THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES OR IGINAL PAPERS; CONTAINING THE SECRET HISTORY of GREAT BRITAIN, FROM THE RESTORATION, TO THE ACCESSION OF THE HOUSE OF HANNOVER. TO WHICH ARE PREFIXED EXTRACTS from the LIFE of JAMES II. AS WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. THE WHOLE ARRANGED AND PUBLISHED B7 JAMES M A C P H E R S O N, Efq; IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL, I. PERICULOS^ffi PLENUM OPUS ALEiE. HOR. LONDON: Printed for W. STRAHAN; and T. CADELL, in the Strand. MDCCLXXV. H -55 ^■\ ADVERTISEMENT. THOUGH the fources, from which the following Papers have been drawn, are explained in the Intro- dudlion, it may not be improper to premife fome fa Bifhop of London to , Nov. - 277 Reafons for the conduft of the Bifhops, 278 Mackenzie to the A. B. of Canterbury, 279 Various anecdotes concerning L. Churchill's defign to aflaffinate King James il. 280 King William's treatment of Churchill, 284 Albeville to Sunderland, Nov. 1'^., - 28<; "I'he fame to the fame, Nov. 26, • 287 A letter from Col. A. Norton, - - 28S King James II. to lord Dartmouth, Nov. 29, 256 King James II. to Dartmouth, Dec. 10, 297 Dartmouth to Mr. Pepys, Dec. 15, - 298 Dartmouth to the priacc of Orange, Dec. 2c, ibid. 263 266 267 368 269 ibid. 270 271 272 273 ibid. 16S9. An anecdote from Prince Vaudemont, Melfort to Lord WalJgrave, May 8, King James II. 's anfwcr to D'Avaux, June 4, Inftruftions to lord Dover, Earl of Melfort to lord Waldgrave, Aug. 10, King James to the fame, Sept. i, A letter from lord Waldgrave, Melfort to King James, Oft. Reafons for the King's going into England, Melfort to King James, Oft. Inftruftions for Mr. Maxwell, Inftruftions to Melfort, Melfort to the Queen, Nov. Z2, A paper given to cardinal D'Efte, Affairs of Scotland, ... News from Scotland, July 7, - - Tranfaftions in the Highlands, Lord Dundee to Melfort, June 27, The fame to the fame. An account of engagements in Scotland, Dundee's fpeech before the battle, His letter after, ... 1690. A.*Faiis of Scotland, - - Sir John M'Lcan to King James, Feb. 1, General Buchan to King James, Feb. 14, Gencial letter from the clans to King James, Memoiial concerning Scotland. 1 69 I. Inftrufliont to Mr. Ord, Accounts from Ent'land, Memorials from Mr. Lawtcn, InflruftioQs to Ftrgulon, Page 301 303 30+ 3C9 3'2 3 '3 316 3'9 333 3>7 34' 345 34'J 35' ibid. 3S2 358 360 366 368 3-' 3"z 3 "4 3:7 ibid 379 380 383 '9' 592 teg:. VI CONTENTS. 1692. Memorial to I ewis XlV. . — to the fame, January, Plan of a defcent in England, Memorial to Lewis XlV, January i-, - Mclfort's redciSlions on Englilh affairs, Propofitions for Scotland, March 29, Negotiations at Rome, A letter to admiral Ruflel, Sept. Projea of a letter to Engiiuid, Nov. 23, Projeftof a letter to that kingdom, Nov. A memorial, Nov. 1693. Memorial to Lewis XIV. Middleton to a friend in England, to , April ig, — to lord Mountcadiel, June 1;, Memorial to Lewis XIV, July i ;, Middleton to M. de Pontchanrain, July 15, Inftruftions to the billiop of Norwich and Dr. Hicks, Oa. 16, __ to church of England, - . to Wilfon, .1. — to Parker, , to R. Eyly, _ — to Mr. South, . to thccountefs of Shrewlljury, . to Danby. Godolphin and Churchill, A letter wiih many particulars concerning Eng laad, - - ■ Sir G. Barclay's memorial to King James, Dec. 28, - Capt. Williamfon's memorial. Page 396 400 408 4" • 4H 416 420 430 43' 433 441 413 444 446 447 45' 1694' Names of men of quality in England, who an- fwer for counties, forts, -^ c. January 4. Names of men of quality, who befcech his Ma- jelly to pafs into England, Inftruiilons to Mr. Crofs, February, Propofahfrom the earls of Montgomery, Ailef. bury, Yarmouth, &c, February 13, Accounts brought by captain Floyd, W.iy i, Prefent llate of F.ngland, King James to the earl of Arran, General Sackville to Melforc, May 3, Lord Churchill to Kh^g James, Middleton to Appleby, July 15, AletterfrourEngland;- ■ - M'Adam'» melTage, and Kingjaroes':; anfwers Augud 21 — 26, Middleton to l.onton, Sept. 22, 452 453 455 ibid. 456 ibid, ibid. 457 459 463 465 to fccrctary Caryll.Sept. 30, to Renaudot, Od. 2, King James's inftrutlions to Mr. Townly, M. deCroilTy to Renaudot, Dec. 23, Renaudot to Mordaunt, Dec. 30, Middleton to Mordaunt, Dec. 3 I , 1695. Middleton to Appleby, January 13, toSyfon, January 13, to the Chancellor, January ij, to Renaudot, January 24, Memorial concerning England, Middleton to Appleby, February 1?, Lord Arran to King James, March 13, Extrads from Middleton "s letters, Charnock's paper, June 17, Memorial, June 28, - - . A propofal for a defcent - - . Middleton to , June 2c, to .Appleby, June 20, to M.de Pontchanrain, June 27, I to , .Augull 2, to M. de CroilTy. Nov. j, to Sir W. Bruce, Dec. 23, 472 475 47" 477 4i5o 484 48s ibid, ibid. Page 488 49' 496 497 498 499 500 SOI 502 504 5=5 506 507 508 5'2 ibid. 5'4 5'5 5 '9 5:0 524 5-5 5=6 5*7 5^9 53' 534 535 ibid. Negotiations at Rome, Car>ll to the Earl of Perth, June 6, Earl of Perth to Caryll, June 2S, Caryll to Perth, July 4, 1696. Memorial to Lewis XIV, January «, Middleton to colonel Sackviile, January 1 1 , Extraas of letters from the fame to the fame, Middleton to Mr. fccrctary Caryll, March 19, . to M. dt Cioiily, April 7, to M, de Ponicb..rtrain, April 7, _ — to the marquis de Harcourt, .^prii 8, 547 _ . — to Mr. fccrctary Caryil, April 13, jbid. to M. de CtoilTy, April 14, 548 f) Mr fecretary Caryll, April 14, 549 to M. de Pontcr ir^rain, April 2'^, to the Abbe R-r.-iudot, ■ pril ag, to M. de Ponchartrain, April 30, to Mr. Car\li, May"i, 54' 543 5+4 ibid. ibid. 550 _55« ibid. Mcmoriil CONTENTS. Memorialfent to the Nuncio, July 27, Middleton to M. deCroifiy, July ?c, K.James II. to the Elcilor Palatine, Auguft, Middleton to Nowell, ' to Renaudot, 0(\. 4, to M de ThoflV, Oft. 20, - — to Renaudot, 0(X. 30, Memorial concerning the Queen's appanage, Odober, —— ^— concerning the indemnity. Page 55' 5^ + ibid. 555 5^6 ibid. 557 ibid. 5 5^" 1697. Memorial to Levns XIV. - - 560 Middleton to M. de Torcy, May 8, - 561 Inllruflions to M Dcm, July 18, - 562 Additional inftruftions, - - 563 Middleton to M. de Torcy, Oct 5, - 56; Infirudlions for the French ambaffador, ibid. Lewis XIV. to his plenipotentiaries at Ryfwick, Oftober 7, - - 567 M. de Torcy to Middletott, Oft. 15, ibid. Middleton to de Torcy, Oft. 21, - 568 Extraft of the protocole, &c. Sept. 20. ibid. M. Lillieroot to M. de Harlay, Kov. 1 5, 569 Inftruflions, with King James's proteAation, ibid. 1698. Middleton to Mr. Biddiford, January 2, 572 • to M. de Torcy, January 16, 573 Count D'Averfperg to the Nuncio, May 9, 575 How to treat with the Pope, - - 576 1699. Middleton to M. de Torcy, Nov. 17, 579 Information of Mr. Conftable, Nov. 17, 580 1700. Middleton to various perfons in England, Oftober 20, ■ to to ■ to ' to ■ to Nov. I, Nov, 17, Nov. 24, Dec. I, Dec. 8, 1 70 1. 58. ibid. 582 584 585 586 Ceath and character of King fames H, Attcdation of Sir David Nairne, Middleton to .Applcbv, Sept. 27, ■ to M. de Torcy, Oct. 7, 1 he fame to the fame, Oct, 11. vii Page 589 59' 6co ibid, ibid. i;o2. STUART PAPERS. Mr. Paine's memorial, . . 602 Lord Caryll to Berry, January 20, . 606 His Majefty's inftructions, &c, March j, ibid- Extracts of letters from lord Caryll to Berry, concerning Marlborough and Godolphin, April, . . . 607 Copy of a letter from Edinburgh, May 1, 608 Extracts of letters from lord Caryll to Berry, May,— Auguft,— December. - 6cg HANNOVER PAPERS. Account of the houfe ofBrunfwick Lunenburgh, 612 J. Vernon to Robethon, July 29, . 620 M. D'.4llonne to Robethon, Sept. 2, ibid. Earl of Portland to Robethon, Sept. 5, ibid. D'.Allonne to Robethon, Oct 28, . 621 The Elector to Marlborough, July 21, ibid. 1703. STUART PAPERS. Inftruciicns for lord Arran, January, concerning the Scots, 623 626 627 Further inftructicns. Extracts from lord Caryll's letters, March, — April,— May, - . (,^^ InAruciions to captain Jonh Murray, May, 630 . to lord Lovat, - . Jbid. HANNOVER PAPERS. Princefs Sophia to Queen Anne, January 8, The earl of Rivers to Robethon, April 9, Scot to Robethon, May 18, ^13 634 ('37 Extraft ofa letter coDcerningMarlborough.June, 588 1704. STUART PAPERS. Lord Lovat's memorial to the Queen, 641 Lovat toMiddleton, January 15, - (,^q Middleton CO Lovat, - . 651 Middleton vm C O N T E N T S. Middlcion to M. de Torcy, January |6, . . ,S, . to the Nuncio, Jaruary 20, to Lovat, January 23, Lovat to Middleton, January 25, , February 5, Remarks on Lovat's anfwcrs, &c. Middleton to M. de Torcy, February zz, Capt. James Murray's papers concern. Lovat, 1^ Murray's meflage from lord Arran, Sec. Middleton to M. de Torcy, March 6, Earl of Ailcfbury to father Saunders, Middleton to M. de Torcy, April 14, Duke of Berwick to the Queen, .April 3, Father Farrel to the Duke of Berwick, Extracts from lord Caryll's letter.', April, Middleton to M. de Torcy, April 28, , May ,-, Memorial to M. de Trey, May 6, Extracts from lord Caryll's letters. May 12, Letter from Berry, April 22, Extracts from lord Caryll's letters, May 19, Middleton to M. de Torcy, May 3c, Narrative of captain James Murray, May 3c, Middleton to M. de Torcy, June 1, The earl Marifchal to the Queen, Memorial, Extracts from lord Caryll's letters, July 1, Mr. Hall's letter about the Scots, July S, Middleton to lord Aylefhury, Augull 12, Extracts from lord Caryll's letters, Auguft 19, Middleton to M. de Torcy, Auguft 25, Extracts from L. Caryll's letters, Sept. — Nov. Middleton to M. de Torcy, Nov. 10, Extracts from lord Caryll's letters, Nov. 17, Pass 652 6n ibid. 65+ 65; 6,6 ibid. 662 ibid. 666 669 ibid. 670 671 ibid. 672 ibid. 673 ibid. 674 67s .676 ibid. 677 6S3 ibid, 681 683 684 686 ibid. 687 ibid. 688 ibid. H A N N 0"V E R PAPERS. Page Sir Rowland Gwynne to Robethon, Feb. 13, 690 The Elector to the D. ofMarlborough, May 2 r , ibid. Gwynne to Robethon, June li, • fi^z The fame to the fame, - - ibid. The Elector to the D, ofMarlborough, Sept. 3, 6^4 Princefs Sophia to Queen Anne, - ibid. STUART PAPERS. Extracts from Caryll's letters, January 4, 695 Middleton to M. de Torcy, April 17, 696 A letter by the pilot Caron from Scotland, 697 Extracts from Caryll's letters from April to December, - • 699 HANNOVER PAPERS. The Elector to Queen .'inne, April 9, - 705 Duke ofMarlborough to the Elector, May 29, ibid. The Elector to the D. ofMarlborough, June 4, 706 The Elector to the earl of Peterborough, July 1 8, 707 The duke of Zell to the duke of Marlborough, July 31, - - - ibid. The Elector to' the D. of Marlborough, Auguft i, 708 The fame to the fame, Auguft, - ibid. The princefs Sophia to the Queen, Sept. 9, ibid. The fame to the fame, - 709 The Electoral Prince to the D. ofMarlborough, Sept. 19, - - ibid. The Elector to Mr. Creflet, Oct. 12. 710 The Elector to the earl of Portland, Oct- 12, ibid. The Electoral Prince to lord Bridgewater, Oct. 29. - - jbid« The Elector to Queen Anne, Oct. 30, yn ORIGINAL ORIGINAL PAPERS. Vol. r. B INTRODUCTION. THE greateft part of mankind form their political opinions oi» the ufages of paft times. With an exculable reverence for thci*- anceftors, they fuffer rights derived from Nature to be decided by precedent i and among many nations in Europe, the habit of fubmiffion to arbitrary power is a fufficient argument for flavery. In this country the fupporters of the freedom of the people, and thofe who favour the high prerogatives of the crown, make equally their appeal to antiquity, and, with a kind of mutual confent, reft the juftice of their refpec- tive claims on the authority of former ages. Nothing, however, is more ridiculous, than to fuppofe that freedom can be received as a legacy ; or that abjed progenitors have any right to entail flavery on their por fterity. This maxim, however, has feldom any weight with the great body of a nation. The truth is, men are more fafe in refting their claims on prece- dents, than in recurring perpetually to firft principles. The authority of fads is obvious, and underftood by all. But few are capable of compre- hending that manly philolophy, which deems every government unjull that is not free. To afcertain, therefore, the genuine circumftances of former tranfaflions j to redeem hiftory from the mifrepreftntations of the defigning, the errors of the ignorant, and the weaknefs of the prejudiced ; p give to charadters their genuine colour ; to fliew mankind, without either fear or favour, as they were, is certainly deferving well of a people who meafure their public happinefs and their political fnil'cry by the ftandard of other times. B a. The INTRODUCTION. The mofl: free nations haveoftener derived their liberty from accident, than from a fenfe of the juftice, which mankind owe to themfclves. The people of England, in particular, were Icaft fucccfsful, when they made their greateft efforts to be free. In their zeal to circumfcribe the power of the prince, they fell themfelves into a ftate of humiliating flavery. Men of more ability than principle fprung, as is ufual, from anarchy and civil difcord. The firft caufe of conteft was either forgot or negleft- ed. Demagogues, as might have been cxpeded, ftarted up into tyrants. The nation loft its balance, in exerting its force againft the crown •, and defigning men had an intereft in preventing the unwieldy body from reco- vering from its fall. This new fpecies of tyranny was not, however, deftined to laft long. ,..A defpotifm impofed, by either terror or force, required a continuance of the fame abilities by which it had been eftablifhed. The engine which Cromwell himfelf could fcarce wield with eafe, fell to pieces in the feeble hands^ of his fon. Anarchy fucceeded, and threatened confe- quences of the worft kind. In the midft of the cabals and fadions of their leaders, the people remained in a melancholy fufpence. They re- membered paft miferies, they felt the prefent, they were anxious for the future. A majority had been bent, by force, from their principles. Some, difappointed in their hopes of freedom, others, in their fchemes of power became paflive, concerning their political fate ; and, by a train of circumftances which human prudence could not have forefeen, the nation reared, in a few months, the fabrick of government, which had taken them fo many years to deftroy. In the violence of the national joy, upon the reftoration of monarchy, men neglefted to make fuch Aipulations as might prevent future difputes with the crown. This complaifant negligence became afterwards dan- gerous to the people, and it ruined the family of the prince. Things being again fet afloat, the ftorm arofe. The memory of paft miferies prevented not future contefts. A King without principle, and a faction without patriotil'm, armed themfclves againft each other, with the pre- judices of the different p.irties, which flill divided the nation. A viftory, on INTRODUCTION. on either fide, muft have ruined the balance of the conftitution. No in- termediate choice ll-emed to have been left, between monarchical defpo- tilhi and popular anarchy and confufion. In this period of violence, of faftion, and of intrigue, the Editor of thefe volumes has chofen to begin his account of the affairs of Great Britain. The papers contained in the following colledion will, he is perfuaded, convince the public, that he has very much to fay, that is both ftriking and new. To throw fome light on the work, he will here premife a few things which require to be known. The particular expla- nation of the different papers, the illuftration of the fafts which they contain, the various characters of the principal perfons who are-aftors in this comprehenfive political fcene, are fet forth as the circum- ftances arifc. The late Mr. Thomas Carte, who gave to the public a hiflory of England to the end of the year 1654, had been extremely induftrious in colkding materials for bringing down his work to a much later period. Having obtained an order from Rome for infpefting fuch papers, belong- ing to the family of Stuart, as lay open in the Scotch college at Paris, he fpent feveral months in that place, making extradls and coUeding notes. In particular, he made very large and accurate extracfts from the Life of James the Second, written in that prince's own hand. But his moft valuable acquifuion was the papers of Mr. Nairne, who had ferved as under-fecretary to three fucceffive minifters of King James, during his exile in France, from the Revolution to the year 1701. Upon the death of that prince, Nairne continued in the fervice of his fon ; and his colledion contains an almofl: uninterrupted feries of the correfpondcnces and fecret negociations of the family of Stuart, down to the year 1719. It is needlefs to explain minutely, why papers of fuch value lay fo long negleded and almoft unknown. They are jumbled together in fuch a mafs of confufion, that a great deal of time and induftry, and, it may even be faid, a very confidcrable knowledge of the period to which INTRODUCTION. which they relate, were abfolutely necefrary, to give thetn the import- ance they deferve. They were placed in the Editor's hands, as mate- rials for a hiftory of this country, from the Revolution till the conjplete fectlement of the family of Hannover on the throne. But when he ex- amined them with precifion, he found that the Cxtrads from the Life of James tlie Second threw anew and ftriking light, on almoft all the tranf- a6lions of his brother's reign. This circumftancc induced him to begin his hiftory with the reftoration of monarchy j and tofatisfy himfelf, as well as to authenticate his materials to the public, he went to Paris to make ftill further difcoveries, and, in particular, to make frelh extradls from King James's Memoirs. During his ftay in France, he not only had an opportunity to be fa- tisfied, concerning the faithfulnefs of Carte's extrads, but even to make many valuable additions of his own. The Memoirs left by King James, in his own hand, conflft rather of memorandums made for his own ufe, when the tranfadlions happened, than a regular narration of events. He frequently lays down, with precifion, the reafons which weighed with himfelf, in direfting his conduft i and, upon the whole, his papers form very important materials for the hiftory of Britain, during his own times. In Carte's extracts, as well as in thole of the Editor, the language of King James is, in a great meafure, preferved. That prince was not an elegant writer; and an abridgment muft, . in its nature, be ftill more ftiff and dry than an original. Iiiftcad, therefore, of cxpefting entertaining refledions, and a well-conneded detail of tranfaftions, the reader mull content himfelf with an unadorned narrative of fuch fads as were the fecrct, and hitherto unknown, fprings of the great events of the times. But if the Memoirs of King James cannot raife their author to the rank of a fine writer, they ccrt.iinly do him credit as a man. There is an air of vcracicy in all the accounw given by that prince, that is much more valuable to an intelligent reader, than the choiceft flowers of rhe- toric and beft turned periods. Indeed, the manner in which the papers, called his Memoirs, were written, precludes every fufpicion of unfaith- fulnefs INTRODUCTION. fulnefs on his fide. His notes were generally made upon the fpot ; and always before there was any neceffity to palliate the circumftances of the tranfadtions related. Befides, he was not of a complexion to milrepre- fent. He affefted to guide himfelf by principle in all his adions ; and to deem the (lighteft deviation from truth a crime. In his opinions he is frequently wrong, but very feldom in any fa6l that fell within his own immediate knowledge. How Nairne's colle£bion came into the pofreffion of Carte is as unim- portant in itfclf, as it is imperfectly known. Several papers, particularly the -letters of lord Caryll, which compleat the chain of the fecret corrc- fpondence with Britain, are in the Scotch college, and have pafled through the Editor's hands. Thefe, together with others which he received through various channels, fhall be pointed out, as they occur, in the following volumes. Though the correfpondences of the houfe of Stuart are highly im- portant, the Editor is very far from deriving his whole information from that fide. He has received original papers from feveral perfons abroad. At home he owes obligations of the fame kind to a few. Though Mr. AsTLE, in his public capacity, adhered rigidly to the orders of his office ; as a private gentleman, he exhibited all the liberality of the man of letters. He laid open to the Editor his very valuable coUedion of original papers, and fubmitted to his perufal many fcarce trafts and printed works, concerning the hiftory of this kingdom^ from the Revolution to the death of Queen Anne. But it is to Mr. Duane, the Editor owes the greateft and moft eflential obligations. That gentleman, in his literary refearches, had the good fortune to difcover, by accident, and to purchafe the papers of the houfe of Brunfwick Lunenburgh, containing their whole correfpondence with Great Britain, from the pafTing of the ad of fettlement till George I. was firmly eftablifhed on the throne. This very valuable colledlon, confifting of ten large volumes, in quarto, the proprietor, with peculiar condefccnfion and liberality, placed in the hands of the Editor. To Mr. Duane, therefore, the public are indebted, for the new, inte- 5 refting. INTRODUCTION. rertiiig, and even complete light, wliich thefe papers throw on the whole reign of Qiieen Anne •, efpecially on the four laft years of that princcfs, a period hitherto very imperfeflly known. The valuable part of the correfpondence of fuch perfons as have made any figure in this kingdom, muft have fallen into the papers of the two families, who were rivals for the fucceffion to the crown. The Editor became therefore, in fomc meafure, indifferent about being admitted to the infpeftion of private colledions. He made few applications of that kind ; and in no one of thefe, he had the good fortune to fucceed. Men having become diftruftful of the principles of their anceftors,^^rc, from felfifh views, interefted in their reputation. With a prepofterous (hew of attachment to their progenitors, they feem to think, that to conceal their aftions is the only way to preferve their fame. The precaution, in the prcfcnt cafe, was, however, fuperfluous. The Editor has been enabled to give to the public, in this collection, as many particulars, concerning men in office, as the public would wilh to know. Anecdotes of a private nature may be left, without any regret, in the pofleffion of their pofterity, to whom alone they can be of any importance. The editor muft freely acknowledge, that in applying for accefs to fome Pt'BLic collections of papers, he was as unfuccefsful as in his pri- vate applications. He may, however, without vanity affirm, that he was little difappointed by this refufal. The great line of bufinefs, the official difpatches of fecretaries, the negociations of plenipotentiaries, and the inftrudions to minifters abroad, having, for the moft part, fallen under the examination of the two houfes of parliament, are, either upon record in their journals, or publiffied by their order. Where thefe publi- cations are defedtive, every neceflary information is fupplied, by the nu- merous and authentic memoirs, that have been printed, from lime to time, in France, Befides, the liberality of the French nation, with regard to the free accefs to their ftate-papers. a favour feidom if ever re. fufed to men of letters, makes ample amends tor the more uncommuni- cative, dilpofuion prevailing in this kingdom. This feeming cenfure, however, muft, in juftice, be confined in its objcdl. The tditor, expecting little that was new, efpecially to him, on INTRODUCTION. on the period he has chofen, made few applications to the licepcrs of public libraries. In the oniverfity of Oxford, he found fome papers which he has printed in this coUedion. He was afTifted in his refearches by the reverend Mr. Price, keeper of the Bodleian library, in a manner, that demand his warmed acknowledgments. He owes fa- vours of the fame kind, to other gentlemen, in other places. He alfo received papers, from perfons, whofe names he is not permitted to mention to the public. He has, upon the whole, been enabled to fill up, with interefting letters and memorials, fuch chafms in the corre- fpondences of the houfes of Stuart and Brunfwick, as interrupted the regular feries of their refpe(5live intrigues and fecret negociations in Britain. To render ftill more complete his materials, the Editor, when in France, applied for accefs to the valuable colledion of papers, kept at Verfailles, in the office of the minifter for foreign affairs. The duke d'Aiguillon, who then prefided in that department, granted his requellwith peculiar politenefs. But, before he could make any ufe of this indul- gence, the death of the King fufpended the bufinefs of the public offices ; and he was obliged to return to Britain before the new arrangements were made. Though the duke refigned his office, the orders he had given were not recalled by his fucceflbrs. Several clerks, in the depart- ment for foreign affairs, were employed, for a confidcrable time, in fearching for papers and in anfwering fuch queries as the Editor thought proper to fuggeff, for the further illuftration of the events compre- hended within his period. Having given this ffiort account of the fources from which he hai derived his information, the Editor thinks it neceffary to fay fomethino- concerning the arrangement of his materials. The order of time has been throughout followed with cxactncfs. The papers tlicmfclves have been illuflrated by hiftorical connexions, accounts of their va- rious authors, and uninterrupted allufions to the leading faifls to which they relate. The cxtrafts from the Memoirs of King James the Second are given, in one continued feries, to the end of the year 1698. The orig'mal papers, arranged with the ucmoft attention Vol. I. • g under |o INTRODUCTION. under the heads of their refpedive years, begin ia the memorable i638. At the beginning of every year, efpecially in the reign of Queen Anne, an explanatory introdudtion is placed ; and the events to which the pa- pers refer are briefly dated. Nothing, upon the whole, has been omitted, that might contribute to make the coUeflion anfwerable to its title -, as it actually comprehends, in the literal fenfe pf the words, the fecret hiftory of Great Britain, during the period to which it relates. The Editor has paid throughout, the utmofl: attention to the latisfac- tion and convenience of the public. Nothing is printed, except for mere illuftration, that ever pafled before through the prefs ; at lead con- fident with the Editor's knowledge •, and his reading, on the period of his hiftory, has been pretty extenfive. Long memorials are abridged. Where letters are tedious, extracts are only given. But nothing is omitted that could be thought to contribute to throw any new light, either on the events of hiftory, or on the charafters of men. To lefTen the expence to purchafers, the work is not fwelled with originals in languages not generally known. Three fourths of the papers themfelves are in French, Italian, and High Dutch. Thefe were tranflated, under the eye of the Editor, with the utmoft care and fidelity. As the diftion of the writers themfelves is feldom elegant, more care has been taken to preferve the fcnfe, than to embellifh the fentiment; The objeft of fuch publications as the prefent, is more to in. form than to amufe the reader ; yet the Editor has been at fome pains to render it agreeable as well as inftrudive. In the courfe of the following papers, place has been given to fbme anecdotes and traditions preferved by the induftrious Mr. Thomas Carte. Where they are corroborated with collateral proofs, fome ufe has been made of them in the Hiftory. Where they itand unfupported by other evidence, they are left to that degree of credit, which the reader may choofe to beftow. Such accounts, in their nature uncertain and liable to deception, lofe their whole force, when oppofed by the written teftimony of thofc whom they concern. But when they f.ill, with cafe and fttnefs, into the line of eftabliChed fads, 2 they INTRODUCTION. n they deferve fome portion of hiftorical faitli. The uniform fairnefs, with which Carte has made his extracts from written monuments, is the bed proof of his veracity in his traditionary anecdotes. Befides, he had frequent opportunities of being well informed. His avowed attachn-.ent to the excluded family, introduced him to the intimacy and friendlliip of feveral perfons of rank, who entertained fimilar principles ; and had been partly in the fecret of affairs, during the four laft years of Qyeen Anne. The anecdotes preferved by Carte, in fome inftances, contradifl fads thoroughly eftablifhed by Nairne's papers. This circumftance fur- , nifbes an argument, that Carte was not apprized of the treafure which had falkn into his hands. The labour neceflary in arranging fuch confufed materials, without which they could not be fufficiently known, he poftponed, till he fliould come down to the period to which they relate. The deficiency of information in the anecdotes, may alfo be accounted for on other grounds. Thofe who live, in any period of time, as their knowledge is neceflarily confined to one line of men, have but a very imperfed idea of the whole fyftem of national af- fairs and the intrigues and lecrets of faftions. A writer mull ftand, as it were, in the very point, where informations from all parties unite and concentrate, to judge of tranfadlions and of men with precifion. He muft follow no evidence implicitly, but decide on the general re- fult of the whole proof. This idea of his judicial capacity has a favour- able efFedt on a hiftorian of any ability. Parties having, in a manner, fubmitted their differences to his decifion, his pride prevents liim from being fvvaycd by their prejudices. In a period replete with important events, and fubjeft to revolution and change, the Editor labouring, as it were, under the weight of fads and materials, may have committed fome miftakes, that may re- quire the reader's indulgence. He believes, however, that thefe are not, in themfelves, material -, as he flatters himfelf, that he moved, through his fubje(5t,with a degree of light fufficient to preclude all glaring errors. In the tranflation of many papers, in making extradts from fuch as were cither too unimportant or tedious to be given complete, he C 2 has ,2 INTRODUCTION. has frequently availed hlmfelf of the afTiftance of a friend. But as the Editor himfelf has travelled, with attention, over the fame ground, he is, as he ought to be, accountable for the defedls of the whole. Such as it is, the Editor delivers the work, with little anxiety, to the public. The novelty of the fads, the uninterrupted ftream of fre/h lioht, if the exprelTion may be ufed, which they throw on the hiftory of this country, during the period through which they extend, will, he is con- vinced, recommend the publication to the world. The new turn given to many important events, and the change made in various great cbaraders, [will, perhaps, offend fuch as are bigots, with regard to the fuppofed political opinions and views of their forefathers. To thefe the Editor has only to fay, that he has religioufly adhered, throughout, to Truth •, and that it could not be expeded he fhould rifk his own reputation, by concealing any fads that came to his knowledge, though, they might tend to fully the fame of their anceftors. ORIGINAL ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1660. TH E government of Oliver Cromwell, notwithftanding the vigour of his councils, being unfiipported by the opinions of the people, promifed neither ftability nor permanency. The fabric raifed, by his addrefs and abilities, was dtflined to fall with his own life ; and the feeds of anarchy and confufion, which his authority had checked in their growth rather than removed, began to fpring forth from the paQlons of leaders and the prejudices of parties. Sefb, who had carried their en- thufiafm in matters of religion, into their opinions of government,, had remained in that unwilling obedience, which force extorts from fear. The death of Cromwell, removing the fears of all, gave room to their refpeftive hopes. The adherents of the doftrines of the church of Eng- land looked forward to the refloration of monarchy. The Pixfliyterians, opprefled, for feveral years, by the Independents, were ready to grafp at any change that might put a period to the power of their enemies. Th= Republicans themfelves preferred the return of the kingly authority to the continuance of a tyranny, that, under the name of freedom, had fub- jeded the nation to a military government. The mcafurcs of all the three were calculated to promote the fame objeft, though tlieir immediate views were as different as their principles and inclinations. Such was the undetermined ftate of parties, in England, in the end of the year 1659. General Monk entered that kingdom, with an army, on the firft of January 1660. He found the nation prepared for any change that might deliver them from the prefent anarchy. In their fears from the confequcnces of the contefts between the remains of a parliament 8 they u ORIGINAL PAPERS. they hated and an army they had reafon to fear, very little pre/Tore was neceflary to turn the current in favour of monarchy. It is, therefore, doubtful, whether Monk pcrmittetl himfelf to be carried down the ftream, or directed its force to favour his own views. His prudence, or perhaps his timidity, was well fuited to the peculiar ftate of the times. When he fat, involved in his natural referve, at the helm, he fuffered the people, in appearance, to fteer their own courfe to what they deemed a permanent fettlement of their diftradted affairs. A few leading fafts may be necefTary to introduce the reader to the fol- lowing extradts. On Friday, the fixtcenth of March, the long parliament was dinblved, by their own aft, after having continued, through various inter- ruptions, for near twenty years. On the twenty-fifth of April, the new par- liament alTembled at Weftminfter. On the firft of May, Annelly, pre- fident of the council of ftate, prefented, unopened, a letter from King Charles the Second to general Monk, to be by him communicated to the council of ftate and officers of the army. The letter was read, with the utmoft avidity, amidft the repeated fliouts of the members. The turbulent joy of parliament was foon communicated to the people. The King was proclaimed on the eighth of May ; and before the end of the month he arrived in London. In this period, begin the extrafts from the life of King James the Second, then duke of York. They contain the whole of the fe- cret hiftory of his brother's reign, fome very important fafts concerning his own, and many fecret negociations during the firft nine years of King William. The Editor has reduced the whole, for the convenience of the reader, into the order of time. King James, as the fubjefl fuggefted itfelf to his mind, made notes of the tranfadions in which he was moft concerned, at different periods. He fometimes kept regular journals of the fads, as they arofe. His precifion, with regard to place and time, cannot be fulHciently commended. In reviewing the fads which he had fet dov/n in his journal, he frequently added circumftances which he had fort^ot to record before ; and to this muft be afcribed ibme repetitions that occur in the following extrads. Some notes concerning the life of James, extraded from his memoirs, are thrown into the appendix to the fecond volume of original pa- pers, ORIGINAL PAPERS. pers, as they concern a period, prior to his brother's reftoration to the throne. The fubftance of what he wrote from the year 1652 to 1658, was given by himfelf to the cardinal de Bouillon, in the year 1695 i and they are annexed to the memoirs of the vifcount de Tu- renne. No part of King James's memoirs, after the Reftoration, was eve*- in the hands of any writer ; therefore the extradts,. and moft of the fads they contain, are new to the world. '5 THE THE LIFE of JAMES the SECOND, WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 1660. EXTRACT I. Carte's rT^HE nation was overjoyed at the reftoration.' Governed by an May* -^ armyi officers of the meanell fort of men, brewers, colliers, me- chanics. Oliver Cromwell was more arbitrary than any King. The duke of Gloucefter died in September, and the princefs of Orange at Chriftmas, both of the fmall-pox. Th? duke had all the natural qua- lities to make a great prince, which made the lofs be more feverely felt by the royal family. The King, at firft, refufed the duke of York's marriage with Mrs. Hyde f . Many of the duke's friends and fcrvants oppofed it. The King, at laft, confented, and then the duke of York privately married her, and foon after, owned the marriage. Her want of birch was made up ^by endowments ; and her carriage, afterwards, became her acquired dignity. EXTRACT II. The earl of Briftol * had declared himfelf a Roman Catholic, fome months before the reftoration ; fo not of the privy council ; but he was trufted with all the fecrets, as before. He did not continue long united with Clarendon and Ormonde j endeavouring to get more power, and •f- Burnet and all party-writers have mifreprefented this faifl. • George Digby, fccond earl of Britlol, He died March 2c, 167.S engroft WRITTENBYHIMSELF. 17 cngrofs more into his hands, than the chancellor cared he fhould ; and 166a, that by by-ways. Befides, the earl of Soutliampton flruck up with the lord chancellor, who never had a good opinion of Briftol. The duke of York was ordered by the King to live well with his minifters. When his filler, the princefs royal *, came to Paris to fee the Queen- mother, the duke of York fell in love with Mrs. Anne Hyde, one of her maids of honour. Befides her perfon, flie had all the qualities pro- per to inflame a heart lefs apt to take fire than his -, which fhe managed fo well, as to bring his pafTion to fuch an height, as, between the time he firft faw her and the winter before the King's reftoracion, he refolved to marry none but her ; and promifed her to do it : and though, at firfl:, when the duke afked the King, his brother, for his leave, he refufed, and difwaded him from it ; yet, at laft, he oppofed it no more ; and the duke married her privately, owned it fome time after f , and was ever after a true friend to the chancellor, for feveral years. The chancellor was faulty, in not getting all the deftruflive laws, in the long rebel parliament of Charles I. repealed J ; which, moft were of opinion, might have been done, and fuch a revenue fettled on the crown, as would have fupported the monarchy, and not expofed it to the dan- gers it has fince run. Whether out of overfight or fear, the monarchy would not need a parliament uncertain ; or from fear of the King's bringing in the Roman Catholic religion. The duke apprehends the laft. In all other things he fupported the crown's authority to the height. 1661. EXTRACT I. Venner's infurrecflion. The King was at Portfmouth, to fee the Qiieen- gg - mother and the princefs Henrietta embark for France. A party of Jan. twenty horfe, under Corbet, came up with Venner in Wood-ftreet; but could not break in on them, as the llreet was narrow. The train-bands came up. Only two men had joined them, when they were forced to get into a houfe to defend themfelves. The duke of York and the ge- * The princefs of Orange. t Burnet mifrcprcfents this fad, in every particular. lie is followed, in fome degree, by other writers. t He means, in die next parliament, which met May ?, i6ii. Vol. I. D neral i8 LIFEOFJAMESTHE SECOND, 1661. neral took horll*, and, with twenty, no more being left on guard, marched towards them : but the nobihty joined them -, fo that, before they reached St. l^aul's, they were 1 500 horle. There they met Sir Richard Brown, lord mayor, who told them Venner and all his party were either killed or taken. That, Venner being retreated to an ale houfc, they could not take it without firing, which they durftnot; but one Lam- bert, a feaman, afterwards commander of the duke's yatch:, and flain on board the Anne, a third rate, perfwaded fome to follow him, and get up to the top of the iioufe, and force their entry that way. All Vcn- ner's men were killed or wounded, before they were taken ; one only alked for quarter, at which a comrade, lying wounded in the room, endeavoured with his fword to kill him, reviling him for being fo mean, as to afk quarter. Venner had nineteen wounds ; and the furgeons had much to do to keep him alive, until he was condemned and hanged, as the reft were alfo, only two ferving for witnefTes. This made Clarendon write to the King, to ftop diftjanding the ge- neral's troop of horfe guards and regiment of foot, which were to be paid off that day -, and to raife more men, for the fecurity of the King's Perfon and government. A new regiment of guards, confiding of twelve companies, under colonel Rufiel ; a regiment of horfe of eight troops, under the earl of Oxford -, and a troop of guards, under lord Gerard, were ordered to be raifed. The duke of York's troop of guards, then at Dunkirk, was fent for. CommifTions alfo for the earls of Cleveland, Northampton, and two other earls, for regiments of horfe, and to name their own officers, who had commifllons to enlift men in fcveral com- panies, not to be in prefent pay, but ready in cafe of need. The chancellor and Southampton were carelefs of the King's fafcty. Hawley was a wifer ftatefman. They and the bifliops, in the houfe of lords, were great oppofers of the King's defign, according to the pro- mife at Breda, of a toleration of dilTcnters, fo limited as not to difturb the peace of the reaLn. So the King 's word was broke. The earl of Briftol, though no privy counfcllor, was as much in the fecret of af- fairs as formerly. Briftol was of a haughty temper, yet contributed to the chancellor's ruin. The chancellor was very loyal and true to the intereft of the crown -, but did not repeal ads of Charles I. detrimental to the crown and revenue. » EXTRACT WRITTENBY HIMSELF. 19 EXTRACT II. The generality of the nation was pleafed at the King's reftoration, 1661. yet the reftlefs republican fpirit began to ferment. Venner, on Sunday, J*"- January 6th, after preaching to his congregation, and fading all the day with them, being before provided with arms, marched out of the meeting-houfe, between eleven and twelve at night, with about thirty, crying, " Live king Jefus ;" that all that were for him fliould join with them ; and thofe who would not, might keep their houfes. The con- ftables and watch durft not venture to attack them. Venner, not beino^ ioined, went into the woods near Highgate. The King was then at Portfmouth, with the Queen-mother and the princefs Henrietta, to fee them embark for France. The duke of York, being indifpofed, was at Whitehall with the dutchefs, the marriage being owned before. General Monk, who lived at the Cockpit, being allarmed, came to give the duke of York an account. Some gentlemen-horfe left unpaid off, that lord Gerard had lifted for horfe guards, and the general's own troop, commanded by Sir Philip Howard, were fent after them ; but Venner kept the woods two or three days, then came with twenty-nine men into London, through Aldgate, about feven in the morning, crying as before : fo to Leadenhall, the Exchange, and Woodftreet; where twenty of Gerard's horfe met them, and drove them into Woodftreet. There they made head, till the train-bands grew numerous, and the duke of York, with the general and twenty horfe, and abundance of nobility and gentry, came to St. Pauls. The lord mayor. Sir Richard Brown, in- formed them that they were all either killed or taken. V^cnner had nine- teen wounds, yet he was kept alive till condemned and hanged. This prevented the general's troop of horfe guards, and his regiment of foot, from being difbanded, which had been paid off that very day ; and caufed more men to be raifed. Daniel O'Neil was fent with an account to the King, who immediately ordered a new regiment of guards, con- fifting of twelve companies, under colonel John RulTcl, brother to the earl of Bedford, and always loyal, to be raifed ; and a troop of horfe guards, under lord Gerard, and a regiment of horfe, of eight troops, under the earl of Oxford. The King fent for the duke of York's troop of guards from Dunkirk, and gave commiffions to the earls of Cleve- D 2 land, ao LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1661. land, Northampton, and two other earb, for regiments of horfe, and to name their under officers, to levy men, not to be in prefcnt pay, but to be in readinefs in cafe of need. Lord Hawley told the King, lie now looked on him as one of the mod confiderable men in England, fince- he had railed thcfe troops ; as his enemies would fear him, and his frienda love him the better. The nation faw the feftaries would not be quiet. The duke of Gloucefter died about the middle of September, in the preceding year •, a prince of the greatefl: hopes, great courage, admirable parts and underftanding. He had a particular gift of languages ; maftcT, bcfides the Latin, of French, Spanifh, Italian, and low Dutch; and but twenty years of age. The princefs of Orange died alfo, on- Chriftmas-eve, at the age of twenty-nine. The King's friends quar- relled. Briilol fet up for himfelf, and made his court to the dutchefs of Cleveland *, then angry with the chancellor's forbidding his wife to vifit her. The King (howed Briftol much countenance ; and he got the regimeot of horfe for the earl of Oxford, then a pretender to his daughter ; fince married to the earl of Sunderland ; and had he noc drove on too faft, he might have got more ; and might, by the help of \i\%Jhe-friendy have ruined the chancellor, as he defigned. But the King knew him too well, to put him at the head of his affairs. Being vexed, he accufed the chancellor in the houfe of lords -, and flew in the King's face, by making an indecent fpeech in the houfe; and then juf- tified it to the King, in lord Aubigny's prefence. He flew out into extravagant expreflions, threatening his enemies, and the King fiiould feel it. So that he fliould have been thrown out at the window, had not the King been too good. This, however, did his bufineJi with the King. 1662. EXTRACT I. i/odi'. The Porti}gal match would have been advantageous to the crovw^ M^^y* jf Tangier could, as was then thought, be made a fafe harbour for our Ihips, or had the Queen proved fruitful. The chancellor thus brouo^ht a Queen to England of his own chufmg ; yet this was the occafion of • This was the famous Barbara Villiers. She was not created dutchefs of Cleveland ♦ill the 3d otAuguli, 1670. The paflage fcems 10 have been written after her creation. his WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 21 his ruin. The Qiieen landed on the twentieth of May ; and, after 1662. repofing a little time, (he was married by lord Abigny, the Queen's al- moner, privately. The outward ceremony was performed by Dr. Shel- don. The Portuguefe, more fcrupulous than other nations, would not lee her marry in Portugal by a proteftant proxy. Many other propo- fitions were made to the King. One of Mazarine's nieces, a little be* fore the treaty of St. Jean de Luz, in the time of the great confufion in England, either abbe Montague or lord Abigny propofed the marriage to cardinal Mazarine, who believing Burdeaux's reprefentations, rejefted it ; but after the reftoration fought it, oEering a vaft fum of money -, but he was put off with a compliment. The republican party were working againft government. They held private meetings, into which were admitted all forts of diflenters, but quakers. The King, advertifed of all by falfe brethren, fecured \Vildman and others, and kept them till 1667, when the chancellor was turned out. EXTRACT II. Abbot Montague or lord Jermyn had, a little before the reftora- tion, propofed to cardinal Mazarine to marry his niece, Hortenfia, the beautifulleft young woman in the world, and fmce dutchefs of Maza- rine, to King Charles ; but the cardinal would not hear of it, not think- ing the King's affairs in a good condition -, but would fain have brought it about after the reftoration, offering a vaft portion. The infanta of Portugal landed in May at Portfmouth. The King went thither, and was married privately, by lord Abigny, a fecular prieft and almoner to the Qiieen, according to the rites of Rome, in the Queen's chamber i none prefent but the Portugueze ambafladour, three more Portugueze of quality, and two or three Portugueze women. What made this ncceffary was, that the earl of Sandwich did not marry her by proxy, as ufual, before fhe came away. How this happened the duke knows not-f ; nor did the chancellor know of this private mar- t It happened from her own bigotr}-. She would not be married by aprotcftant proxy. riage. ca LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1662. riagc. The Queen would not be bedded, till pronounced man and wife by Sheldon, bifliop of London *. In the beginning of 1662, Sandwich went out with a fquadron to proteft the Englifh trade in the Mediterranean, againft Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoly. He had twenty men of war with him •, Sir John Lawlon, vice admiral, and Sir Robert Stainer, rear admiral. He came back with Stainer, and left Lawfon with twelve fhips to profecute the war, till others were fentfrom England ; fuch as the Royal Charles, Henry, &c. He concluded the marriage with Portugal, and brought the infanta over; the firft of her quality that ever ftirred out of their own country with- out marriage by proxy. The chancellor knew nothing of the duke of York's marrying his daughter; whom he had fallen in love with, in the year 1657, when the chancellor and he were on ill terms, and continued fo till jufl: before • The following letter is more a matter of curiofity than information. It was fent by Charles II. 10 the earl of Clarendon, upon his marrying the Queen at Portfmouth. The Original penes the late earl cf 0- their fleet would not want men ; and though the money was fhort, yet, with good hufbandry ancf other means, the whole fleet might be fitted out : though the proje(5t might fave tlie King money, yet it would be burdenfome to the nation ; for the Dutch being mafters at fea, all the militia upon the coaft muft neceflTarily be raifed and kept in arms during the Summer. He urged alfo, the danger the great fhips would run at Chatham. He, however^ did not prevail ; the chancellor joining with the others againft it. • The motion was road«, in the houfe of commons, by the duke of Albemarle's fon,. a youth of fifteen years of age. This wa» an artifice of the party, to engage the duke thoroughly on their Cde. This. 3g LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, 1667. This fo encouraged the Dutch feamen, that their fleet was foon and fully manned. They came up to the Buoy at the Nore. They dc- ftroyed feven fhips at Chatham, and carried away the Charles, a firft rate -, and, had they prefled vigoroufly on, they might have done more mifchief. Had the diredions given by the duke of York, for fecuring the Ihips at Chatham, been executed, and the fire-fliips and boats ufed, as projefted, the Dutch had not found fo eafy a work as they did. The difaffeded, in parliament, made ufe of this dilafter. Private meetings of the great ones were held, with the prefbyterians, who were ever ready to difturb monarchy. The earl of Nortliumberland and Leicefter, lord HoUis, and another, met at Guilford. They made it no fecret, Northumberland, at St, James's, talked freely to the duke of York, againft the chancellor, who was hated, and of the refolution to impeach him ; but faid, that was not all, the nation would not be fatisfied, unlefs the guards were difbanded, and other grievances redreffed. He talked very feditioufly, though the duke checked him. The earl told him, that he had faid nothing, but what he would repeat to the King the next day \ as he did, with infolence enough. The duke urged, in vain, the necelTity of the guards, for the King's fafety, and national quiet •, that the want of them had been fatal to the late King and his government. The feditious ftuck to their point, and joined with the chancellor's enemies j hoping tliat his impeachment would breed a quarrel, between the King and the duke of York. The King took the feals from the chancellor. He told the duke of York of the refolution •, that it was not out of any diflatisfadtion with the chancellor, but the neceffity of his affairs ; and that it was better to do it of himfelf than let it be torn from him by the parliament. He ordered the duke to tell him, that he muft fend the feals ; and, to fhew his regard for him, he would confirm the little private penfion he ufually received. The chancellor fent the feals -, and told the duke of York, that his enemies would not ftop there, but proceed to the laft degree to expofe the King and crown, to accomplifh his ruin. So it proved. The parliament met, on the tenth of Oftober. Sir T. Littleton moved thanks to the King, for his fpeech and for taking the great feal from WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 39 fk»m Clarendon ; and to confider the heads of the King's and the lord 1667. keeper's fpeeches. The claufe about Clarendon would hardly have paired, had not the King ordered his fervants to let it be known he de- fircd it i and Clarendon charged his friends not to oppofe it, being re- folved to let none of his private concerns difturb the King's affairs. The fame means were ufed, in the houfe of lords, when they were moved to join in the addrefs, elfe it had not pafled there. When it came to a vote, the duke ot York and fcveral others withdrew, not to oppolc tlie King, as they looked on it, as an ill precedent for the crown. On the twent)'-fixth of Odober, the chancellor was accufed, on pub- lic fame ; and a committee was appointed to confider of proceedings and precedents. That very day, the duke of York, in difcourfe with the King, about the talk of Clarendon's advifing him to govern by an army and lay afide parliaments-, the King affured him, that he had never given him luch advice. His enemies confidered not public good, but private malice; and, getting to the head of affairs, give the King and crown a fatal blow. The King fbon found the effefts. The duke of York was fcized with the fmall-pox, in the beginning of November ; and before his recovery the heat of the profecution was over, elfe he would have been charged, with influencing the lords not to imprilbn November. Clarendon. Buckingham and lord Berkeley were fo malicious, as, in their common difcourfe, to infinuate, that the King was in danger, by letting his brother have his own guards to wait on himfelf at Whitehall; none knowing what the duke might be prevailed on to do, by the chan- cellor and his duchefs. Some prefbyterians fent to Clarendon, offering to ftand by him, if he would ftand by himfelf. He faw their malice j and the King, apprehending heats in the houfe of commons, fent to him to withdraw out of the realm privately. Clarendon, as the duke was recovering, fent him word of the meffage and his refolution to obey it. The prefbyteriaiK were very angry, at his difappointing them. Thus fell the earl of Clarendon ; from whofe fall one may date the beginning of all the misfortunes, which happened fince, and the decay of the authority of the crown ; he generally fupporting that prerogative, which his fucceffors never minded. He was a private gentleman of a good family, bred in the law, had good fcnfe, and very eloquent ; al- I ways 40 LIFEOFJAMEST HE SECOND, *s6()7. ways efleemed for his good parts. He was chofen by the late King a private manager for him in tlie hoiife of commons, which he per- formed, with great dexterity and fidelity. He was intrufted, at court, with the moft fecrct affairs -, for his fervices, made chancellor of the EKchequer; one of the council to the prince of Wales ; relied on and went with him to France. He was fent ambaflador, with Collington, then lord treafurer, to Spain. He returned to the King, at Paris ; and was made his firft minifter. He had the management of the reftoration, with Monk, and Sandwich. At the reftoration, he was in fuch favour with the King, that no body durft oppofe him. He carried all before him. He made his friend, Southampton, treafurer ; and, by the aid of the duke of Ormonde and the bi{hops, was c^effed by raoft. As to the crown, he let the court of Wards and Purveyance be parted with. But he did not get a good fubftantial revenue Icttled on the crown, though it might have been eafily done, in the firft parliament, which the King called. This was out of fear, that the crown ftiould grow too great and the Roman Catholic religion be brought in, if the King was at his eafej the duke of Ormonde and Daniel O'Neile having, in the King's journey to Spain, obferved him inclined to it. The new miniftry, to gain popularity, at the expence of the crown, releafed feveral dangerous men ; all avowed republicans and old officers of Cromwel's army. Of thefe was major Wildman, who had oppofed all the feveral governments, colonel Salmon, Mr. Creed, Mr. Bremen and others.; men of good fenfe, who had great credit with the common men and diftjanded officers of the rebel army •, and whofe confinement the duke of Albemarle advifed, as abfolutely neceflary for the fafety of the government, they only wanting an opportunity to overturn it. They had ftill plots on foot, though difcovered by the duke of Albemarle, and fome executed for defigned rifings, as Rymer, Tong and others, in the North ; others for murdering the King, as one Bradford or Bradley and others, in Tothilfields, at the review of a railitia regiment. Clarendon being removed, his enemies divided •, each pretending to fucceed, in the miniftry. Sir William Coventry, without whofe help Buck- ingham and Arlington could not have carried on the plot, expe<51ed it, and was the only man fit for it. But the other two joining againft him, though W R 1 T T E N B Y H I M S E L F. 41 though of the bcft capacity of any in the kingdom, got him out of all f 667. liis employments -, and then ftrove who fliould have mod credit with the King, whofe affairs fuffered by their difagrcement and infiifficicnQy. 1668. EXTRACT I. After the chancellor's removal, the minifters difagreed among them. loco. felves. Sir William Coventry was turned out of all his employments, by Bucks and lord Arlington. They all joined to leffen the duke of York's interell with the King, left he fhould get Clarendon recalled. When the duke recovered of the fmall-pox, he gave, in the houfe of lords, his realbns, for voting againft Clarendon's impeachment ; becaufe no proof was made of any of the crimes laid to his charge. The King was, on this account, colder to the duke. The malicious infinuations of his enemies were fruitlefs. The chancellor's friends were removed. Wildman and others were releafcd. The duke of Ormonde was re- moved. Bucks and Arlington labour to fupplant one another. The duke of York's enemies, Bucks and Briftol, would divorce the King from the Queen, alfo the republican party. Briftol goes, incog, to Par- ma to find out a new wife for the King, among the duke of Parma's daughters. The duke of York cautioned the King againft it. Lord Roos's divorce was carried on in parliament, for a precedent. EXTRACT 11. They fell on feveral of the chancellor's relations and friends. They got fome removed, and others fufpended, from waiting. They brought in their own creatures, many of them not fit for their employments. The duke of Buckingham got leave to buy the duke of Albemarle's poft of mafter of the horfe ; which before, when any had a mind to treat for it, was refufed, on pretence, that it was not proper for the old general to quit it. Secretary Morris not being a man for their turn, Buckingham and Arlington joined to bring in Trevor, a creature of theirs, though not proper for fuch a place of truft ; having only been acquainted with matters of ftate under Oliver Cromwell, with whom he had been very great. This fcandalized loyal men very much. But the two new minifters minded not much what was faid of them ; and Vol. I. G tliey ^2 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 166?: they got the King to pay for the change, though money was hard enough to be got. This being done, they began to think of removing Ormonde from the lord-lieutenancy of Ireland. 'Twas the earl of Orery who firft put Buckingham on it ; which earl was famous for changing parties fo often, and for making a fpeech to Cromwell, to take the title of King. His tongue was well hung. He had fome good parts ; and he was reckoned fo cunning a man, that nobody would truft him or believe what he faid. Arlington', at firft, would not join with them, againft his friend,, the duke of Ormonde ; but, at laft, they threatened him into it. The earl of Anglefey, who then was, or lately had been, vice-treafurer of Ireland, and who had no great kindnefs for Ormonde, hoping, by that means, to frighten him to join with them in it, to fave himfelf, which he did. Thouo-h he had been an old rebel, he was very inftrumental in the re- ftoration -, and was, therefore, made an earl. There might be fome reafon for their accufation of miimanagement of the revenue, by not paying the troops and the civil lifts fo regularly as they ought, and not minding the government duly; yet the method of proceeding againft him was very irregular and fcandalous ; efpecially to fee one, who had always been fo loyal, though he might,, otherwife, have faults, arraigned and profecuted, by men, who had been moft of them downright rebels or worfe, as Buckingham *. The duke of York took his part ; look- ing • Though the following letters contain no material information, they may ferve as a. fpecimen of the refpefl, which his royal bighcefi always entertained for the duke of Or- monde, They were extraifled, by the editor, frem the Ormonde colleflion of papers, depofiied in the Bodleian library, at Oxford. They are all in the duke of York's ovi. ai hand. D. c/ York to the D. tf Ormonde, Hampton Courti Aug. i8th, 1662.. I would not let this bearer, my lord Beikley, »o without writing to you by him to re- Ormonde . , , . . , , .• 1 • rr paper? B. ^o. commend him to your care now that he is going to you. 1 do not thjnk it very neceliarr Bodleian li- to fay much to you upon this fubjeft fir.ce you know him, and the good fervices he has bwry, Oxon. ^^^^ ^^^ jrjj,g ^y father, as well as I do, only this I (hall fay, that all the kindcefs you (hall (how him I (hall take it as done to me, and I hope that after he (hall have beea fome tyme in that kingdom with you, that yoa will let him make a Aep back hither againe, when he Ihall defire it; having fa^d this tkej-e remains nothing els fof me to fay at WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 43 ing on all that was laid to his charge, as falfe and malicious, and know- 1668. ing the malice of his accufers and their defigns of getting all loyal men laid afide; and putting in thof.-, who had been otherwife or could be ablblutely depended upon. Tliey, at laft, gained their point, with re- gard to the duke of Ormonde j and lord Roberts, who had been an old rebel, was fent in his room. This at prefent, but to aCure you that you ftiall find nobody more truly your freind than vayi'elf. I had almoft forgot to defire you that when you write to me you will do it without ceremony as this is. T/>e faru to the famt, St. James's, Sep. 14. Though it is fome tyme fince I received yours by Sir W. Pen, yett I have not had Ormonde pa- occation to fpeake with him upon what you wrote to me but fliall not faile to do it, and P^''^' B 30. you may be fure that both in that and all things els I Ihall be very ready to further any ^ ' ' ^*'^^' thing propofed by you. I am glad to hear you are a moddeling the army to your minde, for when you have once compafled that, we Ihall find the good of it here, as well as you there ; for the newfe of this place you will have it from others fo that I fhall not write any to you, nor fay any more only to affure you that there is nobody on whofe friendihip you may more rely on then on myne. ^ht famt to the famt. St. James's, Sep. 28th, 1662, I could not refus this bearer Cap. Neale to write to you in his favor, which I now do, Ormonde pa- recommending him to your favor in the pretentions he has where you are, if they be rea- pers, D. fonable, he being one that ferved me faithfully for thefe ten years as Cap. in my regi- ^^^rto. Lod- menr. I ftiall ad no more fince he is not unknown to you. This letter is likly to be fome Oxon what long on the way, fo that I fliall fay no more at prefent. The fame to the fame. My Lord of Ormonde, Whitehall, March 18, 1663. Though I have always had reafon to be confident of your care in any thing, which Ormonde pa- might concern me, and therefore cannot doubt your allillance to render his Majellie's pers, C. letter of ijth February, concerning my reprizals, effeftual ; yet I would not omitte the q^rto- Bod. deCring your particular care therein ; not only for the advantage it will produce to me, Qxon. but aiJfo for the fatisfadion, which I receive from any marks of your kindnefi to Your mod affeflionat friend, James. G 2 Tki 44 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1 66?. This fo encouraged them, that they believed tiiey fhould carry alS before them ; and jealous, that the duke of York might crofs their de- figns fooner or later, and that he would not forgive them what they had- done to chancellor Hyde, did all they could to mifrcprefcnt him to the King, and to make the King jealous of him ; and not prevailing with the King, who knew his brother too well, they did all they could to pro- voke the duke to do fome warm thing even to them, that they might have a fubjcdl to complain of him. 1 hey endeavoured to mortify him fevcral ways. Some of their friends talked of taking the Admiralty from him, his troop of horfe guards and regiment of foot ; and, by un- derhand means, endeavoured to perfuade the King to be divorced from the Queen as barren, and get another wife. They difcourfed with, law- yers about it, and got divines to write of its lawfulness -, in which con- curred the earl of Briftol, another enemy of the duke's on Clarendon's account, who was fo zealous in it, that he weat privately into Italy, to fee if there were any princefles there fit to be propofed to the King, Others were, even then, for propofing to the King to own the duke of Monmouth. The earls of Carlide and Shaftefbury were the perfons who gave this advice. But the duke of York knew not, that it was thefe two earls that propofed it to the King, till the King told it to him, about the time of the Rye-houfe confpiracy. The duke, advertifed of the defigns of his enemies, and finding that he had not credit enough with the King Tbt fame to the fame. My Lord of Ormonde, Whitehall, March 26th, 1663. nde ca- ^ undcrftand both from my L"* Fitzharding, and by letters out of Ireland, that the letter pcrs, C. which his Majefty was lately pleafed to write to you concerning the affigning to me fomc quarto. Bod. jgnds in Cujlodiam in order to my reprizals, is like to become an obllacle to the grant Library, which the King hath made to my L'' Fitzharding, which I have reafon to believe w«s not the King's intention in writing, nor, I am fure, was not mine in obtaining that letter %. and therefore if you have not already freed his grant from that obflrudlion, I dcCre you to do it, afluring you that I would very unwillingly receve an advantage of that nature to the prejudice of a pcrfon for whom his Majefty as well as myfelf hath fo great a kindnefs. I have nothing more to ad at prefcnt but the afluring you of my being Your moft affeflionate friend jilMES. to WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 45 to take public notice of it, or to have fuch ill men continued no longer 166S. in his confidence, hoped, by patience, to weather the ftorm, and give his enemies no advantage. They, feeing it, took all advantages of mortifying him, almoft in every thing ; but efpecially in what concerned the admiralty. They hoped to weary hin> out of it, by obftrufting whatever he propofed, though ever fo fit or reafonable •, and getting fomc of their own creatures into cniploymenc there, whether the duke would or no. They got Sir T. Ofborne * and Sir T. Littleton made treafurers of the navy ; the firfl was Buckingham's friend, and the laft Arlington's ; without fo much as fpeaking, or making the leaft applica- tion to the duke. Though the place and all patent offices are not in the admiral's gift, yet, by him they are recommended, and he gives his warrant to the attorney-general, to prepare the bill for the King's fign- ing. The King ordered the duke to fign it for them, without their or •their friends making the leaft application to hira. This obRruded Sir Jeremy Smith from being made a commiffioner of the navy for fome time, though an old fea commander, and abfolutely the fitteft man in England for it. Though thefe minifters joined in mortifying the duke of York, they did not agree well together, each pretending to have the greateft intereft with the King •, and they took all means to ruia one another. To this end, Bucks fent a melTage to the duke, by the earl of Berks, one of hi^ great confidents, to offer his fervice to him, in the beginning of Decem- ber ; and made great proteftations of what he would do for him. The duke anfwered, that Buckingham had feveral times made profeflions, but never had performed or kept his word ; fo that he could not trufl: him. Befides, it would do Buckingham no good, and himfelf harm ; by af- fording Arlington an opportunity to rcprefent to the King, that, as foon as the duke faw the King withdraw his favour from any of the minifters, he joined with them. He looked on it too as below him, to join or meddle with any of their cabals ; his bufinefs being to ferve the King in • Well known, under the fucceflive titles of the lord Latimer, earl of Danby, marquis cf Caermarthen, and duke of Leeds. The duke afterwards recommended this Ofborne, whom he blames, to be lord-treafurer, upon the refignation of Clifford. It ought to be obferved, thai all thefe fecret intrigues, mentioned by the duke, have 'been hitherto ut- terly unknown to the public. They throw light on a period little underllood. bis 4(5 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1668. his own way. Left Buckingham fhould make any ftory or mifreprefen- tation of this, the duke gave the King an account of what had palled j but did not name the meffcngcr. Buckingham and lord Francis Villiers were bred up, with the King and the duke of York, at Richmond. They were both handfome, pro- per men ; but unlike to one another, both in face and temper. When the rcbellion broke out, they were fcnt to travel ; and, as I remember, returned not back to England till the King was made a prifoner. Their firft appearance in aflion was with the earl of Holland, in a rifing for the King, in 1648, near Kingfton on the Thames-, where they were routed by Sir Miles Livefey, L. Francis flain, Holland taken, and the whole party difperfed. Buckingham efcaped beyond fea and joined the prince; who, being bred up together, had almoft a natural inclination for him. "When he came to the crown, he gave him the garter, made him gentle- man of the bedchamber, and was glad of any occafion to fliew him kind- nefs. He took him with him, in all his journeys, from Holland to France ; from Jcrfey back, through France, to Holland and Scotland. Here he firft began to ftiew his true temper. For, notwithftanding the King's extraordinary kindnefs to him, he fided with the marquis of Argj'le ; who, at the King's firft arrival, had all the power in his hands, againft the loyal party ; and when the King had made an agreement, with his old friends, to efcape from Argyle and head them, Bucking- ham refufed to follow him. The King intrufted him with fome papers, which he could not carry with him, and fealed them up ; charging him not to open them. But Buckingham, without any regard to the King's or- ders, opened them. All which the King pafted over and took him along with him to Worcefter, from whence he efcaped, as well as the King, to France, where the King continued as kind to him as ever. He ftayed fome years in France -, and finding friends among the govern- ment of England, to go over thither, the King confented. But he had no fooner arrived, than he made his court to Oliver Cromwell, by pro- pofing to marry one of his daughters. He railed and talked flightingly of the King; and profefled, that he dcfired nothing more, than to ven- ture his life againft Charles Stuart, as he then called him. This was to ingratiate himfcif with Oliver Cromwell, though it had the contrary cffe(ft. When a friend of Buckingham's laid this to Cromwell, he re- 6 plied. W R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L F. plied, that he would never give his daughter to one, who could be fo 1668. ungrateful to the King •, (Oliver Cromwell always calling the King fo •whenever he named him; he owing all he had to the family. Having failed there, he, with much ado, got lord Fairfax's daughter. Tliefe acbions were enough to give the King an ill opinion of him, whii.h he fhewed at his firft coming into England, after the reftoration. When the King came to Canterbury, where he firft formed his council, Buck- ingham was the only man, of thofe who had the honour beyond fea, that was not called to it. But this mortification did not laft long. He had fo great an afcendant over the King, and being pleafant in his converfa- tion, that he was brought into the privy council ; and, by degrees, into- the King's truft and confidence. But being of ill principles, he abufed the King's goodnefs, and joined with fadious people againft the crown, on feveral occafions. He aftecfted popularity, which he could not ob- uin, by his too airy wit and lewdnels ; and to be firft minifter, for- which he wanted fteddinefs and application. The duke of York advifed him not to aim at what he was neither fit for nor could obtain ; and to be content with the King's favour *. But he would not follow it, nor that of his friends about his eftate, 20,000 1. a-year, at the reftoration, . which he fquandered ; and, before he died, none would truft him or credit a word he faid. King James, at his acceffion,. was forced to give a 1000 1. a-year to his wife, for her fubfiftence. It was lucky for the duke of York, that, at this time. Sir W. Ar- mourer, a truly honeft man, very ftout, who had been efquire to Charles the Firft, and had ferved as an officer all the war, and followed the Kino- in exile, came bluntly to him f , and, in the prefence of three or four of his bedchamber, faid he had heard ftrange news in the country, where it was warmly reported, that the King intended to difband his brother's troop of guards and regiment of foot. The reafons were, that he had fo much difobliged the King already, that it was not fafe to let the duke have fuch a body of men under his command ; and he muft fecure hini- felf from him, by putting it out of his power to revenge himfclf : That thefe and fuch damned difcourfes were all over the country. To which * Whnt follows, to the eod of the paragraph, fcems to have been written long after the reft. t The King. the 4? LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1668. the King replied, it was the greateft lye in the world ; that it had never entered into his head -, and, on the contrarj', that he had all the kind- nefs in the world for his brother; and were he mafter of more king- doms than he had, he would truft them all in his hands, fuch was his confidence in him. Sir W. Armourer added, he heard it reported, that he defigned to have the duke of Monmouth declared legitimate. A thought, he faid, which never entered into his head ; that he abhorred it, and would endeavour to find out the authors of fo villainous a report, and have them punifhed. Thefe difcourfes of the King, however, d d not hinder the party to carry on their defigns; and to infinuate thefe thoughts into Monmouth, who fvvallowed the poifon very eagerly. About this time, the duke of York difcourfed with the King, if he continued in the fame mind, as to his religion ; who aflured him he did, and defired nothing more than to be reconciled. About the end of De- cember, he coniulted lord Arundel of Wardour, lord Bellafis, Arling- ton, and Sir Thomas Clifford, about it, who met Jan. 25, 1669; yet Arlincrton arid others oppofed the duke of York, as to the navy. Sir William Coventry gave ii]) his place, under the duke of York, when he joined in impeaching Clarendon, with Sir Thomas Ofborne, lieutenant-colonel Howard, Mr. Seymour, lord Vaughan, by Bucking- ham i Sir Thomas Littleton, Sir R. Temple, and Sir R. Car, by Ar- lington. Fearing the duke of York would get Clarendon recalled, the bill of banifhmcnt was brought in, by the King's leave. Shaftefbury made ufe of it, in Sir Thomas Bond's cafe, Buckingham, by his ill condufl:, loft all credit with the King. Arlington was a weak man and, with his pride, very timorous -, yet had curled cunning. He was fup- ported by Sir Thomas Clifford, a man of good fenfe, bold and gene- rous, whom he had once obliged. He preferved himfclf fome years •, but was laid afide, by degrees. Sir Orlando Bridgman was an honeft, but a weak man. To pave the way for the divorce, a bill was brought into tlie houfe, to give leave for lord Roos to marry ; his wife being divorced for adultery. This was to lerve as a precedent for the King. It was much puflied by the party ; and, with much ado, paffed. The King promoted it. But it was the abfent proxies, and not the prefent lords who carried it. The firft were forty-one, againft thirty nine; but it was carried by the proxies. Of eighteen bifliops, only two voted for it; WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 49 it. One of thofe was governed by his counfcl, Sir Gilbert Gerard; and i66S. the other was a deift. Buckingham and Briftol were great promoters of the divorce. They faid, if the duke of York could be perfuaded to it, he would be laughed at and defpifed by all the world -, if he oppofed it, they hoped it would ruin him with the King. Doftor Burnet, a bufy, intriguing man, was one of the divines who wrote for it-, and Sir Orlando Bridgman was confulted about it. The King faid that, if his confcience would allow him to divorce the Qiicen, it would fuffer him to difpatch her out of the world. Nerthumberland, l.eicefter, Hollis, Pierpont, Onflow, and others met at Guilford about it. Trevanion propofed difbanding an hundred of the three troops of horfe guards, and twenty of each com- pany of foot. But the duke of York and Albemarle prevented it. They endeavoured to get an addrefs, to put the duke out of the admi- ralty, and put in others more acceptable to them ; but it was dropt. Sir R. Temple brought in a bill for a triennial parliament. Lady Her- vey, daughter of lord Montague, a very witty and intriguing wench^ got well with Buckingham and Arlington ; and brought lord Trevor to be fecretary. EXTRACT III. In May, Buckingham bought the place of matter of the horfe ; giv- May. ing the general a thoufand pounds a year, land inheritance, for it. It was almofl: concluded, before any body heard of it, to the wonder of all. Prince Rupert had a mind to it, fome years before, and they had almofl: agreed. But the King refufed his confent, becaufe the general's quit- ting it would be prejudicial to his affairs. In July, Buckingham's defigns againft the duke of Ormonde ap- jujy. peared. He, with fome others, was appointed to enquire into the af- fairs of Ireland -, and he held frequent meetings with the earl of Orrery. The army was fome months in arrear. There were two hundred thou- fand pounds of debt. The duke of York fpoke to the King for Or- monde. Secretary Morris was ftruck at in September. He was fucceeded by Sept. Sir John Trevor. Vol. I. H The 50 L I F E O F J A M E S T II E S E C O N' D, i66S. The report of the Irilh committee of council, at lord Orrery's houfc. — The earl of Anglefey was charged, in it, with near two hundred thoufand pounds of debt. He delired a copy of the report, and tiine to anlwer, which were promifcd -, but, on fending for the copy, it was rcfufed. On complaining of it, the King tokl him he fhould have it. The committee hindered it ; their report not being fo perfect, as to be fit to be offered to the King, in council, till which it was not fit to give a copy to any. Kov. The defign of taking the admiralty from the duke of York, or to- mortify him in it ; and to difband his troop of guards and regiment of foot. Dec. On the firft of December, Sir William Armourer told the King o£ the reports, as above. 1669. EXTRACT I. 1660, The duke fpeaks of religion to the King, and finds him refolved to- Macpherfon's be a Catholic. The King appoints a private meeting with lord Arundel, lord Arlington, and Sir Thomas Clifford, at the duke's clofcr, to advife on the methods to advance the Cath. religion, in his kingdoms. They met, on 25 of January. The King declared his mind, in matters of religion, with great zeal to the duke and other three perfons, at this private meeting. Tlie refult of die confukacion was, that the work fhould be done in conjundlioa wita France. The lord Arundel was ac- cordingly fent to treat with the French King ; and the treaty was concluded the beginning of the year 1670. The French King was to give 200,000/. a year. Plymouth, Hull, Portfmouth, placed in faithful hands. The troops were well affedled. The D. of Buckingham feelcs to fupport him- fclf, by favour of madame, with whom he manages a treaty with France. He fent over Sir Ellis Leigliton to treat with her. Neither the duke nor Arlington knew any thing of this treaty. The duke, after Leighton's return, had an account of it from himfelf. Nor were the generality of the church of England men, at that time, averfe to the R, C. religion. In the mean time, the King kept the fecret of his agreement with France, and fuffered a mock-treaty to go on, that he might the better cover the real one; of which neither madame nor the duke of Bucking- ham had the leaft knowledge. Buckingham's chief drift was to keep himfelf 'A. WRITTEN BYHIMSELF. ft himfelf at the head of the miniftry. This management of the mock- 1669. treaty was kept a fecret to the D. of York and Arlington. In the beginning of Sept. 1669, the King and duke being hunting in the New Foreft in Hampfliire, received news of the Q. mother's death, who died at Colombe near Paris. She was born on the 26th Nov. 1 609 ; and married King Charles I. in 1625. After her great and many fufFer- ings, flie was comforted with the fight of her Ton's rcftoration to his father's crown. She excelled in all the good qualities of a good wife, a good mother, and a good Chriftian. E X T R A C T II. A day or two before the King declared his refolution, at the lord Carte's keeper's, of difmifTing Ormonde from the government of Ireland; '^^"■•'»"5' Buckingham prcffed him, by his friend, to make good his promiles to them. He fent Ralph Montague to Arlington, to let him know he p^^^ would have nothing to do with him, unlefs that affair was done in a day or two. Arlington went immediately to the King -, and it was de- clared, the next day, February the fourteenth. O I the third of March, Sir V.'illiam Coventry, for challenging Buc- March, kingham, was turned out of all his employments. About this time, Buckingham went to Newhall, to perfuade the ge- April is. neral to the breaking of parliament; and to refign his pod and accept that of the admiralty. But Albemarle refufed to confent to either. The duchefs of Buckingham and lady Hervey met, at the fame time, to advife the duchefs of Albemarle to promote their views. A report about an alliance with France. j^^^^ In the beginning of June, the Qiieen mifcarried. Doctor Cox and j do6tor Williams were prefent. Buckingham inflrudled them to deny it; and to fpread a report, that it was impoflible for the Qiieen to have children. The duke of York, at Tunbridge, aflured Dr. Owen, that he had no jujj.. bitternefs againft the non-conformifls. He was againfb all pcrfecution, merely for confcience fake ; looking on it, as an unchrillian thing, and abfolutely againft his confcience. II 2 In 52 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1669. In Auguft, the Queen-mother died. She was born on the tvrenty- Auguil. fjjjji^ Qf November, 1609. Salutes, at fca, in the Mediterranean, re- gulated with Mr. Colbert. Sept. Yhe jealoufy, between Buckingham and Arlington, began now to be vifible to all the world ; and Orrery encouraged liuckingham to it. oaober. The duke of York moved the King, for fomewhat out of the jointure of the Queen mother, lately deceafcd. Nov. The lords were angry, that a bill, about original caufes and their own judicature, fliould begin in the houfe of commons; and they refolved to prepare another bill for the fame purpofe. Buckingham moved a claufe for the trial of peers by the whole houfe. EXTRACT II. Buckingham's ridiculous fancies, as if the duke of York would have him murdered. The King laughed at it, and thought him unfit to be a minifter. The duke converfed with father Symons, a jefuit, about re- ligion, who confirmed him in his difpofition ; and required him to quit the communion of the church of Engkind. No difpenfation could be granted for it ; though he would be reconciled on any account. The duke fpoke of the treaty with France ; 200,000/. a year, to be paid by quarterly payments. Colonel Fitzgerald was to have a new regiment, and be made governor of Yarmouth. Buckingham made a private treaty with madame, by means of Sir Ellis Leighton. EXTRACT III. Father Symons, a jefuit, was difcourfed with. Colbert, ambaflador, and Sir Robert Beling draft articles with France. The treaty concluded and figncd; 200,000/. a year, by quarterly payments. 1670. EXTRACT I. 16-0. On the third of January, the duke of Albemarle died. The duke Jan- of York, a little before, had advifed the King not to make a general ; it being too great a truft even for himfclf. The Coldftream regiment was given to the earl of Craven -, and the general's troop of guards, called the Queen's. EXTRACT \V R I T T £ N B Y H I M S E L F. 53 1670. EXTRACT II. The duke of Albemarle died on the third of January. The duke of j,n. York advifed the King to have no general in chief; he not defiriiig, for himfelf, fo great a truil. It was too great for any ; and there was no need of it in the time of peace. Albemarle's regiment of foot was given to the earl of Craven, and made II. regiment of guards. His troop of guards was called the Queen's, and made the fecond. In Februar)"-, the parliament met. Treaty with France. Lord Wid- ^^^' drington made governor of Ber\vick, Belbfis of Hull, Bedford of Ply- mouth, the duke of York of Portfmouth, and Fitzgerald to be that of Yarmouth, with a regiment of foot. The bill to enable lord Rocs to marry and declare his fon a baftard was carried on, with great violence, by Buckingham and others, for a precedent againfl: the duke of York and the Qiieen, who oppofed it. The King's countenance made it pafs. All the billiops, except Cofens of Durham, old and doting, and Wil- kins of Chefter, a moral man, but no Chriftian, were againfl it ;. fo were the Roman Catholics and church of England lords. EXTRACT III. The King propofed, to the two houfes, to raze out of their journals Feb. zzd. all that had pafled about Skinner ; as he had given orders to do, in the council-books and Exchequer. This expedient was propofed to the King, two days before, by lord Afhley, and agreed to. A debate, till nine at night, whether lord Roos's bill be read a fecond March 17th. time. Fourcy-one confented, and fourty-two refufed ; proxies for the firfl:» fixteen ; for the latter, fix. All the bifhops, except Durham and Chefter, were againft it. A prottft by two archbifhops, ten bifliops, and all the Roman Catholic lords, but one. The faid bill pafled the lords-, fourty two againft thirty-five. Of 2gj)j_ fourteen biftiops prefent, all, but Chefter, were againft it. EXTRACT IV. About the beginning of May, in this year, madame, the K.'s only Macpherfon'* Mer now living, came to Dover to meet her brother^ which fhe long Extraft:. a defired 54 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1670. defiivd to do-, which was now made cafy for her, by his Mod Chriftian Majtfty's coming to view his new conquefts in Flanders. This journey proved unfortunate in many refpcifts. The private treaty had been, as has been mentioned, already figned by both the Kings, and fome of the money paid. The French King, being defirous to change the mea- fures taken in the private treaty, fent her to perfuade her brother to begin with the Dutch war. He was formerly avcrfe to her journey ; and monfieur, for reafons of his own. She very willingly undertook, this commifllon, hoping to ingratiate herfelf with that King, and to be more confidered in France, by fhewing the power fhe had with the K. her brother. She had, indeed, a mind to ftay in England, not only out of love to her brother, but flie prefumed upon his temper and the af- cendant flie had over him ; and believed, that if once flie could com- pafs her living with him, flie might govern all things here. The duke forefaw the ill confequences of her coming, and did not like it ; and as dextcrcufly as he could, without appearing downright againft it, did almoft hinder it. The duke being detained at London, madame, be- fore his arrival at Dover, had already prevailed on the King to break through all the firft mealures, and to begin with the Dutch war. She had even gained Arlington and ClilFord, and made them concur with her in the meafu e. EXTRACT V. May. In May, madame came to Dover and met the King. The duke of Extrafts York was againft her coming-, and was not prefent, when fhe perfuaded the King to a war with Holland. The King was to have fifty men of war, and France thirty. She got Buckingham reftored to the Kin^^'s favour, and made him and ?. rlington friends. She died on the twenty, frrft of June, iufpcdcd to be of poifon. Buckingham was, foon after, fent to France. EXTRACT VI. Before the duke of York came to Dover, madame had prevailed with the King to begin with the Dutch war, Arlington and Clifford, gained by her, concurred in her meafures. The duke faid, it would unavoid- ably run the King in debt, and put him in the mercy of the parliament, which W R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L F. 55 T?hich was not likely to be in a good humour; and that they would not 1670. give fufficient fupplies for a war undertaken without their advice, and in conjun(5tion with France. For thefe reafons, they would not approve of it; and it would give them a jealoufy of the King's defigns. His Majefty anfwered, that fifty of his own fliips, and thirty from France, would ferve for tlie war. So that there was no danger of running in debt. The charge might eafily be fupporttd by the cultoms, eftimated at 600,000/. and, if the war fucceeded, it was not much matter what people fufpedtcd. The duke faid, though fifty lliips might not coll above 600,000/. yet they could not look the Dutch in the face with eighty (hips, fuch as propofed, and fire fhips proportionable; and keep convoys for trade and the prefervation of plantations, under near as much more ; not to reckon the land forces. Madame reconciled Bucks to the King and Arlington. On the twenty-fecond of June, the news of the duchefs of Orleans' June, death arrived. It was fufpefled that counter-poifons were given her. But when fhe was opened, in prefence of the Englifh ambafi!"ador, the earl of ;\ilefbury, an Englifli phyfician and furgeon, there appeared no grounds of fufpicion of any foul play.. Yet Bucks talked openly, that flie was poifoned ; and was fo violent, as to propofe to foreign miniftcrs to make war on France. Buckingham was fent to France, in return to the King of France's uiy^ compliment by the marechal Bellefonds. The Dutch ambalTador and others were alarmed at it ; as it would break the triple alliance. EXTRACT Vir. England and France join in war againfl: Holland. France and prince of Orange, their parts. England fliall have Caffant, Walcheron, and the ports as far as Maefland Sluys. Lord Arundel was fent over. Co- lonel Fitzgerald came from Tangier, and was made colonel of a regi- ment of foot. Liberty of confcience. The ladies, Hervey and Trevor, bullied Arlington to give up the duke of Ormonde ; and got Roberts made lord lieutenant. All was done as foon as it was pofTible to turn out the old cavaliers. Sir Wil- liam Coventry was fo provoked at Buckingham's railleries, as to fend him ^ LIFEOFJAMESTIIESECONU, 1 67a him a cliallenge, and it turned out a privy council aflFair, and he was turned out. Buckingham and Arlington dificrcd. They both courted the duke of York, who was content to live civilly with the minifters, and concur for the King's fervice. But he would not engage with any one ; and, as Buckingham was not to be relied on, he would have nothing to do with him. Buckingham had fent his confident. Sir Ellis Leit^hton, to France privately, to madame, to propofe a rtrifter alliance with France; and when it was known, he endeavoured to throw it on the duke of York and Arlington. Ofborne and Littleton endeavoured to get the commifTioners of tlie navy, who had been put in by the duke of York, turned out, But, on examining complaints, they (hewed their own malice, and ignorance of naval affairs; and fo failed. They oppofed Sir Thomas Allen's com- manding eighteen fliips againft the Algerines ; and were for Sir Robert Holmes, becaufe he was ill with the duke of York, who wanted temper to command a fquadron. They oppofed Sir Jeremy Smith's being com- milTioner of the navy, though a fit perfon and an old commander. But the King underflood fea affairs too well to comply. Buckingham met with his creatures and confidents, the. bifhop of Chefter, Sir Thomas Ofborne, Sir Ellis Leighton, and others. The earl of Orery hoped to be made lord lieutenant of Ireland. Arlington trufted and confulted Sir Thomas Clifford, Sir Thomas Littleton, Sir Robert Car, and Iccretary Trevor. The lords wanted to fupplant each other. The fanatics increafed in number and (Irength. Bucks, upon the occafion of the bill concerning original caufes, moved for a claufe, that no peer fliould be tried but by the whole houfe of lords ; and had the confidence to fay, that the King and the privy council approved of it. It would, in December, have gone very hard with the carl of Orery, in the houfe of commons, had not the King commanded the duke of York to get thofe he could influence to put it off; and it was carried but by two. EXTRACT Vlir. In winter, the duchefs of York was fufpeded of being a Roman Catholic. She always before received the facrament once a month. But during the illnefs, in which ihe died, Ihe had not prayers faid to her. The WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 57 The King took notice of it, in December, to the duke, who fa:d fhe 1670. ■was refolved to be a Catholic, and to be reconciled. The King bade him keep it private ; as it was from all but father Hunt, a Francifcan, lady Cranmer, woman of her bed chamber, and Mr. Dupuy, the duke's fervant. So it was not known till flie died. The princefs of Infpruck was propofed as a fecond wife for the duke, by Sir Bernard Gafcoigne. EXTRACT IX. The fulpicion of the duchefs of York's being a Roman Catholic. Father Hunt, lady Cranmer, and Dupuy, a fervant of the duke's, were only privy to her converfion. She died on the thirty-firll of March, 1671. EXTRACT X. At a meeting at lord Arlington's, the accident which had happened to Dec. 26tlr. Sir J. Coventry was confidered. Buckingham propofed to the King, to fend for the commons to the houfe of lords, on Thurfday morning, to fpeak about it ; as being bed to begin with them. The duke of York feconded him in it-, and all prefent were of the fame mind. The King ordered Buckingham and one or two more to prepare the heads of his fpeech, which were read and approved the next day : that he had heard of what had happened to Coventry, and the occafion of it : that he difapproved of what was done ; and, at the fame time, was troubled, that they had fuffered fuch words to pafs, without punifhment : that he expefted they would right him •, and would ever be tender of letting them have full liberty of fpeech : that it concerned them and him, not to let his or their enemies take advantage to break the parliament ; and concluded with a compliment. In another meeting, at Arlington's, this refolution was laid afide ; and 23th: it was agreed, that the King fhould fay nothing, next da;^, and not obftrudt the law. 1671. EXTRACT I. In the beginning of March, a defign was carried on, by the bilhops ,g - of Wmton, Sarum, and Chefter, to introduce comprehenfion under March'. ''OL. I. 1 another 58 LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, 1671. another name and pretence-, and with fo much cunning and art, that ic was like to pafs the houfe of commons. Many were zealous for the church of I'.ngland ; being made to believe, that the archbifhop of Canterbury and all the bifiwps were for it ; though the archbifhop had not been acquainted with it, till Mr. Cholmley afked him whether it was fo or not. On which he difabul'cd fo many, that it was rejefted, when propofed. The duke of York was againft it. April igth. The houfe of commons refolving not to agree with the lords, in the bill about foreign duties, the parliament was prorogued to the twcnty-lecond of April, Ealler eve. May. Buckingham endeavoured to fet both houfcs by the ears. TJie report of his marriage, with the countefs of Salop, by doftor Sprat, his chap- lain. He owned it ; and the true duchefs was called, in raillery, the duchefs dowager. He was, foon after, chofen chancellor of Cambridge j and, to the wonder of all, feveral bifhops wrote letters of recommend- ation for him. Jaly. On a difpute between Ofborne and Littleton, the treafurers of the navy, it was ordered in council, that no treafurer of the navy fliould, for the future, have any poundage, but a good falary ; and that they fliould neither fign, vote, nor have any thing to do with making con- trafts •, but might be prefent, when any tiling was done. Oft. Bucks was difappointed, by not having the command of the troops defigned for France. EXTRACT II. The earl of Peterborough was fent, as proxy, to marry the princefs of Infpruck j but he was ftopt at Calais, by the news of the emprefs's death, and the emperor's refolution to marry that princefs. 1672. EXTRACT I. ,g^2_ On the thirteenth of March, Sir Robert Holmes engaged the Smyrna March. fleet, fixty merchant-fliips and feven men of war, in the channel. The duke of York oppofcd, in council, the laying an embargo on fhips ; undertaking to man the fleet without it, if only the Newfoundland trade 5 ^^'^s WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 59 •was forbid for that feafon. Convoys were provided by it too for the 1672. Mediterranean, which got us almoft all the trade of the Streights from the Dutch, till the revolution *. Sir Robert Holmes not apprizing Sir Edward Sprag, whom he did not care for, of his orders, he pafled, within his fight, to the Downs, •when he came out of Portfmouth to fight the Dutch ; and he would not allow captain Legg to go to fpeak with his coufin, which allowed the Dutch to get ofl^ with little lofs. Sir Robert engaged with more courage, than condud:. The Dutch loft but four merchant-men ; two only of value. EXTRACT II. Buckingham, Lauderdale, Arlington, Clifford, and Shaftefbury, of the cabinet council, called the cabal ; none more zealous than the laft, for the Dutch war. Declaration on the twenty-eighth of March. Money wanting •, the Exchequer ftopt -, but intereft of fix per cent, for a year, allowed to perfons unpaid. To keep union at home, declaration for liberty of confcience. An embargo laid on all veflels outward bound, by which they pro- pofed to man the fleet. The duke of York oppofed it ; as a ftop to all trade, and damage to cuftoms ; and undertook to man the fleet ■without it, if the Newfoundland trade might be difcontinued for that feafon. For the main fleet, under his command, he defired only fixty Englifh fliips of the line, with twenty frigates, and thirty French men of war. Thus, fhips and men enough would be left for convoys •, and the war create no interruption to trade. Sir Robert Holmes fent to in- tercept the Dutch Smyrna fleet. De Rujter, with feventy Dutch men of war, goes to fea, before the junftion of the Englifli and French fleets. The duke of York, on ad- vice of the French failing from Brefl-, and judging, by the winds, they muft be in the channel, failed for the Buoy at the Nore, with the (hips that were ready, fourty, and rvvelve fire- fhips-, and was carried, by a frefh gale at weft, down the channel. He had, off Longfand-head, in • This laft fentcnce was added long after the former part of the paragraph was written. I 2 th» 69 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1672. tlic evening, a fight of the Dutch fcouts. When he came to the head of the fands, he ftood to the foiith ■, and, at the night-fall, tlie gale growing frefhcr, and bad weather likely, came to an anchor all night. The duke giving, at day-break, the fignal for failing, the wind from cad, with a thick fog, he pafTed by de Ruyter, without feeing or being feen. The next morning he joined the French at St. Helen's, where he ftaid two days to adjufl: all things ; and then failed to look out for the Dutch fleet, and join the reft of his own. The duke of York, in the Prince, of a hundred guns, commanded the red fquadron -, Sir Edward Sprag, in the London, of a hundred guns, was his vice admiral i Sir George Harman, in the Charles, his rear admiral. Comte d'Eftrees, vice admiral of the French, in the St. Philips, between eighty and ninety guns, commanded the white -, NT. du Qiiatre his vice admiral, la Robinier his rear admiral. The earl of Sand- wich, in the Royal James, a hundred guns, was admiral of the blue ; Sir Jofeph Jordan, in the Sovereign of a hundred guns, was his vice admiral ; and Sir J. Kempfhom, in the St. Andrew of ninety odd guns, his rear admiral. The duke found, by feveral fhipsfrom the river, that the Dutch, whom he fought on their own coaft, lay behind the Rumble Sand, in order to draw the Englifh on it. But captain R. Haddock prevented it. Captain Cook confirmed the intelligence ; and the fcouts that were lent experienced it. The duke then ftood in, towards the banks of Flanders. De Ruyter, the beft fea commander erf his time, ftood in to the banks. He was bred under old Van Tromp. His good fenfe was only equalled by his courage. He managed his fleet fo, that the duke could not engage, for a long time, without dil'advantage. His ftiips drew Icfs water. The weather being very bad, the duke went to Southwold bay ; and the fliips that wanted water and provifions anchored near the Ihore ; as the fire ftiips did, to take in frcfh ballaft. The duke declared, when the wind turned to the eaft, that he would get out to fea i ordering that no coallier or trading ftiip fhould be permitted to go round ; left falling into the hands of the enemy's privateers, they might be advertifed how his fleet lay. Yet a light coallier flipt by, in the night, and was taken by a privateer and carried to de Ruyter ; v/ho, on the wind's turning eaft, ordered his fleet to fail at fun-fet, in order to attack the Englifli, at day-break, before they were in order. WRITTENBYHIMSELF. «r So foon as the duke found the wind eafterly, he was for (landing one *, 1-677,' to be in a pofture to receive the Dutch ; and ordered Sir J. Cox, his captain, to give the fignal for the fleet to do fo, and to be in the order of battle. Cox urged, that thtre was no danger of the enemy's conri' ing on fo foon •, their fleet being in the fame condition with ours,, taking in (tores and provifions : that captain Finch, one of our cruizers, come newly in from the coafl of Holland, had brought no news of their mo- tion. The mailer of the packet-boat, who was juft con^e in, being brought to the duke, informed him, that he came, the evening be- fore, through the Dutch fleet, lying at anchor off Goree •, the moft cf them with their yards and topmafts down, taking in all forts of pro- vifions. So that it was not likely, that they could foon be in a failing condition ; apd that the duke might lie twenty-four hours longer, for fupplying his fleet with what they wanted, which could not be done in fcveral days, if he flood out further from the (hore. This was con- firmed by the French major and captain Eliot, his a(riftant, who were appointed to take in water and other necelTaries for the French fquadron'. Thus was the duke of York over-perfuaded to tarry where he was ; and Cox was fo fure, that he brought his fhip, the Prince, on the careen, to give her a pair ot boot-hofe-tops, to make her fail the better. Thus, on the twenty eighth of May, was the duke of York furprized, about two in the morning. The captain of a French fourth rate, who had been with captain Finch cruizing on the coaft of Holland, brought him the firft news of the Dutch approach. His ftiip, being a bad failer, could not go in as Finch's. did to the fleet, the evening before ; and, that he might not be driven to the leeward of it, he was forced to come to an anchor, about a league to the eaitward of the fleet ; the wind being north-eafl:, and a leeward tyde. This gave quicker knowledge of the enemy. For, as he was getting under fail to join the fleet, two Dutcli fcouts fell in with him, and, though of equal force, did not fire upon him, but brought to and flood from him ; which made him judge their fleet was not far a ftern of them.. By way of fignal to give notice of • Party-writers have entirely mifreprefented this fait. They afcribc the furprize to ihe duke's obflinacy ; and meniion an unauthorized fidion of his checking with ruJcncfs the carl of Sandwich. The contrary appears to have been the truth. th» g2 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1672. the enemy's approach, he fired all the way as he ftood in to join the EnMidi fleet, which made it prepare to receive the Dutch. At day- break the Dutch lieet was lecn to windward, bearing down on us. The fliips of the line and fire-fhips, which were nearer iil with the fliorc than the flao- men, at the firft alarm got under fail to place them in their ftations, in the order of battle -, but, by reafon ot the leeward tyde and eaft wind, few could get in, when the engagement began. Not above twenty of the red and blue bore the brunt of de Ruyter and Van Ghent's fqua- drons. The fight began about eight in the morning ; the Dutch having the wind. The Prince was difabled. The duke of York went then oq board the St. Michael, Sir Robert Holmes captain. The French fqua- dron was fcarce charged, by the Zealand fquadron. The earl of Sand- wich's fhip, the Royal James, was burnt j but captain Fladdock was faved. Two fliips, which came to burn the Prince, were funk. The duke, returning to refit, was followed by the Dutch, in bravado ; but turning on them again, he purfued them to their own coafts, and left fifteen of their difabled fhips in the rear, which nothing, but a fuddea fog, could have faved from being taken. Foul weather hindered lum, afterwards, from attacking them, till on their own coaflis. EXTRACT III. Macpherfon's De Ruyter had a hard game to play. He was obliged to keep to fea, Extradts. j-^ ^^ fupport the drooping fpirits of his countr)'men, and to hinder the deferring of his men, and their getting the fame panic in the fleet, that prevailed afliore. Had he not been qualified, as he was, he could not fo well have fenced againft all his difficulties, as be did. He was, in- deed, juflly efteemed the greateft fea-commander of his time. He was bred up under old Van Tromp-, and had been in all or moil of the chief encracrements of the two firft Dutch wars. He had very good fenfe, equal to his courage, which appeared, upon this occafion, in fo managing his Iket, that although they were fo near one another, for fo long a time, the duke could not come to an engagement, without great difad- vantatre and hazard to his own fleet. For he ported himfcif fo advan- tageoufly for his own fleer, that drew lefs water than ours, near the coaft of Flanders, and ferved himfelf fo well of the weather, which was fa- vourable to him, that the diike neither could attack him in the morning, io W R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L F. 6j to to make a decifive battle of it, nor far enough off from the fands, 1672. with which they were better acquainted than we were. Before the battle, in Southwold bay, began, the duke gave orders, that no one (hould mention aloud the coming of a fire-lliip, for fear of difcompofing the feamen. De Ruyter, after having exchanged fome broadfides with the duke, fent two fire-lhips to clap him aboard. Sir Edward Scot, a land-officer, firft dilcovered the fire-lhips. He whif- pered it to Sir John Cox. But fcarce had Sir John called an officer to give him orders thereupon, when a great fhot ftruck him dead, and, at the fame time, carried off the head of Mr. Bell, a volunteer. Sir Edward addreffcd himfelf to the duke, who forthwith gave fuch di- reftions, as difpatched the firft fireffiip and difabled the other. The duke with the few ffiips that were with him, were lb plied by De Ruyter, that his own ffiip, the Prince, had, before eleven o'clock, her main top-maft (hot by the board, her fore-topfail, her ftarboard main-ffirowds, and all the reft of her rigging and fighting fails torn to pieces, and above aoo of the crew either killed or wounded. He went down, as between decks, to order fomething, he ftept into his boat, having previoufly given private orders to the captain to tow the Prince out of tlie line. The lord Duras, Mr. Henry Savil, Mr, Afhton, and his chief pilot, accom- panied him. He went on board the St. Michael, a fecond rate, com- manded by Sir Robert Holmes, that was a-head of him, fomewhat to the leeward ; and, for that reafon, had not been much damaged. He put up inftantly his flag. But there not being wind enough to fpread it, he was fain to fend his boat to give notice where he was. The French, as I have already faid, flood away to the fouchward, as clofe haled as they could; But they were not prefled, as they might have been, by the Zealand fquadron. When the duke was on board the St. Michael, he was obliged to ta:k, on account of a fand athwart of Leoftoff, and Itood to the fouthward, as near as he could lie. He weathered, by that means, De Ruyter and moft of his fquadron. But had the Amfterdam fquadron ftill to windward of him. That fquadron had been obliged to tack, for the fame reafon. The duke was now between two lines of the Dutch ; and forced to lead the Ihips of his dwifion, that could get into his wake, and tack- €^ LIFE or JAMES THE SECOND, 167:. tack afrer him ; which were not many. The reft tacked to leeward of Dc Riiytcf, fo that the enemy and wc were much mingled together. Soon after the duke had ftood to the fouthward, a gentle gale fprung tip at eaft-, and being got clear of the fmoak, he would look a little about him. The llrfl: thing he law was the E. of Sandwich's blue flag, lome diftance a-head of him, appearing above the fmoak, which was fo great about that place, that one could not fee any hulls. Whilft the red fquadron was engaged with De Kuytcr and his fquadron, the E. of Sandwich's divifion was no kfs hotly engaged with the fquadron of Van Ghent, who with his (hip brought to, on the broadfide of the earl ; whilft, at the fame time, captain Brakel, a bold, hot-headed Dutchman, in a ftiip of 70 guns, laid him on board, athwart the haufe ; by which means, raking him fore and aft, tliey together deftroyed him a world of men ; which obliged the earl, that he might get rid of fo troublefome a neigh- bour, to order his men to enter Brakel's (hip. This they did, with fwords, half-pikes, and piftols ; and, after fome refiftance, they mattered her. Though this gave the earl fome eafe. Van Ghent and his feconds fo plied his fhip, the Royal James, and had (lain and difabled fo many of his men, that he was obliged to recal thole who had maftered Brakel's Miip. He immediately fent to afk the advice of his captain, (captain Had- dock) who having been wounded in the foot, was then drelCng in the hold. By his advice he came to an anchor, by one (ixed for fuch acci- dents out of the gunroom. This had the defired e(fe<5t. But it proved, in part, the deftrudlion of the Royal James. For befidcs that (he was, at the very beginning of the engagement, fomewhat to windward of her own divifion, fo by coming then to anchor, they drove farther from her, and the enemy came nearer to her. At this inftant Van Ghent was (lain, by one of her (hot. But that did not hinder the enemy from ftill prefling hard upon her. They lent a fire-ftiip upon her, which (he funk before (he could reach her. The earl was now no longer at an anchor. For foon after he was clear of Brakel's fliip, he cut the cable that was out of his gun-room. After which, when he had almoft got clear off from amongft the Dutch, Another (ire-fhip came upon him. He endeavoured to bear up. But his WRITTENBYHIMSELF, 65 his (hip was fo much difabled, that he could not do it; and Co the fire- 1672, (hip laid her on board to windward, on her larboard fide, and burnt her. This the duke beheld with forrow. But he could not help, being to the leeward of her, though he pafied clofe by her, and faw the lea covered with her men ; fome finking, ibme fwimming, and others buoying tliemfelves up, upon what they could next catch hold of. Hereupon he ordered tlie Dartmouth, which was juft come up to him, to ly by, and i'^ve all fhe pofilbly could. She and fome of the boats of the line which followed the duke, made a Ihift to pick up 2 or 30?, of which number were captain Haddock, lieutenant Mayo, the muftcr, and one Lowd, a fervant of the E. of Sandwich, whom the King made a page of the bed-chamber, as foon as he came to London. The earl was not fo fortunate-, for he was drowned, and his body b^ing after- wards found, was honourably buried in Henry the Seventh's chapel. The duke's fliip, the St. Michael, was fo leaky, that flie now had five feet of water in her hold. The Phoenix, the Refolution, and the Cambridge came up feafonably to his relief. Van Ghent's fquadron bore down on the duke. They, however, brought to, and contented themfelves to ply him very hard with their great guns. The reafon was, that the captain who fucceeded Van Ghent, was killed at firft, and he wlio came next in command had not the refolution to follow his plan. Van Nefle, the elder, who carried a flag in the main-top, being to leeward of the duke, after he had tacked, and cut between De Ruyter and the Amfterdam fquadron, ftretched out a-head with fome of De Ruyter's fquadron ; and tacked again and flood ftern-lings with the duke ; de- figning to weather him, and bring up fome fire-fliips he had with him. But when the Stavern, one of his feconds which led him, had got up with the broadfide of the duke. Van Nefle's heart failed him -, and inftead of following the Ihip a-head of him, which was one of fifty odd guns, commanded by capt. Elzivir, he tacked and flood away, with his fire-fhips. He left the Stavern behind him. She was difabled by the St. Michael. She at length yielded to the Greenwich, a fourth rate, captain Green commander. By this time the St. Michael having fo much water again in her hold, made leeward way ; fo that the Dutch being alfo to the leeward, flie at Vol. I. . K laft £6 LiFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, 1672. laft came within mufkct-fhot of their fquadron. As fhc paffcd by the Dutch vice admiral's fecond, the duke raked her fure and aft. Sir Edward Spragg, with fome of his divifion, was now got a-head of the duke. The E. of Ofibry, in the Viftory, who had till now kept in his flation, a-ftern of the duke, was fo difabled, that he was forced to bear away to refit. Capt. George Legg, in the Fairfax, a third rate, took his place. It was now five o'clock in the afternoon. Sir Robert Holmes informed the duke, that the St. Michael was fo much difabled, that fhe could no longer continue in the line. She had loft a great many men. Her fails, mafts, and rigging were in a fhattcred con- dition. She had fuch a quantity of water in her hold, that fhe muft have funk, if flie did not lie by to ftop her leaks. The duke refolved to go on board the London, Sir Edward Spragg's fhip. He, at the fame time, defired Holmes not to ftrike the ftandard, till he faw it fly'ng a- board the London, left the difappearing of it, for any time, might dilcourage his own fleet. This was found to be a neceflary precaution: for, by the freftiening of the gale, the London had got fo far a-head, that it was three quarters of an hour before he got on board her. "When the duke came on board the London, he found her alfo much difabled, efpecially in her head- fails -, having had to deal with Van Ncfle the younger, a rear admiral, who was to windward of her. He fwagged apace down upon her. But, at this time, being feven in the evening, De Ruyter made a fignal to all his Ihips, that were to windward of him. to bear down to him. He himfelf bore away to join the Zealand fqua- dron, who were ftill engaged with the French. He came down, on the Rainbow, an old fecond rate. Capt. Storer, her commander, obliged him to ftand out a-head of him ; De Ruyter not thinking it fafe to lay him on board. This motion of the Dutch gave Sir John Jordan an opportunity to join the duke with 5 or 6 fhips. The duke had now with him about 25 (hips to windward of the Dutch. The reft having joined the French, were to leeward of the enemy. This was the po- fition of the fleets at fun fet : and thus ended this memorable day, in which the Dutch, with all the advantage they could defire, of furprize and wind, and of number of fhips that engaged, were far from vidory over the Englifh ; as their being the firft to leave the fea, and retiring inta their WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. (>j their harbours, will hereafter make fully evident. The night was fpent 1672. in refitting. The duke went again on board the Prince. In a council of the flag officers, it was refolved, that the fleet fliould return. The Dutch, out of bravado, following the Englifli, the duke turned upon them, and purfued them to their own coaft. The Dutch were faved by a fog. EXTRACT IV. The duke of York propofed failing to Weelings to fight De Ruyter carte's there. But Shaftefbury and others perfuaded the King to fend the fleet Excraa»< to intercept the Dutch Eaft India fleet, then expelled home by the north of Scotland, which might otherwife efcape, whilfl: the duke looked after De Ruyter. The duke thought the beft way was to drive De Ruyter into harbour-, becaufe, if he was at fea, it would be dangerous to fpread our fhips, in order to intercept the Eaft India fleet, left the enemy (hould come upon them on a fudden. For De Ruyter would eafily know our ftations. The duke cruized between the Vly and the Texel. He an- chored there, for near a fortniglit, in bad weather ■, and then cruized towards the Dogger-fands. The Cambridge, one of his cruizers, boarded an Eaft Indiaman, but it blew fo hard, that he could not mafter her •, and the ftorm increafing, the whole fleet got by before the duke could be advertifed. After the duke returned to court, Shaftefbury was made chancellor, and Cliflbrd treafurer. Arlington was difcontented, becaufe he did not get the ftafF. But the King faid, he had too much kindnefs for him to let him have it \ for he was not fit for the office \ and, if he gave it him, it would be his ruin, and expofe him to the malice of his enemies. EXTRACT V. Buckingham propofed to the King, if he would break off the mar- jujy ,,{},^ riage with lord Harry * and Arlington's daughter, to get lady Piercy for lord Harry. The King anfwered, that it was too late, the other being concluded. Buckingham, at the fame time, ofit;red to the countefs of Northumberland to get the King to confent, that he fliould command the duke of York to marry her. In November, Shaftcftjury was made chancellor, and Clifford trea- -^^^^ furerj though Arlington oppofed them. • Created duke of Grafton, Sept. 1 1, 1675. K2 EXTRACT 68 LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, 1672. EXTRACT Vr. About Chriftmas, the King fpoke with Clifford and Arundel, to per- fuade the duke of York to receive the facrament with him ; which the duke had forbore for fome months before, though he continued to go to church with the King, left he fliould be fufpefted as a Roman Catholic. 1673, EXTRACT I. 1673. The duke of York was told, that Mr. Vaughan was to move the March zoth. j^oufe of Commons, for an addrefs to the King to put away the Queen and to marry a proteftant wife, and offer him 500,000!. for her portion •, and that it was promoted at Whitehall. Next day, he was told, that it was propofed to the King and abfolutely rejecfled, The chancellor endeavoured to get the treafurer to join with him, in breaking the alliance with France. May. The King was inclined to get the duke of York and the treafurer to conform. But they both refolved to quit their employments. 2,,h. Projeft for making the duke of Monmouth regent of Scotland. lune. ^" the fifteenth of June, the duke refigned all his commands; lord admiral, warden of the five ports, general of the army, and governor of Portfmouth. The King kept the five ports in his own hands. He put the admiralty in commiffion, and gave the government of Portfmouth to George Legg *. . . In July, the duke's marriage, with the youngeft princefs of Modena, was refolved on. Articles were propofed, for the King's marrying a proteftant ; and for legitimating the duke of Monmouth, to incapaci- tate any who were not of the church of England to inherit the crown. Some were for hindering the duke of York from marrying a Roman Ca- tholic, if the parliament met before. Oa 17th The duke of York informed the King of the turbulent parties, who were defigning to fall on Mr. Seymour, the fpeaker ; and to oblige all peers to fubfcribe the late declaration, or elfe not to fit in the houfe of lords, nor come within twenty miles of court. This was levelled at the duke of York. • Afterwards lord Dartmouth. The WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 69 The great feal was given to Sir Hcneage Finch, Shaftefbury's par- 167?. don pafTed the great feal. The duke of York was advifed, in vain, to ^°^- '''''• withdraw from court. Lord M. advifed the duke of York to ftand for the crown of Po- Dec. isJth. land, and to comply ; but he refufed them both. Lord Peterborrow prefled the laft. The earl B. informed the duke, that the lord mayor had been long 22d. prefled to call a common council, for a bill to mend and pave the Itrcets. But when one was called, it was propofed, in the firll place, to thank tlie King for what he had done about popery ; fecondly, to dcfire him to take off his proteftion from the bankers, that they might be pro- fecuted ; thirdly, to thank him for the proclamation about the parlia- ment, and recommend following its advice. The King faid, that fome had been with him to alk leave for fuch an addrefs. But there was no more in it. EXTRACT II. The duke of York being fufpefted of changing his religion, the par- liament pafled an adt for the teft to put him out of all his commands ; and to encourage the duke of Monmouth to pretend to be legitimate. Clifford refigned the treafury, and the earl of Danby was made lord- treafurer. EXTRACT IN. The lord Clifford la'd down his oflice of treafurer, upon account of Macpher- the tell. Sir Thomas Ofborne was recommended by Clifford himfeif, '°"!f ^^" as well as by the duke, to fucceed him ; having given proofs of his dili- gence and capacity, when he executed the office of treafurer of the navy. All the ftorms now raifed, and which, afterwards, followed the duke in parliament, bear their date and origin, from the fufpicion they had of his being converted to the Roman Catholic faich. Nor could his pri- vate enemies, till then, gain any advantage over him. Before that time, he was looked upon as the darling of the nation ; for his having io freely and fo .oiten ventured his life for the honour and intereft of his King and country, and for his having been always fo adive and induf- - ' trious 70 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1673. trious in carrying on every thing, as to trade or as to navigation, that might tend to their advantage. EXTRACT IV, Carte's The earl of Peterborrow was fent to Neubourg, and then to Modena, Sept. for a wife to the duke of York. Peterborrow married her, by proxy, on the thirtieth of September, N. S. The houfe of commons were alarmed at the match, and petitioned the King to break it. Arlington advifcd the King to ftop the duchefs in France. She landed, at Dover, Nov, on the twenty-firft of November. Dr. Crew married them ; declaring that, by proxy, a lawful marriage. They arrived at Wliitehall, on the twenty-fixth of the fame month. The public chappel, ftipulated by aft of marriage, was not allowed her. Many of the duke's friends, among whom was the earl of Berks, a Roman Catholic, advifed him to withdraw. He refuftrd, unlcfs the King commanded him. The great feal was taken from Shaftelbury, and given to Sir Heanage Finch. Shaftefbury, in all the revolutions from 1641, Was famous for turn- inor from fide to fide ; fl:ill foremoft in the feveral turns of government, though ever fo contrary to one another. When chancellor, he was a bold aflerter of prerogative. He had the chief hand, in declaring for liberty of confcience. He promoted the fecond Dutch war. He advifed Ihutting up the exchequer. He juftified all proceedings to parliament. But when the declaration, for liberty of confcience, was recalled, feeing how the ftream ran, he dexteroufly tacked about and clofed in entirely with the republican party. EXTRACT V. When the King told Shaftefbury and Carlide, that Mrs. Barlow wai not his wife, but his miftrefs, they anfwered, " let him but fay it, they Jhould find fuch as would fwear it." The King now declared it pub* licly ; though he was too fond of Monmouth, who was made general for life of all the forces in England, by patent. The duke of York oppofed it -, but all he could obtain was, that the word natural m\ght be added to fon, in the commifTion ; the moft of the orders and directions being for his fon the duke of Monmouth, without natural. He had the like commiflion for Scotland, but Lauderdale hindered it for life. This was WRITTENBYHIMSELF. 71 was about the end of the Dutch war, in 1673, or the beginning of 1674, 1673. after the duke of York was obliged to refign. The young princefs of Modena, who left that place in the beginning of Oftober, O. S. being firft married by proxy, by the earl of Peter- borrow, landed at Dover on the twenty- firft of November ; having ftaid four weeks fick at Paris. She was not allowed a public chappel. The princefs of Infpruck, on the Emprefs's death, was married to the Em- peror. 1674. EXTRACT I. The duke of York, in the houfe of lords, told them, that the reafon ^ 1074. he had not yet taken the oath of allegiance, was not for any fcruple he Jan. i+th. had to take it ; the meaneft fubjedl his Majefty had not being readier to teftify his obedience to him than he was -, but he doubted whether he was to take it, fince it was plain that prince Henry had not done it ; and that, by authentic records, other princes had been exempted from taking it. Being unwilling to do any thing, that might give reafon to any who might come after him, and be in the fame poft, to complain, that he had loft them a privilege, which he might have retained if he pleafedj he de fired, for his own juftification and fatisfaftion, their opi- nion and judgment in it. At firft, it was propofed to refer it to a committee of the privy council. But the duke feeing, by the debate, that many lords were of opinion he ought not to have the fame privilege as the prince, defired them not to give themfclves the trouble, that he acquiefced and would take it ; having done his part, in making his claim ; and would not ftand upon it. He took it, as foon as the houfe adjourned. After the King's meftage, about the Dutch offers for peace, the earl 241^. of Saliftjury moved for a bill, to breed the duke of York's children in the religion of the church of England. The earl of Carlifle feconded this motion ; and moved further for a bill, that the King, nor none of the royal blood to fuch a degree, might marry, without the confent of parliament. Halifax moved, the difarming all Roman Catholics and reputed ones •, and lord Mordaunt, that all Englilh priefts might be re- moved from the Queen. 3 The <•- 7* LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, 1674. The articles of peace with the Dutch were figned, at London, on the Feb. 9th. nintli of February. It had been negotiated, concluded, and figned, by the marquis de Frefno, the Spanifli ambaflador, who had full powers from the Dutch, for that purpofe. Next day, in the debate, in the houfe of Lords, about the claule propoied in a bill to hinder any of the blood from marrying a Roman Catholic, without the confent of parlia- ment, CarliQe and Halifax propofed, that the penalty (hould be the declaring them incapable of fuccefTion -, for which being reproved by lord Peterborrow, who termed it " a horrid notion," he was an- fwered by Shafiefl^ury, that it was not fo horrid. He fpoke for it, he faid, not as a thing he defircd fliould look backward, but forward ; and for which there had been precedents. But his difcourfe and prece- dents were feverely anfwered by the lord- keeper, who faid it was ftretch- ing their liberty and freedom of fpcech to the utmofl, to hold fuch dif- courfe as they had held. He fpoke very well and home to the whole matter, proving it againft law ; and he fhewed the bad effeds things of that nature had had in this nation. The bifhop of V» inton, and other bilhops, fpoke, to Ihew how any thing of die nature was againft the rules of Chriftianity in general, and efpecially againft the doflrine of the church of England ; and, at laft, the propoficion was laid afide, with fcorn. The heads refolved on were, in general, that the King, nor none of the blood, within fuch a degree, lliould marry a papift, without the confent of parliament, and no penalty put upon it. ,,jj, On the twenty-fourth of February, the parliament was prorogued, to the tenth of November. Th'S refolution was carried fo clofe, that none of the Commons believed it would be done, expeding only to be told of a re^efs, in eight or ten days ; and they looked very difcontented, when it was done. No bill of any kind had pafled both houfes ; and but one private and two public ones were fent up from the houfe of commons. One of each kind only was fent from the lords. Shaftefbury and CarliQe were to propofe to tlie houfe of lords the diflianding of the duke of York's regiment. March. Shaftefbury, pretending fear of having his throat cut, by the Roman Catholics, lay one night, at leaft, in the city, at the houfe of one Cook, a fanatic ; and, both then and before, he did all he could to promote petitioning WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 73 peti ion'ng his Majefly to call a parliament, for the redrefs of gilev- 1674. anc.'i. He endeavoured to get the lord mayor to confcnt to the com- ifon council's meeting once a month ; and had it even propofcd, in a ct urt of aldermen. But the lord mayor would not confent j and faid, they ihould not ufe him as the King had been ufed. The King fent Sir Paul Neai to Shaftefbury, to let him know, that he heard he was about to take a houfe in the city, to live there. He forbade him, at his peril, loo'<:ng on it as a defign to do there as he had done in parliament ; and that he would do well to go down to the country, as foon as the weather would permit. Shaftefbury anfwered, that he had no defign. The duke of York told Monmouth, who was with him in the even- j^iy ,--ti,. ing, that he feared Arlington, Though he was about to quit the place of fecretary of ftate, for the white ftaff, he would ftill have fome part in affairs ; and, by his fearful councils, ruin the King's affairs, as he had already done. He knew it was his defign to ruin the good underftand- ing between them. Monmouth anfwered, that he could not believe he Irad fuch evil intentions, elfe he would have nothing to do with him. The duke of York made him fuitable returns and parted ; conjuring him, at the fame time, to have a care of Arlington's pradices. The fame night, after fupper, Monmouth came to the duke, and defired him to move the King, for his having a comm/ifTion as general, during plea- fure only -, and 10 lie by him, not to make ufe of at prefent, but in cafe of any diforder. This he defired, becaufe he had been told by fome officers, that, if any thing fhould happen, they could not obey him, nor fire on any, unlefs he had fuch authority to command. The duke an- fwered, he did not fee it was neceffary for that reafon only ; fince al- ready, by his commiffion of captain of the King's troop of horfc guards, he was empowered to command all the troops now on foot, as eldeft colonel. That he believed a commiffion of general could give him no more power. For the words of killing and flaying would not be in any new commifiion, more than in that he had already; they not having been ufed in the late general's commiffion. That it was a mifinforma- tion of thofe who perfuaded him to defire it on that ground ; and any fuch officer as had faid this to him, or ffiould make any fuch differences, did not deferve to be one, or to have a military employment, that could be fo fooliffily fcrupulous. Neither lord Craven's regiment nor the Vol. I. L queen's 74 LIFEOF JAMF.STHESECOND, 1674. queen's troop had any fucli differences, on the diford'.rs of Whit- TuelUay ; and on Monmouth's faying they had orders to do what thry did, the duke put him in mind, that they could have none, being acci- dentally drawn up in Lincoln's-Inn-Fields, wiien the diforders began ; and they fell upon the rabble and difperfed that part of them, before orders could come. Monmoutii infifting on ic ftill, the duke of York told him plainly, that he would never fpeak to the King about it, nor confent there fhould be any general, as it was a pod not fit for any body in the time of peace j and, on the duke of Albemarle's death, he had advifed the King againft ic, when there was no thought of a duke of Monmouth. Sept. 13th. -pi^g King told the duke of York, he thought it would be neceflary for his fervice to give the duke of Monmouth a commifTion for lieute- nant-general, to capacitate him to command all the troops, clfc incon- veniences might happen, on fome refufing to obey him, in cafe of a fudden rifing. The duke faid, he thought his Majefty had taken a refolution to the contrary, when the late general died ; and, befides^^ there was no necefiity for it, as Monmouth was already captain of the guards. OR. 20th. Sir R. T. told the duke of York what he had heard, from another hand : That, at a meeting at lord Mordant's, at Parfon's green, it had been refislved, by that gang, to get fuch a vote againft him, as that againft Buckingham and Lauderdale, at the firft meeting of par- liament. 24th. On the twenty-fourth of Odobtr, the King told the duke of York, in Lauderdale's prefence, that he had juft come from fpeaking with Howard, who had told him news out of Holland -, and, among the reft, that the prince of Orange had faid, he heard, Arlington de- figned to perfuade the King to own the duke of Monmouth his legiti- mate fon ; on which, the King faid to Howard, that it was true, one perfon, Sbaftejhury, once had tlie impudence to come near propofing it to him J but he had anfwered it as became him. He told him, he could never be fo bafe as to think of any fuch thing •, and that he had rather fee James, meaning Monmouth, hanged up at Tyburn, than have any fuch thoughts. Application \V R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L F. 75 Application of dodor Owen, Mr. Jekel, Mr. Gould, and others, to 1674. tJie duke of York, to get the King to ftop the profecution of convcii- r^o*'^™- tides. The King fent Arlington to the prince of Orange, to know his mind as to peace or war, that he might take meafiires accordingly. The duke of York oppofed Arlington's going, as he was too much a friend to the prince, to make a faithful report ; and, a day or two after, when the King told him, that lord OiTory was to go and ofl'er the princefs Mary in marriage to the prince, he was againft the commifTion ; fince the prince ought firft to feek her. The King faid, lord Oflbry was to fay nothing of it, till the prince had done all he expected, and fpoke firft to him of it. The duke acquiefced, in his pleafure. EXTRACT II. Peace with the Dutch was concluded, by the interpofition of M. de Frefno, the Spanifli ambafiador, who had a plenipotentiary power from Holland. It was proclaimed in March. The houfe of commons prefled the King to a war with France. The fecond teft was contrived to get the duke of York removed from the King's prefence, and even from the fucceffion. It was to contain a re- nunciation of many other tenets held by Roman Catholics -, none to come into the King's prefence, without leave firft obtained, under the hands of fix privy councillors. But the duke's friends, by a majority of two, got a claufe to except him ; which put Shafteft)ury fo much out of humour, that he faid he did not care what became of the bill. He urged againft the duke's fuccefTion, by divorcing tlie King, and fctting up the duke of Monmouth. Monmouth, who was bred a Roman Catholic, under the name of Crofts, was very handfome, had no great capacity, but outward parts made him agreeable -, tall, well-fhaped, a good air> civil behaviour, none danced better, very brave, even cunning and infinuating. He got, at laft, to be made general of the forces in England ; and even defigned 10 get the great fcal put to his commifTion, as the King's fon, without adding natural. Vernon, his fecretary, had ftruck out the word natural^ in the patent obtained, for general of Scotland i and I^auderdale refulcd L 2 to 7< LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1674," to draw it othcrwifc, than during plcajure, and with the word natural. He got alfo a comminion of general, with which he was going to com- mand in Flanders, againfl: France -, but was ftopt by the peace. EXTRACT III. The duke of Monmouth had been bred, in France, a Roman Catho- lic, under fiuher Gough, an Englifli oratorian. His tutor, Thomas Rofs, a Scotfman, put the thoughts of legitimacy into his head ; and would have bifhop Cozens to certify, that he had married the King and Mrs. Walters, who refufed it, with indignity, and gave immediate no- tice of it to the King, who removed Rofs from about him. Mrs. Walters, for that was her true name, was born of Welch parents, very handfome, little wit and fome cunning. Colonel Algernoon Sidney, who was then a colonel under Oliver Cromwell, trafficked for her firft ; and was to have had her for fifty broad pieces. This I had from his own mouth. But, being commanded haftily out of London to his regiment, he miffed her ; and fhe went to Holland, where his brother, Robert Sidney, lighted on her and kept her, for fome time. The King, being then at the Hague, heard of her, and got her from him, who faid, at the fame time, thefe words to fome of his friends, " Let who will have her, fhe is already fped." And after her being with the King, llie proved fo foon with child, and came fo near the time, that the world had caufe to doubt, whofe fon Monmouth was *. When he grew a man, he proved the likelt thing to him I ever faw, even to a very wart on his face. After fhe had this child, fhe kept fo little meafure with the King, and lived fo loofely when he was in Scotland, that when, after the Worcefter fight, he came to France and fhe came thither, he would have no further commerce with her. She ufed, in vain, all her little arts. She tried to perfuade doftor Cozens that fhe was a convert, and would quit her fcandalous way of life •, and had, at the fame time, a child, by the earl of Carling- ton, who grew up to be a woman, and was owned by the mother to be hers ; as like the earl as poffible. When the King went to Germany, fhe impofed on Sir H. V. the King's refident at BrufTels, to go along with her to Cologne, and afk leave to marry him. But all being in • Macpherfon's Extra^s. 2 vain. W R I T T E N B Y 1 1 1 M S E L E. • 77 vain, fhe abandoned herfclf, and grew fo common that flie died at Paris, 1674. after the relloration, of the difeafe incident to her profeffion *. • When James was in Ireland, in i6gc, he employed ibme part of his time in drawing up inftruiflions for his fon. He is very particular, in his advices to him, as to his pri- rate conduft. But he has left only general heads of what he intended to fay, about the government of this country, and the manner of regulating the fcvcral departments, and filling the great offices of ftate. He gives very fenfibie direflions about the navy, as the bulwark and glory of the kingdom. He defires him to have the treafury always in com- miffion ; never to have a lawyer lord chancellor. To have neither lord high admiral nor commiffioners, but a fecretary of ftate, for that department, which always ought to be the chief care, and, therefore, mud be under the immediate infpe\ftion of a King of England. He recommends to him to have four fecretaties of ftate ; of whom only one, fhould the teft be repealed, ought to be a Roman Catholic, one a Prefbyterian, and two of the church of England. He defires him, in a particular manner, not to be too much attached to women. He gives feveral inftances of the fatal confequences of fuch connexions to princes, and to their kingdoms. Many of them died without lawful heirs, and were ungratefully ufed by their natural children. He acknowledges, with ihame and regret, that he himfelf was too much a (lave to that paflion. Aimed every thing, he fays, will apply to his brother, although he profefies, from a regard to his memory, to fpeak in general terms. He gives him, however, as a ftrong inftance of the difadvantages ariiing from keeping miilrefics. Though he ufed them with kindnefs and liberality, they had no fixed regard for his perfon. The fadlious and difcontented always gained them over to their intercft, which he inftances, in " a certain lady ;" by whom he means theduchefs of Portfmouth, " If you have daughters," fays he, " you will be obliged to give them portions, and to provide them with hufbands, whom you muft dignify with honours, or enrich with places. Jf you have fons, you muft furnifh them with eftates out of the demefnes of the crown ; and give them employments, to the exdafton of men of merit, and the ancient nobility, who have a right to your favour." " And now to come to what 1 have feen myfelf, and what ought to weigh very much }„ the Scotch wiih you. The late King, my brother, who had the misfortune to be very much College, addided to that fatal vice, had children by all his owned miftrefles, and none by Par"- his Queen. Eefides which, he had the mortification to have had the duke of Mon- mouth, whom he believed to be his fon (though all the knowing world, as well as my- felf, had many convincing reafons to think the contrary ; and that he was Robert Sidney's) fly in his face, and join with the earl of Shafteftjury and the faftious party, in the defign they had to feize his perfon, and rife in rebellion againft him ; though, at the fame time, he fhowed him all the tendcrnefs of a father, and the kindnefs of a friend, doing things for him, which ought to have made him give a better return than he did." This paper, which he calls, " Inftruflions for my fon, the prince of Wales," is im- pcr.'eft. The laft part contains only general heads, upon which he intended to enlarge. They are in a thin folio volume; and authenticated, by an atteftation, in the Queen's own hand, declaring them to be a genuine copy of thofe originally written by her huf- band. They were left, by himfelf, to the Scotch college, where they ftill remain. When 78 LI !• E OF J AMES THE SECOND, 1-674. ^Vhen Monmouth came over, with the Queen-mother, lie was called young Mr. Crofts •, pretending to be lord Crofts's fon. But not long after, he was owned, and made duke of Monmouth •, bred a protcftant, married to the earl of Buccleugh's daughter, an hcirefs of ten thoufand pounds a year. As he grew up the King's kindnefs increafcd. He was very handfome, well-fliaped, a good air, a favourite of the ladies. 1 he duke of York was always kind to him, till he found his dcfigns. Mon- mouth had cunning and infinuating ways, when he had a mind to pleafe. He went with the duke of York to the Dutch war when Opdam was blown up. The King bought the earl of Macclesfield's firft troop of guards for him. He fent him in the fecond Dutch war to ferve in Flanders, by land, as lieutenant general, at the fiege of Maftricht; and young Churchill with him. He behaved well, at the retaking the Half-moon * j but ftaid only that year. He grew ambitious, and fond of pleafure. In the fummer of 1674, he defired the duke of York to gtt the King to make him lieutenant-general. The duke declined it, as un- neceflary ; fince, as captain of the guards, he adually commanded all the forces in England, when drawn into the field -, and he had, on the duke of Albemarle's death, declared his opinion againft a general in chief, it being an office he thought too great for himfelf. But Monmouth ftill intrigued for it. He had then thirty thoufand pounds a year coming in, yet not fatisfied. He fell out with the earl of Danby, for not comply- ing with his defires of getting money from the crown. He ftruck the word natural out of a warrant for the King to fign, for a commiffion under the great feal, appointing him general, which flopped his patent of general, for life, in Scotland. There was a copy of the treaty of Nimeguen figned, in the prince of Orange's pocket, when he fought at Mons. • The following Epigram, written upon the occafion, is in Tanner's colle pleafure. But, not long after, on petitioning the King, and owning the fault, they were rcleafed. Wharton ftayed fomewhat longer than the reft, becaufe he chicaned, and had no mind to own his fault in plain terms. But, feeing no re- medy, he did it either in that or the next feflion. Another great and warm debate happened in the houfe of lords, en a bill brought in or propofed by the earl of Danby, and fufFered by the court and epifcopal party, by which no peer was to fit or vote in the houfe, that did not take the oaths or teft, not to endeavour any al- teration in church or ftate, as then fettled. The party, efpecially the four lords who were fent to the Tower, the duke of Monmouth, and Hal- lifax oppofed it ; and Shafteftjury and Mollis prefled again the two Ro- man Catholic lords, Arundel of Wardour, and Bellafis, to join with them in oppofing it, as all the Roman Catholic lords would not agree. They faid, it was not prudent for any of them to irritate the King, who might execute the laws againft them, and find means to turn them out of the houfe ; and, perhaps, their party might give a helping hand to it. Shafteft>ury fwore, he and his friends never would ; and wifhed his tongue might cleave to the roof of his mouth, if he ever fpake for fo tinjuft a thing. Yet not above two or three Roman Catholic lords joined with tlie party, and thefc, in another debate, propofed, that an ad- dition to the rtanding rules of the houfe of lords lliould be conftantly read, at the firft fitting of every parliament; declaring that no peer was to lofe his place or feat in the houfe, by reafon of any oath ten- dered to him. But, on this, the bill was laid afide. 1675. EXTRACT I. 2675. The minifters, to pacify the parliament, contrive a rratch between the prince of Orange and the princefs Mary. Arlington was fent, for that purpofe, to Holland. The duke was againft it. EXTRACT Uu. NVR I TT EN B Y H I M S ELF. 8i E X T R A C T II. '^ The archbilhops and biOiops were preflcd, by the minidry, to propofe jan. 25th. the King's executing the laws againil diflenters and Roman Catholics. The prince of Orange complained to Arlington of the King's being moved to own the duke of Monmouth, by his good friends, Carliilc and Shaftelbury. Arlington told him, that the King had reje 1679. The day before the diffolution, Praunce was removed before the King and council. Green, Barry, and Hill were his accufers. The fe- cond was a proteftant. EXTRACT III. Letters from France of Dumbarton and Monmouth's regiments being June, reduced, from eighteen and twelve hundred to fix and four hundred ; feven Ihillings and fixpence only given to men difljanded in Dauphiny and Burgundy. Ifrael Tong, a fanatic, known to be an infamous villain, that, in re- Sept. zSth. bellious times, did what he could to deffroy both univcrfities ; turned out of Tangier and all places wherever he had been, was brought, the day before the King went to Windfor, on an information of one Kirby, a broken merchant, that he had a terrible plot of murdering the Kin" to difcover, by night to the King. He charged the jefuits with the plot, as related in papers given to the lord-trcafurer. Mr. Bedingfield brought Vol. I. ♦ N letters 9<5 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND. 1678. letters dircfted to him, in counterfeit hands, fignedby jcfiiits; and, foon after, received another packet, figned Bliindeli all to the fame tune,abouta plot. oa. 13th. Otes related his ftory, with fuch circumftances, in council, at to gain fome credit, till he came to be examined, when the villainy appeared: They afked if he knew the hands of the letters fent 10 Bedingfield. He faid he did •, and the court making the clerks fhew him a line of each letter, the reft being folded up, he prefcntly faid they were Ireland and Fenwick's hand-writing. Both thefe denied it ; and feveral papers of theirs taken with them being compared, they were proved not to be the fame. When Otes faid they were counterfeit hands, they denied it too, or that they knew oughr of rheir contents ; and as to Ireland's letter, dated from St. Omers, in Auguft laft, he proved that he was in England at that time, and had not been beyond fea of a great while. Blundel's letter appeared to be in the fame hand with Tong's depofition ; other hands counterfeit, and yet names figned at length. The packet was di« refted to Mr. Bedinfield at Windfor, to be left at the Pofthoufe. So "White's letter appeared to be forged. Otes, after telling feveral improbable things of Don John, and that he was in the room, when the money was told out in Don John's prefence to be fent to Sir George Wakeman ; the King afked him what kind of a man Don John was ? He anfwered, a tall proper man. He was known to be a man of little ftature, but a little fat. Otes did not know where the jefuits profefTed houfes were ; but faid near the Louvre. Nov. 22d. The duke of York's provifo carried for him, in the houfe of com- mons. Ayes 158, Noes 156. The treafurer was for him j but the prelbyterians were againft him. Bedloe depofed to Sir Edmund Bury Godfrey's murder in Somerfet- houfe, and that his corps was laid on the back ftairs. All the Qiieen's fervants came up them, her meat was brought that way, footmen waited there conftantly, a fentry night and day, her Majefty and family in the houfe, fcntries at all the doors, and a foot company on the guard i and then not difcovcred, but by fuch a fellow long after. i^th, Otes was brought before tiie council, on the twenty-fifth of Novem- ber. He was fent with the lords Ollbry and Bridgewater to Somerfet- houfe, to fhew them the place, where he lieard the Queen fay what he accufcd her of and faw her. But he could not Ihew the place. The WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. pi The King could not perfuade the duke to abftain from council, to 1678. prevent an addrefs for removing him from his prcfcnce. The council was forced to order him to do lb. The King, informed by letter from Sir Leoline Jenkins, that he had Dec. 19th. been advertifcd that Mr. Mountague, envoy to France, had fecret confe- rences with the nuncio at Paris, ordered in council his papers to be feized ; and Sir John Ernely to acquaint the houfe of commons with his reafons for it. Mountague faid his papers were not feized, but fafe, and they fent for them. Danby impeached. Praunce confefled the falfehood of all he had fworn about Godfrey. Dec. 30th. Ireland and Grove knew not, till ten at night, that they were to be tried at eight next morning j lb they were not prepared to prove their innocence. 1679. EXTRACT I. Lady Powis was deputed from the lords in the Tower to beg the duke 1679. of York to withdraw. The king lays his conduft before the parliament. J^"' The archbifhop of Canterbury and the bifliop of Winton try, in ^^^' vain, to perfuade the duke of York to turn proteftant. The Kino- re- folved to fend the duke away ; afluring him, by letter, that no abfence or any thing elfe fhould change his affeftion. The duke and duchefs go to Bruflels ; but lady Anne is not allowed to go. Two days after their departure, the parliament met, men of eftates in it. The earl of Danby furrenders to the black rod. The duke of York liked him as a man of abilities and refolution •, but queftioned his loyalty and judgment. The readmifiion of Bucks was the firft thing that turned his head and heart. He then thought of refigning -, and looked afterwards more for his ov/n fafety, than the King's fcrvice. Lauder- dale and the duke of York would fain have had the King to put off his journey to Newmarket; and to examine the plot, before the parliament Ihould meet. ShafteflDury would cry louder than the trealurcr. Lady Shaftefbury's butler's Ilory of a French invafion, with Cixty thouland men; and the duke of York to come with them. The parliament's voting the duke's religion gave rife to the plot. The King is refolved not to abandon the duke of York. He offered 2tth. an expedient. '] he houfe of Commons vote to exclude the duke of N 2 York. yi LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1679. York. The King being difpleafcd, remained firm for the duke. The ■ duke of Monmouth's views. The King was m fome conflid with him- felf, about falling out with Monmouth ; whom the duke of York had prefied him to difcountenance and not put into power, but keep him in Ireland in fome hands i and to (hew his difpleafure to Armftrong and Young. The houfe of commons would not allow the bifliops to be prefent at the trial of the popifli locds. The parliament is prorogued. The duke of York prefled Kis return -y but the King refufed. The King forms a new council, Halifax, Sunderland, &c. who were the duke's friends ; yet they were againft his return, which could not be, till after the trial of the lords in the tower. EXTRACT ir. The treafurer was blamed, for not putting an end to the popifh plot, before the parliament met. The duke of York and Lauderdale per- fuaded the King not to go to Newmarket ; but to ftay and put an end to the plot. The treafurer, however, did not fecond them. If the plot- had been examined to the bottom, it would have ended; the perjuries being detected. But the treafurer never aded heartily for the King's fervice, after the King had feen Buckingham at Mrs. Gwyn's inftance ; and he perl'uaded the King to fend the duke of York abroad. EXTRACT III. April. The fadlion divided ; fome were for the bill of exchifion -, the prefby- terians for cutting off the fucceffion quite, and be rid of monarchy; others would lay the duke of York afide, and bring in the next heir : If the duke had a fon, to have the breeding of him ; and to nominate a council of ftate, by aft of parliament, elfe take the prince of Orange *. EXTRACT IV. May 28th. On the twenty- eighth of May, the duke of York fent a letter to the King, from Bruflels ; alfo one on the thirty-firft, and on the eleventh, twenty-feventh, and twenty-ninth of June, and firlt of July. 29th. Infurreftion in Scotland, after the murder of archbifhop Sharpe. • Frcm this period the prince began to turn his eyes to the cro«n ; and all his fecret intrigues weie employed to »ccomplifh his purpo'e. EXTRACT W R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L F; 93 1679. E X T R A C T V. The duke of Monmouth went, on the fifteenth of June, for Scot- June 15th. land, with only five or fix fervants. He wrote, from thence, to the duke of York. At his return, he is complimented with the title of Highnefs -, and received, by the King, with tendernefs. Halifax, Sun- derland and Eflex, irndertook, that the next parliament fliould give the King money, &c. if the duke of York was kept away. The duke's friends prefled him to change his religion. On the twentieth, five jefuits were executed ; and Langhorn, a bar- 20th. rifter, on the fourteenth of July. When Sir George Wakeman was axrquitted, people's eyes began to ]"•/• open i yet the King was ftill pofitive againft the duke of York's return. Shaftefbury continued prefident of the council till the fifteenth of 06to- ber : So fearful was the King of breaking with a popular man. The King treated with the French ambafTador not to obftruft his matter's defigns, provided they related not to Flanders or Holland, if he might find his account in iL> fo far, at leaft, as to be able to live without ether helps. France catched at it ; but defired, that the duke of York's confent might be firft had -, he having ufed fome fharp expreffions againfl: France. So Sunderland acquainted the duke with it ; but before the duke's anfwer, the King fell ill, on the twenty-fecond of Auguft, and lent for him ; who came, and thanked the duchefs of Portfmouth and all the minifters, who were privy to his being fent for. The King found, that Monmouth had managed the Scotch fanatics, as if he intended rather to put himfelf at their head, than repel them ; and that he had more inclination to court their friendfhip, than to punifh their rebellion. EXTRACT VI. On the fixth of September, the duke received a letter from Sunder- Sept. land, that the King was ill, but he hoped it would pafs over-, charging him, at the fame time, not to be alarmed, nor to come over. Fever- fham wrote, that he would fend an exprefs, if the King grew worfe j and, on the fevench of September, he received letters from both, and the duchefs 94 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1679. duchefs of Portfmouth, by exprefs, that the King was ill again, and had a fcvere fie of an intermitting fever. On this, Sunderland had ad- vifed with Feverfham, Halifax, Hyde, Godolphin, the duchels of Portf- mouth, and agreed to fend for the duke immediately. 1 he King, on propofal, agreed to it : But ail this was to be kept a fecrct ; and he was to fay, that he came of his own accord. So he came very privately. Sir R. Bulftrode was fent to tell the duke of Villa 1 iarmol'a, tlicn at Namiir, the reafon. Effex knew of his being fent for, and approved of it ; but none of the duke of Monmouth's cabal. He got to Wind- for, by feven on Monday morning. Monmouth looked much difturbed, though he had been ordered by the King to behave civilly. EXTRACT VII. Sept. On the eighth of September, N. S. the duke of York began his journey from BrufTcls to England, on advice from the lord Feverfham and others, that the King was in danger of an ague, and advifing him to come as privately as pofTible, that it might not be known at court, till he arrived at Windfor. He told it only to the duchefs ; taking Peter- borough and Churchill along with him. Pic came from Calais, in a French fhallop, to Dover ; where he was not known, but to Portman, an honell man, who kept the fccret. He left Peterborough, and rode poft, with Churchill, to London. He took a coach at Southwark, and went to Phil. F. at the Poft-ofRce, and lay all night at Sir Allen Apfley's near St. James's •, and got to Windfor as the King waked, being better by the Jckiit's powder. The duke of Monmouth, who was then at court, had gone to hunt in the morning ; and Sunderland, though he knew of the duke's coming, denied it pofitively to Mon- moutli. The King received him kindly -, but would not let him ftay long, all the minillers being againft him. The duke returned, in a yaucht, to C ^ -nd ; and arrived at Brullels, the firft week of Odlobcr, N. S. Hef&ok the duchefs, the princelTcs Anne and Ifabella, to fee the princefs of Orange in Holland ; leaving the grofs of his family at Bruf- kls. They ftaid a fhort time at the Hague, then embarked at Matf- landduys, in a yaucht, for London -, and, about the end of October, the duke went by land to Scotland •, leaving his two daughters at St. James's. EXTRACT WRITTENBYHIMSELF. 95 1679. EXTRACT VIII. When the King told Monmouth he muft go abroad, he Ihevved his Sept. difpleafure, with heat ; and, fince the King did not think him fit to command as general, which it did not feem fit he (hould do, or captain of the guards, he defired that his troop of guards might be given to the duke of Grafton. But he came next morning, with more fubmilTion ; declaring himfelf ready to obey orders, and fet out that night from Lon- don. He, however, held a conference, that evening, with his faftious cabal. It was refolved, that the duke of York fhould go. Secretary Coventry propofed to Scotland, rather than Brufiels. Sunderland and the King came into it ; only thought the duke fliould go firft to Bruflels for the duchefs, and then go flraight to Scotland. But Sunderland and fome others aflTured him privately, that, if he came back to court, he fhould not be obliged to go to Scotland at all. E X T R A C T IX. It was now necelTary to prepare for the meeting of parliament : So Sunderland, Eflcx, Halifax, Hyde, and Godolphin, thought it proper, that the duke fhould return to Flanders ; on condition, that Monmouth was fent out of England. The commiflion of general of Scotland and England taken from him ■, and he himfelf fent away. He continues his correfpondence with Shaftefbury, Mountague, &c. The next day, the King, in prefence of the above lords, declared his refolution to the duke of York ; when Monmouth, in a heat, told the King, that he did not think it proper for him to keep the command of the horfe- guards, fince he was no longer general ; and he defired, that the duke of Grafton might have his troop. Next morning, he came in better temper, and told the King, that he was ready to fubmit to what he ordered ; and, that evening, he went to London, where yet he had a private meeting with Mr. Mountague and other difafi^eded perfons ; giving out, that this difgrace befel him, becaufe he was for the King's agreeing with the par- liament, and becaufe he was a proteftant. This being publickly dif- courfcd, fome of the duke's old friends were much againft his going ; efpecially fecretary Coventry, who fpoke to the King, in vain, for the duke's ftay. Sunderland was of the fame mind. Lflex and Halifax were g6 LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, 1679, were for his going •, and Mr. Hyde for his flay. Godolphin was for hi* ^•^P'" going, fince Monmouth was gone. The faflion were againft the duke of York's going to Scotland ; for reafons, as an intelligencer informed, that determined the King for it. Eflex approved of it ; and Halifax, though he at firft objeded, acqui- efced. EXTRACT X. The duke was to write from Bruflels, on his arrival, to afk the King's leave to go to Scotland ; and to carry lady Anne and IfabtUa, who had been lately permitted to vifit them, to fee their filler, the princefs of Orange ; and that the yauchts be fcnt for him to Holland and feme fri- gates kept ready in the Downs to carry him to Scotland. EXTRACT XI. On the twenty-fifth of September, the duke took leave of the King, and went to Bruflels and Holland -, and came back to London, without having troubled Efi*ex or Halifax -, the feafon of the year not being proper for a voyage by fea. He waited in the Downs, till leave was fent to come to London •, the duchefs being fo ill as to vomit blood. Oft. 13th. On the thirteenth of October, the duke came to London, by the King's leave, in his way to Scotland. A week after he arrived in town. Lord Sunderland and Mr. Hyde came to tell him, that the King thought it for his fervice he fhould go to Scotland, as foon as he could ; but did not intend he fhould ftay longer than January. The duke refolved to obey ; and fet out on the twency-feventh of October. EfTex and Halifax were, probably, the caufe. EXTRACT XII. ictfc. A week afttr the duke's arrival, Sunderland and Hyde were fent to acquaint him, that the King thought it for his fervice he fhould really go for Scotland, though not to Ray longer than the middle of January. So he fet out about the end of the month -, leaving the princefles Anne and Ifabella at St. James's. The King ordered Lauderdale to fend diredions, for the duke's fitting in the privy council, without tak- ing WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 97 ing the oath of allegiance. The duke arrived at Edinburgh on the ^^79' fourth of December, The marquis of Montrofe met the duke at York ; and told him of the difficulty of fitting in the privy council, w^ithout taking the oath of allegiance. EXTRACT XIII. The miniflers fent one of their number to propofe the duke of York's joining with them, to remove the duke of Lauderdale. The duke faid, that Lauderdale had ferved the King very well, and was his particular friend, of which he had many teftimonies in his abfence ; and, that it would be a great difcouragement to the King's fervants, to fee a perfon, who had fupported his authority with fo much zeal, fo ill requited for it; and he could not give his confcnt. The minifters faid, they only propofcd to lay him gently afide, to fweeten things before the parlia- ment met •, which had a pique againft him and would elfe fall upon him, and, therefore, hoped the duke would be, at leaft, pafTive in it : But he told them he would not promife-, thinking it his duty to fpeak his mind freely and fincerely to the King, on all fuch occafions. This might, probably, give a helping hand to the refolution of fending him back. The King, however, promifed to recal him a few days after the parliament fhould rife. EXTRACT XIV. On the tenth of Odober, the parliament was prorogued, by procla- mation, to November. Another proclamation was ifllied againft afToci- ations. Sir Leolinc Jenkins had taken more pains to excufe himfelf from the poft of fecretary, than another would have taken to get it. EXTRACT XV. The faftion was alarmed at the duke of York's going to Scotland, j^^^^ which made the duke lefs averfe to it, for fear of a counter order to re- main at Bruflels. So the King communicated it to Efiex and Halifax. The former readily afiented ; the laft, with fome hefitation. The King declared his refolution to them all five, Eflex, Halifax, Sunderland, Hyde, Godolphin. Vol. I. O The 98 LIFEOF JAMESTHESECOND, 1679. The duke of Monmouth returned from Holland to London, where he appeared publickly, the day after the duke of York fct out for Edin- burgh. He fent Godfrey to the King. The duke of Yoik, by his induftry, application, affability, antl kind reception of the nobility and gentry, ferved the King's affairs, and got himfelf fuch an eniire love and elleem as dejcfted his enemies ; and therefore, the pcrfecuting of him in England ferved only to make him reign, as it were, in Scotland, where he engaged with no party. ElTex quitted his poft in the treafury -, pretending that the duke of York had not kept his promife of doing nothing without his advice^ The parliament had been prorogued to the twenty-fixth of January ; but not, then, dcfigned to fit. The fadion fct to procure a petition for it. The lord mayor forewarned, by the King. The petition of ten lords,. The Roman Catholics profecuted. EXTRACT XVI. Nov. 28th. On the twenty-eiglith of November, the duke of Monmouth arrived, about eight o'clock at night, at Whitehall. He fent, by captain God- frey, a fhort letter to the King ; hoping that he would not be offended at his coming over, fince it was with a defign for his fervice ; and, hav- ing fome bufinels of confequence to fpeak to him, defircd his leave. The King anfwered, in writing, that he was extremely furprized to hear of his coming into England, after fuch pofitive commands not to do it. He ordered him to be gone immediately, if he hoped ever to fee his face again •, and to do it fo privately and fuddenly, that the world might take no notice of his difobedience. Godfrey returned, with repeated in- ftances for Monmouth's feeing the King and fpeaking a word ; afTuring his Majefty, that he would do any thing he defired. The King faid, he would be obeyed; and flood firm. His coming was concerted with the lords, now framing pretences for the parliament's fitting; and there was reafon to think, that Monmouth had been in town three or four days before he fent to the King; it being known, that Godfrey had been there fo long. If the duke did not go, the King was refolved to fend an officer of the guards to fee him on fhip-board. This the King told Godfrey, after being with him the iecond time. The King went to bed, not doubting but Monmouth would obey, none as yet knowing of his 3 coming. o WRITTENBYHIMSELF. 99 coming. But, after twelve o'clock at night, Monmouth came to his 1679. lodgiifgs at Wiiicehall -, and, before the morning, it was known all over the town. Monmouth came to vifit him, as foon as ftirring. The King rofe ; and frefh inflances were made only to fee him. Lord Pauconbcrg, MacclesfieJd and his fon came upon the errand. The King refufed, and ordered him immediately from Whitehall ; and, by night, out of England, on pain of lofing all his places. He anfwered, by lord Fauconberg, that he was gone out of Whitehall ; but begged he might be permitted to (lay in England, in any place. He was then at his houfe in Hedge-lane, where the cabal held a meeting. The King dill peremptorily ordered him to be gone •, and, if he did not obey by that night, he muft never expert to fee his face any more. The King fent for .all the principal officers of his troop immediately, and ordered them not to obey Monmouth. He refolved to take away his poll of captain of the guards-, and, for that purpofe, ordered Sunder- land to make a commifTion for the duke of Albemarle to be captain, and to fend for him to town. The duchefs of Monmouth begged the King to fee the duke. The King bid her tell him, that he wanted nothing but an entire obedience in this matter j and that he would give him no longer time, nor hear any more from him. The next morning, fhe fent the King a letter, that her hufband was not yet gone, and re- newed the requeft of admittance into his prefence, as he had fomewhat to juflify himfcif from the accufation. He font her a verbal anfwer, defiring her to remember what he had faid the night before ; and that he would certainly be as good as his word. Fauconberg came, in the afternoon, with a letter from Monmouth, pretending he had long refufed to bring it; but had yielded, at laft, to his importunities. The King would not receive the letter, nor fend an anfwer to it, but that he had nothing to fay to him. The duke of Albemarle was put, that evening, into the command of the guards, Mulgrave made governor of Hull and lieutenant of the Eaft Riding, and the earl of Shrewfbury made lieutenant of Staffordfliirc. The com- mifilon of mafter of horfe was likewife taken from Monmouth, though not difpofed of. Sir Thomas Armftrong was turned out of the guards, and his commiffion given to Mr. GriiTin. The tlioufand pounds that lie had paid were, however, refunded. A defign was laid to prove ih; O 2 King's loo LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, 1679. King's marriage with Monmouth's mother. They pretended that a letter was taken from her, when fhe was put in the Tower, undcrtheKing's hand, owning the marriage ; and, to prove that the paper was then taken, they produced a news-book, in 1652, calling her Charles Stewart's wife, and faying, that the letter was to be a ground for it. Sir Parry pre. tends to prove the marriage, by a bilhop that is dead. On the 30th of November, the duke of Monmouth had not left London. The prince of Orange was no ftranger to his proceedings. Dec. On Sunday, the lords Huntingdon, Clare, Stamford, Shaftefbury, North, Gray, Cherbury, and Howard of Efcric, came to the King, with a paper prefented by the earl of Huntingdon, now printed. Chandos and Bedford were at the door. Four com. were to make up the cota- miflions for mafter of horfe. 1680. EXTRACT I. 1680. On the twenty-fixth of January, the parliament was prorogued to the "'*"■ fifteenth of April. Monfieur d'Avaux folicits the Dutch to an alliance with France. A further prorogation to November was urged, for that purpofe ; fo that the King of England could not affift the States, if at- tacked. Thus a prorogation might keep France from invading Hol- land, and Holland from a league with France. The King propofed to recal the duke of York before the felTion. But he was diflliaded by his minifters. The duke of York told the privy council, whom he had chofe, that he would acquaint the King, that he had, in Scotland, a brave and loyal nobility and gentry -, a regular and wife privy council ; and the judicatures filled with learned and upright perfons. That the difaffeded party was not fo confiderable as thofe in England reprefented them •, and, having reconciled peace to Ibme of the Highland families, they were now firm to the King's intereft. He took leave of the privy council ; the chancellor anfwering how fenfible they were of the "honour of his prefence, t'ne advantages of his conduft and advice ; and that they themfelves were entirely devoted to the King, and to his royal hic'hnefs. Their letters to the King. The duke and duchefs embarked at Leith J and they arrived at Privy-Stairs on the twenty fourth of February. An addrefs from Norfolk thanking the King for recalling t the WRITTENBY HIMSELF. loi the duke of York. The fadion alarmed at his return. Rumours of 1680. plots. Alford and Shaftefbury told the privy council of an Irifh plot ; Plunket's. Blackburn's contradl of marriage of the King and Mrs. Barlow. The King is refolved to fearch into the bottom of it •, and Sir Gilbert Gerrard, who was faid to have feen it, was carried before the privy council, and declared pofitively, that he had neither feen nor knew any thing of it. In May following, the King being indifpofcd, with two or three ague fits, the duke of Monmouth wrote to him to enquire of his health ; figning at bottom, " Your dutiful Monmouth." He inclofcd it in one to Mr. Godolphin ; who delivering it to the King, he bid Godolphin tell him, if he would make his actions anfwerablc to the conclufion of his letter, and obey his orders, it was the only way to a reconciliation. But if he flattered himfelf with the fupport of the faftious party, or that parliament might interfere in his favour, he (hould find it would make things worfe. Accordingly, about a month after, finding no change in Monmouth's conduft, he publilhed a declaration,, protefting, on the word of a King and a faithful Chriflian, that he was never married to Mrs. Barlow, alias Walters, the duke of Monmouth's mother ; nor to any other woman but the Queen ; which, together with. the oaths of all the lords prefent, was regiftered in Chancery. EXTRACT II. In Norfolk, the grand jury, inftead of prefenting the petition to the Jan. 24tki. Juftices of the feffion, prefented the promoters thereof, for meddling therewith; and, in Som rfet, they not only remonftrated againft the petition, but ifTued warrants againft the promoters thereof; one of whom they indifted, for promifing to petition againft the proclamation, and procuring a party's hand to be fet to it, without his privity. The grand jurj' found a bill; but the caufe, by a certiorari^ was removed to the King's Bench. In Berks, the petition was prefented by Sir J. Stonehoufe, Mr. Barker, Wood, &c. moft of them honeft gentlemen ; though prince Rupert was lord lieutenant, and conftable of Windfor Caftle and Foreft: the only petition that came fo formally to the King. The Yorkfliire petition was not prefented in council as propofed. The King faw, that nothing but time could do good to parliament. The 102 MTE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1680. The King faid, in council, " I think fit to acquaint you, that Ihavc Jau. :!iih. j-^i^^ f^^ j^^y brother -, not having found fuch an tftc6t from his abfcncc, as Hiould incline me to continue it longer -, fince v/e have lately fcen, and may lee again, queftions ftarted, of fo high a nature in thcmfelvcs, and to him particularly of fo great concern, as make it agreeable, both to reafon and juftice, that he fiiould be prefent at the next feflion of par- liament. For though it (hall always be my care to prcferve him in his right, yet I think ir may be for his fatisfadion, as well as for his in- tcrcft, to be upon the place, if any fuch debate fhoukl arife again ; and, in the mean time, 1 promife myfclf fuch a compliance from him in all things, that fhall be thought nccelTary for the general quiet and fecurity of my kingdom, tliat no body will Ivve reafon to be alarmed at his return ; or to apprehend, that his being near me wiil have ar.jr ill influence upon the public." Feb. 25th. Letters, which came from Mr. Chudleigh hft night, fay, that the States ftill infifl; on caUing a parliament. So plain a combination for- tifies the King, in his refolucion not to call one. March. Journal from Tangier attacked by the Moors. This day fix lords, Shaftefbury, Huntingdon, Gray, Cavendifh, Ruf- fel, Brandon, and nine commoners. Sir Edward Hungerford, Sir Gilbert Gerrard, Sir Hugh Calverlcy, Sir Scroop Flow, Sir William Cooper, Mr. Thynn, Trenchard, Wharton, and Dr. Otcs, went to the grand jury at Weftminftcr, and delivered an information agair.ft the duke of York, for being a popilTi recufant. Jull as they came io the jury, they found them going down to the King's Bench, with a petition for the parlia- ment fitting, which the foreman delivered to the lord chief juftice, who ordered it to be read ; after wliich, the judges fpent fome time in con- fulting of an anfwer to it, and judge Jones demanded of them, whether they had all their prefentments ready. They replied, that a fmall time would finifli them ; but then the court told them, that they had fpent their time in things that did not belong to them, and negledted thi.-gs they ought to have do.^e ; and, therefore, they were difcharged, and their petition would have been returned, but they would not receive it, faying, they had done their duty, and fo left it with the court. This difcharg- ing of the jury makes a great noife, becaufe they had not given in their prefentments ; as doth the information againft his royal highnefs -, none believing WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. loj believing that Shaftefbury, &c. would have troubled themfclvc; with a ibSo. bare information of the duke of York's being a recufint, had they not had fomething elfe to be done, after they had obtained this. EXTRACT III. On the twenty-fecond of IVIarch, the King was at Newmarket ; and, March zzd. the fame day, the council met at Whitehall, on information, that a great number of apprentices were enlitled by one Ah'ord, under pre- tence of burning the rump. He was fecured by the lord mayor, and committed by the council, for high treafon, as he deferved, for offering to enlift men. Sir Vy'illiam Waller and the fanatics endeavoured to make it be thought a popifli plot ; and fome were fo malicious, as to write and contrive, as Sir Samuel Bernardifton and others, that the guards were to join with them to fire the city, and to cut the throats of the pro- teftants. Thefc were the very words of fome of the letters, adding, tliat the like defign had been difcovered in Ireland. On the twenty-fourth, Shaftefbury called a council, and told them of 24th. a new popilh plot in Ireland, by primate Plunket and his clergy, to de- liver the kingdom to the French. He defired a private committee, for imparting all he knev/ ; the prefident, lord Bridgwater, Eflcx, f.cretary Coventry, and Mr. Hyde, to form this committee, that tlie author might not be named ; and likewife powers to examine, without the knowledge of the duke of Ormonde or the King. All was granted. But I*vir. Hyde told the chancellor, and complained againft it in council. Don Pedro Ranquillo came ambafladour, in place of the marquis de May. Bourgamont, with powers for making a league, not from the King of Spain, but from the duke of Villa Harmofa. He told them, that he would fend for them ; and the treaty was concluded in June. EXTRACT IV. On the twenty-fixth of June, Shaftefbury and others came to Weft- minfter, to get the grand jury to prefent the duke of York, for recu- fancy, hearing mai's, &c. and that the dutchefs of Portfmouth might be prefented as a common nuifance. She foon made her peace, and joined the faftion, with the duke of Monmouth i and both laboured to re- move Junci ,04 LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, J 680. move the duke of York from court, bccaufe the dutchefs of York had J""** not fhewn her refpeft enough. Halifax and the othi'r minifters propofed a bill to banifh all Roman Catholics out of the realm, to rouze the nation ; though religion was only a pretence. The duke of York is fcnt again to Scotland. He defired a pardon, but was denied it. EXTRACT V. On the twenty-fixth of June, Shaftefbury came to Weftminfter, and made a fpeech to the grand jury, then fitting, about the danger of popery ; invedives againft the duke of York, offering an indidtment againft him for recufancy, and witnelTcs to prove his hearing mafs -, and defired them to refleft how unfafe it was he fliould have the management of the port office ; that two thirds of his eftate might be faved -, and, that they would declare the duchefs of Portfmouth a common nuifance. EXTRACT VI. Oftober. On the ninth of October, the duke of York had notice from Mr. Hyde, that Sunderland and Mr. Godolphin were of opinion he ftiould retire abroad. Eflex and Halifax were of the fame opinion ; but he was more furprized at the former, who had obligations to him, and pro- fcffed to be his Iriends. The duchefs of Portfmouth, pretending to refent his not giving her aflurances, during the King's late illnefs, of his friendfhip, in cafe of the King's death, though not decent for him to do, and needlefs, becaufe the King's illnefs was flight, and not at all dangerous, was employed to draw the King to the refolution of fending the duke away. She had gone from V/indlor feveral times to London, to make up matters with Shaftefbury and his party, by the canal of lord Howard of F.fcric, and, having dor.e it, promoted their meafures. The King fignified to the duke of York, that his affairs required his abfence; and he advifcd him to go to Scotland, fcndins; before him a letter, that he had fcnt him to take care of the affairs of the realm; and fome propofed a pardon for him, before an impeachment, which Shaftefbury threat- ened ; in which cafe it was undoubtedly valid. The King thought that the commons would proceed by bill, and not by impeachment, as a fliorter WRITTENBT HIMSELF. 105 a flaorter way, but was againft a pardon; and, in any cafe, aflured 1680. him, that he would diflblve the parhament. EXTRACT Vir. On the ninth of this month, the King came from Newmarket to Lon- oa. 5th. don. Tiie duke of York's removal abroad was difcourfed more than ever. Sunderland and Godolphin both aflured him, that tlie King thought of no fuch thing. Coming to London, Mr. Hyde told him, that Sunderland was grown cold to him ; and, though they often faw one another, had never opened his mouth to him of any bufmefs, which made him and the duke of York believe the reports were true. But Hyde did not think his friend Godolphin of that mind. He was un- deceived the next day after the King came to town, when they told him they thought the duke of York's abfence for the King's fervice ; and, the next day, both faid fo to the duke. Efl*ex was for his returnino- to Flanders : Halifax only from court : the King in doubt whether he fhould be able to (land by him. EfTex and Shaftefbury are reconciled. Halifax was an atheift, and had no bowels. The King confulted the privy council, who were of opinion, that the duke fhould not go ; yet the King continued of the fame mind. Two days after, he defired their advice, whether he (hould break the parliament, if the duke of York was impeached ; but this was a queftion not to be anfwered, fo no refolution was taken in council about the duke of York. On Sunday, the King propofed his going to Scotland ; and wrote, on Monday, to his council there, that he had ordered his brother to repair thitiier, to look after the affairs of the realm. The duke, accordingly, on Wednefday, took leave of the King and fet out. The King expedled, that the parliament would move for the militia, or fome aft to retrench his power, and would then diflblve it. The duchefs of Portfmouth complained of the duchefs of York, as being kinder to the dutchcfs of Mazarin than to her. After the duke's return from Scot- land, the cavaliers are difobliged at the directions given to the judges, in favour of the non-conformifts, and judge Ellis not being turned out. Vol. T. P EXTRACT io6 LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, 1680. oa. 2 1 It. EXTRACT VIII. On the twenty-firft of Oflobcr, being the day after tiie duke's de- parture, the parliament met. The bill of exclufion, and the debates thereupon, by lord RufTcl, Sir Henry Capel, colonel Titus, and Har- bord. The expulfion of the members, for difcouraging petitions, though it frightened all, had purged the houfe, and paved the way for the bill's pairing. The bill was kept four or five days in the houfe of commons, till the houfe of lords was prepared for it, by addrelTes from the common council of London. Rumours of plots :— Dangcrfield. The fame ftratagem had been ufed in the houfe of commons when the bill was firfl brought in there. Dugdalc, Francifco Perez, and Dangerfield were thought to leflen the votes for the duke of York, by accufing his friends. This made the lord privy feal vote for it. As foon as Dangerfield had given his evidence, lord Ruflel carried the bill to the lords. Many of the houfe of commons oppofcd it ; but his imperious temper hurried him on with it ; and the members gave a fliout, when it was delivered. Sunderland voted for it. A propofal was made for the King's divorce. The commons were vexed at the bill's being rejedled. Ruflel declared, if his father had been againll it, he would have voted him an enemy to the King and country ; and, if he could not live a proteftant, he would die one. Mr. Levefon Gower faid, fome, perhaps, might be for making peace with the duke of York, " but," fays he, " I will perilh firft, and my opinion is, that we fliould break up, and return each to his country, and let the people fee how we are ufed; and I doubt not but they will foon join us, with their fwords in their hands -, and then we will let the duke know, that we defy him and all his popifli adherents." The parliament fell on the duke of York's friends. Sir E. Seymour, for mifapplying 600,000/. given for building thirty fliip?. Halifax, lord chief juftice Scrogs, and Sir E. Seymour warded the blow. Halifax oflered to withdraw, but the King would not fufter it. Scrogs was dif- charged, and recompenfed with a penfion, New accufations againft the s duke WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 107 (.hike of York about the plot. Mrs. Celliei's engagement with Lewis 1680. to burn the fhips at Chatham. The difputes about the pardon ; which and maintenance the houfe of commons, accordingly, addrcfTcd for, and defired a pardon for perjury too, it not being fafe for wicnefTes to declare at firll the whole truth, as fworn to fay. The attorney general had been complained of, for not drawing Dangerfield's pardon full enough. Lewis had forgery in his pardon, to make him a legal witnefs. EXTRACT IX. Narrative of the vidlory of the garrifon of Tangier over the Moors. ^■^^- ^7^^- The duke of Monmouth profefled a readinefs to make all manner of fubmifTion ; and hoped he miglit be received, as earl Huntingdon and lord Mordaunt had. Mrs. Crofts prefled the King to Ipeak to him, but was refufed. The duke of York's abfence hindered many from oppofing the bill Nov, 12th. of exclufion. The dutchefs of Portfmouth does not find her account in her late Hvde to the meafures, and, except Ihe be preferved by them, Ihe has no way of °"'^^°*Yofk. prefcrving herfelf, but by the French intereft ; and by that, the duke of York might be well with her again. " But it is the moft damned and fahc bottom you can put yourfelf on, and fuch as I can never ferve in, with any confidence or hopes of fuccefs," He recommends bei.ng well with the Scotch ; and, if the Englifh parliament get an addrefs for his removal, he will get a contrary one from the Scotch government. Ha- lifax firm in oppofing the bill of exclufion. He had procured the King's meflage, on Monday, to the houfe of commons, to deflroy the report, as if the King confented to the bill j and a man lent, from the great men • to the bilhops, to prepare them for it, as for the King's fervice ; and a good correfpondence between the two houfes was acceptable to the King. This made his public difapprobation necefiary. The King refolved to have the bill refufed by the lords, at the firft reading, and not returned, in hopes of mending it at a committee, which had been mightily la- boured to get him to confent to. Agreed to limitations or feme tem- • The exclufionifts. P 2 porary ic8 LIFE Ol' JAMES THE SECOND, iC8o. porary law. In the difputes between the houfes, the commons have always got the vidory of late years. N;v. i5ih. 'pi^g additional duty on wines, expiring next Auguft, amounts to above 300,000/. the King could fcarce be able to live on his revenue, and pay his troops and feamcn. Proteft of the lords, refpecting the bill of cxclufion. Halifax fignalized himfelf in the debate for rejeding it. Sunderland voted the other way, which difpleafed the king. The point of religion moved them more than a fpirit of faftion. An artifice to per- iuade many ; but they were engaged too far to retreat, and tlieir fafcty confilted in getting it pafied, as the duke of York would not forgive. The commons adjourned next day. The lords conDdered How to fe- cure the proteftant religion. Divorce of the Queen propofed in the de- bate. Lord Peterborough was not committed by the lords, on Danger- field's evidence, which Hflex did not believe. It was contrary to habeas corpus to imprifon lady Powis twice for the fame crime. Dangerfield withdrawn. Lord RufTel brought up the bill of cxdufion. When he had read the title, there was a great fliout at the bar. The debate about Peterborough was kept on till three, that the bill of exclulion might lie on the table. The duke of York's friends thought it of worfe con- fequence ; fo debated from three to nine, and rejected it by thinythree votes. Halifax fpoke incomparably, and bore the burden of the day in the committee. He anfwered Shaftcfbury and Eflex, as oft as they fpoke. He fpoke, at leaft, fixteen times, letting flip no good occafion. His reafons were fo ftrong, that they convinced every body that w?.s not refolved not to hear. Yet he propofed, next day, a bill of banilhment, that the duke fliould not come near the King's perfon as long as he lived. Shaftefbury and his party turned it into ridicule. The duke's friends faid nothing, and it fell. Shaftefbury faid no expedient would ferve, but marrying the King to a proteftant wife, and divorcing the Queen. He was fcconded by Salifbury, Efcric, Eflex ; and oppofed by Bridgwater, Halifax, &c. This alfo fell, though it was threatened, afterwards, to be t.'.ken up. Refolved to prepare a bill of aflbciation, as in the time of Edward Third, and the thirteenth of Elizabeth. Thr duke of Monmouth made a fpeech againft the duke of York, faying Rothing ftiould have provoked him to it, but his concern for the King's lifcj. WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 109 life, ■ .. bccaufe he was fully fatisfiec), that the duke dcfigned to take i£8o. it away. Halifax refleded I'everely on this fpeech. For rcjefling the bill of exclufion, 49 lords and 14 bilhops, 6^ ; for pafTing it 30. In the houfe of commons, for an addrefs to remove Halifax 210, againft it 95 ; Birch was of this number. Ziele, one of the witnefles againft Mrs. Cellier, owned -Jie knew her not, nor had ever feen her, only Lewis told him flie was the woman he talked with, who had a hood over her face. The attorney general addeii, that for fear of being blamed again, as in Dangerfield's cafe, for not making a pardon full enough, he had ail-ced Lewis whether he had been guilty of any other crimes, befidcs thofe mentioned in the King's war- rant for his pardon, viz. treafons, mifprifions, felonies, outlawries. Lewis owned he had been convidted of forgery. A bill of iqdiftment had been found againft Mrs. Cellier, by the grand jury of Middlcfex, but ought to have been, by that of Surrey, the fa6t being done there. Shafteftjury reprefented Lewis as a gentleman of good birth, and fit for any employment ; whereas his top prefer- ment was footman to Sir J. Moreton. The King had refolvcd not to pardon perjury. Sir E. Seymour's anfwer to the articles of impeachment againft him. Eftex moved for a claufe in the bill of afTociation, to oblige the King ^^y , jj,^ to difpofe immediately of the Tower, and governments of Portfmouth, Plymouth, and Hull, to none but fuch as fliall be approved in parlia- ment; and without fuch approbation, the employments to be void. ShafteftDury called all thofe who were againft the bill of exclufion Torkijls. The twenty-ninth, being the laft day of the term at Weftminfter, the 29th.- grand jury prefented the duke of York as a papift : but this could not operate till Eafter term. EXTRACT X. The houfe of commons addrefs and narrative of the plot. The duke of York's friends renew their folicitations about a rccal. The duke prefented again for a recufancy. A bill of limitation in the houfe of lords ; and articles of treafon formed againft him. The duke to be baniftied 1 lO LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1 680. banidictl for the King's life to fom: place five hundred miles from England ; '^'"" to forfeit his revenues if he came nearer, and his life if he returned to any of the King's dominions-, and whoever received him, in England or Ire- land, fliould be guilty of high treafon. In cafe of his accefllon to the crown, that the whole power of government Ihould be veiled in a council of fourty-one : all foreign treaties and negotiations to be tranfadcd by com- miffioners taken out of the laid council : Ireland to be governed by it alfo: and it fliould have power to fill up all vacancies, or remove any from employments ; yet to be fubjeft to diiallowance or approbation 0/ parliament, which, while fitting, was to exercife all the authority vefted in the other, during the interval of feflions. This, as Mr, Algernon Sidney and his party thought, was a gentle way of dropping the government into a commonwealth. Lord Stafford tried and condemned, lie played his game worfl: when he had the beft cards. He made little ufe of advantages given him by witneffes. The duke of York was aimed at in all thefe proceedings. The faftion durfl not venture the trying of lord Arundel, the evidence not being full to him. Carlille and Efcric had voted Stafford, their kinfman, guilty ; yet moved to change his fentence to perpetual banifhment. This being rejedted, they defired to fee him -, under pretence of carrying the bifliop of London and Dr. Burnet to him. They only wanted to get fomewhat out of him againfl: the duke of York: but the lords would not allow tliem to fee him alone, without a recorder prefent : fo their projeft was difappointed. The King was wrong advifed, in fitting neuter, and leaving all his fcrvants to their own judgments. All men in power, the dutchefs of Portfmouth, Sec. againft the duke of York. The profpect of his affiirs difmal. Robert Sydney arrived from the Hague. The Dutch and Spanifli am- baffadours try to perfuade the King to pafs the bill of exclufion. The Dutch had deferred the allies at Nimeguen. The duke of York gained oround in Scotland. The Scots were as zealous to fupport his right, as the Englifli were to invade it. Great endeavours were ufed to remove the duke's friends from the King. Effex quoted precedents of perfons being removed on reports. The lords had paffed a bill for the trials of peers. Bill of affociation. The W R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L F. 1 1 1 The parliament would make a bargain with the King. The privy i68o. council not to judge of meu7>i and tmrin. The commiflion of judges re- jeded, by a claufe quanidiu fi bene gejferint. The duke of York's letters. All civil and military employments are in the hands of good proteilants. Ads of exclufion and alVccintion ; and then Tangier to be relieved, and the fleet fupplied. More projedh againft the duke of York. Contrivance to make Shaftefbury lord mayor. EXTRACT XI. The duke of York's letter, dated Edinburgh, Deo. 14, in anfwer to Hyde, prefling him to be a good proteflant. The duke was zealous in hindering his brother, the duke of Gloucefter, from turning Ro- man Catholic. He himfelf did not turn till after he came to Eng- land, and reading the hiftories of the reformation. Ele only withdrew from communion in 1672. The republican "party are very earnefl to bring the non-conformift minifters into the church ; in order to infcdt that body of men, who they now look upon as the only fupport of the crown. Earl Thanct about the buying of colonel RufTel's regiment. EXTRACT XII. Algernon Sidney and the ableft of the republican party faid, that if ^^^ _^^ a bill of limitation was once got, they fliould, from that moment, think themfclves fure of a republic. So the King judged. Memorial of the States, when the bill of exclufion was rejefled by the lords, that the King would agree with the parliament. They were encouraged to this by Sunderland, and diredled in it by Sidney, the King's envoy, elfe they would not have ventured on it. Spain and Holland wanted to engage the King in a war; and then parliament would have the management of it ; the putting in all officers, &c. The duke defired a noli profequi, to prevent his being convicted, on the prefentation laft term, by the grand jury. Danby concurred with the faftion about the popifh plot, to fave him- felf from the Ilorm which was raifed againfl him. EXTRACT 28tlu ,,2 LIFE Ol- JAMES THE SECOND, 1680. Dec. 6th. EXTRACT XIII. !• Seymour On the fixth of December, the houfc of commons refolved to out the ofYork."""^ duke of York's friends, by addrefles and impeachments-, and to take away liis revenue and fubfiftence, difabling him to fupport his dignity. He recommends his turning proteftant, as the only means to prevent fo many miferics. It is much lefs trouble to conquer three kingdoms, than to fave them from niin. He conjures him very earneftly. On the feventeenth, a bill brought in to diftinguifh proteftant dif- fenters from popifh recufants, by declaring, that the laws of Eliza- beth and James I. againft Roman Catholics, fliould not be executed againft proteftant diflenters, though intended againft both. Shaftefbury and his party owned frankly, that they would have all diflenters, who fubfcribe the teft, exempted from taking the oath of allegiance. This occafioned a great debate. The biftiops and lords oppofed the bill. It was carried, in a committee of the houfe of lords, that the oath of al- lecriance fliould remain ftill on fanatics as on Roman catholics; fo that D the fadlion did not care for the bill. i8th. The lord mayor, his wife, the two ftieriffs, the fword bearer, and fome others, have, once a year, power to make, each, one freeman of Lon- don, which they ufually fell. Sherift" Bethel propofed, for his, the duke of Buckingham. But the court of aldermen, though at firft they had inconfiderately granted ir, laft Thurfday, would not, on confideration, permit it. Had this pafl"ed, CorniOi would have prcfcnted Shaftefbury ; and they two had been Sheriffs next year, and afterwards mayors. Had Buckingham been made laft Thurfday, he would have been chofen com- mon council man -, and he intended to accept of it. This looks as if London would fct up for a commonwealth, and this the firft ftep to it. On the twenty firft, a petition was delivered by lord Lovelace to the houfe of lords, without mention of the lords fpiritual. A motion made by lord Salifbury, for removing all perfons that depended on the duke of York's party, was fecondcd by the duke of Monmouth and the firft commiflioner of the treafury. Colonel Legg, governor of Portfmouth, was moved againft by Shaftefbury. Almoft all the Roman Catholics in England, worth above a hundred a year, would be put into the bill of banifliment. The WRITTENBYHIMSELF. 113 The bill about diffenters to be read to-morrow, for the fccond time, 16S0. which plainly enough throws down the church of England, and fets up prefbycery ; and yet independents and quakers arc not fatisficd with it, though agreeing againft the duke of York, Blundel is the young brother of a good and honcft gentleman of a thoufand a year. But he is a moft lewd, wicked, diffoluce fellow, not worth a groat. He had courted a virtuous good lady in Lancalhirc. His own filler, Mrs. Pcnington, told her what a wretch her brother was-, who, coming to her houfe, and finding her alone, threw her on the ground and beat her terribly. Her fervants came to her rcfcue, and pulled him off her; he drew his fword and cut her in two places of the head and face -, ran her into the arm and hand, the ufe of a finc-er loft. He was abhorred for this, by all the country. The carl of Derby alone would receive him into company ; and now he has turned informer, and begun with his own fifter. Self-denying ordinance, in the rump parliament, pafled for inde- pendents-, fo threw prefbyterians out of all employments, and got in themfelves. i68r. EXTRACT I. The parliament impeach the duke of York's friends. The Kino- Dro« r ' f * '^ ^ i^ r ^ Jan. Kth, rogues them ; but they firft pafled fome violent votes. One to meet at Oxford, on the twenty- firft of March. The duke of York preffed to change his religion. Saliftjury quitted the council ; and Eflex, Sunderland, and Sir Wil- liam Temple were dii'miflcd. The duke of York fent Churchill to the King, with propofals not to fuffer the parliament to fit, at leaft, till popular heats abate; nor to engage in an alliance with Spain and Holland, fo as to break v/ith France ; fince the parliament would certainly leave him in the lurch, in cafe of a war ; and France only could enable him to fubfift without a parliament. France dreaded a commonwealth in England. Spain and Holland defired it. Vol. I. Q^ The 114 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, i6Si. The prince of Orange complained of the parliament's being pro* J''"* rogued ; and was for the bill of cxclufion. The King agrees to a treaty with France, fo as to allow the duke of York to bring it about ; but he would not move for it himfelf. He cau- tioned the duke, not to confent to any article that might foreclofe from calling a parliament, if he thought fit -, and to prcfs that the firft pay- ment might be more confiderable, than the fucceeding and laft ; and, that the perfon fent by the duke might come ftreight to London, and deliver his letters to Mr. Hyde, to be fliown to the King. The duchefs of Portfmouth pretended friendfliip for the duke. But it came to no- thing. Mrs. Wall conferred with Mr. Hyde, with overtures for a reconciliation ; but Mr. Hyde, in the treafury, liad Qiewn more regard to the King's neceffities, than his credit with that lady. There is no be- nefit from it. On Otes's affidavit, that he had feen the duke of York at mafs, and receive the facrament after the rites of the church of Rome, the grand jury, after being difcharged at Hicks's-hall, were fent for, by the juftices of the Old Bailey, and prefentcd him for recufancy : Which allowed a pre- tence for the duke to appear after proclamation, as the duke of Norfolk and others had done. But this was neither fafe nor pradicable : fo was removed, by certiorariy to the King's Bench, and, if neceflary, by a noli profequi. The King, to prepare for the Oxford parliament, had fome guards with him -, and quartered the beft part of Oxford's regiment on the road, to fecure his return. He left a body to fecure the city. In doubt of colonel RufTel, he would have had earl Thanet buy his regiment, who agreed ; but afterwards declined it, on pretence that the King went not on for a reform at court, which difheartened honeCt men. The duke of York would have recommended Mulgrave ; but the King was pre- po(rc-iu.d againft him : fo nothing was done, only the chief command left with earl Craven. The King wrote to all the lords to be there. G.a^at pains were taken to prevent the parliament's meeting at Oxford. Fitzharris's plot and malicious libel, to alienate the people's affeflions from the King. He was encouraged to it by the French ambafladour. Everard WRITTENBY HIMSELF. 115 Everard brought privately into his chamber. Fitzharris denied what he 168 f. was accufed of; bur, as Cornifli told the King, he knew of a higher ■'*''• plot, if he might be pardoned. The two fecretaries were fcnt to exa- mine him. He faid, that Monticuculi *, before he left England, had offered him 10,000/. to kill the King. That he refufed, and faid it might eafily be done at madam Mazarin's, by poifon •, and, that the duke of York was privy to the defign ; who effcdcd, that an army was to come from France and Flanders to fupport the duke of York ; a great many parliament-men to be boiled to death, to make a Sainte /Impoulle^ to anoint him and fucceeding Kings of England, at their coronation 1 and, that money had been expeditioufly railed, by the dutchefs of Mo- dena, to fupport the defign. The King, feeing the defign of this incoherent fluff, and that the parliament would afk a pardon, ordered a commiffion of Oyer and Ter- miner, to try Fitzharris for his libel, proved by three wicneffes. Sir William Waller, Everard, and Smith. The time before the parliament met was only a warning ; yet profecution followed with all poffible ex- peditioa. This fooliJh ftory made the duke of York's pardon to be waved, when the King fent for granting it. The lady Ifabella died at London. EXTRACT II. The King declared in council, and ordered writs for a parliament. Letters to at Oxford, on the twenty-firft of March. The earl of Salifbury y^"^^""'' "*" fpoke firft ; and faid, that he was forry for tlie refolution ; but fince the King had forbid the lords to offer any advice in it, he looked on himfelf as unfit to ferve him at the board, and begged his attendance might be difpenfed with. The King anfwered, with all his heart; ready to grant fo reafonable a requeft. Effex, Fauconberg, and Sir Robert Carr, fpoke very much againfl the diffolution ; the firft calling it a def- perate and pernicious council, and of fatal confequences, if the Kino- removed from London. The lord privy feal would fain have fpoke againfl the diffolution ; but, according to frequent cuftom, ended with no opinion. None elfe faid any thing. The bill of exclufion declared, by the party, not fufRcient, without the 2cth, bill of tffociation to make it good, and all the power they could think • Envoy for Modcna. Q.2 of ii6 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, i63l. of put into their hands, during the King's time. The parliament was Jan. Z5th. jj^jj ^^ Oxford, to prevent the dcfigned management between the fadion and the city. The carl of Craven was fuperannuated. One troop of guards to go with the King to Oxford. Halifax againft the difTolution of the parliament till a further trial. The prince and princefs of Orange to be made protcftors, during the duke of York's time *. Halifax difcontented, becaufe he not fure of the duke of York. This, however, was only a pretence. The King could not depend upon the guards under colonel Ruficl. Conv/ay to fucceed Sun- derland. Seymour anfwers for him. Yederday, the King declared in council, that Sunderland, Efiex, and Sir William Temple, fhould come no more there. Chefterfield, Ailefbury, and Oxford to be fwcrn in. This day, about noon, EfTex, Salifbur)', Shaftefbury, Clare, and fix more lords, prefented the King a petition, figned by thirteen or fourteen lords, for the fitting of the parliament at London. The former part of it a Remonftrance. The King faid, it was the opinion of fo many pri- vate men, but he was of another ; and, thefe were things they ought not to meddle with. The duke of Monmouth and lord Bedford fio;ncd the petition -, but came not with it. Lord Townfl^end was defired to fign it ; but he refufed, and hindered feveral from figning it. It is expeded, that Manchefter, Suffolk, and Macclesfield, will be turned out. The lord Newport much afraid. The king had promifed the foreign minifters, that the Oxford parlia- ment fliould meet, ell'e it would not ; but, if on old meafures, he was refolved to diflblve, not prorogue them. A hundred new members, in the Oxfard parliament, who were not in the laft. Wildman was one ; the greater part for the worlc. Halifax fays, the bill of cxclufion if fent to the lords, it muft lie fome time on the table; and the expedients offered before thrown out. The duchefs of Portfmouth in great credit. Away from the King's lodgings to hers, lb the King perpetually there, though not fcen. S.he is implacably en- raged as-ainft the duke of York. • The prince of Orange, from this propofal, was induced to continue his intrigues for roountirg the ihroce. He owed his devacion to the fuggellioa, if not to the ailllaace of the party. Sir WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 117 Sir N. Carew moved for the bill of exclufion, and was fccondcd. 16S1. Colonel Birch was not for going fo faft, but harkening to expedients ; and J^* moved for a day. Hampden was of the fame opinion. They refolved on the bill, and rejeded all expedients. The duchefs of Portfmouth laboured to get Danby out of the Tower, and to perfuade the King to give up the duke of York, as to excluf.on. EXTRACT III. The houfe of commons, not better compofed than the laft, refolved, Feb. izd. at fome of their cabals, to begin with the bill of exclufion. Either that, or a bill of limitations, would be the deftruiftion of the monarchy. It •would ferve likewife, for a precedent to meddle with the fuccefllon, on all occafions, and make monarchy elective. EXTRACT IV. The houfe of commons, being enraged, ordered in the bill of exclu- March :8th. fion, on Saturday night. It was read the firft time on Monday, and ordered a fecond reading, when the King fent for them to the houfe of lords ; and, to their great furprize, appeared in his robes. The lords, ignorant of it, had not theirs. He diflblved them, took coach immedi- ately, and went that night to Windfor. This ftruck them, like thunder, with confufion and amazement. It gave the King great reputation. His friends took courage. The faction were in the greateft rage and defpair. The King flill would not let the duke of York retiu-n, till he faw how matters went ; and, till he had reformed the lieutenancy of the city, the juftices of the peace, and the militia throughout the kingdom. Arguments by Smith, a lawyer, againft removing the duke of York's prefentment by certiorari. The duke's counfel not prepared to anfwer a thing never yet difputed -, fo prevailed with the court to adjourn, till the anfwer could be framed j which proving fatisfadory, the certiorari was granted. The duke of Monmouth tried to get into favour -, duchefs of Portf- mouth helped him. The King's affairs likewife favoured it •, but the duke of York's friends oppofed it, as improper, while he was in exile. Some of the duke's friends would have him be content with living at Av.dleyend, or fomc other houfe of the King's ; and the duchels. n8 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1681. duchefs being at Bath or Tunbridge. Only Hyde, and fecretary Jenkins Marth. wifhed the duke's return, at this time : all being jealous, that Hyde would be treafurer, if the duke returned. The King faid, that his ene. mies wiflied for it, to create new troubles. Churchill is fent to court, to beg leave for the duchefs to go to Bath. The duke of York's return was denied. The princefs Anne went to Scotland. The duke of York defired, by Churchill, a parliament to be called in Scotland. This granted, becaufe the other rcqucft was denied ; and the duke to be commiffioner, it not being fit for any other perfon to reprefent the King, while he was there. But he ordered it not to be opened, till the other was denied. This being known, the fadion op- pofed it. Lord Murray, fecretary for Scotland, difpatchcd the procla- mation and letter to the privy council, July 28th, for the duke of York's being commiffioner. D EXTRACT V. April 4th, Some Roman Catholics zealous to advance the Roman Catholic religion, but no plot. Otes, at his firft examination, before the King and council, faid, that he had ventured his life, for his Majelly's fer- vice, at fea, and his foul at land. He owned, that he confeflcd and re- ceived once a week, at the jefuit's, to difcover their defigns ; yet was no Catholic in his heart, but to get favour with the jefuits. When, on his accufing the lords Arundel and Bellafis, and Sir George Wakeman, as knowing of the plot, the King faid, that the two lords had ferved him and his father fo eminently, tiiat, unlefs proofs were full, no credit was to be given them-, Otes anfwered, " God forbid he fliould accufe any unjulHy. He did not fay they knew it, but were to be acquainted with it, by the jefuits." The King, afterwards, mentioned this publickly. At his firft examination, he faid he had been at Madrid when the 5 or 10,000 1. were telling out before Don John, to be fent Sir George Wake- man, as a reward for promifing to poifon the King. The King aflcing what fort of man Don John was, he faid, a lean, tall, black man ; yet Don John was a little, fat, well complexioned man, though brown hair. He faid he had been at the jefuit's college, with father La Chaife, the King of France's confeflbr ; he knew not where, but faid it was the houfe juft by the Louvre. Otes was fo little credited, that Sir George Wakeman was \VR ITTEN BY I-I IMSEL F. 119 was difmiOed after the examination. Otes told none of the eflential 1681. parts of the plot, at lirft. See Journals of the lords, for his perjury April. about the queen ; before whom he liad fvvorn, that he had no other per- fon of quality whatever to accufe. This was a forthnight before he ac- cufcd her. The lord chancellor afking him at council, if he had ever feen Coleman, he faid, no -, yet, at his trial he told another ftory. It was impofTible that the jcfuits (hould truft Otes, after turning him out of their fociety for ignorance and debauchery. Lord Bellafis, a brave officer, was infirm, troubled with the gout,, and unfit for employment : Petre was timorous, and no foldier : Sir Francis Ratcliff, no man of the fword, and finical ; and when Otes fwore he had given him his commiffion in Wild-garden, he had not been in London for two years, but conftantly at his houfe in Northumber- land, not having, in that time, lain a night out of it, as was known to all in thofe parts, and as Daniel Collingwood teilified in the houfe of commons when he was firft accufed. Colonel Thomas Howard was grown very infirm, and died of his indifpofition, about the time named by Otes, who fwore he gave him a commiffion in Wild garden, when Thomas Howard was at Bath ; and, after he came to London, he never ftirred out, being fo lame and infirm, that he could not walk up ftairs, but was carried in a chair, not able to fland or walk. He died a forth- night after he came from Bath. Sir William Goring, not of age, and but lately come from abroad, was unfit to have many thoufand pounds pafs through his hands. No meeting of jefuits at the White- horfe Tavern, though once in three years they met to chufe a provin- cial, and other officers, fccretary, procurator. All that died in pri- fon, or were executed, denied it : No commiffion was produced or ap- peared : No arms in any Roman Catholic's houfe that was fearched, befides a fowling-piece and a cafe of piftols. Bedloe, when he was firft examined, before the fecretaries Coventry and Williamfon, in the King's prefence, declared he knew nothing of any plot -, but only of Godfrey's murder (fee Journals of the lords next day) ; yet turned witnefs for the plot. He made a foolifh ftory, of Spanifti pilgrims to land at Milford ; fwore againft White- bread and Fenwick, though, when brought to the bar and examined, he denied, when alked upon oath, if he had any thing to fay againft them i yet I20 LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOKD, 1 68 1. yet they were condemned and hanged on his evidence, which agreed with April. Otes's. He fwore, that Godfrey's body lay upon tlic ftairs at Somerfet- houfe, in a common paflage for pages and footmen, between eight and eleven at night. Praunce, afcer accufing the four, afterwards hanged for Godfrey's murder, being fent for to the council to be examined, defircd captain Richardfon to carry him firft to the King, having fomewhat of confe- quence to tell. He was, accordingly, carried to Chiflinch's chambers, where the King came. Praunce fell at his feet, trembling and fhaking, which the King feeing, he called in Richardfon and Chiffinch. Then Praunce confeflcd, that he was perjured, and not a word of truth in all that he had depofed j that he had no reft till he told this to the King; and, beinor brouf^ht to the council, he made the fame confeflion. But, when he got back to prifon, he unfaid it again ; and fwore to it, at the trial of the three perfons he had accufed, and who were condemned. The fourth. Bury, a proceftant, was reprieved. He told Dr. Loyd, he would not tell a lie to fave his life, and, that all Praunce had fworn was falfe. When he would not confefs the faft, he was, after fifteen days, hanged. He died a proteftant. Godfrey was not feen by any body, after one, the day he was mifTing. Bedlow faw the body lying on the Queen's back ftairs, which looks into one of the courts. Praunce fays, in a room, which looked into the garden ; and they differ in the manner of the murder. Bedlow's perjury againft Atkins, Mr. Pepys's clerk. EXTRACT VI. May 3d. Query, whether Fitzharris's counfel would fubmit to the jurifdi(5tion of the court ? Danby moved the council to bail him. The duchefs of York ill in Scotland. 24th. Halifax drew, at Oxford, a promifc from the King, that he would not fend for the D. of York. On the Saturday night, Shafteftjury came to the chancellor, to tell him there was a new witnefs of Sir Edmond Bury Godfrey's murder, whofe behaviour and parts fhewtd he was a gentleman •, but, without a pardon, duril not reveal ou^ht ; and, therefore, preiled the King for one. There was objected, after three years time, and many procla- mations W R I T T E N B Y II I M S E L r. 121 mations and pardons granted, it was hard and ridiculous, to grant i6Si. more to this point, or any other of the plot. The duke of Ormond fays, that the King's declaration, on diflolving letters to the the Oxford parliament, had very good elFefts in Ireland, where the King yy^"' might be obeyed, if he would -, and, where they fliould obferve the motions of England, as foldiers ordered to do that of their right-hand men : And, fince he came into government, he refolved not to march flower i but durft not go faller, left he fhould put the King to the in- convenience of defending an indifcreet zeal, or abandon a I'ervant, that refolves, as far as he is able, to fupport the rights of the crown, and run the fortune of it. Whilft the King and Qiieen went to Cliatham and Sheernefs, the May aSth. duchefs of Portfmouth went to vifit her beloved friends at Althorp. Ranelagh and Mr. Crofts were her attendants. The vifit made a great noife. Fitzharris found guilty of treafon. Johnfon foreman, who had made June 9th. a treat for the duke of Monmouth, and petitioning lords at Wap- ping, about fix months ago. He made fcruples on the late votes of the commons ; but the lords chief juftice, juftice Jones and Dolben took the pains to clear it. His plea was being employed by the King, in fecret fer- vices. The duchefs of Portfmouth, being called, faid fhe had begged fome charity for him of the King ; but was not privy to any of his con- cerns. Mrs. Wall faid, that he had received a hundred and fifty or two hundred pounds ; but it was for bringing in eminent perfons to the King's intcreft : M was one, Howard of Efcric another. Howard of Efcric is fent to the Tower ; Mrs. Fitzharris and her maid mh. both averring, that he let her hulband at work on the libel ; and that the greateft part of it was his own writing. The attorney-general ordered to prefer an indidmcnt next morning j and fuppofe he will make his peace by a full difcovery. The prince of Oraiige had made Sidney general of the Englidi, in the ^^^^ Dutch fervice. Conway, by the King's order, wrote to the prince againft it ; and, that he would not difpofe of it, without the King's conf(?nt firft had. The prince of Orange pcrfifted he had the difpofal of Vol. I. R it; 122 i6Si. Conway's etters. June 30th. June. >4tl>< Shafte(bary'« rharafler. LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, it i but has fince wrote, that he would not have it, if, in vain, he might write of it to the States. Fitzharris fcnt on Thurfday lad to the King, that if he would give him his life, though with perpetual imprifonment, he would declare who had put him onaccufing the Queen, the duke of York, and Danby. He was, accordingly, to be examined to that point laft night. Shaftcfbury and his gang are much out of order. They are difturbed at the parlia- ment's going to be held in Scotland, and chiefly at the duke of York's being commiflioner. Dennis offers to make a large confefljon, who put him to accufe the Qiieen, the duke of York, Ormond, &c. •, and, if he fays true, great men are refleiSted on. Howard is to be indided on Tuefday before the grand jury. The Dutch infolent refufal of Skclton, to be King's envoy. In a way of difcovering Shaftcfbury's defigns. Brian Haynes had made confiderable difcovcries. He was once a fa- vourite of Shaftefbury's, who had ufed intereft to get his pardon ; and he now owns all that he faid about Godfrey's death to be a mere fidion. College and Rous, a fervant of Sir Thomas Player's, were feized on Haynes's difcoveries. EXTRACT Vn. Fitzharris tried. Sir William Waller, &c. forced, againft their wills, to fwear againft him. The duchefs of Portfmouth's practices laid open, by his order. He turned evidence. Shaftefbury's trick to keep up the plot. Dennis and M'Namara were to accufe the Qiieen, the duke of York, the duke of Ormond, and the lord chancellor of Ireland, of a plot. Stifled, by an adlion of fubornation againft them. Efcric is fent to the tower ; being accufed, by Fitzharris's wife and maid, of having the greateft hand in the libel. Plunket executed. His laft fpeech (hewed his innocence. Shafteft^ury was committed, the next day, on information of fix Irifti witneflcs, five proteftants. He funk when the warrant was figned. " Shaftefbury had a ready tongue, great ad- drefs in bufinefs, without (hame, honour, or confcience, fo obftrudive to ambitious defigns. While matters went fuccefsfully with him, his good humour kept pace with his tortune. None was ever higher for pre- rogative, when cliancellor. But like wind he came about to the popu- I lar WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. "3 ]ar party, and turned the bittereft enemy to the King and duke. He had i6Si. rather a lubtile wit, than a folid judgment •, better at pulling down, than J''"^* building up. Never any incendiary had a quicker invention, and a more promifing face, without faith or truth." He and Efcric demanded a habeas corpus^ before the attorney-general was aware of it. The prince of Orange comes for England -, but returned diflatisfied. The faction, failing in this fcheme, began to wheedle with the King ; promifing, if he would call a parliament, to give a lupply, without in- fifting on the bills of exclufion or limitation. This was the prince of Orange's propofal. The lord chancellor and others favoured it. The parliament meets in Scotland. Qtieftions about burroughs. The firft trial of fkill in it was carried for the King. The fadion are much caft down. The duke of York's friends follicit his return. Halifax op- pofed it. Hyde fent to prevail with the duke to change his religion. A fcheme for the government of Scotland. The revenue but 60,000 1. a-year, which feven commiflloners of the treafury are fufEcient to ma- nage it. Cuftoms and excife not to be farmed : Frauds in both : Money employed in two companies doing nothing. To be given to Huntly, Argyle, Athol, and Seaforth, feven hundred pounds each, to anfwer for the Highlands, and make good what is taken from the Lowlands. The King approved of it. Lauderdale offended at the duke of York's exceptions to the lordregifter, the earl of Argyle, and the prefident of the fcffion. He laboured to perfuade the King, that they were all dif- pofed to his fervice. The Scotch parliament had framed a new teft, which was refufed by the dukes of Monmouth and Hamilton, when minillers at Edinburgh. to Argyle was profecuted, for refufing it, or explaining it, as a privy coun- cillor, and as commi/Tioner of the treafury. When fworn as commiflioner, he gave in his explanation. He was found guilty of trealbn, Icafiiio-- making, &c. He efcaped out of prifon ; and the only defign being not to take away his life, but to get a forfeiture of fome jurifdiftions and fupe- riorities furreptitiouHy acquired by his predeceflbrs, and moft tyrannically exercifed, fo the examination (topped. He efcaped out of prifon, by- means ot his daughter's changing cloaths with her footman, and carrying up her train. He paflcd undifcovered by the guards, and got out of the realm. Sentence then pronounced. R 2 The 124 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, i6Sr. The duke and duchtfs of Lauderdale intreatcd for lord Lorn, who had leave to come up and to plead for himfelf. He was reftored in ellate. Shaftefbury acquitted. — Quo warranto. — The prince of Orange tries again to get the King to clofe with par- liament, and defert the duke of York. The King's neccfTjties forced him to a private treaty with France. Fifty thoufand pounds a quarter were the terms •, and the firft payment to be at the end of June 1681 ; without any condition on the King's part, but that of fricndfhip ; and with promifes on the French part, not to difturb Flanders or Holland. But France thinking it no breach to take Strafburgand Caffel, and block up Luxembourg, the Dutch clamoured ; and the King promifed co call a. parliament, if France proceeded par voy defp.it. So the King was. forced to fend a memorial to the French King, that, unlefs he fuf- fcred provifions to be brought into Luxembourg, he muft call a parlia- ment. Halifax is for the duke of York's being fent for. Fifty wag- gons let in. The parliament to convene at Cambridge. France offered to quit all pretences, if Luxembourg is delivered. This was fufficient to ground a treaty. All the Dutch vehement felicitations, for a parlia- ment, came from the prince of Orange. The duke of York comes to court, by the duchefs of Portfmouth's means. G. Jcffcrics, the duchefs of Portfmouth's council, afiiired, that the five thoufand pounds a year being furrendered to him, he might furrender it again to the duchefs of Portfmouth. This might be done, by levying a fine on fo much of the profits of the Poft-office as was neceflary for that end. The duke of York came by fea to Yarmouth, thence to Newmarket. EXTRACT VIIL Conway's Shaftefbuiy fent to the Tower. Three or four depofitions, 'that he letters to the ^^^j^j depofe the King. The party terrified. Papers feized. Fitzharris July id. 5d. duke York. executed ycllerftay j he delivered a paper to the minifter of the Tower. Shaftefbury had prepared to be gone in two days. All the boys huz- za'd him through London, cilling " out, a traitor." He was fent by- water. The prince of Orange referred Sidney's affair to the King's picafure. The W R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L F. 125 The grand jury would not find a bill againft Efcric. The flieriffs of i63i. London would return none but of the party, who would find nothing J"'y 9''- againft them. Sidney had a confiderable fum due from the wardrobe, if he would quit his command, and ufe his endeavours to undeceive the prince of Orange, in the meafures he had taken ; for which he would have the prince inviced over. The duke of York would be at public prayers, at the parliament of Scotland. Sidney came over this day, and delivered the prince of Orange's letter to the King, defigning to come to England, and a yaucht to be fent for him. Lady Anne went for Edinburgh yefterday, i^th. The prince of Orange came to Windfor on Saturday night. Sundav, 24^11. f. }». he had a long convcrfation with the King, who fcnt for him next Monday morning; H. Seymour, lord Hyde, lord Conway, the writer, were prefcnt. The prince publicly declared, that, unlefs the King could alTift his allies, Flanders and Holland would be loft; that the King could not affift them, without a parliament, was evident ; and, therefore, that a parliament ihould be called. The prince was alked, if a parliament's meeting, on no better hopes of agreement than the laft, would contribute toward the fupport of the King's allies ; and, he was told what were the defires of the lafl parliament, and afked, if he thought thefe things fhould be granted, and whether he would advife the excluuon ? he cried out, " he abhorred it." "Whether he could propofe any limitations ? He faid the crown could not be tied. "Whether the militia, navy, judges, and fea ports, fhould be put out of the King's power .'' He faid, he would never advife it. "Whether all the minifters and officers about the King, fufpefted or efteemed to be the duke of York's creatures, Ihould be removed, and con- fiding men true proteflants put in ? He difclaimed it all. He was told, thefe were the fubftantial matters of laft parliament; and if a parliament was ne- ceffary, he ftiould propofe fomewhat for a better agreement. He replied, that he knew only abroad, and underftood them not at home. Being prefTed extremely to propofe fomewhat, he defired time to think of it. The King had called feveral parliaments, partly to aflift his foreign allies -, ,26 LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, i68r. allies-, and, inftead of aiding him, the very treaties he had made with them, were urged as fufpicions for tlie fupport of popery in England : And the parliament, fo far from giving a penny to aflill: him, that they would not give a farthing to preferve Tangier. The King dcfired the prince of Orange to propofe fomcwhat to remove jealoufies. England had then a greater averfion to the prince of Orange, than to the duke of York. Macpher- The prince of Orange, being invited to dine at the lord mayor's, ob- traftt^"' ftinately refolved to go. The two fheriffs came to invite him. Halifax, July 30th. lord Hyde, and Mr. Seymour difluaded him. He faid, he had dined with them twice before. But they replied, that the city then was in a fair correfpondencc with the court : but now in oppofition. He turned angry, and faid, he had promifed and would go. Seymour potted upon this to Windfor. The King wrote to the prince to come immediately thither. He durft not refufe to comply with his commands. He prefTed hard for the prefervation of Flanders. He undertook the States fhould do whatever the King did; but he muft make the firft ftep. The King, on the other fide, offered to do any thing he was able, in conjunftion with the States and the King of Spain. They differed on thefe points, EXTRACT IX. Carte's The prince of Orange made Sidney general, in the earl of Offory's Extrads. place. Propofals about Scotland. The nobility in general there arc ^ ''' * well affected to the King-, dreading nothing more, than to fee either pref- bytery reftored, according to covenant, or England made a common- wealth, which would make them flaves, as in Oliver Cromwell's time. There are only one or two fufpefted of being republicans. • EXTRACT X. Augufl. The King judged it unfit to call a parliament. But if the French King ablblutely invaded Flanders and broke the peace, he would call one i though in that cafe, he did not expett that they would do any thing for preferving Flanders, without having their will at home ; and, even in that cafe, he would part with them again. The King was defired to name commiffioners, to fpeak with theSpanifh ambaflador, in prefcnce of that of WRITTENBYHIMSELF. 127 of the Dutch, to fee what they would go on, before the prince of Orange 1681. went away. This the King agreed to ■, and appointed tlalifax, Con- Auguft. way the fecretary, and Hyde. The fubftance of the conference was, that the Spanirti ambafladour defired the King to fend the States word what he was in a condition to do, if France proceeded farther par voye de fait. Anfwer, this would put the King on making a ftcp by himfelf, if the States fliould not be fo forward as the King propoled to be. Secondly, alked, that the King and States might appoint their minifters at Paris to prefent memorials, that the King of France would remit all further pretenfions, to be decided at the conference at Court- ray •, and, mean while, not to put himfelf in pofTefflon of any place, either by decree of the chamber of Metz, or by force. And if he de- nied this, thirdly, that the King and States (hould declare they muft take other meafures for preferving the Low Countries. And, fourthly, the Spanidi ambafladour defired that the King would fend over two thou- fand foot, of his own men, to Flanders, by way of loan, till they could perfedl the levies they were about. To the firft, was anfwered, that what memorial foever the States would order their ambaflador to deliver at Paris, the King's fhould have orders to fecond it, though he had not had the fame experience. The States would not order theirs to ufe the phrafe of taking meafures ; but let it be what it would, as the King had hitherto ufed jointly with the States, he would continue to do fo, and make no feparate fteps. As to the fourth propofition, the King had no obligation to fend any men, till war was declared; that the number was too inconfiderable for the prefcrvation of Flanders, but too many for him to fpare from his fervice. This was reported to the King, in prefcnce of the prince of Orange. The King agreed to it -, and the prince of Orange was fain to acquiefce, though not fatisfied. The prince's coming was certainly contrived by the Spa- ni(h ambafl"adour and our own people, to try, if pofTible, either by the confideration of foreign or of domeftic affairs, to oblige the Kino- to call a parliament fpeedily ; in which all the points, art and induftry ima- ginable have been ufed, but the King has refifted them all. Yet if France continue to proceed as fhe has done, it will be unfupport^ble ; and a parliament will be called, as the French ambaifador has been told. I2S LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1 68 1. told. The fadion pretended now to be afraid of France •, and would not aim at the bill of exclufion. E. Seymour! Since the prince of Orange's going a projeft on foot, by the South- Aug^'nth. ampton club, of having the parliament prefently called, in which they undertake for a fupply for preferving Flanders, and not to infill on exclufion, or queftion any minifters, was the very dregs of the prince's council, and by his advice. Had it not been for Halifax, the bill of exclufion had not been thrown out of the houfe of lords. iSth. College's trial lafl:ed three or four hours ; in difputc whether a man, within the liberties of London, could be tried at Oxford. Otes was witnefs for him ; but expofed himfelf, fo as to do his bufinefs, even with his own party. The examination of witnefies lafted till midnight. Col- lege excepted to eleven of the jury. Sept. 24th. The witnefies againft Howard and SalifiDury were frightened, with the reports of a parliament, which would certainly hang thtm ; and they wanted the King to declare he fliould not call one. It was expcdtcd, that Sir John Moore would be chofe lord mayor on Thurfday. The news of Strafbourg furprized them, and had an ill effedl on difinterefted people. The King anfwered, to the Spanifh ambafiador's infi:ances about it, that he mufl: firft fee what the Emperor and Empire and the States would do, all more nearly concerned than him, and then judge of what was fit to be done. Conway's The prince of Orange carrying on a proteftant alliance, as he calls letters. jj without acquainting the Kino; with a lyliable of it, Conway orave the King notice of it, when moved to the States, under an oath of fccrecy, when the prince of Orange told theni it was agreed on, and modelled here in England. Mr. Hales, of the admiralty, was fent to Holland to difcover mea- furcs, as an agent, in that court. The King of France took Caflcl, and dcltroyed the Tripoline fleet, in a port of the grand feignior's j whom he defies, as well as the pope and empire. Shaftefljury afraid of a trial, ofl^ered, if the King plcafed, to go and live in Carolina. The lord chamberlain was for the King's hearkening to WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 129 to him. The grand jury would not find a bill againfl: Roufc. Van 1681. Beuningen came over, with the projeifl of a general leao'ue. The King fpoke to lord Hyde, defiring the duke of York to con- Conway's fent to give 5000/. a year of the port office; fince he could fettle oa.'^zzd. nothing on the dutchefs of Portfoiouth beyond his own life. It was not to be done, without borrowing what you are to receive from the King ; and, by advice of council, looking into the fettlement of the duke of York's eftate, and his coming into England. The duke of Monmouth had refufed the teft. The duchefs of Portfmouth would do the duke of York all the fervice fhe could. The King of Sweden had come into the prince of Orange's league. On Hales's excufing himfelf, Mr. Chudleigh was chofe for Holland. When a parliament is called to preferve Luxemburgh, the Dutch will not concern themfclves, whether it is prelerved or no; fo that we (hall only difcompofe our own affairs, difoblige the King of France, and do Spain no good. Yet the King, if the blockade is continued, told the Dutch that he would call a par- liament. This night there were bonfires, on Shaftefbury's being acquitted, by Nor. 26th. an ignoramus jury. The duchefs of Portfmouth prefixed the duke of York's return ear- neftly ; and with as good reafons as could be ufed. The King allowed them. Shaftefbury let out of the Tower. The lord mayor ordered to put the laws in execution againft nonconformifts in London. ^0 v:ar- ranto brought againfl: the city-charter, which pleafes all good men there. The common council, on the twenty firft, were better than lafl: year. EXTRACT XI. Lord Hyde came to Edinburgh on the thirty- firfl: of Augufl:, Djc. .j. 1680; and brought an anfwer to the meflage fent by Churchill, for leave to wait on the King. The anfwer was, that, except the duke of York refolved to conform entirely, and go to church, no leave was to be had ; that» if he did not conform, the King could no longer fupport him, though he had hitherto done it; " that I Ihould ruin myfelf and him." Hyde executed his inflruftions well, in prefTing and reprefcnting the difmal Hate of affairs ; when, after two or three days difcourfc, he Vol. I. S fa\T ,3o LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, 1681. faw he could not prevail, he Ihewed the duke a fhort note, in the King's own hand ; " that, if I would but go to church, without doing more, Extra£lsfrom J fliould have leave to come to him, as foon as the parliament was up *." letters from the Kinc to thedukfof EXTRACT XII. York. March 8th. On the fourth of March, the duke of York's youngeft daughter died. 3oih. The Oxford parliament was diflblved on Monday laft. April 2-th. Fitzharris's indiftment before the grand jury to-morrow. The King was confident it would be found •, and though all the praftices imagin- able were ufed to pack a petty jury, yet the proofs were fo clear againft him, that they would hardly find twelve men fo wicked, as to perjure • Had his royal highnefs's ghoftly fathers been more indulgent, he himfelf would not probably have been fo averfe from this propofal. But they had forced him to a rigid ad- herence to the rules of the church, in articles for which others have frequently obtained dilpenfations. This appears from his own account of his converfion, which he relates as foHo.vs. The extrafl was made from his own memoirs, and in his own very words, by father Sanders, his confelTor. It is to be found, as in the margin, in Nairnc's hand. Nairne's pa- " It was about the beginning of the year 1669, that (having long had in my thoughts pers, D. N. (jj^j ^^le church of Rome was the only true church) 1 was more fenfibly touched in con- vol. 11. foi. fcience, and began to think ferioufly of my falvation. Accordingly, I fent for one ' father Jofepli Symonds, a Jefuite, who had the reputation of a very learned man, to difcourfe with him upon that fubjed ; and when he came, I told him the good int.*ntion« I bad of being a catholic, and treated with him about my being reconciled to the church. After much difcourfe about the matter, the father very fincerely told me, that, unlefs I would quit the communion of the proteAant church of England, I could not be received into the catholic church. I anfwered, that I thought it might be done, by a difpenfation from the pope ; alledging to him the fingul.irity of my cafe, and the advantage it mijht bring to the catholic religion in general, and in particular to thofe of it in England, if I might have fuch a difpenfation for outwardly appearing a proteftant, at leaft, till I could own myfelf publicly to be a catholic, with more fecurity to my own perfon and advantage to them. But the good father infiflod, that even the pope himfelf had not the power to grant it ; for it was an unalterable dodlrine of the church, not to do ill that good might follow. What this good Jcfuit thus faid, was, afterwards, confirmed to me by the pope himftlf, to whom 1 writ upon the fame fubjefl. Till this time, I be- lieved (as it is commonly believed, or, at leaft, faid, by the proteftant church of Eng- land doftors) that difpenfations, in any fuch cafes, are by the pope eafily granted : but father Symond's words, and the letters of his Iiolinefs, m.ide me think it high time to ufe all the endeavours I could to be at liberty to declare myfelf, and not to live in fo unfafe and fo uneafy a condition." them- WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 131 thcmfelves fo impudently, againft law and jufticc, in the face of tfic 1681. world. "" The prince of Orange's journey to England, was to perfuade the Auguft 7th. King to call a parliament prefcntly ; " and it v/as fiiewn him clearly by myfelf and others, I truft, that the only effedt it would have, was to be broken again in a few days ; and by it, abfolutcly difliearten our allies abroad j yet fiich was his prepoflcffion, as I did not perceive we gained any thing on his judgment. We parted very good friends, though different in opinion in many things; and it is plain, that great pains have been uied to mifinform him, and you know it is not an eafy matter to convert him, though he was as well baited as pofTible. He had very little to fay in particuhirs; made the King great profeffions at parting; and, though he does not live to be convinced, I believe, in the main, when he has thought well on what was faid to him, he cannot be in the mind he was when he came over." Sent by Hyde, Sept. 6th. The faclion difpleafed and caft down, at Sept. ift. the proceedings in Scotland. There is a good lord mayor chofen ; and, next year, good Iheriffs are oa. 8th. to be hoped for. Letters fent in form, for paiTing fentence on Argyle; but not to be Dec. 18th. put in execution, till further orders. It was neither the King's nor the duke's intentions to take away either Macpherfon'i the l.fc or eftate of Argyle. But to make ule of that occafion to get ^'^ *' him more under their power, and to forfeit certain jurifdiftions and fu- periorities, which he and his predecefibrs had furreptitioufly obtained, and moft tyrannically exercifed. The King refpited his fentence. He was glad to get thofe fuperiorities and offices, which he thought too great for any one fubjedl, out of fuch bad hands. He eicaped by means of his daughter. Some of the council advifcd, that fhe fliould be publickly whipt through the ftreets of Edinburgh. The duke prevented it; and faid, fmiling, " That they were not ufed to deal fo cruelly with ladies in his country." But notwithftanding the duke defigned no real harm to Argyle, his enemies were too watchful to let flip any opportunity of decrying his conduft. The duke and duchefs of Lauderdale had a great fhare in thefe falfe reports. They interceded vehemently in favour of S 2 Argyle's 132 LIFEOFJAMESTHE SECOND, 1682. Argyle's fon, the lord Lome. This the duke was no lefs ready to con- cur in, than the King to grant •, only defired, that in fettling the cftate, due regard Ihould be had, and provifion made, for the younger children. But the duchcfs of Lauderdale prelTed hard for having all the offices, except judiciary, confirmed to Lome. The duke urged for a fignature and difpofition of the cftate, for the payment of all juft creditors, with moderate donatives to fuch as Argyle had ruined by his tyranny, the furplufage being intended to defcend to his family. The King refufed to fee Lornc, but with the duke's confent. The King's necenities had been long fo great, and the parliament fo refraftory, that he had no way left for relief, but by a private agreement for a penfion from France, The condudt of t!ie French upon this, had like to have obliged the King to call a parliament ; which, at that time, would have turned to the duke's advantage. The projeft was broke off by Malifax's refined arguing, who was always for cleaving a hair in his advice. The duke owed his return to court to the duchcfs of Portf- mouth, wiihout her intending it. This turned out well for the King; for, without the duke's prefence, the King could not have obtained fuch a vidlory over the fadion. 1682. EXTRACT L Carte's The duke of York flill in Scotland, at the beginning of this year; Extraai, fjyj hoping to return fpeedily to England. Since the Oxford par- liament was diflblved, Sunderland and others of the gang were turned out ; and his difcountenancing and letting the duchcfs of Portfmouth fee his being difpleafed with her management, with thofe of the rebel party who were for the bill of exclufion ; and nothing faved her from more marks of difpleafure, but the King's having owned her fon fo publickly. So that he doubts, whether her journey to Bourbon was for health, or by order -, but fhe managed affairs fo well, as to prevail with the King to propofe to the duke of York, to confent to fettle on her a rent-charge of five thoufand a year, for which he would give an equi- valent out of fome fund of the hereditary revenue. The duke anfwered, he was ready to comply, and fign any paper the attorney general fhould think neceflary ; but thought it could not well be done, without his being at WR I TTE N B Y H I MS EL F. ij. at London, in prefcnce of the judges, to make it valid, as was generally i6-i2. believed. The duke's anfwcr was calculated to make his return necefTary to J'"^" difpatch the affair, which was much dcfired by the duchefsof roitfmouth, who was greedy to have it in her power to raife a hundred thoufand pounds, as foon as the grant fhould be pafTcd •, without which defire of hvrs, it was not likely, from her former behaviour to the duke, that fhe fhould prels his return. This made the duke of York keep the affair to himfelf, which, by Feb. providence, none knew or had obferved, but himfelf; which was, that it was not in his or any body's power to do what was defired, but an aift of parliament. So little did thofe who put her on afl^ing it, or even the King's learned council, know or remember the purport of the aft. The duke kept it fecret from his trudicft friends, to get her credit and intcrefl: to facilitate his return from an honourable banifhment ; fhe had promiied, as well as Halifax and Mr. Seymour, who were flill againft his return. By her influence the duke returned, embarking at Leith in a yaucht. He came to Yarmouth and Newmarket in the beginning of March. Halifax and Seymour prefTed his fpeedy return to Scotland, defiring the affair mi j,ht be fettled there ; but could not prevail. Hyde folicited his flay, on the pretence already mentioned. The King, to fatisfy his brother and the duchefs of Portfmouth, gave MircH. him pretences enough forgoing with him to London •, and, at his return thither, ordered the attorney general to prepare a deed, to be figned by the duke, to do that affair of the pofl: office. But, after a day or two, the attorney general, perufing the aft, found that nothing, but an act of parliament, could impower the duke to do it. So the King and duchels of Portfmouth were difappointed. She was then in France, and forced to be fatisfied with the reafon of its not being done, as flie could not blame the duke. She flill wanted to raife a hundred thoufand pounds fome other way. In Augufl fhe returned, and was in as great craiit as ever j and, though fhe lived feeming well with the duke of York, began to ufe it to reftore Sunderland to favour, and fupport the party. Sunderland was maile fecretary of flate again, in the room of Conway; and, mining five thoufand a year out of the poft oliice, fhe got ten thoufand a quarter paid out of the privy fund, which fhe hail no notice of till then i and was kept a fecret from all the world but the duke of York ; by 134 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, l6b'2. by whofc means it was fird had and n:gociated by Churchill, and then paid to the firft comniiirioner of the treiifury. Had the duchefs known it fooner, flie would have got her payments fooner ; for the laft quarter's payment was not made when the King died. This fccret, and the credit the duke had with the King, made her jealous of him. What increafed her fears was, that the King had frequent conferences with the duke about religion, which fhe fimcied to be about politics. This iet her fo againll the duke, that, Sunderland being recalled, fhe endeavoured to fend the duke of York back to Scotland ; had not the King been car- ried off by an apoplexy. EXTRACT II. France propofed, if Spain would quit Luxembourg, to make over all her other claims. The King thought this might lerve for the foun- dation of a treaty ; but the Spanifh and Dutch ambaffadours would hear of nothing but a parliament, though Luxembourg muft fall, if no treaty was entered on. TTgi,; Halifax agreed to the duke of York's return, if he did not meddle with bufinefs. The duke, however, owed his return chiefly to the duchefs of Portfmouth's great and earnell ibiicitations j and though it was pro- pofed, that he fhould come to Newmarket and, from thence, return, yet Hyde advifed him to come on any terms, and truft the reft to his beha- viour to the King. The duke delayed his coming, till the King went to Newmarket, on the fourth of March. When he was with the King, Seymour thought he would prevail not to return. The States again prefs the King for a parliament. EXTRACT III. Feb. i;th. By a letter from lord Arran, the States were preffing for a parlia- ment, in concert with the fadion. 28th. By a letter from W. Legg, defiring the duke of York to meet him at Newmarket, where the King fliould be next Saturday. The duchefs and her daughters to ftay behind till they met. 3 EXTRACT \V R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L F, 135 1682. EXTRACT IV. The duke embarked at Leith, in the Henrietta yaucht, landed on the March Cth. tenth at Yarmouth, lay that night at Norwich, and got next day to Newmarket. There was no minifter there, but Conway and Hyde; Hahfax having ftaid at London, and Seymour was at his country-houfe in the weft. The duke, by advice of his friends, meddled with no af- fairs, but in fecret. E X T R A C T V. Halifax and Seymour oppofed the King's taking the duke of York April. with him to London from Newmarket. The duchcis of Portfmoutli got ten thoufand pounds a quarter, out of the King's private fund, till a hundred thoufand fliould run up, which only Hyde and Churchill knew of. The duke ftaid with the King till the third of May ; when he went from Windfor to fetch the duchefs from Scotland. He went in the Gloucefter frigate ; and, through the unfkilfulnefs, or treachery of cap- tain Ayres, the pilot, who was, afterwards, tried and condemned for it, was in great danger of Ihipwreck. Ayres intention was to follow the colliers rout, betwixc the coaft and fand- banks; but the commanders were againft it, and ordered him to go out to fea, thinking to clear them all. But he dill perfiftrd to tack, fancying he had time enough to go within the banks -, at laft, leave was given him, when the commanders thought themfelves far enough out at fea to go beyond them all. But they were deceived : For, foon after, the fhip ftruck on the Lemon Ore, near Yarmouth roads, where flie ftuck fome time ; and, had not too much haftc been made to clear her, all the paflengers and feamen might have been faved. As foon as Ihe came into deep water, flie funk, and, at leaft, a hundred perfons in her. The duke of York got into his fhallop, and went on board the yaucht ; taking the earls of Perth and Middleton with him ; none offering to go into it but whom he called, viz. Churchill, and one or two more. But the other boats coming to their affiftance, moft of the perfons of quality and the duke's fervants got off alfo ; and many more might have been faved, had it not been for the timoroufnefs pf the boatmen, hindering them from coming near the 1^6 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 16S2. the fliip, when they thought her about to fink, for fear of finking with her *. Thofe left, as they were ready to fink gave a great huzza ! when they faw the duke of York fafc. May. The duke, getting to Scotland, declared the prefident of the feflion, lord Haddo, chancellor ; the earl of Queenfbury, treafurer j and the carl of Perth, juftice-general ; and returned, with the duchefs and lady Anne, by fea to England. They arrived, on the twenty-fcrenth, at Whitehall, Shaftefbury fued for London. Lord Sunderland and the duchefs of Portfmouth foliciting his being reftored, though Halifax did what he could to hinder it. The duke of Monmouth made offers towards a reconciliation, about the end of April, by the duchefs of Portfmouth, though he denied it to Shaftefbury, Ruffcl, Mountague, &c. and refolved on a progrefs to Cheflcr, in which he got a few acclamations from the rabble. EXTRACT VI. Aug. The duchefs of Portfmouth came out of France in the beginning of July. Her firfl: work was to make Sunderland's peace. Halifax oppofed it ; but it was done, in the firft week of Auguft. Shaftefbury fcnt a meffage to the duke of York, as if he had a mind to come in ; yet re- ported, at the fame time, that the duchtfs of Portfmouth defigned to make her fon, the duke of Richmond, prince of Wales. This was only a defign to make a mifiinderflanding between the duke of York and the duchefs of Portfmoutii. cept. ift. Reports of the duke of Monmouth's coming in •, for which there was no ground, but his wife's endeavours to perfuade him to fubmit to the King, without capitulation. Shaftefbury, Ruffcl, Mountague, and others, kept him from it ; and, in the beginning of September, he fct out for Chefhire. He was received, at Coventry, with the acclamation of, " A Monmouth and no York." This, however, was not the cafe at Litchfield. • Party-writers have grofsly mifreprefented this traofaiflion. i688- WRITTEN BY HIMSELF; 137 1683. EXTRACT I. Quo warranto. The Rye-houfe confpiracy difcovered; being the 168^. laft effort of malice to the King and the duke of York. An accident of fire at Newmarket prevented it. It was difcovered, about the end of Trinity Term, by Keeling. Shaftefbury faid they were too few to do the work, and too many to conceal it. So, on the nineteenth of Novem- ber, one of the days appointed for a general infurredtion, he went with "VValcot and Fergufon to Holland ; pretending no longer to 'Zi.-rlk the King out of the kingdom, as he arrogantly exprefled it; when he efcaped by an ignoramus jury. Walcot and Fergufon loon returned from Holland, to join with Monmouth, EfTex, lord Gray, Efcric, RufTel, Algernon Sid- ney, Hampden, Armftrong, Romney, Rumbold, Sheppard, &:c. Four thoufand men were faid to be engacred in this infurreflion. The King was flow in crediting it ; biit the duke of Monmouth, at laft, confefled it. He fubmitted, when the proclamation was ifiued out againft him, and owned his knowledge, naming all the confpirators. But getting his parJon, herded in with his factious councillors ; and though he had left a letter with the King owning all, he got the King to return it, and then denied every word of it. He was banillied from court, and retired abroad to Zealand. The princefs Anne, married to prince George, brother to the King of Denmark, on the twenty-eight of July. The duke of York was made lord admiral and privy councillor. EXTRACT II. Either juft before the meeting, or during the fitting of one of the laft feb. 4th. parliaments, a confiderable fum was wanted to pay off fevcral ftiips newly come home; and the commiffioners of the treafury were put to it, to find ready cafti. Several ways were tried, in vain ; but, the commiffioners of hearth money, encouraged by a good bargain of the overplus of that tax, for four thoufand pounds a year, after the beft enquiry of the commiffioners of the treafuiy, advanced ir. For the de- murrage of the fliips to be paid off would have been very chargeable ; and it was fo much good huftaandry and credit to the government. Be- fides, no body offered more, nor fo much, as thofe that had it. The Vol. I. T bargain I3S LIFEOF JAMESTHESECOND, 1683. bargain was concluded a year fooner. One Shales, who had to do with the affair of chimney money, came and brought a projcdl to fome of the courtiers, that, if they could get the bargain of overplus, and he and his friends have the colleding of it, they would give the King twenty thoufand pounds more than he was to have j and as much to the party, as he Ihould get it from. This being brought to the King, he fent it to the treafurer, who examined it, and judged it imprafticable. Shales, angry with the treafurer, and lord Rocheller in particular, applit-d again to the King, who would have fent him to Rochefter, but defired it might be to Halifax, who embraced the propofai warmly ; rrprcfentinw it, as bringing in twenty thoufand pounds to the King •, and that, if the Kiftg didnot profecute the managers of the hearth mo.iey, any body elfc might. This being faid to the King, he, at Halifax's inflance, ordered the lord keeper to enquire into the grant made to the managers of the over- plus, whether good in law. The lord keeper, after hearing Shales, and, with the attorney and folicitor-generals, examined the affair, reported their opinion, that the grant was legal, and not to be broken ; that the King could recover nothing of the managers, nor could any body clfe : So Halifax defired that the affair might be dropped ; and no further enquiry was made into their books, to fee what they had got by the /- bargain. March ift. When Otes and Dodtor Tong came firft: to difcover the plot, before they had appeared in public, or any body, but the King and Danby, had heard of it, or they had been with Sir Edmund Bury Godfrey, being preffed by Danby to let him fee fome of the jefuits letter-, Otes pre- tending, he was \'o much trufted by them, that he often faw fome cf :heir letters, and that they paffed through his hands j he promifcd, but uid not perform in fome weeks. He was ftill prefled, at bft, to tell how they were direfted, that they might be intercepted in the Poft- office; but even this he could not do. After many puttings off, in the end of Au- guft or beginning of September, he wrote to Danby, whom he thought at Windfor, to fU him, if he fent to the Pofl-ho fe there, he would find letters dircded to Mr. Beclmgficld, that would :nakc out what he faid of the plot and defign to murder the King. Danby was gone to lord Norris's in Oxfordlhire ; fo t' at a packet of Icaers, fo dircdcd, were delivered to Bedingficlu's man, who was fent for Ictttrs to the 1 Polt- \V R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L F. 139 Pofl: office. For Mr. BedingfielJ, to be left at the Poft-boufe at IVindjor, till i6S calkd for. As foon as Bedingfield received it, he carried the letters to the duke of York, againft whom, and the Roman Catholics in general, he judged there was fonrte defign > the letters being counterfeited, by the names of " Whitebread, Fenwick, Ireland, Blundel," whom he knew ; but was fure it was none of their hands, which he knew very well. As to Fogarty's, he could fay nothing, having never feen his writing -, but believed it to be counterfeited, as the reft. Fenwick's name was wrong fpelt. The letters were all in one packet, four finders broad, and five inches long ; and all to the fame purpofe, giv- ing an account, in plain Englifh, that they had received letters from Peter Talbot, archbifhop of Dublin, that all things were ready, in Ireland and Scotland ; and, that they would rife in arms, as foon as they heard Forty-eight * (by this they meant the King) was difpatched ; and all ended, with defirino- him to remember them to Mr. Colman. Bedins;- field defned the duke to deliver them to the King, or one of the fecre- taries ; and tell how he came by them, and his belief of their being coun- terfeited, and defigned to do him prejudice; and, that he himfclf knew of no fuch defign. The duke did fo ; and defired fecretary Coventry might have them. The firft letter the King opened and read was that figned Blundel ; and he faid, that he was of the duke and Bcdingfield's mind, there was villainy. The hand he believed to be counterfeited ; and faid, that he had feen one very like it ; and would keep the letters to compare with fome he had feen. The duke of York preflTed Danby that the letters might be read at the committee for foreign alFairs ; but could not get it done, till juft before the King went to Newmarket, when they were read there. Otes's firft narrative was alfo read, in Tong's hand-writing-, and the letter, with Blundel's name, compared with the narrative, and judged to be in the fame hand ; and that the whole afl^air was a mere invention. The whole committee was then prefent, the duke of York, prince Rupert, Chan- cellor, treafurer, Lauderdale, Arlington, Coventry, and Williamfon. When the jefuits were fcized, their papers were compared with thefe letters, and found not at all alike j and when, after all were delivered to • Being the number of years the King was old. T a Sir o* I40 LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, 1683. Sir W. Jones, attorney-general, and Sir Robert Southwell, clerk of tl.c council, they compared fome of Otcs's writing with thefe letters, they verily believed one of them was of his hand-writing. They were pro- duced at none of the trials of thofe whofe names were put to them. The letters fcnt by poft were fo ill worded, that none, but fuch an illi- terate dunce as Otes, would have wrote them, or his inftrudtor Tong, who m.ide all for Otes ; as his Majefly was told by one, who was at fup- per with thcfe two villains, that, being warmed with wine, as ufual every night, they fell out, and called one another by their true names. Tong faid to Otes, " You rafcal, was it not I that made the plot for you, which you had not invention enough to do ; and could never have made any thing of it but for me ?" The perfon, who told the King, defired him to aflc another about it ; who, when the King afked him, confirmed t'le truth of it. Dec. Sth. The duke of Monmouth owned to the King, in prefence of the duke of York, at fecretary Jenkins's, that he knew of the whole confpi- racy except the defigned aflafTination ; and all the perfons, who were concerned in it with him ; and did not contradift any thing lord Howard faid, but in one point not very material. He owned what colonel Rumfey had faid, as to lord Ruflel's faying, when Trenchard had failed them, that he would immediately put on his boots, go down into the weft, to Taunton, and make them rife himfelf. He won- dered no more witnefTes came in againft Wildman, fince no man was more adive in the confpiracy. He faid, that the council of fix gave fifteen pounds a man, to fend down Aaron Smith to Scotland ; that Sir William Courtnay, Sir — — Drake, and other gentlemen, knew of it, in the Weft ; that Mr. Booth was the perfon they depended on in Chcftiire, and Sir J. Hotham in Yorkfliire. He owned his vifiting the guards, in order to the furprize •, that Dodor Owen, Mr. Mead, and all the chief of the north country minifters, were privy to and adive in the confpiracy j that major Hurft, of Chichefter, faid, that it was eafy to furprize Portf- mouth j and that he was ready to undertake it •, for the officers on the guard were, for the moft part, drunk every night. The duke of Mon- mouth being afl^ed by the King, whether they had any correfpondence with any in the guards or court, he pofitively denied it. As for Scot- land, that Sir J. Cochrane and Monroe's coming up hither about the 3 Carolina WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 141 Carolina bufinefs was but a pretence; it being really to adjiift matters, 1^83. as to the rifing there, at the fame time that it was to begin here : That Cefnock, Rouallen, Bailey, and the other Scots fo told, were all en- gaged in it ■, that they complained they only wanted arms, but not good-will ; that Argyle could bring many men to help the weflern men ; that they had laid a defign to furprize Stirling caftle, by an old gutter, or fally port, towards Balanguith, where there were no centincls ; that they were to feize the chancellor and treafurer, in Edinburgh, which they thought they could do with forty or fifty horfe, which they could cafily get into the town, without notice being taken. Luzancy, who would have palTed for a doftor of the Sorbonne, Dec. 2 4tlf, though no prieft nor gentleman, but fon to Beauchateau, a player, ac- cufcd father St. Germain and that Colman had been brought into the affair ; but this lafl: got off, when examined, by the committee of the houfe of commons. He was bufy, and the King, foon after, ordered him out of the duchefs of York's fervice. Upon advice from E. God- frey, in the beginning of September, that he was mentioned in Otes's depofition, the duke of York bade him beware of his papers and per. fon ; yet he let his papers be feized ; " Sure there was nothing to hurt him ;" and furrendered himfclf to fecretary Williamfon. 16S4. EXTRACT I. Some time after the duke of Monmouth was forbid the court, he 1694. went privately beyond fca ; only one gentleman and a fervant along J*"' with him. He embarked at Greenwich, in a fifher-boat, and landed at Tervere, thence to Bergen-op-zoom, Antwerp, and Bruflels. He fpoke with Fonfica, if not M. de Grana. He faid he would go to Holland ; and he could fay that to the prince of Orange, in a quarter of an hour, that would faiisfy him. After the duke of Yorke had been at York, in the firft Dutch war, rcb. he moved the King to make Sir George Saville a vifcount; and he prefied itearneftly, and it was done fome time after : Yet, when he came into the houfe of lords, he always ran along with the popular party -, and joined in oppofing the King's concerns. V/hen Otes's plot was firll brought on the ftage, none was fo violent a driver of it as he ; being one of the fe- cret 142 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1684. cret committee with Shaftefbury ; and not fo favourable to the duke himfclt, as might have been expeftcd. May 2cth. The duke of York to the prince of Orange. He found, Monmouth had been to fee him, without advertifing him of his coming. " This was odd enough, after engaging in a confpiracy, for altering the govern- ment and ruining our family ; and refufing, fince he had his pardon, to own that, under his hand, which he had confefTed to the King, in the duke's prefence. This was to keep up his credit with his rebellious party, and vain pretenfions to the crown : For nothing elfe could make him refufe to fmn it." o EXTRACT II. Oa. 4th. When the duchefs of Portfmouth came out of France, fhe was but recovering the credit flie had loft with the King, by taking part with Monmouth, Shaftefbury, and the party. 1685. EXTRACT I. 168/;. A ftop put to the pairing a pardon for the Roman Catholics ; the Jan, z^tb. attorney general being to be heard againft it, at the lord keeper's defire. EXTRACT II. Feb. 2d. On the fecond of February, the King was feized with a fit of apo- plexy •, the bifhop of Bath and another bilhop, who read the vifuation of the fick when he was defpaired of. The King faying, that he repented of his fins, the bifhops read abfolution to him. The duke of York pro- pofed fending for a pried to him to count Caftelmellor ; but none being found, Hudlefton was brought up the back ftairs to the private clofet^ where ilie duke, the earl of Bath, and Trevanion, a captain of the guards, were. Hudledon gave him the extreme undion and facramcnt. The company were then called in ; and he died, between eleven and twelve^ on Friday morning, the fixtK of February, 1685. EXTRACT IlL The King was feized with an apoplexy, about eight in the morning ; being dreffed and juft come out of his clofet, where he had been fome time W R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L F. 143 time after he got out of bed. The duke of York was immediately ad- 1685. vertifcd of it ; but before he could get to him, doftor King, a phyfician, being in the drawing-room, had been called in, and let him blood. This done, the moment after he fell ; and, by the help of other remedies, pre- fcribed by his own phyficians, he came to himfelf and fo perfeftly to his fenfcs, that there were great hopes of him the next day : But on the fourth day, all the phyficians gave him over. Mr. Hooke told, that Danvers fent to him and others, who were to make a rifing in the city, by the duke of Monmouth, from Bridgewater to London, to propofe the difpatching of the King, by {hooting him, as coming in his barge to Somerfet-houfe ; or ftabbing, at Whitehall or St. James's : But Hooke faid they were for open war, and it would be bafe to do it ; and, if they would not promife him to defifl: from the attempt, he would difcover them all. If Monmouth had not been beaten, they had rifen, and had men ready for it -, Danvers, Manley, Payton, and this Hooke, with others, were to have headed them. EXTRACT IV. The earl of Rochefter made treafurer; Clarendon prlvy-feal ; Hali- fax prefident of the council ; Godolphin lord chamberlain to the Qiieen; Sunderland and Middleton continued fecretaries of ftate. The King fhowcd the late King's papers to the archbifliop of Canterbury, who did not think Charles II. fuch a controvertift. The parliament called in Scotland. The King's letter, of the twenty- eighth of March. The parliament met in England, on the twenty- fourth of May ; and fettled a revenue. The King's fpeech of the ninth of June. The prince of Orange confidered the King, who was the prefent pof- Macpherfon'j fcflbr, and the duke of Monmouth, the pretender to the crown, as '^^'"'^^'* equally obftacles to his aims. He, therefore, had been formerly ad- viled, by the penfionary Fagel, that his bufinefs was to play the one againft the other; and that whoever got the better would equally advantage his pretenfions. If the D. of Monmouth fucceeded, it would be eafy for him, that was a proteftant as well as he, and, in the right of his wife, the next heir, to fhove him out of the fadcle. If on the contrary the duke of Monmouth was worded, he got rid of a dangerous rival J ',44 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1685. rival; and was fure all his party would then have rccourfe to him; which proved afterwards true. 1 his made him, underhand, do all he could to inflame this young man's fury and ambition -, and fend him out, like a vidim to tiie (laughter ; playing a fure game himfelf, to whom- foever fortune (hould give the advantage at prefent. The King had been long informed, even in the life of the late King, by one Monpouleam, a companion at their drinking bouts, of the ftri(fl correfpondence and friendfliip betwixt the prince of Orange and Mon- mouth. Upon which the late King faid, it feemed ftrange to him how thofe two fliould appear fo good friends and agree fo well together, as they aimed both at the fame thing. There were fo many perfons, in the mean time, ready to fecond the duke of Monmouth's requefl:, and among the reft the Q^ dowager, that the King, contrary to his judgment, confented to fee him, which he (hould not have done, unlefs he had been difpofed to pardon. He was willing to hear more of the matter, related by Mr. Sheldon *. It was Itrange my lord Sunderland did not oppofe it ; unlefs, as was faid after- wards, he underhand afTured the duke of Monmouth of his pardon, if he confefTed nothing ; and then, when lie had deftroyed his own credit, by contradiifting himfelf, he took care to have him difpatched as foon as poffible afterwards. If Monmouth's head and heart had been anfwer- able to his mien and perfonal outfide, he had certainly great opportu- nities of purfuing his aims, by the turbulency of the times, whom my lord Shaftefbury, by his great dexterity, had fo much inflamed againft the duke of York. The punifhment of Monmouth's followers raifed difcontents, A com- mifllon of Oyer and Terminer was iflued to the lord chief juftice Jef- feryes, to go down into the Weft, and inflict fuch punifhments as the example of former reigns and the fecurity of the prefent feemed to re- quire. But imprudent zeal, or, as fome faid, avarice, carried him be- yond the terms of moderation and mercy ; and he drew great obloquy • He had fent Sheldon to meet the duke, on his way to London. Monmouth con- feiTcd every thing to Sheldon. He difcovered the intrigues of the prince of Orange and his own abettors in England. But Sunderland, it feems, afterwards induced him to deny the whole when he was brought before the King; affuring him, that he was certain of his pardon, and therefore ought not to betray friends, that might be ufeful to him, on a future occafion. upon W R I T T E N E Y H I M S E L F; 145 upon the King's clemency, not only in the number, but in the manner 1,685. too of leveral executions j and in fliewing mercy to fo few, particularly to an old gentlewoman, one Mrs. Alice Lille, who was condemned and executed, only for harbouring one Hick and Nelllrop, both ill men enough indeed, and the latter in a proclamation. But, as flie pre- tended, was ignorant of it, and therefore, perhaps, might fuffer for a common ad of hofpitality. But this feverity was contrary to the King's intentions ; as appears from the different treatment one major Holmes met with from the King and the chief juftice. Holmes had loft his fon and an arm in the battle. He was brought up prifoner to town. The King being defirous to lee him, he behaved himfelf in fuch a manner, ss gained efteem from every body. His carriage was free from dejec- tion, but full of refpedl. He had recourfe to the King's mercy ; and faid, the favour he had afked was more beneficial to the King than to him, confidering his lofles and his years. The King, who loved cou- rage even in an enemy, could not refrain from countenancing him. He difcourfed freely with him, and no one was more frequently in the anti- chamber, till it was thought fit to fend him down to the weft to inform Jefferyes of thofe who moft deferved mercy. He was hanged with the reft. The King qneftioned the chief juftice, but he palliated his feveritiest with the pretence of neceffary juftice ; which the King knew not how t« contradi6t, fince he had the precaution, not only to fend four other judges, as his afTiftants, along with him, but Mr. Pollexfen likewile, in quality of his folicitor ; who, being a known favourer of the Preftjyte- rian party, he hoped would moderate the chief juftice's heat. This made the King acquiefce in what had been done, though it was of great differvice to him at bottom. The cruelties of Kirk were ftili more in- cxcufable than the feverities of Jefferyes. He cauled many to be hanged (vol. IV. p. 97.) more out of a bloody difpofition, and to fatisfy his own brutal paffions, than love of juftice or his matter's fervice. It is not improbable, but even then he had it in his view to draw an odium on the King. On the eleventh of June, Monmouth landecl, with a hundred and fifty „ •' ' ' •' Cartel perfons, at Lime in Dorfct. Befides the information of Sheldon and the E.xtr.-ifls. prince of Orange, the King had been informed of it by one Monpouleam, ■' Vol. I. U a bottle- ,^6 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, i68 -. a bottle-companion of Monmouth's •, who alfo informed him of the drift correlpondence between the prince of Orange and Monmouth, when he was firft in Holland. When Monmouth was taken, he wrote, on the road, to defire admiffion into the King's prcfence •, having fomewhat to fay, that would give him a happy reign. Ralph Sheldon was fent to meet him;, and being afked wlio had the chief confidence with the King, he faid Sunderland. Monmouth then, knocking his breaft in a furprize, faid» " JVhy thin, as I hope for falvaticn, he promifed to meet me." He de- fired Sheldon to acquaint the King with it j and that he would inform him of all his accomplices, feeing fome of them had the King's confi- dence. Sheldon, on his return, was giving the King an account, when Sunderland, pretending bufinefs, came into the clofet ; and Sheldon, ftopt, defiring to fpeak to the King in private. But the King told him he might fay any thing before that lord, which put Sheldon to great perplexity ; yet he told what Monmouth faid. Sunderland feemed at firft Ilruck ; but, after a Ihort time, faid, widi a laugh, if that be all he can difcover to fave his life, it will do him little good. Monmouth, after he was brought to the King, begged for mercy ; but made no great matter of difcovery. He would not fee his duchefs, his wife in law, nor in the fic;ht of God. Proclamation againft colonel Danvers, J. Trenchard, George Speke, Francis Charlton, and J.Wddman. The lords Stamford, Delamere, and Brandon feized, and put in' the Tower. JcfFerics fent to the Weft. Major Holmes fent to inform JefFeries of the moil criminal, and of fuch as de- ferved mercy, was hanged with the reft. Kirk, with his troops, madeftrange havock. Lord Brandon Gerard was tried and found guilty, on the twenty- fixth of November, but was afterwarJs pardoned. Hampden pleaded guilty. Delamere was acquitted, and Seaton found guilty of perjury. Stam- ford was not tried, but pardoned. Dangerfield was tried, on tlie twenty- eighth of June, and found guilty of perjury. Having been whipped to Tyburn, as he was returning in a coach, one Mr. Francis alking him, in derifion, how his back did, Dangerfield making an abufive reply and Francis thrufcing in his cane, unfortunately hurted his eye ; of which lie died in fome days. Francis was tried and condemned ; and, though he deferved well of the King, could obtain no pardon. Hook was fent from Bridgwater to London, for the inl'urrc(flion there. On this. W R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L F. 147 this, the King had augmented the guards to twelve or fourteen thou- 1685. land men. On the ninth of November the parliament met. They were alarmed ^o^- 9^^' at the King's fpeech ; and a debate enfued about it. The charge of go- vernment did not exceed 1,300,000 pounds a year-, and the revenue was two millions. The forces were but fourteen or fifteen thoufand men •, half as many as before, j'^n addrefs againfl: t;nploying Roman Catho- lics. The King's reply. Coke fent to the Tower for an indecent fpeech. The parliament prorogued to the tenth of February. EXTRACT IV. This day captain Middleton came to me, and afked pardon for hav- t^th. ing been engaged in a traiterous confpiracy-, owning that he was chief promoter of it ; and that it was lail year, after Monmouth was beheaded, when he was a captain in the firft regiment of guards. The defign was to furprize the Tower, one day whilft I was hunting; to feize the Queen, and the King, if they could ; to put all in a diforder, and declare for a commonwealth : that he had been at the Tower to view it, and lay his defign of furprize-, and had engaged feverals, EXTRACT V. The King was in danger from the prince of Orange. Bentinck ■was fent to congratulate on Monmouth's being taken. He was in a grievous agony, when he undcrftood that the King was refolved to fee Monmouth ; and, though he found that the duke had faid nothing of his majier, he was never at quiet till his head was off. This was fo manifeft to all, that lord Dartmouth, returning from the exe- cution, and giving the King an account of it, told him, that he had got rid of one enemy, but had a more confiderabJe and dangerous one remaining. The earl of Clarendon was difiTatisfied with colonel R. Talbot's reform- ation and regulating of the army i yet he continued, till the beginning of 1687. When the late King died, Sunderland was aflually contriv- ing with the duchefs of Portfmouih, to fend the duke of York into ba- niJhment again; and the jd-u^se knew it. They thought to fend him U 2 on 148 LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, 1685. on fome embafTy abroad, or deputy to Ireland, which Sunderland forcfaw would be his ruin ; and he came to the earl of Rocheftcr, imiTiediately after the King's acccfllon, and told liim, though it had been his misfor- tune to differ with him formerly, it was the cffefb of the times, not his inclination. But, as he had a great efteem for him, he would ufe fome intereit he had, that he might be treafurcr, and his brother lord lieu- tenant of Iieland. So made his merit to them, of what he knew the King had refolved on, before they alked it ; not doubting but he would get both laid afide, on account of religion. The Scotch parliament met on the twenty-ninth of April ; but the favour he defired for Roman Catholics was not well relilhed. On the fixteenth of November, Samuel Johnfon was profecuted for a libel ; and degraded on the twentieth. 1686. EXTRACT I. 16s 6. Sunderland, befides having a penfion from the prince of Orange, had one from the King of France. He was the moft mercenary man in the world ; veered with all winds. He got the King toeftablifli a fecret council of Roman Catholics, to meet at his office, or Mr. Chiffinch's, to confult of matters of religion. Being inclined to it, he drew by degrees all bufinefs to it; and he himfelf was the umpire of all. It confided of the lords Arundel, Powis, Bellafis, Dover, Caftlemain, and father Petre. Caftlemain was fcnt to Rome. Mr. Caryl had been fent before ; but more worthy. He got father Leyburn made a bilhop, in partibus, for England ; but could not get Rinaldo d'Efte, prince of Modena, and uncle to the Queen, made a cardinal. Father Petre was made a privy councillor, contrary to his own judgment and the Queen's advice, and a cardinal's cap follicited for him. Petre was a plaufible, but a weak man, abounding in words. Sunderland extolled his abilities ; but he was not fworn till fome time after. It had long before been agreed, between Sunderland and father Petre, Mr. Jtrmyn and lord Tyrconnel, that Petre fhould be a cardinal. Sun- derland, treifurer, &c. The pope refufed the cap-, and Caftlemain quarrelled with him ; only getting leave for the King to name three vicars general, dodor GifFard, Smith, and father Ellis, a Benedi>ftine, who were W R I T T E N B Y II I M S E L F. 149 were accordingly confecrated. The King took the chapel at Sr. James's 1686. to himlclf-, and lek that of Whitehall to the proteftants. He built one there, from the ground, for his own ufe ; fettled fourteen Bcnedidine monks in St. James's ; gave the Jefuits leave to build one m the Sa- voy ; and fettled a college there, for the education of children -, into which, two hundred Roman Catholics were admitted. The Recollcfts built a chapel in Lincoln's-inn-ficlds, and fome Carmelits fettled in the city. Some Roman Catliolic chapels were alfo erected in the country. The religious in their habits. The opinion of the judges about dif- penling power, as to oaths and tefts, agreed upon. Sir E. Hales's cafe. EXTRACT II. Halifax fent father March to Windfor, defiring to be admitted, and Macpherfon's that he was ready to ferve the Kina; in his own way, and endeavour in F \ ' => •" Augutt. parliament to repeal the penal Itatutes. The King refufed to admit him publickly •, but he permitted him, if he really meant what he faid, to come to a private conference with him. Halifax faid that he would join in taking away the penal ftatutes : but that there was no need of taking away the teft, as the judges had declared that his Majefty could difpenfe with it. The King thought this difingenuous ; and would not admit him. EXTRACT III. Ecclefiaftical commifTion. The bilhop of London fufpended ah officio. Carte's for not obeying the King's letter, of the fourteenth June, about doftor Sharpe. A neutrality agreed on with France, in America, in cafe of a breach Nov. 6th,. in Europe. 1687. EXTRACT I. The earl of RocheRer was turned out of the treafury, for oppofing 1687. all meafures contrary to the King's true intereft. They perfuaded the J^"* 5''^- King, that Rochefter had a rrind to change h;s religion. The King prefied him to it, which produced urgent heats and difplcafure in the King. A conference of divines was propofcdj and tliey had Icarce be- 5 g"n» 150 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1^87. gun, when Rocheftcr got up and faid, he was more confirmed in his opinion than before. The King granted him 4000 pounds for life, and 12CO pounds a year * The King refolved on liberty of confcience. EXTRACT II. Feb. Tyrconnel fent deputy to Ireland. The Roman Catholics made free of the corporations there, for the benefit of trade. The prcfcnt lord mayor of Dublin, they pleading the charter, was refufed -, but next they admitted him 7. The charters called in from the corporations in Ire- land. 18th. On the eighteenth of February, liberty of confcience was publifhed in Scotland. Declared in the church on the eighteenth of March. Declaration publilhed in England, on the fourth of April. On the twenty-third of July, fcignor Ferd. d'Adda, the pope's nuncio, had a public audience at Windfor. Confecrated, in the King's chapel, as archbifhop of Amafia. On the eleventh of April, a difpute about Magdalen coUedge, Oxon J. A difpute about father Francis being ad- mitted mailer of arts at Cambridge. The vice chancellor of Cambridge deprived, on the feventh of May, The Queen with child. Sunderland endeavoured to be treafurer. He confulted with Petre and Sir N. Butler, a convert of Petre's. Petre was to fucceed him as fecretary, and Butler as chancellor of the exchequer. The laft moved it, but did not perfuade the King. Sunderland, afterwards, told the Queen, Petre, and Butler, that he could have been treafurer ; but rcjecled it. EXTRACT III. When Rochefter was laid afide, the King declared he would never have a lord treafurer ; yet, in the beginning of this month, he was ad- vertifed of a meeting between Sunderland, Sir N. Butler, and father Petre: when Sunderland propofed his being treafurer. Sir N. Butler chancellor of the exchequer, and father Petre fecretary. A little before Chriftmas, Sir N. Butler, in difcourfe with the King, reco.mmended a * Some words here are illegible. f This paflage is uncertain, from its being almofl illegible. X \ id. printed relation of the proceedings. treafurer. WR ITTEN B Y HirvtSELF. 151 trcafurer, as better than commifTioners, efpecially in parlLimcnt-time. 16S7.. Tlie Kinor (hewed his own opinion was not lb. In the beginning of January 168S, Sunderland declared to die Queen, that Butler and Petre. had preflid him, for fome months, to be trcafurer ; but he never de- firedit; being content as he was. The Queen laid fhe was glad tO: bear it. i688. EXTRACT L The King recalls his troops from Holland. The marquis of Albe- 168?.. ville, a title given him by the emperor, refutes all the Dutch excufes. Penfionary Fagel writes his, or rather the prince of Orange's, fenfe againft repealing the tell, in his letter of the fourth of November, 1687. The King, in his progrefs, labours to convince his fuhjefts of the-, rcafonablenefs of tlibcrty of confcience. Endeavours againll it. Rea^ fons pro and con. On the fecond of July, 1687, the parliament was diflblved. The declaration for liberty of confcience ordered to be reprinted i and to be read in the churches. The bifliops addrefs againft it ; think- ing it illegal to difpenfe with all fort of laws, in cafes contrary to the very defigns of the law. The bifhops petition, on the eighteenth of May, againft what they •were to read on the twentieth. The chancellor advifed the King to fum- mon the bifhops before the council, on the ninth of June, for a tumult taary petition, liable to a legal profecution. They, refufing bail,, were committed to. the Tower. The Qiieen expefted to lye-in-, and did the next day. The princefs Anne contrived to go to Bath, ia. order to be abfent when the Qiieen was brought to bed. The bifhops, perhaps, had fome motive in forcing the King to imprifon them : tor he would not only have taken their recognizance, but even thcii: ■word, for their appearance. Both were refuft d j becaufe an imprifon- ment would inflame the nation, and prevent the archbifhop of Canter- bury from being at the Queen's delivery. The King had earneftiy prefled the princefs Anne to ftay, till the Qiteen (houki be deli- vered ; but the dodor's opinion pleaded all delays dangerous. The prints 152 LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, l6S8. prince was born on the tenth of June. The prince of Orange fcnt Mr.' Keppel to congratulate the King and Queen ; and prayed for the prince, who had like to have died, for want of a wet nurfe to fuckle him. ]une 29th. On the twenty-ninth of June, the bifhops were tried. The prefby- terians joined with the church-party, to expofe the King. EXTRACT II. Macpherfon's In the Cafe of the bifhops, there is no doubt but the King had done better, in not forcing fome wheels, when he found the whole machine flop. But it was. his misfortune to give too much ear to the pernicious advice of thofe who put liini upon fuch dangerous councils, (vol, iv. p. 322.) with intent to widen the breach between him and his fubjeds. But his prepofleffion againft the yielding temper, which had proved fo dangerous to his brother, and fatal to the King his father, fixed him in a contrary method. He had always preached againft the wavering coun- cils of his brother; and feeing that other bifhops made not the fame dif- ficulty, and fince many complied, he thought the reft ought to do the fame. The King, therefore, gave more eafily into the chancellor's opi- nion, who thought that a mere reprimand was not fufficient. It was, however, a fatal council : for, befides tlie common reafons againft it, nothing ought to have made the King more cautious, in the matter, than the prefent conjuncture, on account of the Qiieen's being with child. It was that gave the alarm ; and by confequence, required a greater attention, to avoid every caufe of complaint *. EXTRACT • John Ince to the Arcbbip>of of Canterbury, " May it pleafe your Grace, June 30th, 1688. From Ian- ,, ^y^ j^^^^ watched the jury carefully all night, attending without the door on the the Bodieiin ftair head. They have, by order, been kept all night without fire or candle, fave only library at fome bafons of Water and towels, this morning about four. The officers and our owa Oxford, vol. fervants, and others hired by us to watch the oficers, have and (hall conftantly attend, but muft be fupplied with frelh men to relieve our guards, if need be. I am informed, by my fervant and Mr, Granges, that, about midnight, they were very loud one among another ; and th.it the like happened about three this morning, which makes me colleA they are not yet agreed. They beg for a candle to light their pipes, but are denied. xxviii. ^V R I T T r. N BY HIMSELF. rcj |683. EXTRACT III. The King" was piefled to come into the league of Augftourg, betwixt the Carte's Emperor, the King of Spain, and the Dutch. Herefufed; and therefore was charged by the prince of Orange with a private league with France. The prince of Orange told the States, at parting, that he fliould live their friend or die their fervant. Albeville and Skelton, from Paris, were informed of the defign, by Verace, late a fervant of the prince of Orange, and intimate with Bentinck ; but difmilTed, and retired to Ge- neva * •, and the King of France fent Mr. de Bonrepos, to convince the King In cafe a verdift pafs for us, which God grant in his own bell time, the prefent confi- deration will be, how the Jury fliall be treated. 1 he courfe is ufua'Jy each man fo man/ guineas, and a common dinner for them all. The quantum is at your grace's and my lord's defire. But it feems, to my poor underftanding, that the dinner might be fpared, left our watchful enemies fhould interpret it againft us. It may be ordered thus; each man guineas for his trouble, and each man a guinea over for his own defite. My Lord, Your Grace's moft humble Servant, John Inge." " N. B. There ciuft be 150 or 20» guineas provided." • Cojiy cf a Letter lurilttn by BuJe de Verace, to Skelton, Envoy extraordinary /r:m Eng' land to the Court of France. Tranflation. Geneva, zcth Auguft, 1688. I received the letter, which you. Sir, did me the honour of writing to me, while I Mr. Aftle'j was in the country, where I remained for forae days. This is the reafon I did not an- ° f. "O"* fwer you fo:ner; than!;ing you for the obliging offers which you made me, and ac- quainting you, that the aftair for which I quitted, is of fuch an extraordinary nature, that it would do an irreparable injury to that court, (hould it be divulged. The King your mafter would be agreeably revenged for Mr. Fagel's letter, if this affair was known in England. Three or four perfons were acquainted with the whole of it, and fcveral others know fome particulars ; for which reafon I am furprifed, that a difcovery has not been made to your court. I have had confideration enough to be filent hitherto, altho' fcveral Englilh and Scotch, who arc here, frequently felt my pulfe ; as did likewife foms gentlemen of the place, to no purpofe. If I was to divulge the affair, it would be to the King himfelf ; becaufe it regards her royal highnefs, as well as the prince and mon. ficur de Bentinck. It is true, it regards much more the two laft, and likewife a third pincipal perfon concerned, not to name fcveral others. It regards his Majelly no further Vol. I. X thaa i64 LIFE OF J AMES THE SEC ON D, l68S, King of his danger. The King thought this laft a contrivance to frighten him into an alhance with France. The Dutch ambafladours deny any defign againft England. Sept. C. d'Avaux's memorial to the States, about their defign to invade England: that his mailer (hould look, on it as a rupture with France, and invade their country with 40,000 men, which, had it been purfued, would have broke the defign. Sunderland had perfuaded the King it was a French ftratagem, and got him to rejeft all advice. He had ftill credit to arraign this ftep, as affording the Dutch a pretence to arm, and alarming England, with a French alliance againft their religion. So the King difclaimed M. d'Avaux's memorial to the Dutch ambaffadour, and in all foreign courts; and he called home Skelton, fending him to the Tower, who, in a conference with Croifiy, thinking Sunderland betraved the King, and intercepted letters had procured it; but was, foon after, made governour of the Tower. 0£l. 3d, On the third of Oftober, the bifhops waited on the King, with heads of advice -f , which he granted, in a great meafure : On the twelfth, Magdalen Tanner'* Colledion, vol. xxviii, Oxon. than that he woulJ have a plcafure in knowing what pafles at the court of the prince of Orange, and that the difcovery would prejudice the prince in the eyes of the world. But if I could bring myfclf to fuch a refolution, I could difcover to the King fonie very in-- portant things which regard him, and which came to my knowledge ; for nothing paflicd at court, of which I was not informed, whatever ufe I might make of it. I wi;h fuch a defiremay not feize me; and if you choofe, Sir, that I (hould continue to write to you fome- times, and do me the favour to anfwer me, don't take it amifs, if I intreat you to re- turn my letters, and I fhall in like manner return yours; not becaufe I do not put great confidence in your difcretlon, or would deprive you of the pleafure and advantage you may derive from fending them to court, but becaufe I would choofe that the letters IhouIJ not, at leall, be loft, after you have made all the ufe of them which is nece.Tary for you ; and that will engage me to be, with all kind of refpeft, SIR, Your mod humble, and obedient Servant, Bode de Verace. f Lcrd SuadtrlanJ to the Lord Archhijhop of Cantcrlury. My Lord, Whitehall, 24 Sept. 168S. The King, thinking it requifite to fpeak with your grace, and feveral others of the bifhopS) WRITTEN EY HIMSELF. 155 Matrdalen college was reftored : and, on the fifteenth, the prince of 1688. Wales was named. His birth was proved, in a council extraordinary, on the twenty-fecond *. The princefs Anne waved being at it ; pretend- intr danger in coming abroad, being with child. The feals were taken from Sunderland, as foon as he returned from the court of Chancery. On the twenty fixth of Oftober, the prince of Orange failed from Oci. 26th. the Brill and Hclvoetduys. The bi(hop of Winton, and fome other biftiopf, who are within a convenient diftsnce of this place ; his Majefly commands me to acquaint you, that he would have you attend him upon Friday next, at ten in the mcrnirg. I am, my Lord, Your Grace's mod faithful, and moft humble Servant, Sunderland, P. • Tie Bijhop of St. Ajaph ta the Archbijhip of Canterbury, My moft honoured Lord, Oft. 26th, i633. Tanner's I was told, the lad night, as a fccret, that his Majefty intends to fend for all the lords Cclleflion, that were prefeiit at the examination of witnefTes, concerning the prince's birth ; and to * require them to fubfign the examinations. This is agreeable enough with that which is printed in the Gazette, viz. That a full and particular relation of this affair will be made public. For the hands of all that were prefent will add very much to the authority of the relation. I need not fay what it will fcem to import. Your grace has that to fay for yourfelf, which, perhaps, few others can fay that were prefent. You did not hear a great part of what the witnelfes faid. ]f that will pafs for a fufiicient excufe, your grace has no caufe to complain of the badrcfs of your hearing. But furely it will be better for the p-biic, if fuch an excufe can be found, as will fuSice for all that were prefent; and if all could agree to give the fame excufe. It (hould feem, by the calliog of you hither, that either there is, or there is like to be, a difpute concerning the truth of this child ; and whcnfoever that matter comes to be tried, you are like to be judges. But if the judges are called to fet their hands to an exa- mination of witnefles, ex parte, before the caufe comes to be heard, it is a flrange kind of preoccupation, that will make all the world of the plaintiff's fide ; and be rather a prejudice than an advantage to the caufe. I hope his iWajefty will be aware of this; and will, therefore, fpare you this unneceflary trouble. Howfoever, I thought it a part of my duty, to let your grace know what I have heard. With my daily prayers, I humbly crave your blefiing, and take leave. ' My good Lord, Your Grace's mod obliged, and mofl obedient Son and Servant, W. Afaph. X 2 bifliops. 156 LIFEOFJAMEST HE SECOND, 1688. bifhops, would have figned their diflike of the invafion •, but not a ma- jority of them. The princefs of Denmark went with the bifliop of London and lord Dorfet to Nottingham, where the earl of Devon met her, with two hundred horfe •, and prince George met her, not long after, at Oxford. A pretended letter of hers was publifhed. The King, at retiring, triifted count 1 hercfc, the duke of Tufcan/s envoy, with the papers or memoirs of his life ; io put them in a box confufedly, and gave them to him. It v.as knt to Leghorn, and the merchant, to whofe care it was committed, fancying it to be full of jewels, defigned to embezzle it : but an Italian fervant of the envoy's, miftrufting him, got it out of his hands, and conveyed it fafe to Leg- horn, whither the grand duke fent two galleys to convey it to France: and fo brought it to St. Gcrmains, under the notion of jewels and trea- fure. By a writing, under his hand, he appointed them to be lodged ia the Scotch college at Paris. EXTRACT IV. Jtt Original Letter, iudorfed the Princefs of Orange, " A uguft i nh, 1 6 S £ .** " S I R, " Being to go to Loo next Thurfday, if it plea'.e God, I am come to this place to go bake at night. Laft 1 hurfday 1 received your ma- jefty's of the 31 of July, by which I fee you had heard the prince of Wales was no more prayed for in my chapell, but long before this j-ou will know it had onely bin fometimes forgot. M. d'Albeville can z{- iure you, I never told him it was forbid ; fo that they wear onely con- jeftures made upon its being fometimes negledled j but he can tell, as I find your Majefly already knows, that he was prayed for hcer long before it was done in England. This excelTive hot weathere continues longer than ever I knew it, which I fliall find fufficiently in my journey. I have nothing more to add at prefent, then onely to beg your Majelty to believe, where ever I am, I fhall ftill be Your Majefty's Moft obedient Hague, Aug. 17. Daughter and Servant, Marie. Lord W R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L F. 157 Lord Dover told ine, the duke of Grafton owned to him, that, when i638. he went down to the fleet, a little before the prince of Orange came, it was to prepare the commanders to be for him, which he did ; and alTured him, that he had the words of two thirds of them. He owned, that he and the reft of them had defigns to have invited lord Dartmouth on board captain Hafting or Matt. Aylmer, to have feized him there, and declared for the prince of Orange •, but did not fay how it was not done. Dover faid, lord Godolphin and Churchill had informed him, that lord Dartmouth had got them to fpeak to the prince of Orange, that he might keep his place of mafter of the Ordnance ; and they had prtfled for it. The King was alfo told, that Dartmouth had written from Portfmouth to the prince of Orange, that he had hindered the prince of Wales going from thence. 1 was informed from a very good hand, that the princefs of Orange feeing her hufband much troubled, at the news of the King's being gone for Ireland, told him, " he might thank himfelf for it, for letting him go as he did." Mrs. Dawfon being fent for, by the princefs of Denmark, to come to her, when (he v/as dreJTing herfelf to go to her fifter's coronation, fhe afked Mrs. Dawfon, if really the child, which was called her bro- ther, was tlie Queen's child? Mrs. Dawfon anfwered her it v,as; and that fne could anfvver for ir, as much as fhe could anfwer that flie, the princefs, was the late duchefs's, having feen them both born ; and added, that fhe wondered very much at her royal highnefs's afking her the quef- tion; fince flie could not forget, that, when fhe was going to Bath, com- ing in the morning to take leave of the Qiieen, and her Majefty making her feel her belly, flie faid to the Qiieen, by the child llirring fo ftrong, fhe believed the Queen would be brought to bed before her return from Bath. This I had from a gentlewoman who had it from Mrs. Dawson herfelf. Lord Churchill owned to lord Dover, before they laft came from Lon- don, that the defign of his and feveral other officers was laid long be- fore the prince of Orange landed. Captain ,58 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1688. Captain G.Churchill, commander of the Newcaftlc, owned to lord Buckley, that he and captain Matt. Aylrncr, with fome other com- manders, had a dcfign to have feized lord Durimouth, before the prince of Orange landed ; and that the duke cf Grafton, lord Berkeley, and Sir J. Barry, knew of it. Captain Powel of the Qiieen's regiment of Dragoons told corner Recordan, that, when Sir J. Latier was fent to Iplwich, to oppofe the prince of Orange's landing, in cafe he (hould liavc endeavoured there, with the Qiicen's and the prince's regiments of dragoons, Arran and Hamilton's horfe, that Sir J. was refolved, if the prince had landed, to have declared for him-, and had agreed with ten officers to have fccurcd lord Arran, colonel Ric. Hamilton, and colonel Connor. It was about the middle of September, before the King gave any credit to the advices, from his envoy at the Hague and others, of the prince of Orange's defign to invade him. The repeated aflurances he had from the States, by their ambaJTadour and others in their name, that the preparations were not defigned againft him, the prince himfelf often confirmed. Sunderland and others, the King trufted, perfuaded him it was impoffible for the prince of Orange to go through with it ; and Sunderland turned any body to ridicule that feemed to believe it; .^nd, indeed, none that the King trufted, except Dartrhouth, ever faid they credited the reports ; and he, from the time of Monmouth's be- heading, always told the King he was confident, that, fooner or later, he would attempt it. But though the King did not, till then, believe it, he ordered more fhips to be fitted out, to fortify the fquadron at fea, on the notion he had of the Dutch fitting out merchant fhips ; and though he did not then accept of the King of France's offer of fixtcen fail to join his, yet he defired them to be ready at Bred, in cafe of need : and when M. de Citters, the Dutch ambafiadour, was alarmed at the report, and took notice of it to the King; he anfwercd, he did not intend to make ufe of them, unlefs his mafters obliged him to it. The King, convinced of the Dutch invafion, went immediately from Windfor to London ; ordered his fleet to be made up thirty men of war, all third and fourth rates, with fixteen fire-(hips ; and for troops of horfe, foot, and dragoons, to be recruited, ten men in each, except the guards; gave W R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L F. 159 gave out commifTions for new regiments of horfe and foot; ordered the 16SS. troop of guards, regiment of hodc, that of dragoons, and three battalions of foot, to march from Scotland into England ; fent for three battalions, a regiment of foot and dragoons from Ireland : fo that his troops would be, in all, near 40,000 men. He thought this a fufficient force to deal with the prince of Orange ; as it would, if they had been faithful to him. Writs had been ifTued for a parliament, and fome eleclions made ; but, as he could not be at the head of the army and attend the parliament at the fame time, though both were neceflary, he put off the meeting of par- liament ; and, as his council and generality of his officers were averfe to French afllftance, he did not fend for the fixteen fail from Breft. Thofe who had advifed his meafures, which gave mod offence, were for un- doing all, even liberty of conlcience, to difoblige the non-conformifts ; now the church of England was offended. Of thefe was Sunderland, catholic as he pretended to be, fince his public declaration, in July laff, though he was privately reconciled fome months before. He reftored to the church of England, Magdalen and Sidney colleges, which he had defigned for breeding up Roman Catholic fcholars ; but did not recall liberty of confcience. The King had kept the original petition or re- monftrance of the feven bilhops in his pocket ; yet copies flew about. The King drev/ his army near London. The earl of Dartmouth, Sir Roger Stridland, and Sir J. Barry, were the three flag officers of the fleet. The prince of Orange at firfl: fl:ood northward ; but the wind turning contrary, next day, and blowing very hard, difperfed many, and drove them back to port. Lanier's, major general Arran's, and Hamilton's regiments of horfe, with the Queen's regiment of dragoons, under co- lonel Connor, were fent to Ipfwich : two regiments of horfe and one of dragoons to Colchefter. Dartmouth propofed to anchor to the eaft of the Galloper, clear of the fands, to ftretch away as he pleafed ; but the eafl: wind taking him, and blowing very frefli, he anchored a-breaft of the Longfand-head. The prince of Orange paffed by to the weftward. Dartmouth's Icouts took a Dutch fly-boat, a league and a half a head. \Vhy he did not fail is uncertain. He faid he could not get about the Longfand-head, as the wind and tyde were ; yet fome commanders faid he might have done it. If he could, and if the com- manders were true, he might have deflroycd the fleet, or hindered their 3 landing. 1 63 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, i6S8. landing. Three battalions of guards, tlic King's regiment of dragoons, and a hundred horfc grenadiers, were ordered to Portfmouth ; and, if the prince of Orange had gone further, to march for Salifbury. 1 he reft of the troops were ordered to the weft ; Lanier to command the troops at Salin)ury, Sir J. Fenwick at Marlborough, and another body ordered to Warminftcr ; Fcverftiam to come to Salift)ury, and march weft, to hinder the prince of Orange's advance, and others from joining him. This body confifted of twenty i'quadrons of old horfe, and ten of dragoons. All the foot were ordered to the fame place. The public talk in the prince of Orange's army was, that he was betrayed, none coming to join him. His own officers were for re-em- barking. Colonel Strangeways, &c. fent his letters to the King. None joined him, till lord Cornbury began thedefcclion, colonel of the King's regiment of dragoons and chief officer, by » ordered the King's regiment of foot, under Sir Francis Compton, the lieutenant colonel, the duke of Berwick being at Portf- mouth, of three fquadrons, St. Albans's two fquadrons, under lieutenant colonel Langfton, Fenwick's two fquadrons, to march, pretending or- ders-, and accordingly marched to Blandford, Dorcheller, and towards Honiton. When his own major, Clifford, aflced to fee his orders, or, at leaft, to know his defign, in making fo great a march towards the enemy -, Cornbury faid, it was to beat up a quarter of horfe in thofe parts J and, when they came to Axminfter, he commanded fixty dra- goons to fall into the quarter at Honiton. By this, major Littleton and other officers, fufpcding the matter, and beginning to queftion him, Cornbury, the commander, went away, with thofe commanded men and their lieutenant colonel Hayford, captain RufTel, and the reft of the captains then with the regiment, without letting the common men know their intention. Langfton followed with his two fquadrons, being the chief man that concerted with Cornbury ; not letting his other officers know of it. When they came to Honiton, two regiments of the prince of Orange's foot were ready to receive them ; one commanded by Talmafti. Being there, Littleton told his men, that he had brought them to ferve the • The fentence here is illegible. prince WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. i6i jjrince of Orange; which Norton*, his major, and fevcral fubalterns re- i683. fufing to do, were immediately di farmed, difmounted, and plundered j and, with much a-do, got leave to go back on foot to the King's army. The other two regiments, finding themfelves betrayed, marched back in great diforder ; only cornet Compton and two or three more fubal- terns, with about ten troopers of the King's regiment of foot, deferted, Clifford, major of dragoons, brought back the body of the regiment. The common men were generally loyal, though fo many of the officers deferted ; and many of St. Albans' troopers came back, as they found opportunity, with their horfes. Though the number of deferters was inconfiderable, it was attended with bad confequences. It caufed a jealoufy in the troops, who fufpefled one another •, encouraged country gentlemen to go in to the prince of Orange ; and animated the enemy, who were before difcouraged. The King was at London when this hap- pened. Feverfham was juft come to Salifbury ; and, thinking the re- giments gone, ordered thofe at Marlborough and Warminfter to Salif- bury, the foot to Andover, and thofe on march to march back to Wind- for, Staines, &c. This furprifed all at London ; and the King ftaid to fettle their minds before he went to Salifbury. He made a fpeech to all the general officers about Cornbury's defertion ; and offered to dif- mifs them, if they did not care to ferve : but all promifed fidelity. The duke of Grafton, one of the firft, fet out for Salifbury on the ifor. feventeenth. The prince of Wales was fent, at the fame time, to Portf- mouth, under the efcort of fome Scotch horfe and Irifh dragoons: but the night before he left London, fome of the bifhops prefented a peti- tion figned by them and fome peers, fevenreen in all ; of which the dukes of Grafton and Ormonde, the marquis of Halifax, the earl of Not- tingham, and feveral confiderable lords, having refufcd to join with them. The King faid it was too late at ten at night to give an anfwer in writ- ting ; being to go next morning to Salifbury : that it was not a time to call a parliament, nor fit for him to treat with the prince of Orange, who had invaded, contrary to the laws of God, duty of a nephew and fon-in-law. He told the bifhops, that it would h.ive become them • Vid. Norton's own account of this affair, in the papers printed, in thii collection, ■nder the head of i(^8. Vol. I. Y bettsf i6t LIFEOF JAMESTHESECOND, 1688. better to have declared their diflike of the invafion, than prefcnting fiicli a petition. The bilhop of VVinton and fome others had been for figning tlieir diflike *. Nov. igth. Yj^g YJmg got to Salifbury too late, to execute his firft projetft of ad- vancing, with horfe and dragoons, to Axniinfter and Lamport, to hin- der the country's going in, to coop up the enemy, and with foot to fup- port them in hedges as good as retrenchments. The prince of Orange at Axminfter. The train of artillery, the Scots and Irifh dragoons,, and a troop of horfe guards, not come up. In the mean time, the King;, refolved to vifit the advanced quarter at Warminfler, commanded by major general Kirke, of the foot ; Trclawney and Maine, brigadiers of horfe, who had the third troop of guards, Warden a troop of horfe. Two battalions of Dunbarton's, Kirke's, and the Queen's made the two other battalions, and the Queen's regiment of dragoons. But the evening before, hrs nofc fell a bleeding, and doing fo next morn- ing a confiderable quantity, and continuing to do fo feveral times that day, he was obliged not to go, but to be let blood. It was tliree days before it could be quite flopped. It is generally believed,, had it not been for this accident, that Churchill, Kirke, Trelawney, &c. who deferted foon after, with fome in that quarter, had defigned. to feize the King, in going thither or coming back, and have carried him to the prince of Orange. It was eafy enough to do; the King having no fufpicion of them. But, a few days after, he began to doubt fome of them ; and once intended to fecure Churchill and the duke of Grafton, and have fent them to Portfmouth ; but, on further confeder- ation, did not think fit to do it. In a council of all the officers, Feverfham, count de Roy, lord Dum- barton, and the truly loyal, advifed retiring to London : Churchill, &c, were for flaying at Salifbury. The firfl advice was followed; and Churchill and Grafton went off that night or the next.. Schomberg faid Macpher- to Churchill, when he arrived, " That he was the firfi; lieutenant general ion's EX" -• traftt. ^^^ ^•^'^ ^"^^^ heard that had deferted from his colours." The next morning advice came, that Rogers, lieutenant of horfe grenadiers, colonel Lawfon, • Vid. Original P.ipers, under the head of this year. \ captain WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 163 captain S. George, and two or three other captains of the queen's regiment 1688. of dragoons, were gone from Warminfter, with fome few of the common men. Kirke did not execute his orders for marching to the Devizes, and, by Hungerford, to Reading. The King marched the fame day ; dc- figning to poft behind the Thames the foot and horfe of the army ; but ordered Feverfham to flay behind, with horfe and dragoons to eat up the forage and maintain Reading as long as he could, without expofing himfclf to have his quarter beaten up. The King went from Salilbury the firll night to Andover; and that night prince George, the duke of Ormond, lord Drumlanrick, and others, deferted, and fcveral officers from other quarters. The King, fearing Kirke would do fo too, ordered Dumbarton to take two fquadrons of horfe to help bringing off the four battalions of foot ordered from Warminfter. But before he could join them, as they were to march from the Devizes, Brigadier Trelawney, who commanded them, with lieutenant colonel Churchill, and all his captains, but captain Fox, and about twenty or thirty common men, and fome fubakerns, deferted j the reft of the men, being loyal, would not go. The King continued his march to London ; and the troops were fent Nov. 25tk. ' to their quarters at Maidenhead, Windfor, Staines, Egham, Chertfey, and Colnbroke. Every day fome officers, though few common men, deferted. The King, arriving, on the twenty-fixth of November, at London, found his daughter, the princefs of Denmark, had gone off, with lady Churchill and Mrs. Berkley. Whether it was by prince George's dircdlions, or the two ladies advice, is uncertain, though with child, and much afraid ; being apt to mifcarry. She was under the bifhop of London's conduift, at leaft he met her, as foon as fhe was out of town. This made a great noife in town ; and her nurfe and the earl of Clarendon went up and down like mad perfons, faying the papifts had murdered her ; and aflcing fome of the Qvieen's people what they had done with her : But it was known the next day wiiich way fhe went. Some days after, a letter of hers, or bearing that title, to the Queen, came out in print; as if (he left it on the table, when fhe went off. But no fuch was found ; or, at leaft, delivered to the Queen. Prince George and lord Churchill lent letters to the King, with reafons for their withdrawing. 'J'iie duke of Berwick coming to the army, lord Dover had been lent to command in Y 2 Portfmouch. 1^4 LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, 1 68 8. Portfmouth. Orders to fend away the prince of Wales to France, if tilings grew worfe ; and to the captain of the Mary yaucht, to tranfport him ; and lord Dartmouth, to facilitate it, who was come to Spithead, with his fleet much fliattered, by ill weather. He had got the length of Torbay, and faw the prince of Orange's fleet at anchor, under Herbert. Uut the weather was fo bad, that he could attempt nothing on them j and his fleet was mucii difperfed and damaged. Some were forced back to the Downs, Dartmouth himfclf to Spithead, and captain G. Churchill put into Plymouth to flop a leak : And, finding the place had declared for the prince of Orange, he did fo too. None of the deferters furprized the King fo much as the earl of Bath, •who had received fo much from the crown, and was of fo loyal a family. Till then, thought above temptation to do an ill aflion ; but he declared, and fecured the earl of Huntingdon, whofe regiment was in sarrifon in the citadel, and all the Roman catholic officers, and common men of that perfuafion, and kept them prifoners ; Ferd. Haftings, his coufin's lieutenant colonel, and fome other officers, joining ■with him in it. Every body now vied, who Ihould firft abandon the King ; who, loon after his arrival at London, had advice, that Sir G. Hanmer, lieutenant colonel of Montgomery's regiment, in garrifon at Hull, hearing that feveral lords were up in feveral parts of the realm, and combining with Copely, the lieutenant governor, die prefent officer and fome magiflrates, had furprifed the governor, lord Langdale, and lord Montgomery, by night, in their lodgings, declared for the proteftant religion, and kept thefe two lords, and fome Roman Catholic gentlemen of the country, who had retired there for fafety, prifoners ; and then let them go. Before this, lord Danby, and many other pcrfons of quality, had met at York, and feized Sir J. Rearfby, who had only the name of Gover- nor, having but one company of foot with him, and declared for a free parliament : And the prince of Orange feized all the King's money in the coUedlor's hands, difarmed the Roman Catholics, demoliflied the Roman Catholic chapel in the town, and railed men, forming them into compa- nies and troops. About the fame time, the earl of Devon fcnt to the duke of Newcaftle to come and join him. He got fome Nottingham- ftiire gentlemen together, and declared as Danby did ; but the duke of Newcaftle refufing, he plundered him of what arms and horl'e he had at Welbeck. WRITTEN BY HIMSELF, 165 Wclbeck. Before this, lord Delamere was up in Chefhire and Lanca- 1688. Ihirc, on the fame account. He difartned the Roman Catholics and fome new raifed men, demolifhed the Roman Catholic chapels, and roved about with four or five hundred diforderly ill-armed men. The King wrote to the lords Dover and Dartmouth to fend off the prince of Wales, moft of whofe baggage was on board j when Dart, mouth, fending for Dover to dine with him, told him it was againft the law to fend the prince of Wales out of England, without more pofitive orders ; and he would not let it be done ; and every night after, he exa- mined every boat and veflel that went out. He had before fent up a ftrange addrefs, by lord Berkeley, figned by the commanders of the fieet, for calling a parliament and declaring for the proteftant religion. The fleet would certainly have fought at firft, their animofity was fuch againft the Dutch. But the cafe was altered. The prince of Wales was fent for to London, under efcort of Salifbury and Holmes's regiments of horfe and fome Irilh dragoons, which they did in two days. In a meeting of lords, the King was advifed to treat with the prince of Orange. He fent Halifax, Nottingham, and Godolphin with pro- pofals to him. When they came to Andover, the prince of Orange fent them word to go to Ramfbury, where he delayed them a day or two. When his anfwer came, the King refolved to go away with the Qiieen and prince. Monday, about twelve at night, the tenth of December, the King Djc. ictb, ■went privately from Whitehall to Vauxhall. He there took horfe about one, with Sir E. Hales, Sir E. Qiiartermafter, and a guide. He pafled the Medway, at Ailesford-bridgc, took frefh horfe at Woolpeck, fent before by Ralph Sheldon, an equerry. He got, by ten, to Emby-ferry, near Feverfham ; where a Cuflom-houfe hoy, hired by Sir Edward Hales, waited for them. When on board, they found it had no ballall: ; and it blowing frefh, the matter eafily perfuaded the King to let him take in ballaft at Shelnefs. It was half ebb before they ran alhore to take it inj defigning to fail as foon as afloat, which would have been about eleven. He was near afloat, when three fiflier-boats, of Feverfham, with fifty men, boarded them, feized the King and two others, as was faid by orders from thofe of Feverfham -, fuppofing them papifls endcavoi;ring to efcape > and, when the vefTcl was afloat, turned with the tide up Fc- verfliam i66 LIFEOFJAMESTIIESECOND, j6S8- verHiam water. The King was not, however, known. Sir E. Ilalei whifpercd tiie captain, and clapt fifty guineas privately into his hand, as an earncfl: of more, if he would let them go before they were put afliorc. The captain promifed, but kept not his word. Coming to anchor be- fore the mouth of the creek, he went to the mafter and told him, that he had Sir E. Hales and two more on board ; then came back and took. what money they had, under pretence of fecuring it from the feamen ; yet the feamen came down and fearched them. They were guarded to town, in a coach, by one Edwards, and fomc rabble, to an inn, where the King was difcovercd, and was told, lord Winchelfea and mod of the country gentlemen were at Canterbury. He fent to him to come. In the meantime, the King tried to get off; and had got a cuftom-houfe fmack. But Edwards and the rabble befet the inn fo, that the King could not get to the horfes he had got to carry him to the boat. Several proteftants and Roman Catholics had been feized on the road, as judge Jenner, R. Graham, Mr. Burton, proteftants ; Mr. Arundel, and two ladies of that name, with Dr. Obadiah Walker, and three or four more Roman Catholics. The King lodged at Mr. , a loyal man. The earl of Winchellea came. The feamen guarded the King ; but faid a hair of his head fhould not be touched. Sir B. Dixwell and Sir James Oxenden came next day with militb, on pretence of fecuring the King from the rabble ; but it was to hinder his efcape. Thofe, who came laft, were very rude. The King's letter, for cloaths, linen, and money, from London, was ftopped one night. Lord Feverlham, with fome horfe guards and horfe grenadiers, coming to convey the King to London j they fent to the prince of Orange, for orders what to do with the King. Early on Saturday morning, Feverfham came to the King and told him, that the guards were at Sittingburn. The King was con- veyed thither by the militia, and by the guards to Rochefter that night; and he fent Feverfham to the prince of Orange. The Qiieen and the prince of Wales were fent away privately, on the ninth of December, at night, under the conduct of the Count de Lau- zun, in a yaucht, commanded by captain Gray. The King fent the prince of Orange worih, that he would be at London, on Monday, and treat to fettle the nation. He doubted the fidelity of the troops, and palTcd to Whitehall, through the city. It was not to be imagined, the acclamations WRITTENBYHIMSELF. 167 acclamations that were made, and the joy (hewed at his coming back, among 1688. all orders of men. He never law the like. Whitehall was crowded, and the like joy prevailed there. But he had no Iboner got to his bed- chamber, than Zulellein came, with a letter from the prince of Orange^ that what Feverfham propofed was of too great conftquence to be an- Avered then ; and the King had beft flay at Rochefter. The King laid,, had Zuleftein come before he left it, he would have ftaid there; buc now he hoped the prince of Orange, then atWindfor, would come next day to St. James's, to fpeak about his propofal by Feverfham. Zule- ftein faid, he believed the prince of Orange would not come^ till the King's troops were fcnt out of town. The King gave him a letter to the prince of Orange •, and, upon hearing that Feverftiam was confined, he exprelTed to Zuleftein his furprize, at a breach of the law of nations, and defired the prince of Orange would releafe him. But he neither did ir, nor fent any anfwer to the King's letter. Next day, the prince of Orange left Feverfham prifoner in Windlbr caftle, and came to Sion j. and, at nine at night, the King was informed, that count Solmes was com- ing with the prince of Orange's guards to take poft at Whitehall. Buc he fuppofed they would only do fo at St. James's, where the prince of, Orange was to come the next day. But at eleven that night, the earl of Craven came to the King, as he was going to bed, and told him, that Solmes was in the Park, with three battalions of the prince of Orange's foot guards and horfe ; and faid he had orders to take poft in Whitehall. The King fent for Solmes, and told him, that he believed it was a mil- take. But Solmes faid his orders were pofitive for. Whitehall, and Ihcwed them to the King. After arguing the matter, the King told Graven, that he mighLdrawoffhis men, and let Solmes take poft; which he did immediately. Shrewfbury and Delamere were with Solmes in the park ; but came not up with him. Soon after one in the night, the earl of Middleton waked the King, who was afleep, and told him, that Halifax, Shrewfbury, and Delamere had called him. up, and told him, they had a mefTage from the prince of Orange to deliver immediately to the King. They would not ftay till morning. They were called in, and delivered a paper, figned by. the prince of Urangt : That to avoid dilorders, wliich the King's preftnceia London miglitoccafion, he would pofrtivciy -have the King to go to Ham^ i and t68 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1688. and to be gone before ten, with what fervants he would, and the prince of Oran(Te would fend guards to fccure him. The King excepted to Ham, as not being furniflied, and a bad winter; and had rather go to Rochefher, as mentioned in the prince of Orange's letter, by Zuleftein^ They faid they would aflv the prince of Orange, and bring an anfwer by- nine ; but he muft pofuively be gone before ten. The King had faid he might be guarded there by fome of his own foot -, but Solmes fcnt a party with him. The King would have gone by water to Gravefend, but Halifax oppofed it ruddy. Shrewfbury was very fair and civil, and ao-recd to the King's defire ; who took barge, attended by a hundred of the prince of Orange's guards, before and behind it. They were fo long of embarking, that they loft the tide. The King arrived not till fcven at night. He lay there that night -, and, next day, he received a blank pafs, from the prince of Orange, to fend one to London. The guards not being exadl at Rochefler, the King was confirmed in his opinion, that the prince of Orange wanted to have him gone ; and he that brought the pafs, brought orders to the captain of the guards not to look fo ftriiStly after him ; fo they put centinels at the fore-door towards the ftreet, but none to the back-door towards the river ; yet the King ap- prehended, if he did not get off", that the prince of Orange would have fent him out of the world another way. EXTRACT in. Tlie KintT came to Rochefter, on the nineteenth of December, in the morning, where he itaid till the twenr)'-fecond, at night. Several of his fervants, the lords Arran, Dumbarton, Ailefbury, Litchfield, gentlemeji of the bed-chamber; three of his grooms, F. Griffin, andBiddolphj major generals Fenwick and Sackville ; Sir J. Talbot, brigadier j Sutherland, quartermafter general of horfe, came to him, who all gave up their commilTions ; as before he left London, Lord Newburg, Griffin, Litchfield, young Griffin, had done; and others did the fame, next day. EXTRACT \V. The prince of Orange had convened all the lords fpiritual and tempo- ral. The archbifliop of Canterbury refufed to come, or do any thing while the King was under reftraint. The lords adjourned, next day, to 5 tJic WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 169 the houfe of lords, at Weftminfter. Some biHiops and others advifed 168S. the King not to go, at lead not out of England. Doftor Bradey, his phyfician, was fent to him, and argued the matter ; but could not con- vince the king they did not think the prince of Orange would attempt his life. He argued it afterwards with lord Middlelon, who owned, at laft, there was no fafety in flaying. The King refolved to go. The prince of Orange had fent word to the lord mayor and aldermen, not to give oaths of allegiance and fupremacy, or tcft, to the common- council, chofen on the twenty- firft of December : and he ordered them to aft, without taking them. Capuin Macdonald bringing word, before twelve at night, on the twenty-fecond of December, that captain Trevanion was come up with the ftiallep j the King left a paper, with reafons of his withdrawing. He charged lord Middleton to have it printed, when he got to London ; but left it with Dumbarton to be given, next day, to Middleton. The King told the earl of Litchfield of it ; trufting him entirely, a man of great honour, and who had always ferved with fteadinefs and fidelity. He was forced alfo to truft Ailefbirry with it ; elfe he would have lain in his bed-chamber, with the fervants, a room through which the King was to pafs. The King went to bed, at his ufual hour. As foon as tlw company \vere gone, he got up, drefTed, and went, by the back-ftairs, through the garden, where Macdonald ftaid for him, with the duke of Berwick and Mr. Biddolph, to fhow him the way to Trevanion's boat. About twelve at night, they rowed down to the fmack, which was waiting wiciiout the fort at Sheernefs. It blew fo hard right a-head, and ebb tide be- ing done before they got to the Salt Pans, that it was near fix before they got to the fmack. Captain Trevanion not being able to truft the officers of his fhip, they got on board the Eagle firefhip, commanded by captain Wilford ; on which, the wind and tide being againft them, they ftaid till day-break, when the King went on board the fmack. It blew fo very hard, E. N. E. and E. N. when they got to the Buoy of the Nore, that they durft not venture to turn down any lower, and they were obliged to bear up the river towards Lee, and anchor on the Eflex Ihore, under the lee of tlie fand, in fmooth water, till the next tide of flood ftiould be gone. It blew very hard all that day, being Sunday. Vol. I. Z As Cirte'j Extradls. I70 LIFE OF JAMES THESECOND, 168H. As it began to be dark, the gale flackened a little •, fo that when the tide broke, they got under Tail, and turned down as far as the Red Sand, Next morning, the weather being fair, they got under fail before fun-rife; and, without tacking, reached the buoy off the Narrows, turned through it, and fo to North-foreland ; defigning to go on the back of the Goodwin, and not through the Downs. But they could not weather it, and fo went through the Downs. There feven fliips lay at anchor ; but not one under fail. It began to fnow about fix ; and not being able to fetch Calais, they bore away for Boulogne, and an- chored before Ambleteufe, where they landed, about three on Tuefday morning, Chriftmas-day. 1689. 1689. The King landed at Kinfale, on the 12th of March. He found a Macpherion's breat deal of good will in that kingdom, but little means to execute it J which made the prince of Orange flight it to the degree he did. The fear of difgufting the Irifh catholics, on whom he wholly depended, and the hopes of recompenfing fuch proteftants as fuffered by the act for refcinding the afts of fettlement, induced the King, at laft, to give his royal aflent, though he fiiw it was highly prejudkial to his intereft. Nothing, but the unwillingnefs to difgull his only friends, could prevail with him to foreclofe himfelf in the aft of attainder, f?om the power of pardoning thofe comprifed in it -, and to agree to fuch diminutions of his authority, as that the ads of the Englifli parliament fhould not be binding in Ireland, nor that writs of error and appeals fhould be canied from thence to England. It would, without doubt, have been more generous in the Irifh, not to have prefled fo hard upon their prince, Swhen he lay fo much at their mercy ; and more prudent not to have grafped at gaining all, before they were fure of keeping what they al- ready ponefTcd. He gave his royal aflent, with good will, only to the aft for liberty of confcience. [Mr. Thomas Carte made no extrafts, from the memoirs of James, concerning the tranfaftions of 1689-, probably for the fame rcafons which induced the editor to content himfelf with the preceding ; having found. WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. lyx found, among Nairne's papers, the original materials, from which James tC?r). compol'ed his memoirs for the prefent year. That prince ufnaliy wrote, with his own hand, all the occurrences of the times, or examined and correfted what was written by others. He fometimes wrote down his inftant refledions and conjedlures on the flate of his affairs, and the ex- peaper which occurs, relating to the tranfaftions of this year, is a journal, in his own hand, containing an account of fome intelligence he received, when on his journey from Cork to Dublin. The journal which immediately follows the intelligence, in James's own hand, contains an account of what pafled in Ireland, from his land- ing at kinfale, on the 12th of March, O. S. 16S9, to the i8th of July, when he prorogued the parliament. There are two copies of it among N airne's papers ; one in French, and another in Englifli, which is fuU' 6f French idioms. The language and orthography of the French copy',', which is in Nairne's hand, is the mod correfl. There are fome ad- ditions in the margin, by lord Melfort, in French ; and fevcral, by James himfelf, in Englilh. From the mention made of it in James's in(trU(5lions to lord Dover, it appears he intended it for the information of Lewis XIV. However, the Englifli copy, frorn which the other is faid to be a tranflation, is printed here, though corrected in fome few places according to the French, which is more exaft. The additions arc placed in the margin, as they occur in the margin of the French copy. The variations are carefully marked, and the letters and memo- rials, from which the journal was framed, are placed at the bottom of the page, as further illuftrations of the fubjedt. This journal may be reckoned, in a great meafure, the work of James, from the correclions, alterations, and additions in his own hand. The account which he gives, in his memoirs of the military tranfaftions in Ireland, during the year 1689, is but an abftraft of what this and the following journal contain ; and thcfe journals were compofed from the letters which James received from his generals ; and of which fome are inferted, as vouchers and illuftrations, in the notes.] Z 2 " News 172 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1689. (C News from the army in Ireland, and from Scotland^ from the 16th to 20th of Marchj 1689 ;" in King James's ovjn hand. March 16. Nairne's ^ipHIS morning, by letters, and an officer who came from Cavan, had yoViu\io. ' ^" account, that Kirke came thither on the 14, in the morning about No. 7. feven, with fix fquadrons of horfe and dragoons and fifteen hundred foot, all of Schomberg's owne army; they marched into the towne, defigning, as was believed, to attaque the fort on that fide : but brigad. Wachop, who commanded there, having left fome men in three ftrong ftore-houfes in the towne, to preferve it, they obliged the enemie to march out of it, leaving fix of their men flain in the ftreet. What others they had killed or wounded there, is not knowne. There had been greater, if fome of the proteftant inhabitants had not advertifed the enemie, at they were marching on, of fome of Wachop's men being in thofc houfes ; for had they not had that notice, they had come up clofe to them; our men having had orders from the brigadier, not to- fire till they were juft under them ; and they kept clofe, till they faw the ene- mie begin to march back, who were come within half mufket-fhot, and ib did that execution on them. After this, they marched up to the fort on the other fide; but, after viewing it, and having fkirmifhed fon fome time, they finding it ftronger and better provided than they ex- pefted,, marched, about two in the afternone, back for Bcliurbatt, What men they loft on that fide, one cannot certainly fay, only that from the fort they faw them carry of feveral dead bodies on horfe-back befor them. It's probable their defigne vv.is to take the fort, or to burn the towne^ fince they came with fo great a body. They only burnt two fmall ca- bins at the town*^s end. Wachop writes word he is afraide a fmal foot- guard, which he had at Butler's Bridge, which he had there to adver~ rife him of the enemies motion, may have been cut of by the enemie. A foldier newly come from Charlemont, gives an account, that a party of that garrifon marched twenty miles to the enemie. [Here there is a leaf •wanting.'^ only WRITTENBYHIMSELF. ,73 only put out their enfigne, and not their gib; upon which two mafters 1689. of fmall fliips, which were in the harbour, came on board the Pink ; believing flie came from England, to know news, whom capt. Anderfon fecured, and one of the boats they came in. The other boat got away, and gave the alarm upon fliore. Upon which, captain Watfon, capt. lieut. to col. Tiffany, who was quartered and commanded in that town, came to board the Pink, with three boats full of foldiers. They let the captain come up into the Ihip, and then feized him and the men of the firft boat, who came up with him j which the other two feeing, made away. But the Pink's men fired fo faft on them, that one of the boats cryed for quarter, and rowed on board and yielded. The third got off. But moft of her men were killed or wounded. As foon as it was night, the Pink warped out of the harbour, the wind blowing right in ; and, by that tyme 'twas day, got clear of the mouth of it. The enemy, by that tyme, got downe to the fea-fide, and on the rocks, in great num- bers. A regiment of foot being quartered hard by, fired fome fmall fliot, which did no harme ; and to the country towards Derry flayd there about three days, plundered the country, and brought back with thara fome twelve horfes, loaden with plunder, and fome ready money they met with. I have had an account from Caftlebfany, that a party of Macmahon's, and fome of the garrifon of Dundalk, having met a party of the enemy^ not far from Caflleblany, who came a cow-ilealing, fell on them, beat them, and killed 20 on the fpot, and took 10 prifoners. March 19th. The Pink, which carried gen. major Buchan into Scotland, is come back to Broad haven, in the county of Mayo, gives an account, that fhc had a long pafTage back from the Ifleof Mull, and endeavoured to have put into Sligo. But beingnear to Killibeg, in the county of Donegalle, put into that harbour ; believingit to be in theKing's pofTdfion •, but no fooner in, than they found they were miffaken v and, it blowing hard, and right into the harbour, the mouth of which was very narrow, fo that they could not turn out, came to anchor. The Pink goc of, and brought away, the captain, tlie two malters, 20 fouldiers and feamen prifoners ,74 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1 689. prifoners to Broadhaven. In this Pinji came as paffcng«rs» Sir Alexaodci; M'Laine, colonel James purfcll, Sir Geprge Bgrkky, and Mi;. ilaySj with Ibme others. March aoth. This day had an account, that the party fenf to Charleinont, witfi provifions, got fafe thither, by knowing the country welt, though thai place be ftriftly blocked, and came back, without (Iriking a ftroke, though the enemy had notice of their march, and had way-laid them. Have been informed, by one come out of the enemy's quarters, that fome of the Danes are already landed, and that the reft were expeded every day ; that one Englilli regiment was alfo landed. ** A Journal of ivhat pajfed in Ireland, from his Majefiesarriim/j on the 1 2th of March, Old Stile, to the 18//6 of July, 1687, nvhen he prorogued the pdrlidment y TjlS Majefty arrived in his kingdom of Ireland, the 12 of March, Nairne's ' O. S. 1689 ; and was received, at Kini'ale, where he landed, with Papers, D.N. all the dcmonftrations of joy imaginable, vol. I. fol. -* •' ° Nd 6. His Majefty's firft care was to Lave the money, arms, and ammuni- tion, which he brought along with him rfi"oni France, I'ofcly landed and fecured in his fort of Kinfale ; and, becaufe om ■part thercef "a: as fen t by Mr. de Louvois, and the other by Mr. Seignelay, his Ivlajefty * ordered one of his fervants to receive that of Mr. de Louvois, and to deliver ic to the Sieur de Pointis, that he might take care and give an account thereof; having, for that end, feveral commiflaries under him : all which was done, with great readinefs and care, and in a few days. After this was done, his Majefty calling into his council the count d'Avaux, embafTador of France, and the earl of Melford, caufed him- felf to be informed, in their prefence, of the poflurc of aff-iirs in this kingdohi,' by thofe of ^he country tliat were come to wait upon him at his landing; but chiefly ty Sir Thomas Nugent, lord chief juflice of • The nords in Italic'js a.'-c ODiu:cd in ihc Trench tranflation. 1 Ireland, W R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L F, i-^s Ireland, and his lieutenant general, the lord Mount Cafhell. He found 16^9. by thde, that the lord deputy of Ireland, finding the defigns of the prince of Orange lucceed fo well in England, and tliat the half of the Irilh army was there, and confequently loft for his Majefty's fervice, had en- deavoured to fupply this defed, by giving conrimifTions to raife men, to all whom either the love of their religion, their King, or their country incited to accept thereof. That the fidelity of the Irilh, and their zeal for his Majefty's fervice, had appeared fo extraordinary, on this oc- cafion, that, in lefs than a month, there were above one hundred thou- fand men on foot. The reputation of which a|anp, was lufficient to hin- der the prince of Orange from attempting any thing againft Ireland, without very great preparations. That this thing alone had faved the kingdom -f. But that, on the other fide, it was attended with great inconveniencies ; for the troops being raifed, and having no pay, were forced to live on the people j and, though the officers had undertaken to maintain them at their own charge, there were very few that did ic . efFeaually. That the lord deputy had done another thing very neceftary for the fafety of Ireland, by difarming the proteftants and feizing their horfes.. But that too brought inconveniencies along with it, and caufed fo great diforder, that every catholique thought himfelfe entitled to pillage the proteftants, and render back to them the fame ufage they had before received at their hands. This fo provoked the proteftants, being already too much inclined to revolt, that they took occafion to aiTemble pub- lickly for the forming themfelvea into troops j and committed great dif- orders, particularly in the North and at Banden. + The prince of Orange has been much blamed for hi> long negled of the affairs of Ireland, and his conduft was varioudy accounted for. Some faid, that he was deceived by Tyconnel's afTurancej of attachment and fidelity ; others affirmed, that he was v/il' ling to give the Iriili an opportunity of riCng in arms, that he might enrich his fol- louers by forfeitures ; and thofe who were difpofed to judge with more candor, alleged, that he followed the opinion of the marquis of Hallifax, that an unfettled (late of affairs in Ireland, would compel the EnglilKtoa fpeedy fettlcment of England. But the writer of this Journal, with lefs malignity and refinement, gives another account of the prince's fuppofed inattention. Th.^t 176 LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, 1685. That the rebels at Banden had been reduced without much difficulty i and that thofe in the North were fo near being fo, chat it was not doubted but the firft news from that country would bring the news of it -, and that his Majefty fhould have no ground to fear any ill confcquencc from that fide. His Majefty, applying himfelf after this to the forming of his army, gave orders to his lieutenant general, the lord Mount Cafhell, to form feven regiments of foot, of the forces raifed in thole quarters, as alfo to arm the regiment of dragoons of Sir James Cottar, and to tranfport the reft of the armes to Dublin, with all fpeede. Having ordered this, and, with much trouble, found horfes to carry the French officers to Dublin *, his Majefty advanced to Corke, 12 miles from Kinfale-, after having vifited that place, and left orders at his departure for the putting it out of danger of any fudden attempt. LefTieur de Baiffelau to com- t Note on ihe mand under lieutenant general Mount Cafhell if. margin of the French text Jlis M^efty was no fooner arrived at Cork, than he caufed an exaft fort's hand, '^'i^w to be taken of that place ; and finding it in a reafonable good condi- To command ^^^ j^^ „jyg orders for the ftrengthening the garrifon, and the leaving uittitr the lieu- ' o o do u tenant general fome ammunition and fifty thoufand livres there, for the paymg fomc MacCartj. fnigi) fubfiftencc to the foldiers ; of which there were a great many in that country. // was here, that bis Majefty, having received a great num- ber of petitions for leave to tranfport wool into England, refufed them all j hut gave a general liberty for the tranfporting into France, which had been done in great aboundance, but that veJJ'els were wanted f. It was here too . that his Majefty began to find the difficulty of tranfporting his arms and ammunition, as he defigned, as well by reafon of the unfitnefs of the carriages ufed in the countr)', as of the ill ways ; and that the general officers and others of his train, having taken all the horfes, and feveral not paying for them, had caufed the country people to drive what they • Nairne's Papers, D. N. i. N'o. ^0. Eftat des officiers Franjois qui fe font embar- quez pour paiTer en Irlande, et qui ont efte payez de leurs appointements pour fix mois (i'avance. t The words in Italicks are inferted here in the Engli(h text. Bat they are on the rnargin of the French text io Lord Mcifori's hand. had WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 177 had remaining into the n:ountains, from whence it was impolTible to get 16R9. them. His Miijelly having remained feme days at Cork, the earl of W-^ch. Tyrconnel came thither to wait upon him ; and wa? immediately created Duke, in recompence of his great ferviccs, and fuccefsful endeavours towards the prefcrvation of the kingdom of Ireland. He brought along with him the news of the rebels being defeated, by Hamilton, at Dro- inore ; and that he purfued them fo brifkly, that he hoped to reduce • A marginal them entirely, before any recruits could be fent him ; and, in this belief, prench text moft people continued for fome time after his Majefty's arrival at '" Melfort'* . hand. Dubhn •• The litutcant In the way from Cork to Dublin, his Majefty fettled feveral things f/f/J^^ ^^j much out of order in the country -, and on the road, found every where "dvanctd to troops of peafants armed with long fticks, tip'd with iron at one end ; the duke of and even thofe troops, which were faid to be armed, had only half of p';"'""^/. ' ' ' •' before the them pikes and half mulquets ; of which, two in one hundred were not Kings arri. fit for fervice-, the officers were almoji all natives differing little from the the'iciL's" JolditrS *. knoiuing any thing about it His Maiefty arriving at Dublin, and finding the troubles in the north """l j>t or- f... , riwd, at alfo itill prolonged, and that he had been but ill informed of the number and the vifeount relblution of the rebels, and well knowing of what importance it was to anTfomebri- him, to put an end to the diibrders of this Kingdom ; he refolved to fend gadun. more troops yet to the north, to ftrengthen thofe with Hamilton. But his firft care was to form a council, in which all affairs fhould be de- bated ; and refolved it fhould confifl: of the French ambaflador, the duke of Tyrconnel, and the Earl of iVlelfort. It was in this council, where it was confidered, what troops fliould be fent to ftrengthen the camp of Hamilton, who was not ftrong enough to take Coleraine, much lefs to attack Derry. It was agreed, that his Majelly fhould fend fome regiments to block up Coleraine, on the other fide of the river ; and that they fliould be commanded by the duke of Berwick and the marquis de Pufignian. But it happened, that the com- mifiion of general major, granted to the duke of Berwick, was of an ancienter date than that of the marquis de Pufignian. The King, to • The words in Italicks are wanting in the Englifh, but are infcrted in the French text — The tranflator, by faying that the officers were gens du pais peu differtntis des fol- dats, means perhaps that they were peafants as well as the foldicrs. Vol. I. A a fliew •178 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 16S9. fliew the particular efteem he had for the French, on all occafions, •would "' not fuffcr the duke of Berwick, to command the marquis, on that occa- fion. But fent him ftraight to Hamilton, and left to the marquis the fole command of the detachment ; the troops of which he doubted not to be in a good condition and fit to march, being the firft that were armed of the new levies. A marginal This detachment confifted of five regiments of foot, that is Bellow, French tra'nf- Gcrmanftowne, Louth, Neugent, and Moore; the duke of Tyrconnell's lation in the regiment of horfe, captain Burke's troop of horfe, and another detach- Aniftake ai Hient Commanded by the lord Gallmoy, brigadier, confifling of one hun- to the trcoft. ^]j.pj gpj fixty-five horfe, one hundred dragoons, and five hundred and fixty foot ; which made, in all, with the other troops that were already in the North, eleven thoufand nine hundred and feventy-eight foot, fcven hundred and thirty-five horfe, and feven hundred and fifty dragoons--, and, becaufe his Majelly was informed, that the free communication, that thoie of Coleraine had with thofe of Derry, did very much hinder the taking of the firft of thofe places, he commanded Monfieur de Pa- fignian to march, with the detachment under his command, betwixt the two rivers i by that means to hinder their communication for the future. WhiUl the troops, thus deftined, prepared themfelves for their gens- ral rendezvous at Charlemount, the King confuited with his general officers at Dublin about the fiege of Dcrry, in cafe Coleraine flioujd be taken. It was propofed, to prepare ftore of tools and other things ne- ceflary for a fiege. Upon which,, his Majefty caufed his magazines to be looked into. But, inftead of finding things neceffary, as he expefted, he was informed, by the earl of Melfort, who had vificed the faid ma- gazines, by his order, that there was nothing at all of what was required, nor even anything that looked like a magazine * j and as his Majefty Nairne'sPa- * See " Jn accounl of arms, ammunition and other hahilamtnts of ivar, rtmaining in tit pers D. N. fcvtralmaga^nes tn tht kingdom of hrehtnJ tht \ft day rf Afril 1639." There were bat vol ^ fol. ^ niortar pieces, )88 guns mounted. 79 guns not moonied. 397 barrels of powder, 19^ barrclsof ball. 421 bundles of matches, 8-8 muflcets ferviceable, 89^1 mufkets unfervice- ablc. 1152 piflols in pairs, IC29 carabines, z petards and covers, 7 waggons, 9 tumbrilit with I 449 cannon-ball, 190 tents for horfe, 35; for foot, 100 pike axes, 100 fhovels and the like numb»r of fpades, i hand-fcrcwj, 200 bafltcts, r45 wheel-barrows, 170 hand- barrow?, 1398 pikes, 130 yards of caddows, that is tirtan for hofe, 5+ yards of canvas, J 2 axl«t:ees and 789 iron bills, was WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 179 •was obliged, for the repairing of this defcfl-, to fct people at work iin- 16S9. mediately for the making of tiie tools and inflrum£ins, that were want- . l^^afch. , A marj'inal ing, it was fcarce pofTible to find work-iien enough to make fifty or fixty "ote to the of them a week; and even thofe workmen that were employed, being la'Jon inTo'rd proteftants, and going unwillingly about their bufinefs, the preparations j^^elfort s were delayed ; and by that means, the army was not fo foon provided, Efftaidetma- as thev fliould have been, with the tools that were neceffary. Even this ^f*"»" "i"^^' his Majefty began to look out after, providing cannon, of which tliere was not one piece of battery ready mounted in all Ireland, of field-pieces but twelve, in all of which three were with Hamilton, and two little mortars, the two great mortars and two of a middle fize (which were all that were in the kingdom) not being in a condition to march. Monfieur dc Pufignian, who was to command the troops deflined for the recruit of Hamilton, would have deferred his departure to join the faid troops, till Ibme cannon could be mounted to march along with him. But being alTured, that tliere were fome at Charlemount, both bet- ter and readier for fervice, he parted from Dublin the 2d or 3d day of April. April, and went ftreight to Charlemount, where he found only two or- dinary batards fit for fervice, and thofe two without carriages. It being there and at Dungannon, where the troops under his com- mand were to rendezvous, he expected to have found them there at his anival, but they, being little acquainted with military difcipline, came two or three days fliort, which the Sieur de Pufignian, not to lofe time, employed in mounting the two pieces of cannon he found at Charle- mount, by the workmen which he carried along with him from Dublin. Whilft things went thus in Ireland, news was brought from Scotland, Affairs of that the convention was aflembled at Edinburgh, that the duke of Ha- Scotland, milton was prefident thereof, and that his Majefty's letters had with much difficulty been allowed to be read, and in fine his friends, and thole that were faithful to his intereft, had quitted the convention, find- ing things carried on againft hi« intereft with the violence which they could not oppofe. His Majefty, to negleft nothing that might confirm his friends in their fidelity, and reduce his enemies to their duty, took that occafion to publilh his declaration of the firft of April, of which he fcnt feveral A a 2 copies iSo LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1689. April. A marginal note to che French tranf- lation in the King's hand. Lf (bevalUr Mac Ltan et le Sieur Mac Donald, Affairs of Jrelaod. copies into Scotland *. F Je difpatcheth alfo two or three pcrfons of trull into England and Scotland, to have, by them, a more certain ac- count of the pofture of affairs in thole countries, and to carry' letters to thofe of his fubjects who efpoufed his intcreft, and were capable to ferve him, with commifTions to raife men upon occafion. He fcnt at the fame time two young Scotch noblemen, who came with him from France, and who had great intereft in the Highlands, giving them commiJuons to raife regiments and arm all their friends and followers. About this time, his Majefty applying himfelf inceflantly to provide for the good and welfare of his fubjects of Ireland, and finding that there were above one hundred thoufand men of foot, which were a charge as well to the people as to the officers who raifed them, refolved imme- diately to reduce them to a leflTer number, and gave his orders to that efFcd to the duke of T)rconnel, who difbanding all the reft, referved only, according to the King's intentions, feven regiments of horfe, of which one was of nine, three of eight, and three of fix troops ; kwtn regiments of dragoons, of which three of twelve troops, and four of ten ; and thirty-five regiments of foot, of which the regiment of guards had two battalions, and the reft thirteen companies each, every com- pany of fixty-two men. Having thus reduced this great army to a more compact number, his Majefty gave orders to bring the arms without delay, that thofe whom he thought fit to be kept on foot might, by re- ceiving them, be fit for fervice. Having thus provided for the reform and arming of his {o:cis, and left the care of feeing his orders put in execution to the duke of Tyr- connell, his Majefty refolved to goe to Charlemont, in perfon, to fee the troops that were there, under the command of the marquis de Pufig- nian, which he did as well to animate the foldiers by his prefence, as to fee himfelf what they wanted, and to give orders on the fpot for their fupply, being extreamly furprifed at the ill pofiure in -Jkhicb be was informed, the marquis de Pujignian bad found tbem \^ • A marginal note to t^e French and Englifh copies of this Journal refers to the printed proclamation. D. N 1. fol. No. 2. \ The words in Itilicks are ia the Frenth text in lord Melfort's hand. He WRITTEN BY HI MS ELF. i8i He was alfo perfuaded to this voyage, becaufe he niould be there both 1689. nearer to Londonderry, in cafe his affairs required his prelcnce there, Apn . and nearer to the coalt of Scotland, whither he might fend v/hat troops he might judge necefiary, with more expedition, in cafe Derry fliould furrender, which would have been of very great confequence and ad- vantage, as well for the frightening of his enimies, as the fortifying his friends, and preferving and encouraging in their duty thofe of his fer- vants and fubje(5ts that began to waver, his approaching that ivay making than hourly fear his pajjlng into Scotland *. He parted from Dublin the 8th day of April, and two days after the duke of Tyrconnell parted from thence alio, and went thro' all the garrilbns to execute his Majefty's orders, for the arming and reforming his forces, which his Majefty would alfo have ordered to be paid, if his Majefty had wherewith. But the duke of Tyrconnell, who forefaw well enough, how abfolutely neceflary it was for the good of his Majefty's affairs, to have flill a referve of money againft any fudden occafion, propofed, with great prudence, to his Majefty, to fpare that little that he had, and to find means to make the forces fubfift yet fome time longer, and to get them cloathed without puting him to any charge -f. Whilft Monfieur de Pufignian aflembled his troops nigh Charlemonf, and Hamilton was ordered by his Majefty to try on his fide to make himfclf mafter of the bridge, which would render the communication eafy betwixt him and Monfieur de Pufignian ; which the enimies fear- ing, they burned the bridge, before we could come at it ; but that did not ftop his march, and fo great was the courage of himfelf, his officers, and the troops he commanded, that moft of them pafled the river in the face of the enimie, and made themfelves mafters of a redoubt on the other fide. As his Majefty was on the way from Dublin to Charlemont, he re- ceived news, that the rebels had quitted Coleraine, when they faw that Hamilton was mafter of the paftage over the river, and that M. de Pu- fignian marched to get between them and Derry, and having ruined all • Thefe words are in a marginal note to the French text in lord Melfort's hand. t The e-!ri of Melfort inferts here in the French text with his own hand, AnJ even to get them tUathtd hy the Qff.een, 2 the i82 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 16S9. the country between Cokraine and that place, retired to Dcrry, and into ^P'^' the country on the other fide the river Finne. His Majefty flayed fome days at Ardmagh, a town pillaged by the enimie, and very inconvenient as well for himfelf as his train, whilft he lent Mr. de Rozen and Mr, de Maumont to view the troops at Dungan- non, and to give him an account ot them. A little after he advanced to Charleniont, from whence he went two days after to vifit the pofl: of Dungannon, Mr. de Rozen's quarter. He faw the regiment of Cave- nach armed half with pikes and half with mufquetts, but fo bad and fo much out of order, that not one hundred amongft them were in a con- dition to be (hot in ; at which his Majefty was much furprifed, believing them to have been in a much better condition, which made him redouble his orders for bringing the arms from Corke, Kinfale, and Waterford, with all fpeed. Att the fame time the marquis de Pufignian, in purfuance of the orders which his Majefty had fent from Ardmagh to him and Hamilton to march to Straban (a paflage of the river Finne, at the mouth of which is ficuated, ten miles from thence, the city of Derry), march't with his detachment within a league of Dungannon, and hearing of his Majefty's being there, came to give him an account of the troops which were with him, and were in little better condition than thofe at Dungannon; which obliged his Majefty to reiterate his orders, and write to the duke of Tyrconnell and the Sieur de Pointis to fend away the arms and ammu- muon with all fpeed. The King feeing there was no more enimies left on this fide the river, •except in Innifkillin, and that every where, upon the approach of his troops, the rebels had abandoned the villages and little caftles, where they had garrifons, he refolved to go on as far as Omi, being per- fuaded by all thofe who knew the country, that Derry will furrender upon his approach. He left Charlemont the fourteenth of April, and arrived the fame day at Omi ; from whence he found that Hamilton was marched for Straban, and that Monfieur Pufignian, with half the troops under his command, of which the moft were horfe and dragoons, was advanced to Cladyford, three or four miles above Straban. His majefty was alfo informed, that the rebels appeared in great numbers on the other fide «he \V R 1 T T E N B Y H I M S E L F. 183 the river which obliged him to fend Mr. de Rofen, Monfieur de Mau- 1689. mont, and Monfieur Lery before him, with all the reft of the troops P^ that were at Omi, except one regiment of foot and one troop of dragoons, to fee if pofTible they could pafs the river at Straban. In the mean time Hamilton, the duke of Berwick, and Monfieur de Pufignian having joined their troops about Straban, forced the paflage of Clady- ford with a handful of men in fight of five or fix thoufand of the enemy that were on the other fide to oppofe them. Monfieur de Rofen not finding them at Straban on his arrival, and not being willing to ftop there, went himfelf to view the pafT;\ge of the river from Straban to Lifford, and though he had with him only two troops of horfe and one of dragoons, and that the number of the enemies on the other fide appeared, and were effeftually ten times the number, he bravely attempted the paflage, and himfelf and the general ©fficers leading the way, his troops followed him with that courage that they all fwam the river ; and by fo bold an action, fo frightened the enimies, that they fled upon the firft charge, and purfuing of them for three or four miles killed many of them. His Majefty judging by this manner of proceeding of the enimies that they referved all their efforts for the defending of Derry, and fee- ing the neceffity there was, to provide things necefi'ary for the fie<^e, as alfo to reinforce his army, refolved to return to Dublin, and left the command of his army in the hands of Monfieur de Roien, Monfieur Maumont, Hamilton, the duke of Berwick, Pufignian, and de Lery. The fixteenth his Majefty came back to Charlemont, where he fent more troops to reinforce the garrifon of Coleraine newly taken, as alfo the county of Down, where he was informed that there was a liklihood offome ftirring of rebels. The night of the fixteenth and feventeenth the King received an exprefs from the army, which let him know that the general officers had refolved to reft the troops, the 17th and the 18th, to join all their troops together and march ftraight to Derry ; and diat it was the general opinion, that in the confternation in which the enimies were fince the forcing of the pallages of the river, the town would furrender without any refiftancc. J The i84 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND. 16S9. Tlie morning of the 17th arrived another cxprefs lent by the duke of P" ' Berwick, acquainting his Majcfty, that the rebels of Derry had fent to capitulate with lieutenant general Hamilton, who had fent them to Monfieur de Rofen as his fuperior officer, who anfwercd, that he re- ferred himfelf to the King's declaration *, and would allow them the advantage of it if they forthwith furrendered. Upon which the deputies of the town went back, promifing to fend their anfwer by 10 o'clock the next morning -, and that it was the general opinion, the town would furrender, and, that he was defired by the general officers, to inform his Majefty, that in their opinion, his prefence would be neceflar)'. The King who would fail in nothing that miglu contribute to the good of his affairs, or the reducing of fo important a place, refolved to go thither ; and although he forefaw that the voyage could not be only troublefome, but dangerous, yet he would expofe himfelf thereto, and ihew thereby the regard he had for the opinion of his general officers : He knew that thereby his return to Dublin was delayed, where ths main of his bufinefs lay, but having left all his things there to the ma- nagement of the duke of Tyrconnell, whofe care and exadlnefs in put- ting thefe orders in execution which he had left them, would, he doubted it not, fupply his abfence ; and confidering, on tlie other fide, that the refiftance of the town would have been imputed to him, if by avoiding two or three days of fatigue extraordinary, he had neglcdted any expedition which might have had the leaft fhadow or probability to re- duce it •, he delayed no longer to return back again, to appear at the head of his army, within fight of Derry, to difabufe thofe unhappy rebels of the obftinate belief which they had entertained, that his Ma- jefty was not in Ireland, but had died at Breft, and, that what was faid to perfuade them to the contrary was only to deceive them : therefore as foon as he had received the duke of Berwick's letter, he fet out from Charlemont, where he left a great part of his train, taking with him only thofe who were moft neceflary of his houlhold, as well becaufe of the fcarcity of provifions as the general want of forrage, the ruin of * There is a reference here on the margin of the Englilh copy of the Journal to paper 2d. in Mr. Naime's coUedion, It is the King's proclamation of the firll of April, referred to above. horfes. W R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L F. 12$ horfcs, and other extremities, which were feared. And after a long and 1699. painful day's journey of thirty miles, he arrived that night very late at ^" ' Newtown Stewart, where having refted three or four hours in his clothes, he was on horfeback the next morning by break of day, and by 8 o'clock came to Scraban, where he received a letter from Monfieur de Rolen, wiiich let him know, that the rebels at Derry had again fent to capitulate for the lurrender of the place -, and that to induce them to do it the more readily, he was marched with the whole army to fliew hinilclf near the town. The fame letter informed him that there were Englifli fliips in the lake, with fuccours of foldiers and arms for the town. The King, who expe(5led to have found the army at Straban, finding it march towards De-ry, and dcfiring to overtake it with all fpeed, ftopt not at all, but pafTing the river on horfeback, he overtook the foot, commanded by Monfieur de Pufignian, two miles from LifFord, and having viewed them without (lopping, went on to join Monfieur de Rolen, who was gone from Straban four hours before his arrival, with part of the horfe ; the reft of the horfe and dragoons being fent a day before to Raphoe, as well to fave the provifions which were tiiere in great abundance, as to confine the enemies and drive them further into the Peninlula, had orders to rejoin Monfieur de Rofen within fight of Derry, being commanded by Hamilton and the duke of Berwick. His Majefty, having joined Monfieur de Rofen, within two miles of Derry, put himfelf with him at the head of his troops, and, marching ftraight to the town, ftopt upon a hill within cannot-ftiot of the walls. The place being thus invefted by the few horfe and dragoons that were there, Monfieur de Rofen defired his Majefty to haften the march of the foot that was behind, which coming up but flowly, Monfieur de Rofen preficd his Majefty to fend back two or three meflengcrs one after ano- ther to make them advance with all fpeed, which his Majefty did. Mr. de Rofen having ported the foot round the town, from the fea on the one fide, by the wind-mill, to the garden and the fea on the other fide, tbe King propofed to Jend to fummcn tic lov:n, that they might knozv he vias there ; to which Monjiatr de Rofen anfwered, that it was not proper to Vol. I. B b do i86 LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, 1689. do it till all the troops -Jicre in battalion in view of the tcvun^ and defired the P" ■ King to fend to hajlen Hamilton and the foot ; in the mean time, he, Mon- fieur de Rofcn, advanced with feme berfe and dragoons, and pofted them in the bottom zvithin lefs than half cannon -fjot cf the town, they of Derry not firing one fhot at them. His Majefiy, 'u:ho was refolved to let Monfieur de Bofen all as he thought beft, remained on the heightb, where the horfe and dragoons were fir fl drawn up \ feeing jrom thence the foot marihing along the highway in the bottom, went down to meet them -, finding Mdnfuur d: Rofen refting himfelf in a large field on the fide of a hill out of cannot-fijot, though in full view of the town, propofed to him to draw up the foot there, to give the rebels a full view of them. But Rofen defied his Majefiy to let him poft them as he thought befi, to which the King acquiefced and faid no more ; but went down and met thefot in the lottom, and let thim follow Mr. de Rofen's orders, and kept hiuifeif jufi out of cannc't-fhot from the town, and thm fint a trumpet to fummcn ii ; fo thai it WtJ not by the King's orders that they advanced fo far. Monficur dc Rcfen, notwithfianding that, made the troops advance towards the town, and pofi themfelves very near it under the fisclter of the wind mill, end a houfe near it., and the high enclofures thereahuls, and detached others along the bottom to-jjards the Butcher's Gate. fVhilji this was a doing, the trumpeter caate back to the King, and told him, the anfiver he had was, ih::t they would in an hour's time fend an arfwer, but defined the troops might net advance further. Whether the trumpeter told this laft particular to Monfteur de Rofen as he came back, is not known ; if he did, Monficur de Rofen took no notice of it, for he did not fiop the troops who were then advancing : the trumpeter fpoke French very well, being either a French or a Dutchman, and was fiain fiance *. Every one was furprifed to fee that in a little ti;iie, that nnfwer was nothing elii; than • The paflage in Italicks is in both the French and Engliih copies of ihc JournsI, and yet it is in En^lilh in James's hr.nd on the margin of the French copy. It was James's conftant cuRom to write inflantly an accu!,'. of whatever happened, as appears frequently from his miftakea cjnjtdurcs about the conduct of others, and from the manner he exprcfles his hopes of fuccefs in his own undertakings. He feems to have been ignorant of what paflcd in I.ondonderrv. T he inhabitants oficred him terms of capitulation at the inliigation of LunJie ; — but Murray ariived with a reintorcement, and perfuadcd them to take arms and lire upon James. cannon W R I T T F N B Y H I M S E L F. 187 cannon and mufquet (hots from every fide. This continued the reft of 16S9. the day, and there wore fume foldiers killed. In the mean time, feveiiil April, came out of the town that afiured his IVI ijefty, that this only proceeded from tnc rabble, who being drunk had feizcd upon tlic cannon and fired without order from any people of authority in the townj that the better fort were geneiiiliy refolved to furrendcr, and did all they could to per- fuade the common people to the fame. His Majcjly, li'ho had eat nothing all day, had the patience, notzvithjland- ing the fatigue cf the ttvc preceding days, to remain a horfeback until the evenings expofed to cannon, and under heavy and incejfant rain, waiting for the effects of.the affur.mces which had been given him, and endea- vouring to bring thele unhappy rebels to a fcnfe of their duty with a Cnc^ular and unwearied benignity and forbearance *. His Majefty feeing th.u he gained nothing upon the minds of thefe obftinate wretches, who neither offered to furrender nor capitulate, he drew off his troops \_on account of the bad weather, French copy] to tlie quarters neareft the town ; there to expedl the arrival of the cannon and other things neceffary for the forming of a fiege or blockade, as Ihould be found moft expedient, and retired himfelf to St. Johnftone. The next day, being the 19th of April, confidering how much his Marginal troops were haraffcd, he let them reinain in their quarters 10 reft them- "<^« to ; he FrLtichcopy fclves. That night, the King called together the general officers, when in the King's it was refolved in the council of war that his Majefty held with them, rl^kaw that the horfe fliould be fent to reduce tlie rebels, who were faid to be ^!aum::.t,Ha- • -1 • 1 1 • 111 1 /- tndtn, D. of retired into Innilhowm, and to drive away all the cattle from thence, and Ber-.i'hk, and that a party of foot fhould go and fummon the fort of Killmare, ^'A""^. '» r ' " ' ccinmar.ii, and whilft the reft of them fliould draw up on a mountain to ftiev/ themfelves togohackhim- near Derry. The King, in the mean time, at St. Johnftone gave pro- /en^jiuy teftions to all the proteftants, who having laid down their arms, were come '" ^"'^''"'• to fubmit themfelves to him, who were in great number. The twentieth in the morning his Majefty parted from St. Johnftone, to repafs the river and return to Straban, taking along with him the • This pafTage is in the French copy of the Journal ; — the pen is drawn through the words in Italics, but they are dill legible. B b 2 marquis i88 LIFE OF J AMES THE SECOND, 16P9. marquis de Rofen and Monficur de Lery, leaving the chief command ^P"^' of the troops and the care of all to Monficur de Maumor.t, as firft lieutenant general. Marginal At Straban his Majefty received the deputies of the garrifon of Kill- note to the mare who came to offer the place, which he accepted, pardoned them, French copy * ' _ ' * ill the King's and gave them his protection -, and the day after their return, the place j'aydthey ^^^ furrcndered to his Majefty *. TbTplafeTf"^ The 2 1 ft the King came to Omi, where he received the deputies of thtyxveie/ure the caftle of Derguc, who came, in the name of the whole garrifon, to Majeflywai ofFcr CO furrcndcr upon condition to have their goods and lives faved, ihrre,anoup. ^j^j leave to tetum each man to his home with a proteftion. His Ma- ra I heir return it ivai given jelly was pleafed to grant them thefe rcquelts -, and fo that caftle, which is "mottt^^""' strong of itl'elf, and ftands upon a narrov/ pafs between Innilkiiling and Derry, and might have hereafter much inconvenienced his Majefty 's army, was reduced without trouble, and received a garrifon without refiftance. From Omi his Majefty came, the 22d, to Charlemont, where he received an exprefs from Derry, who brought in the news, that thofe in the town had made a fally the vith three fqiiadrons of horfe ?.nd three thoufand foot towards Killmare ■, that they had ported their horfe upon the ftrand and their foot in tlie hedges a little farther ad- vanced, and to the left, fo that it was necefT.iry to pafs direftly before the foot to attack their horfe. This hindered not Monfieur de Maumonc from putting himfelf at the head of the advanced guard, confiftingof 40 tro(.--crs, with Hamilton, the duke of Berwick, Mr. Fitzjames, Mon- A marginal (-,g^,p jg Pufi^nian, and feveral volunteers, and to march ftraight to attack rnte to the "^ • , n i r j- \ r "^ i 1-rench copy them ; and, although he received all the fire ot the toct palTing by, yet in the King's ^^ charged their horfe fo fmartly, that lie put them in diforder, Sheldonhrgged (nctw'tthfianding -ivhat Brigadier SheUotj /aid to him, to perfuade bim not to ml tTg^t'tt e>:pofe himfelf, and all the general officers, at the heed of fo few men ;) and 't' ^'r"''/ his foot to the number of 400 men comang up, with 4c dragoons, they party of hcrfe, made fuch an imprefuon upon the enemies, that after an obuinatc combat, it net Itir.g ft for him to — -~ __^_^__— — ^_-. engage himfelf , |^ the French copy the words are, eind a fe^ iayi thereafter ibi place furrinJtred f "niralo^e'ers,' Monfitur Hamilton, ix-ho had the Kings orders to rectivt it, and It execute all the conditions lut ic let him ^vbicb his Majefifs (Itmency had been pleaftd to grant to lie garrifon. (jheldOi)£W. they WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 189 they fled, and were purfued by ours to the gates of the town. The 1689. marquis de Maumont was killed at the beginning of this fight, with P" ' a lieuc. col. that was near him, and fome other officers killed or wounded. The duke of Berwick had two horfcs killed under him, and the mar- quis dc Pufignian one. His Majefly was extrcamly afflidted with the lofs of monfieur de Maumont, and commanded his body to be brought to Dublin. He writ too, at the fame time, to Hamilton, pofitively for- bidding the general officers to expofe themfclves after that manner •, it being a thing altogether contrary to prudence and the good of his fcrvice '. The King had already fent a general officer to command the troops, which were to march into the county of Down, near Antrim and Car- rickfcrgus, to hinder the landing of the Englifh, in cafe their Ihips which had appeared before Derry, and retired the day the King came before the town, fhould attempt any thing againft the caftle of Carrick- fcrgus ; a place of much importance, as commanding a convenient port of that fide. But being informed that there were again in that county fome new commotions of the proteftants, he fent thither a recruit of one troop of horfe before he left Charlemont, and the next day being the 23d, being come to Newry, and finding the dilbrders in the faid county of Down increafed, he fent one troop more of dragoons, which was all the force on that fide of the country or with his perfon. From Newry his Majefty came, the 25th, to Drogheda, and the aCth to Dublin, where he found the duke of Tyrconnell not returned from vificing the troops ; the arms not arrived from Cork, Kinfale, or Water- ford ; and that in the arfenal nothing had been done for preparing of tools, which obliged him to renev/ his orders on thole two heads. The news from Scotland being, that there were many among the AfTairsof gentry difpofed to declare themfclves for his Majefty, and that the people ^'"''""d. in general were v/cll inclined, his Majelly refolved to lend thither the regiments of Ramfey, Antrim, and O'Ncile -, and, in the mean time, his * MarOial lie Rofen writci to the Ki.ng of this affair in the following terms : Je fuis fort fache de la pert de tant de braves cfficiers que V. M. a faite a I'occafion de London-' derry. Mais, fire, cela ne peut jamais arriver autrcinent, quaiid on veut atraquer dci placci bi?n garnies centre tou:cs ifs rcgiei de la guerre. D N. vol. i. f;'. Na, : '">. lirll 190 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1689. firft letters, lent by Mr. Bradcy, having been intercepted, ?nd he who ^^"'' carried them made prifoncr, tho' not much of his Majcfty's dcfigns could be thereby dilcovcred, yet as fome of the perfons to whom the faid letters were diredted, being known thereby to be friends to his Majefty, would be obliged, in their own defence, and for his Majcfty's intereft, to take up arms, his Majcfty found it convenient to fend frcfli letters, with commiflions ; and, at the f.une time, he publifbed a decla- ration againfl all the members of tlie convention, and the adherents of the prince of Orange, as rebels ; and gave full power to all his loyal fubjefts to fall upon and deftroy them ; this being necefiary for autho- rifing the aftions of his good fervants ; fince, by the law of the land, none can take up arms without the King's authority. A few days after the King's return to Dublin, his Majefty received the ill news of the death of monfieur de Pufignian, who was wounded in a fally made by the rebels of Derry, and died two days after. His Majefty was extremely concerned at it ; nor could enough regret the lofs of two fuch brave men as monfieur de Maumont and him, whqfe courage, conduft, and obliging manners had gained the love and efteem of all men. His Majefty, being ftill bent upon finding means to put his armies in a good condition, propofcd the having three camps ; that Derry being taken, the troops on that fide fliould camp in the North, toward Scot- land ; that ten regiments fliould camp near Dublin, and all the reft of the army, except the garrifons, betwixt Cork and Kinfale -, and that magazines fliould be eftabliflied near each of thofe camps, from whence the troops fliould be furnillied with all things necefl'iry. His Majefty likewife applied himfelf to the arming of his troops, with all fpeed poffible, ftill fending to Derry thofe that were beft armed ; he ordered all the old arms to be mended, two pieces of cannon for bat- tery, and one great mortar to be prepared, and tools and other inftru. ments to be made without delay; and, that this might be done with more regularity, he gave the commifllon of mafter general of the artil- lery to the lord vifcount Mount Cafliell. He was alfo refolved to have fent canHOJi to Derry by fea ; hut the Englijh z'effels being abroad^ that was impraolicabk *. * The words in Italicks are in lord Melfort's hand, in the French copy of the Journal. His WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 191 His Majefly refolving to draw together the horfe and dragoons newly 1689. levied, to fend them to fcveral places in garrifon ; and, by that means, to have more men to fend to Derry, more Ilraightly to befiege the famej having been hitherto, properly fpcaking, but blocked up ; thofe new- levies, when looked into, were found to be only regiments in name, and not formed or fit for fervice. The duke of Tyrconnell, at his return from vifiting the troops, acquainted his Majefty, that he found amongft the infantry fo many good men, that he could not think of difbanding them -, and therefore, that he had kept up, in fome regiments, twenty companies, inrtead of thirty ; and in others, 22 companies, &c. However, thofe which were dilbanded, committed ftrange difor- ders every where •, for the preventing of which, his Majefty erefted fe- veral provoft martials in all the provinces of the kingdom, to reftrain and puniQi the authors of fuch diforders without delay. He gave or- c'ers alio for feizing the goods of abfent proteilants and rebels, making ufe, for that purpofe, of the mod efFeclual means which the laws of the country permitted, and going even beyond that where the occafion required. The' King, confidering the trade was loft, and all commerce broke off with England, refolved to give out commifTions of privateers to all thole who would take them ; giving feveral to thofe of St. Malo, which he had done much fooner, if he had not confidered, that after beginning to take the Englifh veflels, it would be no longer eafy for him to have any intelligence from England, the frequency of which was of fo much im- portance to the good of his affairs. All traiEck being thus broke of, and the tranfporting of wool, hides, and other merchandife of the country into England entirely forbidden, his Majefty found an expedient, by which trade might yet go on with fome fecurity with France ; and to that end commanded fuch merchants as dcfired to trade for the advantage of the country and their own intereft, to endeavour to find Spani/h and Dutch veflels, to which he would give pafl"ports for the tranfporting of fuch goods into France *. The • L'efore King James left France, a memorial was prefcnted to Lewis XI V. by one of his miniilers, recommending a treaty of commerce between France and England, before James returned to his dominions, v.'hich might be publifhed along with his declaration, granting 3 192 LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, 1689. The refiftance of Dcrry had encourged fcvcral of the rebels, and efpecially thofe of Innifkillin, to commit infolencc;. They began to make excurfions into, and deftroy the neighbouring country, when his Majcfty fent colonel Sarsfield, with thirty- five companies of foot, four troops of horfe and dragoons, towards Sligo, to confine them within nar- row limits, and reprefs a little their infolence. About this time happened the defeat of the rebels in the county of Down, by colonel Baughan, general major of his Majefty's forces [le Sr. Bochan, marechal de camp] who had ftt upon them with one troop of horfe, another of dragoons, and two regiments of foot ; they being be- _. »j . . granting a liberty of free trade to fuch of his Majelly's fubjefti ai ihould declare for him, fol. No 12. and obtain paflports from him ; and propofing to ercil a court of aJmiralty in France, to regulate this trade in fuch a way as fliould confine it to James's faithful fubjeils. It does not appear, that fuch a treaty was made. But, on the fixteenth of July, James give the following memorial to D'Avaux, the French amballador. A Memorial given te the French ^mbafadtr, the \tth Julj, 1:89.. Tranflation, Ibid. No. 10. ^'^ Majelly, when he entered his kingdom of Ireland, gave his orders, that his mod Chrjftian Majelly's fuhjeAs, trading to the faid kingdom, fhould be treated as the Irilh, and not pay more duty than they did ; and that ihe crown per ton, which they ufually paid for their vefleis, ihould not be exaScd. That order was given, by his Majefty him- felf, to the commidioners of his re^'cnue, and executed fo pundually, that the French have not fmce paid any duty for their merchandize, nor tlie crown /c-/- ton. Dut, as that order was only verbal, his Majelly has given it in writing, in order that his moft Lhrif- tian Majefty's ambafla-^or cxiraordinary might fend a copy of it to France. His Majefty likewife ordered to allow wool to be exported to France, by all thofe who would a(k permifiion, which he has never, and never will refufe to any, who will choofe to tranfport wool to France. But the want of veflels has hindered that traflick. The King has entirely forbidden the exportation of any wool into England ; and would be very well pleafed, that French veflels would come for it, as was promifed. His M.ijelly h.-iving anfwered to the article propofed concerning wine, that, if his moft Clirirtian Majelly demanded the diminution of the duties upon it, he will diminilh it as much as his moUChrilHan Majefty will defire. But if he imagines thcrebyto augment his Majefty's revenue, his Majefty has got that affair examined by his commiftioners, ia order to know the ftate of it, that be might fend an exafl information of it to his moft Chriftian Majefty. In the mean time, he has, as the French ambaffador demands it, bought all the wines which the French had imported for fale, without making them pa/ any duty. Done, at Dublin, the 16th day of July, 1689. Melfort. twixtL W R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L F. fg-j twixt three and four thoufand in number, of which fix hundred were rE89. killed on the fpot, and the reft difperfed. Upon which, th.nt country being a little more fecure from the enemy's attempts, Boughan had or- ders to march with his troops to Derry. A few days after, the King received the welcome news of the arrival of the French fieet, in the bay of Bantrey, and of the fight they had with the F.nglifli, who were- beaten and put to flight with as much ignominy, as they had, with info- lence, and difrefpeft to the law of nations, attacked them. Tliis ar- rival of the fleet, which brought a fupply of officers, arms, and money j and which was followed with fo glorious a victory, filled the court with a general fatisfaiStion ; and the whole city expreflcd their joy for it with bonfires. His Majefty, who had expedled this fleet, with the French officers, a month before, had given orders, when he went to the North, to all the feaports, intimating how he would have them received at their arrival. He had kept for the mofl: of them places vacant in the regiments, though not without difficulty, confidering that the officers who had railed the faid regiments, had placed the fubaltcrns, who were, for the mofl: part, their relations, and had maintained them five months at their own expences. His Majefty fent orders to bring the French officers with all fpeed from Bantrey to the quarters of the regiments in which they were to ferve •, and they were all employed and diftributed in different pofts, according to the rank which the ambaflador denred : his Majefty making thofe who had been captains in France, majors-, thofe who had been- lieutenants, captains; the enfigns, lieutenants; and the cadets, enfigns or lieutenants*; the engineers were particularly fent for, and dif- patched • The whole hopes of James rafting upon Lewis XIV. that unfortunate prince was reduced into an abjedl dependence on the count D'Avaux, the French ambaflador. The French in general were treated with fingular attention ; and Jame» paid great refp«(f\ to the perfon, and deference to the opinions, of the ambaflador in particular: yet he was conftantly mifreprefented by him to his court. James was very fenfible of this, when he wrote as follows to lord Waldegrave, then in France. " Probably there will be complaints fent to that court againft our court martial, for .t • • ' ' ° . iNajrnes a fentence given in favour of an Irifh foldier, accufcd of having wounded his officer, a Papers, D.N. Frenchman. That you may know how the thing pafled, we fend yop an abllraft of the vol. i. fol. tryal." No. 42. Vol. I. C c At ig4 LIFEOF JAMESTHESECOND, 1689. patched to Derry, where they were extremely neccffary. His Majcfty alfo fent Henry Bond (le chevalier Bond) one of his receivers general, to Bantrty, to bring from thence the arms to Dublin, with all poffiblc diligence. But the country being full of mountains, and a defert where they were landed, the diftance, and the want of all forts of carriages, and not daring to venture them any more at fea, was the caufc of their arriving but very flowly. Whilft they were a-coming, his Majefty dif- patched to Derry two cannon, one great mortar, with bombs and ammu- nition, and two battalions of the regiment of Euftace, being all that was armed and fit to be fent -, and, for the greater advantage and convc- niency of the army, his Majefty eftabliflied a French munitioner, to- furnilh the rations of bread to the foldiers, who was to begin to do the iame, fifteen days after the figning his agreement, to the camp of Derry^ where there was then bread or meal for above a month. The officers that had hitherto fubfifted the regiments at their own charge, being weary of receiving no pay, the moft of them having laid out all they were worth, and reduced themfelvcs to an impofTibility of doing fo any longer, it was refolved in his Majelly's council, that they *■* At a general court martial held, at his Majeflies camp near Dundalk, the 24th day of September, 1689. " An infcrmaiion was preferred, by the judge advocate, againll John WaJl, a private < fcntinel in colonel Nicholas Purcell's regiment of dragoons, for drawing his fword. againll le Sieur Coverent, againft the latter part of the 13th article of war, and. againft the cuih)m and rule of war. " To this information, the prifoner pleaded Not guilty, and put himfelf cpon hit tr) aL " His det'eoce was, that le Sieur Coverent was not an ofiicer, wkichjie proved firft by his colonel, who faid, that lieut. general Hamilton had writt to him, .and defired hioa, to take him as a fecond lieut. faxs fa^on ; but that he never faiv.sivy commifiion he had. The major of the regiment gave evidence, that he never did guard or party duty, or wa* received at the head of the regiment, or any troop thereof, as the major heard or faw^ as an officer. The prifoner alfo produced one Fitzpatrieic, a cornet in the faid regiment^ who depofed, that he never took him for an officer in tae faid regiment; but believed bim to be a comrade only of a reformed ofiicer, he faw hire very much with. By all which, it appearing to the court, that he was not a known officer in the regiment, he r.eithcr having produced the King's commiflion, nor done guard or party duty, the pri- foner was acquitted, by the whole court, nciniiu tontradicente. '' By this, you fee the court martial ^roQee^djicunJitm allf gat a ti probata. The judge advocate may be blamed, for that he prellcd pu the tryal, before witneffej on both lide» could be produced." , fhould» WRITTEN BYHIMSELF. t^5 ftould, for the future, be paid regularly ; and for that end an exafl lift 1689, was taken of all the regiments, and all the companies of which they confifted, with the number of each company : and twelve commifTaries were fent through all the provinces and garrifons, to take an exaft mufter of them, they being obliged, before the 28th of May, to give an ac- CQunt of fuch their mufter, that his Majefty might, in purfuance thereof, caufe them to be paid for that month : but whilft this was a doing, it being reprefented to his Majefty, that the commifTaries newly come from France would, either by themfelves, or others appointed by them, make mufters much more exaft and true; for this reafon, without having any regard to the review made before, his Majefty having eftabliftied the faid French commiflTaries, fcnt them a fecond time to make it, in their way ; and, in the mean time, cauled money to be given a hen compt to fuch as had moft occafion for it. After which, the pay of officers was regulated, who had hitherto received no fubfiftence j having been given only to the foldiers, at the rate of eighteen pence /"^r week to the foot, and of five and forty pence half-penny to the horfe, and fix and tjiirty pence to the dragoons. This being regulated, and the account of the mufters examined, it was refolved to compleat the full payment of the month of May to the whole army, defaulting what they had received a bon compt ; and as his Majefty had not yet eftabliftied a method for receiving the money which came out of France, but feeing that the ambaflador was willing to take the trouble of it upon himfelf, his Ma- jefty left it entirely in his hands, requiring none but as he had occafion for it for his army, to the payment of which he had dcfigned to em- ploy it entirely; ft\ewing to the ambaffadour, from time to time, the reafons for which he demanded any ; and thereupon the ambaftador de- livered to his Majefty's receivers general the fums agreed upon, or elfc gave orders to monfieur Alexander, treafurer of the money which came from Frtnoe, to pay the trpops; direfling orders to him for that effedl by his fecretar)', with which his Majefty was fo much the better fatisfied, in that the ambaftador faw thereby how the faid money was employed to a farthing, and his Majefty's officers were not charged therewith. But however exaft the method was, which was taken for the acknow- ledgment [menagement, French copy] of that money, his Majefty fore- faw very well, that it could not fuffice for fubfifting, any long time, the C c 2 great 196 LIFEOrjAMESTHESECOND, 1689. great number of troops which he was obliged to have on foot for the defence of Ireland ; and fearing, with reafon, to fall into the greatcft difficulties, if the army (hould once come to want every thing, and that he fhould not have wherewithal to maintain them, he confidered of all the expedients and ways imaginable to prevent fo great an evil. His faithful fubjedls of Ireland were not in a condition to lend him any*; money from France not being to come, but with the fleet, the prefenc neccfficies of the army, which required a fpeedy remedy, could not he relieved time enough. All thefe reafons made his Majefty refolve to coin certain pieces of copper, which fhould go and be received as filver; and this, after having weighed all the inconveniencies which could hap- pen thereby, was found the only expedient capable of fcrving the army, in the want to which it was reduced i not having yet received fubfiftencc for the whole month of May, nor any means left to find in the whole kingdom wherewitli to pay them the half of the month of June ; and it being of the greateft confequence to the good of his Majcfty's affairs, that he fliould keep fome two hundred thoufand livres, which yet re- mained of the French money, in cafe his Majcfly fhould have occafion thereof for England or Scotland, or for intelligence and other things of tliat nature ; pieces of copper, worth fix pence, were therefore begun to be coined, which is continued every day, nor can enough be made for the payment of the army, which is very v/ell latisfied with them ; and they pafs now in the country v/ichout difficulty. All this time, the parliament was employed In making a£ls necelTary for the good of the kingdom, for the raifing of money, and for efla- blifliing liberty of confcience, fuch as niigbt give no caufe of dilcontent to his Majefty's fubjeds in his other kingdoms. At Derry, the relillance of the rebels continuing, they made feveraL follies-, in one of which, colonel Ramfay, who commanded the troops that were furthelt advanced, having begun his work too late, tlie nights • jIU the Chriftian princts, and even the pope himftlf, only pitied him, hut gave him nt relief. His Chrijliaa Majefty aline, thougU he him/elf luei tUtacked by ali Europe, had *»- dertaken to Juppart him, and hud already done fo much, that it luai unjujl to abufe his gCHt- tofity, at a time •when he himfelf nxas fo much invohjid : iifides, it it aliuays proper to/avt- the money of our friendt, Thefe words are ia the French, but are omitted in the Englifh copy of the Journal. being W R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L F. 197 being extremely fliorr, was perceived by thofe of the town, who fell 16E9. upon him, before he could put his work, in a condition of defence ; fo that, overcome by a great number of the enemies, he was beat back, with the lofs of thirty men, and himfclf killed fighting bravely. He was a very good officer, and one whom the King regretted extreamly. His MajeAy feeing that the fiege of Derry was likely to continue yet fome time, and that the rebels of Inniflvillin grew ilronger every day, and becoming more and more infolent, pillaging and deftroying all the neigh- bouring country, he fent three regiments of foot, five troops of horfe, and one of dragoons, under the command of monfieur de Rofen, who had orders to ftraicen thofe of Innifkilling, and to force them further towards Derry, as he fhould fee occafion ; doing therein what he fhould judge moft proper for his Majefty's fervice and interell. The marquis de Rofen, following his Majefty's orders, marched, the 1"°^- day of June, from Dublin to Trim, where he remained until he had received all the arms, that the King could fend him for the arming of his troops, fo as to put them in a condition to ferve. He was advanced as far as Cavan, on Iiis way to Inniikilling, when his Ma- jefty had the news, that the Englifh appeared in the lake before Derry, which obliged him to fend him orders to march forthwith towards that place, that being near it, he might be able either to fupport general Hamilton, by fending him feme part of his troops, or to go and take the command of the fiege himfelf; that being left to his prudence to determine as he thought fit, and as the junfture of affairs fi^ould require. Having received his orders, he marched immediately from Cavan, and made fuch hade, that he came time enough to be at the camp at Derry^ before the Englilh had attempted either to land or relieve the town *. In. • De Rofen, while he was on his march to Derry, wrote feveral letters to James, j). N. vol. i. Dundagh, i ith June — He complains of bad roads, the want of arms, and the defertion of fol. No. i6. his troops. Legaurey, 1 5th June — He gives the King an account of the intelligence fent to him by Hamilton.— The Englifh fleet had attempted, the preceding day, to enter the lake. — Both Hamilton's forces and his own were few in number, opprefled with fatigue, and wanted arms ; whereas the Englifh fleet had brought arms in abundance; and as the rebel* in that diilri£t amounted to 20,coo men, befldes the Innifkillincrs, who were 198 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1689. 'In the mean time, his Majcfty, not being willing to leave the pod of Bclturbatt unguarded, fince it was of great confequence for ftraitening 'the rebels in Innifkilling, he fent thither two regiments of foot and one •of dragoons, and two troops of horfc, under the command of colonel Sutherland, brigadier of his forces, whom his Maiclly commanded to keep correfpondence with Sarsfield, who was, with three troops of horfe, one of dragoons, and three battalions of foot, within twelve miles of Innifkilling, on the other fide, in a place which covered all the country towards the South. Sutherland marched ftraight to Behiirbait, where he received orders from monfieur de Rofen to march towards Omi, to fecure the troops employed in the fiege of Dcrry on that fide. He im- mediately obeyed his orders, and went for Omi ; leaving only two hun- dred and fifty men at Belturbatt. Tl;e rebels of Innifkilling, feeing his march, endeavoured to polTefs themfelvc-., of a narrow pais to hinder it ; but Sutherland having notice, marched all night, and got there before them ; who feeing themfelves prevented, and difappointed of their de- fign, refolved to return and attack thofe men he left behind at Beltur- batt, which they did, and had not much difficulty to fucceed •, they being neither numerous enough, nor having any fortification, which might enable them to make any great refiflance, they were all taken prifoners, before the fuccours which his Majefty fcnt could arrive -, tho', in the moment he heard of colonel Sutherland's march, he fent the regiment of Bophin, two troops of horfe, and two troops of dragoons to that place. already very well armed, a confiderable army would foon appear in the North. He had forefcen this long ago, and iherefore dilap proved of forming the fuge of Derry with fuch a imail, ill-armed body of men ; and now intreats his Majelly to affemble more troofs, and march them towards Derry, according to the plan which he and the French ambaf- fador had laid before him Dungannon, i^June — He gives the King extraordinary in- Aances of the negligence and want of difcipline in the troops. — He excepts only on« of- ficer, and propofes to break feveral. — He had entered, that morning, into Charlcmont. — Thegovernour, tho' he had been advifed the dary before of R,. fen's coming, had flcpt ia kis country-houfe; all the officers and foldiers, except a few who were in the fields, watching the duke of Berwick and general Hamilton's horfes, were in bed — He complain* of the want of tents, forage, -ammunition, and neceflaries of every kind. — He was obliged to let loofe the horfes at night, to pafture in the fields; and had not a furgeon to take care of the fick -aod wounded. 1 His WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 199 His Majeily being advertifcd from feveral hands, that a great many 16S9. horles and a great quantity of arms, belonging to the rebels, were con- cealed in Dublin, it was refolved in council, that fearch fliould be made for them ; and it was referred to Mr. de Rofen to do it*. This order •was ready to be put in execution, when his Majefly received advice by a fpy, that tlie rebels had a defign to fend letters iota England, which the fpy himfclf was to carry. His Majefty thought it necelTary to inter- cept thofe letters, and to fecure the writers of them ; and therefore it was refolved, by the advice of the French ^mbafTador and the reft of his council, that the fearch for arms fliould be referred for two or three days; and, in that time, five of the cpnfpirators were apprehended. But there appearing every day new accompJices of the treafon, the examination of it took up time, and hia Majefty being obliged, at that time, to fend . Monfieur de Rofen towards Innifkilling, the fearch of the arms was re- ferred to lord Mount Cafhell, who having reprefented the diforder it . would caufe, and the little probability there was of finding any arms by that means, and the duke of Tyrconnel being of the fame opinion, his Majefty let that -defign alone for this time ; refolving, however, to put it in execution, upon the firft favourable opportunity. The. camp defigned near Dublin was ^ marked out by his Majefty, the ■w,ood.and ftraw for the barracks prepared ; but the money falling ftiort, ilj was not found expedient to have fo many raw foldiers, with officers equally unexperienced, drawn together, without either money or arms to give them i and whililarms were prepared, and ways contrived to find money, the news from the North quite broke the defign of the camp,, and other meafures v/ere taken ; Monf de Rofen being fent one way, Sutherland another, and three regiments ftraight to Derry by the way of Charlemont. As for the camp nigh Corfc, it was not to be thought of, there being fcarce troops left in Munfter for the garrilbns, all the reft having been fent to Derry. At thi- time his Majefty hearing that the rebels began . to raife taxes in England, found it necefiTary, to put forth his Declara- tion of the 28th of June, by which he forbids the raifing or paying • This juftifie* the anfwer which James gave to D'Avaux's memorial. It may be feen amoog the papcn of tbii year. thereof. 20O L I F E O F J A M E S T II E S E C O N D, 1689. tfiercof, as alio the imprilbning any of his good fubjefts, declaring luch as fhould be guilty to be liable to be profecuted for falfe iniprifonmcnt, and filed for five pound per hour, the penalty inflicted by the ad, in fuch cafes where any is reftrained of his liberty againft law. The news from the camp before Derry gave, at this time, very good liopes of its being foon in the pofTefTion of his Majefty's forces. The fhort account of the progrefs of that fiege is this : Siege of Lon- The great guns and mortars arrived not at the camp, till the thirtieth "ry. ^^ May, and till then little was done againft the town, except beating them back when they ventured to fally, and firing with what guns we had upon them, which, however, did confiderable execution. As foon as the guns and mortars were arrived, and more forces come up, the fiege was carried on more clofcly, and on the fourth of June, it being judged necefiary to take from the enemy a wind-mill, which they had fecured with feveral intrenchments, general Bouchan was commanded to attack it with two battalions of foot, which he did with much bra- very •, but the rebels having drawn out almoft their whole garrifon for the defence of it, and fome of the foot not going fo heartily on as was cxpedted, he was obliged to retire, having loft feveral officers in the adion, and colonel Dorrington and feveral others being wounded. Some Englifti fliips began now to appear in the loch near the town, and ic was known for certain, that they expefted more, on board of which Kirk was, with three regiments, to try to relieve the town. Upon which a boom was laid acrofs the river to prevent their coming up -, and in the mean time the general endeavoured to carry on his works, fo as to cut off from the rebels the fprings from whence they had their frefti water. The Englifti, on the eight of June, fent a fmall frigate, the Gray- hound, with two ketches, to endeavour to get fome fupply into the town i but the frigate was ftranded near Killmore, and before ftie could get of, had feveral fhots in her from the guns the general had fent for that purpofe, which had certainly beat her to pieces, but that the gun- ners were none of the beft. On the 13th, the enemy's whole fleet appeared in the loch, and came to anchor near Killmore ; but the general had fo fecured the river •with W R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L F. 201 with booms, and lb polled the forces on each fide with cannon, that 1689. they could nut attempt coming up the river, without being certainly de- ftroyed. In this flate things continued ; the fleet attempting notliing, and his Majefty's forces carrying on their works againft: the town, as fad as the ill weather, and the other inconveniencies, under which they laboured, would permit them : but the battalions growing very thin, as well by the foldiers defcrting as falling fick, and the Engli(h being expected to land, Mr. de Rolen was ordered to march thither with what forces he had, which he did •, and it being left in his choice to take the care of the fiege upon him, he left it to Hamilton, porting himfelf [o as to hinder any deicent from the fleet *. The duke of Berwick was now fent to Donnegall, where the rebels began to afllemble, and he charged them with that courage and fuccefs, that he entirely routed them, taking a great booty of cattle and flieep, befides fourfcore horfes and much provifions. Our works went ftill but flowly on, until the latter end of the month; nor could we beat down the enemy's defences, for want of cannon, which we were forced to employ at the river fide in cafe the fleet fliould attempt any thing. But provifions began now to grow fo fcarce in the town -f, that on the 29 ch they talked of furrendering, and propofed conditions ; • The marefchal de Rofen arrived in the camp before Londonderry tiie 1 7th, he wrote -p^ j^ ,.pj_ j_ to the King on the 2cth and on the 23d. He gave him an account of fome military ope- fol. N'o. 16, rations, and infornis him that he allocs Hamilton Hill to command the liege. It is not his fault, nor Hamilton's, that the town d;!a)s to furrcnder, " and as every minute of time is precious to us now, I wifh we may not hereafter have reafon to regret thofe we lofe here, and that the fuccours which we expeil from )our Majelly, and which are abfolutely neceflary for us, may not arrive too late." + Walker in a letter to Kirk, dated the zfth June, mentions the terms of capitulation, Nalrne's P.i- which Hamilton offered to the citizens. " If we would furrcnder the town, and lay per?, D. i\. down our arms, we Ihould have a free pardon ; as many of us as had a mind to tranlpcrt . . ' ^^ ' Ottrfelves (hould have free liberty, and others might have convoys to their former habita- tions, and reprifals of their goods ; all which we have abfolutely refufed : but if we have no; a fpeedy I'upply, and that in a few days, not exceeding fix, we mull, we fear, accept of the worfe that now is offered. ' He then rcpreftiits their dillrefs, and the facility of fending them a fupply. Vol. I. D d A letter 202 LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, 1689. conditions -, but it was thought their aim was, thereby to gain time, ftill expedling relief from the fleet. The day before, the King's forces beat them from two retrenchments, they had made without the gate ; but being there expoled to the continual fire of the enemies from the wall, they quitted them, fome officers being killed and fome wounded on that occafion, and particularly Monf. d'Angleufe. Monfieur de Rofen, at this time, formed a proje the befieged * ; and the next day he ilTued the following order to put his mtnaccs in execution. The order of the Marefchal dt Rofen to go'vernoun and commander t, to put his declaration in execution, — Camp before Londonderry, the \fl cfjuly 1089. Tranflation. " The rebels of Londonderry augmenting every day their obllinacy, which can no JsJairne's Pa- longer be endured, I have rcfolved to gather together all the rebels of this country, and pers, D. N. to conduct them to camp, and afterwards drive them under the walls of the town that ^°'' '• '"''• they may ftarve. V'ou are to give them no nioie fubfillence than will be barely neceflary " ''^' to fipport them this length from the places where they fhall be taken. And as I have certain information, that a confideraWe number of the rebels of Londonderry and of this dillricl, efpecially their wives and children, have retired to Bclfaft, and the neighbouring places ; and as the hardinefs of their hulbands deferves the fevered chaftifements, 1 write this letter to acquaint you, that you are inftantly to make an exadl refearch, in Belfali and its neighbourhood, after fuch fubjei^ts as are rebellious to the will of the King, whether men, women, boys or girls, without exception, and whether they are prctefled or unpro- tefled, and to arreft them and collect them together, that they may be conduced by a detachment to this camp, and driven under the walls of Londonderry, where they fhall b; allowed to llarve in fight of the rebels within the town, unlefi they chufe to open their ports to them, which they (hall be at liberty to do, if they are difpofed to piiy them. Do not fail to exert )ourftlf to the utmoft in executing thefe orders punctually, and with- out delay, and at the rifk of being perfonally anfwerablc to me for your diligence; and you are to be particularly careful, that none of the rebels, whether men or boys, women or girls, or infants, of wha;ever age, fhall pafs the river and efcape the way of Charle. moot, to fave themfelves from the wretchejnefs to which they are to be reduced. " You are to intimate to the inhabitants of Port Patrick the orders you have received, and to declare to them, that they fhall alTuredly be treated with the fame rigour unlefs they remain quiet. 1 recommend to you, to give the greateft attention to the execution of thefe orders. I am, S I R, Your moft obedient humble fervant, The Marefchal de Rosen. "^I forgot to tell you, that you muft be more vigilant than ever during this commo- tion, left they fhould attempt any thing againfl you." • Thtre is a copy of the otii;inal dedaritlon among Mr. Nairne'i pajxrf, D. N, »ol. i. fcl. N'o. 24. See a tiinflitioa of it in Ralph, vol. ii, p. 125. and io other writcii. The to6 LIFEOFJAMESTHE SECOND, ■ 689. for want of their battering pieces, which were employed at the chain laid acrofs the river. The town, however, was reduced to great extremities for The anfwer of the inhabitants of Londonderry to a paper they had received from lieo- tenant general Hamilton, dated the 29th of June, and to the declaration of iriarefchal de Rofen, dated the 30th of June, is in the following terms : 7'ie anjkvtr ef the go'vernours, commanders, oficers, and /cldiiri, in the city ef Londonderry, the zd o/julj 16S9, to a paper of hit txcelUncy lieutenant general Hamilton, dated the icyh efjune lajl. Nairne's Pa- " That we having received and read the faid paper, and confidering of it, with other pers, U. IN. offers made to us by the faid lieutenant general, in our council, and with others here. vol. I. fol. ,.,,... No. 26. '"^' ^^ might the better give him a fitting anfwer; but before we could get the faid marked on matter fully confidered and brought about, which was much hindered by the death of the back, Q^g of our governours, by difturbance given us from the camp, we had fent us a paper, '^ ' ' fealed and figned by themarefchal de Rofen, dated ift inftant, by which he declares, that in cafe we do not, betwixt that time and Monday following by fix of the clock in the afternoon, agree to furrender the city unto the King, upon fuch conditions as ihould be granted us, by lieutenant general Hamilton, according to his Majefty's inftrudions ; that the faid marlhal would forthwith iffue forth his order, from the barony of Innis Owen and the fea-coafts round about, as far as Charlemont, for gathering together thofe of our faftion (as he calls them) whether protefted or not, and caufe them immediately to be brought to our walls, where we may receive them into the town, if we have any pity ; otherwife we will be forced to fee our friends and nearefl relations all ftarved for want of food, he having refolved not to leave one of them at home, nor any thing to main- tain them on : and, that all hopes of fuccours may be taken away, by landing of any troops in thefe ports from England, he further declares, that, if we do not, by that time, fubmit, he will forthwith caufe all the faid country to be deftroyed, by burning the houfcs, mills, &c. ; and carry all provifions of the faid country' to fuch places as he Ihall think fit, and the reft he will deftroy. So that our relations, country people, men, women and children muft ftarve, though proteded ; vviih other cruel thrcatenings in the faid paper held forth : which paper of the faid marefchal, we had openly read in our fa- milies. It gave great ofience to the people here ; and caufed many of them believe, that no articles or capitulation, that (hould be made with us, Ihould ever be performed or kept ; when they find and believe, that the faid marefchal hath, or pretends to have, a power of command, in the army, above the faid lieutenant general, and that he threat- ens to break the proteAions already given to the protcllants, and ufe them in manner aforefaid ; and that, though we (hould have fufiicient articles, from the faid lieutenant general, to fave our lives, religion, libertie", and eftates, yet on landing of any wmy from England, to invade Ireland, our articles fliould be broken, ourfelves imprifoned or driven from home, and our goods, chattels, and provifions taken from us, and we forced to ftarve. That, though we expeft favour from his Majcfty and the faid lieutenant ge- 2 neral, W R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L F. ao; for want of provifions -, for of thofe who came out and mixt with the 1689. people that were driven to the walls by Monf. de Rolen, fcveral were known neral, and others with them ; yet we exped no mercy, nor favour, or keeping of condi- tions with us, from the faid maxefchal or his countrymen with him ; (if he and they fliall have power, they having cruel defigns) as their countrymen have, againJl the laws, the liberty, and the religion of all men of our church and perfuaiion. "That, on viewing and confidering the copy of the commiflion, granted by the King to the faid lieutenant general, to treat with us, we find it bears date the firft of May laft ; fince which time, to wit, on the fourteenth of the faid month, there fat a parliament in Dublin, by aft whereof our lives and ellates were forfeited; wherefore we conceive, that the faid commiflion, granted to the faid lieutenant general, hath not fufiicient autho- rity for him to treat with us, nor can we, by articles to be made with him, be fafe. We, therefore, defire the faid lieutenant general will (confidering this matter is fo dear and near to us, it being all the fecurity we have for our lives, religion, liberty, and eftates) not conftrue this any delay in our treaty ; but that he would be pleafed to pro- cure from his Majefty a new fuller commiflion to treat with us : and that his Majefly may afl"ure u?, that we (hail have performances of what articles we make with the faid lieute- nant general ; fo that it may not be in the power of the faid marefchal, or the faid French- men with him, or any other, to break what articles fliall be made for our advantage, oj that we ihall be opprefled by them. Geo. Walker. John Mich eldurne." Upon receiving this anfwer, the marefchal de Rofcn caufed his orders to be put in exe- cution. King lames has been blamed for continuing him afterwards in employment, and for the calmr.e/s of his anfwer to the bifhop of Meath, who came to complain to him of Rofen's cruelty. But it appears from the following letter and order, that he wrote upon tie firft notice to prevent it. i^'"g James lo the marejcbal dt Rofetf, Translation. James, R. •• Trufly and well-beloved. We have received your projedV, and we wifhed we had Nairne's Pa- ften it, before you had ifl"ued any orders to put it in execution. We are thoroughly pers. D. N, perfuaded that you have feen none of the declarations, in which we have promifcd our ^°'- >• fo'« proteaion, not only to thofe who chafe to fubmit to us and live peaceably at home, but * ^''* alfo to all thofe who chufe to return to their habitations, and behave as good fubjefts for the future; as we are convinced that in that cafe you wculd not have iflued orders fo con- Uary to our imeniioas and promifw. It is poiitivcly our will, that you do not put your projefi to8 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, l68g. known by their wan and lean countenances, and naufeous fmell, that made every one think they had the plague, and others ftfl down dead on projeft in execution, as far as it regards the men, women, and children, of whom you fpeak ; but, on the contrary, that you fend them back to their habitations without any injury to their perfons : but with regard to your projcd of pillaging and ravaging the neighbourhood of Londonderry, in cafe you are obliged to raife the fiegc, we approve of it as necefiary to dillrefs our enemies. We believe your prefence fo neccCary for the fuccefs of our arms before Londonderry, that it is our pleafure you rc.r.ain there till fur- ther orders ; in the mean time, you are to inform us continually of your fituacion, that we may be able to give our orders concerning what you ought to do. We pray God may take you, trufly and well-beloved, under his protefiion. Given at our coj.-:, at Dublin CalUe, this third day of July 1689, and in the 5th year of our reign. By his Majefty's command, Melfort." Circular letter from King James to — — — forbidding to put Rofcn'i proclamation in execution, ., • , " Trufty and well beloved, we greet you well. Whereas we are informed, that oar and alfoD.N. field marefchal general the marquis de Rofen, hath fcnt orders to feveral places, requiring 410. vol. xi. t},e relations of fuch as are now in rebellion againft us in Derry, of what fex or age foever ■ °* they be, to be delivered to him, and expofcd by him, as he hath projcded and declared in the faid order : Our will and pleafure is, that if any fuch order hath been fent to you from the faid marefchal, you pofitively refufe obedience thereto ; and make it known to all our people, that fuch orders have been given entirely without our knowledge, and are pofitively contrary to our inclinations, which have been always to reclaim even the worll of our fubjeils by mercy, and inviolably preferve the aflurances we have given, either by our royal declarations in general, or by any particular proteflions to fuch as live peace- ably under our government. We do therefore reiterate our order to you, ;hat you alTure all our loving fubjeds of our real intentions in this matter ; and you fhall affure them that fuch as live peaceably in their llations fliall, without oillinflion, enjoy our protcclioo ; and fo requiring your obedience to this our abfolute will and ple..fiire, we bid you hear- tily farewel. Given at our court at Dublin CaiUe, this 3d day of June 16S9, and in the 5th year of our reign, By his Majefty's command, Melfort." Before Rofen received an anfwcr to his lad letter he wrote another to the King, from which it appears that the troops were but half armed, that they wanted neceffaries of every kind, and that men and officers were ignorant of and inattentive to the fervice. Marefchal W R I T T E N B Y H I M S £ L F. 209 on the ftrand, for thefe being weak and lick people had been ftarved 1685. in the town, where the ftrongeft fellows feized on the meal and other provifions, and let tlie others ftarve. In Marefchal de Rnfen to King James. Tranflation. . Nairne s p«- SIRE, Camp before Londonderry, 5th July 16S9. pers, D. N, " I am grieved to fee fo little attention given to the execution of your Majcfty's orders, ^°'- '• '°'' at a time, when matters are become troublcfome and embarrafled. Kirk is always at his ' ' ' pod, waiting the arrival of three regiments of cavalry and two of infantry, which are to join him under the command of Charles Count Schombcrg. There is no doubt" but this expeftation has kept him from making any attempt to throw provifions into Derry, as he might eafily have done by hazarding fome veffels for that end ; yet your troops, which have been lately fent, have arrived almoft in the fame condition with the former, having been obliged to take fuch arms as were given them, the greatcll part of which are damaged and broken, and accordingly ufclefs, as you have not in all your army a fingle gun-fmiih to mend them. The troops which are here with Hamilton, are in a ftill worfe condition, and the re- giments entirely loft and ruined ; the llrongell battalion having but two hundred men, and more than two thirds of them without fwords, belts, or bandaliers. The cavalry and dragoons arc not the better, that they are the more numerous, as the ftrongtft com- pany has but twelve or fourteen troopers able to ferve. The river which divides your army ar.d prevents a communication, dimini(hes it confiderably. The detachment under the dcke of B:rwick's command, being more than thirty miles from this place, weakens it entirely, as he cannot leave the poll which he has been obliged to take, without allow- ing the Innflcilliners to poflefs it and to (hut us up behind. All this, Sire, together with the cmbarrafimcnt of the artillery and carriages which are here, with very little means of conveying them in a countr)', where one is ncceffarily obliged to go by one road which is very bad, Ihould induce your Majelly to adopt a mcafure, whicii is of the ut- moft confequence to the good of your fcrvice. It is for this reafon, I humbly befeech you to confidcr this maturely, and to fend me infiantiy your orders about what we Ihould do ; as I had already the honour to afk by my two lad letters, to which I have yet received no anfwer. I cannot comprehend how the regiment of Walter Butler could be fent away from Dublin without fnords and without powder and ball. I am Hill more furprifcd, that Bagnel's regiment has teen employed to efcort the trcafure, without giving them a fingle (hot, although, as the officers told me, they frequently alked, without being able to obtain any ; yet. Sire, they both of them marched two days quite clofe to the garrifon of Innifliillin, in danger of falling a prey to them. The garrifon of Beltutbat is in the fame Vol. I. E e fituation j «io LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1689. In this ftate matters were before Derry the 5th of July, and whild Scoiland' ^^^^ ^^^^ ^oing his Majefty received frequent advices from Scotland, in- forming him of the polhire of affairs there. The clans in the Highlands were generally firm to his Majelly's intereft, and were in arms, and ready to receive his orders. The vifcount of Dundee had furprifed one troop of the enemy at St. Johnftown, feized their arms and horfes, and Ilripped the fituation ; having bad, as Sutheiland told me, but a little powder, and not a fiogle ball. My heart bleeds. Sire, when I refleft on the continuance of this negligence, fince it ap- pears to me, that no one is in any pain about the ruin of your affairs. I hope, that the return of this exprefs will bring me your Majefty's ultimate orders ; and I wi(h they may arrive in time enough for me to put them properly in execution ; having no other objefl but to Ihow you my zeal and attachment for your fervice ; becaufe I am, with a very profound refpeft, fubmiffion and loyalty. Sire, Your Majefty's, &c." It appears from another hit tr from dt Rofen of the fame date, that be badly that tim* recei'vedfrcm the King an anf'uitr to his letter if June ^Ctb, and bis Majijlfi order, ftr hid dimg him to put his projea in execution. He prefumes to hlanu James for bis cUmeacj, and atltmpu to jufify bis oiun conduit, Trandatioo. SIRE, I have received the letter which your Majefty did me the honour to write to me the 3d ioftant, by which I fee that your Majefty is always full of benevolence towards the rebels of this kingdom : their own conviftion of this encourages them in infolence, to which they are carried every day, and in the hopes that your Majefty will have com- panion upon them in the diftrefles to which they may be reduced ; yet the troops are ruined, and the rebels will receive relief, which will oblige your Majefty to abandon every thing. I imagined that I might have induced them to furrender, by threatening them as I have done, but that has produced no effeft. It is true, I have not put my pro- jeft in execution, and that perhaps is the reafon why we are not yet further advanced ; for I have prefented before their gates bat a fmall number of their accomplices, to try if that would make any impreffions on them ; but they have had the cruelty to fire upon them, and to refafe them every kind of afliftance, for which reafon I fent them back to their habitations, after having made them comprehend the difference between your Majefty's clemency and the cruel treatment of their own party. I (hall conform to the orders your Majefty has done me the honour to fend me, to ftay in the army and to deftroy the neighbourhood of Londonderry, in cafe Mr. Hamilton JthaU be obliged to raife the fiege." Rofen WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 211 the men : he marched from thence with a good body of men, and pur- 1689. fued Mackay ,> or 4 da\ s ; but not being able to overtake him, returned to the Highlands, and fo dilmifled his men as to have them ready upon a very Ihort warning. The chief of the family of the Mac Leans had a confiderably body of men together, and had on two or three occafions beat the enemy -, however, Edinburgh Caftle was furrendered by the duke of Gordon upon conditions, though it does not appear that he was reduced to any extremity, but might have held out much longer, having provifions and ever)' thing ell'e neceflary to have held out for four months *. The Rofen continufd to reprefent to James, that the fleet of the enemy encrcafed, and his Majcfty's forces diminilhed every day ; he conveveJ to him a letter from the governour of Charlemont, and recommended ftrorgly to take care of that place ; in one of his letters dated the Sth of July, he complains to the King of the want of arms, and blames him again for hi; clemency. " Upon the death of a captain of dragoons, in Sir Oneile's regiment, twenty- five dragoons of his company deferted with their horfes, and thofe who remained, refufed to ferve, alledging, that they were not engaged but to their captain, they were forced to catl lots, and one of them was (hot; but the regiment was obliged to borrow arms for xi • • ^ iN3irnc s pi* that purpofe from the lord Mayre's regiment. pers, D. N. " You fee, Sire, the condition your troops are in. I leave your Majefty to judge, if an x° ' '"^ * honed man, who has a high fenfe of honour, can continue to command them without great anxiety, when your enemies are particularly attentive to furniih your rebellious fubjefls with excellent arms. I doubt not but we fhall fee them march againft us foon, with proteflions in their pockets and arms in their hands, which happened frequently al- ready ar.d happens every day. ' The marefchal de Rofen appears to have been a diligent and aflive officer ; but thofe who ferved under him were unacquainted with difcipline, and either James himfclf was inattentive to the fervice, or his orders were never properly executed. On the icth of July, de Rofen writes to him from the camp before Derry, that he had received a convoy of fo waggons, five of them were loaded with fwords without belts, and the foidiers would be obliged to carry them conftantly in their hands ; the other waggons were loaded with powder, ball, &;c. and 2c,coo /. in filver ; this convoy was fent from Dublin to Ixjndon- derry, efcorted only by a quarter mafler and 12 troopers, and they lay three nights in fight of lonilkilling. • As the accounts which James received from Scotland, and to which frequent refe- rences are made in this journal, are t )0 long to be comprehended in notes, tbry are placed in a feries at the end of the papers cf this year, Ee 2 Ibid. 212 LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, 1589. The rebels in Derry having fcnt a mcfTengerto the fleet, he was found drowned with 2 letters about his neck, which were to have informed Kirk of the extremities the place was reduced to for want of provifions, and to have begged for relief f. The day before another mefienger endeavouring to get into the city, was taken, he ilifcovered feveral things relating to Scotland, and faid, a frefh fuccour was expefted for the town from England, and that the Henrietta yacht was gone to meet them *. The town continued every day f Thefe letters are mentioned by de Rofen to the King. • De Rofen writes to' James about this fpy, in his letter of the 27th of June. " I have charged the chevalier de Vaudrey to frighten and interrogate him llriifHy. Your Majefty may fee his depofition, in the paper inclofcJ." This paper is among Mr. Nairne's papers. The depojitiom cfMr.Cromy, a fpy from the feet to the cilj of Derry, taken I bt day lefsre yejierday, by the chevalier de Vaudrey. " That he had left Scotland but ten days before, having joined the fleet fince, at his arrival before Derry. That he had left lord Dundee in a retreat, at a place called Bog of Geith, in a ftrong country of the North, with fix thoufand infantry and two hundred cavalry. That he had had a fmall rencounter with Mackay, in which he received a check, being himfelf /lightly wounded. That Mackay was Hill not far from him, with three thoufand infantry. That indeed feme Englilh cavalry had marched to Scotland : Bat, that he did not believe they had joined Mackay. That Blantyre's and Glencairn's regiments of infantry and my lord Eglington's regiment of cavalry, with a regiment of dragoons, had gone from Dumbarton to the fhire of Argyle ; Burgenny's regiment of infantry remaining at Glafgow. That there were two regiments on board the fleet ; Kirke's and, as he believed, Cuningham's, commanded now by Stuart. That there were alfo great quantities of arms, ammunition and provifions ; the vcfiels come from Scotland, having a great deal of meal; and thofe from England, quantities of cheefe, pork, and falt-beef. That of the two thoufand men expeded from England, there were two regiments of cavalry. That Schomberg was to have the chief command. That if two thoufand mea only had been fent to Scotland but two months ago, there would not remain now a fingic enemy in that country. That the fleet confifts of the Dartmouth, the Deptford, the Swallow, and another frigate of fifty guns. The Greyhound, which had been 3 ground sear Culmorc, had gone to refit. That WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 215 day to make figns from the top of their fteeple, which were duely an- 1689. fwered from the fleer, though they never endeavoured to fend in any fiiccour. The 2d of July, the chiefs of the town, fent to lieutenant general Hamilton, to defire him to renew the power he had to treat with them, and at his defire his Majefty fent him a new commifTion and full au- thority to treat -f. The That the Henrietta yacht bad failed from the lake, eight days before, and was to keep at fea until ihe difcovered the En^Hlh fleet. So that jhej-^turn 5f. the yacht to lli.e.j3kf will be a fure flgn of the arrival of the fleet. Edward Vautrey." The depofition of Cromey's fpy from the Englifli fleet before Derry, 26 June, received (by James) 2 July, 16S9. t The inhabitants of Londonderry in their anfwer to general Hamilton, on the :d of July, objcfled to the date and extent of the commiffion, by which James had authorized him to treat with them, and deiired him to procure ampler powers, and his Majefty's affurance for the performance of the articles to be flipulated between them, upon which James fent the following commiiTion to general Hamilton. Kairne's pa- pers, D r4. H/j Majsjij's comnt'JJiatt, emfcifiering lieutenant general Hamilton to treat •with Derry, »j ' ' July ^th, 1689. JAMES R. James the fecond, by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of the Faith, Src. To our trulty and well-beloved Richard Hamilton, lieutenant general of our armies, greeting ; V/hereas we have, through the whole courfe of ojr reign, endeavoured to reduce our fubjccls to their duty, by clemency rather than *orce ; ws are, at this time, refolvcd to give an additional inflance thereof, in regard of our fusjeds of the proteftant religion, now in arms and in rebellion againll us; we da therefi,re, auiliorizc and impower you to treat, with our faid fubjeds now in arms againll OS, for the rendering up of our city of Derry into our hands, or that of Innifkilling or any other town or callle, in this our kingdom now in their poflcflion, upon fuch terms> as you ftiall think fit for our fervice, which (hall be ratified by us without exception* whatever they may be, notwithllanding of any fault or treafon committed, by any of the faid perfons or their adherents ; and notwiihflanding of any law or aft of parliament made 2,4 LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, J 68^. The lotli of July, the Scotch officers went ori boar J v'th a regiment of Irifli, in the 3 frigates, corrmianded by Monficur du Qucfne, at ar- rickfergus, and the fa:re day, meeting with two Scotch privateers, be- longing to Galloway, one of 14 and the other of 20 guns, with betwixt 80 and 100 men on board each, the fight continued about an hour very obftinate, and fome of our Scotch officers were killed ; but the two captains of the privateers, Hamilton and Brown, being killed, Monfieur dc Quefne became mafter of them, and putting fome of hii equipage on board, fent them to Dublin and purfued his courfc for Scotland, where he fafely landed the forces he had on bo^rJi which fuccour, however fmall. made or to be made. For all which, we hereby promife to proteft and free them, in al| times, after the concluding of fuch terms betwixt you and them, as you (hail think fit for our fervice to grant. Given at our court at Dublin Callle, 5 July, 1689, and in the fifth year of our reign. By his Majefty's command, Melfort." Along with this commifllon James fent the foUowiflg inllra£lions to Hamilton. Ibid, " A letter of inJiruOioB to lieutenant general Hamilton, from the King, July ^th, 1 589." JAMES R. " Trully and well-beloved, we greet you well; you are immediately upon receipt of this our inftruflions, and the power we have granted to you by our commiflion of the fame date, to inform the rebels, in our city of Londonderry, of the power we have fent you. You (hall let them know, that, if they do not now yield to fuch propofitions as you fhall offer to them, we will hereafter exclude them from ever partaking of our mercy. You are to endeavour to give them as little as poflible can be. But, rather than not get the town delivered to us, you (hall give them their live?, fortunes, our royal pardon for all that is patl, and proteflions, as others our fubjefls have, in time to come; and tha^ nine (hall dare to trouble or moleft them, in their houfes, eftates, perfons, religions or profe(rions whatever, they delivering the city into our poire(rion ; or if they include thofc of Inni(killin, that that place, or any other treated for, be in the fame manner delivered to us. You are to fend an immediate account of what anfwer they give you ; and fo, fiom time to time, till the affair fliall be concluded. Given at our court, at Dublin Callle, the fifth day of July, 1689 ; and in the fifth year of our reign. By his M:ijeily's command, Melfort," Ibid. No. 30. The citizens of Londonderry, having probably feen Hamilton's new commiflion, fent him, on the eleventh of July, the terms on which they propofed to capitulate. 2 WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 215 ftnill, will encourage my lord Dundee till more can be fenr. The 1689. French officer who commanded the two prizes, made another in his way to Dublin; which was a fmall bark employed to carry letters from Schomberg to Kirk and feveral others •, by which was difcovered the prince of Orange's dcfign to fend hither 12,000 men, commanded by count Solmes. But effedlual order will be taken, that this defcent fhall not find us unprovided; for Derry is vigoroufly attacked, and Kirk feeing that he could not get any fuccour into the place, has landed in a little ifland about three miles off, where he is intrenched, in expectation of fuccours from England. In the mean time, the rebels at Innifkillin are ftraitened on all fides, and the duke of Berwick, in a little ren- counter he had lately with them, has cut two companies of foot in pieces, and taken feveral prifoners *. The iSth the King prorogued the parliament. * The following letters relate to the operations of this period. Nalrne's Ferry, i jth July. — General Hamilton gives the earl of Melfort an account, " That ^.^j ; 'f^^' *' a Whitehaven man had two of the prince of Orange's packets on board, direded, as he No. 38. was informed, to Kirke: that colonel Maxwell had writ to him of a great power em- barked at Liverpool and Cheller." July 16th. — " That the (hips that were in the loch were all gone, and four of thofe of Inch alfo : but that the men that were put alhore dill remained there "' July 17th.— Hamilton wrote to the King, " That the whole fleet, which was thought to have been failed towa/ds Scotland or England, was at anchor beyond Innifhaven point: that the duke of Berwick having had notice, that about four hi;ndred of the enemy were at Ramullin, was defigoed to march thither, in the beginning of the night, and to fall' en them by break o£ day ; his grace's camp being then within ten miles of Ramullin: that twenty of Clancarty's men, and the major, had attempted to lodge themfelves in a houfe, within twenty yards of our advance ; but in vain, the major having been wounded in the arm, and about twelve of the foldiers killed or wounded." James, by this time, had particular intelligence of the preparations made in Englarxl' for a defcent in fome part of Ireland. He informs de Rofen, in a letter, dated at Dublin, the 17th of July, that vcffels for tranfporting cavalry were ready at Whitehaven, Cbefler, and Liverpool ; that ladders and othec implements for a fiege were put on board Clips in London ; and that the count de Sclmes was to command the expedition. He therefore thought it was neceflary to execute the dcfign againtl Innilkillin without delay, which he imagined might have been done before, if Rofen had recalled the duke of Ber- wick. He defires Rofen to prefs the fiege of Derry, and to inform him in what time he ikought ii could be taken. /I Journal ii6 LIFE OK JAMES THE SECOND, 1689. July. J Journal of ivhat fnffed m Ireland^ from the jr,th of fuly to the loth of Aiiguji^ 0. S. 1689, ifitituledy " joiinial of what's pafl in Ireland fince my lord Dover s departure f .'' npHE 19th of July, Mr. MafTe, ingenier general, was killed by a cannon fhot, in a battery he had liimrdf ordered *. Nairnes . "j-j^g gad, lieut. general Hamikt^n havinp; rect-iv.'d his Maieftv's or- Papers, D.N. ' o o j / vol. i fol. ders For prcfling the liege of Dci-Ky, held thereupon a council of war, °' ^^' where the opinions of all the general ofBcers did unanimoufly conclude, that it was impoflible to take the towii, but by famine; which opinions + This journal likewife is in Nairne's hand. It was fcnt by I«iclfort to lord Waldgrave to France. He mentions it in a letter, dated the very day on wliich the journal ends. See the Stuart Papers tor this )ear. • The following extracts contain the intelligence which James received concerning the traafaclions of this period. Nairne's J"'y ^ 1689.— General Hamilton writes to the duke of Tyrconoel, " That the Papers, D.N. two battering pieces had been a bringing the two lall nights from the chain: that, per- vol. I. fol. haps, they njight ruin the defences of the town : tliat the enemy within were above three °" 3 • thoufand liro.ng, all good firemen ; and that ail the King's b.ittalions there exceeded not the number of five ihcufahil. Th.-iV.'if the dufee of Berwick fucceeded, as be had hopes he would, he doubtc'J not but, beinw joined together, they would be able to de*l with the fcccour that threatened out of England." '• Cn the fame day, Hamiltoh writes to the King, " TTiat Mr. Maflc was killed; oile captain Bourke had his left hand (hot off, and wounded by fplinters through the (honl- ders ; a gunner and two foldiers hurt; all by one (hot : that colonel Wachope had efcaped narrowly : that, within a moment thereafter, two foldiers had been killed by a fccond fliot ; whereof the wind had To burntd major Geoghogati's face, that he was in danger of lofing his left eye.-" On the 20th, he writes to his M.\ic(ly, "That, when the trench was opened, they had fourteen battalions, confifting, at moll, in lix thoufand men : that the befiegedwere then, by what they could learn, five thoufand ftrong : that, as the town's forces were di- minifhed by fickr.cfs zvA mortality, fo his M.ijclly's forces were grown weaker, by the fame reafons. Bcfides, by men killed,- wounded, and defcrtions, that his Majelly's forces now about Dcrry, did not, by a great deal, amount to the nuniber of five thoufand men '. that the iTiO.I part of the fleet was betwixt Ram-jllan and the iflc of Inch ; that their de- fgn was to ruife as many men as they could, and to join with the Innilkillin people: that the maicihal kept his bed, and was much out of humour; and was refolved to meddle with nothing : that, if fpecial care was not taken, they would fliortly want pro- viljon for their men ;■ every tbiog being extremely bare about Derry."' were WRITTEN BY HIMSE LF. 217 were figned by the refpeiElive officers*, and fent to the King; upon iBSg. which, his Majefty, by advice of his council, did fend new orders to J"^* the • " "-ike depofitioH of the gentral tff.cirs, aneni the Jiegt ef Derry^ July 20th, receivtd ztJf 1689." " The chevalier de Carny is of opinion, that the place cannot be taken by force, with Nairne's fo fmall a number of troops and cannon as are before it; becaufe they are entirely di- Papers, D.N; minilhed by ficknefs ; and becaufe, he believes, the befieged are, at leaft, two thoufand, ^ ' *V Signed, Charles Carny." '• My opinion is, fince our army is reduced by ficknefs and fatigues and defertion, not to the number of three thoufand men able for fervice ; judge that number's not in 3 condition to force the town in a certain time ; but believe, that thefe of the town are far inferior to our number. Signed by John Wauchop." " By what I have obferved, fince the trenches were opened, I am of opinion it will be impoflible for us, in the condition we are in, to force the town that way ; and that the neceffities of the befieged will fooner reduce them than we can, by beginning another attack. Signed by Dom. Sheldon." *' My opinion is, that we cannot force the town fpeedily, by reafon of the want of cannon ; and that the infantry is fallen very weak, by ficknefs and defertion ; but to keep the blockade as long as his Majefty 's fervice will permit. Signed, Tho. Duchan." ' My opinion, on the prefent fituation of affairs, is, that, confidering the forces which are before Derry, and thofe which are in the place, it is impoflible to take it by force at all ; much lefs to take it in a limited time. It might be reduced by famine, if we had time and a fufEcient number of troops to hinder the Ihips from throwing in pro- vifions ; and at the fame time to hinder, by a body of troops on the river Fin, the junflion of the forces which Kirke hatlj landed in the ide of Inch, with thofe who have joined the rebels of Innifeillin, to whom it will be ncceflary to oppofe a body of troops at Trelick ; and all thefe projefls will be inefteiftual, if care is not taken that provifiont fliall not fail. Signed, Girardin." " It is my opinion, that it is impoflible to take the town of Derry by ftorm, with the little number of foot that is here, or without a confiderable number of battering guns, much lefs to gnefs when it Hiall be taken : and I do certainly believe, that unlefs they want provifions, they will never furrcndcr. Berwick." " As I have not changed the opinion of which I have always been, it is not nccefl*ary now to commit it to writing. The moil eflential thing to be done is, to hinder the junflion of the Innifkilliners with the troops from the fhips which arc in the ifle of Inch and at Ramulan ; where they aflemble as many as they can of the country people. Their fleet, which left Loch Foyle, being now between Ramullin and Inch, the corps which the duke of Berwick commands for that purpofe, cannot be more advantagcoufly polled thao towards Caftle Fin, where he may have the beft informations of the motions of the enemy* Vol. I. F f ani u8 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1689. the marflial de Rofen and Hamilton, commanding them to quit the fiege, J^^' and only to continue the blockade, as long as they fhould think it fit for his lervice, or tiiat they law any appearance of the town's furrendering by and take ihc moll proper mcafurcs to oppofc them. Care fhould be taken that the troops (hall not want provifions, a thing that is mod to be dreaded, and the danger of aban- doning Bclturbat entirely, in cafe (Anthony) Hamilton's corps advances towards Trelick, mufl be confldcred. Richard Hamilton." Upon receiving thefe opinions of his general officers, James fent the following order to general Hamilton. King Jamus order to lieutenant general Hamilicn, to turn the fiige of Londonderry into a blockade, D N vol i. " Trufly and well beloved, we greet you well. Whereas we nnderfland, by your letters fol. No- 37. of the 20th inflant, that it is the opinion of all the general officers, that it is impoflible to take the to«n of Dcrry, but by famine, we have thought fit not to wait major Nugent'j return, but to fend you our orders concerning the fame. Seeing that Derry cannot be taken by force, with fuch a fmall number of men as it is befieged by, our will and plea- fiire is, that, fo foon as you receive this, you prepare for raifing the fiege, and then aflually raifc it, unlefs you be of opinion, that, in continuing the blockade, the town will be forced to furrender for want of provifion, which, in all appearance, muft happen very fhortly ; fince, by their laft propofals, they offered to furrender the twenty-fixth of this month ; which, if you believe to be fo, you are to continue the blockade, fo long as you (hall think is for the good of our fervicc. You are, before your departure from before Dcrry, to caufe blow up the fojt of Col- niore, that it may not (land in our way another time. Vou will fee what our intentions arc, by a duplicate of our letter to the marquis de Rofen, which we have ordered to be fent to yoj. Soeing that engineers, in appearance, will be but of final! ufs to you now, you are to order the engineer Burton to go to Charlemont ; and to take an exad plan of that fdace and adjacent grounds, which, with all convenient rjxieJ, he is to bring to us, that v;e may give our fariher o;ders thereupon. We doubt not, but ycu will do what may be beft for oar fervice in all things ; and fo we bid you heartily farewel. Given at our court at Dublin cafllc, the twenty-fccond of July, in the year 16^9, and in the fifth of our leign." The King's letter to de Rofen, of which he inclofed a crpy to Hamilton, contain* further inllruiiions to didrefs the enemy, by laying wa:lc ihc country about Deny and Inilhowep, in cafe he (hould be obliged to abandon it; and to reinforce tlie dukeof Cer- wick, that he might attack the Inniikilliners, according to the plan which James had already formed. famine, S WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 219 famine, leaving that to their prudence •, but ordering, in the mean time, 1689. to dcftroy the country, to blow up the fort of Colmore, and difpofe all J"^" things for retiring, in the manner that might be moft prejudicial to the enemy. The 25th, the duke of Berwick was to march towards the Innifkillin rebels ; where, in all probability, he was to fall on them fuccefsfully : and, as the defign was laid to join with Sarsiield, he might have cer- tainly done good fervice, if he had not been countermanded by mon- lieur de Rofen ; who, altering his mind, did. not think fit to have the duke's party fo far from him. In the mean time, the blockade conti- nuing, Derry was certainly ftarving, and the moft part of the inhabitants reduced to eat ftarch. Seven fhips appeared, as rdblved to enter in to fuccour the town •, upon which, the guns that were brought to batter the town, were fent back to the ch.iin, to defend the pafllige *. • On the t«enty fifth of July, general Hamilton writes to the King, " That the marefchalde Rofen would neither meddle with the blockade or raifing the liege ; faying, he always declared againft the bcfieging of the town, and that his advice had been flighted : that, in a fally the bcfieged made that moining, nine of theirs were left behind, be- fides near thirty killed ; their pockets found with ftarch in them, as a fign of their great wants ; and that a dying man of their number declared, that he had fed on nothing clfe for five days : that they expefted provifion every moment : that feven fliips were come into the loch, whereof three near Colmore are refolved to fink or get to the town by the firft fair wind : tkat the marefchal de Rofen was refolved to march to Charlemont ; anJ, in his way, to ruin all the country behind him, and to make an attempt on Donnegal, Balliihannon, and Innifkillin, which he would do, by reinforcing the duke of Bervwck'i party: that his Majefty will find, that a recruit of officers will be as ufeful as that of foldiers: that, when the fally was made, at eight that morning, Fitzgerald and Dick Butler's regiments wee in the trenches : that Fitzgerald's regiment was beat 'out : that Butler's kept their pofl, until the lieutenant general's brother came up, with what men he could get ready ; and fo beat back the enemy : that the town's men cannot Hand be- fore the King's men in the field." On the fame day, he writes to the earl of Mclfort, " That the marefchal de Rofen had altered his mind of condefcending to the duke of Berwick's marching againft the rebels of Innifliillin ; not thinking it fafe to have the duke fo far from him : that recruits of officers, as well as foldiers, were of great importance : that there was not one captain in the battalion of guards, being all fick ; as well as lieutenant colonel Burke's : that moft part of the befieged were reduced to eat ftarch: that feven ftiips, come to the loch, were refolved to venture in ; but that the wind was contrary : and that the guns werefcnt b.;ck to the chaiOf" F f ^ Jhc 2^0 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1689. The 2StIi, a fpy out of Derry gave account the rebels had killed all J"'^' their dogs, horfes, and cows ; and that it was the lafl; provifion they expected 5 and all their hopes were in the four fhips that were before Colmore. The fcrjeants and foldiers of Dcrry fent out a figncd paper to major general Buchan, offering to furrender the town to lieutenant general Hamilton, the morrow after, if they could but obtain feme fa- vourable conditions for themfelves. But the morrow after, being the 29th, the wind became fair for the fliips •, whereof two ventured up to the chain, broke through it, and fuccoured the town with provifions^ which put an end to all hopes of taking it any more by famine f. So, confidering the threatened invafion from England, the neceffity of reft- ing and recruiting the troops, and drawing a confiderable body near Dublin, for the fccurity of his Majefty's perfon, from that day forth, the rcfolution of raifing the blockade was fully determined, and all pre- parations made for the fame; the cannon, ammunition, and the fick-fent away ; parties fent to deftroy the country, and officers to recruit their regiments. And whilft all this was doing at Derry, my lord Mount- Cafliell, who had been fent down to Inniflcillin the 20th, having afTembled his troops at Belturbat, to the number of 3600 men, the 27th; tlie 3Cth he made an attempt upon Crumm-caftle. The party commanded, did immediately poflcfs themfelves of the firfl: intrenchments ; but the foldiers, contrary to the general's exprefs commands not to go farther, were fo animated with their firft good fuccefs, that they went impru- dently on to the very caftle walls, and expofed themfelves ; fo that feverals were killed, and a great many wounded. Mount-Cafhell, hear- ing that there were 4000 men come out of Innifkillin, of dcfign to relieve Crumm, retired himfelf to Newton, two miles from thence, to put himfelf in a condition, either to receive the enemy, if they came, or to renew, vigoroufly, the attack of the caftle. But the morrow after, being the 31 ft of July, as O'Brian's regiment of dragoons was marching in the morning to Lifnelkeny, they difcovered a party of the enemy. + The 30th of July, major general Buchan writes: " There are two fliips got into the town ; the fmalleft of which is leaden with meal from Scotland ; the bigger, with bifcuit, cheefe, pork, and peafe. The captain of the firft that came was ihot dead, his lieutenant wounded, and five of his men killed, and feveral wounded. I think I can do the King more fcrvice in Scotland than here." 5 who WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 221 wKo immediately retired, as foon as they were pufhed, till they came 1689. to a place where two foot companies and five troops of horfc were drawn J"'y' up, which put the dragoons into fuch a confternation, that, notwith- flanding all major general Elamilton could fay or do, to give them good example, they all ran away mod bafcly : lord iVIount-Cafhell marching up with the horfe put a flop to the purfuit. This, with the report that the whole force of the rebels were coming to fall upon IVIount-Calhell, obliged him to retire towards Belturbat to be upon his guard ; but he was pre- vented by the rebels, who following the good fortune they had in the morning, came up to him at Newton, where he did all a brave man could do, but was fo ill feconded by the foldiers, all wearied and dif- couraged by the morning's defeat, and even by mod of the officers, who fled with the horfe and dragoons, without fo much as waiting the firfl: fire, that the whole army was routed, and fome of the officers that did their duty killed, among whom was the Sir Stephen Martin ; others wound- ed, amongft whom was the lord Abercorn ; and others very narrowly efcaped with the lofs of their horfes and all their baggage; amongft whom were as volunteers my lord Drummond and Mr. Ployden, who be- haved themfelves moft bravely ; and my lord Mount-Cafhell himfclf, who • was wounded and taken prifoner, forfaken by all his regiment, which was with the moft part of the foot cut off" while they were flying. A council of war was held to judge of the officers and others behaviour in this engagement and punifli fuch as mifcarried. In the mean time, his Majefty was giving out commiffions for levying of new forces, and making all preparations for the defence of the kingdom in cafe of in- vafion. A camp is ordered and actually begun hard by Dublin ; all the general officers are arrived from Derry -, diflaffi^fted perfons are feized every where up and down the country, and nothing is neglefted for the fecurity of his Majefty's perfon and the defence of this kingdom againft the invafion it is daily threatened with, and by rcafon whereof, and of the late misfortune happened to my lord Mount-Caffiell, the fuccours from France are here fo impatiently waited for, and fo abfolutely neceftary. The news from Scotland bear, that my lord Dundee has defeated Mackay and 3000 men, and taken Invernefs *. • The following joornal was primed at Dublin, on a loofe Ihcet of piper, in the autumn of i6r-9. As it i: a continuation of the detail given b the preceding journals, and 222 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, '^^°' 1690. EXTRACT I. Ex*traa*.°°' Tlie reafons which induced the King to hazard a battle, upon fuch inequality, was, that if he did it not there, he muft lofe all without a ftroke ; and founded on the fame authority, the editor has chofcn to throw it here into a note, notwithllanding his refolution to rejeft throughout every thing that ever paflTed before through the prefs. He apprehends that this journal is not much, if at all known, ai he has not met with it in any printed colledion whatfoever. *' JJoumaJ of the mojl remarkable occurrences that happened beliveen bis Majejljs army, and the forces under the command of Marefchal de Schombirg, in Ireland, from the i zlh ef Augujl to the z-i,d of Oaober 1689. Faithfully colleHcd, by James Nihell, Efq; under- fecrttary to the right honourable the earl ofMelfort, his Majejly's prime fecrelary efjlate. On the 12th of Auguft, 1689, a numerous fleet appeared off the coaft of Donaghadie, in the county of Downe ; out of which 2CO men made, that night, a defcent on the land, and entrenched thcmfelvcs. On the 13th, Marefchal de Schomberg, who commanded the forces on board, de- barking his men, horfes, and train of artillery, fet foot on ftiore without oppofition. On the 14th, he ordered the 200 men that firft landed, to march to Belfaft ; and the next day he followed in perfon with the grofs of the army, and refrefhed hirafelf • there till the 19th. On the 19th, he mvefts Carrigfergus ; and having fummoned the garrifon to furrea- der in vain, though with offers of fair and honourable conditions, he drew out his lines, and the next day, played upon the town with four batteries of cannon and three mortar- pieces, befides all the guns of the navy, to which the place flood cxpofed, within dif- lance, while he made his approaches by land, where he found the works or walls moll acceffible. Yet, though he with bombs (of which he threw a thoufand) had laid all the buildings in alhes ; and, though the garrifon could not reafonably hope for any fuccour, they kept it nine days, and were even then reduced to one barrel of powder, made foldier-like terms, marching out with their arms, colours flying, ball in mou;h, and other ceremonies of war, to be attended by convoy, until they were within three miles of the Newry. Yet the articles (though figned by Schomberg himfelf) were neverthelefs bar- baroully violated by the foldiers ; who, without regard to age, fex, or quality, difarmed and ftript the towns people, forcing even women to run the gauntlet ftark naked. On the 2f th of Auguft, the King came from Dublin to Tredath, attended with 2co of his guards and gentlemen volunteers on horfeback, and found there no more than feven regiments of foot and fome few troops of horfe, a ftrong party of Uic cavalry being com- pandcd out as far as the Xcwry, uader thp duke of Berwick. Th« W R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L F. 223 ftroke; and be obliged to quit Dublin and all Munfter, and retire i^oo. behind the Shannon, and lb be reduced to the province of Connaught, where, The 6th of September, his Grace, to hinder the enemy's advancement upon him and render his march to the Newry incommodious and difficult, broke up all the caufeways and other defiles through which he mull pafs ; and to make all fecure, burnt even the town, and retired to Dundalk, where he found Monfieur d'F.fco, with two companies of foot and a troop of horfe fent out from the army to bring up his rear; for their forces united were very infufficieat to make head againU the enemy, who then prefled their march. So they all faced about and drew off together. The King, now in Tredath, was informed, by fome IrlHi and one French deferler, that Schomberg's troops were very much difeafed and already in want of proviCons. The 15th, all his Majefty's forces were come down to the camp near Tredath. On the 14th, the King marched the army from Tredath to Aihardie, about eight Iriih miles, and there met with intelligence, that about twelve fail of the enemy's fleet were the day before up with the Skerries and fired many guns, which drew the militia and fuch numbers dowii to the (hore, that they durft not venture upon it, but bore away large to the fouthward, where they ply'd too and again, betnixt Iloath and Bullock, with a de- fign, as it is thought, to animate the malignant party (if any fuch were in Dublin) to rife. But matters were fo well fecured there, by the condud and vigilance of colonel Symon Lutterell, the governor, that, difappointed of all expectations, they vainly flood, off to fea and were foon out of fight. On the 16th, his Majetly, on the firll appearance of day, marched the horfe and dra- goons from Athardie to AUardfton, near Affyn-Bridge, about three miles fliort of Dundalk> of which hepofleiTed himfelf .nbout twelve. By midnight following, his foot guards came up to him ; and the body of infantry by noon next day. Having fortified the bridge, he placed the guards on the further fide of the river, and fent parties out to difcover the enemy. Towards the evening fix troops of the cavalry made up to a fmaJl advanced party of 50 horfe and fome few volunteers that attended his Majefty's army, who, never- thelefs, receiving the enemy's fire, immediately charged and put them to flight. On the !th, the whole camp was formed with as much regularity and advantage aj the ground would admit of. The King, in his perfon, having traverfed it all over after viewing the entrenchments and pofture of the enemy. On the 19th, feveral perfons were taken, and fome deferters came with intelligence, that Schomherg had fet all hands to work to fecure himfelf, by fortifying Dundalk, and fecmed rather to prepare againll a fiege than a battle. On the 20th, the King drew out his array; and, marching in the head of the firll and fecond line within Icfs than cannon- fliot of the enemy, he immediately put them in order of battle (according to a method agreed on) with wonderful expedition and filence. The lines extended thcmfclvee from South-call to iN'onh well, along a ridge of hillocki that 124 LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, 1690. where, having no magazines, he could not fubfift very long, being the worfl: corn country in all Ireland ; befidcs his men feemcd defirous to fight, that front the town. The fccond line (hewed itfelf between the intenals of the firll. In this poilure, they (lood for three hours. The foldiers, tranfported with courage by the prefence and great example of their King at the head of them, could not forbear, by ftiouting and other demonftrations of joy, to dare and challenge the invaders; who, ne- verthelcfs, could not be provoked nor invited by any means out of their fortifications • and, therefore, the King, difappointed in his hopes of deciding the war by a battle, com- manded his troops, jufl under the Marefchal's view, to march eafily back to their camp again : His Majefty himfelf remaining in the rear of all his army, until he faw the laft foldier drawn off. Seven prifoners were that night brought in by a detached party Of dragoons from a village called Haggardlloun, on the fea fide. The captains O'Neal and Murphy likewife with 50 foot furprizing a party of So dragoons behind a mountain that covered the enemy, killed two on the place (among whom fome French Hugonots rc- fufed quarter), took fix prifoners, the reft efcaping by flight. On the 21ft, the King gave orders for the fortifying Athardie with ditches, ramparts, and other «eceflary works. A retrenchment was likewife clA up before the left wing of the firft line. On the 24th, the King viewed the country on all fides, refolving, when he found it neceffary or convenient to diflodge from the ground he then ftood incamped on, and to pitch his tents on the edges of fmall hillocks that arife between the rivers of Mapaftoun and Athardie, and therefore gave general orders for preferving the forrage in all parts within command of his army. [Thefe are the operations of the zgth day in the manu- fcrpt of the journal.] On the 26th, a commanded party of horfe dragoons with 3; companies of grenadeers, fet fire to all the forrage and corn on the other fide of the Lurgan river, for three miles along the fea coaft, and under the enemy's nofe, who, nevetthelefs, made a faint fally, but were eafily forced back to their trenches again. On the 28th, towards the evening, the difcharge of the enemy's artillery three times, purfued with as many vollies of fmall (hot and huzzas, amufed the King's camp for fome while, until difabufed next day by a deferter, who faid, all that noife was the celebration of a great vidlory obtained by thofe of Innifkillin againft the King's party at Sligo; but this mighty adion, upon better intelligence, proved only a ikirmiih between a fmall band of that county militia and a troop of rebels, wherein three of the loyalifts fell, and that number twice told of the enemy. On the 3Cth, an enfign from Mac Carty More's regiment returned to his Majefty's camp with advice, that 3 (hips, wherein were embarked colonel Villiers' troop of horfe and men, were newly call away : that 5C0 French officers and foldiers, fufpefled to be Catholicks and well-wilhers to his Majelly's caufe, were fent a (hip-board, their place of confinement : that feven Frenchmen and a captain were hanged upon fufpicion of iffeA- ing the King's party : that fourfcore a day at the leaft were fent from the enemy's tamp to W R I T T E N B y H I M S E L F. 225 fight, and being new-raifed would have been diflieartened ftill to retire 1690. before the enemy, and fee all the country taken from them without one blow to the hofpital ; and that all their horfes were turned out to grafs for want of hay and other necCiTary forrage. On the 31ft, two regiments of foot were coramnnded to Sligo, and the parts on all fides adjacent to it, to preferve the inhabitants under his Majefty's obedience, and check the excurfions from Inci&iliin. On the 2d of O^ober, a party of 150 foot were detached, under the command of lieu- tenant colonel Stapylton and captain Hugh Macnamara, to relieve and bring oiF the 500 French that Schomberg had caufed to be ftript and carried by water to Carlingford, fufpeif^ing they had a defign of changing their party. The march was difficult and ha- zardous, for they could not avoid the Engliih camp but by a detour of at lead 30 miles, and that through almoft impafTable mountains ; neverthelefs they marched cheerfully over them to a vale within fix miles of Carlingford, where making a halt, to fix their arms and cover their priming againft a fhower of rain that hung over their heads, a party of the enemy came upon them ; and being demanded, whom they were for, they anfwered, they were for King W;lliam ; fo are we, faid Stapylton, with purpofe of taking his opportu- nity of furprifing them : but the zealous foldiers, ignorant of his meaning, declared loudly, they were for King James, and made good their words with a volley. Fourteen they killed on the fpot, feized all their arms, and made eight prifoners, without receiv- ing a wound. [The MS, W R I T T E N B Y I-I I M 3 E L F. 237 to dine at his lodgings. They came. They received him fo frankly, 1691. and they made fuch advances, that he propofed to try them. But lord Churchill was fo forward in the matter, that he prevented him, by fend- ing, foon after, for colonel Sackville. The colonel waited upon him, though with reluftancy. He was highly furprized to find Churchill the greateft penitent imaginable. He begged him to affure the King of his fincere repentance, and to intercede for mercy ; that he was ready to redeem his apoftacy with the hazard of his utter ruin, his crimes ap- pearing fo horrid to him : that he could neither Qeep nor eat, in con- tinual anguifli, and a great deal to that purpofe. They parted. Co- lonel Sackville acquainted his friends. They gave him (Churchill) all the encouragement imaginable ; conceiving that a perfon of fo great credit in the army, and of fuch a confiderable poll in the council, would be of mighty confequence to the King's affairs. But they re- folved, at the fame time, to fearch him to the quick ; and try whether, by informing them readily what he knew, they might depend upon his finceriry. He gave them, without hefitation, both an account of all the forces, preparations and defigns, both in England, Scotland, and Ireland. To which laft kingdom, he faid, the prince of Orange in- tended to go himfelf, if the French prefled too hard on the confede- rates in the Low Country, that very campaign. He laid open that prince's defigns both by fea and land -, which concurring with what the King had, from good hands, was a great argument of Churchill's fin- cerity. He brought daily intelligence of incidents in the fecretary's office, in relation to the Jacobites, by which they avoided many incon- veniencies and troubles. He defired inftruiftions without being admitted into the King's fecrets ; owning, that the villanies which he had com- mitted, did but too juftly debar him from expedling any confidence. He doubted not, he faid, but he could bring over many great men to the King's party ; and defired to know, whether he fhould endeavour that, in reference to my lord Danby, who, he faid, was the main (lay to the prcfent government j or join with the party in parliament, who v/ere contriving his ruin. He proffered to bring over, if required, the troops in Flanders. But he rather propofcd to adt in concert with many vho were> the next fcffion, to endeavour to get all foreigners fent out of the kingdom. He advifed the King not to bring with him too great a. a force : 238 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1691. a force : that a French power was too terrifying to the people: that 20,000 men would be fufficicnt. Churchill dcfired the King to enjoin lord Godolphin not to lay down his place in the Treafury ; as he mufl: bj made ferviceable in that poft. He faid, for himfelf, it would be inipoffible for him to be at reft till he had, in feme meafure, made an atonement, by endeavouring, thoucl) at the utmoft peril of his life, to rcftore his injured prince and beloved, mafter. His comportment upon the whole feemed candid, and his pe- nitence finccre. The King was always ready to forget the grcateft in- juries, upon the leaft fhew of amendment. He confirmed what he had faid in perfon, by a letter, Jan. 20th, 169? ; and in May 30th, 1691, he afiurcd the King, that upon the leaft command, he would abandon wife, children, and country, to regain and preferve his efteem. He, however, declined to bring over the troops in Flanders. The King wrote to him, April 20, 1691. He wrote him in the moft good-natured manner in the world. The Queen inferted a few words with her own hand, to teftify her being reconciled to him. He ordered Godolphin to keep his employments, to be more ferviceable; he having forgot his former fcruples about betraying his truft. Lord Dartmouth propofed to come over himfelf, provided he could have the command of a Iqua- dron of French men of war. But the court of France were not for trufling him ; befides, he was foon after lent to the Tower. The army in Ireland took the field. The French were flow in com- ing ; but they at length arrived. Athlone made a good defence ; yet was at laft furprized. Tyrconnel leaving the army, retreated to Li- merick. Animofitics, as is ufual in misfortunes, increafcd. The army, from 17,000, was reduced to 11,000. St. Ruth being piqued at the difgrace at Athlone, refolved to wait for the enemy at Aghrim. He encamped himfelf, on a rifing ground, in two lines. Two pafTes were before him -, one at the old caftleof Aghrim, on the left of the foot; the other 300 yards advanced from the right. On Sunday, July 12, the enemy advanced to the bog fide, while their horfe took a great round to flank the right. They had pofitive orders from Ginkle, not to come to a decifive adlion. But being once engaged, the affair was brought to a point. The Irifti behaved with great fpirit, to fccure their liberties, as an oppreflcd people. They convinced the EngUfti they had to do with WR ITTEN 13 Y HIMSELF. 239 with men, no lels refolute than themfelves. Never aiTault was made i6c;i. with greater fury, nor fuftained with greater obllinacy. The I:i(h foot rcpuhed the enemy fevcral times, particularly in the center. They even looked upon the viftory as certain. St. Ruth was in a tranfport of joy, to lee the foot, of whom he had a mean opinion, behave themfelves fo well. Fearing that the enemy fhould outflank his troops with their left, he ordered the fecond line of his left to march to the right. His orders were ill executed. The officer who commanded, fuppofing the bog in the front would prevent the enemy from advancing, ordered a battalion of the firft line to file off alfo. Thofe who flood in awe of that batta- lion, took courage when it was gone. They paffcd the bog on hurdles. They formed themlcUes on the Iridi fide of the bjg. i>t. Ruth ad- vanced at the head of the cavalry. He would foon have difperfed them ; as they were yet but a forming. He was unfortunately killed by a cannon- fhot. Endeavours were ufed, in vain, to conceal his death. The life-guard fquadron near him flopping, the reft did the fame. The enemy profiled by the accident. They advanced. A panic had feized the Iriili. They ficd, and left a compleat victory to the enemy. Night coming on, prevented a purfuit. The Irifh, however, loft 4000 men. The lofs of the Englifh was not much inferior. Had they purfued their victory, and marched to Limerick, they would have finifhed the war at one blow. - Tyrconnel rcfumed his authority on St. Ruth's death. He propofed to defend Limerick. The enemy appeared before it, on the 25th of Auguft. He fent an exprefs to St. Gcrmains. The King was, beyond meafure, afTIicfted. He laid the cafe before the French court. Some fuccours were prepared. Some money was ordered. Colonel Lutterel treats with the enemy about the furrender of Limerick. Mighty in- clinations were raifed in the army to fubmit. Tyrconnel, though not apprized of the treachery, was fenfible of the evil. One Balderic U'Don- nel was long engaged in hid 'en and treafonable prafiices. It appeared afterwards, that there was a dtfign of putting the kingdom into the hands of the ancient Irifh, independent of", and on an equal foot with England. This it was that had rendered O'Donnel fo popular, and railed him fuch a mighty crowd of followers, with which he lived, m a manner, at difcrction, while the war laflcd ; and he then made his peace v*ith 240 LIFE OF J AMES THE SECOND, 1C91. with the enemy, without the King's privity or confent. Lord Lucan, though he oppofed Tyrconnei, oppofed alfo the trcafonablc pradices, witli regard to the independence of Ireland. Luttercl's fccret corre- fpondence was difcovercd by his means. Lutterel was feized. He was tried; but he had too many frien .s to be condemned. He was ftrii;c:iced only to remain in prifon during the King's pleafure. The fire was rather fmothered than extinguilhed by this aft of juftice. Lucan's credit de- clined, when he fided with Tyrconnei. The latter, ftruck with a fit of an apoplexy, died in two days, when he was on the poiiit of reconciling the Inih to themfelves. The enemy, by Clifford's neglcft, pafTed the river. The town was forced into terms. The Irifh, however, had the courage to infift upon, and dexterity to obtain extraordinary articles. Thirty thoufand men, firft and laft, were permitted to pafs into France. Thus was Ireland, after three years obftinate refiftance, reduced by the power and riches of England. But though the King loft the country, he preferved the hearts of a majority of the people. In Scotland, the Highlanders were forced to lay down their arms, the King not being able to fupport them with money. They fent the earl of Dumfermling to the King. But before he received their information, he was fenfible of their condition. Though his abilities and intereft were exhauiled by Ireland, he contrived to fend fome fmall relief to Scotland, in a fliip from Nantes. He was too tender of their lives to propofe to them any defperate aftion ; and he, therefore, would not pretend to do more than he was really able. He gave them a true ftate of his affairs. He recommended to them a (hew of fubmiffion to the rebels, to prefcrve their own quiet j being perfectly aOured of their hearts at all times. He fent money to be dillributed among their owo proteftant clergy. They accordingly made their fubmiffion. But, coe- trary to all faich, the prince of Orange, by an order which Nero himfelf would have a horror of, ordered the foldicrs to maffacre the Glenco-meo in cold blood. It was hard to imagine, that tlie prince of Orange could apprehend danger from fuch a ha,ndful of men. But lie either thouglit that fevcrity neceffary to make an example of, or he had a particular piqup againft that clan. Either of thefe reafons, according to his morality, was fuiHcient to do an inhuman thing. To obftruct his ambition, or to give him a perfonal offence, expoltd men equally to his revenge. Yet this WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. t^t this was the pretended aflcrtion of the lives and liberties of the Englifh 1691. nation, to whom all oaths of duty and religion were made a facrifice of, rather than he fhould not reign over it. The Bafs was the only foot of land, if it may be fo called, that the King now remained in poflefliorj of, of all his dominions. The war being ended in Scotland and Ireland, the King fettled him- felf and his way of living fuitable to his penfion. 1692. EXTRACT I. Many begin to be difTatisfied with the prince of Orange's government. 1692. The violent current, wnich had borne down every thin^ before it, abated. ,- \^P^"^°'^'* The hearts of many remained true, though their hands were tyed. Every day cleared up more and more the dark, and hidden contrivances, which had produced the Revolution. The number of the King's friends increafed daily. They propofed fchemes for his reftoration. The cor- refpondence with Churchill was kept up. Though his pretenfions were liable to fufpicion, from his former condud, his profcffions had the ap- pearance of fincerity. There was fome caufe to believe him -, as both he and his miilrefs, the princefs of Denmark, were out of favour with the prince of Orange. Neither of them reaped any advantage from their paft infidelity, but the infamy of having committed fuch great crimes. The moft interefted may be credited, when they can reafon- ably hope to mend their fortune, and better their condition, by return- ing to their duty. The princefs of Denmark herfelf could not then be prefumed to dif- fcmble. She wrote to the King a moft penitential and dutiful letter. This was a more than ordinary mark of the fincerity of Churcliill, as he had fuch power with her. The King received not her letter till he was at La Hogue. Her letter was this : " I have been very defirous of fome fafe opportunity to make you a fincere and humble oflxr of my duty and fubmifTion to you j and to beg you will be allured, that I am both truly concerned for the misfortune of your condition, and fenfible, as I ought to be, cf my own unhap- pinefs, as to what you may think I have contributed to it. If wiflies could rccal what is paft, I had long fince redeemed my fault. I am Vol. I. I i fcnfibk a4« LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, 1692. fenfible it would luvc been a great relief to me, if I coulJ have found means, to have acquainted you earlier with my repenting thoughts. But 1 hope they may find the advantage by coming late of being lefs fufpefted of infincerity, than perhaps they would have been, at any time before. It will be a great addition to the cafe I propofe to my own mind, by this plain confefTion, if I am fo happy as to find it brings any real fatisfaflion to yours •, and that you are as indulgent and eafy to receive my humble fubrniflions as I am truly defirous to make them, in a free, difintereftcd acknowledgment of my fault, for no other end, but to dcferve and receive your pardon. " I had a great mind to beg of you to make one compliment for me. But fearing that the exprefTions which would be propered for me to make ufc o!, might perhaps be the leaft convenient for a letter, I muft con- tent mylelf at prefent with hoping that the bearer v/ill be able to fupply it for me. December ilV, iCgi." l-Ioyd brought the above letter. Admiral RufTel, who had the com- mand of the Enghfh fleet, ftill pretended to be in the King's interell. He was difTatisfied with the King's declaration. There was a necenity of doin* V ' b > ^ /J b No. 5. and J 2. roles than any of the other orders. His letters are probably preferred in the fcotch college, at Paris. Nairne, after marking, in the order of time, the dates of as many of the abbot's letters as were preferved in hib time, adds, " there arc fix letters from the Kinjj to the abbot, before the date of the abbot's firft letter to the King ; fo that the anfweri of thefe letters are wanting, befides letters thut are wanting afterwards." '1 he abbot'a f;rll letter to him is dated, the iSth of July, 1^92 ; and James's lall letter to him is dated, ihc :oth of September, 1700 : " 1 he abbot's letters, in all twenty-two, and there arc thirty- VoL. I. K k eight 25© LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1695- we are obliged tooblerve temperance and fobriety in our eating, and not to allow ourfclves to go to any excefs in that way ; and, if we cannot work with our hands, we ought always to avoid idlcnefs, to apply, with attention, to our own bufinefs, and to afiift our neighbour as much as we can. Laftly, wc Hiould have the fame Chrillian fpiric with tlie monks of La Trappe, and allow ourfelves to be guided by the fame maxims ; and each, in his ftation and manner, fhould endeavour to work out his own falvation, with the fame care, and the fame fear and trembling as they do. They are men like us, and we are under the fame obligations wich them. Jefus Chrift died for us all ; and we are all equally obliged to follow his fteps and to obey his precepts ; to be humble and patient, and always to remember, that, without thefe two Chrillian virtues, we can- not hope to perfevere in our duty, nor to hinder our abandoning our- felves to the falfe and deceitful maxims of the world, to which we will be eafily enticed, by the falfe example of thofe who follow them, and who 'for the mod part, difcover their fallacy and deceitfulnefs but too late. Nairne's pa- " Hts Majejly's tbankfgi'L^ng to GcJ, for the -particular benefits befto'xed '7' I ought daily to praife God, for the mercies he has fhewn towards me, during the whole courfeof my life; and in particular. For my making my efcape outof the hands of thofe rebels, who, fome months after, murdered the King, my father. For his protedbing me, in all the battles, fieges, and fights I have been in, both at land and at fea ; and for delivering me from many other dangers I have been expofed to, on both thefe elements. For giving me a healthful body and patience of mind to endure many and great injuries ; and for preferving me hitherto from the fnares and plots of my enemies. And, above all, 1 ought to praife Almighty God, for his opening my eyes and making me a true convert to his holy church ; And for his having touched my heart, with a true fenfe of my pad fins ; humbly praying him, at the fame time, to continue his grace to eight of the King's to the abbot; fo, if the abbot has but anfwered all his Majefty'* letters, as probably he has, there are fi.xteen of the abbot's letters wanting." • This paper is only in Englilh and in Nairne's hand ; but the words are endently James's. me. WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 251 me, and every day to increafe in me a greater abhorrence of them ; fo 1^95. that 1 may not fall into any of them again : and humbly acknowledging, that I have juftly delerved, for my manifold and great fins, all the afilic- tions and mortifications he has been pleafed to lay on me. Praying him alfo, that if, at any time hereafter, it fliall be his holy will to lay any further punifhments upon me, he will give me patience to bear them, and an entire refignation to all his decrees concerning me -, and finally fuch a proportion of his holy fpirit, as to keep me from falling into thofe fins which are more incident to my age and condition, that fo, at laft, I may obtain eternal life. Another, I thank thee, O God, for all the favours which thou hafl: done me ; Jaime's pa- and particularly, for having faved me from the hands of the rebellious voJ.'i. 410.* parricides, who put to death the King, my father. ^°* ^°* For having protected me, in all the combats, fieges, and battles, in which I have been, by fea and by land ; and for having delivered mc from fo many other dangers, to which I have been expofed. For having re-eftablifhed the King, my brother, in his kingdoms, and for having recovered me from the fmall-pox, which, fome years before, had carried off fome of the royal family. For having given me fuch good health and patience to fuffer fo many injuries, and for having preferved me till now from all the fnares of my enemies. For having touched my heart, with a true fenfe of my pad fins and a regret for them : a favour, which I befeech God to continue to me; and to augment in me, day by day, a deteftation of my faults. And, above all, I thank God, for having opened my eyes and con- verted me to the true church. I humbly acknowledge, that I have juftly deferved all the afHidions and mortifications, which it hath pleafed God to fend upon me ; and that I would deferve ftill greater, confidering the magnitude and multitude of my fins. For which reafon, when it Ihall pleafe God to inflid upon me other punifhments for my fins than thofe which I have already fuffcred, I moft humbly befeech him to grant me patience to fupport them ; and an K k 2 entire 252 LIFEOFJAMESTHESECOND, i6g6. entire refignation to his will, in all tl.ings: and, laftly, I afk of him a fufficicnt portion of his holy fpirif, to prefervc me from all the fins to •which perfons of my age and condition are liable, fo as that I may obtain eternal life. Exuaifts. 1696. EXTRACT I. Carte's On the propofal, for a defcent with ten or twelve thoufand men, the duke of Berwick was fent to England to perfuade the King's friends to rile firfl: ; only fourteen thoufand troops, then in England. They could not aflemble or rife, till his landing, elfe the Englifh fieet would inter- pofe; but would, the moment the King was alhore, in their feveral counties. Mr. Powel was fent over, in January or February, to per- fuade the King to come with that force and to give reafons for it. All things were ready at the end of February. On the twenty-fifth, the King of France fent to the King to go to Calais, where the King arrived on tlie fecond of March. A propofal had been made, at the end of 1693, for fcizing and bringing off the prince «f Orange ; but the King rejeded it. It was afterwards propofed by others ; and again rejeded. la the year 1695, one Clinch propofed it, and defired a warrant to im- power him. The King rejeded it, and charged him not to meddle in it, or fpeak more about it. Yet, wiien he came to England, he did to his own club, and to Porter and Parkins. Charnock doubted of Clinch *. EX. ■^ • > * Clinch, it would appear, was coo precipitate. Lord Middieton writes to Kim, on Papers, D.N. the 30th April, i6gj. — " Lad night, I received yours of the eleventh iiiftant. I confefs, vol. i. 4to. I was furprized to find, that you reckon flill on a thing, which was laid aficle for the pre« ■^' S*" fent, when you was here ; otherwife, you would have defired to carry with you, what you now fo earned ly prefs for. You may remember, that the protelling of the bill wa» iudged to be a total difappointment, for this feafon ; becaufe the market wou!d be over, before the neceffary commodities could be provided, without which, we mil uoL find our account. Mr. Benfon [Fr. King] is gone to a farm of his, above fifty miles off; to fee what condition his' tattle are in ; and is not to return, in three weeks, which would oc- safion a delay in this matter, were there no other caufe to be adigned for it. This is too plain to want a proof. However, you may be afTured, that no eBdeavotirs fljall be wanting, in providing what is neceflary for the firfl market."' .... On the fifft of May, Middieton writes in the fame ftrain to his correfpondent Syfon, either of Clinch or fome other perfon, who was fufpeckd, about this time. — " Mr. Har- X rifo» W R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L I". V53 EXTRACT II. The King is prefltd again to make another attempt. He was pre- Macpherfou's Pvr farts vailed upon, by conceiving the kingdom to be much better difpofed, and the conjunfture more favourable. BeJore the King entered upon his ex- pedition, he found great difficulties about wording his declaration, for the Calais expedition. Melfort had been diimifled at the felicitations of his friends in England. Middleton, -who fucceeded him, was of opinion, that the King ought to adhere to his laft declaration. The King left St. Germains, February 28th. The troops intended for the invafion began to draw near Dunkirk and Calais. He was haftened off too foon, by rifon [K. James] bid me tell you, in anfvver to the laft paragraph of yours, dated the twentieth of March, that he had an ironmonger here, whom you might employ, as occa- fion ferved. But, notwithftanding, if you had a mind to be rid of a couple of that trade, he approved of the propofal ; and, in that cafe, they may be fent hitlier to receive fur- ther dirtCiions." On the twcnty-feventh of May, Middleton writes to Mr. Chapman.—" I received the Xairne'i P> favour of yours of the eighteenth of April, wiih the inclofed fcr Mr. Artley [K. James], pers, d' N\ as likewife that of the twenty- fourth, which came together. I (hould be hiry that our *?'• '• +^°- banker ' Fr. King] wanted will or power. Many rich men have no money at home. °' ^' At fonie times, unforefecn accidents may contribute to that, as in this cafe ; but, there- fore, yoj ought not to dcfpair of payment. I have endeavoured to make this truth ap- pear as plain to you and your partners, as was polTible ; and ! am forry to find, that you MTiH not believe it. ] am fure you cannot reproach me, that I ever went about to impofe on you." On the 2:th of May, 1695, he writes to his correfpondent Syfbn. " I return yoo mod humble thanks, for the favour of yours of the 24th of .■^pril. The contents of it were very feafonable to comfort us. I wiih I could do you the like fervice. But things aro here, in the pollure they were, which I need not repeat ; and Mr. Harrifon [K. James] being to write to you, this trouble will be but (hort. Clinch is juft come : but we have not had time yet to enquire concerning the condition of the fadory. I am very defirous to know what credit, he has on. the exchange; and where he is judged to be moft ufe- ful." Upon the 21ft of July, his lordthip writes to Chapman.—" I cannot obferve that men's malice has taken place againft Clinch, though I am a living witnefs of their honeft en- c!carour5 that way. There is nothing fo plain to me, as that an eleaion cannot be car- tied, but by gaini.ng of votes. It is the only way friends can employ themfclves in ; and, when any freeholder fignihea his promifc, he Ihall not fail of an ample return from the Jentleman bimfelf," the IbiJ, 254 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 169C. the court of France. Tlie alarm war, taken, before things were ripe ; and the intended expedition fell to the ground. Befidcs the misfortunes common to this expedition with the reft of the King's attempts, it brought obloquy upon him, by its being thought that he was privy to, or ap- proved of, the defign on the perfon of the prince of Orange, Certain gentltmen, thinking to do the King good fervice by it, combined among themfclves. Their firft projedl was to furprize and fcize the prince of Orange, and carry him into France. But finding that impracticable, if they fcrupled his life, they were by degrees drawn into a refolution of attacking him as he came from Hampton Court, or from hunting ; and if they found no pofliblicy of carrying him off alive, to make no diffi- culty of killing him. There is oooccafion to argue upon this point, the King was neither privy to this defign, nor did he commifllon the per- fons -, though he fuffered moft undefervedly, both in his reputation and intereft: for thofe unfortunate gentlemen, by miftaking meflages on the one hand, and their too forward zeal on die other, the moft of them loft their own lives, and furniflied an opportunity to the King's enemies of renewing their calumnies againft him, and fix the people and parliament, who otherwile began to waver, in the prince of Orange's in- tereft more than ever. Croft)y, it is more than probable, was employed by the prince of Orange, to perfuade the King to the meafure. His earneftnefs in this, both in words and by his letter, requefting pcrmifiion from England, made the King fufpeft him ; and all the anfwer he made was, that he thought him mad. The commifiion the King gave to Sir George Berkley and others was in order to a general infurredtion of the Jacobites ; which he underftood they were to make as foon as he appeared on the French coaft, with fuch a force as was agreed upon. The court of France was of die fame opi- nion, and ordered their troops not to put to fea till they heard of it. The King's friends on the other hand, meant that the King ftiould land firft. The matter was hke to come to nothing, when they waited thus for one another. The prince of Orange's affairs had not now a favour- able arj)ed1:. The new-called parliament were refty and refraflory. Sun- derland, who had advifed the diffolution of his old parliament, began now to be fufpefted by him. The King's party, called Jacobites by way of diftindion, thought it proper to blow the coals, as much as 2 poffible. WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 255 poffible. They prefled hard for men and fliips, for the beginning of 1696. the fpring. They now afl-ced but 10 or 12 thoufand men. Some of them even wrote to the King, that they were perfuaded, that could the King but once come to London, or fome other confulerable town, with- out any force, that the greatefl: part of the nation would rife and reftore him. The King communicated this news to his moft Chriftian Majcfty ; and he was, at laft, encouraged to give the men ; together with things neceflary for a defcent for the beginning of February. He ftill prefled, that the King's friends fhould nfe firfl;. The duke of Berwick was accordingly fent to England to head them. Many officers went to England and Scotland ; particularly many gentle- men, who were wearied to ferve as common men. The, King's friends declared it impofllble to rife till the King Ihould land : but that as foon as he fliould come, they fiiould all run to their arms. Their reply was fo reafonable, that it could not be anfwered. A miftake in difcourfe with Mr, Powel, who had come to St. Germains, with an account of the ftate of England, was the thing that prevailed with the King to move them to it. Mr. Powel fpoke with fo much zeal, that the King thought, that the Jacobites propofcd to rife, when they fhould hear of his defiga to pafs into England j and, before Mr. Powel had put his requefl: into writing, the King fortuned to meet with the moft Chriftian King, and told him, his friends in England were ready to rife whenever he re- quired them. The King perceived, when Mr. Powel committed his meflage to writing, that he had been miftaken. But for fear of alarm- ing the French niinifters, he did not think it proper to ftop their pre- parations, by unfaying what he had faid. The moft Chriftian King's orders were fo well obeyed, by Mr. Ponchartrain of the marine, and Barbefieux of the land department, that things were ready, at the time appointed, which was the end of February. Though things were carried on with all imaginable fecrecy, it could not be poflible to aflemble 3 or 400 fail of great and fmall veflels, from different ports, without making fome noife. The Dutcli believed, that the French had a dtfign on Zealand, and fcnt thither troops. No de- fign was fufpe(flcd to be laid againft England, till it was heard the King had gone for Calais, which the moft Chriftian King thought fit he ftiould do, as the tranfports were to rendezvous there on the 25th of February. He 2^6 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1696. He fcnt Pontchartrain to the King, on that day, and, as the fccrtrt could be kept no longer, he faid, he aJvifcd him, if he thought fit, to go down to the fea-fidc ; but not to let the men embark, till he heard of the propolcd infurrection in England. The moftChriflian King pro- pofed to come the next day, to St. Germains, to fctdc the lart mcafures with the King. He came accordingly. He repeated what his minifter had faid ; and ftill taking it for granted, that the rifing would begin before the King could reach Calais, he prcfTcd, fur that very reafon, his fettino- out immediately. But though the King had no great mind to go, till he had a return from the duke of Berwick, who had not been gone a fortnic^ht ; yet, for certain rcafons, he thought fit not to mention it ; and acquiefced in going in two days.. He arrived at Calais, on the 2d of March. The King met at St. Dennis a fcrvant, from the duke of Berwick, with a letter to Middleton. The duke himfeif, having his chaife broke, remained at Clermont, till it (hould be mended. The King underftood from fome hints, in the letter, that he had not fucceedcd. He ac- quainted the moft Chriftian King of his doubts. But he rcfolved to proceed. He came to Clermont. He knew then the whole matter. He ordered Berwick to proceed to Calais. It was a great misfortune, that the moft Chriftian King had not a right notion of the matter from the beo-inning, and that the King durft not difabufe him, for fear his mini- fters, who were ever averfe to fuch expeditions, fhould quafti all, with- out fo much as a trial. He ftill hoped, that fomething might happen, upon which he could found a requeft to let the troops fail. He no fooner arrived at Calais, but according to his ufual fortune, he found his expeftations at an end. Several gentlemen had been fcized for an at- tempt on the prince of Orange's perfon. England was in a ferment. There could be no expediations tliac the Jacobites fhould rife. It was a more than ufual trouble to the King to fee his projed broke, his hopes blafted, his friends ruined, by their purfuing methods contrary to his judgment, and without his confent. Thofe who were executed declared, indeed, at their deaths, that the King was no ways privy to the defign upon the prince of Orange's perfon. The propolal had been fre- quently made, for feveral years, but he always rejected ic with vehe- mence. The WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 257 The prince of Grange hid a perfonal picjuc agaiiifl; Sir Joiin Fenwick, 1696. for Ibme rcfleifcing cxprelTions, wh^n he Icrved in MoUand-, and, accord- ing to his wonted clemency, he was relblved to move heaven and eai th to have his life. lie could not get two witnt-fiVs, as tlie laws of trealbn require; and he, therefore, caufcd a bill of attainder to be broii-^ht againft liim, in the houfe of commons. Thus exerting the utmoft ex- tent of the legiflative power to take away irregularly one man's life, which could not be of luch mighty confequence to the public quiet. Sir John P'enwick's accufation of lord Godolphin, lord Churchill, and ad- miral RufTel, and feveral others, did great prejudice to the King's af- fairs. This, inflead of appealing, heightened the prince of Orange's rage againft him ; and added the weight of thefe powerful men to the heavy hand of their mafter. Though Sir John was not believed, it con- vinced many, that their fecrets were not fo well kept, as they could wiOi; and they afcerwards gave this, as a reafon for dilcontinuing their corre- fpondence. It is doubtful, whether this was a difadvantage, in refpeifl of fuch men. It was a check, however, upon better men. The exe- cution of his friends was more affcAing to him, than his own mit fortunes. He, however, had ftill fome glimmering views toward a reftoration. The prince of Orange's ill ftate of health made people believe he could not live long. He was become fo dropfical, that it became manifeft he could be of no long continuance. Had he died, the King would return into England and throw himfclf on the good-nature of the Englilh, though three men fliould not follow him. It could not enter into his breaft, that the people of England could offer indignities to a heart that loved them fo tenderly. But if it was God's will, that he ihould con- fummate his fufFerings, without any mixture of profperity, and end his days in banilhment, in which fo great a part of his life had been fpent, he refigned himfelf to the will of providence. But the ill health of the prince of Orange railed a new obftacle. The princefs of Denmark, though fhe had all along kept up a fair correfpondence with the King, full of aflfurances of duty and repentance, began now to be allured, with the hopes of the crown. She wrote to the King to know, whether he would pleale to permit her to accept the crown, fhould the prince of Orange die, and it be olfcred to her, according to the aCl of fettle- Vol, I. LI ment »58 LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, i6(j6« mcnt made in the convention. She accompanied this rcqucfc, with a fceming fenfe of her duty, and a readinefs to make rcftitution, when op- portunity fhoiild fervej and that fhould flie rcfufe it, confidering the prefent diipolition of the kingdom, it would only remove the King the further from the hopes of recovering his right, by putting the govern- ment into worfe hands, out of which he would not fo eafily retrieve it. But this was no ways fuiting to the King's temper. He was not for per- mitting ill, that good might come of it. He could fufFer injuftice with patience •, but he could never be brought to countenance it ; befides he knew, that of all rellitutions, none is harder to make than that of a crown. The King excufed himfelf to his daughter ; and his refolution of putting himlclf in the hands of his fubjefls, put an end to the pro- pofal. But thefe were views at a diftance. The King turned his thoughts to reap a Chriftian fruit, from the feeds of affliction. But while he was turning his thoughts on a heavenly crown, an earthly one was offered to him •, not indeed that which was his due, and which for that reafon alone he defired, but that of Poland. His moft Chriftian Majefty fcnt M. de Pomponnc to the King -, that the abbe Polignac, his ambalfador in Poland, wrote, that the people of that country had thoughts of him in the eledion they were to make of a new King. That fome particular diets had already named them. The King's friends were fanguine for it. But he made no other reply, than that he fliould ever retain a grateful remembrance of the efteem and kindnefs thofe perfons had fhewn him. That, however, he could not accept it if offered ; much lefs would he ufe any endeavours to obtain it. That it would amount to an abdication indeed of what was really his due ; and therefore was refolved to remain as he was, though he had lefs hopes of being reftored than ever, rather than do the leall zCt to prejudice his family. That there could not be a greater inftance, that it was the public good and the intereft of the prince his fon, and not a thirft after rule and dominion, that made the King never lay afide the endeavours of regaining his right. The King received intelligence of a treaty of peace being on foot pre- judicial to his interell. He wrote thus, upon the occafion, to the abbe la Trappe : " Though his moft Chriftian IMajefty has the fame affection and confideration for nie he ever had ; yet he may, perhaps, think his conditioa 4 W R I T T F. N B Y H I M S E L f. 25J condition fuch as to oblige hi'.n to make a certain ftep, for the good and 1656. peace of his kingdom, which, I am confident, he will have a great rclu<5lancy to, on my account ; and, therefore, I believe it will give him full as much or more trouble, than it will to me, who have been inured to contradiftions all my life *." The King was not miftaken. The winter paflcd in preparations for war ; but a fecret ncgociation was car- ried on in the mean time. 1657. EXTRACT I. Plenipotentiaries fent, in March, to Ryfwick, a houfe belonging to 1697. the prince of Oranj^e. The King had no more doubt, that a peace would Macpherfon'* . h.xuafts, be made exclufive of his intereft. He was much furprized, confidering the character of his mod Chriftian Majefty and the fuccefs of France. He never thought, that he would have been thus deferted. In Decem- ber 1696, the King fent an agent to Vienna. But the Emperor was deaf to his reafons. • Nairne, making a lift of Monfieur de Ranee the famous abbot of La Trappe's let- Malme's Pai ters to James, according to their dates, marked the fubject of a letter that prince received pers, D. N. from the abbot this year, " Anfwer to difficulties, 4th Oftober 1696. ' There mull have ''°'' '• 4to« been fomething remarkable in thefe difficulties, and in the anfwer, as Nairne dnes not ' ^ HiCDtion the fubjeft of any other letter, and we have probably thefe very difficulties in the following paper, in Nairne's hand, entitled, *' Qveftions propofed by his Majelly to his Nairnc's Pa- confelTor "* ?«"• ?• N- vol. xi. rol, Qu. 1. Whether, confidering the life Ihave led, and that my age, as well as the fta- No. 7. tion 1 am in, does hinder me from ufing thofe penances and mortifications, which wojid be requifite to Ihew the abhorrence and detellation I have of my paft olunces ag-'inil To good and gf^cious a God, 1 ought not to be content, as a greater penance than can be ioflified on me in this world, not to make ufe of the ufual prayers of the church, to en- deavour, by them, to (liorten my time of being in purgatory ? And whether, vvliat 1 have defigned for that ofc may not be better employed in charities and praying for all the faithful departed ? 2, Whether it is not more meritorious and better to lay afiJe, whilfl one is aiive, for fuch charities and other pious ufcs, as one defigns, than to leave the burden on one's heirs and fucce/fors I And whether it be not deceiving one's fclf to expcft any merit for iiich gift!, as one leaves to be paid by his heirs, after his deceafe, fincc it is a burden apon them, and that one does cct feel the inconvcniency of it one's felf.' LI 2 EXTRACT i6o LIFEOFJAMES THE SECOND, 1697. EXTRACT II. Though * no one could blame the King's conduft, in tliis total dif- claiming all treaties and accommodations, when he found the confede- rate princes no ways difpofed to do him juflice ; yet there was ore ar- ticle privately ftipulated, which, had not the King too haftily reje<5lcd, might have rendered his pofterity eafy, and his people happy. His moft Chriftian Majefty had underhand prevailed with the prince of Orange to confent that the prince of Wales (hould fuccced to the throne of Eng- land after his death. That mercenary prince, it feems, had no great re- gard to the pretended ends of his coming, nor to the afls of parliament, which excluded the prince of Wales, and all of that perfuafion, from the fucceflion. He had, under the notion of preferving the church of Eng- land, ufurped the kingdom ; and, now, (that the work was done) thole pangs of confcience were vanilhed, and he was very eafy on that head, and ready to leave the church to Providence for the future, not caring under whofe government it fell afterwards, fo he was fccure of the throne for his life. For this reafon, he {hewed no great averfenefs to the prince of Wales's having the preference to thofe who were named by the pretended adl of fettlement. How he would have brought about in parliament this matter does not appear ; becaufe it never came to a trial. But when this feeming advantage to the family was propofed to the King, he could not fupport the thoughts, he faid, of making his own child an accomplice to his unjuft dethronement ; fo immediately he told his moft Chriftian Majeft:y, (who had firft made the overture to him; that though he could fulFcr with Chriftian patience the prince of Orange's ufur- pation upon b:m, he could never confent that his own Ibn fhould do it too. This was a point too nice to be prefieJ, in cafe of the leaft reluc- tancy ; fo nothing more was faid upon it. But had the King taken lei- fure to weigh more maturely the matter, he might have found means, perhaps, of reconciling that apparent incongruity, and for the fake of his fon and pofterity have overlooked the injuftice done to himfelf. But * This is a continuation of the Life of James, writccn by another hand. But as it was done under his own infpeftion, and correflcd by himfelf, it poflcfles as much autho- rity, as if written by him in his own hand. 2 the W R I T T E N B Y H I M S E L F. 261 the King was better at fufFcring injuries, than at conniving at them ; an J i^07- the leall fhadow of an injuftice was enough to damp, in his acceptation, the beft laid projedb in the world. The King arrived at Fountainbleau, the very day the news of the peace of Ryfwick came. The King having long forefeen the blow, was the lefs furprifed ; and (o far from burfting out into expoftulations and complaints, that, forgetting himfelf, he feemed only to companionate his moft Chriftian Majefty, as if he had been the great and only fuffcrer in the point. The bill of banifhment was a new fource of trouble and expence to the King. EXTRACT III. "When the news of the conclufion of the treaty arrived, the King was at Fountainbleau. He arrived there the very day of its coming. The prince of Orange, foon after the peace, fent his great favourite, Ben- tinck, in quality of ambaflador, to Paris ; and prefTed for the King's removal from St. Germains. In the firfl; conference, between that mini- fter and the marefchal de Boufflers, he infifted on the fame thing. But he was cut fhort, by the mod Chriftian King -, who faid, that if the prince of Orange ftood upon that article, he would banlfli all thoughts of treating with him. This difcouraged not the prince of Orange. He ftill infifted upon that point. But the moft Chriftian King was immove- able. The conditions of removal were the payment of the Queen's join- ture. The moft Chriftian King chofe rather to leave that money in his hands, than exafperate him by demanding it, according to agreement. Bentinck faid, that Boufflers promifcd, fecretly, to remove the King. Boufflers denied the fad:. But the moft Chriftian King was not difpofed to argue matters with the prince of Orange. 1698. The prince of Orange ill-treated by his parliament. They tore his iSaS laurels from his brows, and placed them on their own. They made him account, like a fteward, for all the money they put in his hands. They gave him no fettled revenue j but from year to year. They forced him to iSz LIFE OF JAMES THE SECOND, 1698. to fend away his Dutch troops; though he truckled fo far, as to fend a letter, by way of petition, to the lioufe of commons. They were deaf to his intreatics, and defpifed his fervile fuit, as much as they laughed at the underhand threats of his creatures. I'hey juftly put him in mind of his origin, and the hands that made him -, and gave liim to under- hand, that they called him to be their fervant, and not to domineer over them : and that, in cafe they difcovered the lead bad afped towards fheir liberties and properties, they knew how to make a facriftce of their own workmanfhip to a freili eftabl'.fhment, if their rights feemcd to re- quire it. This was a mighty humiliation to that prince, whofe aims and condudt fmelt fo rank of conqueft,. that pamphlets, which feemed to fupport that notion, had not only been common, but allowed of by his authority. The treatment which doftor Burnet's treatife on that fubjed inet with, checked others j and tended to teach the prince of Orange, that as he owed his creation to the parliament, fo he mull alfo derive from them his fubfiilence^ But the King looked upon him, more as the inftrument of God's juftice againft himfrlf, than as his en.^my. He never faid any [p. 660.] harfli things of him himfelf, nor would he per- mit it in others -, nor could any make their court worfe, than by refledt- ing, in his prefence, upon his worit enemies. He even never failed to pray for them. [p. 670.] ORI GIN AL ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1688. THOUGH the Memoirs of James the Second throw the newefl: i683. and bell light on the tranfactions of the important year 168?, feme other original papers concerning that period, equally unknown to the public, have fallen into the hands of the Editor from various quar- ters. They are printed, in the order of their dates, with fuch remarks as are neceflary to make them underftood. Though the papers pub- lilhed under this year are not, perhaps, of fuch confequence as thofe that follow them, they contain fome anecdotes that ought not to be con- cealed from the world. Thofe who know beft the hiftory of this country will relifli them the moft. Skelton *, Env fellows of Magdalene College. Loofe papers, _____^^_^^ '^°' '^■ • The Allowing is probably a copy of the circular letteri which Sunderland wrote to the biihops at this cinie. " The Earl tf^undtrland n tht Archlifiop ef Canttrhury. My Lord, Whitehall, 2cth of Oaober, 1 683. Tanner'scol- . Icaion, vol. The King commands me to acquaint your Grace, that he dcfircs you and fuch others of xxviii, Oxon, my lords the bifhops as are in town, fhould attend him upon Monday next, at ten in the evening. i .m, &c. SUilDSRLAND P." Vol. I. N n On oa. leth. 274. ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1688. On thetwckli, the King fcnt for the birtiop of Winton, tlie vifitor, and Odober. ordered Iiim to fettle the fociety regularly. Citation put on the college gate, ordering the prefident, fellows, and all perfons concerned to meet the vifitor on November the fecond. This was needlefs. The arch-bi(hop of Canterbury and other bifhops^ iineafy at the delay, fignifying it to Winton, he came to Oxford on the twentieth of Oilober. The fellows, expecfling to be reftored, had been fomc time waiting him. The King knew nothing of the delay ; and, being minded to have a great affembly of lords, billiops, &x. on the twenty- fecond of Oftober, to fatisfy them about the prince of Wales's legitimacy, "Winton was fent for among others. An exprefs was fent to Karnham, which followed the bi(hop to Oxford and delivered to him the letter. The bifhop not knowing the meaning of it, and receiving the King's letter on Saturday night, fet out next morning without reftoring the fel- lows, who had defired him to do it that morning before he went, it not requiring above an hour's time; and on. his refufal, they ufcd rude ex- preffions and behaviour, which put him in a palTion and he bid his coacht man drive away. The bifliop was fent down on Wednefday, and on the twenty-fifth, relettled the college*. The • Prefixed to this extrail there is an account of the beginning of this sfFiir. Carte's Ex- DoSor Thomas Smith's account of the proceedings at MugJiiune CiJiige. trails from Dr. Smith's On the twenty-fixth of March, Eailer-eve, at ten at night, doflor Younger came to. MSS Oxon. dotlor Smith, with accounts of an exprefs from lady bhattleworth of her father, doctor K'°° ^P^^^*^"' Clarke's death, at his houTe in Lancalliire, recommending to him to appiy to the chac- ccllor for recommendations to the prefidentihip, declining it himfelf. On Sunday, the tenth of April, in the afternoon, Francis Bagfhaw, fellow of Magdalene College, by order of the vice-prefident and fellows, came to the doilor's lodgings with a. petition to the King : " We have been credibly informed, that Mr. Anthony Farmer, who was never of our foundation, has obtained your Majefty's recommendation to be prefident of this your Majefty's college, in the room of doftor H. Clarke, lately dcceafed. We do therefore, wi;h all fubmiflion, as becomes your raoft dutiful and Joyal fubjeds, mod humbly reprefent to your facred Majefty, that the faid Mr. Anthony Farmer is a perfon, in feveral refpefls, luicapable of that cfaarader, according to ouc founder's Itatutes ; and do moll humbly befeechyour Majelly, as yourMajelly (hall judge fittell in your princely wifdom, either to leave us to the difcharge of our duty and con- fciences, according to your Majeily's late moll gracious declaration and our founder's ilatute ; No. 12. ORIGINAL PAPERS. G75 The prince of Orange fet forth in his declaration, that he had been 168 3. invited over " by divers lords both fpiricual and temporal." James *■ ° "' defircd ftatate; or to recommend fuch a perfon as may be mod ferviceable to your Majefty and this your Majcfty's college ; and your Majefly's petitioners fliall ever pray." This petition had no date, but was written and fubfcribed the day before ; Mr. Baglhaw and the fervant ftnt up with him, having rode a great part of the night to reach London the next d..y in good time. Dr. Smith figned it, and advifed to prefent it to the King that evening as he went or •came from the cabinet council. On which he produced an order from the vice-prefident and fellows, for delivering it to the earl of Sunderland, the lord prefident, with a letter from the bifliop of Winton to him, at which Smith exprefTed an hearty forrow. They went immediately to lord Sunderland's lodgings, whohadjuft dined. They were admitted. They told him their bufinefs, and gave him the petition and vifitor's letter. As they were to wait on him again, he appointed Tuefday morning. Sir Theodore de Vaux told him next day, that no petition had been prefentcd to the King or mentioned in council the night before, which made him fear Sunderland had fupprefled the petition. Tuefday morning, April the twelvth, Smith and Bagfhaw went to lord Sunderland^ lodgings, and Smith fending in their names, word was brought them, that they mud come 4he next day. They accordingly did foin the morning. Sunderland faid, " Sir, I havedeli- vered bifliop Winton's letter and your petition to the King. The King has fent his letter to the college, and he expe r t j ; v x.wiii, O.xon. the Btfbcps are ftimmomd to attend the King. " My Lord, Fulham, Oftober 31, 16S8. Returned home fo late this evening that I could not hope of waiting upon the King this afternoon according to his commands. But, undcr- ftanding that the reft of your lordfliips were likewife fent for, I beg to know, only by word of mouth, what the matter is, that I may attend accordingly. My Lord, Your Grace's moft dutiful fervant, H. London." I Cilgin^. Lord Middletcn to the Archhifhop of Canterbury. — Summons to attend. the King. " My Lord, Whitehall, November ift, 16SS. 'T^HE King commands me to acquaint your Grace, that he defircs to ■*■ Ipeak with you at ten, to-morrow morning ; and that your Grace would bring with you fuch others of my lords, the bifliops, as are in town. I am. My Lord, Your Grace's mofl: humble fervant, MiDDLETON.'' fellows had not petitioned, him before the elefliou ; and the vice-chancellor faying they had petitioned, "yes," faid the King, "after the eleflion." The vifi tor inquired of doflor Smith about the exait time. Great colleftions were made for the expelled fellows. The princefs of Orange fent tao hundred pounds from Holland, Bl(hop Parlv«r dying, doflor Giffard, titular bilhop of Madura, was made prefident. ORIGINAL PAPERS. 277 i683. The Bijhop of London to The BiJJjcps deny Orig^in"?!."' fo the King that they invited over the Prince of Orange, as he offer ted in \c^\„„^ vol.* his declaration. xxvui.Oxou. " My Lord, November, i6S8, T TAVING fome necefiary bufinefs in Eflcx which calls me away to- ■*■ morrow for two or three days, I thought it my duty to give you this account. When I waited upon the King, by his command, on Wednefday morn- ing, the firft of November, he told me that he had fent for me, when he had nothing but the declaration of the ftates of Holland. But that the declaration of the prince of Orange was now come to his hands, out of which he read to me that fhort paragraph, of the lords temporal and fpiritual inviting his highnefs over ; upon which I told him, I was confident the reft of the bifhops would as readily anfwer in the negative as myfelf; and his Majefty was pleafed then to fay, he did believe us all innocent. Next he told me, he thought it requifite we fliould make fome public declaration of our innocence in this matter, and likewife an abhorrence. I then defired to fee the declaration. But he refufed. I told this matter ought to be confidered. " Every one," fays he, " is to anfwer for himfclf. But I will fend for my lord of Canterbury, who fliall call you together."' On Friday, the fecond of November, I waited upon the King with my lord of Canterbury and others ; when his Majefty told him of the prince's declaration, and made the lord Prefton read it. Then he put the queftion round, v/hich was anfwered in the negative. The King de- fired fome fuch denial fliould be publifhed, faying it would be for his fervice. But he would not allow time to fend for the bifliops at a dif- tance. So his Grace told him, he would fend for thofe in and about town to confult about it. Upon which, the King repeated twice, that we fliould- add our diflike i which would be very much for his fervice." Rfafons «^« O 11 I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1688. November. Reafons -why the BiPoots refufed to vindicate tbemfdves in a pullk moMncr. i' T7 IRST, We humbly befeech your Majefty to receive what wc offer in a favourable fenfe, fince wc liave done nothing that can juftly deferve mifconftrudlion. Secondly, We humbly conceive, tliat a general claufe in a declaration not avowed nor publifhed, is not a fufficient ground for a man or number of men to vindicate themfelves, as if they were concerned in it. And further, if this declaration fliould be owned and publifhed by the prince of Orange, we beg leave to offer it, as our opinion to your Majerty, that it would be a new thing and no good precedent, to put it in the power of a foreign and general accufation to bring your Majefty's fubjecls in particular, to a vindication of themfelves, as if they were regularly ac- cufed and legally tried, for a criminal correfpondence. Thirdly, If your Majefly fliould think fit to make it punifhable to read or communicate the declaration -, then, by making fuch an addrefs as is required, we fhould do an aft grounded upon a thing which muft not be produced ; and conjequently we fhall not be at liberty to aliedge the reafon of our doing it, which muft unavoidably expofe us, not only to cenfure, but fufpicion. Fourthly, As we have in ail times adhered to our duty and allegiance, we are the lefs willing to do any thing now, which may diftinguifh us as men marked with a particular charafter of fufpicion, fince we think our loyalty lefs blemifhed by not being called in queftion, than it would be by the cleareft vindication that can be made of it u-pon this occafion. Fifthly, We beg leave to obfcrve to your Majefty, that by an addrefs from a few of us, who are now in town, without the concurrence of the greater number who are abfent, it would look to the world, as if the bifhops (who we hope are very well united) were of different opinions ; or that we, who are now here, had more particular reafons of a vindica- tion than the reft; which makes it reafonable for us to be unwilling to come within the danger of fuch an interpretation. Sixtldy, We confider that the claufe in the declaration joineth the iOrds fpiritual and temporal, fo that, if it has any meaning, it muft in- tend, that there is a concurrence of many of both orders to invite them to this attempt, which would make it more imperfecft for us, even though all ORIGINAL PAPERS. V9 all the bifliops were here to make a leparate vindication, where the ac- i688. eufation is joined and comprehends the temporal lords in it. So that, if ^°^' any notice is to be taken of" it, it can be done no where lb naturally or with fo good effc(5t as in parliament j which, whenever your Majcfly fliall think fit to call, we refolve to do our duty, and to employ out utmoft en- deavours for the good of the church and ftate, and for preventing the miicries which now feem to threaten thefe diftradled kingdoms, and to acquit ourtelves in all things which fliall be there tranfacted, as be- comes, &c." Gco7-ge (probably Sir George) Mackenzie to the Airchbijhcp of Canterbury. — Hopes bis Grace uill difavozv the Prince of Orange's Declaratiin. May it pleafe your Grace, "VTT'E -ire ftrangely lurprized with the prince of Orange's declaration, q^.; . which feems, upon the mifinformation of fanaticks, fled to Hoi- Tanner's land for to have accufed all fuch as have ferved in the govern- :;xiiii''oxor., ment of church and ftate here as criminal. We hope the worthy and. pious prelates of tJie church of England will own the true intereft of go- vernment and their friends ; efpecially fuch as have never expofed them- fclves nor their religion to fale, and whom neither fear nor flattery has influenced. I refer the ftate of our affairs to this bearer, who can make your Grace underltand them as well as if you had been in employment here j nor will there be any thing to be added, when you ftiall lliortly ibe. Your Grace's moft humble fervant, Geo. Mackenzie. The Archlifhop of Canterbury difavows his ever inviting over the Prinee of Orange. ^IX/H-EREAS there hath been of late a general apprchenfion, that Origin.i(, his highncfs the prince of Orange hath an intention to inv.ide Colleaion this kinedom, in hoftile manner -, and, as 'tis faid, makes this one reafon l°'- ''■^^"1' ° . Oxen. of his attempt, that he hath been thereunto mvitcd, by feveral Englifh Jords, both fpiritual and temporal j I William, Ulhop of Canterbury, do, 4 foi 2S0 ORIGINAL PAPERS. Nov, for my own difchargc, profcfs and declare, that I never gave him any fuch invitatiop, by word, writing, or otherwife. Nor do I know, nor can believe, that any of my reverend brethren, the bifhops, have in any fuch way invited him. And all this I aver, upon my word -, and, in at- teftation thereof, have fublcribed my name here, at Lambeth, the 3d day of November, 16S8. W. C. • Carte's MS. loofe papers, marked No. J2. Original. Ibid. The truth of the following anecdotes muft: reft on the credit of thofe by whom they are related. It is but juftice to Churchill to obfcrve, that James himfelf mentions nothing of that Lord's defign to aflaffinate him, though he was convinced of his projedl of placing him in the hands of his rival. Lord Churchill fufpeHed of a defign to affaffinate James 11. I. " Sir George Hewet's death-bed confelTion of lord Churchill's inten- tion to kill James II. communicated to Mr. Carte, in a letter from Alexander iVlalet of Combe Flory, dated 3d Sept. 1 745; — with James's opinion of lord Churchill and the earl of Danby, and Sir Phelim O'Neal's confeffion, about his appending an old feal to a forged com- milTion from Charles I." Extracts of a letter from Mr. Alalet to Mr. Corte. . « T Have inclofed the thing you mentioned about bidiop Sheridan. You'll fee two accounts, of different dates, which I found in diflferent pocket books ; but what relates to Sir George Hewit's confef- fion is juft the fame, only in the firfl: I took the pcrfon to be flabb'd or piftoled to be Maine, but the latter account fixes it on the King." Sir George He'v.ii's confeffion., extratled by Mr. Malct from bis uncle's pockel-bcok. " November 19th, 1709, Dr. Sheridan, the deprived bifhop of Kil- more, in Ireland, told me, at his houfe in Sackville-ftreet, in Piccadilly, Carte's Ex- * Archbifhop Sancroft in his laft minutes, Mr. Nichols, his gentleman, being by, " I trafts from pray God Almighty for the poor and fufFering church, which is almofl dellroyed by this IJr. bmiin s ^^^ revolution, and I bei'ecch God to blefs the Kin?, Qjcen, aad Prince, and in his Mb. loofe pa- , . . , , . . ^ , , . , • , .. rv.>r- Vr. ■-> 4uc time to reitorc them to their juit and undoubtcd Dghts. that O R I G I N A L P A P E R S, 2S1 tJut he faw, feveral years ago, at the old earl of Peterburgh's houfc, the 168 3. death-bed confefTion of Sir George Hewic, (made lord Hewit by King William) who died at Chefter, of a fickncfs he had contraded at Dun- dalk camp, in Ireland. In this confclTion he declared, that nothing troubled his confcience more than the treacherous part he had afted againft King James ; and particularly, among otiier things, he men- tioned a meeting at Mr. Hatton Compton's lodgings, in St. AlbanV ftreet, at the landing of the prince of Orange -, where were prefent him- felf, the lord Churchill, the bilhop of London, colonel Kirk, and others, whofe names the bifhop could not call to mind. Sir George afErmed, that, at the meeting, it was debated, how they Jliould bcft fur- ther the defigns of the prince of Orange, and defeat thofe of King James, whofe fuccels they were fenfible would be the ruin of themfelves and their religion. It was, therefore, then refolved, that King James Ihould be fecurcd and delivered up to the prince of Orange, which they thought might beft be done when William Maine was ftafF officer in waiting. But if Maine fhould oppofe it, then my Lord Churchill was to pijiol bim or ftab him ; and it was alfo thought advifeable, that my lord Rochefter fhould attend the King, in his march towards the prince, who was thought a fit perfon to betray his councils to the prince of Orange. This confcffion of Sir George Hewit was figned by his own hand and feal ; and tranfmitted to the old earl of Peterburgh, that he mighx fend it to King James, which he did accordingly, as the bifliop aflured me. " At another time, the bifliop told me, he faw an original letter of King James to the aforefaid earl of Peterburgh -, in which he wrote, that (being folicited to pardon his fon and daughter, the prince and princefs of Denmark, with others) he could never have a good opinion of them, or put any confidence in them. The marquis of Halifax, he faid, he could eafily forgive. But as for the earl of Danby (who was called in the letter the old midwife) he declared, he could never deferve his par- don, being fo treacherous in his nature, and one that loved only him- fclf ; and fo likewife for lord Churchill, he faid, his crimes were fo black they could never be forgiven. " This account I found written in a pocket-book, with my uncle'i own hand ; and, till I found the following account in another pocket- Vol. I. O o book* 282 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1688. book, I thought the perfon to be piftokd or ftabbed was Maine. But the following account, which you will obferve was dated two years after the above, makes it quite clear." The fame account extraSied by Mr. A^lalet from another pocket-book, with Sir Phelim O'Neak's confeffion of his appending an old feal to a forged com- miffton from Charles I. " Dr. Sheridan, the deprived bifliop of Kilmore, told me, (May 20th 171 1) that he was prefent at the execution of Sir Phelim O'Neale, in Ireland, for being the chief aftor in the Irifh maflacre j and that colonel Hewfon coming toward the ladder. Sir Phelim made his publick ac- knowledgments to him, in a grateful manner, for the civil treatment he had met with, during the whole courfe of his imprifonment j and only wiflied, that his life had been taken from him in a more honourable inanner. To this colonel Hewfon anfwered, that he might fave his life, if he pleafed, only by declaring, at that prefent, to the people, that his firfl: taking arms was by virtue of a commifTion, under the broad feal of King Charles the Firft. But Sir Phelim replied, he would not fave his life by fo bafe a lie, by doing fo great an injury to that prince, — 'Tis true, he faid, that he might the better perfuade the people to come unto him, he took off an old feal from an old deed, and clapt it to a commiflion he had forged ; and, fo perfuaded the people that what he did was by the King's authority. But he never really had any commifllon from the King. This the Bifhop told me, he heard him fay. The faid bifhop likewife afTured me, that, being well acquainted with the old earl of Peterburgh, and often with him, he fliewed him, at one of his vifits. Sir George Plewitt's original confedTon, with his hand and feal to it (which was afterwards fent to King James in France). In- the confeffion, the ftid Sir George Hewitt (who had been made a lord by King William) begged pardon of God and King James, for his difloyalty and rebellion ; and declared in it, that the night before King James went to Salifbury, the earl of Rochefter and lord ChurchiU (now duke of Marlborough), the bifliop of London, (Stewart, alfo, who is now a general officer) (as he remembers) and himfelf, with others, met at Mr. Hafton Compton's houfe, in St. Alban's-ftreet ; and there it was debated among them, how they {hould do the beft fervice to the prince of Orange j and, at length, it O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. aSj it was refolved, that the earl of Rochefter fhould attend the King at 1688. Salifbury ; but in order to betray all his councils to the prince of Orange. And the lord Churchill fliould endeavour to feize King James's perfon, and carry him off to the Prince. But if he could not do that, he fhould piftol him, or ftab him, when he was in the coach with him. This the bifhop has protefted to me (more than once or twice) he faw written in the confeflion of Sir George Hewitt. 2. " Lord Churchill's intention to fiab Ki'ng James II. from an account Carte's Me- given by colonel Ambrofe Norton of a converfation ■with Sir George bo jk, marked Hewit:* -^ ^°'- *"• ^ 4to. " Soon after the coronation of the prince of Orange, having fome dif- courfe with Sir George Hewit (then newly made a lord) about the late revolution, he told me, when King James was at Salifbury, if he had gone to Warminfter, as he had promifed, his bufmefs had been done there. He and captain Cornelius Wood, who was then prefent, faid Sir George, he and I had done his bufmefs ; for that Wood was to be exempt of the guard, and I fhould have commanded ic, and the lord Churchill would have gone in the King's coach, being in waiting, with the gold-headed flick. Kirk, Lanier, faid Sir George, and many others of our party being there, and moft of the guards, and army, that were- pofled there, right for our purpofe j we were, refolved to carry him a prifoner to the prince of Orange : but if Dumbarton, Sarsfield, or any other of the papifl officers fhould endeavour to refcue him, then, faid Sir George, little Wood and I, that were on horfeback, were to have Ihot him J and if that had miffed, then lord Churchill, that was pro- vided with, a pocket-piflol and a dagger, would have Ihot or ftabbed him in the coach ; for there was no other way of faving themfelves after attempting the King. But, as it pleafed God, faith the informant, his Majefly's nofe very happily fell a bleeding, by which his going to War- minfter was prevented." 3. " Extras from Mr. Carte's account of a converfation with Mr. Eraf- ^^- Carte't ^ J J J J Memoran- mus LewiSf concerniug a defign of affaffinating King James at IFar- dum-book, .4" a. »„;„/2,_ >» vol. viii. 4t0, ^'"''■ft^- . marked 4- O 2 " Erafmus 484 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. l68S. " Erafmus Lewis • told me at the fame time, (this very clay, April loth, 1749) that Lord de la Merc, and E. Warrington, had been in the fccret of the defign of aHafTmating King James the id at Warminfter, at the review -, and told it frequently, that when at tlie confiilt among them, about executing it, feveral methods were propofed, the duRe of Marlborough faid, — I fee plainly thefe will not do ; — I muft ftab him myfelf in the chariot, as 1 go with him." Carte's Me- 4. " Mr. Dillon f faid, rt the fame time, that old prince Vaude^ book"vor.\i. niont :{:, who had the entire confidence and friendship of the prince of 4to. p. 34. Orange, and was with him, in the fecret of the revolution, has told him, that, in talking of the tnglifli affairs and generals, the prince of Orange told him, the duke of Marlborough had the beft talents for a general of any man in England. But that he was a vile man, and he hated himj for though he could profit of treafons, he could not bear the traitor." King fFillinm's treatment 0/ the Earl of Marlborough, Carte's Me- April 22d, 1724, Mr. Dillon told me, as he had done feveral times book, marked before, that he had lived in the duke's houfc, and was put under his^ vol XI. 4to. Q2st^ for near a year before the Revolution. That, for three months 1^ 3 5* after it, he ufed to be every day at St. James's (being fent for up to town, by tlie duke, from the regiment Mr. Dillon was in, which was quartered at Lewes, in Suflex) being very intimate with Mr. Keppel, and going often with the duke. That be never faw any Englifh nobleman dine with the prince of Orange, but only the duke of Schomberg, v.ho was always placed at his right hand, and his Dutch general officers. That the Englifh noblemen, that were there, flood behind the prince of Orange's chair-, but never were admitted to eat and fit. He particu- larly mentioned the duke of Marlborough and the earl of Clarendon ; but they went away, when the dinner was half over.. That the prince of Orange would not look, at the duke of Marlborough ; and that he • He was under fecretary to the earl of O.xford, and is fre(iuentl)' mentioned in Dr. Swift's leners. + He was a general in the French fervice, and ao afttve agent fbf the Chevalier it St. George. J He was a natural fon of the duke of Lorraine's. never O R 1 G I N A L P A P E R S. 385 never faw a man lb negle(5lc(.l, as the duke was. That, when they came 1^88. home, the duchcfs would afk Mr. Dillon, what treat rent the duke had ^'°'' met with -, and, on hearing the account, faid to the duke, it was what he deferved. He ought to have confidered how good his fettlcment was, ibme months before. A reproach, which the c fs of S ch faid then, was not fo proper for her grace to make -, fince to her knowledge, it was the duchefs that debauched the princefs Anne, and perfuaded her to that defcftion, from the King, which ruined him. Mr. Dillon faid> that he was there feveral days together, before he ever heard the prince of Orange fpeak a word ; and, afking Keppel, whether he never fpoke, he laid, that he talked enough, at night, over his bottle, when he was goc- with his friends. AlbevilU to Lord Smderland^ Kov. 1 5th, 1688. ■jDY the feveral advertifements fent to the prince of Orange, by exprefs Extraflsfrom boats and by men fent to him, that the fea-ports in the North were ms. in''^'* •well provided, and good orders given in all thofe parts, he was advifed Cane's Pa-_ from England to land in the Wefl, where he might be aflured, towns quarto. and men fufficiently would declare for him, and furprize the court ; not- being expedled to knd there. Letters, from both the courts of England and France, afiuring he would land at Yarmouth, or fomcwhere in the North ; and,- finding no man of war at Calais and Dunkirk, and having fome aflurance that the King's fleet would not engage, divers captains having declared they would not fight againft their religion, as they have been informed, made them refolve to fail towards the Wcflrj and, it is faid, to land fome men in the ifle of Wight, to keep Portfmouth bJocked up-, and, by the manner they will difpoie of their fleet, and reinforce is conrtantly with frefh fliips,. they will interrupt all communication with France, and be ready there to invade it, jointly with England, in the fpring. This is their language, as exorbitant as your lordlhip may think it, and as impraclicable. Brackel, whofefliip of fevcnty guns was leaky, two men of war more fitted, and one fitting, near ready, with feven vidtuallcrs not ready, hav- 4 i"£ 286 ORIGINALPAPERS. 1688. ing been left behind ; it was thought the prince ftayed a while for them, ^°y' beyond the banks. But he waited there for the return of one he fent to England, who came that very night. The people of Roterdam, and in all the fea-ports, began to exclaim and murmur againft the prince, for lofing fo much time, fince the wind and weather proved fo favourable j for they think they will be received with open arms every where. On Friday, the tenth, vice-admiral Allemonde returned to Helvoct- fluys, from the fleet, to take care of the fliips remaining ; and one cap- tain Hag to take the command of the (hip that is fitting. On Wednef- day, November the third, two veflels were difpatched, with above fifty thoufand of the manifeftoes of the prince of Orange ; one into the Weft, another into the North, I believe into Scotland ; and one Robinfon in a ketch, and another, employed for fcouts. A yaucht of Mr. Hugh Owen, in Wales, came from Milford-haven to Roterdam, about two months fince, pretending to be laden with coals J but brought eight chefts of filver, and has lain at the Brill, ever fince the fleet has been ready -, and fo foon as it failed, went to Wales to carry advice. Sir W. Waller was exprefsly fent for, by the prince of Orange, to Cafl"el, and embarked with the fleet; to make ufe of him, in his free parliament, I believe. Eighteen boats, with above feven hundred men, arrived at Roterdam, on Saturday, the thirteenth of November. Two regiments more are expefled •, and the fliips are ready to take them on board. Marefchal Homieres is returned to Lifle, with fome companies of the King of France's guards, which will facilitate the parting of thefe men. The prince's manifefto is now fold publickly, and in all languages, as well as this inclofed fine pidlure -, which infamous liberty they may as well take, as the prince of Orange to fpeak, in his manifefto, fo bafely and falfely, of the great belly of the Qiieen, and of the fuppofed prince of Wales. The packet boats are now fufFered to go freely from hence. Tbt ORIGINAL PAPERS. 287 j6S8. ^be fame to the fame. Nov. Hague, Nov. 26th. npHE prince of Orange's friends, not fatisfied with the States refolve, for nine frigates to clear the channel of privateers, infifted with the admiralty to let out immediately all the men of war they could, to fecure a communication with the prince and fleet ; and a paffage for four or five thoufand men more, three hundred horfe, provifions for the fleet, and a fliip of ammunition and arms. So all the fhips ready were or- dered to fail to the Maefe. The States General confented to it. Two regiments are to embark at Helvoetfluys. The States wanted the fleet back ; but could not tell how to fend fuccours to the prince ; the King's fleet lying on the way. Van Citters writes to the States, that Dartmouth had but fevtn or eight fliips that would fight againfl the prince of Orange-, the reft would Hand neuter. That the Qiieen and the prince ot Wales were to go to Portfmouth, where feventy thoufand pounds were already fent. That the King could not march with his artillery, within ten miles of the- prince of Orange. All falfe. Some of the States are in great perplexity, for the prince of Orange.. Others wifla he may never return ; and would fpeak refolutely, if the Frerich appeared powerful on the frontiers, or he had met a defeat at fea. I have not received the King's fenfe, on the relblution of the States. to aflift the prince ; notwithftanding the reiterated aflTurances they gave- his Majefty, by their ambaflTador, of maintaining the peace. Strange- perfidy ! A letter from Colonel Ambrofe Norton. He gives a very copious and particular account of the defertion of the Carte's Nfe- troops to the prince of Orange, as well as of the means which had been "lorandura- ufed to feduce them from their allegiance to James. He was major to marked -^ the duke of St. Albans' regiment of dragoons, and was made lieutenant colonel by James, for having refufcd to ferve the prince, when he had been a prifoner in his camp. SIR, vol. xii. 4to. 288 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1688. t\ov. S I R, A T the lad camp which King James had at Hounflow-heath, which was in part of July and Auguft, 1688, the earl of Dumbarton, one of his Majefty's lieutenant generals, fcnt for one of the field officers of^ every regiment, that were Roman Catholics ; and the majors of the re- giments, where neither tlie colonels nor lieutenant colonels were Roman Catholics; and his lordlhip told me, and as I prcllimc, and heard, he did all the reft, that his Majclly had commanded him to fend for me, to give him a lift of all the officers and foldiers in the regiment that were Roman Catholics •, which I was ordered forthwith to do, becaufe his Majefty expefled an account of it from his lordlhip. The number of Roman Catholics was then very inconfiderable in our regiment ; being but one lieutenant, a quartcr-mafter, and thirteen troopers. This order proved of fatal confcquence •, and was a very great fur- therance of the bufinefs of our aftbciating officers, who, daily and open- ly, in the camp, aggravated it, with all the rancour and malice imagin- able; affirming, with vollies of oaths, that it was in order to turn out all the protefl;ant officers and foldiers in the army, and to have none but Roman Catholics in military employments. That, in order thereto, the Irifli regiments were fent for hither, and the Englifh would be ex- changed, at feveral times, and be reformed in Ireland, that not a pro- tcftant would be left in them. This was fo credited, that it brought over many to their party, as I have often heard. But being confined by you, in this relation, to fend you nothing but mere matter of fad, to my own knowledge, I muft confine myfelf more narrowly to what related to the duke of St. Albans* regiment, in which I ferved. His Grace, both before and at the time of the late great revolution, being in France, his lieutenant colonel, Thomas Langfton, having the command of the regiment, and being deeply concerned in the aflbciation, was very diligent to aggravate the aforefaid order, with all the fpleen and rancour that malice could invent, to moft of the officers and foldiers of the regiment -, and feldom failed expreffing it, under feveral heads ; the truth of which, he affirmed, with vollies of oaths, to be to his own knowledge. Firft, O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 289 Firft, That, in a very fhort time, the King would not have one pro- 1608. teftant officer or foldier in his whole army ; and that he had entered into ^'°''' a clofe league wiih France, to have all the proteftants' throats cut, in England and Scotland. Secondly, That the prince of Orange had his own taylor, that was a papift, and his boy, in cuftody, that were hired by King James and the earl of Sunderland, father Petre and Sir Nicholas Butler, to poilbn the prince of Orange's waiftcoat, which was difcovered by the boy, the very morning the prince was to have worn it j and, alfo, that his mafter had confefled the fame. Thirdly, That the prince of Orange had alfo, in his cuftody, the true mother of the prince of Wales, who had fufficiently proved the fame in Holland, and would do the like here. Fourthly, That King James, fo foon as his army was modelled to his purpofe, would fet up a mafs in every church in England and Scotland ; and he that was not a thorough papifb would be hanged, quartered, or burnt. With thefe difcourfes, he frighted and wheedled feveral officers and foldiers to undertake with him, in his defign of deferting his Majefty, who had made him lieutenant colonel; and, if I have not been mifin- formed, gave him twice money to pay his debts, under which he was very uneafy. The further to confirm his officers to effect what was de- figned, he introduced fome of them into the company of the Treafon- club, as it was commonly called, at the Rofe Tavern, in Covent-Garden, where they frequently met to confult with the lord Colchefter, Mr. Thomas Wharton, colonel Talmalh, colonel Godfrey, Mr. William Jephfon, and many others of their party ; and there i: was refolved, that the regiment under the forefaid lieutenant colonel Lan^ilon's command, fhould defert entire, as they did, on Sunday, — November, 168S. The which was the better effeded, becaufe the lord Churchill, one of the lieutenant generals, had ordered thofe regiments to go on the advanced poft neareft the enemy. The day before we deferted, a private cabal was held at Salisbury, to agree on the time and manner of doing it. Cf which cabal was the lord Cornbury, colonel of the Royal regiment of dra- goons. Sir Francis Compton, lieutenant colonel to the diike of Berwick's, Vol. I. P p formerly jpo ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1688. formerly the earl of Oxford's regiment, lieutenant-colonel Langfton, ^^'^^ commandant of the duke of St. Albans's regiment, and fome few others of their trufty aflbciating officers; and, among the reft, it was agreed, to put their defign in execution very early next morning; and not to in- truft it to lieutenant-colonel Sutherland, who commanded Sir John Fen- wick's regiment ; but to deceive him and all the reft of the officers that were not in their intereft. Orders were given, at the fetting of the watch, being at ten at night, that the quartermafters and adjutants of the forefaid three regiments lliould wait for the coming of the port ; by which, they gave out, they expeiSted marching orders. They, accordingly, did fo. About twelve, the poft came in, and colonel Langfton alfo, who had, according to the agreement of their late confult, the counterfeit ftiam marching orders^ from Mr, Blathwayt, fecretary of war. He called for the bag, before the officers, and broke it open ; and conveyed the orders fo cunningly amongft the letters, that none of thofe difcovercd it, whom he had em- ployed to help him to look for them. He immediately carried them to lord Cornbury, the commandant; and, thereupon, orders were prefently given out for the regiments to be ready to march, at five ©"^clock the next morning, towards the enemy ; and, the better to difguife the mat- ter, it was given, out, that feveral other regiments were to come imme- diately into our quarters, and refrefh themfelves and follow us. Two days and a night we marched very hard, not keeping the direft road, and had very little time allowed us for reft ; fo fearful were they of being purfued. In the march, they were very apprehenfive that the carl of Feverfliam, the duke of Berwick, or Sir John Fenwick might overtake them, and countermand tlieir march ; which, if any of them had, or any other general officer, that was not of their party, they were refolved to have fliot them, as both lieutenant-colonel Lansfton and others told me, when they were got into the prince of Orange's quar- ters ; and in order to it, Francis Langfton, captain-lieutenant to lord Cornbury's troop of dragoons, and brother to lieutenant colonelLangfton, comman-icd an advanced party of dragoons in the front, and lieutenant- colonel Thomas Langfton another in the rear, of the three regiments that he drew out of his own troop, which he pretended were to keep the men up together ; but were, in truth, to have executed the aforcfaid defign. I& O R I G I N A L P A P E R S, 291 In our march, the earl of Abingdon, Sir Walwr Clerges, and feve- 1688. ral others, came in to Sir Francis Compton, under pretence of bein^ ^''^' voluntiers with him, and marched with him to Axminfter, within fix miles of the enemy's quarters, where we halted the moft'part of that day; and, in the evening, it was given out, that they had difcovered a de- fjgn of the enemy's beating up our quarters. In order to prevent it, orders were given out for our being in readinefs, in the evening, to beat up theirs ; and, accordingly, at the time, the trumpet founded, and the dra- goon drums beat to horfe. After which, having fat three or four hours on horfeback, which was chiefly occafioned by major Littleton of the duke of Berwick's regiment, and major Clifford of lord Cornbury's re- giment, who had information given them by feme of their foldiers, that the pretence of beating up the enemy's quarters was but a fliam ; and that it was a defign to defert the King ; afTuring them, that fome of their fellow- foldiers had been perfuading them to go in along with them. Upon which, the two majors fo threatened Sir Francis Compton and the lord Cornbury, that though they were the two forwardeft officers, for deferring with the regiments at Salifbury, yet Sir Francis Compton hung an arfe and fneaked away back to Salifiaury, with almofl: his whole re- giment ; and lord Cornbury ftole away with his. Lieutenant-colonel Heyford, who was more refolute, ftaid, with moft of his own troop and fome few others, not exceeding fifty in the whole. The regiment marched back to Salifbury, under major Clifford, to whom his Ma- jefly gave the regiment. l"he whole time of being on horfeback at Aixminfter, the duke of St. Albans's regiment was drawn up in a yard and back ftreet ; and, at fuch a diftance from the other two regiments, and being very dark, that they knew nothing of what happened to the other two regiments. About ten at night, being the twelfth of November, colonel Lang- fton came to the head of the regiment, and commanded them to march, which accordingly they did ; and, about twelve, we marched into Ho- niton, the enemy's quarters ; where, inflead of beating them up, we were received as friends, to the great furprize of thofe that were not intrufled with the bufinefs. Brigadier-general Talmafh commanded in chief, where his regiment of Scots were drawn upj as alfo fmall parties of horfe of the prince of Orange's guarde du corps, Mr. Bentinck's re- P p 2 giment, 2C2 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1688. giment, and a party of Gray's dragoons. There were no regular quar- N°*'' tens afTignetl for the deferters that night, but were all ordered to fliifc for themfelves, and to be on horlcback, near the markct-crofs, at eight next morning. Every officer had time given him, till then, to give his anfwcr, whether he -was willing to ftay with the prince of Orange or not; and thofe that would, had all manner of encouragement, and promife of preferment. Thole that were not willing, were promifed leave to return, with their horfes, arms, and baggage. But, before the time was expired, their anfwer was demanded -, and major Ambrofe Norton, lord John Metham, cornet Archibald Clincard, cornet Dennis Afli- burnham, and quartermafter David Brady, upon their refufal to embrace the fervice, were all made clofe prifoners. At the time appointed, the regiment was on horfeback ; and the con- fined officers window being juft againft them, they could fee what paft; which was colonel Langfton riding through the ranks bareheaded, har- ranguing and perfuading the foWiers to ftay with him. But about thirty- three refufing to ferve, were immediately fent prifoners to the main guard, which was kept in the market-houfe. So that the number of foldiers that embraced the fervice, befides officers, were, of the duke of Berwick's regiment, twenty-five mounted and two on foot ; of the duke of St. Albans's regiment, one hundred and one mounted, and fifty dra- goons i in all, one hundred and feventy-eight : a very inconfiderable number to make fo much noife as it did through the kingdom, of three regiments deferting in a clap. But they, being the firft that broke the ice, valued themfelves extremely upon it, and reviled the King their mafter, whofe money and commiffions they went off with in their pockets, with fuch bafe and opprobrious language, as is too indecent to be re- peated. They were fo far from keeping their promife, of letting the officers and foldiers return, with their horfes, arms, and baggage, that they plundered them of all they had, that only excepted which was on their backs ; and with fuch inhumanity to their fellow-officers, that they would not fuffer them to change their foul linen for clean, nor let them have their papers and money, or any thing elfe, that was in their port- manteaus. The forementioned time, that the officers had given them to confider, whether they would embrace the fervice or not, gave them opportunity to inform themfelves in what condition the enemy was ; and ORIGINAL PAPERS. 29J and the account given them, by feveral officers that came over with 16S8. the prince, was, that they were between thirteen and fourteen thoufand. ^°^* But that they were in a very ill condition with their horfes, by realbn of the great ftorms at fea ; and that the prince of Orange had long ex- peftcd his friends in the army, not fettlng a value upon the countiy's Goming in to him. That this would be extreme welcome news to his highnefs at Exeter ; and that we had exadly nicked the time : for, had we not come when we did, he was refolved to embark at eight next morning, and go back, which had been the refult of three councils of war. But juft at the breaking up, it was carried to ftay twenty-four hours longer, to try if any of the army would come in ; and fo little hopes had they, till this party came in, that the prince had not fo much as brought his cannon afhore. The Scotch foldiers of colonel Talmafh's regiment, that had the guard of the duke of St. Albans's regiment, treated them very civilly, and gave them drink, and drank King James's health to them, on their knees ; and they declared to tl'iem their great diflike of the fervice they were engaged in. They faid they were all one King's fubjefts, and were very forry it was their fortune to be in the fervice againft their own King. They complained of their hardlhips and fmallnels of their pay 5 and they wi(hed they were fo happy as to be in the King's fervice ; and, if he would but pardon them, it fhould not be long before they fhould be with us : that they knew a great many more that were of their minds, if they were fure of their pardon and of being employed. Many perfuafive arguments, with great promifes of favour and advance- ment, were often repeated to the officers, in the time of their confinement, to induce them to embrace the prince of Orange's fervice ; and, among many others, they aflured them, that the prince's coming into England was upon the earneft requeft and invitation of the lords fpiritual and temporal, the army, navy, and mofl confiderable body of the nation, to redeem them from flavery and popery. They alfo, with many oaths and vows, afliired major Norton, that a lieutenant-general, under whom he had ferved, was the deepeft in the aflbciation, and was the firft who propofed to them the undertaking, and had faithfully promifed them, and fent the prince word, that he would be there that night or to-mor- row morning at fartheft •, and not he only, but many others alfo, the 5 moft 294 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1688. mofl: confiderable officers in the army, and with the better part, if not ^°^- all, their regiments. The duke of Grafton's foot guards and the old regiment were certain to come in to them ; and that, in a few days, we fhould fee the King the mod deferted prince that ever lived. Some of the defcrting officers wrote to their friends what progrefs they had made, to encourage them to come in to them ; and with thelc letters and a pafs, after three days confinement, they dilrniffed the officers, and, foon after, the foldiers. But, within an hour or two, they fent a party of twenty dragoons after them ; upon what defign the late prifoncrs know not. But they followed them a day's journey, and lay but three miles fhort of the officers ; only cornet Affiburnham and two troopers, going a-foot, lay fhort, and fell into their hands. They took from them their money and the cornet's cloak, which was all that was left them before, but juft the cloaths on their backs. They told them their bufmefs was with monfieur, their major, and were very inquifitive after him. But, hearing no account of him, they returned back. Thefe officers and foldiers tluis coming away, fo much difcouraged many of them, that they fneaked away again. His Majefty and the earl of Feverlham, his lieutenant-general, received the officers and fol- diers, that were fo trepanned into the enemy's quarters, and returned to their duty, mod extraordinary kindly, at Saliltury ; and, after the ma- jor had acquainted his Majefty with all the difcoveries he had made, by being in the enemy's quarters, which were further confirmed by fe- veral letters which fell into his majefty's hands, he was gracioufly pleafed to make the major lieutenant-colonel of the duke of St. Albans's regi- ment, and advanced all the reft of the officers, and gave to each two hundred days pay to equip themfclves, and aUb five pounds to each trooper -, and orders were given, that the corporals ftiould be made quarter- mafters ; and as many of the troopers as were fit, and vacancies, to be made corporals ; and each to have twenty pounds more to re- mount him, and the regiment recruited. The officers and foldiers re- ceived all this money at SaJifbury, without any deduiftion of poundage: fo afteftionately kind was the King to thoie of his army as did their dutyi which, together with many of the regiment that were not able to get up, by reafon of the hardncfs of the march, made up above eighty foldiers, who were afterwards at Highgate. But, by reafon of I his ORIGINAL PAPERS. 295 his Majefty's going away, that regiment was not recruited ; lieutenant- 1688. colonel Norton paying conftant attendance on his Majefty, even to his °*^™ ''^' lafl: departure from Rochefter. A corporal or two, and leveral trum- peters, that had marched a-foot from Honiton to Salifbury, followed him to Rochefter, to tender their fervice there. But, it being then too late, they returned home to their own country, which was Derbyfhire, where they had been raifed by the earl of Scarfdale. Several of the loyal foldiers were of the Peak. Had not thefe things gone on fo faflr, thefc foldiers had difcovered a fpy or decoy, in their march from Honi- ton to Salifbury, which might have been of fervice to his Majefty. , The fpy treated them very kindly with all that the place afforded, and infinuated himfelf very much into them, under pretence of defiring to be a trooper with them •, and, after having drunk very hard with them, defired to know what pay they had. When he was told two fhil- lings and fixpence a day, he faid it was very fmall ; and that he had been at Exeter, and was there prcfted five fliillings a day to be a trooper^ "with two leather pouches full of money, to buy him a better horfe. By this difcourfe, they believed he defigned to decoy them back again ; after which, he flipt from them. But they, acquainting their officers with it, were ordered by them to make enquiry after him, which they were very diligent in doing ; and, after fome ftiort time, found him at- tempting the fame thing on the foot guards, where, by order, he was confined on the main guard in the fcfTions-houfe at SaliftDury. Notice whereof being given to lieutenant- colonel Langfton, he went and exa- mined him there -, and, reflefting on what he had faid to the troopers, and by fome papers found in his pocket, it appeared that he was a cap- tain or mafter of ftiip, a Tauncon man, and undoubtedly what he was fufpefted to be. Lieutenant- colonel Norton acquainting the King with it, he ordered one of the fecretaries of ftate to go and examine him again, and commanded the lieutenant-colonel to attend him ; which be- ing accordingly done, he was convinced that lie was one of the prince of Orange's decoys or fpies j and gave him till next morning, about eight, to confefs or die. But that night, the lord Churchill, who had been till near twelve in his Majefty's bedchamber at a council of war, deferting, with fome otiiers, his Majefty altering all his mealures, and retiring from Salift^ury, our fpy was loft ; or, at leaft, I never heard Vol. I. * P P 4 of 49^ ORIGINALPAPERS. v68S. of liim. Thefe arc all the remarkable pafTages that I can remember t« November, j^^ye been adled, by the duke of St. Albans's regiment, relating to the late great revolution. James II. to Lord Dartmouth. Bad condition of his affairs. — Orders con- cerning the fleet. Pepys's Col- " A copy of the King's letter^ in his own band, to Lord Dartmouth." leilion, Bod- „., . , ,, xt i Ician Library, Whitehall, Nov. 29th, 16?,'^. Oxon.vol.xii. there mull be neceflary care taken to fend me provifions-, for this place hath been in that dilbrder, that it cannot prelently fupply me. I had gone from hence Ibme time fince, but that I thought it my duty to pre- lerve the navy in harbour, the dock and (lores from the folly and rage of the Irifli ; and keeping them upon terms of quietly fubmitting to your Highnefs, which is now done. Pardon me, for hinting one thing to your Highnefs which I think no time ought to be loft in ; which is^ fpeedily to fend feme of the lelTer Ihips off the bank of Guernfey, and put gooJ garrifons in Jerfey and Guernfey ; the latter of which, if it Ihould be polTcfled by the French, will be a thorn in England's fide for ever. If your Highnefs will pieafe to call for the furvey of that place, from the officers of the Ordnance, you will pieafe to judge better of it, than I am here able to exprefs. Mr. Mufgrave will attend with it, upon your Highnefs's firft commands. I fear that office is, at this time, in great diforder. But, as foon as I am able to wait of your Highnefs, I will examine it, and give you a perfed account. I will not give your Highnefs any further trouble now j but, upon my being under fail, I will fend my fecretary, Mr. Bowles, to wait on your Highnefs, with a full account of all things relating to the fleet and othervvife. I humbly fubmlt myfclf to your Highnefs, as becomes your Highnefs's moft obedient humble fcrvant, Dartmouth." The following letter to Mr. Pepys, is an apology for writing the above letter, and fending Mr. Bowles to the prince of Orange. I The ORIGINAL PAPERS. 299 683- The Lord Dartmcutb to Mr. Pepys, Deceoiber. Pcpys'i SIR, Spithead, Dec. 28, i68S. Coiieaior. *' T Have received yours, and have anfwercd them as fully as I could at prefent. But I beg leave to write you this, with my own hand, to aflure you the only realbn I fcnt up Mr. Bowles, proceeded wholly from my not hearing from you ; and no difpatch, or any tiefign of mine ia it. For I fliould be very ungrateful, if I were capable of making any unkind return to you -, and I doubt not, but utility will help us both i though in this miferable diftraflion, and the grief I am in for my mafter, with being at fuch diftance from affairs, and kept fo much in the dark by my friends, who all write that they think I have better ac- counts from other hands •, and, in the mean time, I am the moft in the dark of any body. Pray deign me your private and friendly advice, which I fhall be glad to govern myfelf by ; and I hope we may yet be helpful to one another. I am fure all things fhall be done, on my part, as becomes your obliged and affedlionate friend and humble fervant, Dartmouth." Oxon. The credit to be given to the following anecdote, concerning James when at Rochefter, muil depend on the perfons by whom it is related. It muft, however, be obferved, that the language afcribed to the lords Middlecon and Dundee, is extremely fuitable to their characters. Middle- ton was cool, moderate, and fcnfible ; Dundee aflive, bold, and full of fire. James himfelf owns that Middleton argued, for fome time, againft his intended flight. The earl of Balcarras mentions, in his Memoirs, an anecdote not diffimilar to the following, given by Carte. An anecdote from Lord Middleton concerning K. James 2d, when at Rochejler. Canr's Menioran- January 5th, '"pHE earl of Middleton told me, that, when King James dum Booic, 1739-40. the 2d was at Rochefter, his father, the earl of Dunbarton ^° \ ^,'' ^^' and lord Dundee were with him, and the fire wanting to be put to rights and renewed, the King was fo deferted, there was not a fervant of his in the way. The earl of Middleton, who had gone into the outward room, to fee for one, told the King there was none in the way but a fervant of his own, (David Middleton, afterwards fteward to the duke of Bedford, whom I Q_q 2 knew 30O O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1688. knew well) and if his Majefty pleafed, he would call him in to mend December. ^^^ j^^^_ j,^^ ^^^„ i^Mncd it, and David came in. Whilft he was ad- juring the fire, he heard them continue an earned difcourfc, wherein they were engaged ; and lord Dundee faid. Sir, the queftion is, whether you fhall ftay in England or go to France .'' My opinion is, you fhould flay in England. Make your ftand here and fummon your fubjecfls to your allegiance. 'Tis true, your army is difbanded by your own autho- rity. But though dilbanded, not fo difperfed, but, if you will give me your commiflion, I will undertake to get 10,000 of them together ; and march through all England with your ftandard at their head, and drive all the Dutch before you. The King faid, he believed it might be done ; but it would caufc a civil war -, and he would not do fo much mifchief to the Englifh na- tion, which he loved, and would come foon to their fenfes again. The earl of Middleton, thereupon, faid, that fince his Majefty rejected the party of force, he fliould ftay in the kingdom at any rate, though the • remoteft quarter. For though his going abroad might put them into a confufion for fome time, it would not be more than a fix weeks affair ; by which time a new government would be fettled, and he would be ruined. The King, foon after, ftole away for France. This, David Middleton told the prefent earl he heard, but went away without hearing the reft of the difcourfe. ORIGINAL ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1689. INnocent the Eleventh pofiefled the See of Rome, when the revolution 1689. happened in Great Britain. His averfion to France threw him into the .^""^'7* arms of the Emperor ; and he fupported, in fome degree, the caufe of the allies, with the money of the church. He followed the example of fome of his predeceflbrs, in endeavouring to unite the Chriftian princes againft the Turks ; and it was, in fome meafure, through his perfuafion, that John SobieOci, King of Poland, came to the relief of Vienna -, while he prevailed with the Venetians to join in the alliance, and fur- nifhed them with confiderable fubfidies for carrying on the war. I^otwithflanding his zeal for the catholic religion. Innocent was, by no means a friend to King James. His averfion to Lewis XIV. had joined him to the allies, and even connefted him with the prince of Orange. Many catholic princes followed the example of the father of the church. The Spanilh ambaiTador at the Hague ordered mafles to be faid pub- lickly in his chapel for the fuccefs of the prince's expedition. The emperor efpoufcd his caufe with all his influence, at Rome-, and he hlmfelf had the addrefs to perfuade the Pope, that the intereft of the Roman Catholics, and the reftoration of their religion in Britain, were connected with the fuccefs of his enterprize. The following anecdote may be joined to other known proofs of this circumftance. " An arucdote from Prince Vaudemcnt, concerning the Prince of Orange's Carte's Me- engagement with the Pope." -°-^'i';- . " T) Vaudemont was an intimate friend of the prince of Orancie, and '^ ''°'" *'' had all his confidence ; when the league of Augfburg was on foot, and P. O. entertained thoughts of mounting the throne of England, he thought 302 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1639. thought it ncceflary to pre-engage the Pope, Emperor, and King of January. Spain to favour his enterprize upon England. He, therefore, told P. Vaudemont, that the Pope and the Roman Catholic princes were in the wrong to expcdl any thing from K. James, in favour of the Romifh ■faith : that his being declared of that religion, made every body jealous of the lead and moft indifferent ftep he took, j and it was, therefore, impracfticable for him to do them any fervice j for the whole nation would oppofe it, as tending to deflroy the church of England ; whereas himfelf, being a proteftant, might take any ftep whatever, and ferve them effeftually, without the lead: fufpicion ; and, in cafe they would favour and promote his attempt upon England, he would undertake to procure a toleration for the Roman Catholics. P. Vaudemont went to Rome ; and with this argument, engaged the Pope, the Emperor, and the King of Spain, to come into the P. of Orange's fcheme, and favour his attempt. The firft thing, therefore, attempted by the P. of Orange, after the revolution, was a toleration which he carried for the diHenters ; and, though not for the Roman Catholics, yet all his reign he gave them a connivance equivalent to a toleration. This P. Vaudemont told general Dillon, who told it to me, and to many others, as the chevalier Glafcock, abbe Dunne, &c." February. James was a ftranger to the intrigues formed againft him at the court of Rome. He was too devout a fon of the church, to fuppofe that the holy father would confpire with his enemies, to deprive him of his throne. His ignorance continued, after his flight from England ; and when he was preparing for his expedition into Ireland, he fent colonel Porter, a gentleman of his bedchamber, as his envoy extraordinary to Innocent the Eleventlu The fubftance of his inftruftions, which were dated at St. Germains, the 4th of Februar)', 1689, is here fubjoined. Njirne's " DORTER was required to teftify to the Pope, James's profe/Tion of. Papers, D.N. .^^id attachment to, the catholic faith : to reprelent that the protcf- No! j, ^ tant princes were alarmed at its progrefs upon his accefllon : that) they are united in a league to ftop that progrefs, and had engaged catholic princes to join them. He was defired to befeech his Holinefs to bring about a peace between the Emperor and his moll Chrirtian Majefty : to reprelent ORIGINAL PAPERS, 305 reprefent the advantages of their reconciliation to James, and to the ca- 1689. tholic religion : that James was dethroned on account of his religion : fcbruary. that the preient war is a religious war ; witnefs the perfecution of R, Ca- tholics, and the profanation and de(lrU(ftion of their churclies in Eng- land. Porter was direfled to cultivate the friendlhip of certain car- dinals." Sir Thomas Waldgrave was created lord Waldgrave by James 2d on the 20th January, 1686. He married the lady Henrietta, natural daughter of that prince, by Mrs. Arabella Churchill, Silkr to John duke of Marlborough. He retired into France, on the acceffion of Wil- liam HI. i and until his death, which happened in the latter end of this year, was firmly attached to the fortune of his father-in-law. He lived, with the Queen at St. Germains, and carried on the negociations of, James's minifters with Verfailles and Rome. The Earl of Melfort to Lord Waldgrave. Jn account of the fiate of ^ .^^l' affairs in Inland. — James's troop were hitherto vi£iorious. Papers, D.N* vol. i. foL Dublin, 8 May, 1689. No. 15. " 'TpHERE is only Derry holds out, which I hope Ihall now foon be reduced, though they are very obllinate, expefting aids from England, which we hope they are not in a condition to fend. However it is moft certain, that fince all the nobility at that mock-court have ta- ken the names of regiments, they will get men enough, and if they be not prevented they will co.ne hither." Melfort refers lord Waldgrave to a memorial he had prefented to the French ambaflador on this fubjeft. He defires him to communicate the ftate of James's affairs to his foreign minifters, Specially the cardinal, duke, that he might let the Pope know the truth of all, and convince him, that he is impofed on by the faiflion of Spain. " The parliament," he continues, " fat down yefterday, and will do all the King afks of them ; and he will do for them what is fit for them. I. am forry to hear from , that there are clouds arifing againft me. I. never deferved them. They are none of the King's friends. I knew there 304 O R 1 u ] N ' " PAPERS. 1689. there were fome who called thcmlclves To who are my enemies. But at J""*^' the long run, I doubt that will hardly be thought for his fcrvice. I mufl: not prcfs you to tell me any thing of this matter. But, if you could, you would much oblige me." Lewis the XlVth is fuppofed to have behaved with generofity to James in his diftrefs, and though he only meant in the beginning to fo- ment divifions in Britain anu make Charles and James the inftruments of his ambitious defigns, it is probable, that towards the end of his life, he was fincerely attached to the exiled family, and defirous of replacing them again on the throne. It does not even appear that he ever (lipulated with James, for any return for the great expences which he incurred in the caufe of that prince, unwilling perhaps, to add to his misfortunes by doubting his gratitude. But frequent mortifications are unavoidable in every ftate of depend- ence. Though James was not forced to purchafe the fricndfhip of his benefactor with a cefllon of any part of his dominions, as has been groundlefsly fuppofed, he was obliged to grant extraordinary privileges to the French fubje£l;s, and to diftinguifh them by peculiar marks of his favour. The count D'Avaux, who followed him to Ireland as ambaf- fador from Lewis, took the lead in all his councils. He feemed rather to didate than to advife ; and James, fcrupuloufly attentive to his com- mands, endeavoureJ, in the moft fubmiflive manner, to juftify his con- e fofcnefs imaginable to have our nor to explain whctlier it was paid or not, or whether it was to be paid at all. Tiiis is unlucky ; but it mud be k»own ; for it is of importance, that diilindion be made of what is for your entertainment, and what for the war ; yet fo as no exception can be taken at the demand The difference I take to be this, that what is given for entertainment, your Majefty may difpofe of for fuch ends as you fliall think fit ; and, indeed, I think your Majefty will need a con- fiderable part of it to live on, and for the afTiftance of fuch as are like to ftarve in gaols in England upon your Majefly's account, and fome part of it muft go for fuch intelligence, as they would ftarve -, for they believe none but their own, and all thefe are refugees and fanaticks, who write all the whig news they can pick up. This will not do your bufi- jiefs. Befides, fome perfon mull: be fcnt to give an account of your Ma- jefty's affairs, left they, who all pretend to flcill in the politicks, make judgment on the wrong notions they have ; and fo believe, that your Majefty would be incapable of relieving them, tho' you come back : fo ill an opinion have they of your condudb; and fo little they know the condition of your affairs. As for example, all who come from England rail againft me as a traitor and a Sunderland, or worfe, if that can be ; becaufe that I durft not come into England myfelf ; and, therefore, had hindered your Majefty from coming, tho' you had arms enough, 1 5,000 French all this fummer in the army, 700,000/. fterling money from France, and the command of their whole fleet. I confcfs, had this been fo, I muft have been worfe than they can conceive of me, if I had been againft your Majefty's going. But, as foolifti as this is, it is univerfally believed ; and, therefore, there muft be a way of true intelligence found, which I am now upon, both direflly from England to your Majefty, and by this. Fergus Graham *, being come over here, will be the fit man to be the firft informer of the true ftate of your affairs •, and how much your Majefty deferves the praife of all the world for your conduft in Ireland, inftead of being reproached. I thought to have fent Tempeft firft ; but he will not look fo difinterefted as the other, who came fraught with com- • Brother to the lord Pr«Uon. plaints ORIGINAL PAPERS. 529 plaints ngainft me, and is now fully fatisfied of the folly of them, and 1689. all the things they lb fully believe in England. Befides, he is a fit man O;kobtr. to take a farm, or find a farmer on the lea coaft, for laying down of letters. If he think better to go to Ireland, I will fend Mr. Tempefl: only to lord Prefton and that gang ; for there are feveral gangs who truft not one another ; and all thefe mud be managed feparately, according to their tempers and defires, and what is poffible to be done mud be to keep them in heart ; and yet not make them believe what we are fure cannot be performed ; for, at the long run, fuch things does infinite harm. The next matter of great importance, is the management of this new Pope, who, they fay, is entirely for France. He gained, but by one vote, to be elecbed j and all the French cardinals voted for him : fo he owes his eledlion to them, and the duke de Chaunes is his moft intimate friend. They lived long in one houfe together ; and that duke was in- ftruded to Hand for him, though none of the other parties imagined it; and he being a Venetian, is of a ftate has moft gencroufly efpouied your Majefty's intereft, and put aftVonts on the refident the prince of Orange would have fent, and has continued yours, in polTeffion of your Ma- jefty's right ; and, it's faid, that it was this Ottoboni who, before the eleftion, propofed, that a confiderable part of the money found with the old Pope's treafurers, fhould be employed for your Majefty's refto- ration. Moft certain it is, that he has begun to compliment France, and has alTured the ambaflador of all the bulls now wanting for France ; and the moft Chriftian King has prefented him with Avignon. So tliat I hope God will fmile again on your Majefty's affairs, from that rigid corner from which fo many of your misfortunes fpring. The diftance your Majefty is at, made me advife the Qiieen to make your excufe, and to fend her compliments early, and to begin to lay your Majefty's condition at his Holinefs' feet -, and I myfelf have made bold to write to the cardinals d'Efte and Norfolk. Thefe letters, whereof I have fent copies inclofed, that your Majefty may fee what I do ; in which, if I do amifs, your Majefty will pardon a zeal that cannot let flip any occafion of ferving you, which my confcience convinces me is for the beft -, and I fliall go on with this, till I have your Majefty's commands in the matter, and your own letters, which may either be done there, or Vor.. I. U u the 330 O R I G 1 N A L P A P E R S. 1689. the iiidofcd copy followed and figned by your Majefty, and lent back October. ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^ pleafe to order, together with thefc to the car- dinals. But I am yet to fee the minifters litre ; and (hall lay all before your Majcfly, in the bcfl method I can, before this exprefs is dif- patched. There are fome four or five hundred Iridi officers and folJiers come to Lifle, from Hambourgh, througli all imaginable difficulties, till they came to the duke of Lorraine's army ; who told them, if they laid they •were to ferve in France, he muft put them in prifon : but, if they were to go and ferve their own King, he would give them all palTes. So they faid they were to go to your Majefty to ferve you ; and he not only gave them pafTcs, but money to bear their expences : a thing lb generous as deferves your royal thanks ; and, indeed, it has gained him more reputation here, than moft things he could have done, confidering his circumftances with the Emperor. Thefe men we hope to get over fu- pernumerary, when the reft comes. I never knew what impatience was, as now to be fo long of hearing from your Majefty ; efpecially at a tin>e when there is all the reafon in the world to believe fome confiderablc aiflion muft have been, done; and, indeed, in the circumftance your Ma- jefty's army was, I think it is a confiderable proof of your Majcfty's condu(5t, that you did not run behind the Shannon, as others advifed you, and as your army had done, had not you been at the head of it. At St. Germain, 25th Odober. T Have been fcvcral times at this place, in order to lay down ways for carrying on your Majefly's fervicc ; wherein, I hope, now, at laft, fomething more confiderable may be done. For the Qiieen will give your Majefty an account of the laft difcourfe llie had with this King, and I £hall be fure to prefs it on with the minifters all I can, fo long as I am here. But I confefs an unexpected thing has happened to me, by a propofal of the Queen's to me, to go to Rome. 1 defended myfelf from it, with that deference I owe to her Majefty •, and layed out my perfonal defe<5bs for that employment. Bur, withall, laid myfelf at her feet, to be difpofed of. I hkewife would not plead my charaifter. already,^ for an excufe •, but would have had her fee it might have been one, if the necefficy was not urgent. Siie faid ftic would hope, that if the King here ORIGINAL PAPERS. ?3» here were of the mind, that it were fit I would not refufe the thing. 1689. J am not of a temper ever to refufe any thing, which may be for your ^^^^''^''^- Majefty's fervice, what hazard or tronble foever there may be in it. Of this, I believe, iier Majedy will give you an account, and how the moft Chriftian King was violent for it, as a thing of great importance to your Majefty and to him both, which I had confirmed to me, by M. de Seignelay, this day again. I muft, therefore, tell your Majefty, that I go, when they order me to be gone ; and that I expcdt your Majefty's approbation of my going, and your commands to me, in the terms here inclofcd, or fuch others, as your Majefty fliall think fit. But it feems to me moft proper, to ftiun all expences, that I have no character, but that of your Majefty's fecre- tary of ftate ; and that your Majefty's letters have thefe expreflions in it. For it will not be fit, that one in my circumftances be made an en- voy; and, I am confident, your Majefty would not put it upon nu-, and there is not wherewitlial to keep out the poft of an ambafiador : fo fecretary is more to be believed, than both the other charaders, more honour and lefs charge. Tliis, I hope, your Majefty will approve of, and hafte back, two or three feveral ways, duplicates of what I fend inclofcd for your Majefty to fign. The reafon that I leave the in- flruftions fo general is, that I am confident your Majefty is perfuaded, that I will do all that lies in my power to ferve you in every thinw, and that I have the difcretion not to do what I ought not, in any of your Majefty's concerns. If there be neceffity to have letters to any cardinals, fuch as the car- dinals employed in affairs by this Pope, of whom we cannot nov/ think your Majefty will not take it ill, I fign fuch letters only of compli- ment for you, which I will not do, but only in cafe of neceflity ; and that, I hope, fhall not occur. I am fenfible, that I ought not to Iia\'e gone without your Majefty's commands, if I had not thought that I could ferve you botli in this matter. But, to fay the truth, I have been fo toftrd up and down, I have no will of my own -, and, therefore, whatfoever is beft for your Majefty I do it without hefitation. I hope to get thefe duplicates of this difpatch fent next week •, and, therefore, I fliall not now enlarge on this matter, of which your Ma- U u 2 jefty 33* ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1689. jcfty will fee I had no thought, by my letters to the cardinals d'Efte and Oftober. Norfolk. For, though I thought it might be fir, when I was in Ire- land, and gave it in a note to yonr Majefty, yet it was quite out of my thoughts, having no orders from you ; and, befidcs, riow, that, upon what pafled at Fountainbleau, and the conferences I had with the mini- itcrs, the fame things being urged by the Qiiecn to the King here, he begins to think more of the affairs of England (as pofTible) ; and that probably he will truft your Majefty v/ith his fleet ; I might hope to be fo happy as to fee your Majefty in England once again : but I fubmit. I muft tell your Majefty, that there is nothing fo wicked, that fomc here, and others from England do not vent againft me. But, I am afraid, they will be found as little your Majefty's friends, at the long run, as thefe in Scotland were. My happinefs is to have your Majefty for my judge, who, I flatter myfelf, knows the bottom of my heart ; and than, it is as true as ever was in any fubjeft's breail. I am, therefore, hope- ful they will have no influence on your Majefty, whofe goodnefs to me, on fo many occafions, is the only comfort of my life ; and that I efteem, above all the fhare I have of this world. Forgive me faying fo much, tho* it is of one fo entirely your Majefty's own, by all the ties which bind a faithful fubjeft to the beft of matters, as well as Kings. Since writing this, it's thought abfolutely fit, that there be another copy of the letter to the Pope, with credentials in it to me, as embafTa- dor extraordinary, fent hither to lie in the Qiieen's hands, till £he and the moft Chriftian King find it necefiary to make ufe of them. For it is moft certain I will, at firft dalh, have all the Spanifh and German fadion upon me -, and that being the moft ceremonious court in the world, things not yet k^n may occur, which may net fufFer the delay of fending to Ireland ; and, therefore, it's beft to depofit thefe let- ters in the Qiieen's hands. The form is herewith fent. All of them have papers fewed on them, to fhew what they are for; and they muft all be with flying feals, or not fealed at all ; for 1 can do that when I get them. I have fent your Majefty the news from England, at length ; an intel- ligence which, if rightly made ufe of here, your affairs had been more forwardly, both in England and here. But, to fay true, its ftarved, and like to be broken off. The ufe which fhould have been made of it, was I to ORIGINAL PAPERS. 333 to have turned it into French, and to have fcnt it to the court of France ; i CS^. by which they woiil i have fcen, by what fteps we came to believe that O'^'^'^'-'r' there is a party in i.-ngland ready to join, which is ftill what they have moft doubted of. This 1 had begun, and likewile a correfpondence in England, by which I had informed them right of the folid things they were to expefb, indead of thcfe airy follies they are undone by, and learn them to go on better meafures ; though, indeed, lord Arran and fome pretending to do your Majefty fervice, have molt unjuftly injured me ; but, if they ferve you, I forgive them ; and would go further than I am going, if that can advance your Majefty's interefl: a fcep. This letter is fo impertinently long, that I am afhamed of it, though it is fit your Majefty know as much as poffible of what pafTcs here ; and, indeed, it were to be wifhed, that there were fome of experience and knowledge of affairs here. For tho' the Queen has as little need of any to help her, as ever any body, man or woman, had, yet it is an eafe for her, fometimes to have people to afTift her ; and my lord Wald-- grave's ficknefs hinders him from thinking of many things too important to be neglefted. Befides, that, for fome time, he is to be quite abfent. I confefs I never faw any body underftand affairs better than the Queen ; and fhe has really gained fo much the efteem of the King here, and his minirters, that I am truly of the opinion, if it had not been for her, the wicked reports fpread here had made your affairs go entirely wrong at the court. I dare not enter to fpeak of the prince, for adding to this volume •, only, I do proteft, that he is, without any fort of flattery, the fineft child I ever faw. God Almighty blefs your Majefty, the Qiieen, and him for your comfort : grant you the poffeffion of your own, and anay you never have a worfe fervant than, &c. Melfort was at great pains to obviate all the objedbions againft iu3 propofals of an invafion of England ; as appears from the following paper, in Nairne's hand, intituled, " Reafons -wby his Majejiy ought to go with all diligence into England, Naime's ^^ , J ^« ... Pepers, D N. O^iober 2Ctb, 1089. vol. i. Col. •* 'X'HE kingdom of Ireland, at long run, is not to be kept, againft England and Scotland, without a vaft charge. The 33^ O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. i6?9. The kingdom of Ireland is Co exhauftcd, by the many great dilbrdcrs, caobtr. rapines, plunderings, and robberies, that it is not able to furnifli any ■•onliderable part of this expencc. The King went to Ireland, only in order to go to England, fo foon as it was in a condition to receive him, with any probability of Icrcefs. This probability is, when a confiderable party of the nation is ready to embrace his Majefty's intereft, cfpecially the men of quality. The King, being convinced this is now the cafe, has all the inclina- xion imaginable to proceed on this defign. The queftion then is, if thefe be the circumftances of England and Scotland at this time •, which mud be tried, by any means fhall be thought fit; v/hich being found true, his Majefty, fo generoufly al- fifted hitherto, by the mod Chriitian King, hath no reafon to quelliua his affiftance, in this fo glorious enterprizc, his intereft, as well as glory, beino; concerned in ic. The kingdom of France is not only furrounded with enemies ; which way foever one looks, they ftill fee a formidable enemy before them ; and, befides, the King is forced to guard a long fca-coaft, to prefcrve his kingdom from invafion on that fide. All the coaft, at the King's firft landing, will be immediately out of danger, and the troops there have leave to be employed elfcwl-.ere, to the great advantage of France ; and, as the fuccefs is great in Ireland, the Auxbourg league grows weak : for had the King no other thing to do, but 10 affift France, they would foon force their enemies to accept of a peace of their propofing. The expences of this, at prefent, will be money faved next year mod confiderable; for what will now be requifite will not preferve Ireland fix months ; and this muft be done, at long run, ere the King be re- cftabliflied. The men th.e King fends to his Majefly's alTiftance, being fix thou- fand, it will be no difficult matter to make them up to eight thoufand, to give fifteen hundred horfe and five hundred dragoons, confidering that, by this, the whole fea-coaft is relieved, and fufficiently guarded. The tranfportation can be no infuperable difficulty, feeing the moft Chriftiaii King hath many more fhips of fifty guns and under, than the Englifh O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 335 Englifli and Dutch. Befides, the Maloines and all thefe, being fhips 1689. proper for winter, will be fitter for this purpofe, than bigger fhips. Oftober- Thefe, or a confiderable part of them, mud be fent, however, to tranfport the fuccours already condefcended to ; and the addition will not be of that importance, as to delay fo confiderable a defign for France, as well as for the King. The ports of Ireland for the French are as ufeful, as thofe of Eng- land can be to the Englifli and Dutch ; and their fhips, being truly ftronger and better manned, are in a better condition to keep the feas and for fighting. Befides that, the officers are better, have more ho- nour, and fight for a King they juflly adore ; and that the others have neither honour, experience, nor care of the ufjrper, and only fight for pay. There are hardly, in fummer, many days found, in which fleets can fight : how much lefs is I'uch v.'eather to be found in winter ? There are many difficulties in the matter. But it is well known, the moft difficult things to other nations, and impraflicable by other councils, have been contrived and afled with fuccefs in France ; and, it is to be hoped, they will find expedients for this matter, which other Icis wife or experienced may juflly defpair of. By delay, Ireland will be wearied out with a long war ; and the do- meftic difbrders have been fo great, that it's to be feared there will hardly be wherewith to feed the armies next fummer. The King's friends, who have been in an anxious expectation of him all this fummer, will be tired out by imprifonment, fines, procefTes, plunderings, and, what is worfe, have an ill opinion of the King's con- du£b, and defpair that ever they fhall be relieved ; and fo turn in to where they may be covered from the violence of that tempeft they are threat- ened with. The remainder of the party in Scotland, already almoft ruined by delays, will be quite pulled up by the roots, and the ufurnation fo fettled, that it will be moft difficult to fhake it. The prince of Orange will have an excufe to fend all the Britifii forces out of England and Scotland, as if to reduce Ireland, and fo have an opportunicv 33^ ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1689. opportunity to fill that iQe with foreigners j which would be more dif- oaober. ficult, if the forces were at home, and the people put on their guard, as they may be, by fit inftruments, at London -, and Scotland is already upon this foot of demanding the fulfilling of promifes, in regard to their privilege, and yet they have no fuch ground of complaint as a fo- reign army would be. The King can take the number he defigns now from Ireland, without hazarding that kingdom, all adlion being there near an end, which he cannot do, if the fummer were come •, and, by this means, Ire- land will be fafer than it is now ; the true way to preferve it, being to attack England. This expedient has been of ufe before, in as confider- able a cafe. The advantages the King will have are, that, being on the fame continent with his friends, they will dare to fhow themfclves ; and the indifferent will be obliged to take party, the opprefled will refent their ill-ufage, the old difbanded army have an opportunity to revenge themfelves, the Catholicks have a head to rally to, the church of Eng- land the confidence to fay they are injured and to demand redrefs* the non-conformifts, ever trimmers in danger, (land and look on, and leave the prince and his ftrangers to ad for themfelves ; refent- ments of wrongs, hopes of advantage, pardon, preferment, or fafety, each argument will have its party, and the giddy humour of that nation, never content, will make them as apt to huzanna, as they were before to perfecute -, and, in general, it is a ftrong argument to be in peace, on the legal foot ; a thing not to be hoped for under the ufurper. The prince of Wales is no more difputeJ. God be blefled, he thrives. This was looked on as impofiible, and was the ftrongefl: argument to join with that prince, whom, they thought, would, fooner or later, be their mafter, and ule them as they (hould now do him. The bribes he pro- mifed are not paid ; or, if they be, they who have them would be con- tent to fave them. All thefe things make for the King's soincr, as foon as it is poffible for him. At his landing, the beft port in England will be in his hands ; which, being fecured, affords a fecure retreat to any fhips of the moil Chriftian King, who fliall have any need thereof, efpecially in cafe of any engage- ment on the coaft of England. Going, at this feafon, fecures any port the ORIGINAL PAPERS. $S7 the King (liall take, if he refolves not to advance, through any difap- 1689. pointment he may meet with ; the feafon making the aflion difficult, in Oflolx-r. that country where the King mud land, except the numbers be unequal, as it is iuppofed the King's will be much fuperior to what the prince of Orange can bring ; who has not now above ten thoufand foot in all the foutb ot £ngland, and very few horll' or dragoons. Lord Melfort to King James, Ociober, 1689. Kairoc's pa- pers, D. N. A copy in Nairne's hand. toI. i. foL 7he mifreprefentatims cf D'Avaux. — The cbara£ier of the duchefs of Tyrcon- vel. — Bifhop Malony, and the Ir'ifh faciion. — They will endeavour to carry every thing in parliament. — He advifes James not to call one. — Bivi/tons in Scotland and England. — A correfpondence to be fettled voith the maleconterjs. — Melfort is to fet cut on his embajjy. '"pHE laft letter I had the honour of writing to your Majefty was fo long, that it has not left much for me to fay •, and this carries the duplicate of that whole difpatch ; and, therefore, I muft not weary your Majefty with too long a letter now. The wicked informations which have been fent hither, are of worfa confequence, and more uneafy to remove, than I thought them to be t becaufe there comes daily frefli fupplies to fupport the old ; and fo in- duftrious they are here, they need but a hint to ferve for a foundation. They build upon it abundantly. M. D'Avaux is not idle of his fide. The laft poft was full of his in- veftives, (But 1 muft firll caution your Majefty, that it muft be for your own ufc, left I hurt my informers; for they faw the letttr itfelfj. In the firft place, he fays, that all things now go well, fince I was fent away : that all the Iriflimen have another heart, fince they faw my lord Tyrconnel with them -, and that it is evidently feen tlie prejudice I did to your Majefly's affairs. This he has reafon to write here. But how does this agree with the great defire he fhewed to have me ftay ? In the next place, he fays, that now your Majefty is beginning to take up the proteftants of Dublin -, and that, once before, there were a good many in prifon ; but that I let them out without order ; and that for Vol. L X X many No. 7i- jj8 O R I G I N A L J' A P E R S. I 6Sq. many I gave pafTcs, at Cork and Kinfale, to men who now are with Schom- Odober. berg, and that after my coming away from Dublin. Thefe things are fuch follies as all wife men laugh ar, and his beft friends here fay, that he piilhes the matter too far to be believed : for he has (hewn malice, and fo dcfcrves no credit; and, as for what relates to me, I laugh at him, and would fay no more -, but to you there are fome things clfe to be faid. Mr. de Lauzun is to go over, and I am afraid that he and the ambaffador will not agree long together. This will draw in my lady, and confcquently my lord Tyrconnel, and there will be a war in your own court, which I fled hither to fliun : for that end, that there may be no diflention, it were fit D'Avaux were recalled ; which advice (as many others I have given) is downright againft my own intereft ; for it would be no firall juftification to me here, if he fliould agree as ill with Mr. de Lauzun -, and, befide:, it's better for me now, that I fliall not be here, that he were at a dillance likewife. But that does not bias me. He ought to be recalled, for the quiet of your affairs. He could not a^ree with one fubmitted to him : how will he with one who will not yield an ace, nor let him meddle with French troops pay or preferment? this I fee is the other's temper, and I dread the conftquences. There is one other thing, if it could be effecftuate, were of infinite ufe ; which is the getting the duchefs of Tyrconnel, for her health, to come into France. I did not know flie had been fo well known here as flie is ; but tlie terms they give her, and which, for your fcrvice, I may repeat unto you, is, that fhe has (Tame la plus »oire qui fe puijfe ccncevoir.) I think it would help to keep ihat peace, fo neceffary for you, and prevent that caballing humour, which has very ill effects. Thefe things I write, not for the outward appearance, but becaufe there is a fecret fpring at bottom I confefs I like not ; and that on two accounts. Firft, it is faid, Churchill has more influence in that matter, and this I believe not, except Ihe have fcnt her money into England. But the fecond is another thing, the keeping up a correfpondence here, the bottom whereof I will not undcrftand ; firil, by heil'df with Mr. Courtin and by him ; and fecondly, by the nephew with the Irifh hercj who beiiin to have difcourles of the freeJcm of their n..tion. I mufc not repeat, but your Majefly muft prevent, left it come too late, by putting it out of the power of any one family to make Ireland change a maftcr. This O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 339 This is that what prudence demands without lufpcdting any, and I mud 1689. humbly lay it before your Majeily the true way to do this. As I have Oaobcr. often faid, get men of your own independent men, on whom build a government as united in your Majelly's intereft as poffible, but as inde- pendent of one another. I willi I had the honour to be half an iiour witli you for the reafons of this advice, which I dare not write k-ft tliis fall in hands there. The perfon who carries on the defign here is bifhop Malony, and it is plainly a faction of almoll all the Irilli to lay all blame at your door and to applaud Tyrconnel; not that they care for him, otherwife than that he is Irifh. They fay openly, that no man is to be truftcd, but the Irifli ; end that now is the time to play their game or never. They curfc the lad parliament, as a company of eaiy men, for not flicking to their demands ; and that, in the next, they will have other things done, efpecially the overturning Poynings laws, &c. Lord Clare has written to bilhop Malony, telling him, that they will truft none but their own countrymen ; and, therefore, fliortly there v/ill be an envoy there, for their affairs ; but he will employ his intcrell, that Ma- lony fliall be die man. From this, your Majeily will find the necefiity of having no parliament; and, on my confcience, I think it (o much for your fervice, that I am confident you will not fjlfer any to meet. You want not excufcs too good ; but it will be attempted moft certainly. But I hope, in God, no perfuafion will make you yield to it. In the next place, there is an abfolute ncceffity to call over to Ireland this bifliop Malony ; for he is not what he ought to be. His correfpondent, for that letter, is Sir Neal O'Neal, nephew of my lord Tyrconnel ; and, if your Majeily make not an example of him, all will pafs for true he has fent ; and one fuch aflion, judged by the council or judges, would put a flop to thefe flories here, if rightly ufed. And, for another means, I mud beg of you to examine the French ambafTador, as not knowing a thing written by him ; but as a report here, if any fuch things has been faid to him; and, if he denies it, to write it to me. If he fays, there has, caufe examine it fully, and fend the ifTue ; but let it be examined when your Majefly is prefent. I know the refl are not to be trufled. This, if it were only for my vindication, I fhould not have the confidence to afk, though I flatter myfcif witli the hopes, your goodnefs to me would not refufe to clear a faithful fervant, that does almoll nothing, bcfides X X 2 your J4» ORIGINAL PAPERS. t6''g. your fervice; and whofe zeal, for your intcrcft, I hope, your Majefty is Oftober. perfuaded of. But, indeed, it is your own intereft I purfue in this, that his blaciv calumnies againft your IVlajcfty's proceedings may not be trufted hereafter. For juft now he complains of the rafhnefs of your condiicV, in going on to Allerfton-bridge, fo near the enemy, and that againft his advice, and that of all the general officers of his nation. I do not find, that has taken here : for your Majefty is much commended for it : only all are of opinion, that, if you are forced to retire, you fhould chicane, and ftill ruin all behind you. This Mr. de Belfond came with a card yeflerday to fliew me. I moft humbly beg leave now to go to the other fide of the water. By the advices from England, your Majefty will fee the difpofitiorr of affairs, and the necefTity of following thefe affairs more clolely. In- deed there are many things to do, which require the utmoft fkill and application ; and am forry, that I muft leave them ; but I will tell your Majefty the heads of what is to be done. Scotland is difiatisfiedj would offer fair. I have given the heads. Thefe alTurances I know your Majefty will approve of; that is, they offer to yield, without capitulat- ing for religion, they having the pardon for what is paft. I have writ- ten, that tliey doing the beft to bring your Majefty back by thefe ways they have in their hands, they fliall not only have pardon for lives and fortunes, but they ftiall have rewards fuicable to the adual fervices they fliiill hereafcer perform. Now going away, without their anfwer, I leave that to the Queen, and am confident your Majefty will forgive- for hazarding luch things, when a day is of importance, as it is in this- cafe, by reafon they are at London, and actually now treating with- Orange. As for the Englilh, they are divided in faclions. One knows not of another •, yet I would have found a way to have let moft of them know your Majefty's mind ; but that I muft leave too-, only I muft fay, this correfpondcnce muft be continued, and the money neceifary for that left here in the Qiieen's hands, and I fliall leave a memorial with her of the way it is to be done. Now that I am fcnt to Rome, I Iiope I lliall fcrve your Majefty ufcfully there; though, I muft confefs, I faw more to be done here, that others underftand not, than I do there, where I am but as others, without experience, their language, or acquaintance. But I am glad a R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 341 glad to go, where God ordains, and your Majefty's fervice calls me. 1689. The M. C. King has given to me of allowance, as to his ambafladors OQobcr. extraordinary, anJ has given me a memorial, a copy whereof I fend inclofed. I can only fay to your iVIajefly, that there ihall be no want of me, except of natural underftanding -, for what I have fhall be employed to the utmoft. I have been happy in Mr. Tallon, wlio has got me ac- quainied with fome men of admirable knowledge in the matters of that court, and I hope all fhall do well. I fliall be ordered in every thing by cardinal D'Elle, and he fhall be the witnefs of all my aftions. I hope your Majelty will be plealed to have all that you think fit con- ftantly tranfm.itted to me, and defend me from all my enemies behind me: for I am determined never to look back, when your fervice lies be- fore me. I have reafons of great weight to fend over father IVIaxwell to wait. on your Majefty, for a correfpondence I muft not have known to any but your Majefty; and I humbly beg it of your Majefty to take him, as one of your chaplains, the time he ftays ; himfelf deferves it on many accounts, and your Majefty has none of his nation. But thefe are not now the only reafons. I beg it for your own fervice, and what I ftiall anfwer your Majefty fliall have no caufe to repent of. I have told him many things, as under confefTion, with power only to re- veal them to yourfelf ; and he, knowing the jealoufy, will be better able to watch the defigns of thefe caballers, and to let you know their pro- grefs i for I have given him his meafures here, and I am fure he will, obey them exaftly. Thefe letters, when compared with the accounts printed of the in- trigues of the year 1689, authenticate the hiftory of that period — The private inftruciiions which Mclfort gave to father Maxwell, his confelfor, are in his lordfhip's hand- writing, among Nairne's papers. — The realbns for fending him to Ireland are mentioned in tlie preceding letter. InftruSlions fcr Mr. Mdxwell, gobiginta Ireland. Carte's Ta- pers. D N I. 'T^O give the King his letters, and to inform him, that, under the feat <^l- No. 76. of confeftion to all, befides the King himklf, I had told him of what was faid to be a-doing amongft the Irifti in Paris and clfewhere, that 5(* ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1689. that the King might have his eyes open to prevent their folly, if it were Odobcr. really true. Firll, That it has been debated amongft them, whether it be not their intereft to join themfelves to fome catholic crown able to proteift them, rather than be fubjed: to the revolutions of the proteftant kingdoms of Great Britain ; and that moft of them at Paris have been of tliis mind. That upon this dcfign it was, that they were fo opiniatre in fomc points in the parliament; and that, after it, they decried the King's proceedings, to make it the eafier to go off from him, if they found any to accept of them. That it was for this, they would have all Irifh fecretarics and other •officers Irifli, that they might have it, one time, in their power to ma- nage this matter the more clofely. To furniih thcfe at Paris with arguments of the necelTity of thefc things, fome in Ireland were employed to write letters to defame the King and his government, and to cry up that of the natives. Thefe letters were all tranflated into French, and by bilhop Malony, taking on him as empowered for Ireland, communicated to the court of France. That it was, for this reafon, they could not fuffer the earl of Melforr, fufpedting that he would foon fee this matter, of which the King knows his fufpicions founded on appearances. That the duchefs of Tyrconnel is a main inftrument, in carrying on this defign, and keeps a conftant correfpondence with M. Courtin, and, by him, with M. Louvois. That, for this reafon, bi(hop Malony ftays here, and had the impudence to give one of thefe lybels to the Qiieen, and to propofe to her the having an Irini envoy at the court of France ; he himfelf having the promife of lord Clare and others for their endea- vours, that he Ihall be the man. For this reafon, it's faid to be, that M. D'Avaux had made a fac- tion amongft the Irilli •, but that the defign was rejefted with fcorn here. For that reafon, that advice was given to abandon the kingdom to Schombeig, thinking the King would lofe the hearts of the people, by defcrting them -, and others gain it, by recovering it again, when the 7 fuccours ORIGINAL PAPERS. 343 fliccours came over. This defign not relilhed here, they ufe only to per- i6!^g. fuade the ufefulnefs of it. Ociober. Many more things are faid, and original informations to be fhewn the Qiieen of all the matter, principally in relation to a fefnon of parlia- ment, in which great things are propofed to the nation, &c. To prevent the mifchief of this, it will be necefTary, in the firft place, that in all places hereafter to be filled, the King choofe men having no dependance, but on himfelf alone ; and that, fo long as he is there in perfon, he difcourages all dependance an any other to eclipfe him ; but in fuch a manner, as none can take exception juftly at. The next thing is, by no means to have a feffion of parliament there^. having excufes none can take exceptions at. Pope Innocent the XI. died on the 12th of Auguft, 16S9. James received the news of bis death, in a letter from the cardinals, while he was at Dundalk, offering battle to Schombcrg. His anfwer to them, Naime's Pa- then affembled in the conclave, is in the ftyle of a true fon of the P'^''^' ^^ N.. ^ vol. i. fol, church, and dated trom Dundalk, the 30th of September. No. 71. On the 6th of Oftober, Alexander the VIII. was placed in the papal chair. Lewis the XIV. who had renewed the war witli the Emperor, was defirous of fecuring the favour of the new pontiff", and a temporary accommodation was made up between the courts of Rome and Verfailles, by a tacit conceffion of fome of the pretenfions on both fides. Lewis likewife advifed the Queen to fend Melfort to Rome, in quality of am- baflador from James, as mentioned by Melfort himfelf in the preceding letters, and he furniffied him with inftruftions, that he might not be obliged to wait, until he received them from his mafter. Thefe inffruc- tions are among Mr. Naime's papers, and entitled, " Memorial for the d. N. vol. i. earl of Melfort, going to Rome on the part of the King of Great Bri- ^"'•No.6ji. tain." Lewis believed it was necefTary, that James fliould have a mi- nidcr at Rome, in order to culcivate a good underftanding with the Pope, and to procure his holineh's affirtancc in re-cftablifliing him, and in preventing the entire abolition of the, Romifli faith in the Britifli empire.'. He thought Melfort well qualified to execute fuch a commiffion, and furniffied him wiih ample directions before he fct ovit- 54+ O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1689. out on his embafly. He direfted him to cultivate a good underftand- " ing with the cardinals and miniftcrs of France, who would have in- ftruiftions to fecond him in his negociations-, and particularly with cardi- nal D'Eftc, who might be of infinite fervice, and had already given fufficicnt proofs of his attachment to the intcrefls of his Britannic Majefly, which cardinal Norfolk, though his fubjcdl, had always neglected. He defired him to reprefent the low flate of his mafter's affairs, and to Ihew tlic pope, that providence feemed to have referved, for the ho- nour of his pontificate, the moft glorious enterprize that could be un- dertaken for the advantage of religion and the eood of the church. Thefe circumftances, Lewis continued, were favourable. The prince of Orange's tyranny had become infupportable, even to thofe who had called him over. There was a ftrong party for James in Scotland, in England, and in Ireland ; but it was neceflary to fupport them. The protectant princes were in a league to abolifii the Roman Catholic reli- gion (of which Lewis attempts to give proofs in Britain, Holland, Den- mark, Sweden, and Germany). It was incumbent on the fee of Rome to employ all its authority, and even the treafures of the church, againft them. The prince of Orange, if he was once mailer of the Britifli em- pire, and the States General in conjun6tion, would endeavour to re- eftablifh Calvinifm in France, and even to introduce it into Italy. The proteftant princes and ftates had deluded the Roman Catholic princes, and met with no oppofition but from France. France was able to defend itfclf, but the union of the houfe of Auftria with proteftant princes could not fail to be prejudicial to the Roman Catholic religion. Mclfort fhould endeavour to perfuade the Pope, to bring the Empe- ror and the King of Spain to the fentiments with which the danger that threatened their religion fhould infpire them ; to unite the Roman Ca- tholic princes in a league to reftore a King, who fuffered merely for his attachment to the religion of the holy fee ; to difcontinue the fubfidy which his predeceflbr gave to the emperor, and to employ it in afTjfting the loyal fubjeds of the King of England, to drive away the ufurper of his throne. Melfort ORIGINAL PAPERS, 345 Melfort fet out on his embafly with thefe inftruflions before he re- 1689. ceived credentials and inrtriiftions from his matter. James's credentials ^^ 9f ^^7* •' D. N vol I. to him are in the iifual form, and his inftruftions in the following fol, N0.69. terms : " fnjirunions to cur right trujly and right "ujeU-beloved Coujin and CounJeUor^ Naime's Pa- Jchn Earl of Melfort, our principal Secretary of State at Rome, or on \"i\ f^i ' his vjay thither, by order of our dearejl Confort the ^leen." No- 7o- A Copy in Nairne's hand. Oftober, 1689. QO foon as you (hall have received thefe our inrtrudlions and our let- ^ ter to the Pope, you fhall demand an audience of his holinefs, wherein you (hall congratulate his exaltation to the holy chair, in our name ; af- furing him of our filial obedience, and that the rcafon of your not ufing the character of our ambafiador extraordinary to perform thefe thmgs, in the due manner, proceeds from the prefent ill- condition of our affairs. You fhall hold forth to him the prefent ftate of our affairs, the injuf- tjce we fuffer, upon the account of our religion, and the fears the pro- teftants had of its apparent progrefs, in our dominions ; the violence of the perfecution againft the Catholics, and the horridnefs of the ufurpa- tion of the prince of Orange. That this affair is not only of import- ance to us, but to the whole Catholic world. You are, therefore, to demand his holinefs's affiftance, by endeavouring a peace among Catho- lic princes ; if not general, yet to difunite as many as is pofTible from the proteftant alliance, that fo our deareft brother, the moft Chriftian King, may be the better enabled to give us thofe generous afliftances, our ne- ceffities call for from him towards our re-eflablifliment. And, whilft this is doing, you are to prefs, that his holinefs may give us fuch prefent fupplies, as may enable us to wait for the otlier, and to maintain thefe dominions we are in polTeflion of. Such letters to cardinals or others as may be necefTary, and we cannot here think of now, caufe prepare there, and fign for us, fo as tJiey may be thought from us. You (hall make our compliments to fuch cardinals as you (hall find to (land well-affedtcd to us, clpecially to the cardinal of Norfolk. You are to communicate, in all things, with the cardinal D'ERc, our coufin, whofe directions you are to follow, in v/hat relates to our fervice. Vol. I. Y y You 34^ ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1C89. Otiobcr. You are to correfpond with the minifters employed there by our dearcft brother, the moft Chriftian King, and go alongfl: with them in all things; our interefl: and that of our deareft brother being all the fame. You fliall do all things which you judge can beft conduce to the weal of our fervice, and obey what orders you fhall receive from our deareft confort the Qiieen, as if they were immediately given by us. You fhall remain at Rome, or where his Holinefs Ihall be, till re- called by us or our deareft confort the Qiieen. You fhall diligently obferve what you may think worth informing us or our deareft confort the Qiieen of; and inform us punflually thereof, from time to time, by letters direfled to ourfelves ; and we flaall, from lime to time, fend you fuch other inftruftions as may be for our fervice. Given at our court, &c. Nairne's Pa- p:rs, D. N. vol. i. fol. No. 78. JNovcmber. When Melfort was on his way to Rome, he fent the Queen his opinion about the divifions which reigned in England and in Scotland, and the means of fomenting them. He gave direftions about the proper me- thod of receiving intelligence, and of guarding againft the Irifti faiflion. Lord Melfort to the !^een. 'toulon-t November iid.^ 1689. npHE intelligences which come from England, containing many things of great importance, it is fit that extrads of them be puniflually tranflated into French, and given to the French minifters, that they, knowing the true progrefs of the King's affairs in England, may the more readily join in the meafures which may be moft ufeful for the King; and that the moft Chriftian King himfelf may the better judge of what is pro- pofed to him by your Majefty. There feems to be fome jarrings betwixt the prince of Orange and the rebellious Scots, which it will be fit to foment ; and, for that end, all encouragement muft be given to fuch as will ftand up againft him, they promifing to adhere to the King's intereft; and this being begun already, muft be carefully continued, and the King's aucliority interpolcd (if re- quired by thefc Scots) or the Queen, till that cao be had. This beginning in Scotland will, no doubt, have great confequences, if the King's friends in England take the example, in that parliament, 1 .■which ORIGINAL PAPERS. 347 which is now aflembled at Weftminfter ; where a few rcfolute members 1689. might put a great flop to the P. of O. his proceedings, if not quite o^'^mbcr. defeat his defigns, money being his great bufinefs. Many reafons can be alledged to hinder it, and whatever is done on that head, is grateful to the people, who love not to pay their money, now cfpecially, that trade is low. Care, therefore, muft be taken to infinuate this to all the parties the King has in England ; and money, &c. muft be offered to fuch as will appear in that affair. The perfons who can beft manage this matter, are thefe from whom the feveral intelligences come j feeing that the parties know not of one another, and that it is of importance to keep all their councils •, and, for this reafon, fome money muft be lodged in careful hands, for the carr)'ing on this work, befides what muft be employed in relieving ftarv- ing prifoners -, which is a juftice and charity not to be forgotten, as far as is poffible, confidering the circumftances. Sir Robert Clerk is not to be forgot, and thofe of his" gang; for, though I have not his acquaintance, yet I muft fay, that, as to his in- telligence, he has done more than all the reft together ; and, therefore, 4 or 5C0/. to be put in his hands, to be difpofed of for the King's fer- vice, is abfolutely neceffary for carrying on that intelligence, and it muft not be loft on any terms. Mr. Belfons is likewifc of great ufe, and he muft have fome affiftance, juft that he may live. It is of importance, that what your Majefty docs in tliefe things be only known to yourfelf, and to fuch as Sir Robert Clerk and Mr. Belfons truft : for there are fome, whom your Majcfly trufts, that thefe would not; and they bearing the hazard, it is juft to humour them in this manner. Of this, Mr. Inncs can inform more particularly; and, fee- ing it is he who has been at the expences on this fide, it will be fit that he have juft as much as to reimburfe him; and more he will not, at this time, expedt from your Majefty. All imaginable inftances muft be made, with the moft ChriftianKing, to get fome way to tranfport the King into England ; and, as argu- ments arife, from the feveral intelligences from England, Scotland, or Ireland, this muft ftill be made ufe of to facilitate the matter, at Icaft, againil the fpring, Yy a It 348 ORIGINAL PAPERS. i6?9. It will be mod neceflUry to fee, if fome of the Irifh or French mer- Novcmbcr. chants will carry arms into Ireland to fell, for which they will get great prices in tlic native commodity of that kingdom, to wit, wool, butter, bctf, &c. by which an iikiul trade will be carried on to both nations and much for the King's inteieft. The beft way will be, for your Ma- jelly to caufe fome of the mod fubftantial merchants be fpoken with, aiid preffed to, as good fervice for their own nation. It will be mofl: fit to endeavour fome feparate relief for Scotland, befides what goes into Ireland, as well to fhew thefe brave men, who (land out for the King, in defpice of all difcouragemenr, that they are not forgot, as re- ally to enable them to make a more powerful diverfion againfl; the fpringj which, if it can beeffecluate, will be of a vaft importance. If it cannoc be obtained from the moft ChriflianKing, it is of fuch importance, that it will be fit for your Majeftyyourfelftodofomething in it, even out of fuch money as the King is to get from France. Great care is to be taken to fupprefs, as much as may be, the clamours, and indeed follies, of fome Irifli at Paris, by letting them know the undutifulnefs of their proceed- ings, and fending fome of the moft bufy into Ireland. It will be abfo- lutely neceflary to have fome amongft them to inform of what paQes i for this employment Mr. Sheridan is the moft proper man ; and from him may be got the moft fecret of their intrigues and correfpondences j though, at the fame time, great care is to be had not to believe what he brings not good proofs for, efpecially as to the foolifh defign he men- tioned to me of delivering up the kingdom ; a thing would never be accepted •, and, befides, fo foolifh and villainous in them, that I can- not think it ever entered into their heads. If it has, they are only fome mad-men, and has foolifhly been talking at random, and not any men of fenfe or confideration. To find out this, Sheridan is to (hew his proofs, but only to your Majefty : for the thing is fo foolilh, and fa undutiful, that it's of importance it go no farther. I need not put your Majefty in mind how neceffary it is to free your own family of any who may be fpies upon your aftions. It is a moft intolerable thing for us, who are private people, to be conftraincd in our families ; and muft be much more troublefcme to your Majefty, who ought much lefs to be fubjeded to fuch hardlhips. It ORIGINAL PAPERS. 3^9 It is, in my opinion, moil necefTary that Mr. de Laiizun be made as 1689. cafy as is poflible to make him : for, if once there begin any jarrintrs, No^'f'nbef. they will have worfe coniequences than any thing has yet happened ; and care muft be had of any pretenfions he may have, that the Kin-^ be informed of them ; and that, from time to time, he gratify him in fuch things as he may juftly pretend to ; and, on the other fide, the D. of Tyrconnel would be precautioned not to fuffer himfelf to be led into fuch little cabals as may diforder the King's affairs, and never end in any other confufion. The pretenfions of the French, as to their ranks, mud be fent over diftindlly to the King, that he may prepare all who are concerned to fubmit to what he fhall determine. This Mr. de Lauzun can inform of, and it's belt doing it now, before the troops part from Breft. This being all that occurs at this time, if there be any thing more, it fliall be fent as foon as poffible j and, if any thing occur to your Ma- jeRy, you have but to let me receive your commands, and they fliall be mod pundually obeyed. Melfort." Melfort arrived at Rome before he received King James's inllruftions. December. For the firft memorial which he prefcnted to the Pope was in the name of the Queen. It is in Mr. Nairne's hand, and dated December 19th, 1689. AFTER a complimentary preamble to hisHolinefs, Melfort begins with Nairne's affliring him, " That there never was a King of England lb beloved i^'^^^\. , • and fo obeyed by his people, as his Majefty, until it appeared by his fol. No. 79. aftions, that he was more zealous to gain a heavenly crown for his fub- jects, than careful to preferve an earthly one for himfclf. This and the extirpation of herefy in France, gave fuch an alarm to the protcftants throughout all Europe, and even hell itfelf, that they put in pradice every means, however deteftable, to ruin the King, and with him all thofe who had the fame fentiments of piety and religion." This myftery of iniquity, as Melfort calls it, mull, according to him, without a fpeedy remedy, be of the moft fata;! coniequences to the Ca- tholic 3 so ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1689. tholic religion: but he faves the pope the pain of hearing, and to him- Deccmber. j-^jf ^j^^ p^i^ of repeating them, as it is fufficient, that his HoHnefs knows that the King has been chafed from his kingdoms merely on ac- count of his religion, and obliged to throw Iiirafelf into the arms of the only fovereign among his allies, who was not an accomplice in the prince of Orange's defigns. His moft Chriftian Majefty has fo generoufly af- filed him, that he has been able to quell almofl: entirely the rebellion in Ireland, by defeating Schomberg's army, and reducing it to its prefent diftrefs. From the ftate which Melfort gives of his mailer's affairs, he endea- vours to fliew that his Holinefs can re-eftablifh him, if he will give an immediate fupply of money, and bring about a peace among the Catholic princes, who might then be perfuaded to affift in reftoring his Britannick Majefty. " The affairs of the King my mafter have nothing in common with thofe of the other catholic princes. He hath given no occafion to the prefent war. It was merely his religion which alarmed the proteftant princes, and drew upon him his misfortunes. If he had been partial, or formed alliances, as has been falfely fuppofed, his Majefty would not be in the circumftances in which he now finds himfelf ; and if he had not refufed the affiftance which his moft Chriftian Majefty offered to him, he would have had no difficulty in repelling the violences of the prince of Orange, and in curbing the infolence of his fubjefls : but he generoufly refufed them, to avoid the partiality of which he hath been fince accufed, as guarantee of the peace of Isimeguen: and u is very certain, that if the King my mafter had been in concert with his moft Chriftian Majefty, the firft hoftilities would not have commenced to- wards Philipfburgh." For thefe and other reafons, Melfort thinks the catholic princes will be difpofed to affift his mafter. He adds a great many arguments in the fame ftrain, and concludes his long memorial with thefe words : " As for myfelf, I reckon it a happinefs to be at the feet of your Holinefs ; having nothing to folicit, but the concerns of the King my mafter, which are, at prefent, thofe of your Holinefs -, and, after hav- ing endeavoured to difcharge my duty towards God and my King, al- though ORIGINAL PAPERS. 351 though in a more weak and defedive manner than another would have 1689. done, that I have an opportunity of foliciting for myfelf your Holinefs's I^"^"'"''"'- apollolical benediftion." It was probably at this time that Melfort, according to his inftrudions, gave a memorial to the cardinal D'Efte. It is marked at the top in his hand-writing. A paper given to his ferene highnefs the cardinal IT Eft i. He begins with repeating, as in the preceding memorial, that his Nairne's mafter fuffered for his attachment to the catholic religion ; and that be- d N. vol. i. ing the caufe of the holy See, and of the Pope, his Holinefs could not ^°'" ^°" ^** avoid to affift him ; which could only be done in two ways, by bringing about a peace betv/een the Roman Catholic princes, and by furnilhmg his Majefty with money. To open a congrefs for fuch a peace, his Holi- nefs fhould difpatch legates, who were well difpofed to the caufe, to dif- ferent courts. A fupply of money was abfolutely neceflary that very feafon, to fecure the fafety of Ireland, and accomplifli the redudion of Scotland. AFFAIRS of SCOTLAND. JAMES the Seventh, upon his acceffion, was addrefled by the Scotift parliament, with expreffions of the moil fervile adulation, and with promifes of perpetual attachment to his perfon, and abfolute fubmiffion to his will. They acknowledged, in an aft, " That the bleflings the nation then enjoyed were owing to the folid and abfolute authority with which their Kings were inverted." They exprefled their abhorrence of all principles which are contrary or derogatory to the " King's facred, fu- preme, abfolute power and authority •," and they promifed to give entire obedience to the King, " without refcrve." They gave him convincing proofs of the fmcerity of thefe profefTions, by extending the laws of treafon, and obliging all the men in the nation, above fixteen years of age, to be in *' readinefs to attend the King, in arms, where and as oft as he Ihould require." But the meafurcs of the new reign were not calculated to continue the popularity with which it began. James compofed a new miniltry, con- filling S5t O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1689. fifling alinoft entirely of Papifts and non-conformifts. lie gave new comminjons to all thofe who were in public ftations, without requiring their compliance with the telts. He difpenfed with the execution of the penal laws •, and advanced Roman Catholics to many places of honour and emolument in the kingdom. Thefe meafures, and the unpopular charader of fecretary Melfort and others, leflened greatly the affedion of the people for James and his government. Yet he had ftill many friends among the Scots. When the prince of Orange landed in England, he was invited by them, after he retired to France, to return and join them. James, however, thought it more for his intereft to go to Ireland; and he contented himfelf with writing a letter to the convention, which the prince of Orange had fum- moned to afTemble, at Edinburgh, in the month of March. His letter was dated, after he had embarked, on board the St. Michael, the ift of Mcirch, 1689. From Ireland, he fent them the proclamation referred to, in the journal he fent to France by lord Dover. In the mean time, his friends in Scotland, particularly the vifcount Dundee, were diligent in increafing the number of his adherents. Dundee, who had refufed to enter into the fervice of King William, came to the convention of ellates, which had afiembled, at Edinburgh, on the fourteenth of March ; but, finding he was deferted by feme who pretended, at tirft, to adhere to the caufe of his mafter, and apprehending there was a defign to aflaffinate him, he retired, at the head of a troop of fifty horfemen, who had deferted to him from his ov.n regiment, then in England ; and, having reconciled Ibme of the Highland clans> who had been quarrelling among themfclves, he began hoftilities, with- out waiting either for a commifiion or the fuccours which James had promiied to fend him from Ireland. Among Mr. Nairne's papers, there is a copy of an account of his military operations, [which was fent to Ireland. It is called on the back : Nairne's " News from Scotland with Mr. Hay. Received July -^tb, 1689." T>. N. vol. i. '^ jD Y the lad information, fent by Mr. M'Swine, account was given how "" ■ ' ° '^''" the vifcount of Dundee parted from Edinburgh ; how he flayed at his own houfe for above a fortnight after, guarded by a party of 50 horfe ; and 7 ORIGINAL PAPERS. S53 and how, after a party of the Scorch dragoons came over to Dundee, 16S9. with a party of Mackay's foot, he marched towards Invernefs, encou- ^*J'' raging all perfons to Hand out, letting them fee, by his example, there was no danger in it. The account was alfo given, how he went through Murray, and was come back to Caftle-Gordon, v/hen M*Swine v.'as dif- patched. After which, he marched to the Cairn of Mounth, defigning to go near Dundee, encouraged by the promifes the Scotch dragoons had fent him, that they would declare for the King -, but, by the v/ay, having intercepted a mcflenger of the matter of Forbes, returning from Edinburgh, found, by Mackay's letters, that he v/as to be at Dundee that night, with 200 foot and a regiment of Englifli liorfe ; and they, with the dragoons and the foot that came there before, were to purfue him wherever he went. The lord vifcount waited at the Cairn of Mounth, till M'Kay was within eight miles, and then marched back towards Caftle- Gordon, (where the earl of Dunfermling, with 40 or 50 gentlemen, joined him) and from thence through Murray to Invernefs, where he found the laird of Keppoch at the head of 700 men 5 the moft part volunteers. They plundered M'Intofli's lands and the neighbourhood ; which M'ln- to(h, in a manner, deferved, becaufe the vifcount had written twice to him, to declare for the King, and had got no return. The laird of Kil- ravock, with 300 men, was on one fide of Keppoch, and the town of Invernefs in arms on the other. The vifcount fent to Kilravock to know his defign. He profefled loyalty, and fo was allowed to guard his coun* try. The magiftrates of Invernefs came and informed him, that Kep- poch had forc£d them to promife him 4000 marks. My lord Dundee told them, that Keppoch had no warrant from him to be in arms, much lefs to plunder ; but that necefTity had forced him out, and told he would give his bond that, at the King's return, (fince they had not yet declared the prince of Orange King) they fhould have their money repaid them. * After which, he defircd Keppoch to march his men with him, and he would go and engage M'Kay. But the men, partly the Camerons, faid they could not, without confent of their mafter-, but the truth was, they were loaded with fpoil, and neither they nor their leader had any thing tlfe in head ; fo they went home plundering on the way. The vifcount marched to Glengairie, and fo into Badenoch, where, confidering the feafon was advanced towards the 8th of May, and the Vol. I. Z z grafs 2^ ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1689." grafs begun to appear, and having found the difpofition of the low y* countries for the King, and received letters from mofl: of the chiefs of clans of their readinefs, and being informed of the fubftance of bre- yettes, letters, and commiffions, and finding that M'Kay was endeavour- ing to raife Highlanders and others for to ruin and fupprefs the King's faithful fubjeds, before the eftate of lus affairs in Ireland would allow him to come to their relief, the faid vifcount refolved to appoint a ge- neral rendezvous, which accordingly he did, to be, the iSth of May, in Lochaber, and acquainted all chiefs of clans ; and, in the mean time, M'Kay being at Invernefs, he took occafion to flip down through Athol, to St. Johnfton, where he furprifed the laird of Blair, feized him, his lieutenant Pogue of that ilk, trumpet, ftandard, and all the troopers that were in the town, with two lieutenants of M'Kay's, and two or three officers of the new levies ; mod of which are fent to an iQand of the M'Lean's, which is faid to be like the Bafs. After which, he went to Dundee, thinking to gain the two troops of Scotch dragoons : but could not prevail, becaufe of captain Balfour, who commanded them ; yet he forced them to leave Dundee, but could do no more, becaufe the town was in rebellion, and the ftreets barricadoed. He caufcd feize the drums and baggage of the laird of Drum, and others of the earl of Mar's officers, and dialed the lieutenant colonel, and might have feifed whole companies, but was not at the pains •, yet frightened and fcattered them fo, that they have not been heard of finee. After which, having feifed 300/. of cefs and excife, the lord vifcount took his march through Athol and Rannoch, up to Lochaber, to keep the dyet of the rendez- vous. Glengairie kept tlve day pundually, with betwixt 2 and 300 men (who, on all occafions, fliews himfelf a man of honour, fenfe, and integrity.) Next came i\ very honeft gentleman, the laird of Morer, commanding all the captain of Clan Rannald's men, on the main land near 200. Next came Appin and Glenco, towards 200. Sir Donald M'Donald was expeded, but was not ready. M'L.ean gave account, that he was juft coming ; and, after having made the vifcount flay fix d.-iys. Sir Alexander M'Lean, hearing his friends were in difficulties, failed away to Kintyr, with his men and an hundred of M'I.ean's : at the fame time M'Lean fell fick. LochicI came, with 600 men; Keppoch, with2QOi. with which the vifcount marched into Badenoch, in hade, hear- ing O R I G I N A L P A P E R S; 355 ing that colonel Ramfay was coining that way, with 700 foot, to join 1689. M'Kay at Invernefs -, and, accordingly, Ramlay having marched from ^^^' Edinburgh to St. Johnfton, and near 40 miles up towards Ruthven in Badenoch j but upon different news of my lord Dundee's coming, went back and fore in the hill a whole night. In the end, he went back in great confufion to St. Johnllon. Several of his men deferted. The Athol men got together ; and, by the prudence of the gentry, with great difficulty, were hindered from falling on them. Ramfay polled to Edin- burgh, and got commiflion of fire and fword againft Athol. About this lime, account was brought to Dundee, that M'Kay was within four miles of him, with great numbers of Highlanders, Grant's men, M'ln- tofh's, Balnagown's, Rae's, Strathnaver's, and Monroe's, befide the Handing troops. On which, he caufed draw out all the men, and bid them be gaining towards a very ftrong ground, and fent out a party im- mediately to view the enemy, following it himfclf ; having left orders with Lochiel, that the body (hould not go above half a mile back. However, when he returned, he underftood that M'Kay had almoft no Highlanders, and was not there to fight, but to meet Ramfay. He found that all the troops had marched four miles back. However, he made all hafte to march to engage M'Kay : but, before he could come to the place, M'Kay was fo far gone, that he could not be overtaken ; and being informed there, that Sir Donald and M'Lean were yet to join, thought fit to wait ; and, in the mean time, blockt up the caftle of Ruthven, where M'Kay had put 50 of Grant's men in garrifon. After fome days, the caftle, wanting provifions, furrendered ; which being burnt, and loft hopes of M'Lean, and fear of Ramfay, my lord re- folved to engage M'Kay. But, fo foon as he heard of the march to- wards him, he diflodged in the night. The vifcount purfued him four days ; and, by an unexpetfled way, came in fight of him, an hour be- fore the fun {eZy and purfued them lb clofe, that parties of the Highlanders were within fliot of the rear-guard, clofe to the main body, and dark night came on ; fave which, nothing could have favcd them, in all hu- man probability. The ground was dangerous, and the march had been long ; fo that the vifcount tliought not fit to follow further, being within three miles of Strathbogy, a plain country, where the horle and dra- goons had too much advantage of the Highlanders. The next morn- Z z 2 ing. 3^6 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1689. iig, hearing M'Kay had marched 10 miles before he halted, the vilcount '^'''>- lay ftill all that day ; but, being after informed, that Sir James Ledy, with his regiment of foot and another regiment of dragoons, had joined M'Kay, and the officers of the Scotch dragoons having fent to acquaint the vifcount, that there was very bad news come of the duke of Ber- wick's being prilbner, and of a party's being beat back, that had endea- voured to land in Scotland, and that they were fo furrounded with Eng- lifh horfe and dragoons, that, if there was any engagement, they could not fhun to fight ; and, therefore, begged, that he would go out of the way, for a time, till better news ftiould come. On all which, the vifcount thought fit to return to Badenoch. Moft of my lord Dumfcrmling's people, fave himfelf (who continued ftill very fixt) and the duke of Gordon's horfemen, being wearied and near their own houfes, went home, without leave ; the Highlanders thinking themfelves mafters, grew very dilbrderly, and plundered, without diftinftion, wherever they came. The vifcount fell fick, which gave boldnefs to the diforderly and dif- heartened others. The firft day he marched back, he made a long march. M'Kay fent a party of horfe, who feized fome of the duke of Gordon's gentlemen that went off, and fome of the plundering ftragglers ; but never came in fight of the rear-guard. The next two days, the vifcount did not march fix miles in all ; and M'Kay's foot came not within ten miles of his : bur, in the evening of the laft day, he fent up a party of 200 horfe and dragoons, who, led on by Grant, were brought upon a party of the M'Leans, fcattered a mile afunder, feeking meal. The horfe came up upon them at the foil gallop, having got fome advertife- ment. About one hundred of thcin 2ot toe-ether; and findinf; them- felves on a plain, they run near half a mile, till they gained the foot of a hill, where they ftood and fired upon the enemy, who, in the diforder, having killed two or three, and feized their baggage, thought they had nothing to do but knock them all down-, fo got above them and fur- rounded them, which the M'Leans perceiving, threw by their guns, drew their fwords, attacked the enemy boldly, killed tiic Englifh officers that commanded, and eleven more, wounded many, and forced the reft to retire. Night being then come, the fcattered M'Leans joined the reft. My lord Dundee, marching towards them, the next morning early, met Lochbuy and all his party, who had not loft above four of his men, 6 ■ and ORIGINAL PAPERS. 357 and the baggage, and two old men and boys, who were with it. Then 1689. the lord Dundee marched to Ruthven in Badenoch, where he learned, ^^^' that Ramfay had come back, with iioo foot and lOo horfe, had pafTed to Invernefs ; that my lord Murray had come up to Athol, had brought thefe men together, and faw Ramfay fafe through. The next day, the vifcount was further informed, that Ramfay and M'Kay were joined and marching towards him, and that there was come to St. Johnfton my lord Angus's regiment and other new troops, and to Dumblain more of that kind, was refolved to go to Rannoch, and ftrong ground near the low countries ; but finding that the Lochaber men were going away every night by fortys and fiftys, with droves of cattle, and finding all the reft loaden with plunder of Grant's lands, and others would needs go home, gave way to it, and came into Lochaber with them, difpcrfcd them all to their refpedlive homes, with orders to be ready within a few days,, if the enemy purfued. If not, to lay ftill till further orders ; and, in the mean time, fent advertifement to M'Lean, Sir Donald, the captain of ClanRannald, and M'Leod, to make ready againft the rendezvous, who had not yet come forth. It's believed M'Kay was very glad of the oc- Cd.fion, his horie being extremely wearied, and fo retired to Invernefs, where, on fufpicion of correfpondence, he feized eight officers of the Scotch dragoons and fent them prifoners to Edinburgh, with a guard of 300 Englifh horfe. The reft of the horfe and dragoons are quartered in the adjacent places for conveniency of grafs. Ramfay, with 700 foot, is fent to Elgin, who fummoned Gordon caftle to furrender ; upon which Mr. Dumbar, and thofe that were with him, immediately dekrted the place. There were feveral hundred bolls of meal there, as well as at Strathbogie. M'Kay, in the mean time, is caufing feize all the meal in the low countries, and gives it to the foldiers landladies, inftead of ready money: for it is believed, they have not great abundance of it. My lord Dundee hath continued in Lochaber, guarded only by 200,- commanded by Sir Alexander M'Lean ; but being in the heart of Glen- gairy and Lochiel's lands, he thinks himfelf fecure enougli, though he had not, as he has, the Captain of Clan Rannald with 600 men within ten miles of him, and M'Lean, Sir Donald, and M'Lcod, marching to- wards him ; fo that he can march with near 4000, or rcfrefh in fafecy till fuch time as the ftate of the afi'airs of Ireland may allow the King to fend 358 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1689. fend forces to his relief i which, if it pleafe God (hall fall out, there is all ^*^* appearance of forming a confiderablc army. Notwithtlanding that, the people are a little difheartened, by the unexpefted furrender ot the caftle of Edinburgh, which is faid was only by defpair the duke had of any relief, though he wanted not from my lord Dundee, by a tJiird hand, all the encouragement he could give. U' There is another account of military operations in Scotland, from the 2 1 ft of May to the 4th of June. It was fent by Mr. Hay to Ireland, at the fame time with the preceding -, for it is marked on the back : Nairne's " Relation of what pajl in Scotland^ in the Highlands, with [by] Mr. Hay^ ITuli!^' received July yth, 1689." *^' // contains an account of Sir Alexander M'-LeaiCs expedition to Kintyre, and of his return to join lord Dundee at Lochaber, with fome articles of more late intelligence. Mull, June 2d, 16S9. 'PON Tuefday, the 21ft of May, Sir Alexander M'Lean embarqued for the relief of the King's party in Kintyre. At his landing in the idand of Giga, where he found Mr. Neil of Clachalie, his lieutenant colonel, with two companies of men, who gave account, that, two days before, Lurip and he had endeavoured to ftop the low country forces from entering Kintyre -, they had engaged near Clachan Killcalmancll, and after facing others for two or three hours, and fome party's firing, Clachalie finding the rebels ftill encrcafing to more than four times his number, he very handfomely drew off his men, and came fafe to Giga. Lurip took fliip for Ireland, without acquainting any with his defign j and Lergie left the caftle of Skipnidge, and went for Arran. In this aftion Clachalie loft one man, and the rebels feven. In tills condition Sir Alexander found thtfe gentlemen, at his landing in Giga, and imme- diately ordered boats to he prepared f . r fecuring Lcrgie's fafe retreat to him, and fent him orders to come to the coaft fide of Kintyre, where he fhould meet hmi ; all which was performed before Friday night, the 27th. Upon Saturday blew a great ftorm, lb that they could not come to Giga, which they defigned, to come in all hafte to his Majefty's army at Lochaber. Lergie gave an account, the rebels were 1 500, preparing I boats O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 3:9 boats to invade Giga. Upon Sunday morning early, the wind continu- 1689. ing to blow in the fame * art. Sir Alexander perceives two men of war, "^^y* one frigate, and three or four long-boats, making from Ila towards them, and fome boats coming off from Kintyre to meet them. Upon which, he and the other gentlemen difpofcd their boats equally in two fe- veral places, and encouraged their men to a brave reCftance, this being their firft adion. The two men of war did anchor clofe within mufket- fhot of both harbours, and had a full view of the fmall boats ; the fri- gate continued ftill under fail, from place to place, with a great long- boat, and offered feveral times to land ; but were always beat off. Thus they continued, firing inceffantly, from eight in the morning till eight a£ night ; about which time, the wind decreafmg. Sir Alexander began to carry away his boats to other places, and two contrary ways, the better to delude the rebels, and give them the more to do, which was effefted with fo much courage of the foldiers, that they carried away their boats, through fliowers of cannon and mufkets, to the other end of the ifland,, where they embarqued all their men, and came to Argyle next morning. In the aiftion, the King's party loft one boat, and two funk with cannon- fhot, and one man only wounded. The rebels loft 13 of their men, above 400 cannon-fhot, and their whole plot mifcarried. Upon Monday, Sir Alexander having intelligence, that tliere was a rendezvous of the rebels at Kill-Michal of Invereny, within five miles of Glafrie, he immediately makes towards them, for it was not much, out of his way ; but, upon approach, they all fled. Sir Alexander,, with Elchille, encamped there that night, and fuffered the foldiers to take nothing but meat next morning. He continued, with as much expedi- tion as poffible, to come up to my lord Dundee ; and landed juft now here, with the other gentlemen in the boats, and brought all his men fafe to this place. The foldiers are hearty and eager to fee my hard Dundee, and fuffcr hunger and want of fleep, with great patience, to come up, and arc- in. hopes to be tranfported to Morven, to-morrow or Sunday. Badinoch, the 4th June. — Juft now arrived here Sir Alexander M'Lean, with Mr. Neal of Calchalie, and the laird of Lcrgie, v. here tixy met liis excellency my lord Dundee, on his way to Lochaber; v, iirj, • Qua-tci. thcrcupon» 360 ORIGINAL PAPERS. iC8q- thereupon, dilmiflcd the reft of his army to be rcfrefhed at home, kcep- J""«- ing only with himfelf Sir Alexander's party and a few horfe, until news from his Majefty and the next rendezvous. Three days ago, a party of major general M'Kay's horfe and dragoons, with fix fcore horfe, fell upon a party of M'Lean's men, commanded by Lochbuy, who was upon a party, about half a mile from the army. The M'Leans took themfelvcs to a hill, and loft their baggage in the retreat, whereupon they took their ground and fell in pell mell with the rebels, fword in hand, and broke them, chafing them for a good way. In this notable action, the rebels loft their chief officers, who were killed upon the place, viz. the cap- tain, who was an Englifliman of confiderable note, and much regretted by the rebels. His name we have not known as yet. Himfelf with a lieutenant and 15 others were left dead upon the place ; and the M'Leans carried the horfe and arms, &c. to the camp. Lochbuy loft five of his men. Lochaber, June 23d. — Yefternight arrived at the camp, Mr. Hay, from Ireland, with exprefs from his Majefty, which gave great joy to his Majefty's army here. We have alfo accounts from feveral places, that his Majefty's fleet have fecured their coafts and have taken, or funk, or chafed all the rebels' ftiips from hence. My lord Dundee is now draw- ing his forces together again, and refolves to march from this in a few days. Nairne's pa- "^^^^ Vifcotint Dundee to the Earl of Melfort. voh'i. folV Melfort utifopular.— Dundee did not prejudice the King againjl him, but ad^ ^°' '^^' z'ifes him to retire from hifincfs for fome time. — Dundee's conduct. — His ■want ofrefources. — Remittances from the ^een. — CharaSler of the nihi- lity of Scotland. — Many, of them will join, when fuccours arrive from Ireland. — Afks 5000 or 6000 men. — Expefls the Kir.g. — Natnes the place of landing. " My Lord, Moy, in Lochaber, June 27th, 1689. " T Was not a little furprized to find, by yours, that my name has been made ufc of, for carrying on defigns againft you. Mr. Carleton is extremely in the wrong, if he fays I gave him any commilTion to the King, or warrant to fay any thing to him, in my name. Earl Bredalbin fent ORIGINAL PATERS. 36r fent him to me, with a credential, which he defired me to burn fo foon 1689. as I had read it. I had never feen the man in the face before, nor J"'"^- heard of him. He was not two hours in my company ; and, wlien he gave me account of his pretended bufincfs to Ireland, I diHiked moft of It, as 1 lignificd to you, by M'Swyne ; nor did I give him fo much as a line with him, thac I remember. I leave you to judge, if it be pro- bable, that I would incruft myfelf fo far to any in fuch circumftances, as to employ him in fo nice and dangerous a point as that is, of accufino- fo great a man, and fo much my friend as you are, to the Kincr. If j had any fuch defign, I would rather have trufted myfelf to the Kino-, and written frankly to himfelf. I will allure you, all my endeavours to lay you afide were only to yourfelf. I thought myfelf bound in duty to the King and friendfhip to you, not to diflfemble to you the circum- ftances you ftand in with the generality of this country and many in the neighbouring. Your merit and rifing fortune has raifed envy j your favour with the King is crime enough with his enemies, and I am feared, even with his ambitious friends, which I am fure can never be imagined to be one with me : for I can never have any pretenfions in your way. Befides, you have contributed to all the confiderable fleps of my fortune ; but I muft tell you, that befides thefe generals, there are many pretend to have received difobligations from you and others, no doubt, with defign on your employment ; yet the moft univerfal pretext is, the great hand you had in carrying on matters of religion, as they fay, to the ruin of the King and country. I muft tell you, 1 heard a great refcntment againft you, for advifing the giving the bulls for the bifhops, •and I am feared they themfelves believe it. You know what the church of England is in England ; and, both there and here, they generally fay, that the King of himfelf is not difpofcd to pufti matters of religion, or force people to do things they fcrupled in conference ; but that you, to gain favour with thefe of that religion, had proved and prevailed with him, contrary to his inclination to do what he did, which has given his enemies otcafion to deftroy him and the monarchy. This being, as I affure you it is, however unjuft, the general opinion of thefe nations, I thought, in prudence, for your own fake as well as the King's, you would have thought it beft to feem to be out of bufintfs for a time •, that the King's bufmefs might go the irnoother, and all pretext be taken away Vol. I. A a a for 2^2 O R 1 G I N A L P A P E R S. 16S9. for rebellion; and this only, in cafe the King find difficulties in his June. affairs : for I am obliged to tell you, that, if the people take umbrage as to their religion, it will be, notwithffanding of all the foreign aid, a long war. But I think you may come over •, and, when you have feen the (late of affairs on tlie place, and fpoke with every body, you may think what will be beft for you to do. You defire me to recommend a proper man to be fecretary. You know it is hard to do. But, if you really relblve not to fceni to meddle, I would, were I you, advife the King to employ one, to be turned out when things altered, would not much difoblige, or could have no confequence. But I think I have faid enough, if not too mucii of this. My lord, I have given the King, in general, account of things here; but to you I will be more particular. As to myfelf, I have fent you it at large. You may by it underfland a little of the ftate of the countrj'. You will fee there, when I had a feen advantage, I endeavoured to profit on it; but, on the other hand, fhunned to hazard any thing, for fear of a ruffle: for the leaft of that would have difcouraged all. I thought, if I could gain time, and keep up a figure of a party, without lofs, it was my beft, till we got afTiftance, which the enemy got from England every day. I have told the King, I had neither commifTion, money, nor am- munition. My brother-in-law, Albar, and my wife found ways to get credit. For my own, nobody durfl pay to a traitor. I was extremely furprifed, when I faw Mr. Drummond, the advocate, in Highland habir, come up to Lochaber to me, and gave account, that the Queen had fent 2000 1. flierling to London, to be paid to me for the King's fervice, and that two more was a coming. I did not think the Qiieen had _known any thing of our affairs. I received a very obliging letter from her, with Mr. Crain ; but I know no way to make a return. However, when the money comes, I fhall keep count of it, and employ it right. But I am feard, it will be hard to bring it from Edinburgh. When we came firft out, I had but fifty pound of powder; more I could not set; all the great towns and fea-ports were in rebellion, and had ftized the powder and would fell none. But I had one advantage, the highland- ers will not fire above once, and then take to the broad-fword. But I wonder, above all things, that, in three months, I never heard from you, feeing by Mr. Hay, I had fo earneftly recommended it to you, and told ORIGINAL PAPERS. 363 told of this way by Invcrlochie, as fure, if you would not have fent 1689. ■exprefles, we thought you would, at leaft, have haftened tiie difpatch of •^^"5- thefe we fent. M'Swyne has now been away near two months, and we know not, if the coaft be clear or not. However, I have adventured to advife Mr. Hay to return ftreight, and not go farther in the country. It would have been impolTible for him to get through to Fdinbuigh ; but there was no need. He came not here until the 22d, and they fur- rendered on the 13th. It was not Mr. Hay's fault, he was fo long a coming ; for there has been two Englifli men of war and the Glafgow frigates amongil: the iflands, till of late. For the reft of the letters, I undertook to get them delivered. Moft of the perfons to whom they are directed are either put under bond, or in prifon, or gone out of the king- dom. The advocate is gone to England, a very honeft man, firm be- yond belief; and Athol is gone too, who did not know what to do. Earl Hume, who is very frank, is taken prifoner to Edinburgh; but will be let out, on fecurity. Earl Bredalbin keeps clofe in a ftrong houfe he has, and pretends the gout. Earl Errol ftays at home ; fo docs Aber- deen. Earl Marfhal is at Edinburgh ; but does not meddle. Earl Lau- derdale is right, and at home. The bifliops, I know not where they are. They are now the kirk invifible. I will be forced to open the letter, and fend copies attefted to them, and keep the original, till I can find out our primate. The poor minifters are forely opprefied over all. They generally {land right. Duke Queenfberry was prefcnt at the crofs, when their new mock King was proclaimed ; and, I hear, voted for him, tho* not for the throne vacant. His brother, the lieutenant general, I'ome fay, is made an Earl. He has come down to Edinburgh, and is gone up again. He is the old man, and has abufed me ftrangely ; for he fworc to me to make amends. Tarbat is a great villain. Befides what he has done at Edinburgh, he has endeavoured to feduce Locheil, by offers of money, which is under his hand. He is now gone up to fecure his fadion, which is melting. The two Dalrymples and others againft Skelmurly, Polwart, Cardrols, Rofs, and others, now joined with that worthy prince, duke Hamilton. M. Douglafs is now a great knave, as well as beaft, as is Glcn- cairne, Morton and Eglinton ; and even Caflills is gone aftray, milled by Gibby *. Panmure keeps right, and at home; fo does Strathmore, • Bifliop Burnet. A a a 2 Southefk^^ .364 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 16S9. Southefk and Kinnaird. Old Airly is at Edinburgh, under caution ; fo June, jg Balcarras and Dunmore. Stormont is declared fugitive, for not ap- pearing. All thefe will break out, and many more, when the King lands, or any from him, Moft of the gentry on this fide the Forth, and many on the other, will do fo too. But they fufter mightily in the mean time, and will be forced to fiibmit, if there be not relict fent very foon. The duke of Gordon, they fay, wanted nothing for holding out, but hopes of relief. Earl of Dumfermling (lays conftantly with me, and fo does lord Dunkell, Pitcur, and many other gentlemen, who really de- ferve well, for they fuffer great hardfliips.' When the troops land, there muft be blank commilTions fent for horfe and foot for them, and others that will join. There muft be a commiflion of jufticiary, to judge all but landed men ; for there would be examples made of fome that cannot be judged by a council of war. They take our people and hang them up, by their new IherifTs, when they find them ftraggling. My lord, I have given my opinion to the King concerning the land- ing. I would firft have a good party fent over to Inverlochie, about 5000 or 6000, as you have conveniency of boats ; of which, as many horfe as conveniently can. About 600 or 800 would do well ; but ra- ther more -, for had 1 had horfe, for all that yet appeared, I would not have feared them. Inverlochie is fafe landing, far from the enemy, and one may chufe, from thence, to go to Murray by Invernefs, or to An- gus by Aihol, or to Perth by Glencoe, and all tolerable ways. The only ill is, the paflage is long by fea and inconvenient, becaufe of the iQand ; but, in this feafon, that is not to be feared. So foon as the boats return, let them ferry over as many more foot as they think fit to the Point of Kintyre, which will foon be done ; and then the King has all the boats for his own landing. I fhould march towards Kintyre, and meet at the Neck of Tarbitt, the foot, and fo march to raife the country, and then towards the pafles of Forth to meet the King, where I doubt not but we would be numerous. I have done all I can to make them believe the King will land altogether in the Weft, on purpofe to draw their troops from the North, that we may the eafier raife the country, if the landing be here. I have faid fo, and written it to every body -, and particularly, I fent fome proclamations to my lady Errol, and wrote to her to that purpofe, which was intercepted and carried to Edinburgh, 6 and 0RIG1NALPAPER5. 3^5 and my lady taken prifoner. | believe it has taken the effccfl I defigned j 1689. for the forces arc niarche"d out of Kintyre, and I am jufl: now informed, ■'"""'• M. G. M'Kay is gone from Invernels by Murray towards Edinburgh. I know not what troops he has taken with him as yet ; but it is thought, he will take the horfe and dragoons, except a few, and mod of the ftanding forces ; which, if he do, it will be a rare occafion for landing here, and for raifing the country. Then, when they hear of that, tliey •will draw this way, which will again favour the King's landing. Some think Ely a convenient place for landing, becaufe you have choice of what fide, and the enemy cannot be on both : others think the nearer Galloway the better, becaufe the rebels will have far to march before they can trouble you : others think Kirkcudbright, or thereabouts, be- caufe of that fea for fhips, and that it is near England. Nobody ex- peds any landing here now, becaufe it is thought you will alter the de- fign, it having been difcovered ; and to friends and all, I give out I do not exped any. So I am extremely of opinion, this would be an ex- treme proper place, unlefs you be fo ftrong that you need not care where to land. The truth is, I do not admire their mettle. The land- ing of troops will confound them terribly. I had almoft forgot to tell you that P O , as they fay, has written to his Scotch council,. telling them he will not have his troops any more harrafled following me through the hills ; but orders them to draw to the weft, where, he fays, a great army is to land ; and, at the fame time, gives them accounts, that, eight fail of men of war is coming from Breft, with 15000 men on board. lie knows not whether they are defigned for England or Ireland. I beg you will fend an exprefs, before whatever you do, that I may know how to take my meafures j and, if the exprefs that comes knows nothing, I an> fure it (hall not be difcovered for me. I have told Mr. Hay nothing of this propofil, nor no man. If there come any party this way, I beg you, fend us ammunition, and three or four thoufand arms of different forts, fome horfe, fome foot. I have juft now received a confirmation of M'Kay's going South, and that he takes with him all the horfe and dragoons, and all the ftandmg foot-, by which I conclude, certainly, they aie preparing againft the landing in the WefV. I entreat to hear from ^66 ORIGINAL TAPERS. 1689. from you as foon as pofTible-, and am, in the old manner, moft finccrdy, June. £qj. 3)1 Caileton can fay, My Lord, Your moft humble and faithful fervant, DuNDEfc." Dundee having received news from Ireland recalled Mr. Hay, whom he had difpatched with the preceding litter, and wrote again to lord Mellbrt. 1 he copy among Mr. Nairne's papers wants a date, but is marked on the back ♦' My Lord Dundee's letter, June 28, i6S^" Nairne's The Fif count Dundee to the Earl of Melfort. The fame fuhjeSi continued. Papers, D.N. voi.i fol. " My Lord, No. 46. •* AFTER Mr. Hay was difpatched I was informed, that Achtera and major B'archar's fon were landed, fo fent and ftopt Mr. Hay and came down here to know what news they brought. I am very glad to hear by your lordfhip's, that the King's affairs profper fo well and that Derry will be foon ours. But I hear it was not on Monday laft. I know not what the matter is j but I would think Mackay's going fouth and the troops drawing back from Kintyre towards Edinburgh would import fome alarm they have got. 1 have fo often written over all that Derry was ours, that now, fay what I like they hardly believe, and when I talk of relief out of Ireland, they laugh at it, though I believe ere long they will find it earneft, and then our enemy's confufion will be great. As to the places of landing, I am ftill of the fame mind. For the number I muft leave to the conveniency you have. The only incon- veniency of the delay is, that the honeft kiffer e,\tremely in the low countrys in the time, and I dare not go down for want of horfe, and in part, for fear of plundering all, and fo making enemys, having no pay. I wonder you fend no ammunition, were it but 4 or 5 barrells. For we have not 20 pound. As to yourfelf, I have told you freely my opinion and am ft. 11 of the fame mind. You defire I may tell you your faults* I ufe to fee none in my friends, and for to tell you what others find when I do not believe them were to lofe time. But I muft tell you many of them who complained of you, have earned themfelves fo, that what they 5 iij ORIGINAL PAPERS. 367 fay deferves not much to be noticed. However, they Iiave poifoned the 1689. ■generality with prejudice againft you, and England will, I am afraid, be J""*' uneafier to you than Scotland. It is the unjulleiT; thing in the world, that not biing popular muft be an argument to be laid aiide by the King. I do really think it were hard for the King to do it ; but glorious for you, if once you be convinced that the necefTity of the King's aff.iirs requires it, to do it of yourlelf and beg it of him. But this only, as I laid in my iaft, in cafe of great difficulties, and in the way ladvifed, which I think the King will not refufe you ; I mean as to filling up of the place ; for the King may have enemys, fome by your continuing ; but he may put in one who may ruin all, which I am fure, if he gave it to fome that pretends, it would I am afraid certainly fall out. I wonder you could have the ieaft thought that I would concert with any body againft you, having parted fo good friends. I fpoke not to Dunmore llnce he came from London. I mind not I fpoke of you to Bredalbine. I remember when I was endeavourino; to make friends for the Kins: in the country and in the convention, many did tell me, that there would be no living if you returned ; fo when no arguments for you could pre- vail, I have, may be, to fmooth them, faid, that if all were well, you would be prevailed with not to meddle any more. I would have- written letters of encouragement to all the King has written to from your- felf, and aflured them of your friendfliip and fatisfied them of your real defigns of living and letting live every one in their own way in matters of religion, which would mightily allay, I think, as to Scotland, and let them fee you do favours to cavaliers and to Protcftants, for fome llcps^ that may be, you was forced to make in favours of thefe ungrate beafts the Preft)yterians. You gave unhappy umbrage to both the other, but they were fools ; for never will they get one whofe family, education, and inclination, is fo cavalier. They long at the King's reftoration to have a Lauderdale to deftroy Middlcton and poor fulTering cavaliers. Let not this be their plague. I am fure you Hiall be fure of all my en- deavours for to bring the minds of people to reafon. If you will allow, I will fay, that though you come to fee the King once landed, you defiga not to ftay, unlefs you think that you may unbolden your enemys. I give my humble fervice to my lady, and am. My Lord, Your moft humble and faithful fervant, - . Dundee.'* j68 ORIGINAL PAPERS. l6Sq. Miiy.— Dec. The following paper is marked on the back, " Account of the en- gagements in Scotland fince May, 1689," for the ^een. Nairne's pa- «' Jn account of the engagements that happened between the King's party and vol.'i. fol. ' the rebels in Scotland /vice May, 1689." '^^' December 15th, 16S9. " 'T'HE firft engagement was betwixt Sir Alex. M'Leane, with whom were the lairds of Lergie and Calchillie, in the iQand of Giga, betwixt Kintyre and Ida, and a fquadrom of the Englifh fleet com- manded by captain Ruke, in May lart, thus. Sir Alexander and the aforefaid gentlemen with 400 men were waiting a fair wind to bring them to the rendefvous appointed by my lord Dun- dee, his Majeftys lieut, general, and had their fmall boats clofe to the rocks.of the illand when they were aflaulted by the Englifh. The fight began at 8 o'clock in the morning. The Englifh, thinking to take and fink the boats, manned fix long boats, and under fhelter of a yaucht they came in pell mell amongft the boats, and took a large boat be- longing to Sir Alexander, that could not be brought near the fhore; but they were fo warmly received by the King's party, that the rebels were forced to retreat with lofs, whereupon the two men of war dropped an- chor as clofe to the boats as they could come, and fired inceflantly with their cannon and fmall fliot from 8 o'clock in the morning until 8 o'clock at night. At which time Sir Alexander divided his boats, and fent one half of them round the ifland one way, and with them the yaucht and fmall boats engaged. They being thus out of the way, and the two men of war ftill at anchor, all the refl of the boats came out upon them, and in defpite of all the Englifh could do, they brought all {^.fc away. In this fkirmifh the loyalifls lofl one boat, and two funk, and one nun wounded, but none killed. The rebels had a lieutenant and 14 men killed and a great many wounded. The next engagement was in that fame month, between a party of Sir John M'Leane's regiment of 120 men, commanded by M'Leane of Lochbuy, againfl 2co horfe and dragoons, commanded by col. Living- fton, wherein the M'Leanes routed the rebels, killed captain Waine, an En^iiihman, and 14 of his party, with the lol's of five men only. The O K I G I N A L P A P E R S. 3^9 The battle of Rinrory, in Athol, was the next confiderable engage- 1689. tnent after this, which was thus : May.— Dec. The lord Murray, fon to the marquis of Athol, having with 1500 men laid fiege to the caflle Blair, in Athol, then garrifoned for the King (thereof the lan-ds of and Ballechan were officers) and my lord Dundee being to wait at Lochaber fome days for colonel Can- non and the Irifh regiment and the other officers, who were come from Ireland to come up to join him ; his Excellency fent orders for Sir Alex- ander M'Leane (who was then at Cromar in the North, in an expedition againft the mafter of Forbes and other rebels) to march in all hade to relieve the garrifon of Blair, and there to wait till his Excellency's arrival. This Sir Alexander fo happily performed, tliat lord Murray was forced to raife the fiege ; and major general M'Kay being on his march to fe- cond lord Murray, my lord Dundee (upon information thereof) made long marches to prevent him, and arrived at Athol upon the i6th of July, and next morning was informed, that M'Kay's forlorn of 400 men Tvere within two miles of the caflle, at the Fafs of Kilikrankie. Where- upon his Excellency commanded Sir Alexander M'Leane, with 400 men, to march againft this party. But they were not a quarter of a mile ofF when his lordfhip was informed, that inftead of a party, M'Kay himfelf with all his army was at Rinrory, within a mile and a half of him. Whereupon his lordfhip commanded the army to march towards the rebels, refolving, without delay, to fight them. M'Kay's army was drawn up in eight battalions, confiftingof 4300 foot and two troop3 of horfe. My Lord Dundee's confiftcd of 2500 foot and one troop of horfe. On the right wing Sir John M'Leane was placed with his regiment in two battalions. On the left, was Sir Donald M'Donald's regiment, com- manded by his fon and Sir George Berkley, in one battalion, and Sir Alex- ander M'Leane another battalion, made the left wing. The main battle confifted of four battalions, viz. Lochiel's, Glengary, Clanronald, and the Irifh regiment, and the troop of horfe commanded by Sir William Wallace. The officers that came from Ireland divided thcmfclves among the bat- talions. The fight began about 5 o'clock at night, Sir Alexander M'Leane keeping the rebels in action (while my lord was forminrr the battle). By debating for advantageous polls, therein he lofl only five men, but the rebels lofs was greater. About 8 o'clock the fignal wa$ Vol. I. B b b given j 21^ ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1689. given; his lordOiip, charged in perfon, upon the head of the horfe. The Way.— Dec. Highlanders gave fuch a furious charge as made the rebels give ground in a moment. For the rebels having fpent their fire before the High- landers fired, (who kept their Ihot till they were within pike length of the enemy), and after fire the royalills falling in with broad fwords made the rebels run. The left wing of M'Kay's army was quite routed by Sir John M'Leane, who followed the flaughter for a good way. The like was done by the main battle. But all tlie oppofition to purpofe was in the right wing of the rebels. For Sir Alexander M'Leane, having routed M'Kay's regiment, his men followed the purfuit fo brifkly, that he was left alone himfelf in the place of battle -, and obferving colonel Hafting's regiment of foot ftanding their ground againft Sir Donald M'Do- nald's regiment, and at lafl: forcing them to retire, he rallied as many as he could get of his men, and with Sir Evan Cameron made head towards the rebels who thereupon fled, and the night put a ftop to the flaughter. In this battle there were killed of the rebels upon the place 1500, fome fay 2000, and the next morning 500 prifoners were brought in by the mcnofAthol. Thofe of note killed, were brigadier Balfour, and lieu- tenant colonel M'Kay, brother to the major general, with many more officers of lefs note ; of the prifoners were lieutenant colonel Balfour, captain Fergufon, captain Donaldfon, and 13 other officers, with all their camp, tents, baggage, artiljery, and provifions, which was of great value, and alfo the prince of Orange's ftanda^rd, carried by M'Kay's re- giment, taken by Sir Alexander M'Leane. Of the royalifts were killed (to his Majefty's unfpeakable lofs) the lieutenant general himfelf, (while he was riding to help the confufion he obferved in the left wing, occafioned by the gallant refiflance of colonel Hafting's regiment againft Sir Donald and Sir George Berkley,) the lairds of Largie, captain M'Donald, brother to Glengarie, captain Ramfay, captain M'Leane, nephew to Sir Alexander, captain Pollock, brother to the laird of Pollock, and fome other officers, but very few common foldiers. Sir George Berkley and feveral other gentlemen were wounded. Two days after this battle, colonel Cannon, who now commands the army, fent the laird of Struan with 1 00 foot and fome horfe, under the 5 conduft ORIGINAL PAPERS. 571 conduct of major William Graham, to St. Johnftoun, where they were 1689. furprifed by foire troops of horfe of Sir John Lanier's regiment. Major "^^7'—^'^'^ Graham made off in time. But Struan's men were fome in their beds, fome drunk, and fome of them were killed, and 25 taken prifoners -, the relt •with the laird himfelf made their efcape. This was the beginning of Cannon's condud. The lafl: engagement was about 20 days after this, at Dunkell, v/here there was fome 800 of the Cameronians, under the command of colonel Clcaveland and others. Colonel Cannon with the army arrived at Dun- kell the 2ifl of Auguft, at 7 o'clock in the morning, and fuiroundedthe town, commanding Sir Alexander M'Leane to make the firft attack, and fo the Highlanders fell on fo furioufly that they beat the rebels from the walls, and helping one another over the walls entered the town. So that at once the town was fet on fire both by them and the rebels, whereby the town for an hour and a half was very hot on both fides. At laft all the rebels being cut off, except thofe who got mto the caftle and the great church, and the Highlanders having fpent their ammunition, retired out of the town. In this engagement, on the rebels fide were killed Cleave- iand himfelf and almoft all their officers, and 120, fome fay 200, of their men. On the King's fide were killed two captains of M'Leane's reo-i- ment, and Sir Alexander M'Leane's captain lieutenant, and fome other officers of note, but few foldiers ; but there were a great many wounded, and Sir Alexander M'Leane had his leg broken with a mufl-cet bullet, and was carried to the caftle of Blair, But upon fome diftafte taken by the clanns at Cannon's conduft, the army broke up and went home ; and now they content tliemfelves with incurfions, wherewith they have done great prejudice to the rebels, and lately went within fcven miles of Glaf- gow and deftroyed Kilmarnock, &c. Lord Dundee's fpeecb to his troops befort the battle of Killikrankj, July. Nairne's pt- " Gentlemen, pcrs, a L. *' "VT^OU are come hither this day to fight, and that in the bed of caufes : for it is the battle of your King, your religion, and your country, againft the fouleft ufurpation and rebellion -, and having, therefore, fo good a caufc in your hands, I doubt not but it will infpirf B b b 2 ygu fol. No. 242. 372 ORIGINAL papers; 1689. you with an equal courage to maintain it. For there is no proportion J"!/' betwixt loyalty and treafon ; nor fhould be any betwixt the valour of good fubjeds and traitors. Remember, that to-day begins the fate of your King, your religion, and your country. Behave yourfclves, there- fore, like true Scotchmen -, and let us, by this aftion, redeem the credit of this nation, that is laid low by the treacheries and cowardice of fome of our countrymen ; in which, I afk nothing of you, that you (hall not fee me do before you ; and, if any of us fhall fall upon this occafion, we fhall have the honour of dying in our duty, and as becomes true men of valour and confcience : and fuch of us as fhall live and win the battle, fhall have the reward of a gracious King, and the praife of all good men. In God's name, then, let us go on, and let this be yoin* word : King James and the church of Scotland, which God long pre- fcrve." Dundee wrote the following letter, giving an account of the battle to King James. He died next morning of the wound which he had re- ceived in the adtion. 7'he VifcQtint Dundee to King James, after the battle of Killikranky. "SIR, Nairne's *' T T has pleafed God to give your forces a great victory over the re- ubi fupra. bels, in which 3-4ths of them are fallen under the weight of our fwords. I might fay much of the acftion, if I had not the honour to command in it ; but of 5000 men, which was the belt computation I could make of the rebels, it is certain there cannot have efcaped above 1200 men. We have not loft full out 900. This abfolute victory made us mafters of the field and the enemy's baggage, which I gave to the foldiers; who, to do them all right, both officers and common men. Highlands, Lowlands, and Irifh, behaved themfelves with equal gal- l.mtry, to what ever I faw in the hotttft battles fought abroad by dif- ciplined armies ; and this M'Kay's old foldiers felt on this occafion. I cannot now. Sir, be more particular ; but take leave to afTure your Ma- jefty, the kingdom is generally difpofed for your fervice, and imp.uiently wait for your coming; and this fuccefs will bring in the reft of the no- bility and gentry, having had all their afTurances for it, except the noto- rious ORIGINAL PAPERS. 373 nous rebels. Therefore, Sir, for God's fake, afiift us, though it be iS'^g. with fuch another detachment of your Irifh forces as you fent us before, •'" ^* efpecially of horfe and dragoons •, and you will crown our beginnings with a compleat fuccefs, and yourfelf with an entire poflcfTion of your antient hereditary kingdom of Scotland. My wounds forbid me to en- large to your Majefly at this time, though they tell me they are not mortal. However, Sir, I befeech your Majefty to believe, whether I live or die, I am intirely your's,, Dundee.'* ORIGINAI. ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1690. AFFAIRS of SCOTLAND. t^QO." T T?ON the death of the vifcount Dundee, the fpirit of the High- February. \^ landers, who were in arms for James, declined. Colonel Cannon, who fuccecded tojhe command, was neither loved for his manner, nor refpciSled for his condudl. The infurgents, however, remained attached to their principles ; and though they retired home for the winter, they were ready, with the return of fummer, to take the field. Major general Buchan was fent to command them ; and the following paper contains a detail of fome particulars after the arrival of that officer in Scotland. Nairne's '' ^/« account of Major General BuchaH''s arrival in Scotland. — Of the prefent Papers, fojlurc of affairs. — Of the return of his Majeflfs fhip the Jennet., -juith foi. No. 66.* fome gentlemen from thence-, and of ajkirmifb they had -with the rebeli in the harbour of Killibeg." « For the ^teen." " Dublin, the 14th day of March, \6^%. " C\^ ^^^ '^^^^ ^^ '■'^^ ^^^ month. Sir George Berkley, Sir Alexander M'Lane, colonel James Purcell, and Mr. John Hay, fet out from Tubermurray, in the ifland of Mull and kingdom of Scotland, in his Majefty's fliip the Jennet (that carried major general Buchan thither) for Sligo, in the weft of this kingdom ; but, meeting with contrary winJs, put into Killibeg, fliort of it •, which, becaufe of the nearnefs to SligA they believed was in his Majefty's hands •, but foon found their miftake. There were three of the enemy's fhips riding there ; and the Jennet had fcarce anchored, when two of their boats came up to her. In one were the matters of the two fhips, their mates and feamen ; in the other ORIGINAL PAPERS. 37^ other, two fifhermen only. The firft came on board and were feciircd ; 1690. the mafters in the cabin, and the men in the hold. The two fifliermtn February. grew jealous, went off, and informed thofe a fhore, they rLifptded them. Whereupon, one capt.dn Watlon, captain lieutenant to Tiffany, and commander in chief of the place, manned and armed three boats very well", refolving, ifenemies, to take them. They received the captain, and thofe in his boat, on board, and immediately difarmed them; which, asfoon as the other two boats law, they fired upon the fliip. But his Majefty, when the fhip went off from hence, having ordered a fufficienc number of loldiers on board her, to fecure her in her return, they poured fmall fhot fo thick into the boats, that one immediately cried out for quarter. The other was rowed off by two boys, which made thofe on board the Jennet believe the men in it were killed or difabled. They took, in all, 1 9 prifoners -, two of which were fo defperately wounded, that their lives were defpaired of. After this fkirmifh was over, the wind blew frefli into the harbour ; but abated by twelve at night. Then> ■with the help of the boats they took, they warped and towed out of the harbour, which, in the entrance, is very llraight. Some fhots were made at them, next mornings from the fliore, which did them no harm ; and a fmall gale preienting, they got off, and, in two days after, landed at Broad-haven. Mr. Hay, brother to Mr. George Hay, who was fent exprefs to the King by major general Buchan, difpatched immediately away, and ar- rived here with his Majefty, on the 7th in the morning. He brought his Majefly two feveral letters from Buchan : the firft is of the 2d of February at MuUj the laft, of the 14th of the fame month, at Inver- lochie. In the firft, he gives an account of the favourablenefe of his paffage thither ; and that the officers, ammunition, cloaths, and money, fent with him, were fafely landed and fecured by him : that he intended to get a good body of men immediately together: that the duke of Ber- wick's prefence there would be very neceffary -, and dclircs, that the lords Seaforth and Drummond, and all the Scotch to be fpared here, might immediately be difpatched thither. In his fecond, he tells of a meeting he has had with the general officers and chiefs of clans, in a general council of war, (in purfuance of his Majefty's comininion to that purpofc) where a general letter to his Majefty was conceived and fubkribed «76 O R I G I N A L P A P E R s: 1690. fubfcribed by them all, which he covered to the King. In it, they gave February. f^^-{\-^ affuraiKcs of their adherence to his Majefty and royal intercft ; and promife to continue to do as they began, and expofe their lives and fortunes, and all that is dear and near to them, for his Majefly's re-efla- blifliment. They befcech his Majefty to fend the duke of Berwick, with fome horfe and dragoons, to head them, which, they fay, will enable them to make a defcent into the low lands, where they do not queftion to meet many of his Majefty's friends who will join them ; and add, that they have pitched upon Sir George Berkley, to give an ac- count of their prefent condition, aud defire he may be immediately fcnt back to them. The major general further adds, that he has already had private meflfages from confiderable perfons there, and defires com- mifTions for colonels and lieutenant colonels of horfe and foot, for fome noblemen he names, together with fome blank ones for others. Befides what he writes, and the general letter, his Majefty has had particular ones from leveral of the chiefs of clans, which are full of dutiful and loyal expreffions. Mr. Hay, that, fome time before his embarking, came out of the low lands, has brought the prefent eftabliftiment there, as to civil and military employments, a lift of the prince of Orange's troops in that kingdom, the order of council for fequeftring the eftates of the loyalifts ; and has given fo good an account of all things to the King, that he has pitched upon him to carry his Majefty's letters to the Queen, and fets out for Cork this very day." S* Nairne's pa- The eftabliftiment in Scotland as to civil and military employments, vol^'i fol '•^^ ^^^ °^ ^'^^ prince of Orange's troops, and the order of council for fe- Mo. 5c, 51, queftrating the eftates of the loyaliftf, mentioned in the preceding paper, are all in Mr. Nairne's papers-, and they are marked on the back, For the ^leen. The letter Buchan wrote to James, on the 2d of February, at Mull, is wanting; but there are copies of the letter he wrote to him on the 14th, and of a letter from Sir John M'Lean, and of a joint letter from the general officers and Highland chieftains in arms in Scot- land. They are marked on the back, For the ^een. Sir ORIGINAL PAPERS. 377 Sir "John McLean to King James.— ^JJfurances of perpetual fidelily and FeUuarjr. attachment. SIR, Dowart, ift February, 1690. '"pHERE is nothing in the world more acceptable to me, than to be ^3"'"^'' daily employed in your Majefty's fervice. Your gracious letters D.N. vol i. to me, and the fending of major general Buchan unto us, revives our ^ ' °' ^^' fpirits, and raifeth our hopes -, and, I thank God, we are refolote and unanimous to your Majeity's fervice, which I fhall never depart from, while I have a being. My coufin. Sir Alexander M'Lean, being ne- ceffitate to go to Dublin for his cure, and thereby occafion to be near your Majefty, knows fo well all the circumftances we are in here, that I need not give your Majefty the trouble of any relation of what he can more eafily give himfelf. I fhall only aflure your Majefty of my con- ftant and unalterable loyalty and kindnefs and unity with all thofe who fhall ferve your Majefty, and a perfect fubmiflion to all my fuperior of- ficers -, and, when we are fo happy as to fee his Grace the duke of Ber- wick, whofe coming with fome forces, efpeciuUy horfe, will foon reduce this kingdom to its duty; I hope his Grace fliall find me your Majefty's moft diligent and obedient fubjeft, being, unalterably. Sir, your, &c. John M'Lean. Major General Buchan to King James. The earl of Breadalbin cannot be depended on. — Lord Tarbat attempts /# buy off the clans. — Some noblemen will Join, if the duke of Berwick comes to Scotland. May it pleafe your Majefty, Inverlochy, Feb. 14th, 1690. lbJd.N0.j4. CiNCE my firft letter, at my landing, I had a meeting with the chiefs of clans; and they have written to your Majefty and coufin Sir George Berkley, to give a true account of what is pafled, and of the prefent condition they are in ; they will not have any from a particular clan to come over, but an indifferent perfon, whom they all efteem, as they do the bearer, as much as any that has been amongft them. My Vol. L C c c lord 378 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1690. lord Bredalbin has fent a gentleman to mc, and profelfes very much ; February. ^^ f^j. ^^]^^j y ^^^ kam underhand, he is not to be trufte^. There are feveral of the clans, for all their promifes, that have been treating with the prince of Orange j and my lord Tarbat lies, like a banquire at Lon- don, buyino- off all he can. I have fcen of his letters. There is loooA offered Lochiel, and to pay off all his debts j fo that, unlefs your Ma- jcfly give fpeedy fuccour, I fear the mofl of them. The officers that came out of Ireland were very miferable ; fo I, with confent of the council of war, have given out the 5C0/. amongfl: them. There is fome of the clergy have been with me, defiring to know what length your Majefty would go with them for their religion. I told them, that was truly a point not for me to anfwer ; but defired they might fend fome perfon they might truft to fpcak to your Majefty about it. It will be neceffary to pleafe that gang, and to lend over ibme blank commif- fions, for colonels and lieutenant colonels of horl'e and foot : for tliere are feveral noblemen in the low country defire commifiions ; as the earls of fc'rrol, Strathmore, Panmure, and fome others. Thefe people will never raife^ till the duke of Berwick comes over. There is a report, that my lord of Arran will join us-, but I do not truft it. I muft re- commend Lochiel to your Majefty. Your Majefty will ice, by his billet, what he defires •, and- he rules the Highlanders more than any Scotch- man does ; and lilvcwife Stew-art of Ballachant-Billet, who is a very for- ward man, and John Drummond of Machonie. I beg of your Majefty, that Sir George Berkley may be put upon his allegiance to give your Majefty a true account of every one. He is an honeft, loyal man, and Icnows much more than I can write ; and it will be very fit that he be difpatched back again -, for the Highlanders have a high efteem for him, and it will conduce very much to your Majefty's fervice, that he have a CQramifllon for brigadier, which will pleafe extremely all the loyal party. 1, would' wjrite.qiuch more, but refer all to him; fo, wiftaing the Heavens to preferye and proxefl: your facred Majefty, I am. May it pleafe your Majefty, &c. Thomas Bvchan." *' Gtnerat O R I G I N A L P A P E R SJ 37^ 1690. '^ General Letter from the officers atid chiefs of clans now in arms in Scotlandi February. , J,. „ Nairne's to the King. Paper.,, D.N. vol. I. Affurances of attachment. — They ajh the dtike of Brr'tvick to command them.—*' fol. No. jj. "They defire fame borfe and dragoons. " May it plcafe your Majefly, " "\X7'E being affembled together by major general Biichan's orders, we have all agreed in one voice, that, as we have begun, fo we will continue to hazard our lives and fortunes, and all that is dear unto us, for your Majefty's re-eftablifhment. But we muft let your Ma- jefty know, that his grace the duke of Berwick will be moft acceptable to all honeft men in this kingdom, but particularly to us -, and 'that the Iboner he comes the better it will be : for we fland extremely in need of fome horfe and dragoons, and cannot adventure into the low country lecurely without them. We have likewife commanded Sir George Berk- ley, much againft his own inclinations, to give your Majefty a full ac- count of what is pad, and of our prefent condition. So, to wifh God to blefs and preferve your Majefty, and to give you fuccefs over your enemies, Ihall flill be the prayers of. May it pleafe your Majefty, Your Majefly's, &:c. Thomas Buchan. George Berkley. Al. Cannan. M'Nachtane. Alex. M'Donald of Glen. Alex. M'Donald. Cameron of Lochicl. Col. M'Donald." D. M'Donald. Many perfons in Scotland who had declared early for the prince of Orang'e, and acknowledged his title as King, expeded exorbitant rewards for their fervices, but finding themfelves difappointed, they began to make their peace with James, and to concert meafurcs for his rcftoration. The Highlanders, when abandoned by colonel Cannon, who fucceeded Dundes in the command of the forfeited Kiig's adherents, chofe Sir Evan Cameron of Lochiel for their commander; and, when reinforced by Buchan and the officers whom James fent with ammunition and provifions from Ireland, C c t 2 they 38o ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1690. they took arms to fecond Sir James Montgomery's intrigues in parliament- April. They were repulfcd, rather than defeated, by Sir Thomas Livingfton in the county of Murray, and by major Fergufon in the iflandof Mull : and the confpiracy in which Montgomery had engaged all the difcontented nobility and gentlemen in the kingdom, was diicovered by himfelf to the earl of Mclvil ; and by the earl of Annandale to Queen Mary. But before this happened, the confpirators had begun to correfpond with the exiled Qiieen in France, and with James in Ireland. The firft mention made of their deQgns in Nairne's papers, is in the letters which Mdfort wrote to his mafter from Paris, and to the Qiiecn from Toulon. The Scots made certain conditions with James, and prepared to re- ftore him in a parliamentary way to his kingdoms ; and the moft rigid Jacobites being under no reftraints from confcience, made ufe of their mafter's permiffion to qualify themfelves to vote in parliament, by taking the oaths to the government. But it is probable that James placed no confidence in the offers of the Prefbyterians ; and Melfort, at this def- perate crifis, was as anxious to avoid any conceffions which might imply a diminution of the prerogative, as when his mailer was firmly feated on the throne of his anceftors. He difcovers a great deal of this fpirit ia the following memorial, which contains, at once, proofs of infmcerity and marks of weaknefs. Memorial concerning Scotland, fent to the ^e en from Rome^ April lUhy. 1690. In Nairne's hand. Nairne's ct TJAving fcen a paper, containing fome propofiils for the bringing D.N. vol. I. back the kingdom of Scotland to their duties and allegiance to fcl. No. 84. jjjj Majefty, 1 thought it ray duty to make fuch refledlions upon it, as might be for the clearing of the ftate of the cafe, and the confequences of their demands j of which the fubftance is r That it is moft certain, that the party now defiring to treat, was that party which gave the ufurper the crown, and have ufcd all the means poffible to gain their ends with him. So that it is not kindnefs to the King, but to play their own game better, which moves this offer; they f.eing a church of England parliament, their mortal enemies, in all places of truft about the ufurper, and perlecutions coming on them, inftead, of O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 381 of that happinefs they propofed to themfclves by the change. But this 1690. Ihould be no hinderance, if thvir demands were tolerable, which, in ^" ' realbn, the King might exped, confiJering that they have no refource but in him; and that they muft be againft the prince of Orange, it be- ing their own intercft, as well as his. As to the firft demand of an aft of indemnity, it is abfolutely necef- fary, and to be as extenfive as the King with fafcty can make it ; and thefc exceptions propofed feem to be moft reafonable. But, befides thefe, it is to be confidered, that fuch as have formerly been pardoned for high treafon once, do not feem fit objefts for the King's mercy ; nor fuch, whofe families feem to have been hereditably fo, except where, by feme new fervice, they merit more favour; and this I do not find they flick ar, to let the King make the exceptions ; and I am of opinion there are many who fhould be included for their lives and fortunes, who fhould not as to their honour; that fo the King may, without augmenting the number of the peers of every rank, have wherewithal to gratify fuch as have eminently ferved him ; and that exception of honours go to fuch as have pretended to ferve him and did not, as well as to fuch as have been his open enemies. As to the propofition of a parliament, it feems to be the mod dangerous expedient in the world for the crown. All yet done is void and null, and there is nothing can fupport it but a chain of force, as illegal and un- juft as that which made it. But, if the King confent to a parliament, •whatever is there done, his commifTioners being there prefent, though contrary to his inftrudirions, though it will not be licit, yet v/ill be va- lidly done ; and, therefore, it is not a right matter to name a man in open rebellion to be a commifTioner. It is an aft the King may do, but it is not for any to advife him in it ; and, befides, it would feem too great a condefcenfion for the King to make, for fo fmall afTurances as he is to have on thtir part, which amounts only to fimple endeavours, and fuch as if the prince of Orange let not the parliament meet, their very fun- damental projeft will be out of doors ; it confifting all in turning the parliament into a convention. The afts they propofe are fuch as may ftrengthen their authority with the people, and may be a bait for them to catch at ; and, I fuppofc, 9- they iJz O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1690. they mean them for no other end at prefent j becaufc it feems they April. would print and difperfe them. If that be'all, then it would appear to nie, that a declaration of the King's, to afliire them what he will do for them, may be as fufficient as the inflruftions, and lei's dangerous. If they intend to call a convention, without the prince of Orange's au- thority, wiiich they mufl; do, or have none, in all likelihood, then it were fit, that they admitted the duke of Berwick, or carl of Perth, whom, for that end, they may relieve, to aflure them of the King's in- tention, lo foon as he can fee them, or fafely hold a parliament there j and, in the mean time, to grant them the indemnity, liberty of con- fcience, and fuch other things as may with fafety be done, leaving them to rely on the King for fomething, as he muft on them for much honefty and fidelity he muft prefiippofe them to have. And it is but reafon- able, that thele who have broken all oaths and ties, Ihould rather truft to him, who has ever kept his truth, than that he, who has never failed, fliould truft to them who have, and are his fubjefls too. The adts are fuch as the King can give no inftructions in, with any fort of fafety, till he fee them. As firll, That ad for fettling the proteftant religion may be fuch, as in confcience the King cannot confent to. It may have chufes in it, which may dcftroy the being of the monarchy or perlbn of the King, in cafe of being any way, as they think, incroached upon by him. It may give an authority to the people to inquire into the King's actions, &c. Thefe things, though they feem a lefier ill than what the King now fufFers, yet I look on it as entirely greater. The violence of this ufurp* ation threatens its b^ing fliort-lived ; and God, in his juftice, will throw out thefe worke s of iniquity, and, in his mercy, reftore the King; and, if he have not confcnted to any thing prejiivlicial to the monarchy, he will get intire ; whereas a condefcenfion once made, fceras impoflible to be retrieved again. That a(5l for not keeping up a ftanding army, is to put the King in the people's power, which they have not ufcd fo in times paft, as to en- courage the King to truft them in times to come; and for the King to go on thefe terms, or not to go at .nil, feems much the fame thing, if the firft be not by much the worft ; and I am in the mind the King wiJl not condefcend to it. 3 As O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 383 As that his Catholick fervants fhould be approved in parliament, 1690, that's of no conlequence to be ftuck at on any account. If it had been ■"pril. lb ftill, we had been more fecure, and, in my judgment, the King had been allowed whatever he had aflced -, but if that extend to officers, it is of the nature of the other adt, and the King I believe will never grant it. That Acl, refcinding all forfeitures fince 1660, is againft all law and the fecurity of the crown. For no man will dread any jull fcnrence. But yet it (hould not be ftuck at, if it can help the King's bufinefs on. It may have fuch exceptions in it, as may be fit that many of the King's own friends may not be forfeited, inftead of his enemies: a thing has ever been aimed at, by the difcontented party, to make rrven weary of their duty and loyalty. So that, to propofe the matter right, they fhould have faid, at leall-. The parliament giving compenfation to fuch as fliall be injured by fuch an a6L Though, at the fame time, I renounce aJl imereft I have in them, fo foon as the King Ihall let me know it is for his intereft I do it. But this adt requires long time i foj many forfeitures are fold and many bought, by the relation of the perfon forfeited : fo that it would require time to adjufc fuch an acl, fo as to make it as juft as can be-, and it fhould be well adjulled with the King's friends, lefl they be alarmed by it and diflieartened ; and fo like the fable of JEiop^ •we lofe the fubftance aiming at the fhadow. Let this gentleman fay what he will, this is not only to hamper but to fetter the King ; and, therefore, the tf ue confidcratlon is, if the King be in fuch a cafe, as that he muft accept on any terms, which, according to my weak capacity, he is not yet reduced to ; and that, therefore, he may very well propofe his terms as they have done theirs, and ride thefe gentlemen with a good bridle hand, not giving them too much reins, left they run away with him and throw him again, nor too little, left they choak and renverfe with him. This rijddle is what it requires moft wifdom, and more experience than I am mafter of to find out ; yet I could not be wanting to give the infight I can, for the fervice of fuch as I efteem above all worldly things •, and therefore I think : That this party, being difobliged by the prince of Orange, flys to the King, and afks high terms. It they can get them, they gain ; however, they S8+ ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1690. they lofe nothing to propofc them, though, at the fame time, they mutl ^"* accept of what the King offers them, if that weighs down in one grain what they expedb from the prince of Orange. For a proof of this, they have put their lives into the King's hands, without any precaution, which they would not have done but in two cafes. The firfl, to cheat the King and get thefe condefcenfions, with the prince of Orange's confent. This they are not in terms to effc6tuate i and, therefore, it muft be the fecond : That they arc fo ill ufed, that they think they were better before the prince of Orange came than they are now ; and, if that, then a ftate near about what they then enjoyed will fatisfy them, in other demands they be never fo extravagant. If, therefore, it be poffible for the King to fatisfy them with reafonable promifes, and once to get them entered in adtion, they will do the King's work, and whilfl the prince of Orange and they are ftruggling for the bone, leave the King the liberty of growing ftrong enough to take it from them botli, and to give as he fliall fee reafonable afterwards. For, if once they begin a war, it will not then be fo much minded, what terms they are to expeft from the King, who is to aflift them, as how they fhall overthrow the power of the prefent enemy. £What follows is in Melfort's hand.] Who gains time, gains life ; and, therefore, the King fhould Ihew them all the kindnefs, all the truft, all the confidence in the world i write mod affedlionately to them, feem to grant even more than he intends to perform -, but, in tlie mean time, delay, and a good reafon of delay of fuch afts as he cannot grant is, to fee them penned and fent him. Such as he can grant, to alTure them of them with all chearfulnefs, and brag extremely of what afTiftancc he will fend them, and that they (hall have all content. Naturally they are hot and unwarie, and not able to brook the prefent preflure of the prince of Orange, as appears by their uneafy meflenger's ftories ; that they can hardly be kept in, and confequentlv, if encouraged by the King, will break out ; which, once begun, and the Highlanders advertifed to take the fame opportunity, then all will be pad their helping, and the King's promifes be at his own difpofal, at the time and in the manner he fliail think fit. Befidcs the likelihood i: may ilop the ufurper's defigns upon Ireland. But ORIGINAL PAPERS. 3?; But above all thing?;, he muft promifc favours to fuch, as fliall enter- I (590. tain this matter, and tliat they fliali be in pods to fee their people pro- ^'^'^ teded, &c. whatever reafons to the contrary may be gathered fiom their paft carriages. It is of great importance to fend back this meffcnger contented to his principals ; and that he may be inftrufted in what may be of moft ufe to begin with, as feizing the caftles, a thing eafy for them to do, by fur- prize ; feizing good hoftages on the prince's fide, &c. God Almighty infpire the King, and fend him fuch as may be ferviceable to him in this conjunfture j neither lofing all the alTiftance of his enemies, nor endan- gering his royalty. It appears from the following preamble of a declaration, that James always exprefied himfelf too ambiguoufly to fatisfy even thofe who had formed a confpiracy to reftore him to his throne. ■\X7HERE AS, by feveral declarations, we have endeavoured to give Nairne'j P«. our good fubjefts all fatisfaftion, as to the fincerity of our inten- ?*■■'•. ^Z?^' tions, for fettling the nation in peace and profperity, hoping, thereby, to No. q^ have removed all apprehenfions and fears of our invading their religion, liberty, or property. But finding, by experience, that the faid declara- tions did not produce thofe good effefts we expeded from them, but ra- ther dilTatisfied the greateft part of our people, although they contained only the fubftance of fuch heads and propofals as had, from time to time, been offered to us by feveral very confiderable perfons and partte? of our faid fubjedts (who did at the fame time affure uSj that, if we would condefcend to fuch propofals as they offered, and which were mentioned in the faid declarations, our refloration fhould immediately follow) ; we, therefore, upon mature confideration, are convinced, that the only fure way left to know truly the fenfe of the nation, and to fatisfy all parties, will be, to defer the defcending into particulars till we meet with the re- prefentatives of all our fubjedts in a free parliament •, with whom wc promife, upon our royal word, to advife and readily to concur in all things, that can, in reafon, be expeded from us, for the general fatisfac- tion of our people, in all that may relate to their religion, liberty, pro- perty, &c. Vol. I. D d d O R I G I- ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1691. 1591. A LEXANDER the VIII. after he was advanced to the Roman January. S\ pontificate, v/ro:e an affeftionate letter to the late King of England. He exhorted him to patience and perfeverance, and promiled him the afTiftance of prayers and money for his reftoration. But he carried ne- potifm to as great a length as any of his predeceflbrs, and probably fquandered too much money in aggrandizing his own family, to be able to fend any more effe(5lual aid than chaplets and indulgencies to James. He died on the i ft of February, 1691, and on the 12th of July Innocent XII. was ele(fted in his room. This Pope is fuppofed, before the end of his pontificate, to have been liberal to James ; but it does not appear that he fent him fupplies at this time, as there is a blank in lord Mel- fort's ne^ociations at Rome. Since December, 1689, there are but two Nairne's of his memorials among Mr. Nairns's Papers. The one is in Italian, Papers, D.N. ^^ marked on the back, " The fifth memorial on the 2d of March." No, 83. ' The year is not mentioned. The other is in French and in Italian, and Ibid. No. 80, it is marked on the back of the Italian copy, that it was delivered to the **'• Pope (Innocent the XII.) on the 22d of Auguft, 1691. In both thcfe memorials he afks money, and recommends a peace among the Roman Catholic princes, in the fame ftrain as in his memorial of December 1689. By this time James had recalled lord Melfort from Rome ; for the IbiJ. No. S-. letter he wrote then to Innocent is dated the 30th of July 1691. He had. higher expeiflations now, from the divifions among his old fubjecls at home, than from the afliftance of foreign princes ; and he entered into a correfpondence with thofe, who had formed a confpiracy againft the government. The following paper relates to the intrigues of this period : 6 ^ Injiruifiom ORIGINAL PAPERS. 387 1691. " Iiiftru5liom to Mr. Ord, (I believe) 1601." ^ January. ' Nairne'i pa- in Mr. Nairne's hand. P«,"> ^ >^. vol 1. fol, VOU (hall, with the firft convenicncy, after your arrival in Fngland, No. 86. go to yo'.ir loyal friends in the North, and from the King com- mand their zeal for his fervice. Give his royal thanks for v;hat they have done ; and let them know, that it is his Majefty's pleafure they keep themfelves in the beft readinefs they can for his fervice. That they think of the befl way of arming themfelves, in cafe his Majefty find, during the courfe of this campaign, means of coming to them -, and that they come to join him, as foon as conveniently they can, after the pub- lication of his Majefty's declaration. That you go to the earl of Hume, and to fuch friends as you know in Northumberland, and endeavour to contrive the furprifing of Ber- wick ; and that they give the King an account, when they have it in their power, and execute it when his Majefty fhall order, or that they fhall hear fome fure good news to encourage them to it. That they, in like manner, try, if it be pofllble, to feize Newcaftle and Tinmouth. That, in the meantime, they behave themfelves with that prudenccy "which may preferve them from being imprifoned, difmounted, or dif- armed. That they be ready, at the firft warning, to take arms ; and that they be careful, fo foon as our declaration comes amongft them, to fpread it about in all places ; «nd that they caufe reprint it, where they have con- veniency, and where they hare it not, that they caufe written copies to be difperfed, and that they proclaim our authority, wherever they pafs or have power. That they endeavour to hearten all our fubjedts ; and, that thorough fuch places as it will be neceffary for them to pafs, they keep exad dif- cipline, and pay for what they get. And, befides all other favours we fhall do to fuch as appear for us, we Ihall, in the firft place, refund what they ftiall have laid out in this our fervice. You Ihall lay ov.t to all our faithful fubjecls you have occafion to con- verfc with on this account, the fenfe we have of their loyalty, tlie joy D d d 2 wc 588 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1691- January, Oaober. Nairne'f Pa- pers, D. N. vol, ii. 4to. Ko. 10. wc fliall have to fee them, and the unalterable refolotions we have to reward them. That, if any of your friends in Northumberland have correfpondence in the borders of Scotland, they inform them of what is proper on this head, that they may likewife prepare for the firft adver- tifement or fure good news to take arms. Major Holmes went to France in October 1691, and gave a memorial to the King immediately upon his arrival at Fountainbleau. This memo- rial is not among Mr. Nairne's papers. But there is a paper, in Holmes's own hand, containing fome particulars which he had forgot. It is indorfed in lord Melfori's : " Major Holmes's paper, given in Ofbober 1691." "ACCOUNTS from E N GL A N D." " Memorials from Mr, Fergufon" " 'TpHERE is an impeachment defigned againft the bifhop of Salif- bury, bifhop of St. Afaph, and dean of St. Paul's, in parliament, for perfuading the clergy to take the oaths to the prince of Orange as a con- queror. Another impeachment defigned againft my lord Danby, for declaring no King could reign in England, whilft the act of Habeas Corpus was in force, and a great inftrument for the clergy's taking the oaths as above written; There is many of the King's friends would gladly have the general excife to pafs freely in parliament, in hopes that the King may come to the receiving of it. There are others of his Majefty's friends of another opinion, that the lefs money granted in parliament is a good way to the breaking of the confederacy. The parliament will have an exaft account of the money already given, and how it was fpenu There are feveral of the King's friends, that are much of the opinion, that, •when it ihall pleafe God that the King Ihall land in England, immedi- ately after or about the time of the landing, the loyalifts in London or thereabouts join all ia a "body, attack his guards, and feize the prince of Orange and princefs, with fome of the head rogues in their government, and bring tliem ftreight to the King's camp. That the ceflation of arms, made by the earl of Bredalbin and major general Buchan, with the reft of the officers and heads of the clans, was both honourable and advanr tageous for the King's fervicc i but that lord is not to be trufled by no King, ORIGINAL PAPERS. 389 King, further than his own intereft leads him. It is a very necefTary 1691. thing, that fpeedy fupplies be fent to the Highlands, both to the officers Oaober. and clans. It will take air and fprcad, that there is fome care taken of thofe poor fouls, that hath been in a manner ftarving for want of things fitting for mankind, and will be a great encouragement to the low coun- try in order to their duty. It is very proper 2000 1. be fent to them, with fome other neceflaries. Breft is the place, which is thought fitteft for thofe wants to be fent from ; and to land on the ifle of Sky, or iQand Donald. That the King come not in perfon to Scotland -, but to fend the duke of Berwick and my lord Dumbarton, with 10,000 men, with arms and furniture for 5000 horfes and dragoons more, and 10,000 ftand of arms for foot. That no confiderable fum of money be fent to Scotland to a poor no- bility, that will undoubtedly quarrel about the dividing of it. But when the army is lent, to fend money with it, and put it into a trufty com- miflioner's hands, that will employ it for the ufe of the army, and will be anfwerable for it. My lord Dumbarton is very fit for this expedition, his lordlhip being generally beloved by all the people in Scotland, fince he laft com- manded there, and quafhed that rebellion with fo little blood, and is very much beloved in England likewiie. Arran to command as third lieutenant general. He anfwers, body for body, for Argyle and Athol. It's proper Athol, Hume, and Argyle, have the characters of lieute- nant generals. It's a feather in their hats, to make them more forward to raife their men conform to their chara<5ler. If the King could land in England, with 15,000 men, either in the Weft, about Lancafter, or in the North, he will be joined by more than the number he brings along him ; and, with God's a/Tiflancc, march peaceably to Whitehall. The author of thofe memorials will be as foon on horfe-back, as any man in England with his printer. The King's friends are very confident that there fliall be a very fair fire about him in parliament ; and, if he Ihould take Danby in his arms, tliey S90 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 169 1. they will pull him out-, that it's not in their power to proted him •, and Odober. j^'^ alTuredly known, that Halifax or Rochefter will fucceed. — The King's friends defire to know, which of the two his Majefty moft defires to fill liis place. There is many, that is come in to the King's intereft, that he hath not power to name their names as yet ; but will do it as foon as he hath their leave. Sir Charles OwcQey is come iniirely into the King's intereft. The prince of Orange is mortally hated by the Englifh. They fee very fairly, that he hath no love for them, neither doth he confide in them ; but all in his Dutch. It's certainly known he hath brought over a great many foreigners this fummer, and it's not doubted but the par- liament will not be for foreigners to ride them with a cavefon j and its mightily in their heads, that thofe foreigners were brought over to noofc the parliament. He is curfed daily, by thofe of his council, his bed- chamber, and others that hath very good employments under him. A marginal The ftory of Sir William Sharp being with the princefs of Orange and note in Lord Nottingham is falfe, and nothing but a malicious invention of Sir Tames Melforts ^ ... J * hand. Montgomerie and Jones againft Sir William ; and that thofe idle and received the ^^^'^^^'^ inventions difeafed the King's friends at a ftrong rate, and it was icth of impofTible that they could beeafy until they were both on the other fide, bt. Ger- ^ ' meaning France,, and only there to remain ftill to prevent further jealoulies. Some months before I came from England, Sir James Montgomerie afked Mr. Fergufon's advice to take employment under the prince of Orange, that he might be in a better condition to ferve the King. Mr. Fergufon told him, he fhould never give his advice to any fuch thing, and further told me, that Sir James had been with the princefs of Orange quietly, and from that time until my coming into France, they never had any meeting. All thefe memorials and difcourfes which pafled betwixt Mr. Fergu- fon and me, captain Williamfon was always prefent, and can teftify the fame which I now fubfcribe. Geo. Holmes. WJien mains. ORIGINAL PAPERS. When I came firft to Fountainbleau I was fo ftraitned in time, that I could not poffibly remember every particular, far lefs take any double of my papers, being ordered to give them in that very night, that they might be put into French, and I not thinking I had forgot this till now, having perufed the memorial given by me to the King. Memorials from Mr. La'njtott. To afk Mr. Noifworthie, tF it be not worth while to engage the King's head clubmen in the King's intereft ? Whether or not they are the major generals and colonels of the * * That he hath a pretty good fliare of them heartily engaged in the in- tereft, and might have had all if his advice had been followed, and doubts not to bring them all in the intereft, provided he were allowed to come over. That he ftiall deliver up his body for a pledge to be facrificed, if thefe people don't perform all that he promifes in their names. And likewife fliall be heartily fatisfied to be fecured in the Baftile when any effort is to be made, and fuffer as above written, if his party fail. And ftiall engage for the beft and fooneft intelligence, that ftiall or can come over of any kind. He likewife engages to put the college of Oxford in flame againft the prince of Orange. He alfo undertakes, that, if it pleafe God the King returns into England and holds a parliament, his party ftiall unanimoufly take off the penal laws, and put the catholicks in equal fecurity with the King's other fubjecls. The King declaring himfclf a common father of all, is the only way to make the King endeared to his people. And that the aforefaid propofals cannot be carried on without money. All the memorials of this paper is what I received from Mr. Lawton, which I now fubftribe. Geo. Holmes." + The xeft ille£ible. This 1691. S9S ORIGINAL PAPERS. i6gu This paper is indorft-d in lord Melfort's hand. " ITolmes his pcaper, received the firft time in December, the fecond time, with the addition, 17th March, 1692." "When major Holmes returned to England, James gave him inQruc- tions, which are not to be found j but there is a paper among Mr. Nairnc's manufcripts, entituled on the back, " Additional inftruc- tions by G. H. to Mr. Fergufon, 1691," but on the top, only Nairne's pa- « InJlruBioTis by G. H. to Mr. Fergufon.'* /. e. fent by G. H. to Mr. Fer- vol.^'i. fo]. ' gufon. — G. H. is George Holmes. — Tbefe inJlruSiions are in Nairne's ^- «7- ■ band. «' ttOU are to find out fome fafe way, if pofTible, of converfing with ■*• Mr. Fergufon, to whom you (hall fay, that we are perfe£lly fatisfied with his zeal for our intereft j that we have received all his advices, and do approve of them, though there are fome we can- not be pofitive in, fince they depend upon times and circumftances, as our going or not going to Scotland, in cafe that we Ihall be in a condi- tion to fend any troops there. But we are refolved not to condcfcend to any particulars, nor deliver ourfelves up to any party, being fully re- folved to be a common father to all, to eftablilh a thorough liberty of confcieace to all our fubjefts, by law, and to fecure their libertys and pro- pertys to them. You will defire him to continue his correfpondence with this place. *' That he, and all thefe he can influence, go on vigoroufly with dif- turbing the prefcnt government, and, that if Danby be got out, of thefe propoled to fucceed him, we like Hallifax the bed. That, as for the leutenancy of Ireland we cannot yet fay any thing, fince the lord Rochef- ter has never yet fent us any letter or men*age. Therefore, they are from thence to fend us advice, and if there be no time, to aft as they fhall think bed for our fervice. That we are refolved to a<5l as a common father to all our fubjefts, and not to efpoufe any party in particular. That we will ftand firm to our relblutions of having a thorough liberty of con- fcience eftabliftied by law, and we will fecure the libertys and propertj-s of ORIGINAL PAPERS. 392 of our fubjedts to them fully. That we will mind, in the firft place, all 1691. thofe who fhall ferve us beft, and that we fliall never forget the fervices which he has done us, and the zeal he has fhown, both by his writ- ings and a£lings ; and that we (hall quickly fend him over fome in- ftru'* nemy's fleet, your Majcfty will have a favourable occafion of at- tacking them with great probability of fuccefs, and I cannot doubt, but your Majefty may put to fca before the enemy, if you apply from this •time to equip the fleet. On this fuppofition, I propofe -, " That your Majefty, having taken precautions for having the troops deftined for this attempt, near Ambleteufe, and a number of tranfports prepared, fhould make the fleet fail from Brefl: to join the tranfports, and repair together to fome convenient place near Ambleteufe, where fifhing 'vefTels may be likewifc afl"embled, in a fufficient number to affifl: in tranfporting the troops. Every thing being ready, the fleet fliould carry over the army to the county of Kent, in England, about the Downs or near Dover; and, having landed them there, fliould remain in the Downs or behind the Godwin fands, to hinder the Englifli and Dutch from joining together, and even the Portfmouth fquadron from joining with that of the Thames. Your Majefl;y may inform yourfelf of the facility of all this, by the fea officers who know the place." James having Ihown how all necelTary preparations may be made with fecrefy and fuccefs, and the tranfports afl"embled and troops embarked with great facility, proceeds to fpecify their number. " The number of troops I have propofed, is from 25 to 30,000 men, comprehending 3,000 horfe or dragoons ; all my friends having all along acquainted me, that with that number I fliall fucceed. But if I come v/ith a fmaller, I fliall run a great rifque of not being joined by tlie Englifli, who, in that cafe, will wait for the ifliie before they will hazard themfelves. Whereas, on the contrary, if they fee me at the head of fucli a good army, they will not hefltate to join me immediately upon my landing." lie fliows that he could eafily be furniflicd with fuch an army, confidering the number of his own fubjeds which are in the French fer- vice ; and that this attempt would be made before tiie campaign could be opened in Flanders, where the enemy would be obliged to wait till forrage was ripe, and where they could not attack France fo vigoroufly^ if he once landed in England. What 598 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1692. " Wliat I propofe to do, after landing in England, is to march direftly January. ^^ Rochefter, which is but fifteen leagues from the places which 1 have n.imed above for landing, and to feize there on the ftores of the fleet and" take pofl"effion of the (hips of war, which will remain in the river, and of which there will be a greater or fmallcr number, according as your Majefty's fleet fhall be ready before the enemy ; and having Rochefter in my pofl^clTion, I fhall have the wives, cliildren, and houfes of a great number of the ofiicers and failors of their fleer, which will hinder them from acting againft me with the fame vigour, and will render your Ma- jefty's fleet more fecurc in its Ration. *' From Rochefter there are but ten leagues to London ; and I know from experience, the confternation and terror which will reign in that city, upon the approach of an hoftile armiv. They will furrender them- felves by deputation before I come near them, if the prince of Orange has not an army fufEcient to oppofe mine, and to keep the city at the fame time ; which he cannot have, as he has not left in En- gland but 1 2, ceo men, of which 5000 are neceflary for the garrifons, and there is no likelihood, that he will withdraw any of his troops from Flanders, fince he has no idea that a defcent in England is poflible, as it has not been made the preceding years." He likewife infers William's imaginary fecurity at home, from his having hired 400 traniports, not to carry troops to Flanders, but, as he gave out publickly, to make a def- cent in France. " The nearer I approach to London, the more I fhali be mafter of the Englifti fleet, becaufe the wives, children, and houfes, of the fea officers and failors, are in all the little towns round about -, and when they know, that I have in my hands all that is moft dear to them, they will not fight againft my intereft. " If I can make myfelf mafter of London, (which has never yet refifted, when it was attacked, even by an army of but 5 or Ccoo men), I do not deceive myfelf, when I imagine, that the reft of England will not make a long rcfiftance ; fince it is certain, that in London, all the men of quality, all the good houfes of the nobility, all the rich mer- chants of the kingdom, have fo much intereft, that I fijall have in my hands very good pledges of their fldclity. 5 " I do' O R I G 1 N A L P A P E R S. 399 *' I do not deceive myfelf by my intelligence from England, though 1692. ihey are not to be defpifed, concerning the number or rank of my friends ; i^^^^'y- and I do not depend much on the troops which are promifed me at my landing, although their number is not fmall, nor upon the officers and foldiers of my old army, who would not be employed under the prince of Orange, of which the number in London amounts to fix thoufand. But what I think of importance is, that, throughout all England, there are ten who would not take oaths of fidelity to the ufurper, to one who has taken them, and who choofe rather to pay the penalties than to take them ; and of whom I can form no other judgment, than that being rich they do not choofe to hazard their eftates by correfponding with me. They mean to Ihow me their number in this manner, which colls them only a little money, and that they are ready to join me, the firft favourable op- portunity they can find." James labours, in the next place, to fhow, that this invafion will be of great benefit to France. That it will diflblve the league of the allies, who are enabled to carry on the war folcly by the money of Erigland, and the Englifh can never become poor by the continuance of it, while they are mafters of the fea by the alTiilance of the Dutch, and carry on a flourifhing trade. He then nroceeds thus, to give other arguments for the invafion. " It is impoITible to form a reafonable conje<5l:ure of the Englifh na- tion, from what the parliament does now, as two thirds of it are com- pofed of the ofHcers of the court, of the fleet, of the revenue, and of the army, which augments jealoufies and difcontents againfl: him (P. O.) among the people. This is favourable for me. " It is a thing very remarkable, that a defcent in England was never iinfuccefsful, when he who made it carried an army with him, and no one ever had fo much juftice nor fo confidcrable a party before him in England, as I have. " England appears powerful, when carrying on a war abroad under an ufurper, but will appear weak, when attacked by its lav/ful fovercign at home. The reafon is, that the ufurper compofes his army of friends, who are faithful to him ; and even all his enemies are obliged to contri- bute to hii flrength againfl: their inclinations, until I go to their afilltance. But if I once Ihow myfelf, then the number of my friend:, would appear, and 40O ORIGINALPAPERS. 169?. and the difproportion between thofe who acknowledge the prince of January. Orange, and thofe who are loyal to me ; and the moment I fet my fooc afhore in England, the prince of Orange would have neither money nor ammunition, nor any of thofe things from thence, with which lie fur- niflied his army in Flanders laft year -, and it would be foon fcen, that the areat force which he has now, would inftantly vanifli, when I had once cut oB'the finews of war, that is to fay, deprived him of the money which, kipports it." The reft of this memorial is addrelTed to the vanity of Lewis. Lewis, convinced by the reafonings of James, permitted himfelf to be buoyed up with hopes of a fuccefsful invafion, and James and his fecretary were employed in concerting the plan. There is a copy of ic among Nairne's manufcripts written by Lord Melfort, with fome little marginal notes in the King's own hand, which are here inferted as they occur in the original. o Nairne's " Plan of a defcent to be made in England^ hy his Majejlfs army, under bis ^^Pf'^' , . o-ui-n command" D. N. vol. 1. T r fol.No 9.. January, 1692. rpHAT the number of troops being concluded on, they may be brought as near to the place or places where they are to embark as poffible. That the King confider what alterations may be proper to be- made amongft the officers of his own troops, and that fuch as are not on foot may be placed en feconde, the better to enable the troops to do their duty on all occafions. notes in That all the Scotch and Englifh may be put in bodys and the officers ^'"sJ^j^^' named for regiments, fo that, in cafe of more coming in, it may be To be done, known, who is to have the ift regiment, who iJie 2d, 3d, &c. To be done. That till there come in more to form thefe regiments, thefe officers fhall ferve on the head of the troops already formed, as reformed of their refpcdlive quahtys. That all regiments be fo divided, as to bring them on the Englilh foot as foon as can be, by which means a great many more officers will be em- ployed, and the regiments will be baccr looked to. That O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 401 That fpccial care be had to entertain their arms in good order; and 1692. that the foldiers and officers may be under exaft diicipline ; nothing in 'p^ (^""j"^' the world being able to giv fo much reputation to his Majefty's affairs, as the good order the army keeps at their firft landing, which cannot be expefled, if it be not eltablifhed amongft them before they pafs the icas. That for this reafon all the field officers fhould be fent to their ref- ^o^- pedive commands in time, and fhould be enjoined to fee difcipline exactly ellablifhed among thefe under their command, and examples ought to be made of fuch as are not regular, to terrify others. That it may be known what this difcipline is, articles and rules ought Tobedor.c. to be printed and difperfed amongft the troops, that they may timely begin that regularity, which muft hereafter carry them through all their difficultys. AVhilll this is doing amongft the King's troops, there ought to be a T« be done, perfon of eminent quality and conduft, named by the moft Chriftian King, to command under the King; as likewifefomeotlier general officers, who ought to be fully informed of what may be neceflary for them to know of England in relatione to thefe affairs, that they may take their meafures more juftly when it comes to the time of executione : and the moft Chriftian King fhould lay his commands upon them, to liv well with the King and all his officers, that all divifions may be avoided, and the like of what befell in Ireland prevented. That if the moft Chriftian King think fitt to fend any ambafTador, it ^'ery fitt. may be one of a peaceable temper, reafonable and bold, of fober and virtuous principles, and zealous for his religione and honour- That there be a fum of money prepared, over and above what the TobedorK. moft Chriftian King will giv, i-t being neceflary, at the firft, to have money to giv to fuch as come in, and to pay the new for.med troops, as thofc whom we carry alongft with us. That all the matter be as long concealed as poffiblc ; but that the true To Ledoae. defign be never named but in the clofeft councills, and that no qucftions be publickly afked of the places convenient for fuch an attempt, left, thereby, people fliould form notions prejudicial to the defign, and, that fpying may be prevented. Vol. I. F f f That 40t ORIGINAL PAPERS. ibgt, Tliat fiorfes for the trayne and bread waggons may be fent over with To^be'don'e. ^^^ King, and, that they may be lonie other way provided, if the moft Chriftian King will not giv them •, for in two or three davs, (the fhorteft time we could provide them in) an occafione may be loft, not to be again recovered. So it is of importance, that the King be always in a coiiditione to march, the moment that the troops, &c. arc landed. To be done. The plan of the landing to be, as in a paper apart condcfcended on, by the advice of the general officers, by fca and land. To b«done. That every man may know his duty the moment of the landing, it is neceflary, that there be provided a provoft marfliall and guards belonging to him, whilft the King is on this fide. To be done. That there be a compleat body of artiliry and ftores provided, and iiv a readinefs to acfl, in and after the landing •, and, that they be provided with all things neceflary for their employments. To be done. And, becaus it will be neceflary to incampe, there muft beafufficient quantity of carts and tools, &c. fitt for them, that they may march with the army. That there be a company of miners and an able captain of them, with ihftruments, and all their tools and infl:ruments for mining. To be done. That there te a fufficient number of engineers and all things belong- ing to them. All done but That, befides the trayne of artiliry, there may attend the two mortars petards. lately come from Limerick, and if poflible, four 24 pounders, leaft any of the fmall touns in the Wefl: fliould make any refiftance ; and there moft be ftore of bombs and fome petards. To be done. There fliould be fome long fufiUs to each battalion, for taking off of officers, &c. To be done. There moft be a munitioner-general for the bread, and a fufficient number of commifl"arys under him, as likewife caiflTons, &c. So that^ from the moment of die King's landing, he may go and prepare bread for the army. To be done. There muft be a fufficient number of armourers and all things belong- ing to them. There O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 40« There muft be a fufficient number of horfe-flioers, and all things be- 1692. longing to them ; marfchalls prepared, and every trooper muft carry his Iq ^"(."do^'g, proportione. The horfe men muft be provided, with averfacks, forrage-ropcs, tents. To be done. &c. and the foot, with tents and what elfe is fit for them. There muft be fome chivaux de frize prepared againft landing, in cafe To be done, any body of horfe fhould appear. That there be a fufficient quantity of fpare arms, for horfe, foot, and To be done, dragoons, with fadles and bridles, &c. That timeous advertifements be given to all the King's party, not to To be done. fufFer themfelves to be trepanned into a rifing, till the King advertize them, either by his publick declaration or by private meffagcs ; but that, in the mean time, they Ihould be providing what's fitt, with all the fecrecy and caution imaginable. That the King fend into Scotland, to advertize his faithful! fubjecis To be done, there to be in readinefs on the firft good news from him, to rife as one man, and to put themfelves in poffeffion of the government, to feize all who fhall opofe them, and to make the greateft diverfione they can. That fome light frigates fliould ply, betwixt Ireland and England and To be pro* on the North of Ireland, to hinder any tranfportation of troops from ^° ^ ' Ireland, either into Scotland or England ; and thefe to be in their ftatione before the King part from France. That fuitable declarations, for both the kingdoms of England and To be done. Scotland, fliould be made publick before the King's leaving France, and at fuch time, as his friends fliall think moft for their fafty. That the place of landing be well confidered, and the conveniencys and To be conC- inconveniencys of all places and diftances from London well weighed, ""■^"* and the conveniency of fubfifting confidered, in cafe, as God forbid there Ihould, be any confiderable force to oppofe the King in England. That there be a mufter-mafter, and as many commiflarys of themulter To be done, named to attend him, as may be fitt for the occafione. That there be a number of commifllirys of war named, to ferve in the The fame, army, as they Ihall be commanded. Fff2 That neceflary To be done. 404 ORIGINAL PAPERS, 1692, That a quarter-mafter general of great experience be named. ThefamJ." That there be infpeftors named and adjutants, for the general fcrvicc. The fame. for the horfe, foot, and dragoons. To be pro- There muft be a fufficient number of artificers, for the ufe of the army ^ "^ " and ordnance, with all tools belonging to them. AbfoJutcly That there be a printing-prefs, with its attendants and necefTarys, for proclamations and orders, &c. That there be a confiderable number of commifTions of all kinds, ready wrote on parchment, that no time be loft, after the people begin to come in. To be ilonc That, befides the general declaratione, fuch proclamations as are ne- cefTary, may be in a readinefs to be dilperfed amongft the people, as there fliall be occafione for them, fuch as for horfes, providing the camp, and fuch like. To be That thes, and all other things being in a readinefs and the wind fer- rfifcoyrfed of. ^.^^^ .^ ^^^^^^ ^^^jj ^^ ^ fquadron of the enemy at fea, the French fleet chafe them off the fea, or fight them. If there is not that, in that cafe the wind being favourable, they weigh and ftand to windward, and giv time to the fhips of burden to come up to the windward of them, fend- in" in a fquadron, to make a vanguard and fome fliips to bring up the rear and gather in the ftraglers, that all endeavour to come together as much as poITible, to the coaft of England, to the place appointed, which is to be, where the wind moft conveniently favours ; there being more danger in tacking at fea, with fo many Ihips and boats> than in landing a day's march or two, nearer or farther from London. To be confi. The van arrived on the coaft, in a convenient place for laoding, to come to an anchor fo near the ftiore, that their cannon, in cafe of need, might favour the landing of the troops. The fame The firft fquadron having taken their ftation, the fmall boats, with tlie advanced party of foot, under the command of a lieutenant general, to ftand in to the fhore and to land their men in good order, being fol- lowed, as near as can be, by all the foot, who, immediately on their landing, are to draw up in their order of battle. TKefjme. The quarter-mafters, with their piquets, to fet out the camp, and the engineers the lines, at fame time. 6 A com- me. O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 405 A commanded party of every regiment, with the major, to go and 1692. receive the tools for catling up the lines, and to march to the places ^J^^u^ry. 1 J 1 ,-11 ,-.,.- To be con- marked, and to call them up accordingly ; that tlielc partys be named fidered. on this Cde, and tools given tJiem. That, in the mean time, the empty boats make place for the others. The fa and that, whilll the lines are making, the horfe and dragoons may be landed, and a confiderable party, under the condu(5t of good officers, be fent out to difcover and difperfe the neceflary proclamations, in the neighbouring towns and villages. That a park be made for the artillery and the cannon, placed where The famr. they are molt ufeful, according to the intelligence of the enemy's mo- tiones. That horfes, carts, and provifions be brought in for the ufe of the To be done, army, and that all things be moft pundually paid for. That fuch gentlemen or men of quality, as come in to join the King's The fame- army, may be perfeftly well rewarded ; and that the King may rather fpeak kindly, than much to them ; converfatione, at thefe occafions, be- ing dangerous, with men of fo changeable tempers. That care be taken, that none but the general officers or aids dc To be ceo- camps hav leav to go along the lines ; that fo neither our friends nor ''''^'^'*' enemys may come diredlly to know our ftrength. That, if any of the proteftant bifhops and clergy come in, his Ma- To be done, jefty ufe them extremely well, and order all conveniencies for their wor- iliip, where there are no churches : that all refpecft be paid them : that fair words be given them by all concerned in the King's affairs : but that no long audiences be given them, that they may not have the time to enter into particulars ; a thing fo dangerous, that it is by all means to be avoided by the King himfelf; whilll we his fervants giv them all opportunity?, and enter [into particulars] with them, ifneedfull; fince that is of lefs confequence to the King's fervice, than what he might fay. That they hav all rerpe(5t from the army, tho' of a di/Ferent reli- gione, and that all the healing things be done; that, if we cannot gain them, at leaft, they may hav no juft ground of difgufl from us. Thar, except fome extraordinary caufe ffiould hapen, that the King To b« done, fhould not giv any place or preferment, till his coming to London ; but refer 4o6 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1692. January. Rcafoniibie. To be done. To be done. To be endea- voured. To be done out of hand. To be preft. Neceflary. Neceffary. Very fit. To be done. Vrry effen- lial. N?ce.Tary. 1-cfer all till that time ; and, till that, all the government (hould rather be mihtary than other-, the circumllances will excufe if, and his Ma- jefty's affairs require that it fhould be ib. That, at the fame time, the dcclaratione is difperfed in England, there (hould be copies fent, with particular encouragement, to the fleet, armys, both in England and Flanders, and to all forts and caftles, to invite them to return to their duty again ; and propofing fuitable ad- vantages to them. That declarations for Scotland ihould be, at fame time, fent with the jufl: differences, if need requires, which (hould be timely confidered. That a flock of money be prepared, befides what the moft Chriftian King will giv, by all the ways can be invented ; and, by getting the King's friends to lay out what they colleft, near the fea-fide, to be ready on a call. That the Pope fhould be fent to ; yet fo, as that it may not be in his power to difcover any thing may do prejudice to his Majefty' affairs. That the affair of the deferters be vigoroufly gone about immediately, that we may have the more officers and foldiers to carry over. That the officers be commanded to furnifh their men with all things neceffary for the camp ; as pots, pans, &c. That there be a fufhcient quantity of bayonetts for the foot, as well as dragoons. That, before the affair be ready to break our, the King's friends hav fome underhand advertifement to be in a readinefs ; and, in the mean time, to keep out of the hands of their enemys. That a fufEcient number of Scotch officers, with fome money, arms, and ammunition, be fent to Scotland, at the time the King is embark- ing, that his faithfuU fubjedts, in that kingdome, may hav time to draw together and to make what diverfione they can, on that fide ; and that letters be writ, and commiffions, if needfull, be fent into that kingdome. That the fecret of this affair be intruffed to none, but fuch as are of uncontroverted loyalty. That this thing be never named at St. Germains, even tho' all the world fhould talk of it elfewhere ; things from St. Germains being of more weight than what is faid by the reft of France. 2 ' That ORTGINAL PAPERS. 4^7 That fome fit pcrfon be thought upon to ftay with tlie Queen, and to 1692. carry her commands to the court of Verfailles, from time to time. t •'u""j"' •' To DC dor.e. That there be a fu/Ecient number of thefe, whom the King entertains, The projeft employed in the matters of the fecr^tary, that things in tliat office may '° ^ made- go eafily and without embarrafs. This may be done without any ad» ditional expence ; and if there is, I will bear it myfclf. That there be a fufficient number of fhips or barks provided, for fuch To be donff. as belong to the King, over and above thefe which are for the troops, and for fuch perfons of quality and their equipages, as will be allowed by his Majefty in the cxpeditione. That the King be well informed of all the troops deftined for that To be done:^ fervice, that he may be in condicione to form his order of battaile on this fide ; and, that, from the firll: ftep on Englifh ground, he may be fcrved without confufion, each knowing his poft. That the flieriffs and lord lieutenants and deputy lieutenants may be confidered, and orders fent to the well-affeifted, how they are to behave themfelves in cafe of a landing. This to be difpatched whilft the troops are at fea, or juft landed. To have fome confiderable town behind us, from whence to draw To be in- provifions of fuch things as may be neceffary, and where we may have ""^^ fuch things in magazines as might embarafs us, if we be obliged to march fpeedily not to lofe time. To try, by all means, to get the Tower furprifed, near the time of the to be endca- landing ; that being of vaft ufe to hedor the city, and favour our party soured, in it. That it be thought upon how his Majefty will hav fuch citys or countys governed, as to become mafl:er of; that is, if he will repone fuch magiftrates as were elected at his leaving England, or appoint new eledions -, and if the fame fheriffs be left, or appoint others ; the fame of lord lieutenants, deputy lieutenants, and juftices of the peace. Lifts to be made of fuch as are moft proper to be employed in the court, country, or in Weftminfter-hall •, that, tho' nothing be determined, yet his Majefty may have fuch ip his eye as may be moft for his purpofe. Thar --'pt<-«"ber. be entirely left to you, and the partners there. As to what you dcfire to kno, from France, in relatione to the fea, it Is impoffible for us, in this country, to penetrate, they keep their mat- ters lb fecret. But, if there be any appearance of what you hav ufe to know, I Hiall endeavour to giv you timely notice ; only lay not out your money, till I fend you word. 1 am forry to hear the kingdom is in fo bad a conditione; and I am of opinion, the fiiiling of all our defigns this campaigne, when we have gained a fea-fight eafier than ever we can hope to gain another, by which we were mafters of the feas all the fummer long, will make the parliament think the condufl has not been good, and confcquently their money not too well bellowed. Befides, this brufh in Flanders, where, without exaggeratione, we hav utterly loft 10,000 men, and of our beft troops the moft, will not be an argument to convince them we ought to truft any more to future promifes ; and befides, our lofles by fea, our harveft fpoil'd, our money tranfported, our plantations dcftroyed by earthquakes and plague, may, I am afFraid, put it in the heads of thinking men, that God is not fatisfied with our con- du(5t or caufe. Thefe begin to be the difcourfes in this place ; and that fo much the rather, that the people begin here to be affraid for their priviledges and libertys, fince Torgoes, for (landing to theirs, has been- blocked up, by the Stadtholder's orders, and forced, by military power, to fubmitt to his will ; upon which a moll violent manifefto is come out, publifhed by the town ; and we kno not yet, but it may breed ill blood, which nothing but mere force reftrains, at this time. We wait the event. From France, where you know I have a good correfpondent, which neither of the Kings there could ever difcover, 1 am informed, that the affair of Dauphine, fo much talked of, is a mere trifle ; which, in the main, does not fignify any thing. Ambrun is in the middle of the hills, and could not be relieved. It is of no (trength, and they are go- ing to burn it again. There are great heats betwixt the D. of Savoy and Caprara. The firft is for coming farther into France ; and the other, an old cunning foldier, knows it impracticable. F"or, if he came out ainongfl the hills, he would have the French horfe before him and 5 the 424 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1692. the foot behind him, and the palTages flopped ; fo that he will not con- September, i^^nt to lofe the army, for his R. H. hoi headccin.-fs. His R. H. has wrote hither to prefs the defcent and adion in i- landers: for he fees a ftorm gathering, troops inarcliing againfl: him from all quarters ; and that without there were a powerful diveriione, he could do no good, nor flay any longer where he was. This we are not, I am affraid, in a condition to perform ; and that will, in all probability, make the end of the cam- paigne, by the duke of Savoy's retreat, as fliamefull as the begining has been on this fide. I muft tell you, before I end this long letter, that my unckle is per- feflly well fatisfied with the true honefty of the father and fon you men- tione ; and, if ever he hav it in his power to do them any kindnefs, you may afTure them of it from him : for it is his real intentions. As likewife to Mr. G, [fuppofed to be lord Godolphin] you mention, of whofe friendfhip to him he has many proofs, and will repay him his fa- vours, to his own content. The box. No. 27 [Samuel Atkins], proves fo o-ood ware, that our partner is perfectly pleafed with it, and will hav mor of it, and keep it ftill in his fhop. I entreat you to make the right ulc of this, to fhew the owner of it, that he may cxpeft ready pay- ment of it for all he has of that commodity, to his fatisfadione, and that he fhall have my uncle's thanks over and abov the price. He has a real efteem and value for that commodity, as the beft in its kind. I think this is fulRcient trouble at once. The goods, No. 699 [Sir Edward Seymour], have proved ftark naught, for all we know here, and you may jud^e of them accordingly, if you find not reafons there to the contrary ; and we have but faint hopes of the bale. No. 656 [lord Rochefter] ; yet, if you find them of ufe, you may endeavour to purchafe them, having flill the necelTary circumfpec- tione in fo ticklifh a bargaine. You know, that I was always of the opinion, that, fo long as you fland at a diftance amongfl yourfelves, you will not be able to do any v^ry confiderable good; and, therefor, it is the dcfire of others hear, that ycu fhculd endeavour as clofe an union as can be, betwixt the creditors and debitors, that you may come to a right unJcrftanding, and fall on methods of compounding the difTerences fo iiurtaiil to us both ; which, having proceeded from miftakes and falfhoods, and having been purfucd with malice, I doubt not, but the animofity. ORIGINAL PAPERS. 425 animofity, tho' high, will fall, fo foon as you can come but to under- 1692. itand one another ; which you never can do, fo long as you keep at a diftance. Before the defeat of the French fleet at La Hogue, King James had Novenuer. excepted feveral perfons in his offers of pardon j fome indeed were ex- cepted at their own defire •, but he limited himfelf in his future condud by very general promilcs, and, of confequence, gave little fatisfacftion to fuch as were not very fanguine for his refloration. This and feveral other reafons, which he himfelf communicated to Lewis XIV. in a me- morial, convinced him, at laft, that it was improper to fend any written explanations at all of his intentions. But in the mean time, there were feveral projefts of letters and memorials to be addrefl!ed to his fubjefts laid before him by the earl of IVIelfort and others. The firll of them is in Nairne's hand. He names it at the top; " E. Melfort's proje6t of a letter from his Majefty to the parliament, 2d Nov. 1692." And it is in- dorfed in Melfort's own hand : " Projeft of a letter from the King to the Naime'* Lords and Commons to be afl*embled at Weftminfter the -rV November, ^^P"'* . . * ' D. N. vol. 1. 1692 -, at St. Germains, the ift day of November, 169:." fol. No, 101. My Lords, ^HE royal care and paternal affection, I think myfelf bound to have for my people, by that charader which God Almighty has given me, tranfmitted by the long fcries of their lawful monarchs, my royal anccftors, has ever made me watchful of all occafions of doing them good, however ill I have been ufed, by a confiderable part of them •, which ill ufage was grievous to me, upon their account as well as my own ; fince, from the firft moment of their defeftion, 1 forefaw the caufcs they would have to repent the change of my government, for an ufurpa- tion which Qould not be maintained but with an infinite expence of blood and treafure, befides the other judgments of Almighty God, they had caufe to fear, for the wrongs done to me, his vicegerent. My circumdances gave time to all my people to make refledions, or> the condition they had brought me and thcmfclves into, to find out the falfencfs of the accufations againft me, and to confider the hardfhips they had drawn upon themfclves and their pofterity, which had fo good an Vol. I. I i i cffcd. 4i6 O Rl G I N A L P A P E R S. 1697. effc(5l, with many of all ranks and qualities amongft them, that, by thtir November, j^^^j^ earneft prayers and repeated inftances of the milery they lay under, they invited me to come to their relief, which made me lay hold on the firft opportunity Almighty God put into my hands, to endeavour their relief, with fuch force, as leaving no ground to fear a conqueft, might yet protedl my loyal fubjedts, and compel my enemies to hear that rea* fon they had fo long opprefled by violence ; intending, after the troubles at • home, and fears from abroad, were over, to have fent away all fuch fo- reign troops, as I was obliged to have brought with me, for my defence. And, as I have always been ready to explain my gracious intentions to my fubjefts of all qualities and perfuafions, I thought myfelf more par- ticularly obliged to do it upon that important occafion ; and, for that purpofe, had an efcroU of a declaration ready to confult with my friends, at my arrival ; and, by their confent and advice, and no otherwifc, was refolved to publifh that or any other form, more expreflive of my royal and moft fincere intentions j for which end, I had a prefs and all other things neceflary brought alongft with me. For I was refolved to Ihow plainly my intentions, which, however they were difguifed or ill exprelTcd, in that form, were, and ftill are, That, immediately after my reftoration, I will call a free parliament, in which my fubjedis fhall be reprefented, by fuch as they Ihall make choice of, by their free eleftion. That, to the parliament fo called, I will leave the fecurity of the church of England eftabliflied by law, fo as that it may not be en- croached upon, in its Irvings, dignities, fchools, univerfities, or whatever elfe it is now in pofleflion of. And that I will recofnmend to that parliament the cafe of Diflcnters, and the fettlement of liberty of confcience, in fo good a way, that men of all perfuafions may be reconciled to the government, and not look upon it as their enemie, but may all' of them think themfelves highly concerned in its prefervation, upon the confideration of the good treat- ment and protedlidn they get from it, in the full enjoyment of their birth- rights. To this parliament, I will recommend the care of the liberty and pro- perty of the fubjeft, as well as my own prerogative, which I fhall ever ufe for the defence of that liberty and property ; and it fhall not be my fault. G ti I G I N A L PAPERS. 427 fault, if all things be not fo adjufted there, as that I and my people may 1692. have peace and plenty, a good undcrftanding at home, and that fhare we ought tt) have in the affairs of the world abroad. All, who have ever known me, have obferved my innate inclination to mercy, and the pleafure I take to forgive my enemies and all the inju- ries done to me, of whatfoever kind they are ; fo that the many excep- tions I fuffered to be made in that efcroll, were for terror, and to make my mercy, in forgiving mod of the excepted, more confpicuous. But now, to give the world and you a full proof of my natural incli- nation, I declare, that I am ready to forgive all, who (hall not oppofe my refloration, excepting fome few of the mod obnoxious, whom I will leave to my parliament to name, as my royal and dearefl: brother did, in the like cafe ; it being fit that fome (hould fall, as a warning to pofte- rity of the danger of fuch unwarrantable pradtices. After which, I will give an acl of grace and full indemnity to be paft in both houfcs of par- •liament *. And, fince reward is as necelTary to encourage the good, as punifh- ment is to fright the bad, I was, and am dill of the fame mind, to be- ftov/ my favours on fuch, as fhall be inftrumentah, either fecretly or openly, in my reftoration ; and that, according to the quality of the fervice they fhall render me, whether done by Englifh or ftrangers, by fea or by land. And being reflored, I do promife to govern according to law : to have frequent and free parliaments : to regulate eleftions to parliament fo as that it fliall be highly punilhable to make falfe or undue returns, either for counties or corporations : that my mrnifters and counfelors fhall be fuch, as may be entirely trufted by my people ; men of integrity and reputation, capable of the employments I fhall give them. And I fhall do all that lies in my power, to make my people happy, under my jufl and legal reign -, which happinefs tht^y cannot hope for, fo long as this unjuft ufurpation continues, nor from any other form of illegal government their hearts can imagine ; which, if they endeavour November, • There is, in lord Melton's hand, a marginal note to a French trauflation of this let- ter, in thefe words : " This article is carncllly dcfirtd by mofl of the King's fcrvants, but I am againll any exception." 1 i i 2 to 4»8 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1692. to continue, I forefee, with grief, the fad and difmal confequcnccs their November. ^,J^jy(^. a^io„s will bring upon themfclves -, whillt, if they would open their eyes, they cannot but fee the many and great advantages fciuft nc- cefTarily attend my reftoration. The vaft expcnce of blood, treafure, and reputation, they have been at, thefe four lall years, is enough to give any reafonable lort of men warning ot what is to come, and to convince them, that all the pro- mifes of future advantages are as vain as their caufe is bad ; which, hitherto, has been fupported by falfchoods, as it was founded upon un- true and malicious circumftances, among which, none of the leaft has been, to afperfe me with want of fincerity or good-will to my people. To obviate which, I now think fit to declare, in the prefcnce of Al- mighty God, the fcarcher of hearts, that what I have here fct down is my true meaning and defign, whenever it fhall pleafe God to reilore me to my own kingdoms -, and that, if any thing be omitted or obfcure, I am ready to explain the fame to any, having warrant from any confide- rable party of my fubjeds to dcfire it. And, if, at prcfcnt, I knew any thing my fubjcds could juftly defire, for their further fatisfadion and our joint intereft, 1 would have inferted it. But that being only pof- fible, when they are, by their reprefentatives, alfembled in parliament, I promife, that, in the firft I call, which fhall be as foon as ever it fhall be pofTible for me, 1 fhall be ready to grant them whatever may tend to our joint happinefs and tranquillity, and which may eftablifh a good correfpondence and legal prefervation of the rights of the crown and the liberty and property of the fubjeft. And I will do whatever may tend to the advancement of trade and fetting up of manufadures, and what may make the nation happy at home and relpeded abroad. 1 need not tell you the injuftice done me. There is not one of you, how hardened foever in the profecution of his way, but is convinced of the illegal and unwarrantable proceedings againft me, as well as of the falfcncfs of the moft material grounds they proceeded upon: and thcjgh, by their violence, I have been incapacitate from profecuting my right with that vigour and force I inclined, for the relief of my people j yet Almighty God has, in his juftice, taken care to fhow, by their fufter- ings, and particularly of fuch as had the greatell hand in driving me out of my dominions, how little he approves of your proceedings. Nor can 5 the ORIGINAL PAPERS. 429 the cleareft fighted amongft you make any reafonable conie(5liire, where 1692. thefe fufferings will end, except you be fo wife as, in time, to lay hold Wovember. on the gracious offers I make you, and which you might have had, be- fore my leaving England, when 1 was convinced, that I had been miQed by tlie evil counfel of fome now amongll you, to do lomc things as much againll: my own intereft, as they w«re dilpleafing to my people, had not the exorbitant ambition of the prince of Orange hindered all the effefts of my royal and gracious intentions, at that time, as is known to many of you, who well faw, that it was my crown, and not the reformation of bad counfel that he came for; which is evident by this, as well as many other demonftrations, that he careflTcs the authors of thefe counfcls, he f» much cried out againft. But he knows, and they have fince confefled, that they were given me for his fcrvice and my undoing. The not embracing the offers I made, before my being driven out of England, when the prince of Orange refufed all treaty, has cofl you dear ; and, therefore, I hope you will be better advifed, than to negledl this opportunity, when I offer you fecurity for all your rights, religious and civil, and to rellore you peace, plenty, and profpcrity,. under the ancient, legal, and hereditary monarchy, your predeceflbrs and yourfelves lived happily under. I am confident all your fcllow-fubjefts, in the army and navy, will concur with you, in fo good a defign ; and I fhall always be ready to afTift you, to drive out flrangers from among you, and to recover your juft legal rights, as well as my own, with a force which may protect and not fright you ; any thing tending towards a conqueft or diiTiinution of the jufl rights, liberty, and property of the people of England, being what never entered into my thoughts. If there be any thing further )ou would be facisfied in, upon fending fuch of your number to me, as you can beft truft, 1 doubt not but I will give them full fatisfa(5tion j and I promife, that they fhall come and re- turn with ail fafety. If you embrace thefe offers I make to you, and, by you, to all my people, you fee it will depend upon yourfelves to be as happy as you can wifh for. But, if you rcjecfl what I have fo propofcd, I do not doubt but that Almighty God, the avenger of injured princes, will do jufticc to me and to my dearcft fon, the prince of Wales, and it may be 4?o ORIGINAL PAPER 5. 1692. be wich circumftances of more fevcrity to the obftinate amongft you, by November, m^j^ing the nation in general, and you in particuhir, account for the irt- nocent blood of my faithful fubjefts, loft in the defence of my un- doubted rights, and thoufands of my fubjefts flain, in the defence of rebellion and treafon ; which blood muft needs be heavy on the land, and on you, till, by a fincere repentance and full reftitution of what ymi have violently and unjuftly taken from me, you appeafe the Divine Juf- tice, and obtain his, as you do the full offers of my, mercy-, by which only you can hope for happinefs. fol. No. 103. The next letter is likewife in Nairne's hand. It appears that Lewis XIV. adviicd James to communicate his intentions in a public letter or declaration, addrefled to his fubjecfls in general j and that he defired the marquis de CroilTy to write one in the moft unexceptionable terms. Itis marked on tlie back in the earl of McJfort's hand, " Propofcd by M. de CroifTy, the 23d of November 1692, St. Germains." Nairne's " ProjeSi of a letter to be fent to Ef:gland, 23^ November 1692 ; propefed D.'N:'vol.i. h Mr. de Crcijfy:' *' XX^HEN we re.Reft upon our own age, and the condition of our pofterity and kingdoms, we cannot be without earneft dcfire of bringing things to the fpeedieft iflue. But what we ought to do, in or- der to it, has been hitherto very difficult to us to find out. It has been our misfortune to be miftaken, in our applications to our people, thd* we can appeal to God for our own fincerity. But, however, we will not be wanting in thofe methods we think moft likely -, and, therefore, we fend this to you, wherein, according to the moft natural fignification of the words, we afllire you, that we are ready to agree to any laws, that ftiall be defired at our hands to fecure the proteftr.nt religiop, as now eftabliftied by law in the church of England ; and to fettle, with the concurrence of our parliament, a liberty of conl'cience. And we are alio willing and fully refolved to fecure liberty and property, not only from any male adminiftracions, that may fall in during our reig", but like- wife againft any invafion may be dcfigned by our pofterity ; and we fliall take cfFedlual meafures for doing of it, in the very firft parliament which can be got together ; and we fliall, during our reign, delight to meet 3 our ORIGINAL PAPERS. 431 our people *^requently in parliament, as the beft and fu reft expedient to 1692. beget thai mutual confidence, which renders the King truly great and the ^*""^'" "* fubjcdt pjrfeiflly happy : fo far we are from deligning or attempting to introduce an arbitrary power in the crown. AVe hope we have exprefled ourfelves plainly an J we mean honeftly, and we are fenfible the nation (befides the violence they have done to their own confciences) have not found their account in the injury they have done us. We know there are fome, who are rather looking after other projefts for redrefs, than wifliing our reftoratioii. But we alfo know, that they cannot ftart any, that ihall be either a better eftablifliment for the future, or can relieve them in their prefent circumftances, than calling us home. And, if you ^Till depute any to come to difcourfe us more at large, we do not doubt to give an entire fatisfa£lion to any you commifTion for that purpofe ; and let nothing, that is paft, continue any mifunderftanding betwixt us, fince Ave are defirous and ready, on our part, to forget and pardon all the mif- carriages of all our fubjeds, without any exception, and to enter into any new meafures, fuch as may, according to the beft judgment we can make, clofe with the united intereft of our people-, and we wifh more of them would let us know their minds, without the leaft degree of flattery, which has had too fatal influences, upon the councils of moft Kings." There is another copy of this letter, which is likewife in Nairne's hand. It is marked in lord Melfort's hand on the back, " Projeft of a letter to be fent to England; thought more proper than the other, propofed by the moft Chriftian King, the 23d Nov. 1692, St. Germains." Nairne marks it at the top : " Proje£f of a letter to be fent to England, Nov. 1692. — Thought more pro- per than that of Mr. de Croijfy." "Y^^IIEN we reflect on the mifery we and our people fufFcr, and the danger our pofteritys are in, it cannot be thought ftrange, that we ufe all expedients, how extraordinary foever, to make our intention known to our people ; being fenfible, as we arc, that our having been fo much mifunderftood hitherto is the great occafion, that we have not been fooner happy, in the mutual enjoyment of one another. That we may, therefore, have nothing to reproach ourfelf with, we fend this to aflure you, 43« ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1692. you, tliat, as foon as we are reftored, we will call a free parliament, to November, ^[^j^;!, ^^ ^yill leave the fettlement of the protcftant religion, as ic is at prefcnt eftablillied by law, in the church of England. Thac we fhall eiiJeavour in parliament an impartial liberty of confcience ; and we arc willing and fully refolved, in our parliament above mentioned, to fe- cure the liberty and property of our fubjeds, not only from any prefent, but likewife future, encroachments. And we fhall, during our reign, delight to meet our people frequently in parliament, as the beft and fured way to beget that mutual confidence and correfpondence, which renders the King truly great and the fubjeds perfeftly happy ; fo far we are from dcfigning or attempting to introduce an arbitrary power in the crown. We know, that the nation, befides the violence they have done to their own confciences, have not found their account in the inju- rvs they have done us ; and yet, fome of them, rather look after other more uncertain projefls for redrefs, than with our reftoration. But we know likewife, that they can never find any that can either be a better eftablifhment for the future, or a fpeedier relief from their prefent hard circumftances, than the calling us home ; and, that no man may be hindered from fo good a work, by the fear of our refenting the wrongs done us, we further affure you, that we will pardon all our fubjedts, without exception, who fhall not oppofe our reftoration. Having thus fhewn our intentions to you, as far as it is pofTible for us, with the information we yet have of our people's defires, we fhall ftill be ready further to explain them to fuch as you fhall fend to us for that efFedt •, by whom we fhall be glad to be informed of our people's defires, wilhing no- thing in this world more earneftly, than to fee the happinefs of our people eftabliflied upon the true and legal foundation. James, however, declined to fend over any written explanation of his intentions at this time, and gave his reafons to Lewis XIV. in the fol- lowing memorial, which contains feveral intercfting particulars, con- cerning the ftate of affairs, and the views and condud of parties in England at the time. j^AIt- O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 433 1692. « A Memorial November, 1 Sal. — ^fter the affair of La Hague " November. ^bere are t'Jio parties among the Englijh Protefiants, the church of England ^ ''^"^^,1 j_ and the Republicans, i. e. according to the late King's notions, the Nonjurors lol. No. 102, and the moderate Tories. Thefirjl are not difpofed to limit the pero- gative, the lajl defire concejfions ; hut both are againft any explicit declarations at prefent. — Their reafons. — Among the Republicans, James mentions the Earlof Middleton, Major Sackfeld, and the Earl of Shre'j}jhury , — T^he laft lays down his office of fecretary of fiate, at the defire of James. •—A third party demand a declaration, addreffed to both houfes of par- liament. — The advantage and difadvantage of fending one, conftdered — The difadvantage is greater. — // -jvas as a previous ftep for recalling James, that the Earl of Marlborough moved in parliament, to difmifs all foreigners from their employments. Some of the party ivho were igno- rant of his intentions, fufpeSled it was to ferve the princefs of Den- mark ; and made a difcovery to the Earl of Portland. Tranflation. T Always imagined, that a more ample explanation of my intentions, than was contained in the laft project of a declaration, was neceflary ; but that I muft wait for a proper time offending it. The two oftenfible parties of proteftants, who are for me in England, are the epifcopals and the republicans, who are fo named, although many among them are not for a republic. The firft have good intentions, but little power, in the prefent conjundure ; although, if there was an opportunity of their taking arms, my enemies would find them formid- able. The fccond are more powerful, having all the employments and authority of the prince of Orange in their hands. But they arc more to be fufpedted. The firft abfolutely think, that I (hould not fend a declaration, till I am ready to go over to England ; and their opinion is, that I ought not to make any conceffion, which may be of any prejudice to the crown. The fecond are for conce/Tions. But they oppofe, as much as the firft, my fending any explanation or any other paper, until they give me Vol. I. K k k notice. 434 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1692. notice, and have had time to prepare the people to receive it. I have, "^ '^ ' accordingly, followed a middle courfe till now, and fent nothing written in my own hand. But I have made the earl of Melfort write to both parties, in terms, which have given a gencFal fatisfaclion, as appears by the letters which have been written to him on the fubjeft. The reafons, which the republican-party have alv/ays alledged againft my fending any thing in writing at this time, are, that a great part of the people being prejudiced by the artifices of the prince of Orange againft whatever I may write, it is not only r.ecelTary to wait, until the fe pre- judices are removed by degrees, but that it is likewife necefTarj' they fhould be removed, by the means of thofe very perfons, who guide the opinions of the people. That endeavours were ufed to accomplilTi (his ; and that notice v/ould be fent to me in prop?r time. It is very certain, that this party, being efteemed by my enemies as their deliverers, will have more credit with them than any other. Secondly, they fay, that if I fent any kind of explanation of my inten- tions, before they had time to prepare the people to receive it, it would induce my enemies to write againft it, and to^put falfe conllroictions on it, and the generality would believe them rather than me ; and, therefore, fuch a writing would not only have no good effect, but, on the contrary, would have a very bad one, while I was not in a condition to fupport it with a good army, which, undoubtedly,would make it produce a due effcft. That, to difpofe the people in my favour, thofe rich noblemen and gentlemen, who live at their eafe, and are not willing to rifque much, muft exert themfelves, and contrive, in an indiredl manner, the means of cjiciringthe people, tochace away the prince of Orange, when they (how- that they have nothing but the public good in view; and, under that pretext, they will be followed by the people, and may thereby promote my defigns, with fecurity, and without rifquing any thing. Whereas, if the prince of Orange and his creatures were once alarmed, by a declaration which would render them vigilant, in difcovering my friends, and oppofing their defigns^, thefc great men would not choofe to rifque any thing, for fear of beirrg fdf- pedled by the people as well as by the prince of Orange ; and, perhaps, they would be obliged to favour his defigns, in order to conceal their real inclLaations, O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 435 inclwations, which would enable the prince of Orange to obtain from the 1692. purliament, whatever he would demand at prefent. ♦ ' A third ^cafon they alledge is, that whatever I could lay is already well known to them ; that is to fay, to the moft powerful men among t*itm. For, as they did not choofe to correfpond with me, until 1 had it>formed - them of my intentions-, 1 have done fo, and they have been perfe(i\iy fatisfied with them : and, as they are men of quality and mem- bers, <^ft parliament, who have a great deal of influence, there is no doubt but they have made them known to others, and that my fentiments at t^»i$ time, are fufficiently known to this pretended parliament. Thele arc the reafons which this republican party have laid before, gr.e, and, for which, they have intreated me not to fend any thing in writ- ing at this time; and four days ago, the earl of Middleton has urged die fame thing, by a courier, which my friends in England fent on pur- pofe to me, afl'uring me at the fame time, that great pains were taken with; the parliament, with the fleet, and with the army, and that I fliould have news of this very foon. It fhould be remarked, that all thofe who are of this party, have not been traitors. ■ Fur the earl of Middleton, who was my fecretary of ftate wlien I came away, never did a falfe ftep : major general Sackville never failed in his duty ixind the earl of Shrewfbury, who was fecretary of ftatc ro the prince of Orange, laid down his employment, by my orders. Thefe men are too clear fighted to allow themfelves to be duped, and they have too much intereft in my refl;oration, to allow themfelves to be corrupted. • It was from a regard to this party, and from the weight of their argu- ments, that I have been induced to delay to fend any paper, until I fhould be advifed by them, or until I fliould fee, at leafl:, their conduct in this pretended parliament, from wliich I might judge of their finctrity. ''Although 1 mention only the proteflnnts here, the catholicks are undnimoufly of the fame way of thinking. But as they are lefs em- ployed, their advice has the 'lefs weight. But there are, at this time, fome private perfdni wlio,' 1 have all the rcAfon in the world to bi lieve, areof fo K k k 2 little 436 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1692. little confcquence, that they dare not declare themfcKes, for fear their November, ch^rg^^^rs Ihould inftantiy dcaroy all their influence. Thdc have pro- pofed to fend fuch a paper, as the others, who arc of the firft quality, have fo ftrongly difapproved of at thisconjundure. Upon which, the firil thing to b; confidered is, why thefe unknown perfons have not made their propo'al direftly to myfelf, and whether it is not for fear I fhould know them for fuch as they are. Whereas, they pafs themfelves for very different perfons from what they really are, upon ihofe who cannot know them fo eafily as 1 do. It is to be confidered likewife, whether the opinion of thefe unknown perfons is to be preferred to the opinions of thofc other men of quality, intereft, and weight in the kingdom, who have it in their power to a(fl themfelves and to employ others. Whereas, on the contrary, thefe un- known perfon?, who, for any thing I know, are as much traitors as others have been, do not pretend to any other power or credit, but that of prefenting the paper, nor to any other merit, but what that defign will procure them. But, fitting all this afide, let us confider the good and the harm which this writing will produce. Firft, though I fhould write it, and place it in the hands of thefe unknown perfons, addreffed to the lords and commons affembled at Weftminfter, it is certain they would not receive it. For they would not dare to receive it, when it comes from me, without the confent of the prince of Orange, which he certainly will never give, unlefs he fees that he may derive fome notable advantage from it. So that all I would gain thereby, would be a frefli affront, which would diminilh my reputation among the people, and be a reproach to my conduft, for having tried an expedient, which I might naturally imagine to be ufelefs, not to fay entirely contrary to my interefts. But, fecondly, making the fuppofition, that what I write would be re- ceived and read, all the good I could expedl from it is, that, as what it contains is fufficiently conformed to the defires of a confiJerable part of the people, it might in time, and in proportion as the mifery of the people induces them to make reflexions, fofccn their minds, and incline them to confider, how little they gain by the continuance of the war, and what advantages they might expeft from me. What I write, thus foftening 5 the ORIGINAL PAPERS. 437 the rough humours of the people, might, by degrees, diminini their r6()2. malice againit me-, and, when they would find a favourable conjunfture, °*"" ^' for taking a fide, it might cncoura[^!;e them to choofe mine preferably to that of the prince of Orange, when they would find an equal probability of fafety on my fide, as on the fiie of tiie prince; that is to fay, when they would fee me at the head of an army as ftrong as his, and not fooner. This, I think, is all the good, which what I could write would produce, even were the conjun£ture favourable for fending it, and did all my friends confent to it, which, after all, is but a flow remedy, when it is not fupported by a force fufHcient to induce the people to take a fide. I call it a flow remedy, becaufe it is not to be believed, that the people of England, hardened as they are, will be influenced miraculoufly at the fight of a paper, of which they have already had the fubftance in fo many others ; and that they will change all at once from black to white, be- fore they have the fleet or army in their power, or are anywife prepared for it. The laws which they themfelves have made in favour of the prince of Orange, hinder them from declaring againfl: him, even in par- liament. Therefore along wirh fuch a paper, a negociation and intrigues would be ncccflTary ; and this is what I call a flow remedy, and what would be of no avail, in hindering whatever the prince of Orange fliould demand from the parliament i on the contrary, it might contribute to advance his defigns. The difadvantages which fuch a pnper might produce, appear to me to be of another nature. For they would be great and immediate, f irfl^, it would excite an infinite number of people to write againfl: me, who would not fail to blacken me, and who would not mifs to be believed now as formerly. Secondly, it is to be confidered, that the humours of the people are vifibly changed : that many among them, tired of the war, and of the heavy taxes which they are obliged to pay, begin to return lo my in- tcrefls, and to look out for a remedy to their misfortunes ; ami, though I am not, perhaps, more beloved than I was, yet it is certain, that rlie prince of Orange becomes daily much more odious, and that a great part of my fubjcds begin to be very wearied of him. They, in faft, defign to 438 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1692. to oppofe him ftrondy in parliament. Some in order to break the hovembtr. ,,•■,, - alliance with the contcdcratcs, as a thing ufelei's to England, which ex- haufts itfelf for them without pretending to draw any advantage trom it. Others in order to quarrel with the Dutch, being unwilling to have any thing further to do with them ; and all, in general, exclaim againft an army, in Flanders, faying, that it exhaulls the kingdom, and tliat a fleet would be fufficient for their defence ; that the money which that army cods would be Ipent in the country, and that an infinite number of men would be faved, ot' which England rtands much in need, .being greatly depopulated by the number of inhabitants who go to the colonies. Thus my party, covering themfelves with the mafk of patriocifm,.y/ill join with the difcontented to diminifh the credit of the prince of Orange ; and, if they allow it to go on, will do every thing they can againft him. But if, in the niidd of their conteftations, a writing under my name is pro- duced which difcovers the manoeuvres of a third party, immediately all thofe who are .againft me, and sgainft the prince of Orange, would unite themfelves rather to him than to me for the prefent: his friends would redouble their zeal : the populace, who are for him, .would likewife in- terfere ; and even my friends v/ould be obliged to appear the moft zealous for him, in order to conceal their real fentiments, and to five themfelves from his vengeance. So that it appears from this confidcr- ation, that fucli a writing would tend rather to make the parliament concur with the prince of Orange, than to enibi^oil them together. It muft be confidered likewife, that the prince of Orange fees clearly the defigns which will be carried on againft him, if the parliament con- tinues long. He therefore ufes every endeavour to difpatch bufihcls ^ as foon as pofTible, and to hinder them fron. y thing but the fupplies which he aiks, until he has fccurcd them j and it Is for this reafon, he has, at this time, changed his language. For,' inftead of con- tinuing to: fay, that France is exhauftcd, he fays now, that his moft Chriftian Maielly is in a condition to carry every thing before him ; and that the v/ar is at their gates, unlefs they grant immediate and ample fup- lies, for maintaining both the fleet and army. The Dutch gazettes and the news from England are full of this. For they write, that he ftations his troops along the coafts. That h; Itill fends fiiips to fea, and circulates • ■ reports O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 439 rcj- xto London, that I am ready to go over to England, and all this, 1692. jn orJef tA intimidate the people, and to engage them to grant him what °^^"^ "' lie afks. So that if, in the midft of all this, they fuw any thing appear at this time in my name, which might be interpreted to be a declaration, it would ferve only to be a farther confirmation of the prince of Orange's argument, and to induce the parliament to grant him money inftantly. For his parcy in parliament would cry aloud, for the good of the king- dom, and the fifety of the prince and princefs of Orange ; and, in that general ardour for the good of the country, whoever would fhow the leaft coolnefs, v,-ould run a rifqiie of being torn to pieces by the populace; and in that way the prince of Orange would obtain fpcedily and plenti- fully, what there is great reafon to think, he will not obtain fb foon, nor fo proportionate to his wants, if the maleconents and my friends iti pafliament are allowed to do what I expeft from them. Further, the prince of Orange would foon difcover, that the alarm given by ^ that writing was. groundlefs, and he would confider it as an advice given by France, which he'would fuppofe to be reduced to extremities, and obliged to have. frecourie to fuch an expedient. That would elate him and the confederates with pride, and make them look upon the mod Ghriftian King, my dearell brother, as if he was not any more in a con- dition to fupport the war,' whith might produce very difagreeable con- fequences. It mud be laftly confidered, thnt, when a parliament in England votes to raife a fum of money, it is properly, but a compliment, until the fum is afligned upon certain funds capable of paying it, infomuch that fcarcely any one oppofes this firft. vote, unlefs they want to quarrel openly with the gov-rnmcnt. But the manner of .oppofing it and of fecuring themfelve.s, when they do fo, is by hindering the funds from being named, or by introducing preferably fome other bufmels, which may embroil the prince and the parliament, as happened laft year, when they confented, by a general vote, to give five millions and a half for continu- ing a vigoious war againft France. But when they came to name the funds, tl»ey protraded the allair to fuch length, that the prince of Orange was not able to make the preparations lie intended ; and, inllead of five millions and a half, they gave him in reality but three millions, iiifomuci), • ' that 440 O R I G I N A L r A P E R S. •1692. riiat his debts now amount to nine millions, which appears fufHcientl November, jy^,^ j-j^g promifc he makes to the failors, who will iervc this wtimer on halt pay, of paying them in the beginning of ncx^t fummer their arrears to the month of September laft, as a particular favour. This (hows, that the proper time for ailing againfl: the prince of Orange in parliament, is after the firll vote is palled. For it is not to be imagined, that I have , yet friends enough to aft openly in oppofing this firft vote, which is al- ways paflcd with eclat, in order to intimidate their enemies who do not know the confequence, and who believe that the payment of the money depends upon it, which is far from being the cafe. My friends defigned laft year to recal me by the parliament. The plan was concerted, and lord Churchill was to propofc in parliament, to drive all ftrangers out of the council and army, and even out of the king- dom. If the prince of Orange had confented to that propofal, they would have had him in their power. If he had rejcded it, he would have made the parliament declare againft him : and, at the fame time, lord Churchill, with the army, was to declare for the parliament; the fleet was to do the fame, and I was to be recalled. They had already begun to execute this projcdt, and had gained a confiderable party, when fome loyal fubjefts, who were indifcreet, believing that they ferved me, and imagining that what my lord Churchill did was not on my account, but on account of the princefs of Denmark, had the imprudence to dif- cover the whole to Bentinck, and thereby diverted the blow. This defign is ftill in agitation, and managed by thofe who are againft the fending the writing in queftion. It is therefore to be confidered, if it is proper to interrupt the defigns of men of that confequence, who are capable of doing fuch great things, and that for a projcft of unknown perfons, who propofe an expedient as dangerous as it is uncertain, and who promife nothing but to deliver the writing. Therefore, all things duly confidered, I cannot hinder myfelf from thinking, that fuch a writing, fent without the confent of my friends, might produce very great and immediate difadvantages ; and that, even though it fliould be fent in the beft manner and at a proper conjuncture, it could not produce, at moft, but advantages which are (low and un- certain. ORIGINAL ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1693. JAMES, at length, perceived that a French army was a more powerful ^^9h argument to perfuade the Englifli nation, than letters and declarations. J*'^'"*'"/' Accordingly, inftead of writing to England, he endeavoured to perfuade Lewis XIV. to invade that kingdom, or to convince him, at lead, that ic was his own intereft to feem to adt with fuch an intention. This ap- pears from a memorial in the earl of Melfort's hand, which was intended to have been prefented to the French miniftry. *' yf Memorial, in November or December 1692, or in January 1693 f ." Nalmc's pa- ILI E reprefented, that nothing but contrary winds defeated the defign voL i. fol. of the laft arnrvament: that, however, as the French King loft con- ^o- ^°^» fiderably by the burden of his fleet, it was not intended now to propofe any thing, which would expofe him to hazard or expence. But that the fear of an invafion would always embarrafs the prince of Orange. In fuch circumftances, he would find it difficult to raife money ; and though after the late alarm he had feized feveral perfons who were difaffeded to kim, and " a great many men of quality, he did not prefume to inflift the Icaft punifhment upon any of them. Such affeftion had the people for diem, that they would not be evidences againft them, although it is cer- tain, that more than twenty thoufand men had been cnlifted by them, which rendered them highly criminal towards him -, and there is reafon to believe, that if the fleet had not fought, while affairs wer^ fo cir- oumftanced, the prince of Orange, in a little time, would have been reduced to the laft extremity, for want of money; and his government f Mr. Nairne wrote on the margia: " I believe ihis wa* only a projeol of a memorial nctfent." Vol. I, L 1 1 fliakcn ^^2 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1693. fliaken in England : fo little did his friends think themfelves in fafety, January. g^j fg „mch did the King's intereft gain over the minds of the people, thoiio^h more from intereft than from fcntiments of confcience or of duty." The remaining part of the memorial was intended to fhow, that it was the intereft of his moft Chriftian Majcfty to begin again the fame game, in appearance, by fending a fufficient number of troops, parti- cularly Irilh, into winier-quarters on the coaft of Normandy : that this would alarm the people of England, prevent the parlianr.ent from grant- ing money to the prince of Orange, induce his creditors to urge the payment of their debts, and oblige him to recal his army from Flanders. " If the men of rank," continues the memorial, " who are in the prince of Orange's intereft, and, at the fame time, correfpond with the Kino- of England, are fincere in their profefTions, which, though difficult to be believed, is, however, very pofllble, this will give them an op- portunity of making their propofals more boldly in parliament, in cafe they find they are as much mafters of the army and of the fleet as they expeft to be. At any rate, great advantages may be derived from it? and the fecret being well kept, nothing can be loft by it; more efpecially as his moft Chriftian Majefty, if he does not fend a fleet to fea in the winter, will have the appearance of troops upon the coaft, to repel the infolence of the Englifh and of the Dutch, who otherwife may have it in their power to infult and to alarm." Nairne's pa- The late King, ir» a declaration which he intended to fend to the fleet, pers, D. N. jj^ ^^^ month of February this year, affured them, that if any captain No. 107. oi a Ihip, commander, or officer of the fleet, brought over any fliip of war to his fervice, by repairing with it to any port in France, or by joining the French fleet, they would have a full pardon for all they did againft his authority, until the day of their return to their duty -, and that, from the moment they arrived, he would give them the fame commifTions ia his fervice, which they had in the fervice of the prince of Or.-inge, and the fame pay from the date of their arrival, or the pay of the officers, failors, or foldicrs of the French fleet, who had the fame rank, according to their own choice. " We declare likewife," fays he, " that, when we (hall return to Eng- landj all the faid officers, foldiers, and faalors wi.l return with us, without any O R I G I N A L t A P E R S. 44j tny hinderance; and, in order that i\i ocfr faitnfol fubjefls may kriow, ^^ij- that we have it in our power to perform what Wc promife here, we ■' ""*''>'• declare, that all that is promifed by us, is wiffi the confcnt and appro- bation of our very dear brother, the moft Chriftian King." He conclude-:, with promifing, when he fliall be re-eflabHflie(f, be- fidcs recompenfing them for their fervices, to pay them their arrears from the beginning of the war. The earl of Middleton gave an account of his reception at St. Germains, upon his arrival there, with propofals from the latt King's adherents in England, in the following letter to a correfpondent in London. The letter is decyphered by colonel Sackville's cypher. " Rotterdam [St. Germains], April 19th, 169^. *' 'T'Hough, dear coufin, I am prcfled in rime, yet I cannot forbear AprU. complying with the earned defire [my own earneft defire] of papers 58, in alTuring 45* [you], that fhe has [I have] and will do her vol. vii. 419. . . . or lord Mid- [you] all the fervice fhe [IJ can, which is, indeed, but common juftice; dietons and that (he [I] was overjoyed to find 215 [the King] and ^5 [Qtieen] p°Let^e^'^ fully convinced how kind and ufeful Ihe [I] had been to them. She [I] p. i. can only tell you, in general, that the indenture is figned, which you may fee at the place you ufed to go to in a morning, where you have often met 540 [me, lord Middleton,] to whofe letter (he [I] mufl likewife re- fer. You will not be furpriicd to hear, that lies have been already (larted at 7 [St. Germains] concerning 73 [Middleton]. But, perhaps, you may too hear, that from 3 [London] cautions have been given of her [me], as a 579 [Prefbyterian] and 581 [Republican]. Excufe my not writing to 39 [lord Churchill]. But let her [him] know, that, by the next, (he [he] (hall hear from 540 [Middleton] ; and that her affairs are in as good a pofture as we could wi(h. Poft-hafte. Adieu." • 45 fignifies likewife Mr. Brickley in colonel Sackville's cypher. L 1 1 2 The ♦44 ORIGINAL PAPERS. s.6gf. The letter to which lord Middleton refers his correfpondent, in the April. preceding, is as follows : Rotterdam [St. Germains], April 19th, 1693. npHIS being the firfl: opportunity I have had of giving you an ac* count of your afifairs, I muft tell you, in the firft place, that the only difappointmcnt I have met with is, that Mr. Milles [lord Melforc] had nothing from you, that could fufficiently enable me to do it as I would and ought. But I hope the bundle, that is fcnt by the trufty carrier you know, will explain the main matter to your fatisfaftion. It was neceffary to cut out the firft part of it here, to fhow them for what purpofe it was defigned. But, if it does not fit exactly, I am fully im- poweredto tell you, that it may be mended by the tradefmen upon the place, provided nothing be done to pinch them within or without, which cannot realbnably be iuppofcd. The alteration muft (land as it doe?, left the workmen who are to be employed, fliould defpair of their wages. As- to what concerns Wilfon [Middleton], he has reafon to be fatisfied, being entertained by the good farmer [King] and his wife [the Q^ieen], better than he could expeft; nor can I omit telling you, thas the bold Briton * furprifed me with joy, being infinitely above what has been reported of hlnu But what furprifed Wilfon [Middleton] moft, was the lord of the manor [t'rench King]. He lefs admires his fortunes, fince he was acquainted with' him, and reeived civilities from him, which he cannot modeftly repeat. Both he and hi^ truftces [minifters] fecmed fatisfied with tli'e particulars of the eflate ; and are refolved to go oa with the purchale, cofl witat it will ; but cannot determine the time, tillit appears whether this feafon proves, moie-favourable than the laft. 1 he greatefl: rubin this matter is, the high value they have for liim [King WrlliarrvJ, wiio keeps poficffion ; and, by ?ht glancs they have uieil, the leech appears to be a leviathan. But nothing has been omitted to undeceive them, ft is not to be^doubted, but the propereft means wiil.be ufed to perfuade the tenants of their, intereft to induce them thereby to turn to us. It will be neceflary, therefore, that they- ftrould be informed of what is deugncd. But the. precile time is left to the lawyers who arc to manage the fuit, whofe »ierits 1 have reprelentcd as 1 ought ; and there arc no acknowkdgnienis •• The prince of VVaWs. i Jhey ORIGINAL papers; 445 they may not expeft in particular and punclual performance. In the 169^}.. main, Mr. Milles [lord Melfort] and Wilfon [Middleton] are in perfed ^P**'' friendlhip -, and, indeed, the firft is entirely dii'pofed as you could wifli ; and I doubt not but you will do him juflice, both here and there. The ©nly thing that lies heavy upon me, is my concern for the fplenetic widow and poor orphans, whom I am confident yx)u'U cherifh, as much as poffible. We are all undone, if you remove. But more of this hereafter. Adieu. I long to hear of Yaulden. Diredk your anfwer to John Dorrille. __^ ' ~^ ~~~' June; The late King confenred to eight propofitions, which his friends in Pa"pers, DSNt- Britain, who wanted to reftore him on conditions, and were known by ^'*'' *• **^* the name of compounders, lent over to him by the earl of Middleton, T?ho went to France in the beginning of thfs year. Oh the 17th of April, N. S. James publidied a declaration, which was foon difperfed over all England, where feme of his adherents were feized for making it public. It was couched in terms which his friends imagined would vr ». " '=' No log. an* have given general fatisfadion •, but it feems it gave great offence to the L> N. vol. ii.. Irifti fadtion, who- were exorbitant in their expeftations, and rated '' ' ""'7*" their fcrvices too high. King James declared his intention of calling to- gether the reprefentatives of the kingdom, and of confenting to rife Ce'- veral regulations and i'ecuriries he mentions. " And in that parliamcnr,"* fays he, " ws will alfo confent to every thing they fhall think nece/Tary to re-e(Vabhfh the late aclof fetUement of Ireland, made in thereign of our dearefl: brother i and will advife with them, how torecompenfefucft of that nation as have followed us to the laft,. and who may fuffer by the faid re-eftabliihment, according to the degree of their fufrc'rings thereby -, yet fo as the faid act of fctticment may always remain entire." The-earl of Mountcafhel, who fupported bifhop Malone and thelrifh faftion, againil James in France, being offended with this part of tho declaration, received the following a-nfwer to a later which he had written- to the. carl of Middleton on the lubjed. Tie- 44(^ ORIGINAL PAPERS: 1693. juoc The Edvl of Middleton to the earl of MountcajJ^eU Lieuletttml Gevtral m the p!f'ers^ ' French King's army, commanded by the Marefchal Duke de Lerges, in vol. vii. 4to. Germany. p. 25. My Lord, St. Germains, 15th June, 1693. T Should have thanked your lordfhip fooner, for the honour you did me, if I had not waited till I could return you fome good news for yours. The King was pleafed to declare, yefterday, that his declaration had been difperfed, by his order, in England. I fuppofe none will be furprifed to hear, that the people of England fhould have fo juft a value for the kingdom of Ireland, as never to be induced to refign the intereft they had in it. The reafons are too many and too obvious to trouble your lordfhip with them. I Ihall only tell you, that the King promifes, in the forefaid declaration, to rellore the fettlement ; but, at the fame time, declares, that he will recompence all thofe who may fuffcr by it, by giving them equivalents. I mean thofe who have ferved him i and not only thofe here, but all who were included in the capitulation of Limerick, which will be a better fecurity for them, than what they have by the adts of the Dublin parhament, confidering the many cir- cumftances. I do not doubt but your lordfhip is fully convinced of this trutii ; and it will be a great fervice to the King to convince others of it, which, I hope, will be no difficult matter. For there is no man of common fenfe but will think himfelf engaged, by intereft as well as duty, to contribute to his Majefty's reftoration -, which, without the concurrence of the greateft part of his fubjefts, is impradicable. This I have faid by the King's command ; and I fhall only add from inyfclf, that I have been, thefe twenty-three years, moft fincerely. My Lord, Your lordfhip's moft faithful humble Servant, Middleton. Though James entertained fome hopes, from his promifes and con- cefTions, that his reftoration would be foon accomplifhed, with the con- fent of his former fubjeds, he was ftill dcfirous of fupporting his preten- fions with an army ; and he endeavoured, in a new memorial, to engage 2 Lewis ORIGINAL PAPERS. 447 Lewis XIV. to aiTift him in an invafion of England. There are two 1693. copies of this memorial among Mr. Nairne's papers, and one of them •5"'^* in Nairne's own hand, with additions and corredions in that of the earl of Melfort. ** A Memorial to the King of France, i±th July. 1602." Kaime's ' ■' •' -'-> Papers, The advantages of an invafion to Lewis. — Reafons for it.— The number of foi^o""'!©'. men neceffarjy and the time proper for it. — The probability of fuccefs.-— All founded on the prefentjiate of affairs in England. Tranflation. A S all the memorials which have been prefented to his moft Chriftian Majcfty, concerning the affairs of the King of Great Britain, have no other view but the common interefts of their Majefties ; and as it is juft, that his moft Chriftian Majefty ftiould confider, in the firft inftance, his own advantage ; this gives more courage to reprefent, from time to time, to his moft Chriftian Majefty, with all the humility and fubmiffion imaginable, what is ufeful for his fervice, and for the intereft of his Britannic Majefty. All the advantages which his moft Chriftian Majefty has obtained over the confederates, however great they have been, have not yet been able to oblige them to afk for peace, or diflblve their alli- ance. The prince of Orange is the author of this war, and the chief of the union of the confederates. The moft effedtual means of breaking this alliance is to attack the prince of Orange, on his weakeft fide, which is England. The pro- babilities of fucceeding, in this undertaking, are the little good undcr- ftanding which fubfifts between him and the people of England j the contempt of the Englifti for his perfon, and their little refpedt for his government •, the great change which has taken place in the minds of the people-, the great inclination which appears for reftoring the King, and the daily increal'e of both the one and the other ; the great number of men of quality who engage every day in his Majefty's interefts, and even of men who have influence, and who are employed by the prince of Orange in the higheft offices -, the great difcontent which prevails in the fleet and army •, the intelligence which the King has in garrifons, in ihc 44a ORIGINALPAPERS. 1693." the ariTry, and alfo in the fleet •, and, above all, the condefcenfion •which ■^ ^ his Majefty has had to promife to his people whatever they afk, for the fecurity of their religion, their fortunes, and their privileges, with which the fubjeifts, generally fpeaking, are highly fatisfied. Thefe are the ge- neral reafons for believing that his Britannic Majefty might fuccecd, if he was in England with an army of thirty thoufand men, to proteft his friends, and to give the well-affedled liberty to declare themfclves. The great utility of this, as well to the moft Chriftian King, as to his Britannic Majefty, is fo inconteftiblc, that it is unneceflary to men- tion it. The conjunfture feems favourale for finifliing the war, con- fidering the great fuperiority which his moft Chriftian Majefty has over the maritime forces of the enemy this year. During which, if nothing is attempted, there is reafon to fear, that the next year, the prince of Orange, by applying himfclf to operations at fca, may make it more difficult to tranfport the troops hereafter, than it appears to be, at pre- fect. Befides that, the delay will difcourage the King's friends in Eng- land, who expcdl him, and encourage his enemies, who fear him. The end of fummer is more proper for this attempt, than the fpring or autumn. For, in fummer, the prince of Orange will be obliged to abandon England to his counfellors or to leave Flanders. If he does the firft, wc have for us the principal counfellors of the princefs of Orange, who governs •, and the commanders of the fleet, who will be encouraged, by his Majefty's approach, and by the abfence of the prince of Orange, to execute more boldly what his Majefty (hall demand of them. If the prince of Orange leaves Flanders, his moft: Chriftian Ma- jefty may take advantage of this, and drive the confederates before him; wliich he cannot do either in fpring or in autumn, on account of the forage and roads, &c. The expence will not be confiderable, becaufe the expcnce of the fleet, which is the greatcft, is already laid out ; the magazines are at hand, and the troops, which are already along on the coaft, are fufficient for the purpofe ; and would be then unnecefl*ary on the coaft. The affair may be done, with the confcnt of the Englifti admirals, if they mean to con- ttibute to the dcfigni and, in fpite of the Englifti fleet, if they will not confcnt ORIGINAL P A P !•: R S. 449 conlent to it. The kircll way is to prepare for the worft, notwkhftand- i6>3. ing their promircs. His Mofl: Chriftian Majefty is to confider, if ic ^"'y* would not be proper to make the necellary preparations inftantly ; and, by making them publickly, without declaring any thing, to leave others to judge, that he is to lend back the King of England to his dominions i which, when publickly believed, may have very good efrefls. Firft, It would be no fooner publifhed in Holland and in England, than the expectation, which the people have of a defcent in France, v/ould turn to the prejudice of the prince of Orange, who has hitherto derived great reputation therefrom, throughout all Europe. Secondly, It would encourage the faithful fubje(5ts of his Britannic Majefty in England, who have always objected to us, that, if there was any likelihood of what year and feafon his Majefty would come, they would prepare themfelves. But, to prepare themfelves, without feeing any appearance of being fupportcd, and to expofe themfelves thereby to all the rigour of the laws againft them, was not reafonable cither for them or for us. Befides that, many would declare themielves, when their deliverance is near, who would not do fo, when they faw it at a diftance, and that would greatly interrupt the peace of England, which is already much difturbed. Thirdly, It would encourage the Englilh officers and foldiers, who are irritated againft the prince of Orange, both in Flanders and on board the fleet, and would encourage the admirals to execute their dcfign. Fourthly, It would oblige the prince of Orange to pretend either to believe actually, that the King is to return to England, cr not to be- lieve it. If his affairs are in fuch a bad fituation as we believe, he will have a difficulty in feeming to believe a defcent in England, becaufe he will difcredit himfelf, by acknowledging that he had threatened a thing, which he was not in a condition to perform ; and that France, even by his own confcfTion is in a condition to do what he could only threaten, and thereby he will give us time to execute the defign. If, on the contrary, he pretends to believe the defign is real, he muft ftill abandon either England or Flanders, as has been obfcrved already. If he fends the Englifti to England, there is reafon to believe we (hall have as ftrong a party there as he will, confidering the difcontent of Vol. I. M m m ibme, 450 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1693. fomc, and the corrcfpondence which we hold with others, who are well '"'^" affecled. If he fends Grangers to England, he mult, in fome mealure, evacuate Flanders ; and the Engli(h will not fuffer them in their coun- try. In all events, the prince of Orange will be fo embarrafTed, that it cannot fail to produce an cfFcft very favourable to us. What may be objedcd is, that this would deftroy the King's friends : for they would be harafll-d, imprifoned, &:c. But, to this, it is anlwercd, that it is not credible, that the prince of Orange would do fo, if he did not believe the defign was real For that would augment the difcontcnt, which is already very great ; and he will do fo (till lefs, if he pretends not to believe the defign : for he would thereby give a convincing proof of the reality of his apprehenfions. ■ If he believes the defign, and prepares himfelf to oppofe it, we have his counfellors to advife him not to provoke fo many families of rank. ; and, at the worft, he can hurt only friends who are known, and have taken oaths, and who compofe but a fmall proportion of his Majefiy's party. The beft of all is, that preparations do not oblige his Majefty to pro- ceed. For, if the conjuncfture is not found favourable, his Majefty may delay the affair, without any inconveniencies ; and, if preparatbns were not made, one could not feize the moft favourable conjuncture that could offer. By a favourable conjundure is imderftood, fome great fuc- ccfs, by fea or by land, in Germany or in Flanders, which might furnifia an opportunity of detaching the neceffary number of troops : a thing which will be publickly known, before the very firft preparations can be made. It is now the fourteenth of July-, and, in a month or five weeks hence, the preparations may be made -, and before that time we (hall know, if the conjundture is favourable on this fide, as well as on the other, witft regard to the armies both by fea and land ; and his moft Chriftian Mjjefty may avail hinifelf of this^ as he (hall find convenient. In the mean time, his Brit.innic Majefty may concert with all thofe who are in correfpondence with him, what he (hall think fir, and give them proper direftions, engaging neither himfelf nor his moft Chriftijn Ma- jefty to promife any thing, left any one fnoutd be difappcinted in his cxptflations. k ORIGINAL PAPERS. 45» It is of importance not to ailow another parliament to meet. For 169 ^ there is reafon to fear, that it will grant money to the prince of Orange, J"'-^'" though not enough, perhaps, for iiis exigencies, as liappencd this year. He will, however, have enough to continue the war ; tor he will not want means of corrupting feme 5 and improving upon the conceflions of his Britannic Majefty, he will cajol others, which may be the means of continuing the war : and, perhaps, they will grant him a general excife, with which he will not only be in a condition to continue the war feveral years, without burdening the people, but likewife to augment his forces very confiderably by fea and land. The Smyrna fleet may furnifh another favourable conjunfture, and likewife fupply, as is hoped, fome tranfports. When his mofl: Chriftian Majefty intends to make a defcent, the more troops he fends, the more will the fuccefs of the whole be fecured. The other copy of this memorial is in the earl of Middleton's copy- Nalrne's Pa- book of letters, where there is likewife a copy of the letter in which he voL'vii. Ato. inclofed it to Monfieur de Pontchartrain. P* 3=* The Earl of Middleton to the Marquis de Poichartrain, Minijler and Secre- tary of State at Court. Tranflation. SIR, St. Germains, 15th July, 1693. A S I cannot hope to have the honour of feeing you this week, I take the liberty to fend you a memorial of what hath been frequently re- prefented to you, concerning the interefts of the King, my mafter. Amidft the embarraflment of io much other bufinefs, I imagine it will not be difagreeable to you, to have the reafons in writing, in order that you may the more conveniently make a report of them to the King ; and when I fliall be permitted to have a converfation with you, I fliall endeavour to latisfy you, the beft way I can, in all the doubts and diffi- culties which may occur. With regard to myfelf, I entreat you to be fo good as to believe me to be, SIR, Your mod humble and moft obedient Servant, MlDDLETON'. — ^ - - - M m m 2 Notwiih- 45* ORIGINAL PAPERS. 169^. Notwithftanding the confiJencc of fuccefs with which James fpolic to Oaobcr. j]^g KintT of France in his memorials, he was anxious to have proofs to convince his Moft Chriftiaa Majefty of the truth of all he advanced concerning the number and the attachment of his friends in England, and fent fcveral perfons with inftrucftions to ncgociate his bufinefs, and to procure intelligence in that kingdom. The following papers, con- cerning this fubjefl, and the intrigues of the times, are all of the fame date, and in the earl of Melfort's hand. They appear to be the firlt draughts of his difpatchcs, containing the key and the cypher into which they were to be copied. The firft paper is endorfed in Nairne'a hand : 4to. No. J 8. Nalrnc's " To the Bijbop of Ncrzvicb and BoBor Hickes^ to be ccnmunicated to thi D ^N^'vol ii Arcbbijhop of Canterbury, and the non-fwearing Bifhops and Clergy ."_ " South's cypher, i6chO£l:. 1693. — Bilhops." *' TT is his Majefty's defire, that the bifhops and non-fwearing clergy fend one or two of their number, efpecially one of the bifhops, to him, with all convenient fpeed, inftrudled, by the lord archbilhop of Canterbury and the reft of the mofl confiderable of them, to inform his Majefty of the readinefs they were in laft year to hav joined him, at his landing and to hav preached loyalty and due obedience to the people; and to bring afTurances, under the lord archbifhop of Canterbury's hand, that they are in the fame difpofition ftill, and will join his Majefty when- ever he fliall land. For the fame end, to encourage the people to come into their duty, and becaufe that there may be Ibme danger in infertingof names, ways of writing in white muft be found out, and the paper fent by the boat, and not be brought by any of the perfons who are fent. This is of the laft importance, for the King's fervice ; and, therefore, tho' difficult in appearance, muft be complied with ; and it's hoped, that there may be no danger, confidering liow fafe al things come. The King is ferry he cannot put his own hand to this. The King's affairs depend upon the punftual doing of what he defires, as you fhall kno in due time. The perlbn fent may come fafe by Holland. He muft like- wife bring as good an account as he can, of the number and names of the non-fwearing clergy; and likewife, how the non-fwearing clergy ftand affcclcd, O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 45J affe£ted, and what the King may expeE SIDES the general inftrudlions, his Majefty defires, that you may proceed in the affair with Garret; and tliat you may let his Maicfty kno what he can do for his fervice, now that the fleet is laid lip. His Majefty is moft fenfible of all your care and zeal in his fervice. I'd Mr. South himfelf, to be ufed mtb great care and cauticm. 16th Odober, iSp^.' "VrOU are to endeavour, by Mr. Philip's means, to get plans of all the ftrong pofts on the weft and fouth of England, as Pendennis, Plymouth, Torbay, Weymouth, Portland, Ifle Purbeck, Pool, Portf- mouth, Ifle of Wight caftles, Rhey and its bay, or what other places can be eafily made ftrong for an army to camp in. You are to fend over the full coUedione of CoUins's maps of the coaft of Great Brittain, two copies for the King. *' Injlru^ions by the Cvuntefs of Sbrewjlury, to the Earl of Sbrewfhuryy and Lord Churchilly and Ruffel" iCth of 0<5lober i6g^. f* 1 T is his Majefty's pleafure, that you let admiral RufTcl kno, that his Majefty defires him to endeavour to get the command of the fleet from the prince of Orange : that his Majefty trufts in what the ad- miral ORIGINAL PAPERS. 457 miral Tent him word of, by earl of Middleton and Mr. Floyd j and afTures 1 6g^. him that, on his part, he is ready to perform what he has promifed at his Oi^obcr. defire ; that he is fo far from giving any ground to any to write the con- trary, that, of all things, he dcfires, that they will let him kno the authors of the calumny, that he may fliew them his diflike, by tlic punifliment he will inflifc upon them. That you inform yourfelves, how admiral Ruflel can beft ferve his Majeft)', and when, that things may be timely adjufted to the fatis- fafbione of all concerned, and that you endeavour, by all means, to keep Mr. Ruflel to thefe ways, which may fecure him the command of the fleet ; and let all their rcfentments if poflible, flop, fince upon this " This is t» occafion, the fewer enemys he raifes to himfelf, his affairs will go the 39 fiord '" fmoothcr on, which is much his Majeflie's intereft. Churchill] and 33 [lord His Majefliy likewife defires, that you may, from time to time, let him Shrew/bury], II 1 • J 11 -1 11/-.. concerning kno how this matter proceeds, and that without delay, fince his affairs ^6, [admiral require hafte," ^"A'f .]• '"■g"* * eOy this II my dsjire, and — ■ dated Oa. 16, 1693." *' InJlru£lions to the Earl of Banby, Lord Godolphitiy and Churchill^ by the Countefs of Shreiuflury." 1 6th OiSbober, 1693. " TT is his Majeflie's pleafure, that you defire the earl of Danby, to endeavour to gayne admiral Killegrew to his fervice, fince his Ma- jefly knows, that he has an interefl: on him ; that is, if he be to be em- ployed. That his Majefty experts, upon this conjuncture, that the earl of Danby will do him what fervice he can, and mod particularly, by giving him time how to aft againft the prince of Orange, and by letting him kno, as near as he can, what the faid prince's defigns may be, and his opinione how to prevent them ; and that, if he can anfwer for his fon, he, by no means, permitt him to lay down his employment at fea. Earls Shrewfisury, Danby, Godolphin, Churchill, Rufl"cl, &c. that they do, what in prudence they can, to hinder money or retard it, and hinder the going out of the fleet, fo foon as it might do otherwife. Vol. I. N n n That 45^ ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1693; Odobcx. That they fend the King their advice, if it be for his fcrvice to fend any thing to parliament, in purfuance of his declaratione ; and, if it will not be fitt that the mofl Chriftian King emitt fome declaratione now, that he is fo vi(5lorious as to give terror to all his neighbours, and it may be, to England, (hewing, that he has no intention in relatione to England, but the re eftablifhment of their lawful King upon his throne ; which done, he will not meddle in their concerns, but leave them to be governed by their own laws, and to enjoy their religione, libertys and propertys, which, by thefe laws, they have right to. And that, in all other things, wherein his Majeftie's interefl: may be concerned, it is his Majeftie's defire, that they fend him their advice. The Inftruftion to Earl Danby here above. This is for yourfelf and No. 6 alone. That for Earl Shrewfbury, E. Danby, Lord Churchill, Lord Go- dolphin and Admiral Rullcl, and This for yourfelf, and No. 33 [Lord Shrewfbury] to be communicate to his friends, both figncd by the King, This is my deftre. On the back, for M. S. Harbord all three. Nairne's Papers, D.N. vol. i fol, No. 112. There Is a letter in an unknown hand among Nairne's papers, which is neither figned nor addreffed. But from the conclufion. It appears to have been written by one of King James's adherents to fome of the French minif- ters. It confifts of 26 folio pages ; and contains a full ftate of the affairs of Europe in general, and a very interefting account of the affairs of Eng- land in particular, with the names of James's friends. It is dated at the top, in Nairne's hand; " In the beginning of the Winter, after the campaign of Ncrwinden *, towards the months of Oftober, November, or December, 1693." The writer of this letter, from a general view of the ftrength and dif- pofitions of the different powers of Europe, concludes, that the war * The Fiench call the battle of Landen, by that name. canROt ORIGINAL PAPERS. 459 cannot be finiibed foon wkli honour and advantage to France, without 1693. carrying it into England. He then proceeds to confider the people of En- gland, as divided into four parties, viz. King James's party, the prince of Orange's party, the Republicans, and thofe who were not attached to any fyftem of government ; and infers from a particular view of the number and fentiments of thefe parties, that James muft fucceed now, if he attempts an invafion. He proceeds in the next place, to mention the King's friends by name. Tranflation. " np H E King of England believes he may hope good fuccefs from his enterprize, becaufe it is inconteftible, that he has for him, the earl of Danby, prime minifter to the prince of Orange, lord Godolphin, a lord of the treafury and a member of the privy council, the earl of Shrewfbury, who has been his firft fecretary of ftate, Ruflel, who is of the cabinet council and has been an admiral, Churchill, who is firft lieutenant general, the fon of the duke of Beaufort and the fon of the duke of Bolton. All thefe have ferved the prince of Orange with zeal, as long as they believed he could maintain himfelf in England, and have defpifed all fort of correfpondence with the King. This Ihows, that they are not of the fame fentiment at prefent, and confequently, that his Majefty has more hopes than ever. *' His Majefty has for him, befides the dukes of Beaufort, Northumber- land and Southampton, the Marquifles of Hallifax and Worcefter, the carls of Lindfay, Huntington, Exeter, Saliitury, Peterborough, Chefter- field, Kingfton, Thanet, Scarfdale, Clarendon, Cardigan, Carlille, Aylf- bury, Litchfield, Feverfham, Radnor, Yarmouth, Clare, Abingdon and Derventwater ; the vifcounts Montague, Weymouth, and Hatcon ; the lords Abergaveny, Ferrers, Sturton, Peter, Arundel of Wardour, Gray, Carrington, Wetherington, Griffin, Farnham, and Huntingtore, and all the catholicks of England. *« His Majefty has likewife for him, fix proteftant biftiops, and 600 minifters who have not taken the oaths, and almoft all the minifters of the church of England who have taken the oaths ; that is to fay, as one of their bifhops writes to me, four parts in five are ready to join the N n n 2 King, 46o ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1693. King, or to preach in their churches to ftir up the people in his favour • ""**"■* 500 of them having been ready to join him lad year, in order to convince proteftants, that their religion was in no danger, and in order to preach their fentiments to the inhabitants of the country, thro* which the King fliould pafs. " His Majefty has the cities of Exeter and of Briflol, two of the largefl in the kingdom, in readinefs to declare for him. tic is allured of the garrifons of Hull, Tilbury, and Languard. He has already formed and armed from 3 to 4000 horfe and dragoons, a number of the nobility tnd of the richeft merchants in London, and the militia ol leveral coun- tries J all thefe are ready to declare themfelves, on the firll notice. " Befides, his Majefty has the two admirals, who command the fleet, and who are in correfpondcnce with him, and from whom his Majefty may expcft every advantage. Firft, they have been trained by his Majefty and owe their fortunes to him, and expecl more from him than the prince of Orange will ever give them, and therefore, they have greater expedations from his Majefty j moreover, they hate the prince of Orange, on account of the infolence, of which they think he has beeh guilty towards the nation -, and laftly, they have reafon to fear they will be facrificed to the parliament, in order to fave the prince of Orange, who will not fail to blame them for the lofs of the Smyrna fleet. Delaval depends entirely upon the King, and Killigrew, the fecond in command,, depends on the earl of Danby, who is for the King. *' I do not enter into a particular detailof his Majefty's hopes of having * confiderable part of the prince of Orange's army, as the fecond com- pany of the body-guards, the royal regiment of cavalry, a part of the Queen's regiment, the firft regiment of guards, Bath's regiment of In- fantry, Selwin's regiment, &c. btfides a great number of officers of all the other corps ; when it is to be again confidered, that if a defcrtion is once begun among the Englifh troops, they will all come over to his Ma- jefty, as they all abandoned him. •• The earl of Danby, who is entirely for us, is lord lieutenant of the county of York, which is the largefl county in England. He is governor alfo of the town and citaJel of Hull, of which, confequently, hisMijefty is nuft:er whenever he choofes. " The ORIGINAL PAPERS. ^6t " The earl of Abington is lord lieutenant of the county'of Oxford, and i^9i' he is entirely for the King, and confequently, the militia of that county C;aoberi will be either for the King, or of no advantage to 'he prince of Orange, and will not hinder the paflTage of his Majefly's friends, who will choofe^ to join him. The earl of LinJfay is in the fame ftation, in the county of Lincoln. " It is true, there are not convincing proofs of all this ; but as his mod' Chriilian Majeily docs not think proper to hazard any thing in this affair with- out having a greater fecurity, it is neceflary, that he rtiould let us know the ftate, in which he choofes that England fliould be, to induce him to make a defcent ; and, at the fame time, it is neceflary to condefcend on the proofs which his Majcfty would choofe to have to convince him, that England is in the flate in which he would have it, in order that his. Britannick Majefty may urge his friends in England, to put affairs in the- pofture required, and to furnifh him with the proofs that will be ne- celLry for him : for it is impolTible to continue the manoeuvres we have pradifcd in time pafl, of taking the proper meafurcs in England,, during the winter, for receiving the King in the fpring, and not bcino- then in a condition to take advantage of the conjunciure, to employ the fummer in making preparations for the autumn, and the autumn and winter for the enfuing fpring ; at leaft, unleis we know that his moft Chriftian Majefly will be then in a condition to avail himfelf of our. preparations ; for it is impofTible but the prinse of Orange will difcover his Majtfty's friends at laft, and ruin them." From hence the writer of the letter infers the necefTity of concerting the; plan and fixing the time of the invafion. He fhows, at full length, that^ the prefent conjuncture is favourable, and that the defign is as mui.h for the intereft of his moft Chriilian Majefty as of the King of England j and,, that the execution of it hath been hitherto prevented, by the artful mif- rcprefentations of the prince of Orange, who concealed his weaknefs, and publifhed fuch falfe accounts of his forces, by fea and land, as might reader the fucccfs of the enterprize uncertain. He fhows likewife, that England, uiiiefs it is invaded, will be able to continue the war. " Scotland," he fays, " being more opprcfled by the prince of Orange,- is more rea.iy to take vigorous refolutions, and is now in the moft favour- able condition that can be imagined, lo rile in arms. More than a hundred: 462 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1693. hundred perfons of the firft quality in tlie country, have chofen rather oaober. ^^ p^y j]^j,j^ revenues for a year, and be prifoners to the prince of Orange, than to take the oaths of allegiance, which he afked. Therefore, far from furnifliing any afiiftance to the prince of Orange, Scotland would revolt and make a confiderable diverfion." The writer of the letter mentions feveral fymptoms of a general dif- content in Britain, fincethe lofs of the Smyrna fieetand the battle in Flanders, which he infers from the complaint of the merchants to Queen Mary, and from the city of London's refufing to advance money to King "William in his greateft neceffities. " Moreover, thofe who have moft credit •with him, want now to capitulate with his Majefty, and thofe who have a confiderable fliare in the government, have entreated the King to pardon them ; forefeeing, as they fay themfelves, that his government cannot lad." He, in the next place, obviates all the objedlions, againft fending an army of 30,000 men to England, particularly on account of the quantity of fpecie, which would be fent to maintain them, in cafe the King fhould be defeated as foon as he landed. «' But," fays he, " if the King has time to join his friends, there is great reafon to hope, that he will have money to pay his troops ■, feveral of the prince of Orange's coUeftors having promifed him to keep confiderable fums, provided they can know ex- actly, when his Majefty will come. There is one of thofe collegers at Briftol, who, laft year, had 100,000/. fterling, in ready money to give the King, if he had gone over from La Hogue; and he kept that money as long as there were any hopes of his landing. Therefore, although his Majefty cannot venture to make a defcent, without having fubfii]:ence for his army for fix weeks after his arrival in England ; yet it is to be hoped, that he may fave the money of France and return it in fpecie direftly." The remaining part of the letter concerns the proper place for landing ; and after fome further arguments for an immediate invafion, concludes in thefe words : " I have now told you. Sir, a part of what I had to fay on the fubjcft, to engage his moft Chriftian Majefty to turn his attention a little towards England. But it is impoffible for me to fpeak on the fubjed, fo as to perfuade, unlefs I knew the objeiftions. I therefore, befcech you to contrive, that we may fpeak freely and at Icifure with the French ORIGINAL PAPERS. 463 French mlnifters, in order that they may debate the affair and tell us i%3- their objcdlions, and that we may be inftruded by their knowledge ; be- t)ciobtr. caufe it is not only our interefl, with regard to his Britannick Majefty, whofe re-eftablifhment is ourfirft and principal motive; but alfo becaufe all our hopes, our families, our pofterity, and, what is flill more dear to us, our reputation, depend up.in the fuccefs of this affair. There- fore, it may be eafily believed, that, if we cannot furmount difficulties, we fhall be very well plcafcd not to engage ourfelves in danger." The writer of the preceding letter wrote according to the in- formation which was fent to James from his friends in England, as appears from the account given of the opinions of fome of them in the following paper. It is indorfed in the earl ot Melfort's hand, " A draught of the memorials of Sir George Barclay and captain Williamfon, 28ch December, 1693, St. Germains." It appears to be the firfl: rough draught of a French tranQation, correded by iMelfort, who probably intended it for the information of the French miniflry. The paper itfelf is in Nairne's hand. Sir George Barclafs Memorial to King Jams, 2% th December, ^^93- P5«mber. Trandation. ^:}^^ « 'T'HE earl of Clarendon has commiflioned me to tell your Majefty, ^°' "'• that, at any time within three months, your Majefty may make a defccnt with fuccefs. But that your affiairs will kiff^er by a longer de- lay, your friends will be ruined, and it will be difficult to find again fuch a favourable conjuncture. " The earl of Litchfield fays, that he anfwers to your Majefty for the county of Oxford, as lord Lmdl'ay does for the county of Lincoln, and that your Majefty may depend upon colonel Brewer's rcgiireni ; that there is no time to be loft, and, that people in general are not willing to engage themfelves in your Majefty's caufe, but in the hopes that your Majefty will come foon. " The earl of Yarmouth fays, that the proper time for your M ijefty to come, is after the departure of the fleet forihc Streights and of the troops 6 for 464 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1693. for Flanders. He fliowed me a lift of the principal perfons of the December, (.g^jnty ^f Morwicli, who have promifed to declare for your Majefty. He has likewife fecured the city of Norwich for your Majeftyi and he wifhes, if it be pofT.ble, that your Majefty may have the Marefchal dc Luxembourg to command the army you bring along with you. Lord Mountgomcry aflirms, that the moft proper time for a defcent is, between this and the month of March j and that, if your Majefty puts it oft" to a more diftant period, the delay may be of dangerous con- fequence; but, that your Majefty coming then, with 30,000 men, cannot fail of luccefs, the nation in general being well difpofed, and if they are not for, they wiU not, at leaft, be againft your Majefty. Colonel Graham fays, that your Majefty muft infallibly fucceed, if you come any time before the month of March. Sir John Friend fays, that he anfwers to your Majefty for* two regi- ments of militia, in the Tower Hamlets, and, that he will join your Majefty with a regiment of cavalry, and that he does not doubt, but your Majefty will accomplifti the defign of your enterprize, if you come with 30,000 men. Sir John Fenwick, Sir Forrefter, and feveral other gentlemen, are unanimoufly of opinion, that your Majefty may delay your coming too long, and can never come too foon ; and it is their opinions in general, that it is not proper to come with lefs than 30,000 men, a good train of artillery, and fome arms for your Majefty's fubjedts, who will join you at your landing. Lord Arran believes, that your Majefty never had fiich a favourable opportunity as at prefent, providing you come with an army of 30,000 men, and he advifes to fend fome troops to Scotland likewife, if it can be done. The earl of Breadalbin believes, that the parliament will take the management of the fleet into their own hand, and that they will render it very formidable, in order to be in a condition to obtain a favourable compofition for themfelves, in cafe the confederacy fliould be diflblved. He is likewife of opinion, that it is proper to fend fome troops to Scot- land, and intreats your Majefty to acquaint him, if you choofe that he fhould go to Scotland. Lord Forbes believes, that the prefent is the moft favourable conjunc- ture for your Majefty to come. 7 Fergufon R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 4^5 Fergufon told me, that the Englifli will have this year a very power- 1693. ful fleet, commanded by men in whom the prince of Orange places con- fidence ; that they will change their lord lieutenants of counties, and particularly the lieutenancy of London and the officers of the militia, and that all the power will be placed in the hands of the prefbterians, who will adhere to the prince of Orange, and, that their intention is to have this fummer, a fleet of fixty Englifh, and forty Dutch fhips of the line; and he intreats your Majelly to beware of thofe, who aJvife you to come with lefs than 30,000 men. For they are not your fiiends, nor men whom you fhould truft. St. Germains, the 29th of December, 1693." Tranflation. Captain TViUiamfoti's Memorial. « 'T'HE earl of Clarendon entreats your Majefly to take the proper pre- cautions for making a defcent before the Spring, as the prince of Orange defigns to fend a powerful fleet to the Streights, and to leave the channel unguarded all Winter, which will facilitate your Majefty's pafl'age ; and your Majefty may depend upon finding, after you land, fjfficient fuftenance for your troops every where in the Uirns of the farmers, and your Majefly needs not to doubt, but your fubjccts will chearfully return to their duty, provided your Majefty comes with a force fufficient to proteft them : a fufficient force is fuppofed to be 30,000 men. The lord Mountgomery befeeches your Majefty not to lofe the op- portunity which now offers, of making a defcenr, as foon as you can be ready •, fince there is no winter fleet in the channel, which can oppofe your Majelty's pafTage, and your Majefty will find a people well difpofed to receive you, providing you come with a force fufficient to proteft them. Thirty thoufand men is the number which we carneftly wifti your Majefty may bring along with you, with arms for feveral of your Majefty's fub- jefts, who will infallibly join you ; and the fooncr your Majefty under- takes this expedition, the more certain you will be of fuccefs ; for the prince of Orange will have a powerful fleet next Spring, and will fend it early to fca. Vol. I. O o My 466 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1693. The earl of Aykfbury intreats your Majefty not to let (lip this Winter Deceift er. f^^fgn ; but to endeavour to prevail with his mod Chriftian Majelty to aflTifl: you with his troops, in order that you may be able to make a defcent in the Spring, at the lateil. This expedition will, in all probability, break, the league, which is fupported, in a great mealure, by the men and the money of England. Your Majefty's fubjedts are extremely well difpofed, and will, undoubtedly, return to their duty, providing your Majefty comes with a fufficient force. Thirty thoufand men is all they demand, with fome arms for thofe who will join your Majefty upon landing ; and the fooner your Majefty comes, when the wind and the feafon permits you, the better. The earl of Yarmouth befeeches your Majefty, to obtain from the moft Chriftjan King, troops for making a defcent, before the prince of Orange's fleet can be ready ; which will be very early in the Spring. His opinion is, that it will be more fafe for your Majefty to come afcer the parlia- ment is finiflied, than when it is fitting, left the prince of Orange ftiould oblige them to take fome fteps, which might be prejudicial to youc Majefty -, but, as this is only his private opinion, he fubmits it to your Majefty's better judgment *. He wifties your Majefty may land with 30,000 men ; the people being fo difpofed at prefent, that, with that number, your Majefty cannot poftibly fail to fucceed. The earl of Arran intreats your Majefty not to delay, by any means, to make a defcent later than the Spring. It is his opinion, that your Ma- jefty will meet with very little refiftance, if you land with 30,000 men v the Englifti being now fo well difpofed, that he believes it is impoflible the enterprize can fail. Sir Theophilus Oglethorp wiflies your Majefty may make a defcent, at the lateft, in the fpring, with 30,000 men, which will be a fufficient force for vanquiftiing all your enemies, for proteding your friends, and for conducing your Majefty, in fafety, to Whitehall. That number of troops will oblige both the fleet and army to return to their duty ; the latter being already well difpofed, and wanting only a fuperior force to put it in their power to join it. • The pen is dra^n through the laft fentcnce, in the raanufcript. 5 Si. ORIGINAL PAPERS. 467 Sir John Friend defires, with much earneftncfs, that your Majedy ^693. may make a dclcent, at fartheft, in the fpriiig •, your Majefty's faithful Ddcembcr. fubiefts, who have been very aftive in your fervice, and who are ready to join you, the moment you arrive, being in great danger of being ruined, and of wanting the power of being of further ufe to your Ma-, jefty, if you delay to come at this time. As for himfelf, he engages to bring to your Majefty a good regiment of cavalry, at your landing-, and he has great influence over the two regiments of the militia, deRined for the defence of the Tower ; and he has great hopes, by thefe means, to poffefs himfelf of the Tower of London -, as he does not doubt but the prince of Orange will withdraw all the veteran troops from London to oppofe your Majefty. He will join to his regiment a company of clergy- men of the church of England, who are determined to fcrve as volun- teers in this expedition, as are in fad the majority of the clergy, who have not taken the oaths, and alio many of thofe who have taken them. He hopes alfo, by aftratagem, to feize the prince and princefs of Orange, and to bring them to your Majefty -)-. Thirty thoufand men is all that is neceffary for this expedition, which will re-eftablifli your Majefty and your pofterity : but, with a fmall number of troops, your Majefty is advifcd not to hazard your perfon, and the lives and fortunes of your faithful fubjeds. Mr. Louton, likewife, has given me in charge to reprefent to your Majefty, not to neglefl this conjundurc, which was fo little to be ex- pected, and is fo very favourable, that the like, perhaps, may never occur again : the coaft unguarded, and the people, by your Majefty's declaration, and by the taxes with which the prince of Orange opprefles them, difpofcd to join your Majefty, providing you come to them with an army of 30,000 men, which will be fufficient to proted them : for, as this is an enterprize which cannot be attempted twice, they are de- firous to undertake it with fafety. With regard to forrage for the troops, all the barns and garrets in the country are full of it, at this feafon ; and, if the winter is allowed to pafs, it will be impoftible to undertake this enterprize, when there is forrage in the fields j becaufe the Englifli fleet will put to fea early, and be very ftrong. ■{■ The pen is drawn through the latl fentencc in the MS. O 2 Mr. 468 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 169 J. Mr. Stroude defires, that your Majefty may make a dcfcent, and has Pecerober. given me in charge to aflurc you, that all the county of Somerfet is ready to receive you : that lord Powlet, he himfelf, and other gentle- men of that county, will infallibly take arms and declare for your Ma- jefty, the moment they receive advice of your landing : that your Ma- jjcfliy's declaration has difpofed the minds of the people of England in fuch a manner, that this expedition cannot fail to have a happy ilTue : that thirty thoufand men will be fufficient to accomplifli this great workv and that, with that number, according to all human appearance, your Majefty will be fuccelsfuL Mr. Fergufon wifties, that your Majefty may not let pafs the fpring, without making a defcent in England ; it being impoffible that the prince of Orange can fupport himfelf, when your Majefty comes in compe- tition with him, the people being already much difgufted with his go- vernment. The Englifh would choofe to be quit of him -, but that will not be in their power, unlefs your Majefty comes to deliver them, with an army of 30,000 men, and with arms for fuch of your Majefty's fub- jefts as will come to join you. And when the preparations for thb ex- pedition are finifhed, if your Majefty commands him, he will come to give himfelf up, in any place in France your Majefty choofes, in order to be facrificed, if the enterprize fails ; and the foQner it is undertakerr, the more certain will be the fuccefs. Mr. Penn lays, that your Majefty has had fevcral occafions, bur never any fo favourable as the preftnt-, and he hopes, that your Majefty wilP be earneft with the mod Chriftian King not to negle«5t it : that a dcfcent, with 30,000 men, will not only re-eflabtifh your Majefty, but, accord- ing to all appearance, break the league ; that your Majefty's kingdoms will be wretclied while the confederates are united ; for while there is a fool in England, the prince of Orange will have a penfioned parliament, who will give him money. Colonel Graham is of the fame opinioa with all the other noblemen' a;id gentlemen above tneationed ; as are alfo all the reft of your Ma- jefty's friends, to whom I have fpoken i for in the prefent ftate of affairs, it is apparent to all the world, that if your Majefty comes, with 30,000 men, you may go, without difficulty, to any part of your kingdoni i you ORIGINAL PAPERS. 469 ou choofe ; your Majefty carrying along with you arms for fuch of your ^^91^ faithful fubjeds as willjoin you at your landing. Since Sir John Lytcott's return from Rome, James had none to re- prefent him at that court. Cardinal Norfolk and bifhop Ellis, without being invefted witli a public charafler, took care of his intereft, and correfponded with his minifters from time to tinne. The cardinal's letters are of various dates, from the 2jd December, Naime's 1692, to the i7thNovember, 1693. 1X1!:%^ 23d December^ ILI E writes, that the Pope had already laid out a great 1692. deal of money to charitable purpofes. He recom- mends ecclefiaftics to be employed in the million. 13th January, 1693. His attempts to get money have been hithertor unfuccefsful. He propofes the preferment of different miffionaries, and complains of the Pope's diftreffes. 10th March, 1693. *' Yefterday I fpoke again unto his Holinefs, of bis Majefty and poor faithful fubjefts ; but could get only very kind and companionate words, renewing his own poor condition, which ren- ders him incapable of fending any further fiiccour at prefent. I de- manded likewife his benediction for your lordlhip and lady and yours, which he willingly granted ; as alfo fome Agnus Dei, which I will get and keep until I receive your commands how to fend them." "Without a date, but received 1 6th March, 1693.. '* Our good old man faitK he is fo bare, that he cannot get for the neceffities of the (Ireet beggars i but he is endeavouring all he can to get a peace, at leaft a truce, among the catholic princes, in either of which he will chiefly endeavour his Majefty's rcftoration." The reft of this letter regards the nomination of Irirti bilhops. He recommends bilhop Ellis to be James's agent at Rome. 14th April, 1693. His folicitations for money from liis Holinefs are ftill unfuccefsful. 28th April, 1693. " The inclofcd is an anfwer of her Majefty's com- mands for the tranflation of St. Margaret's day, as your lordlliip will. fee 470 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. liJpj. ice by the printed paper, anotlier whereof I fend to his Majcfty. I hope God and his Saints will look on us and help us, both Ipiritually and temporally, whilft we find fo little help in this world." Ecclcfiaftical affairs in Ireland. 2ift April. — ifl-, ifith, 26th May. Ixclefiaflical affairs. The pre- ferment of priefts, deans, and bifliops in Ireland continued. He ob- tains nothing but good wiflies for the diftrcHed Catholicks. 3Pth June, 1 693. He writes his opinion of a declaration which James was to fend to Britain about this time. " 1 have acquainted the good old man of the appearance and great probability of his Majefty's re- ftoration fpeedily ; and that although he hath hard articles to agree to, however he will never confcnt to the breeding of our prince out of the catholic religion, as was propofed, or do any thing that he thinketh can be contrary to it ; and when he will be reftored, he hath firm hopes of eftablifhing a liberty of confcience." " Now that we are in expec- tation of his Majefty's fpeedy reftoration, fo many will petition for fa- vours, that I muft alfo be one of them beforehand, begging of his Ma- jefty (and your lordlhip's favour in it) that here being two brothers, catholic gentlemen, called Charles and John Draytons, fons to the fa- mous poet laureat Drayton in London*; one whereof I have, in the interim, got a place of cameriera di hoMcra, with our old man ; and the other liveth with me. But they always defiring to fervc their natural King, and both their father and they having been always faithful, would have gone to ferve him in France, had it not been to put him to ftraits, among fo many others, for their maintenance. Wherefore, my humble requeft is, that his Majefty will pleafe to make them his gentlemen ufhers daily waiters in ordinary in his prelence-chamber, or grooms of his privy- chamber, at his return into England ; which honour i am confident they will both as faithfully as decently perform •, their father being a convert, and their mother a catholic filler to the lord Berklhire." 25th Auguft, 169:?. The nomination and preferments of Irifh bifhops. " it is better not to ftir in thefe points, till his Majefty be • " A miiiake of the old cardinal's toi Drydcn." A Marginal iio:e to this letter in MidJleion's hand. reftored : O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 471 reftored : then we may hope to get as good a concordate made with this 1693. court, as France, Spain, or the Empire hath. If his Majelly defires to have any deans, I hope to get fuch as he will plcafe to fignify to me, of his liking, which, in effeft, will be the fame as of his nomination. As for abbots, priors, or fome other titles, it is thought they may pro- duce jealoufies and other inconveniencies, not only in Proteftancs, but feveral catholics, who are in poITefliQn of thele landsj dec." ORIGINAL^ ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1694. 1604.." OIR- George Barclay and captain Williamfon, in their memorials, Jaiujiry. O communicated to James the line which his friends in England ad- vifed him to follow, and, at the fame time, informed him of the fervice which they themfelves were ready to render toward his reftoration. This fubjeft is continued, in the two following papers. They are in Mr. Nairne's hand, and appear to be tranflations of intelligence from Eng- land, which the earl of Melfort intended for the information of Lewis XIV. Nairne's " The names of feveral men of quality in England, who anfwtr for the vofY^Vol counties, forts, and regiments in ivhich ikey are concerned, ^°' "7« It is marked on the back in Nairne's hand, " Memorial prefented, at Verfailles, the fourth of January, 1694." Tranflation. J' fT^HE earl of Yarmouth anfwers for the county of Norfolk, and fends your Majefty the following lift. *' DJl of the King's friends in the county of Norfolk" '* Two peers of England. " An Irifh lord, who refides in thfe county. *' Five brothers of earls and lords. " Seventeen baronets, of whom three are neuter j all the reft are euc tirely in the intereft of the King. " Eighty gentlemen of rank, who have eftates from three hundred to four thoufand pounds a year, and of whom there are but feven or eight who arc neuter. " fifty ORIGINAL P A P P: R S. 473 " Fifty gentlemen of a lower rank, who have eflrates from fifty to four 1694. hundred pounds a year. J^inuary. " All thefe are particularly known to lord Yarmouth, who has fcnt this lift, and who anfwers for their loyalty. He adds, that there are a great number of other gentlemen in that county, who are faithiul to his Majefty ; but he has calculated, in this liit, thofe only who are known to him ; and, with regard to the generality of the people, he affirms, that two-tliirds of the county are for the King, and that his Majefly may depend upon it. " He adds likewife, that the city of Bofton is very loyal ; and that he is alTured of this, by thirty or forty of the principal inhabitants. " As alfo, that the lord lieutenant of the county of Eflex has defi:cd him to alTure your Majefty of his own loyalty, and of the loyalty of feveral other gentlemen of the county, who promife to join your Ma- jefty, with fome cavalry, at a proper time. " The earl of Litchfield anfwers for the county and for the city of Oxford. " The earl of Lindfay, lord Chamberlain of England, anfwers for the county of Lincoln, and Brewer's regiment of Infantry. " Sir John Friend anfwers for a regiment of cavalry and two regi- ments of militia in the neighbourhood of the Tower of London ; and he gives room to hope that, with thefe two regiments of militia, he may be able to take pofleffion of the Tower of London for the King. " Colonel Selwin anfwers for Tilbury fort and for a regiment of in- fantry. " Sir John Knight anfwers for the city of Briftol. " Lieutenant- colonel Row anfwers fo» his regiment of infantry. " Mr. Greenville anfwers for lord Bath's regiment of infantry, of which he is lieutenant-colonel. He is nephew to the earl of Bath. " Mr. Stroud aflures, that the county of Somerfet is entirely in his Majefiv's intcreft ; and that lord Powlett himfelf, and feveral other gentlemen, will be ready to take liorfe to join his Majefty, upon the firft notice. Vol. I. P P P " Taunton, 474 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1604. " Taunton, a large town in the county of Dorfct, is entirely in the January. Kinc^'s intercft ; and in general all the weft of England, which was for- merly moft valiant againft his Majcfty, is, at prefent, the country bed dilpcfcd, and moft attached to his intereft." The following particulars are in a flip of paper connefled with the above. TV^R. Crawford, governor of the fort of Sheernefs, promifed, fome time ago, to deliver up the fore to his Majcfty ; and, as he is always in the fame ftation, although there is fome time fince any news have been received from him, yet his Majefty has reafon to believe he has not changed his mind. Mr. Haman anfwers for Langard fort. In the royal regiment of cavalry there are a hundred troopers, wha have acquainted the King, that they have credit enough in the regiment to be able to anfwer for bringing over the whole regiment to him ; and that they will cut the throats of fuch of their comrades or officers who will make oppofnion. Befides the above, there are alfo the friends whom the King has in the north of England, who are very numerous ; and where there are formed feven regiments of cavalry and dragoons, for which commifllons have been given, and who will be ready to join his Majefty when he lands. An account of them is expefted by an exprefs, which colonel Parker, who is commandant of thefe forces, is to lend here immediately. We expeft likewife, by the fame occafion, an account of all the counties, towns, and forts in the North, which are in the King's intereft; and of the difpofition of the people of that country. The following particular is inferred in the margin. Captain Crifp afllires, that the bifliop of Exeter is entirely in the King's intereft ; and that five parts of feven in the county of Cornwal are for the Kin^. The ORIGINAL PAPERS. 475 1594. " The Names of fame of the men of quality^ -voho earneJUy befeech his Ma' J*""*'/* jefty to pafs over into England." 'TpHE earl of Sunderland writes to his Majefty, that a defcent is the only means to finilli the misfortunes of the King and thofe of the nation -, and that if his Majefty comes now with an army, he cannot fail to carry his point. " He does not enter into particulars, becaufe he fears that his IVIajefty does not confide fuflicientiy in liis advice But when he is afllired that the King is fatisfied with h!s fidelity, he pro- miles to fend good intelligence, and to contribute as much as he can to his Majefty's fervice. -:.i%< The earl of Arran aflures his majefiy of the fincerity of lord Sun- derland, and that he may be of great fervice ; and he alfo advifes his Majefty to go to England, with an army of 30,000 men, with which his Majefty cannot fail to fucceed, providing he comes immediately, to take advantage of the difpofition of the people, of their contempt for the prince of Orange, and of their difcontent, on account of the taxes with which they are loaded. The circumftances are the moft favourable that can be for facilitating the paflage, as well as the landing of his Majefty's troops; fince the fleet fails to the Strcights, the greateft part of the troops go to Flanders, and the money which the parliament gives the prince of Orange will not be railed in time to put him in a condition to make any oppofition. " Lord Churchill advifes his Majefty to come, and gives him af- furances of his own fervices, and of the fervices of all thole who are of his party, which is very confiderable *." Mr. Cholemondly aflures his Majefty, that the people of England arc very much difpofed to receive him, and conjures him to take advantage of the conjuncture. * In the MS. the pen is drawn chrough the paragraphs within the inverted commas. P p p 2 " InJlruJIiiliS 476 O R I G 1 N A L P A P E R S. 1694. February. «« Inflruilions to Mr. Crofsy going by our command into England. J'^'^'^'nM Feb. 16^^:' Papers, D.N. '^ J^j"^- ''^'■'^' Thefe inftrudlions are in Nairne's Hand. ■vrOU are to return our moft hearty thanks to all our friends, who fent you to us, for their zeal and conftancy to our fervice ; and efpecially for the pains they have taken, in anfwering our inftructions fent by you, and afterwards, on the 16th of Odober. And let them know, that we did not doubt, but that we fl.oijld draw a benefit from the anfwers, fuitable to the trouble we gave them, ind the danger we made them incur. You are to let them know, that it was net only for our own inform- ation, that we defired thefe anfwers, but at the defire of the moft Chrif- tian King, to inform him of the true ftate of our kingdoms ; chat, if poffible, he might lay hold upon the firft conjuncture to endeavour our reftoration, if he had found things as we reprefented them to him, and as he found them, by fuch anfwers as you and others have brought us, and as our friends have fent to us by other ways. You are to let them know, that, notwithftanding that, this good inclination of the moft Chriftian King continues, of which we have all reafon to be fatisfied ; yet the flopping of fo many of the men of war defi^^ned for the Streights, has left London in fuch a condition to fit out a fquadron of fliips, equal to what he can arm, if not fuperior, befides what Holland, upon fuch an alarm as our preparing to land, might fur- nifli, that it has put it out of the moft Chriltian King's power, at this lime, to attempt any thing fo confiderable, as the fending thiny thou- fand men out of his kingdom, and hazarding fo confiderable a part of his navy in the Channel, where he has no port to befriend him, and may be in danger of meeting a greater force, not only to fruftrate his attempt, but ruin the fquadron he fhall fo employ in it. You fhall let them know, that this delay is a greater difappointmrnt and aflliftion to us, and even to the moft Chriftian King himfelf, than it can be to them. But that, as they have hazarded themlclves for us we think it fit to let them know our circumftances, as they are at pre- fcnt, that they may be careful not to lay themfclves open to the ufurped 1 government. ORIGINAL PAPERS. 477 government, till a fitter conjunfture happen, of which we doubt not 1694. the moft Chriltian King will readily lay hold. February. In the mean time, you are, by difcreet and fafc ways, to inform one of every party, that we defire ihem to confult with their friends what may be done for our fervice there, and propofe to us what they would have us do here; and theyftall fee, by our readinefs to do what fliail be fit for us, and iaour power, how earnell we are to come to their de. livery ana /rward their Icrvices. February Sth". You are to inform our friends, that the moft Chriftian King's reafbns for nnaking ;>ropofals of peace was not any weaknefs or inability in France, but to fiiew that he was willing to make peace, at a time when he thought the vidories gained by him had let his enemies fee he flood not in need of it ; and he has declared, that he will not be obliged to perforn> th;.fe conditions to fuch of the confederates as fhall not lay hold of them, before the opening of the campaign. And you have to let our friends know, thac they have no reafon to be anxious about them, fuice we, who are principally concerned, are upon the place. Nalnie's pjt- **-■ Prof ifc.h from the earls of Montgomery^ Ailefbury, and I'armouth, Sir pers, D. N;- John Fetru;uk, Mr. Jenkins, and other friends of the King in England^ Ncii'is'.'' dated the t ^f ' t ^^94' ^'"^ addreffed to lord Melfort, with the fiate. of the fleet and of the army" In Naime's hand. . Trandation. TJTAving confidered Mr. Crofs's inftrudllons, and your incomparable letter of the 17th Initant, with what Mr. Crofs has befides told us verbally, we are of opinion, that his Majefty's fervice and our own duty require of us to fend you our fentiments upon the whole. "We know very well the difEculties of trrr,fporting ::o,ooo men, the extraordinary nnmber of traifports neceflary for fo large an army, and that the great expence of this expeditio-i cannot fail to be a little bur- denfome to his moft Chnllian I'.'ajefty, at a conjundlure when he has \'o many oth(.r affairs on hand ; '.'et when we fent Mr. Crofs, we were then of 47S O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1604. of opinion, that we could not, with fafety to the King, propofe a fmaller Maich. number of troops. Firft, Becaufe we could not then depend altogether To much upon the good difpofition of the nation, as we have real'on to do fince ; for the greateft number of thofe who do not acl from a pure principle of loyalty, were not willing to declare themfelves, until they believed that the ex- pedition was ready to take place ; and then they communicated them- felves to us : from which we conclude, that the King's p?.rcy in Eng- land is much rtronger than we ventured to affirm. Befides, the nation feems to exped his Majefty w^th impati-^nce, which is an argument of their difpofition to join him, which could not appear to us, at that time, to have the force we fee it has at prefent. Secondly, We could not forefee then, that the prince of Orange would refufe the popular bill concerning impartial procceedings in par- liament, which has created a number of enemies to him, and has aug- mented confiderably the number of the King's friends. Thirdly, We could not then judge exadly what number of troops would remain in England -, and, in order that the enterprife might be the fafer, we judged it was proper to propofe a greater, rather than a fmaller number -, and fo the number of troops we then propofcd was greater than we believed to be abfolutely neccflary. " But having confidered what you write to us in your letter, that there would be hopes of perfuading his mod Chriftian Majelly to hazard the enterprile, in cafe we would content ourfelves %\ith 20,000 men*,** we believe, for the reafons mentioned above, that if the King can come with 20,000 men, there is, in the prefent conjundure, a moral certainty of fuccefsi and, in order to confirm our opinion in this rcfpeft, we have thought it was proper to fend you the ftate of the fleet and of the army. By the ftate of the fleet you will fee, that we cannot have at fea more than twenty-five fail of third and fourth rates before the month d, but, if it -c'curred again, which might well happen, he would not accept, but 'from a defign of ferviiig your Majefty ; for whofe re-eftabli(hment he was determined to refign his life, for expiating his crimes, Sec. The ORIGINAL PAPERS. 481 ' The next evening, lord Churchill gave me an opportunity of meet- 1694. ing admiral Ruflcl, who received me with a great deal of friendfhip. I ^^^^ informed him of what I had to communicate to him from your Ma- jefty, in confcquence of the offers he had made to you by myfclf, as well as by fevcral others ; and, in order to fettle the means of executing them, I acquainted him how gratefully your Majefty would acknowledge it, if he would apply himfelf ferioudy to the bufinefs. He anfwered me, that he was always firm in his refolution of doing all that depended upon him for the re-eftabli(hment of your Majefty : but that the thing was very difficult to be accomplifhed ; time was neceflary, which yet he would manage in the beft manner he could : but that he would confider the affair, and, in two or three days, give me another rendezvous. We parted then, very well fatisfied with one another: " I having given him fome iight, which he wanted, in certain affairs that interefl:ed him greatly f." I went to wait on the countefs of Shrewfbury, who was fick. I made her the compliments I was ordered by your Majefty and the Qiicen. In return to which flie anfwered mc with all the fentiments of duty and affection for your interefts. She afterwards told me, how her fon, the earl of Shrewflmry, had been obliged to accept of an employment ; the prince of Orange having fent for him, to offer him the poft of fecretary of ftate, which he refufed, on account of his bad health. But the prince of Orange ftiowed him, that he had a very different reafon, by repeating to him a difcourfe which he had held about your Majefty. This furprifed the earl of Shrewfbury much, and convinced him of the danger of re- fufing the employment; but, as he expected a defcent in England in a few days, he demanded fome time to go to the country, on account of his health and other preffing bufinefs, before he received the feals. The prince of Orange having granted this, he went to the country, accom- panied by his friends, well mounted, with an intention of joining your Majefty, in cafe you had come as was expedcd and wifticd. But that having failed, to his great regret, he was obliged, on his return, to ac- cept of the feals ; which, fhe told me, from him, he did only in order to ferve your Majefty more effectually hereafter. Having met admiral Ruffcll for the fecond time, I urged him much about the contents of the letter that he had written to me before my + In the MS. the pen is drawn through the words within the inverted comm.is. Vol. I. Q.q q departure. 4tt ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1694. departure, importing that, in ten days, he would explain himfelf further *^*^" to me concerning the time, the manner, and the place. He anfwered me, that that was impolTible at prelcnt, things not being quite prepared yctj but that he would accomplifli the dcfiyn if it was poflible. I acquainted him, that I Ihould be very iony to bring back, an anfwcr fo general ; that one could not form any dcfign upon it ; and that it waj neceflary to have a plan ot what he was able or willing to do. On which he anfwered me, that he thought he had faid a great deal, fince he had faid, that, by God, he would undertake it ; that he would endeavour to gain the officers of the flt-ct, and would communicate to lord Churchill, from time to time, the progrefs he made. But, fays he, if you was in my place, what would you do ? I anfwered him, that there were feveral xhings to be done j viz. to avoid the French fleet, and allow it to pafs. To which he anfwered, that he would not do that, although it was once his intentions : and that he would do the bufinefs, but fwore he would do it himfclf alone. I propofed to him, that, fince fome defign would be attempted infallibly upon the coaft of France, this fummer, which would necelTarily draw down troops to Breft, or to other places on the coaft, according to the defigns upon them, he might fend your Majefty information of this, and give you time to prepare tranfports this fummerj and that, towards autumn, when it was neceflary to difarm the large ihips, and to fend convoys to America, &c. he would be a judge of thofe which it would be proper to keep in the channel, and accordingly might retain thofe which he had gained in the fummer, and either fend the reft into the harbours, or employ them as convoys •, and being, by thefe means, mafter of thofe that remained, he might join the French to tranfport the troops, which would be necefl"ary for accompanying your Majefty into England. He interrupted me feveral times. Bur, at laft, being unwilling to de- termine upon any plan, he protefted to me again in general, that he would undertake the affair, and that lord Shrewft)ury and lord Churchill ftiould be judges of his adtions. He gave me repeated alfurances of his refolution, and of his loyalty to your Majefty ; and we took leave of one another, as I faw that I could not draw any thing more pofitive from him. I gave ORIGINAL PAPERS. 4?3 I gave an account of all this to lord Churchill, Sackville, &rc. who 1694, were all of opinion, chat he had faid a great deal, if one could truft him ; ^^' and, if one could not, that all he could fay would have no more effeft. After this, I waited of lord Godolphin, who explained to me his fen- timents towards your Majeily, in the mod afFedionate manner imaginable. He acquainted me, that there was too much room to fear a peace would be concluded, this fununer ; and that they were forry to believe, from tlje manner in which the prince of Orange fpoke of it, that the terms would be prejudicial to your Majcfty, fince infallibly the prince would endeavour thereby to oblige the moft Chriftian King to fend your Ma- jefty out of his dominions. That he thought it was his duty to acquaint your Majefty of this. But that it was his opinion, that your Majefty, in cafe the peace was not concluded, fhould come over to England, but with a confiderable force : that it would not be difficult for the French to make a defcent in England, even without RufTell, who ought, never- thelefs, to be treated with attention, becaufe, in his opinion, he had faid all that could be expeded of him, provided one would be fure, that lord Shrewfbury, whom he believed to be fmcerely in his Majefty's intereft, had an entire influence over him : that Ruflell would infallibly appear before Breft ; the land-officers believing that the place may be infuked* although the fea-officers were of a diflferent opinion : that this would give a juft pretext to his moft Chriftian Majefty, to fend troops to that place j and that the neceffary number of tranfports might be prepared this- fummer: that the large veflcls would return about the middle of au- tumn : that the failors would be difperfed, the convoys fent to the diffe- rent places of commerce; and that the Englifh would have a difficulty in finding thirty vefTels of tolerable force : that your Majefty, embracing the proper time, might come over ; and that he believed a blow would not be ftruck after you landed, as nine out of ten of the people of Eng- land heartily deteft the prince of Orange. He reiterated his protefta- tions, with the greatcft loyalty to your Majefty. The countefs of Shrewfbury informed me, that the prince of Orange would go to Holland immediately after the prorogation of the parlia- ment •, that he would leave the government in the hands of tfie princefs ; but that ftie would entirely follow the advices of Danby and Shrewft^ury. Q^q q 2 Mr, fol. No. 124.. 48+ ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1 694. Mr. Nofeworthy f was fcnt to France, by the marquis of Worcefter and y* other noblemen and gentlemen, and ibme bifliops, with an account of the ftatc of aflairs in England. The paper, which contains his account, has no date, but it is probable, he went about this time. Nairne's " 'The prefent Jlate of the affairs of England, according to Mr. Nofe- It is in Nairne's hand, in a French trandation, which was probably in- tended for the information of Lewis XIV. Tranflation. AJR. Nofeworthy, fent by the marquis of Worcefler, the earls of Peterborough, Clarendon, Ailefbury, Montgomery-, Arran, Abing- ton, Huntington ; the bifhops of Norwich, of Bath and Wells, of Pe- terborough and of Ely j the lords Yarmouth and Fanfliaw j Sir Theo- philus Oglethorpe, Sir John Fenwick, major general Sackville, and feveral other perfons of quality and diilin(5lion, fays. That the perfons now mentioned, having made an exaft refearch through all the counties of England, to inform themfclves of the difpofitions of the people, have found, that the minds of the nation in general are entirely alienated from the prince of Orange, by the lofles they have fuffered at fea, by the heavy taxes with which they are loaded, the interruption of commerce, both within and without the kingdom, the general diforder occafioned by an interruption in the circulation of the coin, and by feveral other grievances. That four parts out of five of the clergy are dilpofed to declare for the King. That the King, with an army of 20,000 men, may render himfelf ma- iler of all England, without the leaft oppofition. But they are of opinion, that, rather than let flip the prefent opportunity, his Majefty fhould come even with 12,000. That they have fufficient reafons to be- lieve, that, in that cafe, a great part of the prince of Orange's troops will declare for the King. That it is certain, the fleet is in a very bad condition : that though they prepare to put to fea this fummer, to make a parade, yet the fliips which returned from the Mediterranean have fuflered fo much by worms, \ The fame perfon, called Noifeworthy in a preceding paper. and O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 485 and otherwife, that, being but patched up, they are by no means fit 1694. for fighting. May. That the King's friends, who have perfevered fo long, will be obliged to fubmit, if the prefent opportunity is ncglefted ; and to join the go- vernment, which will render the prince of Orange much more powerful and more formidable than he has hitherto been. It was upon Mr. Nofeworthy's arrival in France the following letter was written by King James. To E. A. (probably Earl of Arran), Feb" Nalme's Pa- pers, D vol. ii. . No. 27. pers, D. N. A copy m Nairnc's hand. vol. ii. 410. the Jiate of affairs in Britain -, anec-iotes of lards Murray^ GoJolphin, ^eenjlerrj, Tarhet, Breadalbifi, Sunderland, and Shrewjhury. YOURS of January the 15th I have received, wherein I am glad to find, that you are recovered of the illnefs you have lately had. What I mentioned concerning your brother George, his being to be employed, was only a rumour, writ in a news-letter ; and, as fuch, I told you of it. But what you foretold of 322 [lord Murray] was better grounded. I doubt not, but that he enters, in good earneft, in the Pr. of Or. his intereft. But how long he will continue fo, will much depend upon what he (hall think hereafter to be his own intereft. But why 253 [lord Godolphin] fliould take pains to make a convert of him, I am yet to find out the reafon. What you fay may well enough come to pafs^ that 303 [Queenfbery], 315 [Tarbet], and 324 [Braidalbine], if they be fenfibiydifappointed, may turn about towards me. But I ftiall fol- low your advice, not to rejeft their offers, which I ftiall think to be fin- cere, when confirm.ed by their adions. The veering about and inconftancy of others confirm me on fettinw a juft value on your fteddinefs. Nor ftiall I be moved with wrong judgments of others, who think that, by your influence on E. S. you have procured thofe feeming promotions, for a friend and for a brother. Mr. Paft [Nofeworthy] is at laft arrived amongft us, who is the wcl- comcr, becaufe he comes fully inftruded with your fenfc of afi^airs. I eftccm him, as you do, for a man of probity and good underftaridino^ ; 5 and. 486 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1694, and, therefore, fliall rely much upon what he fays. But you may be fa- ^^^'' tisficd, that I Ihall not impart to him what concerns any advances made to me, by 235 [carl of Sunderland]. I find, by him, as well as by others, that difcontents and divifions, amongft all forts of people, arc as high againfl; the government, as any honell man could wifh ; fo that it is to be hoped that 43 [the King of France] will not let fo favourable an opportunity be loft. But no certain judgment can be made of a mat- ter, which depends upon fo great a variety of accidents and of people's minds that muft all concur in it. However, as no endeavour (hall be wanting, on my fide, to bring matters to a good and fpeedy conclufion j fo I doubt not but that my friends, and you in particular, will do their part, whenever a happy occafion fhall ofi'er itfelf j which is all, at pre- fent, from Your old Friend, Skree kma Luxnia, 50. When the earl of Marlborough and his wife, by their influence with the princefs of Denmark, were accufed of fomenting differences between the royal fifters, the earl, it now appears, was in correfpondence with the late King. William, probably, though he knew not particulars, fufpefted in general the fecret intrigues of Marlborough, when he fent him to the Tower, in the year 1692. James, from a diffidence of his former favourite, required adions, as the proof of his fincerity. He hf.d done confiderable fervice to the party, before this period. But the moft capital inftance of his thorough repentance was the intelligence of the defign againfl: Breft, tranfmitted, by him, in the following letter to James, inclofed in one, from colonel Sackville. Marlborough is fup- pofed to have had more defigns than one, in this part of his conduft. He wiflied to ferve James with Lewis tlie Fourteenth, and to ruin gene- ral Talmafli, as well as to be revenged of William. In King James's Memoirs, there is the following memorandum, written, upon receipt of the letter, in his own hand : *' May 4th, Lord Churchill informed the King of the defion on Brefl." Page 521. ann. 1654. The French tr.inQation of colonel Sackville and the earl of Marlbo- rough's lette'S, from which they arc now tranflatcd again into Englifli,. is in Nairnc's hand. 7 •• tranjlatien ORIGINAL PAPERS, 487 1694. 5* ^ran/It! tion of a letter in cyphers f rem Mr. Sackfield, Major General of his May. Brittanic Majejlfs forces, to the Earl of Melfcrt." ^'11%'^' 3d May, 1694. lio.^^o. T Have juft now received the inclofed for the King. It is from lord Churchill ; but no perfon but the Qiieen and you mull know from whom it comes. Therefore, for the love of God, let it be kept a fecret, " even from lord Middleton *." I fend it by an exprefs, judging it to be of the utmoft confequence for the fervice of the King, my mailer ; and confequently for the fervice of his mod Chriftian Majeily. You fee, by the contents of this letter, that I am not deceived, in the judge- ment I formed of Admiral Ruflell ; for that man has not aded fmcerely, and I fear he never will afl otherwife. " A tranjlation of Lord Churchill's letter to the King of England." TT is only to-day I have learned the news I now write to you ; which is, that the bomb-ketches and the twelve regiments encamped at Portfmouth, with the two regiments of marines, all commanded by Talmafh, are deftined for burning the harbour of Breft, and dellroying all the men of war, which are there. This will be a great advantage to England. But no confideration can prevent, or ever fliall prevent me, from informing you of all that I believe to be for your fervice. There- fore you may make your own ufe of this intelligence, which you may depend upon being exaflly true. But I mud conjure you, for your own intereft, to let no one know it but the Queen and the bearer of this letter. Ruflell fails to-morrow, with forty Ihips, the reft being not yet paid i but it is faid, that in ten days the reft of the fleet will follow ; and, at the fame time, the land forces. I have endeavoured to learn this fome time ago from Admiral Ruflrll. But he always denied it to me, though I am very fure, that he knew the defign for more than fix weeks. This gives me a bad fign of this man's intentions. I fliall be very well pleafcd to learn, that this letter comes fafe to your hands. • " Even from lord Middleton" is interlined in Melfort's hand-writing. From 488 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1694. From one of the earl of Middleton's letters, addrcflcd to Mr. Ap- ■'" ^'' pleby, a feigned name for a corrcfpondent in England, to be delivered to the Hamburgh merchant (that is, a member of the houfe of commons, according to d(3clor Hickes's cypher), there is reafon to believe, that, about this time, Marlborough had engaged the prince and princefs of Denmark to enter heartily into terms with their exiled father. July i£th, 1594. Nairne's pa- T Have received yours of the 23d of May. It is moil certainly true, ^t"'p^V-."' ^^^^ ^^^ merchant who owns the goods, 368 [King James] ftands in —and ibid, great need of money, and indeed it is not to be wondered at, confidering ville's cy- his great lofil-s and his numerous family ; and would therefore be glad P "■ if any of his friends or old cuftomers would advance him what they can fpare, which (hall be pundlually repaid, with intereft, as foon as he is in a condition to appear on the exchange. In the mean time, he might be put in a condition to maintain his poor workmen, who are in great miiery. I muft tell you now, that 368 [King James] has agreed to what was propofed to him by 129 and 130 [the prince and princefs of Denmark], in the main ; that is, your wife [his wife, according to Mr. Mordant's cypher, means Qiieen Mary] fhall have a jointure well fecured to her, ice The meaning of the reft of this letter is not obvious. From the reprefcntations of the late King's adherents, one would be apt to imagine, that the nation to a man would join him, as foon as he Nairne's landed. But an anonymous letter to a friend at Paris, bearing date the D^N?vol.i. Seventeenth of Auguft, 1694, gives a very different account of the ftate fol. No. 123. of things in England. Ttie writer of this letter, which confifts of feveral folio pages, was induced, by the different opinions which prevailed, concerning tlie power and number of James's friends, to travel round the kingdom, that he might be able to give a jufl and fatisfadory account to the court of St. Germains ; and he fent it in this letter, as he himfelf was prevented, by an indifpofition, from going to France. He found, in general, he faid, that, if all who wiflied James upon the throne were his friends, he had undoubtedly more friends than foes in England; and that their number was likely to increafe every day, on account of their heavy taxes and other ORIGINAL PAPERS. 489 other grievances, and their averfion from the reigning prince. He difco- 1694' vered this, from remarkable inftances of indulgencies fhown to the Ja- cobites, by the lords lieutenants andjiiftices of the peace, in the feveral counties, and from the converfation of the gentlemen over all the '; ng- dom. " But, for the common people," fays he, " they are ftill venom- ous ; and the magiftrates, in moll corporauon towns round the nation, no lefs malignant. They own their prefent burdens very heavy ; yet ' profelFed openly, that they would rather carry it on and on, than let popery, by reftoring the King, (leal in upon them ; and, when afked, how they can read the King's lall declaration, and obferve the promifcs therein made, and yet doubt either of the eftablilhment or tranquillity of their own church ; they anfwer, that, being certain fome of thefe promifes will be broke, they find reafon to doubt whether any of them will be kept ; and they give for inftance that claufe, in which his Ma- jefty is pleafed to fay, that, over and above what hath been promifed, if his parliament, when it fits, can find out any expedient, for the better fettlement of the nation and fecurity of their religion, he fhall aflent to it." After enumerating the feveral objefbions, which were made to James's reftoration, on account of his religion, he gives feveral reafons to fhow, tliat neither the number nor the power of his friends was fo confiderable, as he was made to believe ; and he inftances what he himfelf had ob- ferved. " About two or three weeks," he fays, " after his iVIajefty's declaration was publiflied, being in the country northward, I found all the King's true friends employed to know who, if occafion were, would take up arms for him ; and in all Lancafhire and all Yorkfhire, where I then was, there could be found but very few proteftants, that would contribute to our King's reftoration, with any other alTiftance but that of their good wilhes. Nor could I find in other counties I pafled through, that there was any confiderable endeavours made ufe of to learn cither what would or what could be done. So that, had his Majefty followed his declaration, as was believed he would, and landed with a fmall army, 'tis to be feared, he would have found himfelf at a great lofs, and upon a dangerous pin." He proceeds to give an account of a converfation he had, upon his return to London, with " a perfon of very great quality, and aprotcftant. Vol. I. R r r I told 450 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1694. I told him," he continues, " our King was informed many thoufand of his proteftant fubjefts were in arms, and ready upon his landing to join him. His repjy was, that he did both believe and hope our King would not truft to fuch ftories j that Roman Catholics were apprehended to cal- culate wrong, as to the numbep of his Majefty's true friends ; believing, hands, when time ferves, will be as forward to fight for him, as tongues are to with him back." This was confirmed to him, by " another perfon of note, a lieutenant colonel of horfe, under our King at Salifbury." This perfon " was very frequently with the. chiefs, and moft part of thofe proteftants, who had promifed to hazard both their lives and fortunes for the King, when he was at La Hogue ;" and he found that nothing was ever determined upon, at all their meetings, though he had often propofed to them, to determine, " whether, when the king landed, they fhould attempt to break through the enemy and join him, or flay till he had engaged them on the one fide, and then fall on the other. But he protefted to me, that, though they met daily, nothing \vzs agreed on, even to that very day news were brought, that the French at fea were defeat and their fhips burnt." " I took," fays he, " the confidence to aiTc him (the man of qualit)-) yet further, if thofe, who put him upon his laft declaration and engaged him in fuch large promifes, did not alTure our King, that he Ihould be reftored to his crown, without any hazard of his perfon ? To which, an- fwer was given, that our King is not the firft confiding and fincere prince, that hath been wrong biafled, by a defigning people j who now, by virtue of his declaration, being fure, whenever he comes (for fo it fpeaks), both of their pardon and their privileges, provided only that they fight not againft him, who can rationally believe, that they will un- neceflarily hazard both their lives and fortunes, by fighting for him ?'* His opinion, therefore, was, that James Ihould come over wich a powerful army •, and, immediately, upon his landing, " iffue a new me- nacing declaration. For they muft be taugiit to live and fear, before they will learn to do their duty." He told his friend, that i; was believed, that thofe who framed the declaration in England and fent it over to St. Gcrmains, had afliired the King, ORIGINAL PAPERS. 49« King, that they would free him from his promifes, by authority of par- 1694.. liament. His friend anlwered in the negative, and adduced feveral "^" reafons to convince him, that the Roman Catholics behaved imprudently, and that there was no room to expeft the hearty concurrence of the pro- teflants, in replacing James on the throne. The following paper has no date, but is inferted in the earl of Mid- dleton's copy-book of letters, between letters dated on the 21ft and 26ch of Auguft this year. " Mr. Mae AdanCs mejfage, and the King's anfwer to every article" Naime's Papers, " I. npHE jealoufies and fears the generality of your friends have, that vol. viL 410. the King of France had no mind to reftore your Majefty, having ^' ^' had feveral opportunities, and made no ufe of them, the daily ruin of their country, and the little hopes of relief, it is to be feared, that moft: of them will join with the prefent government, to prevent the total ruin of their country 1 and thofe, either in or out of the government, that have given intelligence of the defigns and out- going of the fleet, and the in- tercepting of the merchant-men, will do fo no more. The King's anfwer. In the firfl place, you are to afTure thofe you come from, and all the King's friends in general, that his Majefly is very fenfible, both of their actings and fufferings for him, and hopes they will continue, when the occafion deferves it, to give him their advice and informations, whereby to regulate his own proceedings here. His Majefty has no reafon to miftruft the friendfhip and frequent pro- mifes of the moft Chriftian King to reftore him, whenever he is able ; and, fmce it is both his intereft as well as for his honour to do it, it can- not be thought that he will let flip any opportunity, which he thinks a good one to do it. 2. Whereas there was a bill brought in the laft feflion of parliament of the oath of abjuration, they are in a more eafy way to oblige the ge- nerality to join in the war with them againft France, which is an oath of fidelity to the prefent government, without taking notice of your Majefty R r r 2 or 492 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1694. or the prince or princefs of Orange's ufurped titles. It is not doubted, •A"i;uit. j^i^j^ ji^py ^m gQ ^ g^g^ length. /infwer. It is to be fuppofed the prince of Orange will not confent to an oath, that feems to eitablifh a common-wealth -, and it is to be hoped, that no- body can be furprifed with a new one, that feemed to fcruple the old. 3. In the laft fefTion of parliament, there was a bill brought in for a general excife, but could not pafs. It is not doubted but it will in the next ; that, with the general revenue of the crown, will amount, at leaft, to fix million, and will certainly be paid to carry on the war againft France. Anfiver. The King expedls, that his friends will ufe all their endeavours to op- pofe a general excife ; and, if it cannot be prevented, to make it as onorous and clamorous, and for as fliort a time, as may be. 4. They are daily alarmed, with a general peace, and that your Ma- jefly is to be excluded ; which does ftartle moft of your Majefty's loyal fubjeds to that degree, that a great many of them are defigning to leave the kingdom, and fome of the better fort has already fcnt to Ham- burgh to know the conflitution of that place. If there be not fome fpeedy courfe taken to prevent this, it will be of ill confequence to your Majefty's fervice. Anjwer. That the King has no apprehenfions of a general peace to his preju- dice ; and that he has reafon to believe there is no treaty in agitation at this time. So that the prince of Orange's brags are no more to be be- lieved, upon this, than his promiles upon other matters. 5. They defire, that your Majefty may commiffion fome of thefe that you think moll proper for the management of your affairs; and that they may not be left to the indifcretion of the generality of pretenders. Anfwer, That the King approves of their advice, and that he will give direc- tions accordingly, with which they fhall be fpeedily advertifed. 6. If O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 493 6. If your Majefty tliinks fir, they define to know whether you have 1694. any confidence in any of the court-party. Some of them has been heard "2"' • fay as much, though others dare not ti'uft them, without your Majefty's orders, with which they are ready to comply, and to join with them, or any others for your Majefty's fervice. Anfwer. That the King thinks it extreamly for his fervice, that they fhould endeavour to gain people to his intereft, efpecially, fuch as are employed by the prince of Orange, as far as they can do it with their own fafety j. and they can beft judge whom they can treat with in fuch nice matters. 7. They defire, that your Majefty's inftruflions may be more early fent this feffion of parliament than they were the laft. Anfwer. That befides what is herein contained, and what has been formerly faiJ upon that occafion, the King does not fee, that there is any more direc- tions to be given : but in cafe they, upon the place, have any thing to offer, they fliall know the King's mind immediately thereupon ; and that, upon the whole, he remits this and all other things to their prudent ma- nagement. 8. They earneftJy beg, that your Majefty may think on fome way how to reconcile the church party and thefe of the diflenters, that are in par* liament. It would contribute much to your Majefty's fervice. Anfv:er. If they cannot prevail to reconcile thefe parties in parliament as to their own divifions, the King recommends, both to them and you, that endeavours may be ufed to reconcile them to him and to the caufe in general. 9.. They beg, that your Majefty would be pleafcd to admirof the chancellor of England into your councils. Your enemies take advan- tage of his not being in it. Anfijoer. The King will be, on all occafions, ready to exprefs the juft value and efteem he has for his lord chancellor. 10. They beg, that your Majefty may return me, or whom your Ma- jefty thinks- more fit, with inftrudtions what your Majefty will have ^ them 494- ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1694. them do J for, at prefent, they are at a ftand, and do not know what Auguft- to do. y^nfwer. This article is anfwered already by the former. 1 1. They defire, that your Majefty may adhere to your laft declaration. yfnfwer. The King has never given any reafon to believe that he will infringe his declaration, and he is refolved not to do it. 12. They define, that, if your Majefty thinks fit to call any of the bilhops, that it may be the bifhop of Ely. They think it would be for your fervice, and he is in a condition to live without being burthcnfomc to your Majefty. The King approves of their opinion, and when he calls any it (hall be him. 13. They defire, that your Majefty would acquaint the King of France with the condition of colonel Parker and Croftsey. They are afraid it will go hard with them. yfnfwer. The King of France has been informed of Parker and Crofbey's con- dition ; but his appearing for them would do them prejudice. 14. They defire, that what orders or inftrU(5tions they are to receive may be from your Majefty, or from your fecretaries only, and not from particular perfons, who pretend to have private inftruftions from your Majefty -, and what they fend fhall be dirgftly to yourfelf and to your fecretaries. That the King approves of their advice, and has given particular di- rections about it, according to their opinion, and that you are not for the future to give any credit to any perfon, who (hall prefume to ad to the contrary." There were two parties in James's cabinet, the compounders and the non-compounders. Middleton was at the head of the firft, and Melfort of the laft. The compounders advifed him to offer a general pardon, in 2 his ORIGINAL PAPERS. 495 his declarations, and propofcd to bring him back only upon certain 1694. conditions : the non-compounders were willing to receive him, without September. any reftriflions, and to except fevcral perfons in his offers of pardon. Thefe probably were James's favourites. But, to pleafe the other party, Meltort was difmiffed, as if under fome difgrace, and ordered to with- draw from court; and Mr. Caryll was made fecretary of ftate, in his room. Caryll, in a letter to his predeceflbr, demands the very copies of memorials, which are now extant, among Mr. Nairne's papers. Mr. Secretary Caryll to the Earl of Melfort. Nairne's pa- pers, D. N. September 6th, 1694. 'J?'-'- fo'' *' T Am commanded by his Majefty to defire your lordfhip to lend fpeedy orders, that the copies of the memoirs relating to the defign of his landing in England, and particularly that which was given in laft year to the French minifters, at Fountainbleau, may be looked out amongfl your papers at Paris, by Mr.Nairne, or by whom you fliallpleafe to appoint, and delivered immediately to his Majefty, who has prefent occafion for them. I am alfo commanded by his Majefty, in anfwer to what was con- tained in the letter you were pleafed to honour me with, of the 25th Auguft, concerning your return to Paris, to fignify to your lordfliip, that he ftill perfifts in the fame mind and opinion, which he imparted to you upon leaving St. Germains ; which is, that he would not command you not to refide at Paris, but that he did advife and counfell you not to make your refidence there, which he ftill doth, and fo much the more, becaufe he has acquainted the King of France and Monf. de Ponchartrain with what he faid to your lordftiip, upon that fiibjeft -, who were both of them very much of his Majefty's opinion in this matter. Having thus obeyed his Majefty's orders herein, I have nothing to add, but that I am with much refpe(5t, My Lord, Your Lordftiip's moft obedient, and moft humble Servant, J. Caryll." It 496 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1694. It appears from another letter which Caryll wrote to Melfort, on the September, ^^^ ^£ ^.j^^. g^fujpg pionth, that the latter complied with his maftcr's advice, and retired from Paris. Me corrcfpondcd with Nairnc, who Nairne's was his under fecretary, and occupied the fame place under Caryll. D. N. vol. ii. Nairne has preferved fome fcores of Melfort's letters ; but they contain 4to. No. 35. nothing material. Though Melfort was difmifled, he continued his quarrel with Middleton, of which the latter complains in the fallowing letter, in cyphers, to an unknown correfpondent under a feigned name. Nairne's 7"^^ E^>'l of Middleton to Mr. Charles Donton. iper >1. V 66 voF. vH. 4to. Decyphered by Colonel Slingfby's cypher, in the fame vol. 22 September, 1694. <£ VT'OUR parcells marked 19 [the King] an J 10 [lord Middleton], were fafely delivered to the owners. The firft was received with that juft fenfe of your friendfliip, which it deferved, and the other, with the moft grateful thankfulnefs imaginable. The owner of the goods No. 19, [the King] denies that he ever faid any fuch thing to Z X W S Q^N, as what he writ to you, and defires you would write by any other way but that. He earneftly defires, that you and others of the company, would enter- tain no jealouQe of his trading with interlopers. He aflures you of the contrary, which I could fafely vouch upon oath. It has been ftarted, at firft, to breed diffention and to ferve fome private turns, particularly to load the owner of the goods 10 [lord Middleton J. We fliall do all that's poffible here to procure tlie goods that are ufeful ; and it muft be left to their judgments, on the place, to proceed as they fee caule. You (hall have an account of our diligence, as often as there is a good oppor- tunity i nor fliall you want directions, when they are requifite. The owner of the goods No. 10 [lord Middleton] aflures you, that he never writ any A O S Y | whig], except fometimes to X W V P H E, if he is thought one. We go to-morrow to a country-houfc *, for fome few days ; therefore, I am now preft in time, and muft beg leave to refer to the perfon that was here, not doubting, but you will give entire credit to what he tells you, efpecially, when he aflTures you, that I am, with all imaginable fiftcem, Your moft faithful humble fervanr, 10" [Middleton]. * Fountainbleau. Melfort O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 497 Melfort was as obnoxious to tlte French miniftry as to Jamei''s friends 1694^ in England; for, on the third of Ovftober, Middleton writes to Mr. ibij^'p"'/,-." Caryll, from Fontainbleaii, " I with the lord Melfort does not come to i^it in our potage : for if the minillers believe, that lie will be acquainted •with what hath been propofed, we need think no more of it." The French miniftry, at this time, were not very fanguine in the l;'te King's intereft. They confuked it only, when they thought it fubfcr- -vient to the cairfe of their mafter, as appears from the following extraft Nairne'j of a letter from the earl of Middleton, who had followed the court to ^^["1' tg_ Fontainbleau, to Mr. fecretary Caryll, who remained with his mafter p. 67. at St. Germains. In this letter, he informs him of the reception the French minifters gave to a memorial prefenteJ by himfelf. Fontainbleau, September 30th, 1694. T Dined this day with Monfieur de Pontchartrain. It will not be neccftary to repeat the dialogue, fince you will eafiiy guefs my part of the dif- courfc by his, which was, in ftiort, that though the memorial was fhorr, yet it was full and clear; that all that he could fay of it w.is what he had told the King, my mafter ; that, when the King thought fit to under- take it, nodiing ftiould be wanting that depended on him ; that for the detail, he delired to be excufed from entering into it, becaufe it belonged toMoDueur de CroiGy, with whom he would not interfere. 1 went im- mediately from him to Monfieur de CroilTy, who, after a long preamble of his refped for the King, our mafter, and his earneft wifties of what was propofed, ftarted feveral dlfficultys of a year old, as want of money^ the difficulty of the tranfportation, the want of a place of fecurity, and tlie danger of their being beaten. To which I returned not only tlie old anfwers, but fuch new ones as the prefent conjundlure afforded, which v/ill not be neceflary to repeat, fince I have always acquainted the King, our mafter, with what I thought might be faid on fuch an occafion. He told me he would reprcfent what I faid to the King. I could perceive, that what he objcdted was not fomuch from himfelf, as what he fuppofcd might be by others, which are indeed fo very weak, that I cannot buC entertain good hopes, notwithftanding Monfieur de Pontchartrain's dry anfwer. For it cannot be fuppofcd, that they will Ajndcrtake any thing, tin they have feen the difpoficion of the enemy's forces bpth by land anl Vol. I. S f f lea I 498 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1694. fea ; and, when they do, they perhaps will keep the fecret from us as long as they can ; nor ought we to wonder at it, after the alarm that was given laft fpring. 1 can find by the courtiers, that Monfieur de Pontchartrain is the only man, at this time, that has any incerefl with his mailer. For my own part, I fhould be very glad to be confined to Conftantinople, on condition the lord Mclfort could carry our mafter home. But it is very probable, that Monfieur de Phillippeaux does not differ in opinion with his father. Tliis court goes into mourning to- morrow ; fo that I muft keep my chamber till I can get mine from Paris. Let your landlord know, that there is here no nc£ies AttUis nor privateers aboard. I am moft extremely, SIR, Your mofl faithful humble fervant, MlDDLETON.' Extras of a Letter from the Earl of Middleton to M. Ualbe Renaudol. Oflober. Ibid. The fame fuhjeSl continued. TranQation. Fontainbleau, 2d 0(ftober, 1694. " npHE King and his minifters have approved of your memorial. "*• Monfieur de Pontchartrain did not choofe to enter into parti- culars, and referred me to Monfieur de Croifly. Monfieur de Croifi"y ftarted the fame difficulties he ftarted laft year. I am not, therefore, able to fee clearly through this affair. I fent compliments to Monfieur de la Touche, who anfwered me immediately, that he would come to fee me the next morning. But he fent then an excufe, without fixing any other time ; and, as there are five days fince, I have no hopes of feeing him, and I don't believe that I ought to prcfs him farther, as thera may be fome myftery in the cafe. " It is from your care and prudence, that I expeft the fuccefs of our affairs." He writes to him in the fame defponding ftrain, on the fixth of Oiftober. " I have received," fays he, " your letter of the fourth, and, thank God, I am naturally inclined to follow the courfe you approve of, 5 which ORIGINAL PAPERS. 499 which is, not to importune any one. Our affair is always in the fame 1694. fituation. Ic is no longer fpoken of; and I imagine, they want to fee the difpofuion of the enemy's forces by fea and land, before they come to any refolution. Ic is fo apparent, that Monfiair de la Touche pur- pofely avoids me, that I think, I fhould not prefs him any more. I will not defpair, while we allow ourfelves to be guided by you." The late King's itjJlrutJions to Mr. Townly and Mr. Tyfon. Deconbcr, ,6^4, 1694. December. " Inftrumons to Mr. Townly, fent inclofed to Mr. J. John/on." d ''n'VoI ii St. Germains, December 2, 1694. 4'o-No.2.. T N the firft place, you muft afTure all our friends, that have been concerned with you in our fervice, that we have a juft fenfe of their loyalty, and of the pains they have taken, and the hazards they have un- dergone in our behalf, of which we fhall be very mindful, whenever it fhall pleafe God to put us in a condition of (hewing our good intentions towards them. Secondly, you are to defire them, in our name, to keep themfelves in a readinefs to ferve us, whenever a good occafion offers iticlf ; and that, in the mean time, they fhould be cautious to preferve themfelves, as well as they can, and not to (tir, till they have particular direclions from us ; which they fhall not fail of, in the proper feafon, wlien they may do us effefbual fervice, without needlefsly expofing themfelves. 'V Thirdly, they muft not expedl, that we can name the time when Ciiis will be, fince it depends upon fo many future contingents and not upon our will ; but that of our deareft brother, the moft Chriftian King, who, however well inclined he may be towards us, whereof we have all the rcafon in the world to be thoroughly fatisfied, muft, notwithftanding, wait for the means and opportunities of executing what wc all dcfire. Wherefore, our friends muft confider, that, although they fuffer very much by delay, yet none can be greater fufferers thereby, than we our- fclves. So that they may reft fatisfied, we fliali negle(fl no opportunity of bringing to pafs, what is our common concern. S f f 2 " Inftrumons 500 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S; 1694.' *' Injlruolions to Mr. ^yfon, December 3, 1694." ecem er. I^TR. Piggot being now upon his way to give his friends a vifit in the / country, Mr. Tyfon is defired when he comes, to deliver to hinr the inclofed paper of inftruftions, as alfo the four fealcd notes, numbered I, 2, 3, 4. The No. I, is for Mr. Vene, the No. 2, for Mr. Powei, No. 3, for auditor Aldworth, No. 4, for Sir John Friend, Mr. Piggot having informed, with fome afllirance, Mr. Harrifon, [K. James], that Mr. Tyfon was both able and willing, by the aOiftance of his friends, to advance a fum of money, for the ufe of Mr. Harrifon [K. James], of which, at prefent, he ftands in great need •, thefe are, in Mr. Harrifon's [K. James's] name, to. afllire him, that fuch a fervice, at this time, would be very acceptable to him ; of which matter, Har- rifon [K. James] defires to be further informed from Tyfon himfclf. It having been reprefented from many hands, and particularly by Piggot, that Mr. Perret, the lawyer, has been very zealous and ufeful in the concerns of Mr. Harrifon [K. James] and his friends ; you are hereby defired, to give him the thanks of the faid Harrifon [K. James], who will not be unmindful of him, when it fhall be in his power to gratify him. The French mmiftry pretended to be flill very zealous to reftorc James. That prince ufed to employ the abbe Renaudot to procure him intelligence, and to trandate the memorials he prefented to Lewis XIV. and his minifters. The abbe wrote the Paris Gazette at this time, and was deeply engaged in politicks. To fome reprefentations he had made in favour of James, he received the following anfwer from Mr. de Croifly. Cojy of a letter from Mr. de CroiJJy to the Abbe de Renaudot. P. ?"s. j-^g JQ;,^ of France Jiill intends to fupport James. vol. vii. 4to. "* No. 69. Tranflation. Verfailles, 23d December, 1694. T Have read to the King the letter which you wrote to me on the 2iftj and his MajeRy finds, that your reflexions are very wife, and of great confequence. I am to acquaint you likewLle, that he does not propofc to Nairnc'9 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 501 to abandon the good defigns of the faithful fervants of the King of 1694. England, and as the conjuniflure may become more favourable than it ^^"°^''^''' hath been hitherto, and as there is room to hope, that the King fiiall have foon more efficacious means tiian he had formerly, for executing the laft enterprizes which were propofed : Befidcs, as all the rumours of peace are now vaniflied, and as his Majelly intends nothing now but to- carry on the war with vigour, our friends in England ought not to be difcouraged ; and if they were fucccfsful in hindering the prince of Orange from obtaining great fupports from parliament, they would foon- fee the efFedl of th<;ir zeal for the fervice of the King their mafter, pow- erfully feconded by his Majefty. I am, Sir, your very humble, and very affedionate Servant, De Croissv. The Ahbc de Renaudot to Mr. Mordaunt. Naime's Pa- Communicating to him the ajfurances contained in the preceding letter. ^"o'^l'bo' Tranflation. SIR, Dec. 3cth, 1694. 7 F 1 have not the honour of writing to you as often as I would wifli, it is not for want of attention, or of zeal for the fervice of our com- mon mailers, which I confider to be infeparable. I doubt not but dif- ferent rumours, which fpread from Holland and from France, may have caufed great uneafinefs among your friends ; and fuch of them as are Jiere may teftify to you, how forry I was for this. Yet I did not think, as things were circumftanced, that I fliould write much, on account of the danger j and it was alio proper not to write any thing precipitately, while you might have imagined, that, if I wrote you that affairs were not as far advanced as was publifhcd, I had been ill-informed. But whatever may be faid to you, you may be thoroughly perfuadcd that no ftep was taken on this fide, but as much, at leaft, was done on theotherj and that, if they have alledged, that Mr. Benfon [the K. of France] was willing to finifh v/ith his creditors [enemies], without troubling himfelf about Mr. Artlie [K. Jamcsj, they have advanced a very great falfehood. It was very true, that an attempt was made to fettle -, bus I the 50t ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1694. the fa(5lors had not the ncctflary orders, and would not fettle, though Decimbrr. ^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^-i, prcfled to it. At any rate, we propofe nothing now, but to carry en the law-fuir. It is true, Mr Bcnfon's [Fr. King] tricnds are cmbarafied to fee, that the courfe of affairs on your fide incline one to believe, that Mr. Artlie [K. James] hath no' friends. Perhaps, if they had not been in fuch a hurry to grant every thing to Sawly [K. "William J, we would have been more expeditious on 'our fide j and all that can be faid to aflure them, that Mr. Artlie [K. James] has friends ftill, docs not fatisfy them. For they fay, on the contrary, that they clearly perceive, by what pafTes, that his friends have not much influ- ence or good intentions. However, we have both here •, and, perhaps, convincing proofs of this may be given foon ; at leaft, I am made to hope fo. Mr. Toncroft [L. Middleton], in whom they place here all confi- dence, and for \vhom they have ail the refpeft and efteem imaginable, will advife you of every thing. For nothing is concealed from him of what I know. I expeft, before a fortnight, to be able to write to you more about thefe things. I intreat you. Sir, in the mean time, to be perfuaded that I (hall not fail in any thing that can contribute to the fuccefs of our common wilhes. I am, Sir, &c. Middleton inclofed this letter in the following. The Earl of Aliddhlcn to Mr. Mordaur.t. S 1 R, Dec. 31, 1694. Nairnc's Pa- T Hope the excufe you make for not writing will be received from me, ^T'k-^'v*"' f^"ce it is certainly true, that there never was fo little news ftirring. ^to. rso. 69. •' o Compliments have been always excluded in friendfhip -, and I flatter myfelf with a great Ihare in yours. If I iliould be miftaken you would be very ungrateful. We have been aguilTi of late -, but becaufe I will not depend upon my own flcill in this matter, I fend you here inclofed an account of it, from our phyfician in ordinary, [the abbe Renaudot,] to whom I refer. I luppofe you will think fit to communicate it to fome of our neareft relations, who are really concerned for the good of the family; who, for that rcafon only, endeavour to advance the match propofed to the widow, whereas ORIGINAL PAPERS. 503 whereas there are others, who, without regard to right or wrong, weigh 1 694. only their own interefts. Thefe lafl: may be difcreetly managed, but December, ought never to be trufted ; becaufe a bribe from the rival certainly gains them. Mr. Artley [K. JamesJ and his Ipoule [Qiieen] bid me alTure you of the great efteem they have for you and yours ; and that the kindnefs you have exprefled for them fhall not fail of a fuitable return. I (hall omil no occafion of doing you juftice; and I fhall endeavour, to the beft of my fkill, to a6l in every thing, as becomes an honeft man, and your moft faithful humble fervant, Marke Toncroft. [MiDDLETON.] ORIGINAL ORIGINAL PAPERS. 4to. 1695. iSg^. (r\^ the 28th of December, 1694., Qiieen Mary died of the fmall- January. V_^ pox ; and the friends of James began to entertain expecflations of a change in his favour, from this event. The firft mention of her death, in Mr. Nairne's papers, is contained in a letter from J. anderion to Mr. Applebey, i. e. from the earl of Middieton to a corrcfpondent in England. January the 13th, i6q^. Niime'sPa- T Moft thankfully acknowledge the favour ot yours of the 6th and 13th pen, vol. vii. q£ December, which I could not do by the laft poft, by reafon of an indifpofition caufed by a great cold, of wiiich I am not yet quite recovered. However, I could no longer difpenfe with my writing to you, in purfuance of the directions I have received from our conftil, on the occafion of a ftrong report we huve here, that the cwi, , of the goods No. 535 [princefs of Orange] being dead. If it fhould ^love falfe, you are earneltly defired to fay nothing of it to any body. But if it fhould prove true, then you will be convinced, that there will be enough to fet all hands to work. We cannot preiend here to enter into the particulars of the adls, which mull be done by the faftors on the place. But there is one po'nt which feems to be of fjreat importance j which is, whether the merchant who owns the goods No. 551 ("the par- liament of England] is broken ; there are many good reafons to believe it, confidering the great dependancc he had on the other. This would be the greatell advantage that could happen to the company ; becaufe ic was he who fupported all the mterlopers ; and, before a new joint ftock could be made up, the market would be flopt. Pray ORIGINAL PAPERS. 505 Praf prefenc my lervice to your Hamburgh partner, and tell him, >695- tliat I had wrote to him, if I had been at any certainty -, and that tKe J*""*^/: accepted bills will be very quickly paid, and that, if he will make a conQderable venture now, the return will make him the leading man upon the change." The Hamburgh merchant, mentioned fo often in Middleton's letters to Appleby, is fuppofed to be the earl of Marlborough. The earl of Middleton wrote another letter of this date, with more particular di- reftions concerning the meafures to be taken by James's friends in par- liament, upon the death of the Queen. It is addrefled to Mr. Syfon, to the care of Mr. Jackfon. SIR, January 13th, 1695. T Received yours of the 10th of December, which I could not anfwer Nalme'sPa- by the laft poft, becaufe I was ill. You may eaCly imagine, that to P"'» ^°^- *"• be well thought of, by one fo generally and defervedly efteemed, was no fmall fatisfaftion to me. But no more of this for the future. The King has commanded me to write to you, that there is here a ftrong report that the princefs of Orange is dead. If it is falfe, he defires you would take no notice of this to any body ; nor did he think fit to wait for the confirmation of it, becaufe his friends might reafonably be impatient to hear from him on fuch an extraordinary occafion. Be- fides that, our poft has been very flow and uncertain of late. But he is the lefs uneafy, becaufe he knows his bufinefs cannot fufFer thereby, in your hands, fince you want no body to prompt or direft you, in the management of it ; and that you do every thing to embroil and oppofe the ufurper's affairs, as occafion offers. If this report is true, the chief thing to be aimed at is the di/To- lucion of this parliament, for which many flrong reafons may be urged; and though I am of opinion, that they will vote themfelves ftill a par- liament, yet the contrary ought to be fhowed in print, for which proper perfons ought to be employed. It will ferve to baffle their afts ; people will be more unwilling to pay taxes, or advance any thing on their fecurity; and, if a fuccecding parliament fhould declare this to have been null, from fuch a time, what penalties thefe members may incur, or what aftions may be brought againft them, or thofc who ad by their Vol. I. T t t authority, pers, vol. vii. 4 to. 506 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1695. authority, ought to be fhowed, in cafe ftill that this report is true. I da January. ^^^ doubt but you will communicate this to Mr. Donton and other friends ; for I have neither time nor health to do it myfelf, which would be but a repetition of the fame thing. If there is any thing in this that you cannot read, Thomas Adams will do it for you." Nairne's Pa- Middleton received certain intelligence of the Queen's death on the fifteenth of January. He communicated the news immediately, by letter, to the marquis de Torcy ; in which, he adds, " The King, my matter, does not confider her as his daughter, becaufe fhe had renounced her being fo in fuch an open manner. There is even reafon to £ear that flie died in her impenitence." He next wrote the following letter to King James's lord chancellor. The Earl of J^UMleton to the Lord High Chancellor of England, My Lord, Saturday-night, the 15th Jan. 1695. ^TpHE King has commanded me to let you know, that he dcfires you attend him the morrow- morning. The coachman who delivers this, will undertake to bring and carry your lordfhip home again. The bufinefs is to know your opinion, whether, by the incloled ad, the EngliHi parliament is diflblved by the demife of the princefs of Orange. You may be pleafed to confider it as you come along. -T4ie reafon of this harte is, that the King of France is to be here to-morrow. In cafe your health will not permit you to ftir out, -his Majefty defires you would fend him your thoughts in writing. 1 am, with all imagin- .:ble rcfpeiSt and elleem, My Lord, Your Lordfiiip's moft obedient humble Servant, MlUDLETO.V. Ibid. On the twentieth of January, Middleton acquaints the marquis de Croifly, that his correfpondents in England, who fent him news of the princefs of Orange's death, add» " That the m.oft intelligent perfons think that this parliament (hould be diflblved, but that it would not, becaule the members, being judges and parties, will not fail to decide the caufc in their own favour. The King, my maftcr, has already lijnt his orders to print all the reafons which can prove the nullity of that alTembly, in order to difcredit it in the opinion's of the people." I On ORIGINAL PAPERS. 507 4:0. On the twenty-fourth of January he wrote as follows to the abbi* 1695. Renaudot. January. i-T' n • Nairnes Pa- Tran nation. per., vol. vii. SIR, TF my bad ftatc of health had not hindered me from applying to bufinefs, you would have heard from me frequently. 1 now take the liberty to fend you refledions on the prefent Rate of England, by Mr. Caryll, which have been already fent to monfieur de Croifly. I am fure you will avail yourfelf of them. It is certain, that the conjunflure is more favourable for an enterprize than it has ever been. But if the King does not engage in it, all will come to nothing. I was a little furprifed to find, that monfieur de Croifly judged, that the prince of Orange's affairs were ftill in a good train ; becaufe the parliament had prefented addrefles to him. Can any one imagine, that, when there is a man who is acknowledged as King, and his Queen dies, who had an equal fliare of the fovereignty with him, a parliament then afffmbled can avoid to make compliments to him upon the occafion. With re- gard to the ftile, it is mere form -, and, with regard to the compliment at the end, I infer a very favourable conclufion from it. They promifc *' to aflifl: him againft all his enemies, both domeftic and foreign.' They might fay fo, if there had been a civil war. But while all is quiet and obedient, I maintain it is without example. Here then is an authentic acknowledgment of the two houfes of par- liament, that there is a party in oppofition to the government; and" that it mufl: be very formidable, fince they think it neceflary to offer him their affiftance againft it. This appears to me to be a ftronger proof of the exiftence of fuch a party, than any thing we could have faid ; and this remark being made by you, will have more weight, and will not be fufpeded. For I apprehend fometimes, that they fufpeft that we want to impofe upon them, which has been always very far from my intention. But, perhaps, we are obliged for this to lord Melfort. I fend you alfo the London Gazette, where you will find thefe ad- dreffes more exatft than any where elfe. I intrcat you to be fo good as to continue the honour of your kindnefs to. Sir, Your moft humble and moft obedient Servant, MiDDLETON. T t t 2 Caryll's 5o3 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1695. Caryll's reflexions on the prefent ftate of England, mentioned in the January. g^^] ^f Middkton's letter to the abbe Renaudot, and fent by his lord- Ihip to the marquis de CroiflTy, have been preferved among Mr. Nairne's papers, and are in Nairne's own hand. They appear to have been ad- drefled firfl: to James himfdf. Nairne's *■<■ A memorial concerning the ftate cf England, i^ January, 1695." Papers. D.N. vol. ii. 4to. »« j{ji examination of the P. of O — V right to the crown at 9b}een Marys '^°- *S- death." A LL the people of England muft necefl!*arily be, at this time, con- vinced, that the title of the prince of Orange to the poflefTion of the crown is not only unjufl:, in reference to the King and to the prince of Wales, but alfo to the princefs of Denmark, according to their own new law, thoug+i his Majefty was, as they pretend, excluded by abdi- cation ; for none of our new law-makers ever pretended, or durft fay, that the crown of England is eledive. Wherefore, though by demife or abdication, or for failure (let them call it what they pleafe) they pre- tend the prefent occupant may be difpoficflTcd, yet ftill it is an unde- niable maxim amongft them all, that, in fuch cafes, it ought to defcend to the next in blood, againft whom no fuch incapacity lies. Nor let it be faid, that the modern aft of fettlement creates a fufficient and juft title to the prince of Orange, for his prefent holding the crown : for it is the opinion of my lord Coke and all the abfefl lawyers, that an aCl of p.irliament, vifibly contrary, either to the divine law or common juftice, is void in itfelf: and nothing can be more apparently contrary to juftice, according to their own maxims, than to prefer, in the fu<:cefl"ion to the crown, the prince of Orange, a foreigner, and re- moter by one degree, to the princefs of Denmark, a native and your immediate heir. It is certain, that thofe very perfons, who concurred to the making of this law, did it upon a fuppofition that the prince of Orange could not out-live his wife; he appearing, at that time, far gone in an afthma, ami flie of a vigorous and healthy conQitution ; which made them beftow, in the heat of their kindnefs, that compli- ment upon him, not to unking him upon the death of his wife, which then they thought would prove but a bare compliment, though now it lilk out otherwifc. OS ORIGINAL PAPERS. 509 Of this neither the prince of Orange nor the Englifh nation in ge- 1695. neral are ignorant. We are, therefore, to confider what effefts may January, thence naturally follow, and how each of them will be moved to act, according to their feveral principles and interefts : for now, more than ever, he and the nation are perfeflly two. To make a judgment of what effefbs it may have upon the Englifh nation, we mufl confider feverally the two great parties into which it is divided, viz. the church of England-men monarchical, and the dif- fenters republican, by thir principles. As to thofe of the church of Eng- land, it is evident, that, by the death of the princefs of Orange, and the reigning alone of her hulband, they not only lofe all hopes of con- tinuing uppermoft, as by the laws in force they ought to be, but are in danger of their very being. For they well know, that this prince was bred a prefbyterian ; and, that fince his ufurpation, he has fufficiently demonftrated what his inclinations are, by abolifliing epifcopacy in Scot- land, and even in England, by his putting in of late, to all offices and places of trufl [bifliopricks not excepted], Prcfbyterians, or Latitudi- narians. Whilft the princefs lived, the church of England were at fome eafe and thought themfelves fafc, by the countenance and encouragement they received from her, who was educated by them ; and alfo, by the great hopes they had of her furviving her hufband. But he now reign- ing alone, in his own right, it may cafily be imagined what their fenti- ments and apprehenfions are ; and how they are difpofed to free themfelves fjom a dominion, fo unfound at the bottom in title, and fo little favour- able to them. It ought particularly to be remarked, that in all the times of mon.ir- chy, the church of England-party has ever prevailed, in the houfe of commons, notwithftanding all the efforts, which have not been fmall, of the diflenters to the contrary ; and that houfe being the bulky and' weighty part of the nation, and having the piirfc, all Englilhmen in general naturally lean to their fide ; fo that the epifcopal- party, fopportcd by the houfe of commons, will certainly ftand their ground, and prove a dangerous enemy to the prince of Orange, who can only fccure him- felf, by making ufc of his foreigners to bring both them and their fup- portqrs under fubjeflion. 2 Aa 516 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1695; As to the diflcntcrs, their propenfion to the prince of Orange, is not Jinuary, q^j. Qf ^„y j^jyg to him, but only caufed by their oppoficion to the church: of England, and by their averfion to monarchy in general. For tkefi think it an eafiet ftep, from a wrong King to no King, than from a right: King ; and, for the fame reafon, they will better endure the reign ofc a woman, than of a man, which will not a little make for the princefs of Denmark, if ever Ihe come to a conteft with the prince of Orange : for, thefe diflenters being of a true republican fpirit, can naturally bear no, fuperiority, either in church or ftate ; and, next to having no rulers over them, the weakcft will always be moft acceptable to them. But thefe men muft be confidered, not under the notion of difienters, but ahb as Engliflimen ; and, upon that national account, they will as vio- lently oppofe the domination of ftrangers, as any other EngliAi fubje(5ts whatfoever. So that, if the prince of Orange fhall think himl'elf obliged, for his own fecurity, to awe the nation by foreign troops, all that is Englifh, even army aixl navy, will certainly join, as one man, to keep them out. To this mufl: be added the haughty and morofe humour of that prince, which could not fail to extinguifh all affedtion for his pcrfon. It is true, the contrary behaviour of the princefs of Orange and her popular affa- bility did, in fome meafure, appeafe, or, atleaft, cover the general difguft. conceived againll him. But flie being dead, nothing can hinder an in.-, creafe of averfion between him and the people -, and both muft proceed, in their own natural ways, he to difoblige and they to refent. It "is eafy to judge what the confequences may be of this prefent ftate ofi affairs and difpofition of minds in England. The prince of Orange can no otherwife fuppOTt the weaknefs of his title, againft the manifeft right of his Majefty, according to the old true law, or againft that of the princefs of Denmark, according to their new model, and fecure to himfelf the pofTeflion of the crown, but by tranfporting into England an army of foreigners fufficient to overawe the nation. But this is what no Englifti parliament, though never fo mucli penfRnar)', no Englilh army,, no Englifti fleet will ever endure-, and yet it is not more tha- probable, confidering the circumftances of his affairs and his own natural jealoufy, that he will attempt to do it, not all of a fudden, but by degrees. But^ then, by the fame degrees will alfo increafe the jealoufy of the EngliHi,^ till,- ORIGINAL PAPERS. 5^i till, at laft, it muft break out into open hoftility. This opportunity 169;. fhould not be loft by !iis moil Ciiriftian Majcfty, of humbling an enemy, )*'>"*'■/♦ who has railed .and leads all the forces in Europe againll !• ranee; and of reducing him to an impoffibility of doing any more hurt, no more than by the King of England, for the recovery of his crown. That the oc- cafion may not be loft to botli, it will be neceflary, that a competent number of troops and fhips may always be in a j-cadipcfs, upon the firft: commotions in England, to fu^^port the contrary party to the prince of Grange; otherwife, fliould he prevail in that ftruggle, and reduce Eng- ■ land as he has done Holland, under a perfe<5t fubjeiSlion, he would be- come a more dangerous enemy than ever. It is not to be expefted, that^^ .;upon the. felt rjfings, any, declaration will be made in behalf of his Ma- jefty, but jheir prjetenfions will; be to aflert the indifpuuble right (com- paratively to his) of a piinceis born in England, again-ft an intruding foreigner, or rather upon a national account, to preferve England from being overrun with ftrangers. A ready fealonable fupport from France, upon fuch an occafion, will not only have the eftoSt of turning the ba- lance againft the prinqe of Oraiige, bpt will alfo determine the oppofite party to him, to declare fpr their lawful King ; whole reftoration is, per- haps, the only means of any lafting peace, that can be had with honour ^nd advaritage..- There is no likelihood that Marlborough could have been forgotten, Febmaiy, • during the intrigues which followed the death of Qiieen Mary. Middleton, in a letter to his ccrrefpondent Appicby, on the 30th of January, 169c, mentions an application which was then made to him. " I fuppofe you Naime'a "will be f^irprifed to fee an old country gentlewoman of your acquaintance, P^P*"* ■who will deliver you biils for 86 [lord Churchill]. She knows nothing of it. I have no directions for you about them; but to deliver them immediately to whom they are payable ; for an honcft and wife man never places his favours, but where he has an entire confidence ; and you may afture your Hamburgh partner of both." The old country gentlewoman, was Mr. RadclifFe, who went with letters to St. Germains, on the Qiieen's death ; and from Middieton's aofwer to a letter which he received from Appleby, after the departure of 5" ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1695; February. Ibid. Nalrne*s papers, b. N. vol. ii. 4t0.N0. 5. March. Nairne's papers, D. N. vol. ii. 4to. No. 26. of Mr. Radcliffe, it appears that the Hamburgh merchant was the carl of Marlborough. The earl of Middle ten to Mr. Appleby, with one inclofed to the Hamburrb Merchant. SIR, February 18,1 6^^. ** 'y H I S is only to acknowledge the favour of yours, of the i6ch of January, with the inclofed, for the Hamburgh merchant *. You may eafily imagine, that I can have but little to fay now, fincc there hai happened nothing fince the lady went from hence. I long to have her home again, and to hear that the bills are delivered, &c." About this time, Middleton correfponded with No. 18 [colonel Gra- ham], who was a fpy, employed by King Williain. Middleton was a man of fome humour and learning •, and he fometimes threw a mixture of both into his letters, on the moft ferious fubje I . r vol. ii. 410. J"'' the hm^ in perjcn to makey at this time, a dejcent upon England; with No. 24., a propofal for making the faid defcent.** "ift, 'T'HAT the whole force now in England are but 14,000 men, 5000 whereof are to be immediately fent abroad ; fo that there will remain in England but about 9000. Of this number 3000, at leafl-, mull be left to maintain the face of a government at London ; and 3000 more are the feweil which can be allowed for the garrifons ; fo that there will not be above 3000 left to fake the field whatever happen, and even of thefe the King may hope for fome Ihare ; for amongft the whole there are not above 1 600 foreigners. adiy, That the great alterations occafioned by the princefs of Orange's death, hath fo broke and divided the ftrength of the government, that 10,000 men are more now in proportion to its prefent ftrength, than 30,000 were before : for the whole church of England party, who were for him only upon her account, are now intirely broke ofF; and even thofe of them, who have no inclinations for the King, are fallen into the princefs of Denmark. 3dly, That the nation being thus divided into three parties, the prince of Orange's muft certainly be the leaft, for many plain reafons ; but efpecially this, that no man will be fo mad as to oppofe himfelf to the King and his fon, the princefs of Denmark and her fon, for the fingle life of the prince of Orange, fince, after his death, they muft unavoid- ably fall into fome of their hands, even though they were fecure during his life, which no wife man will think himfelf. 4thly, That, fmce the defign and defirc of both parties againft him is to deftroy him, it is plain either of them would join with the other fo to do, and confcquently alio plain, that both joined would be much too ftrong for him. What the \ can give the King any doubt, when he will be joined by the princefs's party and his own, which will certainly com- prehend every body either from affedion or fear? 5thly, That the great confufion and ferment through almoft the whole kingdom, upon the princefs of Orange's death, is a plain and dcmonftrative ORIGINAL PAPERS. 521 demonftrative proof, that the inclinations of the people are for the King, 16)5, and not thinking upon any other change : for the cry in the mouths of J""*' the mobs was, freedom from taxes and foreigners and a reftoration of their ancient laws and conftitutions. 6thly, That the prefent parliament (which is the only fupport the prince of Orange hath to truft to, even though they fliould ftand by him, upon fuch a junflure, which cannot be fuppofed) will be of no great weight for him or againft the King : for they are hated and fuf- pefted by the people, and not at all fpeaking their fenfe, as appears by what follows, viz. What is the reafon that this parliament hath, for thefe feveral lafl fefTions, prefTed and endeavoured its own diirolution ? The anfwer is plain, becaufe it knows that its diflblution is defired by the people it re- prefents, whofe refentments it fears for fitting fo long againft their inten- tions. What then is the reafon, why the people defires the diflblution of this parliament ? The anfwer is alfo plain, becaufe they look upon them to be corrupted and ading contrary to their intereft and intentions. What ftrength then does the junflion of this parliament add to the prince of Orange ? No more than he hath force to give a fan(ftion to: for it is not the fanftion of a parliament, which the people hate and wifh dif- folved, that makes them comply with its adls, but the force that is upon them from the prince of Orange ; and confequently, whenever there is a fuperior force oppofed to this force, all that fuch a parliament can do will rather hurt than fave him. So that, from all thefe reafons, it is plain the King hath no ground to fear any oppofition, that may be made either from the army, the coun- try, or the parliament •, but, on the contrary, ftrong reafons to hope all their concurrence, and confequently can run no hazard, either as tofafety or fuccefs, in going with 10,000 men. And to effeft the making this defcent, fince captain Bart is of opinion that, if the (hipping Were ready, an army and all things necefiary might be embarked in 48 hours, which is fo fliort a time, that no alarm could be given ; it is moft humbly propofed, that his Majefty would be pleafed to prefs, with all vigour, that the King of France would have the (hipping ready to wait for an occafion : for feveral will moft certainly hap- VoL. I. X X X pen, 522 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1695. pen, before the fummer be at an end, in which fuch an army may be June. f-jfcjy tranfported, without any danger from the Englifh fleet : for, if they fliould but go to the mouth of the Channel, or to Spithead, the common place of their rendezvous (all things being ready at Dunkirk, as is propofed\ the King might be embarked and over and landed, before even they could have any notice ; and fo (according to all probability) poflefs himlclf of his crowns without any refiftance. And that, which is yet more encouraging for the King to prefs this propofal, and for the court of France to undertake it, is, that, if any unforefeen accident fall in between this and the executing of it, which may either change againft the King the circumftances of affairs there, or prevent the tranfportation, the further progrefs of it may be eafily and fafely ftopt, without any confiderable lofs or noife ; the whole expence of preparing the fliipping, even upon the fuppofition of 20,000, being eftimated by captain Bart, not to exceed 100,000 livres. But left this plain eafy method of reftoring the King may fcem liable to this objec- tion, that, though fo fmall a number, by taking advantage of I'uch a fur- prize, and the prince of Orange being unprovided with troops there, be fufficient for the King to regain his kingdoms j yet they are not of force enough to fecure him againft what the prince of Orange may be further able to attempt againft him. To clear up that difficulty, be pleafed to confidcr, where the prince of Orange may be, what he may endeavour to do, and what may be the fuccefs of thefe endeavours. As to the firft, he will certainly, if alive, be either in England or abroad. If in England, it is not improbable, but he may fall into the King's hands, and fo there's an end. But, though he may efcape, it will be fo mean and ignominious to have been beat out of pofTcnion himfelf in pcrfon, confidering what he makes be believed abroad of the affec- tions of the people for him, that none of his allies will ever think it worth their while to make a frefti attempt to reftore him, though they were in circumftances fo to do, which fhall, by what follows, be made appear otherwife. But it being more probable, that he will be then abroad, be pleafed to take a view of what he may endeavour to do, and what fuccefs his endeavours may have. It may then be fuppofed, that he will then endeavour to get 20 or 30,000 good troops immediately tranlported with himfelf into England ; ^ and O R I G I N A L P A P E R S: 523 and that it is the interefl: of the allies to grant him fuch a number." But 1695. to fhew, that his endeavours will be unfuccefsful upon this, be pleafed ^""** to confider the following reafons : I ft. That this will happen when the armies are in the field, a time that fuch a number cannot be fpared, without expofing, for want of them, both the confederate army and their countries, which they cannot be fup- pofed to confent to, efpecially confidering how little they will then truft to above 30,000 Britifh amongft them, whom they will much rather be afraid of then rely upon. ad. That the allies (were there no other reafon) will never confent to expofing fo many of their troops on the other fide, upon fo dangerous and uncertain an event, efpecially confidering what mutual fatisfadion will then publickly appear between the King and his people -, add to thefe reafons the hatred bore him in Holland, the enmity between him and the Eledor of Bavaria, and the great difpofition of all the branches of the confederates for a peace ; and then confider, if it be not much more reafonable to believe, that they will abandon him and treat with France : for he will then have no money (as heretofore^ to bribe mini- fters and others, which is the only charm he ever ufed to keep him and them cemented. But next confider, that, though the allies fhould come over, all thefe reafons (which cannot well be fuppofed) and refolve to run all hazards for him, and lend him 20 or 30,000 men, yet how can he get them tranfported, provided or paid ; for then the fource of his money will be ftopped, and not only fo, but in the King's hands, to be employed againft him 1 and what little fums he may have left in Flanders will bear no proportion to this matter, for thefe he hath only from hand to mouth ; and all his friends abroad joined together will not be able, at that time, to furnifli him with a fum fufficient for this expedition. But fuppofe, that all this were poffible for the prince of Orange, (which cannot be fuppofed) yet the very fleet of England now for hmi will then be againfl: him, and prevent the tranfporting of any army. For the King then, at Whitehall, in poflTelTion of his kingdoms, maftcr of all the ftrengths and ftorcs, and of the very money given this fcflions to the prince of Orange, a third part whereof will not be collcLlcd, will X X X 2 mod 524 .ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1695. mod certainly have the fleet in all places declare for him; for though not J"'"'- from affcclion, tliey muft of neccfiicy do it. Nor can it be fuppofcd, that the fleet will ever go otherwife, than the kingdom, or cfpoufe againft their own country an intereft uponaDutch bottom, which they lb much hate; and, whic|i is yet more, all their families and fortunes will be in the King's power ; fo that their joining the King is not to be doubted, and how then can the prince of Orange tranfport an army though he had one ? So that there is a chain of plain reafons, every link of it ftronger than another, which, accprding to all human reafon, renders it altogether im- poflible for the p^rinpe of Orange to make any frefh attempt upon the Kingj if he w^rc cnce fo reftored. Add to all this, what may rationally be fuppofcd to happen, upon the King's immediately fending an envoy into Flanders to offer his mediation for peace and the fecurity of the BritiHi troops there, and then confider, if it be not very plain, that this fmall number propofed to reftore his Majefty is alfo fulBcient to prefcrve him when reltored, againft all the further attempts of the prince of Orange. There are alfo rpany other reafons which might be joined to thefe, as the whole kingdom being then defperate with the prince of Orange, the great number of known friends to the King, who never took the oaths to him ; aU which his Majefty might arm upon any occa- fion, and who would as certainly fight for him, when on his throne, as they fuffered and ventured their lives and fortunes for hirawhen in exile. In a letter written in cyphers about this time, by John Anderfon to the Hamburgh merchant*, [or Lord Middleton to a member of parliament,] we have a frefli inftance of iVIarl borough's intrigues. June 20th, 1695. Nairne's "VfO THING could be welcomer than yours of the 21ft of May, and papers, D.N. jyj^ Smith fKinfr Tames] was extremely fatisfied with what related vol 1. 4to. \. O J J ^ J No. 5. to him : but alas ! the profit of what you infinuate is very remote, and depends \\)\i^ * The Hamburgh merchant is frequently mentioned io Middleton '» letters to his correfpcndcnt Appleby. Oo the i jth of M.iy, he writes to him : " I the more earnellly defited ORIGINAL PAPERS. 525 depends on great uncertainties; for if either 368, or 20, or 86 [the 1695. King, or the princefs of Denmark, or lord Churchill] give it over to be J""^" 163 [are dead] before 5^4 [the prince of Orange], then we might (hut up fhop, and three to one you know are great odds. Why (hould not tliefe faiftors, who have in their hands that bail of goods. No. 176 [Eno-. land], be called upon to deliver it ? This is a critical time -, no Hone fhould be left unturned. I fliall not pretend to fet down the means, nor need I conjure you to beftir yourfelf, fince I know you are both able and willinsr to reftore our trade. Farewel. From this time we meet with frequent mention of the earl of Sunder- land's intrigues with King James. The following letter is from John Anderfon, or the earl of Middleton, to his correfpondent in England, under the name of Appleby. June 20th, iCgs. C I N CE my lafl: of the i6th inftant, I received two of yours together, Nairne's Pa- the 22d and 29th of May. I cannot guefs nor imagine how 781 l"\l\^ .'to..' [lord Sunderland] fliould come to know any thing of 20 [the princefs of No. 5. Denmark]. Things of that nature are often fpoke at a venture, and not out of any certain knowledge ; either out of malice, or to value one's felf on a difcovery. However, it is impoITible to make any true judgment of a matter, tliat one is entirely ignorant of-, and you will oblige me in defired yours, that I mighc be the more particularly informed concerning the Ha.-nburgh partner, from \\hom 1 have not heard of a great while, which yoo may know, for I never had any of his letters but under your cover. I (hall not write to him, tiH I hear further fro.li you. If you thinlc of any particular thing, that you judge proper for me to fay to him, pray give me a hint of it ; for fome matters mull be managed with great caution, and you can beft judge on the place. I wonder the Jefs, that 1 ihould be igno- rant of his coatraft, fiace you arc. Though I am confident he means well ; yet I beg you would let me know what you can obferve ; nor is it fit to Ihow hi.ii thia " He writes to him again, on the zjth of May : " I moft thankfully acknowledge the fa-.our of yours of the feveocccnth of April. Things are here jull in the condition when 1 writ lall to you. But, in your town, by this time, matters mull have another face, be- caufe of the new raagillrates ; for which rcafon, I think it would be fit, that the Ham- bargh partner fhould give the conful an account how far the interell of the company may be concerned in it, and of what may be advifeablc in tiiis conjur.fluie; and, in the mean time, to beilir himfelf." 6 letting 526 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1695. letting me know what you can learn of it hereafter. As to what was J"°** faid by 534 {tbt prince of Orange] I am not at all furprifcd, that one that is capable of doing any thing, fliould fay what is for his intereft, though never fo falfe; and nothing can be more fo, than what he laid. There never was lei's appearance of it, nor we more reafon to be fatis- fied, and the owner of the goods 368 [King James] had appeared on the Exchange long ere now, I mean half a year ago, but for the difficulty I formerly mentioned. The Earl of Aliddleton to Monfieur de Pontchartrain. Tranflation. " SIR, St. Germains, 27th June, 1694. " T Have received the order for the three thoiifand livres for Mr. Floyd, our correfpondent for the marine, who will b; very ufcful. Laft night I received a letter from him of the 15th inftant, with a very exaft account of the enemy's fleet. You will fee thereby, the difpoution of all the forces, and you may particularly depend upon every information which comes from him. " All the other letters from England never fay anything, but to make hade to come over; you fhall be made very welcome. Every thing is arranged and prepared for that purpofe *." Middleton Nairne's • At the fame time that Middleton wrote in this flile to the French minillry ; he ea- Fapers, ^ deavoured to excufe them to his correfpondents in Enpland, who erew impatient at their D N vol. 1. t- o <=> L ' "k, delays. He writes to Appleby, on the fixth of June : " As to the bale of goods, No. j 19 [Fr. fleet], if you will confider and believe what I write to you concerning it, I need fay no more of it. However, I fliall only add, that, till it is brought into its proper ware- houfe, which depends on accidents, it can never turn to good account." Ibid. He writes to Chapman, on the 29th of June : " I am concerned, that I cannot anfwer our wilhes at prefent ; and merely for the reafon I have fo often informed you of: for I find no other objeflion made; but, on the contrary, very great forwardnefs, when that is removed; and then you may begin to lookout fharp, if things continue in the fame Ctu- ation they are in at this time." On the 12th of July, he writes to Appleby. " I could wifh, with all my heart, that the account you have of the goods ;io [Fr. fleet] were true. It is not likely that the owner of them would let them rot in the warehoufe, at a time when he could difpofe of them to fo great advantage." Ibid. On the 17th of Auguft, he writes to Chapman. " Our friend Benfon [Fr. King] has put his money out to ufe at prefent ; fo that he cannot advance ten pounds. Whereas, his ORIGINAL PAPERS. 5if it Middleton had fome fufpicion, at this time, of the finccrity of Sun- 169^. derland, as appears by another letter from him under the feigned name Auguft. John Anderfon to the Spaniih merchant, a member of the houfe of peers. Augufl 2d, 1695. T Received yours of the 1 6th of July. Thofe who do not doubt your will, muft regret your want of power. What engaged you to bid for the goods No. 781 [lord Sunderki.d] we cannot tell, being wholly ignorant of that matter. The goods you defire cannot be fent his rents will come in again, after Michaelmas quarter-day ; and, aSout that time, all his goods will be in the proper ware-houfes ; fo that there will not be the fame reafon for putting off for the future." Of the fame date he writes to Cleland, /. e. Waugh. " We are at no certainty yet, when our long law fuit can be brought to a trial. But we are in good hopes, fince the e.;cufe our lawyers made will be removed very quickly." Middleton's correfpondents in England fecmed to have been afraid at this time, ^-a^rne's Pa- that their intrigues might be difcovered by a perfon who had come over from St Ger- pers, D. N. mains. His lordfhip writes to Ward, [col Sackville] on the i8th Odt. " You cannot ^°'- »• 4tO' imagine how vexed I have been to hear of a roguc'a being in your parts, who lived fome ' ^' time here: for I am very fenfible that be may do a great deal of raii'ohief. But, bccaufe fome good-natured people may make fine Hories, 1 (hall only mention thefe Ihort fadls. He had no leave, nor ever ang4. him to refleift, that this was really a war of religion. He faid, that tht-y •'""'' were blind who did not fee that. Laft of all, 1 laid before him the piti- ful cafe of the poor catholics, who, having followed their mafter, were now reduced to extreme mifery. God help them ! faid he ; but what can I do ? If 1 fhould do any thing, I am cryed out upon, as favouring France, who are pufhing to be mailers of all. However, he faid, he was convinced, that all I faid was moft reafonable, and that he would think upon it. In the mean time, I am very confident he will never confcnt, or even wink at any peace, by which his Majefty may fufFer in his juft rights -, and this is one great point ; and for the money part of it, 1 hope, with him, we may obtain fomewhat. Meanwhile, I fancy nobody has fpokc diredtly to his Holinefs of any truce." No. 1 29. Nairne's pa- Mr. CaryU's Aiifwers to tbefe Letters. pers, D. N. vol. i. fol. June 6th, 169^. T Doubt nor, but you will find there [at Rome] all the outward civi- lities, that you can expeft, both from his Holinefs and from the cardinals : but to get any money from him to fupply the great neceflitys of his Majcftie's fuffering fubjtdls, for their loyalty and religion, I fear will be a difficult, if not impoflible talk ; and yet to fatisfy thofe that are in want, at leaft, of his Majeftie's endeavours for them, it fliall be attempted in the proper feafon, when you fhall judge his Holinefs bed prepared to receive an addrefs of that nature. But, before any thing of that be done, his Holinefs ought to be made fenfible of his Majeflit's de- votion to the fee apoftolick, and how much he has fuffered for it : that any general peace, that fhall exclude the King and own the ufurpcr, will, in every refpeft, be like that between Herod and Pilate : That, who endeavours it, or contributes towards it, upon thefe terms, is a be- trayer of the catholic religion, and makes a facrificc of it to worldly intereft : that, as the church is built upon a rock, fo the piety and zeal of his Holinefs, for the houfe of God, ought to (land firm againft all human rcfpedls and politick infinuations to the contrary. 1 fear his Holinefs (lands a little in need of fuch reprefentations as thefe to be warmly made to him, in regard of the violent inclination he has to pro- cure a peace in Europe, at any rate ; that he may be freed from the fe&r of O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 535 of the Gerrhans, who are at his door, and alfo of the confederate fleet, 1695. in the Mediterranean : So that we have nothing but confcience to plead with him againft interefl:, nor will he want falle diredors to tell him, that a part muft be facrificed to fave the whole -, that Europe muft be preferved by making peace, and England left to the providence of God ; forgetting, that what is unjuft and hreligious in itfdf ought not to be done to fave the whole world. the earl of Perth lurius. June. — Aug. — '■'ept. Rome, 28th June, 1695. Na'rne'« papers, " T F one had here the Monthly Holland's Mercury, and the Lethe D- ^. vol. ii. Hiftorique, there are paflfages in them fometimes, that would let ' ^ ' the Romans fee what people they are fo fond of : for here the prince of Orange has more friends, than either in England or in Holland ; and the King is fo univerfally hated, that I look upon it as a felicity to get a compliment on his Majeftie's account. Ruffel, fince he came into thefe feas, is cried up as the only hero, and a frenchman is look'd at with contempt." Mr. Secretary Caryll to the Earl of Perth. July. Nairne's My Lord, July 4, 1C95. papers, ■V7 0UR lordOiip's of the 6th and 7th of June are happily arrived j foi. nJ.°iVJ. giving, in the firfl: place, a very natural account of the temper and difpofition of the court of Rome, where, as your lordfliip very well ob- ferves, interefl: does not reign, but tyrannize, and truly it requires a virtue no lefs confummated and try'd than our man:ers ; and give me leave alfo to add, your lordfliip's not to be fcandalizcd, ul fo much of the fcribe and pharifec fo near the chair of Mofes. In the mean time, it is no linall comfort to every true Chriftian to find, that his Holinefs himfelf, of all the court of Rome, is the leaft tainted with that corrupt policy, which makes a facrilice of juHice and even of religion to worldly intereft. But thefe fagcs at Rome, as clear fighted as they think themfelves to be, will ftiorily fi.id how much they are miftaken, in their calculation of affairs. For I dare affirm to your lordfhip, upon very certain grounds, that 6 53^ ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1695. that this confederacy cannot hold two years to an end; and that the ■'" ^' King of France has it now in his power, to be once more the arbiter of the peace of Europe. To make this evident, I need only Ihew, that England, the main fupport of the league, cannot poflibly any longer bear the weight ; and that this fummer's campaign, by land and by fea, is the lafl: effort, which our nation can or will make, becaufe their prcfcnt averfion to the government of the prince of Orange is as great as the neceflity and want of money, which that government has brouoht them to ; and to confirm all this, 1 fend you here, an authentic account of the prefent ftate of England, together with 3 copy of the letter, which ac- companied it, writ to me by the bifhop of Norwich ; which I defire your lordfhip to Ihew to nobody, except cardinal Janfon, but to make what ufe you (hall think bed of it. His Holinefs needs not be difcouraged, at the unjuft reproaches of the Auflrians, {tiling him a partizan of France, becaufe he will not make one with them, in a league with heretics. For he will have very fliortly the fatisfaftion to fee the Divine Providence no lefs in the French in- tereft, than himfelf ; and that fcandalous league, thought fo invincible at Rome, fuddenly fall to the ground. I confefs, I cannot be but aftonifli- cd at the maxims of the good afiiftant of Germany at the Gjefu, who will have every thing to be lawful and holy, which the Emperor does. But I would fain know of that confcientious divine, if Teckeli fhould make himfelf King of Hungary, and difpoflefs the Emperor of all his other dominions, what he would chink of any Englilh Jefuit, that fhould maintain, that for the fake of peace, Tekcli, though a Calvinill, ought to be let continue in his ufurpation •, and yet the other catholic princes muft infift upon any treaty of peace, to have him fo continued ? Let thofe direftors of confcience look to it, and look to ihemfelves -, for a day of reckoning will come, when a wilful miftake, or an affc(5ted igno- rance of matters of fad will not fcrve their turn. But I hope, before that time, God will mercifully open their eyes and touch their hearts, that they may fee and repent. Tlie aufpicious entrance, which your lordfliip made, in your firll audience with his Holinefs, very much leads thcre- xjnto ; and, to fay the truth, you have already, in a manner, finilhed a work, which was of the grcateft importance to his Majefty's concerns, in leaving a true idea of his MajeQy's cafe in his Holinefs's mind ; and, 2 confequent O R r G I N A L P A P E R S. 537 tonfequent thereunto, a refolution in him never to abandon his intcred, 1^95. nor confent to a peace prejudicial thereunto. ■'" ^' There feems nothing more to remain for your Icrdihip to do, but to preferve and confirm, in his Holinefs, thefe his juft and pious fcntiments towards his Majefty, to whom I muft leave it, to let you know, under his own hand, how acceptable to him the fervice is, which yoi; have now done him with his Holinefs, which you may exped the next poft ; for he and the Queen are, at prefent, both abfent from St. Germains, but win return this night, having fpent four or five days feverally in a ramble of devotion, the King at La Trappe and the Qiieen at Chaliot. The prince and princefs are in perfefl health, and grow up to the won- der of every body. Your lordfliip's of the I4.th, is now come to me, which containing no bufinefs, will oblige me to add no more to what I h.ave above written j but that I am, with true refpeft, My Lord, Your Lordfhip's Mod obedient, and mod liumble fervant, N'lmur, we hear, is inverted, J. Carvll. by the prince of Orange. Caryll writes of the 29th of Auguft, 1695: " Yeflerday I re- ^ ^"S."'*' ceived the favour of yours of the 91!), by which I lind, that we agree. P.^ptr?, in our fcntiments, or rather in our apprchenfions, concerning a peace, foi'^j^o",'^" The truth of the matter is, that all the world crys out for it, and no r/here more than in France, not only amongft the people, but the grcatell in court •, fo that, without a particular providence and protedion from above, we are likely to be made the facrifice of it. However, I know, that what your lordfliip has received from the mouth of his Holinefs, that he will have no hand in the wrong fliall be done his Majeflyi will be of great comfort to him and the Queen, who having God and Lis vicar Hill on their fide, doubt not but the happy hour will come, when tlie powers of darknefs muft yield to rigiiteoufnefs." Lord Perth, in his letters, from the beginning of Auguft, 1695, to the beginning of January, 1696, gives an account of the difpofitions of the different factions at Rome. — The influence of the prince of Orange and Vol. I. ^ z z the ^3? ORIGINAL PAPER »: 1695. the Auflrian party. — The conjc£lures about the fate of the fiege of Namur ; — and the rumours of a peace. Nairne's SEPTEMBER the 6th, 1695. "At this court, our affairs will never papers, "^ thrive, until we be in a better condition in the world ; for it is not 4to. No. 16. what is due to his Majefty, as rightfully King of his Majeftic's domi- nions, or as having loft the poflcQion of them for the catholic faith ; but what his friendfhip can import to Rome, that is the meafure of the fa- vour of this court." September the 27th. " The confederates confefs, that, had the prince of Orange been driven from before Namur, they would have aban- doned him ; but now he is faviour, protedtor, and idol ; all the heros of antiquity are but his precurfors ; and, to triumph over the King of France's forefight and counfel, and over the Marefchals of Villeroy and Bufflers, is fo great a fupport to his reputation, that all here con- clude, that he will unite the league (if a peace be not ftruck up very foon) and get from England to their bodkins and thimbles. Now all our converfations are bringing the King to Rome, which God forbid, and eftablifhing the prince of Orange in England for all his life, be it long or fhort; and fome, who appeared very fixed, begin to fay, that the prince of Orange mufl be a great man, who never gives over butpufhes on, though repelled again and again, and that, at laft, fuch a one muft accomplifh his defigns, which is to humble the King of France, and to transfer all the glory of this King's fortunate reign to himfelf, by re- ducing him to his own terms. But, upon the other hand, both the emperor's people and the Spaniards here, begin to look about them. They fee, that the prince of Orange is abfolute mafter in their parts of the low countries : he is fo too in Holland. If the King of Spain dies, he can give him a fuccefTor, and fortify the proteftants fo in Germany,, as to reduce the Emperor to do what he pleafes, and ferae of them pray to God heartily, that he were knocked on the head. " But happen what will, I hope the King' will never come thither, where, except his Holinefs and a very few cardinals, and (in proportion) far fewer of other people, he has but few friends, and many to inlult over his fufferings ; and really, it's fcandalous to hear what is faid every day publickly, when they make comparifons betwixt an heretical, unna- turaL ufurping tyrant, and his Majefty." Oiftobcr ORIGINAL PAPERS. 539 O(fbober 3'J, 1695. Mr. Caryll writes to the earl of Perth ; " Your iSg-. lordfhip has Ibmetimes taken notice, with a great deal of truth, how ^^■—'^°\- violently the Italians are bent for a peace, upon any terms, without fji. No. 12^. any confideration of us. I mufl: not conceal it from your lordlhip, though it be a laft fecret, and only fit for your brcaft, that the mi- nifters here are not one jot behind them in that point. They long and labour underhand incefTantly for it; nor will our concerns be any re- niora to the conclufion of it, whenever a formal treaty is fet on foot. According to Ragione de Stato, it cannot be expefted, that they, who offer Strafburg, Luxemburg, and whole countries befides, to purchafe a peace, fhould ftick at giving up us into the bargain." " The great affair of gaining a declaration from his Holinefs, that he never will con- cur in any peace that excludes his Majefty from his juft right, was wholly referved to your lordfhip, and has accordingly been happily ef- fecfted by you, though much apprehended by fome, as very difficult to be obtained, than which nothing could be of more comfort to their Majef- ties ; That although all the reft of the world fhould be unjufl: to them, they fhall have no realbn, at leafl, to complain of the unkindnefs of their holy father, to whom they owe obedience and refpe<5t." November 7th, 1695, Lord Perth writes : " Get me a fure account Naime's pa- of what is doing in relation to hinder the children of Catholics from beins: P^"'.P- f^* bred up in the Catholic religion ; and you would furnifh me with a new No. 36. occafion of flirring up his Holinels to mind the confervation of that little remnant of truth that refts amongft us. We hear they have begun with Ireland, by hindering, by aft of parliament, the breeding up of children beyond fea. This is underftood ; for, by your law, no fchools for Ca- thohcs are at home. Now, if this were done in England likewife, what may we hope for as to the prefervation of religion ; and ftill Rome is nient, and lets all go to ruin ?" On the 2 1 ft, he writes — " You may believe, that this court will ftand by his Majefty, as far as ever they dare -, but (as the Pope often tells me) Orange is mafter of the world, and commands all the Catholic princes like flaves ; but he ftill adds, that, by God's grace, he will let all the world fee, that what may be done againft our matter's right is difapproved on by him -, and his minifters feem no lefs zealous." Z z z 2 Caryll 540 DRIGINALPAPERS. 169.-. Caiyll writes to the earl of Perth, November 28th, iSg^l ** I fupi N:v.— Dec. pQfg yQy fjjyg jjggfj informed of the violent proceedinors of the Irifh XSairne s pa- ■• ' i o pcrs, D. N. parliament againft Catholics, which tend to the extermination of rc- Noi'ijo.' I'gio" i" t^hat country. Now, if this be done whilft the league fubfiftj between the houfe of Auftria and the prince of Orange, what may wc not expeft, when, by a peace, that prince fhall be left in quiet poni-Olon of all his iifurpations, and has no Catholic confederates to comply with or depend on ? This may be very well worth the confideration of hi> Holinefs and his minifters j and which, I prefume, your lordfhip both has and will reprefent to them in their proper colours." Ibid. The earl of Perth writes the 12th December, 1695 : " Rhetoric can- D. N. vol. u, not perfuade this court, that Catholics are perfecuted in Britain and Ire- 4to. No. 36. land, or that the prince of Orange has any defign to root out our reli- gion, where his ufurped power can reach it. To me» people fpeak fair; but I'Abbe Scarlati Colora and others at London are fo pofitive, in their accounts of affairs, that they are produced as witneflTes of the prince of Orange's generous carriage towards Catholics, although he pretends to. know that they cannot be gained to his party. This makes me wilh we had fiich relations, and fo attefted, as might alarm us here : for, although lome arc very ppfitively difpofed to favour us, others care not for the in- juftice our royal mafter and miftrefs fuffer, and. would have it pafs for a maxim, that, while religion does not fuffer diredly, they may look oa it with indifference." ORIGINAL ORIGINAL PAPERS. i6c)6. i696» AMiftake, in a converfation between Lewis XIV. and the late King, defeated the invafion, intended for this year. Mr. Powel, who had January. been fent, by the adherents of the latter prince, from England, through the vehemence of his zeal, produced this miftake. He feemed to infinuate, that the Jacobites in Britain were firft to take arms, and then cxpedled to be Supported by France. On this ftate of the cafe, his moft Chriftian Majefty. proceeded to make preparations, for tranfporting a force into England. The orders given were fb well obeyed, that things were in great forwardnefs, in the beginning of the year. James, therefore, and rris fervants employed themfelves in forming plans for an invafion. Thc- following is a Icheme for a defcent in the neighbourhood of Newcaftle. '■^ A Memorial, the Zlh January, 1696." In Nairne's hand* Kairne's Papers, D. ff <; . Tranflatioru vol-, i. 4K)< *"T*HE townof Newcaflle, one of the moft confiderable in England, is fituated at the diftance of a league from the fca, on the river Tyne,, ■which feparates the county of Northumberland from the biflioprick of Durham. At the mouth of this river fbands a large village, called Tin- mouth, with a fort, which commands the entry. But it is in bad repair towards the land. Vcflels of 500 tons can enter the. harbour. The town is furrounded only by an old ruinous wall, without ram- parts or ditches ; and is commanded by heights, on all fides. It is in this neighbourhood they dig the coals, which are fo well. known diroughouc . all Europe, and without which the city of London could not fubfift, . This miglit caufc a terrible defolation in that town, and confequcntly an extreme diforder throughout all the kingdom, as coals are fliipped only from thence, and from Sunderland, a finall town at tliree leagues dil%- tanct.^. No. J. ^42 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1696. tance, which is fcarcely known, but by the nobleman, who takes his Janua/y. jj^i^ from it. From London to Newcaftle, there are feventy leagues of as fine a country as is in the world ; fifteen from Newcaftle to Scotland ; and twenty to Lancafter. In the counties of York, Weftmoreland, Cumber- land, Northumberland, and in the biflioprick of Durham, are all the excellent ftuds ; confequently the cavalry and dragoons might be eafily mounted. Befides, 20,000 carriage and cart horfes, which carry coals from the mines to Newcaftle and Sunderland, will be found in that coun- try, and may be ufeful for carrying the baggage of the army. But a more important confideration is, that the greateft part of the inhabitants of thefe diftrids are well afFeclcd towards his Majefty, and may join him without any hinderance. The length of the navigation is the only ob- jeftion that can be forefeen ; to which it may be anfwcred, that the dif- ficulty confifts in failing from Dunkirk and leaving the coaft -, but that ftiips, when they are once at fea, have nothing to fear, and it is immate- rial whether the defcent is made on the fecond or on the fourth day. It is proper to remark, that the favourable wind for this paiTage is the S. and S. E. which will hinder the fhips in the Downs from putting to fea." Nairne's pa- "John Andtrjon to Mr. Ward ; i. e. The Earl of Middleien to Coloiel f^"'. ^- ^■^' SackviUe. \o\, I. 4to. ^°'^- SIR, Jan, nth, 1656. " W/" E are much divided here, in Holland [France], about the Scottifli Eaft India Company ; nor can we well fee how that matter can be fettled, without a difpenfing power, in a cafe where people's properties are concerned, which was never yet pretended to-, nor is it credible, that the Scotch can be hectored into fuch a fervile com- pliance, as to facrifice their moft undoubted right, manifeft intereft, and boafted independence. — I muft needs tell you a ftory, which 1 had from a faftor of this Eaft India Company, when they had the news in India of the revolution in England. The general of Batavia fent an ambaflador to the Mogul, who, among other things, told him, that they had drove away the Englifh King, and fent a ferva^-.: of theirs to rule that people , to which old Aurengzebe replied, That he was glad of it : that the Eng- lifli ORIGINAL PAPERS. 543 li(h had wickedly defrauded his fubjedls of what was juftly due to them ; 1 696. and, againft the public faith, had plundered them at lea ; and, now, Januarjr. that they had fubJued them, he expected they fhould make him repara- tion. Depend on it, this ftory is fcrioufly true -f." The earl of Middlecon wrote feveral letters, in the courfe of this and Naime's Pa- the enfuing month to Chapman, Syfon, Ward [Sackville], Clelland vol.'i. 4'to. ' [Waugh], and Green [Sir Andrew Forreftcrl, giving them hopes of an ^°- 5- immediate invafion. In one of his letters to Chapman, dated the 24th of January, he fpeaks of Powel's journey to France. " I am not forry, that Mr. Powel thinks of vifiting us : for he will be quickly undeceived, in what you fufpeft ; and be able to fet all matters in a true light, at his return, if his fincerity is equal to his capacity." On the 26th of February, he writes to Ward. " Mr. Smith February. [K. James] bid me tell you, that his partner [Fr. King] has the mo- * ney ready ; but that he will not pay it, till the company [the adherents of James] has taken up the goods No. 953 [arms] j and, upon the firft notice of it [infurredion], he will immediately dil'patch away Mr. Smith [K. James] to conclude the bargain. Pray let us know your opinion of this matter ; for as it is important, fo it requires hafte ; and, if this opportunity be loft, it may prove fatal to the company." The King of France infifted, that James's friends, in England, fhould 'l>iors, to command them and fettle their accounts." This mercan- tile inference, fays tradition, fettled the point of precedence, for that time, in favour of the Dotchmaa. Bcfidc* .54+ ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1696. Bcfides that, old Watt Freeman [probably D. of Berwick] mud have March, ^^^^ y^y before this comes to you. He can bcH; inform you, though, perhaps, not fatisfy you : for there is one of the marriage articles which appears very difficult to perform -, and, though fomething ought to be ventured, yet what is altogether unrcafonable ought to be confidered as -impoffible ; but of this you can only judge." Mr. Charnock, in May 1695, and lord Ailelbury, foon after, were fent to France to perfuade James to invade England the next winter, with a French army, and to acquaint him with the infurreflions then in- tended in different parts of the kingdom. The duke of Berwick came over, in the beginning of this year, to concert a plan of operations with his friends, and to head the infurgents. James left St. Germains before the return of his fon. He met him however at Clermont, and carried him back to Calais. Having 20,000 men under his diredlion in that neighbourhood and near Dunkirk, he drew up a declaration, in which Niirne'j he conceals that diffidence of fuccefs, which Middleton betrays, in the pre- ^^P^'''' . . ceding correfpondence. For the intrigues of Ciiarnock, Sir George Bar- fol. No. 132, clay. Sir William Perkins, captain Porter, and others, were not yet dif- covered in England. The declaration, however, was not publiQied, for the reafons mentioned by the earl of Middleton, in the following letter. Nnlrne's ^^^ Earl cf Middleton to Secretary Caryll. D. N.'vol.i. Calais, March 19th, 1596. 4t0.N0. 32. cc ^x^H£ King has commanded me to tell you, that he finds many diffi- culties in the manifeft propofed by the court of France, for the fame objeftions lie againft publiQiing it, as the declaration ; for to fay more cannot be intended ; to fay lefs, is againft his interell ; and to come juft up to itj is the fame thing, only with a new name. To fay only, that he was invited, by a great part of the nation, can be of no advantage to bisMajcfty; but, on the contrary, a great prejudice to his affairs, by raifing the perlecution higher againft his friends, who may thereby be put out of a condition of ferving him •, and it would be a plain proof, that there was a plot, though not fuch a one as is pretended, which may beget abjurations and greater penalties on non-fwearers. But, perhaps, the propofition may be miftaken j and, in that cafe, the fureft and ftiorteft I way ORIGINAL PAPERS. 54' way of clearing it will be, to make a draught of that paper to be 1696. laid before the King. But, if the Queen thinks the above faid objcc- '''"''^• tions to be reafonable, then it will be necefTary that tlity, and fuch others as occur to you, fliould be reprefented to Monf. dc Croilly, in writing, that they may be read in council : and, becaufe that court may be alarmed at the proceedings in England, it may be fit, in anther paper, to fliew, by many inltances, how frivolous addrelTcs are ; that whilft there is one acknowledged King, the common (lyle muft be oblerved ; and that many of our mafler's fccret friends may appear the forwardeft, in this matter, for tlieir own prefervation. I fend you Mr. Stafford's credential *, which you may be pleafed to feal and deliver to him, when the Queen thinks fit. L'Abbe Renaudot may be an ufeful tool in this conjundure. Flattery mull net be fpared : that is his foible. Pray, let me know, if my pacquet of the lOtli came to you. I have juft now received yours of the J7th. I am, &c. MiDDLETON." At Calais, on the 5th and 6th of March, James gave commiflions Nairnt-'s oa- to the marquis of Harcourt, as captain general, and to Richard Hamil- P-'". D- N. ton, as lieutenant general of his forces-, and on the 22d of March he ho. 32!'°' appointed Hamilton to the place of mafler of the robes. On the 23d he went to Boulogne, from whence Middleton wrote feveral letters to Mr. Ibid, fecrecar/ Caryll, about declarations and manifcftocs to be publiihed in England, and memorials to be prefented to the French miniftry. ' lie alfo wrote feveral letters from hence to the marquis de Pontchartrain and Ibid. Monfieur de Barbefieux, one of whom had the marine, and the other the war department by land. They wiflied to put off the embarkation until James's friends in England were in arms •, and Middleton endeavoured to convince them of the nccelTuy of an immediate invafion. All his let- ters to them and to Monfieur de Phclypcaux, and the Marcfchal do Boufilers, during the courfe of this month, relate to tht; fame fubjcct, and to the difficulties of getting intelligence from Engk-ind, and the other obftacles which oppofcd their defign. * To be James's aoibaflador at Paris. Vol. I. 4 A Tte 54^ ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1696. O- ^' vol. I. 4 to. thirty bombs had been fliot, without any conflagration. Some few houfes No. 33. and two vcffels had only been pierced. Since that time, the wind has fdenced them. I fend you a copy of my letter to Mr. de CroilTy, for her Majcfty's perufalj for it is neceflary to entertain them, though with repetitions j. for they are fometimes apt to forget; and I humbly conceive it would be for the King's fervice, if you would be pleafed to repreftnt to them your reflections on all emergencies. I am. Your moll faithful humble Servant, MlDDLETON." Middleton endeavoured to fhow, in feveral letters he wrote to monfieur de CroilTy at this time, that the expedition fliould not be laid afide be- caufe an attempt, in which only a few individuals were concerned, was- difcovered in England ; and that the execution of the confpirators, and tlie prefent low flate of the Jacobites, were not fufficient reafons to de- fpair of the caufe. He dcfired Mr. Caryll to write a memorial, letting, this forth in the flrongeft light to the French miniftry. In a letter he wrote on the fame fubjeft to the abbe Renaudot, he adds, " I am in great pain about lord Ailefbury. All the evidences are ftrangcrs to me." the Earl cf Middleton to the Marquis de Pontchartrain. The dejign of invading England laid ajide. — James wants to know whether Ibid, be is to continue on the coaft. Tranflation. Boulogne, April 2P, 1696. « T Have given to the King my mafter the letter which you did me the honour to write to me the 25th of this month. He commands me to tell you, that he wilhed you had acquainted him with the King's fen- I timents, . 55^ ORIGINAL PAPERS. 169(1. timents, with regard to his (laying in this place, or his returning to St. '*P''il' Germains, that he might conform himfclf to them. It is true, I have*'alrcady had the honour to write to you, that the preparations at Dunkirk, when the King's army was at fea and the troops on the coaft, would fo far difconcert the meafures of the prince of Orange, that he would not know to what fide he could direft his at- tention. But, at prefent, when he fees nothing of this kind, it is not to be believed, that the King of England's ftay in this place can em- barafs him in any manner-, yet his Britannic Majefty believes, that he ought to ftay here untill Rooke arrives, rather than return precipi- tately, and fornifh our enemies with fubjeft for remarks ; and all they can fay afterwards is, that the enterprize is difappoinced thereby -, al- though I am perfuaded, that it is only delayed for an opportunity of executing it with fuccefs. Thefe are the fentiments of the King, my mafter, who cannot ever come to any determination, without knowing thofe of the King. It is for this reafon, he begs of you to inform him of them." 'The Earl of Middleton to the Mbe Renaudot. ^l"^l * Vexed that the expedition is put off. »• N- vol- i- Tranflation. 4.10. INO. 33. , • /. SIR, Boulogne, April 29, 1696, " T Have juft now received your letter of the 27th, and I have, fince ■■■ my laft, received a long difpatch from monfieur de Pontchartrain, fliowing the neceffity of putting off the enterprize to a more favourable conjunfture, on account of the fuperiority of the enemy at fea, and the ufe they had for the troops intended for embarkation ; leaving it to the ■choice of the King of England to remain here, or to return to St. Ger- mains. At the fame time, monfieur de Barbefieux wrote to the officers to go to take care of their own affairs. Thus, you fee we are in a fright- ful folitude. Although I was fenfibly affeiSted with this refolution, as you may very well believe, I was not at all furprifed at it. In my an- fwer to monfieur de Pontchartrain, which I fend you, I avoided to plead a caufe which was already finally determined." rht ORIGINAL PAPERS. 55» 7 he Earl of Mddkton to the Marquis de Pontchar train. i6g6. James prepares to return to St. Germains. ^ ^P"'- Nairne's TranQation. papers, _, , , D. N. vol. i, Boulogne, joch April, 1696. 410. No. 33, *' jLJAving wrote to you, in the letter which 1 had the honour to fend you the 28th, that the King of England could not come to any refolution about his ftay in this place, without being made acquainted with the King's fentiments ; and the Queen having written fince, that the King told her, at Marli, that the King of England fliould not ftay here, fince all the officers were gone, I confider myfclf bound to ac- quaint you, that his Britannic Majefty has refolved to fet out foon, on his return to St. Germains." The Earl of MdJleton to Mr. Caryll. ^\^^ ExpeSls to fee him the next Saturday. Boulogne, May-day, 169^. May.. _ ** J Have wrote to monfieur de Pontchartrain, to acquaint him with the King our mailer's refolution to return, on what was faid to the Queen at Marli. We are to be at Abbeville next Thurfday ; at Cler- mont, Friday •, fo that next Saturday I hope to have the honour of afluring you, by word, that I am, &c.'* The confpirators in England were feized, tried, and executed. The Englifli fleet put to fea, while contrary winds detained the French fleet in their harbours -, and James returned to St. Germains to make fruitlefs reprefentations, to Lewis the 14th and the Pope, againft the peace. The fi:It paper on this fubjecSt, in Nairne's colleftion, is the following me- morial, which is in his own hand. It appears from it that James's friends had advifed him to be fatisfied, if the fucceflion was fccurcd to his fon, after the death of King V/illiam. " Copy »f a Memorial fent to the Pope's Nutrcio, the 2pb fuly^ 16^6; Nairne's to be fent by him to bis Holinefs. D ^n"voI i Tranflation. '"'• N°- '33- t> A S his Holinefs has always given confpicuous proofs of his juflice, July. and of his zeal for ihe good of the church, it will be unncccflary to 552 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1696. to employ arguments to perfuade him of the iniquity of the prince of •'"'■^* Orange-, nor to excite him to embrace, with warmth, the inrerefts of his Britannic Majefty. One cannot fee, without aftonifhment, fo many catholic princes in a league to flrengthen the enemies of their holy religion -, his mofl Chril- tian Majcfty having alone fupported that caufe, and, by his gcnerofity, which will render his glory immortal, protefted his Britannic Majefr^', who is oppreflTed by a violence and barbarity which difgrace the name of Chriftians. The two crowns of the North are in a profound peace ; and the princes of Germany are powerfully armed, while the Catholics are ruined; and the church was never threatened with fo much danger as it is now fince Julian the Apoftate. It is not, therefore, doubted but his Holinefs will think himfelf obliged to employ vigoroufly all the power with which God hath invefted him, in order to withdraw the Catholics from fuch pernicious engagements, by reprefenting to them, in the mofl: lively co- lours, what they owe to religion ; that their falvation is at (lake ; that they (hould not perfift in rendering themfelves accomplices in the in- juftice of the prince of Orange, by fupporting his ufurpation, and by rendering him the arbiter of all their concerns ; and that they cannot expiate their faults, but by contributing to the re-eftabliihment of his Britannic Majefty. But if, to punifli them, God abandons them to their blindnefs, and that the flate to which Europe is reduced will oblige it to conclude a peace, without doing jufiiice to his Britannic Majefty, he hopes that his Holinefs will not allow himfclt to be furprifed by the artful expedients which the mediators may propofe ; as his Britannic Majefty will never confent that his inconteftible right fhould be called in qutftion. For inftance, it cannot be denied but, by receiving a penfion from the prince of Orange, tliough there were never fo much caufe for it, •his Britannic Majefty would tacitly renounce his right; and if he con- fented that, after the death of the prince of Orange, his royal highnefs the prince of Wales, his fon, reigned in his life-time, that would be a formal renounciation ; and the prince of Orange could only promife a thing ORIGINAL PAPERS. 553 thing which he is not able to perform •, becaufc the parliiincnt, who 1696. conferred the royal authority on him, fettled the reverfion of the crown on •'" ^' the princefs Anne of Denmark. But, fuppofing further, that the prince of Orange could and would oblige the Englifh to revoke that fettlement, :it would be always on condition of bringing over the prince of Wales into England, without their being able to give any fecurity for his con- fciencc or his perfon j and it is firmly believed, that his Holinefs will never give his advice or confent to a meafure which may have fuch fatal confequences. The prince of Wales, by fucceeding to the prince of Orange, yields his fole right, which is that of his father; and, being obliged to the people for his elevation, would not reign, but during their pleafure ; and, if his Britannic Majefty was capable of confenting to fo difgraceful a propofal, he might be juftly reproached with ruining the monarchy, which has been always hereditary, by rendering it elcdive, and with fa- crificing to an enemy all that is mod dear to him. Neverthelefs, his Majefty has fo much regard and affe<5lion for his loyal fubjccts, that, when a treaty of peace is begun, he intreats his Holinefs to endeavour to make fome ftipulation in their favour, which iTiay proteift them againft the cruel perfecutions they have fufFered in the time part, and which may reftore them to their ellates ; and that, at leaft, they may be at liberty to return home in fafety, without being obliged to enter into illegal engagements; and that thofe who, accord- ing to their duty, would attach themfclves to his fervice for the future, may not be treated as criminals. By attentions fo juft and fo generous, his Holinefs will fecure the re- verence of pofterity to his pontificate; and, by acquitting himfelf of his duty towards God, will be able to give a good account of his miniftry." The preceding memorial was fent, with the following letter, by the earlof Middleton to the marquis deCroifTy. VojL. I. 4 B The 554 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1696. July. Nairne'j Papers, D. N. vol. i 4to. No. 5. 7he Earl of Middlelon to the Marquis de Croijfy. Tranflation. S I R, St. Germains, 20th July, 169^. " T N a converfation, which the King, my mafter, had with the Nuncio, he found him very ill-informed of his affairs, and even a little pre- judiced, by what the Auftrians advance at Rome, and their partizans every where. He, therefore, thinks it neceflary to inform his Holinefs exadly of his intentions, and to endeavour to engage him to exert him- felf for his interefts. But, as he does not choofe to do any thing with- out the approbation of the King, he intrcats you to communicate this memorial to his Majefty, and to inform him of his fentiments on the fubjedl, in order that he may conform himfelf to them. I am, SIR, Your moft humble and mofl obedient Servant, MiDDLETON.'* Auguft. Nairnc's Papers, D. vol. i. fol. No. 133. In the month of Auguft, the fame year, King James fent the follow- ing letter to the Eledor Palatine. King James to the EleElor Falatine. Tranflation. Brother, Augiift, 1695. *' npHE very obliging offers of your friendfliip, which you made me N. by monfieur Arden, aflTure me, that I fhall be fenfible of the cffcds of them, on the firft opportunity which will prefent itfelf •, and, as it is likely that fuch an opportunity may foon arife, from the prefent pofture of affairs, I have fent the bearer of this, a Jefuit, to explain to you more particularly the means by which you may oblige me very fenfibly, intreating you, at the fame time, to give an entire belief to whatever he fliall fay to you, from your good brother^ James R." n,id. In the memorial mentioned in the preceding letter, James addreffes himfclf to his Eleftoral Highnefs, in the fame ftrain in which he ad- dreffed the Nuncio. He upbraids the catholic princes for fupporting a heretic in his ufurpation j and makes ufe of the fame cafuiftry he had em- 2 plo)ed O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 5-55 ployed in his memorial to the Nuncio, againfl leaving King William in 1696. peaceable poflcirion during his life, and fecuring the lucceffion to the Auguit. prince of Wales. After the execution of the confpirators in England, James found it difficult, upon his return to St. Germains, to renew a correfpondcnce with Britain. The firft attempt towards it is mentioned in a letter from the earl of Middleton to Mr. Nowell, on the 30th of June. *' J Was very glad to find, by your letter, that you were in fafety. Nalme's His Majefty approves of what you have done, and propofed for Papers, D.N. his lervice ; and would have you give him an account of the pcrfons No. j. defigned to carry the pacquets to and from the water-fide, and what is to be given to each perfon refpedlively who are to be concerned in the management of this affair.' On the 4th of Augufl;, he wrote to Mr. Pigault, merchant at Calais. " I defire the favour of you, that you would let me know the parti- culars of what you propofed for reftoring our correfpondcnce in Eng- land : as for inftance, the place on the otiier fide, the name of the per- fon who is to receive and carry the pacquet to London and bring it back from thence. Pray prefent my fervice to monfieur le prefident, and concert this matter with him." On the 13th of Auguft, he wrote again to Mr. Nowell. " The King has commanded me to acquaint you, that fince he cannot, at prefent, fee up the correfpondence, he is willing to allow you five hundred livres a-year to remain at Calais, that you may make the beft intereft you can among the failors ; and procure him, by that means, the beft intelligence you are able, that, when occafion offers for his lervice, you may be in readinefs." It feems Middleton fufpeded Nowell j for he wanted ano- ther to aft in his place, as appears by a letter he wrote of the fame date to monfieur Bretagne. " The great difficulty," fays he, " we find in fetting up our correfpondence, is the want of a perfon, fuch as we had before, to take care to deliver what is fent. If you can help us in this, you will oblige." He likewife cautions Mr. Pigault, in two different letters, againfl a Mr. Griffith, " who feems to be very bufy in this mat- ter of the correfpondence, without any warrant from the King their mal- 4 B 2 ter ; 556 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1696. ter-, and the general rule, in fuch cafes, is never to believe, without feeing fomething in writing from his Majefty, or by his order." oaober. I^he Earl of Middleton to the Ahhe Renaudot. papers, jilamud at the news of a general peace. D.N. vol. i. T' n >■ ito. No. s. Tranflation. "SIR, St. Germains, Odober 4th, 1696. T Have fhcwn your letter of the ifl inft. to the King of England, who was agreeably furprifed at it, and defires he may fpeak to you, before his journey to Fontainbleau, which will be on Wednefday next. I have nothing now to tell you, concerning England, fince all our intelligence from that country contains nothing, but accounts of its weak- nefs. It is impofilble to add any thing to what has been already faid on this fubjedl:. By the laft advices, all honeft men are confounded at the rumour of a general peace. 1 befeech you. Sir, to come here, in order to give us all the neceflary light for conducing ourfclves at Fon- tainbleau, in a conjundure which muft be decifive of our fate." The Earl of Middleton to Mr. de Tbojfe, prefident of the admiralty at Calais. jbid. Concerning one Berkenbead, who efcapedfrom England. St. Germains, 2Gth October, 1696. " T T is impofilble to commend fufficiendy your goodnefs to our friend Birkenhead. He will explain to you what muft be done for James Hunt, and thofe who are expefted from the other fide. He will de- liver you the order for getting them cured." St. Germains, 28th Oclober, 1696. " IVT ^' Berkenhead, who will have the honour to deliver this letter to you, having informed the King of England of your politc- nefs to him, his Majefly has commanded me to thank you from him, and to tell you, that he hath given him in charge to propofe to you what is neceflary to be done for Hunt, and for other two, who are ftill expedled from the other fide." Along ORIGINAL PAPERS. 557 Along with this letter, Middleton fcnt the following order from mon- 1696. fieur Phelyppeaux to monfieur dc Thoire, at Calais. " I defire you, as ^'•"°°s''« foon as you receive this, to arm, in all diligence, a Ihallop at Calais. Let her be a good failer, and put one Bett on board of her, who will go to the coaftof Sufiex, near Shoreham, to take up two men, of whom he will hear at the houfe of Mr. Young." 'C The Earl of Middleton to the Abbe Rennudct. Berkenhead's efcape. Nalme's St. Germains, Oft. 30th, 1 696. ^a!u'\c,\. i. " T DO not know if Berkenhead has been lucky enough to find you : 4'°- i^o- ;• but he wiflies much, for reafons that I fhall tell you another time, that what follows may be inferted in the Gazette. " Mr. Berkenhead having efcaped from the prifon of Newgate in London, came to the Ihore, where he luckily found a French vefiel ; and, the next night, he came a-Ihore, near the houfe of one Hunt, who had given information to the government againft him, and againft fe- veral others ; and having landed with eighteen men, after having broke open the door of the houfe, notwithftanding the refillance of Hunt, who fired a piftol at him, he carried him away by force, and brought him to Calais." It was univerfally believed, that all Europe was now on the eve of a general peace -, and James, who began to defpair of his own relloration, was defirous of making lome flipulations in favour of his Qiieen and of his adherents. The two following memorials relate to this fubjeift. They are in Nairne's hand. " Memorial cowerning the appanage of the ^eeit of Great Britain.^* . , Oftobcr, 1606. P^P«"' . .. ^ D. N. vol. lu A Ccording to the moft ancient laws and cutloms of Fngland, which 4to. No. 40. are ftill in force, Qiieens have their full right and power, in their own perfon, their eftates and revenues, independently of the Kings, their hufbands, by virtue of which, they have always had officers of their revenue, who depended eruircly on them, and all their ads have beca 558 Oaobcr. Nairne's papers, D. N. vol. i. fol. No. I.V2. Ibid. D. N. vol. ii. 4to. No. 40. ORIGINAL PAPERS. been valid, without the confent or concurrence of the Kings their hufbands. As the Queen of England brought a very confiderable fum, as her por- tion at her marriage, the King, her hufband, on his accelTion to the crown, thought it was reafonable for him to make an eftablifhment of fifty thoufand pounds fterling, of an annual revenue, on her, which was paflcd under the great feal of England, and afterwards, for the greater fecurity, was confirmed by afts of parliament, which have not been repealed to this day ; infomuch, that the Queen has an inconteflible right to all the ar- rears of this revenue, which are due fince fhe left England, as well as to thofe which fhall be due hereafter. Her Majefty only afks this, fimply and purely, as a private debt, which is inconteftibly due to herfelf ; and of which (he only fets forth a ftate, left it fhould be unknown to thofe who have the power and the will to do her juftice." " A Memorial concerning the indemnity, which is propofed for the faithful fubjeSls of his Britannic Majefty " TranQation. "AS all Sovereigns ought to confider the caufe of his Britannick Ma- jefty as their own, one muft believe, that juftice and reafon will infpire them with the defign of bringing about his reftoration. But if, to punifli England, God leaves it to complain, fome time longer, under the yoke of an ufurped dominion, we are perfuaded, that all Chriftian princes will concur unanimoufly, in protecfting, from the fury of their enemies, men of honour, who have adled from no other motives, than thofe of duty and of confcience; and the catholic princes are moft interefted in providing for the fafety of thofe poor catholics, who are moft expofed, on account of their religion, to the malice of their enemies, who may refume and complete the defign they had formed and commenced, 18 years ago, to ruin all the catholics. We have feeo a great deal of innocent blood flied, on pretence of crimes of ftate, and upon the falfe tcftimonies of fome villains. It is therefore propofed to thefc princes, to fend orders to their pleni- potentiaries, to ftipulate, in the treaty of peace, an indemnity to all his Britannick ORIGINAL PAPERS. 559 Britannick Majeftie's fubjefls, for all they have done for his fervice ; and 1^96. to obtain, that all the fcnterices paflTcd againft them may be reverted, tft^^l^'N and each of them reftored to his eftate. And, as it is abfolutely neceflary, for his Britannick Majefty to be attended by his own fubjects, it is propofed to ftipulate alfo in this treaty, that thofe who now attend him, may be allowed to remain, with- out being liable to be called to account for it afterwards. Examples of fuch indemnities are not wanting, in mofl: of the treaties of peace, particularly in thofe of Weftphalia and the Pyrenees, with this difference, that in other treaties, criminals have been pardoned ; and that» in this, it is propofed only, that loyalty Ihould not be puniihed.'* ORIGINAL ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1697. '697. TH E late King was greatly alarmed, at the earnefl: defire, which all the belligerent powers now difcovered to conclude a general peace. He endeavoured, in vain, to difliiade the King of France from it ; and was obliged to content himfclf, with a(king fome ftipulations for his Qiieen and his adherents. There is a memorial on the fubjeft which has no date, but which appears to have been addrefled to the French miniflry, during the congrefs at Ryfwick. Nairne's Pa- T AMES, in this memorial, endeavours to fhow, that France can derive pers, D N. J no fecurity from a peace, if the prince of Orange fhall be permitted vol. I. fcl. ' is'o. 138. to eftablifh himfelf in his ufurpation : that he hath been always unfuc- cefsful in war ; but, that he has never failed, by his intrigues, in time of peace, to ftir up all Europe againft France ; and would continue to do fo, while he was allowed to govern England and Holland. " It is but too evident, that all Europe are now in the fame difpofitions towards the French, in which they were formerly towards the Spaniards. They would, undoubtedly, wifh to fee them humbled *, and it is not to be wondered, that the greateft part of the Englifli, from a jealoufy, which is ufual among neighbours, fhould be of the fame fentiments. But it ought to be remarked, that a King of England, who is a catholic, whofe fubjects are proteftants, will always have occafion for the friendfliip of France, in order to maintain his authority, and defend himfelf from the infults of his own fubjefts, of which he will be in continual danger, on account of their mveterate a\ erfion to whatever they call popery." From thefe and feveral other reafons, James infers, that any kind of peace with the prince of Orange, would be to France, " but a fire 3 covered ORIGINAL PAPERS. 5^1 coxxred with afhes." But that a peace would be both" advantageous and 1697. permanent, if he was once re-eitabliflicd on his throne. He repeats, J*""^"^/* in the remaining part of the memorial, reafons, which he had often mentioned, for invading Britain. The fame things, with fome exagger- ations of the prefent diftrefies of England and Holland, are differently exprelTed and enlarged upon, in another memorial. It is in Nairne's hand, and marked at the top, " Mr. Caryll, 1697." Middleton's letters to the French miniftry and to the abbe Renaudot, Nairne's P». at this time, are full of fimilar reprefentations : they contain likcNvife an ^to^'^o ! account of two memorials for James ; one to the catholic princes en- gaged in the confederacy, and another to the proteflant princes and ftates. Both were written by Renaudot, and were printed at the time. It ap- pears that the firft, entituled, " A fummary Memorial ; containing the reafons, which oblige the confederated catholic princes to contribute to ibid. D. N. the re-eftablifhment of his Britannic Majefly," was lent by the marquis ^'^'•"'•-"o- J ." y n ^0. 33 & 34. de Torcy to Rome, from which it was returned with his Holinefs's fanc- tion and emendations. The fecond, " containing the reafons, which fliould oblige the proteftant princes and ftates to contribute to the re- eftablifhment of his Britannic Majefty," w.is publifhed, as foon as ap- proved of, by the marquis de Torcy himfelf. Middleton in one of his ibid. D. ^f. letters to Renaudot, about thele memorials, and the protellation which *^?'' '. ■^"'' James intended to publilh againft a peace, defires him to anfwer one of " Burnet's libels." Though James was, at the time, accufed by his enemies of abetting plots for aflaffinating King William, it now appears, that he never har- boured any fuch defign. The following may ferve as an additional proof of the innocence of that unfortunate prince, upon that head. The Earl of Middleton to the Marquis de Torcy. — James infcrms the King of May. France of Vane's offer to affaffmate King William. ''I's^d'n'*" TranOation. X' '' '• •^"'• No. 5 St. Germains, 8 May, 1697. 'TP HERE is an Englifhman arrived here, who calls himfcif Vane, without a pafiTport and without recommendations; and there is not one man in the place, who knows him. This fellow has had the im- VoL. I. 4 C pudcncc 5«a ORFGINAL PAPERS., 1697. pudence to propofe to me, an attempt on the prince of Orange's Ii^e;i ^' a^id, as I rejefted tliis propofal, with averfion, the converfation finifhed. But when I gave an account of it to the King, my mafter> left the man fhould make his efcape, he fpoke to the count de Druis, to fecure his perfon, until the King's orders about him Ihoulu be received- It is for this reafon, the King of England defires you to inforn; his Ma- jefty of this adventure immediately j it being his opinion, that ths faid Vane Ihould be clofely imprifoned ; but in other refpefts, well treated ; becaufe we cannot prove whether he has been inftigated to this, by our enemies, or by an indifcreet zeal." July. The Marefchal de Boufflers, in a conference with the earl of Portland,, was fuppofcd to have fettled the place of James's refidence; and he adually obtained apromife of a dowry for his Qiieen. James fentMonfieur Dem, to ncgociate his own affairs in Holland. The time of his departure,, and the date of tlie letters written to him by Caryll and Nairne, are marked on the back of a copy of his inftruftions. Nairne's InJlru^iicttS to Mr, DeiH, on his going to the Hague, the i ^th of Jtilyy 4to. No. 43. „ j^ "Y^OU muft have a care in your carriage and converfation, to appear only as a domeftic of Monfieur de Croifly, and not as a perform commiffioned or imploycdby his Majefty. 2dly, In your conferences, with Monfieur de Croifly himfelf, you muft not appear to be any wife inquifitive about matters relating to his nego- tiation, or in his mafter's affairs ; but muft only treat with him concern- ing the particular concerns of his Majefly, according to your inftruc- tions. jdly. You muft endeavour to keep it as a fecret, even to thofc at Monfieur Croifly's family, that you come from St. Gcrmains, or that you have any dipendance on his Majefty, unlets by Mr. Croiffy's own appointment, you be direfted to confer with any I'ecretary of his, about the matters you are intruftcd withal. 4thly, You muft regularly, twice a week, give an account to one of his Majefty's fecrctaries of ftate, of all matters that come to your know- 1 ledge. O R I G I N A L t» A P E R S. ^565 ledge, either concerning his Majefty's own alTairs, or the' treaty of peace, '^^7* in general. J"')'- 5thly, The affairs of his Majelly, which you are to treat upon, with Monfieur de CroiiTy or the other plenipotentiaries of France, arc this : firft, her Majefty's appanage, for the doing of which, you are re- ferred to the paper concerning it, already fent to the plenipotentiary, of which you may carry along with you a copy. Now, in cafe the prince of Orange's agents, fhould deny or qucftion any matters of faft, as they are fet down in that paper, which fo plainly prove the queen's right, even according to tlieir own prefent law, you muft aver, that both your patent under the broad feal and the aft of parliament, which fettle and confirm that eftate upon the Queen, during her life, are upon record in the regifters of the crown-office and of the parliament, to which we appeal : and that the Queens of England, independently of the Kinsr, have a right to their eftates fo fettled upon them, the plenipotentiaries of the prince of Orange themfelves, cannot be fo ignorant or fo wilfuK as to deny. Though her Majefty has an equal right to the arrears, which being a juft debt, ought to be paid upon demand, as well as to the rent, which Ihall hence forward become due j yet, if the difficulty of paying fo great a fum, all at once, (hould frighten them from doing her juftice therein, a temperament may be propofed for paying the arrcar by fo much a year, as ffiall be agreed upon, till the debt be all difchargcd." jidditional Injlru^ions. f ift,TT is defired, that upon the conclufion of the peace, a general psper"! * indemnity may be obtained for all his Majefty's fubjeds, that have ^ N. vol. ji. been in his fervice, fincc the revolution, both as to their perfons and ^^* to their eftates, fince fuch amnefties never have been omitted or refufed in treaties of a general peace, in relation to forfeitures incurred, during and by reafon of the war, as may be (ccn by the Weftphalia and Pyre- nean treaties, where even thofe, who had born arms againfl: their lawful fovereigns, were indemnified ; and this is much more reafonable and juft, in the cafe Of his Majefty's fubjeifls, fince all parties agree, that he was their lawful king, when they firft bore arms and followed him. 4C 2 2dly, 3^4 O R I G T N A L P A P E R S. i?9«, adiy, If this demand, though reafon able in itfdf, fliould meet with J^'y* difficulties not to be overcome, it is defired, at lead, that fuch as arc domellic and menial fervants to the King and to the Qiieen, may enjoy fuch indemnity as is above mentioned. For, I believe, his grcateH enemies will not think it juft and decent, that their Majefties fbould live without fervants, and without thofe of their own country, that have long ferved them, which barbarity would be a neceflary confequence, from the refufing fuch indemnity -, at leaft, the refufers thereof contribute, as much as lies in them, to deprive their Majefties even of fervants, by makincr it fo highly penal, to ferve their perfons even for thofe who have been fo long in their fervice. 3dly, But, fliould this demand alfo find an unreafonable and obftinate oppofuion, which certainly would aftonifh the whole world, let it, at leaft, be endeavoured, that, fince her Majefty, in her own perlba, lyes under no forfeiture or difability, even by any law made fmce the revo; lution, thofe fervants that are of her family may not be treated as cri- minals cf ftate, againft whom no other guilt can be pretended or proved, but ferving their Queen and miftrefs, and not leaving her in her adver- fity. It will appear in the eyes of the world very ftrange, to make that a crime fo highly punifliable, efpecially, fince the prince Orange himfclf, when he firft came into England, gave leave and pafip'orts to the Qiieen's fervants to follow her Majefty into France -, and, for their fo doing and for nothing elfe, they have been indided of high treafon, upon a general ac- cufation of adhering to the King's enemies j nothing elfe being fworn againft them, at the finding of the bill, but that they were at St. Germains; and for not coming out of France into England and appear- ing to anfwer the indiftment, within the time limited, they were out- lawed •, though, at the fame time, there was a law in being, which did prohibit, under the fevereft penalties, all pafllng out of France into England." Oaob«r. Neceftity obliged James to accept of a dowry for his Queen. But he was much at a lofs, about the proper manner of receiving it. His difficulties are explained in the following letter. ♦ The O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 56^ The Earl of IVIiddklon to the Marquis de Torcy. 169;?. Oaober. Tranflation. Naime's 5th oaober, 9,67. P^F-;„, , ." AS his moft Chriftian Majefty has been pleafed to obtain, by his 4'°- ^° 5- metliacioii, a promife from the prince of Orange, that the Queen of England (hall be paid what is due to her, we are perfuaded, that his Majefty will be forry that fhe (hould be deprived of it -, and, as we have too much reafon to uiftruft tiie prince of Orange's fincerity, it will not be difficult for him to invent quirks for eluding his promife. For in- ftance, if the Qtieen is defired to fign the difcharges, they may be drawn up in fuch a form, that fhe will not and cannot fign them. Again, if officers named by the Queen, are put in pofleffion of her eftates, and if the tenants and others refufe to pay, they cannot be forced but in a court of juftice ; and the Queen will neither plead before their courts nor acknowledge them. Befides that, the prince of Orange might think himfclt freed from his promife, when lie pleafed, from a pretence, that the money was employed againft him. So that there is no expedient, but that the prince of Orange fhould oblige himfelf, by a fecret article, to pay the fum mentioned to his moft Chrillian Majefty and his fuccefl!brs, during the life of the Qiit-en. If the prince of Orange adls fincerely, he will accept this propofal. If It is rejc(5i:ed, the affair, in all likelihood, will be of no confequence ; and yet there is no doubt, but his moft Chrifiian Majefty is very careful to put on a folid foundation, a thing fo honourable to himfelf and necef- fary to the Queen of England," To obviate thefe difficulties, the following propofals were fent to the abbe Renaudot, to be conveyed to the French plenipotentiaries. InJlruSlions for the French Ambajfador. Ibid. D. N. They arc in Naime's hand. ^^^^ 46.^"* Tranflation. " ift, TT is defircd, that my lord Rochefter and my lord Godolphin^ who are the commiffioners named, by the letters patent and the ad of parliament, impowering them to receive the revenue of the 3 Queen's g6^ ORIGINALPAPERS. 1697. Queen's apanage, may have orders from the prince of Orange to execute onobcr. , jijjjij. triift, as being the perlbns who can give legal difcharges for what they receive. 2dly, That, fince it becomes payable, at leafl fince the time it hat been promifed at Ryfwick, and fince, according to the firft fettlcment» it Itould be paid at quarterly terms, of which Chriftmas is one, it is dcfired that the firll quarterly payment fhould be made Chriftmas next. adly, That, in cafe they fail to pay piindtually every quarter as it be- come due, it is defired application fliould be made to the prince of Orano-e for redrefs, by the ambaffador of his moft Chriftian Majefty. 4ihly, As to the interefts of Catholics in general, it is defired, that the ambaflador may advife with bidiop Leyborn, concerning what may be moft expedient for their relief and proteftion -, that bifhop being a perfon of great prudence and experience, and knowing well that, at this time, the interefts of France and of religion are the fame. 5thly, It would be agreeable that endeavours ftiould be made to obtain a fufpenfion of the penal laws againft Catiiolics, as well in Scot- land and in Ireland, as in England, where they have ftiewn lome fort of moderation for fome years. But in Scotland, their laws are executed with rigour, by imprilbning and banifhing all priells mer.ly becaufe tliey are pnefts ; and in Ireland, the great fcverity of the new laws paffed there, gives reafon to fear the fame rigour in their execution. 6lhly, Alio all the King's friends who are ordinarily called Jicobites, aj-c recommended to the ambaflador's proteftion, left they Ihould be opprefled merely for having been loyal to their Sovereign, while they live peaceably, without giving any offence to the prefent government. 7thly, It is further defired, that the public faith engaged in the capi- tulation of the city of Limerick, fhould be maintained in all its articles j and that all who were without the town, as well as thofc who were within, and laid down their arms upon the faith of thefe articles, fhould be allowed to enjoy their fortunes, according to the faid capitulation. There are other three articles, recommending to the ambaflador to obtain the liberty of colonel Macelligot, Sir Nevil Paine, and the fon of Sir William Jennings." Lewis ORIGINAL PAPERS. 567 Lewis the XlVth fent this mcmoriaJ, with the following letter, to his ^^97' plenipotentiaries, at Ryfwick. Oftober. Tranflation. Odober 7. f • V O U fee, by the memorial I fend you, the difficulties which the Nalme's Queen of England has reafon to forefee, if Ihe fhall be obliged to vohli! .ito! * receive, in her own name, the revenue which fhe has a right to enjoy No. 48. in confequence of Englifh acts of parliament. To prevent thefe difficul- ties, flie would chufe that you could agree upon the expedient propofed in this memorial. You may fpcak. about it to the Englilh ambaffadors ; and, as I doubt not but the King, their mafter, is finccrely inclined to pay what ihall be due to this princefs, the form of doing it fhould be a matter of indifference to him. You are to concert with the ambafladors the different expedients wliich may be adopted. But, before you fix xipon any, you are to give us an account of wliat they propofe." The Marquis de Torcy to the Earl of Middkton ; with a copy of the preced- Ibid. ing letter^ and one cf the aii which wasjigned by the Englifh Ambaffadors. Tranflation. 0(5lober 15, 1697. "J Send you the copy you afked, of the a6l which the Englifh ambaffa- Original. dors have pafTed for fecuring the Qiteen's penfion •, and I join, at the fame time, what his Majefty has written to his plenipotentiaries, when he fent them the memorial which you gave me. They iiave not yet an- fwered that letter, and I fhall not fail to acquaint you with what they Ihall write on the fubje<5l. They have orders to make reprefcntations in favour of the Roman Catholics in Ireland, for executing the capitulation of Limerick, of which I iuve fent them a copy, by his Majefly's orders. I am. Sir, Your moft humble fervant. De Torcv." Ihe 568 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1 697. Ti>e Earl cf Mddkton's anfwer to the Marquis de Tercy'. October. N.iirnc'i Tranllation. Papers, D.N. Ocftobcrzl, 1^97. vol. i. 4to. No. 5. *' T Have received the letter which you did me the honour to write to me from For.tainbleau on the 15th inflant, with the extract of the medi- ation, and the inllrudion for his Majetly's plenipotentiaries, with which the Queen of I'.ngland is entirely fatisfied, and (he has ordered me to thank you. But there is a grofs miftake in the extrafb, which you will undoubtedly judge neceflfary to correft; becaufe afts of parliament are never fealed, and have no other fandiion but that // is the King's pkafure.' This may give a handle to the Englifli to ufe fliifts, and to fay, that they are not obliged to make any payments, unlefs a fealed aft is produced, which is impofTible. I have marked the words in the extradt which I return to you, and below I have written thofe which ought to be fubfti- tuted in their place. I am perfuaded they will agree to them without any difficulty, becaufe they will be afhamed to acknowledge an igno- rance or a villany, equally infupportable. It was merely to avoid thefe difficulties that the King, my mafter, propofed to fend one of his fub- jeds to Delft, as it is impofTible that thefe particulars can be known to others." fol.No. 144 and vol. i. 4to. No. 5. An extraU of the Protocok of the Mediation held at Ryfwick the 20th Sep- Ibid vol i. " timber, 1697," as amended by l/liddkton. Tranflation. " *~V' H E ambafladors of the King of England have declared that the King, their mailer, has promiled that the annual penfion of 50,0001. fterling, or fuch other fum as (hall be found fettled " by ad of parliament, fealed with the great fcal of England *," in fa- vour of the Queen, Mary D'Eftc, (hall be paid for the future according to the faid ad f, and that they conlent that the mediator fhould infcrt this in his protocole, and give an authentic copy of it • Inftcad of thefe words, the following are to be inferted : " By letters patent, fealed with the great feal of England, and confirmed by aft of parliament." f " To the faid letters patent." to ORIGINAL PAPERS. 569 to the French ambafladors; in the prcfcncc of whom, and alfo of the '697. •Dutch ambairadors, the faid declaration has been made. *" ' LiLLIEROOT. • All the apprehenfions of James and his Queen about her dowry muft have been removed, by the following letter from the Swedilh mediator. Monfieur de Lillieroot to Mr. de Harlay. Nairne'j A • XT • » L J Papers, D.N. A copy in Nairne s hand. vof. ii. ito. Tranflation. '^^' November 23, 1697. " A S I am not well enough to go to Delft, and have the honour of de- livering, by word of mouth, to your excellency, the anfwer which I have received from the King of England about the aft for the Queen's penfion now in queftion, I take the liberty to write to you about it. I fpoke of it yefterday to his Majefty, according to my promife, and he confirmed to me what his ambalTadors had declared lb often ; that the miftake which has crept into the aft, Ihall be of no prejudice to the principal objeft ; that he is willing to ftand faithfully by what has been promifed -, and that for that purpofe, he fhall order his ambaflador who Ihall go to the court of France, to regulate there the time and the man- ner of paying this penfion ; fo that there is no reafon to be uneafy about it. I am convinced. Sir, of the fincerity of this promife, and I am, with great zeal and fincerity, SIR, Your Excellency's moft humble and moft obedient fervant, N. Lillieroot." James publidied a proteftation againft the peace to be concluded Jbid. vol. i. at Ryfwick, and the following paper is indorfed, ^o'- No- '4' " InJiru£lions to befent with the King's protejiatipn." jjjjj^ ^^^ In Nairnc's hand. "* *' A S we have looked on our people as our children, even with a hearty and fincere defire of retaining the difobcdient, we have always reck- Vol. I. 4 1) oned 5^0 ORIGINAL PAPERS. J 697. oncd the fufTtrings of the dutiful among the moft fenfible of our afflic Movembcr. ^j^^^^ . ^^j ^^ j^^j notiung more in view by our conftant endeavours to recover our riylit, than to have rewarded thofe who had contributed to it. The misfortune that happened to the French fleet at La Hoguc in tSgz^ made fuch an imprefTion on that court, that ever fince, the dif- ficultv of tranfportinga confiderablc force was thought to be infuperable ; and, therefore, from that time, applications were made to all the neu- tral nations to- fee a treaty of peace a foot, as may appear, by the date of their memorials given to the northern crowns ; and they were the more foJicitous in purfuing that defign the year following, by reafon of the famine and mortality that happened in their country, which ftopt ever* the circulation of the money ; fo tkat nothing prevented the conclufion of the peace then, but that there were ftill means left to fupport the Prince of Orange's averfion to it, which we made ufe of, amonglt other arguments, to engage them to attempt our reftoration, as being the fliortetl way of obtaining an honourable and lading peace. But tht tide turned. France recovered, arrd the confederacy declined ; fo that they hoped to compafs their purpofe without venturing any thing. The con- jefture was io fingularly unlucky, that our enemies' difadvantages advanced this peace. Had Namur been relieved, we cannot doubt but it would have been concluded the winter following -, fince we fee, that the fepa- rate treaty with Savoy has produced that effeft, which certainly gave the French all the advantage imaginable over their enemies. At laft, when we were convinced that nothing coukl divert them from their peaceable refolution, and that the treaty was aftually begun by M. de Calliere, our only care then was the prefervation of our loyal fiibjedsv and, in order to that, in Oftober, 1696, we infifted earneftljc that there might be an imlemnity (lipulatcd for all thofe who had ren- dered tliemfelves obnoxious on our account : That all outlawries againft them might be revcrled -y and they reftored to the full and quiet poflcffioa of their eftates. This was frequently reiterated with all the proper arguments and un- deniable precedents, both to the French court anu to that of Rome ; that by the laftj it might be conveyal to all the cathoJic princes and ftates. O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 571 It was propofed at Ryfwick by the French, but rejeded by the Englilh. 1697. The fear of embaraffing their own treatf, m& hrft the feme farourmigirt ^o^cibcr. be preflcd for the Huguenots, were the reafons why it was not further — infifted on by the French. We cannot fuppofe that any of our good kibjcils can harbour fuch dif- refpeflful thoughts of us as to imagine that we were confenting to this peace. If any have fuch, we pity them, as the ravings of diftempercd people ; and, without doubt, will be fet right by reading our prote- ftation. There is nothing we defire more than the quiet and fafety of our good fubjeds : But every man muft confult himfelf in that point. If they do what we cannot allow of, we would not have them think that they have incurred our difpleafure thereby. We can freely pardon what we cannot approve. We cannot content to the taking of an unlawful oath in con- fcience ; befides, it would look like abfolving them of their allegiance to us, which might be interpreted an abdication. We have a fenfible com- paffion of the prefTures they lie under, and fhall ftill depend on their fer- vice, when we have occafion for it." >» 4D1 ORIGINAL ORIGINAL PAPERS. T 1698. 1698. January. HE treaty of Rifwick had reftored peace to Europe, William the Third fat fecurely on the throne of Britain. The enemies of his government feemed now cautioufly to avoid all corrcfpondence with the late King ; and thofe who offered their fervices to the court of St. Germains, were but a few indigent pcrfons, who meant, probably, to raife their fortunes by betraying their employers ; at leaft, Middleton feems now to have had this opinion of a man, with whom he himfelf had entered into correfpondcnce two years before *, if Piggott and Pig- eault are the fame name. Nairne's The Earl of Middleton to Mr. Biddiford, at Calais. Papers, D.N. vol. 1.410. SIR, St. Germains, Jan. 2, 1698. No. J. " T Am informed that one Mr. Piggott, a fat fquinting fellow, to fay no worfe of him, pretends to many people to have diredlions and meflages from hence, which I can afllire you is moft falfe : Therefore, you cannot do our mafter better fervice than to give them a caution of it ; and that they fliould trufl: none but fuch as they have an entire confi- dence in, or produce a credential. I hope to hear from you fometimes j and, as often as I have occafion, I fhall endeavour to convince you, that I am moft really, &c." Berkenhead and Hunt, who are both mentioned in the following letter, are already known, by the earl of Middleton's correfpondcnce with • See Middleton't letter of the 4th of Auguft, 1696. Monf. ORIGINAL PAPERS. 573 Monf. de Thoffe and the Abbe Renaudot, in the month of Oflober, 1698. 1696 •. J^""*^' 1'he Earl of Middleton to the Marquis de Torcy. Naime's ■' . Papers, D.N. Tranflation. vol. i. ^to. <' S I R, St. Germains, January 16, 1698. *' IVT ^- Berkenhead writes to me from Calais, that one Hunt, whonr he brought here, as you know, is refolved to go back to Eng- land, and to recommend himfelf, at the expence of all thofe who came over to France during the war ; and, among the reft, lord Aylefbury will undoubtedly be beheaded. Againft fo great an evil there is no re- medy, unlefs the King will be gracioufly pleafed to fend him filently to the Antilles, St. Domingo, or Canada, with an order to the governors to confine him ; and by this means, if he is demanded, it may be an- fwered with truth, that he is not in France. The evil is immediate v and, therefore, the King of England befeeches you to reprcfcnt this to the King, and to let him know his Majefty's intentions." The earl of Middleton, in a letter to the marquis de Torcy, on the ]|,;j^ 19th, defires that the fame precautions fhould be taken againft a Mr. Goodman, who had been an evidence againft feveral in England ; and, particularly, had informed againft the duke of Powis, who, however, bribed him to retire to France. Goodman now feemed impatient to return. Middleton fufpefted that his intention v/as to put himfelf under the proteftion of the earl of Portland, when he arrived ; and therefore, in his mafter's name, defires he fliould be fecured with Hunt. It ap- pears, from another letter to de Torcy, written fome months later, that Goodman was fent aprifoner to Dauphiny, where his wife, in a petition to the Queen, defired to be imprifoned with him. Middleton, in the meantime, endeavoured to renew his former correfpondence with fome of his friends in England. There is a letter from him of the i6th of February, to Clelland (Waugh) containing general cxprcrTions of kind- nefs and regard. He was then greatly alarmed that fome letters of con- fequence might be found about Mr. Crofby, who had ben aflafTmated in the ftreets of Paris. Croftjy had carried on a correfpondence, for fome time, with James's fecret friends in England, and Middleton was • See above, page 56J. 3 afraid 574 ORIGINAL PAPER ». 1(395. afraid that he might have had letters about him which would involve many in troubles, if they fell into improper hands. Niirne's The clergy and people of Ireland prefented a memorial, this year, to D 'n. 'vol. i. a congregation at Rome, complaining that the Catholic princes had con- 4to. No. II. (eluded a peace, without making any ftipiiLtion for the diftreflcd Catho- lics of Ireland, England, and Scotland, and without confulting the Holy- See. They intimated their fiiipicions, that the intrigues of the prince of Orange extended to the court of Rome itfelh Tiiey had undergone, they faid, a fevere perfecution for upwards of one hundred and feventy years. _^, They were now laughed at by the proteftants, when they faw them aban- doned by thofc from whom they expefted protedion. They enumerated the feveral laws which were enaded againft them, and which muft, in the end, extirpate the Catholic religion. They humbly propol'ed to the Pope to fend legates to the courts of all the Catholic princes, in order to perfuade thofe princes to forbid all commerce with Great Britain, un- til the Catholics in the three kingdoms were freed from all reftriftions in the exercife of their religion. Ibid. No. 15. The Pope wrote a confolatory letter to them, exhorting them to pa- tience and perfeverance, and promifing them tiie afTiftance of his fervent Ibid. No. 14.. prayers. At the fame time he wrote a letter in their favour to the Em- peror. It does not appear, that his imperial Majefty, in confequcnce of this letter, made any repiefentations to the court of Great Britain. But before he received it, he muft have fent inftructions to his envoy at London ; for the Pope's letter is dated the 21ft of June, and the follow- ing letter from the envoy to the Pope's nuncio is dated the 9th of May. It appears from it, that he had received inftrutlions from the Emperor to make reprefentations to King William, in favour of the Roman Ca- tholics in Ireland, and obtained his Maje(ly*s promife that the penal kws lately en.idted againft them fliould not be rigoroufly executed. Cofj O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 57^ " Copy of a letter from Count D'Averfpcrg, Envoy Extraordinary from Hi }°9}' *'' * ■' ^. o ^ » . Nairr.es ra- Imperial Majefly at London^ to the Pope's Nuncio. peis, D. N. vol. i 410. Tranflation. No. u. 9th May, 1698. *' A LTHOUGH I have not done myfelf the honour of writing to you for fome time, I have nor, however, forgot my promife to ac- quaint you, when the opportunity offered, with every thing that hap- pened here concerning the affairs of Ireland. I don't doubt, but you have been informed of the laws, which have been pall during this feffion of parliament, againft the Catholics, and particularly againft monks, bifhops, and all thofe who have any ecclefiaftical dignity. And as his imperial Majefty, my auguft mafter, has been informed of them, he has been pleafcd to order me to fpeak about them to his Britannic Majefty. I did not fail to do (o, as well as I could, and to llich purpole, that his Majefty fent yefterday the chancellor of that kingdom to me, to tell me, that it is true thefe laws werepaft, but that they would not be rigoroufly executed : that all the monks would not be banifticd, although it was almoft impoffible to tolerate them longer, on account of their great in- folence, and their littk refpeft for the prefent government. Yet fome of them would be allowed .to remain, particularly thofe, who, on account of their great age, were incapable of leaving the kingdom. That all the biftiops and other ecclefiaftical dignitaries would be allowed to re- main } arni that the Catholics might have as many fccular priefts as they pleafed, in towns, as well as in villages and other places. As com- plaints were made, that the capitulation of Limerick was not kept, the chancellor explained this to me in fuch a manner, that I don't fee there is any reafon to complain. I was informed likewiic, that the parliament had paffed a law, by which all the Catholics were obliged to educate their children in the pretended reformed religion. But the truth is, that they did not even tliink of fuch a law. The queftion now is, to fee that all, that hath been promifcd to me, fhall be puntfbually per- formed. I fliall take care of this. At the fame time, the Catholics muft behave in fuch a way as will enable me to be of fervice to them. I wai willing to communicate this to you, in order to fliew you, that no oppor- 7 tunity 576 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1698. lunity is ncglefted of maintaining our holy religion. I entreat you, moft humbly, to be perfuadcd, that I am, &c.*' Nairne's The court of Rome difputcd with James the power of nominating vofT^jto. ' bifhops in Ireland. His agent, M. Caprara, prefented two memorials, ^'o. 19, 21, on the fubjcdl, to the propaganda. The bifliop of Limerick gave in hi* objeclionsj and James was obliged to defend himfclf in a long and laboured reply. Notwithllanding the enthufiafm of this prince, and his fubmif- live obedience to the fee of Rome in fpirituals, it appears, that he never intended to acknowledge the Pope's fupremacy in temporal concerns. The Irifli bifliops were fenfible of this, and, though he had loft his crowns for his attachment to their religion, they told him plainly that he was under a fentence of excommunication ; and that he mull be publickly abfolved, before he could interfere in their affairs. Their realonings to prove this are no lefs curious, than the abfurdity of their pretenfions. They are contained in the following paper, entituled, Ibid. No. 18. " IIo-j} to treat with the Pope." " V\^E "^"^ '^y» for ^^ undoubted foundation, that the Pope will do nothing, but according to the canons. Therefore, it is in vain to treat with the Pope, unlefs we refolve to be guided by them. It is certain, that England was heretofore excommunicated, according to the canons ; and the kingdom lies, at this day, under the excommu- nication. So, no Englifliman can, by the canons, appear as a public perfon, in name of the community, till the excommunication is taken off. For, although many Englilh Catholics are, by fpecial privileges, ab- folved in particular ; yet the abfolurion ferves not to make them capable to deal, as public perfons, with his Holincfs. But they muft be pub- lickly ablolved, amongft the reft. Therefore, the public excom.T.unication muft be taken off, before the kingdom can be capable oi treating publickly with his Holiiiefs j and it is his Holinefs alone that can take it off. Which O R r G I N A L P A P E R S. 577 Which being fo, the King ought to look vipon the Pope as his fiiperior, 1698. nnd upon himlclf as a perfon not yet lawfully qualified to treat pub- lickly with his Molinefs •, who i^, therefore, to be privately demanded what the canons require fliould be done in this cafe, until the whole kingdom may be difpofed to receive a public folemn abfoKition. In my judgment, this ought to have been done before the crown was fct upon his Majefty's head : and now, that very ceremony ought to be brought into confidcration, to the end that the fubjedt may, for the fu- ture, live under a catholic crown. No doubt, but the Pope will be forwarder to grant, than we to de- mand, as long as we keep within the bounds of the holy canons. If we fwerve from them, we cannot exped the Pope fliould be other- wife than hard, uneafy, inflexible." VoL.I. 4E ORIGINAI. ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1699. i5qq, rr^HE late King, having difcontinued all efforts for regaining his November. J. crown, ever fince the year 1697, applied his whole attention and time to ads of devotion. He, in fome meafure, ran his own life, againft that of King William, and reftcd his whole hopes upon his projed of throwing himfelf in the hands of his former fubjefts. In this difpofuion of his mind and affairs, the correfpondence, with his adherents, feems to have been greatly interrupted ; which circumftance renders the prefent year peculiarly barren in fecret intrigues. This fituation of things pre- vented not a renewal of profligate propofals for the affaffination of King William. No. 5. Nairne's pa- ^^^ Earl of Middkton to the Marquis de Torcy, ^['';_ to" Cbarras offers to ajfajftnate King iniliam. Tranflation. St. Germains, Nov. 17, 1699. *• T Send you two informations ; the one from a chaplain of the King of England, and the other from one of his phyficians. Although Char- ras faid he would come and call upon me, he has not done it, but left the place while I waited for him ; probably the phyfician's difcourfe frightened him. The King, my matter, is defirous that he may be ap- prehended and queflioned •, it is probable he may be caught at his bro- ther the apothecary's, or by watching the ftreets in the cornet of the town where lord Manchcfter lives," Tie ORIGINAL PAPERS. 579 i6qq. ^be information of Mr. Conjlabky the King^s Thyfician^ mentioned in the November. Na irne s preceding letter. ^ ° papers, D. N. vol. i;. TranQation. ^to. No. os. Nov. 17th, 1699. *' Y'ESTERDAY, the i6th of November, a porter came two or three times in the morning, defiring very earneftly to fpeak to me. At laft, betsveen 1 1 and 12, he brought me a note, which I fent to her Ma- jel^y by Mr. Innes, the chaplain, who is acquainted with this affair. The bearer of the note told me, that he had the ftridefl orders from the per- fon who fent it, not to permit any other to fee it. I went immediately to the perfon, who had written the note to me. I found him in a little dark room, in the publick-houfe called The prince of Wales, and faw a young man, whom I recoUedled to have known, but of whom I had a very imperfe<5t remembrance. He told me, that his name was Charras •, that he was brother to the apothecary of the fame name, at St. Marget's-flreet, near the abbey of St. Germains, at Paris. After fome compliments, he told me, that he had an affair of great con- fequence to communicate to me, which required great fecrecy : that he had an expedient of rendering an eflential fervice to the King, our maf- ter : that, although he was a flranger to his Majefty, he had an entire affedion for him : that he had always lamented the injuftice which had been done him : that he was determined to furmount all the difficulties which might occur : that he had only two or three friends ; and that thefe were domeftics of the prince of Orange's, but devoted to the inte- reils of King James : that a number of accomplices would render an en- terprize of that kind always hazardous ; and that the laft affair failed, merely becaufe too many were acquainted with it. All his exprefTions indicated, that he cared little for his life, pro- viding the King might be reftored. He enlarged upon the fubjed ; and was willing, I imagine, to difcover to me the expedient, which he men- tioned. But I afTured him, that the King, my mafter, had principles of relicrion and honour, which would never permit him to countenance fuch an attempt. This anfwer embarrafTcd and feemed to confound him; bur, recovering himfelf, he enlarged upon the recompcnfe, which fuch an heroic adtion would defcrve j and obfcrved, that, although lie and hij 4 E 2 comrades 38o ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1690.' comrades fhould perifh in the attempt, the adion would be always rec- Hovcmbcr. j^Qned glorious, and that the advantages, which their relations might derive from it, would be a fufficient recompenfe for the lofs of their lives. He told me alfo, that he had communicated this affair to Mr. Inncs, which I now find to be falfe ; and that Mr. Innes dcfired him to come to me. He affured me alfo, at the fame time, that he would make it known to one or both of the fccretaries of ftate. But, as foon as I came home, I faw from the window of my room, that he left the inn, being difiatisfied, as I imagine, with my anfwers ; and concluded, that I would make a difcovery to the King and to both the fccretaries of ftate ; and I have fince learned, that he left St. Germains, though he told me, that he would not, and that he had chofen that lodging, in order to be more private, and that he would not fee any body, until he had concerted this affair, which he would eafily do, without noife or danger. This is the fubftance, and almoft all the circumftances, of what he told me ; and I am ready to declare fo upon oath, when called upon." ORIGINAL ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1700. WHILE James devoted himfelf to the aufterities of religion, his i-co. minifters continued, in fome degree, their intrigues with their October. friends in England. Jn Mr. Nairne's coUedtion, we have fome letters, under feigned names, which pafied between iheni this year. Tie -Earl of Middleton to bis correfpondents in England. Nairne's Pa- pers, vol. viii. Wednefday, the 20th 0&.. 1700. ^^°- ^°- '• *' T Have fo full and fo good an anfwer to give you from Mr. Mons, that your heart cannot think or wi(h for a better. But how to do it, with- out the key [the cypher] of the cabinet where the papers lie, is impof- fible. Wherefore, upon receipt of this, fend me the key. I am very glad the colonel * minds his bufinefs. His letters will be acceptable, fince the people he has to do with are in a full dil'pofition to take advice. Do not you think, that the credit of our trade will increafe every day, when it evidently will appear, that we go upon fair and juft things, and will be a motive to good men to deal more freely with us ; and the greatcft ftrvice can be done us is, to perfuade fuch to do fo ? For we are difpofed to give an entire and full fatisfaiflion to every body, and we aim at nothing but peace, reft, and quiet, and to leave people to cut out their own happinels, in their own way, and by their own inftruments." SIR, ^Vt•dnefllay, the 3d Nov. 1700. *' A-l^' ^^°"^ [the King] defires to be kindly remembered to you, and jby, bids me tell you, that you may, in his name, inform the gentle- fficn you mention in yours, and any other you judge convenient, that * Ptohably Colonel Sackville. 5 John 582 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1700. November. Nalrne's papers, vol. viLi. 4to. N». I. A. John Murey [the King] is fully refolved to give all the fatisfadlion to his creditors [peoplej of all forts, that their hearts can wifh or defire : that the old debts [the pafTive] fhall be firft confidered [forgiven], and then the new [the adtive] rewarded ; and that all other things fhall be left to the arbitrement of the arbitrators [parliament that fhall be immediately call- ed]. In the mean time, it is defired from his friends, that may be in or out of town [parliament], to guard againft any thing, that may be pro- pofcd, relative to the fak of lands [the fuccefTion] at all. But, if they find they cannot obtain that, and that they will take it into confideration, rather than any other fhould be named, to endeavour that Mr. Mjarey's beft friend [the prince of Wales] have the preference." November 17th, 1700. " T Received yours of the 2 4thO(5tober,which was our 6th of November, with one inclofed from the colonel -, to which I give you the trouble to give him the inclofed, for anfwer, which I Qiould have done, by die lad poft, but could not by reafon of a meeting I had with fome friends, which took up all my time for that day. I am very fenfible of that gentleman's good intentions to do us all the good he can, and I believe he will do me that juflice to fay, I was always fo from the firft day I had the honour to know him ; and, by what I fay from Mr. Mons, he will fee how much he thinks he is obliged to him. If you have received all mine of the 3d inftant, you will perfecftly fee, that John Murey [the King] does not intend that words, but deeds, fliould convince both his friends and his enemies : for, as he referves nothing in his own power, they have nobody but themfelves to blame, if every thing be not done to their contentment j and, if that cannot do, you know the proverb, " You can have no more of the cat but the fkin." However, if there be any thing to be expected from his creditors [the people], he is very defirous to give a meetino- to any one, that will come from them, and he does not doubt, but to give them all the fatisfadion they can expeft ; and if the thing be rightly underftood, they muft fee the great advantages, that is upon their fide. Whereas, he has nothing before his eyes, but to have every thing, by arbitrement of the arbitrators [parliament], difpofed of to the beft ad- vantage of his creditors [people] ; and nobody can imagine, but the longer it is delayed, the greater v.'ill be their lofs. For, if the fnle of Linds O R I G 1 N A L P A P E R S. 583 lands [fuccefTion] be neglcfted, you will allow the lofs will every day be 1700. the more. Therefore, let me entreat you to prefs the having all thefe ovember, tilings taken into confideration. As for news, you had the contents of the King of Spain's will in the laft Paris Gazette, viz. The duke of Anjou is named to the entire fuc- celTion of the whole monarchy, failing him the duke de Berry, and fail- ing him the archduke, fccond fon to the Emperor, and after him the duke of Savoy. The bees [city] you mention have been and are ftill very troublefome, and that you will fee confounds all and makes us defpair of all the reft, when fo little a thing cannot be removed. So that all I can fay is, that, if you could get the bees [city] recommended by the worthies you men- tion in yours as injurious to them, in the prefent conjunflure, and that, at fuch a time, when they are fetting up for good management, every thing Ihould appear by aftions, as the parting with fuch as have wafted by their profufenefs, and deftroyed by their councils all the improvements that might have been made : that it is not agreeable with good manage- ment to put ftrangers over a family, that reckons they have wifer people of their own. The oldeft of the bees [city] is fupported by nothing now, but the ftiame of acknowledging a fault, and it's he only that fup- ports the reft ; and inftruftions upon that, from thefe people, would be well taken, but from no other, ftiewing them, that perfevering in bad things is the greateft fault, and coming out of it makes the greatefl: amends that can be for any fault : that, whilft they think to cover it, by their perfcverance, the meaneft capacities of their fervants fee it, and con- fequently defpifc them for it. Since I begun to write this letter, I have got yours of the 28th, and I thank you for the account you give me of that worthlefs fellow. I am fatisfied of the truth of it ; for thefe letters have been fhevvn on this fide, as well as on yours •, and yet for all that, and all we could fay of the aCVont and injury done to the perfon of honour, which Mr. Mons Teprc- fented very warmly, the M. L i. f. c. y. and his gang carried it, and he was juftified. If that gentleman knew what Mr. Mons faid upon that head, he would be well pieafcd ; but he was anfwered, that it was other- wife : that, far from doing him prejudice, he had fcrved liim. In a word, a he No. 1 £«4 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1 700. he has quahficd himfelf to be thought capable of ferving what I am fat'u- Kovembci. ^^.j j^^ j-^^^ ^^^ £qi.. ^^^j j^^ certainly was fcnt thither for that end." It is probable, that fome of thofe members, in both houfcs of parlia- ment, who moved for the feverc addrefles to King William, on the treaties of partition, in March 170T, were acquainted with the fenti- ments of the court of St. Gcrmains, on the fubjeft of the Spanifh fiic- cefHon ; as the addrefles themfelves feem to be the echo of the follow, ing letters, written by the earl of Middleton to England. SIR, 24 November, 1700. Nairne's « T N my laft, I gave you the account of the King of Spain's death, and Papers. ^ •' . . , . j Toi. viii. 4(0. that the entire fuccefTion to thefe great dominions were given to the duke of Anjou, &c. and now what may be the confequence of it, is, at prefent, the great fubjed of our difcourfe and reafoning. The French recTion themfelves much obliged ro the league they lately made with Holland and England-, and, indeed, fo they may: for that, and that only, has put a cohftraint upon Spain to put afide the arch-duke ; feeino- themfelves under a- neceffity either to do that or have their dominions torn in pieces by the partage, I long extremely to hear how this will be taken by the parliament, and by the wife people of England. For ' here was a league made, without advifing and confulting them upon the matter, and certainly very much to the prejudice of trade and intereft of the nation, which, no doubt, would have been examined into by the ' parliament; and, indeed, if it was reafonable to do it then, it is no lels reafonable to do it now, upon what has happened. For, in all re- fpefts, this fcttlement has, at leaft, as bad an afpeifl towards England, as the other. Humanly fpeaking, here is a fricndfhip betwixt the two crowns of Spain and France for fifty years, taking in a grandfather, a fither, and a brother's friendfliip to a King of their own fetting up. "What trade can England propofe to have in the Mediterranean, and in all the Spanifli dominions, if France vie with them for it, though there be no war ; and if there be, how can they maintain a fleet, without the aflift- ance of the Spanifli ports and harbours ? And it is evident, that this, arid whatever worre confequenccs may arife from it, it is this triple league that is the occafion ; fince it brought them upon the neceffity before ORIGINAL PAPERS. 585 before mentioned. The duke of Bavaria has writ to the King of Spain, 1700. and the general of their forces in the Netherlands will be at Verfailles I^'<"''— E»ec» the morrow : fo that you fee here Flanders confenting already, and ia what a condition would the Hollanders be, though Spain never made war upon them, but only were, in cafe of a war bet^vixt France and them, confenting to their troops marching through Flanders ? And whac would become of that bulwark which England and Holland have for- merly thought their interefl to maintain, though at their own charges, and which, in all appearance, is now loft by a league of their own mak- ing with the King of France ? Doctor Davcnant will not need burn his book againft the league, but add an appendix, to (how that it has had the fame evil confcquences, or rather worfe, than it could have had, if all things had ftood as they were when it was made, and the exe- cution been made accordingly." SIR, Wednefday, ift of December, 1700. *' T Have yours of the 14th of November, O. S. and I am forry you December. had then fo little time to write ; for there are two things I hoped to ^'^"^"'='* have had from you. One was the account of the Scotch parliament! voi.viil. 4t». the other, how you reafon upon this great affair of the Spanifh fuc- cefTion, whereof you had my opinion, upon the 24th of November, N. S. Of both, I hope to have fomething from you by the next. As to the Scotch parliament, by other letters, I am glad to find all goes for the court. You know my opinion as to John Murey's [the King's] affairs, is the fame with yours •, and yet, if ic were polTible to perfuadc people to accept of what he offers, it would bring every thing into the fame channel that we propofe it to run in, by a more natural way than all other overtures can make it ; and, by this method too, you fee he does not defire to be trufted : for he gives all out of his own hands. But this is an argument that I would not have you makcAife of with the colonel ; and yet ic is the beft thing could happen, both for him and his friends. But all propcfuions any other way, in our parts, that is down- right, will be to no purpofe ; and yet, upon your fide of the water, they would naturally of themfelves confider this and prcfs it, where there is occafion. The bees [city] are a dead weight upon them, and look more like a judgment than any thing elfe -, they being an abomination Vol. I. 4 l" to §86' ORIGINAL PAPERS; 1700, to all the reft of mankind but thetnfelves ; and tliis cafe truly ftated, hf the colonel's friends, would be of great ufe for them and us too, and I am perfuaded they fuffer, at leaft, as mucli by them as we do. Yefterday, the Dutch ambaflador was at Verfailles, to demand an audience of the King, and was refufed. It is faid the King of France fliould fay, that, when he had his audience of the King of Spain, he fliould have it of him. Whether he faid this or not, I cannot be po- fitive. But it is certain he was refufed, and that to the feeing of as many as were about the King's apartments at the moft public time of the day; and, it is believed, the £ngli(h ambaflfador will be ferved juft fo. Thus, you fee what that fecret treaty is like to bring us to. How feafonable it may be to think upon John Murey's [the King's] propo* fuion, I leave you to judge." SIR, Wednefday, 8th of December, 1700. Nairne's *« T Have feen yours of the 2 7th of November-, and I am glad you are vol. vii'i, to. got fafe to London. I find you are alarmed there with the duke of ^°* '• Anjou being declared King of Spain, and, no doubt, you have rea- fon ; for the confequences of it may be ftill greater than your appre- henfions of them are. It is not probable, that the duke of Bavaria will remain long governor of Flandeps, though he has fent his compliments to the King of Spain, and done all other marks of joy and acknowledg- ment upon that fubjeft. The general of the Spanilh forces in Flanders was likewife with the King of Spain before he went from hence; and was immediately fent back, upon an exprefs from the duke of Bavaria, upon fome apprehenfions they had of the Dutch garrifons. It is certain that the King of France afked the Spariifh ambaflador what their debt was to the Dutch, for which they had the poITeflion of thefe towns. He anfwered, fix million. Well, fays the King, if the councils of Spain think fit to free themfelves of thefe garrifons, I will make good the money. So that you fee there is made good what you feem in England to fear, in the moft material part. Befides, the governor of the French Flanders has orders to fend the duke of Bavaria or the Spanilh general what troops they fliall demand, upon any occafion. When I think upon the confequences that this fucceflion to Spain ma7 produce, I cannot bu: reflect upon the means and inftrumenis that have been ORIGINAL PAPERS. 587 been made ufe of to bring it about. To fay, that England and Hoi- 1700. land fliould be thefe inftruments, is ftrange, and yet certainly true. For ^^""^ "' that fecret treaty, made by the King of England and the Dutch with France, has put the Spaniards upon a necefiky of doing for themfelves the wikfl: thing they ever did, calling the duke d'Anjou to be their King; for nothing but this neceffity could have made them lay afide the Auftrian family. They faw, by this fecret league, their territories di- vided, their monarchy torn in pieces, a power fet up againft them, France, England, and Holland to make good their divifion, too ftronf^ for them and all they could expeft to affift them ; and fo, by giving it to the duke of Anjou, humanly fpeaking, they have fecured to them- felves a peace with France for fifty years, entailed upon the life of a, grandfather, a father, and a brother, who will think it their glory to maintain a fon of France in thefe great dominions ; and it is not to be doubted, but the children of his body will be as good Spaniards as ever were before them ; fo that Spain has aded a wife part. It's dangerous for any ftate to be governed by a head that is no- tional ; for fuch are generally given to try experiments. What greater fccurity could England have, than in the Augfburg league ? Why was not that renewed, which would have kept the kingdom in peace for hundreds of years, in all probability ? But this treaty, amongft other things, has deftroyed the credit and friendlhip the Auftrian family can have for our King hereafter. So that, by this t«ur de baton, he has loft his new friends and his old ones together. Yourcoufin [the King] is very well. I never faw fo great a change up- on a man, in fo little time. I was with him, at Verfailles, when the King of Spain parted ; and I dare be bold to fay, that, if you fee him three or four months hence, you will admire the alteration, with great joy. My friend and his partner give you both their humble fervice j and thejr do not doubt but you will mind them upon occafion. I am, SIR, Your moft faithful and moft humble Servant. 4F3 ORIGINAL ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1701. *7°'' ^T^HE carl of Marlborough and his friend Berry will be frequentlyr A mentioned in the courfe of the following correfpondence. Berry's- name occurs in fome of lord Middleton's letters, during the years 1696 and 1697. But Marlborough's correfpondence with the court of St. Germains was carried on, at that time, through the means of colonel Sackville, and we find him now, for the firft time, mentioned witlv Berry. Marlborough is mentioned, under the feigned names of Goumy, Giir- ney, Gurny,, Armfworth, and the lawyer. The. following copy of a letter,, from Berry, concerning that lord and his friend Godolphin, is in Nairne's- hand. It is neither figned nor addrefled ; but it is marked on the bact by Nairne himfelf. Nairne's Pa- *' ExtraQ of a letter from Berry ^ concerning Gcurtiy.'* pers, D. N. -r n .• vol. ii. 4to. Trandation. No. 49. " June, lyoi." « TV yrR. Berry has been, fome days ago, by appointment, with Mr. Gourny [Marlborough] and his aflTociates, from whom he has had all. imaoinable aflurances, that they have been induced to enter into com- merce with Bailly, merely from a view of being able, in the proper time and place, to pay the debt due to Mr. Goodall [King James] -, and it dces^ not appear to me, that there is any room to doubt but Mr. Gournj will, be foon in condition to fatisfy all the creditors, by providing a reafonable compofuion with regard to the concern of Whitcly [the Queen ,\ And as to Mr. Goodall's debt, I am aflTured it will be the firft which will be dif- charoed. There are many reafons which induce me to believe foj being daily more and more convinced th.u we fliall follow the good ex- ample ORIGINAL PAPERS. 5^ I mplc which Mr. Richard has lately given us ; for which all thc'parties 7 701. concerned feem to prepare ihemfelvcs. The principal afTociatcs in the J"'*" direction of this affair, are Mr. Gournyr [Marlborough], Mr. Gilburne, [Godolphin], Mr, Travers [Tunftal], and Mr. Loffield I could not hinder myfelf from fending you this news ; knowing how agreeable it will be to you to know it, as well as to your friend Mr. Gcrrard, to whom Mr. Arnot will write about it more fully, when he is at leifurCi It is, therefore, unneceflary to communicate more to you about it at prefent. Death and cbaraSfer of James II. « 'T'HE King publickly, and by name, forgave all his enemies. He M.irpheN had often declared, that he was more beholden to the prince of [°3"^\ ^^/^^ Orange than to all the world befides. The King of Frai.ce came to '^^ continu-- wait upon him. He lighted at the caftle-gate, as others did, to prevent ^hHecond'r tlie noife of coaches from difturbing him. Juft before he expired, he "i^'"'^''"'. mentioned by name, with a loud voice, the prince of Orange, the kge. princefs of Denmark, and the Emperor; and faid he wifhed they might- be acquainted that he forgave them all. The King of France, the third, time he came to fee the King, declared he would own the prince of Wales • King of England. He had hefitated long. The dauphin, the duke of Burgundy, and all the princes thought it unbecoming the dignity of the crown of France,, not to own the title of the prince of Wales. He firll acquainted the Qi^ieen, then the Prince, of his relblution. He came, at lafr, to the King's bed-fide. " Sir," faid he, " I am come to fee how your Majefty finds yourfelf to-day." But the King not hearing, made no reply. Upon which, one of his fcrvants telling him, that the Kincr of Frarrce was there, he rouzed himfelf, and faid, "Where is he ?" Upon which the King of France replied, "Sir, I am Iiere, and I am corfie to fee how you do ?" The King thanked him for all his favours. His moH Chriftian Majefty replied, " Sir, what I have done is but a fmail matter. I have fometliing to acquaint you with of greater confequence." The King's fcrvants began to retire. " Let nobody vyithdraw," faid the Kin* of France. " I am come. Sir, to acquaint you, that whenever it fhall plcafe God to call your Majefiy out of this world, I will take your family into my prote(5tion, and will treat your fon, the prince of Wales, in the fame manner I have treated you, and acknowledge him, as he then 7 will 590 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1701. will be. King of England." All that were prcfenr, whether French or Englifli, burit at once into tears, exprefTive of a mixture of joy and grief. Some threw themfelves at his mod Chriftian Majerty's feet. All feemed fo much affedled, that the King of France himfclf burft into tears. The King of England was endeavouring to fay fomething. But the confufed noile was fo great, and he fo weak, that he could not be heard. The King of France went away. But as he pafled, he called the officer of the guard, and defired him to treat the prince of Wales as King, whenever his father Ihould expire. The next day, the King was fomething better. The prince of Wales was permitted to fee him, which he was not often fulfcred to do ; it be- ing obfcrved, that when he faw him, it raifed fuch a commotion in him, as was thought to do him harm. When he came into the room, the King ftretching forth his arms to embrace him, faid, " I have not feen you fmce his moft Chrillian Mojcfty was here, and promifed to own you vvlien I fhould be dead. I have fent my lord Middleton to Marly, to thank him for it." He was taken next day with continual convulfions and fliaking in his hands ; and, on the day following, being the fixteenth of September, he expired. He was fomething above the middle ftature, well-fhaped, very nervous and ftrong. His face was rather long, his complexion fair, his coun- tenance engaging. But his outward carriage was a little llifF and con- ftrained. He was not fo gracious as he was courteous and obliging. He was affable and of eafy accefs. He affeded no formality, though no one knew the ceremonial better, nor was more exad in the obferva- tion of them when neceflary. In his converfation and arguing, he en- deavoured rather to convince with good reafon than fine cxprefTjons ; and having fome hefitation in his fpeech, his difcourfe was not fo grace- ful as it was judicious and folld. He abhorred the duplicity of a refined courtier. He was an alfured friend, if he profefled it ; and when he could not ferve a man, he let him inftantly know it. His temper was naturally hot and choleric. But, in his latter days, he got the better of that ; and, even in his younger days, it feldom fo much overpowered him, as to make him do any adion unbecoming. Though he Was diffident of men, he was no lefs unfuccefsful, when he reigned, in detecting his enemies, than he had been, the moll part of his life, in 5 c hoofing ORIGINAL PAPERS. 59^ choofing his friends. He was a great lover of walking and hunting. 1701, But no diverfion made him negleft bufincfs ; to which he had fo great an application, that it feemed to be of the number of his diverfions. He was fo diftinguilhable for this, that, during his younger days, not- withftanding the unfetclednefs of his condition, while he lived in exile, he had not only performed his duty with great cxadtnefs, but kept an account of all occurrences ; and he has obliged pofterity with better me- morials under his own hand, than perhaps any fovereign prince has been known to leave behind him before. He was, all his life, a great enemy to drinking, gaming, and indeed to all diverfions which commonly render men incapable of bufinefs. He avoided always the lofs of time, which he counted precious, and ever managed with great circumfpeftion. Even women, of whom he was fond, never induced him to negleft his bufinefs, run into extravagant expence, or totally forgetful of his duty. He was a kind hufband, notwith- ftanding his love of women. His affeftion for the Queen was mixed with a refpeft and deference. Pie was the beft father in the world, and the mofl: unfortunate in fome of his children ; the beft mailer, yet the worft ferved ; a mofl: conftant friend, yet never prince found fewer, irr. his greateft necefiities. He was fo fond of his children, in particular,, that when he found the princefs of Denmark had deferted him, upon his return from Salifbury, he only feemed anxious about her health, and fears for her mifcarriage." « The attejlation of Sir David Nairne, concerning •what he knetv of the life Pape.-s, and virtues of the late King of Great Britain, fames the fecond." ^- N- vol.i. Tranflation. Paris, 1734. ** A S I have the honour of having been near thirteen years, in the fervice of the late King of Great Britain, James the bccond, of blefled and holy memory, and having followed him, in that time, to Ireland, La Hogue, and Calais, and of having been every where a wit- nefs of his holy life, particularly at St. Germains, where I had likewife the misfortune to be prefent at his laft ficknefs and death; it is fup- pofed, that, old as I urn now, at the age of llventy-nine years almoll complete^ 59t O R I G I N A L P A P E R S; J 70 1. complete, I may be ftill able to recolleft fomc circumftanccs of the life of that prince. Accordingly, it isjultnow intimated to me, that 1 fhall be iummoncd one of thefe days, with feme other old officers of his Majcrty's houfhold, to give each of us, an authentic teftimony of hit life and manners ; and 1 am advifed, at the fame time, to put in writing, for the fake of greater exaftnefs, whatever 1 can remember. This then I am going to do, with all the fincerity I can, and as in the prefence of God, before whom I muft appear; being very forry that iny memory (which was never very good, and which is lefs fo to-day than ever) cannot fecond my zeal upon this occafion fo much as I -would choofe. For the prefcnt King of Great Britain (in the fervice -of whom, and of the late King, his father, I have the honour of hav- ing pafled upwards of forty-fix years) knows, that it is on account of my great age and of my infirmities, that he was pleafed, laft year, to grant me permiffion to retire from his court at Rome, (where I was no longer fit for bufinefs) and to come to finifli my days in quietnefs in France. But yet, notwithftanding my want of capacity, I Ihall obey the orders, which have been intimated to me, as faithfully as I poffibly can. To begin, I can atteft with truth, that I have always obferved, in King James the Second, of happy memory, a great fund of goodnefs and re- ligion, an upright mind, a good heart, a great regularity of life, a pater- nal afTeflion for all his loyal fiibjeds and fervants -, and, above all, an inviolable attachment to the holy fee, 'and to the catholic, apoflolic, and Roman religion, to which he had already facrificed his three crowns, and was difpofed to facrifice further his life, if neceflary, as he often protefled. I atteft, that during the refidencc of that prince at St. Germains, he heard ordinarily two mafi'es every day, one in the morning, and another towards noon. That he performed his devotions, on all the great fcfti- ■vals, and likewife on feveral other days of the year, and then heard, for the mod part, three mafles ; and if, on thefe days, there were vefpers, fermon, and exaltation of the hoft, at the parifh church, or at the chapel of the caftle, or the church of the Recoletts, he was there, and, in every lent and advent, he had fermon in his chapel thrice a week, and he never failed to go there regularly, attended always by the Queen, his religious ORIGINAL PAPERS. 593 icligioiis confort, who was likewife, as every one knows, an example of 1701. piety. They went likewife together, every year, on foot, to the procef- fion of the holy fa:rament, with the parifli, over all the town of St. Germains. On the day and odave of Corpus Chrifti, and at the return of that long proccfTion, they ftaiJ to hear high mafs, at the parifh church ; and, on every evening, during the oftave, they were prefent at the exaltation of the hoft -, and, as there was fcarcely a Sunday or a great holy-day, during the year, but there was an exaltation at the parifh church, their Majeilics were always prefent; and when there was no eftablilhed fund for faying mafs, they ordered one to be faid, which kept up a great deal of devotion in the place, and edified every one. In other refpe(fl:s, this pious prince fo divided his time, between the duties of his ftation and thofe of religion, that the one never interfered with the other j and that all his hours were regulated, both for giving audience to his minifters and others, and for Qeeping, rifing, eating, and walking, as well as for praying and pious reading and writing, infomuch, that he was remarkable for his great exaftnefs. He was very charitable ; and, as there were a great many of his poor faithful fubjedls, at St. Germains, who had loft their fortunes to follow him, he was touched with their condition, and retrenched, as much as he could, to affift them. He ufed to call, from time to time, into his cabinet, fome of thefe bafhful, indigent perfons, of all ranks, to whom he diftributed, folded up in fmall pieces of paper, five, ten, fifteen, or twenty piftoles, more or lefs, according to the merit, the quality, and the exigency of each. He charged fome of his chaplains to take care, that none of his catlio- lic fervants failed to perform their devotions regularly at Eafter ; and, as he was the mildcft and beft of matters, and loved all his fervants and dcfired their eternal happinefs, he lamented the misfortune of fuch of diem, as had been educated in the proteftant religion, and through pre- pofi"efrion, or a falfe point of honour or human confiderations, perfilled in it. He prayed to God, with all his heart, for their converfion, and fometimes, took occafion to exhort them, to think ferioufly of inquiring whether they were in the true church or not, fince upon that depended ihcir eternal falvation •, and he gave them fometimes good books to Vol. I. 4 G read. 594 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1701. read. But he always fpoke to them with mildncfs and difcretion, letting them always underftand, that he never meant to force the confciences of liis fubjefts ; believing himfelf obliged to be a common father to all, in- dependently of the differences of religion. He, as well as the late Qiieen, his confort, was much addidled to the continual adoration of the holt, eftablifhed in the parifh of St. Germains ; and for that purpoie, he fet apart iiis hour and day of the year for going after dinner to the parifh church, to continue an entire hour in prayer and meditation on his knees before tlie auguft facraraent of our altars -, a devotion, to which the King, his fon^ continues ta be much addidted^^ with the Queen, his confort. He pradtifed, from time to time, fpiritual retirements, for ieven ot eight days, in fome religious houfe at Paris, from whence he went every- day incognito, with a few attendants^ to vifit churches and to be prefent at fermons, mafles, and falues ; and when it was Eafttr-week, he went to the pafTion fermon and night offices. He was likewife three or four times in retirement at La Trappe ; one of which times 1 remember to have been, as he was on his way to La Hogue. He ftaid there ufually three days, pradlifing nearly the fame abftinence with the monks, and being prefent at a great part of their fervice." Nairne, having giving feveral particular inftances, of James*s conftant and unwearied attention to excite the fame fpirit of devotion in others, proceeds to give an account of his fickncfs and death. " I atteft then, that, in this ficknefs, he edified all thofe who were about him, as well proteflants as catholics, by his great patience in his fufferings and by his perfeft refignation to the holy will of God, as to both life and death : that he confefTed and communicated more than once, during his ficknefs, and manifefled always an extreme forrow for his paft fins, and a fincere defign for continuing to do penance for them, not only in this world, but alfo in purgaton,-, if it was the will of God ; for fo he explained himfelf. That his great charity appeared, in this refpedt, that God gave himgrace to forgive cordially all his enemies, and to pray for them ; and, by name, for the Emperor and even the prince of Orange, faying aloud, that he was, . in fome mcafure, obliged to his enemies for the mercy which he hoptd Gpd O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 59i God would fhow him; becaiile, it he had remained on his throne and 1701. continued always in proiperity, he would not, perhaps, have ever thought pf the great work of his lalvacion, as le: ioufly and as efEcacioudy as he ought. That his paternal affedtion for all his faithful fubjcfls and fcrvants who had followed him in his exile and remained conftantly attached to him, feemed to redouble, in proportion as he drew near his end : fo that it might be faid of him, infinem dilexit tos. Accordingly, he re- commended them all, in the fame manner with his royal family, to the proteftion of the mod Chriftian King, when liis Majefty came to fee him in his ficknefs ; and he had the confolation, before his death, to know, from that great and generous Monarch's own mouth, that he would acknowledge the prince of Wales, his fon, for King, as foon as God had difpofed of him. He fpoke, in fhort, with fo much goodnefs, to the principal noblemen of his court, when he faw them about his bed, that they were all tenderly affected by it, feeing the zeal and real affe(flion, with which he fpoke to them of God, and exhorted them to think of their falvation and of death and eternity. Here, I imagine, I ought not to pafs over, in filence, a faft, which is public and which is very remarkable, viz. that the earl of Middleton, fecretary of (late to his Britannick Majefty, who was then a proteftanr, a man of polite learning and of great genius and capacity, as well as of honour and loyalty to his lawful King, was one of thofe, to whom his M^efty had fpoke of religion, on his death-bed. Now the confequence has Ihown, that what his Majefty faid to him then, on the fubjed, had made a deep imprelTion on his mind. For a little time after the death of the King, God, in mercy to that nobleman, touched his heart, in fuch a manntr, that, when it was leaft expe(fted, he retired, on a iudden, to the Englifti feminary, at Paris ; where, after having finally fatisfied himfelf, in fome doubts which remained with him concerning our reli- gion, he abjured his own, and was received into the bolbm of the catho- lic, apoftolic, and Roman church, in which he always perfevered while he lived, and died a good and zealous catholic. Every one afcribed this to the prayers of the King, his mafter, and to the blelTmg which God gave to his exhortations to him before he died. 4 G 2 I atftft, 596 O R I G 1 N A L P A P E R S. 1701. f atteft, finally, that his Majefly, more than once, declared, on his death-bed, that he died a fon of the catholic, apoftolic, and Roman church ; and gave, to his laft breath, inconteflible proofs of the ftrength of his faith, of his inviolable attachment to the holy fee, and to all the truths of our holy religion, and of his filial obedience to our mod holy father, the pope. In thefc truly catholic fentiments I have feen this great prince die, after having received all the facraments, with an exem- plary devotion, and having edified all the beholders by his patience and hu. mility, by his entirely detaching himfelf from this world, and by his ardent love to Jefus Chrirt, in whofe merits he placed all the foundation of his hopes for eternity •, and laftly, by all the marks of a compundion, the moll lively and moft fuitable to the contrite and humble heart of a penitent and holy King. Thus died, the real death of the righteous, and with a great repu- tation of fandity, James the Second of blefled memory. King of Great Britain, at the caftle of St. Germains, the fixteenth of September, 1701, ' after a ficknefs of feveral days. His body was tranfported, three or four days there-after, to Paris, and depofited in the church of the Eng- lifh Benediftents, in the fuburbs of St. James, where the people of Paris, convinced of the fandtity of this prince, and perfuaded that the church would declare its opinion in this refpect, at a proper time and place, began immediately to revere his memory before-hand, and to go in crowds to the church where his body was depofited, to celebrate mafles and ncuvaines, for afking feveral favours of God, through the intercefllon of this good King. Accordingly, there is founds to this day, in the regifters of that church, a particular account of feveral miraculous cures, or fuch as appeared, at leaft to be fo, wrought upon Jack perfons, through the intercefiion, as was pioufly believed, of this holy King -, and afterwards, of the mafles, which were faid in that church, agreeably to the intention of thefe perfons. Among others, there is an atteftation, that my deceafed wife had a neuvaine celebrated in that church, for my fon, who was then about five years of age and troubled with a rupture, of which he was cured, a little after the neuvaine was finilhed ; and he has felt nothing of that inconveniency ever fince. How- ever, I atteft nothing here but fadts, as it does not become me to enter into a dilcuffion of what is or is not miraculous. I Ihall only fay, that 6 the ORIGINAL PAPERS. 591 the public have con GdereJ, as a real miracle, the fudden and remark- 1701. able cure of a fiftula lachrymalis, wrought at that time, on the late Monfieiir Roquette, bifliop of Autun, nephew to the famous Mr. Bofluec, bilhop of Meaux, after prayers addreflcd to God by that prelate, through the intercelTion of our King. This fafl may be verified ftill, by the authentic tcrtimonics of it, which are to this day preferved. Thcfe are all the particulars which I can recall to my remembrance of the later years of the life and alfo of the lafl: ficknefs and death of Kincr James the Second, of Great Britain, with regard to his life and morals. I Iliall only add, with regard to his Chrillian fcntiments, that I know he has left, written in his own hand, inconteftible proofs of his piety, in many of his manufcripts, of which I have feen, read, and copied a great number. It is from the great confidence, which the two Kings, father and fon, were pleafed to place in me, that I am now able to atteft ftill this lad great proof, which is preferved, of the f(jlid piety of this great and virtuous prince, whofe foul, we have realbn to hope, is now recom- penfed a hundred fold in heaven, for the great injuftice which was done him on earth, and for the kind of martyrdom which he fuffered for the faith. In witnefs of the truth of all that is faid above, I fign this atteftation, > at Paris, the third day of July, one thoufand feven hundred and thirty- four ; after having received, this morning, a citation to appear, on the fifth of this inftant month of July, at the archbi(hopric, to make oath,, before the judges appointed to examine the witncfies, fiimmoncd in the caufc of the deceafed King of England, James the Second of blefled me- mory, and to receive their depofition. David Nairne.*" The ♦ If the Stoart family had been rcllorcd, and continued in the Romilli faith, James firfl miracle would be in his favour, .\ nun of the convent of the Vifitation of the Virgin Mary at Chaiilot, where James had frequently refided, gave the good bifliop the fame art'urance. Both of them promifed to pray for his cure, through the interceflion of the holy Monarch. The fuperior of the Nuns of Chaiilot invited him to fay mafs for the repofe of the King's foul, on the twenty-fixih of September, and he found himfelf cured when he came out of the church. The bidiop gave a minute account of all this in a long letter to the Queen, of which a copy, in Nairne's hand, is annexed to this extrait. 2. Gilbert Marais, a furgeon at St. Pouicain, in Aurergne, and brother to the care of the parilh, both natives of the place, was cured of a palfy in both his legs, through the interceflion of the King of England, on the twenty-eighth of Odober, 1-01. The miracle is attelled by the cure, in a letter to the archbilhop of Vienne, who iaclofed the cur^s letter, and a minute detail of all the particulars of the cuie, (igneJ by the cur«, «nd by 'Gftbcrt Marais himfelf, in a letter to the fupeiior of the nuns at Chaiilot, to be communicated to the Queen. All thefe vouchers, in Nairne's hand, are annexed to the extract. 3. PalTirt dc la Rotte, King's counfellor in the fupreme court at Metz, w.'s cured of a retention of urine, on the fifteenth of November, 17CI. The particulars of the miracle, in Pafiart's own atteOation, annexed to the extrafl in Niirnes hand, are as folio* : On the fifteenth of Ortober, 1701, as he was fetting out from Paris on his return to Metz, PjlTart was fciicd with a retention of uiine. He was bled eight times ; he rcmaiucd ia great torment for eight days, and was affured by the ableft |'by£cip.os in Paris, whom he • Ii appears there was oacc an inteniion ci publiihing Ja.T.es's mcdit* :ous. The origicals are priS^tlf ftiU in ihe Scclrh C ll'g; at pJris Na rnt niiJe a colleftion of therm, though a very fn'all , ^"- oi it is found amoig his papris. relies »hat has h-cn (htown ibofe into James's Memoir*, there are t'cur other pieeti, vs ** Adiicts (o ^ Nun: The Ne^cdity of f'requert Ccnnnivnion ; MoMves ol CooveiGoa to the Catholic Kc'igi>'ed to the 'deceafed King for his interceflicn, making a vow, that if he fliould be cured through the holy Monarch's interceffion, he would perform his devotions in the chapel where th» body lay, the firil day he could go out. His prayer was heard, and ihe next day he per- formed his vow. 4. Philip Fitel, a Benediifline Monk, of the Abbacy of Beuifly, in the diocefe of Tours, was cured of a fufFocating cough, on the fixth of December, 1701. He was feized witk 3 fit of the cough as he went from his father's houfe to the forbonne, and loll all fenfa- tions inftantaneoufly. Bleeding, and the ufual remedies, were, tried in vain. A fwelled throat for many days prevented him from taking any fu!lenance, and almoft from breath- ing. In this diHrefs, he felt a fudden and unaccountable impulfe to prefer the following prayer: " O God, I befeech thee, mercifully to cure me, and to grant me health, through the merits and interceffion of King James ; and 1 promife to have a mafs faid, as a thankfgiving, in the Benedicline church, where his corpfe lays, and to touch the mort-doth, which covers it, with my tongue." The patient foon felt a profufc fweat breaking out over all his body, and in due time his recovery was completed. His own atteftation of thefe particulars, figncd in the prefencc of his confeilbr, the cure of St. Sulpice, is in Nairne's hand, annexed to the extrad. 5. Le Brun, a piiell of the oratory, and profertbr of theology and ecclcfiaflical hillory, aCtells, that Catharine Dopre was cured of deafnefs. 6. The piior and three monks of the Engliili Bsnediaine Convent at Paris, with other two, fign as witncfTes to the declaration of Francis L'Epcrvier, dar.cingmailcr to the dolte of Saxe Gotha. L'Epervier declares that his wife was cured of a rheumatifm, by the intercelTon of the dcceafcd King ; and her furgeon and his apprentice, declare that they did not contribute to the cure. There are fome other cures attcfted in the fame nanoer. The account, at length, of the miraculous cures wrought through the inter- ceffion of James, confi.ls of thirteen quarto, and thirty-two folio pages, but as there ar» »ery few now a days who read the legends of faints, or can reliih compofitions which refcmble thofe of the tenth and eleventh centuries, it is fuppofed the reader will think lh« above a fafiicieiu fpecimcn. The 6oo O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1701. The Earl of MiddUton to Mr. Appleby. September. o ^ i Nairne's September 27, 1701. Papers, D.N. ^^ npHough I am fure you have heard of what has happened to the No. 5. owner of the fliip in which were loaded the bales No. 369 [King James], yet I cannot forbear telling you of it, that you may let his executors know what your opinion is ,; and whether his debitors [people] (hould not have formal notice of it, by the account. No. 1047. whereby the heir may afifert his right, claim what is due to him, and to promiie them all the eafe and fecurity they can reafonably exped, which is exprefsly enjoined by the laft will of the deceafcd. In this you will coniult the learnedeft counfel and ablcft traders, and give advice thereof to yours," &c. Oflobcr. Without waiting for an anfwer from their friends in England, the Nairne's Queen as regent and her council publifhed a declaration, fetting forth the volTVoI.' " pretenfions of the prince of Wales after the death of his father. There No. 147. 2^g j^Q letters concerning it among Mr. Nairne's papers. J^,i^^ ^to. The Earl of Mddleton to the Marquis de Torcy. ^°-5- Oaober7, 1701. Tranflation. " I Send you, by the Queen's orders, the French tranQation of the manifefto addrefled to the Englifh. You will be pleafed to remark, that there is not a word in it which can be confidered to regard the King-, and the Qneen begs of you, Sir, to mark precifely the changes which the King will judge proper to be made, and to obtain a permifTion to print it in Englifli and in Latin, in order that foreigners may be informed of the truth, and that falfe reports may be prevented." |j,y^ The fatntt to the fame. 0 Firft, the epifcopal, which being in poflefTion of the bells is by far the moft numerous, though not the moft active ; for being at their eafe and poflrefting not only the tythes but the magiftracy and profitable employ- ments of the nation, they flatter themfclves with an opinion, that upon any emergency or change of ftate, they fhall be able to give the law to all other interefts. And it is not improbable they might, could they find out a way to fettle the crown upon any folid bafis. But that not being poflible to be done but in the right line, that party rather futFers than ap- proves of what has been done, by adding the houfe of Hannover to their weak and trembling intail, which, as it was the projedt only of the prince of Orange and his Dutch council, is by many fufpeded, but defpifed by more, nor could have pafled the houfe of commons, but that they were 6 told STUARTPAPERS. 603 told it was the only way to exprcfs a contempt of the power of France, 1702. and by that means to make the people believe that they feared nothing Jmuary thence, and likewife to oblige that monarch to apprehend their power to be much greater than indeed it is, to ftave off a war they more appre. bend and dread themfelves than he needs to do, notwithllanding all the rabble and trading part of the nation are univerfally for it. The next party requires confideration is the Prefbyterian, which con- fifts of a malicious, fewer, and fubtle part of men, who are more united in malice than the former, and do with their demure countenances and outfide pharazaical righteoufnefs draw from the churches to their meet- ing houfes the moft hypocritical part of the trading people ; fo that their numbers are wonderfully increafed of late years, to the terror ot the afpiring part of the epifcopal parfons, who dread that bifhops, deans, and chapters, are tumbling down again, knowing bare competencies too weak fupports for their diflblute and fcandalous lives. The next to be confidered is the Independents, under which denomi- nation may be included that rabble of divers feds, which by above fifty feveral whimfical focieties, ingrofs in the whole a greater number of dif- fenters to the prelatical church than the prefbyterians do, and are mortal enemies to both, including within them that fort of men which are moft properly called republicans or commonwealth men, a reftlefs, bold, and bufy-fpirit, cafieft to be gained to your Majefty's intereft, i: be- ing become a maxim amongft the wiftft of them, that fince it appears impra(5licable to unite and fettle all interefts in a commonwealth, it is abfolutely neceflary to reftore your Majcfty and the right line, to keep off the neceflity of a perpetual war, which thefe botching intails apparently threatens the nation with. Nay, in their maxims they go farther, and fay, that it were better for the kingdom in general, but moft for them- felves in particular, that the rightful Monarch ftiould be a catholick ra- ther than of the epifcopal or pre{byterian ways, which will ever in their feveral turns when united to the crown, perfecute or at leaft difcountc- nance them. The numerous party of the Quakers cannot be reckoned under the laft head, and are not to be difregarded as mad men, as they feem to many to be. Fof, generally fpcaking, they are your Majefty's friends, and in all difcourfes with their oppugners charge them with their inhuman and unjuft dealing with their rightful prince ; an argument that non- 4II 2 pluffcs 6o4 ORIGINAL PAPERS, 1702. pluflfes all, and converts fome to fee the wickedncfs of their ways. Be- Janaaiy. 1]^]^^^ to my certain experience, there are many capable of being agents and negotiators amongft them, as willing as able if well directed. Laftly, the non jurant party of the nation may be thought of, though not numerous enough without the catholicks to make any conGderable flrength or appearance in the field. Thefe, however, are refpefted as men of honour, that the penitent or difcontented may fafcly open their minds to and can confide in, fo that properly inftrudled they are fafe agitators dif- perfed in every corner of the nation, who too, upon occafion, will to a man appear in the field for your Majefty's fervice. As for the Catholicks, though I am forry to fay it, they feem the moft defponding and leaft ufeful party in the kingdom ; nay, which is worfe, they are the only people who encourage the interefted and athieftical to ftick to the prince of Orange, though they both defpifc and hate him as much as any ; for the avowed defpair the priefts have brouglit thofe to is fo univerlally owned, that it difcourages the waverers from declaring themfelves to be for their duty, and confirms the malicious in their info- lence, fo that fome courfe mull be taken for altering their condudt and converfation, or they will prove the greateft remora to any good defiga may be fct on foot. This, in fhort, is the poflure I left England in, and may ferve for a plan by which your Majelly may judge, in fome meafure, what may be cxpeded from fuch propofals as have or may be made for your fervice, ever premifing that the principal adverfary has not one EnglilTiman that loves him or his perfonal intereft, whatever they may the ufe of his po- wer ; and therefore I conclude it to be much more eafy to pufh him out of the faddle, and procure a reftoration in his life time, than by expecting his death. Let a dcfccnt be call according to their malicious intail : for if the princefs of Denmark or any other come to mount the throne, it will require fome confiderable time to render hers or their government as odious as his now is become. To this I know may be anfwered, that in his fall the intereft of Hol- land will be difunited from that cf England, and thereby the King of France will have a much eafier game to play for your Mojeftics fervice. Too tender a point I confcfs to be handled as it ought to be by me, who cannot penetrate into the myfterious behaviour of that court -, and there- fore would propofe a method to reftore your Majcfties without the ne- ceffity STUART PAPERS. 605 ceflity of any armed force from them, which perhaps, as the minifters 1702. may manage the matter, miglit prove of greater detriment than advan- J-"'"^>- tage to that main end, let their King's good will and candour be never fo great, for I do not in the leaO. doubt the integrity of To glorious a prince, nor queftion his earneft dcfire of bt^ing the chief inftrumcnt in fo great a work, that he might add that one branch to his many laurels. But it will be much eafier to induce his council to confent to the em- broiling of Britain in a civil war than to grant your Majefties fufficient forces for making a full conqueft, which is the only thing can ever make the Kings of England ftrong or great, and may I conceive, be brought about with little help from them,, if your Majcfties fitting (till at St. Germains will but employ proper agents to foment the prefcnt ani- mofities in both nations, and by your lecrct influence bring the feveral Jarring parties to an open rupture. But till I underftand your Majcf- ries will be willing to lend an ear to fome propofitions to that purpofe,. I am filent. For it may be the tendernefs of your Majefties, for the fubjefts muft neceflarily fall into fuch a war may prove a fcruple you will not eafily get over. Or, perhaps your Majedies minifters may have promifes from fome great ones in both kingdoms that the bufinefs will be brought about fome other way, to which it is not proper for me to oppofe my weaker judgment, though I confefs myfelf an abfolute infidel to all fuch notions, and will be bold to fay, had it not been for fuch chymeras as^ I think them, your Majefties might have been freely fettled on- your throne long ere this time, by a national force unrcfiftible by your Majef- ties moft inveterable encmys. As for Scotland, the ferment there has been fo great, and tlie rage againft the prince of Orange fo violent for two years paft, that I ftood! amazed till I came thither, that no ufe had been made of it. But now I difcern the miftery, but cannot applaud the wifdom of thofe who have occafioned fuch a ftagnation of council in fuch a turbulence of humours as has provi entially offered themfelvcs for the King's fervice, of which- I can find no man h(-re yet knows any thing to the purpofe, except they unntceflTarily conceal from me their true fcntiments of that marrrr, and' are wifer therein than 1 conceive they need to be. All whicli is humbly fubmitted, by N£ : P." €o6 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1702. Jaffuary. Lord Caryir« letters to En- gl.ind and bpain from \702 tot -|0. vol. V. fol. Scotch Col- cgc. Lord Caryll to Mr. St. Am. i. e. Berry ^ concerning Gourney. January 20, 1702. " T FIND that your coufin Wifely [the Queen] is very well pleafcd to hear, that the bill you mentioned in your laft is accepted, and that a correfpondtnce is fettled between you and Gurney [Marlborough.] To tell the truth, your friend Young [princefs Anne] cannot be too wary both as to his health and otherwife ; for I believe Wanly [the whigs] watches all opportunities to do him [her] and his [hers] an ill turn. I am very forry his [her] hands at prefent are tied ; but he [fhe] has a good heart, and that in time will fet all things right to his [her] own and his [her] friends fatisfadtion." March. Nairne's papers, D. N. vol. ii. 4to. No. 72. Copy of his Majejiy^s inJlruSliotis fent into England, figned, and feakd, and count erfigned, the ^d of Marcfx, 1702." There are two copies of thefe inftrutflions in Nairnes's hand, one of them is intituled as above, and the other thus, " Inftruclions to D. L. fent from the church of England Party, in February, 1702." It is marked on the back in Mr. Carte's hand, " Inftru<5lions to D. L. perhaps Dr. Lefly, in 1702, Feb. Nomination to Bifhopricks." JAMES R. *' XT' OU fhall acquaint our friends, that when it fhall pleafe God to put us in poflefTion of our kingdom of England, we promife that we will govern according to law, and that we will lecure and protccl: all our lub- je6ts of the church of England as it is eftabliflied by law, in the full en- joyment of all their legal rights, privileges, and immunities, and in the fole poflTcffion of all their churches, univerfitys, colleges, and fchools; and that in all vacancys of bifhopricks and other dignities or benefices at our difpofal, care (hall be taken to have them filled with the worthiell mem- bers of their own communion. And, if it fliall then appear, that by their loyal endeavours and affif- tance, thofe of the church of England have been inilrumental in our itftoration, we farther promife, that in their behalf and for their greater fe- curity, we will io (it wave during our own reign our right of nomination to bifhopricks STUART PAPERS. 607 bifhopricks and all other dignitys and benefices in the difpofal of the 1702. crown, that we will appoint the archbifhop of Canterbury for the time "'" ' being, and four bifliops, to propofe three perfons for each vacancy, of which number we fliall chufe one -, but this without prejudice, for the future, to the undoubted right of the crown. We are alfo, upon the fame condition, willing to remit, during our reign only, all the tenths and firft fruits paid by the bifliops and clergy- to the crown, to thofe who Ihall return to their duty and repair their fault by endeavouring to reclaim their mifled flocks. But this our bounty is not to be extended to thofe who perverfely perfifl: in their error, and who, by renouncing the principles of the church of England have no pretence to the benefit we intend her. And this conceflion fhall not be made a precedent nor drawn into confequences againft our lawful fucceflbrs. As on one fide, we folcmnly promife to govern by law and inviolably to maintain the liberty and proptrtys of our fubjects, fo on the other fide, we would not be underilood to lye under any obligation of perfccuting thofe of our own religion or any other difiTenters merely upon the account of confcience. And we fliall leave it to our firft parliament, to agree upon and fettle a juft and equitable moderation of the laws now in force againft Roman Catholicks. Given at our court, at St. Germains, the 3d of March, 1702, and in the firft year of our reign. By his Majefties command. MiDDLETON." Lord Caryir» Entraps cf Letters from Lord Caryll to Berry., cojicerning Marlborough and ^.q" v'^^'tol Godolphin. t-cotch c oi- I lege. Muft therefore expeft with patience to know whetheryou have April 5. had an opportunity of writing t© Mr. Gurny, [Marlborough] before his going into the country [Holland], about your coufin Noble's [the King's] affairs, and what profpecft there is of his recovering the tffetHs [the crown] that were in the hands of Mr. Knitely [K. William.] If you have not had the opportunity of fpcaking with Mr. Gurny. [MarlloroughJ, I fuppofe you may, at leaft, have met with the lawyer, Mr. Gilburn, [Godolphin] who could give you fome light in that matter. ." Your 6o8 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1702. "Your coLifin Wifely [the Queen] very much defires that you April f6. (],ould again join in trade with Mr. Young, fprinccfs Anne] as you for- merly have done, that a fair correfpondence at lead may be preferred witli his partners Gurny [Marlborough] and Gilburn [Godolphin], that (o they may have no excufe (hould they not be juft in their engagements when time and opportunity ll-rves. April 29. " It is no wonder that Mr. Gurny [Marlborough] is fo difficult a per- fon to be met with confidering the vaft dealings he has lately ftruck into, which require his being always in motion ; nor indeed can we expeA any prefent difpatch of our domeftick affairs with him, which require more time than he can now fpare, and perhaps fome opportunity which is not yet ripe. However, by what he fays now, fome conjefture may be made of what he will do hereafter. " There are fome accounts to be cleared and adjufted between Mr. Wifely [the Qiieen] and Mr. Noble [the King] for the King, of which it is neceffary to know what fum it was which Mr. Wifely's cafli-keeper, who is now dead, paid for the ufe of Mr. Goodall, [the late King] into the hands, as I tal<.e it, of Mr. Gilburn [GodolphinJ. You are there- fore defired, the papers of that bufinefs not being here, to take infor- mation about it from Mr. Gilburn [Godolphin]. Your coufin W^ifely [the Qiieen] thinks the fum was eleven or twelve hundred our ac- count." Mav. N.iirin;'s " Copie of a letter the \Ji of May, from Edinburgh, pretended to come Japc.-s, D.N. y).^j„ thence, hut is indeed an account of Mr. Paint's okh notions and his No, 71. adherents, and given to the ^leen ivith an intention to catch her in their fuares" The letter is figned Archibald Smith. The writer of it propofes to the court of St. Germains to engage the King of France to renew the an- cient league with Scotland, and to obtain from his grandfon, the King of Spain, a grant of the territory of Darien for the Scots. He makes fevcral other propofals equally impradicable and abfurd. But he af- firms, if they were adopted, that the Scots would fetcle their crown on tJie lineal heir of their ancient fovereigns. ExtraSis S T U A R T P A P E R S. 609 1702. Exlra^s of Letters from Lord Caryll to Berry. May. Lord Caryll'i . « T Find he (Wifely) [the queen] is in fome pain, left it fliould be t'Scoth *■ thought that he [fhe] had anywife divulged the private contract college. between him [her] and Gurny [Marlborough]. IfCrofton[E. Middleton], by any fide wind, (which I fuppofe muft: be by Mr. Painter [col. Sack- ville]) has made any difreli/liing application, that cannot be attributed, with any juftice, to Wifely's [queen's] fault : for Gurny [Marlborough] knows very well, that he himfelf communicated his affairs both to Crofton [Middleton] and to Painter [col. Sackville], and fo it is not to be won- dered, nor is Wifely [the queen] to be blamed, if Crofton [Middleton] out of a forward zeal endeavoured at this, which he thought a proper time, to revive the memory of old promifes." " Your late conference with counfellor Gilburn [Godolphin] Auguft 21. doth in a good meafure clear the fufpicion of his, and his party's being joined with Hanmer [Hannover] againft Mathews [the King], and fecms to fliow that he and his friends have a right notion of their own intereft in that matter : for it is very evident that a meeting between Hanmer [Hannover] and Wheatley [princefs Anne] would be of as great prejudice to them as to Mathews [the King], and that they would more immediately feel the effcfts of it. You may be fure nothing will be wanting on Mr. Wifcly's part to find out how that projcft is carried on by that cunning gentleman Mr. Reeves, which he hopes to do by the fame hand that firft convey the intelligence of it to him. In the mean time, nothing is more neccfTary than that Mr. Gilburn [Godolphin] and his partners fliould guard againft it on his fide, fince nothing can be done fufficiently againft them in that matter, but by the interpofition of Mr. Bragg [the parliament], who therefore ought, with all care, to prepare againft any attempts that may be made to draw in that young gentleman, with fpecious pretences, to efpoufe the defigns of Reeves and Wanlcy [the whigs], in reference to Hanmer's [Hannover] inhabiting with Wheatly [Princefs Anne and fometimes England]. *" • They were alarmed with a rumour of the clc£loral prince's coming over. Vol. I. 4 I — «' Kor 5k> O'RIGINAL PAPERS. 1702. Oflobc/ 23. 3>ecember 4. — — " Nor are there much hopes for Mr. Mathews [the King] that his debts will be paid, as long as Young's [P'^'. Anne'sJ life is in the copyhold. To have them well fecured, when that life falls, which probably may not be of a long continuance, is, I ain afraid, all that can well be hoped for; and, Ihould not thofc lawyers, Guray [Marl- borough] and Gilburn [Godolphin], concur in this, th-y are certainly tlie unjufteft, and, I think, the moft imprudent men that ever lived : for, notwithftanding their great praflice at prefcnt, lliould Hanmer [Hannover] ftep into the copyhold, none would more feel the inconve- niences of it, than they and others." .. " About fecuring Mathews's [the King's debts, after Young's [the pripcefs Anne's] deceafe, Mr. Wifely [the queen] is of your opi- nion, that you fliould endeavour, by the moll proper means, to difcover the inclinations and intentions of the party, that have mofl: intereft in that matter; and, if it be not at all probable that mere juftice can be obtained, it would not be imprudent to come to an agreement with thofe merchants, upon that foot, providing they will be fincere and hearty in performing their bargain, and that they will make fuch fteps and preparations towards it, as are neceflary to make it effeflual. I fuppofe that, ere this, Mr. Gurny [Marlborough] may be come to town, in this time of parliament : for he, as well as Mr. Gilburn [Godol- phin], muft neceffarjiy be treated with about this ; and the great queflion will be, what better fccurity they wiU or can give, for the performance of this new. agreement, than they gave for tlie former one, for which we had promifes and oaths. But this only between you and me : for we muft not reproach, to their faces, thofc whom we would gain. But rather take, for current coin, their excufes of want of power and abi- lity to perform." " In treating with thofe merchants, Gurney [Marlborougli] and Gilburn [Godlophin] about the abovementioned affair, it would not be amifs if Mr. Arnol fliould firft endeavour to difcover their inclinations, and to prepare, it only as from himfelf, and as a common friend to both parties ; fmce it is very evident, that their trade and effedls will be here- after more fecure under the condu(5t of Mr. Mathews [the King] than of Mr. Hanmer [Hannover].'* — " Wc STUARTPAPERS. Cn " We have here one captain Loyd who waits for a pafs to goc 1702. into England, which one Gurny [Marlborough] a merchant has pro- ^'^*^«"- "• miled to procure for him. I only mention this to you, becaufe I am told that this Gurny [Marlborough] was very inquifitive with the cap. tain about your coufin Mathews [the King], for what end I know not • if I am not miftaken, I heard you formerly fpeak of a real captain of that name as being formerly well acquainted with him : if this be the fame, you may know of him when he comes over to what end thefc queftions tended." 4U HANNOVER HANNOVER PAPERS. 1702. Some account of the Houfe of Brunfimck-Lunenburgh. ^pHOUGH the houfe of Brunfwick-Lunenburgh had for foma time made a confiderable figure in Germany, they only became ob- jefts of attention in Britain, when they were brought into the line of fucceffion by the aft of fettlement which received the royal aflent in June 1 701. This circumftance drew early upon them the correlpondence of feveral perfons in thefe kingdoms ; and their affairs and opinions are clofely connefted with our hiftory, during the whole reign of Queen Anne. Some account, therefore, of a family deftined to fway the fcepter of Britain, may not be an improper introdudion to their correfpondcnce and fecret negociations, which are contained in thefe volumes. Erneft of Brunfwick, duke of Zell, the fon of Henry the Young, duke of Lunenburgh, was the anceftor of all the princes of the houfe of Brunfwick that now exift. He ftudied under Luther at Wirten- burgh, and was always a zealous aflertor of the doftrines of that un- daunted reformer. He entered into the league of the proteftant princes againft the Emperor Charles V. and was taken prifoner with the eleclor of Saxony at the battle of Mulberg 1547- By Sophia, daughter of Henry duke of Mecklenburgh, he had four fons and four daughters. Francis Otho, his eldeft fon, and Frederick his fecond fon died without idue. His third fon Henry of Danneberg, was the founder of the houfe of Wolfenbuttle, and from William, his fourth fon, is defccnded the branch of Hannover- Zell, tlut now fits on the throne of Great Britain and Ireland. Francis HANNOVER PAPERS. 613 Francis Otho, who fucceeded his father, fent an embafly to King Ed- 1702. ward VI. of England, to offer him the afllftance of 10,000 men againft France, and to a(k his filler the Lady Mary in marriage. But a peace being concluded between France and England, the duke of Zell's auxiliaries became unneceflary, and the lady Mary had been then promifed to the infant of Portugal: Edward, however, as a teftimony of his re- gard for the duke, gave him an annual penfion of 375 pounds fterling, to be paid half-yearly, and continued during pleafure. Francis Otho died in three months after his marriage with Magdalen, the daughter of Joachim II. marquis of Brandenburgh ; and his fecond brother, Fre- derick, was flaiu in the battle of Siverlhoufen. Henry of Danne- berg, the third fon of Erneft duke of Zell, a prince of an eafy temper, and fond of retirement, having governed his father's dominions jointly with his brother William, for ten years, contented himfelf at laft with Wolfenbuttle, and relinquilhed the reft of his paternal territories to "William and his defcendants. This cefTion made by Henry of his birth, right was the firft ftep towards the aggrandizement of the younger branch of the Brunfwick family. William, duke of Zell, the fourth fon of Erneft, duke of Lunen- burgh and Zell, married Dorothea the daughter of Chriftian III. King of Denmark, and had feven fons, and eight daughters. Fiveof the daugh- ters married into confiderable fiimilies. But fix of the feven fons died without legitimate ilTue. Chriftian, who fucceeded his eldeft brother Erneft, diftinguiftied himfelf by his attachment and fervices to the un- fortunate King and Queen of Bohemin, and by his frequent attempts to aifift Maurice prince of Orange. He was made knight of the garter by King James I. and vifited England, in January 1625, where he was received with the refpeft due to his rank and abilities. He died of a fever at Wolfenbuttle, intliejuneof the following year. He was fucceeded in fucceflion, by his brothers Auguftus and Frederick. Thefe two princes and their brother George, the fifth fon of William duke of Zell, made a figure in the wars of Guftavus Adolphus, and were con- cerned in all the tranfadtions of Germany in the beginning of the laft century. In the year 1648, Frederick, the only furviving fon of Wil- liam, for his three younger brothers, Erneft, Magnus and John died before 2 him. 6i4. O R I G I N A L P A P E 11 S. 1702. him, was fucceedcd in his dominions by his nephews, the fons of George. George, duke of Brunfwick and Lunenburgh, the fon of William, duke of Zell, had married Anne Eleonora the daughter of Lewi*, l^andgrave of Hefle Darmftad, and left four fons ; Chriftian Lewis born in 1622, George William born in 1624, John Frederick born in 1625, and Ernefl: Auguftus born in 1629. Chriftian Lewis refided at Hannover until the death of his uncle Frederick, when, according to an agree- ment with his brothers, he took to his fhare the duchies of Zell and Lunenburgh. He died without iflue in 1665, and left his pofleffions to his brother George William. George Williani, duke of Zell and Lunenburgh, the fecond fon of George duke of Brunfwick, fell in love at Bruflcls, with Eleonora Dcfiniers, daughter to Alexander marquis of Olbreuze in Poitou, and married her with his left hand, as being inferior to him in quality ; but the emperor made her afterwards a princefs -of the Empire. By her he had Sophia Dorothea, whom he gave in marriage to his nephew George Lewis the fon of the bifliop of Ofnaburgh, who was afterwards King of Great Britain. John Frederick duke of Hannover, the third fon of George duke of Brunfwick, was a Roman Catholick, and in clofe alliance with Lewis XIV. He died on his way to Rome in the year 1680, and leaving no male ilTue, was fucceeded by his brother Erneft Auguftus bifliop of Ofnaburgk. Erneft Auguftus, the fourth fon of George duke of Brunfwick, mar- ried in 1658, the princefs Sophia daughter of Frederick, Eleiftor Pala- tine and King of Bohemia, by Elizabeth daughter of James I. King of Great Britain, and took poficflion of the bifhoprick of Ofnaburgh in 1 66 1, by virtue of an article in the treaty of Weftphalia, which fe- cured the fuccelTion of that biflioprick alternately to a Roman Catholick bifhop, and to a bifliop of the Aufburgh confeflion, being a prince of the houfe of Brunfwick. The bifliop of Ofnaburgh and his brother John Fred«rick duke of Hannover entered into a treaty with Lewis XIV. in 1671. It was pro- perly HANNOVER PAPERS. 615 perly a treaty of neutrality ; but, though the duke entered into another 1702. of a more pernicious nature, when the war broke out in 1672, and was very adtive in favouring the defigns of Lewis, and in obflrufting the operations of the allies, the bifhop was brought over to the fide of the latter before the end of the year 1 674. He joined his brother the duke of Zell with 5000 men, in the beginning of the next campaign, and was with him at the battle of Conferburgh and fiege of Treves, and with the prince of Orange at the fiege of Maftricht in 1676. He continued to ferve at the head of his own troops in the Netherlands, until the treaty of Nimeguen, when he and the other princes of the houfe of Brunfwick entered into a treaty of peace with France. The duke of Zell and the bifhop of Ofnaburgh, now duke of Han- nover, upon the death of his brother John Frederick in April 1680, re- ceived a vifit from the prince of Orange, accompanied by count Waldeck and other perfons of dilHndion in the autumn in the fame year. In 16S4, the two dukes fent 10,000 of their troops, commanded by Frederick Auguftus the fecond, and Charles Philip the fourth fon of the duke of Hannover, into the emperor's fervice, who was then at war with the Turks, and the next year the duke of Hannover fent his third fon Maxi- milian with 3000 men to ferve the Venetians in theMorea. TheEmperoc Leopold, at the inftigation of William the Third, King of England, erefled a ninth electorate in the perfon of the duke of Hannover on the 29th of December 1692. This erediion was m:ide in oppofition to tho elder branch of the family of Brunfwick, and of the Roman Catholick princes, and was not for feveral years acknowledged in form. Both he and his brother adhered to the allies, in the war, which was carried on at that time, againft France. They had 6oco men in the Emperor's fer- vice, in Hungary, and 8000 of their troops ferved every campaign undei King William in Flanders, until a peace was concluded atRyfwick: the eleftor died the 23d of January 1698, and was fucceeded by hij eldeft fon George Lewis, The remaining ilTue of Erneft Auguftus, and the princefs Sophia, were, Frederick Auguftus born in 1661, Maximilian born in 1666. Charles Piulip born in 1669. Chriflian born in 1671. Erneft A uguf- tU3 6i6 ORIGINALPAPERS. 1702. tus* born in 1674, and Sophia Ciiarlotta born in 1668. She married Frederick III, Eledor of Brandcnburgh, and (he died Queen of Pruflla, February i, 1705. Frederick Auguftus and Charles Philip commanded the 10,000 men which the princes of the houfe of Lunenburgh fent, in 1684, to the Emperor who was then at war with the Turks. They fignalized them- fclves by their conduct, and valour, and were both flain in battle in i6gi. Maximilian conduced to the Morea the body of troops which his fa- ther had in the pay of the republick of Venice in 1686. He fervcd two campaigns with great diftinftion under the generals Morofini and Ko- ningfmark, and upon the death of Koningfmark, and the ficknefs of the Doge Morofini, he had the chief command during a confiderable part of the third. His fervices were generoully rewarded by the Republick with the rank of general, and an annual penfion of 6000 ducats. Upon his return from Italy, he formed a party to maintain his pretenfions to fucceed to the duchy of Zell after the death of his uncle. Some of his adherents were executed, and he himfelf was imprifoned for fome time : but he renounced, at laft, his pretenfions, and agreed to accept of an annual penfion. He entered into the Imperial fervice upon the breaking out of the war, which was occafioned by the difputes about the Spanifli fucceffion, in the beginning of this century His brother Chriftian role to the rank of major-general in the fame fervice, but was unfortunately kill- ed after the battle of Munderkingen, as he was attempting to fwim on horfeback over the Danube, in j 703. Erneft Auguftus the fixth, and youngeft fon of the Eleftor and theprincefs Sophia, ferved the preceding campaign under the duke of Marlborough. He was chofcn bifhop of Of- naburgh in March, and was created duke of York and Albany and earl of Ulfter, and made a knight of the garter, in July 1716. He died unmarried on the 14th of Auguft 1728. George Lewis, afterwards George the Firft, King of Great Britain, the eldelt fon of Erneft Auguftus and the princefs Sophia, was born on the twenty eighth of May 1660. When prince of Ofnaburgh, he ferved, at the age of fifteen, the fuccefsful campaign of 1675, under his father and uncle, and was prefent at the battle of Conferburgh and ficgc ^ [Notef. Vol.1, p. fii;.] GENEALOGY of the ROYAL FAMILY of GREAT BRITAIN at the Accefflon of GEORGE the FIRST. James !. I. Charles I. I. Charles II. ir. James II. . Pretended prince of Wales. III. Henrietta duchefs of Orl eans. 2. Anne Mary duchefsofSa- voy. I. 3 Phil, prince of Piedmont. II. 4. Charles due d'Aouft, o HANNOVERPAPERS. 617 Cegc of Treves. He became prince of Hannover, upon his father's 1702. accedion to that dutchy, after the death of John Frederick, without male iflue, in i6So, and vifited France and England in the latter end of the fame year.. He came here to make his addrefles to the princefs Anne -, but he was fuddenly recalled by his father, who thought it more for the intereft of their family to marry him to his niece. Wood gives a very particular account of his reception and creation, as dodor of laws, at Oxford, in February, 168 1. He married Sophia Dorothea, daughter and heirefs of his uncle, George William, duke of Zell, on the eleventh of November, 1682 ; and by her had ilTue, George Auguftus, born on the thirteenth of O^'tober, 16S3, and afterwards King of Great Britain ; and Sophia Dorothea, born on the eighteenth of March, 1687. She married Frederick William, King of Prudia, the fourteenth of Novem- ber, 1 706. He fucceeded his father, as eledor of Brunfwick-Lunen- burgh, on the twenty-third of January,. 1698. The defcendants of James I. and Charles I. who were nearer in blood to the royal family ia England and Scotland than any of the proteftant line, were fifty-fevcn in number -f, when George the Firft acceded to the crown of Great Britain ; but being Roman Catholics, their preten- fions were rejected ; and the princefs Sophia, eleftrefs and duchefs dowager of Hannover, daughter to the princefs Elizabeth, late Qiieen of Bohemia, daughter of James I. King of England, was declared next in fuccefTion to the crown, by an aft which received the royal aflent on the twelfth of June, 1701. The earl of Macclesfield was fent to Hannover with this aft, to the eleftrefs, and the garter to her fon. William the Third, King of England, dying on the eighth of March,. 1702, was fucceeded on the throne by Qiieen Anne ; but notwichftand- ing the declarations of the Q^icen and parliament, in favour of the pro- teflant fuccelTion, and the good reception given to the count de Platens, envoy extraordinary from the duke of Zcli and the elcftor, the putting the direction of affairs in the hands of the Tories, gave fome apprehen- fions to the family of Hannover, as appears from imperfcft liints, in the Ijttle we have ot tlicir corieipondencc in the courle of this year. They, however, (bowed a zeal for the caufe in wliich the Britifh na» tions were at this time engaged. A war with France appeared to be Vol. I. 4 K inevitable. ,6i« O-RIGINAL PAPERS. 1702. inevitable, before the death of King William. Lewis XIV. endeavoured Hannover jq g^jj^ ^fjg German princes to his intereft, and, among others, he fuc- in?rked ''° ' ceeded with the dukes of Brunfwick Wolfenbuttle. There are copies ^""•1" ' ,, extant, in Robethon's hand-writing, of feveral letters from King William « ?. «4. • h to many of thefe princes. * ' '^" The dukes, Anthony Ulric and Rodolph Auguftus, governed jointly the dominions of Wolfenbutle. Rodolph cultivated letters and philo- fophy in retirement, and left the chief management of afFairs to his bro- ther, who, from a jealoufy of the advancement of the younger branch of the family, and out of oppofition to them, contracted a clofe alliance Ibid. No. II. ^ith France. King William, in a letter to the duke of Ploen, dated at Dieren, 14th 0£lober, 1701, recommending to him to aft in concert with the duke of Zell, who was well affedled to the common caufe, defires him to oppofe the intrigues of duke Anthony Ulric, and to con- vince duke Rodolph of the imprudence of his brother's connexions; and it appears, by letters from him to the duke of Ploen, and to Rodolph Ibid. No. 14, himfelf, dated Hampton-court, 20th December, 1701, that Ploen had '5* fucceeded in detaching Rodolph from the French intereft. But Anthony Ulric continued firm in his engagements with Lewis, un- til he was obliged to break them, in conlequence of the meafures which KintT William had concerted with the duke of Zell and elector of Hanno- ver, and which they put in execution the week after his Majefty died. They entered the dominions of Wolfenbuttle unexpeftedly, furprifed the troops difperfed in their quarters, invefted both Wolfenbuttle and Brunlwick at once, difconcerted all the meafures of Anthony Ulric, and obliged him to leave his brother at liberty to fall in with the common interefts of the empire. The princes of Brunfwick Lunenburgh being after this in no danger of moleftation from their neighbours, had upwards of 40,000 m..'n in the fervice of the different powers who declared war this year a^ainft France and Spain; and prince Erneft AugulUis, afterwards bifhop of Ofnaburgh and duke of York and Albany, the youngeft brother of the eleclor, fcrved this campaign under the duke of Marlborough. The name of Monfieur de Robethon v.ill occur fo frequently in this publication, that it cannot be difagreeable to the reader to be informed of fome particulars concerning that induftrious fcrvant of the family of Brunfwick 3 HANNOVER PAPERS. 6ig Brunfwick Liinenburgh. He appears to have been a French refugee 1702. and a kind of private fecretary to King William. There are foine letters Hannover addrefled to him in that capacity, in Mr. Cole's colleAion ; and in his ^^Pf"; ''°}; '^ ' marked Mif- own manufcripts, there are letters addrefled " to monfieur de Ro- cell. u'Etat. bethon, with his Britannic Majefty," and " to monfieur de Robethon, ^' fecretary to his Britannic Majefty." Robethon attached himfelf to the family of Brunfwick, before he left King William's fervice. When the duke of Zell came to fee the King at Loo, in the year 1701, lord Portland, who .appears to have had a very great eftean for Robethon, and correfponded conftantly with him, difcovers, by the manner in which he defires him to prefent his humble rbid vol. refpefts to the duke, that he knew then he had a great deal of influence sch^mz Fih. with his highnefs. No. 4. There is a paper of Robethon's, and indorfed by him. Speeches for the ibid. No, King and Queen of PrtiJJia, ivbicb I compcfcd for Lord Rc.h)\ 1701. He *'^' wrote all the letters which George the Firtl and Second, and Qiieen Ca- roline, fent to this country from the time he entered into their fervice, until the time the family arrived in Britain. The firft rough draughts of Ibid. vol. them are ftilL extant in his hand-writing, and all the originals that may pj^',^jj be in the pofleffjon of perfons in this and in other countries, are but co- pies made from what Robethon wrote for them. The family of Hannover could not have employed a perfon better qualified for their purpofe than Robethon ; he feems to have been inde- fatigable, induftrious and faithful, and though he might not have been a man of ftriking abilities, he poflefled a good deal of addrefs, and a^ knowledge of this country fufficient to amufe the numerous correfpon- dents of the electoral family. The following letters will introduce the reader to a further knowledge of Robethon. 4K 2 J. Vernon e.o O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1 702. 7- Venun to Robe than. Original' He v) as Jon to ]^Ir. Secretary Vernon, and was novj Envoy for England at Hannover jj^g ^g^^t of Denmark. lapers, Mif- •' ""■^'^'"- Trannation. z. Nq. 116. Copenhagen, July 29, 1702^ *' T Received, with plcafure, the letter which you was fo good as to write to me, by Mr. Werpiife. You will do me the juftice to be- lieve, that there is none who intcrefts himfelf more in what concerns you than I do. The embarralTment of the journey prevented me from conr^ratulating you fooner on the honourable Rations which you now fill at your courts. I would envy them the advantage of having you, if I did not fee them in fuch a ftrift union with ourfelves, as to induce me to coxifider them as one and the fame court. The immenfe lofs which. Entrland, and all Europe, fuffcred (by the death of King William) hath drawn feveral others in its train, and among them our country may j-eckon your quitting its fervice," Original. Mr. D'Jllonne to Robetbon. Jbid. No. 7. D'' Allonne had been one of King William'' s private Secretaries, and both he and Robetbon were in great favour. Hague, September 2, 1702. "r\' Allonne rejoices to hear that Robethon has got a good eftablilh- ment. He th:»nks him for employing him to communicate fome- thing to lord Portland and the fecretary Heinfius. He himfelf expefts to be employed as an envoy at fome foreign court. He wilhes it may be at Hannover, confidering how much Holland is connected with that country, and intereftcd in the proteftant fuccedion, and how agreeable ic would be to him to be near his friend Robethon. ■Onginal. The Earl of Portland to Robetbon. Ibid. No. 4. TraiiQation. Hague, September 5, 1702. *' T Have received your very agreeable letter, and I rejoice at your good ertablifliment, in which I afTure you I am deeply interefted. I beg of you to aflurc the duke of ZeJl and the eledor, that I fhall con- 7 tinuc. HANNOVERPAPERS. 621 tinue, all my lifctinie, in the fame fentiments of refpefl and attachment 1702. for their family. I am too old to change, and too deeply imprefled with the principles of the late King, my mafter, ever to deviate from them : Befides, I love my religion, and hace flavery. I hope my fon, who is on his return from Italy, will have the honour of making his court at Hannover, and of being received as the fon of a faithful fervant to the family. But he muft not flay long; for, in order to be ferviccable, I muft avoid to be fufpefted of being too much attached to the family ; and for this reafon, I muft defire you to write to me under Mr. Schutz*s cover, and to make ufe of his cypher." D'Jllome to Robethon. ■ Original Hannover Tranflation. Paper?, Mif. Hague, Oftober 28, 1702. celd'Etat.: f T See, by your letter of the 19th, that the court of Hannover has had no difficulty, hitherto, in managing the court of England ; but that they will be embarrafied if the Qiieen fhould propofe to parliament to make the prince of Denmark King ; and that they cannot prevail on themfelves to be filcnt, when fuch an attack is made on their pretenfions* That would be furely a difagreeable circumftance; and yet it is very likelyit will take place, if one may believe the whole Tory faction, who are at no pains to conceal it. In that cafe, it will be no wonder if you fhould fpeak, left you ftiould feem to abandon your pretenfions, as if you thought they were not well eftabliflied ; although they are no lcf$ folid than were thofe of the Queen in the time of the late King." No. 8. The Ele£ior to the Earl of Marlborough. Robethon'. He ii glad of bis approbation of his troops.— Thanks him for his civilities to j^fd.^l?^) his brother^ and for his attachment to the interefls of his family. marked Princes, Tranflation. No. 17J. July 21, 1702. •* I Learnt, my lord, with great fatisfaflion, by the letter which you wrote to n-ke, your approbation of my troops, and the care you was pleafed to take to inform the Queen of it. Nothing fliall ever give mc greater pleafure than to employ them in her Majefty's fcrvice, and in the common 622 ORIGINAL PAPER S. • 1702. common caufe. I confider, as a very great advantage to them, that thry have the happinefs of ferving under your orders. I am very fenfible of the civilities which my brother, duke Erneft Auguftus, received from you. I doubt not but he will make fuch a return to them as may afTcre him of their continuance. I fliall acknowledge, as I ought on ail cxa- fions, the attachment which you (hew to the interefts of my family *, and nothing will ever appear to me more confiftent with this, than to cultivate the friendfliip with which the Queen honours me. ] hope you will be fo good as to continue to contribute to this on your fide, and to believe me to be, &c. • Another family gave,, at the fame tiaie, fimilar thanks to his lordfhip for his attach- ment. STUART STUART PAPERS. 1703. THE duke of Hamilton, always attached to the intercfls of the exiled 1703. - family, had, byaleceffionfrom the parliament of Scotland in the pre- j^nmry. ceding fummer, thrown that alTembly into fuch difrepute with the nation, that the queen thought it prudent to diflblve it, early in the prefent year. He had been followed in this feceflion by feventy-nine members ; and, therefore, thofe that remained were denominated the Rump, by the po- pulace. The influence which the duke acquired, by this meafure, in- duced the court of St. Germains to fend the following inftruflions. They are in French, and in Nairne's hand. The perfon to whom they were given was captain James Murray, brother to Mr. Murray of Aber- cairny. " InJtruSlions to the perfon tvho is to [peak to L. A. (meaning Lord Ar- Nairne's ran, the title given to the duke of Hamilton, at St. Germains) p. n. Vol. W. Jan. 17OJ." 4to. ko.so. '* A FTER having Ihown to L. A. all that is necefl'ary to teftify to him the high efteem which their Majefties have for his perfon and his merit towards themfelves, he is to be entreated to reprefent to L. C. [lord Churchill] when he fhall find him in the beft difpofition to liften, that the union between their families obliges him to be particularly at- tentive to every thing which regards his honour, hiscflabliflimcnt, and his fafctyj which he believes can never be fufficiently fecured, without acknow- ledging and difcharging the obligation which he owes the father, by doing juftice to the fon -, and, in conlcquence of doing this, he may afTure him- ielf, that he will have a carte-blanche for himfclf and for his friends, and that otherwife he will have reafon to fear diiagrccable confequences. For immediately g24 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1703. immediately upon the expiration of the preftnt reign, it will be necefiary, January. according to the late aft of fettlcment, to proclaim Hannover, who can never think himfelf in fafety, without relying upon the Dutch, and em- ploying his friends of the Prefbyterian party in hngland; and, in. that cafe, there will be no quarter for him nor for the church of England. Thofe, who judge wifely, can have no apprehenfions from a Catho- lic King, becaufe, as fuch, he will have neither the credit nor the means to hurt them j and, to maintain himfelf, will be obliged to govern ac- cordino- to the will of his people. What is paft can be no argument againft this. For it is certain, that the inconveniencies of the wrong meafures, which were formerly adopted, will be fufficient inftruflions for reo-ulating thofe, which will be adopted hereafter, and of this will be "iven all the allurances which can be demanded; and which can any- ways confift with tlie fccurity of the King's perfon, and of his eonfciencc and dignity. If he ftiall fcruple to do this, for fear of failing in his duty to the mil^ trcfs whom he now ferves, it may be faid to him, that all thefe difficul- ties may be eafily adjufted by a treaty, which will leave her in pofleflion- of the crown of England, during her life, providing that fhe will choofe to fecure the fucceflion to the King, her brother, after her death. To fill the army, the navy, and all the employments in the kingdom, with perfons who are well afFeded, are excellent means ; but neither thefe means, nor the ad of occafional conformity, will be fufficient, unlefs the fettlement, in favour of the family of Hannover, be overturned, which does not appear to be impracticable, in this parliament, where it may be reprelented, as a meafure unjuft in itfelf, and dangerous to the church of England and to the ftate> That, confidcring the juftice and piety of his miftrefs, it is not to be fuppofed, that (he will be inclined to oppofe a thing, fo fuitable to her charafler, and to what fhe owes to the memory of her father, and to her own glory ; which obliges her not to allow the crown to go out of her own family, which has been for fo many ages in lawful poficflion of the royal dignity, and to do all this in favoirr of a ftranger, and of the moft dillant relation flie has in the world. The mod cfFedual means of fecurino- the fucceiT:on of the crown of England to the King, after the death of his fiftcr, would be to put him now / STUARTPAPERS. 625 tiow in poflefTion of the crown of Scotland, by fuch ways, and in fucli a 170^. manner, as will be judged moft proper j and, as the two kingdoms arc J*"""''/' independent of one another, this partition for the prefcnt time, might t>e eafily accomplifhed ; and the Englilh would have lels difficulty to con- fcnt to it, that the kingdom of Scotland brings them no profit ; and there is nothing to hinder the King and his fifter, after this partition, from living together in as ftrii5t friendfhip, as their great-grandfather lived with Q^ Elizabeth. But whether this propofal will be accepted or rcjefled, it is necelTary that they fhould enter into a league with France, which, by a fecret ar- ticle, will engage itfelf to guarantee our treaty, in order that we may have the fupport of a foreign power to balance that of Holland, which, without that, will join the Prefbyterian party, difconcert all weak precau- tions, ruin the church of England, and infallibly extirpate it and its friends. L. A. is entreated to propofe thefe things, as If they came from himfelf ialone. But he ought, at the fame time, to urge them to employ fomc one to explain their intentions, and to learn the fentiments of their Ma- jefties, without which nothing can be concluded ; and both the one and the other may ruin themlclves by too much precaution. If it is objedled, that a fecret cannot be kept at St. Germains 5 they may addrefs them- felves immediately to the court of Verfailles, where the fame inconveni- ency is not to be feared. . And laftly, that delays are dangerous, becaufe all depends on a finglc jlife j and even the life that appears moft fiire, is very uncertain." The following inftruftions were complied with by the party who ad- hered to the duke of Hamilton. They put a flop to the treaty of Union. They rejefted, with every mark of indignation and contempt, the overture made by the earl of Marchmont, for fettling the crown on the houfe of Hannover ; and they effe<5lually prevented the abjuration. During a turbulent and tedious fcdion, the country-party in every quef- tion prevailed; till, at length, the commiiTioncr found liimfclf obliged to adjourn the houfe, without obtaining any fupply. Vol. I. 4 L *' Br aft s (26 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. }7°3' *« Draffs of InflruHions for Captain fames Murray, to folicit Lcrd Arrak Papers, and the Scotch to cfpofe the Union, the Ilannoverian fuccejfton, &c. 1703.'* D. N. vol. ii. 410. No. 50. , captain Simon Frafer, of Beaufort, afterwards well ^^^y* known to the world, under the title of lord Lovat, went to France, and pretended to have authority from fome of the Scotifh nobility and of the chiefs of the Highland clans, to offer their fervices to the court of St. Germains. He promifed in their name to raife an army of 12,000 men, if the King of France would confent to land 5000 men at Dundee and 500 at Fort Wiliiam. His propofals were liftened to, but his fin- cerity was queftioned, and (-thers in whom the courts of France and St. Germains could place confidence, were fent back with him, when he re- turned to Scotland. t lit means probably the lofs of Marlborough's fon, who died February 2Cth, 1703, Co^ ^30 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1703. " Copy of the Injlruclions given to Captain John Murray y when he was fcvt ^, .^'y" to Scotland zvitb Lord Loval, in May, 1703.** Nairnc 8 pa- j-> i j voLii. fol. ^^^ inftrudlions are in Nairne's hand. — Captain John Murray was bro- No, 52. ther to Sir David Murray, of Stanhope. JAMES R. " WT^ H E N you arrive in Scotland, you are to repair ftraight to the Highlands, and there you are to be introduced, by lord Lovat, to the I'everal chiefs of clans and gentlemen of intereft in that part of the country, of whom you are to intorm yourfelf what they propofe, what they are able to do, and at what time they can be in readinefs ; and if there be diverfuy of opinions, you are to mark the perfons that differ in opinion from the others, with the reafons given by them for fo doing : and, when you are fufficiently inftru£led in all this, and of what elfe may be for our fcrvice in the Highlands, you are to return thither, with ail convenient fpeed, to give us a full and faithful account, of what you have learned of the capacity and difpofitions of our friends, in thofe parts, that we may know what we have to expect from them, when we fliall have occafion for their fervice- Given at our court, at St. Germains, the 24th of Februar)', 17OJ, and in the fecond year of our reign." " Nota : That thefe inftruclions were figned and fealed the 5th of May, the' antedated as above, that they might be anceriour to the Scotch indemnity." Frafer himfelf received the following inftrudions. D Ibid. D.N. « InftrutUons to Lord Lcvat." vol. ii. fol. No. 52. Dated the 2jth of February, but figned the 5th of May, 1703. " VrOU aie, with all convenient fpeed, to return to your own country, and to Ihew this paper only to fuch of the Highlanders, as knew of your coming hither and have lent to us by you, and fuch others of them, as you hope to bring to our intereft. You are to afTure them, of the great fenfe we have of the paft proofs of their affeclion, and the confidence we have of their fteadinefs and for- ward nefs STUART PAPERS. 631 wanlnefs in time to come, which we fliall requite, by all fuitable 1703. 1 ... May, Ktiirns, when ic is in our power. ' That we have all the affurance can be defircd, of being fufficiently afTifted by our friends here, when the conjunflure is favourable ; and that then they (hall be fupplied with every thing that may make them appear efFctftually for us. You are to let them know, that the King of France hath promifed us^ that whenever we Ihall be put in poffeffion of our kingdom of Scotland, by the faithful endeavours of our friends, in that our faid ancient king- dom, he will then reftore the Scotch nation to all the privileges they formerly enjoyed in France. That, in the mean time, they (hould concert and difpofe matters fo, as to be in a readinefs, when there is occafion for them ; yet with that cau- tion and privacy necefTar)' for a fecret of this importance, in which their fecurity and our fervice is fo much concerned. And we do hereby authorize fuch officers in tl\e Highlands, as had commiflions from the late King, our father, to make ufe of the faid com. miffions, if any good occafion offers, till fuch time as we fliall have the convenicncy of granting them new ones. You are to let our friends know, that we do hereby authorize them to endeavour to gain to our interell as many as they can of fuch as arc confiderable, in the nation, by their families, or by their employments, civil or military, by promifing, in our name, to fuch of them as want it, pardon for all part faults, and to all of them rewards, proportionable to their refpedive merits and fervices." " There was given with this, a commifTion of colonel of foot, to be raifed in Scotland." The dying words of his late mafter made fuch an impreffion, on the September. «arl of Middleton, that, fome months after his deceafe, he left the court of St. Germains and retired to a convent, at Paris, to be fatisfied in fome doubts, and to be inftruded in the tenets, of the Roman catholic reli- gion. Among Mr. Nairne's MSS. there is a rough draught of the oflenfible rcafuns, v/hich he himfelf alleged for leaving the court. He fays, he never thought himfelf qualified for bufincfs. He ac- Nairne's ILL Papffit cepted the feals, oa condition, that he could refign them, when he r. N. vol ii. 6 pleafcd. 410.N0. 5z. 63* ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1 70 J. plcafed. He thought, as he was now a convert to popery, hij con- eptem er. ji^uing in office would give offence to protcftants in England. He could have no provocation, in retirement, to refentment or revenge againft enemies; and he would have more time to attend to the duties of religion. Kairne'j The earl of Middleton feems to have been out of office, near a twelve- vol. vii'i. 4to. month ; at Icaft, there are no copnes of his letters among Mr. Nairne's and vol. IX. papers, from the month of July, 1702, to the 14th of June, 170J. But there are entries of all his letters, from that time to the end of De- cember, 1713. Thefirll of them which concerns the affairs of Britain, Ibid. No. 6. was written to Monfieur de Torcy, on the firft of September, this year. He inclofed a tnemorial to him, defiring a paflport for a veffel, to go to Scotland, to bring back captain James Murray, whom lord Arran had afked, in order to fend him back, again, with informations concerning the itate of the country, and what they intended to do, when the parliament ibould rife. HANNOVER HANNOVER PAPERS. 1703. 1703. January. OUEEN ANNE having placed herfclf in the hands of the Tories, the Whigs of courfe threw themfelves in the fcale of the houfe of Hannover. But the correfpondence which fobfilted, thus early, between the difcontented in Britain and that family, had not yet acquired the importance, at which it afterwards arrived. It may, how- ever, amufe the reader, to lay before him fome articles that have hi- therto remained unknown to the public. The Princefs Sophia to ^een Anne. Hannover A complimentary Letter. Tranflation. Madam, Hannover, January 8, 170J. ** Y" O U R Majefty did me the favour to receive alfurances of my mofl: humble refpecis, with fo much goodnefs, that I prefume to repeat them, by the opportunity of baron Schutz's return, although I have reafon.to apprehend I m4y fatigue your Majefty, by conftantly repeating the fame thing : but. Madam, I am fo yery thankful for your having condefcended to make me an anfwer, that I hope you will not take amifs, that I prefume to offer you my mod humble acknowledgements, and to affure you of the defire I have to merit the honour you do me. This, however, I cannot hope, but when your Majefty will be pleafed to honour me with your commands, in order that I may fliow, by my obedience, that the honour is conferred upon one, who is with the grcatelt zeal and refpedl. Madam, Your Majefty's Moft humble and moft obedient fervant and Aunt, Sophia Electress." ■ ■ - . . . — .—— — • »•" { i Vol. I. 4 iM Copy 634 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1703. Copy of a Letter from the Earl of Riien to Central Bitlau, jl3„oye'/ In Robethon's hand. LTrked mV ■S«^''« commanded the troops of Lunenburgh, that ferved in the allied army. -^ cell. d'Etat. £5;-^/ Rivers fends bim ajlate of affairs in England. — There was i firong party for the prince of Wales. — His friends become numerous in the boufe of Commons, fince the death of the late King. — They brought in two bills to ferve his caufe. — The hijlory of thefe bills. — Lord Rivers gives bis advice to the EleEior. — Marlborough forced him to quit th; fervice, for having voted as he ought to have done. Tranflation. April 9, 1703. •* T^HE reafon, why I could not anfwer your hft letter fooner, is, that I could not find an earlier opportunity of writing to you with fafety, and in a circumftantial and particular manner. I iaelieve the bed method of correfponding with you will be, to give you jufl: and exaft reprefentations of matters of faft in England j and, for this pur- pofe, I muft begin with informing you, that there is a party in this kingdom for the prince of Wales, which is confiderable and very zealous, and whofe boldnefs is founded, not only on their confidence in the King of France, but on an afiiirance with which they flatter themfclves of being countenanced and fupported by the prefent government. And when one confiders the men who are advanced and favourably received at court, it is evident, that there is too much reafon to be confirmed in this opinion. By a combinatioh of feveral accidents, which happened fince the death of the King, and which c6uld not probably have happened at any other time, the members of the houfe of commons have been chofen in a man- ner well calculated to extend the views of that party -, and accordingly they do rtot fcruple to acknowledge this. It is not to be imagined, that they will chpofe to adt direflly for the prince of Wales : accordingly they have adopted another method, by propofingtwo bills in the lower houfe; the firft in order to renew the difputes between the members of the church of England and the prefbyterians, which, having formerly dif- turbed the quiet of the kingdom, for a long time, had been fuppreffed during the preceding reign ; and they hope, that, amidfl: thefe animofi- tics, they will more. eaiUy: conceal and advance ^cir defigns. The fe- cond HANNOVER papers; 6^^ ■cond bill appeared to have been intended in favour of thofe, who, by 1703. accident, had neglefted to take the oath of abjuration of the prince of April. Wales, in the time limited, and for maintaining the proteftant fucceflion-, but the real defign was to re-eftablifh all thofe who had refufed that oath, and to difmifs all fuch as had been put into their places and offices. If thefe two bills had pafTed, one may cafily judge what would have been the confequence. But the houfe of peers, having a juft apprehen- Con of the danger of their defigns, rejeded, with great firmncfs, the firft, ■ and not only took, every thing that was mifchievous and bad out of the . fecond, but added two claufes to it; by the firft of which the oath of abjuration is impofed upon the whole kingdom of Ireland, which they had forgot to comprehend in the former aft ; and the fecond makes all thofe guilty of high treafon who fliall attempt, either diredtly or indircdJy, to prevent the fucceffion of the family of Hannover : and all this affair was conducted by the lords with fo much addrefs, that thofe who brought in the bill dared not oppofe the claufe diredly, for fear of expofing them- felves and lofing their credit in the kingdom, and by thefe means, that a£l, far from anfwering their expeflation, has rendered the fucceflion. more ftable and certain. Bur, it muft be obferved, that this majority in the houfe of peers, chagrined the faid party to fuch a degree, that Sir Edward Seymour did not hefitate to fay openly in the houfe of commons, that it was abfolutely neceffary, that the Queen fliould make fome new peers, in order that the majority of that houfe might concur in the de- figns of the lower houfe. However indifcrcct this fpeech was, the mea- fure has been adopted ; for the Qiieen has made fome new peers fince the prorogation of the parliament, of whom the fon of Sir E. Seymour is one, and another is the only man who refufed to give his vote for cftablifliing the fucceflion of the crown in the family of Hannover. I will not trouble you with the character of the reft. I fhall only tell you, that two of them are of the fame party. There are none of thefe fa(fts which are not manifefl:, and above all contradidion. If you con- vcrfe with your own minifbt-r at this court he cannot deny this. Having now ftated the cafe, I (hall take the liberty of reprefcncing to you my refieflions, upon certain things, which I believe to be very ufeful for the fervice of the Eleclor. 4 M t 1. It 6j6 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 170^. I. It would be defirable that his eleftoral highnefs fhould embrace April, evrr^ fuitable opportunity of publifhing, in his converfation, as well as by the intimations of his minifters, that, fince his family is called to the fiiccefllon, he is determined to hazard every thing tor maintaining his right, and for fupporting thofe who are truly attached to his interefts. 2. As it was very prudent in his minifter to aft with great referve and circumfpcftion, while every thing was in fufpenfe -, fo it would not be proper that he fhould continue his filence, after the miniftry here have given juft caufc of jealoufy. On the contrary, it would be ferviceable that this minifter fhould, from time to time, make fuitable reprefenta- tions againft the attempts which fhall be made to the prejudice of the fucceffion. 3. It will be abfolutely necefTary to make it known, that the Eleftor places an entire conGdence in the man who is, or fhall be, his minifter here ; and that whatever he fhall advance or promile in the name of his mafler may be depended upon. 4. As it appears, from what I have faid above, that all employments and favours are given to thofe of the oppofite party, 1 muft inform you likewife, that feveral perfons who have afled very zealouQy, and who diftinguifhed themfcLves in fupporting the fuccefTion eftablifhed by law, have loft their employments j and as fome of them maintained them- felves principally by the emoluments which they drew from their em- ployments and penfions, I leave you to judge, if it would not be ler- viceable to come to a refolution of doing fomething for them ; and par- ticularly for thofe who have titles, and few means to fupport them. I fpeak of fome members of the houfe of peers, and of the advantage of preferving and augmenting the number of thofe who are well affected in that houfe, which may be done at a very moderate expence, if properly managed ; and unlefs it is foon refolved to do fomething of this nature, I do not fee by what means, or in what manner, the bad defigns and meafures of the party can be prevented, when the houfe of peers mufl be confidered as the principal fupport of that interefl^ 5. And fince the lives of princes are uncertain, fuch proper meafures mufl \x taken, on all hands, that when the fuccefTion is open, all things may be difpofcd for entering immediately into pofTcffion. All that I fay here HANNOVER PAPERS. 637 here is not only my own opinion, but the opinion of others, whom I be- 1-0?. lieve to be the moll capable of judging, and who are the beft affected to ^" " *^* the good caufe. I muft add one thing more, which is to renew the caution that was given to you laft year, with relpedl to our general [Marlborough.] You muft not judge of him by what he fays, but by what he does here ; and efpecially you muft not believe him, if he fays, that Lord Rivers de- fired to leave the fervice ; for it is certain, that he was forced to do fo^ for having voted as you would have done, if you had been in his place j and the fum which was given to him, being but the half of what is or- dinarily given for pofts of tliat kind, has been a cloak to conceal their defign and to prevent complaints." The following letter feems to convey pretty juftly the views of the Scottifti Jacobites in parliament. The writer, however, is miftaken, in the opi- nion, that they thought it neceffary to change the church government, before they entered upon their defigns in favour of the exiled family. The overture, for a toleration to thofe of the epifcopal perfuafion, was made by the earl of Strath more. But it met with fo little countenance, from the Jacobites themfelves, that at the requifition of the general af- fcmbly, it was dropt almoft without debate. Mr. Scot to Mr. Robethcn, Original. The Jlate of things in Scotland. — Defigns in favour of the pretender. Papers, vol. marked Mif- S I K, London, May 18, 1703. cell. d'Etat. *' CINCE my laft, there hath occurred very little material. The par- liament of Scotland met, on the 22d, according to adjournment; and were, all that day, upon controverted elciftions. It is ftill faid, as I . told you before, that the great bufinefs of this fefTion will be, to get a toleration for the epifcopal clergy ; and, that this toleration may the bet- ter anfwer the expeclation of the court, it is thought there will be fome attempt made for the reftoring of patronages i for then it will be an eafy matter to get fuch perfons prefentcd to vacant benefices as will incline to a change in church-government •, a thing the court fccms to defire, though I know nothing that could fo much ftrengthen the Jacobite in- icrcft z. No. 15:. 638 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1703. tercfl: In Scotland : but fome will fay, it is for that very reafon the covirt ^^y* dcfires it; and really, all things confidered, ic is hard to give any other. It appears plainly, that the greateft hopes of the Jacobites are now from Scotland ; and that the way they propofe to carry on their biifincfs there is, firfl: to have their friends, the epilcopal j.>eop]c, brought into church- government ; when that is done, they fancy it may not be chfficult to get the parliament of Scotland to declare their fucce/Tion in favour of the prince of Wales ; and, if once they gain that point, they relblve to itt a little more barefacedly in England. They will then reprefent the dan- ger of Scotland's having a King of its own, and what mifchiefs may happen to England upon the Scots joining with the Englifh Jacobites. From thence, perhaps, they may come to urge the breaking into the fuc- cefTion-afb, and the declaring with Scotland for the prince of Wales, as things abfolutely necefTary to prefcrve the peace of both kingdoms. This I have ground to think is the Jacobites fcheme; and, though I am per- fuaded they will never be able to efiefluate it, yet, confidering how things are managed here, thofe who wi(h well to the houfe of Hannover, have all the reafon in the world to be upon their guard : but more of this at meeting." STUART STUART PAPERS. 1704. DURING the war, which fucceeded the revolution in Britain, the 1704? court of St. Germains continued their fecret negociations, and formed perpetual fchemes for invading England. But when peace was concluded. King James, refigning himfelf to the aufterities of religion, feems to have built all his hopes of reftoration, upon the favourable events which might happen, in the courfe of time. His fervants, how- ever, kept up a communication with his friends, more with a defign of retaining them in their principles, than from expeftations of their imme- diate fervices. In this fituation of affairs, Simon Frafer, well-known afterwards by the title of lord Lovat, a man who joined infinuating talents to low manners and a profligate charaiSler, came to St. Germains, and offered his fervices to King James. Frafer, having committed, in Scotland, public and private crimes, which threatened to draw upon him the ultimate animadverfions of the laws of his country, had fled from juftice: but his hiftory being known before his arrival. King James, from motives of morality, rejedcd his offered fervices. Having conti- nued for Ibme time in a fl:arving condition, in France, he applied, through a Mr. C3rfl:ares, to King William, for a pardon-, no doubt, under pro- mifes of future fervices. In this pardon, which the principal fecretary of (late had r«fufed to fign, either through accident or defign, a rape, which Frafer had committed on the dowager-lady Lovat, had not been comprehended. The marquis of Athol, father to the injured lady, profecuted Frafer criminally, and he fled again from juftice into France. King James was by this time dead : but the earl of Middlcton, who knew his late mailer's fentiments concerning Frafer, refufed to admit him into his prefence. But Frafer, turning a Roman Catholic, infinuated himfelf, through the a [ mfluence 640 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1704. influence of the Pope's nuncio, into the confidence of the exiled Queen ; and, through the fame channel, he had accefs to the French minillry, and, it is faid, even to the King himfelf. But the ftate he gave of the affairs of Scotland appearing too favourable to the views of the excluded family to be implicitly believed, Lewis the Fourteenth demanded from the court of St. Germains, a perfon who could be truftcd to accompany Frp.fcr into that kingdom, to bring back a genuine account of the flatc* of things. Frafer, accordingly, in company with captain John Murray, brother to Mr. Murray of Abercaimy paffing through England, ar- rived on the borders of Scotland, in the fummer of 1703- He was met there, by the duke of Argyle, who had always been his patron, and conduced by that nobleman to Edinburgh, where he received a pro- tedion from the duke of Queenfberry, commifiioner to the parliament then fitting in that city. Under cover of this prote(5lion, Frafer was fent into the Highlands to extraft promises of fupporting the pretenfions of the exiled family, from thofe chiefs and noblemen, who were known to be in their intereft. Frafer's character was too well known to be trufted. He returned, with little fuccefs, to Edinburgh, and formed a fcheme, with the duke of Queenfberry, of accufing feveral of his own enemies and fome of thofe of the duke, of a correfpondence with the court of St. Germains. But the proofs which he could produce being infufficient, he was provided with money and a pafs, under a feigned name, by Queenfberry, to en- able him to return to France to forge or make more complete difcoveries. The famous Ferg-ufon, with whom Frafer had fome communications on his return to London, fulpefting his fincerity, had, in the mean time, in- formed the duke of Athol, one of the noblemen accufed, though he had never been in any correfpondence whatever with the court of St. Ger- mains, of the fchemes laid to ruin him and others. The noife which this difcovery made in the Englifli parliament is well known. Frafer ar- rived at Paris ; and, in profecution of his promifes to Qvieenfberry, pre- fented the following memorial : « A Me- S T U A R T P A P E R S, 641 ^ A Memmial to the ^een of all that my Lord Lovat did in his voyage to 1 70 ;. England and Scotland, hy her Majejlfs orders^ Ni'*"""''' Original. P'P^s. .. ^ D. N vol 11. "AS loon as he arrived in England, he informed himfelf of the difpo- ^"^ ^"^ 5^' fitions of the people for their King. He found, that, in Eng- land, the King had loft much of the inclinations of his fubjeds, who pretended to be faithful to him in the prince of Orange's time, b.caufc the princefs of Denmark had given employments to thofe that were ene- mies to the prince of Orange ; and thofe, having received better places than they exped if the King was rcftored, do not think, or fuffcr to hear of him, although they have fworn a hundred times, that they would fa- Cfince their lives and fortunes for him. He marched from London with his friend captain Murray and three fervants a-horfeback, to go to the town of Durham, where he muft have waited fome of his fervants from Scotland with horfes and money. He efcaped happily to be taken by a juftice of the peace, who arretted his valet de chambre, a French- man, becaufe he neither fpoke Englifh or Dutch. When he came to Durham, he found that the town was full of good Catholics of the gen- try of the country, who were very faithful to the King his mailer. As foon as he was known to be in the town, having been acquainted there before, all the Catholics came to wait of him, and knowing that he was in France, as his enemies had publifhed before he was two months in France, by the information of the princefs of Denmark's fpies ac St. Germains ; all thefe Catholics made all the proteftations imaginable of their fidelity to the King, their mafter ; and, when he (hewed them the King's pifture, they all fell down upon their knees and kifTcd him and prayed for him. My lord Lovat anfwered them, that he did not doubt, but they loved their King -, but that the common opinion was, that the Catholics in England would be the laft that would venture their lives and fortunes for the King. They anfwered him, chat that opinion was very falfe ; and that thofe who made fuch infinuations to the court were enemies to the King. Some days after, they made an aficmbly of all the Catholic gentlemen of that country j and, after that they had been fome time together, they lent four of their number to my lord Lovat, to entreat him to inform the Queen, that all the Catholics in tlie North of England, who were very numerous and powerful, v/crc ready to veiiture Vol. I. 4 N their 642 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1704. their lives and fortDnes for the King, whenever his banners fliould be January. difplaycd in that country, and that they gave already fuch marks of their fidelity, that they believed the Qiieen did not doubt their refolutions to fcrve the King. There ftaycd an Irifh nobleman in that town, who was in the laft wars with the King in Ireland, My lord Lovat, finding hitn a moft loyal fenfible man, inquired of him, if any thing could be done for the King, in Ireland. He told him, that the people were fo op- preffed, that, if the King of France would fend them arms, he would engage his life and fortune, that he would get fifty thoufand to rife in arms in that kingdom -, and he gave commifTion to my lo.'^d Lovat, to tell fo to the Qiieen and to the court of France i and that he was ready to receive her Majefty's orders, to go to that country to prepare the people to that effeft. My lord Lovat continued his journey towards Scotland ; and as fooa as he entered the country, his enemies were affrighted, and my lord Athol, being afraid that, if my lord Lovat took arms, he would deftroy aJl his eftate, made a'public complaint to the commiflioner, the duke of Queenfberry, and to the council, that my lord Lovat was come frora France, as an emiffary from the French court, with money and officers to raife the Highlands in rebellion againft the Queen; and, if they did not take meafures to take the faid lord Lovat dead or alive, that no- body in the government were fure of their lives or fortunes; he had fuch a great intereft with all the Highlanders of Scotland. The marquis of Athol gave to the commiffioner, as author, captain James Murray, who ftaid fo long at St. Germains, and who was in France, and knew whea my lord Lovat received his orders from the court of France. The con\- miflioner, who was always my lord Lovat's good friend, who believed that whait my lord Athol faid was malice, inftead of giving orders ouc againft my lord Lovat, fent him exprefsly his friend, and my lord Lo- vat's intimate friend, the earl of Leven, to propofe to him, in his name, and in the name of the princefs of Denmark, that, if he would fide with the princefs, and enter with him and his friends into the interefl of Han- nover, that the princefs of Denmark would immediately give him her pardon and his eftate ; (he fliould pay the debts of his family, and give him a regiment and a good penfion ; becaufe they knew his power in the Highlands, S T U A R T P A P E R .?. 643 Highlands, wliicli they feared, and that tlie Highlanders would do no- 1704. thing without him. ■I""^' My lord Lovat thanked the earl of I,cven, and intreated him to thank the duke of Qvieciilberry, in his name, tor his kindaefs to him : but that he was fo engaged in the interefts of his King, and in the intcrefts of France, that he would never abandon them, till he gave an account of his journey; and, befides, he thought it iiis intereft never to alter from the King's fide, fince he was fure that the King of France would reftorc him in a fhort time. Therefore, he begged of him to confider, that his family would be ruined and extirpated, when the King came home, if he did not appear timoufly for him. He fo frighted the earl, with the King's going home, and the forces of France, that he gave him com- miffion to make his peace with the King. The next day, he had an appointment with the marquis of Drum- mond and captain Murray, near t! e ports of Edinburgh. He told them what the earl of Leven propofed to him. They did not know how to advife him. He, finding them at a ftand, told my lord Drummond, you fee, that thofe offers are very great ; but that he would not take the whole kingdom of Scotland to abandon the intereft of his King and the King of France, in which he was fo fol-mnly engaged. He pro- pofed to my lord Drummond, that, if the low country would rife in arms, he would get all the Highlanders to rife in arms and obey him ; and that, in a little time, they would make an army that would mailer the kingdom ; and that then he was fure the King of France would fend home the King, and all the neceflaries that were requifite to put him on the throne. My lord Drummond anfwered him, that he was very willing to take arms -, but that he had not the King's commidion. But, as foon as he got the King's commilTion, that he would then, without fail, take arms -, and, in the mean time, prepare matters for it ; and likewife begged of my lord Lovat not to go near his own country ; fince he muft take arms if he went there, which would very much wrong the King's intereft. My lord Lovat, finding that none of the low country would ftir, with- out comniifTjons ; and thac the Qiiecn had ordered him exprefsly, that he fhould make no rifing, till fuch time as captain Murray fhould return to France, facrificcd his clan and intereft for the intereft of his King; and left all thoughts of rifing in arms, till he lent an exprcfs to France ; 4 N 2 becaufc t» 1544 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1704. becaufe he was afraid, ^hat he and the chieftains of clans that were to Jdnu»ry. JQJj^ j^j^^ would be fiippreded before they got afTiftance from France. He told my lord Dummond, that, becaufe he did not think lit to take arms at that time, the kingdom of necefTity muft be prepared to make a general rifing for the King> and, for that purpofe, he did charge him to bring captain Murray with him, who was then prefent, to prepare the low country, and that he fiiould offer the command of the King's army to duke Hamilton •, and that if the duke did refufe the King's com- milTion, that would prefently ruin him with the King's friends, who were his fupport, that afterwards he could not be capable to do any hurt. My lord Drummond had no good opinion of the duke, nor bad any of the King's friends. But he faid to my lord Lovat, that he would pro- pofe to the duke to take the King's commiffion ; and that he did not care what he did, fince he was fure of people of quality in the low country without him. My lord Lovat was very glad to hear that from him-, and told him that he would alTure hini of 20,000 Highlanders, when the low country was ready to join them, and that he would march immediately through all the Highlands, except his own country, where his enemies had garrifons to take up his rents •, and that, when he had aflembled the moft confiderable chiefs of clans, and had (hewn them the King's InftruAions, he would then fend an exprefs for captain Murray, that he might be prefent at their engagements and promifes. Having agreed on thefe rcfolutions, they parted. The next day, the earl of Argylc, who was lord Lovat's relation and his great friend, dc- fired to have an appointment with him, which he, after advifing with my lord Drummond and captain Murray, granted him } and accord- ingly they met on the borders of Scotland. Argyle was a fubtile man, and lord Lovat refufing the offers he made him, which were the faine my lord Leven had made him the day before, he told him, that he knew he was not fuch a fool as to refufe them, without he had greater things in hand. He begged of him to let him know them. My lord Lovat, of neceffity, was obliged to diffcmble with him ; and affured him, that there was nothing to do : but that, before he came from Fraiwre, it was believed that the parliament would either calf home the King or rife in arms for him •, and that he came of purpofe to raife all his kindred, and all that would rife with him, to affift hi:n. Argyle told him, that he did STUARTPAPERS. 645 did not think that he was fo ignorant as to believe, that a proteftant 1704. parliament would ever call home a popiQi King : that, on the contrary, J^°"^7* this prefent parliament had made an ad to exclude the King and the race, while they were Papids. Lovat anfwered him, that what the par- liament did would not fignify a farthing ; that, in fpite of them and all iiis enemies, the King would be home. He, to demonftrate to Argyle the great force and wifdom of France, and their entire rcfolution to rc- llore the King, at the fame time, exhorted him to confider chat his fa- mily was very ill with the royal family; and that he mull do more than others to favc his perlbn and family from utter ruin : that he was much aftonifhed, and changed colours, and anfwered. It's not that that troubles me. But, faid he, I find that the duke of Hamilton plainly dcfigns to be our King ; and before he get the crown, I will be the firft with my kindred that will join the French, and draw my fword for your prince. Jvly lord Lovat wifhed that he would continue thofe re- iblutions. Argyle afked Lovat, if captain Murray, Abercairny's fon, had any commifiion from France-, becaufe they were told, that he came over with him, with commiffions as a French emiffary. My lord Lovat told him, that he had come over with him, and perluaded him that his only bufmefs was to fee his old dying father and his relations -, and that, with what my lord Lovat told the day before to the earl of Leven, was the only thing that faved captain Murray in Scotland ; James Murray and others having informed againft him, as well as againft my lord Lovat. Lovat leaving Argyle very melancholy, took leave of him. Argyle embraced him, and told him he mufl be of their party ; and that he would work with the commifTioner to that effeft. But, at the fame time, he took fo to heart what my lord Lovat had told him, that the very next day he fell dangeroufly ill, and never recovered it. My lord Lovat purfued his journey to the Highlands, where they were overjoyed to fee him, becaufe they believed him dead -, having been fourteen months in France, without writing any word to his country. They came from all corners to fee him. He (hewed them the King's inftruiflions, and the King of France's great promilcs. They were ra- vifhed to fee them, and prayed to God to have their King cluTe, and they fliould foon put him on the throne. My lord Lovat told them, that 646 ORIGINALPAPERS. 1704. that they mud firft fight for him, and beat his enemies in the I.inc^dom. January. ^hey anlwercd him, that, if they got the afTiftance he promifcd them, they would march in three days advertifement, and btat all the Kind's enemies in the kingdom. At the fame time, my lord Lovat receivevl an cxprcfs from lord Drummdnd and captain Murray, to acquaint him, rhut his enemies had obtained an aCkof the privy council of fire and fword agair.fl: his perfon ; and that all the troops in the kingdom had orders to take him, dead or alive-, and that the King's friends begged of him to retire his perfon, which wras fo neceflary to the King, to fome private place out of the kingdom, till the King's affairs were ripe. He anfwercd them, by another exprefs, that he mocked very much what the council could do againll him -, and that he was more in fafety among the Highlanders, as the council was within the town of Edinburgh ; and that he would pur- fue his mailer's bufinefs without any fear ; for which reafon he lent for captain Murray to fee how unanimoufly the Highlanders we-e to take arms for their King. Captain Murray came and faw the mod confider- able of th« chiefs, and was ravifhed to fee them fo refolute for their King. He told my lord Lovat, that all the low country were well re- folved for the King; and that the duke of Hamilton had not rcfufed the King's commifilon : but that he defired him to delay matters too much ; fo that the King's friends were very jealous of him. He told him likewife, that all the King's friends had refolved to fend my lord Drummond to France, as commifTioner from the low country nobilir\',' with the chief of a clan, as commiflioner from the Highlanders, to afTure the King, their mailer, and the King of France, how much they were ready to hazard their lives and fortunes for the King their mafter, and for the King of France, if they were aJTirted by them. Upon which, my lord Lovat obliged the laird of Appin, as commilTjoner for the reft of the Highlanders, to meet with my lord Drummond at his houfe, to conclude of affairs. The day appointed for the meeting, my lord Lovat, with the faid com- miffloner, and the laird of Lochicl and other confidcrable chiefs, came to the caftle of Drummond, and met my lord Drummond and the laird of Abercairny, captain Murray's brother, the head of a good family, and very much refpeded in that country, and one of the loyakft men in the world. He reprcfented the low country, together with my lord Drummond. S T U A R T P A P 5 R S. 647 Drummond. 1 hey kept council together tliere for three days; and, 1704. after fcveral dilputts and confidcrations, it was relblved, that my lord J*""*'')'- Drummond and the other commiflloners fliould not go immediately to France; becaufe it was impoffiblc that they could be out of thj king- dom but the government mud know it; becaufe many fpoke already, that the Highlanders were to rife in arms for King James the Eighth; and thar, as foon as it v/as known that my lord Drummond was in France,^ his eftate would be forfeited, which would be hurtful to the King's intereft. But they determined to fend my lord Lovat immediately, becaufe he had no nore to lole, his eftate being pollcircd by his enemies, wlien he was the laft year in France, and becaule he had the happinefs to have friends, and to be known at the court of France; that he was. more capable to give account of affairs ; and that he was the only man that the Highlanders would trull to make conditions for them. My lord Lovat, that might have faved his eftate and family, by ftaying in the country, and feeing that if any accident did happen to him on the road, his family was extind, had much trouble of mind to refolve to make- the Journey : bur, feeing that his mailer's affairs mull have fuffered much, and that he muft have failed in his engagements in France, he refolved to return with their commifTion to give account of affairs, or to die by the road. Upon which, he was lent away, with his coufin, cap- tain Frafer, who was with him all the time, with letters to the Qiieen, the marquis de Torcy, and to the Nuncio, from my lord Drummond, the laird of Appin, as commiffioner from the reft of the chiefs, and from captain Murray. It was likewife refolved, that captain Murray fhould ftay for a little time, to go with my lord Drummond to a part of the low country, where he had not been before, to bring marks with Jiim of their refoUitions to rife in arms for their King ; and thar, as foon as he came back to^ his father's houfe, he (hould come immediately to France, with a fon of one of the chiefs of the clans, to confirm what my lord Lovat fhould fay in their name. At that time, my lord Drummond, with the laird of Appin, fhould' come to London, and there wait the King's orders, if it was neceffary that they fhould come to confirm what Lovat and captain Murray faid in nam.e of the kingdom. My lord Lovat, who fpent already much of his Q\\n money, borrowed four hundred pounds i'rom lord Drumnoond and the 648 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1704. the carl of Lcven, and took journey with his difpatchcs. The corn- January. niifTioner, who had ftill hopes to gain him to his party, fent him his pafT- port fome time before, to come into Edinburgh. He made ufe of it, on this occafion, and caiiie in and faw the commifTioner, and gave him very fair language •, fo that he gave him his pafTport to come to London, to receive what he had offered him, in' the name of the princefs of Den- mark. Though he neither trufted him nor his paflport, he was glad to have it, in cafe he met with fome of the troops on the road. Having ftaid fome days at Edinburgh, being tender, he rode, in the night-time, through Scotland and the north of England, till he came to Durham, where he {laid fome days with the King's friends, who confirmed what they had faid before he went to Scotland. He was forced to buy frefh horfes there to carry him to London, becaufe he durft not take coach or poft for fear to be known. In feven days after, he arrived fafe in London, where he found ex- treme difKculties in leaving England ; no man, woman, or child being fuffered to go to Holland, without Nottingham's pafs. He had no ways to procure it, but by Queenfberry, which obliged him to hazard to go and fee him privately. Queenfberry received him kindly. He toLi his Grace that, in honour, he muft go back to France : but, as foon as he gave account of his journey, he would return and accept of his eftate and the offers his Grace made him : that, therefore, he begged of his Grace to procure him Nottingham's pafs to go to Holland, fince there was no- body that could go without it. He anfwered, that he was very forry, that he was refulved to go back to France : that he could not have fuch an occafion of tftablifhing his family j and that he could not give him the fame offer, though he Ihould come again. However, he told him, that he nuifl go back, though he fhould never get either of them. The duke then told him, that he could not get him a pafs in his own name, becaufe he was declared a rebel : but that he would endeavour to get a pafs in an unknown name ; and that he would fend it to him the next day. My lord Lovat thanked him very kindly, and then took leave of him. Yet the duke regretted that my lord Lovat did not em- brace their party. My lord Lovat went, that very night, to Gravefend, being afraid to ftay any longer in London, all his enemies being there. He left orders with his landlord 7 S T U A R T P A P E R S. - ^49 landlord to follow him with the pafs, next day, which he did ; and, by 1704. that means he went fafely a fhipboard. In two days, with a favour- )»""»''?'• able wind, he arrived in Rotterdam, where he was forced to ftay fifteen days to wait his bills of exchange, which fhould come by the common packet-boat-, and though all that time he informed himfelf how he might get fafe into Flanders, yet he found it almoft impofTible to leave that country without the States pafs. He met Mr. Delaval there, and fent him and others to tiie Hague to offer money for a pafs •, but could not obtain it by any means. This flay, that he was obliged to make at Rotterdam, did give him occafion to do confiderable fervice to the King, by gaining feveral of the Scots officers of his friends and. relations, who were going to Scotland to make recruits. They fwore faithfully to him, that they would join the King's banner, whenever he iliould have any army in the country ; and Ibme of them promifed to let down their com- miffion and live at home to wait for that occafion. His bills having come, and having defpaired of a pafs, he ventured to go to the Bolh, a frontier town, where fome of his friends lay in gar- rifon ; hoping that they might afTift him in getting out of that country. He no fooner arrived there, but fome of his kinfmen that were there knew him, and above a hundred of them having come to his lodgings next morning, to tell him that they would follow him wherever he went, the report fpread through all the town, that he was come there to de- bofli the garrifon to the French. He, finding the great danger he was in by that report, refolved to leave the town that afternoon. He, accordingly, flipt out in the evening, and gave twenty piftoles to a guide, that furnifhed a horfe for himfelf, and two horfes for my lord Lovat and his brother, and engaged to conduft them fafe, that night, to Antwerp. My lord Lovat, leaving captain Frafer and his page behind, ventured with his brother and that guide to ride the fifteen leagues to Ant- werp all night, which he did, and mifled narrowly a Dutch party who were within piflol-fhot of him, on the Spanifli territories. But their noife having A much to embrace the King's intereft, that he is refolved to obey their Majellies orders, and to hazard his grey hairs in tlie field for his mafler» He likewife, after a vaft difficulty, perfuaded him to fee my lord D rum- niond and captain Murray, up^on the fame head» My lord Lovat likewife forgot to give an account, that in Scotland he gained feveral officers of his relations, that are in the flanding forces,, who promifcd faithfully to him, to come off and join the King's banner,- whenever he did appear in Scotland. Madam, This is the true fubflance of all the matter of faift of any confequence, that I can now remember that has happened in my journey and affairs, fince I received your Majefly's orders, as I mud anfwer in confcience, and on my allegiance to the. King my matter, and to your Majefty. Lovat.'* Original. " Lord Lovat t9 the Earl of MiJdkten.'* Kairne's «» t Papers, D.N. My Lord, Pans, 15th Januar)', 1704. No.l'j.^"'' " nPHE impatient defire I had to fee the King, my matter, and the Queen, has made my diftemper raurn violently upon me, by tha cold I have got by going to St. Germains. I have entreated my good I friend. S T U A R T P A P E R S. 651 ■friend, the Nuncio, to make iny excufe to the marquis de Torcy, that I 1704. cannot wait of him to give him his leuers this week. I believe your J*""^'/- lordfhip has lien the account of my journey by this time. I beg tliat your lordfliip may afk the Qiicen if flie is pleafcd with it ; and, fince I am to give almoll the fame account to the court of France, if there be any thing in it that the Queen or your lordfhip, as her Majefty's chief minifter, thinks prejudicial to the King my mafter's interell, I hope your lordfhip will acquamt me of it, that I may take the care I ought, to keep it out of the account I give the French court. I told my good friend, the Nuncio, of the favour I afked of your lordfhip. He laid it was mod reafonable, and that he would likewife an< i: of your lorddiip, and give his concun-ence to procure it. I ihanked him, and told him that your lordfhip thought it neetijefs to trouble him on that head. Therefore, I hope your lordfliip will be as good as your word, which will be a lading confirmation to me, that your lordfliip makes me happy in your frlendfliia; and I hope my aftions will con- vince your lordfliip, that I will always endeavour to deiervc it:, in fomc meafurc. The Nuncio goes, in ten days, to St. Germains, and will then ac- quaint your lordfliip how we may meet. Pardon tliis trouble, from. My Lord, Your Lordfliip's moft obedient, humble fervant, LOVAT.'* The Earl of Middleton^s Anjiutr, Naime'- My Lord, p.ipers, ^ T Received not, till 12 o'clock, the honour you was pleafcd to do n'o^V".^"' me ; nor could I receive, till after dinner, direftions concerning what your lordfliip was pleafed to write of, which are conform to my own fcntiments, which is to deal candidly and fincerely, and indeed it were Unfit to conceal any part or circumflance of one's cafe from aphyfician. I am very glad your good friend has a mind to appear in your fmall pretenfions -, and, fincc it requires not haflie, I fhall not move in it till he comes. Your man's impatience may cxcufe the fliortiiefs of this trouble, from, My Lord, Your lordfliip'i moft obedient, humble fervant, MlDDLETON." 40^ Bur No. I3 6st O R I G I N A L r A P E R S. 1704. But the next clay, Middleton applied to the marquis dc Torcy to get January. |q^j Lovat arrefted. Nalrne's Pa- 'The Earl of Middkton to the Marquis de Torcy. pers, vol. viii. 4to. Sends a tranjlation of lord Lovafs Memorialy uitb remarks, and prcpcfes tt crreji him. Tranflation. Paris, the i6ch Jan. 1704." *' T Have the honour to lend you the account which lord Lovat hai given to the Qiieen. The original is written with his own hand, and figned with his name •, and I venture to afiiire you, that the tranQi- tion is exaft, and even literal. I doubt not but you will be as much furprifed at it as we have been : for, although you know I never had a good opinion of him ; yet I did not believe him fool enough to accufe himfclf. The informations given againft him, by others, are out of the queftion ; and it is unnecefTary to fatigue you with an infinite number of remarks, becaufe every thing is explained in his own memorial. He has not, in fome places, been as careful as authors of romances, to preferve probability. For, befides the vanity which runs through the whole, as if he himfelf were the firft man in the world, he begins with a ftory at Durham, which is totally falfe. He acknowledges plainly a formal dif- obcdience : for he was abfolutely forbidden to treat with any, but the Highlanders ; and only with fuch among them as had fent him. He told me, that Queenfberry, Argyle, and Leven, were the greatefl: enemies of the King, my mafter, in that country •, yet he conMDunicated to them the whole of his commiflion, which is a crime that deferves hanging in every country. He rejech extraordinary offers ; but obtains a pals to go to London, and from thence the fame Qiieenfberry obtains another pafs for him, under a borrowed name, to fecQre his fafe retura to France. This is very true : for he Jias produced them. ,It is, thefefpre^ clear as d.iy-lighr, that thefe noblemen wanted to employ him here as a jpyj and for feizing letters .and commiffions, which might ^rve as proofs againft the men of honour in that country. You will be pleafed to ob- I'erve, Sir, that, in his own report, he makes every one alk cornminions, in order that he might obtain now what was refufcd to him laft year. He accufes none, but James Murray, who is a man of fuch known pro- bity, that my lord Arran called for him as a man in whom he could place S T U A R T P A P E R S. 653 place the greateft confidence : but forefeeing that Mr. Murray's account 1704. would not be favourable to him, he chole to be before hand with him. January. If the King thinks proper to apprehend him, it Ihould be done with- out noife. His name (hould not be mentioned any more •, and, at the fame time, all his papers (hould be feized. He has a companion called Frafer, who has attended him every wiiere. I know nothing more about him.'» ^be Earl of Mtddleton to the Marquis de fcrcy. Nalme's He fends him quefliotis to be put to lord Lovat. voLv^Hi. 410. Tranflation. Jan. iS, 1704. " T Have the honour to fend you quellions, which may be propofed to lord Lovat and to his companion Frafer, when they are apprehended, if you approve of them. He has brought here a young brother with him, who ought to be apprehended likewife, even though he fhould not be guilty, to prevent his making a noife." Ihe Earl of Middleton to the Nuncio. Ibid; Sends him lord Lovat' s account of his journey to Scotland., — and queftions to be put to him. Tranflation. January 20th, 1704^- *' T Could not fend your Eminence fooncr this report, becautc a tranfla- tion of it was not finilbcd till this day. I have the honour of com- municating to you likewife a copy of tiic quellions, which I have given to Monfieur de Torcy. If there; is any thing to be added, or any thing farther to be done, I entreat you to acquaint the queen ; and to. do me the juftice to be perfuaded, that there is no one who honours you more than, &c." Frafer, wI;o took to himfclf the tide of ioiU •Lo'/at, wrote a long let- Original. ter to the earl of Middleton, on the nineteenth of January. He was N;iirnei ■. Papers, afflifted, he faid, with the gravel, and the queen's fufpicions of his con- D.N. vol. li. dufl added to his diflempcr. " If it js perfonal virtues," laysilC, " that ' ^** .arc only elleemed, and not ferviccs •, if her Majefly, before (he believed .any thing of me, would be fo juft as to examine or inquire impartially a. inta ^5^ O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. .1704.. :into nry way of living ; if I may not be called devour, I am furc her M»- Jjnuary. jdty will find, that Inevervv'as given to any vice, and that what my e/iemies laid of me was a dcfigned and intercfted calumny." He then repeated his having been font to France with a commidkjn from the Highlanders, and his having rcjetted the offers of good ports in the go- vernment, and reftitiition of his whole eftate, in cafe he would abandon the ciufe, in which he was determined to perfevere to his death, thougt hcendangered ".the entire entinflion of his family, there being none to rcprefent it but his brother and himfelf, who were cxpofcd to the daily Jiazard of their lives." He was afraid, that the queen inclined to ma- ~ nage his enemies : " But," fays he, " I cannot underftand where the balance lies, betwixt the family of Atliol, a branch of the Murravs, who cannot bring fifty of its name to the King's fervice, and who were trai- •tors from their origin to this moment -f-, and the family of Lovat, whi^-h -has loft more men in defending the royal family of Stuart than there are Murrays in theicingdom of Scotland •, and which, I blcfs God, can at this time bring a thoufand Frafers, well armed, in four and twenty hours, to the King's fervice." To this, and a grear deal more in the fame ftrain, the earl of Middleton returned the following anfwer: NVirnc's Pa- Jhe Earl -of Middleton's Anfiver. pers, vol, » « T J viii 4to. My Lord, January 23d, 1704. .fcIo-«iJ- *i YOUR ambafTador's condud is impenetrable, which I fhall acquaint your lordfhip with, when I have the honour to fee you. In the -mean time, I think myfelf obliged to tell you, that I fhewed your let- ter to the Qiieen, as foon as flie had dined, which I had received but be- teen 10 and 11. Her Majefty was pleafed to teil me, that three da)s before, flie had fesn one of the fame date and to the fame purpofe, to •which /be had given her anfwer already. I faid that was enough, and withdrew. Thus, though an ufelefs tool, I would not fail in anfwering your letter, being refolved never to fail in paying your lordfhip that rc- Ipect which is due to you, from. My Lord, Your Lordfhip's moft obedient humble fervant, Middleton." t Vet he pretended to have brought a letter from the exiled Queen to that nobleman, wherein llie owned his paft loyalty and expefted his future fervice.-. The letter, however, was written to another, though ^xdStt gave it to Queenlberry, as intended for Athol. Lori STUART PAPERS. f.-c Lord LovtJt to the Earl of MjddUtoti. 1704. Pleads his fervices, and complains he is ill tifed. Original. Nairne's My Lord, Paris, January 25, 1704. Papers, D.N. ct. J Wa5 troubled, that I had nor any anfwer from your lordfhip by ma- kV. 52. " * ■*■ jor Frafer; and am now much more troubled to have milTed it, after your lordfhip was pleafcd to fend it. This makes me fend major Frafer cxprefs to carry me your lordfhip's orders. I am daily informed, that the Qiieen has but a fcurvy opinion of me, and that I ratiier did her Ma- jefly bad than good fervrce by my journey. My lord, I find by that, that my enemies have greater power with the Qiicen than I can have •, and, to pleafc them and eafe her Majefty, I am refolved to meddle na more with any affairs, till the King is of age. This is leaving the field, •with a fair viftory to my enemies. But I am fure the King's fervice will fuffer by it ; and perhaps my enemies will not reap the advantages they hope or expeft, by this viflory, which they have fo long wrought for; rhave written the inclofed to the Qiieen, as my candid vindication of what is pafled, and my reafons to meddle no more. I beg your lord(hip>- may obtain nrc the favour of the Queen as to read it, or to make your lordlhip read it to her Majefty. But, my lord, I mult own that I have doneyourlordlhip fuch fervices^, and that I have fuch fervices and folid profpeifts, both in my bread and view, of doing your lordlhip effe(5lual fervices, that I muil think myfelf at a vafl lofs, if I have not a real rtiare of your lordlhip's friendlhip. It is true, your lordfhip may think my friendfliip will be but of little life to you now. I own it, my lord ; but a conftant acftive friend, who has intereft in the country, which may do a man good or harm, is not to be loft. My lord, I truft your words and letters, and I rely entirely upoait, and the promifes the lady made me in your lordftiip's behalf, and I will behave myfelf accordingly, and I will let you fee, though 1 be Jans employe, that I will do your lordfliip fervices that you cannot nov/ think of i for I am entirely determined to continue, My Lord, Your Lordfhip's moft faitiiful humble Servant, LOVAT." 5-6 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. I ■'04.' Lord Lovat to the Earl of Middkton. In the fame ftrain. February. -n. • t^. i i Nairnc's My Lord, Pans, February 5th, 1 704. i)'^N"vo!'if " A ^ ^ ^^^^ ^'~ perfuaded, that your lordfhip has more honour and fol. No. 52. CTood fenfe than to offer to ruin the reputation of a man, who has fuffered a great deal for the King, and whofe family your lordlhip knows was always loyal, fo much that never a lord Lovat appeared againfl: the royal family, though 1 be the twenty- lecond, from father to fon. I am very much overjoyed, that your lordfhip's friends and mine confirm to me, that you continue ftill to be my good friend. I hope your lordfhip will find no diflacisfaftlon in your goodnefs for me ; for as you will find me on all occafions ready to ferve your lordlhip in parti- cular, fo you will find that I have been all my life a moft faithful fub- jeft to the King -, and that I had the reftoration of the royal family more before my eyes, than the good of my perfon or family. I hope to ftay in France till thofe of the beft rank and greatefl: fidelity in Scotland juf- tify me on this head, and till I confound my cakimniacors and have fatisfaftion of them ; and then I hope they will give leave to a man, that is fufpefted as a knave, to retire himfelf. But I do aflure your lordfiiip, that, whatever corner I am in, you may command me to any fervice lies in my power : for I will always remain, with a fincere refpeft, &c. Lovat." . Frafer was examined by the nuncio, upon the queries which had been fent to him, in the name of the Queen, by the earl of Middkton. The nuncio returned them, with Frafer's anfwers, to the court of St. Germains. The following remarks on thefe queries and anfwers, in Nairne's hand, were fent to the nuncio and the French miniftry. *' Remarks on Lord Laval's anfraers fent by the ^een to the Nuncio.'\ Ibid. Tranfiation, " QjJESTio.vs and Answers.** " Question I, T ORD Lovat was afked the names of the Catholics, whom he faw at Durham, and particularly of that Irilh lord, who engaged to raife five thoufand men, in his country, for the fervice of the King of England ?" *' Answer. S T U A R T P A P E R S. C57 " Answer. He anfwered, that he is ready to tell their names to the 1704. Queen : but that they cxaded from him, to a(k her Majefty's royal word, that fhe would not tell them to any one. With regard to the Irifh lord, that he did not fay that it was in his power to raife five thou- fand men : but that there were in Ireland five thoufand Catholics ready to take arms for their King, whenever they fhould be fent to them ; and that he was ready to go to Ireland to prepare them for that pur- pofe." Remarks. " With regard to his anfwer to the firft queftion, the minifters of the court of St. Germains remark, that, in an audience he had of the Queen, and in feveral letters which he wrote to her, he made no mention of this fecrecy about names, which he now pretends to have been required of him ; and that it is abfolutely incredible that all the Roman Catholic gentlemen of a county, in which they are obliged to obfcrve fo many precautions, (hould venture to aflemble, and to fend four deputies to lord Lovat, when they were not acquainted with him but as a pafienger, and could not know but from himfelf whether he was a Roman Catholic or not J and that they fliould be fo inexcufably imprudent, as to truft themfelves fo publickly to the difcretion of a man who was an abfolute ftranger to them -, while, at the fame time, they were fo abfurdly cau- tious, as to diftruft the queen's council, and to exaft from her Majefly on her royal word, that flie fliould not tell their names to any one. With regard to die Irifli lord, the quedion is not whether it was actu- ally in his power to raife five thoufand men ; but whether lord Lovat faid, in his narrative, that he had engaged to raife them. Now here are the very words of his own narrative, with which he may be confronted at any time. He pofitivcly affirmed, " that this Irifli lord," whofe name we are not allowed to know, " had charged him to tell to the Qiieen of England, and to the court of France, that if arms were ftnt to Ireland, he would engage his life and his fortune, that he would find there five thoufand men who would take arms for the fervice of his Britannic Ma- jefl:y." They leave the French miniilry and the nuncio to judge, if a man does not fay, " that he engages himfelf," when he fays, " that he engages his life and fortune." Vol. I. 4 P " QuES*. £g9 O R 1 G I N A L P A P E R S. 1704. •' QiTESTioN II. He was afked, if he believed that .the earls of A rgyle and Leven, and the duke of Qiieenfberry, were well or ill-affcdcd to his Britannic Majcfty ?" " Answer. He anfwered, that thefe noblemen, of whom one is dead, were, are, and will be, for or againfl: the King of England, as they find their intereft in it." Remarks. " This anfwer is vague and delufive. Lord Lovat dared not own plainly (what, however, is very true) that thefe noblemen are very ill- afFedled to his Britannic Majefty, becaufe that he would fubfcribe thereby to his own condemnation, for having had fuch an intimate correfpond- ence with them without orders •, and, on the other hand, he dared not lay that they were well affeded, becaufe he would be contradifted, by what is publickly known, and would likewife contradi(5t himfelf : for he owned to the Queen, that thefe noblemen were enemies to the King her fon, which is very different from his ambiguous anfwer to the quef- tion that was put to him. Now thefe ambiguities and contradidions are not incident to thofe who adhere to truth." " Question III. He was aflced whether he communicated to thefe three lords what he fhould have carefully concealed." " Answer. He anfwered, that he told them nothing which he fhould have concealed from them : but that, on the contrary, all that he told them tended to conceal his real defign ; having faid nothing to them, but what had been firft concerted with the principal friends of the King, his mafter, as he hath moll fully explained already." Remarks. " The miniftry of the court of St. Germains obferve, that the reverfe of this appears evident from Lovat's own narrative. Lord Leven came to him from the duke of Queenlberry, before he could have concerted that meeting with the King's friends. They had only his own word to oppofe to all the prefumptions againlt him, that he did not accept of the offers, which were made to him. He was fenc to the Highlanders, and fhould have treated with them only ; whereas, his firlt conferences in Scotland were with his Majefty's greateft enemies. They then quote his own words to the earls of Leven and Argyle, and to the duke of Queenf- berry, as exprefled in his memorial to the Queen. They make many pertinent STUART PAPERS. 659 pertinent remarks upon them-, and conclude with obferving, that " fuch 1704. dil'courfes fhould naturally have induced the duke of Queeiifberry to ar- reft him, inftead of allowing him to go away, if he had liad no better aOurances from him; yet the contrary happens: for, notfatisfied with leav- ing him at liberty to go away, he aflifts him to leave the kingdom, whicli gives room to conclude, that, according to all appearances, lord Lovat dif- covered and promifed to thefe noblemen more than he acknowledges here, otherwile they never would have prefumed to encourage him fo far, or in- clined to furnilh him with money and paiTports to facilitate his return to France." *' Question IV. He was afked, what fervices thefe lords required of him to deferve rewards fo confiderable, as thofe which were offered to him ?" " Answer. That they made thefe offers to him, without exacting any other conditions from him, to fecure themfclves from the juft apprehen- fions, with which James Murray had filled them, that he, Lovat, would put himfelf at the head of the Highlanders, with the other chiefs, his relations and friends, and carry all the reft of Scotland along with them.'' Remarks. •' The miniftry remark, that thefe lords knew Lovat too well to fear him ; and that their characlers are too well known to be fufpecled of having made fuch offers to him, without exafting any return. They confute what is laid to the charge of James Murray, from his known chara(f\er of prudence, honour, and loyalty. James Murray was then at St. Germains, and protefted to the Queen, not only that he did not fpeak to thefe three noblemen while he was in Scotland, but that he never filled them nor any other with a fear of lord Lovat ; and that he was af- fured, by a man who knew the ftatc of the country and deferved to be credited, that Lovat was fo far from having the power which he pre- tended in the Highlands, that he could not now raife fifty men of his owr» clan." " Question V. He was afked, fince he had rejedled their offers, by declaring his inviolable attachment to their enemies, by what motive was be able to engage them to protect him ; and to furnifh him money and paffports to fecure his return to France ?" " Answer, He anfwcred, by motives of the old fricndlliips, which they had always for him, to fuch a degree as to furnilh him with a retreat 4 P 2 and 660 O R I G I N A L P A'P E R S. 1704. and fiibfiflence for fix or fevcn years, when lie was profcribcd for having taken arms for the fervice of the late King-, and becaufc they, as well as lie, are the enemies of the earl of Athol." Remarks. " The miniftry make many remarks on the improbability of fiippofing that theie noblemen, whom Lovat himfelf reprefcnts in his memorial as very felfifli, could be carried to luch lengths by their friendlliip for him. They were at the head of the government in Scotland, when ]ie was con- demned for an atrocious crime, as he pretends. They did not proteft him then, as they had not probably the fame motives of friendHiip to him they have now. Lovat did not take up arms for the late King of England, unlefs, by the late King of England, he meant the late prince of Orange, who made him a captain in lord Athol's regiment. " QiTESTiON VI. He was alked, if he defigned to remain here or to return ?" " Answer. He anfwered, that he came back to offer, in the name of the principal men in Scotland, both in the Highlands and in the low- country, to take the field with an army for the fervice of his King, and to return to expofc his life with them for his re-eftablifliment." Remarks. The miniftry remark, that he brouglit no proofs of his having been employed to make thefe offers, but letters of recommendation in very general terms, from lord Drummond, a Highland gentleman, and captain John Murray, dated in the month of October, that is to fay, two months before the difcovery of the confpiracy. " But to anfwer more p.-operly to the queflion," they obferve, " he fhould have faid, that his dcfign was to remain here, until he obtained the fiiccours necefTary for his en- terprife : for if he had no need of fuccours, why did he return ? He fnould have remained in the country and carried on his projedls, Gnce he could diipofe of Scotland himiclf, and of Ireland, by means of his powerful friend at Durham. He did wrong, to delay the plealure which we fhould have received from this." " Question VII. He was afked, why he difobeyed the orders which be had, not to fpeak but to the Highlanders who had fent him r" z " An- STUARTPAPERS. 66i " Answer. He anfwered, that he did not Tpeak. at firft of his red 170^ defign, but to thofe who had lent him : but that, as they had drawn over I'everal of the principal noblemen of the low country to the King ot England's party, and as, among thefe noblemen, there arc feme who have lands in the HighLint's, he could not and he ought not to have avoided to confer with them, conjointly with his old friends and the fcr- vants of the King their mafter, by whofe advice he conducled himfelf in all he did." Remarks. " It is but too evident, though in a very different fenfe from that in which lord Lovat would chufe that we fliould underftand him, that he did not fpeak of his real defign, but to his old friends, who had fent him. But to hear him fpeak of his old friends, would not one be apt to fay that he was fifty years of age -, yet he acknowledges himfelf that he has been at college after the revolution ; therefore, his ancient triend- fliips, of which he boafls lb much, did not commence but after the re- bellion, and with men who were then declared rebels ; and it is not diffi- cult to guefs, by what means he has deferved their efteem. It is always a very great prejudice againfl: a man, that he acknowledges for his bed friends the greateft enemies of the King his mafter ; and to allege that friendfhip, in his juftification, is a pitiful defence." They make fevc- ral other remarks, on his difobeying his orders, not to confer with any but the Highlanders. " Question- VIII. He was afked the names of the Highlanders with whom he treated r" " Answer. He anfwered, that he had no power from them to tell them, but to the Qiieen upon her royal word, not to name them to her council; becaufe they had experienced how little thefe regard fecrecy, and how much they themfelves have fuffered thereby." Remarks. The miniftry deny this charge, wliich Lovat had more than once re- peated againft them ; and they conclude with remarking, " That it is a proof of his impudence, rather than of his innocence, if he prefumes to remain longer in France, He flatters himfelf, that he will obtain here all he wants. He knows, that if he returns empty handed, he wiil not be 662 ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1704.' be well received by his old friends: for he is convinced, that their pro- February, rniies were conditional, and that he will have no right, on his return, to demand the performance of them, unlefs he brings with him money, commilTions, and all the other proofs which they expect from him, to render their new plot credible, and to put them in a condition to revenge themfelves of their private enemies, by facrificing all the friends of his Britannic Majefty. In fliort, it is certain, that this plot hath already been a rcafon for feizing feveral good fubjefts in England and in Scot- land v and there is great reafon to believe that the confequence would have been more fatal, if the earl of Athol had not haftened the difco- very of it, contrary to the intention of the duke of Queenfberry, who, according to all appearances, defigned to wait for lord Lovat's return." "What Middleton fufpefted, concerning Frafcr's infincerity, was am- ply confirmed, by captain Murray's account of his journey to Scotland. ^iai.'ne's 7"^f £arl of Middle ton to the Marquis de Torcy. Papers, Ito'. No", I -. ^e^i^^ '^"W ^ tranjlation of Captain James Murray's account of his journey to Scotland. — The ^leen had fent Murray at the defire of Lord Arran. Tranflation. SIR, February 22, 1704. *' T Did not choofe to delay a moment to fend you Mr. James Murray's papers, as foon as a tranflation of them could be finifhed ■, and, to avoid confufion, the fubjedl has been fcparated. If you are defirous to fee him, he will not fail to wait upon you, at the time you will be plealed to appoint him. I take the liberty to recall to your remembrance, that, although the Queen has a very good opinion of this gentleman, Ihe did not choofe hirr\, but my lord Arran demanded him. With regard to the contents of his papers, the Queen will fpeak to you about them, the firll opportunity that offers." Nairne's Pa- " Captain fames Murray's papers^ concerning Lord Lovat, tPc" mentioned pers, p. N. -^ ^i^g preceding, " and given to the Siueen i^th February 1704." ■ ^ ' Thefe papers are in Nairne's hand. The firft of them is marked on the back ;. I. " A copy STUART PAPERS. 663 1. " /f copy of what the fieur James Murray has declared to the ^een 1704. */ England concerning lord Lovat^ fent to the marquis de Torcyy the zzd ''«''"^- February, 1704." Trandation. " The Sieur James Murray, lately arrived from Scotland, has declared to the Qiieen, and given under his hand and feal the following particulars concerning the Sieur Beaufort, commonly called lord Lovat." *' T Remember, that foon after the arrival of Beaufort * in Scot- land, the late earl of Argyle went towards the borders of England, under pretence of going to a country-houfe which he has near Newcaftle. But I am afluredly informed, by men who deferve to be credited, that he did not go fo far, and that he was only at fome place in that neighbour- hood, where Beaufort waited for him, and where they ftaid too-ether fome days. The parliament being then prorogued for eight days, on account of a meeting which the deputies of the boroughs were to hold at Glaf- gow, that they returned together to Edinburgh, where Beaufort was in- troduced to the duke of Queenfberry ; and that his Grace gave him a pafs to the Highlands, to treat with the chieftains abous their taking arms. In faft, fome of thofe with whom Beaufort treated, were dif- covered ; and, before I left Scotland, there was an order to apprehend lord Drummond and Appin, and feveral others were fummoned to ap- pear before the council. It is well known in Scotland, that the duke of Qiieenfberry gave to Mr. M'Leod, a lieutenant of the Scotch guards of the princefs of Den- mark, bills upon the bank of Scotland for 400/. flerling: that thefe bills were carried to the bank ; and that Mr. M'Leod received a hundred guineas from one of the tellers, and two hundred from another ; and that he declared to the council, and figned his declaration, that he crave that fum and the reft of the bills to Beaufort, by order of the duke of Qiieenfberry. The faid Mr. M'Leod declared alfo, that Beaufort had told him, that Mr. James Murray was fent from St. Germains to treat with the duke of Hamilton and his party, which is commonly called in Scotland the country party ; and that he was to return to St. Germains foon •, and that the Queen of England had fent three letters to Scotland, • Lovat. 664- O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1704." ' by Mr. Jo. Murray, who came from France along with him ; one to the February. Juke of Gordon, another to the coiintefs of lirrol, and a third to a perfon whofe name M'Leod fays Beaufort had told him, but which he has forgot. All thefe declarations of M'Leod's are rcgiftered in the records of the Scotch council. It is certain, for I have been informed of it by good authority, that the earls of Argyle and Leven faid, that Beaufort told them, that be- fore he could engage the court of St. Germains to enter into his pro- jefts, he was obliged to make himfelf a Roman Catholic ; after which they liftened to all his propofals, by the means of the duke of Perth and father Saunders. I am afllired likewife, that Beaufort told in Scotland, that there was one of the name of M'Kenzie in France, who difconcerted all his fchemes ; and, before he could fucceed in what he propofed at Verfailles and Sr. Germains, he was obliged to contrive to have him put into the Baftile. Men who deferve to be credited, who were upon the fpot, and who had an intereft to know every thing, wrote from London to a nobleman of the firft rank in Scotland, when I was there, that the duke of Qiicenf- berry, in an audience which he had of the princefs of Denmark, had ac- knowledged, in the prefence of the earl of Athol, that he had given a pafs to Beaufort to go to the Highlands of Scotland to treat with the chieftains ; and that he had the permiffion of the princefs of Denmark to do fo, which fhe acknowledged ; and that his Grace had faid alfo, that he had procured a pafs for Beaufort to leave England ; and that he did fo to give him an opportunity of rendering them greater fervices. It is certain that there was a letter from Beaufort to the duke of Qiieenfberry intercepted by lord Athol, in which Beaufort acknowledged all the duke's favours, and promifed to continue to ferve him. Mr. Campbel of Glenderuel, when he was examined, declared, that he gave another letter from Beaufort to the duke of Qiieenfberry ; and, upon the duke's denying to have received that letter, Campbel, whoper- fifted to maintain that he had given it, added, that he could ftill fhow the letter which Beaufort wrote to him, and in which the duke's letter was inclofed. But, as the duke was not willing to produce that letter, the contents of it could not be known. I had STUARTPAPERS. 665 I had an opportunity of converfing about Beaufort with one Adam- 1704. fon, known to be a very honeft man, who has fuffered much for his F^^l^fuafy* loyalty, and who is now receiver and manager of the eftate of Lovat for the lady, who is the heirefs and eldefl: daughter of the late lord Lovat. This man, who is pcrfcftly acquainted with that country, af- fured me, that Beaufort had now fo little influence there, that, excepting forty or fifty adventurers, men like himfelf, ready for any undertaking, becaufe they had little or nothing to lofe, he would not find one High- lander, even of his own clan, who would willingly follow hiin. In fine, the moft confiderable of the friends of the King my mafter, in the low country of Scotland, with whom I had the honour of con- verfing, and whofe fentiments I had an opportunity of knowing, confider Beaufort to be a man fo wicked, fo dangerous, and fo notorioufly to be fufpected, that they will be much allonifhed, if he is not punifhed in France, where they cannot apprehend how he has ventured to return, after the manner in which he condufled himfelf in Scotland ; and, in Ihort, they are perfuaded, that when his real charafter, his condudl, and his little influence in Scotland, where he is outlawed for detefliable crimes, are a little known at St. Germains, they will take care not to fend back fuch an emifl"ary as will ruin the afi^airs of his Britannic Majefty in that country, by difobliging his firmefl: friends, and thofe whom it is mofl: his in- tereft to manage, and who certainly will never choofe to expofe themfelves to treat about any aftair with the courc of St. Germains, while they fuf- peft that that court can place any confidence in Beaufort, whom they confider as a man capable of betraying and ruining them. St. Germains, 2 2d of February, 1704. I have read this tranflation, and I certify, that it is exaft, and con. formed to the original, which I gave, written in my hand in Englifli, to the Queen of England, to whom I have named my authors, for all I have faid about Beaufort, who takes here the title of lord Lovat, which nobody gives him in England or in Scotland. James Murray. Vol. I. 4Q. 2. " J copy eee original papers. 1704. 2. " -^ copy of what the Sieur James Murray has f aid to the ^een, in the February. fj^„,g gf jg^r^i Jrran and other Scotch noblemen. Cent to the marquis de Nairnc s Pa- -^ ^ J 1 pcrs,vol.viii. ^orcy^ the 2zd February^ •704'" " The Sieur James Murray who is come back from Scotland, where he had been fent back with inftruflions to the earl of Arran and fevcral other noblemen, and others of his Majefty's 'faithful fubjefts in that country, has given the Qiieen, in their name, the following narrative." TranQation. *' T^HE earl of Arran, at tlie expence of great attentions, a good deal of intrigue and application, and large fums of money, which he laid out during the fitting of the laft parliament of Scotland, managed matters fo properly, as to gain among them a party ftrong enough for difconcerting the principal defigns of the court, efpecially with regard to the three chief articles, which I was charged, by my inftrudlions, to recom- mend to him ; namely, to hinder the parliament from confenting to the union of the two kingdoms, the abjuration of his Britannic Majelly, and the fettlement of the fucceffion in the line of Hannover. It was by thefe means, that the power which had been given to the commifTioners to treat about the union was declared to be expired -, that the Hannoveriaa fuccefiion was rejefled ; and that the bill for the abjuration was not even propofed in parliament. Befides, his party voted unanimoufly for all the claufes in the a(fl for the lecurity of the kingdom, which was confidered as a pofitive exclufion of the duke of Hannover ; and, when the whole a<5b came to be con- fidered for the lart time, his party was fo powerful, that the act was pafied by a great majority of voices ; and, becaufe the princefs of Den- mark refufed afterwards to give her confent to it, the fame party hin- dered the reading of the bill for the fubfidy, and, thereby, obliged the commiflioner to prorogue the parliament before any fubfidy was granted. The earl of Arran employed all imaginable means to oblige fome of the princefs of Denmark's miniftcrs, namely, the lords Athol and Tarbar, and the chancellor Seafield, to enter into his meafures, with regard to the three articles above mentioned j and he prevailed with them fo far, that they refolved to repreknt to the princefs of Denmark, that they could never ferve her effedually in Scotland, unlefs fbe concurred wiih 5 them STUARTPAPERS. e^S'j them in yielding thefe three points. If thefc noblemen pcrfift in their 1704. refolution, and it the princefs conftnts to what they fhall demand of her, "■ '^"^'"^* it is not doubted but fhe may be prevailed upon, in time, to make fome treaty in favour of the King her brother. If Ihe does not confent, but, on the contrary, perfifts in the dcfign of carrying thefe three points in the enfuing parliament, then there is room to believe, that Ibe will meet with fo much oppofition, and the divifions and animofities will be fo great, that it will not be difficult to engage the parties, which they call the country party, to make fome declaration, or undertake fome enter- prize in favour of his Britannic Majefty. But, before they come to the laft refolution of this kind, the earl of Arran demands to be made acquainted with the friends his Britannic Majefty has in England, upon whom he can depend, in order that he may concert with them, and that they may condefcend together, upon the fuccours that will be neceflary for them. He has given me in charge to tell, that the parliament of Scotland will meet again in the month of April next, or in the month of May at fartheft ; and that, if the princefs of Denmark defigns, as it is be- lieved (he does, to engage the Scots in the fame meafures with England, with regard to the fuccelTion, the abjuration, and the union, fhe will certainly fend money to be diftributed among the members of parlia- ment. Now, in order to counterbalance this, he defires, that 25,000 /. be fent to him. The manner in which he propofes to difpofe of this money is, to take A fhare of it to himfelf, to aflift him to defray the great expence which he will be obliged to make for maintaining his credit with his party ; to difbribute another fhare of it in augmenting and ftrengthening his party, and in preferring and confirming thofe who are already of it, according as he (hall fee necefTary for the fervice of his Majefty j and to employ the reft in purchafing arms. With regard to the manner of placing this money in London, he leaves that to the difcretion of his Britannic Majefty, as well as the choice of the perfon to whom his Majefty may fee fit to truft it. But it is his opinion, that the truftee fliould be rather a man who is unknown, than a man who is known; and, when the money is placed, and the perfon who is to keep it condcfcended upon, 4 Q. 2 lord 668 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1704. lord Arran dcfires to have notice of this, and to be made acquainted February. ^jj(^ j^jj j.j,rjj name and his addrefs, in order that he may write to him, and he will write only two words to him, with which two words he hath trufted me, and told me that the Qiieen of England knows them -, and, upon fliowing thefe, he wiflies that perfon may be authorized to pay the money. My lord Arran propofes likewife, that, during the meeting of par- liament in Scotland, endeavours fhould be made to have fome troops and fome (hips in readinefs on the coaft of France, in order to be at hand in cafe they come to a rupture. I had orders likewife to reprefent to his Britannic Majefty, that it is the opinion of lord Arran, that all the cnterprizes which do not fucceed, tend to ruin the affairs of his Ma- jefty, and to deftroy his friends ; and, for that reafon, that nothing fhould ever be undertaken, but upon good foundation, and after mat- ters were properly concerted, and all the neceffary meafures taken for procuring fuccefs. And this is not the opinion of my lord Arran alone, but alfo of all the King's principal friends in Scotland, with whom I have fpoken, and whofe names I have given to the Qiieen ; the archbifhop of , the bifliop of Edinburgh, the lords Panmure, Stormont, Balmerino, and Montrofe. They all fpoke to me, nearly in the fame manner, on this fubjedt i that is to fay, that an enterprize, fupported by powerful fuc- cours from France, and well concerted with the friends of his Britannic Majefty in England, as well as in Scotland, would find the country greatly difpofed to fecond it : but that a precipitate and rafti attempt, inftead of fucceeding, would ferve only to ruin every thing. And it is for this reafon, that the earl of Arran infifts much, that a correfpondence may be fettled between his Britannic Majefty's friends in the two kingdoms, in order that they may the better judge what fuc- cours will be neceflary for them ; and he offers to treat of the affairs of the King, his mafter, with any of his Majefty's friends in England, pro- viding they can be prevailed upon to be the firft to fpeak about them to him ; but, until he knows what he may hope from England, he fays, that he cannot precifely determine what fuccours will be necefl^irj^j becaufe a greater or a fmaller number will be neceflary, in proportion to the number and quality of the people in England who will join him." I have STUARTPAPERS. 669 St. Germains, 2 2d Februarjr, 1604. ^7°4' I have read this tranflation, and I certify, that it is conform to the ' ''"*^^' original which I have given, written in my hand in Englifli, to the Queen of England. (Signed) James Murray. 7'be Earl of Middleton to the Marquis de Torcy, y. . Hf fends copies of letters; one from Lord Drummond to his father the Duke ^''"^"^** of Perthy another from lord Jykfhury to Father Saunders. vol. viii. 4to. No. i;. Tranflation. SIR, March 6th, 1704. ." T AST night, the Queen gave me the two letters which I have the honour to fend you now. The firft is an original letter from my lord Drummond, addrefTed to his father the duke of Perth, under the name of Cupignie. I believe that thofe four words will be fufficient to explain it. Traffick fignifies projed: ; fasftor, my lord Lovat ; wine, fuc- cours ; fupercargo, Jo, Murray. The other is the tranQation of a letter, written to the confelTor of the King my mafter, by my lord Aylefbury, whofe charadler is too well known to doubt of his fincerity and difmtereftednefs." " Extras of a letter from my lord Aylefbury to Father Saunders^ the King's NaJme'sPa- Confeffor." pers, D. N. vol. ii. fol, l!he Scotch plot. — Lovat is a fpy employed, by the Duke cf ^lueenfberry. No, 52, Revd. Father, Liege, the 25th Feb, 1704, *' T Have had the honour to write to you on the 2.,th of laft month, and likewife on the 13th inftant ; and, although I have not had the happinefs of hearing from you, or from my lord Middleton, I cannot iielp writing to you again, to afTure both you and him of my refpeftsi and, at the fame time, to inform you of the intelligence fent to me, concerning the late Scotch plot, I am informed, that Frafer of Beau- fort, alias Lovat, has been at St. Germains ; that he has been well re- ceived by fome perfons there-, and that he has been afterwards at Vcr- failles, where he fays that he has received money, with a promifc of re- ceiving more, together with troopr, when it is neccffary. Now, it is certain. 670 O R I G 1 N A L P A P E R S. 1704. certain, that he has been fent by the duke of Qiiccnfberry, and that March. ^j^^ expencc of his journey is defrayed by his Grace, in order to form a pretended confpiracy againft the prefent government of Scotland, and to involve in it the dukes of Hamilton and Athol, and lord Tarbat, fc- cretary of ftate : but his principal defign was to ruin the two firft of thefe noblemen, and, above all, the duke of Athol, who is the mortal enemy both of the duke of Q^ieenfberry and of Beaufort, becaufe the latter had ravifhed his fifter in the moft infamous manner. Thofe who wifli no good to the court of St. Germains, rejoice at this; and they have reafon : for nothing does greater prejudice to the fcrvice of his Britannic Majefty, than the reception given to fuch villains, who have neither credit nor power. Believe me, there are none but villains and beggars, and men capable of rapes, who would come with fuch ill- founded projeds ; and fuch men ought to be confidered as fpies, and be confined in mad-houfes if they are fools, and in the Ballile if they have their fenfes. I gave the charafler of this Lovat, long ago, to madam Fox ; and I likewile gave notice of feveral other emiflaries of the fame character Avith this man, who formerly deceived the court of St. Germains. But they did not choofe to believe me, until it was too late. I acknowledge I am too warm when I fpeak about Lovat ; becaufe I know that nothing can be more prejudicial to the intereft of the King our mafter, than to give him credit; being very certain, that he has been fent to France, by the duke of Quecnfberry, in order to ruin his enemies in Scotland, and to drefs up a plot which might render his Grace agreeable to both kingdoms, and give him a triumph over his enemies." N April. *' The Earl of Middleton to the Marquis de Torr)\* iNairnc's papers. He fends him further information^ and gives the cbaraSer of Lord Granard. vol. viii. 4to. No. 15. Tranflation. SIR, 14th April, 1704. " T AST night, the Qiieen of England received a letter from the duke of Berwick, with a fhort memorial from an Irifh monk, of which I have the honour to fend you a tranQation, by her Majelly's order. As all the information rells upon i.ie credit of my lord Granard, it is nece0ary STUARTPAPERS. 671 aeceflary to tell you, that, fince our misfortunes, he has diftinguilhed 1 704. himfelf by his fidelity, under the name of lord Forbes, as he was called ' P"'" in his father's life-time-, that he has exhibited, on all occafions, a ve- racity and firmnefs which cannot be fufficiently commended ; and that he has refifted the perfecution, not only of the public, but alfo of his own family, without being daggered by imprifonments or poverty. •* ExtraB of a Utter [rem the Duke of Berwick to the Slueen, mentioned tn ^'i'^ne s ; J- 7 1 ,^-jj7 >, Papers, D.N. the preceding letter by Middieton. vol. ii. fol. He ccmminicates the information be received from Father Farrel, and fro- ■pofes to arrejl Lord Lovat. Trandation. " Alcantara, April 3d, 1704, * A N Iridi monk, of the name of Farrel, who efcaped from prifon in England, where he had been confined for eight months, took his pafiTage on board a Dutch vefiel to Portugal, where he arrived at the fame time with the archduke. From Lifbon he came, with the French am- baflador, to Spain, where he waited of meto bring me the inclofcd mellage. I am acquainted with father Farrel. Fie is a man of good fenfe, and has been much employed by the King's friends in England. Your Majefty will fee here a new confirmation of Lovat's knavery ; and, I believe, it is abfolutely neceflary, that your Majefty fend a French tranflation of this paper to the marquis dc Torcy. The affair is of great confequence, and your Majefty may depend that the Kind's affairs are ruined, unlei's lord Lovat is apprehended." No. 5 2, " Father Farrel to the duke of Berwick." Ibid. /f meffage from Lord Cranard, in tie name of the Duke of Hamilton. Tranflation.- " T ORD Granard charged me, in the name of the duke of Hamilton and of his party, to inform you, that one Frafcr, commonly called lord Lovat, has been fcnt to France, by the duke of Qiietnlben y, to a(St there as his fpy j and that they wiib he may be apprehended, if he is ftill in France: for it is well known, that, before he left Londorr, he called upon a Mr. Clark, who is an apothecary in London, ojid is a very 6;* O R I G I N A L r A P E R S. 1704." very honeft man, to whom he told that he was lord Lovat, and that he ^' was juft arrived from St. Germains, with a commifTion from the King to the duke of Hamilton •, that he was afraid to carry it about him ; and that he intreated him, for that reafon, to keep it in his houfe till next day. But, that very night, he fent the conftables to Clark's, who fearched his houfe, and found in a filvcr box, the packet, with a forged com- mifTion, figned J. R. ; upon which, Clark was fent to the prifon of New- gate i and, I am afraid, he is executed by this time. (Signed) Father Lawrence Farrel. Lord Caryll's ExtraEls of Letters from Lord Caryll. Letters, vol.v. fol. Scotch « yx^HEN Armfworth [Marlborough] and Berry meet, I (hould be Aprfl^iz, v^*"/ ^^^ ^o hear from you, if you can find it out, how the en- tertainment palled between them. But if Armfworth [Marlborough], after all, fhould decline meeting with him, I (hould not much wonder at it. If all be true and fincere, which he lately faid to our Welfh friend, I Ihould not defpair of his joining in trade with us." April 26. *' YOU tell me that you have lately had fair promifes from the mer- chant Armfworth [Marlborough], who is chiefly concerned in the payment of the old debt [reftoration of the family of Stuart], that it will be good without going to law [without a war]. Mr. Armfworth [Marlborough] hath made many promifes of that nature, but hath ftill pretended inability when prelTed to make them good. I hope, at this pre- fent, he may find himfclf more able, and no lefs willing, to perform, at leaft in fome reafonable time, his engagements, and difpofe matters lb as that Hanmer's [Hannover's] affair may be no obftruftion to it. Naune's The Ear I of Middle ten to the Marquis de Torcy. Papers, vol. viii. About fending ajhip and the pilot Caron to Scotland. 4to. No. 1 7. Trapdation. ^ ' ^' April 28, 1704. " J Could not have anfwered fooner the letter which you did me the honour to write me, concerning the little vefiTcl defigned for Scot- land ; becaufe I have but juft now learned the name of the man who muft neceflarily be employed. He is a native of Scotland, and pilot 4 of '73 STUART PAPERS. of che King's frigate called the Ludlow, an Englifli prize, now at Dun- 1704. kirk. He knows the place where he ought to land, which is called the ^P'*'" caftle of Bownes, the rcfidence of the earl of Errol, in the county of Buchan. It will be fufficient, if this velfel can be ready on the loth of the next month, with orders to fail as foon as they receive their dif- patches, and to return immediately after they arive at the place of their deftination. To keep this fcout, it is necelfary to give him his orders fealed, with a prohibition to open them till he is at lea, or to carry any one along with him, who does not belong to the fhip. The Scotch pilot, of whom I I'peak, is called Caron, a name which would frighten a fcholar ; but failors do not ftudy the belles lettres." The Earl of Middleton to the Marquis de Torcy. ^, .^^y* ■^ ■' -^ Nairne's The fame fubjeSl continued. Papers, vol. Vlll. Tranflation. -ito- ^io• '7' SIR, May 5th, 1704. ** 'TPHE Queen has commanded me to tell you, in anfwer to monfieur de Pontchartrain's queftion, that there will be nobody at the place where the little brig mufl land, becaufe flie is not expeifted ; and there would be a danger in her remaining on the coaft, for fear of giving alarm : and as the place is diftant from Edinburgh, an anfwer cannot be expedted for a long time. Therefore, if the veflel will go back, a month after its return, to Dunkirk, with an order to receive on board a man, if he prefents himfelf, that will be foon enough." A Memorial on the fame fuhjeSl. Ibid, Tranflation. St. Germains, 6th May, 1704. *•' HP HE man called Caron, who is to go over in the brig, will only land and deliver the packet, with which he is charged, in a houfe which is near the fhore, and return immediately on board, with- out waiting for an anfwer. Therefore, it is only iiecefTary for the brig to remain a few hours on the coaft, to take this man on board again, and bring him back to Dunkirk. But, in order to have an anfwer to the packet, it will be fufficient to return to the fame place in a month thereafter, as my lord Middleton has had the honour to obfcrve, in his letter yefterday to Vol. I. 4 R ll»^' 674 O R I G 1 N A L P A P E R S. 1704. the tfiarqiiis de Torcy, to whom he takes the liberty to explain himfclf ^^''^" a^ain, by this memorial, fearing not to have done fo fufficitntly by his letter ; becaiife, as he always believed that this Caron, who is a pilot, was of the fliip's crew, he might imagine it was demanded, not that tiie fhip fliould ftay to take this man again on board, but another man who was to bring an anfwer to the packet." Lord Caryll's ExtraEls from Lord CaryWs letters continued. Letters, vol. V. fol. u XT'OUR laft gives fair hopes that Mr. Armfworth [Marlborough], lege. who is the principal perfon concerned, Iiath renewed his pro- ^3y 12. mifes of payment, [of rcftorir.g the Stiiartsj in fo convincing a manner to you, that you cannot doubt of his performance. I rely much upon your judgment in this matter, and fhall always hope the beft ; though, to tell you truly, I cannot well fee how his promifes can be much ftronger or more binding now, than they were many years ago, when they proved ineffedoal, and feemed in a manner forgotten. All I can fay is, that I have no other reafon to be fatisfied of the reality of his intentions, but what you give me in your laft letters, wherein you fay, that at your firft confer- ence with him you was convinced of his upright meaning. If you receive the fame fatisfaftion when you meet with his partner Goulfton [Godol- phin], it will give a more promifing face to this bufinefs ; for that part- ner is not fo free of his promifes as Armfworth [Marlborough] has been, and confequently not to be fo much fufpefted of non-performance. However, no overtures ought to be negledted that are made us, of hav- ing our debt fairly fatisfied, without the expence and vexation of being tofled about from the law to the chancery, and from thence perhaps to the houfe of lords. Their tranfaflions with Northly [Scotland], will, perhaps, give us fome light into this matter ; for if they join in intereft with Mr. Hanmer [Hannover], we may conclude their intentions are noc right towards us. I know not whether you have yet received the picture I gave you notice of in my laft ; the preferving it to that gentlewoman is entirely left to your difcretion, upon confidence that you will not put it into her hands, without being fully afTurcd that it will be well received." The STUART PAPERS. 6;^ The preceding letter is probably an anfwer to a letter from Berry, of 1 704. which ihcrc is an Extraifb in Nairnc's hand. ' ^^' " ExtraH of a Li Iter from the Sietir Berry, the zzd April, i^04-" Nairnc's papers, Tranflation. D. N. vol. ii. *' f ORD Churchill, fome days before his departure for Holland, '''*'' °* ^"' fent for me, aiid made me fo many promifcs, and gave me fo many proofs of the redlitude of his intentions to difcharge the debt, which he has acknowledged long ago to be due to your family, that I can entertain no doubt of his fincerity. He appears to me to be afto- nifhed, that the duke of Berwick was fcnt to Spain, and employed at fuch a dilt ince •, and he afked me how you could confent to that. I told him, that you had written to me formerly on the fubject, and that his being employed in a poll fo confiderable, would afluredly be very ad- vantageous to the common intereft : but I perceived, that he believed that he would have been more ufeful in the place where he was laft year. He ordered me likewifc to go fometimes, in his abfence, to wait of my lord Godolphin, and to communicate to him any important intelligence I might receive concerning you and your family. Mr. Floyd is very zealous in the affairs of your family. He likewife has waited lately on lord Churchill, and he has entreated me to acquaint you, that his lordfliip had given him all the promifes and afllirances which he could either hope or expeft from him, of his intentions to pay the debt. In fliort, I am daily more and more convinced of the pro- bability of the good fuccefs of our affairs ; and the mifundcrtlanding which reigns here, between the leaders of parties, contributes not a little, in my opinion, to give us room to hope for a favourable ifllie." This tranflation of Berry's letter was intended for the information of monfieur de Torcy, and lord Middleton inclofcd it to him, in a letter dated the 17th of this month. *' 1 Send you the tranflation of a letter from one who is in the confi- Nalme'* dence of lord Churchill. The imprudence of diflrufting or re- voLWH. 410. jecling the offers of this great general would be the fame." No. 18. 4 R 2 Extra£ls SjS ORIGINAL PAPERS. 1704. Extra£fs from Lord Ciiryll's Letters continued. May ig. "JAM very much of your opinion, that Whitely's [princefs of Derv Lord Caryll's mark] beft friends mull be convinced of the neceifity of his com- fol. Scotch ' ing to a fair compofition with Mr. Manly [the King], notwithftanding College. j.j^g clamour of thofe perfons who, upon private intereft of their own, fliow themfelves againft it. Nor can we doubt of Mr. Serely [French King], whofe credit eveiy day increafcth, but that he will be firm in his friendlhip to Manly [the King], and have the credit of fetting him up in trade. For you remember what he did towards it, upon his father's death, which made fuch a noife among the adverfe party; and you will the more wonder at it, when I tell you what I certainly know, that he made that ftep againft the opinion of his timorous adviiers [the French miniftry] -, and that his fon [the dauphin] was the only perfon amongft them who was zealou fly for it, and carried the point. Thofe that con- fuked him, at that time, were afraid of the lawfuit that might enfue ; having to do with quarrelfome neighbours. But a juft and generous aftion carries with it its own fecurity and fuccefs, as may be feen in the whole courfe of this lawfuit, fo contrary to what was expected by the adverfe party." Captain John Murray, brother to Sir David Murray of Stanhope, wha got inftruiftions to go to Scotland along with Fraier, came back about the latter end of the fpring, and gave the Qiieen an account of his journey. Naiine's "The Earl of Middleton to the Marquis de Torcy. vol viii. 4 to. P leafed -with Captain Murray* s narrative^ and fends a Pranjlation of it. TranUation. May 30, 1704. " ^HE Queen could not fay any thing to you about the return of John Murray, until her Majefty had feen his narrative; and, al- though her Majefty does not doubt but Mr. Murray has executed his orders in giving it to you, fhe has commanded me to fend you a literal tranflation of the account fhe received, in order to fhow the conformity. I fhall have the honour to fpeak to you on the fubjeft Sunday next. I fhall only take the liberty at prefent, to put you in mind, that there never was any doubt of the difpofition of the Scots, and ftill lefs of the ardour with which the Qiieen wiihcs the reftoration of the King, her foil." STUART PAPERS. C^^ *' The narrative of Captain John Murray., mentioned in the preceding letter^ 1^04. and fent to the Marqiiis de Torcy, the 30/-& of May^ 1704." ., May. A copy in Nairne's hand. Papers p.N. ^' yol. ir fol. Arrives in "London^ 'Durham^ and Edinburgh. — Is favourably received by ^'o-S-* feveral Scotch noblemen. — They give him their advice., and are zealous in the caufe. — He goes to the Highlands. — Engages noblemen and gentlemen in the caufe of his mafler. — They aftc affifiance from France, and invite the prince of Wales to come over. Tranflation. " O^ "^^ arrival in London, I found there my nephew, Mr. Keith, a gentleman of a family very loyal to the King of England. I eftablifhed a correfpondence with him. My lord Lovat, knowing that I had feen him, defired to fee him likcwife ; and, as he was well verfed in the affairs of England, I believed that he might have been ufeful to the interefts of his Majefty, both in England and in Scotland. He certainly would have been fo, if he had not been betrayed. As foon as bufinefs allowed me, I left London, and came as far as Durham, with lord Lovat, where I left him, and went from thence to Edinburgh. As foon as I arrived there, I fent for my brother-in-law, Graham of Fintrey, and my uncle, James Graham, both of them men diftinguifhed for their loyalty. They foon gave intelligence of this to the marquis of Montrofe, to the earl of Errol, and to his fon, lord Hay j and as I came to Scotland upon the indemnity, they advifed me to give notice of my arrival to the lord Commiffioner ; and they affured me that that would be of no prejudice to me. I accordingly did what they advifed me. All this time I did not fpeak a word of bufinefs ; having had orders from the commifTioner to keep my room : but, after fome days, both he and the chancellor fent me word, that I was at liberty, and then my friends above mentioned advifed me to vifit them all, one after another. The earl and the countefs of Errol, with their fon, lord Hay, being then at Edinburgh, were the firft to whom I fpoke of the affairs of the King of England. I went, after that, to fee lord Drummond, at his country-houfe, Drummond callle, from whence he came back with me foon to Ldinburgh, to ferve his Majelly, after I had enjoined my two tldeft brothers, in the country, by the advice of lo: J Drummond, to in- 6 form 6yS O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1704, form themfelvcs of the ftate of afHiIrs in that quarter, in fuch a way as ^^^' not to make a dilcovery to any body. Speaking at Edinburgh wirh the King's friends about his Majedy's affairs, in a more ferious manner than I had done before, I found that thefe affairs had not been' mentioned among them for a long time before, and that it was to them au agreeable furprife to fee fome hopes that they were to be revived by my negociation. It was then judged necclTary to communicate the buflnefs to the duke of Hamilton, who entered into it very heartily : but, as the projcft was new, and other bufinefs csme in the way, the duke of Hamilton, princi- pally, and the duke of Gordon, the earl of Errol, lord Drummond, and lord Hay were of opinion to put it off" until they faw what turn affairs would take in parliament, in order to acft accordingly afterwards with the King's friends in England : but v/hen the fittings of parliament were finifhed, his Majcffy's friends difpcrfed in fuch a manner, that it was im- pofTible for me to fpeak to as many of them as I propofed. Yet, as the bufinefs was not to be delayed, it was judged proper, that lord Drum- mond and lord Hay fhould fpeak to the reft ; and all thofe who were fpoke to were overjoyed at the projecl, viz, the dukes of Hamilton and Gordon, the marquifes of Montroie and Drummond, the carls of Errol, Marillial, Moray, Hume, Strathinorc, Panmure, Breadalbin, and Aberdeen; the countefs of Seaforth, who anfwers for the valTals and de- pendants of her fon in his abfence-, the vifcounts Stormont and Kcnmure; the lords Salton and Sinclair ; Sir Donald Mac Donald, the captain of Clan Ronald, Lochiel, Glengary, Appin, Keppoch, and Bethadie for the Mac Gregors. Some time after I had left lord Lovat at Durham, he thought proper to acquaint the earl of Argyle, that he was on the borders, and to alk him his prottdlibn in the country, under pretence of making his { eace with the government. The earl of Argyle having granted him this, he went to the country of Argyle and, foon tiKreafter, lent for me thither, to introduce me, according to my orders, to the liighland Chieftains. I repaired thither inftantly ; but did not meet him, becaufe he had been obliged to withdraw himfclf from that country, where he began to be fufpe(5ted : yet my journey to that cour.try was not ufelefs ; for I fpoke, there, to Lochiel, Appin," and Bethadie. About this time, the parlia- 2 ment S T U A R T P A P E R S. (^-j,^ ment had juft finifhed its fittings ; and, a few days thereafter, lord Lovat 1704. came to Edinburgh, where lord Druminond and he had an interview 5 ^'^y- and it was then that lord Lovat iaw the duke of Queenfbcrry and the earl of Levcn. He gave notice of this to lord Drummond and to me, and Ihowed us the neccffity under which he was to zSt in that manner. At this time, all the noblemen and gentlemen returned to their coun- try-feats ; and, it b(.'ing impotTible for lord Lovat to remain any longer in the country, becaufe there was an order to profecute him, with fire and fword, lie was advifed to return to France. But, before be left Scot- land, he was at Drummond caftlc, where we met fome Highland chief- tains, who engaged themfelves to have one of their number ready at the time I ftiould return to France, to come along with me, in order to de- clare how well difpofed they were for the fervice of their King. But the great noife which the plot made foon thereafter prevented that. It was at Drummond-caftle that lord Lovat got the letters, which he carried to this country from lord Drummond, from Appin, and from me. Soon after this, I went to the North of Scotland with the lord Drummond, to fee fuch of the King of England's friends, in that country, as I had not yet fecn ; and, juft when I was ready to fet out with my difpatches, I was retarded by the nev/s of the difcovery of the plot. His Britannick Majelly's friends wifhed very much, that a few troops had been fent to Scotland, at that time, which would have made all the country rife, fo many of the Highland chieftains having been fummoned before the council. It was then the month of September; and, fince that time, I have bren always waiting for a lafc opportunity of returning to France : yet, before I left Scotland, 1 had frelh affurances from all the King's friends of their firmnefs in his Majefty's intereft, as the letters which I have brought do teftify. To fpeak now of the terms, which the King's friends in Scotland de- mand, for taking arms : the general opinion is, that it is neceflary to have ^ooo men from France, with good officers to command them, pro- vifions for as long a time as fhall be found nectffary, arms for 20,000 men, and money to buy faddles, bridles, and other necefiary accoutre- ments for mounting a proportionable number of dragoons, which will be chofen out of the 20,000 men. If I am afked how thofe 20,000 men can be railed, I anfwer, that there is no body, who knows" the country, but will allow, that the duke of 68o ORIGINALPAPERS. 1704. of Gordon, the earl of Errol, and the earl Mariflial, can raife all the ]""«• North ; that the marquifes of Montrofe and Drummond, the earls of Strathmore, Panmure, and Breadalbin, and the vifcount Stormont, the greateft part of the South ; and the Highland chieftains, above men- tioned, the Highlands ; infomuch, that one may venture to alTure, that, moderately fpeaking, the number required will be found in ihefe three divifions. With regard to knowing, whether the King of England (hould go over himfelf to Scotland, in the beginning or not, opinions are divided in this refpefl. Some fay, that his prefence is necelTary ; others that it is not proper to expofe him in the firft confufion ; but all agree and fay, that his Majefty's prefence will have the fame effcd as an addition of 10,000 men to his army. But they leave this, and every thing elfe that concerns this projed:, to be determined here." No. 18. Nairn e's J'he Earl of Middleton to the Marquis de Torcy. Papers, vol. viii. 4to. He fends the letters., which the i-^een had received by Captain John Murray from Scotland, and which he had forgot to leave in the morning. Tranflation. June ift, 1704; " T Have the honour to fend you a letter, which I unluckily forgot to give you to-day. It was delivered by Mr. John Murray to the Queen, from my lord Marifchal, who is a man of honour, and of one of the firft families in Scotland, and fon-in-law to the duke of Perch. Her Majefty has received only another letter, from tlie countefs of Errol, filter to the duke of Perth, and a fliort billet from her hufband, which contains nothinp;." D Nairne's c( tranflation of a letter isjhich John Murray brought from Scotland, zirit- D. N.volii. ten to the ^leen of England by Lord Marijhal, and dated the 8th of fol.No. S3. March, O.S. 1704." In Nairne's hand. It was fent inclofed in the preceding from Middle- ton to the marquis de Torcy. Madam, " T Am very happy to find an opportunity of alTuring the King and **• your Majcfty of my inviolable fervices. The bearer will give you an exad account of the ftate of this country. Our rumours of plots have § T U A R T P A P E R S. 68r have detained him longer here than he imagined ; and he is, even now, 17^4. forced to take a round about way to return. He has been very zealous •''"■'' in the fervice of your Majefty, and he would have carried with him many more proofs from the King's bed fubjcds of their being dilpofed to rifk every thing for his fervice, but he dared not fhow himfclf. But I can alTure your Majefty, that the King's friends augment in number daily, and defire, with impatience, to have an opportunity to give proofs of their loyalty. We are ill armed, and in the country where they are beft: armed, I fear they are not the men who are moft to be depended upon, although there are very good men among them. The Higldand- ers are well enough armed for their manner of fighting ; but, unlefs we have regular troops, it will be difficult to keep them long together. Your Majefty can better determine the proper time for fending troops, money, and arms; but if I fhould venture to give my opinion on the fubjeft, which I do with all fubmiffion, the proper time for fending them is, when the minds of men are inflamed, and the nation is in a kind of fermentation, which will increafe ftill more when we are aficmbled in par- liament. But whatever time that may be, all opportunities of ferving" your Majefty will be always embraced with pleafure by Your Majefty's moft humble fervant, Marischal. The minifters of the court of St. Germains, encouraged by the intel- Naime's Pa- ligence they received from their adherents in Britain, began to think vol.'ii. fol. * again of an invafion ; and, in a memorial, prefented on the twenty- ^°*,''", ... "^ ' ' ' And vol. viii. fecond of June, this year, to Monf de Torcy, and Monf de Chamil- 4 to. No, ly. lart, of which a copy likewife was fcnt to the Pope's Nuncio, they en- deavoured to ftiow, that it was the intercft of France to eftablifh the fun of the late King James on the throne of Great Britain. All Europe, they obferve, having mcafured their ftrength with France, found that their ef- forts would be ineffeftual, without the fupport of t.ngland: that this, was the reafon of the refolution taken, in confequcnce of the league of Augftjourg, to attack tiic late King of England, as the firm and faith- ful friend of his moft Chriftian Majefty : that France would be invin- cible, in conjunction with a nation fo powerful and bold, which now comprehended the Rhine and the Mediterranean within the fphcre of Vol. I. 4 S its 632 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1704. its operations ; but that this union could never take place, without the re-eftablifliment of the King of England : that the family of Hannover, which was powerful of icfclf, and attached to that of Auftria, would, if once in ponefilon of England, form, in conjundion with Holland and tlie empire, a perpetual league againft France. To obviate an objedion, which, it fcems, had been frequently made, that the King of England, when re-eftabli(hed, might, through ingratitude or necelTity, break his en- gagements with France, and forget his obligations 10 its fovereign, they obferve, that a Catholic King in Britain muft be always dependent on France. They prove this, by feveral reafons, which they frequently re. peated to the French miniftry : and as the facility of cftablifhing him on the throne of his anceftors, was more univerfally allowed, than the faci- lity of the means, they endeavour to fliow, that the invafion and re- duftion of Britain was a thing very prafticable. The late Monf. Bart frequently declared, that he would engage, whenever the King would choofe to employ him, to carry over twenty thoufand men, and that this was more prafticable now than ever. " The loyalty of the greateft part of the Scots," fay they, " is too well known to require proofs -, therefore, five thoufand men would be fufficicnt to engage all that country to take up arms, as appears from the report of Mr. John Murray. But twenty thoufand men would be em- ployed more ufefully in England, becaufe the paflage to that country is fhorter, and the blow would be more fpeedy and decifive : for the pof- fefTion of that country would foon draw the two other kingdoms after it. All the oppolition to be met with in England would be fome guards and a few new-raifed troops difperfed in weak forts, in the diftant parts of the kingdom ; with a weak princefs, a very timid minifter, and a very mercenary general, whofe heads might probably turn giddy, in fuch a critical conjuncture as that would be ; and who might then think of per- forming promifes they had fo often repeated, in order to deferve their pardon and other advantages." They fliow, finally, that the moft proper feafon for a defcent would be the month of March, before the fleet of the enemy could be equipped : that a defcent would prevent its being fitted out : that the funds of the preceding year would be exhaufted and the treafury empty ; and that no one would be foolifli enough to lend money then upon an uncertainty. They STUART PAPERS. 6S3 They obferve, that there is nothing to hinder troops, after they landed, 1 704. irom marching llraight to London ; and that the poflefTion of that city ■'" ^'* would fecure the poflefllon of the reft of the kingdom. Extracts from Lord Caryll's letters, continued. Lord Ca- ryll's Letters, " /concerning Mr, Armfworth [Marlborough], we need fay no more, ^°'' \^^', than what we have both already laid ; but refpite our judgment lege, concerning them, till we fee further proceedings of him and his, I think J" ^ '' fome prognoftic may be made of what we can expeft, by the countenance and expreflions of Mr, Goulfton [Godolphin], when you next meet him. If they are any thing of a piece with what Mr. Armfworth [Marlbo- rough] hath faid to you, we may hope well of him ; but if you find him in his noted fournefs and drynefs, we may conclude the words of his partner are but words. After writing what is above, I have received yours of a former date, which mentions the difcourfe paft between you and Mr. Trevers [Tun- ftalj, about Mathews' [the King's] concerns, I am glad that gentleman is, at laft, inclined to believe, that the true interefts of Wheatly [Eng- land, and fometimes the princefs Anne] and of Mathews [the King] are the fame ; and that one cannot fubfilt well, without the other. I take Mr, Trevers [Tunftal] to be as knowing and able a merchant as any that comes upon the exchange, and perhaps a degree honefter than fome we have to deal with ; and his opinion is of great weight and advantage, cfpecially if he and his partner, who are confiderable, fhall aft conform- ably to it. Wherefore you will do well, not to omit any opportunity of improving thefe good thoughts in him, fo as to make him ad; in con- junflion with his friend Mr, Kenfy [the Tories] towards bringing about Wheatly [princefs Anne] and Mathews [the King] trading together in the common ftock ; than which nothing could be more advantageous to every perfon concerned in the trade." 4- S 2 Mr, 684 O R I G I N A L P A P E R S. 1704. ^^'"' Ualfs letter about the Scots and others^ who were for or againjl the v, ;^"'.*" Hannovcrian fuccejjion ; together with Englijh and Scotijh affairs. — // is J'artrs, dated at the top^ 8 Jidy, O. S. ; and at the endt Mr. Hall's letter^ 8 Au' 4to. No!''i' Z"fii '7°4" It was probably then received ■\-. S I R, " I Wrote to you, upon the 2 2d laft, my own opinion and Mr. Short's [Gideon] of the gentleman Mr. Spence [Frafer] againft whom I al- ways wrote, though he pretends to you to have made me his confident. I told you likewife, that the aunt [lady Errol] looks on him as a villain,, though the nephew efteems him yet an honed man. G. Milton [Gideon J is ftill in this country, but afraid of coming hither for fear of his credi- tors. He has written to Capel [Mr. Hall] to meet him at Kirkaldie» The gentlemen of this country are daily breaking. The lairds of Bcl- aamoon and Boyne are both broke, and each of them reckoned above 100,000 mcrks worfe than nothing-, fo take notice to whom you advance any money.. There came lately a fleet, not from your town, Amfter- dam, but from Rotterdam, in which our government got notice there ■were fufpefled perfons, and fo feized upon them as foon as they landed ; to wit, SirG. Maxwell of Orcharton, who the Gazette, fix months ago, faid was become a jefuit, and one captain Livingflon, who was lately ba- nifbed out of England, and Gordon, a faflor at Paris, or I do not know where. The firft two are yet in clofe prifon ; the laft was immediately kt at liberty upon bail, which makes fome think he has made difcoveries. Your niece Mary is one of the notableft hufleys in this country. She defervts a compliment and advice fometimes from Sir James [the Qiieen], Our parliament fat down on Thurfday laft ; but was immediately ad- journed till Tuel'day next, without the reading of the Qiieen's letter, or the commiffioner or chancellor making their fpeeches, which feemed new and furprifing to all. 'Tis thought the reafon of all this is, becaufe the letter and fpeeches ufed to contain the commifiloners inftruueen Anne. Ong.p.ai. This Utter 'was -written after the death of the duke of Zelly and the marriage of the Electoral Prince. Tranflation. Madam, * T Have juft received by Mr. How, your Majefty's Envoy Extraor- dinary, the gracious letter with which you was pleafed to honour me, and in which you condefcended to give me fo many marks of your kindnefs, by taking a part in whatever happens to my family, that I cannot exprefs to my own fatisfaftion, my very humble acknowledgc- ftients of this. It is true, Madam, that your Majefty has loft a faithful fervant in the perfon of the deceafed duke of Zell ; but it is to be hoped, that the marriage of my grandfon will produce others who may venture to pretend to the honour of your favour. As to myfelf, Madam, 1 have entreated Mr. How to afllft me in making known to your Majefty, the fentiments of veneration which I have for you, and the refpedl with which I am. Madam, &c." Ibe EleHoral Prince to the Duke of Marlborough. RobethonV dr^ughc. He acknowledges the duke's congratulations on bis marriage. Hannover T n . Papers, 1 ranflution. vol. marked My Lord, Sept. 19, 1705. I'rinces. •' I Gracefully acknowledge the letter which you was fo good as to °' ' '" write to me, and the fhare you fliow me you take in my marriage. The approbation with which her Majefty was pleafed to honour it, gave me the greatcft fatisfadtion. I befeech you to be perluadcd, that 1 find a very great plealure in having your's alio, and I ftiall never ncgled: the opportunities of dclcrving it. You will oblige me very much by embracing every occafion of teftifying to her Majefty, that I dcfire no- thing fo ftrongly as to condu«5l myfelf in all things after a manner which may be agreeable to her, I am very fincerely, my Lord, fifc." 1b4 7io ORIGINAL PAPERS. n°5* Robcthon'» Draught. Hannover Papers, vol. marked Princes. No. 23. Robethon's draught. Ibid. Robethon's Draught. Ibid. No. 24. The EleHor to Mr. Crejfet. An anfiver to a letter he bad received on the duke of Zell's deaths and his JoyCs marriage. Tranflation. SIR, Oflober 12, 1705. *' T Am much obliged to you for the letter you wrote to me, by which I fee that you continue to intereft yourfeif in every thing agreeable or difagreeable which happens to me. You gave me, on fo many occafions, proofs of your affeftion, and of your attachment to the interefts of my family, that I did not doubt, but you would be greatly concerned for the lofs we have fuftained, by the death^ of the duke of Zell, and form wifhes for happy confequences from the marriage of my fon. I am the more obliged to you for thefe fenti- ments, that I am thoroughly perfuaded they proceed from the heart. You may be affured, Sir, that mine for you are no lefs fincere, and that I fhall be very happy to find opportunities of giving you proofs of them, by Ihowing you how much 1 am. Sir, &c." The Eletlor to the Earl of Portland. Of the fame date, and on the fame cccafion. Tranflation. My Lord, ♦' T Am very fenfible of the obliging manner in which you fhow me the Ihare you take in the joy which the marriage of my fon gave me, and in the grief which I felt on the death of fo good a prince as the duke of Zell. I am not ignorant of the fentimencs of particular affec- tion and eftcem which he entertained for- you. I fhall have a plcafure, my lord, in fhowing the lame fentiments for you, and in convincing yov^ on all occafions how much I am obliged to you, for the proofs you give me of your attachment to my interefts. I am very fincerely, &c." The Electoral Prince to Lord Bridgevoattr . An anfwer to a letter he had received on his marriage. Tranflation. My Lord, Odober 29th, 1705.- " T Am very much obliged to you for the manner in which you Ihow me you intereft yourklf in my marriage, and for your good willies to H A N N O V E R P A P E R S. yit to me on this occafion. They are to me an agreeable pledge of your 1705. afFeclion. I beg of you, to continue it to mc, and to be pcrl'uaded that it is impofiible to value it more than I do, nor to have more cftecm and regard for you than has, my Lord, &c." The EleHor to ^ceen Anne. Robfthon's thanks her for compliments of condolence on the death of the duke of Zelly Hannover and her approbation of the marriage of the prince. '^^T ,5 * °'' Tranflation. Princes. Madam, Odober 10, 1705. ^°- *^" " T Received, with the mofl: refpedtful gratitude, the letter with which your Majefty was pleafed to honour me, and which Mr. How, your Envoy Extraordinary, delivered to me. I confider, as a frefh mark of your Majefty's kindnefs for me and for my family, the choice which you have made of this minifter, whofe merit I have known fo long. I fhall do myfelf a very great pleafure in fhowing him. all the confidence and diftindion which he deferves. I am very grateful for the obliging manner in which your Majefty is pleafed to intereft yourfelf in the grief which the death of the duke of Zell juftly gave me; and I am not lefs fo for the approbation with which you are fo good as to honour the mar- riage of my fon. I entreat you to be perfuaded, that this approbation is the principal end that I propofe to myfelf in all my aflions, of which thofe will always appear to me to be the moft lucky, which will furnifh the ftrongeft proofs of the profound refpeifl with which I fhall be all my lifetime, &c. George Lewis, Elector." END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. 3 1158 01024 9729 D 000 016 004 .) X-*