to prevailing westerly winds. Consequently 
 the outward passage is always selected as a test of a vessel's performance, 
 and the Northern Light's feat by no means equals the Flying Cloud's 
 record of eighty-nine days to San Francisco. But she made Manila in 
 eighty-nine days from Boston in 1856. 
 
 1 Queen of Clippers, 248' 6" x 45' X 24', 2360 tons; built in 1853 for 
 Seccomb & Taylor, of Boston, but sold to Zerega & Co., of New York. 
 
 345
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 as it is worthy of remark that great attention has 
 been paid to the comfort of the crew." Paul Curtis's 
 Witchcraft was a fast and handsome clipper, with a 
 grim Salem witch for her figure-head. Medford build- 
 ers like J. O. Curtis, Hayden & Cudworth, and S. 
 Lapham have more fast California passages to their 
 credit, considering the number they built, than those 
 of any other place. Several smaller clipper ships were 
 built by the Shivericks, at East Dennis, by J. M. 
 Hood & Co. at Somerset, and by the experienced 
 builders of Newburyport, who surpassed all others for 
 careful work and finish. The Dreadnaught, built by 
 Currier and Townsend, became the most famous 
 Liverpool packet-ship, and was the only clipper to 
 have a chanty composed in her special honor. Captain 
 Samuel Samuels, of New York, unexcelled as a driver 
 of men and vessels, commanded this "saucy, wild 
 packet" for almost seventy passages across the At- 
 lantic, in which she made several eastward runs under 
 fourteen days. 1 
 
 One finds many new names in the list of Massachu- 
 setts owners of clipper ships. Their great initial cost 
 and maintenance expense brought about a separation 
 of shipowner and merchant. The clippers were really 
 
 1 Dreadnought, 220' x 39' X 26', 1400 tons. Captain Clark (Clipper 
 Skip Era, 246), by printing her actual log as given in three Liverpool 
 papers, has definitely exploded the myth of the Dreadnaught' s nine-day 
 seventeen-hour passage, from Sandy Hook to Queenstown in March, 
 1859, which Captain Samuels never claimed until the twentieth cen- 
 tury. For evidence on the other side of this famous controversy, see 
 F. B. C. Bradlee, The Dreadnaught (2d ed., 1920). Mr. Bradlee has dis- 
 covered a second "nine-day passage" in the Illustrated London News, 
 July 9, 1859, which states that the Dreadnaught "arrived off Cape Clear 
 on the 27th ult., in nine days from New York." But the New York 
 Herald of June 17, p. 8e, reports by telegraph from " Sandy Hook, 
 June 16, sunset, . . . the ship Dreadnaught, for Liverpool, passed the 
 bar at I2J P.M. Wind SW, light." On July 19, p. 8c, it reports her 
 arrival at Liverpool on July 2. 
 
 346
 
 THE CLIPPER SHIP 
 
 large packet-ships, whose owners depended for profit 
 on freight and passage money, not on speculative car- 
 goes of their own. And profit they certainly did make, 
 in the flush days of 1850-53, for the glut of 1851 at 
 San Francisco did not last long. Freight ranged as 
 high as sixty dollars per ton, and it was an unlucky 
 ship that did not pay for herself by her first round 
 voyage to California. The Surprise did so, and made 
 fifty thousand dollars to boot. 
 
 Many of t^e most famous Massachusetts-built 
 clippers were GWned by New York or British firms, 
 and never saw Boston after their first departure. 
 Others, owned by Boston or Salem firms, were oper- 
 ated out of New York. But there were still a goodly 
 number that plied regularly from Boston to San 
 Francisco, and then crossed the Pacific to bring tea, 
 hemp, and sugar to England and America. Several 
 clipper ships were owned on shares, like the old-timers, 
 but operated by regular packet-lines. Such a one was 
 the Wild Ranger, 1 built by J. O. Curtis at Medford 
 in 1853 for various Searses and Thachers of Cape Cod, 
 and commanded on two California voyages by one 
 of their number, twenty- four-year-old J. Henry Sears, 
 of Brewster. 
 
 In May, 1853, an intending passenger for San Fran- 
 cisco, perusing the shipping columns of the Boston 
 "Daily Advertiser," would be embarrassed to make 
 a choice. Winsor's Regular Line offer the "first-class 
 clipper ships" Belle of the West and Bonita, and the 
 "half-clipper barque" Cochituate. Timothy Davis & 
 Co.'s Line advertise the "half clipper ship Sabine" 
 
 1 Wild Ranger, 180' x 35' 4" x 23', 1044 tons. She was chartered to 
 Glidden & Williams's Line. The ship Mary Clover, here depicted to 
 show the contrast between a clipper and a contemporary full-bodied 
 ship, was 595 tons, built by Briggs Brothers, at South Boston, in 1849. 
 She was a very successful ship, and was reported still alive in 1900. 
 
 347
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 and the "new and beautiful clipper ship Juniper." l 
 Glidden & Williams make the bravest display with 
 the "magnificent first-class clipper ship White Swal- 
 low," to be followed by the Wild Ranger and John 
 Bertram; the "new and beautiful half clipper ship 
 West Wind" and the "first-class and well-known 
 packet-ship Western Star." This was the greatest of 
 the Boston firms operating clipper ships. Its San 
 Francisco line also contained, at one time or another, 
 the Witch of the Wave, Golden West, Queen of the Seas, 
 Westward Ho/, Morning Light, and' Sierra Nevada. 
 Sampson & Tappan owned the Flying Fish, Winged 
 Racer, and Nightingale, a supremely beautiful extreme 
 clipper built in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and 
 named for Jenny Lind. George Bruce Upton owned the 
 Stag-Hound, Reindeer, Bald Eagle, and Romance of the 
 Seas. James Huckins & Sons had most of the Briggs 
 Brothers' "Lights." Baker & Morrill owned the Star- 
 light and Southern Cross; and John E. Lodge (father 
 of Senator Lodge), the Argonaut, Don Quixote, and 
 Storm King; William Lincoln & Co., the Golden Eagle, 
 Kingfisher, and White Swallow; Curtis & Peabody, the 
 Meteor, Cyclone, Saracen, and Mameluke. The Fear- 
 less, Galatea, and two named Golden Fleece, carried the 
 black race-horse flag of William F. Weld & Co., a 
 house which outlasted most of the merchant-ship- 
 owners of Boston, and after the Civil War owned the 
 largest sailing fleet in America. 
 Two famous Boston firms of Cape Cod origin were 
 
 1 One will search in vain for several of these "clippers" in authorita- 
 tive lists like Captain Clark's and Dr. O. T. Howe's, for when the clipper 
 ships became popular, every new vessel of a certain size was advertised 
 at least as "half-clipper." A rigid distinction is made in the early 
 American Lloyds' Registers between clipper ships, and sharp ships, 
 medium ships, and full-bodied ships, only the extremest of clippers 
 falling in the first class. 
 
 348
 
 13 
 
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 B
 
 THE CLIPPER SHIP 
 
 Howes & Crowell, who owned the Climax, Ringleader, 
 and Robin Hood, and D. C. & W. S. Bacon, who owned 
 the Game-Cock, Hoogly, and Oriental. Daniel C. Bacon 
 was a link between the Federalist and the clipper 
 periods, having been mate under William Sturgis in the 
 old Northwest fur trade. In 1852 he was elected presi- 
 dent of the American Navigation Club, an association 
 of Boston shipowners and merchants, which offered 
 to back an American against a British clipper for a 
 race from England to China and back, 10,000 a side. 
 Although the stakes were subsequently doubled, no 
 acceptance was received. 
 
 There was no veneer or sham about the beauty of - 
 the Massachusetts clippers. They were all well and 
 solidly built of the best oak, Southern pine, and hack- 
 matack, copper fastened and sheathed with Taunton 
 yellow metal. Scamping or skimping never occurred 
 to a clipper-ship builder, and if it had, no Yankee 
 workman would have stayed in his yard. In finish the 
 clipper ships surpassed anything previously attempted 
 in marine art. Those built in Newburyport, in partic- 
 ular, were noted for the evenness of their seams and 
 the perfection of their joiner-work. The topsides, 
 planed and sandpapered smooth as a mackerel, were 
 painted a dull black that brought out their lines like 
 a black velvet dress on a beautiful woman. The pine 
 decks were holystoned cream-white. Stanchions, fife- 
 rails, and houses shone with mahogany, rosewood, and 
 brass. Many had sumptuous staterooms, cabins, and 
 bathrooms for passengers, that put the old-time stuffy 
 Cunarders to shame. The Mastiff had a library costing 
 twelve hundred dollars. Constant improvements were 
 made in gear and rigging. Patent blocks, trusses, and 
 steering gear saved time and labor. The Howes 
 double-topsail rig (an improvement on Captain R. B. 
 
 349
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Forbes's invention) was generally adopted by the later 
 clippers, spread to the ships of all nations, and is still 
 in use. No detail was omitted that might increase 
 speed, and no expense spared to make the Massachu- 
 setts clippers invulnerable to the most critical nautical 
 eye. 
 
 Boston Harbor never presented a more animated 
 spectacle than during the clipper-ship era. One April 
 day in 1854, wrote F. O. Dabney, no less than six 
 large new clippers, undergoing the process of rigging, 
 could be seen from his counting-room windows en 
 Central Wharf. Across the harbor, the East Boston 
 shore from Jeffries' Point to Chelsea Bridge was al- 
 most a continuous line of vessels in various stages of 
 construction. Twenty ships of eleven hundred tons 
 upward were built there that year. Some idea of the 
 inner harbor and the water-front may be gained from 
 Mottram's engraving, and from the Bradlee photo- 
 graph, both made at the end of the era, in 1857. In 
 the center of the engraving is the clipper ship Night- 
 ingale, a marked contrast in size and form to the 
 old-fashioned ship at the left of the picture. At the 
 extreme left is a typical fishing pinkie; and this side of 
 the Nightingale, a coasting schooner. The photograph 
 shows Mediterranean fruiters lined up against Central 
 Wharf, a New York packet-schooner at the extreme 
 right, and in the center, conspicuous among the tier of 
 vessels at the end of India Wharf, the clipper ship 
 Defender, built by Donald McKay. 
 
 The men who handled these great vessels were a 
 class by themselves. The officers, mostly of New 
 England stock and many from Cape Cod, had followed 
 
 350
 
 THE CLIPPER SHIP 
 
 the sea since boyhood, and were steeped in experience. 
 No others could be trusted to drive these saucy, wild 
 clippers against Cape Horn howlers, when the slightest 
 misjudgment meant the loss of a spar, or loss of one 
 hour which was more important. They were devoted 
 to the rigid traditions of the quarterdeck. The cap- 
 tain gave all his orders through the first officer, except 
 for putting the ship about; and lived in a more digni- 
 fied seclusion than the colonel of a regiment in a fron- 
 tier garrison. No one spoke to him unless spoken to; 
 the weather side of the quarterdeck was his private 
 walk; whole voyages passed without a scrap of con- 
 versation between master and officers, except in line 
 of duty. Men at the head of the profession like Captain 
 Dumaresq were paid three thousand dollars for an 
 outward passage to San Francisco, and five thousand 
 if they made it under a hundred days. 
 
 Occasionally, clipper-ship commanders took their 
 wives with them. Mrs. Cressy was the constant com- 
 panion of her husband on the Flying Cloud. The wife 
 of Captain Charles H. Brown gave birth to a son 
 during a North Pacific gale, when the Black Prince 
 was flying under close-reefed topsails. Immediately 
 after, a heavy sea burst in the after cabin deadlight, 
 shooting clear over the box in which the new-born 
 babe was lying. But most remarkable of these brave 
 women of the sea was Mrs. Captain Patten, of the 
 Neptune's Car. In the midst of a Cape Horn gale 
 Captain Patten came down with brain fever. The 
 first mate was in irons for insubordination ; the second 
 mate was ignorant of navigation. But Mrs. Patten 
 had made herself mistress of the art during a previous 
 voyage. Without question, she took command. For 
 fifty-two days this frail little Boston woman of nine- 
 teen years navigated a great clipper of eighteen hun- 
 
 351
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 dred tons, tending her husband the while; and took 
 both safely into San Francisco. 1 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 Yankee workmen built the clipper ships, but they 
 were not manned by Americans. The Yankee mariner, 
 with his neat clothes and perfect seamanship, had 
 passed into history by 1850. Few Americans could 
 then be found in the forecastles of merchantmen on 
 deep waters. When did this change take place? Why 
 did New Englanders abandon the sea? 
 
 In part, no doubt, it was a question of status. The 
 seaman was not as free as other workmen. His per- 
 sonal liberty was suspended until the end of the voyage. 
 Discipline was more severe, brutality more common, 
 and redress more difficult to obtain than in other call- 
 ings. Laws forbidding such practices as flogging, and 
 humane judges such as Peleg Sprague, of the District 
 Court at Boston, could do little to alter the tradition 
 of centuries. In one of his notable decisions, 2 Judge 
 Sprague remarked: 
 
 Seamen, in general, have little confidence in the justice of those 
 whom circumstances have placed above them, and there is too much 
 ground for this feeling. If a seaman is wronged by a subordinate 
 officer, and makes a complaint to the master, it too often happens 
 that he not only can obtain no hearing or redress, but brings upon 
 himself further and greater ill treatment; and an appeal to an 
 American consul against a master is oftentimes no more successful, 
 pre-occupied, as that officer is likely to be, by the representations and 
 influence of the master. Upon his return home, he finds those whom 
 he has served, the owners of the ship, generally take part, at once, 
 
 1 Incredible as it may seem, Mrs. Patten's age is confirmed by the 
 Boston marriage records, which give her age as sixteen when she married 
 Captain Patten on April i, 1853. She was Mary A. Brown, daughter of 
 George Brown, of Boston. 
 
 * Swain v. Rowland (1858), I Sprague, 427. 
 
 352
 
 o> 
 
 "
 
 THE CLIPPER SHIP 
 
 with the officer, in every controversy with the seamen, and not in- 
 frequently exerting themselves to intercept that justice which the 
 law would give him. And if to all this be added peculiar severity, 
 even by the law of his country, ... he may well be excused for feel- 
 ing little confidence in the justice of superior powers. This feeling 
 enters into his character, adds to his recklessness, weakens the ties 
 that bind him to his country, and tends to make him a vagrant 
 citizen of the world. 
 
 Our clipper ships were, in fact, manned by an interna- 
 tional proletariat of the sea, vagrants with an attitude 
 curiously similar to that of the casual workers in the 
 West to-day. 
 
 Low wages, even more than low status, were re- 
 sponsible for this condition. In Federalist days an 
 able seaman received eighteen dollars a month on 
 Pacific voyages, and even more in neutral trading. In 
 comparison with shore wages, and in lack of other 
 opportunities, this was sufficient to attract Yankee 
 youngsters to sea, though not to keep them there. 
 During the slack period that followed the War of 1812, 
 twelve dollars became the standard wage. An increase 
 of tonnage in the thirties required more seamen. In- 
 stead of raising wages, to compete with the machine- 
 shops and railroads and Western pioneering that were 
 attracting young Yankees, the shipowners maintained 
 or even depressed them, until ordinary and able seamen 
 on California clippers received from eight to twelve 
 dollars a month. 1 In the New Orleans cotton trade, 
 and other lines of commerce out of Boston, as high as 
 eighteen dollars was paid for able seamen, and the 
 Liverpool 'packet-rats' got even more for their short 
 and stormy runs. But in a period of rising costs and 
 wages, the seaman's wage remained stationary, or de- 
 clined. He had "no Sunday off soundings," and his 
 
 1 Yet in 1856 Boston ship-carpenters and caulkers received $3 for a 
 6J hour day; longshoremen, $2 per tide; stevedores, 25 cents per hour. 
 
 353
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 calling was the most dangerous in the world. It took 
 strength, skill, and courage to furl topsails on a great 
 clipper ship, with its masts and eighty-foot yards bend- 
 ing like whalebone in a River Plate pampero, great 
 blocks beating about like flails, and the No. O. Lowell 
 duck sails slatting with enough force to crush a man's 
 ribs. 
 
 Americans would not willingly accept such wages 
 for such work. Coasting vessels, paying eighteen dol- 
 lars a month, absorbed the Yankee boys with a crav- 
 ing for the sea. The shipowners could have obtained 
 American crews had they been willing to pay for 
 them; but they were not. Like the factory owners, 
 they preferred cheap foreign labor. 
 
 A law of 1817 required two- thirds of an American 
 crew to be American citizens. But this law was dis- 
 regarded, as soon as it became the shipowners' interest 
 to do so ; and by the clipper period it was a dead letter. 
 Captain Clark once had a Chinese cook who shipped 
 as "George Harrison of Charlestown, Mass." When 
 applicants for foremast berths became fewer, the ship- 
 owner had recourse to shipping agencies, which turned 
 to the sailors' boarding-house keepers, making it their 
 interest to rob and drug seamen in order to sign them 
 on, and pocket their three months' advance wages. 
 Thus began the system of crimping or shanghaiing. 
 The percentage of foreigners and incompetents in- 
 creased. Men of all nations, 1 an.d of the most depraved 
 
 1 A sample crew is that of the ship Reindeer, Canton to Boston: 2 
 Frenchmen, I Portuguese, I Cape Verde Islander, I Azores man, I 
 Italian, I Dutchman, I Mulatto, 2 Kanakas, I Welshman, I Swede, 2 
 Chinese, and 2 Americans. (Boston Atlas, July 22, 1851.) The Black 
 Prince had even foreign officers. Captain Brown was a Portuguese by 
 birth; the chief mate was Danish, the 2d British, the 3d German, and 
 out of 24 able seamen there were but two Americans; one from Newbury- 
 port and one from Boston. 
 
 354
 
 THE CLIPPER SHIP 
 
 and criminal classes, some of them sailors, but many 
 not, were hoisted, literally dead to the world, aboard 
 the clippers. Habitual drunkards formed the only 
 considerable native element in this human hash. "It 
 is perfectly well known that sailors do get intoxicated," 
 said Judge Sprague, when a pious captain discharged 
 a seaman for a drunken frolic. "Masters hire them 
 with this knowledge, . . . owners get their services at 
 a less price for these very habits; year after year they 
 serve at a mere pittance because of them." Many a 
 landsman, as well, imbibed too much liquor on the 
 Boston water-front, and awoke in the forecastle of a 
 clipper ship bound round the world. 
 
 Whenever a Yankee boy had the nerve to go to sea 
 under these conditions, and the pluck to stick it out in 
 such company, he was assured of quick promotion. 
 Arthur H. Clark, the historian of the clipper-ship era, 
 was the son of a Boston Mediterranean merchant and 
 yachtsman. Instead of going to Harvard, he went to 
 sea before the mast in the clipper ship Black Prince, 
 returned around the globe, over two years later, as her 
 third mate, and then shipped as second mate of the 
 Northern Light. A few more voyages, and he became 
 a shipmaster. Henry Jackson Sargent, Jr., of the 
 Gloucester family that has produced such eminent 
 writers and artists, shipped before the mast at the 
 age of seventeen on the Flying Fish, 1 the only ship 
 except the Flying Cloud which made two California 
 voyages under one hundred days. Within a few years 
 he was not only the youngest, but one of the most ac- 
 complished clipper-ship commanders. The Medford- 
 built clipper Phantom, under his command but through 
 no fault of his own, ran on the Prates Shoal in thick, 
 
 1 Flying Fish, 207' x 39' 6" x 22', 1506 tons; built by Donald McKay 
 in 1851. 
 
 355
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 heavy weather on July 12, 1862. All hands were 
 saved in the boats, although not all escaped a plunder- 
 ing by Chinese pirates. Obtaining another command 
 in China, at the age of twenty-nine, Captain Sargent 
 sailed from Shanghai, and was never heard from 
 again. To this day, the Pacific holds the secret of his 
 fate and that of his vessel. 
 
 If a mate found one or two boys such as these, be- 
 side the twoscore drugged and drunken bums, loafers, 
 and rare seamen of all nations and colors delivered him 
 by the crimp, he thanked his stars for it, and gave 
 them separate quarters. For this system did not even 
 deliver sailors, except by accident. Of his crew in the 
 Flying Cloud's race with the N. B. Palmer, Captain 
 Cressy said : " They worked like one man, and that man 
 a hero." But in every crew shipped under the shanghai 
 method there were bound to be men fit only ' to keep 
 the bread from moulding.' Resenting their involun- 
 tary servitude, many did their best to 'soger'; to be 
 ' yard-arm f urlers ' and ' buntline reefers ' in other 
 words, malingerers. Others watched their chance to 
 start a mutiny; and yet others, who tried to do their 
 duty, seemed shirkers because of their ignorance of 
 English. Hence the brutality for which Yankee mates 
 and masters became notorious. 1 There were clipper 
 ships like the Northern Light, where no hand was ever 
 raised against the men, but aboard most of them, after 
 Congress forbade sailors to be 'triced up' and 'intro- 
 duced to the gunner's daughter' or cat o' nine tails, 
 
 1 It is interesting to note that the practical English author of The 
 Mate and his Duties (Liverpool, 1855) says: "It is acknowledged by all 
 parties that they have much better discipline in American ships than 
 we have . . . human nature is not allowed to ooze over, being always in 
 check by the fear of immediate chastisement." He deplores the presence 
 of apprentices on English vessels, as they enable Jack to shirk certain 
 duties as "boy's work." 
 
 356
 
 {y TO 
 
 S 
 
 05 g 
 
 i-T 
 
 W 00 
 
 - " 
 
 cS 4; 

 
 THE CLIPPER SHIP 
 
 discipline was only kept by heavy and full portions of 
 ' belaying-pin soup' and 'handspike hash.' 
 
 As the men were usually stripped of all they had by 
 the crimps, they were forced to buy clothing on board 
 from the slop-chest; and as the crimp had pocketed 
 their three months' advance wages, they usually 
 ended the voyage destitute or in debt. Then began 
 another segment of the vicious circle, Jack pawning 
 his body for food, shelter, and drink, and awakening 
 with an aching head on board another ship, outward 
 bound. 
 
 Various were the remedies proposed. A committee 
 of the Boston Marine Society, consisting of Boston's 
 most respected shipowners, petitioned Congress in 
 1852 to restore flogging as if the 'cat' would at- 
 tract Americans to sea! Captains John Codman and 
 R. B. Forbes wanted an apprentice or school-ship 
 system, which the same Marine Society had rejected 
 many years before. Improvements were made in food 
 and housing; the clipper ships had a deckhouse for 
 their foremast hands, instead of the dark, stuffy fore- 
 castle of older vessels; and comparatively good food, 
 with hot tea and coffee, was served. But no one sug- 
 gested the experiment of attracting Americans to sea 
 by decent wages and a freeman's status. New Eng- 
 landers have more maritime aptitude than other 
 Americans; but they are not a maritime people like 
 the British or Scandinavians or Greeks, content to 
 serve a lifetime before the mast for a mere pittance. 
 The days were long past when Massachusetts boys 
 had to choose between farming at home and seafaring 
 abroad. In 1850 the workshops of New England 
 needed men, and the great West was calling. 
 
 * 
 
 357
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 "The California passage is the longest and most 
 tedious within the domains of Commerce; many are 
 the vicissitudes that attend it," wrote Lieutenant 
 Maury. "It tries the patience of the navigator, and 
 taxes his energies to the very utmost. ... It is a great 
 race-course, upon which some of the most beautiful 
 trials of speed the world ever saw have come off." 
 
 Every passage from New York or Boston to San 
 Francisco was a race against time, on which the build- 
 er's and master's reputation depended ; and there were 
 some remarkable ship-to-ship contests over this fifteen- 
 thousand-mile course. One of the best took place in 
 1854, between the Romance of the Seas, 1 Captain 
 Dumaresq, and the David Brown, Captain George 
 Brewster. The Romance, sailing from Boston two 
 days after her New York rival passed Sandy Hook, 
 caught up with her off the coast of Brazil, and kept 
 her in sight a good part of the passage to the Golden 
 Gate, which both entered side-by-side on March 23, 
 respectively ninety-six and ninety-eight days out. 
 After discharging, they passed out in company, set 
 skysails and royal studdingsails, and kept them set for 
 forty-five days, when the Romance entered Hong Kong 
 one hour in the lead. 
 
 As California afforded no outward lading in the 
 early fifties, the clipper ships generally returned around 
 the world, by way of China. There they came into 
 competition with British vessels, and the result gave 
 John Bull a worse shock than the yacht America's 
 victory. So vastly superior was the speed of the 
 American clippers, that British firms in Hong Kong 
 
 1 Romance of the Seas, 240' 8" x 34' 6" x 20', 1782 tons; built by 
 Donald McKay in 1853 for G. B. Upton. The David Brown, 1715 tons, 
 was built the same year by Roosevelt & Joyce, New York, for A. A. Low 
 & Brother. 
 
 358
 
 THE CLIPPER SHIP 
 
 paid them seventy-five cents per cubic foot freight on 
 teas to London, as against twenty-eight cents to their 
 own ships. 
 
 Crack British East-Indiamen humbly awaited a 
 cargo in the treaty-ports for weeks on end, while one 
 American clipper after another sailed proudly in, and 
 secured a return freight almost before her topsails 
 were furled. When the Yankee beauties arrived in the 
 Thames, their decks were thronged with sight-seers, 
 their records were written up in the leading papers, 
 and naval draughtsmen took off their lines while in 
 dry-dock. 
 
 By the time the British builders were learning the 
 first rudiments of clipper designing, the Americans had 
 made still further progress. As to a cathedral builder 
 of the thirteenth century, so to Donald McKay came 
 visions transcending human experience, with the power 
 to transmute them into reality. The public believed 
 he had reached perfection with the Flying Cloud; but 
 in 1852 he created the Sovereign of the Seas. 1 She had 
 the longest and sharpest ends of any vessel yet built. 
 Her widest point was twenty feet forward of amid- 
 ships, and her figure-head showed a bronze mer-king, 
 blowing a conch shell. No merchant shipowner, even 
 in that era of adventure, dared order such a vessel. 
 Her building was financed by McKay's loyal friends. 
 But so convincing was her appearance, that immedi- 
 ately after launching she was sold for the record price 
 of $150,000, almost all of which she earned in freight 
 on her first round voyage. 
 
 Lauchlan McKay, who, thirty-four years before 
 had helped his brother Donald build their first boat 
 
 1 Sovereign of the Seas, 258' 2" X 44' 7" X 23' 6", 2421 tons. The 
 Westward Hot, 214' x 40' 8" x 23' 6", 1650 tons, was built by Donald 
 McKay the same year, for Sampson & Tappan, of Boston. 
 
 359
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 in Nova Scotia, commanded this great vessel on her 
 maiden voyage to San Francisco. Starting in the un- 
 favorable month of August, the Sovereign of the Seas 
 encountered southwest gales from the Falklands to 
 Cape Horn. Topmasts bent like whips to the fearful 
 snow squalls, yet nothing carried away, and the noble 
 ship never wore nor missed stays once in the long beat 
 to windward. Around the Horn she found no better 
 weather, and in the course of a heavy gale, owing to 
 the main topmast trestle-trees settling, her main top- 
 mast, mizzen topgallantmast, and foretopsail yard 
 went over the side. Luckily, the captain was an expert 
 rigger, and had an unusually large crew. Within thirty 
 hours he had the Sovereign under jury rig, doing 
 twelve knots. And in twelve days' time, by working 
 day and night, she was almost as well rigged as when 
 she left Boston. In spite of these mishaps she "beat 
 the clipper fleet" that sailed with her, and entered 
 San Francisco one hundred and three days out of New 
 York; the fastest passage ever made by a ship leaving 
 the Atlantic coast in August. 
 
 On the homeward passage from Honolulu, with a 
 cargo of oil and whalebone, a short crew, a foretopmast 
 sprung in two places, and a tender maintopmast, 
 Captain McKay "passed through a part of the Great 
 South Sea, which has been seldom traversed by trad- 
 ers." In the forties and fifties south latitude, a long, 
 rolling swell and the northwest tradewinds hurled 
 the Sovereign of the Seas one quarter of the distance 
 around the world 5391 nautical miles in twenty- 
 two days. One sea day (March 17-18, 1853) was mem- 
 orable above all others. Sun and moon appeared only 
 in brief glimpses. Heavy rain squalls tore down the 
 wind, whipping to a white froth the crests of enormous 
 seas that went roaring southward but not much 
 
 360
 
 CLIPPER SHIP SOVEREIGN OF THE SEAS 
 
 
 
 CLIPPER SHIP WESTWARD HO!
 
 THE CLIPPER SHIP 
 
 faster than their Sovereign. When struck by a squall 
 she would send spray masthead high, fly up a point or 
 two, and heeling over try to take her helm and shoot 
 along a deep valley between two towering rollers. 
 Brought to her course again, she would righten with 
 the poise of a thoroughbred, and leap forward as if 
 taking a fresh start. On that day the Sovereign of the 
 Seas made 411 nautical miles; l an average of 17.7 
 knots, and a day's run surpassed only thrice: by the 
 Red Jacket, and by two other creations of Donald 
 McKay. 
 
 For the year 1853, Donald McKay made another 
 sensation with the Great Republic. To appreciate her 
 size, recall that any vessel over 130 feet long and 500 
 tons burthen was considered large before 1840; that 
 the Stag-Hound, 1534 tons, was the first sailing ship 
 built over two hundred feet long; that the Flying 
 Cloud was 229 feet long and registered 1793 tons, and 
 the Sovereign of the Seas, 258 feet and 2421 tons. The 
 Great Republic was 334 feet, 6 inches long, and regis- 
 tered 4556 tons. Fifty-three feet, six inches broad, and 
 thirty-eight feet deep, she was as sharp and shapely a 
 clipper ship as any ever built. No vessel, before or 
 since, has had such enormous spars and sail area. Her 
 main yard was 120 feet long; her fore skysail yard, 
 40 feet. In addition to her three square-rigged masts 
 she carried a spanker-mast with gaff-topsail and 
 gaff-topgallantsail. The leech and bolt-ropes of the 
 topsails were eight-and-a-half-inch, and the fore and 
 
 1 According to the abstract of her log, printed in Maury's Sailing 
 Directions, 6th ed., 757. Yet in Lieutenant Maury's letter of May 10, 
 1853, to the Secretary of the Navy (reprinted in R. B. Forbes, Ships of 
 the Past, 27) he states that the greatest day's run of this passage was 
 "362 knots or 419 statute miles." Captain Clark (p. 220) follows the 
 log's record of 411 miles, which, on account of her easting made during 
 the day, is equivalent to 424 nautical miles in twenty-four hours. 
 
 361
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS ' 
 
 main standing rigging, twelve-and-a-half-inch four- 
 stranded Russia hemp. 
 
 The Great Republic's sails, which would have cov- 
 ered over one and a half acres if laid out flat, 1 were 
 never set. She was towed to New York, where, on the 
 eve of her maiden voyage, she caught fire, and had to 
 be scuttled to prevent total loss. Salvaged, razeed 
 to 3357 tons, and under greatly reduced rig, she made 
 a voyage of ninety-two days to San Francisco. What 
 wonders of speed might this ship of ships have per- 
 formed, as Donald McKay built and rigged her! 
 
 The Great Republic had been destined for the Aus- 
 tralian trade, whither British adventure and emigra- 
 tion were now tending, following a discovery of gold. 
 The Sovereign of the Seas, appearing in Liverpool in 
 July, 1853, was immediately chartered by James 
 Baines & Co.'s Australian Black Ball Line, which 
 charged 7 a ton freight in her to Melbourne, and 
 offered to return 2 of it if she did not beat every 
 steamer on the route. Baines kept the money. The 
 White Star Line, not to be outdone, chartered three 
 great clipper ships McKay's Chariot of Fame, 
 Jackson's Blue Jacket, and the Red Jacket, designed 
 by Samuel H. Pook and built by George Thomas at 
 Rockland, Maine. On her passage from New York to 
 Liverpool the Red Jacket, Asa Eldridge master, broke 
 the record for that route, with rain, hail, or snow 
 falling throughout the entire trip; and made a day's 
 run of 413 nautical miles. Her first Australian voyage 
 was so remarkable that she was purchased by her 
 British charterers for thirty thousand pounds sterling. 
 James Baines & Co. then went one better, and con- 
 tracted with Donald McKay for four great clipper 
 ships over two thousand tons, which he completed 
 
 1 151683 running yards. 
 362
 
 THE CLIPPER SHIP 
 
 in the year between February, 1854, a d February, 
 
 With this group, the Lightning, 1 Champion of the 
 Seas, 2 James Baines,* and Donald McKay,* American 
 shipbuilding reached its apogee. The James Baines, 
 on her way across, made the record transatlantic pas- 
 sage for sailing vessels, twelve days, six hours from 
 Boston Light to Rock Light, Liverpool. "She is so 
 strongly built, so finely finished, and is of so beauti- 
 ful a model," wrote a contemporary from Liverpool, 
 "that even envy cannot prompt a fault against her. 
 On all hands she has been praised as the most perfect 
 sailing ship that ever entered the river Mersey." The 
 portrait shows her powerful hull, with a row of ports 
 along the passenger quarters; and her enormous rig, 
 second only to the Great Republic's. In addition to 
 three skysails, she carried skysail studdingsails and a 
 main moonsail. When under way with thirty-four 
 sails set, as a steamship once reported her in 1857 
 (and remember, she had single topsails and topgallant- 
 sails) , the James Baines might well have inspired Walt 
 Whitman's "The Ship": 
 
 Lo! The unbounded sea! 
 
 On its breast a Ship, spreading all her sails an ample Ship, 
 
 carrying even her moonsails; 
 The pennant is flying aloft, as she speeds, she speeds so stately 
 
 below, emulous waves press forward, 
 They surround the Ship, with shining curving motions and foam. 5 
 
 Owing to Matthew F. Maury's discoveries, vessels 
 
 1 Lightning, 243' X 42' 8" X 23', 2084 tons. 
 
 1 Champion of the Seas, 252' x 45' 6" x 29', 2448 tons. 
 
 1 James Baines, 266' x 44' 7" X 29', 2515 tons. 
 
 * Donald McKay, 260' 6" x 46' x 29', 2595 tons. 
 
 From "Drum Taps," 1865. Walt afterwards marred this poem, for 
 nautical readers, by inserting 'starting' after 'Ship' in the title, and the 
 second line. 
 
 363
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 en route to Australia now made 48 south latitude be- 
 fore running their easting down, and let the brave 
 west winds sweep them around the world. The 
 James Baines in 1855 went from Liverpool to Liver- 
 pool in 132 days, omitting her stay at Melbourne. No 
 sailing vessel ever equaled this record. 
 
 The Donald McKay, on her maiden voyage to 
 Liverpool, made a day's run of 421 miles, mostly under 
 topsails and foresail. But this record had already been 
 surpassed by the Lightning. The most remarkable of 
 this group of McKay clippers, built long and low, with 
 the most daringly fine and hollow bow ever constructed, 
 the Lightning looked her name of irresistible strength 
 and unsurpassed speed. With mingled pride and regret 
 Boston saw her glide down the harbor under a foreign 
 flag, making scarce a ripple in the water as her topsails 
 caught a light land-breeze. But on this maiden pas- 
 sage to Liverpool, as if to honor the land that gave her 
 birth, the Lightning made the greatest day's run ever 
 performed by sailing vessel ; a day's run that no steam- 
 ship at that day could equal by a hundred miles, that 
 no steamship equaled for a generation, and that barely 
 fifty ocean steamers to-day could surpass. It began 
 about five hundred miles off the Irish coast in latitude 
 52 38' N., longitude 22 45' W.; and here is the log 
 of it: 
 
 March 1st. Wind south. Strong gales; bore away 
 for the North Channel, carried away the fore topsail 
 and lost jib; hove the log several times and found the 
 ship going through the water at the rate of eighteen 
 to eighteen and one half knots; lee rail under water, 
 and rigging slack. Distance run in twenty-four hours, 
 Jour hundred and thirty-six miles.
 
 CLIPPER SHIP LIGHTNING 
 
 CLIPPER SHIP JAMES BAINES
 
 CHAPTER XXIII 
 
 CONCLUSION 
 1857-1860 
 
 THE clipper ships, costly to build and to operate for 
 their burthen, proved prodigal ventures on routes that 
 paid normal freights. David Snow, of Boston, tried 
 his clipper ship Reporter 1 in the Boston-New Orleans- 
 Liverpool trade in 1853; but as Captain Octavius 
 Howe wrote, she was a " thousand- ton ship in capacity 
 and a two thousand-ton ship to keep in repair." The 
 pleasure of having the smartest vessel on that route 
 did not compensate for losing voyages, and the Re- 
 porter was shifted to the California trade. 
 
 By 1854 that path of riches yielded but normal 
 profits, and 1855 brought the end of the clipper-ship 
 era in shipbuilding ; although American thoroughbreds 
 won the sweepstakes in the world's carrying trade 
 until the Civil War. Donald McKay, after completing 
 his Australian Black Ball liners, wisely concluded that 
 the limit had been reached ; and the three or four clip- 
 per ships that he built in 1855-56 were of the medium 
 class. Nevertheless the era left its impress on naval 
 architecture. No more bluff-bowed vessels of the an- 
 cient model were built, except for whaling. A type of 
 full-bodied ship, like McKay's Glory of the Seas, was 
 evolved; fuller and beamier than the clipper ship, 
 less boldly rigged, yet with that clean appearance, 
 round stern, and beautiful rake to the bow which make 
 it difficult to distinguish from the genuine clipper. 
 
 1 Reporter, 207' 6" x 39' X 24' 6", 1474 tons; built by Paul Curtis at 
 East Boston, 1853, at a cost of $80,750. 
 
 365
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Throughout the clipper-ship era, nearly all the 
 traditional lines of Massachusetts maritime commerce 
 continued to expand and new ones were created ; cod- 
 fishing and whaling attained their apogee, and the 
 commercial prosperity of Boston, in 1857, reached its 
 high- water mark for the ante-bellum period. The 
 coffee trade with South America declined, owing to 
 the establishment of steamship lines between Europe 
 and Brazil; the Russia trade declined, as Russia's 
 staple exports were being produced to a great extent 
 in the United States; the China trade continued its 
 migration to New York; but all others increased 
 greatly, and Boston continued to hold her ancient 
 supremacy in the East-Indian, Smyrna, Mediterra- 
 nean, and South American wool trades, and in such 
 Russian trade as remained profitable. 1 Her exports of 
 ice more than doubled between 1847 and 1856, rum 
 rose from four hundred thousand to over one million 
 gallons, and three times as many boots and shoes left 
 the port as ten years previously. The Boston dry- 
 goods trade with the West, the bulk of which still 
 went by water, had doubled since 1854, an d increased 
 twenty-fold over 1847. Arrivals from foreign ports at 
 Boston increased fifty per cent between 1845 and 1856, 
 and their tonnage a hundred and twenty per cent; 
 even Newburyport and Salem showed an increase, 
 owing to the new Canadian trade. 
 
 The Canadian Reciprocity Treaty of 1854 was of 
 more benefit to Massachusetts commerce than any 
 treaty before or since, for it wiped out the artificial 
 barrier which limited her market and source of supply 
 to the northward and eastward. The trade was con- 
 ducted almost exclusively in Canadian bottoms, which 
 somewhat obscured its benefits, and gave that increase 
 1 See statistics of arrivals in the Appendix. 
 366
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 to the statistics of foreign sail in our ports, which has 
 been made so much of by ship-subsidy pamphlets 
 masquerading as histories of the American merchant 
 marine. As a matter of fact, if the "Geordies" and 
 "Johnny wood-boats," as the Yankees called the 
 clumsy down-East schooners, had not been permitted 
 free access to our ports, the Canadians would have 
 made Liverpool their entrepot instead of Boston, or 
 developed their own direct export trade as they 
 afterwards did, when the reciprocity treaty was abro- 
 gated. From Nova Scotia and New Brunswick flowed 
 a constant and increasing stream of firewood, coal, 
 fish, flour, provisions, grain, and dairy products to 
 Boston and the Essex County ports, where the ' blue- 
 nose* merchants made their purchases of East- and 
 West-India goods, manufactures, whaling products, 
 and hides. 
 
 Boston now had the facilities and the materials for 
 an export trade to the newer countries, to California, 
 Australia, and South Africa. New England manufac- 
 tures, though less in value, were then much more 
 diversified than nowadays, when lines such as beef- 
 packing, furniture, and vehicles have been forced to 
 move nearer the raw materials. Whatever was lacking 
 came from other parts of the world to Boston wharves. 
 A merchant could make up at short notice, within 
 half a mile of State Street, an export cargo containing 
 the entire apparatus of civilized life, from cradles and 
 teething-rings to coffins and tombstones. Of such na- 
 ture were the outward ladings to California, Australia, 
 and Cape Town in the eighteen-fifties. Ploughs and 
 printing-presses, picks and shovels, absinthe and rum, 
 house-frames and grindstones, clocks and dictionaries, 
 melodeons and cabinet organs, fancy biscuits and 
 canned salmon, oysters and lobsters; in fact every- 
 
 367
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 thing one can imagine went through Boston on its 
 way to the miners and ranchers of the white man's 
 new empires. Henry W. Peabody and others operated 
 lines of Australian packets, which brought back wool 
 and hides. 1 Benjamin C. Pray and others kept a 
 fleet of barques plying between Boston and Cape 
 Town, Port Elizabeth and East London, where fifty 
 years before the only American trade had been a 
 little smuggling of East-India goods on homeward 
 passages. From South Africa were brought wool, 
 goatskins, ostrich feathers, and, after 1870, diamonds. 2 
 The California trade entered a new phase in 1855, when 
 the Somerset-built clipper barque Greenfield took the 
 first consignment of grain from San Francisco, and 
 the Newburyport-built clipper ship Charmer of Boston 
 took a full cargo of California wheat to New York, re- 
 ceiving twenty-eight dollars a ton freight. 
 
 In September, 1857, came a great financial crisis, 
 which, unlike that of twenty years previous, affected 
 Boston most grievously. The East-India merchants, 
 anticipating a stoppage of trade by the Sepoy mutiny, 
 had glutted the Boston market with Calcutta goods. 
 Prices of all sorts of merchandise fell one-quarter to 
 one-half, and freights sunk until it paid a shipowner 
 to let his vessels rot. 
 
 For two years ocean freights were dull and business 
 depressed. The Canadian trade alone showed con- 
 spicuous progress. By 1860 conditions were getting 
 back to normal. Of the world's fleet en route to Aus- 
 tralia in January of that year, thirteen ships were 
 
 1 Six different Australian packet-lines, none of them operating clipper 
 ships, announce sailings in the Boston Daily Advertiser for March 7, 
 1853, and Oak Hall advertises "clothing manufactured expressly for the 
 Australian and California markets." 
 
 1 It was Benjamin C. Pray who, in cooperation with a Boston jeweler, 
 introduced diamond-cutting into the United States. 
 
 368
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 from Boston, as against twelve ships and seven barques 
 from New York, and none from any other American 
 port save San Francisco. The merchants, tardily ap- 
 preciating the importance of steam navigation, built 
 four splendid iron screw steamers over two hundred 
 feet long, for two new lines to Charleston and New 
 Orleans. 1 The sailing fleet found better employment 
 than in any year since 1857. Then came the firing on 
 Fort Sumter; and for four years the best energies of 
 Massachusetts, maritime and interior, were devoted to 
 preserving the Union. 
 
 Every great war has brought an upheaval in Mas- 
 sachusetts commerce; some for the better, but the 
 Civil War conspicuously for the worse. Not that the 
 Confederate cruisers were responsible. The American 
 merchant marine had increased and prospered during 
 the earlier wars, in spite of depredations infinitely 
 greater than those of the Alabama and her consorts. 
 So prospered, of late, the British marine, despite Ger- 
 man under-sea boats. I agree with John R. Spears 
 that the decadence of American shipping " was wholly 
 due to natural causes to conditions of national 
 development . . . that were unavoidable." The Civil 
 War merely hastened a process that had already begun, 
 the substitution of steam for sail. It was the ostrich- 
 like attitude of maritime Massachusetts toward this 
 process, more than the war, by which she lost her an- 
 cient preeminence. Far better had the brains and en- 
 
 1 The Massachusetts, South Carolina, Merrimack, and Mississippi. 
 They were designed by Samuel H. Pook and built by Harrison Loring 
 at South Boston in 1860-61. The Merchants' and Miners' Line to Nor- 
 folk and Baltimore, founded a few years previously, acquired two iron 
 side- wheelers in 1860, and the Philadelphia Line was also improved. 
 
 369
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 ergy that, produced the clipper ships been put into the 
 iron screw steamer (in the same sense that Phidias had 
 been better employed in sanitation, and Euripides in 
 discovering the printing press). After Appomattox, 
 national expansion and the protective tariff killed or 
 atrophied many lines of commerce in which Massa- 
 chusetts merchants had specialized; and the trans- 
 atlantic cable made merchants, in the old sense, anach- 
 ronisms. Several firms continued the carrying trade 
 profitably in sailing vessels for some years; and many 
 remained faithful to blue water for the rest of their 
 lives. But it was Maine rather than Massachusetts 
 that kept the flag afloat at the spanker-gaff of sailing 
 ships. The era of tramp steamers and four or five 
 per cent profit had little attraction for merchants who 
 could gain six to ten per cent by exploiting the great 
 West. Many an old shipowner's ledger, that begins 
 with tea and indigo and sixteenth-shares of the ship 
 Canton Packet and brig Owhyhee, ends up by record- 
 ing large blocks of C. B. & Q., and Calumet & Hecla. 
 
 * 
 * * 
 
 The maritime history of Massachusetts, then, as 
 distinct from that of America, ends with the passing 
 of the clipper. 'Twas a glorious ending! Never, in 
 these United States, has the brain of man conceived, 
 or the hand of man fashioned, so perfect a thing as 
 the clipper ship. In her, the long-suppressed artistic 
 impulse of a practical, hard-worked race burst into 
 flower. The Flying Cloud was our Rheims, the Sov- 
 ereign of the Seas our Parthenon, the Lightning our 
 Amiens; but they were monuments carved from snow. 
 For a brief moment of time they flashed their splendor 
 around the world, then disappeared with the sudden 
 
 370
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 completeness of the wild pigeon. One by one they 
 sailed out of Boston, to return no more. A tragic or 
 mysterious end was the final privilege of many, fa- 
 vored by the gods. Others, with lofty rig cut down 
 to cautious dimensions, with glistening decks and top- 
 sides scarred and neglected, limped about the seas 
 under foreign flags, like faded beauties forced upon 
 the street. 
 
 The master builders, reluctant to raise barnyard 
 fowls where once they had reared eagles, dropped off 
 one by one. Donald McKay, dying almost in poverty 
 after a career that should have brought him wealth 
 and honor, sleeps at Newburyport among the comrades 
 of his young manhood. The commonwealth, so gen- 
 erous in laurel to second-rate politicians and third-rate 
 soldiers, contains no memorial line to this man who 
 helped to make her name immortal. But in the elm 
 branches over his grave the brave west winds that he 
 loved so well, murmur soft versions of the tunes they 
 once played on the shrouds of his glorious ships. 
 
 Soon he will be joined by the last of the men he 
 knew and loved, the shipbuilders and 
 
 Sea-captains young or old, and the mates, and . . . intrepid sailors 
 Pick'd sparingly without noise by thee, old ocean, chosen by thee, . . . 
 Suckled by thee, old husky nurse, embodying thee, 
 Indomitable, untamed as thee. 
 
 The seaports of Massachusetts have turned their 
 backs to the element that made them great, save for 
 play and for fishing; Boston alone is still in the deep- 
 sea game. But all her modern docks and terminals 
 and dredged channels will avail nothing, if the spirit 
 perish that led her founders to "trye all ports." 
 
 371
 
 MARITIME HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Sicut patribus . . . We can ask no more here. But 
 in that unknown harbor toward which we all are 
 scudding may our eyes behold some vision like that 
 vouchsafed our fathers, when a California clipper ship 
 made port after a voyage around the world. 
 
 A summer day with a sea-turn in the wind. The 
 Grand Banks fog, rolling in wave after wave, is dis- 
 solved by the perfumed breath of New England hay- 
 fields into a gentle haze, that turns the State House 
 dome to old gold, films brick walls with a soft patina, 
 and sifts blue shadows among the foliage of the Com- 
 mon elms. Out of the mist in Massachusetts Bay 
 comes riding a clipper ship, with the effortless speed 
 of an albatross. Her proud commander keeps skysails 
 and studdingsails set past Boston light. After the 
 long voyage she is in the pink of condition. Paint- 
 work is spotless, decks holystoned cream-white, 
 shrouds freshly tarred, ratlines square. Viewed through 
 a powerful glass, her seizings, flemish-eyes, splices, and 
 pointings are the perfection of the old-time art of 
 rigging. The chafing-gear has just been removed, 
 leaving spars and shrouds immaculate. The boys 
 touched up her skysail poles with white paint, as she 
 crossed the Bay. Boom-ending her studdingsails and 
 hauling a few points on the wind to shoot the Narrows, 
 between Georges and Gallups and Lovells Islands, she 
 pays off again through President Road, and comes 
 booming up the stream, a sight so beautiful that even 
 the lounging soldiers at the Castle, persistent baiters 
 of passing crews, are dumb with wonder and admira- 
 tion. 
 
 Colored pennants on Telegraph Hill have an- 
 nounced her coming to all who know the code. Top- 
 liff's News Room breaks into a buzz of conversation, 
 comparing records and guessing at freight money; 
 
 372
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 owners and agents walk briskly down State Street; 
 countingroom clerks hang out of windows to watch 
 her strike skysails and royals; the crimps and hussies 
 of Ann Street foregather, to offer Jack a few days' 
 scabrous pleasure before selling him to a new master. 
 By the time the ship has reached the inner harbor, 
 thousands of critical eyes are watching her every 
 movement, quick to note if in any respect the mate has 
 failed to make sailormen out of her crew of broken 
 Argonauts, beach-combers, Kanakas, and Lascars. 
 
 The ' old man ' stalks the quarterdeck in top hat and 
 frock coat, with the proper air of detachment; but 
 the first mate is as busy as the devil in a gale of wind. 
 Off India Wharf the ship rounds into the wind with a 
 graceful curve, crew leaping into the rigging to furl 
 topgallant sails as if shot upward by the blast of pro- 
 fanity from the mate's bull-like throat. With backed 
 topsails her way is checked, and the cable rattles out 
 of the chain lockers for the first time since Shanghai. 
 Sails are clewed up. Yards are braced to a perfect 
 parallel, and running gear neatly coiled down. A warp 
 is passed from capstan to stringer, and all hands on 
 the capstan-bars walk her up to the wharf with the 
 closing chantey of a deep-sea voyage : 
 SOLO 
 
 fc 
 
 i. O, the times are hard and the wa - ges low, 
 CHORUS SOLO 
 
 
 Leave her, John tty, leave her; I'll pack my bag and 
 CHORUS 
 
 
 I 
 
 go be - low ; Ifs time for us to leave her.
 
 APPENDIX 
 I 
 
 COD AND MACKEREL FISHERIES OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 1837-1865 
 
 Fishing ports of 
 
 Vessels fitted out 
 
 Value of catch 
 
 Hands 
 em- 
 ployed 
 
 Year 
 
 No. 
 
 Tonnage 
 
 Cod 
 
 Mackerel 
 
 ESSEX COUNTY, 
 N. of Cape Ann 
 
 (1837 
 {1855 
 (1865 
 
 151 
 
 60 
 
 83 
 
 S.OIQ 
 4,105 
 4,245 
 
 $50,048 
 30,OOO 
 42,606 
 
 $150,647 
 93,020 
 108,988 
 
 1,135 
 705 
 767 
 
 CAPE ANN 
 
 (1837 
 
 J i55 
 
 (1865 
 
 221 
 
 347 
 378 
 
 9,824 
 21,269 
 25,836 
 
 186,516 
 346,850 
 839,675 
 
 335,566 
 421,991 
 2,259,150 
 
 1,580 
 3,177 
 
 4,939 
 
 NORTH SHORE 
 
 (1837 
 JI855 
 (1865 
 
 I5i 
 146 
 80 
 
 10,232 
 11,184 
 5,63i 
 
 275,799 
 471,249 
 360,508 
 
 33,950 
 193,550 
 47,925 
 
 1,133 
 991 
 
 643 
 
 BOSTON BAY 
 
 (1837 
 
 JI855 
 
 ( 1865 
 
 241 
 109 
 58 
 
 15,281 
 
 8,595 
 2,969 
 
 488,010 
 4,500 
 159,900 
 
 478,407 
 331,364 
 241,482 
 
 2,572 
 1,264 
 471 
 
 SOUTH SHORE 
 (Cohasset to 
 Plymouth, incl.) 
 
 (1837 
 
 } 1855 
 
 (1865 
 
 168 
 
 100 
 
 75 
 
 11,302 
 
 7,014 
 5,36o 
 
 187,214 
 120,117 
 337,720 
 
 148,034 
 75,698 
 127,500 
 
 1,418 
 
 893 
 706 
 
 CAPE COD 
 
 (1837 
 
 51855 
 (1865 
 
 359 
 376 
 314 
 
 21,280 
 
 26,757 
 50,166 
 
 392,772 
 443,869 
 976,328 
 
 490,638 
 
 450,984 
 1,169,074 
 
 3,371 
 
 3,389 
 3,832 
 
 375
 
 APPENDIX: STATISTICS 
 
 II 
 
 ANNUAL AVERAGES OF MASSACHUSETTS WHALING 
 INDUSTRY, AT THREE EARLY PERIODS 1 
 
 
 Number of vessels 
 annually fitted 
 
 Tonnage 
 
 Gallons of oil brought 
 in 
 
 
 
 
 out for 
 
 
 Average per 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 
 
 
 Northern 
 fishery 
 
 Southern 
 fishery 
 
 
 
 Sperm 
 
 Whole 
 
 No. 
 
 So. 
 
 1771-75 
 
 183 
 
 121 
 
 27,840 
 
 75 
 
 "5 
 
 1,250,785 
 
 272,475 
 
 1787-89 
 
 91 
 
 31 
 
 IO.2IO 
 
 64 
 
 142 
 
 251,370 
 
 413,595 
 
 1803-06 
 
 30 
 
 9,360 
 
 312 
 
 395,640" 
 
 677,422 * 
 
 1 Tables for the first two periods are compiled from those in Pitkin, Statistical View 
 (1816 ed.), 78-79; for 1803-06, the best years of the Federalist period, from the tables 
 in the appendix to W. S. Tower, History of American Whaling Industry. The only Massa- 
 chusetts ports fitting out whalers between 1803 and 1806 were Nantucket and New Bed- 
 ford, and the only other American whaling ports were Hudson and Sag Harbor, N.Y., 
 and New London, Conn., each of which fitted out an average of one whaler annually. 
 
 1 Average for 1805-06 only. 
 
 Ill 
 
 COMPARISON OF ARRIVALS FROM CERTAIN FOREIGN 
 
 PORTS AT BOSTON, NEW YORK, PHILADELPHIA, 
 
 BALTIMORE, AND NEW ORLEANS, 1857 
 
 Vessels from 
 
 Boston 
 
 New York 
 
 Philadelphia 
 
 Baltimore 
 
 New Orleans 
 
 British East Indies 
 
 98 
 
 37 
 
 
 
 
 Manila, Batavia, etc. 
 
 24 
 
 20 
 
 
 , . 
 
 
 China 
 
 6 
 
 41 
 
 
 
 
 Chile 
 
 IS 
 
 2 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 Buenos Airea 
 
 15 
 
 26 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 Brazil 
 
 17 
 
 ISI 
 
 45 
 
 74 
 
 83 
 
 Porto Rico 
 
 7 
 
 192 
 
 16 
 
 so 
 
 7 
 
 Hayti and St. Domingo 
 
 161 
 
 174 
 
 IS 
 
 
 
 Cuba 
 
 289 
 
 967 
 
 163 
 
 81 
 
 3Ji 
 
 Russia 
 
 23 
 
 8 
 
 
 . . 
 
 
 Mediterranean 
 
 III 
 
 179 
 
 48 
 
 22 
 
 66 
 
 Turkey 
 
 24 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 m 
 
 British West Indies 
 England 
 
 29 
 110 
 
 261 
 583 
 
 54 
 
 75 
 
 90 
 30 
 
 25 
 1136 
 
 Canada and 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Maritime Provinces 
 
 1913 
 
 342 
 
 77 
 
 73 
 
 
 Total 
 
 2842 
 
 2990 
 
 493 
 
 441 
 
 1628 
 
 1 Boston Board of Trade, Fourth Annual Report (1858), 85, 
 
 376
 
 APPENDIX: STATISTICS 
 
 IV 
 
 FOREIGN PLACES WHENCE VESSELS ARRIVED IN 
 PRINCIPAL CUSTOMS DISTRICTS OF MASSA- 
 CHUSETTS, YEAR ENDING JUNE 30, 1857* 
 
 
 NKW- 
 BURYPORT 
 
 GLOUCES- 
 TER 
 
 SALEM 
 
 BOSTON 
 
 NEW 
 
 BEDFORD 
 
 No. 
 
 Tons 
 
 No. 
 
 Tons 
 
 No. 
 
 Tout 
 
 No. 
 
 Tons 
 
 No. 
 
 Tons 
 
 British East Indies 
 Philippines 
 Dutch East Indies 
 China 
 
 Africa 
 Azores, Cape Verde Islands, 
 Canaries 
 Gibraltar & Malta 
 Spanish Mediterra- 
 nean ports 
 French Mediterra- 
 nean ports 
 Sardinia 
 Tuscany 
 Naples & Sicily 
 Smyrna 
 Black Sea 
 
 Portugal 
 Spain, Atlantic porta 
 France, 
 
 Norway & Sweden 
 Russia 
 England & Scotland 
 Belgium & Holland 
 
 Canada 
 Maritime Provinces 
 S. Pierre & Miquelon 
 
 Cuba 
 Porto Rico 
 British W. Indies 
 Other W. Indies 
 Hayti & San Domingo 
 
 British Honduras 
 Mexico & Central America 
 
 New Grenada & Venezuela 
 Surinam & Cayenne 
 Brazil 
 Argentine Republic 
 Uruguay 
 Chile 
 Peru 
 
 Sandwich Islands 
 Returned from Whaling 
 
 TOTAL 
 
 
 
 
 
 X 
 X 
 
 275 
 
 289 
 
 98 
 19 
 5 
 6 
 
 15 
 
 15 
 3 
 
 17 
 
 14 
 5 
 
 80,780 
 14,429 
 3.390 
 3,368 
 
 4.058 
 
 3.835 
 582 
 
 4.879 
 
 5.502 
 
 2,466 
 
 4 
 
 941 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 32 
 
 7.843 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 .. 
 
 .. 
 
 
 I 
 
 341 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 65 
 24 
 I 
 
 2 
 17 
 5 
 
 10 
 22 
 I4O 
 22 
 
 I 
 1913 
 6 
 
 289 
 7 
 29 
 12 
 
 161 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 II 
 17 
 15 
 
 IS 
 3 
 I 
 3 
 
 22,285 
 8,026 
 527 
 
 771 
 14.657 
 1.858 
 
 5.744 
 10,452 
 143,299 
 10,380 
 
 156 
 235.998 
 727 
 70,526 
 1,101 
 
 5.929 
 2,249 
 27,028 
 
 I, III 
 1,124 
 
 596 
 
 2,113 
 3.695 
 4.823 
 
 7.927 
 2,087 
 
 1,089 
 845 
 
 i 
 42 
 
 X 
 
 3 
 132 
 
 104 
 5.957 
 
 SI 
 
 2,391 
 40.565 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 300 
 
 I 
 
 492 
 
 3 
 
 733 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 2,198 
 
 2 
 
 707 
 
 29 
 
 2.340 
 
 183 
 
 15.88s 
 
 8 
 290 
 
 915 
 
 24.978 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 1,120 
 
 i 
 
 194 
 
 X 
 3 
 
 171 
 708 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 22 
 
 5.206 
 
 ii 
 14 
 
 4 
 
 X 
 
 2.095 
 2.430 
 1. 194 
 222 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 617 
 
 38 
 
 3.760 
 
 211 
 
 23,975 
 
 375 
 
 43.488 
 
 3012 
 
 714.821 
 
 183 
 
 SO.OO9 
 
 1 From Commerce and Navigation Reports of the Secretary of the Treasury, 1837. 
 Vessels are entered only once for a voyage in this table, generally from the last port of 
 call, or from the port where the principal cargo was taken. 
 
 377
 
 in 
 
 I 
 
 U 
 
 u u 
 
 01 
 
 1 
 
 33 
 OH 
 
 OH 
 OH 
 
 5 
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 8 
 
 
 
 
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 to 00 
 
 ^ M 
 
 "0 
 
 CO O 
 <J 00 
 
 cog 
 
 vj 00 
 
 <U l-l 
 
 DISTR 
 
 ICO O 00 cOvO CO O OO 
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 CS ONCCC4 ONO< N i- 
 
 ON cOOO O 
 vO HI '*vO HI 
 
 rf HI 
 
 <? o" icoo vrf o o 
 
 coro ^--iN 
 
 1C 
 
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 "'t ^i. "20 O_ C -_ CT; 
 
 ? HI N W 00 1C CO 
 
 1C rO r^ M 
 
 M rJ-O VO 
 
 Tj-t^Tf Tf CMt>.lC'4->-lOl-l 
 
 Tj-rO'* O ON COO CO N 00 1C 1C 
 
 CO C4>iOOv)OOlCrt>. 
 
 OMI i-i 11 O Ov CO t^.vO vO w vO 
 CO M^M-^M Nl-l HI 
 
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 r}- hH CO HI Ht ON O VO ICOO HI t> 
 
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 O rt ON 1C 
 M^ W 
 
 CNl 
 
 CO HI 
 
 t> <* 
 
 c vo 
 
 d" c oo o 
 
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 i-^rt-r>. 
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 il E 
 
 ^J3 > %% 0"3 
 
 llfllilllll | 
 
 -2"S 5J2 oji'lS rt-o rt o 
 
 ^r 1 , m 5 m n.. rr.^fO Ci35r -< 
 
 to j4 
 
 < v- 
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 sill 
 
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 i -a 
 
 
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 Illlll 
 
 " 
 
 ^S 2 a h 
 
 ^ fe 3 C2 4) 
 
 ill*!! 
 
 elfc8S.E
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE MARITIME 
 HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 1783-1860 
 
 ABBREVIATIONS: E.I. = Essex Institute, Salem; E.I.H.C. = Essex 
 Institute Historical Collections. H.C.L. = Harvard College Library. 
 M.H.S. = Massachusetts Historical Society; Proc. M.H.S. = Pro- 
 ceedings of the same. p.p. = privately printed. Works cited are 
 printed at Boston unless otherwise stated. 
 
 I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness for information, pictures, 
 and for various facilities and courtesies, to Captain Arthur H. Clark, 
 of Newburyport; Mr. Fred W. Tibbets, of Gloucester; Miss Elsie 
 Heard, of Ipswich; Mrs. A. P. Loring, Jr., Miss Katherine Loring, 
 and Mr. J. A. Marsters, of Beverly; Mrs. George Wheatland and 
 Messrs. Henry W. Belknap, Lawrence W. Jenkins, George R. Put- 
 nam, John Robinson, and William J. Sullivan, of Salem; Messrs. 
 F. B. C. Bradlee, Joseph W. Coates, and Benjamin L. Lindsey, of 
 Marblehead; Messrs. Charles K. Bolton, James H. Bowditch, Fred- 
 eric Cunningham, Henry R. Dalton, George F. Dow, Frederick C. 
 Fletcher, Allan Forbes, Thomas G. Frothingham, Roland Gray, 
 Dr. O. T. Howe, William C. Hunneman, Thomas P. Martin, Dr. 
 Frederick Merk, J. Grafton Minot, Miss Grace Nute, Charles F. 
 Read, Andr6 C. Reggio, Robert B. Smith, F. W. Sprague, Rev. John 
 W. Suter, Charles H. Taylor, Jr., William Ropes Trask, Julius H. 
 Tuttle, Perry Walton, and Frederick S. Whitwell, of Boston and 
 Cambridge; Mr. Charles Torrey, of Brookline; Mr. Edward Gray, 
 of Milton; Mrs. F. W. Sargent, of Wellesley; Mrs. Ellen Trask, of 
 Lincoln; Mr. George Shaw, of Concord; Mr. Edmund P. Collier, of 
 Cohasset; Messrs. E. W. Bradford and Arthur Lord, of Plymouth; 
 Dr. William H. Chapman and Mrs. A. S. Cobb, of Brewster; Mr. 
 Everett I. Nye, of Wellfleet; Messrs. George H. Tripp and Frank 
 Wood, of New Bedford; Miss Susan E. Brock, of Nantucket; Cap- 
 tain John W. Pease, of Edgartown; Mr. Charles Lyon Chandler, of 
 Philadelphia; Mr. H. K. Devereux, of Cleveland; Mr. Irving Grin- 
 nell, of New Hamburg, New York; and Mr. Samuel Hale Pearson, 
 of Buenos Aires. 
 
 379
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 I. GENERAL 
 
 1. MANUSCRIPT SOURCES. The Custom House Records of the old 
 customs districts of Massachusetts are invaluable for foreign and 
 coastwise commerce, shipping, and the fisheries. For an account of 
 the present state and location of these records see Proc. M.H.S. for 
 1921. These Customs Records show what trade was carried on; but 
 the mercantile and shipping MSS. of individuals and firms, includ- 
 ing letter-books, ledgers, account books, log books and sea journals, 
 show better how it was carried on. The most important public con- 
 lections of this class are in the Beverly Hist. Society, the E.I., the 
 H.C.L., the M.H.S. and the New Bedford Public Library. The bulk 
 of such material is still in private hands, and much of it is destroyed 
 every year by otherwise intelligent people. Although of slight in- 
 trinsic value, these MSS. are of immense historic worth; the H.C.L. 
 and the M.H.S. are always glad to store such papers without charge, 
 or to receive them as gifts. Court Records, especially those of the 
 Federal courts in Massachusetts, kept in the Boston Post Office 
 building, are an untouched mine of information on maritime mat- 
 ters; S Prague's Reports and the Digest of Federal Cases indicate the 
 important cases. 
 
 2. NEWSPAPERS. Those of the smaller seaports, excepting New 
 Bedford, afford much less information than do the Customs Records 
 of the general course of commerce; but are valuable for their adver- 
 tisements and stories of shipwrecks, sea-serpents, etc. But the Bos- 
 ton papers are our sole source for Boston entrances and clearances, as 
 the Boston Customs Records for this period have been destroyed. 
 For the Federalist period the Columbian Centinel, and the Boston 
 Price Current, beginning 1795 (for the later titles, and check-list, see 
 Proceedings Am. Antiq. Soc., xxv, 278) are best; for the period 1815- 
 1842, P. P. F. Degrand's Boston Weekly Report (1819-27, best file in 
 Boston Athenaeum), Boston Commercial Gazette and Boston Daily 
 Advertiser; for the period 1843-60, the Boston Shipping List and 
 Price Current (very full information on commerce, and useful yearly 
 summaries, best file at Boston Marine Museum, Old State House) ; 
 Boston Atlas and Boston Journal. Hunt's Merchants' Magazine (N.Y., 
 1839-60) is a mine of commercial information. 
 
 3. STATISTICS. The Commerce and Navigation Reports, annually 
 issued by the Secretary of the Treasury, are to be found in the 
 American State Papers, Commerce and Navigation down to 1821; 
 thenceforth issued separately, and also* in the regular series of Con- 
 
 380
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 gressional Documents. For the period 1783-1833, T. Pitkin, Sta- 
 tistical View (New Haven, ed. of 1835); Adam Seybert, Statistical 
 Annals (Phila. 1818); G. Watterston and N. B. Van Zandt, Tabular 
 Statistical Views (Washington, 1828), and Continuation of same 
 (1833) will be found more convenient. Many statistics are also 
 given in Hunt's Merck. Mag. and in Samuel Hazard (ed.), Hazard's 
 U.S. Commercial and Statistical Register (Phila., 1839-42). The State 
 Censuses of 1837 (John P. Bigelow, Statistical Tables of Certain 
 Branches of Industry, 1838), 1845 (John G. Palfrey, Ibid. 1846), and 
 1855 contain statistics on shipbuilding, fisheries and whaling only; 
 that of 1865 gives also the coastwise fleet. The best single compila- 
 tion of Mass, commercial statistics will be found in British Parlia- 
 mentary Documents, Accounts and Papers, XLIX, Part I, 1846 (part 
 XV of John Macgregor's Commercial Tariffs, etc.). 
 
 4. GENERAL SECONDARY WORKS. No history of Massachusetts 
 pays the slightest attention to the maritime aspect after the colo- 
 nial period; but Edward Channing, History of the U.S., vols. in and 
 IV, contains much valuable data on American commerce to 1815. 
 Emory R. Johnson et al., History of Domestic and Foreign Commerce 
 of the U.S., 2 vols. (Washington, 1915), contains a useful digest of 
 federal legislation affecting shipping, fishing, etc. Grace Lee Nute, 
 American Foreign Commerce 1825-1850 (Radcliffe doctoral disserta- 
 tion in preparation), aims at completeness for that period. John R. 
 Spears, The Story of the American Merchant Marine (N.Y., 1910), 
 is the most honest book on that subject. 
 
 5. LOCAL HISTORIES of the maritime towns are usually inadequate 
 or misleading on all maritime activities save privateering; excep- 
 tions will be noted below. The "Topographical Descriptions" of 
 various seaport towns in the Collections of the M.H.S. 1st ser., vols. I- 
 ix (1792-1804), 2d ser., vols. in, iv, x (1815-23), 3d sen, n (1830), 
 are valuable sources. John W. Barber, Historical Collections . . . of 
 every Town in Massachusetts (Worcester, 1839), with woodcuts. There 
 is a useful class of publications on the maritime aspects of certain 
 towns: Leavitt Sprague, Barnstable and Yarmouth Sea Captains 
 and Ship Owners (p.p., 1913). Pamphlets prepared by Walton Adv. 
 Co. for State St. Trust Co.: Old Shipping Days in Boston (1918), 
 Some Merchants and Sea Captains of Old Boston (1919), Other Mer- 
 chants and Sea Captains (1920). J. Henry Sears, Brewster Ship 
 Masters (Yarmouthport, 1906). Edmund P. Collier, Deep Sea Cap- 
 tains of Cohasset, (p.p.), Benj. L. Lindsey, Old Marblehead Sea 
 Captains and the Ships in which They Sailed (Marblehead Hist. 
 
 381
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Soc., 1915). Ralph D. Paine, Ships and Sailors of Old Salem (N.Y., 
 1908; Chicago, 1912), a topical and comprehensive history of Salem 
 commerce and privateering. Old Time Ships of Salem (E. I., Salem, 
 1917) reproduces several famous Salem vessels in colors, with his- 
 torical data. 
 
 6. BIOGRAPHIES, MEMOIRS, and AUTOBIOGRAPHIES OF MER- 
 CHANTS, SHIPMASTERS, etc. These often contain letters and other 
 source material of great value; many, however, are privately printed 
 and scarce. Several good memoirs of Boston, Salem, and Newbury- 
 port merchants will be found in the E.I.H.C., Proc. M.H.S., Free- 
 man Hunt (ed.), Lives of American Merchants (N.Y., 1856); Hunt's 
 Merc. Mag. (esp. vol. xi) ; W. H. Bayley & O. 0. Jones, Hist, of the 
 Marine Society of Newburyport (Nbpt., 1906) ; J. J. Currier, History 
 of Newburyport (Nbpt., 1906) n, chap. xxn. Wm. H. Reed, Reminis- 
 cences ofElisha Atkins (p.p., 1890). N. I. Bowditch, Memoir of Na- 
 thaniel Bowditch (3d ed., Cambridge, 1884). [Ann Tracy], Reminis- 
 cences of John Bromfield (Salem, 1852). H. C. Lodge, Life and Letters 
 of George Cabot (1877). Roxana Dabney , A nnals of the Dabney Family 
 at Fayal (3 vols. p.p., 1892). Wm. T. Davis, Plymouth Memories of 
 an Octogenarian (Plymouth, 1906). Anna E. Ticknor, Memoir of 
 Samuel Eliot (p.p., 1869). Robert Bennet Forbes, Personal Remi- 
 niscences (2d. ed., 1882, with additional material; extra-illustrated 
 copy in H.C.L.). Sarah F. Hughes, Letters and Recollections of John 
 Murray Forbes (2 vols, 1899). There is also a p.p. 5 vol. edition. 
 Nathaniel Goddard, Boston Merchant, 1767-1853 (p.p., 1906). Ed- 
 ward Gray, William Gray of Salem, Merchant (1914). T. F. Waters, 
 Augustine Heard and his Friends (Publications of the Ipswich His- 
 torical Society, xxi, 1916). T. W. Higginson, Life and Times of 
 Stephen Higginson (1907). Osborn Howes, Autobiographical Sketch, 
 Edited by his children (p.p., 1894). The Autobiography of Capt. Zach- 
 ary G. Lamson 1797-1814, with Introduction and Historical Notes 
 by 0. T. Howe (1908). Martha Nichols (ed.), George Nichols, Salem 
 Shipmaster and Merchant, An Autobiography (Salem, 1913). [Lucy 
 W. Peabody], Henry Wayland Peabody, Merchant (West Medford, 
 1909). T. G. Cary, Memoir of Thomas Handasyd Perkins (1856). 
 Nathaniel Silsbee, "Biographical Notes," E.I.H.C., xxxv (1899). 
 Brief Sketch of Capt. Josiah Sturgis (1844). Julian Sturgis, From 
 Books and Papers of Russell Sturgis (p.p., Oxford). J. D. WTiidden, 
 Ocean Life in the old Sailing Ship Days (1908). Family histories and 
 genealogies, too numerous to mention here, also afforded much in- 
 formation. See also under 5. 
 
 382
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 II. BY SUBJECTS 
 
 ' 7. NORTHWEST COAST AND CHINA TRADE. 
 
 (a) MANUSCRIPTS (chaps, iv-vi and xvi-xvn). Bryant & Stur- 
 gis MSS. t Josiah Marshall MSS., J. P. Gushing MS. letter-book, 
 Horatio A. Lamb, Notes on Trade with the Northwest Coast, 1790- 
 1810 (digest of records of J. & T. Lamb), in the H. C. L.; Boit MSS., 
 Ship Columbia MSS., and John Hoskins, Narrative of the Columbia's 
 Second Voyage, in M.H.S.; Solid Men of Boston in the Northwest, 
 copy in M.H.S. from the Bancroft MSS., Berkeley, California. 
 Augustine Heard MSS., John Suter MSS., and log of ship Massa- 
 chusetts, in private possession. Journals of ships Concord, Margaret, 
 Hamilton, and others in E.I., Salem. Reports of LaforSt, Barbe- 
 Marbois, and De Guigne on early American trade with China in 
 Archives des Affaires Etrangeres, Paris, " Memoires et Documents, 
 Etats-Unis," vin, 207, xrv, 164-69, 369-80; "Asie," xix, 62, 141, 
 219. 
 
 (b) PRINTED SOURCES. The Journals of Samuel Shaw, with a life 
 of the Author by Josiah Quincy (1847). John Boit, Jr., Remarks on 
 the Ship Columbia's [second] Voyage, Proc. M.H.S., LIII (1920). 
 Archibald Cambell, A Voyage round the World from 1805 to 1812 
 (N.Y., 1817). Richard J. Cleveland, Narrative of Voyages and Com- 
 mercial Enterprises (2 vols., 1842, and I vol., 1850). Amasa Delano, 
 Narrative of Voyages and Travels (1817), John D'Wolf, Voyage to 
 the North Pacific and Journey through Siberia (Cambridge, 1861). 
 Capt. Eliah Grimes, Letters from N.W. Coast (1822), in Washington 
 Hist. Quart., xi, 174 (1920). Haswell's Journal of the Columbia's 
 first Voyage, in appendix to H. H. Bancroft, Pacific States, xxn. 
 John R. Jewitt, Narrative of Adventures (N.Y., 1816). Bernard 
 Magee, "Observations on the Islands of Juan Fernandez," etc. in 
 Collections of M.H.S., 1st sen, iv, 247. William Moulton, A Con- 
 cise Extract from the Sea Journal . . . written on board the Onico 
 (Utica, N.Y., 1804). The Narrative of David Woodard and four Sea- 
 men (London, 1804). William Sturgis, The Northwest Fur Trade 
 (Old South Leaflets, no. 219). W. F. Taylor, Voyage Round the World 
 in the U.S. Frigate Columbia (New Haven, 1843). William Tufts, 
 "List of American vessels engaged in the Trade of the Northwest 
 Coast, 1787-1809" (incomplete), in James G. Swan, Northwest 
 Coast (N.Y., 1837), 423. Charles P. Low, Some Recollections, 1847- 
 
 1 The general sources and secondary authorities mentioned above 
 have also been drawn upon for these subjects. 
 
 383
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 (p.p., 1906). Katherine Hillard, My Mother's Journal (1900). 
 William C. Hunter, The Fan Kwae at Canton before Treaty Days 
 (London, 1882), and Bits of Old China (London, 1885). Robert B. 
 Forbes, Remarks on China and the China Trade (1844). British 
 Parliamentary Papers, 1830, VI, pp. 35O-93. 1 Charles Gtitzlaff, 
 Sketch of Chinese History (London, 1834). John Phipps, Practical 
 Treatise on China and the Eastern Trade (Calcutta, 1835). 
 
 (c) SECONDARY. For the Northwest Coast and early California 
 trades: H. H. Bancroft, History of the Pacific States, xiv (Cali- 
 fornia, n), xxu, and xxni (Northwest Coast, I, II, San Francisco, 
 1884). For the China trade: Kenneth S. Latourette, The History 
 of Early Relations between the United States and China, 1784-1844 
 (Trans. Conn. Acad. Arts Sci., XX, New Haven, 1917). For seal- 
 ing: A. Howard Clark, "The Antarctic Fur-Seal and Sea- El- 
 ephant Industry," in G. B. Goode, Fisheries of the U.S. (Wash- 
 ington, 1887), vii. Edward G. Porter, "The Ship Columbia and the 
 Discovery of Oregon " with illustrations made on voyage, N.E. Mag., 
 n.s., VI, 472 (1892); reprinted in Old South Leaflets, No. 131. Louis 
 Becke and Walter Jeffery, The Tapu of Banderah (Phila., 1901). 
 F. W. Howay, "The Voyage of the Hope, 1790-92," Washington 
 Hist. Quart., xi (1920). C. G. Loring, " Memoir of William Sturgis," 
 Proc. M.H.S., vii. See also 5 and 6, above. 
 
 8. SALEM COMMERCE (chaps, vii, vm, xiv, and part iv and ix). 
 The Diary of William Bentley, D.D., 1784-18 IQ (4 vols., E.I., Salem, 
 1905-14). Numerous logs, and sea journals and other MSS. in E.I.; 
 Thorndike MSS., Beverly Hist. Soc.; Cleveland MSS. and miscella- 
 neous MSS. in Peabody Museum, Salem; Heard MSS., Silsbee MSS., 
 and Howe MSS., in private hands. C. S. Osgood & H. M. Batchelder, 
 Historical Sketch of Salem (Salem, 1879) and R. D. Paine, Ships and 
 Sailors, are the best secondary accounts; the latter is also a guide to 
 the printed material. Biographies of George Nichols, Edward Gray, 
 Z. G. Lamson, Nathaniel Silsbee (see 6). Robert E. Peabody, 
 Merchant Venturers of Old Salem [the Derbys] (Boston, 1912). Nu- 
 merous articles and much source material in the E.I.H.C. John C. 
 Brent, "Leaves from an African Journal," in Knickerbocker Mag., 
 1848-50; Montgomery Parker, "Sketches in S. Africa," Ibid., 
 1850-53. Horatio Bridge, U.S.N., Journal of an African Cruiser . . . 
 
 1 The title page of this volume is Reports from Committees, 3, East 
 India Company' s Affairs (Lord's Report). Sessions February 23 July 
 1830. Vol. VI. It contains testimony by Joshua Bates and others on 
 the American trade with China. 
 
 384
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 edited by Nathaniel Hawthorne (N.Y., 1845). Narrative of the Cap- 
 ture of the brig Mexican by Pirates (1832, reprinted in E.I.H.C., 
 xxxni). [J. Oliver and W. S. Dix], The Wreck of the Glide, with 
 Recollections of the Fijiis, (N.Y., 1846). J. H. Reynolds, Voyage of 
 the U.S. Frigate Potomac (N.Y., 1835). 
 
 9. SHIPS AND SHIPBUILDING (chaps, vm and part of xvi). Henry 
 Hall, Report on the Shipbuilding Industry (Washington, 1884) from 
 the loth Census, is a most unsatisfactory work, but reproduces the 
 lines of some famous vessels. The studies of local shipbuilding sel- 
 dom give more than the tonnage measurement, and not one dis- 
 cusses the changes in design. A. Vernon Briggs, History of Ship- 
 building on North River, Plymouth County, Mass. . . . 1640-1872 
 (1887), is most comprehensive and valuable. W. H. Summer, His- 
 tory of East Boston, 697, gives a list of vessels there built through 
 1858. Capt. John Bradford, "Reminiscences of Duxbury Shipbuild- 
 ing," in L. Bradford, Hist, of Duxbury. Charles Brooks, History of 
 Medford (1855), pp. 366-79, gives a list of vessels there built be- 
 tween 1803 and 1854; see also Medford Historical Register, i, 65, XV, 
 77. John J. Currier, Historical Sketch of Ship Building on the Merri- 
 mac River (Nbpt., 1877). Wm. Leavitt, " Materials for the History 
 of Shipbuilding in Salem," in E.I.H.C., VI, VII (1863-65), with full 
 dimensions. A. F. Hitchings & Stephen W. Phillips, Ship Registers 
 of the District of Salem and Beverly, 1789-1900 (Salem, 1906, re- 
 printed from E.I.H.C., XXXIX-XLII) is a most useful work of refer- 
 ence; there is great need of a similar one for Boston. H. H. Edes, 
 Memorial of Josiah Barker (1891). R. B. Forbes, Notes on Ships of 
 the Past (1885), and A New Rig for Ships (1849). R. H. Dana, The 
 Seaman's Friend; containing a Treatise on Practical Seamanship, 
 with Plates; a Dictionary of Sea Terms, Customs and Usages of the 
 . Merchant Service; Laws relating to the Practical Duties of Master and 
 
 Mariner (1841), is the most useful work of this sort. 
 
 10. SHIP PORTRAITS AND MODELS. The best public collections are 
 in the Peabody Museum, Salem; the Boston Marine Museum, Old 
 State House, Boston; the Old Dartmouth Historical Society, New 
 Bedford; the Beverly Historical Society; the Marblehead Historical 
 Society, and the Historical Society of Old Newbury, Newburyport. 
 Private collections to which I have had access, through the kindness 
 of the owners, are those of Charles H. Taylor, Jr., Allan Forbes, and 
 Dr. O. T. Howe, Boston; Frederick C. Fletcher, Herbert Foster Otis, 
 and Charles Torrey, Brookline; F. B. C. Bradlee, Marblehead; and 
 Captain Arthur H. Clark, Newburyport. The East India House, 
 
 385
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 New York, has a collection of paintings of Massachusetts clipper and 
 packet-ships. Little is known of our ship painters. For Robert 
 Salmon, see Proceedings Bostonian Society for Jan. 1895, p. 37. There 
 is a catalogue of his works in the Boston Public Library. Of Bresay- 
 ant's Antoine Roux et ses fils (Marseilles, circ. 1882), I have been 
 unable to find a copy. 
 
 11. ARCHITECTURE AND SOCIAL LIFE OF THE MERCHANTS (chaps. 
 IX and xv). Bentley's Diary (see 8); Frank Cousins, The Colonial 
 Architecture of Salem (1919) ; F. Cousins and P. M. Riley, The Wood- 
 Carver of Salem, Samuel Mclniire and his Work (1916). Mrs. E. Vale 
 Smith, History of Newburyport (Nbpt., 1854); Sarah A. Emery, 
 Reminiscences of a Nonagenarian (Nbpt., 1879). Albert Hale, Old 
 Newburyport Houses (1912). Charles A. Cummings, "Architecture 
 in Boston," in Justin Winsor, Memorial History of Boston, rv, chap. 
 Viii. Bulletin of the Society for the Preservation of New England 
 Antiquities, and Old Time New England, the new monthly magazine 
 of the same Society. Ellen S. Bulfinch, Life and Letters of Charles 
 Bulfinch (1896); Ashton R. Willard, "Charles Bulfinch the Archi- 
 tect," in N.E. Mag., n.s., m, 273 (1890). Henry F. Bond, "Old 
 Summer Street, Boston," Ibid., n.s., xix, 333 (1898). Biographies 
 of merchants (see 6), esp. of Samuel Eliot and George Nichols. 
 Mary H. Northend, Memories of Old Salem (Chicago, 1917). Act of 
 Incorporation and By-laws of the East India Marine Society (Salem, 
 1899). Catalog of the " Cleopatra's Barge" Exhibition at the Peabody 
 Museum (with bibliography, Salem, 1916). 
 
 12. THE FISHERIES (chaps, x and xix). There is no wholly satis- 
 factory account of the Massachusetts fisheries, based on original 
 research. The best are Raymond McFarland, History of the New 
 England Fisheries (Univ. of Penn., 1911) ; Lorenzo Sabine, Report on 
 the Principal Fishermen of the American Seas (Washington, 1853); 
 G. Brown Goode, Fisheries . . . of the U.S. (Washington, 1887), vi 
 (Section v, "History and Methods of the Fisheries," vol. I.). Of the 
 local histories, the following are the most useful: Samuel Roads, 
 Jr., History and Traditions of Marblehead (1880), (cf. Whidden's 
 Ocean Life, cited above, 6) ; John J. Babson, History of Gloucester 
 (Gloucester, 1860); J. R. Pringle, History of Gloucester (Ibid., 1892); 
 [Fred W. Tibbets, ed.], Memorial of the 2$oth anniversary of Glou- 
 cester (Ibid., 1901); James Thatcher, History of Plymouth (2d ed., 
 1835); E. V. Bigelow, History of Cohasset (1898), Waldo Thompson, 
 Swampscott (Lynn, 1885); Shebnah Rich, Truro Cape Cod (Bos- 
 ton, 1883); S. L. Deyo (ed.), History of Barnstable County (N.Y., 
 
 386
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 1890); Everett I. Nye, History of Wettfleet (Hyannis, 1920). Con- 
 siderable information and otherwise on the Gloucester fisheries, 
 from various octogenarians' reminiscences, can be found in George 
 H. Procter (compiler), The Fishermen's Memorial and Record Book 
 (Glouc., 1873), The Fisheries of Gloucester, 1623-1876 (Ibid., 1876), 
 The Fishermen's Own Book (Ibid., 1882); and Sylvanus Smith, Fish- 
 eries of Cape Ann (Ibid., 1915). The best description of the life of 
 the fishermen is J. Reynolds, Peter Gott the Cape Ann Fisherman 
 (1856). The story of Beverly fisheries is largely in MSS. in the Bev- 
 erly Hist. Society. For Cape Cod in the Federalist period, the 
 "Topographical Descriptions" in the early volumes of Collections 
 of the M.H.S., are most valuable, as are vol. in of Timothy Dwight, 
 Travels in New England and New York (New Haven, 1822), vol. in, 
 and E. A. Kendall, Travels Through the Northern Parts of the United 
 States in 1807-08 (N.Y., 1809), vol. n. Thoreau's Cape Cod is the 
 classic description for about 1850. Albert P. Brigham, Cape Cod and 
 the Old Colony (N.Y., 1920) is an admirable study in regional geog- 
 raphy. On separate branches: George B. Goode et al., Materials for 
 a History of the Mackerel Fishery (from Annual Report of U.S. Com- 
 missioner of Fish and Fisheries for 1881), Washington, 1883; Sheb- 
 nah Rich, The Mackerel Fishery of North America (1879). Ernest 
 Ingersoll, The Oyster Industry (Washington, 1881, a reprint from 
 Goode's Fisheries). Joseph W. Collins, "Evolution of the American 
 Fishing Schooner," N.E. Mag., n.s., xvm, 336 (1898) is a most val- 
 uable article. The models illustrated therein are now mostly in the 
 E.I. and the Annisquam Yacht Club. Pictures of fishing vessels 
 before 1860 are exceedingly rare. 
 
 13. FEDERALISM AND NEUTRAL TRADE (chap. xn). Beverly Ship- 
 ping MSS., Bev. Hist. Soc.; Boit MSS. and William Gray Letter-book 
 in private hands. G. R. Putnam, Lighthouses and Lightships of the 
 U.S. (1917). Capt. Lawrence Furlong, American Coast Pilot (Nbpt., 
 1809). N. Spooner, Gleanings from Records of Boston Marine Society 
 (Boston, 1875). Biographies of Bromfield, Forbes, Goddard, Gray, 
 Lamson, Higginson, and Perkins cited in 6, and S. E. Morison, 
 H. G. Otis (1913). Elijah Cobb, Autobiographical Sketch (written 
 about 1845, printed in Yarmouth Register, photostat copy in M.H.S.). 
 R. E. Peabody, Merchant Venturers ( 8); R. J. Cleveland, Voyages 
 (7). For South American Trade: Charles Lyon Chandler, ar- 
 ticles in Am. Hist. Rev., xxm, 816-26 (1918), Hisp. Am. Hist. Rev., 
 II, 26-54 (1919); Hi, 159-66 (1920); and Inter-American Acquaint- 
 ances (2d ed., Sewanee, Tenn., 1917). 
 
 387
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 14. EMBARGO AND WAR OF 1812 (chap. xm). Biographies cited 
 above. C. F. Adams (ed.), Memoirs of J. Q. Adams, n (Phila., 1874); 
 Worthington C. Ford (ed.), Writings of J, Q. Adams, in, iv (N.Y., 
 1914). Histories of maritime towns, especially L. B. Ellis, History 
 of New Bedford (Syracuse,- N.Y., 1892); Freeman's Cape Cod and 
 Swift's Cape Cod. Wm. Leavitt, "Private Armed Vessels of Salem," 
 in E.I.H.C. for 1860. B. B. Crowninshield, "The Private Armed 
 Ship America," E.I.H.C., xxxvii. Log of Brutus in Boston Marine 
 Society; papers of the Grand Turk in Beverly Hist. Society. Bent- 
 ley's Diary. David Porter, Journal of Cruise in U.S. Frigate Essex 
 (N.Y., 1822). Autobiography of Elder Joseph Bates (Battle Creek, 
 1868); Report of Committee of House of Representatives on Im- 
 pressments (1813); account of Salem impressments in E.I.H.C., 
 XLIX, 321. 
 
 15. HAWAIIAN, SOUTH SEA, AND CALIFORNIA HIDE TRADE (chap. 
 XVi). Bryant & Sturgis, Josiah Marshall, and James Hunnewell 
 MSS., H.C.L.; S. E. Morison, "Boston Traders in Hawaii, 1789- 
 1823," Proc. M.H.S., Liv, 9 (October, 1920), and authorities therein 
 cited. For California, see Charles E. Chapman, "The Literature of 
 California History," South-western Hist. Quar., xxn, 318-52 (1919), 
 and add Lieut. Joseph W. Revere, U.S.N., A Tour of Duty in Cali- 
 fornia (N.Y., 1849). The classic narrative of this trade is R. H. 
 Dana, Two Years before the Mast (N.Y., 1840, and numerous later 
 editions). R. B. Forbes, Notes on Navigation (1884). 
 
 16. MARITIME AND COMMERCIAL BOSTON TO 1850 (chap, xv, and 
 parts of others) has received much less adequate treatment than 
 Salem. Hamilton A. Hill, Trade and Commerce of Boston (Reprinted 
 from Professional and Industrial History of Suffolk Co., n, 1894) is a 
 mere sketch, but useful as far as it goes. Bostonian Society Publica- 
 tions, passim. Bowen's Picture of Boston (3d ed., 1838). State St. 
 Trust Co. pamphlets (see 5). Biographies (6). N. Spooner, 
 Gleanings ( 13). James H. Lanman, "The Commerce of Boston," 
 in Hunt's Merc. Mag.-, x, 421 (1844) and Charles Hudson "Mass, 
 and her Resources," in Ibid., IX, 426. "Shipping of the Port of Bos- 
 ton," in Ibid., xiv, 83 (1845). E. J. Howard, "Commercial Review 
 of Fifty Years," in Boston Board of Trade, 27th and 2Qth Annual 
 Reports (1880, 1882). The Life of Father Taylor, the Sailor Preacher 
 (Boston, 1904), includes an earlier biography by Haven and Rus- 
 sell, and several short sketches. Fitz Henry Smith, Jr., Storms and 
 Shipwrecks in Boston Bay, and the Record of the Life Savers of 
 Hull (p.p., 1918, reprinted from Bostonian Society Publications}. 
 
 388
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 R. B. Forbes, A Discursive Sketch on Yachting (1888), and Voyage of 
 the Jamestown (1847). 
 
 17. STEAM NAVIGATION AND SAILING PACKET LINES (chap. xv). 
 F. B. C. Bradlee, Steam Navigation in New England (Salem, 1920, 
 reprinted from E.I.H.C.} gives a detailed account of the lines north 
 of Boston with illustrations. The same author, in a series of articles 
 in the International Marine Engineering between 1910 and 1920, 
 describes the lines south of Boston. His The Dreadnought of New- 
 buryport (Salem, 1920, reprinted with additions from E.I.H.C.), 
 contains material on the sailing packets. Samuel Samuels, From the 
 Forecastle to the Cabin (N.Y., 1887). Moses W. Mann, "Medford 
 Steamboat Days," Medford Historical Register, xvn, 92 (1914). 
 Pliny Miles, Advantages of Ocean Steam Navigation (1857) contains 
 much data on Southern coasting trade. R. B. Forbes, The Auxiliary 
 Screw Ship "Massachusetts" (1853), and Remarks on Ocean Steam 
 Navigation (1855). 
 
 1 8. EAST INDIA AND ICE TRADE. Frederic Tudor MSS. t in private 
 hands, and Tudor's own story, written in 1849, in Proc, M.H.S., ill, 
 53-60. Boston Board of Trade, Third Annual Report (1857). 
 
 19. WHALING. There is need of a comprehensive history of this 
 industry, paying due attention to the labor and business aspects, 
 and using the almost untouched mines of information in the New 
 Bedford Whalemen's Shipping List (1843-1916), the New Bedford 
 customs records, and the log books and business records at the New 
 Bedford Public Library and elsewhere. The standard histories are 
 Obed Macy, History of Nantucket (1835); Alexander Starbuck, His- 
 tory of the American Whale Fishery (with complete list of whaling 
 voyages, Waltham, 1878) ; and Walter S. Tower, History of the Ameri- 
 can Whale Fishery (Pub. of the U. of Penn. No. 20, 1907), with bib- 
 liography and statistics. Another whaling bibliography which lists 
 many periodical articles and titles not found in Tower, is [G. H. 
 Tripp], A Collection of Books, Pamphlets, Log Books, Pictures, etc. 
 Illustrating Whales and the Whale Fishery contained in the Free 
 Public Library, New Bedford, Mass. (2d ed., April, 1920). The 
 chapter by James T. Brown in G. B. Goode, Fisheries of the U.S. 
 (Washington, 1887), vii, 218-93, gives the most detailed account of 
 methods and appliances. Hussey & Robinson, Catalogue of Nan- 
 tucket Whalers . . . from 1815 to 1870 (Nantucket, 1876) is a useful 
 check-list. John R. Spears, The Story of the New England Whalers 
 (N.Y., 1908), with a chapter on the slavers; and A. Hyatt Verrill, 
 The Real Story of the Whaler (N.Y., 1916), are the best popular de- 
 
 389
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 scriptions and histories. Herman Melville's classic, Moby-Dick, or 
 the White Whale (ist ed., 1851), gives the writer's experiences in the 
 form of a novel. Other whaling novels by whalemen are Joseph C. 
 Hart, Miriam Coffin (2 vols, N.Y., 1835, and later editions), and 
 William Hussey Macy, There She Blows! (1877) and C. H. Robbins 
 The Gam (New Bedford, 1899), a group of short stories. Among the 
 dozens of whaling voyage narratives: J. Ross Browne, Etchings of 
 a Whaling Cruise (N.Y., 1846), gives the viewpoint of a green hand; 
 Charles Nordhoff, Whaling and Fishing (Cincinnati, 1856) that of 
 an able seaman under a decent skipper. J. N. Reynolds's Report on 
 Islands discovered by Whalers in the Pacific (1835) is in 23 Cong., 
 2d sess., Ho. Exec. Doc. in, No. 105. Charles Wilkes, U.S.N., in his 
 Narrative of the U.S. Exploring Expedition, 1838-42 (London, 1845), 
 V., Chap, xn, gives a list of the whaling grounds and describes 
 certain practices, which are also exposed by F. M. Ringgold (U.S. 
 consul at Puita, P.I.) in an official report summarized in Hunt's 
 Merch. Mag., XLI, 391 (1859); and denounced by the Rev. Francis 
 Wayland in The Claims of the Whalemen on Christian Benevolence 
 (New Bedford, 1843). The Old Dartmouth Historical Sketches (quar- 
 terly of the Old Dartmouth Historical Society), especially nos. 14, 
 38, 44, and 45, are full of valuable material. 
 
 20. THE CLIPPER-SHIP ERA (chaps, xxi-xxm). Captain Arthur 
 H. Clark's incomparable Clipper Ship Era (N.Y., 1911), and Dr. 
 Octavius T. Howe's MS. history of the clipper ships and MS. history 
 of the '49 movement, are the principal authorities on which I have 
 relied. The dimensions of clipper ships given in the footnotes are 
 taken for the most part from the Boston ship registry at the Boston 
 custom house. Henry Blaney, Journal of Voyage to China and Re- 
 turn, 1851-53 (p.p., 1913). Lieut. M. F. Maury, Explanations and 
 Sailing Directions (6th ed., Phila., 1854). Percy Chase MSS., H.C.L., 
 a compilation of clipper and other ships' records. Description of the 
 Largest Ship in the World, the New Clipper Great Republic (1853). 
 R. B. Forbes, To Merchants, Underwriters and others Interested (1853), 
 and An Appeal to Merchants and Ship Owners on the subject of Seamen 
 (1854). For the commerce of the period 1850-60 the Boston Board 
 of Trade Reports, beginning 1854, are most important; those of 1880 
 and 1882 give additional matter.
 
 INDEX 
 
 Names of vessels are in italics 
 
 Adams, John, 135, 165, 174-75- 
 Adams, John Quincy, 194, 197, 278. 
 Africa, trade with, 33, 220-22; see 
 
 Slave Trade, South Africa, Zan- 
 zibar. 
 
 Akbar, 329. 
 
 Alaska, see Northwest Coast. 
 Albatross, 53, 58. 
 Alert (i), 70; (2), 77n., 256. 
 Algiers, trade with, 194. 
 Allen, Capt. Joseph, 317. 
 Alsop, Richard, 26gn. 
 America, 93, 100, 201. 
 American Hero, 203. 
 American Revolution, 23, 27-30. 
 Ames plow works, 297, 333. 
 Amory, Thomas, 21. 
 Amory, Thomas Jr. & Co., 55, 57n., 
 
 205. 
 Amsterdam, trade with, 177-79, 
 
 297. 
 
 Andrew Jackson, 233^, 341. 
 Anjer, 67, 259. 
 Ann Alexander, 180. 
 Architecture, chapter ix, 153, 229, 
 
 237-38. 
 
 Argonaut, 338, 348. 
 Ariadne, 205. 
 Astrea (i), 35, 48, 49, 83, 92, 154; 
 
 (2), 94, 108,115. 
 Atahualpa, 69, 72, 112. 
 Atlantic, 48. 
 Auction tax, 275. 
 Austin, J. L. & B., 57n. 
 Australia, 62; clipper ships, 362- 
 
 64; trade with, 367-69. 
 Avon, 248. 
 Azores, see Western Islands. 
 
 Bacon, Daniel C., 339, 349. 
 Bailey, Capt. John, 171. 
 Baltic trade, origin, 154; Napo- 
 leonic period, 139, 155, 179, iSgn., 
 
 I93-95J later, 216, 289, 294-97, 
 
 366; statistics, 377. 
 Baltimore, clippers, 100, 201, 292, 
 
 329; shipping statistics, 376. 
 Bangor, 236. 
 
 Baring Brothers & Co., 168-69, 2 74- 
 Barnard, Capt. Moses, 94. 
 Barnstable, 146, 203, 264n., 301; 
 
 statistics, 378. 
 Basey, Capt. Jonathan, 178. 
 Batavia, trade with, 48, 52, 91, 
 
 182-83, 275, 377- 
 Bates, Joshua, 274. 
 Becket, 262. 
 Becket, Retire, 80. 
 Benjamin, 73. 
 Bentley, Rev. William, 92, 122, 
 
 179; quoted, 24, 33, 89, 98, in, 
 
 123, 137, 142, 149, 153, 191. 
 
 Bethel, 20. 
 
 Betsey, brig, 155; brigantine, sgn.; 
 ship, 178. 
 
 Beverly, 790., 141; commerce and 
 fishing in 1785-1800, 32, 38, 141- 
 42; War of 1812, 208, 210; after 
 1815, 294n., 303-304; forty- 
 niners, 335; shipping statistics, 
 378. 
 
 Beverly Farms, 141, 245. 
 
 Black Ball Line, 232. 
 
 Black Prince, 351, 354n. 
 
 Blake, Capt. Charles, 246. 
 
 Blessing of the Bay, 14. 
 
 Blu& Jacket, 345, 362. 
 
 Boit, Capt. John, Jr., 73-76, 171; 
 
 quoted, 50. 
 
 Bombay, trade with, 45, 85-87. 
 Boot and Shoe trade, 21, 267, 288, 
 
 298, 366. 
 Bordman, William, Jr., 57n., 247, 
 
 261; his mercantile ventures, 
 
 287-90. 
 Boston, position, 3, 6; colonial, 20; 
 
 391
 
 INDEX 
 
 in 1783, 35; in 1790, 42-44; 
 in Federalist era, 124-32; in 
 1840, chap, xv ; in clipper-ship 
 era, 350, 366-69; architecture, 
 125-28, 238-40; fisheries, 302, 
 308; harbor, 3, 6, 97, 124, 163; 
 Marine Society, 116, 132, 162- 
 63, 357; Old State House, 238; 
 Pacific trade, 84, chaps, iv-vi, 
 xvii, 368; population, 20, 22, 
 124,137; shipbuilding, 103, 237- 
 38, chap, xxii passim; shipping, 
 189, 215, 225-28, 252, 284, 294- 
 95: 347-50, 366-69; society, 
 128-32, 239-40; statistics, 376- 
 78; wharves, 21, 127, 229-30. 
 
 Boston, 55, iO7n. 
 
 Boston Light, 19. 
 
 Boston Light, 345. 
 
 Boundbrook, 3 ion. 
 
 Bourne, Jonathan, 319. 
 
 Bowditch, Nathaniel, 113-16, 163. 
 
 Bradlee, Josiah, 57n., 130, 3i8n. 
 
 Breeze, 247. 
 
 Brewster, 208, 301. 
 
 Brewster, Capt. George, 358. 
 
 Briggs, Enos, 80, 81, 100, 102. 
 
 Briggs, E. & H. O., 344-45- 
 
 Brimmer, Herman, 56. 
 
 Britannia, 234. 
 
 British East India Company, 52, 
 65, 276-78. 
 
 Bromfield, John, 112, 189. 
 
 Brown, Capt. Charles H., 35i,354n. 
 
 Brutus, 200. 
 
 Bryant & Sturgis, 69, Il6, 260, 
 262-63, 266-68. 
 
 Bucanier, 154. 
 
 Bulfinch, Charles, 42, 460., 125-30, 
 238. 
 
 Buoys, 163. 
 
 Burma, 92. 
 
 Cabot, George, merchant, 22, 37, 
 154; Senator, 134, 165, 167; 
 quoted, 174, 191. 
 
 Cadet, 9 in. 
 
 Calcutta, early trade with, 84, 85- 
 89, in, 139, 180; during war, 
 203; trade from 1815 to 1830, 
 218, 223, 288; from beginning of 
 ice trade to Civil War. 279-85, 
 368. 
 
 California, fur trade, 59-60; hide 
 trade, 266-69; forty-niners, 331- 
 38; clearances from Boston, 333, 
 338; trade with, 1850-55, chap- 
 ters xxi, xxii passim, 367; grain 
 trade, 368. 
 
 Calumet, 194. 
 
 Canada, trade with, 366-68. 
 
 Canoes, 147. 
 
 Canton, description, 64, 65. See 
 China trade. 
 
 Canton Packet, 241. 
 
 Cape Ann, 2; fisheries, 142-43, 
 149, 302, 308-12, 375; in War 
 of 1812, 207. 
 
 Cape Cod, 4, 24; Colonial, 20, 30; 
 Federalist, 145-50, 162-64; dur- 
 ing war, 198, 203, 206-09; after 
 1815, 300-02, 310-13. 
 
 Cape of Good Hope, 44; smuggling 
 trade, 68, 73, 86, 87; later trade, 
 368. 
 
 Cape Horn, 47, 53, 74, 97. 
 
 Cape Verde Islands, 54, 83, 139, 
 141. 
 
 Caravan, 89, 90. 
 
 Carnes, Capt. Jonathan, 90. 
 
 Carney, Osgood, 281. 
 
 Caroline, 7on. 
 
 Carpenter, Capt. Benjamin, 86, 87. 
 
 Catherine, 194. 
 
 Chariot of Fame, 362. 
 
 Charles Bartlett, 243. 
 
 Charlestown, 103, 233, 237, 283-84. 
 
 Charles W. Morgan, I57n., 315. 
 
 Charmer, 368. 
 
 Chatham, 146, 147-50, 301. 
 
 Chebacco boats, 143, 147, 305. 
 
 China trade, origin, 44-50; of 
 Federalist Period, chapter vi, 
 I4on., 165-66, 180, 192-93; typi- 
 cal cargo, 82 ; in War of 1812, 203- 
 05; from 1815 to 1860, 218-220, 
 273-79, 358-59; mentioned, 223, 
 254, 266, 271, 366. 
 
 Civil War, effect of, 369-70. 
 
 Clapp, Joseph C., 2&9n. 
 
 Clark, Capt. Arthur H., 355; 
 quoted, I37n., 233n., 344n., 
 346n., 348n., 36in. 
 
 Clark, Benjamin C., 247-48, 293. 
 
 Cleopatra's Barge, 262-63. 
 
 Cleveland, George, 183. 
 
 392
 
 INDEX 
 
 Cleveland, Richard J., 60, 73. 
 
 Cleveland, William, 88. 
 
 Cleveland, Mrs. William, 220, 258. 
 
 Clipper ships, definition, 328, 348n. ; 
 origin, 329-30, 339; history of, 
 chap, xxii; construction, 349; 
 crews, 352-57; cost, 359, 362, 
 36sn.; officers, 350-51; owners, 
 347-49; races, 345, 356, 358; 
 speed, see Record sailing passages. 
 
 Coal trade, 297-98. 
 
 Coasting trade, early, 15, 17, 82, 
 154; after 1830, 297-98, 300, 354. 
 See Packet lines. 
 
 Cobb, Capt. Elijah, 146, 172-73, 
 208. 
 
 Codfish, trade in, 13-14, 19, 177, 
 309; price, 305n.; methods of 
 catching, 135, 143, 306, 312. 
 
 Codman, Capt. John, 357. 
 
 Coffee trade, 92-93, 271, 295n., 366. 
 
 Coffin, Sir Isaac, 159. 
 
 Cogswell, Joseph W., 1 12. 
 
 Cohasset, 4, 105, 108, 144, 164, 246, 
 305. 
 
 Collier, Capt. James, 297. 
 
 Collins, Capt. John, 207. 
 
 Columbia, first voyage, 46-49, no, 
 125; return, 43, 44, 49; second 
 voyage, 49-51; cargoes, 56-57, 
 66; mentioned, 73, 74. 
 
 Columbia River, discovery, 50; 
 attempt to settle, 58, 261; sal- 
 mon, 261 n. 
 
 Commerce, 154. 
 
 Constitution, 175, 197-98. 
 
 Cook, Capt. James, 91. 
 
 Cornd, Michele, 98. 
 
 Cotton, Solomon, 56. 
 
 Cotton trade, 294, 296-99. 
 
 Cottons, domestic, trade in, 215, 
 264-67, 269, 276, 287-88; India, 
 trade in, 87-89, 149, 283. 
 
 Coytmore, Capt. Thomas, 16. 
 
 Cressy, Capt. Josiah P., 340-41, 
 35i, 356. 
 
 Crowninshield, Capt. Benjamin, 93. 
 
 Crowninshield, Benjamin W., 93, 
 202. 
 
 Crowninshield, Caspar, 21. 
 
 Crowninshield, George, 85, 93. 
 
 Crowninshield, George, Jr., 123, 
 200, 247, 262. 
 
 Crowninshield, Capt. Jacob, 85, 184. 
 Cuming, Robert, 33. 
 Cunard Line, 234, 252. 
 Cunningham, Frederic and Lewis, 
 
 293-94- 
 
 Currier, John, Jr., 330. 
 Curtis, J. O., 346-47. 
 Curtis, Paul, 344, 346, 3650. 
 Gushing, Caleb, 216, 279. 
 Gushing, John P., 66, 240, 247, 
 
 273-74. 
 Cygnet, 248. 
 
 Dabney family, 193, 293. 
 
 Dalton, Tristram, 164. 
 
 Dana, Richard H., Jr., 227, 245, 
 
 256, 267-68. 
 Daniel Webster, 331. 
 David Brown, 358. 
 Davis, R. & J., 57n. 
 Dearborn, H. A. S., l63n., 263. 
 Defender, 350. 
 Defrees, Henry I., 200. 
 Delano, Capt. Amasa, 45, 62. 
 Delano family, 21, in, 182. 
 Democracy, 23, 24. 
 Derby, Charles, 73. 
 Derby, Elias Hasket, 47-49; fleet, 
 
 96; mentioned, 80, 83, 121, 166, 
 
 175- 
 Derby, Capt. E. H., Jr., 113, 175- 
 
 77- 
 
 Derby, John, 47n., 57n. 
 Derby, Richard, 22, 28. 
 Devereux family, 21, 183. 
 Dexter, Timothy, 154. 
 Doane, Elisha, 25. 
 Dominis, Capt. John, 2610. 
 Donald McKay, 363-64. 
 Dorchester, 13. 
 Dories, 148, 248. 
 Dorr, Capt. Ebenezer, Jr., 59. 
 Dover, 233. 
 Dreadnought, 346; records, 233n., 
 
 346n.- 
 
 Dream, 247. 
 Dumaresq, Capt. Philip, 340, 351, 
 
 358. 
 
 Dun fish, 13, 303. 
 Duxbury, shipbuilding, 19, 290; 
 
 fisheries, 144-45. 
 
 East Boston, 237, 350. 
 
 393
 
 INDEX 
 
 East Dennis, 346. 
 
 East-Indiamen of 1840, 254-56. 
 
 East India trade; prestige, 285; 
 see Batavia, Bombay, Calcutta, 
 Cape of Good Hope, China, 
 Mauritius, Sumatra. 
 
 Ebeling, Professor, 179. 
 
 Eclipse, 60. 
 
 Eldridge, Capt. Asa, 362. 
 
 Eliza, barque, 334; ketch, 100; ship, 
 91; of New York, 183. 
 
 Elizabeth Islands, 8, 149. 
 
 Eliza Hardy, brig, 185. 
 
 Embargo, Jefferson's, 140, 186-92; 
 Madison's, 206. 
 
 Emerald, 232-33, 283n. 
 
 Emerson, R. W., quoted, 41, 226, 
 233n., 257; Mediterranean voy- 
 age, 286-87: on whaling, 315. 
 
 Emmons, Nathaniel H., 297. 
 
 Empress of China, 44, 45. 
 
 England, financial relations with, 
 168-69, 195; diplomatic rela- 
 tions, 173-74, 184, 1 86, 193, 195, 
 213, 279; Navigation Acts, 328; 
 rivalry in oriental trade, 276-78, 
 358-59; sea-power, 178; trade 
 with, 232-35. 
 
 Enterprise, 86. 
 
 Esperanto, 306. 
 
 Essex, 144, 306. 
 
 Essex, frigate, 100, ill, 173, 203; 
 ship, 92, 184-86. 
 
 Essex Junto, 167, 175. 
 
 Everett, Edward, 261, 283. 
 
 Express, 306. 
 
 Fairhaven, igon., 316-17. 
 
 Falkland Islands, 54, 61, 74. 
 
 Fall River, shipping, 378. 
 
 Falmouth, 209, 316. 
 
 Fame, privateer, 200; ship, loo. 
 
 Faneuil, Peter, 19. 
 
 Fanny, 249n. 
 
 Farming, relation to shipping, 1 8, 
 
 35-37- 
 
 Federal Constitution, 39. 
 
 Federalism, definition, 160; rela- 
 tion to shipping, chap, xii, poli- 
 tics, 191-214, passim. 
 
 Fiji Islands, trade with, 94, 219-20. 
 
 Fisheries, origin, 9, 12, 13; after 
 the Revolution, 31 ; of federalist 
 
 period, chapter x; 188; after 
 1815, chapter xix; bounties, 
 134-35, 310-11; statistics, 375. 
 
 Fishermen, 136-37; of Marble- 
 head, 20, 136-40; of Beverly, 
 141, 303-04; of Cape Ann, 143, 
 309; of Cape Cod, 146-47, 310; 
 of Swampscott, 303; casualties, 
 311; costume, I37n. 
 
 Fishing vessels, 19, 31, 135, 247, 
 305-06, 312. 
 
 Flora, 270. 
 
 Flying Cloud, 341-42, 355-56. 
 
 Flying Fish, 355. 
 
 Folger, Capt. B. T., 317. 
 
 Forbes, J. Murray (i), 271; (2), 
 241, 246. 
 
 Forbes, Ralph Bennet, 170. 
 
 Forbes, Robert Bennet, 241-47, 
 266,271,277,350; quoted, I37n., 
 
 357- 
 
 Foreign exchange, 168-69. 
 
 Forrester, Simon, 80, 119. 
 
 Fox, Capt. Philip, 232-33. 
 
 France, trade with, 35, 139, 169- 
 72, 185, after 1820, 258, 297, 
 299; influence of Revolution and 
 wars, 169, 173, 181-84, 195-96; 
 spoliations, 175. 
 
 Francis, 98. 
 
 Frank Atwood, 306. 
 
 Franklin, Benjamin, 26. 
 
 Franklin, brig, 219; ship, 183. 
 
 Fur trade, see Northwest Coast. 
 
 Galapagos Islands, 54, 158. 
 
 Gale, William Alden, 266. 
 
 Game-Cock, 339, 349. 
 
 Gardner, Capt. G. W., 316. 
 
 Garrison, W. L., 34, 216, 226. 
 
 General Pickering, 30. 
 
 George, ship, 218-19; snow, 171. 
 
 Georges Bank, 308. 
 
 Gerry, Elbridge, 28, 138. 
 
 Gibaut, Capt. John, 89, 92, 163. 
 
 Glidden & Williams, 347n., 348. 
 
 Glide, 220. 
 
 Glory of the Seas, 342, 365. 
 
 Gloucester, colonial, 8, 9, 14, 142; 
 commerce and fishing, 142-44, 
 179; 294n., 302, 308-12; popu- 
 lation, 302, 312; statistics, 375- 
 78. 
 
 394
 
 INDEX 
 
 Goddard, Nathaniel, 129, 205. 
 
 Golden Light, 348. 
 
 Gore, Christopher, 127-28, 132, 
 153, 167. 
 
 Grace, 182. 
 
 Grand Turk, privateer brig, 201- 
 02; ship (i), 35, 45; (2), 80, 96. 
 
 Gray, Robert, master of Lady 
 Washington, 47; of Columbia, 
 43-44, 47-57; of James, 181. 
 
 Gray, William, 86, ill, 182; fleet, 
 83, 96, 119; supports embargo, 
 190; Russian trade, 194; on 
 impressment, 108, 196; and 
 Constitution, 197. 
 
 Great Republic, 361-62. 
 
 Green, Capt. Nathan, 201. 
 
 Greene, Benjamin, Jr., 56. 
 
 Greenfield, 368. 
 
 Griffeths, John W., 329. 
 
 Griffin, 246. 
 
 Grimes, Capt. Eliah, 265. 
 
 Grinnell, Minturn & Co., 341. 
 
 Hale, Samuel B., 270. 
 
 Haley, Lady, 61. 
 
 Hall, Samuel, 237, 339-40; earliest 
 
 vessels, 277, 293n., 306, 329; 
 
 clipper ships, 339-40, 344. 
 Hamburg, trade with, 172, 178-79. 
 Hamilton, Alexander, 160, and 
 
 shipping, 164, 1 66, 167, 1 68, 164- 
 
 68 passim, 175. 
 Hammond, Asa, 56. 
 Hancock, 49. 
 
 Hancock, John, 28, 39, 44. 
 Hanover, 21, 103, 231. 
 Harriet, 44. 
 
 Hartford Convention, 210-1 1. 
 Haswell, William, 94. 
 Hatch, Crowell, 46n., 171. 
 Hawaiian Islands, early trade with, 
 
 44, 59. 75, 78; in War of 1812, 204; 
 
 Missionaries, 261; later trade, 
 
 262-66, 289; whaling, 262, 264, 
 
 321-23- 
 Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 57n., 218, 
 
 223. 
 
 Hayden & Cudworth, 344, 346. 
 Hayti, see West Indies. 
 Heard, Augustine, 89-90, 101, 283; 
 
 China trade, 274-77. 
 Hemenway, Augustus, 271. 
 
 Henry, 85, 115. 
 Herald (i), 87-88; (2), 233. 
 Herald of the Morning, 339n., 344. 
 Hercules, 86, io7n. 
 Heredia, Jose"-Maria de, quoted, 16. 
 Hide trade, 222, 266-69. 
 Higgins, John, 338. 
 Higginson, Stephen, 147, 167, 170. 
 Hindu, 101. 
 
 Hingham, 44, 180, 231, 302. 
 Holland, trade with, iSgn. 
 Holmes' Hole, see Vineyard Haven. 
 Honduras, trade with, 19, 287. 
 Honest Tom, 185. 
 
 Honolulu, in 1830, 264; see Hawaii. 
 Hood, J. M. & Co., 346. 
 Hoogly River, 88. 
 Hooper, Robert, 22, 123, 138. 
 Hooper, Robert C., 140, 217. 
 Hope, brig, 188; brigantine, 49, 54, 
 203; of New York, 45; slaver, 
 
 33- 
 
 Hoskins, John, 73. 
 Houqua, 65. 
 
 Howe, Capt. Octavius, 365. 
 Howe, Dr. O. T., quoted, 333. 
 Howe, Capt. Prince, i63n. 
 Howes, Osborne, 146, 272, 349. 
 Howland, Isaac, Jr., 319. 
 Howland, James, 2d., 74. 
 Hoyt, Lewis, 57. 
 Humane Society, 163-64. 
 Hunnewell, James, 262-65. 
 Hussey & Macy, 3i8n. 
 
 lasigi, Joseph, 292-93. 
 
 Ice trade, 279-84, 298, 366. 
 
 He de France, see Mauritius. 
 
 Impressment, 108, 196-97. 
 
 Industry, 155. 
 
 Ingraham, Capt. Joseph, 49, 54, 203. 
 
 Inore, 265. 
 
 Insurance, Marine, origin, 20; in 
 
 Revolution, 30; Companies and 
 
 offices, 131, 132, 159, i68n., 301; 
 
 rates, i68n., I75n., 2O2n., 254; 
 
 at Calcutta, 88. 
 Ipswich, 2, 14, 144, 378. 
 Ireson, Capt. Benjamin, 140-41. 
 Irish, immigration, 21, 22, 107, 243, 
 
 249; seamen, 107; famine, 242- 
 
 43- 
 Irving, Washington, 202. 
 
 395
 
 INDEX 
 
 Jackson, Capt. Henry, 112. 
 
 Jackson, Patrick T., 1 12, 214. 
 
 Jackson, Robert E., 345. 
 
 Jacob Jones, 202, 204-05. 
 
 James Baines, 343, 363-64. 
 
 James Ingersoll Day, 249. 
 
 Jamestown, 242-43. 
 
 Jane, 172. 
 
 Japan, trade with, 182-83. 
 
 Jasper, 286-87. 
 
 Java Head, 67, 84, 100, 342; record 
 runs, 100. 
 
 Jay's Treaty, 174. 
 
 Jeejeebhoy, Jamsetjee, 282. 
 
 Jefferson, ship, 62; yacht, 123, 200. 
 
 Jefferson, Thomas, 134, 167; pol- 
 icy, 183-86; embargo, 187-92; 
 gunboats, 207. 
 
 Jenkins, Weston, 209. 
 
 Jewitt, John, 55. 
 
 John Bertram, 345, 348. 
 
 John Gilpin, 344. 
 
 Joshua Bates, 330. 
 
 Joy, Benjamin, 57n., 85. 
 
 Kamehameha, I, II, III, 204, 262- 
 
 64. 
 
 Kelley, H.J.,26i. 
 Kelley, William and Daniel, 24gn. 
 Kendrick, Capt. John, 47, 55, 59, 
 
 182. 
 
 Kingston, in, 144. 
 Knight, Enoch, 219. 
 
 Lady Washington, 47, 59, 182. 
 
 Lagoda, 319. 
 
 Lamb, J. & T., 50, sin., no. 
 
 Lambert, Jonathan, 94. 
 
 Lamson, Capt. Z. G., 107, 149. 
 
 Larcom, Lucy, quoted, 162, 217. 
 
 Leander, 218. 
 
 Lechmere, Thomas, 85. 
 
 Lee, Henry, 214. 
 
 Lelia Byrd, 60. 
 
 Lewis, Rev. Mr., 149. 
 
 Lidia, 177. 
 
 Light Horse, 48, 83. 
 
 Lighthouses, 161-63. 
 
 Lightning, 343, 363-64. 
 
 Liverpool, packet lines and trade, 
 
 232-35, 288, 299. 
 Liverpool Packet, i4On. 
 Lloyd, James, 167, 197. 
 
 Lodge, John E., 338, 348. 
 
 Longfellow, quoted, 254. 
 
 Loring Brothers, 181, 26gn. 
 
 Loring, George, 180. 
 
 Loring, Harrison, 369^ 
 
 Levering, J., 57n. 
 
 Lovett, John, 218-19. 
 
 Low, A. A. & Brothers, 217, 339. 
 
 Low, John, 150. 
 
 Lowell, John, 108, 132, 167, 210. 
 
 Lumber trade, colonial, 12, 13, 19; 
 with South America, 182, 216, 
 269-71; coasting, 231, 298. 
 
 Lydia, 94, 95- 
 
 Lyman, George, 58, 72, 14011. , 
 
 Lyman, Theodore, 69. 
 
 Mclntire, Samuel, 120-21. 
 
 Mclntire, Capt. Samuel, 83. 
 
 McKay, Donald, early life, 330-31; 
 first clippers, 341-44; character, 
 342; supremacy, 344n.; later 
 clippers, 358-65; death, 371. 
 
 McKay, Capt. Lauchlan, 359-60. 
 
 Mackay, Mungo, 57n. 
 
 Mackerel, 14, 305; methods of 
 catching, 306-08, 312. 
 
 McLane, John, 205. 
 
 Madagascar, trade with, 17, 222. 
 
 Madagascar, 281. 
 
 Madeira, trade with, 13, 19, 87; 
 famine, 242; wine, 87, 129, 131, 
 293-94. 
 
 Madison, James, 194-206, passim. 
 
 Magee, Bernard, 62. 
 
 Magee, Capt. James, 21, 45, 48-50, 
 78, 83. 
 
 Magee, Capt. W. T., l4On. 
 
 Magoun, Joshua, 104. 
 
 Magotin, Thatcher, 102-03. 
 
 Maine, 2, 18; fishing, 9, 305; sail- 
 ing packets, 231; shipbuilding, 
 103, 255, 256n., 293n.; shipping, 
 188, 215-16, 271, 370; steam- 
 boats, 236. 
 
 Maine, 236. 
 
 Malaga, 181, 287. 
 
 Manchester, 24, 245. 
 
 Manila, trade with, 94, 223, 275. 
 
 Manufacturing, after Revolution, 
 37; after War of 1812, 214, 226- 
 28, 298, 367. 
 
 Marblehead, settlement, 13, colo- 
 
 396
 
 INDEX 
 
 nial prosperity, 23; Federal 
 period, 48, 109, 136-41, 179, 190; 
 War of 1812, 199, 208; period 
 1815-40, commerce, 216-17; fish- 
 eries, 304; shipping, 378. 
 
 Margaret (i), 50, 10711.; (2), 183. 
 
 Maria, 1570. 
 
 Marion, 316. 
 
 Marquesas Islands, 54, 203, 265. 
 
 Marshall, Chief Justice, 197-98. 
 
 Marshall, Josiah, 129, 260-65. 
 
 Martinique, see West Indies. 
 
 Mary Glover, 328, 347. 
 
 Massachusetts (i), 52, io7n., 114; 
 (2), 183; steamboat, 235. 
 
 Massachusetts Bay, 6. 
 
 Massachusetts-Bay, Colony of, 10- 
 18. 
 
 Massachusetts-Bay, Province of, 
 18 
 
 Mastiff, 342, 349. 
 
 Mattapoisett, 105, 316. 
 
 Mauritius, trade with, 73, 75, 86, 
 170-71. 
 
 Maury, Lieut. M. F. f 358, 36m., 
 
 363- 
 
 Mayflower, dimensions, I5n.; voy- 
 age, 8, 10. 
 
 Mayo, Capt. Jeremiah, 116. 
 
 Mayo, Capt. M. H., 208. 
 
 Medford, shipbuilding, 14, 102-03, 
 236, 254-56^, 293n., 296; clip- 
 per ships, 344n., 346, 355. 
 
 Mediterranean, trade with, colo- 
 nial, 13-14; Federalist period, 
 176-77, 194; after 1815, 286-94. 
 
 Melville, Herman, quoted, 227, 
 317, 323, 325-26. 
 
 Mentor, 77n., 262. 
 
 Merchant, definition, 24; colonial 
 life, 25; of Federalist Salem, 122; 
 of Federalist Boston, 128-32; 
 of later Boston, 239-41, 244, 285, 
 290. 
 
 Mermaid, 247. 
 
 Merrill, Orlando B., 102. 
 
 Merrimac River, 2, 151; shipbuild- 
 ing, 101-02, 152, 255, 25611. See 
 Newburyport. 
 
 Merrimack, 155. 
 
 Merritt, Dr. Samuel, 337. 
 
 Merry Quaker, 105. 
 
 Mexican, 270. 
 
 Middlesex Canal, 216, 236. 
 Minerva, 104. 
 Minot's Light, 4, 164, 311. 
 Mississippi valley, trade with, 252, 
 
 298. 
 
 Mitter, Rajkissen, 282. 
 Mocha, trade with, 92, 93, 181. 
 Morgan, Charles W., 3i8n., 323n. 
 Morgan, Junius S., 218. 
 Mount Vernon, of Salem, 98, 175- 
 
 77; of New York, 104. 
 
 Nahant, 123, 236, 244-48. 
 
 Nancy, 155. 
 
 Nantucket, description, 5, 15, 159; 
 settlement, 155-56; lighthouses, 
 i68n.; population, 315; steam- 
 boats, 236; forty-niners, 333; 
 statistics, 375, 378; War of 1812 ; 
 208; whaling, early, 20, 31, 156, 
 of Federalist period, 157-59; 
 after 1815, 314-17- 
 
 Nantucket South Shoals, 7, 164. 
 
 Natchez, 100. 
 
 Naushon, 246. 
 
 Nautilus, 242. 
 
 Navigation, 113-17; aids to, 161- 
 64. 
 
 Neptune, 221. 
 
 Neptune's Car, 351, 
 
 New Bedford, 6, 156, 314-16; 
 commerce, 179-80, 294n. ; dur- 
 ing War of 1812, 199, 207; popu- 
 lation, 316-17; snipping statis- 
 tics, iSgn., 377-78; society, 319: 
 whaling, 31, 157, chap, xx; 
 forty-niners, 333. 
 
 Newburyport, 2, 151-54; fisher- 
 ies, 152, 303; commerce, in 
 Federalist period, 108, 151-55, 
 191, 216, 294n.; population, 151, 
 216; shipbuilding, 101-02, 189, 
 33 8 349; War of 1812, 199, 207; 
 after war, statistics, 377-78. 
 
 New Orleans, trade with, 298-99, 
 365, 369; statistics, 376. 
 
 New World, 331. 
 
 New York, 44; competition with 
 Massachusetts in China trade, 
 44. 275-76; in shipping, etc., 
 188-89, 215-17, 225-27, 252, 
 2 9 1 369; privateering, 199; com- 
 parative statistics, 376-78; clip- 
 
 397
 
 INDEX 
 
 per ships, 329-30, 338, 344-45, 
 358. 
 
 News Boy, 293. 
 
 Nichols, Capt. George, 120. 
 
 Nichols, Capt. Ichabod, 83, 199. 
 
 Nightingale, 348, 350. 
 
 Nootka Sound, 47, 57. 
 
 North Bend, 258. 
 
 Northern Light, clipper ship, 339n., 
 345,356; yacht, 248. 
 
 North River, 4, 47; shipbuilding, 
 103-05, 292n., 295, 305. 
 
 North Shore, defined, 3; summer 
 estates, 245-46; fishing, 375. 
 
 Northwest Coast of America, 54; 
 origin of fur trade, 46-51 ; meth- 
 ods, 52-58, 60; Indians, 55-58, 
 75; prestige, 77; conclusion, 
 260-61. 
 
 O'Cain, Capt. Joseph, 60, 6l. 
 
 Ocean Monarch, 330. 
 
 Olyphant & Co., 277-78. 
 
 Opium trade, 181, 277-79. 
 
 Oregon Colonization Society, 261. 
 
 Orient, 139. 
 
 Orne, Capt. Joseph, 92. 
 
 Osceola, 247. 
 
 Osmanli, 293. 
 
 Otis, H. G., 127, 132, 160, 174. 
 
 Otter, 59, 62. 
 
 Owhyhee, 26 in. 
 
 Packet-lines, sail, 231-35, 300, 330- 
 
 31, 368. 
 
 Panic of 1857, 368. 
 Parker, Dr. Peter, 273. 
 Parkman, Samuel, 56, 87. 
 Parsons, Ebenezer, 181, 205. 
 Patent, 236. 
 Patten, Mrs. Mary (Brown), 351- 
 
 52. 
 
 Peabody, Francis, 284. 
 Peabody, George, 217-18. 
 Peabody, Henry W., 368. 
 Peabody, Joseph, 98, 218-20; 
 
 China trade, 223, 274, 277. 
 Pearl, 70-72. 
 Pepper trade, 90-93, 115, 219, 288- 
 
 90. 
 Perkins & Co., 66, 202, 261, 273, 
 
 277. 
 Perkins, Elizabeth, 49. 
 
 Perkins, James, 178. 
 
 Perkins, J. & T. H., 66, 113, 170, 
 
 I74n., 180-81, 183, 2O2n., 205. 
 Perkins, T. Handasyd, 49, 83, 129, 
 
 170, 172, 211, 226, 230. 
 Pew, Capt. John, 307. 
 Phantom, 355. 
 Philadelphia, 88, 298, 376. 
 Philippine Islands, 94. See Manila. 
 Pickering, Timothy, 160, 165, 167, 
 
 ^ 174-75, 191- 
 
 Pickman, Benjamin, 25, 87n. 
 
 Pickman, Dudley L., 181. 
 
 Pierce, Jerathmeel, 120. 
 
 Pilgrim (i), 185; (2), 256. 
 
 Pilot-boats, 247-49. 
 
 Pinkies, 305. 
 
 Pirates, 20, 67, 112, 270. 
 
 Plum Island, 2, 151, 156, i6in., 
 164. 
 
 Plymouth, settlement, 4, 10; fish- 
 eries, 144-45, 34; neutral trade, 
 185, 188, i89n., 191, in War of 
 1812, 203, 208; commerce, 231, 
 294n.; statistics, 378. 
 
 Pomeroy, Samuel, 26<jn. 
 
 Pook, Samuel H., 293n., 339, 362, 
 36911. 
 
 Porter, Capt. David, 53, 100, 203. 
 
 Portland, Maine, 189, 231. 
 
 Portugal, early trade with, 13; in 
 Federalist period, 83, 139, 178, 
 
 179, iSgn. 
 
 Pratt, Southward, 105. 
 
 Pray, Benjamin C., 368. 
 
 Preble, Ebenezer and Henry, 87, 
 
 1 80. 
 
 Prince, Capt. Henry, 94. 
 
 Prince, Capt. Job, 52. 
 
 Privateering, colonial, 20; revo- 
 lution, 29, 30; War of 1812, 199- 
 202. 
 
 Provincetown, 4, 10; saltworks, 
 145; population, 146; fishing, 
 300-01, 313. 
 
 Quallah-Battoo, 219. 
 Quarantine, 248. 
 Queen of Clippers, 345. 
 Quincy, Josiah, 128, 167, 198, 237, 
 242. 
 
 Race Horse, 293. 
 
 398
 
 INDEX 
 
 Radius, 112. 
 
 Railroads, 230, 30411., 308, 312-13, 
 
 3*5- 
 
 Rainbow, 329-30. 
 
 Rambler, 204. 
 
 Randolph, Edward, 17. 
 
 Rappahannock, 25611. 
 
 Rasselas, 289. 
 
 Raven, schooner, 139, 177; yacht, 
 247-48. 
 
 Rawson, Dr. Franklin, 182. 
 
 Record sailing passages, 100; trans- 
 atlantic, 176, 232-33, 235, 362- 
 64; Australian, 364; Boston and 
 New York to California, 338, 
 340, 341, 344-45, 355, 358; Bos- 
 ton to equator, 34in.; Canton 
 
 ; to Java, 342; San Francisco to 
 Honolulu, 341 n.; days' runs, loo; 
 343, 360-62, 364; knots per 
 hour, 100, 101, 343, 364. 
 
 Recovery, 92, in. 
 
 Red Jacket, 343, 362. 
 
 Reggio, Nicholas, 292-93. 
 
 Reindeer, 354n. 
 
 Reporter, 364. 
 
 Rich, Isaac, 302. 
 
 Rich, Capt. Richard, 307. 
 
 Richardson, Nathaniel, 123. 
 
 Rio de Janeiro, trade with, 181, 
 269-71, 281, 293. 
 
 Roanoke, 335. 
 
 Robertson, John M., 233. 
 
 Rockport, 143, 302. 
 
 Rogers, Nathaniel L., 219. 
 
 Romance of the Seas, 342, 348, 358. 
 
 Romp, 306. 
 
 Ropes, George, 98. 
 
 Ropes, Capt. Joseph, 92. 
 
 Ropes, William, 295-96. 
 
 Ropes, William H., 296.] 
 
 Rousseau, i57n. 
 
 Roux, Antoine, 98. 
 
 Rowe, John, 134. 
 
 Rubber trade, 222-23. 
 
 Rubicon, 29gn. 
 
 Rufus King, 185. 
 
 Rum trade, 19, 154, 221, 263, 287, 
 366. 
 
 Russell & Co., 242, 273, 277-79, 
 
 329- 
 
 Russell, Thomas, 129. 
 Russia, trade with, see Baltic. 
 
 Sachem, 266. 
 
 "Sacred Codfish," 134. 
 
 St. Paul, 223. 
 
 St. Paul's Island, 61, 114. 
 
 St. Petersburg, 296. 
 
 Salem, in Revolution, 30; in 1790, 
 79; oriental trade to 1812, 45- 
 49, 73, chap, vii, decline, 217-24, 
 274-78; architecture, 119-22; 
 East India Marine Society, 117, 
 199; forty-niners, 334; harbor, 
 81, 96, 115, 162; ropemakers, 
 101; seamen, 109, in, 218; 
 shipbuilding, 8l, 96-101; ship- 
 ping, 82-84, 189, 191, 217, 366, 
 statistics, 377-78; society, 122- 
 
 23- 
 
 Salem, 177. 
 
 Salisbury, S. & S., 57n. 
 
 Sally, brig, 116; ship, 203. 
 
 Saltmaking, 145, 301. 
 
 Samuels, Capt. Samuel, 346. 
 
 San Francisco, 60, 327, 335-38. 
 
 San Francisco, 335. 
 
 Sandwich, 301. 
 
 Sargent, Capt. H. J., Jr., 355~56- 
 
 Sargent family, 22, 142, 211, 355. 
 
 Scituate, settlement, 4, 13; fisher- 
 ies, 144; shipbuilding, see North 
 River. 
 
 Seafort, 14. 
 
 Sealing, 61, 62. 
 
 Seamen, colonial, 16-17; of Feder- 
 alist period, 105-12; in North- 
 west trade, 76-78; of 1815-40, 
 256-60; of clipper ships, 352-57. 
 
 Sea Mew, 293. 
 
 Sears, Capt. J. Henry, 347. 
 
 Sea Witch, 338, 340. 
 
 Shaw, R. G., 287. 
 
 Shaw, Samuel, 45, 46, 52, 66, 85. 
 
 Shays's Rebellion, 36, 37. 
 
 Shell-fish, i^j.8, 301-02. 
 
 Ship, definition, 328. 
 
 Shipbuilding, colonial, 14, 15, 17, 
 19; after war, 37; of Federalist 
 period, 80, 96-105, 166, 191; of 
 period 1815-40, 254-56, 292-93, 
 296; clipper ships, 343, and chap, 
 xxii, passim; after 1855, 365; 
 size of vessels, 256n., 296, 361. 
 
 Shipmasters, 16, 113-14; in North- 
 west trade, 68-72; youthful- 
 
 399
 
 INDEX 
 
 ness, 73~74; of 1840, 260; of 
 clippers, 350-51, 355. 
 Shipwrecks, 97, 149-50, 162-64, 
 
 3". 356. 
 
 Shiverick, D. & A., 346. 
 Shoemaking, 217, 303-04. 
 Silsbee, Nathaniel, 73, 87, 88, 98. 
 Silsbee, Stone & Pickman, 217. 
 Slave trade, 19, 32-34, 324. 
 Small, Capt. Z. H., 313. 
 Smith, Capt. John, 8, 9. 
 Smyrna, 181, 222, 277-78, 291- 
 
 o 93 * 
 
 Smyrna, 289-90. 
 
 Smyrniote, 293. 
 
 Snow, Capt. Loum, 180. 
 
 Somerset, 346, 368. 
 
 South Africa, trade with, 367-68. 
 
 South America, trade with, origin, 
 19, 62; of Napoleonic period, 
 181-82; after 1815, 269-72; 
 mentioned, 215-16, 222-23, 262 
 283, 287-90, 297, 366; ice trade, 
 281. 
 
 Southern States, trade with, 17, 32, 
 231-32, 252, 280-81, 288, 297- 
 
 99- 
 
 South Sea Islands, see Fiji, Hawaii, 
 Marquesas, Tahiti. 
 
 South Shore, defined, 3; fisheries, 
 144,302,304,375. 
 
 Sovereign of the Seas, 327, 359-62. 
 
 Spain, trade with, colonial, 9, 13; 
 Federalist period, 83, 139, 177, 
 180-81, 185, 205; see Mediter- 
 ranean. 
 
 Sparrow-Hawk, I5n. 
 
 Sprague, Capt. Caleb, 258. 
 
 Sprague, Peleg, 352, 355. 
 
 Stag-Hound, 341, 348, 361. 
 
 Starbuck, Capt. Charles, 325. 
 
 Starlight, 345, 348. 
 
 Stars and Stripes, 248. 
 
 States, 61. 
 
 Steam navigation, 242, 324-36, 369. 
 
 Stephen, William, 14, 15. 
 
 Sturgis, Russell, 274; quoted, 65. 
 
 Sturgis, Capt. William, 69-70; 
 as merchant, 211, 247, 260; 
 quoted, 57-58- 
 
 Sumatra, trade with, 90, 91, 219, 
 288-90. 
 
 Sunda Straits, 68. 
 
 Supercargoes, 45, 112-13. 
 Surinam, trade with, 19, 142, 146, 
 
 309. 
 
 Surprise, 339-40. 
 Suter, Capt. John, 7O~73, 77n., 78, 
 
 262, 289. 
 Swampscott, 148, 245, 248, 303, 
 
 306. 
 Sylph, 247. 
 
 Tahiti, 265. 
 
 Tamaamaah, 204. 
 
 Tariff, on tea, i6sn.; of 1816, 
 
 214. 
 
 Taunton River, 5, 105. 
 Taylor, Edward T. (Father), 250- 
 
 52. 
 
 Telegraph, 306. 
 Telegraph, marine, 163, 229. 
 Thaddeus, 261. 
 Thomas, George, 362. 
 Thomas Russell, 113. 
 Thoreau, Henry, quoted, 283-84, 
 
 300, 307. 
 Thorndike, Israel, 83, 87n., no, 
 
 119, 179, 211. 
 Timor, 220. 
 Tonnage, method of computing, 
 
 I4n.; duties on, 166. 
 Townsend, Capt. Penn, 114. 
 Train, Enoch, 296, 330-31, 341. 
 Trask, Capt. Richard, 296. 
 Trial, 16. 
 
 Tristan de Cunha, 94. 
 Tsar, 265. 
 
 Tucker, Charles R., 325n. 
 Tudor, Frederic, 244, 280-83 
 Turner, Calvin, 102. 
 Turner, Capt. John, 16. 
 Tuscany, 282. 
 
 Unicorn, 234. 
 
 Union, 74-76. 
 
 Upton, Capt. Benjamin, 222. 
 
 Upton, George B., 348. 
 
 Valparaiso, trade with, 5911., 62, 
 
 271, 289. 
 
 Vancouver Island, 74. 
 Vans, William, gin. 
 Vineyard Haven, 7, 162, 163. 
 
 Wages, in China trade, 76, 77; of 
 
 400
 
 INDEX 
 
 Federalist period, iio-n; of 
 1830, 257: of clipper period, 
 
 351-54- 
 
 Wagon trade, 206. 
 Wales, Thomas B., 295, 297. 
 VVallis, Mrs., 220. 
 War of 1812, 195-212. 
 Ward, Capt. William, 86. 
 Wareham, 105, 207. 
 Waterman, Capt. Bob, 100, 329, 
 
 340- 
 
 Waterman & Ewell, 293n., 296. 
 
 Water Witch, 292-93. 
 
 Wave, 247. 
 
 Webster, Daniel, 214, 246, 26411. 
 
 Weld, Wm. F. & Co., 348. 
 
 Wellfleet, 25, ii4n., 148, 149, 301- 
 02, 306, 313. 
 
 Wells, 190. 
 
 West, Capt. Ebenezer, 45. 
 
 Western Islands, colonial trade 
 with, 13; neutral trade, 176, 179, 
 1 80, 193; later trade, 293-94; 
 whaling, 321-23. 
 
 West India trade, origin, 12, 17, 19; 
 after Revolution, 31, 32, 38; 
 Federalist period, 83, 84, in, 
 139, 141, 151-55, 181, 185, 188, 
 iSgn., 280; after 1815, 216, 
 280-81; 293-95, 39; statistics, 
 376-77. 
 
 Weston, Ezra, 104, 290. 
 
 Westward Ho! 342, 348. 
 
 Whaling, origin, 20; from Cape 
 Cod, 146, 305; from Nantucket, 
 to 1812, 156-59; statistics, 376; 
 
 after 1815, chap, xx; crews, 158, 
 322-24; grounds, 157, 262-64, 
 316-17- 'lays,' 158, 319-22; 
 length of voyage, 323n.; meth- 
 ods, 318-26; prices, 158, 317. 
 
 Whampoa, 64, 205. 
 
 Wheelwright, William, 26gn. 
 
 Whipple, Jonathan, 222. 
 
 White, William P., 182. 
 
 Whitman, Walt, quoted, 250-52, 
 3H,. 363- 
 
 Whittier, J. G. f quoted, 2, 3, 140 
 156. 
 
 Wild Ranger, 328, 347, 348. 
 
 William and Henry, 82. 
 
 Williams family, I76n. 
 
 Winde, Louis, 248n. 
 
 Winged Racer, 345. 
 
 Winship, Jonathan, Jr., 57-59, 204, 
 
 317- 
 
 Winship family, 58-60. 
 Winsor, Joshua, 145. 
 Winthrop, John, u, 12, 16. 
 Winthrop and Mary, 142. 
 Witchcraft, 339n. 
 Woodbury, Peter, 150. 
 Wood's Hole, 7, 146, 247, 300. 
 Wonson, Capt. Samuel, 308. 
 
 Yachting, 123, 191, 244-49. 
 Yankee race, 21, 22. 
 
 Zanzibar, trade with, 222-23. 
 Zephyr, brig, 277; ship, 220, 258. 
 Zerega & Co., 345n. 
 Zotoff, 220.
 
 (gfte Ctitirrsibe 
 
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