X" 
 
 X 
 
 THE PEINCIPAL FEATURES 
 
 HISTORY AND LITERATURE 
 
 POLAND, 
 
 N, F, ZABA. 
 
 LONDON: 
 HAMILTON, ADAMS, AND CO., 
 
 33, PATERNOSTER ROW. 
 
 1856. 
 
IPSWICH : 
 
 PRINTED BY J. M. BURTON AND CO: 
 
TO THE MOST NOBLE 
 
 THE MAKQUIS OF BKEADALBANE, 
 
 PRESIDENT OF THE 
 LITERARY ASSOCIATION OF THE FRIENDS OF POLAND. 
 
 MY LORD, 
 
 The memory of every Pole cannot 
 but cling with the warmest attachment to the 
 broken shadow of the departed Friend of the cause 
 of their country, whose love of justice, humanity, 
 and freedom, gave a lofty character to his long exer- 
 tions on behalf of the oppressed and the unfortunate. 
 The simple mention of Poland wakes almost imme- 
 diately the image of another thought that brings 
 to the lips the name of the late lamented LOED 
 DUDLEY COUTTS STUART. How natural that I, a Pole, 
 should feel a desire to pay a tribute of the heart 
 to a spirit so noble. I believe I may realise my wishes, 
 by paying the homage of my mind to you, my 
 
 248179 
 
THE 
 
 HISTOKY OF POLAND. 
 
 FOE more than half a century, Poland has been an object 
 of attention to the statesman and the philosopher, and 
 a constant theme of sympathy to the civilised world. 
 Yet, strange to say, the voice of truth, although 
 repeatedly raised by the brightest intellects on behalf 
 of her sacred rights, passed away as if unheeded, 
 leaving only a satisfactory recollection, as a legacy to 
 posterity, that crime of such a magnitude as the dis- 
 memberment of Poland was not suffered to take place 
 unnoticed. But, whilst the sentiments of indignation 
 of the just manifested themselves periodically, studying 
 the suitableness of the occasion, the guilty parties 
 spared no effort in disseminating false statements, with 
 the object of palliating their conduct. Germany, in 
 particular, furnished a host of apologists, strong in the 
 spirit of enmity and malignity, that takes delight in 
 crushing its victim with the weapons of vindictiveness 
 and calumny. They were followed by others of still 
 mealier character, who let their talent on hire, and 
 1 
 
2 THE HISTOEY OF POLAND . 
 
 shrunk not from giving an air of seriousness and 
 sincerity to the grossest misrepresentations. The 
 literary market teemed with such malevolent pro- 
 ductions, Poland has been denounced as a land of 
 slavery and anarchy; that she was incapable of 
 governing herself; that her dissolution was a benefit 
 to humanity and to the cause of order ; and that her 
 happiness could only be consolidated under the wise 
 and paternal rule of her three neighboring powers. 
 
 If the full tide of such a vicious propaganda did 
 not succeed in carrying away public opinion, it must be 
 ascribed to the vitality of its instinctive good judg- 
 ment. However, strong traces of mischief became 
 discernible, and the British mind, little familiar with 
 the genius of Sclavonic nations and its tendency, 
 instead of consulting the unquestionable native autho- 
 rities, as the only means calculated to satisfy the 
 curiosity and conviction of an inquirer, it took the 
 easiest road to book-making, and often reechoed libels 
 under the imposing name of the ' History of Poland.' 
 
 Amongst the few who promulgated, with self-com- 
 plaisance, erroneous ideas, the Pamphlet by a ' Man- 
 chester Manufacturer ' acquired a singular notoriety 
 by the boldness and plausibility with which it insulted 
 truth and the understanding of the public. This 
 intellectual dishonesty was unmasked by the friends 
 of justice, who warded off promptly the venomous 
 current of imposition, and in a great measure have 
 neutralised its contagious effects. Fortunately, for 
 the sake of humanity, the nature of truth is so 
 elevated, that, although it may be disregarded, and 
 even trampled upon, or to all appearance thrown into 
 oblivion, it imperceptibly rises by its own energy and 
 
THE HISTOKY OF POLAND. 3 
 
 vitality; like the rising of the sun, it sheds again its 
 bright light, forcing itself upon the attention of the 
 human mind. 
 
 Such is now the case with Poland. Notwithstanding 
 the mighty exertions of an unprincipled antagonism, 
 the withering progress of which, similar to a pesti- 
 lence, ruffled for a time the serenity of thought and 
 sentiment, still its sting, though left in the wound, did 
 not produce the anticipated bad result. The great 
 political misfortunes of Poland, like the sight of the 
 ruins of a vast sacred temple, conjure up a solemn 
 contemplation; even the very picture of destruction 
 assumes the majesty of a holy sanctuary of the rights 
 of a nation crushed by the lawless hand of brigand- 
 age and oppression. But the seriousness of grief, and 
 the sharpness of anguish, relax, generally, their poig- 
 nancy under the soothing influence of time, and it 
 gives a calm surface to the deep hidden flow of strong 
 feelings that the smallest cause could wake their 
 energy again to action. Thus, the recollection of the 
 wrongs of Poland, although honorably sustained and 
 fondly cherished by the generous, seemed to grow 
 fainter and fainter from year to year. However, no 
 sooner had the sudden combination of circumstances 
 multiplied the difficulties of Europe, than the necessity 
 of her reestablishment as an independent State pre- 
 sented itself to every mind as the only material 
 guarantee for the future stability of peace, in the 
 maintenance of which humanity and the progress of 
 civilisation are deeply interested. That wide-spread 
 conviction sprung up spontaneously, as if the subject 
 had been under long and minute consideration. 
 
 The favorable tide of public opinion appeared to me 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLASI 
 
 an opportunity which is one of those rare occurrences 
 that has for its object to predispose the mind to prose- 
 cute, with intelligence and vigor, the investigation 
 of difficult problems, in order to reorganise and adjust 
 the balance and interest of society. Such an oppor- 
 tunity seems to call for a comprehensive sketch, 
 illustrating the genius, the character, and tendency of 
 the political career of Poland, that it may throw a 
 broader light upon her claims and their merit. 
 Yielding to the dictates of such an impression, I 
 present the following outline of the principal facts 
 calculated to remove the bias of every prejudice. The 
 task and province of History embrace an extensive and 
 variegated field for the exercise of thought. Now, a 
 narrative of strife and battles make a fearful revelation 
 of the workings of the mighty passions ; now, the mani- 
 festations of impulses of a noble nature endeavor to 
 restore harmony and elevation to the mission and 
 destiny of the human race. On the present occasion, a 
 hurried glance will be cast at the whole scenery, and 
 a selection made suitable to the narrow limits of the 
 volume. 
 
 The origin of the Poles, like that of every other 
 nation, is obscured by a cloud of perplexing conjec- 
 tures. Indeed, it would be a hopeless task to clear 
 away the accumulated dust of ages, which has en- 
 tombed every trace of the primitive history of nations. 
 Even tradition itself, or poetry, the two earliest sources 
 from which some assistance is derived in similar 
 researches, throw but unsatisfactory light upon the 
 subject. Let it be left to the antiquarians to be in a 
 perpetual motion, cheering up their weary steps with 
 the hope of recovering the lost link of races. 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 5 
 
 The formation of Polish society may be traced to the 
 fifth century of the Christian era. However, the dawn 
 of its early days scarcely deserves to be referred to, as 
 it is dim, though ornamented by fiction. It began to 
 emerge itself into a broader and clearer light in the 
 tenth century, when Christianity became gradually 
 identified with its sentiments, and thus initiated its 
 genius into the unity of the western European civili- 
 sation. "Whilst this fortunate change in sentiments 
 and ideas was taking place in Poland, giving a new 
 direction to the development and aspirations of her 
 spirit, Kussia accepted, also, the element of Christianity 
 as the condition of her future vitality, but through the 
 agency of the East. Hence, Poland and Eussia from 
 the earliest period assumed a mission of antagonism, as 
 the difference of religion itself seemed to assign to each 
 a distinct destination. The former manifested at all 
 times perfect harmony with the progress of ameliora- 
 tions, and the true interests of humanity, being moved 
 by the same pulsation as Western Europe ; the latter, 
 moulded into a cast of the Greek-Asiatic notion, had 
 no sympathy nor community of purpose with the rest 
 of the European family. 
 
 That hostility, grown strong in the lapse of ages, at 
 last burst forth with all virility in our present days, 
 filling the whole world with gloomy apprehensions of 
 melancholy disasters. As Poland sustained the brunt, 
 and kept in check for a long time all the movements of 
 that common enemy, to whose rapacity she first fell a 
 victim, a narrative of her political career will possess 
 at this moment an additional attraction. That the 
 whole subject may be brought under our consideration, 
 in a manner bearing the stamp of a systematic and 
 
O THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 
 
 orderly arrangement, I shall divide it into four 
 periods. 
 
 The FIRST PERIOD embraces a dynasty of Absolute 
 Kings, called Piast, who reigned from A.D. 842 to 
 A.D. 1370. They succeeded each other in the following 
 order : 
 
 A I). 
 
 1. Piast . . 842 
 
 2. Ziemowit . . . .861 
 
 3. Leshek . . . 892 
 
 4. Ziemomyslaw . . . .913 
 
 5. Mieczyslaw . . . 962 
 
 6. Boleslaw the Great . . .992 
 
 7. Mieczyslaw II. . . 1025 
 
 8. Eixa (Queen Regent) . . . 1034 
 
 9. Casimir .... 1040 
 
 10. Boleslaw the Bold . . . 1058 
 
 11. Wladyslaw I. . . 1080 
 
 12. Boleslaw III. . . . 1102 
 
 13. WladyslawII. . . . 1139 
 
 14. Boleslaw IV. . . . . 1147 
 
 15. Mieczyslaw . , . 1173 
 
 16. Casimir II. . . . .1177 
 17- Leshek the White . . . 1194 
 
 18. Boleslaw V. . 1227 
 
 19. Leshek the Black . . . 1279 
 
 20. Prsemyslaw .... 1295 
 
 21. Wenceslas . . . 1300 
 
 22. Wladyslaw III. . . .1305 
 
 23. Casimir the Great, the last of the Piast dynasty 1333 
 
 24. Louis of Hungary . . 1370 
 
 25. Jadwiga, his daughter . . . 1382 
 
 The SECOND PERIOD represents a Constitutional 
 Monarchy, presided by a dynasty of Jagiellons, from 
 A.D. 1386 to A.D. 1573. 
 
 A.D. 
 
 1. Wladyslaw IV., Jagiellon ; the Grand Duke of 
 
 Lithuania married Jadwiga Queen of Poland 1386 
 
THE HTSTOEY OF POLAND. 7 
 
 2. WladyslawV. . . . 1434 
 
 3. Casimir IV. ... 1445 
 
 4. John Albert .... 1492 
 
 5. Alexander . . . , 1501 
 
 6. Sigismund .... 1506 
 
 7. Sigismund II., Augustus . . 1548 
 
 The THIED PEEIOD the Elective Monarchy, from 
 A.D. 1573 to A.D. 1764. 
 
 A.D. 
 
 1. Henry of Valois . . .1574 
 
 2. Stephen Batory . . . 1575 
 
 3. ^igismund III., Vasa . . 1587 
 
 4. Wladyslaw VI., Vasa . . .1633 
 
 5. John Casimir, Vasa . . . 1648 
 
 6. Michael Korybut . . . 1669 
 
 7. John Sobieski . . . 1674 
 
 8. Frederick Augustus II. . . . 1696 
 
 9. Stanislaus Leszczyuski . 1706 
 
 10. Frederick Augustus, restored . . 1709 
 
 11. Frederick Augustus III. . . 1733 
 
 12. Stanislaus Poniatowski . . .1764 
 
 The FOTJETH PEEIOD exhibits the strenuous and 
 
 constant efforts of the Poles to redress their social 
 
 grievances, and free their internal administration from 
 
 foreign influence, and to establish on a solid basis their 
 
 Government and their national independence, from 
 A.D. 1764 to our present day. 
 
w l 
 
 DYNASTY OP ABSOLUTE KINGS. 
 A.D. 842 TO A.D. 1370. 
 
 THE First Period is principally remarkable for its 
 warlike genius, and, on that account, is more calculated 
 to illustrate the energy of different human passions, 
 than the elevated condition of general intelligence. 
 If we consider that the early society was weak and 
 feeble in its political bond ; that royalty had not as yet 
 a sufficiently strong arm to enforce its authority, even 
 within the limits of its own dominion, as the deeply 
 rooted habits of local independence oftentimes opposed 
 a formidable barrier to all its movements and aspira- 
 tions ; that the kings themselves had but an imperfect 
 conception of their mission, and sacrificed the unity of 
 the State, by having repeatedly divided its colossal 
 dignity among their sons, in the spirit of a patrimonial 
 provision; no wonder that the progress of ameliora- 
 tions was slow, and athwart tempestuous difficulties. 
 However, it was a steady progress towards the fullest 
 development of national, moral, and physical resources. 
 For a long time the surrounding circumstances made 
 
THE HIS10EY OF POLAND. 9 
 
 the profession of war an absolute necessity, as the 
 pressure of the hostile German element on the one 
 hand, and that of the Muscovites and Tartars on the 
 other, alternately ruffled the peaceful serenity of 
 domestic life. 
 
 It is the painful task of History to have to devote 
 voluminous pages to the harrowing scenes of carnage , 
 and repeated struggles, as if humanity had no higher 
 destiny than to be merely the prey of mutual robberies 
 and murders. But the struggles sustained by the 
 mighty principle of self-preservation, are calculated to 
 call forth into activity the best human energies and 
 spirit, which give an interesting coloring to fortitude 
 as well as perseverance, and refine the sentiments of 
 devotedness by the unity and elevation of purpose. 
 This sentiment, as civilisation and intelligence ad- 
 vanced, assumed a still nobler character, of which 
 patriotism is the beau ideal. 
 
 In this feature may be traced a striking difference 
 between the Poles and other Sclavonic tribes none of 
 them has so prominently developed its individuality in 
 this respect. It would seem as if Poland had a 
 mission to be in the van of Sclavonic civilisation to 
 bear the brunt of struggles in defending and pre- 
 serving the purity and dignity of its primitive cha- 
 racter. Her earliest political career fully justifies this 
 conclusion. The martial spirit of her kings, Boleslaw 
 the Great, Boleslaw the Bold, and Boleslaw the Third, 
 not only proved formidable to the neighboring foes, 
 but it gave also a majestic appearance of unity of a 
 powerful State. However, both the kings and the 
 nation did not complete as yet their apprenticeship in 
 the art of politics, and showed a want of mature 
 
10 THE HISTOKY OF POLAND. 
 
 experience, and even understanding, in the management 
 of their own interest. The former, in direct opposition 
 to the advancement of the solidity of one vast social 
 structure, which their military talent succeeded to erect 
 during their life time, followed the habit of parcelling 
 out its grandeur among the sons ; the latter clung with 
 tenacity to the importance of local traditions and 
 peculiarities. The combination of such circumstances 
 raised many a storm that shook to its foundation the 
 fabric of a compact state. Nevertheless, the desolation, 
 although harrowing in itself, was not of so dark a hue 
 as the one that was spread over Germany, Italy, Great 
 Britain, and Trance, under the auspices of the feudal 
 system. A more gentle system than the one mentioned 
 regulated the earliest social relations in Poland. 
 Its spirit was peculiar to her alone, the gradual 
 development of which gave a tenacious vitality and 
 unity to the national sentiment, that made her in 
 prosperity shine to the best advantage with all the 
 high qualities of civilisation, whilst in adversity it 
 made her display the noblest civil and military virtues, 
 and under the pressure of the greatest political misfor- 
 tunes, its energy and vigor remained unimpaired, and 
 survived the rudest shocks of melancholy vicissitudes. 
 
 The chequered career of nations is an interesting 
 phenomenon, which, like dissolving views, exhibits 
 a succession of different ideas that propelled the 
 human mind to action, and regulated the tide of 
 sentiments, passions, and aspirations. In surveying 
 their variegated scenes the greatest attention should 
 be exercised, that judgment may be strengthened 
 and satisfied as to the harmony existing between all 
 parts towards the accomplishment of some great end. 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 11 
 
 The highest development of good, as the cement of 
 all social relations, is generally the professed object 
 of every effort of mankind. Making the most liberal 
 allowances for the misapplication of its energies 
 through the workings of its mighty passions, that 
 nation possesses great merit which, in the midst of 
 political blunders, or of its false spirit in the social 
 organisation, still bent its steps towards the expansion 
 of civilisation and freedom : this may be said of 
 Poland. Taking even the most unfavorable view 
 of her annals, there is abundant evidence, when 
 placed side by side in comparison with the annals of 
 other countries, that she alone pursued steadily, in 
 spite of many difficulties, a course most calculated to 
 multiply national energies and to create the strongest 
 attachment to independence. Owing to this circum- 
 stance, if we were to examine all the wars in which 
 she was engaged, the majority of them had for their 
 object to repel merely the pressure of the hostile 
 elements of Germany, Muscovites, Tartars, or the 
 Turks. The restlessness of an aggressive spirit did 
 not characterise her policy. At various times the 
 offer of the crown from a neighbor was refused, 
 and the Polish kings acted as umpires in composing 
 the quarrels among the other states. The consolida- 
 tion of her national unity was owing, not so much 
 to the warlike genius of the people, or to the supe- 
 riority of administrative institutions, although the 
 one and the other had some share in the accomplish- 
 ment of that work; but, rather, to the pervading 
 influence throughout the whole country of one senti- 
 ment, of one idea, to the consideration of which all 
 other sentiments and ideas were readily sacrificed, 
 
12 THE HISTOKY OF POLAND. 
 
 and which constituted a strong link of fellowship, 
 that is to say, the love of native land, the latter heing 
 personified by the expressive appellation of ' a mother/ 
 It is for the defence of their common mother that 
 the Poles were in the habit of taking up arms and 
 stimulated to the performance of heroic deeds. It is in 
 the same name that their private quarrels were often- 
 times disarmed, or ended to the mutual joy of con- 
 cerned parties. That the intrinsic character of Poland 
 may be fully appreciated, let us make a clear exposition 
 of each reflection cast by the nature of her society. 
 
 The origin of classes seems to be a simple process 
 of a division of duties, which are an absolute 
 necessity in the aggregate state of man. Thus, in 
 Poland, the agriculturist and the equestrian order 
 sprung up from a natural combination of circum- 
 stances. The one had to till the land; the other to 
 fight battles against their common foe. However, 
 in time of peace, many members of the equestrian 
 order exchanged the sword for the plough. As the 
 occasions for war multiplied, a wider distinction must 
 have taken place between the two classes, agreeably 
 to the spirit of their respective occupations. The 
 institution of the equestrian order, or nobility, was 
 formed upon the basis of equality of right and 
 privileges. No accidental wealth^ or its influence, 
 could disturb the smoothness of its level, or give 
 rise to precedency in opposition to real merit. 
 Every individual, even in the humblest walk of 
 life, had the same chance of becoming a member of 
 the order if he distinguished himself by bravery, 
 zeal, and devotedness in the public service, either in 
 war or peace. Thus, patriotism, civic and military 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 13 
 
 virtues, constant readiness to make the largest sacri- 
 fices for the safety of the country and the common 
 good, were the chief and the only qualifications opening 
 the road to the elevation to the rank of nobility. Once 
 that honor earned, it descended as a legacy to 
 all the members of the family, without the slightest 
 variation as to the enjoyment of privileged advan- 
 tages. This practice gradually created a large number 
 of citizens, each conscious of his individual import- 
 ance, animated by a lofty spirit of independence, 
 and united in the fellowship of equality, the sentiment 
 of which had an amazing result in fostering and 
 spreading the dignified attachment to liberty. 
 
 The rise and progress of such an institution within 
 the bosom of a primitive society could not but prompt 
 its organisation to emerge from its rude moral and 
 political state, and assume a new position in carrying 
 forward the development of national grandeur. Con- 
 sequently, the equestrian order, as the principal 
 moving spring of action, took the lead, both in time 
 of war and peace, and that which was at first merely 
 a just concession of society, became soon after con- 
 verted into a matter of right. Therefore, to con- 
 duct and follow warlike expeditions was looked upon 
 as one of the most honorable professions, whilst the 
 habit of deliberating in common assembly upon the 
 best means for ensuring success to the undertaking 
 made them exercise the same prerogative in regu- 
 lating also civil administration. However, it does 
 not appear that this usurpation, if I may call it so, 
 had for its object, in its early stage, to sink the 
 agriculturists into social degradation. 
 
 There is no trace in the Polish annals that would 
 
14 THE HISTORY OF POLAND, 
 
 justify or attach a stigma of slavery to that class of the 
 people. The very right, which each of them possessed at 
 all times, to be raised to the dignity of the equestrian 
 order, evidences that no wide barrier stood between the 
 two classes, with the exception that the admission to 
 the honors of the latter required of the candidate 
 proofs of heroic virtues. Doubtless, the chain of 
 circumstances had invisibly prepared, in the course 
 of time, a great change in drawing a distinct line 
 of demarcation between them ; now, in consequence 
 of a general practice of reducing war-prisoners to 
 a condition of dependence, to whom the tilling of the 
 land was oftentimes entrusted. Again, the secret 
 pressure of Germanic influence caused the idea of 
 the feudal system to take root in a modified shape, 
 and the combination of both gave existence, in the 
 end, to a system of adstricti glebce, that made all the 
 agriculturists share in the same fate. 
 
 However, the evil genius of the feudal system, 
 with all its terrible realities, did not darken the 
 horizon of Poland. She presents a different aspect 
 altogether from the one contemporaneous in Germany, 
 Italy, France, or Great Britain. In the latter coun- 
 tries the powerful barons, engrossed only with their 
 individual importance, had no consideration for the 
 rights of others, and, following the dictates of a 
 lawless spirit, have reduced the whole society to one 
 agglomeration of abject slavery, whilst the right of 
 carrying on war on their private account converted 
 them into a band of merciless brigands, to whom no 
 tie was sacred enough that could arrest the promptings 
 of selfishness in the execution of cruel deeds of 
 desolation or destruction. In Poland, although a 
 
THE HISTOKY OP POLAND. 15 
 
 large number of the equestrian order in poor circum- 
 stances depended upon the patronage of the magnats 
 (rich), or were in their service, yet the peculiar tenacity 
 with which each clung to the principle of equality 
 made the rich study and respect the cherished pre- 
 judices. Instead of grasping at power by any pre- 
 sumptuous title, the liberality of sentiment and 
 chivalrous mind could alone recommend them to 
 general favor. 
 
 Hence, the mischievous consequences of private 
 aggression upon each other, so much identified 
 with the feudal system, have been in a great 
 measure nipped, because the equestrian order, in 
 its relation to the rich, lost nothing of its dignity. 
 Freedom of action and thought was its first condition. 
 T$o bounden duties of vassalage constituted a link 
 between them. A simple command was not sufficient 
 to ensure obedience or to increase the ranks of their 
 followers. It was necessary to canvass the opinion, 
 or to set afloat a stirring idea, in the name of which 
 the passions or enthusiasm could be roused. Such a 
 road to influence or importance did not conduct to 
 the narrow end of framing merely a worthless ambi- 
 tion. On the contrary, it led to the formation of a 
 habit, the agency and operation of which gave a 
 steady direction to the development of high political 
 aspirations, that at last enabled Poland to occupy 
 the most brilliant position among the European states. 
 Her social elements, however, might have been defec- 
 tive in harmony. This want was supplied by constant 
 expansion of greater vitality, of a spirit watchful 
 and active in the cause of the best interest of the 
 whole community. Consequently, when Germany, 
 
16 THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 
 
 Trance, and Great Britain, exhausted by the violence 
 of their intestine troubles, allowed themselves to be 
 reduced to a complete forgetfulness of their rights, 
 and gradually bent their neck to the yoke of absolutism, 
 in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the con- 
 temporary Poland, faithful to the tendency of her 
 national genius, stood alone as the shield of the true 
 majesty of nations, that shines only in the enjoyment 
 of freedom. 
 
 There is another point which demands a brief 
 explanation, as a sequel completing the picture of 
 the social state of Poland. The most erroneous 
 notion seems to have taken possession of many minds, 
 that the absence of the influence of the middle class 
 in her politic body caused a development of weakness, 
 with all its troublesome consequences, that hurried 
 the State to its final dissolution. 
 
 If my readers were to form this judgment upon 
 this subject with regard to Poland from a German, 
 French, Italian, or English point of view, wrong 
 as their inference would be, no objection would be 
 taken at their conclusion ; for, agreeably to the spirit 
 of their social state, there was no middle class in 
 Poland. But, if we strictly examine the features 
 of Polish society itself, no such deficiency will be 
 found, except that it differed in character from the 
 rest of Europe. "When, in other countries, every 
 baron at the head of his vassals carried on some 
 petty enterprise to which he was prompted by his 
 own ambition, or revenge, or love of plunder, personal 
 safety could only have been purchased by submission 
 to the oppressive protectorate of the powerful* This 
 mode of existence having grown intolerable, close 
 
THE HISTOBY OF POLAND. 17 
 
 and walled cities afforded shelter, where communities 
 entered into an obligation of mutual defence and protec- 
 tion. A successful resistance gave rise to the spirit of 
 liberty, and to the admission of the middle class to a 
 place in the Legislature, an event that had great 
 influence on the changes in the character of Govern- 
 ment. It tempered the rigor of aristocratical op- 
 pression with a proper mixture of popular free- 
 dom. 
 
 But in Poland, the necessity did not exist for pro- 
 ducing a similar effect. The spirit of liberty was 
 widely spread over the whole range of her domains. 
 The numerous body of the equestrian order, small 
 proprietors, constituted the strength of her middle class, 
 with that superior advantage, that it had no occasion 
 ever to cringe or stand in fear of the rich as a distinct 
 caste, against whose usurpations or arrogancy it proved 
 the most efficient check. 
 
 From the singular community of sentiment of 
 equality between the rich and poor members of the 
 equestrian order, the idea of public good grew to be 
 generally familiar, and became the chief spring of 
 action, insomuch that ambition itself, when seeking 
 revenge either against the king or a rival, the object 
 of private feuds, was obliged to dissimulate its real 
 purpose, by throwing over it the cloak of some public 
 grievance, in order to obtain the good will of the 
 followers. 
 
 Such general disposition of the Polish nation was 
 favorable to the peaceful commercial pursuits of the 
 inhabitants of towns, whom to molest or subject to 
 heavy contributions, no attempt had ever been made by 
 the rural population. On the contrary, it was the 
 2 
 
18 THE HISTOBI OF POLAND. 
 
 special care of the Government to attract commerce and 
 industry within their walls. German settlers met 
 with the greatest encouragement; even they were 
 allowed to regulate their affairs by their own laws 
 (jus TeutonicumJ. Again, the Jews found an honor- 
 able asylum against the horrors of unrelenting persecu- 
 tion, to which that unfortunate race everywhere was 
 subjected. This fact is a beautiful illustration that, 
 even in the rude times of the remote past, the principle 
 of humanity has been applied to the regulation of the 
 Government. The Polish towns, therefore, had a 
 mixed population, and in many places the foreign 
 element predominated that is to say, German mer- 
 chants, artisans, and the Jews, to whom great advantages 
 were granted. Indeed, it may be said that they formed 
 a State in the State, as they enjoyed the protection 
 of distinct laws (jus Teutonicumj, whilst the Polish 
 laws (jus PolonicumJ were only in force in the rural 
 districts. 
 
 Thus, it can be easily accounted for, the exclusion 
 of the inhabitants of towns from a place in the Legis- 
 lature. No doubt, that distinction exercised a mis- 
 chievous influence upon the spirit of town inhabitants, 
 by fostering an attachment to foreign institutions, 
 which perpetuated also the recollection of their foreign 
 origin. However, they had no occasion to desire a 
 change, as no violence or oppression kept them in 
 constant distraction in their mercantile or industrious 
 pursuits. There was a tacit harmony in the workings 
 of these two distinct elements in the State. In con- 
 sequence, if the Polish towns did not raise themselves 
 to the imposing height of political influence, or failed 
 to possess a corporate administration of their own, 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 19 
 
 in imitation particularly of Italy or Trance, in their 
 stead they merged their individuality into the unity 
 of one nation, in acknowledgment of the superior ten- 
 dency of Polish society. 
 
 In reality, we may trace a wide difference in the 
 manifestations of the noble nature of liberty grown 
 on the Polish plains, and her sister nursed within the 
 walled cities of Italy or France. The latter, crippled 
 in the scope of development, contracted narrowness 
 of sentiment, corresponding with the narrowness of the 
 localities of her birth-place a constant prey to petty 
 passions, lost all sympathy with everything that was 
 outside of her seclusion. It had even an ill-will at 
 every other city for raising separate and their own altars 
 to her glory. Mutual jealousies kept up the same 
 spirit which once animated the baronial halls there 
 was no regard paid to the welfare of each other 
 quarrels and wars were her food, until, exhausted in 
 resources, each and all fell a victim to stern despotism. 
 Such was not the fate of liberty in Poland. Bivetted 
 to no walled town in feeling or thought, expansion 
 was the condition of her existence. Par and wide, 
 she was scouring the country, and everywhere sowing 
 a germ of attachment to herself. Thus, gradually, a 
 link has been established between the distant parts, 
 which gave unity of action to their tendencies and 
 purpose. This is one of the causes why Poland was 
 enabled early to manifest superior strength in keeping 
 back the pressure of her numerous enemies ; to occupy 
 for a long time an honorable position on the stage of 
 human life, in the pursuit and enjoyment of freedom; 
 and at last, in the midst of cruel reverses, though 
 fallen, prostrate, and trampled upon, to preserve a 
 
20 THE HISTOBY OF POLAND. 
 
 vitality of spirit that strikes terror in the heart of her 
 successful oppressors. 
 
 Such were the materials which entered into a com- 
 bination in the formation of Polish society, and lent 
 their agency in the progress of its career. In the 
 beginning of the fourteenth century, under the 
 management of a firm and energetic ruler, "Wladyslaw 
 III., surnamed Lokietek (meaning 'Short/ 'Little'), 
 it accomplished one part of its mission by the realisa- 
 tion of national unity, which may be considered as 
 the leading tendency and idea of the first period of 
 its annals. That unity was still more consolidated 
 by the wise administration of his son Casimir, honored 
 by history with the appellation of 'The Great.' His 
 superior sagacity, and far-sighted penetration, suggested 
 to him the most salutary expedient as the only one 
 that could give strength and stability to the common 
 interest and to the spirit of a nation, an expedient 
 that proved most successful and beneficial. He applied 
 himself with unabated zeal to supersede local habits 
 and their importance in the administration of justice 
 by the uniformity of laws. In this attempt, he left 
 an interesting legacy to posterity, a collection of laws 
 known under the name of the Wislican Code, called 
 so from the place, "Wislica, where the Diet, or Parlia- 
 ment, held its assembly in 1347. As a legislative 
 document it bears a noble testimony to the excellent 
 intentions of the king, and to the general intel- 
 ligence of its framers. Every department of social 
 interest engrossed their most earnest attention. 
 Industry and commerce received a due encourage- 
 ment. Education had a considerable share, espe- 
 cially, of the king's interest, with whom originated 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 21 
 
 a plan for the establishment of a University at 
 Cracow. 
 
 But, what is of the greatest importance, we meet for 
 the first time with traces of an effort to define and 
 settle lawfully a distinction in the social organisation, 
 having a tendency to secure a high preeminence of 
 the equestrian order over the agriculturists and other 
 inhabitants, to which encroachments King Casimir 
 offered the most strenuous opposition on every occasion. 
 That solicitude of the king for the welfare and freedom 
 of those who most stood in want of his protection, 
 drew upon him the surname of the ' King of the 
 Peasants/ which was given to him in derision by his 
 opponents, little anticipating that this epithet would 
 be the best clue for the historian in the appreciation of 
 the truly elevated character of the king. However, 
 this is not the single merit of Casimir the Great. 
 By his recurrence to the deliberations and decisions 
 of the Diets, he laid a solid foundation to the attach- 
 ment of a representative system. Poland began to 
 assume a more compact, more significant, position on 
 the political horizon. There was no necessity, as 
 in England, to write in blood the Itagna Charta, or to 
 compel the kings to take repeatedly an oath for keeping 
 it in respect, which, however, they have as often dis- 
 regarded as it suited their purpose. 
 
 The Polish kings were more in unison with the 
 spirit of the country; and as it behoves the rulers, 
 they officiated themselves at the initiation of the 
 nation into the knowledge of its rights. The glory, 
 therefore, of planting the tree of freedom in Poland 
 belongs as much to her kings as to the nation both 
 were animated by the same sentiment. But, when 
 
22 THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 
 
 Poland was taking this favorable direction, there 
 was a dark cloud visible in the distance, at the 
 same time slowly rising, as if in the depth of its bosom 
 a still darker futurity was hidden, threatening, with 
 its antagonistic appearance, to overcast the bright 
 dawn of her prospects. 
 
 The Duchy of Moscow, that was lying torpid ever 
 since 1240, A.D., under the oppression of the successors 
 of Batookhan, who became independent of the Mogul 
 Empire, under the name of the Khans of Kiptchak, and 
 from whom the princes of Bussia received their inves- 
 titure, began to show signs of life in the beginning 
 of the fourteenth century, with a distinct design of 
 rising to preeminence over other princes, not by the 
 right of the sword of a conqueror, but by the assiduity 
 of its Dukes to ingratiate themselves into the high 
 favor of the Khans at any sacrifice, by whose assist- 
 ance they made encroachments upon the rights of other 
 princes, and thus were increasing their power. The 
 rise, progress, and the successful formation of the 
 Muscovite Empire embodied within itself the spirit 
 of Genghis Khan, or Tamerlane, that it might in its 
 turn become the evil genius of the best interests of 
 humanity, civilisation, and liberty. Its infant essays 
 of aggression, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, 
 gave warning, especially to Poland, as to the probable 
 struggles she one day would have to sustain in keeping 
 back its pressure. Still, danger was far distant, and 
 the political sagacity of Poland was not sufficiently 
 mature as to preoccupy herself with such calculations. 
 Besides, she had the great work of her internal im- 
 provements to carry out, to which the reign of Casimir 
 the Great was particularly devoted. Unfortunately, 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 23 
 
 the life-time of a good man, though it may extend to 
 an old age, is generally too short for the benefit 
 of others. He closed the career of the Piast dynasty 
 with glory and honor, by leaving Poland in a fair way 
 to grandeur and prosperity. The reign of his nephew, 
 Louis, King of Hungary, was only an interruption to 
 the speedier development of his predecessor's ideas. 
 He is entitled to be mentioned simply as the father 
 of Queen Jadwiga, with whom Poland entered upon a 
 new phasis of her political life. 
 
foraoS Jninl 
 
 CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCH Y. 
 A.D. 1386 TO A.D. 1573. 
 
 IT is rather a curious fact, that in the remote past the 
 system of a constitutional monarchy had a more com- 
 prehensive and favorahle development in Poland than 
 in any other country. Its growth was natural ; no 
 violence lent its assistance to wrest it from a power 
 that stood in direct opposition to its existence. On the 
 contrary, the kings and the equestrian order took an 
 equal interest in adjusting their mutual pretensions, 
 without ever disgracing themselves with perjuries, 
 fraud, or reckless disregard for imposed obligations. 
 If the equestrian order, or nobles, occasionally 
 betrayed too much eagerness in multiplying their 
 privileges, it was a passion, not of a small fraction 
 nursed in the lap of arrogant feudalism, but of a 
 very wide circle of men connected by family ties 
 with the humblest class, whilst by privileges with the 
 rich one. The sentiment of independence, I may say, 
 was thus inoculated into the circulation of the blood of 
 the nation. Many Englishmen do commit a serious 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 25 
 
 error in judging the genius of Polish society with a 
 fixed notion, and in the spirit of their own. The 
 simple mention of nobility often suggests a train of 
 misimpressions in minds familiar only with the 
 feudal system. In fact, the nobles of Poland may 
 bear a fair comparison to a political body known under 
 the appellation of electors in constitutional countries. 
 Those, therefore, who, addressing themselves to the 
 popular prejudices, endeavor to mislead the attention 
 of the mass by throwing a kind of reproach upon 
 Poland, that her nobles formed a nation within the 
 nation, by such a denouncement they unwillingly, 
 perhaps pay the highest tribute to her elevated poli- 
 tical condition ; because a fact is brought by them to 
 notice, that a considerable portion of the nation exer- 
 cised the same right in matters of public interest, and 
 enjoyed equal privileges in all their relations. 
 
 In reality, their number, nearer our own times, 
 amounted, to more than one million. Surely, a nation 
 that possessed so powerful an element, jealous of its 
 rights, and favorable to the expansion of freedom, 
 cannot be called a nation merely of castes. It has a 
 right to a better title rather that of a nurse of the 
 love of liberty, to which it clung through the whole 
 of its checkered career. Prom the very reason that 
 the progress of a constitutional monarchy in Poland 
 differed in its character from the western powers. 
 In England, the admission of burghers to the place 
 of legislature was exceedingly slow in producing a 
 proportioned effect to the importance of the event. 
 It could not be otherwise. The burghers, taught by 
 ages to stand in awe both of the barons and the 
 kings, betrayed always too much timidity and sub- 
 
26 THE HISTOET OF POLAND. 
 
 mission in the presence of a power that knew not 
 how to respect the very laws which had its sanction. 
 Hence, the authority of Parliament had sore trials to 
 bear, and, at last, in the midst of the heart-rending 
 straggles of the roses, sunk beneath the weight of its 
 own weakness. In Poland the spirit of independence 
 had no sub-divisions. In one mighty tide it carried 
 the rich and the poor, whose distinction on the occa- 
 sion was merged in the community of sentiment, in- 
 terest, and privileged dignity; consequently, the 
 augmentation of parliamentary authority had a power- 
 ful support, and never lost its ground in the progress 
 of ascendancy. In this manner, when the absolute 
 monarchies were consolidating themselves in Europe in 
 the thirteenth century, Poland alone stood in the midst 
 of them, acquiring steadily a more regular form and 
 definite organisation of a representive government, 
 sustained by the deliberations of the senate, and a 
 separate house of delegates sent by each district. 
 
 It is remarkable, also, that the march of this de- 
 velopment met with encouragement from the concur- 
 rence of favorable circumstances. Thus, King Louis, 
 having a strong desire to secure the succession to the 
 Polish throne to his youngest daughter, Jadwiga 
 for he had no sons stopped at no sacrifice that he 
 might only attain his cherished object. Among the 
 concessions extending the liberties of the equestrian 
 order, the reduction of the permanent land tax paid 
 to the crown, to an almost nominal value, proved a 
 source of the most important consequences, as it made 
 the kings dependant upon the supplies granted by a 
 Diet or -Parliament, convoked for that purpose. 
 From that date a solid foundation was laid to a 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 27 
 
 political structure, remarkable for its grandeur or 
 peculiarity. 
 
 The accession of Queen Jadwiga was immortalised 
 by two great events that followed each other in quick 
 succession. Her marriage with Jagiello, the Grand 
 Duke of Lithuania, in 1386, added new splendor and 
 strength to the Polish crown by a voluntary annexation 
 of an extensive country to Poland, which hitherto 
 stood in hostile array against her. Again, the intro- 
 duction of Christianity met with no farther opposition 
 among the Lithuanians, as the conversion of the Grand 
 Duke, who received baptism and took the name of 
 Wladyslaw, inclined them to follow his example. It 
 is astonishing that Paganism should have maintained 
 itself, and lingered to the beginning of the fifteenth 
 century, in that spot alone in Europe. In this 
 instance, we have the most beautiful illustration that 
 the agency of love was a successful missionary of the 
 religion of love, whilst the mighty and constant efforts 
 for more than a century and half of a religious order, 
 the Teutonic Knights, proved of no avail, who, for 
 that special object, were invited by Conrad, a Polish 
 Prince, in the beginning of the thirteenth century, 
 that they might settle themselves in Prussia, in order 
 to Christianise the idolatrous population of Prussia 
 and Lithuania. 
 
 But the failure of their long labor has the amplest 
 apology in the fierce spirit which characterised their 
 whole career. Beneath the dress of a monk every 
 bad passion was hidden and cherished. The lust of 
 power made them violate every law, human and divine. 
 Instead of being the heralds of peace in harmony with 
 the sacred sentiment of the Scriptures, which they 
 
28 THE HISTOET OF POLAND. 
 
 intended the heathens to venerate and adopt, they 
 kindled a war of extermination, and fed constantly its 
 fires, spreading desolation and misery ; and wherever 
 their ascendancy was established, the only boon they 
 had to offer to the natives was the boon of an oppres- 
 sive bondage. Their arrogance knew no limits. Under 
 the garb of religious zeal they became powerful 
 the most ungrateful and troublesome neighbor to 
 Poland. On many occasions she was involved with 
 them in serious wars. Already, in the reign of 
 "Wladyslaw Lokietek, a great battle was fought at 
 Polo wee in A.D. 1331, in which they suffered a terrible 
 chastisement by a total defeat. Eut Jagiello, the 
 Grand Duke of Lithuania, in becoming the King of 
 Poland, had the satisfaction to revenge the long heart- 
 rending sufferings of his country, to which it was 
 subjected by continuous invasions of those Teutonic 
 Knights, by crushing them at the battle of Griinwald, 
 in 1410, on which occasion the Grand Master of the 
 Order, Ulric von Jungingen, and a considerable number 
 of the most distinguished knights, were slain. 
 
 Although the King of Poland neglected to turn to 
 the best advantage so complete a victory, nevertheless, 
 much has been added to the majesty of the crown 
 by such a brilliant assertion of its superiority. The 
 founder of the dynasty of the Polish kings opened 
 a magnificent prospect of the political grandeur of 
 the kingdom, and extended the influence of Polish 
 sentiment and ideas, by granting to the nobles of 
 Lithuania the same rights and privileges as were 
 enjoyed in Poland. However, for some time, opposition 
 was offered to the fusion of the two distinct national 
 aspirations, especially by the restless and remarkable 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 29 
 
 genius of "Witold, the brother of Jagiello, who at one 
 time enlisted the support of Sigismund, the Emperor 
 of Germany, in favor of his aim to erect Lithuania 
 into an independent state. It , required the whole 
 vigilance and energy of the Poles to frustrate a 
 scheme so fatal to their interests. With Witold' s 
 death the spirit of animosity rapidly began to subside, 
 and was replaced by a strong bond of fraternity, 
 that carried them together through good or ill fortune. 
 Thus, Lithuania, without losing her original indi- 
 viduality, formed a harmonious unity with Poland, 
 upon which the stability and strength of every state 
 depends. 
 
 This fortunate incident contributed greatly to the 
 rapid and gigantic strides in her political career. Her 
 majestic attitude inspired the neighbors with confi- 
 dence in the mighty protection that she could afford 
 to them in time of need and danger. Hungary, threat- 
 ened by the pressure of the Ottoman power, already 
 elated by wonderful successes under the eminent 
 Sultan Amurath II., united its crown with Poland, 
 and the youthful king of Poland and Hungary, 
 Wladyslaw V., the son of "Wladyslaw Jagiello, whom 
 he succeeded in 1434, led his troops in 1442 
 against the Turks, whose formidable host began to 
 excite the gloomiest apprehensions as to the safety of 
 Constantinople and the Grecian Empire. 
 
 The first encounter of the Poles with the Turks 
 was triumphant, and taught the latter to respect the 
 new barrier presented to their hitherto victorious 
 progress ; but in the next campaign, at the battle of 
 Yarna, fought in 1444, the forces of the king of 
 Poland and Hungary were cut to pieces, and it became 
 
30 THE HISTOKY OF POLAND. 
 
 still more memorable by the loss of life of the king him- 
 self. This melancholy event gave a warning to Poland, 
 that one day she would have to sustain the brunt of 
 struggles in her own defence, and in the interest of 
 Christendom, against the warlike genius of Mahomet- 
 anism ; and her annals, as if not to lose sight of it, 
 attached to the memory and the name of the killed 
 king, the appellation of Yarnentzik, indicating the 
 place of the misfortune with which he met. After 
 these reverses Poland separated herself from Hungary, 
 and under Casimir IV., brother of the predecessor, 
 steadily pursued a course consonant with the national 
 tendency, in giving a more defined character to her 
 organic life. 
 
 Numerous Diets that were held during the long 
 reign of that king contributed to the enlargement of 
 general intelligence in matters of public business. 
 Every important question, whether in reference to 
 levying new taxes, or bearing upon war or peace, had 
 the most earnest attention, and the disposal of them 
 became a part of its attributes. Thus, although the 
 regal power maintained an imposing aspect by the 
 extensiveness of its dominions, it was restricted in the 
 exercise of the arbitrary will that might have been 
 engendered by restless ambition. On the other hancf, 
 the augmentation of parliamentary prerogatives in- 
 spired the wealthy with a desire of creating for them- 
 selves a new distinction of preeminence over the 
 equestrian order, and an attempt was made in 1503, 
 to induce the assembled Diet to entertain the proposed 
 innovation that would have destroyed the equality of 
 the nobles, and given rise to a narrow oligarchy, more 
 injurious in its effects to the interest of society than 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 31 
 
 the abuses of a single despot. But the opposition 
 proved too spirited and strong ; the scheme fell to the 
 ground. It was a triumph of liberal ideas over a 
 notion suggested in imitation of the feudal system. 
 
 However, the same opposition, at the same Diet, 
 cooperated in the enactment of new regulations, which 
 had the most pernicious tendency. Under the pretext 
 of preserving the agricultural prosperity, it was 
 ordered that in future the agriculturists should not 
 leave their habitations, unless they procured a sub- 
 stitute in their place. Their children also could not 
 absent themselves in search of employment, or with 
 the object of studying any trade, without the know- 
 ledge and consent of the land-owner. It is true that 
 individual liberty was guaranteed to them, and the 
 intention of the law was to protect them ; nevertheless, 
 this unfortunate act of legislation opened the door to 
 encroachments and abuses, which in the eighteenth 
 century reached its highest summit, insomuch that 
 the land of freedom received the sorrowful stigma 
 of the land of serfage. 
 
 I admit this fact with the painful sense of humi- 
 liation, and raise my voice to denounce it with an 
 energetic indignation. But with no small satisfaction 
 I am enabled to observe also, that the vitality of a 
 regenerative principle preserved at all times its sound- 
 ness, and made Poland the cradle Of sentiments 
 favorable to the reestablishment of liberty and justice. 
 The uncompromised equality of a numerous nobility 
 fostered a spirit ready to make the most enthusiastic 
 sacrifices for the preservation of national independence, 
 and that spirit was a depositary of the best hope 
 cherished by humanity. If an evil wormed itself, 
 
32 THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 
 
 causing the social health gradually to sink into decline, 
 taking even the most unfavorable view of the case, 
 no one would deny that there was still a germ of every 
 improvement, which, under genial circumstances, might 
 have brought forth abundance of excellent fruit. For 
 the present, limiting our inquiry to the fifteenth 
 century, the contrast of the condition of different 
 European states, would incline the scale of advantage 
 in favor of Poland. 
 
 Through the exercise of comparison, the mind 
 generally arrives at a more comprehensive conclusion 
 as to the real worth of things under its consideration. 
 The annals of mankind are calculated to display their 
 distinct peculiarities in a more vivid manner. I wish 
 I could place my readers in a position to have a pano- 
 ramic view of the contemporaneous scenes of the active 
 life of various nations at that remote period. In the 
 midst of wars, internal struggles, and multifarious 
 monstrous crimes, the attention would be only relieved 
 from the excitement of painful impressions and horror, 
 when resting in its turn upon the milder physiognomy 
 of recollections of Poland. Rough as her character 
 might have been, in every step, in every transaction 
 of hers, an idea manifested itself, which, like a mirror, 
 reflected the common thoughts of society an idea of 
 the expansion of freedom. Every circumstance, every 
 incident, seems to have been bent for the attainment of 
 that object, whilst in other countries, passions, violence, 
 individual selfishness, rent asunder harmony of feeling, 
 blunted the consciousness of human dignity, imposed 
 the most humiliating consequences upon the proud 
 races prostrate by exhaustion, and compelled them to 
 relinquish their rights in favor of stringent oppression. 
 
THE HISTOHY OF POLAND. 33 
 
 Such was the contrast in the relative position of 
 Poland, in regard to the rest of Europe, in the 
 fifteenth century. There was no interruption, no link 
 lost, in the march of her career ; and in the sixteenth 
 century she had no rival in securing the widest appli- 
 cation to the principle essential in the regulation of 
 a civilised state, of which she was then the best per- 
 sonification. I do not say that the train of transactions 
 had always a smooth or fortunate passage. From 
 time to time the affliction of calamities spread a gloomy 
 diversion in the public spirit ; yet, in the midst of the 
 distraction occasioned by wars with the Teutonic 
 Knights, with the Tartars, Muscovites, and the Turks, 
 no opportunity was neglected of strengthening the 
 vitality of her political energies. Owing to this activity, 
 the influence of Poland commanded great respect 
 abroad. The thrones of Bohemia and Hungary were 
 offered and occupied by the Jagiellonian dynasty, an 
 evidence of the high confidence and estimation with 
 which she inspired those neighboring nations. How- 
 ever, the sagacity of the Poles had not as yet sufficient 
 penetration to detect the combination of future events 
 that might arise from their having suffered the Grand 
 Duchy of Moscow to practise successfully its infant 
 aggression. 
 
 This was one of their greatest political blunders. 
 It seems that danger in the distance seldom excites 
 uneasiness or alarm in the minds of many statesmen. 
 Sometimes, too much of self-reliance makes them attach 
 too little importance to facts even of a serious character. 
 Perhaps neither of these charges can be substantiated 
 against the Polish statesmen. Be it as it may, the 
 Grand Duchy of Moscow conceived a scheme of 
 3 
 
34 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 aggrandisement without having provoked a well-timed 
 opposition on the part of Poland. Ivan Yasilewicz was 
 no sooner invested with the dignity of Duke, in 1462, 
 than he showed himself equal to the execution of it. 
 His first care was to effect a total emancipation from 
 the yoke imposed upon the country by the Tartars 
 ever since A.D. 1240. This he was enabled to accom- 
 plish with the aid of a favorable combination of 
 circumstances, which led to the dissolution of the 
 powerful empire of the Khans of Kiptchak, but at the 
 same time, in the very Mongul spirit, he pursued the 
 course of his aggressions. The ancient Republic of 
 the Great Novogorod, as also of Twer, fell victims 
 to his hostility in 1487. The preeminence of the 
 Duke of Moscow began precisely to acquire signifi- 
 cance when Poland had assumed a more perfect 
 character of a well organised constitutional monarchy. 
 Thus, two opposite principles, at the close of the 
 fifteenth century, were gathering strength, as if 
 conscious that one day they were to meet each other 
 face to face in the murderous struggle of mutual 
 extermination. 
 
 The sixteenth century in the life of nations, per- 
 sonified the most interesting and brilliant epoch. The 
 human mind, overwhelmed by an accumulation of 
 superstition, cherished and multiplied during the dark 
 ages, began to manifest uneasiness at its own condition 
 in the course of the middle ages. The Waldenses in 
 the thirteenth century, the Lollards and the Hussites, 
 in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, heralded the 
 necessity of the modification of various grievances. 
 The spirit of the times was misunderstood by those 
 who claimed the right of directing it. Councils 
 
THE HISTORY OP POLAND. 35 
 
 called together to devise a remedy against the growing 
 evils, had not sufficient wisdom to know that 
 ' Of all the tyrannies on human kind 
 That is the worst which persecutes the mind ! ' 
 
 Much more regard has been shown to antiquated 
 prejudices, to fixed ideas, than to the real moral wants 
 of humanity. On that account, the brightest innova- 
 tions of thought had no chance of exercising their 
 legitimate influence. Suspicion, jealousy, and above 
 all, the vitiated judgment sustained by the long- 
 established maxims, frowned upon the smallest devia- 
 tion from the narrowness of their own views and 
 sentiments. Such opposition had its moments of 
 forgetfulness, and by its injudicious conduct roused 
 from a deep si amber the new energies of mankind. 
 The waking was like the sudden waking of an earth- 
 quake, and it shook the edifice of society to its very 
 foundation. The Eeformation, though in its rise it 
 attacked only the abuses of the Church, soon after, by 
 the force of circumstances, was drifted into a vortex 
 of the new political combinations of which it became 
 a rallying standard. ISFew ideas were starting up like 
 scattered flaming signals, each giving fresh and stronger 
 impulse to kindled passions, aspirations, and even to 
 the greatest mental extravagancies. A terrible con- 
 vulsion seized the largest portion of Europe. "Wars 
 were undertaken, massacres committed, and all these 
 in the sacred name of religion. 
 
 In the face of such frightful occurrences, what was 
 the conduct of Poland in the sixteenth century ? She 
 was serene and calm, as if aware that man had no 
 right to interfere with the conscience of man. She 
 acted the part of the good Samaritan. Whosoever 
 
36 THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 
 
 stood in need of an asylum, driven abroad by cruel per- 
 secutions every one, without distinction as to the 
 difference of opinion, met with the same hospitality 
 and protection. In our days a similar practice is the 
 pride and boast of Great Britain. This noble develop- 
 ment of the British mind will enable it to appreciate 
 fully the high position and character of Poland during 
 the sixteenth century, at a period when a want of 
 safe shelter would have exposed the innocent to the 
 fury of blind passions. However, the office assumed 
 by Poland did not arise either from indifference to 
 the struggle of principles, or accidental caprice ; it was 
 the result of the superiority of her institutions. She 
 was one of the links of "Western civilisation in ideas 
 and in religion. The consanguinity of elements might 
 have easily kindled a similar conflagration. But the 
 national spirit formed a separate energy, which acted 
 as a counterpoise to other influences. Each member 
 of the numerous equestrian order was a perfect 
 individualisation of that spirit, whilst in the body they 
 formed gigantic unity to any opposition. That spirit 
 consisted in prizing the gift of liberty above every 
 other consideration. The strongest force of jealousy 
 was thrown around it to protect it against any 
 encroachment. 
 
 Fortunately, the two kings Sigismund I., and his 
 son, Sigismund II., Augustus found themselves in 
 harmony with this sentiment of the country. In 
 consequence, their successive reigns exhibit but one 
 tissue of magnanimity, and of measures distinguished 
 for wisdom. They have carried the views agreeably 
 to the tendency of Polish society, and made the best 
 application of its spirit in the regulation of their conduct 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLAKD. 37 
 
 with regard to every emergency. On that account the 
 space of time embraced by the reign of the two 
 Sigismunds, from 1506 to 1572, represents the bloom 
 and buoyancy of Poland's life and of her dazzling 
 hopes. The same respect which has been shown for 
 freedom of thought in the case of individuals was 
 transferred to collective bodies. Thus, the Teutonic 
 Knights, an ecclesiastical order, effected its secularisa- 
 tion under the sanction of the Polish king, and its 
 last Grand Master, Albert of Brandeburgh, became a 
 temporal prince in 1525, as a vassal of Poland. It 
 was a remarkable occurrence of startling importance 
 to the progress of new opinions. 
 
 This picture, however, would be incomplete if I 
 were to take no notice of its harsher features. "No 
 doubt there existed a respectable and influential 
 minority, to whom, especially, religious liberty was 
 altogether obnoxious. They strained every nerve of 
 zeal and official authority to raise a barrier against 
 it. Some acts of violence have been committed in 
 opposition to the spirit of national institutions. They 
 made an attempt at setting themselves above every 
 law, with perfect disregard to the rights handed from 
 generation to generation as the noblest legacy. . It did 
 not fail to alarm the equestrian order. A single step 
 of encroachment upon their privileges gave the signal 
 for general fermentation, as well as to the unity of 
 their opposition. At the memorable Diet in 1552, it 
 was enacted, that although the ecclesiastical court 
 had a right to investigate every new opinion, and to 
 pass a judgment as to the soundness of its views, yet 
 condemnation of the professed opinion could not affect 
 either individual dignity or individual liberty. In 
 
38 THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 
 
 consequence, the spirit of persecution was nipped in its 
 very bud. Here we have an evidence that Poland had 
 escaped the horrors multiplied elsewhere, by the torch 
 of intoleration, solely in virtue of her social genius. 
 This activity in fortifying herself against internal 
 evils, was rewarded by the happiest result, as at no 
 period she had enjoyed a larger share of tranquillity 
 than during the reign of the two Sigismunds. 
 
 Among the foreign wars, the one with the Dukes 
 of Moscow had already a stamp of deep interest 
 in the political transactions of Poland. The character 
 of the contest gave a great deal of uneasiness to the 
 Polish statesmen, even at that early period. The fol- 
 lowing letter of King Sigismund Augustus, written to 
 Queen Elizabeth, will bear the best testimony to it, 
 and proves his sagacity and foresight, justified by the 
 events of our days : ' I pray your majesty well to 
 reflect, whether you would permit your merchants to 
 make the Muscovite strong with their cannon, with 
 their powder, and their manufactures. Do not think 
 that he is nobody else's enemy but mine he is the 
 enemy of all Christendom.' * 
 
 This prophetic remonstrance of the Polish king 
 conveys an exact idea of the fearful anticipations and 
 visions which then existed only in the mind of 
 Sigismund Augustus, but which in our days has 
 become an awful reality. From the above document 
 it appears that the Muscovites derived considerable 
 advantages from the trade with England, although the 
 commercial relations scarcely had time to acquire any 
 importance, as the first communication between the 
 two countries took place in 1533, from the accidental 
 
 * 'State Papers.' 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 39 
 
 discovery of Archangel, made by Richard Chancellor, 
 a bold navigator, then bent on search to open a north- 
 eastern passage through the polar regions. Yet, if we 
 consider that the sixteenth century effected a complete 
 transformation in the life of England that her spirit, 
 hitherto pent up within the limits of continental 
 aspirations, launched itself on its more genial element 
 of maritime career we may easily conceive, that no 
 sooner a new spot in the distance became known, than 
 it attracted the attention of the enterprising, and of 
 the lovers of adventures. Thus, Archangel owed its 
 rapid rise to opulence solely to the trade of England. 
 To this circumstance let it be added that the contem- 
 porary Czar of Moscow, Ivan IV., whose ferocity 
 of character history commemorates by the appellation 
 of ' the Terrible / displayed extraordinary activity and 
 perseverance in harassing Poland with the calamities 
 of war, and with Queen Elizabeth kept on an amicable 
 correspondence. The Polish king, therefore, had 
 sufficient ground for making the above expostulation, 
 coupled with significant warning. However, in these 
 wars with the Czar of Moscow, the superiority of 
 Poland was still conspicuously sustained. 
 
 Independently of the glory that belongs to Poland 
 of that period as a land of freedom, she was very 
 fortunate in the personal noble character of both 
 Sigismunds, who added greater lustre to her merits. 
 Sigismund I., to a fine intellectual development joined 
 a calm wisdom, well regulated by the sentiments of 
 justice. More devoted to promoting the prosperity 
 of the country over which he reigned, than to gratify 
 a thirst for power by new acquisitions, he declined 
 accepting the crown of Hungary ; and this act of 
 
40 THE HISTOEY OP POLAND. 
 
 magnanimous moaesty shows to advantage the charac- 
 ter of his solid virtues. His son, Sigismund Augustus, 
 has an equal claim to the admiration of posterity. 
 His mental organisation was of an elevated nature, 
 the moral and intellectual being manifested in him in 
 harmonious unity. The following incident of his life 
 may be adduced by way of example. 
 
 Sigismund Augustus, in the lifetime of his father, 
 formed a strong attachment to Barbara Eadziwill, the 
 daughter of a Lithuanian nobleman, and following 
 the impulse of his heart, he married her clandestinely. 
 But no sooner was he called upon to fill the vacant 
 throne than he revealed the secret to the senators, 
 before his coronation. This disclosure produced great 
 excitement now, in consequence of jealousy and fears, 
 that her relations should obtain a preponderant share 
 of influence at the court. Again, some thought that 
 the marriage was derogatory to the dignity and majesty 
 of the Polish crown. To an almost unanimous 
 clamor of the Diet and the Senate, even the high 
 dignitaries of religion joined their solicitations for a 
 divorce, holding up to the king the temptation of a 
 full pardon from the church for the breach of his 
 oath to his wife, on the plea of absolute necessity. 
 The king remained unmoved and firm. The grandeur 
 of his mind and the purity of his heart were brought 
 together to bear upon the memorable answer returned 
 by him. 'What/ exclaimed the king, 'can you 
 expect that the solemnity of the coronation oath, or 
 any other oath to you, will be faithfully respected by 
 me, if I acted agreeably to your advice, and began 
 my reign with breaking the oath which unites me to 
 my wife? Be it known that my plighted faith is 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 41 
 
 everything to ine, and I shall never purchase a crown 
 by perjury.' 
 
 Such magnanimous conduct of Sigismund Augustus, 
 failed not to convert the voice of opposition into a 
 spontaneous enthusiasm of admiration ; and he had the 
 satisfaction of placing the crown upon the brow of his 
 beloved Barbara. Surely, a simple narrative of this 
 fact, without any comment or embellishment, answers 
 our present purpose perhaps it may gain an additional 
 interest if placed by the side of the tragical scenes of 
 the court of Henry VIII. , or that of the gallantries 
 of Erancis I. Suffice it to say, that Poland was 
 evidently in advance of every other country in politi- 
 cal and moral development, and that the two Sigis- 
 munds in particular were the finest specimens of what 
 the character of kings should be. 
 
 Under their auspicious reign the intellectual activity 
 of Poland was also immense. She largely contributed 
 to the common stock of human knowledge. Every 
 branch of literature and science had its eminent 
 votaries. Consequently, in the same manner as the 
 Italians cling with enthusiasm and affection to the 
 times of Dante and Petrarch or, as the English are 
 proud of the Shaksperean period the Poles, with 
 mixed feelings of both, cherish the era of the two 
 Sigismunds. As a mark of honorable distinction, it is 
 called in the history of literature a golden era, to 
 which appellation it acquired the unquestionable right. 
 But its chief merit consisted in the emancipation of 
 Polish literature from the Latin frame, the latter 
 language having been hitherto generally used by the 
 learned. It was a welcome change, that produced a 
 complete revolution in taste, sentiment, and ideas; 
 
42 THE HISTOEY OP POLAND. 
 
 at the same time, it spurred on the expansion of 
 intelligence. "No one can doubt, that the adoption of 
 the Latin tongue as the only vehicle for communicating 
 all superior thoughts, has done immense injury to the 
 progress of national literature in every country. 
 Those, therefore, who first had the courage to break 
 down the monopoly of the few, and disclosed the 
 charms of mental cultivation to the mass of their 
 fellow-countrymen in the vernacular language, may 
 be looked upon as benefactors of their race. On that 
 account, the memory .of Luther, among the Germans, 
 is not only venerated as the boldest champion of the 
 Eeformation, but also as the founder of a German 
 language. 
 
 In Poland, this honor belongs to John Kochanowski, 
 a man of uncommon genius and of brilliant intellectual 
 versatility. As the translator of Homer, Anacreon, 
 Horace, and Cicero, he would already be entitled to 
 the gratitude of posterity for so important a contribu- 
 tion of ancient lore ; but the energy of his mind and 
 feeling is eminently distinguished in the translation of 
 the Psalms of David. He was deeply imbued with 
 the inspirations of the original, and has transfused the 
 sublime ideas of the royal bard into his native 
 language, with all their peculiar fire and strength. 
 In his original works he maintains throughout the 
 character of the independent genius, and, without a 
 national model, he of himself formed a poetical lan- 
 guage, and has henceforth become a standard for others. 
 His volume of * Laments,' written on the occasion of 
 the death of his only daughter, Urshula, possesses 
 great interest and merit, from the wonderful variety of 
 thought and expression upon the same subject, without 
 
THE HISTOBY OF POLAND. 43 
 
 the least monotony, in pathos that forcibly portrays 
 the anguish of parental bereavement. I presume it 
 will be gratifying to my readers to peruse the follow- 
 ing one of these ' Laments,' as an illustration of his 
 mind. 
 
 LAMENT. 
 (TRANSLATED BY DR. BOWRING.) 
 
 1 Would thou hadst ne'er been born or, being born, 
 Hadst left me not, sweet infant! thus forlorn. 
 I have paid lasting woe for fleeting bliss, 
 A dark farewell, a speechless pang like this. 
 Thou wert the brightest, fairest dream of sleep ! 
 And, as the miser cherishes his heap 
 Of gold, I held thee ; soon 'twas fled, and nought 
 Left but the dreary vacancies of thought 
 That once was blessedness ! And thou art fled, 
 "Whose fairy vision floated in my head 
 And play'd around my heart. And thou art gone ! 
 Gone with my joys, and I am left alone. 
 
 . Half of my soul took flight with thee, the rest 
 Clings to thy broken shadow in my breast ! ' 
 
 "Who would not mingle a sigh of deep sympathy 
 with the sorrow of the poet, and thus pay a tribute 
 both to his talent and to his affection ? This is the 
 best triumph, to which real genius only can lay 
 claim. Such was John Kochanowski. 
 
 There is a long list of eminent literati who flourished 
 at the same time. My object, however, is not to 
 examine them separately, and a mere mention of 
 names would be tedious and unsatisfactory. I may 
 say, that in every department of intellectual exercise 
 the Poles were preeminently successful. Their zeal 
 was particularly great in the study of the mathematical 
 
44 THE HISTORY OF POL AND. 
 
 and physical sciences. In that province, men of a 
 bold and original cast of mind raised themselves to 
 the high rank of those few luminaries of the world 
 whom the whole human race claim as the common 
 glory of human nature. 
 
 Poland had the honor, in the sixteenth century, of 
 possessing one of such illustrious character, whose 
 name now is in the mouth of every schoolboy in the 
 civilised world, who has received his quantum of 
 geography, and been initiated in the elements of the 
 solar system. The name of Copernicus sheds as great 
 a lustre upon the country of his birth, as Kepler, 
 Galileo, or Newton, do upon their respective native 
 lands. Whatever, therefore, relates to the memory of 
 Copernicus, should be sustained by a Pole with all 
 the warmth of national jealousy and pride. The Ger- 
 mans, envious of his superior mind, endeavored lately 
 to appropriate the honor of his origin to themselves, 
 upon no other ground but upon that one of Thorn, 
 the place of his birth, forgetting that Thorn (Torun 
 in Polish) was in former times an integral part of 
 Poland, and only after her second spoliation, in 1793, 
 it became a portion of the present kingdom of Prussia. 
 This dispute, however, set all parties in search of 
 necessary documents, and it was fully proved that the 
 father of Copernicus was a citizen of Cracow, that 
 in 1469 he took up his residence at Thorn, and that 
 four years after that is to say, in 1473 his son, the 
 subject of our present remarks, was born in it, who 
 has overturned, by the powers of his great mind alone, 
 all the previous systems of astronomy. He finished 
 his studies at the "University of Cracow. He employed 
 himself with unremitting earnestness in examining the 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 45 
 
 observations of the ancients, and in making new ones 
 of his own. When we consider that all his observa- 
 tions were made without the assistance of telescopes, 
 the invention of these being of a later date, we cannot 
 but agree, that the Polish philosopher must have been 
 endowed with extraordinary mental powers, that 
 enabled him to make such profound discoveries, and 
 bring to light the works of nature hidden in the 
 depth of infinity. Well may Poland be proud of him 
 as one that had furnished a column of her grandeur. 
 She can exclaim, without offending the feelings of 
 modesty, in the poetic language of Dr. Worthington : 
 
 ' Enthroned with Newton in the starry spheres, 
 Copernicus unfolds to listening ears 
 The wondrous laws which Nature bared to him, 
 And but for him to Newton e'en were dim. 
 Thus Polish glory blends with God's own might, 
 And lives in regions of eternal light.' 
 
 There is a rich fund of recollections in the annals 
 of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, calculated to 
 gratify and strengthen the intellectual habits of com- 
 parison and contemplation of a student of history. 
 Some are of a brilliant character, others less dazzling, 
 but no less interesting or important in their effects. 
 Perhaps the pages of the Polish annals may be con- 
 signed to the latter classification. But if daring has 
 not characterised her ideas, in its stead their genial 
 vitality has spread widely, and nourished sentiments, 
 which add dignity to the common course of human 
 existence, and give a noble expression to nationality. 
 
 Thus, she cannot rival the grandeur of the Portu- 
 guese, actively displayed in the maritime enterprises 
 that led to the most beneficial improvements in naviga- 
 
46 THE HISTOliY OF POLAND. 
 
 tion, and enlarged the wealth, of knowledge and of 
 commerce. Tor can she compete with the good 
 fortune of Spain, into whose lap were thrown immense 
 acquisitions, with mines of treasures. However, 
 neither of these nations reaped the benefit of internal 
 moral and social improvement, from a spirit called into 
 existence by the love of the marvellous, or of adven- 
 tures. The genius of Don Henry of Portugal, and 
 that of Columbus, might well have blushed at the 
 fatal consequences conjured up by their noble aspira- 
 tions. The worst passions started up tumultuously, 
 in direct opposition to the spirit of their gigantic 
 conceptions. Avarice and cupidity, whilst stimulat- 
 ing the growth of energies, destroyed in the same 
 proportion the higher attributes of humanity the 
 sentiments of justice and of freedom. Abroad, where- 
 ever they succeeded in maintaining a footing, they 
 were the heralds of calamity and oppression, whilst 
 they sunk, in their turn at home, into a deluge of vice, 
 that made them fit to bear the degradation of slavery. 
 Such reflections do not fall upon Poland. Her 
 account of herself would rather be viewed favorably 
 by the tribunal of nations. On the other hand, if 
 Germany can point with exultation to the greatness 
 of her idea, personified by the Eeformation, and may 
 justly plead apology for the series of violent struggles 
 it kindled, especially as the result obtained freedom 
 of thought was worth every sacrifice, to this 
 Poland can return an answer : ' You contended for 
 freedom of thought, and I gave shelter to the perse- 
 cuted.* In such a light of comparison she stands in 
 reference to her contemporaries. In summing up all 
 the parts of the character of Poland of the Second 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLA.ND. 47 
 
 Period, no one would deny that the Poles have strong 
 ground to cherish it with more than common attach- 
 ment or gratification ; and if the recollections keep up 
 unquenched the mighty workings of our passions as 
 long as the Poles cling with tenacity to the memory of 
 their ancestors, and nourish their spirit, it will be 
 impossible for any despot, or combination of despots, 
 to reduce them to a forgetfulness of their ancient 
 dignity, or extinguish their love of national indepen- 
 dence. The subsequent events will fully illustrate 
 the truth of it. In the meantime, one observation 
 will be still added : that Poland closed her Second 
 Period of History with a prospect justifying the most 
 brilliant anticipations of her future greatness. 
 
ELECTIVE MONARCHY. 
 A.D. 1573 TO A.D. 1764. 
 
 THE commencement of the Third Period of Poland's 
 political career, was a beautiful continuation of her 
 conduct, regulated by the expansion of liberal ideas. 
 At no time were her considerations marked with so 
 much wisdom, with such elevated sentiments, as when 
 she found herself called upon to dispose of the vacant 
 throne after the death of Sigismund Augustus, the last 
 scion of the Jagiellonian race. 
 
 The first object of the general anxiety was to settle 
 the principles which should be in future the basis, and 
 the absolute condition, of a reigning monarch; that 
 would also promote universal harmony in spite of the 
 difference, especially of religious opinions, then making 
 fast progress in the country. In 1573, the Diet, to 
 its great honor, proclaimed civil and religious liberty. 
 It was an act, a splendid emanation of the genius and 
 tendency of Polish society. Such a sublime thought 
 was as yet beyond the conception of the Christian 
 world. This sole fact would suggest to every mind 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 49 
 
 a train of agreeable reflections in the face of the most 
 delicate and long established interests, prejudices, and 
 the newly- started pretensions ; notwithstanding the 
 contact of snch combustible materials, it was jointly 
 agreed to respect the rights and freedom of each as 
 the common boon of all. What still more enhances 
 the value of the manifestation of such a spirit, is 
 that it was not the work of one masterly mind, 
 which in many cases forces the multitude to receive 
 the stamp of its own thought and sentiment; but 
 the accomplishment of collective exertions that per- 
 sonified a wide distribution of intelligence. 
 
 Yet, by the side of an act of so great magnanimity, 
 the same collective mind, actuated by jealousy and 
 fear that their privileges should ever be encroached 
 upon by the crown, had entailed upon the country a 
 succession of miseries by the ill devised system of 
 elective monarchy. It was unanimously declared 
 that the kings had only life interest in the crown; 
 that any nobleman might be chosen by a vote of a 
 majority of electors; that they could not be invested 
 with the dignity and power of a chief of the State 
 until they signed certain stipulations between the 
 nation and themselves, known by the name of pacta 
 conventa, which, if they dared to violate, the law 
 absolved the nation from all the duties of allegiance. 
 Doubtless, a crowd of candidates of foreign monarchs 
 and princes sueing for the suffrage was an imposing 
 sight, a flattering homage to the right of popular will. 
 
 At the first election, John III., King of Sweden ; 
 
 Ivan the Terrible, the Czar of Moscow; Archduke 
 
 Ernest, the son of the Emperor Maximilian II. ; and 
 
 Henry of Yalois, brother of Charles IX., King of 
 
 4 
 
50 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 France, strove to gain the good opinion of the electors 
 each through their Ambassadors making an exposition 
 of their views, sacrifices, pledges, and brilliant pro- 
 mises which they never meant to perform. There 
 is no denying that similar scenes exercised some influ- 
 ence, though transitory, upon the minds grown in 
 the habits of arbitrary domination, and good results 
 have been obtained. Thus, Henry of Yalois, the first 
 elected king of Poland, the son of the artful, haughty, 
 and unprincipled Catharine de Medici, was obliged 
 to subscribe the conditions which compelled him, for 
 the sake of giving a good look to his sincerity with 
 regard to his new subjects, to induce the French 
 Government to relax its persecution of the Huguenots. 
 Therefore, through the influence and interference of 
 Poland, the Protestants in France had a respite from 
 the harassing sufferings of oppression. Even Ivan 
 the Terrible, the Czar of Moscow, who filled the 
 world with an echo of the darkest atrocities, feigned 
 to have a longing for the honor of governing a free 
 people, and thought it necessary to palliate his barba- 
 rities in a language that betrayed the consciousness 
 of the tyrant of the guilt with which he has been 
 charged. But this acknowledgment of the purity of 
 principle upon which the throne of Poland was placed 
 may be looked upon as a poor return for the enormous 
 . evil that the competition of foreign princes caused 
 to take root in the country. It is a matter of 
 astonishment that the nation, so much attached to its 
 nationality, should have betrayed so little solicitude 
 for the preservation of its native spirit from the 
 contagion of corruption, easily spread by a promis- 
 cuous crowd of foreign adventurers. Let us only 
 
THE HISTOKY OP POLAND. 51 
 
 consider the elements of which the first election was 
 composed. 
 
 Pour influences, each distinct in their character, 
 animated by different circumstances, and neither of 
 them having the least sympathy with a nation at 
 whose hands they sought to receive the object of their 
 ambition, found themselves face to face, trying to 
 out-trick each other by the most liberal profes- 
 sions, which they never meant to put into practice. 
 Such a mixture of cunning, intrigue, of unscrupulous 
 falsehood, of alluring tamperings, would have thrown 
 into confusion even the harmony of a grave assembly 
 of sages. "Well might it leave a dangerous effect upon 
 the multitude, easily split by kindled passions or 
 prospects of recompense. However, the high testi- 
 mony of Montluc, the Eishop of Yalens, Ambassador 
 of Prance, who took the most active part in the 
 proceedings of the first election, as well as of Gratiani, 
 Secretary to the Cardinal Commendoni, who, in the 
 name of Gregory XIII., supported the candidature of 
 the Archduke Ernest of Austria, both concur in 
 admiring the majesty of the national spirit, equal to 
 the grandeur of the occasion. It was the spirit of the 
 Jagiellonian times, still genuine in its native purity 
 and aspirations. Eut even then we might have easily 
 discovered signs, as yet imperceptible, of its decline, 
 to be developed by a repetition of similar scenes of 
 excitements, so prejudicial to the general equanimity, 
 especially as the viciousness of the Elective system 
 was allowed to grow without any provision that could 
 check the irregularities of restless ambition. The 
 whole proceedings, though of a solemn nature, were 
 not sustained by laws strong enough or capable of 
 
52 THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 
 
 restricting within legitimate bounds the actions of 
 selfishness. Hence, the majesty of the national 
 assembly, which, intended to represent the intelligence 
 and integrity of the country, was casually sullied by 
 a discord of contending passions. 
 
 In addition to this mischievous deficiency in the 
 arrangement and regulations of such momentous 
 occasions, another evil sprung up of a more serious 
 character, that preyed upon the vitality of national 
 energies. The elected king and the nation were far 
 from being united in one bond of fellowship for the 
 mutual benefit. Their interests stood at variance 
 with each other. The former cherished a wish of 
 framing the regal on the model of hereditary abso- 
 lutism. Accordingly, his inclinations led him to 
 enter into secret negotiations, thus paving the way to 
 the growth of foreign influence in his Council. The 
 latter had often strong reasons to suspect or distrust 
 their own ruler, and that want of harmony in the 
 tendencies of both brought on an accumulation of 
 political misfortunes that darkened the subsequent 
 career of the country. Again, as the choice generally 
 fell upon a foreign prince, the elected king, being a 
 stranger to its language, a stranger to its historical 
 recollections, to its manners, habits, or prejudices, 
 to its national literature, and, above all, a stranger to 
 its spirit, what interest could he feel in any of these 
 legacies transmitted from generation to generation? 
 Hence, new sentiments, new ideas, incompatible with 
 the cast of a Polish mind, have been imported, 
 planted, multiplied, and artificially sustained, to the 
 great detriment of the native ones. It was an injury 
 the most grievous injury from the fatal effects 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 53 
 
 of which Poland required the mightiest exertions to 
 recover herself. 
 
 !N~o wonder that the concurrence of such circum- 
 stances became a source of successive calamities. Under 
 the pressure of causes so ruinous, unfortunately, the 
 nation was ill provided with the means of counter- 
 poising their melancholy effect. The Diet, the only 
 channel through which a desired redress might hav<e 
 been obtained, met once every two years, emergencies 
 excepted, whilst the duration of their sittings was 
 limited to six weeks only. During so short a space 
 of time, scarcely a few questions of importance could 
 receive any attention or ample consideration ; all was 
 hurry and confusion ; the details of business, often 
 without any inquiry, were left to the ability of the 
 executive power. It is, therefore, evident that a 
 strong opposition could readily start to a subject of 
 vast concern, if it proved to be offensive to the gene- 
 ral interest. But in other respects the control exer- 
 cised over the acts of the Government was altogether 
 feeble. In consequence, this neglect became a source 
 of encouragement to the Crown to follow its own 
 plans, without the consent or knowledge of the 
 country. This want of unity in action and in purpose 
 between the ruler and the ruled, caused a weakness 
 in the bond of political organisation. 
 
 There was another inconvenience that gave rise to 
 great abuses, which rendered the progress of improve- 
 ments difficult. Unanimity was required in parlia- 
 mentary decisions a single dissenting voice could 
 arrest the enactment of the most salutary measure 
 nay, it might suspend or dissolve the proceedings of 
 the Diet. It may well startle with surprise those 
 
54 THE HIST GET OF POLAND. 
 
 unacquainted with the genius of Polish society, that 
 such extraordinary importance should have been 
 attached to individuality, as to arm each member of 
 the Diet with the mighty privilege of Liberum Veto. 
 Doubtless, the original spirit of that conception was 
 perfectly consonant with the sentiments and notions 
 of those whom it concerned. Educated to prize 
 personal liberty as the noblest gift of Heaven, and 
 as the highest social distinction, the equestrian order, 
 or nobles, put the greatest stress in maintaining that 
 dignity, and as all had equal share in the enjoyment 
 of it, each was entrusted with the guardianship in 
 virtue of their legitimate right over the common 
 interest. It was very likely adopted as a principle 
 of self-defence against any machination or design 
 of encroachment on the part of the executive power. 
 The purity of their intentions cannot be called into 
 question. However, they may be taxed with having 
 had very little insight into human nature, as not to 
 have entertained fears and apprehensions that the 
 same privilege might, also, become one day the 
 channel of treachery or misapplication. It seems as 
 if, under the enchantment of a love of liberty, their 
 thoughts did not see the dark side of eventful life. 
 Eut subsequent experience shook off the spell, 
 although not until reverses reached their highest 
 climax. 
 
 Such were the features of the Elective system, 
 full of bold character, yet wanting a finish, and 
 defective in details. It stood in need of a master- 
 mind to sort out the good from the evil, and to direct 
 the helm with a firm hand. Had it been the good 
 fortune of Poland to be governed by several Kings in 
 
THE HISTOKY OF POLAND. 55 
 
 succession, similar in spirit and genius to Stephen 
 Eatory, or if the reign of Eatory was of a longer 
 duration than the short period of ten years, she 
 would have become great, free, and glorious. That 
 illustrious monarch possessed the abilities of a con- 
 summate statesman and of an eminent warrior. Eut 
 what is of still greater importance, he understood the 
 character of the nation, made the best use of its 
 energies, gained its confidence, and taught it to respect 
 the law. His eagle eye discerned in the distance the 
 growing foe, who one day would prove the deadliest 
 antagonist to the progress of civilisation and freedom 
 that Poland, as the vanguard of this very cause, 
 would have to grapple with him, either to purchase 
 dearly a triumph, or first to fall a victim to his 
 rapacity. There was no hesitation on the part of 
 King Eatory as to the adoption of a vast plan, having 
 for its object to crush at once the rising enemy, whose 
 aggressive intentions have already been betrayed by 
 the repeated invasions and struggles for supremacy 
 over the lands close to his frontiers the Czar of 
 Moscow, Ivan the Terrible, that incarnation of arbi- 
 trary will and power, the very type of Mongulic 
 spirit, whose sanguinary deeds suggested to an English 
 poet the following characteristic lines : 
 
 'His throne was made of human skulls, 
 
 And all around his seat 
 Towns burned and hecatombs of men 
 Lay slaughtered at his feet.' 
 
 He had more than once provoked, by his wondrous 
 depredations, the vengeance of the Poles. Stephen 
 Eatory felt the necessity of straining every nerve for 
 the destruction of such a fiend. High political con- 
 
56 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 siderations, and the best interest of civilisation, 
 prompted him to employ the most energetic measures 
 in order to secure success to the undertaking. War 
 was carried on with the utmost vigor, and in all 
 encounters, the superiority of the Polish arms brilliantly 
 prevailed. The defeated Czar sought his safety in 
 bringing to his aid the influence of the head of the 
 Komish Church, whom he ensnared with the promise 
 of submitting the Greek Church to his authority, 
 provided he, by his interference, stopped the progress 
 of the victories of the Polish king. At all times the 
 Czar of Moscow made a practice of the very maxim, 
 the discovery of which we are now in the habit of 
 unjustly ascribing to the wisdom of Talleyrand, * That 
 man has been endowed with language for the purpose 
 that his thoughts may be the better concealed.' Cun- 
 ning, treachery, and falsehood were as assiduously 
 veiled with professions of piety, earnestness, and 
 attachment to good, by Ivan the Terrible, as by the 
 Czar Nicholas in our days. Yet, the nature of Czarism 
 may have a claim to immutability. Whether we look 
 upon it emerging into existence in the remote rude 
 times, or in the midst of a dazzling appearance of the 
 civilisation of our days, it is one and the same evil 
 genius. But we are aware that insinuations of evil 
 possess oftentimes a spell that deceives the credulous, 
 and imposes upon the innocent. ' The whole successful 
 career of Czarism may be traced to these fraudulent 
 insinuations. Thus, Ivan the Terrible, in the hour 
 of danger and difficulty, feigned contrition, humility, 
 and held out a temptation to the Pope of a recognition 
 of his supremacy by the Muscovite Church, in order 
 to extricate himself from a desperate position by his 
 
THE HIS10EY OF POLAND. 57 
 
 assistance. The ruse succeeded well the good office 
 of the Church of Borne had a share in stopping the 
 development of further hostilities. Peace was con- 
 cluded in 1580. It was a peace advantageous to 
 Poland ; but, nevertheless, Czarism was saved, with 
 all the means at his disposal crouching low, that 
 it might leap the better, like a beast of prey, as 
 soon as the object of its mark should be off its guard. 
 However, if the Pope had so little penetration, and 
 allowed himself to be drawn into a snare by the 
 prospect of a magnificent prize, King Batory was wide- 
 awake, and cherished fondly his original plan of 
 destroying the enemy of Poland. Accordingly, he 
 began to make vast preparations in anticipation of 
 future events. But in the midst of active exertions, 
 and most useful measures, he was suddenly removed 
 from this world by death. His memory history has 
 inscribed as illustrious, not only among the warriors, 
 but also among the patrons of learning. He founded 
 the University at Wilno, the capital of Lithuania, and 
 multiplied the means of instruction by the establish- 
 ment of several schools. He testified his deep interest 
 in the progress of general intelligence, by regular 
 attendance at the yearly public examinations of the 
 scholars, whom he was in the habit of encouraging in 
 a familiar manner to earnest application. In short, 
 the reign of Batory, in every point, may still be con- 
 sidered as the continuation of the flourishing era of 
 the Jagiellonian period. Improvement in the internal 
 administration had been introduced intellectual acti- 
 vity had its free and full scope the whole aspect of 
 the State bespoke strength and majesty its dominions 
 extended from the Baltic Sea to the Dnieper, from the 
 
58 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 Dwina to the Carpathian mountains and Silisia. The 
 Dukes of Prussia and of Courland, the Hozpodars of 
 "Wallachia and Moldavia, were its vassals. Such was 
 Poland at the death of Eatory. And yet, the gigantic 
 energies of the country, with its immense resources, 
 in the hands of the successive kings, did not bring 
 forth a single advantage ; not so much because they 
 were weak princes, as because they were bad adminis- 
 trators. 
 
 Henceforth, Poland, as if turned back from a broad 
 road, which would have rendered the prosecution of 
 her career successful, was gradually driven into a 
 narrow path, the inconvenience of which produced 
 feverish excitement, and in the end brought on 
 exhaustion of her mighty frame. But even in her 
 decline she had brilliant moments of native inspiration, 
 that might have been mistaken for symptoms bespeaking 
 a recovery of health. However, complete inattention 
 to judicial remedies aggravated the disorder, whilst the 
 king and the nation were constantly at variance in 
 the pursuit of their object. 
 
 The reign of Sigismund III., the son of John, King 
 of Sweden, which comprised an interval of forty- 
 five years, that is, from 1587 to 1632, was rich in 
 events, exhibiting, on the one hand, the fulness of 
 mature strength of the nation ; and, on the other hand, 
 the indolence of a prince, covetous indeed to grasp 
 at arbitrary power, but possessing little talent for 
 captivating the affection even of those who surrounded 
 him. Obstinacy and mean jealousy were the two leading 
 features of his character. Studying only his own 
 aggrandisement, he was constantly forming new pro- 
 jects, without ever turning to advantage many favorable 
 
THE HISTOET OF POLAND. 59 
 
 circumstances which presented themselves to him. His 
 impolitic conduct frustrated the richest fruit of victories 
 gained by the Poles over the Tartars, Turks, Swedes, 
 and Muscovites. It was a period of glory and mis- 
 fortunes for Poland. A great number of eminent men, 
 distinguished both for civic and military talents, 
 appeared on the active stage of her life. Her warlike 
 genius was nobly represented by Charles Chodkiewicz, 
 John Zamoyski, Zolkiewski, Kouicepolski, whose feats 
 of arms spread the celebrity of the Polish valor beyond 
 the boundaries of Europe. But all their zeal and 
 exertions, though they were successful in humbling 
 their different enemies, could never rouse to action 
 the dull supineness of the king, or give a dignified 
 direction to the perverseness of his views and inten- 
 tions. Thus, the splendid victory of Charles Chod- 
 kiewicz, in A.D. 1603, at the head of a small corps 
 of about four thousand men, over a Swedish army, 
 consisting of ten thousand of infantry, supported by 
 four thousand cavalry, near Kirnholm, in the neigh- 
 borhood of Riga, instead of being vigorously followed 
 up and brought to an end advantageous to Poland, 
 was finished merely by an armistice for fourteen 
 months. Wherever the news of this victory reached, 
 it was received with astonishment and admiration, 
 so much so, that we find James I., of England, the 
 Emperor Eudolphus, Ahmed the Sultan, and Shah 
 Abbar of Persia, sending their congratulations to the 
 Polish King on the occasion. Again, another incident 
 took place, which a Batory would have known how to 
 appreciate, and turn to the best advantage. The 
 Czardom of Moscow fell a prey to alternate usurpations 
 and impostures. 
 
60 THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 
 
 Through a combination of circumstances, the inter- 
 ference of Poland became a matter of necessity. 
 Zolkiewski, at the head of a small band, carried off every 
 opposition, and to his victorious arms Moscow surren- 
 dered. The usurper, Czar Shooyski, with his two 
 brothers, were taken prisoners, and the inhabitants 
 proclaimed Wladyslaw, the son of Sigismund III., as 
 their Czar, in A.D. 1610. It was an event of extra- 
 ordinary magnitude. Good fortune, as if knowing the 
 meanness of the spirit, and the mediocrity of the under- 
 standing, of the Polish king, upon whom she lavished 
 her favors, seems to have paved the way to an easy 
 realisation of grandeur without much trouble or sacri- 
 fice. The Rurik dynasty was extinct ; the usurpers 
 one was dead, others defeated or made prisoners; 
 whilst Moscow unanimously demanded for a Polish 
 prince, "Wladyslaw, to be their Czar. But Sigismund, 
 envious of the elevation of his own son, or, through 
 fears, inspired by bigotry, that he might be obliged to 
 renounce the Romish Church, and become a member 
 of the Greek religion, had recurrence to procrastination, 
 to false promises, to unworthy shiftings, until the long 
 regency began to be wearisome both to Zolkiewski 
 and to the Muscovites. The Polish general, in order 
 to conceal better his disappointment, under a plausible 
 pretext of going to hasten the long deferred departure 
 from Warsaw of the Polish prince, left Moscow, 
 accompanied by the prisoners, the Czar Shooyski, and 
 his two brothers. The Poles were then spectators of 
 a sight known only to the ancient Romans. The 
 victorious Zolkiewski made a triumphant entry into 
 Warsaw in an elevated carriage, with the Dukes of 
 Moscow by his side. He presented them to the Diet, 
 
THE HISTOKY OF POLAND. 61 
 
 and in the speech he made on the occasion, without 
 any affectation or feigned modesty, he rather lamented, 
 in a manly manner, the melancholy fate of his illus- 
 trious prisoners, than flattered his ambition. But 
 neither the excitement of so dazzling a scene, nor the 
 enthusiasm of the multitude, could brighten his brow, 
 overcast with profound grief. The hollowness of all 
 pageantry made him feel stronger the loss of the 
 substance, which now it was endeavored to substitute 
 by a gaudy shadow. Instead of rejoicings, a mournful 
 procession would have been better adapted to represent 
 the deep concern of the nation in the want of steadiness 
 of purpose in the king, who was only obedient to 
 the impulses of blind selfishness. In vain Zolkiewski 
 tried with urgent remonstrances to gain his point, 
 Sigismund still sported in delays. At last the Musco- 
 vites put an end to suspense and further vacillation 
 by having proclaimed Michael Eomanow, the founder 
 of the present reigning dynasty, for their sovereign 
 in 1613. 
 
 Thus, the golden opportunity of attaching Moscow 
 to western civilisation was allowed to slip out of 
 the hands of Poland. It is idle to speculate now 
 what the result might have been, if the dynasty of 
 a Polish prince presided over its career. In all proba- 
 bility, the Mongul spirit, which still gives to its 
 character an expression of barbarism, would have 
 undergone a modification, or rather, a complete trans-- 
 formation, by the contact with liberal Polish ideas. 
 But, in the absence of this, experience has shown, 
 that the old Muscovite spirit, even -under the most 
 favorable circumstances, had preserved one and the 
 same nature of aggressive tendency, trampling upon 
 
62 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 the best interests of humanity, until it grew in our 
 days into a monster, threatening to swallow up the 
 whole fabric of western civilisation, for the safety of 
 which colossal sacrifices are now made by the combined 
 resources of Great Britain and Prance. No doubt, 
 the elevation of Romanow to the Czardom of Moscow 
 was a herald, especially to Poland, of future struggles 
 and bitter animosities. Yet Sigismund felt jno 
 uneasiness upon this subject ; his ways of judgment 
 were not formed upon the habit of earnest observation 
 with regard to probable effects produced by certain 
 causes. There was no other desire in his mind, save 
 the gratification of his own will, and that will even 
 had no derivation from any noble sentiment. 
 
 Through the same inaptitude for steady and ener- 
 getic exertions, Sigismund lost the Swedish crown, 
 to which he had an hereditary right. During two 
 campaigns, conducted with great ability and glory 
 to the Polish arms, although signal victories were 
 obtained, he showed a particular talent for wasting 
 favorable opportunities and neutralising advantages. 
 On the other hand, his strong attachment to the 
 Ptomish Church placed him in direct opposition to 
 the sympathies of the Swedish people, and, conse- 
 quently, multiplied the difficulties which he had no 
 courage to face ; nor could the influence of his here- 
 ditary right to the Swedish crown inspire him with 
 heroic devotedness equal to the greatness of the 
 cause. In the end, he had to resign his birthright 
 in favor of his uncle Charles, the Duke of Suder- 
 mania. 
 
 But the losses of foreign crowns would have been 
 of minor importance to Poland, had Sigismund directed 
 

 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 63 
 
 all his attention to her internal ameliorations had he 
 identified himself with measures conducive to general 
 prosperity. Instead of this, maladministration in 
 every department was daily inflicting new injuries 
 neither national prejudices, habits, nor laws, were 
 held by him in respect. Bigotry alone, of the darkest 
 hue, regulated his sentiments and his judgment. Hence, 
 the pernicious influence of Jesuits became the evil 
 genius in his council, who set a hatchet at the root 
 of the noblest institutions. Eeligious liberty a 
 privilege the most momentous in social organisation, 
 the very personification of the healthiest condition of 
 the sentiment of society, and of its finest judgment, to 
 which Poland manifested an early attachment, was 
 the first to suffer. Strange alterations took place in 
 the whole aspect of her physiognomy. The calm, 
 majestic, and- serene look, which she alone had pre- 
 served during the dawn of the Reformation, now 
 began to exhibit feverish uneasiness and unchari- 
 table feeling towards dissenting opinions. The preci- 
 pitate rashness of such a step caused a large number 
 to prefer emigrating rather than to submit to the 
 forfeiture of liberty of conscience. 
 
 This infringement, however, upon religious freedom 
 should be solely ascribed to the arbitrary disposition 
 of the king, supported by a fraction of church dig- 
 nitaries. It was in opposition to national institutions. 
 In consequence, the country was agitated with growing 
 discontent. The nation had daily new reasons for 
 complaining against abuses. At last, its indignation 
 burst into a strong opposition, and was followed by 
 an instance, as extraordinary as novel, the king 
 standing a delinquent, and the nation his accusers 
 
64 THE HIS10KY OF POLAND. 
 
 and his judges. It was assuredly a spectacle of 
 peculiar interest. "Without approaching in character 
 to any sudden revolution, it had a threatening appear- 
 ance, full of excitement, seriousness, and gravity 
 The nation was roused to the recollection of its rights 
 by maladministration, and the unlawful conduct of the 
 king. Conspiracy or rebellion are generally the results 
 of oppression, and made use of when better weapons 
 are not within the reach. Eut Poland still enjoyed 
 political advantages. Freedom of speech, a privilege of 
 which now Great Britain alone in Europe can boast, 
 was then in full force among the Poles. They had, 
 therefore, recurrence to that privilege, and in an open 
 manner called upon the King to vindicate himself in 
 the senate, as their highest tribunal. On this occasion 
 John Zamoyski, one of the most eminent characters 
 of the age, in answer to the haughty language of Sigis- 
 mund, gave the following bold warning : ' Caveas, 
 ne te Caium Csesarem et nos Marcus Brutus posteritas 
 appelavit.' \_' Beware that posterity should not call 
 thee Caius Caesar, and us Marcus Brutus.'] 
 
 This demonstration of the exasperated spirit of the 
 country was not followed by any act of violence. 
 On the contrary, no sooner had the king made an 
 acknowledgment of his errors, and promised to pay 
 careful attention to the general welfare, than the angry 
 feeling was disarmed, and the nation, satisfied with 
 the homage done to the importance of its individuality, 
 returned to their homes, without bestowing a thought 
 upon the necessity of making any provision that 
 would strike at the root of evils. There was a com- 
 plete want of a systematic, vigilant, and active 
 opposition, alive to its high duties of ever pushing 
 
THE HISTOKY OF POLAND. 65 
 
 forward the progress of improvements calculated to 
 strengthen the harmony and safety of the State. 
 The maxim, that ' Prevention is often better than cure,' 
 was not familiar to the minds of the Poles. It 
 seems that the sentiment of individuality was the 
 strongest, and all, as one, felt the same attachment 
 to liberty ; on account of which self-reliance and self- 
 confidence received undue development, at the sacrifice 
 of prudence and forethought in the arrangement of 
 public proceedings. 
 
 With such a disposition, no wonder that a wider 
 relaxation in the bond of political unity subsequently 
 hurried the State into complete prostration. The 
 fearful realisation of this took place during the succes- 
 sive reigns of the two sons of Sigismund Vasa, 
 namely, Wladyslaw and John Casimir. In justice 
 to the memory of Wladyslaw, history gives him high 
 credit for talent, personal bravery, and a capacious 
 mind, fit to conceive and execute vast projects. But 
 the vicious spirit of the long reign of his father, 
 Sigismund Yasa, had so deeply wormed itself into 
 the body of the country, that he had to grapple with 
 the external and internal difficulties. With regard to 
 the former, he confronted them with suitable energy, 
 and conducted in person a successful campaign against 
 Czar Michael Eomanow, whom he compelled to sue 
 for peace. It was concluded at Polanow in 1634, in 
 virtue of which Wladyslaw cancelled his claim to 
 the Muscovite crown, founded legally upon the act of 
 his election in 1610 to the sovereignty of Moscow, 
 whilst the recognised Czar, Michael, renounced every 
 pretension to Livonia, Esthonia, Courland, Smolensk, 
 Siewierz, and Tchernichow. On the other hand, a 
 5 
 
66 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 formidable invasion of the Tartars met also with a 
 total defeat. Thus, respect for the superiority of the 
 Polish arms was still enforced abroad. 
 
 But a fearful domestic calamity, the rebellion of the 
 Cossacks, broke out, that announced the pressure of a 
 grievous wrong, the fruit of the unwise policy and false 
 spirit of the fatally long reign of Sigismund Yasa. 
 The Cossacks of Ukraine, characteristic in their origin, 
 rise, and progress, a brotherhood of wild liberty and 
 daring, were organised into a regular border militia, 
 against the incursions of the Tartars, by that great 
 monarch Stephen Batory, who attached to them due 
 importance. Their religion (that of the Greek Church) 
 and their habits of life had the fullest consideration. 
 Unfortunately, they were now sadly offended in both 
 their sentiments of religion and freedom. It is true, 
 that their lawless practices spread often consternation 
 to the very gates of Constantinople, without the know- 
 ledge of the State, and, in consequence, compromised 
 the good understanding between Poland and the Otto- 
 man Empire. Some restriction upon their conduct 
 became an absolute necessity. The Diet, however, in 
 1638, acted with impolitic rashness, by the promul- 
 gation of a sweeping measure, depriving them of their 
 privileges, which singularly upheld their individuality, 
 whilst bigotry made the worst use of its rising as- 
 cendancy. In addition to this, the execution of their 
 chief, Pauluk, roused to the highest pitch their indig- 
 nation. The thirst for a terrible revenge sought to 
 quench itself in rivers of blood. The veil fell down, 
 disclosing the painful reality of a threatening decline, 
 with which the unity and strength of the State was 
 attacked. 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 67 
 
 The sagacious mind of Wladyslaw saw clearly 
 the full extent of the danger. He entertained the 
 most serious anxiety to avert it, by the application of 
 a timely and judicious remedy. But in the midst of 
 vast schemes and projects, he was prematurely removed 
 by death, to the deep sorrow of the country. His eyes 
 were closed when Poland stood most in need of an 
 energetic ruler. The storm burst on all sides in a 
 terrific manner. The intrepid, the bold chief of the 
 Cossacks, Chmielnicki, spread devastation and carnage. 
 At his instigation, the numerous hordes of Tartars, 
 inured to predatory practices, gladly rushed, eager of 
 booty, adding to plunder all the horrors of every crime. 
 In this emergency, the Poles called John Casimir, brother 
 of the late king, to fill the vacant throne. It was not 
 likely that a person, after having spent part of his 
 life in the bosom of the peaceful profession of a high 
 dignitary of the church, contracting all its sentiments 
 and notions, zeal and partiality, would meet with 
 suitable energy or spirit the multiplying difficulties. 
 It was a period of continuous oscillation of fresh misfor- 
 tunes; scarcely one was daunted, than another started 
 up with a still greater fury. The Cossacks and the 
 Tartars, had the cooperation of the Czar Alexis, whose 
 protectorate, accepted by the former, proved in the end 
 so fatal both to them and to Poland. In addition to 
 these enemies, Charles Gustavus, king of Sweden, 
 supported by the Elector of Brandeburgh, penetrated 
 to the very heart of the country. Thus, myriads of 
 vultures, from all sides at once, attacked one and the 
 same victim. 
 
 Now, in the presence of so much danger, hope grew 
 mute when the monstrous privilege of a liberum veto 
 
68 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 began to thwart the efforts and transactions of the 
 Diet. To contend against such a combination of evils 
 would be a hard task for the mightiest frame. The 
 State became a complete wreck. The king abandoned 
 his country ; and, in a fit of despair, offered his crown 
 to Austria, or any other potentate who would have the 
 courage to rescue it from its perilous position. Not 
 one listened to the voice of the temptation, so fearfully 
 dark was the horizon of Poland. In this dilemma she 
 found salvation in the re-kindled spirit of her own. 
 The martial genius of Czarnecki proved, a vigilant 
 sentinel in the hour of her great distress, and he knew 
 how to turn or improve every opportunity to her 
 advantage. At last, the treaty of Oliwa, in 1660, and 
 another of Andrushew, in 1667, composed the vicissi- 
 tudes of ill-fortune. Eut this composition revealed a 
 melancholy fact of material losses, as a preface to a 
 solution of a sanguinary tragedy. The peace of 
 Oliwa and Andrushew, both onerous and ominous, may 
 be looked upon as two official seals, fixing the first 
 stage of the decline of Poland. Ey the former she lost 
 Livonia and Esthonia, ceded to the king of Sweden; 
 by the latter, the Czar of Moscow took possession of 
 Siewierz, Tchernichow, and a part of Ukraine. Constant 
 reverses, constant cares and difficulties, would even 
 prostrate the energies of a giant mind. No wonder, 
 therefore, that the weak heart of John Casimir could no 
 longer support their weight. The nation was summoned . 
 to witness a solemn scene of abdication. According 
 to the contemporary writers, the occasion was of the 
 most affecting character. The farewell address of the 
 king, delivered with tears, excited the deepest sorrow 
 and regret in the loyal mind of the country. Some 
 
THE HTSTOEY OE POLAND. 69 
 
 efforts were employed to shake the king's intention ; 
 but, firm, in his purpose, whilst he duly appreciated 
 the generosity of national sentiment, and the sincerity 
 of motives, he, at the same time, beautifully revealed 
 the magnanimity of his own anxieties, by urging upon 
 the Poles the necessity of a better organisation, in 
 default of which, the State, at no distant period, may 
 fall a victim to the rapacity of its hostile neighbors. 
 
 This warning, uttered by the royal lips, and at the 
 serious moment when taking leave of the nation over 
 whom he ruled, remains an honorable monument to the 
 memory of the good understanding of John Casimir. 
 However, the Poles were not as yet sufficiently mature 
 in political judgment, to act in harmony with the spirit 
 of the admonition. More attached to liberty as an 
 individual privilege, than a principle regulating selfish- 
 ness for the benefit of society, they sported with the 
 gravest moments agreeably to impulse or fancy. No 
 matter that grievances and disorder were accumulating 
 in a threatening manner, or that the safety of the 
 country stood in need of a sagacious guide, whose 
 genius might rekindle the fire of national ideas smoul- 
 dering under the ashes of successive misfortunes. 
 Though merit, superiority of mind, and martial spirit, 
 united together, should have received their special 
 consideration in the choice of a new king particularly 
 after having witnessed so disastrous a reign, calculated 
 to render them more solicitous to avoid a repetition of 
 a similar recurrence nevertheless, under the pressure 
 of a whim, the choice fell upon an obscure individual, 
 humble in circumstances, but a descendant of a princely 
 house, as if to aver the principle that every nobleman 
 was a candidate for the crown. Be it what it may, the 
 
70 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 selection was imprudent, and injurious to the dignity 
 as well as to the interest of the nation, because the 
 object of such popular favor, was, both in talent and in 
 character, a mere mediocrity. 
 
 Fortunately, the reign of Mchael Wishniowiecki 
 lasted but a few years, though long enough for 
 converting the bad into worse. To him succeeded 
 a splendid meteor that shot across the darkness, and 
 made Poland once again to shed a light, the brightness 
 of which became the theme of universal admiration. 
 John Sobieski, a fine specimen of military genius, 
 several times had an opportunity of making his talent 
 shine by the repeated defeats of the Turks and Tartars, 
 who then sustained their invasions with a ferocious 
 spirit. The grateful nation for once followed the 
 dictates of its national sentiments by giving preference 
 to him over a crowd of competitors. It was a triumph 
 of merit, to the great credit of the judgment of the 
 electors. Yet a great warrior may prove an indifferent 
 administrator. Everything was done by him to render 
 the name of Poland glorious and renowned abroad; 
 but not a single measure was adopted to relieve the 
 country bending under a weight of grievances. His 
 memory has a strong claim to the gratitude of Chris- 
 tendom, and, in particular, of the House of Austria, 
 whilst Poland, to her deep sorrow, is obliged to add 
 to it a mixture of reproaches for having been too 
 lavish of the blood of her sons in defending the interest 
 of others to the detriment of her own. 
 
 Doubtless, the battle of Vienna, fought in 1683, 
 gathered immense advantages in the train of victory. 
 The aggressive Ottoman power was broken, the German 
 Empire rescued from the imminent danger of passing 
 

 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 71 
 
 under the Turkish yoke, and, above all, the indepen- 
 dence of Christianity was saved. Hence, Sobieski 
 well earned the honorable appellation of the hero of 
 the times, or the hero of Christendom. The import- 
 ance of this achievement had universal acknowledgment 
 by thanksgiving in every Christian church, and the 
 ministers of religion deemed it not profane to repeat 
 on the occasion the solemn words, ' There was a man 
 sent down from heaven, and his name was John. 7 
 Certainly, in the grandeur of the result, the battle 
 of Vienna scarcely has an equal. Charles Martel, in 
 732, checked the victorious career of the Moors at 
 the battle of Tours, and thus imposed the limits to 
 the hitherto successful march of Mahometanism ; but 
 the battle of Vienna inflicted a deep wound on its 
 vitality, from the effects .of which it was not able 
 to rally and recover its original strength. 
 
 Yet, in the midst of such colossal advantages, 
 Poland had no particular share in the benefits. On 
 the contrary, she was cheated in every expectation, 
 even as to the .accommodation of winter-quarters for 
 her troops. John Sobieski was easily duped by the 
 treacherous duplicity of the court of Vienna. A good 
 soldier, but a bad politician, he was a constant victim 
 to its intrigues. Credulous in listening to its flat- 
 tering suggestions, he entered upon schemes which 
 involved him in unnecessary wars and disasters. In 
 short, his reign, dazzling in the military annals, 
 exhibits a painful contrast in the department of civil 
 administration, not so much on account of the want 
 of ability or good intentions, as in consequence of 
 the singleness of idea, to which his mind clung with 
 tenacity, to the great prejudice of his better judgment. 
 
72 THE HISTOEY OP POLAND. 
 
 Hence, if we were collecting illustrations of the 
 chivalrous spirit, the life of Sobieski could furnish 
 numerous instances of the beautiful and sublime in 
 sentiment and conduct. The country at large did not 
 remain passive to the influence of his example, and 
 woman also caught the inspiration of devotedness 
 to the high duties of the country's cause. The 
 following occurrence may be interesting to mv 
 readers. 
 
 During one of the incursions of the Tartars, in 
 conjunction with the Turks, they laid siege to the 
 castle of Trembowla, which was defended by a small 
 band under the command of Chrzanowski. The situa- 
 tion of the besieged was daily becoming worse, as 
 numerous hordes of the enemy encompassed them on 
 all sides, cutting off communication with the country. 
 Want of ammunition and provision began to alarm 
 the Poles, the more so as the prospect of relief was 
 uncertain. In so critical a moment a council of war 
 was held, and the opinion canvassed seems to have 
 been unanimous that the danger could only be averted 
 by capitulation. No sooner was the rumor of this hard 
 necessity afloat than the wife of the commander 
 hastened to the meeting of their deliberation, and, 
 with a voice indicating resolution and superiority, 
 ' Where is the man/ exclaimed she, ' that prefers 
 ignominious submission to death in the cause of his 
 native land ? ' Then, turning to her husband with the 
 strongest affection in her look, ' Oh, husband ! ' said 
 she, 'if fortitude forsakes you, and you have no more 
 courage to defy the frowns of ill-fortune, I will not 
 survive your shame ; but, before you commit any 
 act of meanness, this dagger shall pierce both your 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 73 
 
 heart and mine ! ' Here she lifted up her hand armed 
 with the glittering steel. Her words, like a thunder 
 bolt, struck the Members of the Council a deep silence 
 prevailed but the time of transition from amaze- 
 ment to enthusiasm was quick, and, as one, they 
 unanimously and spontaneously responded to her 
 appeal, * We shall die rather than surrender ! ' Hope 
 reanimated the drooping spirit of the little band. 
 They sallied out with success. In the meantime, 
 John Sobieski approached with his main army, and 
 thus the castle was saved by the patriotism and 
 fortitude of Madame Chrzanowski. 
 
 The individual cases of devotedness and heroism 
 might be easily multiplied. They would all tend to 
 prove that there was a spirit in the country a lofty 
 spirit of national independence. It was favorable to 
 the development of military genius. If Sobieski, to 
 his own military talent united the firmness of 
 character and penetration of mind of Stephen Batory, 
 with a nation of warriors he would have rendered his 
 reign one of the most illustrious. But, although he 
 felt the necessity of useful reforms, and showed 
 occasionally a great deal of earnestness about it, want 
 of tact, and too much eagerness for the private 
 interest of his own family, placed him always in an 
 awkward position, and paralysed the best intentions, 
 whilst the intrigues of Austria, to whose counsels he 
 had the weakness to listen and to trust, undermined 
 public confidence. Thus, instead of improvements, a 
 still greater confusion ensued. Even the Die tines, or 
 meetings for taking cognisance of local interest, fell 
 into disuse, as if the nation was losing all connection 
 with the habits of the past, and from exhaustion 
 sinking into a slumber. 
 
74 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 The political disorganisation attained a still higher 
 degree under the successive reign of Frederick 
 Augustus II., the Elector of Saxony. The intimate 
 friendship contracted by him with Peter the Czar of 
 Moscow, may he said, in the language of superstition, 
 to have heen ominous. As a traveller across the African 
 desert starts with gloomy forebodings and apprehensions 
 at the sudden appearance of a vulture, whom popular 
 notion endows with a foresight of the approaching end 
 of its prey so, that friendship may be looked upon 
 in the same light. It was to Poland the appearance 
 of a vulture heralding the approach of her days of 
 mourning. The almost total absence of vigilance and 
 constitutional control over the acts of the executive 
 power, enabled the king, in imitation of the Czar of 
 Moscow, to form schemes, gratifying to ambition, with- 
 out the consent or even knowledge of the country. In 
 consequence, it was surprised by the calamities of war, 
 for which the king alone should be blamed. The 
 kingdom of Sweden being left in an exhausted state 
 to the youthful Charles XII., its dismemberment 
 appeared to the Polish King and the Czar of Moscow 
 politically an easy enterprize. But in their anticipa- 
 tions they were sadly disappointed. Charles XII., 
 though very young, but possessing the uncommon 
 energy of a warrior, hurried forward his small army 
 with a rapidity that seemed to multiply its forces ; fell 
 upon the Russian camp, eighty thousand strong, 
 stationed near Narva ; and inaugurated the commence- 
 ment of his military career by a total defeat of the 
 enemy on November 30th, 1700. Thus, preceded by 
 the reputation of a hero, he directed his steps towards 
 Poland, and like a tempest swept before him every 
 opposition. In a short time, he became the master and 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 75 
 
 the arbiter of her fate. As a victor, he held in no 
 estimation the national rights ; the word of command 
 was the law, and the nation bowed to his bidding by 
 its adherence to an act of dethronement of Frederick 
 Augustus II., in whose place a candidate of his choice 
 was elected, Stanislaus Leszczynski, in 1704. In every 
 respect the new king was superior to his predecessor. 
 Had he been called upon by the will of the nation, 
 and at a more fortunate period, to that high position, 
 doubtless his reign would have been a reign of great 
 benefit. Eut, owing his elevation to the dictates of a 
 fortunate warrior, this circumstance became a handle 
 for opening the door to constant foreign interference 
 with the exercise of the most sacred rights of a free 
 country. The sequel has fully borne out this melan- 
 choly truth. Although, by the course of victories, 
 Charles XII. compelled Frederick Augustus to resign 
 officially the Polish crown in virtue of the treaty 
 concluded at Alt-Eanstradt in 1706 yet, he no 
 sooner met with reverses at the battle of Pultawa in 
 1709, than the dethroned king, backed by the Czar 
 of Moscow, reentered JPoland, and again took possession 
 of her throne. 
 
 From this moment dates the ascendancy of the evil 
 counsels of Moscow in the Polish cabinet. The nation, 
 as if bewildered by the whirl of changes, seemed to 
 have resigned the consciousness of its outraged dig- 
 nity. It stood in need of repose at any price. 
 Consequently, it evinced the most tractable spirit, even 
 in lending its own hand, under a false notion, to 
 commit self-mutilation, consenting to the enactment 
 of a law limiting its standing army to the insignificant 
 number of seventeen thousands. Peter of Moscow 
 
76 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 was at the bottom of this suggestion. The nation was 
 given to understand that by such an act the most 
 effectual barrier would be raised against the encroach- 
 ments of the crown, whilst the king was led to believe 
 that, with a numerous army of so turbulent a people, 
 no aspirations of his would ever succeed ; instead of 
 which, the Muscovite troops left in some parts of 
 Poland might be available for his purpose. 
 
 But we have a still more extraordinary illustration 
 of the means by the employment of which the Czar 
 endeavored to conceal his sinister intentions. In 
 contradiction to the very arbitrary power, proud of 
 its hereditary rights, Peter feigned to profess the 
 warmest interest for the preservation of the Polish 
 republican privileges, courting the honorable appellation 
 of a ' friend ' or guardian of their inviolability. What 
 a strange aspiration and still stranger anomaly a Czar 
 of Moscow playing the part of a hot-headed patriot 
 of Poland ! Such a farce was actually performed. 
 Whenever the king showed the least anxiety to 
 strengthen the political bond of internal organisation 
 by any measure calculated to develope a chain of 
 improvements based upon the principle of unity and 
 order, the Muscovite influence, ever on the watch, 
 fanned into a flame of opposition the republican party, 
 whose suspicion was easily roused as to the tendency 
 of innovations. In the same manner, being aware 
 of the secret wishes of Frederick Augustus to render 
 the Polish crown hereditary, in his own family, 
 although they were united by the strongest ties of 
 friendship, he spared no effort to thwart him in this 
 object. First, every encouragement and stimulation 
 was given to a discontent against the Saxon troops 
 
THE HISTOBY OF POLAND. 77 
 
 quartered in Poland, and the general ferment grew to 
 so high a pitch, that the king was compelled to 
 withdraw them altogether from the country in 1712, 
 whilst the Muscovite forces were suffered to remain, 
 thus securing a commanding position for further 
 intrigues. 
 
 Again : two curious pieces of the Muscovite diplo- 
 macy left attest the anxiety and fears of Peter, that 
 Poland should not reconstitute her Government upon 
 a solid basis. By one he hound Sweden, at the 
 treaty of Aland, in 1718, and by the second he bound 
 Turkey, at the treaty of Constantinople, in 1720, that 
 they would jointly watch and prevent any alteration 
 taking place in the Elective system of Poland. For 
 what purpose did that solicitude spring up in the 
 mind of a despot for a neighboring state, especially 
 for its peculiar frame of government, so as to draw 
 into a compact other foreign countries with the object 
 of ensuring it its existence, even if the State itself, 
 though independent, was desirous of making some 
 changes ? Certainly, there is a strong fellowship 
 between the two evils, namely, despotism and anarchy. 
 Upon the shoulders of anarchy despotism rears gene- 
 rally its triumphal arches. Unfortunately, the vicious- 
 ness of the Polish institutions had a proneness to 
 encourage the growth of anarchical spirit precisely 
 upon what the Czar of Moscow was building the 
 hope of his future triumphs and greatness. Through 
 the acquisition of Poland he could only rise to poli- 
 tical importance in Europe. Hence, any amelioration 
 conducive to give solidity to her independence would 
 raise a barrier against the restless ambition of his 
 aggressive policy. 
 
78 THE BTSTOKY OF POLAND. 
 
 This accounts for the paternal fondness with which 
 the Muscovite autocracy pretended to venerate the 
 ancient rights and privileges of Polish republicanism. 
 To keep Poland in a state of bewilderment or lethargy 
 was its chief care and object. In order that every 
 avenue should be opened to insinuations of perfidious 
 intrigues, Peter looked upon religious animosities as 
 the mightiest channel that would effectually help him 
 in gaining his purpose. He, therefore, the orthodox 
 head of the Greek Church, began to show the greatest 
 concern for the prosperity of the Romish Church in 
 Poland, and having ingratiated himself with the 
 Catholic party, he became the evil genius of its 
 council. At his instigation, and with his approba- 
 tion, a measure was decided upon, prohibiting the 
 erection of new Protestant churches under the severest 
 penalty. Such grievous injustice against one part of 
 the same State indicated a complete departure from 
 the generous spirit of the past, from the fundamental 
 principle adopted and proclaimed in 1573, a principle 
 of civil and religious liberty, which gave an air of 
 superior dignity to Poland, especially as it was then 
 disowned by the rest of Europe. 
 
 This forgetfulness, however, took its rise not so much 
 from a disposition to cruelty, as in an error common 
 to all religious zealots impatient of any dissent ; and 
 such is the infirmity of the human mind, that reli- 
 gion, which ought to be the means of softening, of 
 uniting men in the bond of mutual benevolence and 
 charity, has ever been a most bitter source of hatred. 
 No wonder that Poland, in her days of decline, when 
 vigor of thought forsook her, fell into a fault so 
 palatable to the blind aspirations or passions of the 
 

 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 79 
 
 faithful. It happened at a period most unfortunate 
 for her, when the Muscovite influence initiated itself 
 into the very pulsation of her heart, and presided 
 over the feverish circulation of her blood. Poland, 
 in reality, was already a sick person, under the care 
 of the Czar of Moscow as its physician. And, 
 indeed, Peter left a prescription in his celebrated will 
 as a legacy to his successors, for the future treatment 
 of his patient, so that it might gradually sink into its 
 grave without exciting suspicion of unfair play. The 
 sentiments and views of Peter became the law to his 
 successors, and each of them inherited the art of 
 imitation to perfection. Each continued to stir up 
 dissensions, and kept on, under the plausible pretext, 
 the most intrusive interference ; nay, they had even 
 the hardihood to claim credit for disinterestedness 
 and humanity in protecting the rights of the weaker 
 against the oppression of the stronger. 
 
 The whole scheme, curious in details, and fraudulent 
 in the execution, was a deep-laid conspiracy, conducted 
 with vigilance and perseverance, at the expense of 
 truth, morality, and every law, human and divine. 
 Notwithstanding the loudest protestations and assu- 
 rances given in the concluded treaties, that the Czar 
 will ever most religiously abstain from meddling with 
 the internal affairs of Poland, yet, no sooner did the 
 throne become vacant, than the Muscovite troops were 
 hurried to the seat of election, adding insult to this 
 violation of the national rights, by a proclamation,, 
 declaring that this step was only taken for the purpose 
 of affording protection to her liberties. But the real 
 object was to support the claim of the Elector of 
 Saxony, the son of the defunct king. On the other 
 
80 THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 
 
 hand, the Elector of Saxony presented himself at the 
 head of his own troops, more in the attitude of a 
 disputant than a candidate for the crown. Thus, the 
 nation coerced, yielded contrary to its general wishes, 
 for had the free choice been allowed to take place, no 
 doubt Stanislaus Leszczynski would have been pre- 
 ferred. The latter arrived too late to rally the national 
 party, and Frederick Augustus III. assumed the title 
 of the Polish King in 1733, under the patronage of the 
 Muscovite Government. 
 
 During this reign, everything concurred to extinguish 
 the lingering spark of the national spirit. Demoralisa- 
 tion made fearful progress. The vitiated taste of the 
 court, in manners and habits, lost sight of its high 
 duties, and wasted its mind upon trifles. The sum of 
 evils was great, but one in particular left its sting in 
 the wound, of a most dangerous nature. The purity 
 of the mother tongue, and its literature, fell into 
 confusion similar to that at the tower of Babel. The 
 fashion of latinising almost every word grew to such 
 a ridiculous extent, that the beauty of both languages 
 lost their primitive freshness in the compound of a 
 barbarous jargon. If we had to fix our attention upon 
 a period most unfortunate for Poland, it would be the 
 reign of the two Electors of Saxony. Under their 
 auspices, nationality was attacked and undermined by 
 a combination of hostile influences, all of which, in 
 their origin and growth, had the fostering care of the 
 two kings. 
 
 However, the pressure of harrowing sufferings, and 
 the appalling condition of the country, created, as a 
 course of necessity, the greatest alarm and solicitude 
 in some minds, animated with the purest intentions and 
 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 81 
 
 patriotism. In consequence, two political parties came 
 to the surface at the same time ; one cherished a hope, 
 through the instrumentality of foreign courts, of 
 checking licentious liberty, and consolidating the State 
 on the principle of order the other wished to exclude 
 all foreign interference, and resuscitate the energy of 
 the ancient spirit as a continuation of the glorious 
 career of independence of the past. At the head of 
 the former stood the illustrious house of Prince 
 Czartoryski; the leaders of the latter were Prince 
 Eadziwill and Potocki. Both were mistaken in the 
 application of means, /though each with honest sin- 
 cerity strove to accomplish one and the same object. 
 The one had not sufficient consideration for the danger 
 of confiding the destiny of the country to the grasji 
 of a greedy and perfidious neighbor, who had on 
 previous occasions already outraged good faith and 
 national sentiment : the other did not rise to a con- 
 ception suitable to the emergency of the purpose, and 
 the exigencies of the times. The magnificent work 
 of independence and liberty could not be carried on 
 or executed witH the mischievous tool of liberum veto, 
 nor in the absence of laws and regulations calculated 
 to give a happy direction to the awakened national 
 enthusiasm. To both, soon an opportunity presented 
 itself, disclosing the arduous task of their respective 
 difficulties. 
 
 The Court of St. Petersburg had, at this time, for 
 its Empress, the notorious Catherine II. JSTone under- 
 stood better than she the spirit of the will left by 
 Peter ; and none displayed so much ingenuity, so much 
 pliableness of mind and purpose suited to the occasion. 
 At the same time, she had no rival in dissoluteness 
 
82 THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 
 
 of principle, and unscrupulousness as to the means 
 employed for executing her wishes. In the course of 
 her amorous adventures, a Pole, young and handsome, 
 became her favorite, and the object of her passions. 
 Under the impulse of a love reverie, she conceived the 
 idea of placing the Polish crown upon his head, not 
 without some mixture of cool calculation that he might 
 be an obsequious champion of her political designs. 
 To this effect a secret treaty was concluded between 
 the Courts of St. Petersburg and Berlin, to force the 
 Poles, to accept a king of their own choosing, whilst the 
 party of Czartoryski was gained to the project by the 
 blandishments of the Empress, and a prospect held out 
 by her as to the facility with which useful reforms 
 might be accomplished under the reign of a Piast (a 
 Pole), to which no hindrance on her part would be 
 offered. On the other hand, when the Senate or the 
 Elective Diet found themselves surrounded by the 
 Muscovite troops, neither the presence of a formidable 
 artillery, nor the swarms of Cossacks in the streets of 
 Warsaw, intimidated the just indignation roused in the 
 breast of the virtuous citizens. The Marshal of the 
 Diet (the Speaker) courageously refused to open the 
 proceedings, alleging that the presence of foreign 
 troops was the most scandalous violation of the Con- 
 stitution, and demanded, first of all, their immediate 
 withdrawal. 
 
 Here a memorable scene ensued a scene worthy of 
 the best period of Roman grandeur a scene that 
 astonished and terrified the audacious insolence of the 
 Court of St. Petersburg a scene indicating the loftiness 
 of a spirit recovering the consciousness of its dying 
 greatness. The declaration of the Marshal produced 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 83 
 
 confusion and tumult. A rush was made upon him 
 with drawn swords by the Muscovite faction. But 
 the glittering steel did not for a moment disconcert the 
 noble patriot Mokranowski. ' What ! ' exclaimed he, 
 in a voice of superior resolution, * do you want a 
 victim ? Here am I strike this breast ; I shall die as 
 I lived, the worshipper of national independence and 
 liberty ! ' At these words, a sudden shame paralysed 
 the movement of the rioters.. They shrunk back, 
 and a breathless calm succeeded. Then Mokranowski 
 and his party, relying upon the validity of the con- 
 stitutional privilege of liberum veto, proclaimed the 
 dissolution of the Diet, as the only means for escaping 
 the degradation of yielding to the dictates of foreign 
 power. In the midst of a solemn silence, they left 
 the deliberative assembly unmolested. 
 
 But the times were changed. The once magic 
 authority of liberum veto lost its hold upon this occa- 
 sion. The threats of the Muscovites had a greater 
 effect upon the timid, the hopeful, who sincerely clung 
 to a thought that the present national humiliation 
 may be redeemed by the introduction of useful reforms, 
 which once for all shall put an end in future to foreign 
 interference ; and, under the impression of such antici- 
 pations, a knot of the deputies continued the proceed- 
 ings of the Diet, whose number was also increased by 
 some corrupted partisans of the Court of St. Peters- 
 burg. Without possessing a right to legality, the 
 election of Stanislaus Augustus Poniatowski was 
 announced on the 7th of May, 1764, as the result 
 of legal proceedings, sanctioned by an enthusiastic 
 unanimity, no doubt well sustained by the shouts of 
 the Muscovite soldiers. 
 
84 THE HISTOBY OE POLAND. 
 
 Thus closed the Third Period of the political career 
 of Poland, with symptoms shadowing forth coming 
 events. On the one hand, the arrogant conduct of a 
 foreign court gave evidences of its determination to 
 trample upon the rights of an independent State; on 
 the other hand, a flash of heroic spirit threw the light 
 of hope upon the gloomy brow of freedom, like light- 
 ning, that rends with its glare the dark bosom of the 
 clouds, before the loud peal of thunder announces the 
 commencement of a tempest. 
 

 THE EFFORTS OF POLAND TO PRESERVE AND DEFEND HER 
 NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 A.D. 1764 TO OUR DAYS. 
 
 THE elevation of Stanislaus Augustus Poniatowski to the 
 Polish throne might have been productive of much 
 good, had the two national parties, which were roused 
 from a long lethargy to the consciousness of danger, 
 acted more in unison, and met the objections of each 
 with a conciliatory consideration. Eut the singleness 
 of sentiment and idea of each made them uphold with 
 passion their views separately, losing sight of the 
 maxim, that division strengthens the hands of the 
 enemy; whilst the Muscovite Government played a 
 most extraordinary part in the refinement of perfidious 
 duplicity. Now, it sided with one ; now, with another ; 
 exasperating alternately each against the other, thus 
 gradually bringing both under its influence. 
 
 At the very outset, those who put implicit belief 
 in the professions of friendship of the Czarina 
 Catherine II., had first to repent their credulity. 
 Scarcely was her favorite invested with the dignity of 
 
86 THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 
 
 king, than she put his docility to the most humiliating 
 test. Doubtless, she felt particular anxiety to stamp 
 an indelible impression upon the mind of the king, 
 that his safety and position depended altogether on 
 her good will, to render him an easy tool of her 
 political schemes and aspirations. The first energetic- 
 and wise step of the monarchical party, whose leader 
 was Prince Augustus Czar tory ski, found itself in 
 direct opposition to the views of St. Petersburg. 
 "Who would have supposed, or doubted for a moment, 
 that measures -tending to strengthen royalty in Poland 
 could displease the royal head of the Muscovite em- 
 pire ? Common sense would call it mental aberration 
 to undermine the foundation of a principle, in the 
 stability of which one should feel the deepest concern. 
 But what stigma would history attach to the deliberate 
 actions of a power, in aiding to thwart or abate the 
 establishment of that very dignity which had a 
 claim to its fellowship ? If selfishness, in its ordinary 
 character, exhibits unpleasant features, how monstrous 
 it must be when it becomes the incarnation of every 
 sentiment, thought, action, and desire. Then, like 
 the grasp of Satan, it immolates every obligation, 
 every tie, and into one common snare of perdition 
 would gladly drag friends and foes, that it may, on 
 the ruins of all, build its unrivalled grandeur. 
 
 Such was, and is still, the spirit of the Muscovite 
 Empire. No sooner was it known that the royal 
 authority acquired new importance by the extension 
 of its executive powers with regard to the disposition 
 of public officers of various departments, but especially 
 when the abolition of lilerum veto } and the augmenta- 
 tion of the standing army, were spoken of, than the 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 87 
 
 Cabinet of St. Petersburg, jointly with Berlin, pre- 
 sented the strongest opposition to the projected reforms, 
 under a plea that they were bound by treaties to 
 protect and honor the ancient privileges of the Polish 
 Eepublic. To give a greater weight to the mockery 
 and insult with which the proceedings of the royalists 
 met at their hands, at the instigation and by the 
 encouragement of the Muscovite agents, a republican 
 party formed itself into a Confederation,* and took 
 upon themselves the right of legislating for .the 
 country. 
 
 However pure and noble their intentions might have 
 been, they had soon occasion to feel the nothingness 
 of their efforts, because they committed the same 
 error as the royalists, by beginning and conducting 
 their proceedings under the Muscovite auspices. The 
 Cabinet of St. Petersburg espoused publicly the 
 views of the Confederation, and recommended to its 
 consideration the subject of religious liberty. In the 
 generous spirit of the fundamental law of Poland 
 of the sixteenth century, it admitted the Dissidents 
 (Protestants) to equal participation of all rights and 
 freedom. But it was not the object of the Muscovite 
 Government that this law should ever be in operation. 
 It would have contributed to the reestablishment of 
 good harmony between the different parts of the 
 nation hitherto split into hostile camps. It would 
 have lost its hold of an element, the nurse of the 
 strongest and bitterest passions. Therefore, as soon 
 as the royalists, intimidated, gave up the plan of their 
 useful reforms, which the Muscovites, jointly with 
 the republicans, denounced as having had for their 
 
 * Avowed opposition. 
 
88 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 object the elevation of monarchy on the ruins of the 
 Republic, than at the same time orders were sent by 
 Repnin, the Muscovite Ambassador, to the confederates, 
 that 'they should immediately disperse, submit, and 
 honor their king whilst no further notice was taken 
 of the acts of their legislation. Both parties had 
 their turn of separate humiliation; both had still 
 to learn, with the progress of sad experience, that the 
 solidity of the State does not rest on any exclusive 
 idea, but on a combination of mutual concessions for 
 the common good. 
 
 This period, however, affords a complete refutation 
 of the opinion of some, with regard to the good faith 
 and sincerity with which the Muscovite Empire pro- 
 tected the interest of religious freedom in Poland. 
 Even the shadow of that credit must vanish before 
 the light thrown by the facts, exhibiting on the con- 
 trary the malignity of its designs. Why did -it not 
 carry out the legislature of the very Confederation, 
 which, under its sanction, removed this irksome cause 
 of complaint? Its influence was all powerful its 
 simple wish would have been then sufficient to enforce 
 so beneficial an act of justice. Eut because it was a 
 beneficial measure, a measure of justice, it was there- 
 fore incompatible with the original intentions of 
 autocracy. Neither did it desire to lend its hand 
 that the internal pacification of Poland might be 
 accelerated, nor would it allow any patriotic party 
 to make a single step in the same direction. Embroil- 
 ment of Poland was the standing order of the 
 Muscovite policy, that it might in the confusion, like 
 a thief in a tumult or a crowd, have the better 
 opportunity of stealing without the stigma of guilt. 
 

 THE HISTORY OF POL1XD. 89 
 
 A narrative of this singular conduct of the Cabinet 
 of St. Petersburg might have excited some astonish- 
 ment or credulity in the minds dazzled more by its 
 rapid rise to so commanding a position, than accustomed 
 to examine the means by which success has been 
 secured to its workings. But, in our days, even a doubt 
 cannot be admitted as to its character. It made an 
 attempt to react the very same farce in Turkey, which 
 more than half a century back was played in Poland. 
 The same anxiety and zeal for the interest of religion 
 was put forth as a cover as well as a pretext for 
 interference in the affairs of Turkey. The same 
 ostentatious avowals of its disinterestedness, of its 
 amicable intentions, of its gracious solicitude for the 
 consolidation of the Ottoman Empire, were impudently 
 paraded to blind or calm the apprehensions and suscep- 
 tibilities of other Cabinets. On this occasion, how- 
 ever, the veil was either too transparent, or, what is 
 more probable, the eyes of Europe were wide open, with 
 the determination not to wink, but to see clearly every 
 item hidden behind the curtain. Thus, the hideousness 
 of its treacherous designs produced the happy coalition 
 between Great Britain and Erance, and gave rise to the 
 present struggle. Poland, less fortunate than Turkey, 
 in the midst of her difficulties scarcely excited a faint 
 interest in some, whilst several neighbors, whose 
 common instinct ought to have predisposed them 
 to respect the rights of property, as if under the 
 influence of infatuation, agreed to act jointly the part 
 of robbers. 
 
 Although the hatching of the plan was for some 
 time carried on with the utmost secrecy, an early rumor 
 about it spread itself abroad, and obtained a wide 
 
90 THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 
 
 circulation. This circumstance called forth the most 
 extraordinary exhibition, characterised by the deepest 
 hypocrisy, and a total disregard, or rather contempt, 
 for truth. Protestations announced to the world the 
 poignant grief and indignation of the Cabinet of St. 
 Petersburg, that such a black calumny should have 
 been thrown upon its integrity. It expressed sur- 
 prise that so malevolent a suspicion could have been 
 attached to its friendly offices, and hurled a terrible 
 denunciation against all disseminators of such derogatory 
 insinuations, calculated to ruin the confidence which 
 harmonised the relations between itself and the Polish 
 Republic. At the same time, to give a stronger color- 
 able evidence of its sincerity, a treaty was concluded 
 with Prussia, by virtue of which they declared them- 
 selves the guardians of the rights of Poland. The refine- 
 ment of such a mockery has no parallel in the history 
 of mankind. Alas! documents of this sort are mute 
 witnesses and a disgraceful monument of the wicked- 
 ness and mental depravity of those whom they 
 represent. Poland alone had an intuitive perception 
 of their perfidious character, and added earnestness to 
 the mistrust. The royalists again stood foremost, 
 pressing with anxiety the measures that could only 
 re-constitute national independence the augmentation 
 of the standing army, and withdrawal of the Mus- 
 covite troops, formed their purport. The voice of the 
 Eishop of Cracow, Cajetan Soltyk, rung fearlessly with 
 anathema against the forgetfulness of public duties 
 and timidity of the citizens, either submitting them- 
 selves tamely or clinging to foreign protection. Prince 
 Augustus Czartoryski spoke also, condemning openly 
 all those who sought to weaken the sentiment of 
 
THE HISTOET OF POLAND. 91 
 
 self-reliance by upholding the perennial influence of 
 strangers. 
 
 This dignified movement gave strong offence to St. 
 Petersburg. It peremptorily demanded the dismissal 
 of Prince Czartoryski from his ministerial office. The 
 king and senators were alternately insulted by the 
 ruffianism of its ambassador, Kepnin. The insolent 
 conduct of Menzikoff in Turkey, in our days, was 
 only a copy, a miniature, a faint repetition of what 
 once took place in Warsaw. The ideas, the sentiment, 
 and spirit of the Muscovite Empire, are traditional 
 they do not undergo any change or modification. On 
 all occasions the same arrogance, the same cunning, 
 and the same grasping policy will be found to con- 
 stitute its vitality. "Whilst it bullied the king and 
 the royalists, it was all sympathy and pretended solici- 
 tude for the advancement of religious liberty. It 
 pressed upon the consideration of the Diet the claims 
 of Dissidents (Protestants of all shades) demanding 
 too large concessions in their favor to make the project 
 entertainable. Well it knew that the settlement of 
 so grave a subject might provoke angry feelings, making 
 a still wider breach between the religious parties, 
 hoping at the same time to reap credit for its devoted- 
 ness to religious interest. 
 
 ^"o one of well-organised intellect would for a 
 moment hesitate to acknowledge religious liberty as 
 the incontestable right of every man and every society. 
 Infringement, therefore, upon it, should be looked 
 upon as an act of striking injustice. But on some 
 occasions, even opposition to redress such a grievance 
 may be defended by an admissible apology. The 
 internal ameliorations of the country, and the ad- 
 
92 THE HISTOET OF POLAND. 
 
 justment of various rights and claims, should be an 
 emanation of native influences, with the progress of 
 which national institutions become gradually an 
 embodiment of national intelligence and wants. If 
 the requisition of the Cabinet of St. Petersburg, with 
 regard to the just claims of the Dissidents, was com- 
 plied with, what would have been the consequences ? 
 The noblest boon, that of religious liberty, could only 
 rise to the character of a simple gift, and that from a 
 foreign power, stripped of its richest fruit, crippled in 
 its growth and development, by falling into the very 
 abject dependence from which it wished to emerge, 
 and that, yet, into a dependence upon a foreign protec- 
 tionist. In like manner, as in our days, the Ottoman 
 Empire is justified in having resisted the illusory pre- 
 tensions of Eussia to a protectorate over its Christian 
 subjects, Poland, for the same political motives, felt 
 the necessity of offering the strongest opposition to a 
 similar intrusion. It was not so much the question 
 whether the Dissidents should be admitted to the 
 participation of equal advantages with the State 
 religion, as whether Poland was still an inde- 
 pendent country, or subject to the dictation of her 
 neighbor ? 
 
 The patriots stood by their duty. The Bishop 
 Soltyk again distinguished himself, by able expositions 
 of the criminality and error of those who were seeking 
 redress through unconstitutional means. He looked 
 upon the scheme with gloomy apprehensions, and 
 endeavored to diffuse general suspicion and discontent 
 against the perfidious professions of Eussia. The 
 whole assembly was deeply affected and electrified by 
 the soundness of his arguments and warmth of his 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 93 
 
 sentiments. Bussia saw the danger that might arise 
 from a repetition of such appeals to the national 
 prejudices and spirit. It decided upon a step as 
 extraordinary as novel, more suitable to an arbitrary 
 master than to a simple ally or a friend. In the depth 
 of night, the Bishop Soltyk and several other senators 
 were surprised and carried off into exile to Siberia. 
 The news of such an outrage upon the rights of an 
 independent nation threw the whole country into the 
 greatest fermentation. It would be difficult to say 
 whether the feeling of contempt was more general 
 for the pusillanimous king, who did not know how to 
 make his own dignity to be respected abroad, and to 
 protect his subjects against the violence of a foreign 
 power, or that of indignation against the arrogance 
 of the latter. At the same time, the nation must have 
 been already in a weak and prostrate condition, for, 
 instead of flying to arms as one man, with a unanimous 
 determination not to allow so remarkable an insult 
 to pass with impunity, the Diet limited its proceedings 
 to entering a protest and demanding an explanation 
 from the Muscovite Ambassador for conduct of so 
 strange a nature. 
 
 The very tameness with which so grave a matter was 
 put forward gave new encouragement to further inso- 
 lence. After some delay, an answer was returned, that 
 the individuals in question, having designedly misrepre- 
 sented the friendly relations of the Empress Catherine 
 with the Polish Eepublic, rendered themselves amena- 
 ble to punishment, and as the common good of both 
 required that mutual harmony should not experience 
 ,any interruption, it was necessary to make a public 
 example of the refractory. Erom this it would appear 
 
94 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 that Poland had no tribunals of her own to punish the 
 guilty! This document of mock- justification was 
 endorsed with the renewal of a pledge as to the 
 honorable views of the Muscovite policy with regard to 
 the permanent safety and independence of Poland. 
 But national dignity was too deeply wounded to be 
 satisfied with so lame an apology, more calculated to 
 augment irritation than to calm the feverish excitement. 
 In answer to the Russian manifesto, in which the 
 magnanimity and purity of the character of the Czarina 
 Catherine were adulously .extolled, a proclamation 
 shortly after made its appearance on the 29th of 
 February, 1768, from a small band of patriots assem- 
 bled at the little town of Bar, near the frontiers of 
 Turkey, in which they enumerated the perfidious 
 course of the Muscovite Government, and called upon 
 the country to join and support with all its means 
 their Confederation, which had for its object to free 
 the internal administration from the disgrace of 
 foreign influence, and thus to restore full scope to the 
 development of the national spirit and liberty. The 
 annals of the Confederation of Bar may be called an 
 interesting epopee, full of sublime incidents. What 
 alternations of hope and fear, of grief and exultation ; 
 what courage and perseverance on the one hand ; what 
 steadiness and devotion on the other ! The genius 
 of a Homer would have had a rich supply to satisfy 
 the cravings of its active imagination. The versatility 
 of scenes in pathos, in the elevation of chivalrous 
 character by the side of the horrible and barbarous, 
 would have created so many episodes, each constituting 
 a link of one and the same subject ' The Confederation 
 of Bar.' 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 95 
 
 But, brilliant as it may be in its details and 
 character, the political blunders committed by its 
 founders were equally great. A nation that desired 
 to emancipate itself from a foreign yoke ought to have 
 studiously avoided offending any part of the same 
 State, as unity of action was required for the achieve- 
 ment of so great an undertaking. In opposition to 
 this absolute necessity, two exclusive objects were 
 inscribed upon its banners ' Defence of the Estab- 
 lished Religion ' (Church of Rome), and ' Maintenance 
 of the Ancient Privileges of the Republic.' By the 
 first declaration, a large number of the citizens 
 belonging to different Protestant congregations were 
 alienated from the movement, in which their coopera- 
 tion would have been of the greatest importance. 
 By the second, it repulsed the royalists, who had at 
 heart the introduction of many useful reforms calcu- 
 lated to strengthen the executive power, and lay a 
 stronger foundation to the growth of a well regulated 
 freedom. 
 
 This mutilation of the national efforts proved advan- 
 tageous to the designs of the Cabinet of St. Peters- 
 burg. It had no difficulty in persuading the weak- 
 minded king that his authority and his personal safety 
 were menaced by the rebellious spirit of the nation ; 
 and that he should throw himself upon its support as 
 one of his most faithful and friendly allies ; that he 
 should demand officially, through the medium of the 
 Senate, that its troops might continue the occupation 
 of the country, and assist in putting down the Con- 
 federation of Bar. All these suggestions had the 
 favorable ear of the king, and were complied with 
 in spite of the strenuous opposition offered to so 
 
96 THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 
 
 humiliating a step by Prince Augustus Czartoryski 
 and several of the senators. Thus, having been suc- 
 cessful in this direction, it immediately despatched 
 a fresh supply of troops, with distinct orders to spread 
 desolation with fire and sword and this order was 
 literally fulfilled. Towns and villages were fast 
 disappearing women and children butchered in a 
 most barbarous manner. 
 
 These atrocities cast a still greater reproach upon 
 the actors, as the horrible deeds were committed in 
 the name of religion, that had ever for its sacred 
 mission to inspire mankind with the noblest senti- 
 ments and charitable disposition towards each other. 
 But the Muscovite Government used it as a means 
 of exciting the worst passions. Profiting by the 
 blunder of the Confederates of Bar, who proclaimed 
 themselves the champion knights of a particular 
 church, it gathered under its protection the excluded 
 ones, and kindled the fanaticism especially of the 
 Greek congregations, with a design of giving a reli- 
 gious character to the cause of disorders and disturb- 
 ances, that the distant Cabinets of Europe, and in 
 particular the Protestants, might take a false view of 
 the struggle, and easily justify its interference upon 
 that very ground. 
 
 The Cossacks, traditionally attached to an adven- 
 turous and roaming life in quest of booty, were 
 supplied with arms, and exhorted by the priests, in 
 the name of the holy orthodox Church of Moscow, 
 to exterminate the heretic rebels. The scenes of 
 cruelty of the Jacqueries of France, of the fourteenth 
 century, would have lost much of their frightful aspect 
 if placed by the side of what took place in Poland 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 97 
 
 in the eighteenth century. The names of Gonta, 
 Zelezniak, Tymienko, the leaders of haydemacks or 
 brigands, acquired notoriety in the personification 
 of satanic exultation in the multiplicity and excesses 
 of crime. The enumeration of them would only sicken 
 the mind of my readers, and cast a gloom over the 
 nature of humanity, that could be capable of sinking 
 in worth beneath the brute creation. 
 
 However, one picture may be brought to notice 
 as an illustration. It was their favorite amusement, 
 after collecting a number of prisoners, to inter them 
 alive up to the neck, and then with a scythe to mow 
 their heads. Perhaps they were of the same opinion 
 as the late Czar Nicholas, who said, when remon- 
 strated to spare human life in his interference with 
 the Hungarian struggle, ' Men are like grass ; as 
 soon as it is mowed it grows up again/ 'No doubt 
 this maxim represents the whole philosophy of the 
 Muscovite Czardom, and proved identical with the 
 atrocities under our consideration. As to the wholesale 
 slaughter of towns and villages, it is computed by an 
 eye-witness, a contemporary French historian Eulhiere, 
 that more than two hundred thousand persons perished 
 by the hands of those assassins. Yet, this accumula- 
 tion of calamitous misfortunes, did not break the spirit 
 of the Confederates of Bar. 
 
 They were a genuine type of the Polish ancient 
 martial character. Undismayed by difficulties, full 
 of self-reliance, they scorned to attach any import- 
 ance to the numerical strength of the enemy. With- 
 out a regular army with a scanty supply of 
 ammunition with the want of unity amongst the 
 leaders still they maintained their ground for the 
 7 
 
98 THE HISTOEY OF FOLAKD. 
 
 space of four years against a swarm of well- disciplined 
 troops. Had the Confederates of Ear made a compro- 
 mise with the royalists, who repeatedly tried to effect 
 with them a good understanding, perhaps the events, 
 might have taken a happier direction. Eut they 
 showed themselves unbent in their purpose, whilst, 
 by an unsuccessful attempt to carry off the king, a 
 colorable necessity was created for the continuation 
 of the Muscovite interference. 
 
 Thus, a small band of the patriots kept back with 
 undaunted heroism the pressure of every disadvantage. 
 Their star for awhile appeared to shine brightly. 
 France expressed a lively interest in the struggle ; 
 but beyond verbal encouragement did nothing in their 
 favor. The Ottoman Empire alone appeared to possess 
 a correct knowledge as to the danger of suffering 
 the Muscovite influence to acquire ascendancy in the 
 affairs of Poland. At first, it made strong remon- 
 strances to the Cabinet of St. Petersburg, which, 
 proving unsuccessful, it did not hesitate to espouse 
 the cause of the Confederates of Ear by declaring war 
 against Russia. Eut the welcome assistance met with 
 reverses in the field, and the victories obtained must 
 have suggested to the Muscovite Government that it 
 was a proper time for making a step towards the 
 acquisition of a long-cherished object, namely, the 
 political preponderance in Europe. 
 
 As long as Poland was an independent state, its 
 scheme of aggrandisement at the expence of Turkey 
 was uncertain, and its aspirations to the political 
 preponderance in Europe impracticable. Hence, to 
 destroy that barrier to its ambition was a plan never 
 lost sight of. "With whom did the proposition of the 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND, 99 
 
 dismemberment of Poland originate ? That is of little 
 consequence to my present purpose. The minutiae 
 must be left to a more detailed history. INo matter 
 whether Frederick the Great, of Prussia, equally 
 anxious to make his new kingdom of a better round- 
 ness, first sounded the Cabinet of St. Petersburg upon 
 the subject, by the way of anticipation of its wishes, 
 or that the Czarina Catherine led him into the tempta- 
 tion, as well as the pious Maria Theresa, of Austria, 
 who, though conscious of the wickedness of the sin, 
 had no courage to resist it, and, with tears in her 
 eyes, yielded to its allurement. One thing is certain, 
 that accomplices in the spoil were wanted and desired 
 by Russia, as a distribution of guilt would easier 
 screen the principal actor without diminishing the 
 benefits sought after. 
 
 Thus, when the Confederates of Ear were still in- 
 dulging themselves in the hope of reuniting their 
 shattered strength, especially relying upon the pro- 
 mised neutrality of the two German powers, sud- 
 denly they were surprised to see the Austrian and 
 Prussian troops entering Poland, with a declaration 
 that all Poles ranged under the banners of the Con- 
 federation of Ear would be treated as rebels and 
 malefactors, inviting, at the same time, the country 
 to submit itself to the wisdom of three allied powers, 
 viz., Russia, Austria, and Prussia, who had much 
 at heart its pacification. Eut the consternation was 
 still greater when the real object of the three friendly 
 umpires transpired. Each of them taking posses- 
 sion of certain portions of Poland, called peremp- 
 torily upon the Polish Diet to recognise and ratify 
 their claims, with threats that the slightest opposi- 
 
100 THE HISTORY OP POLAND. 
 
 tion or hesitation would be resented with the greatest 
 severity. 
 
 This extraordinary act of plunder, executed by an 
 agreement between the three potentates, announced 
 to mankind the ascendancy of an evil principle in 
 their policy, that augured a succession of many 
 misfortunes, coupled with violence, injustice, and 
 oppression. The year 1772 commemorates the 
 treachery, falsehood, and complete want even of 
 common morality of the three northern courts; for, 
 although the criminal design they had upon the 
 property of their neighbor was long settled among 
 themselves, yet the circulation of rumors about it, 
 almost on the eve of the commission of that deed, 
 they had the hardihood to denounce them as calumny 
 upon their best intentions in their transactions with 
 Poland. Against such perfidious conduct she could 
 not continue an effectual resistance in her exhausted 
 condition. However, the tacit indignation manifested 
 by the reluctance of the Diet to take their demands 
 under its consideration, caused no little alarm to 
 their guilty minds, impatient of delay in giving a 
 legal character to their robbery. They had recourse 
 to intimidation, which at last compelled the Diet, 
 though thinly attended, to yield, in the hope that it 
 would release the rest of the country from still 
 greater calamities. Thus, by the first dismemberment 
 of Poland, Prussia acquired upwards of six hundred 
 square miles, including that part which is called 
 Eoyal-Prussia, with the exception of Dantzick and 
 Thorn. The share of Austria embraced more than 
 twelve hundred square miles, with nearly three 
 millions of population; and that of Eussia nearly 
 
THE HISTOET OF POLAND. 101 
 
 two thousand square miles, extending its frontiers to 
 the rivers Dwina and Dnieper. 
 
 The first partition of Poland brought on a favorable 
 crisis in her life, exhausted by internal fever. Whilst 
 standing with one foot in her grave, dug by her 
 neighbors, into which they would have gladly hurried 
 their victim, a transition took place, from prostration 
 to rapid convalescence, followed by a complete resusci- 
 tation of the best energies and thoughts. There was 
 but one anxiety, one solicitude to heal the wounds 
 by an efficacious remedy, to make the largest sacrifices 
 for the consolidation of the common good. Even 
 King Stanislaus participated in the rising national 
 enthusiasm, and to all appearance busied himself with 
 earnestness to bring about some happier change. 
 Fortunately, a considerable number of men, illustrious 
 by their civic virtues and extensive intelligence, 
 formed an interesting gathering, bent upon the same 
 object. In the meantime, a serious alteration occurred 
 in the harmony of sentiment and views of the leagued 
 triumvirate. Russia and Austria cast their longing 
 eyes toward the Turkish Empire, where a still richer 
 booty might have been picked up by their joint 
 efforts. To this effect a treaty was concluded between 
 them, the existence of which alarmed Prussia and 
 England, and caused them to enter into a closer 
 compact. Thus, the fears and jealousies having been 
 roused, the alliance of Poland was sought after with 
 eagerness alternately by the Cabinets of St. Petersburg 
 and Berlin. The former made its usual boasting 
 declaration that, as a great empire, it was raised 
 above all suspicion with regard to the wish of merely 
 extending its possessions; that it would be glad to 
 
102 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 contribute rather to the grandeur and prosperity of 
 Poland if she chose to make common cause in a war 
 with Turkey. The latter appealed in more noble 
 language, congratulating and urging upon the Poles 
 the necessity of continuing, in the same spirit in 
 which they began, the great work of administrative 
 reform, and, should circumstances require, it would 
 readily lend its assistance to carry out their views. 
 Between the two influences, the good sense of the 
 Poles did not hesitate in giving preference to Prussia, 
 and a treaty was concluded between Poland and 
 Prussia, through the mediation of Great Britain and 
 Holland. That very fact may be pointed out as 
 demonstrative of the conservative tendency of Poland, 
 more preoccupied with the amelioration of her own 
 organisation than dazzled by the temptation of plunder 
 and aggrandisement. !N"o sooner was it known at 
 St. Petersburg than its protestation was communicated 
 to the Diet, intimating that all measures introduced 
 without its concurrence would be considered as an 
 infringement upon the obligations set forth in their 
 former treaties. However, the memorable Diet, which 
 began its labors in 1788, pursued its task with un- 
 flinching courage and devotedness. It had evinced 
 the most extraordinary unanimity of purpose, and 
 took the most expanded view of the social wants 
 in harmony with the spirit of the times. Impartial 
 history would gladly linger, with undiminished 
 intensity of interest, upon that special period of the 
 gigantic efforts of the Polish nation on behalf of its 
 national independence and freedom. No foreign 
 influence had any share in its conceptions. The 
 genuine purity of native genius was the only inspira- 
 
THE HISTOET OF POLAND. 103 
 
 lion, and its only pilot in the midst of its difficulties. 
 In fact, Poland had the start of every other country 
 in liberal ideas. The redress of grievances was neither 
 extorted by violence of domestic revolution as in 
 France, nor could it be called a concession to the 
 clamor of the aggrieved. In its rise, progress, and 
 final development, free from the pressure of compulsion, 
 it displayed an unbroken train of sentiments alive to 
 justice, and regulated by moderation. The subject 
 of elevating the worthiest part of the nation to the 
 rank of nobility or equestrian order, which may be 
 translated into the English political phrase, 'the ex- 
 tension of franchises/ had the first care of the Diet. 
 The result of its decision upon this point would have 
 gradually and rapidly raised almost the whole nation 
 to an equal participation of every right and privilege. 
 Thus, it was enacted that towns were to present to 
 each new Diet, held every two years, a list of thirty 
 families for that honor ; that every one who took 
 a university degree, if plebeian, was to be nobilised ; 
 also all professors of the high colleges and univer- 
 sities. In the military service, the rank of Captain 
 was fixed for the same purpose. Merchant's right 
 to it was admissible as soon as any one of them 
 became a proprietor of land or village, paying at the 
 least five pounds taxes a year. Similar considerations 
 and advantages were attached to every department 
 of the civil service ; in short, intelligence, industry, 
 and merit were to receive due homage and the 
 strongest encouragement. What a magnificent idea! 
 Instead of pulling down society into a medley of 
 coarse passions, it was arranged with the finest judg- 
 ment, that its improvements could not experience 
 
104 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 any interruption. And yet, by a strange perversity 
 of the human mind, the Polish spirit, so essentially 
 conservative in its tendency, has often been traduced, 
 misrepresented, or stigmatised as destructive to peace 
 and order. To show that we are justified in calling 
 the Polish spirit essentially conservative in its 
 tendency, we have only to follow the labors of that 
 same Diet. The mischievous liberum veto was abol- 
 ished, the troublesome elective monarchy transformed 
 into a hereditary one, the ministers rendered respon- 
 sible to the Diet, religious toleration adopted as the 
 law of the land, liberty proclaimed to all classes and 
 to all individuals as soon as they set their foot upon 
 Polish ground: further, it was decided that every 
 twenty-five years an extraordinary Diet should be 
 assembled for the purpose of revising and altering 
 the existing laws according to the wants and spirit 
 of the times. 
 
 Such was the tenor of the Polish constitution given 
 to the country in 1791, on the 3rd of May. These 
 majestic changes have no parallel in the history of 
 nations. The unanimity with which the privileged 
 class removed the bar that stood hitherto between 
 them and the rest of the people, and that at its own 
 suggestion, and with its own approbation, surely, 
 must be recognised as an act of rare dignity. "Whilst 
 in other countries, rivers of blood spilt, commemorated 
 internal jealousies, animosities, and struggles, in 
 Poland, the nobles, in the true sense of nobility, took 
 the van in initiating the people into their rights. 
 The King, the Senate, and the Diet represented, on 
 the 3rd of May, the triumph of the civic virtues. 
 The nation felt it deeply its appreciation of the 
 
THE HISTOBY OF POLAND. 105 
 
 occasion did not vanish with the transitory rejoicings. 
 In the days of its political misfortunes, the 3rd of 
 May had a national charm it was a holy-day, a 
 signal for the gathering of the patriots. This 
 partiality of affection for the 3rd- of May did not 
 spring up from any eccentricity ; the nation identified 
 with it the abolition both of anarchy and slavery. 
 As every year brought back the 3rd of May, it 
 brought also the renovation of the national sentiments 
 and of national hope. Such vitality could not be 
 easily broken even by long adversity. 
 
 But my readers will better understand the value 
 of the recollections connected with that day, if, in 
 addition to the above enumerated reforms decided 
 upon, we add an extract from the said Constitution 
 of the 3rd of May, in reference to the agriculturists 
 or peasants. 
 
 ARTICLE IV. AGRICULTURISTS AND OTHER INHABITANTS ix 
 
 THE COUNTRY. 
 
 * Wishing to encourage in the most efficacious manner 
 the population in all the domains of the Common- 
 wealth, we hereby ensure entire liberty to all classes 
 of individuals, foreigners as well, who shall come 
 and establish themselves in Poland ; or natives, who, 
 having formerly quitted their country, would wish 
 to return to it again. Thus, every person, foreigner 
 or native, the moment he shall set his foot upon 
 Polish ground, shall he free, without any constraint 
 whatever, to exercise his industry in such a manner 
 and in such places as he may incline.' 
 
 And in the face of such a noble document, the Poles 
 are still charged in reproachful taunts as the planters 
 of serfdom! Rather, it should be said, that their 
 attachment to freedom gave bitter offence to the 
 
106 THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 
 
 three despotic neighbors, who leagued themselves in 
 order to destroy them in body and in character. 
 
 Bussia, having concluded peace with Turkey at the 
 very time when these changes were taking place in 
 Poland, it had leisure to give a fresh impulse to its 
 intrigues, that her affairs might be again thrown into 
 confusion. However, those who are in the habit of 
 coming to hasty conclusions without a sufficient know- 
 ledge of facts, will have to correct their erroneous 
 opinion, which seems sweepingly to blame the Polish 
 nobility, as having been factious and corrupt; con- 
 sequently, the principal cause of the downfall of their 
 country. That, as a body, they were neither factious 
 nor corrupt, the best refutation of it will be found 
 in the miserable opposition to the establishment of 
 the Constitution of the 3rd of May, got up by the 
 exertions of Bussian influence, known under the name 
 of the Confederation of Targowitz. Two senators only, 
 and a handful of nobles, were to be found base 
 enough to desert the national cause. They made an 
 application to the Cabinet of St. Petersburg, that it 
 would honor them with its protection, and assist them 
 in preventing the introduction of the innovations 
 destructive to the glorious privileges of the ancient 
 republic. A document sustained by so limited a num- 
 ber of signatures of local influence, even in private 
 transactions of some magnitude, could not lay claim 
 to public confidence ; and what now in State affairs ? 
 
 But it mattered not for Bussia whether that docu- 
 ment was a faithful representation of the national 
 wishes, or a libel upon them; whether it was in 
 harmony with the genuine feeling of the country, or an 
 emanation of the few gained to its side by corruption 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 107 
 
 it wanted only a pretext for its interference, that it might 
 be able to make distant lookers-on believe that it com- 
 plied with the solicitations of the Poles themselves. 
 
 JN~ow, my readers, being acquainted with the general 
 spirit of the Constitution of the 3rd of May, will, 
 doubtless, be no little surprised to learn that the 
 Cabinet of St. Petersburg denounced it in the 
 harshest terms, as the work of an obnoxious revolu- 
 tion, that had no regard or respect for the ancient 
 order of things ; and, therefore, as an ally and friend 
 of the Polish republic, it could not view with indif- 
 ference the danger to which it was hurried by a set 
 of hot-headed Jacobins. If this appellation was given 
 to the royalists in imitation of the Scots and it 
 could not be otherwise, as the Parisian Clubists of 
 the same name did not raise at the time their mon- 
 ster head it is evident that the improved condition 
 of the cause of royalty, the recognition of its here- 
 ditary rights, coupled with the adoption of civil 
 and religious liberty, disturbed the dreams of the 
 Muscovite policy, as these changes, once transformed 
 into practice, would have put an end to its invidious 
 designs. Hence, it hastened to destroy the noblest 
 work of the Polish intelligence, still professing to be 
 animated with the most magnanimous intentions, and 
 having no other object in ordering its troops to enter 
 Poland than her own good. 
 
 But the Poles had no faith in the smooth tongue 
 of the two-headed monster,* 4 whose gory claws were 
 only watching for an opportunity of seizing its victim. 
 Active preparations were made to repel force by force. 
 Besides, an embassy was sent to Berlin in the expec- 
 * The arms of Russia two-headed black eagle. 
 
108 THE HISTOET OF POLAND. 
 
 tation that Frederick "William II. would, in virtue of 
 a treaty concluded between Poland and Prussia in 
 1790, assist the Poles with his troops on this occasion. 
 They had strong reason for entertaining such a hope, 
 as the King of Prussia made a public demonstration, 
 by a special ambassador sent to congratulate the 
 Polish King and the Diet upon the happy issue of 
 their labors. However, ill fate, as it appears, took 
 then into its own hands the management of the 
 Polish affairs. In vain the Polish martial spirit felt 
 all anxiety to be led to the field of battle in vain 
 did Kosciuszko display his superior talent by a pro- 
 digious defence of Dubienka against the Eussian 
 forces, considerably stronger in number. The king, 
 forgetful of his own dignity, forgetful of the solem- 
 nity of the oath which bound him at every sacrifice 
 to cling to the Constitution of the 3rd of May 
 forgetful of his sacred duty to stand or fall in his 
 country's cause as if fascinated by the recollections 
 of his youthful adventures with the Empress Cathe- 
 rine, he lent himself again to the siren's melodious 
 insinuations ; he lost, speaking charitably, the powers 
 of judgment, and, listening to the treacherous voice 
 of that personification of the fabulous goddess, who, 
 it was believed, enticed men by charming singing 
 that it might devour them, prepared the same fate for 
 himself and for his country. In fact, the Polish 
 King, in order to reinstate himself in the good graces 
 of the Empress Catherine, renounced all connexion 
 with the Constitution of the 3rd of May, of which 
 he was a zealous promoter, by his accession to the 
 Confederation of Targowitz. 
 
 This desertion of the king to the side of the enemy 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 109 
 
 struck the Polish army with discouragement and 
 consternation. It paralysed its movements ; but even, 
 had its spirit . remained unshaken, all means were 
 taken away for keeping the ground by the surrender 
 of the warlike stores to the Russians. On the other 
 hand, the embassy sent to Berlin brought to light 
 the darkest treachery that ever disgraced frail human 
 nature. In direct contradiction to the tenor of the 
 existing treaty, binding both Poland and Prussia to 
 act jointly in the case of war with Eussia, Frederick 
 William II. , who so loudly applauded the majestic 
 progress of reforms, the realisation of which was 
 the Constitution of the 3rd of May, gave the lie to 
 all these public testimonies, by returning an answer, 
 ' That, as he did not take any part in the Polish 
 legislation, he did not feel himself bound to defend 
 its acts/ This perfidious conduct makes censure 
 drop its voice, and behold in mute amazement so 
 much wickedness and falsehood debasing the exalted 
 position of royalty. I believe that no comment is 
 required upon an enormity so notorious, as the 
 spontaneous indignation of my readers will supply 
 its place. Thus, the blame should not be thrown 
 merely upon the Polish nobility, disunited or cor- 
 rupted, but also upon the treachery of the kings, 
 who disregarded every tie of sacred obligation in 
 word and deed. On the one hand, the Polish king, 
 like a broken link, slipped always from the fastening 
 of the national chain; on the other, the King of 
 Prussia, equally faithless, made common cause with 
 the Muscovites. 
 
 It was impossible for the Poles to contend against 
 such a combination. Many patriots quitted in despair 
 
110 THE HISTORY OP POLAND. 
 
 their country, that they might be more at liberty to 
 devise means for its future liberation among whom, 
 Kosciuszko was one. Dresden was the place of their 
 gathering. Their anguish must have been great, when 
 it became known that the Constitution of the 3rd 
 of May was abolished ; its framers and supporters 
 denounced as the enemies of the State; and that 
 Eussia and Prussia, in order, as they said, to pacify 
 the restlessness of the Polish Republic, had arrived 
 at the conclusion, that its dimensions should be 
 narrowed for its own benefit-. Under such an extraor- 
 dinary and ridiculous pretext, the second partition of 
 Poland was effected. Eussia took possession of nearly 
 four thousand square miles. Prussia contented herself 
 with a more modest share of about one thousand square 
 miles, including Dantzic and Thorn. So great an ini- 
 quity was a guiding thought of the two upstart powers, 
 for both Eussia and Prussia, as states, had scarcely a 
 few respectable pages as yet in the history of mankind. 
 Both began to grow into a substantial political 
 existence in the beginning of the eighteenth century. 
 Both ran a race, with the strong passions of reckless 
 gamblers, to make acquisitions by every means; and 
 both should have been arraigned before the tribunal 
 of the human family as delinquents of a serious 
 character, conspiring against the progress of social 
 improvements and moral elevation. 
 
 But as the physical world has its moments of 
 sudden fermentation, so also has the mental. Incidents 
 of this kind favor the lawless proceedings, which 
 either escape unnoticed or gain unmerited applause. 
 Thus, Eussia and Prussia, profiting by the awful 
 state of things in France, which spread their contagion 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. Ill 
 
 far and wide, and struck terror into the whole fabric 
 of the ancient world, satisfied Austria, who had no 
 share in the second partition of Poland, that as the 
 latter country consisted of materials most combustible, 
 and, in consequence, was liable to kindle the same fire 
 in imitation of France, therefore, it was for the good 
 of Austria, and the ancient conservative principle 
 of Europe, that the Cabinets of St. Petersburg and 
 Berlin should have taken preventive measures, and 
 rewarded themselves by judicious spoils. 
 
 Whether that sort of logic had the concurrence 
 of the Cabinet of St. James's, we have no official 
 document .under our consideration to enable us to say, 
 yes, or no. But at any rate its reserve was agreeably 
 interrupted with the eulogium, like funeral orations, 
 pronounced by the brightest British intelligence, in 
 favor of the defunct Polish Constitution of the 3rd 
 of May. Mackintosh, in his defence of the French 
 Ee volution, thus speaks of it ' The Government of 
 every State may compare the violent agitation which 
 the opposition has caused in France with the tranquil 
 and dignified reform which the Government of Poland 
 has obtained.' Fox said, ' that the Constitution of 
 the 3rd of May was a work which every friend of 
 liberty ought sincerely to love ' ; whilst Edmund 
 Burke drew the attention of Parliament to it in the 
 following manner : ' Mankind ought to rejoice and 
 glory when they contemplate the change of Poland. 
 There is nothing feeble, nothing shameful; it is one 
 which in its nature is so elevated, that it will be one 
 of the most noble boons ever conferred on humanity. 
 It has destroyed anarchy and slavery.' It is a con- 
 solation to Poland that references of so high authority 
 
112 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 were left to posterity to plead the justice of her 
 cause. 
 
 There is another honorable trace, to which history 
 would point with satisfaction as a beautiful illustration 
 of the Polish spirit. It is in the midst of reverses 
 and misfortunes that its real worth was revealed. 
 The Diet was assembled in 1793 at Grodno, in com- 
 pliance with the demands of Eussia and Prussia, 
 that it might ratify their acts of usurpation. After 
 the preliminary proceedings, when the object for 
 which it was called together should have been taken 
 into consideration, a death-like silence ensued, as 
 if the assembly was suddenly struck dumb and 
 deaf. Such an unexpected scene alarmed the Musco- 
 vite Commissioner, who was present to watch the 
 progress of the transactions. He hastened to report 
 it to the Russian ambassador Siever, and brought back 
 a message that the King, the Senators, and the 
 Deputies were to remain in their respective places 
 day and night, without interruption, until the matter 
 was settled. And actually for twenty-four hours no 
 change occurred in their tacit resistance. But Mus- 
 covite wit at last gave its own interpretation to the 
 silence, taking it for an act of affirmation, and caused 
 a proclamation to be issued to this effect. As argu- 
 ments are generally of no avail against might, so 
 on this occasion, surrounded by the enemy's troops, 
 the Diet bowed to dictation, not, however, with- 
 out drawing up a protest on the 24th September, 
 1793, in which we meet with the following re- 
 markable passage: 'We accede in consequence only 
 of being unable, even at the peril of our lives, 
 to prevent the violence of our enemies from gaining 
 
THE HISTOBr OF POLA.ND. 113 
 
 its triumph. We take heaven for our witness as to 
 the purity of our intentions, and bequeath a sacred 
 obligation to posterity, who may be more fortunate 
 than ourselves in devising the means of saving our 
 country.' 
 
 Thus was concluded the Second Act of the great 
 tragedy of Poland. 
 
 Under such harassing circumstances, the Poles 
 entered upon a new phasis of life. They could no 
 longer place any reliance upon the firmness of the 
 king, who by his late conduct forfeited all claim to 
 confidence or even to respect. They could not act 
 as an independent nation in an open manner without 
 impediment or risk of bringing upon themselves some 
 sort of a vexatious persecution. Hence, the necessity 
 of secret conspiracies sprung up, and the emancipation 
 of the country from a foreign yoke became a solemn 
 sentiment shut up within the sanctuary of the heart, 
 and mutual communication had its own symbols. 
 Soon the patriots had occasion to try again the 
 fortune of war. The aggressive designs of Eussia 
 being now no longer concealed, orders were sent from 
 St. Petersburg, that the remnant of the Polish army 
 should be disbanded. It was a signal for the Poles 
 to rally round the national standard. General Mada- 
 linski moved his little band in the direction of Cracow, 
 feigning submission to the Muscovite wishes, but in 
 reality it was a point fixed for the gathering of the 
 patriots. Kosciuszko was unanimously proclaimed 
 General-in-Chief, and to his appeal an enthusiastic 
 response was given from the most distant corners of 
 the country. As the name of Kosciuszko is in the 
 
114 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 mouth, of every Englishman who ever turns his 
 thoughts towards Poland, it will not be a digression 
 from my subject, and may prove satisfactory to my 
 readers, if I devote some space to a brief biographical 
 sketch, of so remarkable a personage. 
 
 Thadens Kosciuszko was born in 1756, of a noble 
 family in Lithuania. He was educated at the military 
 school of "Warsaw, where he was so distinguished 
 for his scientific acquirements as to be chosen one 
 of four students, who were sent to travel at the 
 expense of the State. In this capacity he visited 
 France, where he remained for several years, culti- 
 vating his talents. He then returned to his own 
 country, and obtained a company in the army. Love, 
 which so often influences the future destinies of its 
 votaries, and 
 
 * rules the court, the camp, and grove, 
 And men below, and saints above,' 
 
 had also its share in the fortunes of Kosciuszko. A 
 young lady, the daughter of the Marshal of Lithuania, 
 one of the first officers of State of the Polish 
 Court, engaged his affections; but the difference of 
 station presenting so many obstacles to his passion, 
 he expatriated himself. North America was at this 
 time struggling for independence ; thither the young 
 soldier bent his steps, and entered the army of General 
 "Washington, and afterwards became his aide-de-camp. 
 In this service he distinguished himself in such a 
 manner that the most flattering encomiums were 
 bestowed upon him by Franklin, and the Congress 
 
THE HISTORY OP POLAND. 115 
 
 of the United Provinces. He also received from 
 them the order of Cincinnatus, being the first 
 European, except La Payette, who had been honored 
 with it. 
 
 Upon the termination of the war, Kosciuszko returned 
 to his own country, where he lived in retirement until 
 1789, when the Diet conferred upon him the rank 
 of Major-General. On the 18th of June, 1792, at 
 the battles of Zieleniec and Dubienka, he gave 
 decided proofs of that military genius which after- 
 wards raised him so high in the eyes of his country- 
 men and of all Europe. After the second partition 
 of Poland, Kosciuszko and most of the other distin- 
 guished officers quitted the service, and retired to 
 Dresden to wait for a proper opportunity to rescue 
 their country from the hands of its oppressors. On 
 the 24th of March, 1794, he joined the patriots in 
 the vicinity of Cracow; a deed of confederacy was 
 drawn up by which he was made Dictator, with 
 absolute power political, military, and civil. He 
 immediately published a manifesto against the Rus- 
 sians, and with only 4,000 men, most of whom were 
 merely armed with scythes, marched towards Warsaw. 
 On the 4th of April, with this small body of troops, 
 Kosciuszko encountered 10,000 of the enemy at 
 Raclawice, whom, after a severe combat, he totally 
 defeated. Three thousand Russians were left dead 
 on the field, and a great number taken prsoners. 
 Among many instances of great personal bravery 
 and presence of mind is the following : A peasant 
 of the name of Glowacki, carrying the scythe, seeing 
 
116 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 a cannon about to be fired, rushed forward, and, ere 
 the match could be applied, covered the touch-hole 
 with his bonnet, and killed the soldier. 
 
 This victory was not without its fruits. The 
 inhabitants of "Warsaw, fired with the heroic deeds 
 of their countrymen, immediately hoisted the standard 
 of independence, and, after a terrible conflict of 
 several days, drove every Russian out of their city. 
 But fortune, always fickle, which hitherto had smiled 
 upon the arms of the patriots, now began to frown. 
 The perfidious, unblushing Frederick "William II., 
 without even the usual formality of declaring war, 
 suddenly made his appearance at the head of 40,000 
 men, and effected a junction with the Russians. 
 Austria also, under the pretence of neutrality, an- 
 nounced her intention of marching an army into 
 Little Poland. The successes of the patriots were 
 nothing against the fearful odds with which they 
 had now to contend, and their situation soon became 
 critical. Their enemies increased, whilst their re- 
 sources diminished. The intelligence reaching the 
 ears of Kosciuszko that new Russian forces were 
 approaching with Suwarrow at their head, he resolved 
 to intercept him, and, on the 10th of October, 1794, 
 met him at a place called Macieiowice. For many 
 hours Kosciuszko maintained his ground against the 
 most disproportionate numbers. All that high-devoted 
 patriotism could perform all that the most determined 
 bravery could accomplish was done. At last, a furious 
 charge was made with Kosciuszko at its head a charge 
 not unlike that of Balaclava into the very heart of the 
 

 THE HISTOBY OF POLAND. 117 
 
 enemy, where he fell covered with wounds.* The 
 catastrophe was dreadful the loss of Kosciuszko filled 
 the country with despair. Indeed, the mournful 
 result of such an event has been beautifully recorded 
 by the poetical inspiration of Thomas Campbell in 
 the following lines : 
 
 ' Hope, for a season, bade the world farewell, 
 And Freedom shrieked when Kosciuszko fell.' 
 
 After these reverses the remains of the national 
 army were concentrated at Prague, the suburb of 
 Warsaw, which was defended with the most desperate 
 valor. Eut the terrible moment of the enemy's 
 success had for its triumphal merit carnage and ruin. 
 There was not a house left, and not a child spared 
 by the ruthless invaders. The name of Suwarrow 
 brings to the recollection the heart-rending scenes of 
 the massacre of Prague, and represents a token of 
 that friendship which was professed so often by Eussia 
 for Poland. But, if humanity has to deplore the 
 manifestation of savage brutality in its own species 
 in the common course of life, what should its feelings 
 be when it contemplates a vicious nature giving a 
 systematic arrangement to such practices ? The strug- 
 gles of Poland will occupy in history a prominent 
 place as important lessons to mankind. The first 
 point that would press itself upon the consideration 
 would be, what provocations was she guilty of against 
 her neighbors whose dealings with her betrayed so 
 
 * After two years of severe imprisonment, Kosciuszko was restored to 
 liberty on Paul's accession to the throne. He died in Switzerland in 1817. 
 His remains are deposited in the Cathedral at Cracow. 
 
118 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 much, bitterness and cruelty? !N"o charge whatsoever 
 can be substantiated by them that would justify their 
 conduct. At no time did Poland show the least dis- 
 position to meddle herself in the internal affairs of 
 her neighbors, nor made any aggressive encroachments. 
 Therefore, without provocation, she was subjected to 
 all these calamities, and for no other offence than 
 because she wished to put her own house in order. 
 Evidently this truth was present to the mind of the 
 poet when he wrote 
 
 ' Oh, bloodiest picture in the book of time I 
 Sarmatia fell unwept without a crime \ ' 
 
 The capitulation of Warsaw followed the melan- 
 choly destruction of its suburb Prague. Ten months 
 passed in a state of uncertainty, and discussions as 
 to the final fate of Poland. At last, Catherine sent 
 orders to the weak monarch to abdicate the crown 
 she had given him permission to wear. The Act 
 of his Abdication was presented to him on the 25th 
 November, 1795, and there was a refinement of 
 vexation in the selection of the day, it being that 
 of the anniversary of his coronation. Had he pos- 
 sessed the courage to refuse obedience to the order 
 for his abdication, he would have redeemed in some 
 measure the remains of a political life which had 
 only been a tissue of blunders. But he lost the 
 opportunity. He put the finishing stroke to his degra- 
 dation in going to beg his last asylum in the estates 
 of this same Catherine, whose puppet he had been 
 for the last thirty years. There he witnessed the 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 119 
 
 political disruption of Europe rapidly advancing, the 
 first step of which had been the dissolution of Poland. 
 
 But, whilst the memory of King Stanislaus conjures 
 up a train of political misfortunes for which he alone 
 is held responsible by history, his merits should not 
 be overlooked as a poor compensation for all mischief 
 he had played to his country's cause. Fondly 
 attached to learning and to national literature, he 
 largely contributed to the revival of a zeal in culti- 
 vating the purity of the native language, and the 
 general acquisition of knowledge. In imitation of 
 Caesar Augustus, he was the friend and patron of 
 talent, and sought the society of men of genius, as 
 if ambitious that his reign should rival the brilliancy 
 of the Eoman Augustine age. That he was eminently 
 successful in that province, a long list of the dis- 
 tinguished literary characters can bear the most honor- 
 able testimony. The very Constitution of the 3rd of 
 May was a work of the united intelligence, stamped 
 with great depth of thought, with a habit of con- 
 templation, sustained by the finest judgment. Inde- 
 pendently of this, every department of science and 
 literature had its illustrious representatives. It was 
 a period of the most interesting contrasts. The rising 
 light of Poland, though overwhelmed with a rapid 
 tide of darkness, still left behind its scattered beams, 
 which, like the studded stars of night, became the 
 beacons of national recollections, of national sentiment, 
 and of national spirit. The revival and growth of 
 Polish literature rendered an immense service in this 
 respect. The subject of national history had the 
 
120 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 earnest attention of the studious compilers, among 
 whom Adam JftTaruszewicz, the philosophical cast of 
 whose mind qualified him for so important a task, 
 executed a voluminous work with honor to himself 
 and to the uncommon benefit of the country. He 
 was equally successful in his poetical effusions, espe- 
 cially as a humorous satirist. Eut the palm of glory 
 in this branch, as well as in the higher works of 
 imagination, belongs to Ignace Krasicki, whose versa- 
 tility of mind could be compared to that of Yoltaire. 
 Although his poems do not possess the majesty or 
 the sublimity of Milton's ' Paradise Lost/ yet they 
 may rival Voltaire's 'Henriad.' Eut, distinguished 
 as he was in every kind of writing, he excelled in 
 the composition of fables, and may well be regarded 
 as a match for La Fontaine. All his fables are highly 
 philosophical, and excite general admiration. The 
 following one is a great favorite among the Poles, as 
 it has the fellowship of their political misfortunes. 
 
 THE BIED IN THE CAGE. 
 
 ' What is it makes my mother wail ? ' 
 Asked a young prisoned nightingale. 
 1 Art thou not happier in this home 
 Than when o'er fields thou used to *oam ? ' 
 ' Here wast thou born,' said the old one, 
 1 And canst not sigh for pleasure gone ; 
 For thou hast never known, like me, 
 How sweet a thing is liberty ! 
 But captive now, these tears I shed 
 O'er freedom's blest enjoyments fled. ' 
 
THE HISTORY OF POL1ND. 121 
 
 The greatest merit of Krasicki consisted in his 
 complete nationality. From him we turn with 
 veneration to the memory of Julian Ursyn Niemcewicz, 
 the companion and friend of Kosciuszko, a beautiful 
 type of patriotism and attachment, with which he 
 cherished national historical characters that were great 
 in war, or illustrious otherwise. This led him to the 
 happy conception of rendering them familiar to every 
 cottage, by a series of songs embodying their virtues 
 and deeds; thus diffusing an excellent influence of 
 the recollections of the past in an agreeable, easy, and 
 popular manner. Great crimes, also, did not escape 
 his notice, anxious, by upholding them to public 
 execration and abhorrence, to diminish the chances of 
 their repetition. Of these, the atrocity of Glinski, a 
 powerful nobleman of Lithuania, committed in the 
 beginning of the sixteenth century, suggested a theme 
 terrific for its tragical character, and full of touching 
 features in some of its details. As I have selected it 
 as an illustration of the talent of our poet, a brief 
 explanation of the incidents will render the subject of 
 the song perfectly clear. 
 
 Glinski, as an eminent warrior, had scarcely a rival 
 in glory. His popularity and renown received addi- 
 tional strength by the victories he gained over the 
 Tartars, whose incursions were then frequent. Elated 
 by success, and confident in self-importance, in the evil 
 moment of pride he conceived the dark idea of 
 executing a deed of revenge against the family of 
 Zabrzezinski, whom he cordially hated. The Polish 
 king, Alexander, was on his death-bed. Glinski had just 
 
122 THE HISTOBY OF POLAND. 
 
 returned from the field of battle with, fresh glory and 
 trophies. It appeared to him a favorable opportunity 
 for gratifying the feelings of revenge. He, therefore, 
 surprised his victims in the night and murdered the 
 whole family. 
 
 Such a great crime excited universal indignation. 
 But the accession of the new king, Sigismund I., 
 who was known for his strict attachment to equity, 
 taking away all hope of escaping the pursuit of 
 justice, he sought safety in flight, and offered his 
 services to the Muscovite Czar. A murderer and a 
 traitor to his country became a general -in-chief of the 
 armies of its bitterest foe. Desolation succeeded to 
 desolation. At last, when besieged in person by the 
 Polish king, at Smolensk, repentance dawned upon his 
 heart, and secret negociations were opened for ob- 
 taining a pardon. But the vigilance of the Muscovite 
 spies had scent of it. The Czar was informed, and 
 Glinski, stripped of his dignity and deprived of sight, 
 passed the remainder of life in the dark dungeon, to 
 which place his only daughter gained permission to 
 accompany him, where she was to him an angel of 
 consolation. 
 
 GLINSKI. 
 
 In a dark, dreary dungeon, where the beam, 
 The gladdening beam of sun-light never shone ; 
 
 Where from the dismal roof, its little stream 
 Of twilight pourM a pendant lamp ; alone, 
 
 And conscience-tortured sat, to misery bound, 
 
 Glinski, in victory and in crime renowned. 
 
THE HISTORY OP POLAND. 123 
 
 His forehead, years and grief had furrow'd o'er ; 
 
 His grey hair hung disorder' d on his brow ; 
 His bloody sockets saw the light no more ; 
 
 Plough' d were his wasted cheeks with scars and woe. 
 He sat, and lean'd upon his hand : his groans 
 Were echoed by the dungeon's gloomy stones. 
 
 With him his only child, his daughter fair, 
 
 A very gem of virtue, grace, and youth ; 
 She left the smiling world and the free air, 
 
 Her miserable father's woes to soothe ; 
 Pleased in that fearful solitude to stay, 
 While life's young bloom fled silently away. 
 
 ' Father, I pray thee by these tender tears,' 
 
 So spake the maid, ' be comforted, and chase 
 Despair ; though chains hang heavy on thy years, 
 
 Yet hope deserts not e'en this desert place ; 
 Time yet may smile upon thee ; thou may'st rest 
 Thy grey old age upon thy country's breast.' 
 
 * My country ! breathe not that dread name to me, 
 
 For crimes rush down upon my tortured thought, 
 And waken'd conscience gnaws the memory, 
 And gentle sleep these eyes will visit not. 
 Did I not head her foes ! and can the name 
 Of traitor, but be link'd to death and shame ? 
 
 1 All that can raise a man above mankind 
 
 All that is good and great in war or peace 
 Power riches beauty courage strength of mind, 
 Yes ! nature gave me these, and more than these : 
 I wanted nought but laurels which I found, 
 And glory's trophies wreathed my templea round. 
 
124 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 ' The locust swarming hosts of Tartars broke 
 
 Upon Lithuania and Volhinia's land 
 Plundering, destroying, their terrific yoke 
 
 Spared neither sex and age ; the fiery brand 
 Of desolation swept the country o'er, 
 Children and mothers drown' d in father's gore ! 
 
 * I sought the invader's ravage to withstand, 
 
 Proud of their strength, in wide-spread camps they lay, 
 But they were scatter 'd by my victor-hand ; 
 
 The misty eve look'd on the battle fray, 
 While corpses on the Niemen's waters rode, 
 And infidel blood the thirsty fields o'erfloVd. 
 
 * When Alexander on his dying bed 
 
 Lay mourn' d by all his children subjects came 
 The news that the defeated Tartars fled ; 
 
 Upon his clouded brow joy's holy flame 
 Kindled sweet peace " Now let me, let me die, 
 For I bequeath to Poland victory ! " 
 
 * My deeds, my Monarch's praises warm'd my breast, 
 
 And love of daring violence grew. The fame 
 Of Zabrzezinski oft disturb' d my rest, 
 
 I a most foul and midnight murderer came 
 And butcher' d all in sleep. My Poles rebell'd, 
 I join'd with Poland's foes, by rage impell'd. 
 
 Flagitious sin, and memory's fiercest smart, 
 
 The eagle blended with the hurrying steed,* 
 From cruelty and crime won not my heart, 
 
 Nor sheath' d the sword that did the cruel deed 
 The foeman Russ I bent to my control, 
 And fought 'gainst Poles e'en I e'en I a Pole. 
 
 * The arms of Poland and Lithuania. 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 125 
 
 * I looked upon the battle-field ; I saw 
 
 Many a well-known corpse among the dead : 
 Then did fierce agony my hosom gnaw ; 
 
 Then burning tears of conscious guilt were shed ; 
 And I implored forgiveness from my king, 
 Forgiveness for a vile and outcast thing. 
 
 < I told my penitent tale. My foes had wrought 
 Upon the Czar, and roused him to distrust ; 
 
 He met indignantly my honest thought, 
 Dashed my awakening virtue to the dust ; 
 
 Bid them tear out my eyes, and bind me here 
 
 In galling fetters to this dungeon drear. 
 
 ' Ten years have pass'd, and yet I live. The sun 
 
 And the gay stars shine on ; but not for me. 
 Darkness and torments with my being run 
 
 My strength decays my blood flows freezingly 
 Through my chill' d veins ; and death, not gentle death, 
 Lays its rude hand upon my weakening breath. 
 
 c Yet a few days this corpse, my grief's remains, 
 
 Will ask a handful of unfriendly earth ; 
 Leave then, my child, these foul and foreign plains, 
 
 Blest who can claim the country of his birth ; 
 The Poles forgive and thou shalt be forgiven, 
 My child be blest, and I be left to heaven ! 
 
 * Yes, thou shalt see thy country, and its smile 
 
 Shall chase the memory of these gloomy days ; 
 Thy father's princely hall shall greet thee ; while 
 
 Thy thought o'er long departed glory strays ; 
 Thy friends, thy countrymen, shall welcome thee, 
 Give thee their love, but pour their curse on me. 
 
126 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 4 Yet, e'en my death may hallo w'd thoughts inspire ; 
 
 From this scathed trunk may wisdom's blossoms grow ; 
 My history shall check revengeful ire 
 
 None other Pole shall join his country's foe. 
 Why should a traitor live, when he has hound 
 His veil'd and sorrowing country to the ground ? ' 
 
 Thus spake the miserable man a groan, 
 A dark and hollow groan the dungeon fill'd, 
 
 On her pale breast his snow white head was thrown, 
 Death's shade o'ershadow'd it, and all was stilTd. 
 
 So died the mighty Glinski ; better lot 
 
 Might have been his ; but he deserved it not. 
 
 In this manner, Julian TJrsyn Memcewicz was 
 instructing the nation in the details of the Polish 
 history. Every king, every distinguished citizen, had 
 a share of his poetical inspirations, and a collection 
 of these songs forms a national standard- work. Some 
 of his prose works are of great merit ; but a critical 
 consideration of them does not enter into the design 
 of this small volume. This reason will also prevent 
 me from doing justice to the wide-spread intelli- 
 gence. A great number present themselves to my 
 mind with equal claims to consideration. 
 
 However, I must not tax my readers with the 
 enumeration of names, or their specific characteristics, 
 as I may be imperceptibly drawn into a lengthened 
 dissertation. Still, I cannot resist the temptation of 
 bringing to notice the two names of Kniaznin and 
 Karpinski. The former, in the delicate touch of 
 sorrowful sentiments, may be placed by the side of 
 
THE HISTORY OP POLAND. 127 
 
 Gray's ' Elegy ' ; the latter, like the Scottish bard, 
 the immortal Burns, made himself familiar in every 
 cottage, where the young maidens wile away the 
 tedious hours of labor with his charming songs. 
 The popularity of both was just and lasting. The fol- 
 lowing specimens of each are presented by way of 
 illustration : 
 
 A MOTHER TO HER SLEEPING INFANT. 
 (BY KNIAZNIN.) 
 
 Sleep on, my babe, my treasure dear ! 
 
 A tender mother sung ; 
 Joy of my soul, my hope, my fear! 
 
 Thus o'er his couch she hung. 
 
 Poor innocent ! how sound he sleeps ! 
 
 Hush ! hush ! ah ! now he cries ! 
 But yet, perhaps, these tears he weeps, 
 
 When o'er, will seal his eyes. 
 
 Ah, child ! what must thy mother bear 
 
 For her sweet darling boy, 
 Oppressed with every anxious care, 
 
 Ere you return her joy? 
 
 But all those cares thou wilt repay 
 
 With love, in riper age ; 
 And be at last her hope and stay, 
 
 And all her fears assuage. 
 
 To virtues of the mind and heart 
 None shall surpass thy claim ; 
 
128 . THE HISTOBY OP POLAND. 
 
 Still adding lustre to each part, 
 Enbalm thy house in fame. 
 
 And when the world shall all admire 
 The laurels thou hast won, 
 
 How sweet to hear, on glory's lyre, 
 The praises of my son! 
 
 But, ah! what woes may yet me wait, 
 And put my dreams to flight? 
 
 Great God! what monster, deck'd with hate, 
 Appals my wandering sight? 
 
 Perhaps a villain thou may'st prove, 
 And blight thy honest name, 
 
 Despise thy mother's tender love, 
 And cover her with shame ! 
 
 Perhaps, may act a traitor's part, 
 And earn thy country's hate. 
 
 Away! I tear thee from my heart, 
 And tremble for thy fate. 
 
 Perhaps may only be the source 
 
 Of every grief and woe; 
 Nay, death itself, from evil course, 
 
 Ungrateful boy, may flow. 
 
 Oh, God ! can such be the reward 
 
 Of all my hopes and fears ? 
 Ah, never ! and with fond regard 
 
 She dewed his cheek with tears. 
 
THE HISTOKY OF POLAND. 129 
 
 TO MY FRIENDS. 
 (BY KARPINSKI.) 
 
 Nor gold nor silver is for me, 
 
 No gifts have I with you to share, 
 My lot is bound to poverty, 
 
 And knows not gems nor jewels rare. 
 
 Humble my cradle did me find, 
 
 And ever since to nature true, 
 Artless in speech, my heart still kind ; 
 
 As such, dear friends, I welcome you ! 
 
 Behold, in this poor lowly cot, 
 
 All of earth's treasures I possess ; 
 Like me, then, if you love the spot 
 
 0, come ! and with me share its bliss. 
 
 'Tis friendship's voice the prayer doth make; 
 
 My own hands did these rude walls rear, 
 And mid the toil, ne'er did forsake 
 
 The hope some friend my hearth might cheer. 
 
 Engraved" upon this stone shall be 
 
 This hour of joy, and names so dear, 
 That latest ages long may see, 
 
 Friendship and virtue mingled here. 
 
 Thus, the mental activity of Poland was casting a lus- 
 trous reflection upon the ominous aspect of her political 
 existence. However, its expansion met with a sudden 
 check. With the third dismemberment the country lost 
 its political independence, and the hostility of the spolia- 
 tors did not rest satisfied with their respective plunders ; 
 9 
 
130 THE HISTOET OF POLAND. 
 
 but each betrayed the strongest avidity in effacing 
 every trace of its national individuality, even as to 
 the extinction of its mother-tongue. The German 
 and the Eussian languages were forced upon the 
 Poles as the only medium of comnmnication with the 
 authorities. This act of cruel injustice kept a wider 
 separation between the invaders and the natives. 
 If the body bound with the heavy chains of oppres- 
 sion could not take immediate revenge upon the 
 arrogant enemies, the spirit set at defiance their 
 power, and, in return, harassed them with constant 
 alarms, and made them rest on a bed of thorns. It 
 also proclaimed its vitality to the world by a numerous 
 emigration of the patriots, who, like missionaries, went 
 forth to expose the iniquities of the three leagued 
 potentates, and enlist the interest of humanity in 
 favor of their wrongs. "We cannot divest ourselves 
 of the solemn impression, when contemplating these 
 events, that Providence had assigned to Poland a 
 weary path of pilgrimage, the task of the apostleship 
 of a fellowship of nations in the name of justice 
 and freedom. In like manner, as individuals of 
 superior mind, by the dint of exertions, generally 
 effect a kind of revolution in sentiment and ideas 
 within a limited circle of their influence, so the col- 
 lective mind of a nation, overwhelmed by cruel injuries, 
 makes the heart of mankind vibrate to its appeals 
 as one of its broken cords, and exercises upon the 
 development of ideas and sympathies an influence 
 of proportionate magnitude. 
 
 The first missionary labors of Poland happened, 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 131 
 
 however, at an unfortunate juncture of circumstances. 
 One part of mankind in Europe, thrown into a feverish 
 convulsion, with the energy of a maniac carried on 
 the struggle, and arraigned against itself a strong 
 opposition, of which the three guilty parties formed the 
 principal nucleus. Hence, an echo of so great a 
 crime as the annihilation of the national independence 
 of Poland did not reproduce a successful response ; 
 because the former, in the midst of excitement, had 
 no comprehensive notion of the matter foreign to its 
 immediate object in view ; whilst the innocent of the 
 latter, who had no hand in the destruction of her 
 rights, were easily persuaded by the guilty that the 
 work was done for their common interest. Thus, 
 though France spoke warmly about liberty and the 
 emancipation of all nations, she had not the policy 
 to give a distinct national destination to the Polish 
 legion, which was to be formed in Italy under her 
 protection. 
 
 On the other hand, England, as an ally of Austria, 
 Prussia, and Eussia, shut her eyes to their lawless 
 depredations. Both France and England, in our days, 
 cannot but see the error of the past with regard to 
 Poland; still, notwithstanding the dearly bought ex- 
 perience, a repetition of the same error may be much 
 feared. 
 
 Though at war with Eussia, the very Polish 
 element, which would have powerfully assisted the 
 Allies in bringing the struggle to a speedy and suc- 
 cessful termination, is allowed to remain dormant ; 
 or, what is worse, after long delays and hesitations, 
 
132 THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 
 
 there is now a desire to smuggle the Poles into a 
 corps under a strange name. 
 
 What can be the meaning of this ? Is Europe 
 blind or poor in understanding, that she may be 
 easily cheated by the employment of crooked ways? 
 Does any person imagine that a foreign appellation of 
 the rallying point of the Poles would be equally 
 attractive to Poland ? ' What is a name or symbol ! ' 
 some exclaim. Oh, there is magic in the name and 
 symbol of a native land ! Let both the name and 
 symbol be Polish, and, in a short time, the ranks 
 of the legion will be filled with enthusiasm in the 
 same manner as it was in 1796, nay, even with better 
 success. Statesmen should never lose sight of the 
 past for the sake of improving similar circumstances in 
 the present. Procrastination, or underhand dealings, 
 discredit the character of private transactions. What 
 should be said of public men? In this respect 
 Prance, in 1796, is worthy of honorable mention. If 
 it did not make any special engagement with regard 
 to Poland, there was, however, no secret made of the 
 formation of a Polish legion. 
 
 Poland was called upon as a distinct element to 
 take a part in the struggle, and no sooner was the 
 proclamation of General Dombrowski issued to that 
 purpose than thousands hastened to the spot, in spite 
 of the vigilance and threats of the portioning powers, 
 that individuals, leaving the country without their 
 permission, if caught, would be punished with death. 
 And, within the space of three months, the Polish 
 legions rose to a respectable numerical strength, 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 133 
 
 whilst, during the eighteen years of their adherence 
 to the cause of Prance, more than 200,000 Poles lost 
 their lives clinging to the hope of recovering the 
 independence of their country, and cheering up their 
 patience with a patriotic song known under the name 
 of ' Dombrowski's Mazurka/ which begins with the 
 words, ' Poland is not lost as long as we live.' 
 
 The force of circumstances, and the false spirit of 
 the French policy, gave a misapplication and squan- 
 dered the enthusiasm of the Poles. Instead of keeping 
 them on the road to their homes, Egypt, St. Domingo, 
 and Spain, wasted their energies. However, as the 
 genius of Eonaparte became, after the battle of Jena, 
 fought in October, 1806, the arbitrary master of 
 Prussia, one of the enemies of Poland, and forced 
 Eussia, also, to sue for peace, the treaty of Tilzitz, 
 concluded on July 8th, 1807, gave a new existence to 
 Poland, too humble to satisfy the expectations of the 
 Poles. Yet it had an appearance of an independent 
 State under the modest appellation of the Grand 
 Duchy of Warsaw. Shortly after this disappointment, 
 another and a more favorable opportunity presented 
 itself, which left no room for any doubt as to the 
 realisation of the deferred hope of the Polish patriots. 
 The campaign of 1812, undertaken against Eussia, 
 led them to suppose that the restoration of Poland 
 to her ancient dignity would be the immediate step 
 of Napoleon's plan. The emperor himself made a 
 confession in his Memoirs, written at St. Helena, that 
 he entertained at that period the serious thought of the 
 reorganisation of Poland, on a firm basis, as the only 
 
134 THE HISTOET OF POLAND. 
 
 barrier that could keep back the pressure of eastern 
 barbarism, and secure to Europe a durable peace. 
 However, in the hurry of his great anxieties, trusting 
 too confidently to his good star, that hitherto shone 
 brightly, the execution of so salutary a thought was 
 delayed, and that delay proved to be the first nebulous 
 spot in the progress of his career. Instead of stopping 
 in Poland for winter-quarters, as the season was 
 already advanced, during which time he might have 
 elevated her to political importance, and thus 
 strengthened her position, the Grand-army was con- 
 ducted forward with all haste. From victory to 
 reverses was an awful transition. Poland, more 
 resembling a desert, a mere skeleton state, could not 
 afford any material comfort or support to the friends 
 in misfortune. From Moscow to Paris, with the 
 exception of exhausted Poland, there was not a single 
 throb of sympathy for the overwhelming vicissitude 
 that befell so great a man. 
 
 With the beginning of Napoleon's difficulties the 
 cherished expectations of the Poles lost hold of 
 their minds. Again dark uncertainty and suspense 
 overcast every patriotic speculation. But whilst the 
 motley element joined and kept together by the 
 influence of Napoleon, one after another began to 
 drop off and turn upon him with all the might of their 
 native animosities, the Poles, faithful to their engage- 
 ment, and sincere in their attachment, stood alone by 
 him to the last. This instance gave to Napoleon a 
 better insight into the national character of Poland, 
 whose claims, though admitted, were treated as yet 
 
THE HISTOBY OF POLAND. 135 
 
 with careless judgment. It is only when great con- 
 ceptions are frustrated that the superior mind falls 
 upon the examination of the details of the evil causes 
 of the failure. And Napoleon at St. Helena, when 
 reviewing in his mind the magnitude of the catas- 
 trophe, acquired the strongest conviction, which he did 
 not conceal, that one of his greatest political blunders 
 was, to have neglected the reestablishment of Poland. 
 The judgment of so remarkable a genius should be an 
 incontrovertible authority to our present statesmen, and 
 as by a providential combination of circumstances 
 France and England are now acting as the Allies 
 against Russia, let them beware lest they should 
 commit the same error, which was an object of regret 
 to Napoleon, and which would be directly opposed to 
 the best interests of civilisation. 
 
 After the fall of Napoleon, the Congress of Vienna 
 represented a singular mixture of ideas. It was a 
 triumph of the old system of oppression and abuses, 
 with a few fluttering rays of liberality. But the latter 
 sentiment sprung up from the fear of the overgrowing 
 preponderance of Eussia, whose grasping greediness 
 demanded the cession of Poland as a reward for the 
 services rendered to coalition. France, England, and 
 even Austria, were roused to a sense of danger the 
 latter power felt particular uneasiness at the prospect 
 of having for so near a neighbor so monstrous and 
 all-devouring a giant. France and England, from 
 political considerations, took the attitude of opposition ; 
 Austria, from the impulse of intuitive instinct, evinced 
 a desire at any sacrifice to support it. The following 
 
136 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 letter from Prince Metternich to Lord Castlereagh will 
 satisfy my readers that the independence of Poland, 
 even by the hostile principle, was considered as neces- 
 sary for the tranquillity of Europe. It was written 
 in 1814: 
 
 ' Of all the questions to be discussed at this Congress, the king 
 would undoubtedly consider the affair of Poland as incomparably 
 the most important to the interests of Europe, if there be any . 
 chance that this nation, so worthy of regard, by its antiquity, its 
 valor, its misfortunes, and the services it has formerly rendered 
 to Europe, might be restored to complete independence. The 
 partition which destroyed its existence as a nation, was the prelude 
 to in some sense the cause of the subsequent commotions to 
 which Europe was exposed/ 
 
 Thus, Austria had sufficient honesty to avow senti- 
 ments in accordance with justice. It seems that the 
 three powers, viz., France, England, and Austria, had 
 strong reason to be dissatisfied with the spirit of Eussia. 
 Matters began to assume a serious aspect, and a rumor 
 of a treaty circulated, which had for its object, as it 
 was said, to check the ambition of the autocrat. At 
 this 'time the sudden reappearance of Napoleon from 
 Elba threw into confusion the contemplated arrange- 
 ment of the Congress of Vienna. The Czar Alexander 
 knew how to take advantage of the general consterna- 
 tion of the Holy Alliance. He played well his part, and 
 had his price for it. The possession of Poland could 
 only secure his further cooperation in the coalition, and 
 no sacrifice would have been deemed too great to prevent 
 the loss of so powerful a partner. However, it was stipu- 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 137 
 
 lated that a small portion of Poland should be erected 
 into an independent kingdom, whose crown was to be 
 united with the Muscovite Czardom by its constitution, 
 whilst the dismembered parts of its ancient domains 
 were also to be governed by their national laws and 
 usages. The battle of Waterloo cut the Gordian knot. 
 The great Caesar got St. Helena for his place of 
 residence, and the arrangement of the Congress of 
 Vienna became the law of Europe endorsed by the 
 protection of the five powers, namely, England, France, 
 Austria, Eussia, and Prussia. In virtue of this very 
 law, a fragment of Poland received the honorable 
 appellation of an independent kingdom in July, 
 1815. 
 
 In arresting our attention upon this event, our first 
 care should be to examine it in the spirit of the Polish 
 annals. High as the estimation may be of the con- 
 tracting parties in favor of their own work, in the judg- 
 ment of a Pole it will never rise to any other character 
 than as an act of the fourth partition of the country. 
 In reality, the tribunal of universal history could not 
 entertain a different opinion. The Congress of Vienna 
 was a ratification of the crime of the three former 
 dismemberments of Poland, with an honorable amend- 
 ment that a fragment of the ruins should be still pre- 
 served ; whether as a monument to occupy the attention 
 of antiquarians, or as a commemoration of the guilt of 
 her spoliators, would be difficult to determine. One fact, 
 however, is certain, that it was a collective tribute to 
 the aspirations of the Polish spirit. In the midst of 
 arbitrary thrones, that fragment alone was to enjoy the 
 
138 THE HISTORY OF POLAXD. 
 
 honor of an exceptional distinction, to live without 
 manacles, to be a miniature of the grand picture of 
 that Poland which, under the protection of justice, 
 would have retained its magnificent dimensions. But, 
 after all, the restitution of a wreck to its owners, 
 though not under very pleasant conditions, was a 
 welcome event, especially, as the management and the 
 regulation of it was to be under the guardianship of 
 freedom. 
 
 The new Constitution contained the most satisfactory 
 provisions, calculated to inspire even the cautious 
 with the most sanguine expectations. Its principal 
 features were the following 
 
 I. That the Polish Kingdom shall never be united with 
 
 the Russian Empire except by its charter. 
 
 II. That personal liberty, and liberty of the press, are 
 
 guaranteed. 
 
 III. That every condemned individual shall suffer his 
 
 punishment in the country. 
 
 IV. That all offices shall be only given to Poles. 
 
 V. That the Diet was to enact laws and vote supplies. 
 
 VI. That the Judicial order is constitutionally indepen- 
 
 dent, and the Judges are not removable. 
 
 VII. That the punishment of confiscation is abolished, 
 and shall never be revived. 
 
 To this collection must be added also the acceptance 
 of the ancient fundamental law : Neminem captivari 
 permittemus nisi jure victum. What a splendid foun- 
 dation for starting a structure of regeneration and 
 improvements on a colossal scale ! No wonder that 
 
THE HISTOET OF POLAND. 139 
 
 to so tempting a bait the Poles attached themselves 
 with confidence and enthusiasm. Their patriotic 
 dreams revived. But it was merely a waking dream, 
 that made them mistake a phantom for a reality. To 
 the beautiful illusion succeeded the bitterness of dis- 
 appointment. Every article of the said Constitution 
 was unceremoniously thrown over board, or bent to 
 the arbitrary will of the Grand Duke Constantine, 
 whom Alexander, his brother, had appointed General- 
 in-Chief of the Polish army. The liberty of the press 
 was replaced by the most rigorous censorship, which 
 interfered, also, with the public education, having 
 under its arbitrary control the teachers and professors. 
 Personal liberty, so solemnly guaranteed, was violated ; 
 the debasing system of espionage widely established ; 
 court martials assumed the functions of civil tribunals 
 in a word, abuses of the worst character multiplied, 
 and maladministration stared in every direction. 
 
 These lawless practices, however, did not rear their 
 monstrous head without a resolute and dignified struggle 
 of legitimate opposition. The discontent of the Poles 
 had already manifested itself in 1820, during the 
 assembly of the Diet. Complaints were made to 
 Alexander of the bad administration of the country ; 
 his promises and engagements to Poland were called 
 to his recollection. But he, instead of putting a stop 
 to the growing evil, testified his displeasure with the 
 courageous Deputies, who had drawn up a memorial 
 upon the matter, by subjecting them shortly after- 
 wards to all manner of persecution. 
 
 The intentions of the Cabinet of St. Petersburg 
 
140 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 were, in other respects, most perfidious. Conformably 
 to the Congress of Vienna, Alexander had promised 
 to preserve the national representation of the Lithu- 
 anian provinces, which had been declared a portion 
 of the Russian Empire. Prom the first, he had 
 abolished the Lithuanian Code, the publicity of the 
 courts of justice, and labored to efface every trace 
 of their ancient existence. The better to forward 
 his designs, he introduced the Eussian language 
 into all the branches of the government, and dis- 
 solved many schools in consequence of the mani- 
 festation of a liberal spirit among the students. 
 The administrative communications of the several 
 provinces were destroyed, and the centre of operations 
 established at St. Petersburg. 
 
 The Muscovite Government betook itself in earnest 
 to destroy the national vitality, both in Lithuania 
 and in the kingdom of Poland, by narrowing the 
 means of public instruction. It hoped, by demoralising 
 the nation, to reduce it to a complete forgetfulness of 
 its former dignity. But the intellectual impulse of 
 the nation got already too quick a motion to be easily 
 stopped in its expansion. In this respect, history 
 will have to pay a tribute of the purest admiration 
 for the indefatigable exertions of the illustrious Prince 
 Adam Czartoryski. Being possessed himself of exten- 
 sive literary acquirements, he devoted his munificent 
 patronage to learning, and sought the elevation of 
 the national spirit through the channel of mental 
 culture. Por some time, public instruction in Lithu- 
 ania was under the direction of the Prince. Under 
 
THE HISTOSY OF POLAND. 141 
 
 his beneficial influence, schools sprang up and were 
 provided with the ablest teachers and professors. If 
 the mental activity of Poland, both in the sixteenth 
 century and during the reign of Stanislaus Augustus, 
 had established their right to the appellation of a 
 golden era, the space of time from 1815 to 1830, 
 assumed, in addition to the same honor, the high 
 mission of embodying itself with every popular tradi- 
 tional idea or sentiment, in order to unite in one mighty 
 tide the disjoined national life. The part which Prince 
 Adam Czartoryski has taken in giving so national a 
 direction to the mind of the country, will be better 
 understood, as to its importance, if, instead of pouring 
 the flood of my own grateful sentiments as a Pole, I 
 confine myself to the evidence of the enemy himself, 
 the High Commissioner both of Alexander and the 
 late Nicholas, the jailor and torturer of Poland. The 
 notorious Nowosielcoff, in his report, made a statement 
 ' that the denationalisation of Lithuania was retarded 
 for a hundred years to come by the labors of Prince 
 Adam Czartoryski.' 
 
 No higher or sweeter reward could have been 
 assigned to the merits of the prince, than the very 
 testimony of a foe conscious of the bitterness of truth. 
 Thus, Poland began to rear an opposition of an intel- 
 lectual character to the influence of Russia. The 
 former personified the tendency of moral and mental 
 improvements ; the latter, the agglomeration of physi- 
 cal force and ignorance. The one felt the necessity 
 of expansion and free action ; the other wished to 
 confine thought to the shape of sameness, that man 
 
142 THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 
 
 should be merely an automaton, without volition 
 and aspiration. Two such natures diametrically 
 opposed to each other, could not but try either to 
 crush the opposition or to rend asunder the link of 
 mutual connexion. Both pulled in a different 
 direction. Russia, however, had the advantage of 
 power, and with all its weight kept down the adverse 
 element. 
 
 The silent struggle was going on with signs and 
 tokens heralding the approach of an eventful epoch. 
 At no period was a stronger desire evinced by the 
 Czar to thwart the development of the mind at no 
 period had Poland so great a number of eminent 
 philosophers and poets, as though they had the task 
 of the prophets of old, to warn and to fortify her 
 spirit. Yes, the momentous transition of a social 
 crisis is generally consecrated by the thoughts and 
 sentiments of some colossal genius. This glorious 
 office was filled with a brilliant success by Adam 
 Mickiewicz. He spoke as the incarnation of the 
 sentiments of millions, and his voice had music for 
 every soul. His first production, founded upon the 
 collection of popular superstitious belief, at once novel 
 in character and sublime in imagination, as if by a 
 magnetic fluid, united all the severed parts of Poland 
 into one harmonious feeling of admiration and en- 
 thusiasm. It became evident, that a nation torn asunder 
 had in its state of mutilation one and the same 
 pulsation. Hence, literature was a common tie 
 its progress, the guardian of nationality. 
 
 This truth being well known to the enemy, it 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 143 
 
 wanted only an opportunity for spitting its venom 
 against it. A colorable pretext soon presented itself 
 that gave the fullest latitude for the exercise of the 
 most cruel severities. In 1824, an association existed 
 among the students of the university and colleges at 
 Wilno, under the appellation of 'Philarety 7 having 
 for its object, to cultivate the sentiment of fellowship, 
 and to assist the poorer members, that they might 
 be able, with ease and credit, to prosecute their 
 studies. Although benevolence, and the exercise of 
 the higher moral attributes, could only be laid to the 
 charge of that association of the Polish youths, the 
 Muscovite Government would have it that a terrible 
 political mystification was to be discovered behind its 
 curtain. An extraordinary commission was appointed, 
 with unlimited powers, to carry on inquiries, with 
 the heartless Nowosielcoff at its head. The horrid 
 prisons were overcrowded, even with children of 
 twelve or fourteen years old. A universal mourning 
 overcast the land; whilst to ^owosielcoff it was a 
 golden mine. His avarice could not be easily satisfied . 
 Children of the wealthiest families were dragged into 
 prison, for whose liberation heavy ransoms (in imita- 
 tion of the Greek brigands) had to be paid. On the 
 other hand, the Commissioners fenced themselves in 
 their position by giving to the matter a fraudulent 
 character. 
 
 The Czar rejoiced at being served so faithfully, 
 on receiving report after report magnifying the traces 
 of a would-be vast conspiracy. To give some semblance 
 of veracity to their statements, the prisoners had to 
 
144 THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 
 
 endure the most barbarous treatment, calculated to 
 extort feverish, incoherent confessions that might bear 
 the interpretation of a State crime. Thus, their 
 diet consisted of salt herrings only, without a drop 
 of water to quench the burning thirst. When, in a 
 state of delirium, they were brought to the room of 
 the Commissioners, a glass of water was placed before 
 their eyes to heighten the excitement of tortured 
 nature, and they were only allowed to alleviate their 
 excruciating sufferings on condition that they should 
 affix their signatures to documents, which they were 
 led to believe represented the case to their advantage ; 
 but they invariably discovered, after recovering con- 
 sciousness, that it was an act of self- accusation. 
 The voice of their protestations was carefully stifled 
 within the walls of their dungeons, and in this 
 treacherous manner many had to suffer the punishment 
 of exile in Siberia for imaginary crimes, or were 
 condemned to serve for life as private soldiers in the 
 Russian army. 
 
 Among the victims was Adam Mickiewicz. Moscow 
 was the place of his banishment, where his superior 
 intellect gained the interest and friendship of some 
 influential personages. Through them he obtained 
 the permission of travelling in Eussia : and during 
 his sojourn in the Crimea, he wrote a series of sonnets, 
 unsurpassed in beauty, and commemorating the spots 
 which struck forcibly his imagination. Besides these, 
 he wrote about the same time a Poem, short in point 
 of length, but characteristic in boldness of conception 
 and in sublimity of sentiment. This was ' Paris, ' 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 145 
 
 or Cavalier of the Desert, written in imitation of the 
 Arabian poets. As it justly became a great favorite 
 with the Poles, I insert it here as a specimen, though 
 still inadequate to illustrate his mental powers. 
 
 FABIS. 
 
 Oh ! how happy the Arab who springs from his rock, 
 
 And who flies with his steed o'er the wide desert plain ; 
 When dull is the sound of his courser's hoof's shock, 
 Like the hiss of hot steel when they cool it again ! 
 He cuts the dry ocean, he cuts the dry waves, 
 And he darts o'er the sands which his dolphin -breast braves, 
 And swifter and swifter he skims like the wind, 
 Leaving all, save the dust of his passage, behind. 
 
 Black is my steed as a cloud of rain, 
 
 There's a star of white on his brow ; 
 The free gales play with his feathery mane, 
 
 And lightnings gleam round his feet of snow. 
 Dash on, my white-footed horse ! 
 Forests and mountains, make way for my course ! 
 
 A palm tree wooes me to its shade, 
 Where its rich fruits hang o'er my head ; 
 Yet swiftly on ! the palm tree hides 
 Its crest, and blushingly derides 
 The rashness of my wandering path. 
 
 The rocky guardians of the clime 
 Frown on me, as they menaced death ; 
 
 While echoing still in measured time 
 The gallop of my courser's hoof, 
 They hoarsely bid me stand aloof. 
 10 
 
146 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 ' Where goest thou, madman ? where no shade 
 Of tree or tent shall screen thy head : 
 The tent that spreads there is the sky : 
 The rocks alone there sleeping lie 
 The only strangers are the stars, 
 Who travel in their ruddy cars 
 Towards that land of mystery.' 
 
 Still on still on ! I turn my eyes, 
 
 The cliffs no longer mock the skies ; 
 
 The peaks shrink back, and hide their brow 
 
 Each other's lofty heads below. 
 
 A vulture has heard their threats, and he flies 
 
 To make me his prisoner, 
 Thrice has his dark wings flapp'd by my eyes, 
 
 As he cleaves the sultry air. 
 
 * I snuff up the smell of a corse from afar 
 
 Whither goest thou, wild steed ? whither fliest cavalier ? 
 Does the warrior seek for the pathways of war ? 
 
 Does the wild steed seek for pasture here ? 
 The wind of the desert here battles alone 
 None but serpents inhabit the wilderness- stone 
 None but skeletons slumber upon the ground, 
 And we, vultures, in solitude hover around/ 
 
 He shriek' d, and stretch' d his claws of jet 
 And thrice our dark eyes met 
 And which of us flew away ? 
 'Twas the vulture that flew away. 
 
 Still on still on ! I turned my eyes, 
 The vulture vanished in the skies, 
 Like some small bird and, smaller yet 
 A butterfly a gnat. 
 
THE HIS10EY OF POLAND. . 147 
 
 Dash on, my white -footed horse ! 
 Rocks, vultures, give way to my course ! 
 A cloud has heard his threats, and he flies 
 
 On his pearly wings through the firmament : 
 Would he could dart through the realm of the skies, 
 
 As my courser darts o'er the desert's extent ! 
 But he hangs o'er my head, and the voice of the gale 
 Bears me its threats and its sorrowful wail. 
 
 1 Where goest thou, madman ? where the heat 
 Shall parch thy breast, and parch thy tongue 
 
 No kindly drop thy lip to greet, 
 No stream to glad thee with its song ; 
 
 No evening dew shall fall to thee, 
 
 The hot wind drinks it too greedily/ 
 
 Vain was the voice of the pale cloud sighing, 
 
 Still on, o'er the desert plain : 
 The cloud stood still, on a bold peak lying, 
 
 And never rose again. 
 
 For when I thither turn'd my head, 
 It lingered in the horizon's shade. 
 And I traced in its colors the thoughts of the cloud 
 
 As it redden' d with rage, and grew yellow with hate, 
 Till it lividly sank like a corpse in a shroud, 
 Where the dark frowning rocks on its obsequies wait. 
 
 Dash on my white-footed horse ! 
 Clouds, vultures, give way to my course ! 
 I look'd around me, like the sun, 
 And saw that I was all alone. 
 Here nature never yet was woke, 
 No mortal step her sleep has broke ; 
 
148 THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 
 
 The elements, too, slumber here, 
 
 As beasts upon some desert isle 
 Have never learnt to flee in fear 
 
 From man's unknown alluring guile. 
 
 Great Allah ! I am not alone ! 
 I'm not the first, the only one ; 
 I see a troop before me stand 
 
 Is it some merchant's caravan ? 
 Or is it the Bedouin's robber band 
 
 That lurks in the traveller's van ? 
 
 The horsemen are pallid, and frightfully white 
 Are the coursers which stand all array' d for the flight. 
 I approach, but they wake not 
 I speak, but they speak not 
 Just God ! they are corses all, 
 And the wind-lifted sand was their pall. 
 On the skeleton steed sits the skeleton man, 
 Through their eye-balls and jaws as the idle sand ran 
 It told the sad fate of the last caravan : 
 And still it whispered in mine ear 
 * Stay ! whither goest thou ? madman where ? 
 Lo ! where the sultry storms prepare ! ' 
 
 Still on, still on, I come, I come 
 Corpses and storms, make room ! 
 A hurricane was marching o'er 
 The agitated desert shore ; 
 Amazed, he sees me from afar 
 He stops, and turns his dusty car : 
 ' Young puny breeze, say, what art thou, 
 To brave the terrors of my brow ? ' 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 149 
 
 And lie marched in my track like a fortress in motion ; 
 
 Though mortal, I stood like a rock ; 
 And he stamped on the sand, which arose in commotion, 
 
 Till Arabia was torn by the shock. 
 And, as a vulture grasps his prey, 
 
 He seized me, whilst his burning wing 
 Flapped o'er me with a scorching ray. 
 
 He casts me as an idle thing 
 From air to earth, from earth to air, 
 And ruddily his breathings glare. 
 
 I wrenched his mighty arms in twain, 
 And wrestled with the hurricane. 
 I tore his frame I gnashed the sand 
 I held him in my hand. 
 
 He towered above me, and then fell 
 To earth again his head sank down ; 
 And sinking, 'twas as if a town 
 
 Rose up a sandy citadel. 
 Then, then I breathed, and raised my eyes 
 Toward the mansions of the skies 
 Gazing on high right haughtily ; 
 For the stars looked down on none save me. 
 
 Oh ! how freely my bosom expands in this air ; 
 
 How largely, how widely, how fully I live ! 
 As the gales of Arabia their rich perfumes bear, 
 
 How sweet are the feelings of breathing they give. 
 Oh ! how freely my eyes stretch themselves in the distance, 
 
 Growing strong as they gaze on immensity's waste ; 
 How I raise up my arms in the pride of existence, 
 
 As if in those arms the wide world was embraced ! 
 
150 THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 
 
 While my thoughts to the dome of yon firmament bound. 
 
 And I vision out regions far brighter than this ; 
 As the bee when he stings leaves the sting in the wound, 
 
 So my thoughts leave my soul in those regions of bliss. 
 
 A nation so rich in literature, with its historical 
 recollections and high aspirations, could not but feel 
 keenly the humiliation to which it was reduced. 
 The persecution of the Polish youths gave a new 
 impetus to the exertions of the patriotic secret socie- 
 ties which for some time previous to this had already 
 existed. Their labors and hopes met with unexpected 
 encouragement from a phenomenon which, though it 
 was nipped in its bud, still augured a better future 
 to the Muscovites themselves. 
 
 Towards the latter end of the reign of Alexander, 
 liberal ideas began to scatter a few seeds even on the 
 soil of Eussia, which had hitherto seemed to be arid 
 and sterile of liberty. A small knot of the intelligent 
 and generous Russians conceived the idea of over- 
 throwing the power of the Autocrat. Their conspiracy 
 had its widely-spread ramifications principally in the 
 army. With cautious steps they gradually found a 
 way of communication with the Poles. Though 
 opportunity was promising, though both had one and 
 the same object in view (for the Eussian patriots 
 unanimously agreed to the reestablishment of Poland 
 as an independent State), still, either from national 
 antipathies, or for want of a more intimate acquaint- 
 ance between the leaders, no serious understanding 
 existed that could give a proper direction to the com- 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 151 
 
 mon plan. Procrastination and vacillation constituted 
 a feeble bond in the unity of their action. 
 
 In the meantime, a rumor was afloat that the 
 Government had already a clue to the whole plot, and 
 it produced great consternation among all parties. 
 Whilst this occurred, tidings arrived of the sudden 
 death of Alexander at Taganrog, in December, 1825. 
 It was a momentous combination of circumstances, 
 prompting the conspirators to take an immediate step 
 for carrying out their views. St. Petersburg and other 
 places in Russia made their first essay on behalf of 
 liberty. It did not prove a failure, however, until 
 the streets of St. Petersburg were streaming with 
 blood. Thus Nicholas mounted his throne upon the 
 *corpses of thousands of his subjects. He had inaugu- 
 rated his reign with executions, and filling the mines 
 of Siberia with a number of victims. 
 
 Although the Poles did not compromise themselves 
 by open opposition, yet a suspicion of connivance fell 
 upon some of them, and it led to arrests so numerous, 
 that several convents and palaces were appropriated for 
 the purpose of receiving the state prisoners. The persons 
 detained were accused of high treason. According to 
 the Constitution, a High National Court, composed of 
 all the Members -of the Senate, should have been 
 instituted; but the Emperor Nicholas showed early 
 the greatest dislike to the constitutional course, and 
 he preferred naming an extraordinary Committee of 
 Inquisition, composed chiefly of Eussians. Again, in 
 contravention of the charter, which expressly stated, 
 ' that no person can be punished but by virtue of 
 
152 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 existing laws, and of a sentence pronounced by com- 
 petent magistrates/ the accused were arrested with- 
 out any legal forms, thrust into little cells, and 
 experienced barbarous treatment, from the beginning 
 of 1826 to 1828. 
 
 However, there are limits, which even arbitrary 
 power considers it prudent apparently to respect. 
 Consequently, the Autocrat, in order to bring to a 
 termination the anguish of suspense and national ex- 
 citement, decided to refer the case to the High National 
 Court. Glory be to the senators, who, in the result, 
 gave a formal denial to the criminal hopes of the 
 Autocrat, and thus this illustrious body maintained 
 its own honor and that of the nation. The Court set 
 aside the inquisition of the infamous Committee, and" 
 declared unanimously, with the exception of only one 
 voice that of the servile General Yincent Krasinski 
 that there were no grounds of proceedings against 
 the accused for state crimes. Neither the Emperor 
 Nicholas, nor his brother, the Grand % Duke Constan- 
 tino, anticipated such a defeat. The Grand Duke, in 
 his anger, immediately promulgated an ordinance, 
 prohibiting the Court from publishing its decision until 
 further orders. 
 
 Thus were the accused subject to the punish- 
 ment after a sentence of their acquittal, and the 
 independence of the judiciary order trampled upon. 
 Moreover, the High Court received a severe repri- 
 mand from the Autocrat for having fulfilled its duty, 
 and its members were under a sort of moral confine- 
 ment, as they had orders not to absent themselves 
 
THE DISTORT OF POLAND. 153 
 
 from Warsaw until the pleasure of their royal master 
 was known upon the case. 
 
 The interest and sympathy of the whole nation 
 having been engaged in the trial, it felt the deepest 
 indignation at the conduct of the executive power. 
 General discontent scattered new seeds of impatience, 
 that could not bear the yoke gradually tightening 
 round them. This sentiment was strengthened and 
 heightened by the noble example of that vener- 
 able body, the Senate, who made a fearless remon- 
 strance, in a dignified protest against the illegality 
 of the Grand Duke Constan tine's interference, and 
 the injustice of the imperial censure cast upon 
 them. 
 
 The recollection of this trial will occupy a brilliant 
 page in the Polish annals, and it will engrave upon 
 the hearts of grateful posterity the names of Prince 
 Adam Czartoryski, Kochanowski, and Bninski, who 
 constituted a commission, charged with the responsible 
 task of drawing up the said protestation, which, as a 
 document, represents honorably the spirit of a nation 
 impressed with the value of freedom and independence. 
 That the Czar had early decided in his mind to anni- 
 hilate the constitutional forms, it soon became mani- 
 fest to the Polish nation, from the moment when, 
 bowing to the decision of the High Court, he, by his 
 own authority, and in opposition to its verdict, made 
 an exception of Colonel Krzyzanowski, whom he 
 ordered to be sent to Siberia, where the martyr- 
 patriot ended his sorrowful days. 
 
 This partial triumph of the High Court made the 
 
154 THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 
 
 country catch the first gleam of the fatal rule which 
 it had to endure. It betook itself earnestly and 
 spontaneously to devise the best means of opposition, 
 in anticipation of a great crisis. Men of all ranks 
 and professions were like one mighty presentiment, 
 pointing out the necessity of a struggle for the pre- 
 servation of national life ; whilst Nicholas little dreamt 
 that his career of usurpation could experience a check. 
 By acts of oppression and bold tyranny, he indulged 
 himself in the hope of intimidating the lingering 
 speculations of patriotic ideology. But in the midst 
 of his vast plans of ambition, the memorable 29th of 
 November, in 1830, inflicted upon his might a wound 
 which time did not heal. The honor belongs to 
 the youths of the military school for having given 
 the signal, and taken the first initiative step, of 
 a national revolution; and the memory of their 
 leader, Peter "Wysocki, will be rewarded by immortal 
 veneration. 
 
 The event showed to the astonished world what a 
 people can perform, although inferior in number, when 
 it combats for its rights and liberty. There is nothing 
 so interesting as the inspired attitude of a nation 
 rising in defence of its independence. The most vivid 
 picture of imagination would be still a faint repre- 
 sentation of the generous enthusiasm and general emu- 
 lation in the acts of sacrifices and heroism. It is not 
 my intention to enter into the details of that glorious 
 and memorable struggle, as, in justice to its import- 
 ance, the subject should be considered with careful atten- 
 tion and dispassioned mind. Again, the matter would 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 155 
 
 be so ample as to require a separate volume. However, 
 my readers will recognise in this new effort of the 
 Poles to shake off foreign tyranny, the continuity of 
 the same idea and sentiment, the influence of which, 
 throughout their political career, history had to notice 
 and point emphatically out, as having been the moving 
 spring of their social tendency and development 
 namely, the sentiment and idea of freedom. On that 
 very account, the cause of Poland found a lively 
 echo in the quick, instinctive understanding of all 
 nations, whose sympathy it has the satisfaction of 
 possessing. 
 
 On the other hand, history will have also to grieve 
 and to inveigh against the apathy shown and main- 
 tained by the Governments of Europe during the 
 whole time of the contest. It is unaccountable that 
 a period of ten months of heroic resistance, on the 
 part of the Poles, was not sufficient to awaken the 
 other states to the sense of their duty on behalf of a 
 sound policy. A false and treacherous spirit had 
 direction of their counsels. There is no need of 
 arguments to sustain this accusation. The sole fact 
 that Louis Philippe, who, in August, 1831, when 
 courting popularity, announced, with his own lips, at 
 the review of the National Guards, < that Polish 
 nationality shall not perish. 7 The following month 
 in the same year, he was the first to intimate to the 
 Chambers, through his Minister Sebastiani, in the 
 laconic manner savoring more of inward satisfaction 
 than sympathy, 'that the imperial guards of Russia 
 entered Warsaw, and order reigned in the city.' 
 
156 THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 
 
 These words will be inscribed as an epitaph to the 
 memory of Louis Philippe, commemorating charac- 
 teristically his duplicity and perfidy. 
 
 The fall of Poland, however, was accompanied with 
 extraordinary signs of her uninterrupted mission. 
 The fields of battle deserted, were guarded only by 
 the scattered mounds of the dead,' and in these vast 
 tombs the Poles and the Eussians mixed together, and, 
 for the first time, concluded a sincere and eternal peace. 
 The dungeons that were empty during the months of 
 the struggle were again crowded with inmates guilty 
 of no other crime but the love of their country. 
 The road to Siberia resumed unusual activity, and 
 the kibitka (a sort of waggon used for the conveyance 
 of prisoners), reappeared, hurrying one after another, 
 charged with victims of merciless tyranny. Deep 
 mourning, anguish, and despair took possession of 
 almost every hearth. 
 
 "While such melancholy changes were taking place 
 in Poland, a great number of her sons, like pilgrims, 
 sought shelter in a foreign land, and met with the 
 warmest reception. The people of France, Switzer- 
 land, and Great Britain, and some parts of Germany, 
 paid a tribute of sympathy to them, not so much 
 because they were unfortunate, as that they repre- 
 sented the principle of justice. 
 
 In this contrast of conduct and judgment exercised 
 with regard to Poland by different parties con- 
 temporaneously, her merit is summed up. The 
 vindictiveness of the one and the generosity of 
 the other are the favorable evidences, both estab- 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 157 
 
 lishing her rights and claims. The former stands 
 a witness to her sufferings and martyrdom ; the latter 
 as a tribunal of nations displayed its functions and 
 opinions by the manifestation of its moral sentiments. 
 In both positions the Poles did not abandon their 
 duty. Those under the weight of oppression know 
 how to endure with dignity their trials, and thus 
 enable them, even in their helpless condition, to dis- 
 turb the composure and self-confidence of the Czar ; 
 and the expatriated have not ceased lifting their voice 
 of warning against the danger with which Europe 
 was and still is threatened by the aggressive policy of 
 Russia. Yet year after year has rolled away in sorrow 
 and disappointment. The Western Powers, as if 
 fascinated by the swoop of that greedy two-headed 
 monster whose outstretched wings had so long 
 darkened the sky, listlessly gazed upon its mutilated 
 prey. 
 
 That want of active interest in the cause of justice 
 was an encouragement to the Emperor Nicholas to 
 carry on boldly the work of destruction. He seem- 
 ingly had in his mind the prophecy of Napoleon the 
 Great, uttered at St. 'Helena, ' that if ever Russia 
 succeeds in absorbing Poland, or in conciliating the 
 Poles, then she would become the master of the world/ 
 The Autocrat lost no time in trying the experiment. 
 His first care was to incorporate Poland with the 
 Russian Empire, to which measure no opposition was 
 offered on the part of other States, though it was in 
 contravention of the treaty of Vienna, which still 
 should have guarded the interests of Europe. His 
 
158 THE HISTORY OF POLAND . 
 
 next step was, not to conciliate, but to break the 
 national vitality of the Polish spirit, or to exterminate 
 it. 
 
 Here was his principal blunder. A reign of terror 
 always recoils upon itself. It is haunted by the 
 phantoms of its victims, and stands in awe and dread 
 of vengeance suspended over its head. Hence, as 
 long as there was a single Pole, Nicholas had no 
 peace, no confidence, and no free action in*, his plans. 
 He thought, however, that a favorable opportunity 
 presented itself for the execution of the latter part 
 of Napoleon's prophecy. 
 
 My readers are already acquainted with the story 
 of ' the sick man/ Eut this time the cunning of 
 Nicholas excited suspicion, and his skill as a physician 
 was repudiated. It gave rise to a new political phe- 
 nomenon, heralding to civilisation and humanity the 
 happiest anticipations. The alliance of Prance and 
 England grew rapidly into a firm bond of one and the 
 same aspirations. Hope and justice associated them- 
 selves with so welcome an event. Eut if earnestness 
 of sentiment and thought constitute a link of that 
 alliance, no doubt can be entertained that the antago- 
 nistic principle of Eussia, so hostile to the progress 
 of civilisation and freedom, will be effectually 
 crippled. 
 
 This object, however, will never be gained without 
 the reestablishment of Poland as an independent State. 
 As a Pole, I feel a certain reserve in pressing forward 
 my own views upon the subject, lest my arguments 
 may be mistaken for partiality. Having given in 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 159 
 
 this small volume a sketch, of the political and intel- 
 lectual development of Poland, my readers will be 
 enabled themselves to pronounce a judgment whether 
 her past, and the tendency of her spirit, render 
 the existence of her independent agency necessary, 
 as the only material guarantee of a future durable 
 peace, in conjunction with the progress of all social 
 improvements. 
 
THEEE is, however, ere I conclude this work, one 
 point to which I would wish to allude, more from 
 a desire to show the under- current efforts of the 
 Muscovite agency in disseminating misrepresentations, 
 in order to mislead or stagger the judgment of the 
 public, than from any importance of its own that it 
 may possess. 
 
 By some unaccountable influence, a strange idea 
 has been set afloat, l that no Poles were to be found 
 in Poland; that her nationality existed only in the 
 minds of the exiles.' Although, as an exile myself, 
 I may well feel proud of so high a compliment paid 
 as a truthful acknowledgment of the high character 
 of our mission, yet I cannot help bestowing a piteous 
 smile upon the credulity with which some grasped 
 at so ridiculous and extravagant a suggestion. 
 
 ' No more Poles in Poland ' ! What ! is her spirit 
 dead ! and a horde of two hundred thousand Muscovites 
 are still obliged to watch her inanimate corpse? Do 
 they keep this vigilance in honor of the mighty 
 
THE HISTORY OF POLAND. 161 
 
 dead? Do they fear to move a step away, lest by 
 some supernatural interference their murdered victim 
 should be called to life again? In that respect 
 the Muscovite faith is stronger than the hopes and 
 wishes even of some of our kind friends in this 
 country. They firmly believe in the resurrection of 
 Poland, and relax not in the cruelty with which they 
 constantly treat her lingering life and mutilated 
 limb. The long list of persecutions, vying with each 
 other in the refinement of malignity, attest that, 
 though her body is prostrate, her spirit has survived, 
 which oppression cannot subdue nor strangle in the 
 chains of dungeons. It manifests itself on every 
 occasion with such distinct tenacity of its national 
 character, that it should satisfy the most prejudiced 
 minds as to the impossibility of its ever absorbing 
 its individuality in unity with the Muscovites, which 
 is only effected and continued by violence and force. 
 
 In evidence of this statement, a recent occurrence 
 that took place on the British shores may be adduced 
 by way of example. Among the large number of 
 prisoners conveyed from Bomarsund to England, 
 there were four hundred Poles, all private soldiers, 
 and, as such, they were the very representatives of 
 the primitive sentiments of the Polish people. It 
 must be added that some of them had seen more than 
 twenty years of service in the Eussian army, and 
 one would have supposed that the habits acquired 
 during the service, and the length of time of separation 
 from their native land, would, in a great measure, 
 have modified the spirit, or left merely a faint trace 
 ll 
 
162 THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 
 
 of it in a sigh of regret caused by the recollection 
 lingering in the memory. Such was not the case. 
 No sooner did they find themselves lodged in the 
 prison assigned to them in Devonport, than they 
 forwarded a memorial to the Admiralty of their own 
 accord (for all communication with the Polish exiles 
 was in the beginning after their arrival strictly for- 
 bidden), soliciting the British Government that they 
 might be permitted to fight under the British flag 
 against the Russians, as being their common enemy. 
 
 This step was a spontaneous emanation of the pure 
 Polish spirit. Its true heroism, its uncommon grandeur, 
 will at once present themselves to the mind of my 
 readers, when their attention is drawn to the appalling 
 danger, of which they had perfect knowledge, and they 
 had an equal resolution to face it. According to the 
 usages and laws of war, an English, French, Turkish, 
 or Sardinian, or even the hired German and Swiss, have 
 a right to expect an honorable treatment at the hands 
 of the Eussians. But the die of a Pole is cast for 
 him to become a prisoner would be worse than death 
 neither the voice of mercy nor hope would ever reach 
 his ears the prospect of a slow torturous existence is 
 all that is left to him to expect. And yet this terrible 
 fate reserved for the Poles that may fall into the hands 
 of the Eussians in the present war, did not chill the 
 enthusiasm which was kindled in them by the first 
 opportunity that presented itself to enable them to 
 fight against the oppressor of their country. Is this not 
 the result of the life of their national spirit ? Is this 
 not the sentiment of attachment and devotedness to the 
 
THE HISTOEY OF POLAND. 163 
 
 idea of their national independence ? Thus, the four 
 hundred prisoners brought from Bomarsund are a 
 striking evidence of the vitality of Polish Individuality; 
 and now they have the happiness of being a part of 
 a Polish corps, which is in the progress of formation 
 under the command of General Count "Wladyslaw 
 Zamoyski. 
 
 Another instance has just come to my knowledge, 
 gathered from the official report of the officer com- 
 manding the first battalion of Polish infantry an 
 instance of heroic sublimity. I copy it from the said 
 report, bearing the date of the 9th of December, 1855, 
 written at Scutari : ' Lieutenant Kosielowski forwards 
 weekly detachments of volunteers from a depot of 
 prisoners belonging to the French (of course the 
 volunteers are all Poles). Among them a youth of 
 sixteen years old, of the name of Eynkowiak, attracts 
 particular attention. His flight from Oczakow is not 
 only characteristic, but also bears a witness to his 
 uncommon patriotism. Unmindful and fearless of the 
 danger that the aspect of a rough sea would have 
 created in a mind of an ordinary cast, Eynkowiak, as 
 if preoccupied solely with the idea of being successful 
 in his desertion from the ranks of the foe of his native 
 land, did not hesitate a moment, but threw himself 
 into the arms of the agitated billows succeeded in 
 securing a piece of wood and ? resting on such a frail 
 support, he struggled with the threatening surges, and 
 was fortunate in reaching Kinburn, a distance of four 
 miles/ 
 
 Now, I would ask my readers, did Eynkowiak desert 
 
164 THE HISTOEY OP POLAND. 
 
 the Eussian ranks with the intention of eluding the 
 hardships of a soldier, or the dangers of war r No ; 
 for he is again a soldier but a Polish soldier as if in 
 that change of his position the very augmentation of 
 the danger attached to it became to him a charm. 
 
 These illustrations of the existence of the Polish 
 spirit are sufficient to authorise every person to 
 speak with confidence in favor of the necessity 
 of calling upon the Poles, as a distinct national 
 element, to take part in the struggle against Eussia. 
 If their alacrity to join the Allies is so strongly 
 manifested in the absence of any immediate hope as 
 to the restoration of their country, what would it 
 be if Great Britain and France made a declaration 
 that the reestablishment of Poland is one of the con- 
 ditions of future peace ! That condition, alone, would 
 take away from Eussia the means and power of 
 ever disturbing the repose of Europe. Otherwise, 
 although humiliated and curtailed in its possessions 
 on the Elack sea, Eussia will be still a monster, whose 
 talons, though somewhat blunted, will retain sufficient 
 power and sufficient sharpness to become again the 
 scourge of the world. 
 

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