I UCSB LIBRARY L /JL \ / / I,-*. _ _ LIFE AND BATTLES JOHN PAUL JONES, THE GREATEST NAVAL HERO OF MODERN TIMES, WRITTEN BY HIMSELF, AN I' KPJTKD BY MISS JANETTE TAYLOR, FROM ORIGINAL LRTTKR< AND MANUSCRIPTS. BOSTON: I' U L 1 S H E D B Y N . B . PARSONS 1855. PAUL JONES was an extraordinary man, and was en- gaged suddenly, after having been in a comparatively humble employment, in a career connected with events which occupied the attention of the civilized world. Set- ting aside the services rendered by him to the cause of American freedom, there would be no need of preface or explanation in presenting an account of his life, and selections from the most interesting portions of his cor- respondence to the public at large ; were it not that several works, professing to do so, have already made their appearance. The first which the Editor of the present work re- members to have seen, was a shilling pamphlet, exhibit- ed in the windows of the New York retail bookstores, in which was a frontispiece, representing Paul Jones as largo as the frigate he bestrode, shooting a Lieutenant Grubb with a horse-pistol, more grand in its dimensions than any piece of artillery introduced into the picture. This juvenile reminiscence would be hardly worth recalling, were it not that, but the other day, in one of the Southern papers, the writer actually met with a de- tailed account, purporting to be a biographical sketch of somebody recently dead, who had served under Paul Jones in the Serapis, describing the latter as shooting this Lieutenant Grubb, with the same horse-pistol, aggrandized in the manner above specified. As no Lieu- 4 PREFACE tenant Grubb ever sailed under the orders of Captain John Paul Jones, and as no such person could, in con- sequence, have been shot by him, it is evident that an unvarnished and full account of the rear admiral's life ought to be circulated, in regions where such fabulous and monstrous legends obtain, in this ags of light, ad- mission into public prints. Ten years ago, a large quantity of original papers belonging to the legatees of Paul Jones, were sent to this country with a view to their being properly con- nected and published. They were submitted to the Historical Society of New York. The committee who examined them, found that they were valuable and inter- esting ; but circumstances prevented their publication at the time. Mr. Sherburne, register of the United States navy, opened a correspondence with the owners of these documents, as the Editor of the present work is informed, with the view of preparing a life of Jones ; but, the negotiation failed. Shortly after, some of the Chevalier's manuscripts, belonging to his legatees, if they had known how and where to reclaim them, were accidentally found by a gentleman of New York, in a house in the city. They had been left in the custody of its former proprietor. From these, with copies of letters and documents on file in the department of state, Mr. Sherburne prepared a volume which was published in 1825. Some singularly capricious demon, wonderfully inge- nious in producing puzzling and painful disorder, seems to have presided over the arrangement of the materials. The appearance of order in some parts of the compila- tion only makes the general and particular entangle ments more perplexing; and in some places, the PREFACE. 5 person who connected the documents, having apparently lost himself, goes backwards or leaps forwards, in a style of extraordinary embarrassment, occasioning inextrica- ble confusion. From this chaos, a clever writer in Great Britain con- trived to select materials for an interesting duodecimo, which was published by Murray in the same year. It contains some errors, and but an inconsiderable portion of the Remains, as the modern phrase is, of the Cheva- lier Paul Jones. Being not exclusively English in its tenor, it appears to have incurred the censure of some of the British presses. This work has been spoken of in the text as the production of an Englishman. The compiler was not well informed at the time. It was the production of an American. Within a year past a third life of the Chevalier ap- peared, which was published in Edinburgh in two duode- cimo volumes, and is the best which had been compiled; as it contains selections from many original letters, and, what is of more consequence, a translation of the rear admiral's own narrative of the campaign of the Liman. The Editor of that book, which is the basis, so far as the order of arrangement is generally concerned, of the present, gives in his preface the following account of his materials. " By his will, dated at Paris on the day of his death, Paul Jones left his property and effects of all kinds to his sisters in Scotland and theif children. Immediately on his decease a regular, or rather an official inventory was made of his voluminous papers, which were sealed up with his other effects, till brought to Scotland by his eldest sister, Mrs. Taylor, a few months after his death. They have ever since remained in the custody of his family ; and are now, by inheritance, become the property of his niece, Miss Taylor, of Dumfries. They consist of several br and folio volumes of letters and documents, which are offi- 6 PREFACE. cially authenticated, so far as they are public papers ; numerous scrolls and copies of letters ; and many private communications, originating in his widely diffused correspondence in France, Holland, America, and other quarters. There is, in addition to these, a collection of wri- tings of the miscellaneous kind likely to be accumulated by a man of active habits, who had for many years mingled both in the political and fashionable circles, wherever he chanced to be thrown. " The Journal of the Campaign of 1788, against the Turks, forms of itself a thick MS. bound volume. This Journal was drawn up by Paul Jones for the perusal of the Empress Catharine II. and was intended for publication if the Russian government failed to do him justice. He felt that it totally failed ; but death anticipated his long contemplated purpose. To this Journal, Mr. Eton, in his survey of the Turkish em- pire, refers, as having been seen by him. It was, however, only the official report, transmitted by Paul Jones to the admiralty of the Black Sea, that this gentleman could have seen. This singular narrative, which so confidently gives the lie to all the Russian statements of that momentous campaign, is written in French. In the following work the language of the original is as closely adhered to as is admissible even in the most literal translation. Several passages have been omitted, and others curtailed, as they refer merely to technical details, which might have unduly swelled this work, without adding much to its interest. Much of the voluminous official correspondence which passed between Paul Jones and the other commanders during the campaign is also omitted. These Pieces Justificatives were only in- tended to corroborate, or elucidate, the narrative; they are, save in a few instances which are cited, not particularly interesting." Besides the documents named in the foregoing ex- tracts, the Editor says, he had before him the corres- pondence of Jones with his relatives in Scotland, from his boyhood to his death. He has made but little use of it, as his extracts from it are few. The defects of this life are, that it seems to have been created with a view of supplying a requisite number of pages of given dimensions, and that some of the corres- pondence, is, in consequence, arbitrarily omitted. It is not str ctly true, that the language of the original Jour- PREFACE. 7 nal of the campaign of the Liman is as closely adhered to, as is consistent with literal translation ; and as to the passages " omitted and curtailed," the Editor has occupied fully as much space in apologizing for their non-insertion, as would ha\ e been taken up by a literal translation of them. He appears not to have under- stood them. Among the Pieces Justificatives spoken of, there are several worthy of collation with the text, and which throw light upon it, while they support its accuracy. But the cardinal defect of this book is, that though the author seems honestly to strive to justify his hero, (who needed no justification,) whenever it did not interfere with his own monarchical and English pre- judices, it is written in a decidedly English tone, un- congenial to the feelings and intellectual associations of the people of this country. His remarks of a politi- cal character are often ridiculous in fact, and always unphilosophical in spirit. The Editor of the following sheets, cannot but smile when he perceives on looking over them, that a hasty remark thrown off by him as to the destinies of France, excited by the sneers of this writer, at the tendency of the democratic principle, was prophetic, and must have been fulfilled ere it was printed, to the great consolation of the spirit of Jones, if mortal " blazon" may be to ears not " of flesh and blood." Miss Janette Taylor, a niece of Admiral Jones, ar- rived in this country some months ago, having in her possession original copies of all the documents which were before the Editor of the biography above com- mented upon, with others which were not. Though a considerable portion of them had been anticipated in the various publications mentioned, it was evident that 8 PREFACE. there was no single work of a proper and satisfactory character, from which Americans might gather for themselves what is to be known of the private and pub- lic life of one, who must for ever be chronicled as among the first in courage and ability, as well as in point of time, of the heroes who have made the stars and stripes respected upon the ocean; one too, whose chivalric, daring, and independent character, calumny has been aided in assailing, by seeming mystery and prolific ro- mance. From the manuscripts in Miss Taylor's possession, the present compilation has been made. Public docu- ments have been referred to occasionally, and in two or three instances, Sherburne's Collection has been cited, where the Editor had not certified copies before him. This work has no literary pretensions; and cannot legitimately come, as a literary production, under the examination of critics. It claims only to be the most full and authentic of its kind. Many official letters have of necessity been rejected, the substance and even the phraseology of which is repeated in others ; and in some instances, it is perceived, on looking over the sheets, that the latter misfortune has been incurred. When it is added, that Miss Taylor is only responsi- ble for the authenticity of the correspondence quoted from or inserted, and in no wise for the casual observa- tions of the compiler, all has been stated that is neces- sary in this preface. It is believed, that the pledge given in the notice to those who may have subscribed for the book has been redeemed. New York, September 23, 1830. PAUL JONES. PART I JOHN PAUL, afterwards known as the celebrated Chevalier John Paul Jones, was born on the 6th of July, 1747, at Arbig- land, in the parish of Kirkbean, and stewartry of Kirkcud- bright, in Scotland. The family was originally from the shire of Fife ; but it appears that the grandfather of the subject of this memoir kept a garden, the produce of which he sold to the public in Leith. His son, on finishing his apprenticeship, entered as a gardener into the employment of Mr. Craik, of Arbigland, in which he remained until his death in 1767. It is abundantly proved that he was a man of uniformly respectable character, and intelligence. In his profession he exhibited much skill and taste. The English memoir contains the following ac- count of his family, which was furnished by his descendants. " Shortly after entering into the employment of Mr. Craik, JohriPjaul married Jean Macduff, the daughter of a small farmer in the neighbouring parish of New-Abbey. The Macduffs were a respectable rural race in their own district ; and some of them had been small landed proprietors in the parish of Kirk- bean, for an immemorial period. Of this marriage there were seven children, of whom John, afterwards known as John Paul Jones, was the fifth : he may indeed be called the youngest, as two children born after him died in infancy. The first-born of the family, William Paul, went abroad early in life, and 14 PAUL JONES. finally settled and married in Fredericksburgh, in Virginia. He appears to have been a man of enterprise and judgment. Be- yond his early education and virtuous habits he could have de- rived no advantage from his family ; and, in 1772 or 1773, when he died, still a young man, he left a considerable fortune. Of the daughters^ the eldest, Elizabeth, died unmarried ; Janet, the second, married Mr. Taylor, a watchmaker in Dumfries ; and the third, Mary Ann, was twice married, first to a Mr. Young, and afterwards to Mr. Louden. Of the relations o. Admiral Jones, several nieces, and a grand-nephew, now in the United States, still survive." When John Paul, the fifth of this family, afterwards became the terror of the seas, the hero of a hundred fearful legends, and the subject of admiration and jealousy in the most brilliant courts, it was natural enough that so modest a paternity should neither satisfy the romance of the imaginative, nor the antipa- thy of the envious and intimidated ; and many stories were current, some assigning to him Mr. Craik, and others an earl of Selkirk, as his father. These weak inventions have long since been exploded, though preserved in the pages of fanciful novelists. In answer to an inquiry of Baron Vander Capellan, in 1779, Jones says, " I never had any obligation to Lord Sel- kirk, except for his good opinion ; nor does he know me or mine, except by character." This is verified by the whole tenor of the correspondence which we shall have occasion to introduce. If ever localities might be inferred to have determined the in- tellectual bias of an individual, the birthplace of John Paul, and the scenery and associations of its vicinity, may be cited as ad- mirably calculated to lay the groundwork for the restless spirit of adventure, an inclination for poetry, and an occasional ima- ginary longing for solitude, study, and rural retirement, all of which, without any real inconsistency, were subsequently deve- loped in his character. His father lived near the shores of the Solway, in one of the most picturesque and beautiful points of the Frith. The PAUL JONES. 15 favourite pastime of his earliest years was to launch ms " fairy frigate" on the waters, and issue commands to his supposed officers and crew. At this time, the town of Dumfries carried on a considerable trade in tobacco with America, the cargoes of which were unshipped at the Carse-thorn, near the mouth of the river Nith, which was not then navigable by foreign vessels. His daily intercourse with seamen here, tended of course to strengthen and confirm his nascent passion. It is also observed that his regard for America, and his willingness to descend with fire and sword, in her cause, upon the shores of his native land, which were thought unnatural, may have had their origin in the conversations of mariners from the discontented colonies. Certain it is that his disposition to begin his career upon the ocean was so strong, that his friends deemed it proper to yield to it. At the age of twelve, he was bound apprentice to Mr. Younger, a respectable merchant in the American trade, resid- ing at Whitehaven, on the opposite side of Solway Frith. Vul- gar invention, in its distorted picture of his life and actions, assumed that he ran away to sea against the will of his rela- tions, a rumour which they always declared to be totally without foundation. Neither then, nor at any subsequent period, was he wanting in affection for them, and solicitude for their welfare. His anxiety for the comforts and respectability of his sisters and their families, was warmly and substantially expressed in his prosperity, and at his death he bequeathed to them all his property. His education at the parish school of Kirkbean, must of course have been limited, but there is no doubt he improved it to the best advantage. The general correctness of his style and or- thography indicate that he had been well instructed in the rudi- ments of grammar. Notwithstanding his strong relish for active and dangerous adventure, he devoted its intervals to close ap- plication to study. While in port, whether abroad or at Whitehaven, during the period of his apprenticeship, he applied himself to learning the theory of navigation, and to other sub- jects of practical use. Many years after, we find him in one of 16 PATTL JONES. his letters, while modestly admitting that much more accom plished seamen might be found than himself, referring to hours of systematic "midnight" study. In the letters written in French, which are in his own hand, the spelling is infinitely more accurate than that of many of his illustrious and titled correspondents. These circumstances show that his mental culture was methodically and well begun : and these habits of mind are not such as belong to a reckless adventurer in quest of mere private emolument or personal fame. He made his first voyage before he was thirteen, in the Friendship, of Whitehaven, Captain Benson, bound for the Rappahannock. His home, while in port, was the house of an elder brother, William, who had married and settled in Virginia. His prepossessions in favour of America, and sympathy with colonial feelings, were here naturally fostered under circum- stances calculated to make them keen and enduring ; indissolu- bly connected as they were with his first professional impressions. The correctness of his conduct, and his extraordinary intelli- gence and aptitude for acquiring knowledge in naval matters, caused him to be most favourably regarded by his master. Mr. Younger, however, soon found his affairs embarrassed ; and was induced, in consequence, to give up Paul's indentures. This License to act for himself, would have been, to a boy whose purposes in living were not in some measure fixed, and whose will was undecided as to the future, a passport to obscurity, if not to disgrace. In Paul's case, it was sumpta prudenter. He availed himself of it wisely, having confidence in himself. He obtained the appointment of third ' mate of the King George, of Whitehaven, a vessel engaged in the slave trade. In 1766, he shipped as chief mate, on board the brigantine Two Friends, of Kingston, Jamaica, which was engaged in theV^jsame traffic. It is said by the friends of Paul, that he became* Disgusted with the business of stealing human beings, and left the ship on its arrival in the West Indies. Independently of their evidence, which is in every respect entitled to credit, the supposition will be found to be confirmed by the uniform tenor of his correspon- PAUL JONES. 17 dence, whenever he speaks of the principles of action* whicn he asserts to have governed his services and enterprises. And it is fair to infer, that the exhibition of these horrors, at which his feelings revolted, strengthened his love for that liberty in whose cause he afterwards fought ; and for that land which knew how to vindicate the cause of liberty. And he had the means of knowing then and thereafter, why that land suffered under the curse introduced by those whose yoke it was about shaking off; though it could not shake off the baleful legacy now pointed to as its disgrace, by the ignorant and hireling politicians, or maundering and useless philanthropists of the mother land that "nursing mother" of convicts and slaves, and "stern rug- ged nurse" of our pilgrim fathers. It is stated, at any rate, by those from whom alone any infor- mation can be derived, as to Paul's adventures at this period, that he returned to Scotland from this second slaving-voyage, as a passenger, in the brigantine John, of Kirkcudbright, Captain Macadam commander. On this voyage the captain and mate both died of fever ; and there being no one on board equally capable of navigating the ship, Paul assumed the command, and brought her safe into port. For this service he was ap- pointed by the owners, Currie, Beck, &. Co., master and super- cargo. It appears that Paul sailed for two voyages, as master, in the employment of this firm, and, sometime in the course of the year 1780, found it necessary, in order to preserve his authority and enforce discipline, to punish a man named Mungo Maxwell, borne on the books as carpenter of the vessel. Mun- go, being whipped, (as he no douht deserved to be, according to the practical code which still prevails in the English and American mercantile marine service,) stated to the authorities at Tobago, that his back was sore, and that his feelings were hurt ; both of which representations they seem to have believed * For which " he drew his sword ;" an expression which he makes use of avail his letters, whenever he speaks of his employment as a naval commander. a 18 PATTL JONES. in, without feeling themselves called upon to heal the one, or to sooth the other. But it appears that he subsequently insti- tuted a prosecution against Paul in England, which gave the latter some trouble, as will be seen by a letter from him to his mother and sisters, which we shall presently introduce. There would scarcely be any necessity of mentioning this cir- cumstance at all, were it not that calumny founded upon it one of its grossest charges against him who was afterwards the Chevalier Paul Jones ; that he was accused by vulgar rumour of torturing Mungo, by the process of flagellation, in a manner which caused his death ; and that his enemies did not disdain to rake up this legend, when he had the glory and the misfortune of exciting the jealousy of the Russian courtiers. All the au- thentic particulars of the transaction which we can obtain now, are, that being invested with a legitimate authority, which it was more peculiarly necessary for the preservation of the vessel and cargo, on that account, to sustain, Paul punished a sailor for rebellion and sullen impudence ; and that the subject of discipline, was displeased, as was naturally to be expected. The following are the official documents which Paul thought proper, or found it expedient to procure, in relation to this trans- action. ' Tobago. " Before the Honourable Lieutenant-Governor, William Young, Esq. of the island aforesaid, personally appeared James Simpson, Esq. who, being duly sworn upon the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, deposeth and saith, That some time about the beginning of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy, a person in the habit of a sailor came to this deponent (who was at that time Judge Surrogate of the Court of Vice-Admiralty for the island aforesaid) with a com- plaint against John Paul, (commander of a brigantine then lying in Rockley Bay of the said island,) for having beat the then complainant, (who belonged to the said John Paul's vessel,) at the same time showing this deponent his shoulders, which had thereon the marks of several stripes, but none that were either PAUL JONES. 19 mortal or dangerous, to the best of this deponent's opinion and belief. And this deponent further saith, that he did summon the said John Paul before him, who, in his vindication, alleged that the said complainant had on all occasions proved very ill quali- fied for, as well as very negligent in, his duty ; and also, t*Rit he was very lazy and inactive in the execution of his, the said John Paul's lawful commands, at the same time declaring his sorrow for having corrected the complainant. And this deponent fur- ther saith, that having dismissed the complaint as frivolous, the complainant, as this deponent believes, returned to his duty. And this deponent further saith, that he has since understood that the said complainant died afterwards on board of a dif- ferent vessel, on her passage to some of the Leeward Islands, and that the said John Paul (as this deponent is informed) has been accused in Great Britain as the immediate author of the said complainant's death, by means of the said stripes herein be- fore mentioned, which accusation this deponent, for the sake of justice and humanity, in the most solemn manner declares, and believes to be, in his judgment, without any just foundation, so far as relates to the stripes before mentioned, which this depo- nent very particularly examined. And further this deponent saith not. " JAMES SIMPSON. " Sworn before me, this 30th day of June, 1772, WILLIAM YOUNG." " James Eastment, mariner, and late master of the Barcelona packet, maketh oath, and saith, That Mungo Maxwell, carpen- ter, formerly on board the John, Captain John Paul, master, came in good health on board his, this deponent's, said vessel, then lying in Great Rockley Bay, in the island of Tobago, about the middle of the month of June, in the year one thousand seven hundred and seventy, in the capacity of a carpenter, aforesaid ; that he acted as such in every respect in perfect health for some days after he came on board this deponent's said vessel, the Barcelona uacfcst after which he was taken ill of a fever and 20 PAUL JOKES. lowness of spirits, which continued for four or five days, when he died on board the said vessel, during her passage from To- bago to Antigua. And this deponent further saith, that he never heard the said Mungo Maxwell complain of having received any ill UL^ge from the said Captain John Paul ; but that he, this deponent, verily believes the said Mungo Maxwell's death was occasioned by a fever and lowness of spirits, as aforesaid, and not by or through any other cause or causes whatsoever. " JAMES EASTMENT. " Sworn at the Mansion House, London, this 30th of January, 1773, before me, JAMES TOWNSEND, Mayor." " These do certify to whom it may concern, that the bearer, Captain John Paul, was two voyages master of a vessel called the John, in our employ in the West India trade, during which time he approved himself every way qualified both as a naviga- tor and supercargo ; but as our present firm is dissolved, the vessel was sold, and of course he is out of our employ, all ac- counts between him and the owners being amicably adjusted. Certified at Kirkcudbright this 1st of April, 1771. " CURRIE, BECK, & Co. The following is the letter to his mother and sisters, written more than two years after the affair in question, during which time he must have made other voyages. " London, 24th Septembei; 1772. "MT DEAR MOTHER AND SISTERS, "I only arrived here last night from the Grenadas. I have had but poor health during the voyage ; and my success in it not having equalled my first sanguine expectations, has added very much to the asperity of my misfortunes, and, I am well assured, was the cause of my loss of health. I am now, how- ever, better, and I trust Providence will soon put me in a way to get bread, and (which is by far my greatest happiness) be PAUL JONES. 21 serviceable to my poor but much-valued friends. I am able to give you no account of my future proceedings, as they depend upon circumstances which are not fully determined. " I have enclosed you a copy of an affidavit made before Governor Young by the Judge of the Court of Vice-Admiralty of Tobago, by which you will see with how little reason my life has been thirsted after, and, which is much dearer to me, my honour, by maliciously loading my fair character with obloquy and vile aspersions. I believe there are few who are hard-hearted enough to think I have not long since given the world every satisfaction in my power, being conscious of my innocence before Heaven, who will one day judge even my judges. I staked my honour, life, and fortune for six long months on the verdict of a British jury, notwithstanding I was sensible of the general prejudices which ran against me ; but, after all, none of my accusers had the cou- rage to confront me. Yet I sfcn willing to convince the world, if reason and facts will do it, that they have had no foundation for their harsh treatment. I mean to send Mr. Craik a copy properly proved, as his nice feelings will not perhaps be other- ways satisfied ; in the mean time, if you please, you may show him that enclosed. His ungracious conduct to me before I left Scotland I have not yet been able to get the better of. Every person of feeling must think meanly of adding to the load of the afflicted. It is true I bore it with seeming unconcern, but Hea- ven can witness for me, that I suffered the more on that very account. But enough of this." * * * The precise nature of the ungracious conduct of Craik, refer- red to in the foregoing letter cannot now be explained with pre- cision, but may easily be conjectured. Paul looked up to this gentleman as the former patron of his father, and existing pro- tector of his mother and sisters, with gratitude and deference, and probably with a warmth of respectful regard, which was chilled by the mortifying coldness of a cautious reception, such as it is reasonable to infer he may have met with from Mr. Craik, to whom his conduct had been misrepresented. He had, no doubt, taken it for granted that his own simple statements 22 PAUL JONES. would be sufficient to satisfy what he calls the " nice feelings" of that gentleman ; in which expectation it would seem that he was disappointed. It is known that Mr. C. subsequently ex- culpated him from all blame in the affair of Mungo. The fol- lowing letter appears to have been the last which Paul ever ad- dressed to him. " St. Georges, Grenada, 5th Aug. 1770. SIR, " Common report here says that my owners are going to fin- ish their connexions in the West Indies as fast as possible. How far this is true, I shall not pretend to judge ; but should that really prove the case, you know the disadvantages I must of course labour under. " These, however, would not have been so great had I been acquainted with the matter sooner, as in that case I believe I could have made interest with some gentlemen here to have been concerned with me in a large ship out of London ; and as these gentlemen have estates in this and the adjacent islands, I should have been able to make two voyages every year, and always had a full ship out and home, &c. &c. &c. ********** " However, I by no means repine, as it is a maxim with me to do my best, and leave the rest to Providence. I shall take no step whatever without your knowledge and approbation. " I have had several very severe fevers lately, which have re- duced me a good deal, though I am now perfectly recovered. " I must beg you to supply my mother, should she want any thing, as I well know your readiness. " I hope yourself and family enjoy health and happiness. I am, most sincerely, Sir, your's always, "JOHN PAUL." Shortly after this period, Paul commanded the Betsy of Lon- don, a vessel engaged in the West India trade. He has been accused of being concerned in the smuggling business, which PAUL JONES. 23 was at this time carried on to a great extent by those who lived along the shores of the Solway ; a charge which he always solemnly denied, and which there is not a particle of evidence to support. On the contrary, the very first entry of licensed goods from England, made in the Isle of Man after it was an- nexed to the crown, stands in his name in the Custom House books at Douglas, being of the first rum regularly imported there. His commercial speculations in the West Indies were various and extensive. His letters in relation to them, written at different subsequent periods, may in general be more con- veniently introduced in their chronological order. In 1771 he saw his relations in Scotland for the last time. In 1773 he went to Virginia, to arrange the affairs of his brother William, who had died childless and intestate. He left funds at Tobago and elsewhere, which the faithlessness of his agents prevented him from realizing as he had expected. He was soon to be called upon to act in the great struggle for liberty, whose coming events were to swallow up in their importance the calculations of pri- vate interest. There can be no doubt that at this time he thought he had determined to devote the rest of his life to the peaceful pursuits of agriculture, study, and domestic life ; or as he phrases it, in one of his favourite quotations, to " calm contemplation and po- etic ease." In his letter to the Countess of Selkirk, in which he affirms that such was his fixed purpose, he also speaks of having been led to " sacrifice not only his favourite scheme of life, but the softer affections of his heart, and his hopes of domestic hap- piness." We have no data from which to infer that these schemes, affections, and hopes, revolved around any ascertained and existing orb, and centre of attraction ; or that Paul felt any more distinct longing than that inspired by the general be- soin d'aimer, proper to his age and imaginative temperament. The latter was vastly different from that given by our modern poets and moralists to their corsairs and pirates, and pilots in disguise. Paul's letters show throughout that he had a sense of moral and religious obligation, tinged with a true chivalric 24 PAUL JONES. feeling, such as does not belong to robbers and cut-throats. His early education was in Scotland. We find, too, that Thomson was his favourite poet. It is unnecessary, in addi- tion to his own reiterated assertions, to cite the common-places of those who have best studied human nature, and whose re- marks have become pro verbs, or parallel cases in real life, to strengthen our belief that it was his intention at this time to abandon the sea-service ; to plant and sow, and reap and gather, in the due seasons of seed time and harvest ; to take care of an interesting family ; and accept the terms of the curse which a distinguished profligate once thought so dreadful, of "being married, and settled in the country." It would, however, be equally unwise to believe, that this dream of " calm contemplation and domestic ease," would not, under the most favourable circumstances for the encouragement of the illusion, soon have proved its relationship to all the waking and sleeping family of phantasms. Paul was born for excite- ment and for action ; and his rural and pastoral meditations were but the solicited relaxations of the mind, craving them as the body does its natural repose. It is not unlikely that at this time the details and associations of West India trading voyages seemed disgusting to him. It would appear indeed, from the following passage in a letter al- ready referred to, addressed to the Hon. Robert Morris three years after this period, that his commercial affairs had become temporarily entangled. He says, " I conclude that Mr. Hewes has acquainted you with a very great misfortune which befell me some years ago, and which brought me into North America. I am under no concern whatever, that this, or any other past cir- cumstance of my life, will sink me in your opinion. Since human wisdom cannot secure us from accidents, it is the greatest effort of human wisdom to bear them well." It is evident from his relations to the distinguished person he was writing to, from the frankness of his language, and his subsequent arrangement of all his obligations, that this " great misfortune" must have been a disappointment in business, on which no shadow of censure PAUL JONES. 25 could, without iniquity, be cast. This disappointment, . 28 PAUL JONES. that the American naval power would have gradually disappear- ed." These remarks were unquestionably dictated as much by the spirit of national vanity, claiming Jones as a native born British subject, as by a natural partiality of the writer for his hero. Jones had brave men for his compeers, as jealous of honour and of rank as himself, better taught from the advan- tages of birth, not unskilled in their profession, and who soon became instructed by ambition and experience. The Ameri- can naval force must have been as certainly created to a neces- sary extent, as the independence of the colonies, at no distant period, was inevitable. But it was among the extraordinary circumstances, in which the immediate designs of Providence seem developed to the religious mind, that a man of such a tem- per, and with such peculiar advantages, was sent to aid America on an element in which she was feeble, and her foe, in her fond conceit, omnipotent ; a man, who was able, with a force seem- ingly contemptible, to strike terror along the coast of the fast- anchored isle, notwithstanding her thousands of wooden walls, and to give to the American flag in foreign seas, a reputation which it has never lost. In the beginning of the year 1775, as will appear from one of his letters, his immediate pecuniary resources, from the causes he mentions, had almost entirely failed him, and for the two years following, he lived, as he expresses it, " upon fifty pounds." Mere necessity, however, could not have determined his election of an occupation, when he accepted a commission from the Continental Congress. A man who had begun life with nothing but " health and his good spirits" for his patri- mony, who, while a mere boy, had known how to obtain profit- able employments of much responsibility, and who was now in the incipient prime of mental and bodily vigour, could have been at no loss in investing the capital of his abilities, his credit, and his " fifty pounds," in many speculations, which must, to ordinary minds at this epoch, have seemed far more promising than the cause of the colonists. But his heart was with them, and all his sympathies, and even prejudices, were in unison PAUL JONES. 29 with theirs. Since the age of thirteen, when he first sa r it, as he himself declares, America had been the country of his fond election. In it, he had laid the scene of his romance of re- tirement ; and he had now no other home save the ocean. His interest, so far as the strong appetite for renown, to be won by danger, was concerned, was also best served by embarking in the revolutionary cause ; for what promotion could he have ob I ained, without money or friends, in the navy of Great Britain ? But so far as mere servile and sordid considerations were in .question, the world of adventure offered to him a wide market, in which much safer and cheaper bargains might be made, .by on$ who had acquired so much skill in the traffic. It was principle, and not necessity nor accident, which, in connexion with the love of glory, induced him to embark in the cause of liberty. This point has been dwelt on more at large, because the last English compiler of his memoirs, with very good intentions, speaks of it in an equivocal manner, in his analysis of Paul's motives. He also enters into an unnecessary apology for his consenting to bear arms against the mother country. The fol- lowing remarks, made by him, are, however, worthy of being quoted here : " Though in the heat of a struggle, which, from its very nature, was, like the feuds of the nearest relatives, singularly rancorous and bitter, Jones was branded as a traitor and a felon, and after his most brilliant action, his capture of the Serapis, formally denounced by the British ambassador at the Hague as a rebel and a pirate according to the laws of war,* it must be remem- bered that he bore this stigma in common with the best and greatest of his contemporaries with Franklin and Washing- ton ; which last had actually borne arms in the service of the king of England. The memory of Paul Jones now needs little * Memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke to the States-General, dated the Hague, 8th Octo- ber, 1779. 30 PAUL JONES. vindication for this important step. After the peace he enjoyed the esteem and private friendship of Englishmen who might have forgiven the most imbittered political hostility, but never could have overlooked a taint on personal honour. Of this num- ber was the Earl of Wemyss, whc after the peace endeavoured to promote the views of Jones on various occasions. He him- self, however, discovers a lurking consciousness of having incur- red, if not of meriting, suspicion on this delicate ground. This is chiefly displayed by his eloquent though rather frequent as- sertions of purity of motive, superiority to objects of sordid in- terest, and disinterested zeal for the cause, now of America, now of human nature, as was best adapted to the supposed in- clinations of his correspondents. In ordinary circumstances, much of this might have appeared uncalled for ; but the situa- tion of Jones was in many respects peculiar both as a native- born Briton, and as a man of obscure origin, jealous and par- donably so of his independence and dignity of character. Somewhat of the heroic vaunting which marks other parts of his correspondence appears incident to the enthusiastic tempe- rament of many great naval commanders. How would Nelson's tone of confident prediction, and boasts of prowess, have sound- ed from the lips of an inferior man ? In any other than him self, the customary language of Drake would have been reck- oned that of an insolent braggart." The English editor is right in referring to the obscurity of Paul's origin, and the consequent nature of his early education, as one cause of the quaintness and inartificial " heroic vaunt- ing" of style, which often strikes us in his letters. The example he produces of other great men, who occasionally exhibited the same bad taste, are illustrious and pertinent. But as to any squeamishness which Paul may have felt or expressed, on the score of his being born 011 the soil, as well as under the alle- giance of Great Britain, we find no evidence in his correspon- dence which is not directly against the suggestion. He fought for his adopted country, the land of his friendships and affec- tion ; and his fame should not be tarnished without cause, by PAUL JONES. 31 supposing that any compunctious visitings disturbed him in his career, other than those natural to the best and bravest men who have served in the cause of human freedom. Writing to Baron Vander Capellan, some years after the conflict began, he says, in a spirit of bitterness, provoked by his being stigma- tized as a pirate, rebel, &c. in the British prints : " I was indeed born in Britain ; but I do not inherit the dege- nerate spirit of that fallen nation, which I at once lament and despise. It is far beneath me to reply to their hireling invec- tives. They are strangers to the inward approbation that greatly animates and rewards the man who draws his sword only in support of the dignity of freedom. America has been the country of my fond election from the age of thirteen, when I first saw it. I had the honour to hoist with my own hands the flag of freedom, the first time it was displayed on the Delaware ; and I have attended it with veneration ever since, on the ocean." At the time when Paul settled, (or more properly, supposed he meant to settle,) in Virginia, it would seem that he as- sumed the additional surname of Jones. Previous to this date, his letters are signed John Paul. We are left to conjecture the reason of this arbitrary change. His relations were never able to assign one ; there is no allusion to the circumstance in the manuscripts which he left, and tradition is silent on the subject. It was, however, a caprice by no means singular in a sea-faring man. It is mentioned in the biographical sketch written for the Edinburgh Encyclopaedia, by Dr. Duncan, of Scotland, that the custom of taking the father's Christian name as a patronymic, was not prevalent in the immediate vicinity of Paul's birthplace. But it was common in Wales, the Isle of Man, and other parts, with which he was as familiarly acquaint- ed. It does not seem to be, in the language of logicians, " drawing a long inference," to suppose, that in adopting a coun- try where he meant to establish his household gods, and be the father of his own line, he chose to assume a new name, which he had such warrant for doing, and which should be his own, 32 PAUL JONES. and that of his descendants. His retaining that by which he had been always known, proves that he did not consider it to have been sullied. It is only because calumny and invention have been busy with the topic, that it seems proper to suggest a plausible explanation for this change. It is not within the province of this narrative to sketch the early history of the American navy, or its operations during the revolutionary war, except where Jones was connected with them. Of these he is his own historian. With the view of cut- ting off the supplies sent in store ships to Boston, then in pos- session of the British, and in a state of blockade, of obtaining powder and the munitions of war, which were not to be had in the colonies, and of retaliating for depredations committed by Bri- tish emissaries along the coast, the General Court of Massa- chusetts on the 13th November, 1775, passed an act authorizing letters of marque and reprisal to be issued against ships infest- ing the sea-coast of America, and elected courts to try and con- demn such as should be captured. General Washington, as Commander in Chief, gave commissions to a number of vessels, to intercept the supplies intended for Boston. Privateers swarmed in the Bay of Boston, and off the neighbouring sea- coast. Instances of gallant and ingenious enterprises were nu- merous, and the names of those by whom they were conducted will be entitled to a place in our national history. On the 13th of December, 1775, the Continental Congress adopted a report of the Committee appointed to devise ways and means for fit- ting out a naval armament ; in which it was recommended that thirteen frigates should be got ready for sea; five to be of thirty-two guns, five of twenty-eight, and three of twenty-four. They also commissioned a small fleet collected in the Dela- ware to cruise against the enemy, and passed the following resolution : " In Congress, 22nd Dec. 1775. " Resolved, that the following naval officers be appointed : PAUL JONES. 33 Ezek. Hopkins, Esq. Commander in Chief of the fleet. Dudley Saltonstall, Captain of the Alfred. Abraham Whipple, do. Columbus. Nicholas Biddle, do. Andrew Doria. John B. Hopkins, do. Cabot. " 1st Lieutenants, John Paul Jones, Rhodes Arnold, Stansbury, Hersted Hacker, Jonathan Pitcher. " 2d Lieutenants, Benjamin Seabury, Joseph Olney, Elisha Warner, Thomas Weaver, M'Dougall. " 3d Lieutenants, John Fanning, Ezekiel Burroughs, Da- niel Vaughan. " Resolved, that the pay of the Commander in Chief of the fleet be one hundred and twenty-five dollars per month." To this small fleet was added the sloop Providence, the com- mand of which Jones declined for the reasons stated in his nar- rative, which we shall presently follow. The force consisted of the Alfred, Commodore Hopkins, 30 guns and 300 men ; Co- lumbus, Whipple, 28 guns and 300 men ; Andrew Doria, Bid- die, 16 guns and 200 men ; Sebastian Cabot, Hopkins, Jun. 14 guns and 200 men ; and the Providence, Hazard, 12 guns and 150 men. The flag of America was hoisted by Jones, as he records, being the first time it was displayed, on board of the Al- fred, of which he was first-lieutenant. He does not mention the date of this transaction, which it would be extremely interesting to ascertain ; nor has the present compiler been able to fix it. His commission to act as lieutenant bore date on the 7th De- cember. The squadron was originally destined to act against LordDunmore, who was committing acts of outrage and depre- dation along the coast of Virginia. The navigation of the Delaware was, however, interrupted by the ice, and the fleet did not leave Cape Henlopen until the 17th of February, 1776. The most succinct and clear account of this period of his ser- vice is given by Jones in the commencement of a Journal, drawn up at the request of the king of France, and read by that un- fortunate monarch when he was a prisoner. It is as follows 4 34 PAUL JONES. " When Congress thought fit to equip a naval force towards 1 the conclusion of the year 1775, ' for the defence of American liberty, and for repelling every hostile invasion thereof? it was a very difficult matter to find men fitly qualified for officers, and willing to embark in the ships and vessels that were then put into commission. The American navy at first was no more than the ships Alfred and Columbus, the brigantines Andrew Doria, and Cabot, and the sloop Providence.* A commander in chief of the fleet was appointed ; and the Captains Saltonstall, Whipple, Biddle, and Hopkins, were named for the ships and brigantines. A captain's commission for the Providence, [bought, or to be bought, about the time, from Captain Whipple,]t which Mr. Jo- seph Hewes of the Marine Committee offered to his friend Mr John Paul Jones, was not accepted, because Mr. Jones had never sailed in a sloop, and had then no idea of the declaration of independence that took place the next year. It was his early wish to do his best for the cause of America, which he considered as the cause of human nature. He could have no object of self- interest ; and having then no prospect that the American navy would soon become an established service, that rank was the most acceptable to him by which he could be the most useful in that moment of public calamity. There were three classes of lieutenants appointed, and Mr. Jones was appointed^ the first of the first-lieutenants, which placed him next in command to the four captains already mentioned. This commission under the united colonies is dated the 7th day of December, 1775, as first- lieutenant of the Alfred. On board of that ship, before Phila- delphia, Mr. Jones hoisted the flag of America with his own hands, the first time it was ever displayed, as the commander in chief embarked on board the Alfred. All the commissions for * In the MSS. copy before me several corrections occur in Jones' own hand writing Some are not material. In the passage above he has overlined " Ezek. Hopkins, Esq was appointed, &c." t The words in brackets are erased in the copy above mentioned. f " Commissioned" as altered by Jones. PAUL JONES. 35 the Alfred were dated before the commissions for the Columbus, fcc. All the time this little squadron was fitting and manning, Mr. Jones superintended the affairs of the Alfred ; and as Cap- tain Suit < nisi all did not appear at Philadelphia, the commander in chief told Mr. Jones he should command that ship. A day or two before the squadron sailed from Philadelphia, Inanned and fit for sea, Captain Saltonstall appeared, and took com- mand of the Alfred. The object of the first expedition was against Lord Dunmore in Virginia. But instead of proceeding immediately on that service, the squadron was hauled to the wharfs at Reedy Island, and lay there for six weeks frozen up. Here Mr. Jones and the other lieutenants stood the deck, watch and watch, night and day, to prevent desertion ; and they lost no man from the Alfred. On the 17th of February, 1776, the squadron sailed from the Bay of Delaware, having been joined the day before by a small sloop and a very small schooner from Baltimore. On the 1st of March the squadron anchored at Abaco, one of the Bahama Islands, and carried in there two sloops belonging to New Providence. Some persons on board the sloops, informed that a quantity of powder and warlike stores might be taken in the forts of New Providence. An ex- pedition was determined on against that island. It was resolv- ed to embark the marines on board the two sloops. They were to remain below deck until the sloops had anchored in the har- bour close to the forts, and they were then to land and take pos- session. There was not a single soldier in the island to oppose them ; therefore the plan would have succeeded, and not only the public stores might have been secured, but a considerable contribution might have been obtained as a ransom for the town and island, had not the whole squadron appeared off the harbour in the morning, instead of remaining out of sight till after the sloops had entered and the marines secured the forts. On the appearance of the squadron the signal of alarm was fired, so that it was impossible to think of crossing the bar. The com- mander in chief proposed to go round the west end of the island, 36 PAUL JONES. and endeavour to march the marines up and get behina ^he town ; but this could never have been effected. The islanders would have had time to collect ; there was no fit anchorage for the squadron, nor road from that part of the island to the town. Mr. Jones finding by the Providence pilots that the squadron might anchor under a key three leagues to windward of the har- bour, gave this account to the commander in chief, who object- ing to the dependence on the pilots, Mr. Jones undertook to carry the Alfred safe in. He took the pilot with him to the fore-topmast-head, from whence they could clearly see every danger, and the squadron anchored safe. The marines, with two vessels to cover their landing, were immediately sent in by the east passage. The commander in chief promised to touch no private property. The inhabitants abandoned the forts, and the governor, finding he must surrender the island, embarked all the powder in two vessels, and sent them away in the night. This was foreseen, and might have been prevented, by sending the two brigantines to lie off the bar. The squadron entered the harbour of New Providence, and sailed from thence the 17th of March, having embarked the cannon, &c. that was found in the fort. In the night of the 9th of April, on the return of the squadron from the Providence expedition, the American arms by sea were first tried in an action with the Glasgow, a British frigate of 24 guns, off Block Island. Both the Alfred and Columbus mounted two batteries. The Alfred mounted 30, the Columbus 28 guns. The first batteiy was so near the water as to be fit for nothing except in a harbour or a very smooth sea. The sea was at the time perfectly smooth. Mr. Jones was stationed between decks to command the Alfred's first battery, which was well served whenever the guns could be brought to bear on the enemy, as appears by the official letter of the commander in chief giving an account of that action. Mr. Jones therefore did his duty ; and as he had no direction whatever, either of the general disposition of the squadron, or the sails and helm of the Alfred, he can stand charged with no PAUL JONES. i/ part of the disgrace of that night.* The squadron steered directly for New London, and entered that port two days after the action. Here General Washington lent the squadron 200 men, as was thought, for some enterprise. The squadron, how- ever, stole quietly round to Rhode Island, and up the river to Providence. Here a court-martial was held for the trial of Captain Whipple, for not assisting in the action with the Glas- gow.t Another court-martial was held for the trial of Cap- tain Hazard, who had been appointed captain of the sloop Providence at Philadelphia, some time after Mr. Jones had re- fused that command. Captain Hazard was broke, and render- ed incapable of serving in the navy. The next day, the 10th of May, 1776, Mr. Jones was ordered by the commander in chief to take command ' as captain of the Providence? This proves that Mr. Jones did his duty on the Providence expedition. As the commander in chief had in his hands no blank-commission, this appointment was written and signed on the back of the commission that Mr. Jones had received at Philadelphia the 7th of December, 1775. Captain Jones had orders to receive on board the Providence the soldiers that had been borrowed from General Washington, and to carry them to New York, there enlist as many seamen as he could, and then return to New London, to take in from the hospital all the seamen that had been left there by the squadron, and were recovered, and carry them to Providence. Captain Jones soon performed these ser- vices ; and having hove down the sloop and partly fitted her for war at Providence, he received orders from the commander in chief, dated Rhode Island, June 10th, 1776, to come immedi- ately down to take a sloop then in sight, armed for war, belong- ing to the enemy's navy. Captain Jones obeyed orders with alacrity; but the enemy had disappeared before he reached * In the margin, in Jones' hand writing : " It is for the commander in chief and the captains, to answer for the escape of the Glasgow/ 1 t He excused himself because " the firing of the ships engaged had killed the wind." Marginal note by Jones. 38 PAUL JONES. Newport. On the 13th of June, 1776, Captain Jones received orders, dated that day at Newport, Rhode Island, from the com- mander in chief, to proceed to Newburyport to take under con- voy some vessels bound for Philadelphia ; but first to convoy Lieutenant Hacker in the Fly, with a cargo of cannon, into the sound for New York, and to convoy some vessels back from Stonington to the entrance of Newport. In performing these last services, Captain Jones found great difficulty from the enemy's frigates, then cruising round Block Island, with which he had several rencontres ; in one of which he saved a brigantine that was a stranger, from Hispaniola, closely pursued by the Cerberus, and laden with public military stores. That brigan- tine was afterwards purchased by the Continent, and called the Hampden. Captain Jones received orders from the commander in chief to proceed for Boston instead of Newburyport. At Boston he was detained a considerable time by the backward- ness of the agent. He arrived with his convoy from Boston, safe in the Delaware, the 1st of August, 1776. This service was performed while the enemy were arriving daily at Sandy Hook from Halifax and England, [under the escort and pro- tection of Lord Howe,]* and Captain Jones saw several of their ships of war [which he had the address to avoid.] Captain Jones received a captain's commission [under the United States of America,] from the president of Congress the 8th of August.t * Interlined by Jones. t The Commission of Jones was made out, according to Mr Sherburnc, on the same day on which the relative rank of the Captains was established by Congress. It was as follows : "IN CONGRESS. " The Delegates of Hie United States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Neio Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Vir- ginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, To " JOHN PAUL JONES, ESQ. " WE, reposing especial trust and confidence in your patriotism, valour, conduct, and fidelity, DO, by these Presents, constitute and appoint you to be Captain in the navy of the United States of North America, fitted out for the defence of American PAUL JONES. 30 " It was proposed to Captain Jones by the Marine Committee of Congress to go to Connecticut, to command the brigantine Hampden ; but he choosing rather to remain in the sloop Pro- vidence, had orders to go out on a cruise against the enemy " for six weeks, [or] two or three months." He was not limited to any particular station or service. He left the Delaware the 21st of August, and arrived at Rhode Island on the 7th of Oc- tober, 1776. Captain Jones had only seventy men when he sailed from the Delaware, and the Providence mounted only 12 four-pounders. Near the latitude of Bermudas he had a very narrow escape from the enemy's frigate the Solebay, after a chase [and an engagement] for six hours within cannon-shot, and considerable part of that time within pistol-shot. After- wards, near the Isle of Sable, Captain Jones had a running fight with the enemy's frigate the Milford ; and the firing between them lasted from ten in the morning till after sunset. The day after this rencontre, Captain Jones entered the harbour of Canso, where he recruited several men, took the tories' flags, destroyed all the fishery, burned the shipping, &c. and sailed again the next morning on an expedition against the Island of Madame. He made two descents at the principal ports of that island at the same time ; surprised, burned, and destroyed all Liberty, and for repelling every hostile invasion thereof. You are therefore carefully and diligently to discharge the duty of Captain, by doing and performing all manner of things thereunto belonging. And we do strictly charge and require all officers, marines, and seamen under your command to be obedient to your orders as Captain. And you are to observe and follow such orders and directions from time to time, as you shall re- ceive from this or a future Congress of the United States, or committee of Congress for that purpose appointed, or commander in chief for the time being of the navy of the United States, or any other your superior officer, according to the rules and discipline of War, the usage of the sea, and the instructions herewith given you, in pursuance of the trust reposed in you. This Commission to continue in force, until revoked by this or a future Congress. " Dated at Philadelphia, October 10th, 1776. " By order of the Congress, " JOHN HANCOCK, President 41 Attest, CHARLES THOMPSON, Secretary." 40 PAUL JONES their shipping, and the fishery, though the place abounded with men, and they had arms. All this, from the Delaware to Rhode Island, was performed in six weeks and five days ; in which time Captain Jones made sixteen prizes, besides a great number of small vessels and fishery which he destroyed. The commander in chief of the navy was at Rhode Island, who, in consequence of the information given him by Captain Jones, adopted an expedition against the coal fleet of Cape Breton and the fishery, as well as to relieve a number of Americans from the coal mines, where they were compelled to labour by the enemy. The Alfred had remained idle ever since the Providence expedition, and was without men. It was proposed to employ that ship, the brigan- tine Hampden, and sloop Providence, on this expedition, under the command of Captain Jones, who had orders given him for that purpose on the 22d October, 1776, and then removed from the sloop Providence to command the ship Alfred. Finding he could not enlist a sufficient number of men for the three sail be- fore the season would be lost, Captain Jones determined to leave the sloop Providence behind; but Captain Hacker ran the Hampden upon a ledge of rocks on the 27th, and knocked off her keel, which obliged Captain Jones to remove him into the sloop Providence. The Alfred and Providence sailed together on this expedition the 2d of November, 1776, Captain Jones having only 140 men on his muster-roll for the Alfred, though that ship had 235 men when she left the Delaware. Captain Jones* anchored for the night at Tarpawling Cove, near Nan- tucket. Finding there a privateer schooner belonging to Rhode Island inward-bound, he sent his boat to search for deserters from the navy. His officers found four deserters carefully con- cealed on board. They were taken on board the Alfred, with a few other seamen, agreeably to orders from the commander in * [Passed between the enemies' frigates at Block Island and the shore, and anchor- ed for the night at Tarpawling Cove, near Nantucket, because daylight was necessary to pass through the shoals.] Corrected Inj Jones. PAtTL JONES. 41 chief. The concerned in the privateer brought an action against Captain Jones for lOjOOOJ. damages, and the commander in chief had the politeness not to support him. Captain Jones proceeded on his expedition. Off Louisbourg he took a brig with a rich cargo of dry goods, a snow with a cargo of fish, and a large ship called the Mellish, bound for Canada, armed for war, and laden with soldiers' clothing. The day after taking these prizes, (the 18th November,) the snow fell, and the wind blew fresh off Cape Breton. To prevent separation, and not from the violence of the weather, Captain Jones made the signal to lay to, which was obeyed ; but as soon as the night began, Captain Hacker bore away. He made shift to arrive at Rhode Island a day or two before the place was taken by the enemy. Captain Jones ordered his prizes, the brigantine and the snow, to steer for American ports ; but determined not to lose sight of the Mellish, unless in case of necessity. Captain Jones, after that little gale and some contrary winds, fell in with Canso, and sent his boats in to destroy a fine transport that lay aground in the entrance, laden with Irish provision. The party burnt also the oil-warehouse, and destroyed the materials for the whale and cod fishery. " Off Louisbourg, on the 24th November, he took three fine ships out of the coal-fleet, then bound for New York, under the convoy of the frigate Flora, that would have been in sight had the fog been dispersed. Two days after this, Captain Jones took a strong letter-of-marque ship with a rich cargo, from Liverpool. He had now a hundred and fifty prisoners on board the Alfred, and a great part of his water and provision was consumed. He found by his prisoners that the harbour at the coal-mines was frozen up, and necessity obliged him to seek a hospitable port with the five prize-ships under his convoy, No separation took place till the 7th of December, on the edge of St. George's Bank, where Captain Jones again fell in with the Milford frigate. Captain Jones [drew the whole attention of the enemy towards the Alfred, and thereby] had the address [by running the greatest risk himself,] to save all his prizes e^ 5 42 PAUL JONE8. cept one, (the letter-of-marque from Liverpool,) and that one would not have been taken, had not the prize-master, who was three leagues to windward, foolishly run down under the Mil- ford's lee. The Mellish arrived safe with the clothing at Dart- mouth, in consequence of orders from Captain Jones, to pass within Nantucket shoals ; and Captain Jones, after meeting with much tempestuous weather arrived at Boston the 15th December, 1776, having only two days' water and provision left. The news of the supply of clothing reached General Washington's army just before he re-crossed the Delaware, and took the enemy's garrison at Trenton. By a letter from the commander in chief of the Navy, dated on board the Warren, at Providence, January the 14th, 1777, Captain Jones was su- perseded in the command of the Alfred, in favour of Captain Hinman, who said he brought a commission from Congress to supersede that of Captain Jones. On the 21st of January, 1777, this drew from Captain Jones a letter to the Marine Committee of Congress, stating his hopes that Congress would not so far overlook his early and faithful services as to supersede him by any man who was at first his junior officer, far less by any man who declined to serve in the Alfred, &c. at the beginning. Captain Jones paid off the crews of the Alfred and Providence, for which he has never been reimbursed.* On the 18th Feb- ruary, Captain Jones received an appointment by order of Con- gress from the Hon. Robert Morris, Esq. Vice President of the Marine Committee, dated Philadelphia, February the 5th, 1777, to command private expeditions against Pensacola and other places, with the Alfred, Columbus, Cabot, Hampden, and sloop Providence. Many important schemes were pointed out ;t but Captain Jones was left at free liberty to adopt whatever he thought best. This appointment fell to nothing ; for the com- * "Was not reimbursed until the end of the war, and then without any interest." Corrected by Jones. t "Some of which Captain Jones had suggested to Mr. Morris; and others that Mr. Morris had judiciously imagined himself." Jb. PAUL JONES. 43 mander in chief would not assist Captain Jones, but affected to disbelieve his appointment. Captain Jones made a journey by land from Boston to Philadelphia, in order to explain matters to Congress in person." There are two other documents written by Jones, recapitu- lating in a much more summary manner, the events of the cruises in which he was engaged during the time passed over in the foregoing extract. One of these is a letter or memorial, addressed to the President of Congress, written from the Texel, December 7th, 1779, which he elsewhere styles " a refreshing memorial ;" the other, a letter addressed to Mr. Morris, Minis- ter of the Marine, &c. dated Philadelphia, October 13th, 1783.* The narrative drawn up for the king of France, is by far the most precise ; on which account it has been introduced. It will be necessary, however, to revert to some of its details, for the purposes of illustrating the circumstances it records, and ex- plaining the subsequent passages in the history of Jones. The affair at New Providence is described in the journal with more accuracy than in any other account extant, which the compiler has seen. The governor had privately sent off from Nassau one hundred and fifty barrels of powder from Fort Nassau. A quantity of cannons, brass mortars, shot, and shells, were taken away ; and the governor and two more gentlemen were carried off as prisoners. The partial engagement with the Glasgow is briefly alluded to. Jones felt that no glory was gained by it, and such was the, perhaps, unreasonable opinion of the American public, at the time. Commodore Hopkins alleged in his justification, that if he had pursued the escaping frigate, it might have brought him into an engagement with the whole of Wallace's fleet, then committing great depredation on the coast of Rhode Island.t * A letter is published in Mr. Sherburne's Collections, dated Philadelphia, Sept. 22d, 1782, containing portions of the very long letter found in Jones' letter books, dated as in the text. t Clarke's Naval History of the United States, page 17. 44 PAUL JONES. As Jones observes, in his marginal manuscript note, it was the business of the commander and captains to answer for the escape of the frigate ; yet a sensibility, not unallied, perhaps, to a premature and morbid apprehension that censure would light upon himself, caused him always to speak of this affair as if his personal conduct stood in need of exculpation. Such is the temperament of those who feel that they are " born to achieve greatness ;" the exhibition of which, until their vision is realized, is laid to the score of personal vanity. In the letter to the Pre- sident of Congress, last referred to, Jones says : " I continued in that ship, (the Alfred,) and had my share of the dishonour which attended the first essay of American arms by sea, with the Glasgow. Permit me however to observe, that as I was stationed to command the lower battery of the Alfred, I had no share in the government of the sails or helm ; and as the artil- lery under my direction was well served, whenever it could be brought to bear, I hope Congress will not find that the disgrace of that night was owing to me." Writing to Mr. Hewes, shortly after the transaction, he says : " My station confined me to the Alfred's lower gun-deck, where I commanded during the action ; yet, though the commander's letter, which has been published, says, ' all the officers in the Alfred behaved well,' still the public blames me among others for not taking the enemy. But a little consideration will place the matter in a true light ; for no offi- cer, under a superior, who does not stand charged, by that superior, for cowardice or misconduct, can be blamed on any occasion whatever." It is to be observed, that while thus disqyowing any responsi- bility, as a subaltern, Jones by no means imputes blame to Com- modore Hopkins. He says, in his letter to Mr. Hewes ; " I have the pleasure of assuring you that the commander in chief is respected throughout the fleet ; and I verily believe that the officers and men, in general, would go any length to execute his orders." In the same letter he refers to the minutes of the action with the Glasgow, as entered by himself on the Alfred's PAUL JONES. 45 log-book, which are copied, as follows, in Mr. Sherburne's Col- lections. "At 2 A. M. cleared ship for action. At half past two, the Cabot being between us and the enemy, began to engage, and soon after we did the same. At the third glass, the enemy bore away, and by crowding sail at length got a considerable way a-head, made signals for the rest of the English fleet at Rhode Island to come to her assistance, and steered directly for the harbour. The Commodore then thought it imprudent to risk our prizes, &c. by pursuing farther ; therefore, to prevent our being decoyed into their hands, at half past 6 made the signal to leave off chase and haul by the wind to join our prizes. The Cabot was disabled at the second broadside ; the captain being dangerously wounded, the master and several men killed. The enemy's whole fire was then directed at us, and an unlucky shot having carried away our wheel-block and ropes, the ship broached to, and gave the enemy an opportunity of raking us with several broadsides before we were again in condition to steer the ship and return the fire. In the action we received several shot under water, which made the ship very leaky ; we had besides, the mainmast shot through, and the upper works and the rigging very considerably damaged ; yet it is surprising that we only lost the 2d lieutenant of marines and four men, one of whom, (Martin Gillingwater,) was a midshipman, prisoner, who was in the cockpit, and had been taken in the bomb brig JBolton yesterday ; we had no more than three men dangerously and four slightly wounded."* * In the 87th number of the " Constitutional Gazette," published in New York, May 20th, 1776, is a statement of Captain David Hawley, who had arrived at Hartford, from Halifax, whence he had escaped, having been a prisoner on board the Glasgow during the skirmish in question. He says that, " on the th of April, the Glasgow sailed from Newport ; in the morning of the 6th discovered sundry sail, and stood for them ; came up and hailed the brig, who answered that they 46 PAUL JONES. The adventure with the Glasgow cannot, from the evidence now left, be considered as discreditable to the infant navy of America. The promotion of Jones, by the commander in chief of the navy, to be acting commandant of the Providence, proves, as he states himself, that the officer under whose command he had immediately served approved of his conduct. While con- veying military stores and troops between Newport and New York, he appears from his journal to have had several ren- contres with the Cerberus frigate and with others. Mr. Clarke, were from Plymouth ; then the brig hailed the Glasgow, and was told who they were. Upon signals being made and not answered, as it was still dark, the Glasgow received a heavy broadside from the brig, killed one man, and slightly wounded another. Then the Alfred came up, and closely engaged her for near three glasses, while the black brig at- tacked the Glasgow on her lee bow. It was observed by the motion of tbe Alfred, that she had received some unlucky shot. The sloop of twelve guns fired upon her stern without any great effect. The most of her shot went about six feet above the deck ; whereas, if they had been properly levelled, they must soon have cleared it of men. The Glasgow got at a distance, when she fired smartly ; and the engage- ment lasted about six glasses, when they both seemed willing to quit. The Glasgow was considerably damaged in her hull ; had ten shot through her mainmast, fifty-two through her mizen staysail, one hun- dred and ten through her mainsail, and eighty-eight through her fore- sail ; had her spars carried away, and her rigging cut to pieces. On the 6th they got into Rhode Island ; early in the morning of the 7th, were fired .upon from the shore, cut her cables, and run up to Hope Island, where the hospital ship followed them. The wind shifting to the northward, they went out and joined Commodore Wallace, and after two days sailed for Halifax, where Captain Hawley tarried a fort- night, and on the 7th of April, made his escape with eight others, in a small boat, and came to Old York." The seventy-fifth number of the same newspaper, of April 17th, 1776, contains the following account under date of Newport, April 8th, which throws light upon the result of the affair with the Glasgow, and from its quaintness may not be uninteresting. PAUL JONES. 47 in his Naval History speaks of two " engagements" with the former vessel. Jones does not appear to have deemed them worthy of commemoration in his narrative and letter books. In his " refreshing memorial" to the President of Congress, written from the Texel, he says, when speaking of this period of his service ; " The first service I performed in the Providence was to transport a number of soldiers from Providence to New York, which General Washington had lent us at New London to inspire us with courage to venture round to Rhode Island, " Last Friday the ministerial fleet went a little without the mouth of our harbour, and in the evening they all returned and anchored be- tween Gould island and Coddington's Point, except the Glasgow, of twenty-four guns, and a small tender, which kept out all night. As soon as it was light, the next morning, a party of the troops stationed on the island got down two of their 18 pounders upon the point, and played so well upon these worse than Algerine rovers, that they hulled the Rose two or three times, the Nautilus once or twice, and sent a shot through and through one of the armed tenders, upon which Captain Wallace, of the Rose, sent off a boat to cut away the buoy of his anchor, then slipped his cable, and made off as fast as possible ; and the rest of his fleet followed in the utmost hurry and confusion, having fired about fifteen cannon upon our people without the least effect, though they stood in considerable numbers, as open as they could well be, without the least breast-work or other shelter. " For several hours before, and during the above engagement, a vast number of cannon were heard from the S. E. and about sunrise eight or ten sail of ships, brigs, &c. were seen a little to the eastward of Block island, and indeed the flashes of the cannon were seen by some people about daybreak. These things caused much speculation, but in a few hours the mystery was somewhat cleared up, for away came the poor Glasgow, under all the sail she could set, yelping from the mouths of her cannon like a broken legged dog, as a signal of her being sadly wounded. And though she settled away, and handed most of her sails just before she came into the harbour, it was plainly perceived by the holes in those she had standing, and by the hanging of her yards, that she had been treated in a very rough manner. The other 48 PAUL JONES. The Commodore employed me afterwards For some time to es cort vessels from Rhode Island into the Sound, &c. while the Cerberus and other vessels cruised round Block Island. At iast I received orders to proceed to Boston, to take under con- voy some vessels laden with coal for Philadelphia. I perform- ed that service about the time when Lord Howe arrived at Sandy Hook. It was proposed to send me from Philadelphia fey land to take command of the Hampden in Connecticut, but I rather preferred to continue in the Providence, the Hampden feeing a far inferior vessel to the description that had been given of her to Congress." He was commissioned to sail from the Delaware on a cruise, " with unlimited orders," as he expresses it in his memorial ; vessels seen off stood up the western sound, and by very authentic in- telligence received on Saturday evening, we are fully convinced they were twelve sail of the Continental navy, very deeply laden with can- non, mortars, cannon-shot, bombs, and other warlike stores from the West Indies, so that it is probable their precious cargoes were the sole cause of Mrs. Glasgow's making her escape. Her tender was taken, as also the bomb brig, and a schooner which had been out near a week in search of prey. " As soon as the Glasgow got in, the Rose, Captain Wallace, the Nautilus, Captain Collins, the Swan, Captain Ascough, with several tenders, and pirated prizes, stood out to sea, leaving the Glasgow, a large snow, and two small sloops at anchor, about three quarters of a mile from Brenton's point. The ensuing night, a party of troops car- ried one eighteen pounder, one nine, one six, and two four pounders, on said point, and early yesterday morning saluted the Glasgow with such warmth that she slipped her cable and pushed up the river without firing a gun, under all the sail she could make, and the others followed with great precipitation. By the terrible cracking on board the Glas- gow, the noise and confusion among her men, it is thought the cannon did good execution. The wind shifting to the northward about noon, those vessels ran down the back of Conanicut and stood out to sea, supposed to have gone in quest of Captain Wallace, to make a wofiil complaint of the incivility of the Yankees." PAUL JONES. 49 and this was certainly the sort of trust which he best loved to execute. Some extracts from his letters to the marine com- mittee of Congress, relative to his adventures in this cruise of " six weeks ancl five days," so briefly mentioned in his journal, will probably be acceptable to the reader. " Providence, at sea, in N. Lot. 37 40', S. W. Longitude, 54, Sept. 4th, 1776. " GENTLEMEN, " I had the honour of writing to you the 27th August, per the brigantine Brittannia, which I sent under the care of Lieutenant Wm. Grinnell. Since that, I have been to the southward, near the parallel of Bermuda, and brought to four sail of French, Spanish, and Danish ships, homeward bound, but without gain- ing any useful information. On the first current, I fell in with a fleet of five sail, one of them being very large, it was the ge- neral opinion here, that she was either an old Indiaman, out- ward bound, with stores, or a Jamaica three-decker, bound homewards. We found her to be an English frigate, mounting twenty guns upon one deck. She sailed fast, and pursued us by the wind, till, after four hours chase, the sea running very cross, she got within musket shot of our lee-quarter. As they had continued firing at us from the first, without showing colours, I now ordered ours to be hoisted, and began to fire at them. Upon this, they also hoisted American colors, and fired guns to leeward. But the bait would not take, for, having every thing prepared, I bore away before the wind, and set all our light sail at once ; so that, before her sails could be trimmed, and steer- ing sails set, I was almost out of reach of grape, and soon after out of reach of cannon shot. Our ' hair-breadth escape,' and the saucy manner of making it, must have mortified him not a little. Had he foreseen this motion, and been prepared to counteract it, he might have fired several broadsides of double- headed and grape shot, which would have done us very material damage. But he was a bad marksman; and, though within pistol shot, did not touch the Providence with one of the many 6 50 PAUL JONES. shots he fired.* I met with no other adventure till last night, when I took the Bermuda built brigantine Sea Nymph, &c." He concludes this letter by observing that he did not expect much success in his cruise, as it was too late for the season ; a remark which he repeats in his next letter, dated three days after, when sending in the brigantine Favourite laden with sugar, from Antigua, for Liverpool, which he had captured on the evening of September 6th, being his third prize. The following characteristic letter, giving an account of the manne 1 * in which he ridiculed the Milford frigate, (as he ex- presses it in a subjoined precis of his cruise,) and took or de- stroyed the shipping in Canso Harbour, seems worthy of being inserted entire. "Providence off the Isle of Sable, 30th Sept. 1776. "GENTLEMEN, * * * " From that time [of despatching the Favourite,] I cruised without seeing any vessel. I then spoke the Columbus' prize, the ship Royal Exchange, bound for Boston. By this time, my water and wood began to run short, which induced me to run to the northward, for some port of Nova Scotia or Cape Breton. I had, besides, a prospect of destroying the English shipping in these parts. The 16th, and 17th, I had a very heavy gale from the N. W. which obliged me to dismount all my guns, and stick every thing I could into the hold. The 19th, I made the Isle of Sable, and on the 20th, being between it and the main, I met with an English frigate, with a merchant ship under her con- voy. I had hove to, to give my people an opportunity of ta- king fish, when the frigate came in sight directly to windward; and was so good natured as to save me the trouble of chasing him, by bearing down, the instant he discovered us. When he came within cannon shot, I made sail to try his speed. Quar- * This is Jones' own account of what is called in the Naval Chronicle his " action of six hours" with the frigate Solebay, of 28 guns, from which he saved himself by a " desperate" manoeuvre. " Skilful" seems to be a more appropriate term. PAUL JONES. 51 tering and finding that I had the advantage, I shortened sail to give him a wild goose chase, and tempt him to throw away pow- der and shot. Accordingly, a curious mock engagement was maintained between us, for eight hours ; until night, with her sable* curtains, put an end to this famous exploit of English knight-errantry. " He excited my contempt so much, by his continued firing, at more than twice the proper distance, that when he rounded to, to give his broadside, I ordered my marine officer to return the salute with only a single musket. We saw him, next morn- ing, standing to the westward ; and it is not unlikely, that he hath told his friends at Halifax, what a trimming he gave to a ' rebe. privateer,' which he found infesting the coast. " That night I was off Canso harbour, and sent my boat in to gain information. On the morning of the 22d, I anchored in the harbour, and, before night, got off a sufficiency of wood and water. Here I recruited several men, and finding three Eng- lish schooners in the harbour, we that night burned one, sunk an- other, and, in the morning, carried off the third, which we had loaded with what fish was found in the other two. " At Canso, I received information of nine sail of ships, brigs, and schooners, in the harbour of Narrow Shock and Peter de Great, t at a small distance from each other, in the Island of Madame, on the east side of the bay of Canso. These I deter- mined to take or destroy; and, to do it effectually, having brought a shallop for the imrpose from Canso, I despatched her with twenty-five armed men to Narrow Shock, while my boat went, well manned and armed, to Peter de Great ; and I kept off and on with the sloop, to keep them in awe at both places. The expedition succeeded to my wish. So effectual was this surprise, and so general the panic, that numbers yielded to a handful, without opposition, and never was a bloodless victory more complete. As the shipping that were unloaded were all un- * He dates off the Isle of Sable. t The orthography of the manuscript is followed. 52 PAUL JONES. rigged, I had recourse to an expedient for despatch. I promised to leave the late proprietors vessels sufficient to carry them home to the Island of Jersey, on condition that they immediately fitted out and rigged such of the rest as might be required. This condition was readily complied with ; and they assisted my people with unremitting application, till the business was com- pleted. But the evening of the 25th brought with it a violent gale of wind, with rain, which obliged me to anchor in the en- trance of Narrow Shock ; where I rode it out, with both anchors and whole cables a-head. Two of our prizes, the ship Alex- ander and Sea Flower, had come out before the gale began. The ship anchored under a point, and rode it out ; but the schooner, after anchoring, drove, and ran ashore. She was a valuable prize ; but, as I could not get her off, I next day or- dered her to be set on fire. The schooner Ebenezer, taken at Canso, was driven on a reef of sunken rocks, and there totally lost ; the people having with difficulty saved themselves on a raft. Towards noon on the 26th, the gale began to abate. The ship Adventure being unrigged, and almost empty, I ordered her to be burnt. I put to sea in the afternoon with the brigan- tine Kingston Packet, and being joined by the Alexander, went off Peter de Great. I had sent an officer round in a shallop to order the vessels in that harbour to meet me in the offing, and he now joined me in the brigantine Success, and informed me that Mr. Gallagher, (the officer who had commanded the party in that harbour,) had left it at the beginning of the gale in the brigantine Defence, and taken with him my boat and all the people. I am unwilling to believe that this was done with an evil intention. I rather think he concluded the boat and people necessary to assist the vessel getting out, the navigation being difficult, and the wind at that time unfavourable ; and when the gale began, I know it was impossible for them to return. " Thus weakened, I could attempt nothing more. With one of our brigs and the sloop, I could have scoured the coast and se- cured the destruction of a large boat fleet that was loading near Louisbourg, with the savage only to protect them. PAUL JONES. 53 " The fishery at Canso and Madame is effectually destroyed. Out of twelve sail which I took there, I only left two small schooners and one small brig, to convey a number of unfortu- nate men, not short of three hundred, across the Western Ocean. Had I gone further, I should have stood chargeable with inhumanity. " In my ticklish situation it would have been madness to lose a moment. I therefore hastened to the southward, to convey my prizes out of harm's way, the Damono brig having been within fifteen leagues of the scene of action during the whole time. " On the 27th, I saw two sail, which we took for Quebec transports. Unable to resist the temptation, having appointed a three days' rendezvous on the S. W. part of the Isle of Sable, I gave chase, but could not come up before they had got into Louisoourg, a place where I had reason to expect a far superior force ; and therefore returned, and this day I joined my prizes at the rendezvous. " If my poor endeavours should meet with your approbation, I shall be greatly rewarded in the pleasing reflection of having endeavoured to do my duty. I have had so much stormy wea- ther, and been obliged, on divers occasions, to carry so much sail, that the sloop is in no condition to continue long out of port. I am, besides, very weak handed ; and the men I have are scarce able to stand the deck, for want of clothing, the wea- ther here being very cold. These reasons induce me to bend my thoughts towards the continent. I do not expect to meet with much, if any success, on my return. But if fortune should insist on sending a transport or so in my way, weak as I arn, I will endeavour to pilot him safe. It is but justice to add, that my officers and men behaved incomparably well on the oc- casion. " I have the honour to be, &c. &c. " JOHN P. JONES. ' The Honourable the Marine Committee, Philadelphia." 54 PAUL JONES. The following is the list of prizes, taken, burnt, and sunk oy Jones this cruise. Brigantine Britannia, Whaler, ,, Sea Nymph, West Indies, Favourite, manned and sent in. Ship Alexander, Newfoundland, Brigantine Success, ,, Kingston Packet, Jamaica, ,, Defiance, Jersey, Sloop Portland, Whaler, Ship Adventure, Jersey, Brigantine Friendship, ,, Schooner John, London, Betsy, Jersey, ,, Betsy, Halifax, Sea Flower, Canso, Ebenezer, Hope, Jersey One of the objects of-the expedition to Cape Breton, that of rescuing the hundred American prisoners confined in the coal pits, was not effected ; and other projects were abandoned, from the lateness of the season, and the difficulty of procuring men. Jones indeed met with more success than he had anticipated, as will be seen from the following extract of his letter to Mr. Morris, dated October 17th. " I have been successfully employed in refitting and getting the Providence in readiness, but am under the greatest appre- hension that the expedition will fall to nothing, as the Alfred is greatly short of men. I found her with only about thirty men, and we have with much ado enlisted thirty more ; but it seems the privateers entice them away as fast as they receive their month's pay. It is to the last degree distressing to contemplate the state and establishment of our navy. The common class of mankind are actuated by no nobler principle than that of self-in- terest ; this, and this alone determines all adventurers in priva- teers ; the owners, as well as those whom they employ. And while this is the case, unless the private emolument of individuals in our navy is made superior to that in privateers, it never can 3PAITL JONES. 55 become respectable ; it never will become formidable. And without a respectable navy alas ! America ! In the present critical situation of affairs, human wisdom can suggest no more than one infallible expedient : enlist the seamen during plea- sure, and give them all the prizes. What is the paltry emolu- ment of two thirds of prizes to the finances of this vast continent f* If so poor a resource is essential to its independency, in sober sadness we are involved in a woful predicament, and our ruin is fast approaching. The situation of America is new in the an- nals of mankind ; her affairs cry haste, and speed must answer them. Trifles, therefore, ought to be wholly disregarded, as being in the old vulgar proverb " penny wise, and pound fool- ish." If our enemies with the best established and most formi- dable navy in the universe, have found it expedient to assign all prizes to the captors, how much more is such policy essential to our infant fleet ? But I need use no arguments to convince you of the necessity of making the emoluments of our navy equal, if not superior, to theirs. We have had proof that a navy may be officered almost on any terms, but we are not so sure that these officers are equal to their commissions ; nor will the Congress ever obtain such certainty, until they, in their wisdom, see pro- per to appoint a board of admiralty, competent to determine im- partially the respective merits and abilities of their officers, and V to superintend, regulate, and point out, all the motions and op- erations of the navy." In the same letter he says, " Governor Hopkins tells me, that he apprehends I am appointed to the Andrew Doria ; she is a good cruiser, and would, in my judgment, answer much better, were she mounted with 12 six-pounders, than as she is at pre- sent, with 14 fours. An expedition of importance may be effect- ed this winter, on the coast of Africa, with part of the original * By a resolution of Congress, of November 25th, 1775, two thirds of the value of all captures, made by public ships of war, were reserved to the use of the United Colonies. 56 PAUL JOTVES. fleet. Either the Alfred or Columbus, with the Andrew Doria and Providence, would, I am persuaded, carry all before them ; and give a blow to the English African trade which would not soon be recovered, by not leaving them a mast standing on that coast. This expedition would be attended with no great ex- pense ; besides, the ship and vessels mentioned are unfit for ser- vice on a winter coast, which is not the case with the new frigates. The small squadron for this service ought to sail early, that the prizes may reach our ports in March or April. If I do not succeed in manning the Alfred, so as to proceed to the eastward, in the course of this week, the season will be lost ; the coal fleet will be gone to Halifax, the fishermen to Europe." This cruise, however, of Jones, from Rhode Island, was at- tended with many useful and some brilliant results. The cap- ture, in particular, of the clothing in the Meilish, while it fur- nished a seasonable supply to the American army, was a serious privation to that of the enemy. In his letter to the Marine Committee dated November 12th, Jones says : " This prize is, I believe, the most valuable that has been taken by the Ameri- can arms. She made some defence, but it was trifling. The loss will distress the enemy more than can be easily imagined, as the clothing on board of her is the last intended to be sent out for Canada this season, and all that has preceded it is already taken. The situation of Burgoyne's army must soon become insupportable. I shall not lose sight of a prize of such impor- tance, but will sink her, rather than suffer her to fall again into their hands." His account of his second meeting with the Milford, given in the memorial from the Texel, is as follows : " On the edge of St. George's Bank, I again met with the Milford. The wind was at N. W. the enemy to windward, and we on our starboard tack. He could not come up before night; and, in the mean time, I placed the Alfred and the letter of marque from Liver- pool, between the other prizes and the enemy. I ordered them to crowd sail on the eame tack, all night, without paying regard to my light or signals. At midnight, the Alfred and the PAPL JONES. 57 letter of marque tacked, and I afterwards carried a top light till morning. " This led the Milford entirely out of the way of the prizes, and particularly the clothing ship Mellish ; for they were all out of sight in the morning. I had now to get out of the difficulty in the best way I could. In the morning we again tacked ; and as the Milford did not make much appearance, I was unwilling to quit her, without a certainty of her superior force. She was out of shot, on the lee quarter ; and as I could only see her bow, I ordered the letter of marque, Lieutenant Saunders, that held a much better wind than the Alfred, to drop slowly astern, until he could discover by a view of the enemy's side, whether she was of superior or inferior force, and to make a signal accordingly. On seeing Mr. Saunders drop astern, the Milford wore suddenly, and crowded sail towards the N. E. This raised in me such doubts as determined me to wear also, and give chase. Mr. Saunders steered by the wind, while the Milford went lasking, and the Alfred followed her with a pressed sail, so that Mr. Saunders was soon almost hull down to windward. At last the Milford tacked again ; but I did not tack the Alfred, till I had the enemy's side fairly open, and could plainly see her force. I then tacked, about ten o'clock. The Alfred being too light to be steered by the wind, I bore away two points, while the Milford steered close by the wind, to gain the Alfred's wake ; and by that means he dropped astern, notwithstanding his superior sailing. The weather too, which became exceedingly squally, enabled me to outdo the Milford, by carrying more sail. I began to be under no apprehension from the enemy's superi- ority, for there was every appearance of a severe gale, which really took place in the night. To my great surprise, however, Mr. Saunders, towards 4 o'clock, bore down on the Milford, made the signal of her inferior force, ran under her lee, and was taken !" The delay experienced by Captain Jones at Boston, where he arrived with his prize, in getting rid of his prisoners and being delivered, as he phrases it, from the "honourable office of a jail 7 58 PAUL JONES. keeper," the inaction in which he was obliged to remain for want of a command, the neglect of Commodore Hopkins, from unwillingness or inability, to render him any assistance, and his being superseded in the command of the Alfred by the or- ders of that officer, were circumstances of an irritating character, which drew from him many letters of indignant remonstrance. Writing to the Commodore on the 28th February, he says : "It is only necessary for me to inform you, as I have already done, that I am appointed by a letter from the Honourable the Vice President of the Marine Board, dated the 5th current, to take command of the Alfred, Columbus, Cabot, Hampden, and sloop Providence, and to call on you for every possible assistance within your power, to enable me to proceed forthwith on a pri- vate enterprise, of the greatest importance to America. The letter has the sanction and full authority of Congress. It is written in their name. Therefore, Sir, I repeat my application, and demand your hearty and immediate concurrence with me in the outfit. It is in vain for you to affect to disbelieve my appointment. " I should have appeared personally at Providence, had you justified my conduct in obeying your express orders, instead of leaving me, as you have done, in the lurch.* I could then have convinced you of its being your indispensable duty to give me every possible assistance. When I placed a confidence in you, I did not think you capable of prevarication. I then, when yon needed friends, gave you the most convincing proof of my sin- cerity. This you must remember. I have asked Captain Sal- tonstall, how he could in the beginning suspect me, as you have told me, of being unfriendly to America. He seemed astonished at the question ; and told me it was yourself who promoted it. However, waving every thing of a private nature, the best way * This refers to the action commenced against Jones for damages, by the men taken from the Rhode Island privateer. Commodore Hopkins left him to defend the suit himself saying that his orders had not been given in writing. See Appendix, No. I. PAUL JONES. 59 is to co-operate cheerfully together, that the public service may be forwarded, and that scorn may yet forbear to point her fin- ger at a fleet under your command. I am earnest in desiring to do every thing with good nature. Therefore to remove your doubts, if you have any, I send this by express, to inform you that I will meet you at Pawtucket, or at any other place, on as early a day as you please to appoint, and will there produce credentials to your satisfaction. In the mean time, it is your duty to prevent the departure of the Cabot, or any other vessel of the squadron. I am astonished to hear that you have ordered the Hampden out, without desiring an explanation, after you received my last letters. My appointment was unsolicited and unexpected, and it must be owing to the hurry of business that you have received no similar orders. I am, honoured Sir, your very obliged, most humble servant, " J. P JONES. " P. S. I have sent by the bearer the coat which you desired, likewise one for Mr. Brown. If I can render you any service here, in procuring other articles, acquaint me with the particu- lars, and my best endeavours shall not be wanting." The mixture of conciliatory overtures with the peremptory language of this epistle, shows that personal pique was temper- ed with a predominating desire to serve the cause of the country at all sacrifices. It may be remarked, in passing, that Commo- dore Hopkins had been ordered to be censured by the sentence of a Court Martial ; and that when the rank and station of the commanders of the navy was determined by Congress, his name was omitted. In relation to the manner in which Jones was superseded, as he conceived himself to have been, byjunior officers, he has given a full account in his letter addressed to Mr. Morris from Phila- delphia in 1783, the whole of which document we have thought it necessary to publish in the appendix to this part.* It was an See Appendix to Part First, No II. 60 PAUL JONES. arrangement of which he never ceased to complain, and as the facts stated by him are uncontradicted, it seems that he had good reasons for so doing. Three grades of lieutenants were estab- lished by the act'of Congress of December 22d, 1775. Jones was at the head of the first. At this time it is true that Con- gress had not granted general letters of reprisal, nor had the allegiance of the colonies to the British crown been renounced. After the declaration of Independence, the organization of the navy could only properly take place, and the rank of its officers be settled, as Congress in its wisdom should determine. Still a regard was due to meritorious services, and to former prece- dence, where the imperfect right was supported by them. The appointment of Jones to command the Providence as Captain, by the commander in chief of the fleet, Commodore Hopkins, though it cannot be considered as establishing his rank, was en- titled to respect. On the 8th of August, 1776, he received an appointment as Captain, under the United States, from President Hancock. Congress had passed a resolution on the 17th April preceding, that " the nomination or appointment of captains or commanders should not establish rank, which should be settled before commissions were granted ;" and it was not until the 10th of October following, that by another resolution they set- tled the delicate and embarrassing question.* But Jones con- * Rank of Captains in the Navy, established by Congress, Oct. 10th, 1776, viz. Commanders. Vessels. Guns. No. 1 James Nicholson - - - - Virginia, - - 28 2 John Manly ----- Hancock, - - 32 3 Hector M'Neil - - - - Boston, - 24 4 Dudley Saltonstall - - Trumbull, 28 5 Nicholas Biddle - - - - Randolph, - 32 6 Thomas Thompson - - - Raleigh, - - 32 7 John Barry Effingham, - 28 8 Thomas Read ----- Washington, - 32 9 Thomas Grinnell - - - - Congress, - - 28 PAUL JONES. 61 ceived, as it was natural he should, that the date of his appoint- ment ought not to have been wholly overlooked, and fairly en- titled him to priority over those who were commissioned as Cap- tains, for the first time, on the 10th October. In what terms that appointment was couched cannot be ascertained, as it appears it was mislaid by President Hancock, who had requested Jones to leave it with him for a day or two. In the eloquent argu- ment made for himself by the latter, in the remonstrance in the appendix to which we refer, he evidently confounds occa- sionally the terms, appointment and commission. While, there- fore the government must be exempted from the censure of having violated any actual rights which Captain Jones had, it is a matter of regret, that in executing the difficult task of assign- ing rank, his fair claims should not have been admitted. It em- bittered many moments of his existence, when he was strug- gling with other difficulties, which neither courage nor ambition could overcome, and felt peculiarly " how near to the heart," as he expresses it, " of every military officer, is rank, which opens the door to glory." 10 Charles Alexander - - - Delaware, - - 24 11 Lambert Wickes - - - - Reprisal, - - 16 12 Abraham Whipple - - - Providence, 28 13 John B. Hopkins - - - Warren, - - 32 14 John Hodge - - - - - Montgomery, - 24 15 William HaUock - - - - Lexington, - - 16 16 Hoysted Hacker - - - - Ilumpden, - - 17 Isaiah Robinson - - - - Andrew Doria, 14 18 John Paul Jones - - - - Providence, - - 12 1(1 T T * V> 20 Elisha Hinman - - - - Alfred, - - - 28 O1 T 1 f\\ Cabot, - - - 16 22 James Robinson - - - - Sachem, - - - 10 1 2S Tnlin Vrnino- . Independence, - 10 24 Elisba Warner - - - - Fly, - - - Lieut. John Baldwin - - Wasp, - - - - 8 Lieut. Thomas Alberton - Musquito, - - - 4 62 PAUL JONES. On this subject he thus wrote to the Marine Board at Phila- delphia, " I am now to inform you, that by a letter from Commo- dore Hopkins, dated on board the Warren, January 14th, 1777, which came to my hands a day or two ago, I am superseded in the command of the Alfred, in favour of Captain Hinman, and ordered back to the sloop in Providence River. Whether this order doth or doth not supersede also your orders to me of the 10th ult. you can best determine ; however, as I undertook the late expedition at his (Commodore Hopkins') request, from a principle of humanity, I mean not now to make a difficulty about trifles, especially when the good of the service is to be consulted. As I am unconscious of any neglect of duty, or misconduct, since my appointment at the first as eldest lieutenant of the navy, I cannot suppose that you can have intended to set me aside, in favour of any man who did not at that time bear a cap- tain's commission, unless indeed that man, by exerting his su- perior abilities, hath rendered or can render more important services to America. Those who stepped forth at the first, in ships altogether unfit for war, were generally considered as fran- tic rather than as wise men ; for it must be remembered, that almost every thing then made against them. And although the success in the affair with the Glasgow was not equal to what it might have been, yet the blame ought not to be general. The principal or principals in command alone are culpable ; and the other officers, while they stand unimpeached, have their full merit. There were, it is true, divers persons, from misrepre- sentation, put into commission at the beginning, without fit qualification, and perhaps the number may have been increased by later appointments ; but it follows not that the gentleman or man of merit should be neglected or overlooked on their ac- count. None other than a gentleman, as well as a seaman both in theory and practice, is qualified to support the character of a commission officer in the navy ; nor is any man fit to command a ship of war who is not also capable of communicating his ideas on paper, in language that becomes his rank. If this be PACfL JONES. 63 admitted, the foregoing operations will be sufficiently clear ; but if further proof is required, it can easily be produced. " When I entered into the service, I was not actuated by motives of self-interest. I stepped forth as a free citizen of the world, in defence of the violated rights of mankind, and not in search of riches, whereof, I thank God, I inherit a sufficiency ;* but I should prove my degeneracy were I not in the highest de- gree tenacious of my rank and seniority. As a gentleman, I can yield this point up only to persons of superior abilities and superior merit ; and under such persons it would be my highest ambition to learn. As this is the first time of my having ex- pressed the least anxiety on my own account, I must entreat your patience until I account to you for the reason which hath given me this freedom of sentiment. It seems that Captain Hinman's commission is No. 1, and that, in consequence, he who was at first my junior officer by eight, hath expressed himself as my senior officer in a manner which doth himself no honour, and which doth me signal injury. There are also in the navy, per- sons who have not shown me fair play after the service I have rendered them. I have even been blamed for the civilities which I have shown to my prisoners ; at the request of one of whom I herein enclose an appeal, which I must beg leave to lay before Congress. Could you see the appellant's accomplished lady, and the innocents their children, arguments in their behalf would be unnecessary. As the base-minded only are capable of incon- sistencies, you will not blame my free soul, which can never stoop where I cannot also esteem. Could I, which I never can, bear to be superseded, I should indeed deserve your contempt and total neglect. I am therefore to entreat you to employ me in the most enterprising and active service, accountable to your Honourable Board only, for my conduct, and connected as much as possible with gentlemen and men of good sense." * His jealous uneasiness lest he should be considered a gladiator, or in ary shape a mercenary soldier, led him to use strong terms, not always well weighed in the moment of indignation. The riches he inherited were the gifts of nature. See Appendix No. III. 64 PAUL JONES. " My conduct hitherto," he says, in the memorial addressed to Congress from the Texel, " was so much approved of by Congress, that on the 5th February, 1777, I was appointed, with unlimited orders, to command a little squadron of the Al- fred, Columbus, Cabot, Hampden, and sloop Providence. Va- rious important services were pointed out, but I was left at free liberty to make my election. That service, however, did not take place ; for the Commodore, who had three of the squadron blocked in at Providence, affected to disbelieve my appointment, and would not at last give me the necessary assistance. Find- ing that he trifled with my applications as well as the orders of Congress, I undertook a journey from Boston to Philadelphia, in order to explain matters to Congress in person. I took this step also because Captain Hinman had succeeded me in the command of the Alfred, and, of course, the service could not suffer through my absence. I arrived at Philadelphia in the beginning of April. But what was my surprise to find that, by a new line of navy rank, which had taken place on the 10th day of October, 1776, all the officers that had stepped forth at the beginning were superseded ! I was myself superseded by thirteen men, not one of whom did (and perhaps some of them durst not) take the sea against the British flag at the first ; for several of them who were then applied to refused to venture, and none of them have since been very happy in proving their superior abilities. Among these thirteen there are individuals who can neither pretend to parts nor education, and with whom, as a private gentleman, I would disdain to associate. " I leave your Excellency and the Congress to judge how this must affect a man of honour and sensibility. "I was told by President Hancock, that what gave me so much pain had been the effect only of a multiplicity of business. He acknowledged the injustice of that regulation, said it should make but a nominal, and temporary difference, and that in the mean time I might assure myself, that no navy officer stood higher in the opinion of Congress than myself." *iA* PAUL JONES. 65 In connexion with the foregoing letters, it is not out of place to introduce the following, to Mr. Morris. " As the regulations of the navy are of the utmost conse- quence, you will not think it presumption, if, with the utmost diffidence, I venture to communicate to you such hints as, in my judgment, will promote its honour and good government. I could heartily wish that every commission officer was to be previously examined ; for, to my certain knowledge, there are persons who have already crept into commission without abili- ties or fit qualification : I am myself far from desiring to be ex- cused. From experience in ours, as well as from my former intimacy with many officers of note in the British navy, I am convinced that the parity of rank between sea and land or ma- rine officers, is of more consequence to the harmony of the ser- vice than has generally been imagined. In the British estab- lishment, an admiral ranks with a general, a vice admiral with a lieutenant general, a rear admiral with a major general, a com- modore with a brigadier general, a captain with a colonel, a master and commander with a lieutenant colonel, a lieutenant commanding with a major, and a lieutenant in the navy ranks with a captain of horse, foot, or marines. I propose not our ene- mies as an example for our general imitation, yet, as their navy is the best regulated of any in the world, we must in some degree imitate them, and aim at such farther improvement as may one day make ours vie with, and exceed theirs. Were this regula- tion to take place in our navy, it would prevent numberless dis- putes and duellings, which otherwise will be unavoidable."* * Congress on the 15th November, 1776, adopted the following resolution. That the rank of the naval officers be to the rank of officers in the land service, as follows : Admiral, --.- asa ----- General, Vice Admiral, -- " ----- Lieut. General, Rear Admiral, -- " ----- Major General, 8 66 PAUL JONES. Jones repaired from Boston to Philadelphia, in the beginning of April, 7.777. His suggestions as to the proper government of the na ry, and his projects of annoying the enemy, were lis- tened to with respectful attention. Whatever cause he con- ceived himself to have for complaining of the nominal rank as- signed to him, the command which it was first resolved to give him, and that with which he was in the issue entrusted, were calculated to satisfy his sense of what was due to his deserts, and he expresses himself as being highly gratified. In his Journal, written for the king of France, he says : " The Presi- dent assured Captain Jones that this matter of rank should be arranged at a future day, to his satisfaction, and in the mean time he should have a separate command, &c. Three ships were ordered to be fitted out in the eastern states, and Captain Jones was, by a resolve of Congress, directed to take his choice of them, ' until better pi-ovision could be made for him.'* Cap- tain Jones spared no pains to execute this last scheme ; but be- fore it was well begun, he received an appointment from the marine and secret committee, to proceed to France in the French Commodore, --- as a----- Brig. General, Captain of a ship of 40 guns and upwards, Colonel, Do. - - - 20 to 40- guns, - as a Lieut. Colonel, Do. of a ship of 10 to 20 guns, - " Major, Lieutenant in the navy, - - - - " Captain. * " IN CONGRESS, March 15, 1777. " Resolved, That Daniel Waters, and Samuel Tucker, be appointed Captains in the Navy of the United States, and that they have the com- mand of two of the three ships ordered to be purchased. And that the command of the other ship be given to Captain John Paul Jones, until better provision can be made for him." The resolutions of the Marine Committee, authorizing Jones to make his election of the three ships, as soon as the purchase should be made, and to fit out the one he might select for sea, are to the effect stated in his journal. PAUL JONES. 67 * ship Amphitrite from New Hampshire, with a letter to the Ame- rican Commissioners at Paris, containing orders to invest him immediately with the command of ' a fine ship,' (the Indian, built for America at Amsterdam,) ' as a reward for his zeal, and the important services he had performed, in vessels of little force.' His departure in the Amphitrite did not succeed, be- cause the terms offered the French commander were not accept- ed." Speaking of this resolution of Congress, he says else- where, " This was generous indeed ; and I shall feel the whole force of the obligation, to the last moment of my life." In the memorandums and documents, in the compiler's pos- session, there is no further explanation of the causes which prevented Jones from embarking in the Amphitrite. By a let- ter from him, to an agent, directing the enlistment of seamen, dated May 23d, it appears that he lost no time in acting upon the appointment by the Marine Committee. The following are the official letters and instructions, with which he was fur- nished. " Philadelphia, 9th May, 1777. " HONOURABLE GENTLEMEN, " This letter is intended to be delivered to you by John Paul Jones, Esq. an active and brave commander in our navy, who has already performed signal services in vessels of little force ; and in reward for his zeal we have directed him to go on board the Amphitrite, a French ship of twenty guns, that brought in a valuable cargo of stores from Mons. Hostalez and Co. and with her to repair to France. He takes with him his commis- sion, some officers and men, so that we hope he will, under that sanction, make some good prizes with the Amphitrite ; but our design of sending him is, (with the approbation of Congress,) that you may purchase one of those fine frigates that Mr. Deane writes us you can get, and invest him with the command there- of as soon as possible. We hope you may not delay this business one moment, but purchase, in such port or place in Europe as it can be done with most convenience and despatch, a fine fast- 68 PAUL JONES. sailing frigate or larger ship. Direct Captain Jones wheie he must repair to, and he will take with him his officers and men towards manning her. You will assign him some good house or agent to supply him with every thing necessary to get the ship speedily and well equipped and manned somebody that will bestir themselves vigorously in the business, and never quit it until it is accomplished. " If you have any plan or service to be performed in Europe by such a ship, that you think will be more for the interest and honour of the States than sending her out directly, Captain Jones is instructed to obey your orders ; and, to save repetition, let him lay before you the instructions we have given him, and furnish you with a copy thereof. You can then judge what will be necessary for you to direct him in, and whatever you do will be approved, as it will undoubtedly tend to promote the public service of this country. " You see by this step how much dependence Congress place in your advices ; and you must make it a point not to disap- point Captain Jones' wishes and expectations on this occasion. " We are, &c. (Signed) " ROBERT MORRIS. " RICHARD HENRY LEE. " WM. WHIPPLE. " PHIL. LIVINGSTON. The Honourable Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee, Esquires, Commissioners," &c. IN MARINE COMMITTEE. " Philadelphia, May 9th, 1777. " JOHN PAUL JONES, Esq. " Sir Congress have thought proper to authorize the Se- cret Committee to employ you on a voyage in the Amphitrite, from Portsmouth to Carolina and France, where it is expected you will be provided with a fine frigate ; and as your present commission is for the command of a particular ship, we now send you a new one, whereby you are appointed a captain in PAUL JONES. 69 our navy, and of course may command any ship in the service to which you are particularly ordered. You are to obey the orders of the Secret Committee, and we are, Sir, &c. (Signed) " JOHN HANCOCK. " ROB. MORRIS. " WM. WHIPPLE." IN MARINE COMMITTEE. " Philadelphia, September 6tk, 1777. " SIR, " As soon as these instructions get to hand, you are to make immediate application to the proper persons to get your vessel victualled and fitted for sea with all expedition. When this is done, you are to proceed on a voyage to some convenient port in France ; on your arrival there, apply to the agent, if any, in or near said port, for such supplies as you may stand in need of. You are at the same time to give immediate notice, by letter, to the Honourable Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee, Esquires, or any of them at Paris, of your arrival, request- ing their instructions as to your further destination ; which in- structions you are to obey as far as it shall be in your power. " You are to take particular notice, that whilst on the coast of France, or in a French port, you are, as much as you con- veniently can, to keep your guns covered and concealed, and to make as little warlike appearance as possible. Wishing you," &c. &c. Jones had recommended, in a letter to a member in Congress, that the Mellish should be converted into a ship of war ; and the secret committee had passed a resolution to that effect ; but the intention was abandoned in consequence of letters from him. On the 14th June, Congress resolved, "that the flag of the United States should be thirteen stripes, alternate red and white : that the Union be thirteen stars, white in a blue field, representing a new constellation." By another resolution, passed the same day, Jones was appointed to command the ship Ranger ; on board of which he hoisted the national flag 70 PAUL JONES. for the first time it was displayed on board of a man of tvar, as he had formerly hoisted the colonial one, in the Delaware.* He began to fit out this vessel in July ; but was not ready for sea before the 15th November following. She was scarcely half rigged when he took charge of her, and much difficulty was experienced in arming and equipping her. He wrote* as follows to the Marine Committee on the 29th October. "With all my industry I could not get the single suit of sails comple- ted, until the 20th current. Since that time the winds and weather have laid me under the necessity of continuing in port. At this time it blows a very heavy gale from the N. E. The ship with difficulty rides it out, with yards and top mast struck, and whole cables ahead. When it clears up, I expect the wind from the N. W. and shall not fail to embrace it, although I have not now a spare sail, nor materials to make one. Some of those I have are made of Hessings, (a coarse thin stuff.) I never be- fore had so disagreeable a service to perform, as that which I have now accomplished, and of which another will claim the credit as well as the profit. However, in doing my utmost, I am sensible that I have done no more than my duty. I have now to acknowledge the honour of having received your orders of the 6th ultimo ; and that I have before me the pleasing pros- pect of being the welcome messenger at Paris of the joyful and important news of Burgoyne's surrender. I have received de- spatches from the Council of Massachusetts, for the com- missioners, by express. I shall, therefore, not go out of my course, unless I see a fair opportunity of distressing the enemy, and of rendering services to America." Twenty-six guns were provided for the Ranger ; but Jones wrote that he purposed to carry no more than 18 six pounders, as he thought the ship incapable of carrying a greater number so as to be serviceable. He complained that they were all three diameters of the bore too short. He found no difficulty in pro- * See Appendix, No. IV. PAUL JONES. 71 curing men, but he was badly provided with stores, having only thirty gallons of rum for his whole crew. With this indifferent armament he sailed from Portsmouth on the first of November, and arrived at Nantes on the 2d December following. He found the Ranger very crank, owing to the improper quality of her ballast ; which induced him on his arrival to shorten her lower masts, and ballast with lead. The following particulars of his cruise are given in his letter from Nantes to the Marine Com- mittee. " After passing the Western Islands, I fell in with and brought to, a number of ships, but met with no English proper- ty, till within eighty leagues of Ushant. I then fell in with a fleet of ten sail with a strong convoy, bound up the channel ; but notwithstanding my endeavours, I was unable to detach any of them from the convoy. I took two brigantines from Malaga with fruit for London. One of the prizes has arrived here. The other, I am now told, is in Quiberon Bay. I arrived here on the 2d current, without having met with any misfortune on the passage, though I met with some very severe weather. Be- sides the fleet already mentioned, I fell in with several ships in the night ; so that I have had agreeable proofs of the active spirit both of my officers and men. Though they have not for- merly been conversant in the management of ships of war, yet I am persuaded they will behave well, should I have an oppor- tunity of bringing them to action, &c." He does not mention in this letter the particulars of his meeting with the Invincible ; a ship of seventy-four guns, which was giving convoy to a few ships from Gibraltar. He speaks of the affair in his narrative ' for the king of France, as a " near .rencounter ;" and in his let- ter from the Texel, he says, " I could not help chasing the In- vincible, by the way." Determining to attend to the necessary alterations and equip- ment of the Ranger in person, his first act on arriving at Nantes was to write on the 5th December to the commissioners of Con- gress at Paris, Dr. Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee. The following is an extract from the letter : " I yesterday, enclosed you copies of two letters which I wrote 72 PAUL JONES. you previous to my departure from Portsmouth, together with a plan which I drew up at Philadelphia, on the regulation and equipment of our infant navy. It is my first and favourite wish to be employed in active and enterprising services, when there is a prospect of rendering acceptable services to America. The singular honour which Congress have done me by their generous acknowledgment of my past services, hath inspired me with sentiments of gratitude which I shall carry with me to my grave ; and if a life of services devoted to America can be made instru- mental in securing its independence, I shall regard the continu- ance of such approbation as an honour far superior to what kings even could bestow." " I am ready to lay before you any orders, which I have re- ceived from Congress. At present I take the liberty of enclo- sing for your inspection a very honourable and unexpected appointment, &c." " I have always, since we have had ships of war, been persuaded that small squadrons could be em- ployed to far better advantage on private expeditions, and would distress the enemy infinitely more than the same force could do, by cruising either jointly or separately. Were strict secrecy observed on our part, the enemy have many important places in such a defenceless situation, that they might be effect- ually surprised and attacked, with no very considerable force. We cannot yet fight their navy ; as their numbers and force are so far superior to ours. Therefore it seems to be our most natural province to surprise their defenceless places ; and there- by divert their attention, and draw it off from our coasts. But you see that my honourable correspondent is, and I know that many others are, of the same opinion." The course here recommended by Jones was the only one which eventually was found feasible. He was soon summoned to Paris by the Commissioners, to consult with them upon the measures to be adopted for annoying the enemy. France was not yet in open hostility with England, nor had the commis- sioners been recognised as plenipotentiaries. Jones was direct- ed to keep his guns as much concealed as possible while on the PAUL JONES. 73 French coasts. He was destined to meet with a serious disap- pointment, in being obliged to assent to the transfer of the Indian, the " fine ship" of which he had expected to receive the com- mand, and which was building at Amsterdam, to the French Government. Considering the irritability of his character, we do not find that he bore this miscarriage very ungraciously. Congress certainly had intended that he should take command of this vessel, or of one of equal force ; and he made their reso- lution a ground for claiming the rank which such a command would have given him. But he submitted to parting with the Indian with tolerable good humour, as the extracts from his let- ters will show. This is mentioned, because he has been charged with writing to Congress " in no very modest terms." In his first despatch from Nantes to the marine committee, he says : " I understand, though I have yet received no letter, that the commissioners had provided for me one of the finest frigates that ever was built ; calculated for thirty guns on one deck ; and capable of carrying thirty-six pounders ; but were under the necessity of giving her up, on account of some difficulties which they met with at court. Perhaps the news of our late successes may now put that court in a better humour. But my unfeigned thanks are equally due for the intention as for the act." Writing again to the same committee, on the 22d De- cember, the day after he had received a request from the com- missioners to attend them at Paris, he declared his intention to proceed to sea with the Ranger, without loss of time, should there be any delay in obtaining additional force. In his narra- tive for the king of France, corrected by himself, in speaking of the " assignment of the property of that famous frigate, the [ndian," he has interlined, " with the consent of Captain Jones." Writing to the Marine Committee subsequently, on the sub- ject, he said: " Deeply sensible of the honour which Congress has conferred upon me, communicated in the orders of the Secret Committee to the commissioners, I can bear the disappoint- ment with philosophy. Yet I confess I was rather hurt, when 74 PAUL JONES. at Paris, I understood that the new frigate at Amsterdam had never been intended for me, before my appearance, but for the constructor. " After conferring with the commissioners on the various schemes he had to suggest, he returned to Nantes to complete the Ranger's equipments, and on the 16th of January 1788, he received from them their instructions as to his conduct on the cruise he proposed making. They were as follows, giving him almost unlimited discretion ; which he was perfectly willing to assume, though it seems from one of his despatches that he did not understand the commissioners as " promising even to justify him, should he fail in any bold attempt." " Paris, January 16th, 1788. " CAPTAIN JONES, " Sir As it is not in our power to procure you such a ship as you expected, we advise you, after equipping the Ranger in the best manner for the cruise you propose, that you proceed with her in the manner you shall judge best for distressing the enemies of the United States, by sea or otherwise, consistent with the laws of war, and the terms of your commission." [Directions here follow for sending prizes taken on the coast of France and Spain, into Bilboa or Coronge, unless the danger was too great, in which case they were to be sent to L'Orient or Bordeaux.] " If you make an attempt on the coast of Great Britain we advise you not to return immediately into the ports of France, unless forced by stress of weather, or the pursuit of the enemy; and in such case you can mlute the proper repre- sentation to the officers of the port, and acquaint us with your situation. We rely on your ability, as well as your zeal to serve the United States, and therefore do not give you particular m structions as to your operations. We must caution you against giving any cause of complaint to the subjects of France or Spain, or of other neutral powers ; and recommend it to you to show them every proper mark of respect, and real civility, which may be in your power." PAUL JONES. 75 Mr. Arthur Lee did not approve of a part of these instruc- tions, directing the sale of the prizes to be intrusted to other hands than those of the commercial agents. He expressed his want of confidence in Mr. Gourlade, one of the persons men- tioned, at L'Orient, and did not sign the letter. Messrs. Frank- lin and Deane knew of nothing done by Gourlade, to impair (heir confidence in him. Agreeably to the suggestion of Jones, they addressed an intimation to the crew of the Ranger, promis- ing, " in case of their good and gallant behaviour, to recommend them to Congress for a generous gratification, proportioned to their merits." On the 10th of February, Jones says in his Journal to the king of France, " on receiving agreeable news of affairs in America, and the position of Lord Howe's fleet, he wrote a let- ter to Mr. Deane, one of the commissioners of Congress at Paris, containing the plan that was adopted for Count D'Es- taing's expedition ; which would have ended the war, had it been immediately pursued." He has been censured for assum- ing to himself the original merit of devising this important measure. It is certain, that he repeatedly makes the assertion that he furnished the outline of the project.* In a letter to M. De Sartine, the French minister of marine, written subsequent- ly, he says : " Had Count D'Estaing arrived in the Delaware a few days sooner, he might have made a most glorious and easy conquest. Many successful projects may be adopted from the hints which I had the honour to draw up ; and if I can still furnish more, or execute any of these already furnished, so as to distress and humble the common enemy, it will afford me the truest plea- sure." It may naturally be inferred, that the operations of Count D'Estaing's fleet was a subject discussed in the consultations held by Jones with the commissioners, on his first brief visit to Paris, though he does not intimate that any such conversation took place. It cannot be doubted, that he was peculiarly qualified to give * See Appendix, No. V. 76 PAUL JONES. important advice, from his accurate acquaintance with the loca.i ties of the Delaware, and the navigation of the waters in the vi- cinity of the scene selected for the intended operation. It will also not be doubted, that his advice would naturally be of a da- ring character, recommending bold measures as best calculated to lead to great results. There can be no reason for impeach- ing his veracity, when he affirms that he forwarded his plan to Mr. Deane at the time mentioned ; nor does it appear that he exclusively arrogated the praise due to the wisdom with which the scheme was conceived. He put in a claim for his fair share of the honour ; and there is no evidence against his title to it. No copy of the letter he speaks of is preserved among the pa- pers and volumes which the compiler has in his possession. As secrecy was essential in effecting the proposed object, no men- tion is of course made of it in his general correspondence at the time. It failed, as is well known, from the delay which occur- red, and which enabled Lord Howe to place his fleet and trans- ports in safety. From Nantes, Jones proceeded in the Ranger for Quiberon Bay, whither " he convoyed some American vessels, that desired to sail out under the protection of the French squadron in that road, commanded by Monsieur La Motte Picquet. From that brave officer, Captain Jones claimed and obtained the first sa- lute the flag of America ever received. Some days afterwards, he claimed and obtained the same honour from Count D'Orvil- liers, commander in chief of the fleet at Brest. Both these salutes preceded the publication of the treaty of alliance."* This first salute was not obtained, however, without some di- plomacy and negotiation, in which Jones showed both firmness and address. The following letters were written by him on the occasion. " February 14*7*, 1778. " DEAR SIR, 'I am extremely sorry to give you fresh trouble, but I think the; Admiral's answer of yesterday requires an explanation. * Narrative for the king of France. PAUL JONES. 77 The haughty English return gun for gun to foreign officers of equal rank, and two less only to captains by flag-officers. It is true, my command at present is not important, yet, as the senior American officer at present in Europe, it is my duty to claim an equal return of respect to the flag of the United States that would be shown to any other flag whatever. " I therefore take the liberty of enclosing an appointment, perhaps as respectable as any which the French Admiral can produce ; besides which, I have others in my possession. " If, however, he persists in refusing to return an equal sa- lute, I will accept of two guns less, as I have not the rank of Admiral. " It is my opinion, that he would return four less to a priva- teer or a merchant ship ; therefore, as I have been honoured oftener than once with a chief command of ships of war, I can- not, in honour, accept of the same terms of respect. "You will singularly oblige me by waiting upon the Admi- ral ; and I ardently hope you will succeed in the application, else I shall be under a necessity of departing without coming into the bay. I have the honour to be, COUNTESS OF SELKIRK. 5 " MADAM Since the moment when I found myself under the neces- sity to permit my men to demand and carry off your family plate, it has been my constant intention to restore it to you, and I wrote to you to that effect from Brest, the moment I had arrived there from my expedition in the Irish Sea. " By the letter which I had the honour to write to Lord Selkirk, the 12th of February last, which will accompany this, I have explained the difficulties that prevented the plate from being restored until that time. I had expectation, all the last summer, that opportunities would have offered to send it by sea from L'Orient to London ; but being disap- pointed, I applied to government for leave to transport it through the kingdom by land, and the Duke of Dorset has been so obliging as to write to the custom-house at Dover, requesting them to let it pass to London, without being opened. It is now arrived here, and will be forwarded immediately to your sister in London, under the lead that has PAUL JONES. 97 than to collect from the correspondence of Jones the great and petty vexations and series of disappointments to which he was subjected for many months after returning from this brilliant voyage. We shall endeavour to avoid what is superfluous in detail ; presenting enough to show the tedious and exasperating character of the difficulties with which he met, and the charac- teristic manner in which he remonstrated, endured, and per- severed. We are much mistaken if it will not appear, that in most cases where he was petulant, it was scarcely in human nature to be otherwise. It was not in that of Washington him- self; who, though no money had been supplied to them, often threw census upon the contractors, when his army was suffer- ing around him. It will also appear, that when Jones made been affixed to the case that contains it, by the Farmers General at L'Orient, and the seal of the Duke of Dorset, that has been affixed to it here. The charges to London are paid, and I have directed it to be delivered at the house of your sister. " I could have wished to have ended this delicate business by deliv- ering the plate to you at St. Mary's Isle, in Scotland ; but I conform to the arrangement made between Lord Selkirk and Mr. Alexander, because I have no person in London whom I can charge with the trans- portation of the plate from thence. Enclosed is the inventory that I have just received from Mr. Nesbitt, from L'Orient, which I presume you will find to correspond with the one he sent last year to Lord Dare, and with the articles which you put into the hands of my men. " I am, Madam, with sentiments of the highest respect, " Your Ladyship's most obedient " And most humble servant, " PAUL JONES." "Paris, February 12th, 1784. " MY LORD, " I have just received a letter from Mr. Nesbitt, dated at L'Orient the 4th instant, mentioning a letter to him from your son, Lord Dare, on the subject of the plate that was taken from your house by some of 12 98 PAUL JONES. unadvised charges, he was ready to retract them ; that he was willing to sacrifice his own interest altogether ; and to yield that of which he was most tenacious, rank and authority, rather than not be employed in rendering service to the cause in which he was engaged. Not only his services, but the politicalcrisis at which they were rendered, entitled him to expect every encouragement and assistance, which either the American commissioners or the the court of France could render him. The former had been in fact acknowledged as Plenipotentiaries more than a month previous. Though no declaration of war between France and England had been solemnly published, war was inevitable, The French Ambassador had been ordered to leave London, my people when I commanded the Ranger, and has been for a long time past in Mr. Nesbitt's care. A short time before I left France to return to America, Mr. W. Alexander wrote me from Paris to L'Orient, that he had, at my request, seen and conversed with your Lordship in England respecting the plate. He said you had agreed that I should restore it, and that it might be forwarded to the care of your sister-in- law, the Countess of Morton, in London. In consequence, I now send orders to Mr. Nesbitt to forward the plate immediately to her care. When I received Mr. Alexander's letter, there was no cartel or other vessel at L'Orient, that I could trust with a charge of so delicate a na- ture as your plate, and I had great reason to expect I should return to France within six months after I embarked for America ; but circum- stances in America prevented my returning to Europe during the war, though I had constant expectation of it. The long delay that has hap- pened to the restoration of your plate has given me much concern, and I now feel a proportionate pleasure in fulfilling what was my first in- tention. My motive for lauding at your estate in Scotland was to take you as a hostage for the lives and liberty of a number of the citizens of America, who had been taken in war on the ocean, and committed to British prisons, under an act of parliament, as traitors, pirates, and felons. You observed to Mr. Alexander, that ' my idea was a mista- ken one, because you were not (as I had supposed) in favour with the PAUL JONES. 99 and several naval rencontres had in fact taken place ; .forerun- ners of the celebrated one between the Arethusa and La Belle Poule. The squadron of D'Estaing was ready for sea. The news of the result of Jones' expedition was at such a moment gratifying and inspiring to the French court. He had praises and promises in profusion. But he found himself immediately under the pressure of painful embarrassments, which these could not remove. In the conclusion of his letter to the commis- sioners, on the 27th of May, he says : " Could I suppose that my letters of the 9th and 16th current, (the first advising you of my arrival, and giving reference to the events of my expedition ; the last advising you of my draft in favour of Monsieur Bersolle, for 24,000 livres, and assigning British ministry, who knew that you favoured the cause of liberty. 1 * On that account, I am glad that you were absent from your estate when I landed there, as I bore no personal enmity, but the contrary, towards you. I afterwards had the happiness to redeem my fellow-citizens from Britain, by means far more glorious than through the medium of any single hostage. " As I have endeavoured to serve the cause of liberty, through every stage of the American revolution, and sacrificed to it my private ease, a part of my fortune, and some of my blood, I could have no selfish motive in permitting my people to demand and carry off your plate. My sole inducement was to turn their attention and stop their rage from breaking out, and retaliating on your house and effects the too wanton burnings and desolation that had been committed against their relations and fellow-citizens in America by the British ; of which, I assure you, you would have felt the severe consequences had I not fallen on an expedient to prevent it, and hurried my people away before they had time for further reflection. As you were so obliging as to say to Mr. Alexander, that ' my people behaved with great decency at your house," 1 I ask the favour of you to announce thaf. circumstance to the public. I am, my lord, wishing you always perfect freedom and hap- piness, &c. &c. "PAUL JONES." 100 PAUL JONES. reasons for that demand,) had not made due appearance, I would hereafter, as I do now, enclose copies. Three posts have already arrived here from Paris, since Compte d'Orvilliers showed me the answer which he received from the minister, to the letter which enclosed mine to you. Yet you remain silent. M. Bersolle has this moment informed me of the fate of my bills ; the more extraordinary, as I have not yet made use of your letter of credit of the 10th of January last, whereby I then seemed entitled to call for half the amount of my last draft, and I did not expect to be thought extravagant, when, on the 16th cur- rent I doubled that demand. Could this indignity be kept secret I should disregard it ; and, though it is already public in Brest, and in the fleet, as it affects only my private credit I will not " London, August 4Jh, 1789. " MONSIEUR LE CHEVALIER PAUL JONES, A PARIS. " SIR, I received the letter you wrote to me at the time you sent off my plate, in order for restoring it. Had I known where to direct a letter to you, at the time it arrived in Scotland, I would then have wrote to you ; but not knowing it, nor finding that any of my ac- quaintance at Edinburgh knew it, I was obliged to delay writing till I came here ; when, by means of a gentleman connected with America, I was told M. le Grand was your banker at Paris, and would take pro per care of a letter for you ; therefore, I enclose this to him. " Notwithstanding all the precautions you took for the easy and unin- terrupted conveyance of the plate, yet it met with considerable delays : first at Calais, next at Dover, then at London ; however, it at last ar- rived at Dumfries, and I dare say quite safe, though as yet I have not seen it, being then at Edinburgh. " I intended to have put an article in the newspapers about your having returned it ; but before I was informed of its being arrived, some of your friends, I suppose, bad put it in the Dumfries newspaper, whence it was immediately copied into the Edinburgh papers, and thence into the London ones. Since that time, I have mentioned it to many people of fashion ; and, on all occasions, Sir, both now and formerly, I have done you the justice to tell, that you made an offer of returning the plate very soon after your return to Brest ; and, although you your- PAUL JONES. 101 complain. I cannot, however, be silent, when I find the public credit involved in the same disgrace. I conceive this might have been prevented. To make me completely wretched, Monsieur Bersolle has told me that he now stops his hand, not only of the necessary articles to refit the ship, but also of the daily provisions. I know not where to find to-morrow's dinner for the great number of mouths that depend on me for food. Are then the continental ships of war to depend on the sale of their prizes for a daily dinner for their men ? ' Publish it not in Gath !' " My officers, as well as men, want clothes, and the prizes are precluded from being sold before father orders arrive from the minister. I will ask you, gentlemen, if I have deserved all this ? Whoever calls himself an American ought to be protected self was not at my house, but remained at the shore with your boat, that yet you had your officers and men in such extraordinary good dis- cipline, that your having given them the strictest orders to behave well, to do no injury of any kind, to make no search, but only to bring off what plate was given them ; that in reality they did exactly as order- ed, and that not one man offered to stir from his post on the outside of the house, nor entered the doors, nor said an uncivil word ; that the two officers staid not a quarter of an hour in the parlour and butler's pantry, while the butler got the plate together, behaved politely, and asked for nothing but the plate, and instantly marched their men off in regular order, and that both officers and men behaved in all respects so well, that it would have done cre.dit to the best disciplined troops whatever. " Some of the English newspapers, at that time, having put in con- fused accounts of your expedition to Whitehaven and Scotland, I or- dered a proper one of what happened in Scotland to be put in the Lon- don newspapers, by a gentleman who was then at my house, by which the good conduct and civil behaviour of your officers and men was done justice to, and attributed to your order, and the good discipline you maintained over your people. " I am, Sir, your most humble servant, " SELKIRK." 102 PAUL JONES. here. I am unwilling to think that you have intentionally involved me in this sad dilemma, at a time when I ought to expect some enjoyment. Therefore I have, as formerly, the honour to be, with due esteem and respect, gentlemen, yours, f the Serapis, according to Sherburne, was 600. PAUL JONES. 197 corrected the charge of neglect of orders, which he at first threw out against him. If it be thought that " he did his duty, and he did no more," it must be remembered that by random firing he might have done more harm than good ; and that the Serapis had a broadside in store on the off side, which might have proved fatal to his corvette of 12 guns and sixty-six men. Like the lieutenant in the pilot boat, he may have thought it not prudent, to go too close in the night to two ships, both on fire, and locked in mortal struggle. The Alliance, the comet of the scene, might have flung some of its scattering trail at him, as the commander does not seem to have confined his attentions to the Bon Homme Richard and Serapis. Cupidity could not have been the dominant passion of any of the French captains ; or they would have given a better account of the convoy. But what can be said for Contre Admiral Pierre Landais, as he afterwards styled himself? The mind not stolid or brutalized, ever seeks an apology or an explanation for mental eccentricity, when it is unallied to moral turpitude. But if we are to treat Landais as a rational agent, we must charge him, as all who have canvassed the subject have done, either with cowardice, gross ignorance, and stupidity, or malignant and base jealousy. Make every allowance for the tactics and regime of the old ecole de la marine ; for the pride of birth, if he was noble ; and for professional pride, if he considered himself under the con- cordat, as an ally of Jones, and not bound to obey his orders : still, on one or more of the prongs of this ugly trident, Landais must either be impaled, or sadly bruised. We are compelled to reject the idea, that personal timidity was his misfortune, not only from the nature of his profession, but from various passages in his life.* If we ask for the motives of his conduct on this * Captain de Cottineau de Kloguene, of the Pallas, does, however, certify distinctly to the ninth article of the charges against Landais ; which was, that, when on the morning of the day when the action was fought, the Bon Homme Richard came in sight of the Pallas and Alliance, off Flamborongh Head, Landais told him, that if it was PAUL occasion, the twenty-third charge against him, attested by the formal declarations of three officers is, that he " acknowledged after the action, that he would have thought it no harm if the Bon Homme Richard had struck ; for it would have given him an opportunity to retake her, and take the Serapis." Other witnesses of competent character bear testimony that he subse- quently made the same remark. We shall encumber these pages with no more of the multitudinous accusations and proofs against Landais, growing out of this transaction. Grave nar- rative must leave his memory under these embarrassments. The amateurs of the moral picturesque, may disport with it after their several conceptions.* In an account made out by Jones while at the Texel, I find an item in which the marine committee of the United States is charged with a hundred ducats, paid to John Jackson, of Hull, as smart money; "besides," the item states, " giving him a certificate, by which he is to receive half pay as Pilot during his life, from the minister plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris, for his gallant behaviour, and the loss of his arm, in the action with the Serapis ; and for his having proved a faithful pilot on the east coast of England." This man did receive his half pay during life. Among these memoranda relative to the action with the Se- rapis, it may be well to give a reply in anticipation, to a question which will naturally occur to those who take any interest in an unparalleled sea fight, in which the honour and hopes of their own country and its flag, were in no small degree at hazard. That question is, whether Jones, who wrought as a common sailor, while he acted as a commander in the engagement, who lashed the ships fast together with his own hands, repulsed the boarders, and personally worked the only serviceable guns, a 50 gun ship, they must run away: though he knew that the Pallas, from her dull railing, must be taken. * See Apoendix No. VIII. before referred to. PAUL JONES. 199 was wounded in the conflict. It would seem that he /rust have " borne a charmed life," if in all his daring and seemingly rash exploits, no bullet was marked for him, and if, among crashing timbers, exploding cartridges, and flying ruins, he moved un- scathed amidst carnage and destruction. He has been charged, from the tenor of his style, with not making the least of his services, and in fact with boastful egotism, by those who had not examined, or did not pause to consider the meaning phraseo- logy of that day, which to quiet citizens who now feel and know that they are free, sounds as somewhat fantastic. Neither have these censors ever weighed the circumstances of the captain's education, the causes which led him to adopt a par- lance then familiar, about the dignity of human nature, &c. and the situation in which he spoke in the first person, as one having authority so to do, when it was in behalf of suffering and com- plaining seamen, on whose account he was himself out of pocket. All who have been misled by an unenlightened consideration of the style of Jones, should remember, that he never in any of his appeals, whether made with deliberation, or on the spur of the moment, speaks of his personal privations or sufferance. A memorandum made by him in his Journal, that he never had three hours' rest out of the twenty-four, during this cruise, was not inserted in any official document, and never intended for effect. It is known, as I am assured, that he was once severely wounded in the head, and that he underwent great suffering at several times, from violent injuries received in dis- charging his duty. But, though he carefully preserved the hasty notes of distinguished men, and the billets doux of fair correspondents, and loved to dwell upon every mark of distinc tion which he received from courts or courtiers, he never chronicled his wounds in any letter or journal. The only reference I find to them, is in a fragment of what seems to be the draft of a letter in his own hand writing, to some person, either a member of, or connected with, the French ministry ; and to have been written but a short time before his death. It will be quoted in its place. Speaking of his cold reception by PAUL JONES. M. De Sartine, after his return from the Texel, he says : " He did not even ask me if my health had not suffered from my wounds, and the uncommon fatigue I had undergone." This he merely mentions as a forgetfulness of the ordinary forms of ministerial politeness. " CAPTAIN Jones," we follow his journal, " took command of the Serapis, and erected jury-masts. After tossing about to and fro in the North Sea, for ten days, in contrary winds and bad weather, in order to gain the port of Dunkirk, on account of the prisoners, the captains under his command, after some cabal, bore away for the Texel, and left him to windward, with the choice to follow or proceed. [Captain Jones never had three hours sleep in the twenty-four, in the whole campaign, from L' Orient to the Texel.] The squadron anchored off the Texel the 3d of October, 1779 ; and they persisted in working into the port, though the wind was fair for Dunkirk the next morning." This naval " campaign" as its hero styles it, of course made echoes that were heard to a mighty distance. The fire he had kindled in the British ocean flung its terrific radiance far over the world of waters, and was beheld from distant shores. Britain was incensed at finding this celebrated American, with his audacious prow, a second time carrying dismay into her har- bours ; and at the loss, in a fairly fought battle, of one of her finest frigates. France and her allies could not but be delighted. The journals of the day teemed with varying accounts of his exploits.* * Several of these cotemporary accounts have been frequently republished. It seems unnecessary to quote many of them. Extract of a letter from Stockltolm, September 21. " Expresses arrived on Saturday, from Sunderland, stating that Paul Jones had taken sixteen sail more of colliers. In consequence of the capture of so many colliers, and the interruption of the trade, the price of coals will be enormous. Instead of having the dominion of the sea, it is now evident that we are not able to defend our own coast from depredations. PAUL Jo.Mls. 201 Though the peevishness of Landais had prevented him from fairly trying any of the schemes he had meditated, and which were compatible with each other, had time been allowed, and discipline and secrecy preserved of intercepting the homeward bound East India ships, the West India or Hudson's Bay ships, or the Baltic fleet he had struck another blow, valuable for its effect in giving confidence to those who were arming or forming systems of armed neutrality against the dictatress of the ocean. The information he was enabled from resources and facilities peculiar to himself, to give to the ministers and the commanders of the allied squadron, was of the highest value, and anticipated often all their other advices. Had their action been in a moderate degree commensurate with his conception, the com- merce of England would long have had cause to rue the ac- " The master of a sloop from Harwich, who arrived yesterday, saw on Saturday last, no less than eleven sail of men of war going in search of Paul Jones, and among them was the Edgar of 74 guns. " By the examination of the four men belonging to one of Paul Jones' squadron, it appears that Jones' orders were not to burn any houses or towns. What an example of honour and greatness does America thus show to us ! While our troops are running about from town to town on their coast, burning every thing with a wanton, wicked barbarity, Dr. Franklin gives no orders to retaliate ; he is above it : and there was a time when an English minister was above it ; when an English minister would have disdained to make war in so villanous a mode. It is a disgrace to the nation. Paul Jones could have burnt Leith the other day with the greatest ease, and another little town near it." From the London Chronicle, October 17th, 1779. " Amsterdam, October, 7th. LastTuesday, Paul Jones, with the prizes, the Serapis and Scarborough, entered the Texel, and this day he appeared on the Exchange, where business gave way to curiosity. The crowd pressing upon him, by whom he was styled the terror of the English, he withdrew to a room fronting a public square, where Monsieur Donneville the French agent, and the Americans, paid him such a volley of compliments, and such homage as he could only answer with a bow ; he was dressed in the American uniform, with a Scotch bonnet edged with gold, is of a middling stature, stern countenance, and swarthy complexion. It was supposed he was going to Paris to receive the congratulations of the Grand Monarque, and Dr. Franklin ; but lam now informed, he is gone to the Hague, to solicit by the French ambassador, the repair of his shipping, which if he should succeed in, he will probably elude the vigilance of a 74 gun ship waiting before the Texel." 25 202 PAUL JONES. cession of so shrewd and practical a colleague to the counsels of her enemies. In the blaze of his renown, and with the spoil of his victory, he was a second time to contend with a series of difficulties, more intricate than the court intrigues which had before ex- hausted his patience ; but not, fortunately, so protracted. Before he was to leave the port, he entered in triumph. This he effect- ed, with all his honour saved, gained additional fame by his perfect seamanship, and was directly and materially instrumental in producing an open rupture between England and Holland. It is not doubted that this contingency was contemplated, when he had orders to make the Texel his port of destination. By the portions of Franklin's correspondence with Jones, which have been extracted, the reader will have understood the difficulties which prevented any vessels or naval stores intended for the service of the United States from being openly taken out of the ports of Holland, a nominally neutral power, which had not yet recognised the independence of the abjuring Colo- nies, and was bound to England by ancient treaties. Both the letter and the spirit of these had indeed been violated ; and so far as that of 1678, which bound their high mightinesses to break with any aggressor against their ally, it had been treated as obsolete. And they were preparing to accede to the system of an armed neutrality, proposed by Russia, though the treaty was not signed until the middle of the following year. The mer- chants of Amsterdam, and the Grand Pensionary were earnestly desirous of the success of the American arms. Secret negotia- tions had been pending, and the form of a treaty of amity and commerce was found among the papers of Mr. Laurens, thrown overboard by him previous to his capture, but recovered, which led the government of Britain to give immediate attention to all that was passing in the ports of Holland, and to give particular instructions to their minister, Sir Joseph Yorke, who faithfully executed them. It is necessary to refer to these well known matters of history, in connecting this biography. . PAUL JONES. 203 M. de la Sartine addressed Franklin on the 5th September, in relation to the scheme of bringing out the Indien and other ships, designated as Dutch and neutral, which were at the king's charge, and sundry munitions of war, which the minister styles, " tres interessantes," from the ports of Holland into those of France. He had given orders, he said, that they should be in readiness by the expiration of the month, when the limitation of Jones' cruise would expire ; in order that he might attend to them, under the instructions of the American ambassador. A copy of this letter awaited Jones on his arrival in the Texel road, with a request from Franklin, that " he would do his ut- most to render the service therein mentioned effectual ; which would, in the then pending instance, be very advantageous to the common cause, and very acceptable to his majesty." " It would be well for him," it was added, " to keep his intention of conveying those vessels as secret as possible, lest notice of it should be sent to England, and ships placed to intercept him." Jones has made a memorandum on this passage, which has been already referred to ; "I found our object in the public papers, when I arrived in Holland ; and Sir Joseph Yorke had sent off an express to England, informing also that part of my business here would be to take out the Indien. I was then under the necessity, to represent the want of secrecy of M. Chaumont to court, and to complain of his conduct towards me in the affair of the Concordat." As the eyes of the English ministry were fixed upon Holland, and there was no lack of agents to give them information, that of M. Chaumont would seem, at the present day, to have been gratuitous. Nor was there any want of ships to intercept Jones The battle with the Serapis had not been fought in a corner. The mind, through the whole scale of intellect, from the high- est to the meanest, and from the hero to the hireling, is subject to the same " like passions." A steam pipe for the escape of surplus vexation is not always philosophically selected ; and if Jones occasionally ascribed a change in the wind, a timid and deceitful course of policy, or the presence of some seventy-four?, 204 PAUL JONES. to the unhappy " concordat," it was but the common ernjr of humanity, when tried as his nature was. Immediately on arriving in the Texel road, on the 3d of October, he addressed an account of his cruise to the American ambassador, copies of which were sent to the President of Con- gress, and to the French minister. The body of this despatch has already been inserted. The conclusion was as follows : " I am in the highest degree sensible of the singular atten tions which I have experienced from the court of France, which I shall remember with perfect gratitude until the end of my life, and will always endeavour to merit, while I can, consistent with my honour, continue in the public service. I must speak plainly : as I have been always honoured with the full confidence of Con- gress, and as I also flattered myself with enjoying in some mea- sure the confidence of the court of France, I could not but be astonished at the conduct of Monsieur de Chaumont, when, in the moment of my departure from Groix, he produced a paper, a concordat, for me to sign, in common with the officers whom I had commissioned but a few days before. Had that paper, or even a less dishonourable one, been proposed to me at the beginning, I would have rejected it with just contempt, and the word deplacement, among others, should have been necessary. I cannot, however, even now suppose that he was authorised by the court to make such a bargain with me. Nor can I suppose that the minister of the marine meant that M. de Chaumont should consider me merely as a colleague with the commanders of the other ships, and communicate to them not only all he knew, but all he thought respecting our destination and opera- tions. M. de Chaumont has made me various reproaches on account of the expense of the Bon Homme Richard, wherewith I cannot think I have been justly chargeable. M. de Cha- millard can attest, that the Bon Homme Richard was at last far from being well fitted or armed for war. If any person or persons, who have been charged with the expense of that arma- ment have acted wrong, the fault must not be laid to my charge. I had no authority to superintend that armament, and the per- PAUL JONES. 205 sons who had authority, were so far from giving me what I thought necessary, that M. de Chaumont even refused, among other things, to allow me irons to secure the prisoners of war. " In short, while my life remains, if I have any capacity to render good and acceptable services to the common cause, no man will step forth with greater cheerfulness and alacrity than myself; but I am not made to be dishonoured, nor can I accept of the half confidence of any man living. Of course I cannot, consistent with my honour, and a prospect of success, undertake future expeditions, unless when the object and destination is communicated to me alone, and to no other person in the ma- rine line. In cases where troops are embarked, a like confi- dence is due alone to their commander in chief. On no other condition will I ever undertake the chief command of a private expedition ; and when I do not command in chief, I have no desire to be in the secret. " Upon the whole, the captain of the Alliance has behaved so very ill in every respect, that I must complain loudly of his con- duct. He pretends that he is authorised to act independent of my command ; I have been taught the contrary ; but supposing it to be so, his conduct has been base and unpardonable. M. de Chamillard will explain the particulars. Either Captain Landais or myself is highly criminal, and one or the other must be punished. I forbear to take any steps with him until I have the advice and approbation of your excellency. I have been advised by all the officers of the squadron to put M. Lan- dais under arrest ; but as I have postponed it so long, I will bear with him a little longer, until the return of my express. " We this day anchored here, having since the action been tossed to and fro by contrary winds. I wished to have gained the road of Dunkirk on account of our prisoners, but was over- ruled by the majority of my colleagues. I shall hasten up to Amsterdam, and there, if I meet with no orders for my govern- ment, I will take the advice of the French ambassador. It is my present intention to have the Countess of Scarborough ready to transport the prisoners from hence to Dunkirk, unless it 206 PAUL JONES. should be found more expedient to deliver them to the i*ighsr. ambassador, taking his obligation to send to Dunkirk, &c. im- mediately an equal number of American prisoners. I am under strong apprehensions that our object here will fail, and that through the imprudence of M. de Chaumont, who has commu- nicated every thing he knew or thought on the matter, to per- sons who cannot help talking of it at a full table. This is the way he keeps state secrets, though he never mentioned the affair to me." Hitherto, deeming it unwise to break with M. Chaumont, and feeling that personal regard, which supposed grounds for complaint against its object had not overcome, Jones had not directly intimated to him the charges of moral weakness, which he had made in his letters of a confidential character. The com- munication of those charges was now inevitable ; and in the fol- lowing letter, written on the same day on which the account of the cruise is dated, it will be seen that, acting on his impression that his correspondent's mind was not well balanced, he express- ed himself with a happy mixture of frankness and dexterity. " On board the Ship of War the Serapis, at anchor loithout the Texel, October 3, 1779. " M. LE RAY DE CHAUMONT, a Passy. " The original of the enclosed copy of my last letter, written on board the Bon Homme Richard, off the S. W. coast of Ire- land, the 24th of August, as well as the papers which preceded it, and to which it alludes, I hope duly reached the hands of my friend M. de Chaumont, and explained to his satisfaction my conduct from the time I left Groix until that date. For the full history of my expedition, I must beg leave to refer you to a letter of this date, which accompanies this, to his excellency Dr. Franklin, who will, if you demand it, furnish you with a copy. . " I wish to act a candid part towards all men, and therefore wish you to have a copy of that letter, that you may see my sentiments respecting the ' concordat,' which you imposed upon me in the moment of my departure from Groix. What could have inspired you with such sentiments of distrust towards me, PATTL JONE6. 20? after the ocular proofs of hospitality which I so long expe- rienced in your house, and after the warm expressions of gene- rous and unbounded friendship, which I had constantly heen honoured with in your letters, exceeds my mental faculties to comprehend. I am, however, yet willing to give you an oppor- tunity of rendering justice to my character. I cannot think you are personally my enemy. I rather imagine that your conduct towards me at L' Orient, has arisen from the base misrepresent- ation of some secret villainy; therefore, I am, with unaltered sentiments of good will and affection for yourself and family, " My dear friend, " Your obliged, humble servant." The most offensive provision of the concordat was, it may be presumed, that which gave the commanders the right to succeed in order, in case of death or retreat. Without this privilege, it is not probable that they would have agreed to sail on the pro- jected cruise. But the independence which it made them feel, no doubt gave rise to the want of subordination, which Jones had so much reason to complain of. Without taking this into consideration 1 , the i-eader may be at a loss to account for the strong language employed in the foregoing extract, and when- ever the concordat is adverted to by the commander of the squadron. On the 5th, Jones 'addressed the Duke de la Vauguyon, ambassador of France at the Hague. The return of his pri- soners was not completed, but he rated it at three hundred and fifty, of whom one hundred and thirty were wounded. The total number, however, exceeded five hundred. He asked the advice of the ambassador, as to what measures he should adopt in relation to them ; and whether it would be advisable to set them free at the Texel, on such security as might be obtained for the liberation of an equal number of Americans in England, or to send them to Dunkirk in the Countess of Scarborough, which was not fit for service, and the Vengeance, which might return with as many recruits as could be obtained. He also 208 PAUL JONES. stated his inability to comply with the instructions received from Franklin, through M. Dumas, without great and instant assistance. Though the hull of the Serapis was not too much damaged to be easily repaired, she wanted entirely new masts and rigging, sails, boats, and provisions. M. Dumas, the then unrecognised agent for the U. S. was enthusiastic in his diplomacy, and this was a misfortune. It is impossible to read his letters, without coinciding in opinion with those who have commented on the events of this period, that there was more affectation than ingenuity in the mystery he assumed ; and more ardour than utility in his impulses and movements. He was, however, a true friend of freedom and of America. A letter which he wrote to Jones on the 9th, is an amusing specimen of unnecessary mysticism. By taking the risk of aping CEdipus, one might learn from it that Jones had been at the Hague, where he had an interview with " the great man," meaning the French ambassador. We learn from his Journal, that Jones was sent for by this gentleman, who agreed with him in thinking it would be most expedient to send the prisoners to Dunkirk as soon as it could possibly be done. But, before making the attempt, it was agreed to remast : the Serapis, as they were already apprised that smajl squadrons had been detached by the English government, to intercept Jones, on the east coast of England and Scotland, the coast of Norway, in the Irish channel, on the west of Ireland, and in the straits of Dover. M. Dumas, says in his official despatches to the com- mittee of foreign affairs, that Jones arrived at the Hague on the 8th, with a single domestic, and remained only until the next day, when he took post for Amsterdam. It appears from the beginning of the mysterious letter referred to above, that the commodore missed the post, or mail wagon, which " half dis- tracted" M. Dumas when he heard of it ; but he was " restored to his senses" by a coachman, who told him that Jones had overtaken it at the distance of eight or nine miles from the Hague. M. Dumas talks also of " a man in high station in the country," meaning, it is to be supposed, Mr. Van Berckel, the PAUL JONES. 209 Grand Pensionary of Amsterdam, before whom he had laid certain matters at which he hints in idle riddles. The " man in high station" recommended expedition in preparing for what- ever was to be done, and informed M. Dumas, that there was a law, limiting the period during which foreign ships of war were allowed to wait for repairs in that port, when the wind permitted them to go out. M. Dumas enclosed his own in- structions, signed by M. Chaumont, and approved by Franklin. These were, to recommend the greatest circumspection to all the commanders of the squadron under the American flag, in their behaviour while in Holland, and to give the earliest advice of its arrival, in order that such supplies might be immediately forwarded as should be necessary, " without giving cause for any question being agitated, which might embarrass the Dutch in the conduct they thought it for their interest to observe towards England." On the 9th, Sir Joseph Yorke sent his official communication to their high mightinesses, in relation to the presence of the squadron. As it is brief, we insert it. " HIGH AND MIGHTY LORDS, " The undersigned, ambassador extraordinary and plenipo- tentiary of the king of Great Britain, has the honour to com- municate to your high mightinesses, that two of his majesty's ships, the Serapis and the Countess of Scarborough, arrived some days ago in the Texel, having been attacked and taken by force, by a certain Paul Jones, a subject of the king, who according to treaties and the laws of war, can only be considered as a rebel and a pirate. The undersigned is therefore in duty bound to recur to your high mightinesses and demand their immediate orders that those ships with their officers and crews may be stopped, and he especially recommends to your humanity, to permit the wounded to be brought on shore, that proper attention may be paid to them, at the expense of the king ?is master. " YORKE." 26 210 PAUL JONES. When writing to Dr. Franklin, on the llth, Jones was not apprised of this memorial having been presented. He stated, that he was doing all in his power to act upon the advice given by the French ambassador. He also expressed his determination to keep the captain of the Serapis in his hands, as a hostage, until Captain Cunningham, who was a prisoner in England, should be released. He said, " I wish heartily that poor Cunningham, (whom I am taught to regard as a conti- nental officer,) was exchanged ; as with his assistance I could form a court martial, which I believe you will see unavoida- ble."* Of Captain Landais, he says : " he has come up here, and purposes, after gadding about in this city, to figure away at the Hague. He continues to affect an entire independence of my control, and has given in here an extraordinary demand for supplies of every kind. This famous demand, however, 1 have ventured to disapprove, and reduced to, I believe, a fourth part of its first extent. I hope to account to your satisfaction for my reasons ; among which is his having been so plentifully and so lately furnished." This valiant and " scattering" hero, was, according to several accounts besides this, making a famous report of his own ex- ploits. The terms of this extract show the manner in which Jones felt disposed to treat him ; which was, with contempt, not so openly expressed as to injure the service. He thought him of too little consequence to put him under arrest, at the risk of giving rise to dissatisfaction among the French. This com- mand of his temper, however, was such as less irritable discipli * I find no mention made in what are called the Naval Chronicles of the United States, of a commission having been given to Captain Cunningham in the navy. Ac- cording to Goldsborough, page 31, he received a commission for a privateer from Franklin and Deane. His cruise in the British channel made his name terrible in the mouths of the vulgar. When he was captured in 1778, and detained in the harbour of New York, he was treated with such severity, that Congress twice passed resolu- tion*, threatening retaliation. A burlesque representation of him was exhibited in London So says the authority cited. He was at this time detained in England. PAUL JUNES. 211 narians might not have shown, even though good policy required it ; and his coolness and constant attention to the necessary business of refitting his squadron and disposing of the prisoners, during all the pending consultations in which he was so deeply interested, have been deservedly commented on as proving his capacity for the conduct of political movements of importance. A very excellent man, the Baron V 7 ander Capellen, who was, as he styles himself, " an old and tried friend of America," and a member of the house of nobles of the province of Overyssel, wrote to Jones at this time, apparently instigated by the con- versation to which the valorous stories of M. Landais gave birth, asking as a favour, an account of the particulars " relating to a sea fight, rather to be found in the books of the former century, than in our present age, on the ocean." Jones wrote to the baron a respectful and discrete reply, enclosing a copy of his account of the cruise, with other docu- ments relative to his adventures. M. Dumas begged him not send the former, in its whole extent, as it would be improper for M. de Capelle, as he chose to designate that gentleman, to be acquainted with the complaints against M. de Chaumont He also informed Jones, that the baron, though a " very good republican," and a " well thinking private," knew nothing of the secret of his negociations with the " two great men," and was " excluded from any share of government in his country." The letter of Jones, to M. Vander Capellen contained the iol- lowing passage : " I was, indeed, born in Britain ; but I do not inherit the degenerate spirit of that fallen nation, which I at once lament and despise. It is far beneath me to reply to their hireling in- vectives. They are strangers to the inward approbation that greatly animates and rewards the man who draws his sword only in support of the dignity of freedom. America has been the country of my fond election, from the age of thirteen, when I first saw it. I had the honour to hoist with my own hands the flag of freedom, the first time it was displayed on the river Delaware ; and I have attended it with veneration ever 212 . PAUL JONLS. since on the ocean. I see it respected even here, in spite of the pitiful Sir Joseph ; and I ardently wish and hope very soon to exchange a salute with the flag of this republic. Let but the two republics join hands, and they will give peace to the world." It would, indeed, have been singular, if the burghers of Old Amsterdam had not felt sympathy for the fortunes of a people, some of whose most prosperous settlements had been made by their own ancestors; in which, though wrested from their sway, so much of their good habits was still preserved, and above all their pure and uncorrupted religion. Old and sacred associa- tions, commercial interests, and a like political feeling, made a strong party there, naturally attached to the cause of American independence. The letter from Franklin, dated on the 15th October, in reply to the despatches of Jones, dated the 3d, was as follows : and must have been so gratifying to him who received it, that it needs no commentary; but every line, including the postscript, is worthy of attention. "I received the account of your cruise and engagement with the Serapis, which you did me the honour to send me from the Texel. I have since received your favour of the 8th, from Amsterdam. For some days after the arrival of your express, scarce any thing was talked of at Paris and Versailles, but your co^l conduct, and persevering bravery during that terrible con- flict. You may believe, that the impression on my mind was not less strong than that of others ; but I do not choose to say in a letter to yourself all I think on such an occasion. " The ministry are much dissatisfied with Captain Landais, and Monsieur de Sartine has signified to me in writing that it is expected that I should send for him to Paris, and call him to account for his conduct, particularly for deferring so long his coming to your assistance ; by which means, it is supposed, the States lost some of their valuable citizens, and the king lost man ' of his subjects, volunteers in your ship, together with the shn itself. PAUL JONES. 213 " I have, accordingly, written to him this day, acquainting him. that he is charged with disobedience of orders in the cruise, and neglect of his duty in the engagement ; that a court martial being at this time inconvenient, if not impracticable, I would give him an earlier opportunity of offering what he has to say in his justification, and for that purpose direct him to render himself immediately here, bringing with him such papers or testimonies as he may think useful in his defence. I know not whether he will obey my orders, nor what the ministry would do with him if he comes ; but I suspect that they may, by some of their concise operations, save the trouble of a court martial. It will, however, be well for you to furnish me with what you may judge proper to support the charges against him, that I may be able to give a just and clear account to Congress. In the mean time it will be necessary, if he should refuse to come, that you should put him under an arrest ; and in that case, as well as if he comes, that you should either appoint some person to the command, or take it upon yourself ; for I know of no person to recommend to you as fit for that station. " I am uneasy about your prisoners, (504 in number,) I wish they were safe in France. You will then have completed the glorious work of giving liberty to all the Americans that have so long languished for it in the British prisons ; for there are not so many there, as you have now taken. "I have the pleasure to inform you that the two prizes sent to Norway, are safely arrived at Bergen. " With the highest esteem, I am, &c. " B. FRANKLIN. " P. S. I am sorry for your misunderstanding with M. de C. who has a great regard for you." From the contents of a note from Captain Pearson to Jones, written on the 19th of this month, it is to be inferred, that the former was not apprised of the application made by Sir Joseph Yorke to their high mightinesses ; or, at least, of its terms and tenor. He charged Jones very plainly with a breach of the 214 PAUL JONES. civility due to his rank, as well as his behaviour on all occasions, and expressed his opinion, that the detention of himself and his people on board ship for so long a time, was an unprecedented thing. Jones informed him, that the memorial of Sir Joseph, of which he enclosed him a copy, had induced him to think it fruitless to pursue negotiations for the exchange of prisoners ; but that humanity had made him seek for permission to land the dangerously wounded. The consent of the government had been obtained, but the local magistrates still raised objec- tions. His reply was couched in terms of moderation, highly commendable, if we consider the epithets which the English ambassador had applied to him, and the bold, blunt style of Pearson's note. " I wished," he said, " to avoid any painful altercation with you on that subject ; I was persuaded that you had been in the highest degree sensible, that my behaviour ' towards you had been far from a breach of civility.' This charge is not, sir, a civil return for the polite hospitality and disinterested attentions, which you have hitherto experienced. I know not what differ- ence of respect is due to ' rank,' between your service and ours ; I suppose, however, the difference must be thought very great in England, since I am informed that Captain Cunningham, of equal denomination, and who bears a senior rank in the service of America, than yours in the service of England, is now confined at Plymouth, in a dungeon, and in fetters."* He concluded by beseeching Pearson to interfere in behalf of this officer, as he expected orders from Dr. Franklin, in conse- quence of the treatment he was receiving. The resolution of their high mightinesses upon the application of the English ambassador, was delivered to him on the 35th. * As has been before remarked, the name of Captain Cunningham is not to be found in any of the lists of officers commissioned by Congress, before this period, which are contained in Sherburne or the Naval Chronicles. Jones in a letter to Franklin, which has been quoted, speaks of " being taught to regard him as a continental officer," seeming to imply that he was not such absolutely. I am unable to account for this, in connexion with the above assertion of his rank. PAUL JONES, 215 It was prudently worded, setting forth that for a century, the Spates General had strictly observed it as a maxim, never to pretend to judge of the legality or illegality of captures of vessels brought into the ports of the republic, not belonging to it ; that they only opened their ports to give shelter, to those making such captures, from storms or disasters, and obliged them to put to sea again without unloading ; that they ware not authorised to pass judgment upon either the prizes or the person of Paul Jones ; and that they had already evinced their willingness to discharge the offices of humanity, by the orders they had given in relation to the wounded prisoners. This resolution was an echo and confirma- tion of one passed by the nobles and burgesses of the province of Holland, four days previous, as appears by the endorsement of M. Dumas, who said, in his official letter to the committee of foreign affairs, that the latter might truly be called voxpopuli.* 1,1 * The ordinance of the States General referred to in their reply, had been passed and published as a placard, by the cautious republic in November, 1756. On the 8th of October, five days after Jones' arrival at the Texel, the Admiralty college of Amsterdam informed their high mightinesses, that Captain Rimersina the commandant, during the absence of Vice Admiral Reynst in the Texel road, had announced to them the entrance of five vessels under the command of Paul Jones, who had asked permission of him to land the English captains, and to hire a house for the reception of the wounded ; that they had replied, that neither request could be granted by them, and had referred to the terms of the placard. On the same 8th, the high mightinesses requested the opinion of the col- lege of Admiralty, on the memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke, to which, (reca- pitulating their former communication, that they considered the ordi- nanceof 1756 as plain and imperative, but not inconsistent with the dic- tates of humanity, which would be to permit the ships to make actually necessary repairs, and allow the sick and wounded attendance,) they re- plied that they would already have given orders to this effect, if they had considered themselves authorised so to do, but submitted to their high mightinesses that it was expedient. This communication was made on the 12th, and referred for consideration to the deputies for marine affairs. 216 PAUL.. JONES. Sir Joseph Yorke from his long residence at the Hague, had obtained great influence over the Prince of Orange and what might be called the court party, as those opposed to English dictation were termed the French party. He was rewarded afterwards with a peerage for his services as a minister. He was far from being satisfied with the negative protection yielded by the States General to " the pirate Paul Jones," as he again called him in a memorial presented on the 29th. In this com- munication, after thanking their high mightinesses for their orders in relation to the wounded, he added: "I cannot but comply with the strict orders of his majesty, by renewing in the strongest and most pressing manner his request, that these ships and their crews may be stopped and delivered up, which the pirate Paul Jones, of Scotland, who is a rebel subject and a criminal of the state, has taken. " The king would think he derogated from his own dignity, as well as that of your high mightinesses, were he to enter into the particulars of a case so notorious as that in question, or to A resolution was passed by the States Generel on the 15th, expressed to be in consequence of the representation of the president of the assembly, on the information of Sir Joseph Yorke, by which, without prejudice to the ulterior deliberations of their high mightinesses on his memorial, the college of Admiralty of Amsterdam was authorised to permit the sick and wounded to be removed on shore, or to a hospital ship, and to furnish needful medical attendance. A very cautious proviso was added, that no change should be considered to have taken place in the relations of the parties, in consequence of this arrange- ment ; that the States General would be responsible for no escapes ; and that not more than three or four men, not sick or wounded, should be permitted to land from the ships, armed only with swords ; and that nothing should be done in the premises, without the knowledge and approbation of the officer commanding the vessels of the republic lying in the road, and the local authorities of the place where the wounded might be disembarked. On the 21st, the assembly of Hol- land and Westfrize passed the resolution referred to in the text. PAUL JONES. 217 set before the eyes of the ancient friends and allies of his crown, analogous examples of other princes and states ; but will only remark, that all the placards even of your high mightinesses require that all the captains of foreign armed vessels shall, upon their arrival, present their letters of marque or commission ; and authorise, according to the custom of admiralties, to treat all those as pirates whose letters are found to be illegal, for icant of being granted by a sovereign power. " The quality of Paul Jones, and all the circumstances of the affair, are too notorious for your high mightinesses to be igno- rant of them. The eyes of all Europe are fixed upon your resolution ; your high mightinesses know too well the value* of good faith not to give an example of it in this essential ren- contre. The smallest deviation from so sacred a rule, by weakening the principle of neighbgurs, may produce serious consequences." The logic of Sir Joseph was good. Jones had no other com- mission than that of America to produce. The States, however, replied as before, that they would not pass judgment on the legality of the captures, and would act under the terms of their placard. In pursuance of their resolution, and of an order from the Prince of Orange, Jones prepared to remove the wounded to the fort on the Texel ; having permission to place sentinels to guard them, to raise the drawbridge at his pleasure, and re- move his prisoners if he saw fit. On the 31st,* an agreement was entered into between Jones and Pearson, agreeably to these arrangements. On behalf of his government, Captain Pearson agreed that all British prisoners so landed should be considered prisoners of war until exchanged ; and in case any of them should desert, he engaged that an equal number of American prisoners should be released in England, and sent to France by the next * There is a mistake in the date of this agreement in the copies made by order of Congress, in which it appears as executed on the 3d. 27 218 PAUL JONES. cartel. In cases of death, Jones stipulated not to claim an ex change. In this agreement Jones took care that there should be no for- mal reservations. It is expressed to be between himself, " captain in the American navy, commander of the continental squadron now in the road of the Texel, and Richard Pearson, Esq. captain in the British navy, late commodore of the British Baltic fleet, and now a prisoner of war to the United States of North Ame- rica." On the 1st November, he gave his formal orders to Lieutenant Colonel Weibert, appointing him governor general over the wounded, and the soldiers who were to conduct them on shore, and directing him to take care that no cause of com- plaint should be given to the Dutch government or its subjects. The matter and manner of Jones' remarks in relation to M. de Chaumont, were such,, that the latter could neither forget them nor treat them with no attention, while they remained unretracted. They estranged him from the commodore, except so far as official transactions rendered intercourse neces- sary. In writing, however, on the llth, he does not appear to have seen a copy of the whole communication to Franklin, or to have been aware of its import ; as it is spoken of by Jones as a " very affectionate letter." In his reply, dated on the 24th, he returned his thanks for the "many compliments and gene- rous praises bestowed on his past conduct ;" and said they af forded him the truest pleasure, as a proof that he still enjoyed a share of M. Chaumont's affection. There is no other allusion to the grounds of complaint than what is contained in the con- clusion of the letter, which was in these terms : " It shall be my pride to acknowledge every where how much I owe to the attentions of France, and to the personal friendship of M. de Chaumont, for furnishing me with the means of giving liberty to all the American prisoners now in Europe : for that is the greatest triumph which a good man can boast, and is there- fore a thousand times more flattering to me than victory. " I ardently wish for future opportunities to render real services to our common cause ; which is the only way I can hope to PAUL JONES. 219 prove my gratitude to France, to America, and to my much loved friend M. de Chaumont, and his amiable family, with whom I sincerely desire to live henceforth in the fullest confi- dence and affection. In the fullness of my heart, I am with the highest respect, my dear Chaumont, your truly obliged friend, &c." This letter, it is to be presumed, is the same referred to in the following extract from one to Dr. Bancroft, dated on the 26th, in which discretion was given to him as to its delivery. " M. de Chaumont has written me a very affectionate letter ; but then he had written me many equally affectionate letters even from the first of our acquaintance, offering me always the most disinterested services, until that of the 14th of June, whereof I enclose a copy. He has not yet offered me an apology respecting the dishonourable ' concordat' which he af- terward imposed upon me at Groix. I love him, however, not- withstanding ; and as his excellency tells me that M. de Chau- mont has still ' a great regard for me,' that assurance revives all my former friendship, and will confirm it, if you think the answer which I have here enclosed is proper, and that the delivery of it will put a final end on his part to our misunder- standing. At any rate I pray you to present my warmest respects to the whole family, for whom I shall ever retain a grateful affection. " I am happy my dear sir, in being able to assure you that in spite of Sir Joseph, the flag of freedom is highly respected indeed at the Texel. I had yesterday the honour to receive authority, by a unanimous resolution of the States, and by an order of the Prince of Orange, to land as many prisoners as I please, to place sentinels to guard them in the fort on the Texel, to haul up the drawbridge of that fort, and to take them away again from thence whenever I think proper, and dispose of them afterward as though they had never been landed. Huzza, America !" It would be doing injustice to the subject, to omit the two following letters to the son and wife of M. de Chaumont, 220 PAUL JONES. written at the same time, with which the correspondence terminated. " On board the Serapis, at the Texel, Oct. 26, 1779. " M. LE RAY DE CHAUMONT, Jim. " You will pardon, my dear friend, my not having written to you earlier since my arrival here ; my silence has not, I assure you, been the effect of the little misunderstanding which unhap- pily took place between your father and myself when he imposed upon me a ' concordat" 1 at Groix, which I thought and think still, T dishonoured my hand by signing. The ticklish and uncertain situation of the politics of this country, as affecting the flag of America, has hitherto so much occupied my attention, that I have found little leisure to write. My fears in that respect being now entirely removed by a unanimous resolution of the States General that is far more favourable to our cause than I had reason to expect, I employ this breathing space with great pleasure to assure you that my regard and affection for all the family of De Chaumont is far from diminished : I earnestly wish your father to give to oblivion the past misintelligence. I am persuaded that he will now see the impropriety of commu- nicating too early the intended enterprises and operations of a partisan, and no longer blame me for avoiding free conversa- tions on such subjects. It is not indeed my characteristic to be free of words. My heart, however, is no stranger to the senti- ments and duties of friendship, though my situation as a servant of the public leaves me without the power of obliging my private friends, except in the pleasure which I am persuaded they take in hearing of my success, when they have furnished me with the means. " It affords me pleasure to assure you, that I cannot too much praise the gallant behaviour of the young volunteer Baptiste Travallier, whom you sent to L'Orient ; in the engagement a sailor called for a wad in loading one of the great guns ; he fur- nished him immediately by substituting the coat which he then wore, and soon afterward, when the Bon Homme Richard was PAUL JONES. on fire, he instantly took off his shirt, and dipped it in water anc applied it with great dexterity to smother the flames. " Present my best respects to Madame de Chaumont and to your sisters. I beseech them and you to love me, and that your father will forgive my past fault, which was the effect only of my believing that he had less confidence in me than he had taught me to expect, and had always said I had merited." " October, 28, 1779. " To MADAM LE RAY DE CHAUMONT, " I can no longer, my dear madam, refrain from writing to you, although I have not been honoured with a line from you since my letter from L'Orient, dated 13th June. " I congratulate you on my late success, because I know it affords you pleasure ; and knowing this, is, I assure you, a very singular addition to my satisfaction. What has given me more pain, however, than words can express, has been a want of confidence on the part of M. de Chaumont after he had honoured me with strong proof of his friendship and good opinion. The ' concordat,' which to my great surprise, he im- posed upon me in the moment of my departure from L'Orient, was the most humiliating paper that ever a friend forced upon the commander of a squadron ; and even my success has not wiped off the dishonour of my having signed it. " I am willing to believe that my friend did not see the con- cordat in the same light, and that the idea was not originally his own, but only by him adopted from the misrepresentations of persons who were constantly buzzing in his ear, and showing an infinity of theory which they have not since been quite so happy in reducing to practice. I say, as I verily believe, that the idea was not originally his own ; and as I love him still with undiminished and grateful affection, I earnestly wish him to forgive the complaints which I have made, and to continue towards me his first warmth of friendship and confidence. " My departure from hence is extremely uncertain, my des- tination, too, is better known to Dr. Franklin than myself at 222 PAUL JONES. present. Our ships are now in a severe storm. I mention this only to show that I can, in no situation, forget how much I owe to the polite attentions and friendship of the amiable family at Passy, which I beseech you to believe I shall ever remember with sentiments of the most lively esteem and affection, being very truly, your obliged friend, &c." M. Chaumont was not conciliated by these letters, as indeed, if he felt himself unjustly charged with indiscreet and injurious revelation of state secrets, it could not have been expected he ever would be. He was, moreover, of a temperament not free from irascibility ; and was labouring under the pressure of ad- vances made by him to support the armies of France in Ame- rica. The difficulty of obtaining reimbursements for these advances, led subsequently to a widening of the breach between him and Jones, by occasioning a detention of prize money. They had no personal interviews of a friendly character, in which mutual explanations might have been made. On the 28th of October, Jones wrote to La Fayette, appa- rently in good spirits. The following is an extract : " I am very much concerned and ashamed to understand that my ' numbers' that you received from L' Orient, were so ill composed. It is a proof that their ladyships, the Muses, however condescending they may be on the banks of the Helicon, will not despense their favours to the sons of Neptune, especially while they are By bounding billows and rude winds that blow, Alternate toss'd in air, or sunk to sands below. " In truth, my dear General, I am almost as sorry that you have not been able to understand my meaning as if I had been addressing myself to a fair lady! The enclosed key will, how- ever, I hope unlock the past difficulty, and enable you fully to see what I so much wish you to understand. " I will send you very soon, a little work that shall be better finished than that from L'Orient ; and in the mean time a machine, to which the present key is adapted, is forwarded PAUL JONES. 223 through the hands of Dr. Bancroft, in case you should have spoiled or thrown away the one formerly sent. " The late brutalities of the Britons in America, fill me with horror and indignation. They forget that they are men; and I believe that nothing will bring them to their senses but the most exemplary retaliation. Landais is ordered to Paris to answer for his past conduct. " I wish to answer very particularly the three points which you have propounded. 1st, I never meant to ask a reward for my services, either from France or America ; consequently the approbation of the court and of Congress is all the gratifica- tion I can wish for. 2dly, I yet intend to undertake whatever the utmost exertion of my abilities will reach in support of the common cause, as far as any force that may in future be in- trusted to my direction may enable me to succeed ; I hope, however, my future force will be better composed than when I sailed from L'Orient. I must sail from the Texel in course of next month, because ships cannot afterward remain here in this road. My destination or route from hence I yet know not ; but I need not tell you that I wish to see your face ! 3dly, It is now in vain to say what might have been done two years ago with the force you mention ; but I believe, if properly supported by sea, such a force might yet perform very essential service. There is no guarding, you know, against storms ; and one would wish either to avoid or to outsail a superior sea force. As I be- lieve you know my way of thinking on such subjects, I shall offer you no argument. I knowyou want no prompter." Baron Vander Capellen had addressed Jones a second time, asking permission to publish his letter to the Countess of Sel- kirk, and inquiring whether he had ever been under any obli- gation to the husband of that lady. He also asked him whether he had a French commission. The first request Jones declined granting. " I am much obliged to you, my lord, (he said,) for the honour you do me, by proposing to publish the papers I sent you ; but it is an honour which I must decline, because I can- 224 PAUL JONES. not publish my letter to the lady, without asking and obtaining her consent ; and because I have a very modest opinion of my own writings ; being conscious that they are not of sufficient value to claim the attention of the public. I assure you, my lord, it has given me much concern to see an extract of my rough journal in print ; and that, too, under the disadvantage of a translation. That mistaken kindness of a friend, will make me cautious how I communicate my papers." He also informed the baron, that Lord Selkirk knew him only by reputation. In reply to the question of the worthy nobleman, whether he had a French commission, he briefly said, " I never bore or acted under any other commission, than what I have received from the Congress of the United States of America." And none other would he accept, while his so doing would be an implied admission, that the flag of the new republic was not an all sufficient protection for its vessels and citizens. His zeal for its honour is not more commendable, than the pru- dence he exhibited in his then very equivocal situation ; block- aded as he was from without, (for the combined fleet of France and Spain had returned to Brest, and the enemy's light cruisers were actively on the look out for him,) and menaced within the harbour, by the persevering demands and powerful interest of the English ambassador. So that though the stars and stripes were flying, and his own sentinels guarding a fortress intrusted to his command, he was aware to the fullest extent, of the pre- carious nature of the security he had for the tenure of his ship and prisoners, and indeed for his personal safety. If his sense of this had been obtuse, it was about to be quickened, in a man- ner which admitted of no misconception. The charges against Landais were drawn up by the officers of the squadron, on the 30th October, and attested by them. They were twenty-five in number, and have already been suf- ficiently adverted to. The last was, that in coming into the Texel, Landais declared, that if Captain Jones should hoist a broad pendant, he would, to vex him, hoist another. The nature of the embarassments with which Jones was PAUL JOMKS. 225 beset at this time, will best appear from his own accounts. He says briefly, in his journal, that " with the most indefatigable attention and industry, gales of wind, and other circumstances prevented him from having the Serapis remasted, and the squadron ready to sail, before the middle of November." On the 4th of that month, he thus wrote to the French ambassador. " MY LORD, " This morning, the commandant of the road sent me word to come and speak to him on board his ship. He had before him on the table a letter, which, he said, was from the Prince of Orange. He questioned me very closely whether I had a French commission, and, if I had, he almost insisted upon see- ing it. In conformity to your advice ' Get avis donne au com- mencement n'etoit plus de saison depuis 1'admission de Pescadre sous Pavilion Americain,' I told him that my French commis- sion not having been found among my papers since the loss of the Bon Homme Richard, I feared it had gone to the bottom in that ship ; but that, if it was really lost, it would be an easy matter to procure a duplicate of it from France. The com- mandant appeared to be very uneasy and anxious for my de- parture. I have told him, that as there are eight of the enemy's ships laying wait for me at the south entrance, and four more at the north entrance of the port, I was unable to fight more than three times my force ; but that he might rest assured of my intention to depart with the utmost expedition, whenever I found a possibility to go clear. " I should be very happy, my lord, if I could tell you of my being ready. I should have departed long ago, if I had met with common assistance ; but for a fortnight past I have every day expected the necessary supply of water from Amsterdam in cisterns, and I am last night informed that it cannot be had without I send up water casks. The provision, too, that was ordered the day I returned to Amsterdam from the Hague, is not yet sent down ; and the spars that have been sent from Amsterdam are spoiled in the making. None of the iron-work 28 226 PAUL JONES. that was ordered for the Serapis is yet completed, so that I am, even to this hour, in want of hinges to hang the lower gun ports. My officers and men lost their clothes and beds in the Bon Homme Richard, and they have yet got no supply. The bread that has been twice a week sent down from Amsterdam to feed my people, has been, literally speaking, rotten, and the consequence is, that they are falling sick. " It is natural also that they should be discontented, while I am not able to tell them, that they will be paid the value of their property in the Serapis and the Countess of Scarborough, if either or both of them should be lost or taken after sailing from hence. " Thus you see, my lord, that my prospects are far from pleasing. I have but few men, and they are discontented. If you can authorise me to promise them, at all hazards, that their property in the prizes shall be made good, and that they shall receive the necessary clothing and bedding, &c. or money to buy them, I believe I shall soon be able to bring them again into a good humour. In the mean time, I will send a vessel or two out to reconnoitre the offing, and to bring me word. What- ever may be the consequence of my having put into this har- bour, I must observe, that it was done contrary to my opinion ; and I consented to it only, because the majority of my colleagues were earnest for it." Contemplating a speedy departure at all hazards, he wrote to M. Dumas on the same day, that if the weather permitted, what was necessary yet to be done, might be effected in four or five days. He added : " With respect to the powers of Captain Pearson, I am con- vinced that he has received no authority from Sir Joseph Yorke. His powers, however, must be as ample as mine ; and I should not, I assure you, have made such a convention with him, if Captain Rimersina, on the part of the States General, had not given me, verbally, free liberty to land the wounded prisoners, and to guard them in the fort on the Texel, by my soldiers with drawn swords, and with the bridges hauled up at our plea- sure ; and with free liberty to embark them again, and dispose of them as though they had not been landed in Holland. You PAUL JONES. see, therefore, that my convention witli Captain Pearson does not bind me to continue the prisoners ashore ; I can embark them again whenever I please, and it was only intended on my part as a security against elopement. They have hitherto been guarded with the drawbridges hauled up or let down at the sovereign will and pleasure of the * Governor General.' If my wishes succeed, it will afford America matter of exultation ; and at the worst we can only lose eighteen or nineteen dangerously wounded prisoners, which I think will be made up by our having had possession of a fort on the Texel. I shall only add, that my meaning has been good ; and that I thought I might rely on the guarantee, that I had on the part of the States General, while we could keep the prisoners from making their escape from the fort." But M. de Sartine had determined upon a measure which prevented Jones from immediately attempting an escape, and from carrying out, under the flag to which she had stuck, the dearly bought Serapis. On the 6th of November, that minis- ter thus briefly wrote to Dr. Franklin : " Circumstances require that the expedition of the squadron, under the orders of Mr. Jones should terminate at the Texel. It seems indispensable to give a new destination to the different ships which compose it. You are at liberty, sir, to dispose of the American frigate, the Al- liance, according to the views you may entertain in relation to the service of the United States. 1 pray you only, to observe to Mr. Jones, or any other officer to whom you may intrust the command, that he must not have any subject of the king on board of that frigate." The minister had resolved to adopt the shortest course, in relation to the vessels which were the pro- perty of France, and probably had no doubt that Jones would be willing to accept a commission from that government, to extricate himself from his now solitary and dangerous position. He was mistaken. In communicating a copy of this note to Jones, Franklin observed, that the injunction as to the king's subjects might ex- tend to Landais, who had not yet arrived. He remarked : " I 228 PAUL JONES. suppose you will learn the intentions of the minister, relatn a to the disposition of the prizes, from the ambassador ; and that you will go on board the Alliance yourself. I am anxious that the prisoners should be safely lodged in France, and should earnestly recommend that matter to your attention if I did not know that you desire, as much as I do, the exchange of our poor countrymen." While these unpleasant documents were on their way, M. Du- mas had repaired to the Helder, where he was busily engaged in endeavouring to expedite the departure of the squadron. On the 12th, the ambassador having received the instructions of M. de Sartine, recalled Dumas to the Hague, and directed him to inform Jones that he must suspend his sailing until he re- ceived new orders ; but lose no time in the business of repairs. The Dutch vice admiral had on the same day given him notice, that he was expected to sail with the first fair wind. This offi- cer, named Reynst, had been appointed to the command of the Dutch fleet, consisting of thirteen men of war, by the Prince of Orange. Mr. Rimersina, a friend of America, and who had treated the squadron with every civility, was removed from that command. If Sir Joseph had not effected all his object, he had suc- ceeded in placing Jones in such jeopardy that his escape with safety and honour seemed hopeless.* Their high mightinesses * In the Life of Jones, published in Edinburgh, the following note is inserted : "About this time, a seaman's wife of Burlington addressed a letter to Sir Joseph Yorke at the Hague, imploring tidings of her husband, of whom, since the engage- ment of Jones with the Serapis, she had never heard, and who, she feared, had fallen in that fight. Sir Joseph gallantly and humanely complied with the poor Englishwo- man's request, and as he was aware that his epistle to Mrs. Burnot would appear in all the English and French newspapers, he, with considerable covert humour, contrived to have a hit at the shuffling policy of the Dutch, and the chameleon character of the squadron they sheltered, while he replied to the seaman's wife ' ' MRS. BURNOT As soon as I received your letter of the 7th instant, I lost no time in making inquiries after your gallant husband, Mr. Richard Burnot; and have now great pleasure in congratulating you upon his being alive and well, on board the PAUL JONES. had continued their deliberations on the points reserved, which had been pressed upon them in the English ambassador's re- monstrance of October 29th. On the 17th November, the Duke De Vauguyon informed M. Dumas, that the States of Hol- land had come to the conclusion, by a plurality of votes, to constrain Jones to depart, and directed him to repair forthwith to the Texel, and make the necessary arrangements. On the 19th, the States General resolved that they would persist in maintaining their ancient maxim, not to decide upon the legal- ity of captures under foreign flags, which maxim, they added, was even founded upon treaties ; but that they had already given evident proof of their not wishing to render any aid to the inhabitants of the British colonies in America, by giving orders that Jones should be furnished with no munitions of war or other articles, other than were necessary to enable him to make the nearest port ; and that, in case of necessity, they would even constrain him to sail, as soon as his vessels could keep the sea, and the wind permitted. They repeated an ex- press disavowal of their intending, by any implication, to recog- nise the independence of the Colonies. And they directed the Admiralty college at Amsterdam to advise Jones, that the ap- proaching season of winter would make his departure inconve- nient ; to avoid which, it was necessary that he should let no opportunity escape of putting to sea ; " that such was the serious Countess of Scarborough, at the Texel. I find he had been burnt with an explosion of gunpowder, but is now quite recovered. He sends me word, that he, aayou know, could not write, and therefore hoped I would let you know he was well, which I do with infinite satisfaction. It will still be greater, if I can get him exchanged, which I am doing my best endeavours for ; but, as the people who took him are sometimes French and sometimes rebels, as it suits their convenience, that tenders this affair more difficult than it would be if they allowed themselves to be French ; because I could then settle the exchange at once. I am happy to be able to give such agreeable news to the wife of my brave countryman, and I am very sincerely your most faithful humble servant, " ' JOSEPH YORKE. ' ' Hague, Nov. 26, 1779.' " 230 PAUL JONES. intention of their high mightinesses, and they could not exptcl that by opposing it, he would oblige them to take measures which would be disagreeable to him." And they required his serene highness (the Prince of Orange) to order the officer command- ing in the Texel road to see to it (tenir la main) with all dis- cretion, and permit no delay which the nature of the case did not render unavoidable, not excepting the use of forcible means, if they were found necessary. It is proper to record, that the previous resolutions, passed on the 17th, by the States of the province of Holland, composed of eighteen towns and the body of nobles, (the latter having one voice,) were protested against by six of the principal towns. The deputies of Dordrecht, Rotterdam, and Schiedam, assented to the resolution only so far as it conformed to that adopted on the 21st October, and dissented from that part authorising force to be employed, as being premature, and contrary to the ancient maxims and customs of the republic. They protested that they would not be responsible for the consequences ; and reserved the right to such ulterior comments and measures of opposition, as might be deemed proper by their constituents. The deputies of Haerlem in very strong language, and, as they said, by the express orders of their constituents, declared their dissent. The deputies of Amsterdam declared that they op- posed and " held for null, the conclusion of a report of the 13th, on the last memorial of M. the ambassador Yorke, concerning the reclamaticn of the vessels, &c. inasmuch, as the said re- port tends to the employment of means of constraint and even violence, to compel the commander Paul Jones to depart casu qua from the Texel road." And, together with the before men- toned protesting towns, they considered a meagre plurality of voices insufficient to sanction a measure which they deemed un- constitutional, as being inconsistent with the ordinance and placard of 1756. The deputies of the town of Brille refused to assent to the report, and reserved all rights till further instructed by their principals. The towns of Horn and Erek- PAUL JONES. 231 huvsen were not represented by their deputies, when these re- solutions passed. M. Dumas relates, that he repaired to the Texel on the 18th, and that the arrangements made necessary by the orders of Sartine and Franklin, were prosecuted during the ten following days ; the vice admiral giving a great deal of trouble, particu- larly after receiving his instructions founded on the resolutions of the States General. Though the wind was contrary, he was unremitting in his urgency, and even threats of violence. On the 24th, his captain en second visited the squadron and read aloud a paper, which he then returned to his pocket. M. Du- mas, foreseeing, as he says, the contents, had prepared a reply ; demanding, in future, copies of all orders and menpces, in order that they might be transmitted to Congress and to Dr. Frank- lin. To another pressing message on the 28th, M. Dumas caused an answer to be given, " in a high voice, before all the crews and the rowers of the boat which brought the messenger, that the vice admiral exacted impossibilities." This declaration he made the pilot sign, and they were then left undisturbed for ten days. In an extract from a letter, from the Hague, which was forwarded among the papers sent by M. Dumas to the com- mittee of foreign affairs, it is stated, that " after Paul Jones had declared himself ready to comply with the orders of their high mightinesses, whenever he was able to sail at large, Vice Admiral Reynst, having sent Captain Van Overmeer on board the Serapis, to give new notice in the most serious manner to the commanding officer, that he must get a coast pilot, and sail with the first favourable wind, the captain was informed that this vessel was no longer commanded by Paul Jones, but by Captain Cottineau de Cosgelin, who had taken possession of her, in the name of the king of France." The Stadtholder, it is added, thereupon wrote to the vice admiral to use no forcible measures, until further orders, against vessels whose com- manders held French commissions ; but advised him that pre- vious orders remained in force, as regarded the Alliance, actually commanded by Jones ; and at the same time charged him " to 232 PAUL JONES. take care that none of the prisoners who had not been con- ducted into the road, and put on board said vessel, should be carried there." These directions, the letter adds, were com- municated to their high mightinesses, who approved of them, reserving the right of ulterior deliberation on subsequent mea- sures ; and in the mean time copies of the agreement between Jones and Pearson were put into circulation. Jones had indeed made up his mind to comply with the triple requisitions of France, Dr. Franklin, and the States General ; but he was determined to fulfil the expectations of the Ameri- can ambassador as to the exchange of prisoners, while there was the least hope of his doing so. On the 27th, he wrote to the Duke de la Vauguyon, expressing his admiration of " the warm and persuasive zeal which he had so nobly displayed at Amster- dam, for the service of the best of kings." He expressed his regret that, in endeavouring to comply with his promise to his crew, he had been compelled to ask for them conditions, which the duke did not feel at liberty to grant. To comply with those promises and effect the exchange of American prisoners in England, were, he said, the two interesting objects, which, " and not any natural obstinacy of temper, produced that inflexibility which gave your excellency so much trouble to overcome. But, the conflict being now past, I am, (in full confidence,) made happy by having yielded to the Duke de la Vauguyon." " I consider myself as being entirely dismissed from any connexion with the court. I complain not of the measure ; but as I am unconscious of having in any instance lost sight of the points of duty that were given me in charge, I confess I have been and am hurt, at the manner in which I have been dismissed. The more so, as the connexion was not at the beginning of my seeking ; and as I never asked, nor meant to ask a favour for myself from the minister." The order Franklin had found it necessary to grant, involved the delivery of the prisoners to the French ambassador. The Serapis and Countess of Scarborough were also taken from under his orders. It was not without a pang that he resigned PAUL JONES. 233 the command of the former vessel ; which had recently cost the British government a large sum of money, was a new ship, and sufficiently refitted for sea. He found it imperatively necessary to remove to the Alliance, on board of which alone the Ameri- can flag was now flying, and from which the preceding letter was dated. When, and in what terms the offer to accept a French commission was first made to him, does not very dis- tinctly appear. He states generally in his Journal, that Holland agreed to give convoy to the fleet bound for Brest, and that the French court wished him either to accept a commission and hoist the flag of France on board all the ships of the squadron and the prizes, or go on board the frigate Alliance. He chose the latter he says, for many reasons ; but " his superior motive was to preserve the honour of the American flag, in the worst of times. In any other light it was a most disagreeable and mor- tifying change." The Alliance had not a good cable or sail ; the officers and men were intemperate and idle ; filth, insubor- dination, and epi lemical diseases, prevailed among the crew ; she was badly supplied with small arms, and her powder was of bad quality. The latter wants Jones was, however, enabled to supply, from the superfluous number of small arms found on board the Serapis, and the powder which had been transferred to the Pallas from the Bon'Homme Richard, when the latter ship was on fire, the morning after the action. He also had two cables, procured for the Serapis at Amsterdam ; without which the Alliance would have been lost in the gales that pre- vailed at the Texel, before she sailed from thence, when all her other cables broke. The letters from the French ambassador to Sartine and Franklin, show that the gratitude expressed to the ambassa- dor by Jones, was not unmerited; and that the former had pressed upon his government the claims urged by the latter, on behalf of the rights of his crew, under the laws and usages of the United States of America. On the 29th, Jones wrote to Dr. Franklin, expressing a hope that his conduct on the second interview with the French am- 29 234 PAUL JONES. bassador, (referred to by M. Dumas,) would meet with hid approbation. " I do not," he said, " well understand the rea sons of this alteration ; but M. Dumas, who was present, can inform you, that I have done every thing in my power, to secure the prisoners, without a quarrel with the ambassador. I have a hundred prisoners on board here, among whom are all that were landed and guarded for three weeks by our people, in the fort on the Texel. I shall, with this ship, embrace the first fair wind for L'Orient. I hope to take some good prizes by the way, and on my arrival there to meet with your further orders. I should have come on board here, on the departure of Captain Landais, agreeable to your letter of the 15th ult. had it not been from delicacy ; as that mistaken man had said I had made interest with you to supersede him in the command of this frigate ! If he has any sensibility, it will be a sufficient punishment for him to know that, till the engagement with the Serapis, I was his friend, and had never written his name to you, without saying something in his favour. * * * * It is natu- ral for me to wish, that the Serapis should become the property of America. It is the best ship that I ever saw of the kind; and would cost the continent less than any frigate that has yet been under our flag. I wish to embrace you once more, before I leave Europe; but my private feelings, I hope, shall never divert my attention from my duty." In a postscript, he added, " I have the pleasure to inform you that Captain Cunningham is now here with me." There was at any rate one consolatory circumstance, in which he had reason to congratulate himself on the consequence of his own firm conduct towards the English captain and the haughty ambassador. Not confining himself to remonstrances with the magistrates and legislatures, and to intrigues with public characters, who could aid him in thwarting the escape of Jones, there is no reason to doubt, that Sir Joseph Yorke offered rewards for the private apprehension of the American commodore. Jones does not scruple to charge him, in his subsequent references to this PAUL JONES. $35 period, with practising clandestinely to get possession of his person. In a statement drawn up by Mr. Van Berckel, grand pensionary of Amsterdam, attested in every particular by M. Dumas, it is said, " the ambassador did all in his power with the magistrates and private citizens of Amsterdam, to cause them to lay hands upon the person of the commodore, and to deliver him up to him ; but in vain. No person had the baseness or the courage to undertake his desire in this respect." On the 1st December, meditating his departure at all hazards, whenever the wind should serve, (which, however, it did not until the 27th,) we find Jones returning his thanks to Captain Rimersina for his personal civilities, and the attention shown to the American flag, while he had commanded in the road. On the 5th, while forwarding despatches for Congress, enclosed to the Hon. Robert Morris, he thus wrote to that gentleman: " I am persuaded you will observe with pleasure, that my connexion with a court is at end, and that my prospect of returning to America approaches. The great seem to wish only to be con- cerned with tools, who dare not speak or write truth. I am not sorry that my connexion with them is at an end. In the course of that connexion, I ran ten chances of ruin and dishonour for one of reputation; and all the honours or profit that France could bestow, should not tempt me again to undertake the same service with an armament equally ill composed, and with pow- ers equally limited. It affords me the most exalted pleasure to reflect, that, when I return to America, I can say, that I have served in Europe at my own expense, and without the fee or reward of a court. When the prisoners we have taken are safely lodged in France, I shall have no farther business in Europe, as the liberty of all our fellow citizens, who now suffer in English prisons will then be secured ; and I shall hope here- after to be usefully employed under the immediate direction of the Congress." At the same time that these despatches were transmitted, he drew up his memorial from the Texel, frequently referred to in the former part of this work. It bears date December 7th. In 236 ' PAUL JONES. it he minutely recapitulated the events, with which he had been connected while in the public service in America, more briefly adverted to the transactions detailed in his despatches from Europe; and thus concluded: " I now hope to appear in Ame- rica, in a short time hence, and to have the honour to present my respects in person to Congress ; for I give up the expecta- tion of ever commanding the Indien ; and as I believe the pri- soners I have taken will effect the exchange of all our fellow subjects, who are now in the English prisons, I shall hope to be afterwards more usefully employed under the immediate direc- tion of Congress. I have not drawn my sword in our glorious cause for hire, but in support of the dignity of human nature, and in obedience to the genuine and divine feelings of philan- thropy. I hoisted with my own hand the flag of freedom, the first time that it was displayed on board the Alfred on the Delaware, and I have attended it ever since with veneration on the ocean. I claimed and obtained its first salute from that of France, before our independence was otherwise announced in that kingdom, and no man can wish more ardently to support its rising glory than myself. 1 never have asked, and I have now to ask no other favour from Congress, than the continuance of thatgood opinion, which has in time past made me so happy, and so greatly overpaid my endeavour to do my duty." The final arrangement adopted in relation to the prisoners, by the express wish of his majesty the king of France, was, that they should be exchanged for French prisoners at the Texel ; France giving the same number in France, to exchange against the Americans in England. This was effected with a great deal of difficulty. The hundred of whom Jones speaks, in the letter to Franklin last quoted from, were the sick and wounded who had been landed at the Fort, and whom he persevered in retaining, under his express agreement with Captain Pearson. Whatever might have been the previous propositions as to his accepting a French commission, an offer was now made by di- rection of M. de la Sartine, and communicated by the ambas- sador, which excited the indignation of Jones in no small degree ; PAUL JONES. 237 and it will not be thought, under all the circumstances, that he expressed it in language either too strong or not sufficiently respectful. He thus addressed the French ambassador, on the 13th December. " MY LORD, " Perhaps there are many men in the world, who would esteem as an honour the commission that I have this day refu- sed. My rank from the beginning knew no superior in the marine of America ; how then must I be humbled were I to accept a letter of marque ! I should, my lord, esteem myself inexcusable, were I to accept even a commission of equal or su- perior denomination to that I bear, unless I were previously authorised by Congress, or some other competent authority in Europe. And I must tell you, that on my arrival at Brest from the Irish channel, Count D'Orvilliers offered to procure for me from court, a commission of ' Capitaine de Vaisseau,' which I did not then accept for the same reason, although the war between France and England was not then begun, and of course the commission of France would have protected me from an enemy of superior force. " It is a matter of the highest astonishment to me, that, after so many compliments and fair professions, the court, should offer the present insult to my understanding, and suppose me capable of disgracing my present commission. I confess that I never merited all the praise bestowed on my past conduct, but I also feel that I have far less merited such a reward. Where profession and practice are so opposite, I am no longer weak enough to form a wrong conclusion. They may think as they please of me ; for where I cannot continue my esteem, praise or censure from any man is to me a matter of indifference. " I am much obliged to them, however, for having at last fairly opened my eyes, and enabled me to discover truth from falsehood. The prisoners shall be delivered agreeable to the orders 238 PAUL JONES. which you have done me the honour to send to me, from his excellency the American ambassador in France. " I will also with great pleasure, not only permit a part of my seamen to go on board the ships under your excellency's orders, but I will also do my utmost to prevail with them to embark freely ; and if I can now or hereafter, by any other honourable means, facilitate the success or the honour of his majesty's arms, I pledge myself to you as his ambassador, that none of his own subjects would bleed in his cause with greater freedom than myself, an American. " It gives me the more pain, my lord, to write this letter, be- cause the court has enjoined you to prepare what would destroy my peace of mind, and my future veracity in the opinion of the world. " When, with the consent of court and by order of the Ameri- can ambassador, I gave American commissions to French officers, I did not fill up those commissions to command priva- teers, nor even for a rank equal to that of their commissions in the marine of France. They were promoted to rank far supe- rior ; and why ? not from personal friendship, nor from my knowledge of their services and abilities, (the men and their characters being entire strangers to me,) but from the respect which I believed America would wish to show for the service of France. " While I remained eight months seemingly forgot by the court at Brest, many commissions, such as that in question, were offered to me ; and I believe, (when I am in pursuit of plunder,) I can still obtain such an one without application to court. t: I hope, my lord, that my behaviour through life will ever entitle me to the continuance of your good wishes and opinion, and that you will take occasion to make mention of the warm and personal affection with which my heart is impressed towards his majesty. " I am, &c. &c." To Franklin, to whom he enclosed the copy of this letter, he broke out in terms less constrained. PAUL JONES. 239 " I hope," he said, " that the within copy of my letter to the Due de la Vauguyon will meet your approbation ; for I am persuaded that it never could be your intention or wish that I should be made the tool of any great r whatever ; or that the commission of America should be overlaid by the dirty piece of parchment which I have this day rejected ! They have played upon my good humour too long already, but the spell is at last dissolved. They would play me off with assurance of the personal and particular esteem of the king, to induce me to do what would render me contemptible even in the eyes of my own servants ! Accustomed to speak untruths themselves, they would also have me to give under my hand that I am a liar and a scoundrel. They are mistaken, and I would tell them what you did to your naughty servant. * We have too contemptible an opinion of one another's understanding to live together.' I could tell them, too, that if M de C had not taken such safe precautions to keep me honest by means of his famous con- cordat, and to support me by so many able colleagues, these great men would not have been reduced to such mean shifts ; for the prisoners could have been landed at Dunkirk the day that I entered the Texel, and I could have brought in double the numbers." " We hear that the enemy still keeps a squadron cruising off here, but this shall not prevent my attempts to depart, when- ever the wind will permit. I hope we have recovered the trim of this ship, which was entirely lost during the last cruise ; and I do not much fear the enemy in the long and dark nights of this season. The ship is well manned, and shall not be given away. I need not tell you I will do my utmost to take prisoners and prizes in my way from hence." The squadron of Holland, (thirteen two-deckers,) according to his Journal, had been drawn up and barricaded every day for battle, for more than a month, to drive him out if he should attempt to remain after the wind became fair, while the English fleet was almost constantly in sight off the harbour." On the 16th, the Vice Admiral Reynst sent to request him to come on 240 PATTL JONES. board of his ship, from which he excused himself. On the next day the vice admiral wrote to him : " I desire you by this pre- sent letter, to please to inform me how I must consider the Alliance which you are on board of: whether as a French or American vessel. If the first, I expect you to cause his majesty's commission to be shown to me, and that you display the French flag and pendant, announcing it by discharging a gun. If the second, I expect you to omit no occasion of departing, according to the orders of their high mightinesses." This letter Jones communicated to the French commissary of marine at Amster- dam, the Chevalier de Lironcourt, then at the Helder, who in his immediate reply, courteously suggested that Jones would give the highest satisfaction to all parties by displaying French colours, but said that he would urge him no more ; assuring him that the brevet which had been tendered to him was only intended for the existing exigency, and the good of the common cause ; and not offered from any of the discreditable motives imagined by him. Jones briefly answered the admiral that he had no orders to hoist any other flag ; and that whenever the pilot would take it upon him to conduct the ship to sea, he would give him his best assistance. On the 21st, the Duke de la Vauguyon, addressed an epistle to Jones, well calculated to soothe his exasperated feelings, and which had the desired effect to a certain extent. " I perceive with pain, my dear commodore," he said, " that you do not view your situation in the right light ; and I can as- sure you that the ministers of the king have no intention to cause you the least disagreeable feeling, as the honourable testimonials of the esteem of his majesty, which I send you, ought to convince you. I hope you will not doubt the sincere desire with which you have inspired me to procure you every satisfaction you may merit. It cannot fail to incite you to give new proofs of your zeal for the common cause of France and America. I flatter myself to renew, before long, the occasion, and to procure you the means to increase still more the glory you have already acquired. I am already occupied with all the PAUL JONES. 241 interest 1 promised you ; and if my views are realized, as I have every reason to believe, you will be at all events perfectly con- tent , but I must pray you not to hinder my project by deliver- ing yourself to the expression of those strong sensations to which you appear to give way, and for which there is really no found ation. You appear to possess full confidence in the justice and kindness of the king ; rely also upon the same sentiments on the part of his ministers." In reply, Jones wrote as follows, on the 25th : " I have not a heart of stone, but am duly sensible of the obligations con- ferred on me by the very kind and affectionate letter, that you have done me the honour to write me the 21st current. * * * * Were I to form my opinion of the ministry from the treatment that I experienced while at Brest, or from their want of con- fidence in me afterwards, exclusive of what has taken place since I had the misfortune to enter this port, I will appeal to your excellency, as a man of candour and ingenuity, whether I ought to desire to prolong a connexion that has made me so unhappy, and wherein I have given so very little satisfaction. M. le Chevalier de Lironcourt has lately made me reproaches on account of the expense that, he says, France has been at to give me reputation, in preference to twenty captains of the royal navy, better qualified than myself, and who, each of them, solicited for the command that was lately given to me ! " This, I confess, is quite new, and indeed surprising to me ; and, had I known it before I left France, I certainly should have resigned in favour of the twenty men of superior merit. I do not, however, think that his first assertion is true ; for the ministers must be unworthy of their places were they capable of squandering the public money only to give an individual reputa- tion ; and as to the second, I fancy the court will not thank him for having given me that information, whether true or false. 1 may add here, that with a force so ill composed, and with powers so limited, I ran ten chances of ruin and dishonour for one of gaining reputation ; arid had not the plea of humanity in favour of the unfortunate Americans in English dungeons 30 242 PAUL JONES. superseded all consideration of self, I faithfully assure you, my lord, that I would not have proceeded under such circumstances from Groix. I do not imbibe hasty prejudices against any in- dividuals ; but when many and repeated circumstances, con- spiring in one point, have inspired me with disesteem towards any person, I must see convincing proof of reformation in such person before my heart can beat again with affection in his favour ; for the mind is free, and can be bound only by kind treatment. * * * * I hope I shall not through any imprudence of mine, render ineffectual any noble design that may be in con templation for the general good. Whenever that object is mentioned, my private concerns are out of the question ; and where I cannot speak exactly what I could wish with respect to my private satisfaction, 1 promise you in the mean time to ob- serve a prudent silence." It is truly wonderful, that Jones should have found time, in the midst of the difficulties in which he was involved, and the quantity of business which it was necessary for him to attend to in person, during his three months' blockade in the Texel road, to have committed to paper such a mass of correspondence as has even been preserved. This long memorial must have been composed about the time of its date. He was in daily corres- pondence with the diplomatic M. Dumas, to whom he submitted all his letters for his inspection and advice. He had, however, in the beginning of November, refused very warm and polite invitations, to visit either Amsterdam or even the Hague. " Duty," he said, " must take the precedence of pleasure. I must wait a more favourable opportunity to kiss the hands of the fair." He was indeed most intensely and indefatigably employed all this time, in persevering efforts to effect the fixed purpose of his soul, let fluctuating neutral policy take what course it might, or vacillating ministers yield what points they might think unimportant, or Sir Joseph Yorke fulmine or in- trigue as he pleased. We find Jones subsequently apologizing for not having answered in rhyme the metrical effusions of a young lady, the daughter of M. Dumas, who did poetical homage PAUL JONES. 243 to the chivalric and gallant commodore, and whom 1 e styled the " Virgin Muse." Verily, he had other business to transact than that of tagging couplets together ; and though he aspired most devoutly to please the fair, and was dearly sensible of their attentions, I can find no foundation for the remark of one of his biographers, that his neglect to answer the last copy of the lady's verses, " appears to have weighed more on his mind than all the squadrons and remonstrances of the enemy." It only drew somewhat heavy draughts on his stock of complimentary language, and vocabulary of badinage. On the 27th of December, the wind serving, he set sail from the Texel, leaving, to use the musty proverb, the frying pan, in which he had been so long kept hot, at the risk of encounter- ing the fire, with which the English cruisers would have been well pleased to have favoured him. From .the Alliance, at sea, he wrote on this day to M. Dumas : " I am here, my dear sir, with a good wind at east, and under my best American colours so far you have your wish. What may be the event of this critical moment I know not ; I am not, however, without good hopes. Through the ignorance or drunkenness of the old pilot, the Alliance last night got foul of a Dutch merchant ship, and I believe the Dutchmen cut our cable. We lost the best bower anchor, and the ship was brought up with the sheet anchor so near the shore, that this morning I have been obliged to cut the cable in order to get clear of the shore, and that I might not lose this opportunity of escaping from purgatory." His Journal for the King, contains the following account of this nice and successful operation of seamanship. " He passed," he states, " along the Flemish banks, and, getting to windward of the enemy's fleets of observation in the North Sea, he the next day passed through the Straits of Dover, in full view of the enemy's fleet in the Downs. The day following Captain - - '. 244 PAUL JONES. Jones ran the Alliance past the Isle of Wight, in view of the enemy's fleet at Spithead, and in two days more got safe through the Channel, having passed by windward in sight of several of the enemy's large two-decked cruising ships. Captain Jones wished to carry with him some prizes and prisoners to France ; but the Alliance, by the arrangement Captain Landais had made of the ballast at L'Orient, was out of trim, and could not sail fast, her sails being too thin and old for cold latitudes. He steered to the southward, and cruised for some days without success off Cape Finisterre. On the 16th of January, 1780, Captain Jones, to shun a gale of wind, and procure a sound anchor, (for he had left the Texel with only one,) ran into Co- rogne. He was very kindly received in Spain, but sailed again, and arrived at Groix on the 10th February, having taken no prizes ; but met with and conducted in the American merchant ship Livingston, with a large cargo of tobacco, from Virginia for Bordeaux." It is barely necessary here to beg the reader to remember, that the conduct of Jones during his stay in the Texel, placed Holland in such a situation, that England could not but treat her as an alienated friend ; that the formal manifesto or decla- ration of war, published at the end of the year 1780, set forth the entertainment of Jones' squadron, and the license given to him to depart, (a license not very enviable under such circum- stances,) as the main acts which justified open hostility ; that few of the few celebrated " Retreats," either on land or water, in which neither honour nor any material point of vantage was lost, can overmatch that of Jones from the Texel ; and we may be spared from attempting formal panegyric on actions, which have few parallels in history, when the performance involved such important political results. Three days after being at sea, on this skittish voyage, we find Jones actually fulfilling his obligations to his fair correspon- dent at Amsterdam, by writing a copy of verses, as good as those of any naval commander whom we happen to think of, except Sir Walter Raleigh ; and of a kind which though rejected by PAUL JONES. 245 " Gods and columns," served in the days of our forefathers to please very respectable " men" and women too.* The pro- duction was dated on the New Year's day of 1780. According to our modern notions, were it not that in the second and third stanzas, he got irregularly rid of three lumbering Alexandrines introduced in the first, his metre had as much pretension to be called poetry, as nine tenths of the vers de societe of the French Classical School, or the magazine poetry of England and its colonies, at that period. Previous to his entering the port of L'Orient in February, we find but two letters from his pen, which are preserved. He wrote from Corunna on the 16th January to La Fayette, men- tioning very briefly his detention in the " detestable road" of the Texel, and his mortification at being offered a letter of marque. " I steered this way," he said, " in hopes of meeting some of their cruisers off Cape Finisterre, but am hitherto disappointed. It being very stormy weather, I this evening anchored here, where I mean only to scrub the bottom, and take a little fresh water, &c." On the 20th, he addressed the president of Con- gress, from on board the Alliance off Corunna, enclosing quad- ruplicate despatches. He expressed a hope that his refusal of a French commission would not be disagreeable to Congress, and gave a particular detail of the manner in which forty Eng- lish ships of the line and frigates, (two of which were lost,) were for six weeks stationed to intercept him. Before proceeding with the transactions subsequent to his arrival at L'Orient, the situation of the two prizes sent by Lan- dais to Norway, " under the nose of Jones," as he expresses it, and in defiance of his orders, claims a passing notice. The ship Betsy, of 22 guns and 84 men, and the Union of the like force, with a quantity of naval stores on board, arrived at Bergen on the 12th September, under the conduct of two of the officers of the Alliance. Immediate attention was paid to them * See Appendix No. IX. 246 PAUL JONES. by the consular agent of France, M. Dechezaulx who wrote to apprize Dr. Franklin of their arrival, and also to M. Caillard the charge d'affaires of France at the court of Denmark. These prizes were of value,* but had suffered considerably at sea, and stood in need of repairs. They were also badly manned. M. Dechezaulx had instructions from Sartine, to render the same services to vessels of the United States as to those of France. He was in hopes that the sale of these prizes would be allowed or overlooked by the Danish authorities, though the indepen- dence of the United States had not been recognised by that court j but of course expected the most vehement opposition from the English consul. This apprehension was soon dis- agreeably realized. On the 26th of October, he wrote to inform Franklin that a resolution had been adopted by the court of Den- mark, " unjust and contrary to the law of nations," to restore the ships to the English government, and that they had been delivered up accordingly. The decision had been sudden and totally unexpected. The order given by Landais to the officers who had them in charge was, simply to conduct them to Ber- gen, and M. Dechezaulx had no authority, without receiving orders from Franklin, to send them away, had they been in a condition to put to sea. The resolution was not communicated to the French charge d'affaires, until some time after it had been made, during which time he had conferences with the Danish minister in relation to the prizes. Nothing could be done under these circumstances by the American officers, who were obliged to go on shore with upwards of twenty men, and with no provision made for them, except to enter their formal protest against the proceedings. The governor, however, assured them that he would exert himself in their behalf; and the principal merchants offered them every assistance. A few weeks after, the governor informed them, that he was author- ized to pay their expenses, and that there was a probability that * M. Dechezauh estimated them to be worth at least 40,00(M. sterling. PAUL JONES. 247 the ships would be paid for, to the satisfaction of the American government ; a cheap promise, never fulfilled. Franklin ad- dressed Count Bernstoff, the Danish minister, on the subject. But his lettDr was not received until the 31st of January. On the 4th of that month, we find the officers, five in number, with- out any advices from Franklin, representing that, " they greatly regretted remaining in such an inactive state, being unable to render any service whatever, either to their country or them- selves." Of those prizes, which became subsequently the sub- ject of much negotiation, it is only necessary to add here, that they were totally lost to the United States, by the perverse folly and wilful disobedience of Landais. Another prize called the Charming Polly, was also sent to Bergen, where she arrived after the Union and Betsy, and shared the same fate. The events of the year 1780, during which Jones was in France, and the correspondence of that period must be suc- cinctly referred to. The latter is voluminous, and with the help of imagination some romance might be constructed out of the letters of fair ladies, known and anonymous. But our business is with truth, and we must confine ourselves within certain limits. From the fatigues Jones had undergone, his health was im- paired, and when he anchored at Groix, he was almost blind from the soreness of his eyes. He went up to L'Orient for a change of air, whence he addressed Franklin on the 13th of February. His first object was to repair the Alliance ; and he set about his preparations for that business with a zeal, and on a scale, which the economical Franklin in vain endeavoured to control and reduce. The cutwater of that vessel had been wrenched out of its place, and her trim could not be regained without altering the arrangement of the ballast, which Jones says, he understood " Captain Landais had extended along the ceiling from the stem post to the stern ; an idea that I believe he may without vanity call his own." Jones had ordered can- vass and cordage from Amsterdam. He also proposed to sheathe the bottom with copper, if it could be afforded. The other 248 PAUL JONES. ships left in the Texel road had arrived in France, the Dutch fleet giving them convoy. The Serapis was at L'Orient, and her conqueror wished she could be made the property of Ame- rica. The Countess of Scarborough was at Dunkirk. The American minister found himself compelled to use the language of supplication. " As to refitting your ship at the expense of this court," he said, " I must acquaint you that there is not the least proba- bility of obtaining it, and therefore I cannot ask it. 1 hear too much already of the extraordinary expense you made in Hol- land, to think of proposing an addition to it, especially, as you seem to impute the damage she has sustained, more to Captain Landais' negligence, than to accidents of the cruise. The whole expense will, therefore, fall upon me, and I am ill provi- ded to bear it, having so many unexpected calls upon me from all quarters. I, therefore, beg you would have mercy on me, put me to as little charge as possible, and take nothing you can possibly do without. As to sheathing with copper, it is totally out of the question. I am not authorized to do it, if I had money ; and I have not money for it, if I had orders. The purchase of the Serapis is in the same predicament. I believe the send- ing canvass and cordage from Amsterdam has already been forbidden ; if not, I shall forbid it. I approve of your applying to Messrs. Gourlade and Moylan for what repairs you want, having an exceeding good opinion of those gentlemen ; but let me repeat it, for God's sake be sparing, unless you mean to make me a bankrupt, or have your drafts dishonoured, for want of money in my hands to pay them." To this earnest exhortation, Jones said in reply, " I feel your reasons for urging frugality ; and as I have not hitherto been among the most extravagant servants of America, so you may depend upon it, my regard for you will make me particularly nice in my present situation." In his answer to questions sub- sequently proposed by the American board of Admiralty, which had now been established, Jones gives a truly deplorable account of the condition of the Alliance, which, on being thoroughly ex- PAUL JONES. 249 amined, proved deficient and inconvenient in its original con- struction, and altogether ill contrived. The essential repairs were finished by the middle of April, by the crew of the ship and four or five American carpenters. The materials of the old arrangement nearly sufficed to finish the new. Jones says, "judges allowed that when the business was finished, every thing about that frigate was perfect. I know not what was the amount of the disbursements." In his Journal for the king, he says, " She was thought one of the completes! frigates in France." It may easily be conjectured that the entreaties of the illustrious author of Poor Richard were not always remembered, while this metamorphose was in process. At this time, he seen? to have thought that an opinion was entertained, probably on account of his having rejected the French commission so indignantly, that his feelings towards the nation were unfriendly. This impression he thought it neces- sary to counteract. Writing to La Fayette, he said : " With- drawn as I am at present from the public attention, and having endeavoured only by my past conduct to prove my zeal for the common cause, it is strange that I cannot escape the malicious attacks of little minds. If any person, who has himself deserved well of his country, can accuse me of ingratitude, let him step forth like a man, and I will answer en homme cThonneur. * * * * To come to the point, here follows my political profes- sion. I am a citizen of the world, totally unfettered by the little mean distinctions of country or of climate ; which diminish or set bounds to the benevolence of the heart. * * * * As an American officer, and as a man, I affectionately love and re- spect the character and nation of France, and hope the alliance with America may last for ever. I owe the greatest obligation to the generous praises of the French nation on my past con- duct, and shall be happy to merit future favour. I greatly love and esteem his most Christian majesty as the great ally of Ame- rica, the best of kings, and the amiable friend and ' protector of the rights of human nature ;' therefore, he has very few of his own subjects who would bleed in his present cause with 31 250 PAUL JONES. greater freedom than myself, and none who are more disinte rested. At the sarr.e time, I lament the calamities of war, and wish above all things, for an honourable, happy, and lasting peace. My fortune is not augmented by the part I have hitherto acted in the revolution, (although I have had frequent oppor- tunities of acquiring riches,) and I pledge myself to the worthy part of mankind, that my future conduct in the war shall not forfeit their good opinion. I am ever, with great and sincere affection, happy in your friendship, &,c." He gave assurances to the Duke de Vauguyon to the same effect. " There are, my lord, some of my secret enemies base enough to insinuate that I do not love the nation of France ; but be assured that, though I felt myself hurt by some measures that were adopted towards me, and for which I cannot yet see any good reason, yet I have never written, spoken, or even thought, disrespectfully of the nation." It was unquestionably for the interest of any man of common prudence, under Jones' circumstances, to endeavour to conci- liate the good will of the French nation. His forbearance as to Landais proved that he acted upon this conviction. He had certainly no great cause to love M. de la Sartine, nor to feel particularly warm towards the captains who had been asso- ciated with him, from whatever cause their disagreement might have arisen. But he was certainly honest in his professions of regard for the nation ; and the subsequent honours he received at court increased that regard fervently. It was Franklin's intention to send the Alliance back, as soon as she should be in a condition to make the voyage. Jones would not have opposed this purpose ; though it may fairly be supposed that the interest he took in the disposition which might be made of his prizes did not make him anxious to expedite his departure while this was uncertain, and his crew were without either wages or prize money. We have no reason to believe that he made any unnecessary delay, when the thorough repairs the Alliance underwent are considered. Four gentlemen, one PAUL JONES. 251 of whom was Mr. Arthur Lee, were desirous of coming out to America by that opportunity, and Jones had promised to " pay the most cheerful regard to their accommodation." Franklin also wished to send to the United States large supplies of arms and clothing, (15,000 stand of good arms, and 120 bales of public cloth,) of which Jones said, "he hoped to be able to cram a great part, if not the whole, into the Alliance." This could not have been done with any convenience, without a material change in th arrangement of that ship. On the 1st of March, Franklin wrote that M. Sartine desired a place for another passenger, and expressed a wish that room should be made for Mr. Brown of South Carolina. He added : " Captain Landais has de- manded of me an order to you, to deliver him his trunks and things that were left on board the Alliance. I find him so ex- ceedingly captious and critical, and so apt to misconstrue as an intended injustice, every expression in a language which he does not immediately understand, that I am tired of writing any thing for him or about him, and am determined to have nothing further to do with him. I make no doubt, however, that you will deliver his things to any person he may empower to receive them, and therefore think such an order unnecessary. * * * * Dr. Bancroft being by this time with you, will take all steps possible to promote your refitting, and forward the payment of the prize money. I do not comprehend what the weight of rnetal has to do with the division, unless when ships are fitted out by different armers. I hope your indisposition will soon be over, and your health re-established." On the 4th of the same month, Franklin wrote to the president of Congress, that Jones would carry the Alliance home, unless prevailed on to enter another service, which he did not think likely ; that Landais had not applied to be replaced in her, and had expressed to him and to other persons his dissatisfaction with his officers, and his incli- nation on that account to leave her. This lunatic who was subject to be tried as an American officer, by a court martial, was also liable as a subject of France, and as holding its com- mission, to the summary jurisdiction exercised in that country. 252 PAUL JONES. When Franklin, in a letter addressed to Jones while, th when the sovereignty and independence of America is acknowledged by Great Britain; and I trust that Congress will now demand and obtain proper acknowledg- ments and full restitution from the court of Denmark. I have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, J. PAUL JOKES. Copy of a report of a committee on Captain Paul Jones' letter and others. Endorsed "August 24, 1781, not to be acted upon." " The committee to whom were referred the application of Captain John Paul Jones ; and also the applications of Captain James Nicholson and Captain Thomas Reed, beg leave to report, " That by an arrangement of the captains of the navy which was adopted by Con- gress on the tenth day of October, A. D. 1776, Captain James Nicholson was placed first in rank, Captain Thomas Reed eighth, and Captain John Paul Jones the eighteenth. " The committee cannot fully ascertain the rule by which that arrangement wa* made, as the relative rank was not conformable to the times of appointment or dates of commission, and seems repugnant to a resolution of Congress, of the 22d of December, 1775- It appears that Captains Whipple, Barry, Hollock, and Alexander, were ap- pointed captains previous to either of ihe applkants ; Captain Nicholson was later 310 APPENDIX. than either, excepting Reed ; but Captain Nicholson had a command of armed vessel* under the authority of the state of Maryland, prior to his being adopted in the conti nental navy. It is, therefore, to be presumed that preference was given to him on that account. Upon the whole, the committee submit to Congress whether it will be ad- visable to alter that arrangement ? If they should, Captain Jones will now stand the fifth captain, if respect be had only to times of appointment in that grade ; but if re- gard be had to Captain Jones' being a lieutenant in the navy prior to the appointment of many of the other gentlemen, he would then stand second in the rank of captains, and Whipple first. " The committee also recommend to Congress the expediency of appointing a commander in chief of the navy, in the place of the late Ezek Hopkins. Esq. dis- missed." No. HI. page 63. The observation in the note at the foot of the page, is perhaps a superfluous criticism on Jones' use of the term inherit. He had recovered, as I know from the best sources, several thousand pounds, from the wreck of his brother's fortune in Virginia ; and when he speaks of having Jived upon fifty pounds for more than a year, he must refer to a period anterior to that immediately preceding. It is not known what amount he had received, if any, at this time, of the money due to him in England and Tobago, mentioned in his letter to Stuart Mawey, Esq. He was more than 1500 pounds in advance for the public service, before he left America, as he afterwards states. Ex- cepting an inconsiderable amount of prize money, wrung from the hands of mercenary agents, he received nothing for his services to the United States, previous to his retam iu the Ariel, in 1780. There can, therefore, be no doubt that he hazarded his private resources as well as his personal safety, in the cause of his adopted country; and it does not appear that he or his representatives were, or to this day are, more fortunate than others, who perilled all they had, in the question of our country's independence in having the pecuniary account liquidated, though his charges for disbursements on account of the government, at several times during the period referred to, were allowed He had also his portion of continental money. No. IV. page 70. In the early part of the Revolutionary war, the maritime flag seems to have been, either the coat of arms of the respective colonies under whose authority vessels were equipped, or to have depended upon the whim or fancy of the commanding officer. Thus, the brig Yankee Hero, of Marblehead, captured after an obstinate engagement by the Milford frigate, bore a pine tree in a white field ; and several fitted out from New York bore a black beaver. On the 9th of February, 1776, thirteen months after Manly had been scouring the ocean under authority of the colony of Massachusetts, " Col. Gadsden presented to Con- gress an elegant standard, such as is to be used by the commander in chief of the American navy ; being a yellow field with a lively representation of a rattlesnake in "the attitude of going to strike, and these words undarneath, ' Don't tread on me.' ' This was doubtless the strange flag of which an English writer of that period speaks in the following words : " A strange flag has lately appeared in our seas, bearing a pine APPENDIX. 311 tree with the portraiture of a rattlesnake coiled up at its root, with these daring words : Don't tread on me.' We learn that the vessels bearing this flag, have a sort of com- mission from a society of people at Philadelphia, calling themselves the continental Congress." No. V. page 75. The following letter is without date, and the address is torn off. It is an interest* ing fragment. ..* c oant d'Estaing, the king never had a subject who loved him better ; who has a nobler mind, or who is a more worthy citizen. Though vice admiral of France, (the only officer of that high rank who has served in the late war,) he was sent out to America, with no more than the command of a Chef d'Escadre ; and from three to four months after I had given the minister of marine the plan of that ex- pedition. I gave the plan the 10th of February, 1778. That long and unnecessary delay rendered it scarcely possible for the expedition to succeed. Yet this was no fault of the vice admiral ; who, on the contrary deserves the highest praise for his zeal and perseverance. He would have surmounted every difficulty and taken Lord Howe in the road of New York, if a generous sacrifice of his own fortune, 150, OOOliv. could have induced the pilot to conduct him over the bar. The captains who were about him were constantly in cabal to frustrate his project*. and never approached him with their advice, but with a revolting impertinence which is highly culpable in the mouth of subalterns when they speak to their chief. The admiral had proof that those men had done all in their power, by letters to court and otherwise, to ruin him. Carte blanche was sent him to punish them at his pleasure. But he contented himself with showing them that he was too noble minded, to avail himself of his power. He gave them every opportunity of distinguishing their zeal for their country, and always rendered ample justice to their good conduct. The taking of Grenada is a military achievement greater than any other admiral can boast of in the course of the last war ; and if Count de G had supported his admiral in the engagement with Byron, it would have been the most glorious affair for the flag of France that ever happened. If the admiral did not succeed at Savannah, it must be attributed to invincible difficulties. No other man in his place would have succeeded. He had been misinformed respecting the badness of the coast, where hid fleet were obliged to remain at anchor far from the land in the open sea, far from every resorrce of provisions, wood, or water. He had been misinformed respecting the length and shallowness of the river, the strength of the place, and the force of the enemy. When he summoned Savannah to surrender he had not above a fourth part of his troops landed, and he had with him neither mortars nor battering cannon. He found the enemy much stronger than he had expected ; and it was a stratagem of war that might have succeeded ; for he was certain that the enemy did not know that he was not of sufficient force to put his threat in execution. No fault caa be found with his conduct on that expedition, except it be said, that it was wrong to give the enemy so long time as two days to make his capitulation. But to this it may be answered, that the ad- miral could not possibly be ready in a shorter time to assault the place; which was so strongly re-inforced in the interim, that an assault must have failed. A siege, therefore, became indispensable. This required much more time ; but there is reason to believe 1 312 APPENDIX. it would have succeeded, if the admiral had not been so dangerously wounded when he stormed the place after having made a practicable breach ; for some of the Ameri- cans had got possession of a commanding bastion, before the retreat was ordered. In war, the force must be very superior that can insure success. And even a superior force may fail through circumstances, without any reflection on the commander. But Count d'Estaing deserved success ; and he can say what no other man can do who served through all the last war : ' He has had no advancement, his wounds are his honours ; and the public esteem his reward.' 'History says that France has no officer, whom England fears so much. " I have the honour to-be, &e. &c. "Pxtn. JONKS." No. VI. page 144. The following letters will be found in the Diplomatic Correspondence of the Ame- rican Revolution, Vol. I. pp. 215, 268, 269. [To the President of Congress.] " Patsy, April \2, 1785. " SIR, " Mr. de Chaumont, who will have the honour of presenting this line to your excel- lency, is a young gentleman of excellent character, whose father was one of our most early friends in this country, which he manifested by crediting us with a thousand barrels of gunpowder and other military stores in 1776, before we had provided any apparent means of payment. He has, as I understand, some demands to make on Congress, the nature of which I am unacquainted with ; but my regard for the family makes me wish that they may obtain a speedy consideration and such favourable issue as they may appear to merit. " To this end I beg leave to recommend him to your countenance and protection. and am, with great respect, &c. " B. FRANKMN." [To M. le Ray de Chaumont.] " Passy, Sept. 15, 1778. " SIR " As our finances are, at present, in a situation seriously critical, and as I hold my- self accountable to Congress for every part of my conduct, even to the smallest article of my expenses, I must beg the favour of you to consider what rent we ought to pay you for this house and furniture both for the time past and to come. Every part of your conduct towards me, and towards our Americans in general, and in all onr affairs. has beon polite and obliging, as far as I have had an opportunity of observing, and I have no doubt it will continue so ; yet it is not reasonable that the United States should bo under so great an obligation to a private gentleman, as that two of their representatives should occupy, for so long a time, so elegant a seat, with so much furni- ture, and so fine accommodations, without any compensation; and, in order to avoid the disapprobation of our constituents on the one hand, for living here at too great or at too uncertain an expense; and on the other the censure of the world for not making APPENDIX. 313 sufficient compensation to a gentleman who has done so much for our convenience, K seems to me necessary that we should come to an eclaircissement upon this head. " As you have an account against the commissioners, or against the United States, for several other matters, I should also be obliged to you if you would send it ia as soon as possible, as every day renders it more and more necessary for us to look into our affairs with the utmost precision. " I am, sir, with much esteem and respect, " Your most obedient humble servant, " JOHN ADAMS." [M. le Ray de Chaumont to John Adams.] " Passy, Sept. 18, 1778. TRANSLATION. "SlR, " I have received the letter which you did me the honour to write to me on the 15th instant, making inquiry as to the rent of my house, in which you live, for the past and the future. When I consecrated my house to Dr. Franklin, and his associates who might live with him, I made it fully understood that I should expect no compensation ; because I perceived that you had need of all your means to send to the succour of your country, or to relieve the distresses of your countrymen escaping from the chains of their enemies. I pray you, sir, to permit this arrangement to remain, which I made when the fate of your country was doubtful. When she shall enjoy all her splendour, such sacrifices on my part will be superfluous or unworthy of her; but, at present they may be useful, and I am most happy in offering them to you. " There is no occasion for strangers to be informed of my proceeding in this respect. It is so much the worse for those who would not do the same if they had the oppor- tunity, and so much the better for me, to have immortalized my house by receiving into it Dr. Franklin and his associates. " I have the honour to be, " Sir, with the most perfect respect, &c. " LE RAY DE CHAUMOHT." The following is part of a letter from the " Nation's Guest," whose remembrances of half a century were found to be as vivid, as his enthusiasm had been when he embarked in the cause of liberty in 1776. It was addressed to Le Ray de Chau- mont, Esq. of Jefferson County, son of the gentleman in question. " La Grange, November 10, J825. " Mr DEAR SIR, " Although your own remembrance of the services rendered to our cause by the late Le Ray de Chaumont, and under his direction by his son, precludes the utility of any further evidence, I think it a duty, as one of the few surviving witnesses of those transactions to add my testimony to those of William Franklin, Marbois, Laforest, Monroe, as well as your respected father's recollections. Yet I would think it super- fluous to enter with you into a minute detail of the efforts which M. Le Ray de Chau- mont made with his favourable situation, large fortune, remarkable talents, and un- 39 314 APPENDIX. Common activity, and constancy to promote the interest of the United States, before the recognition of independence by the French court, and afterwards, by his continued exertions ; namely in the expedition of the American squadron under the command of the gallant Paul Jones." An allusion follows to the unsettled account of M. Le Ray de Chaumont. I state on the authority of the gentleman to whom the foregoing letter was addressed, that a reconciliation took place between Jones and himself after the conclusion of the peace, Dr. Franklin having brought them together, in the presence of Robert Morris, Esq. at Philadelphia. It was then and there made apparent to Jones, that he had not understood how much M. Le Ray Chaumont, senior, had been, and remained so largely in advance to the United States; and with his characteristic frankness, the commodore admitted his error. A friendship continued between these parties afterwards. No. VII pages 169, 198. In a memorandum, dated at Versailles, on the 17th of June, 1780, Jones stated that, " when the treaty of alliance with France arrived in America, Congress feeling the most lively sentiments of gratitude towards France, thought how they might mani- fest the satisfaction of the continent by some public act. The finest frigate in the service was on the stocks, ready to be launched, and it was resolved to call her the Alliance. M. Landais, a French subject, who had then arrived in America from France, as master of a merchant ship laden with public stores, had reported that he had been a captain in the royal navy of France, had commanded a ship of the line, been a chief officer of the port of Brest, and was of such worth and estimation for his great abilities, that he could have had any honours or advancement in his own country that he pleased to accept; but that his desire to serve America had induced him to leave his own country, and even to refuse to receive the cross of St. Louis, that he might be at liberty to abjure the religion of his forefathers, which he did accordingly. Congress believing M. Landais to be in high esteem at the court of Versailles, and thinking, with reason, that it would give pleasure to his majesty to find that on of his worthy subjects had been treated with distinction in America, appointed him captain of the Alliance." Captain Landais was well known to the citizens of the United States, especially during the latter years of his life. He died on Long Island, in the State of New York. For a considerable time prior to his death, he was an annual petitioner to Congress, on whose sessions he often attended, to urge his claim for indemnity, on account of his portion of the prize money, which ought to have accrued from three prizes sent into Norway, whilst he was in command of the Alliance in Europe. His temper, even in old age, appeared to be severe ; for whilst at Washington, he could not avoid betray- ing his irritability. A remarkable instance of this unhappy constitutional excitability is related of him with respect to a member of Congress, who had spoken rather slight- ingly of him. Landais dressed himself in his uniform, with a small sword by his side, and repaired to the gallery of the House of Representatives, when in session ; indica- ting thereby, as well as in conversation with his acquaintances, that he was prepared to give any gentleman satisfaction who might be offended with him. He afterwards observed, quoting a remark ascribed to Henry IV. of France, that " if there was bad APPENDIX 315 blood in Congress, he would draw it." He affirmed to the last, that he, and mot Jones, captured the Serapis, attributing her surrender entirely to his having raked her from the Alliance ; about which the reader has seen that his assertion was entirely void of foundation. The following account of this eccentric individual is from a more imaginative and perhaps less authentic account. But, it is believed that the statement is, in the main, correct. I know that there was such a tombstone erected for Laudais, at the place mentioned; but the ground has since been raised in that cemetery, several feet, and like him whom it commemorated, it a disparu. At least, I cannot see it there any longer. " There was another Frenchman of distinction, who used daily to take his solitary walk through Broadway. I allude to Admiral Pierre de Laudais, a cadet of the family of a younger son of the youngest branch of one of the oldest, proudest, and poorest families in Normandy. He had regularly studied in the Ecole de la marine, and was thoroughly instructed in the mathematical theories of sailing and building a ship, although like the rest of his countrymen, he always found some unexpected dif- ficulty in applying his theory to practice. For a Frenchman, however, he was a good sailor ; but in consequence of his grandfather having exhausted his patrimony in a splendid exhibition of fire works for the entertainment of Madame de Pompadour, he had neither interest at court nor money to purchase court favour. He was, there- fore, kept in the situation of an aspirant or midshipman, until he was thirty-two years old, and was kept, I know not how many years more, in the humble rank of sous lieu- tenant. He served his country faithfully, and with great good will until, in the begin- ning of the reign of Louis XVI. a page of the mistress of the Count de Vergennes came down to Cherbourg to be his captain. While he was boiling with indignation at this affront, the war between England and America broke out, and he seized that opportunity to enter the service of the United States. There he at once rose to the command of a fine frigate, and the title of admiral. Soon afterwards came the brilliant affair of the Serapis and the Bon Homnie Richard, in which Paul Jones, by his im- petuous and undisciplined gallantry, earned t'ae reputation of a hero, and poor Lan- dais by a too scrupulous attention to the theory of naval science, incurred that of a coward. I believe that naval authority is against me ; but I venture to assert, meo periculo, and on the authority of one of iny uncles, who was in that action as a lieu- tenant to Paul Jones, that Landais erred not through any defect of bravery, but merely from his desire to approach his enemy scientifically, by bearing down upon the hypothenuse of the precise right-angled triangle prescribed in the thirty-seventh " manoeuvre" of his old text book. "The naval committee of Congress unfortunately understood neither mathematics nor French ; they could not comprehend Landais' explanations, and he was thrown out of service. After his disgrace he constantly resided in the city of New York, ex cept that he always made a biennial visit to the seat of government, whether at Phila- delphia or at Washington, to present a memorial respecting the injustice done him, and to claim restitution to his rank and the arrears of his pay. An unexpected divi- dend of prize money, earned at the beginning of the Revolutionary war, and paid in 1790, gave him an annuity of one hundred and four dollars ; or rather, as I think, a hundred and five ; for I remember his telling me that he had two dollars a week on which to subsist, and an odd dollar for charity at the end of the year. 316 APPENDIX. "Although Congress under the new constitution continued as obdurate and as im- penetrable to explanation as they were in the time of the confederation, the admiral kept up to the last, the habits and exterior of a gentleman. His linen, though not very fine, nor probably very whole, was always clean ; his coat threadbare, but scrupulously brushed ; and for occasions of ceremonious visiting, he had a pair of paste knee buckles and faded yellow silk stockings with red clocks. He wore the American cockade to the last, and on the fourth of July, the day of St. Louis, and the anniver- sary of the day on which the British troops evacuated the city of New York, he peri- odically mounted his old continental naval uniform, although its big brass buttons had lost their splendour, and the skirts of the coat, which wrapped his shrunken person like a cloak, touched his heels in walking, while the sleeves, by some contradictory process had receded several inches from the wrists. He subsisted with the utmost in- dependence on his scanty income, refusing all presents, even the most trifling ; and when my naval uncle, on one occasion sent him a dozen of Newark cider, as a small mark of his recollection of certain hospitalities at the admiral's table, when in com- mand, while he himself was but a poor lieutenant, Landais peremptorily refused them, as a present which he could not receive, because it was not in his power to reciprocate. "He was a man of the most punctilious and chivalric honour, and at the same time full of that instinctive kindness of heart and that nice sense of propriety, which shrinks from doing a rude thing to any body on any occasion. Even when he met his bitterest enemy, as he did shortly after he carne to New York, the man whose accusation had destroyed his reputation and blighted his prospects, whose injuries he had for years brooded over, and whom he had determined to insult and punish whenever he fell in with him, he could not bring himself to offer him any insult unbecoming a gen- tleman, but deliberately spitting on the pavement, desired his adversary to consider that pavement as his own face, and to proceed accordingly. " Thus, in proud, solitary, and honourable poverty, lived Pierre de Landais, for some forty years, until, to use the language of his own epitaph, in the eighty seventh year of his age, he " disappeared" from this life. As he left no property behind him, and had no relations and scarcely any acquaintances in the country, it has always been a matter of mystery to me, who erected his monument, a plain white marble slab, which stands in the church yard of St. Patrick's Cathedral, in New York, and on which is read the following characteristic inscription : A LA MEMOIR! de PIERRE DE LANDAIS, ANCIKN OONTRE AMIRAI,, au service DBS KTATS UN1S. Qiu Disparut Juin 1818, Age 87 arts. Talisman, 11. jzv APPENDIX. 317 No. VIII. page 245. It would be unpardonable to omit in a Life of Jones, specimens of the versification which he amused himself with making, either out of his own brains, or with the assistance of the metrical common-places, witb^which his memory seem* to have been stored. The observation made in the text will be fully justified by them. One piece has been found among the manuscripts before the compiler, which has not been previously published. The lines which first follow, referred to in the text, were unquestionably made at the time of their date, and, as has been remarked by the ingenious biographer who contrived to make a connected story out of Mr. Sherburne's Collections, are as great a " psycological curiosity," as the singularly wild and beauti- ful fragment, entitled Christabel. They differ, certainly, in some strange respects. One is the elaborate amusement, (for Jones felt his personal pride quickly awake in every thing he did,) of a man who had laughed at the whole English navy, spurned the illegitimate protection of France, and evaded the fluctuating and unintelligible policy of the country into whose ports he had entered, and taken upon himself that awful responsibility, which death itself, without success, will not discharge. Jonea had left Scylla barking, and knew that Charybdis was near, when he solemnly manu- factured these strains. There is queer poetry in Coleridge's abortion ; but no sen- sible person will ever believe, that he wrote down while awake, many hundred lines, which he remembered to have composed while asleep. So we will give the laurel to Jones, so far as psycological curiosities are concerned. VERSES. [Written on board the Alliance off Ushant , the 1st day of January, 1780, imme- diately after escaping out of the Texel, from the blockade of the British fleets; being in answer to a piece written and sent to the Texel by a young Lady at the Hague.] I. Were I, Paul Jones, dear maid, " the king of sea," I find such merit in thy virgin song, A coral crown with bays I'd give to thee, - A car which on the waves should smoothly glide along : The Nereides all about thy side should wait, And gladly sing in triumph of thy state " Vivat, vivat, the happy virgin muse ! Of liberty the friend, who tyrant power pursues!" II. Or, happier lot ! were fair Columbia free From British tyranny and youth still mine, I'd tell a tender tale to one like thee With artless looks and breast as pure as thine. If she approved my flame, distrust apart, Like faithful turtles, we'd have but one heart : Together then we'd tune the silver lyre, As love or sacred freedom should our lays inspire. 318 APPENDIX. III. But since, alas ! the rage of war prevails, And cruel Britons desolate our land, For freedom still I spread my willing sails, My unsheath'd sword my injured country shall command. Go on, bright maid ! the muses all attend Genius like thine, and wish to be its friend. Trust me, although conveyed through this poor shift, My New-Year's thoughts are grateful for thy gift. LINES ADDRESSED TO A LADY. I. When Jove from high Olympus goes To Ida, and the fair below, All heav'n laments but Juno shows, A jealous and superior wo : In vain to her all power is given, To female weakness ever dear ; She scorns the sov'reignty of heav'n, Her God, her Jove, seems all to her ! II. But when the Thunderer returns, And seeks his skies, (so Homer sings,) Soil .flames the impatient goddess burns ! She hastes to meet the King of kings : Swift as the light her chariot flies, Her swifter wishes fly before ; Still joyous in the middle skies, She meets the cloud compelling pow'r. IIL Prolific nature feels th' embrace, Superior blossoms, fruits and flow'ri, Spring up heav'n wears a brighter face, And fragrance in profusion show'rs. Celestial raptures who can tell ? Ours all divine ! are only felt, What bold presumptuous strains shall swell, With transports which the gods can melt! APPENDIX. 319 IV. Thus when thy warrior, though co god, Brings Freedom's standard o'er the main, Long absent from thy blest abode, Casts anchor in dear France again ; O ! thou more heavenly ! far more kind Than Juno, as tliy swain than Jove, With what heart's transports, raptur'd mind ! Shall toe approach on wings of love ! The following verses, on a black profile, are without date, and written on I know not what occasion. Pity so excellent a face, Should in a shade preserve thy name, Such beauty, harmony, and grace, The painter's softest tints may claim ! II. The eye, complexion, spirit, air, In that vile profile all are lost, Only some features left ! I swear, "Tie not Maria .' but her ghost. in. O ! did Appelle's genius warm, Or had I Raphael's skill divine : Their brightest works should cease to charm, And Venus' portrait yield to thine. IV. They drew a Nymph they never saw, Then call'd her Love's bright deity, My goddess from the life I'd draw, And to paint her but copy thee. V. Carnation and the blushing rose, Should, blended with the lily, vie, And grace, beyond all art disclose, The mild blue lustre of thy eye. 320 APPENDIX. VI. The loves and graces round should stand. Or lightly hov'ring o'er thy head, With gentle impulse prompt my hand, And sweetly mingle light and shade VII. And, lest this matchless piece of min, Should tempt me to idolatry; Soon as I felt the heath'nish sin, I'd turn from that and gaze on thee ! VIII. Yet as mere picture ne'er could show, The beauties latent in thy mind, The heav'n-born muse should this pursue, The pen be with the pencil join'd. IX. The loveliest form, the fairest face, The brightest eye, the gentlest mind, And every virtue, charm, and grace, Should be to endless fame consign'd. X. Posterity thus blest by me, Should read and gaze, and read again ; For that blue shade an angel see, And, for my rhymes, read Homer's strain. KND OF APPENDIX TO PART I. PAUL JONES. PART n. THE year 1791 was to Jones a period of reward for past ser- vices and disappointments ; of grateful and honourable repose after long and harassing perplexities, and of well founded ex- pectation of a distinguished command in future. Its annals, so far as he was connected with them, may be summarily recited. His reputation as a commander was exalted in America, and report had even exaggerated his actions. Dr. Lee, who had found out that Landais was insane, and upon whose testimony before a court martial the latter had been broke, was now pre- pared to go with the current, and even appear as the friend of Jones. The board of admiralty, in reporting on " the reasons, that the public clothing and military stores had not been im- ported," had stated to Congress on the 2d November of the previous year, that " it appeared Captain Landais regained command of the Alliance by the advice of Mr. Lee, notwith- standing his suspension by Dr. Franklin, who, by the direction of the marine committee, had the sole management of our ma- rine affairs in Europe." Jones landed at Philadelphia on the 18th of February. On the following day, a motion was offered, that he should be directed to appear before that body, to give all the information in his power relative to the detention of the clothing and arms in France, intended for Washington's army ; and that the doors should be open, during the examination. After debate, on 40 322 PAUL JONES. motion of Mr. Adams, the consideration of this proposition was postponed. A regular inquiry into many particulars of Jones' cruises, from November, 1777, when he left Portsmouth in the Ranger, was necessary, and in course ; and on the 20th, forty- seven questions were drawn up by the board of admiralty, which he was required to answer as soon as possible. Two of the ques- tions were afterwards extended, to enable his formal answers to meet every point of interrogatory, which he did with singular promptness ; but before such formal reply was, or could have been rendered, the letter of M. de la Sartine had been referred to a committee, upon whose report the following resolutions were adopted on the 27th : " Resolved, That the Congress entertain a high sense of the distinguished bravery and military conduct of John Paul Jones, Esq. captain in the navy of the United States, and particularly in his victory over the British frigate Serapis on the coast of England, which was attended with circumstances so brilliant as to excite general applause and admiration : " That the minister plenipotentiary of these United States at the court of Versailles, communicate to his most Christian ma- jesty, the high satisfaction Congress has received from the con- duct and gallant behaviour of Captain John Paul Jones, which have merited the attention and approbation of his most Christian majesty, and that his majesty's offer of adorning Captain Jones with a cross of military merit is highly acceptable to Congress." In consequence, M. de la Luzerne gave a fete to all the members of Congress, and to the principal inhabitants of Philadelphia, and in their presence, he, in the name of his majesty, invested the commodore with the order of military merit. The answers of the chevalier to all the forty-seven interroga- tories were given early in March. They are terse, frank, and perspicuous. The board of admiralty were in the same dilern ma, as to the authority under which some of the deputy prize agents acted, that every person will fall into on reading the cor- respondence of Jones at the time ; and he was still in some PAUL JONES. 323 uncertainty as to this point, in rendering an explanation. He mentioned in his second answer, that he sent to the commis- sioners the scheme afterwards adopted for Count D'Estaing's expedition. On his right to claim the merit of originating this project, we have already remarked. He would scarcely have now openly claimed it in the face of the world, if contradiction and consequent humiliation had been like to result from his so doing. He could proudly say, in answer to the 8th interroga- tory, " I never have borne nor acted under any other commis- sion than that of the Congress of America." He stated in reply to searching queries about his objects and projects, that he had a variety of the latter, but as to many of them, no person was in his secret. His main and prominent purpose was to effect the liberty and exchange of American citizens, " confined as pirates, felons, and traitors, in the dungeons of England." His " second was, the honour of the American flag." At whose expense the Alliance had been provided for, he was not aware. He believed that the American officers and men, had received from their agents, some part of the shares arising from the sales of prizes taken by the squadron under his command ; but it was their own private transaction. He repeated his assertion, (which he believed, without evidence, to be correct,) that M. de Chaumont, the commissary, had been intrusted with funds by the government, for the expense of the armament, which he with- held. He gave a satisfactory account of the reasons why the clothing and arms had not been forwarded, and of the reasons for the delay of the sailing of the Ariel in relation to which there were five or six very precise questions. His biographer in the Edinburgh Life did not examine dates or facts, when he thought it necessary not merely to apologize for the latter delay of that ship, but to admit that Jones was accessary to it, after the disaster in September. To the last question he replied, that the officers and crew of the Ariel had enlisted for three years,* * O during the war, as elsewhere appears. 324 PAUL JONES. except a few who entered at L' Orient for one year, after the ship put back, and that they were at the expense of the United States. There is nothing else requiring present notice in these clear headed replies to diversified interrogations, and compli- cated and disconnected matters, which has not been previously explained. Jones was mistaken on one point onby ; and his error arose from an excitement of feeling, the prompting casue of which, the sufferings of poor seamen, was a proper one. " The light that led astray was light from heaven," which hu- man weakness saw through a discoloured medium. On the 28th March, the board of admiralty made a report, purporting to be in pursuance of two resolutions of Congress, passed in the previous year, inquiring into the causes of the delay in the arrival of the stores and clothing. They stated, that the procrastinated investigation had been resumed on the arrival of Jones, and that, on propounding their questions to him, with a view to a full explanation, they had desired him " to subjoin to his answers all such matters as he might think would throw light on their inquiry." The questions and answers ac- companied the report, with the voluminous correspondence of Jones, referred to in the margin of the answers, where imme- diately connected with them, the rest being arranged in four bun dies. The board were " fully satisfied," that the delay " had not been owing in any measure to a want of the closest atten- tion to that business, either in the minister plenipotentiary of the United States,, or to Captain Jones ; who had, on the con- trary, made every application and used every effort to accom- plish that purpose ; but that it was owing to Captain Landais' taking the command of the Alliance, contrary to the express orders of Dr. Franklin, and proceeding with her to America." It then set forth the sentence of the court martial held on Lan- dais, and that, after he had been dismissed from the service, a further prosecution was deemed improper ; that Jones had vainly endeavoured to procure an additional vessel for the trans- portation of the clothing ; that the court of France had furnish- ed no money * ? the American minister, to enable him to procure PAUL JONES. 325 clothing ; that they had commissioned M. Le Ray de Chau- mont to do so, and that Mr. J. Williams of Nantes, and Messrs. Gourlade and Moylan acted solely under his orders. They acquitted Jones of negligence in suffering the brig Luke to sail from L'Orient, with a part of this clothing on board, in the lat- ter part of October, without waiting for the convoy of the Ariel, as he had not been spoken to by Gourlade and Moylan, and had no control over her himself. They then, after enumerating the actions of Jones, reported that, " ever since he first became an officer in the navy of those States, he hath shown an unre- mitted attention in planning and executing- enterprises calcu- lated to promote the essential interests of our glorious cause. That in Europe, although in his expedition through the Irish Channel, in the Ranger, he did not fully accomplish his purpose, yet he made the enemy feel that it is in the power of a small squadron, under a brave and enterprising commander, to reta- liate the conflagrations of our defenceless towns. That return- ing from Europe, he brought with him the esteem of the greatevt and best friends of America; and hath received from the illus- trious monarch of France that reward of warlike virtue, which his subjects receive by a long series of faithful services or un- common merit. " The board are of opinion that the conduct of Paul Jones merits particular attention, and some distinguished mark of approbation from the United States in Congress assembled." It may here be as well stated, chronologically, that the "brave Captain John Barry," as Jones called him, and as he was at this moment proving himself, sailed in command of the Alliance from Boston in February, having on board Colonel Laurens, specially commissioned by Congress to the court at Versailles. Having landed the envoy at L'Orient, he sailed thence on the 30th March, and three days afterwards redeemed the credit of the Alliance, by taking with no great trouble, a couple of ships, which Landais, if he had acted consistently, would, according to the testimony, have run away from. The report of the board of admiralty, having been referred PAUL JONES. to a committee, on the coming in of their report, Congress passed the following resolution on the 14th April. " Resolved, That the thanks of the United States in Congress assembled, be given to Captain John Paul Jones, for the zeal, prudence, and intrepidity with which he has supported the ho- nour of the American flag ; for his bold and successful enter- prises to redeem from captivity the citizens of the States who had fallen under the power of the enemy ; and in general, for the good conduct and eminent services by which he has added lustre to his character, and to the American arms : " That the thanks of the United States in Congress assem- bled, be also given to the officers and men who have faithfully served under him from time to time, for their steady affection to the cause of their country, and the bravery and perseverance they have manifested therein." The next in order of these truly glorious testimonials, is a letter from the father of his country; the man whom " modern degeneracy had not reached," and whom it is foolish to say that modern degeneracy has equalled. " Head Quarters, New Windsor, 15th May, 1781. " SIR, " My partial acquaintance with either our naval or commer- cial affairs makes it altogether impossible for me to account for the unfortunate delay of those articles of military stores and clothing which have been so long provided in France. " Had I had any particular reasons to have suspected you of being accessary to that delay, which I assure you has not been the case, my suspicions would have been removed by the very full and satisfactory answers which you have, to the best of my knowledge, made to the questions proposed to you by the board of admiralty, and upon which that board have, in their report to Congress, testified the high sense which they entertain of your merits and services. " Whether our naval affairs have in general been well or ill conducted would be presumptuous in me to determine. Instances PAUL JONES. 327 of bravery and good conduct in several of our officers have not, however, been wanting. Delicacy forbids me to mention that particular one which has attracted the admiration of all the world, and which has influenced the most illustrious monarch to confer a mark of his favour which can only be obtained by a long and honourable service, or by the performance of some brilliant action. " That you may long enjoy the reputation you have so justly acquired is the sincere wish of, " Sir, your most obedient servant, " GEO. WASHINGTON." With such expressions of official and public approbation in his favour, Jones says in his journal, that he addressed Congress on the 28th May, but " modestly rested .his pretensions to rank only on the commission he held as the eldest of the first grades of lieutenants in the navy, under the United Colonies ; because by all rule and example of military promotion, that commission entitled him to rank before all persons who did not enter into the sea service of the continent as early as himself, unless pre- ference had been given to other gentlemen, on account of their known superior abilities, which had not been the case. Con- gress referred the application to the Honourable Messrs. Var- num, Mathews, and Clymer. Mr. Varnum, the chairman, in- formed Captain Jones that the committee agreed in opinion, and would report to Congress, that he had been very unfairly treated in the arrangement of naval rank, adopted October 10th, 1776 ; and that the conduct and services of Captain Jones had merited that he should be promoted to the rank of rear admiral. But before Congress had time to act upon the report of their com- mittee, opposition was made to the application of Captain Jones, by one or two captains whose names had been placed before him, on their first introduction to the sea service of the continent. Upon this Congress recommitted the report. But this did not, however, lessen the pretensions of Captain Jones, either in the opinion of the committee or of Congress." This 328 PAUL JONES. remark is verified by the acts of that body. On the 16th June, the following report was made from the admiralty office. " The board, to whom was referred the letters and other papers relative to the conduct of John Paul Jones, Esq. beg leave to report, that they have carefully perused said letters and papers, wherein they find favourable mention is made of his abilities as an officer by the Duke de Vauguyon, M. de Sar- tine, and Dr. Franklin ; and this is also corroborated by that valour and intrepidity with which he engaged his Britannic Majesty's ship, the Serapis, of forty-four cannon, 12 and 18 pounders, which, after a severe contest for several hours, sur- rendered to his superior valour, thereby acquiring honour to himself and dignity to the American flag. " The board therefore humbly conceive that an honourable testimony should be given to Captain Paul Jones, commander of the Bon Homme Richard, his officers and crew, for their many singular services in annoying the enemy on the British coasts, and particularly for their spirited behaviour in an en- gagement with his Britannic Majesty's ship of war, the Serapis, on the 23d of September, 1779, and obliging her to surrender to the American flag." Other reports from the same quarter, recapitulating the par- ticulars of Jones' services, bore unequivocal testimony to his ingenuous patriotism, during the whole course of his engagement in the public service. On the 23d June, it was resolved, that Robert Morris, Esq. should be authorised to take measures for speedily launching and equipping for sea the ship America, then on the stocks at Portsmouth in New Hampshire, and that Con- gress should proceed, three days thereafter, to the appointment of a commander of that vessel. Accordingly, on the 26th, the following entry is found in the Journals : " Congress proceeded to the appointment of a captain, to command the ship America ; and, the ballots being taken, John P. Jones, Esq. was unani- mously elected." Jones says, that other captains had been put in nomination against him ; and as the new ship was the only one of the line then belonging to this government, the competi- 329 tion for the command was in fact a test of the disposition Con- gress would make of the delicate question of rank. He could not but have been highly satisfied with the result ; and draws the conclusion that, by virtue of the Act of Congress, passed No- vember 15th, 1776, he held after this election, a rank equiva- lent to that of colonel, " with the exclusive rank of captain of the line ; while none of the other captains, as they had only commanded frigates under forty guns, could claim any higher rank than that of lieutenant colonel. " Thus," he continues, " Congress took a delicate method to avoid cabal, and to do justice. It was more agreeable to Captain Jones to be so honourably elected captain of the line, than to have been, as was proposed by the committee, raised at once to the rank of rear admiral ; because Congress had not then the means of giving him a command suitable to that rank." In a document published in the Appendix to the first part of this work, his opinions on the subject of naval rank, and what should be the qualifications of officers, are stated in full. To that we refer the reader generally, as comprising in substance a variety of obser- vations made on these subjects by him at different periods, which occur in several of the letters and official communications from him, which are preserved. How much he had reflected on the topic, and how highly he rated the dignity and duties of a naval commander will there be seen, and best understood. The board of admiralty was dissolved at this time, and Mr. Morris, minister of finance, became also minister of the marine. He directed Jones, before proceeding to take com- mand of the America, to exhibit his accounts to Congress. He had received a small share of prize money from some of his captures, but not a farthing for pay or subsistence up to this period. His accounts were approved as exhibited ; " but," he says " there was no interest allowed for considerable advances that had been made for nearly five years ; nor was there any thing allowed for his subsistence, or the various losses he had sustained in the service, as he had, from delicacy, left those 41 330 PAUL JONES. items blank in his accounts."* He was personally embarrassed at this time, as were many of the gallant men who were putting at stake all present interest and future hopes, in the cause of independence, by the poverty of the government. This will appear from a letter in the subjoined note. He observes in his journal, (I quote from the original rough draft of this part of it,) * In Jones' account current, rendered to the marine committee, as per date, on the 34th October, 1777, the balance due to him, " exclusive of any concern with the ship Ranger, balance of wages, &c." is stated at 1,538, Pennsylvania currency. A com- mission of 5 per cent, is charged on the sum total of the amount charged against the committee. In another account rendered on the 1st November, in the same year 1777, the sum of $5,900 is charged against the committee, as bounty money advanced to the crew of the Ranger. There is another account of the same date, made out against the committee, amontingto $2,891, for sundry expenses incurred in supplying the Ranger, enlisting seamen, overtaking deserters, personal expenses, &c. In an account, dated at the Texel, November 29th, 1779, he charges 352 ducats for contingent disburse- ments, 100 of which were paid to the Hull pilot, John Jackson, " for smart money." The stores he bad purchased and lost in the Alliance, amounted to a considerable item. These are all the particulars contained in the vouchers in the compiler's hands, dated previous to the year 1781. On the 26th of June, in that year, he rendered his account as mentioned in the text. He charges for pay, as the senior first lieutenant of the navy, twenty dollars per month, from December 7th, 1775, to May 10th, 1776 ; and, as captain in the navy from that period to the date of the account, sixty dollars per month, making 1,400 5s, Pennsylvania currency. In a certified copy of his account current, by which it appears that there was due to him in Pennsylvania currency 2,034, he makes the following charge, in blank, after stating a balance : " To rations from the 7th of December, 1775, to this date, for myself and servant, having com- manded a squadron in Europe ;" and thereunder is written, ' Due the Chevalier Paul Jones ," also in blank, leaving it to Congress to make such allowance as they might deem proper. None was made, as is stated in the text. The following letter, written two days after the date of this account current, will show that Jones was in immediate want of resources for personal comfort and convenience. " Philadelphia, July 'US, 1781. " SIR, " In consequence of the Act of the United States, in Congress assembled, of the 25th of this month, approving of my accounts, No. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7, and referring them to the board of treasury, to take order, I have waited on that board in hopes of receiving cash to the amount of 400, to pay small debts I owe in this city, and defray the expenses of my journey to Portsmonth in New Hampshire ; but the board has not PAUL JONES. 331 " he had, like many other supporters of the revolution, hurt his private fortune, by the early advances he had made to the con- tinental loan office." He was assured that ways and means would be provided for him to put to sea, within six months from the day of his election as commander of the America. He conferred with Mr. Morris on the plan he had suggested to the French ministry, of form- ing a light combined squadron to annoy the enemy ; and that gentleman assented to its utility. The chevalier left Philadel- phia, as he expresses himself. " with a pleasing hope of being soon in a situation that would enable him to manifest his grati- tude for the honours he had received, by rendering essential services to the common cause of America and France." On his way to Portsmouth, he paid a visit to General Washington and Count Rochambeau, at White Plains, where the combined armies were encamped. He wore his cross as Chevalier of the order of Merit, on this occasion ; but, he says, as it was hinted to him that he might offend the people of the eastern States, by complied with my demand. In my letter to your excellency, dated the 17th of this month, I observed that, I had been obliged to borrow a considerable part of the cash I had advanced for the public service. And the accounts from No. 1, to 6 inclusive, being cash I have advanced, (a considerable part whereof from four to five years ago,) I hope Congress will be pleased to order that the said accounts, from No. 1 to 6 inclu sivc. be paid either in cash or bills of exchange on Europe, to enable me to pay the debts I have contracted in France. I have made no charge for interests on the advance* I have made : but submit that matter to Congress, to allow it or not as they think fit. I pray the honourable House to direct, that I may be furnished immediately with cash, to the amount of 400, to enable me to proceed to New Hampshire, to testify by my conduct the very grateful sense I have of the high honour Congress has conferred on me by my late appointment. It is necessity alone that compels me to make this appli- cation, having no friends of my own at this time in a situation to answer my want*, and having failed in attempts to borrow. I am with profound respect, " Sir, your excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant, " His Ex. THO. M. KEAN, Esq. (Signed.) " THE CHEVALIER PAUL JONES. " President of the U. States in Congress assembled. " N. B. The balance due on the within mentioned accounts, exclusive of interest. Arc. is 5,413, 18s, 7 3-4/f. And the rations ought to be also allowed in proportion to equal rank and command in the army, deducting only the time occupied in the journej as expressed in the detail of charges." 332 PAUL JONES. continuing to exhibit that article, he laid it aside as soon as he had left head quarters. He thus proceeds with his commentaries : " On his arrival at Portsmouth, which was at the end of August, he found his pro- spects greatly circumscribed, and involved in many difficulties, that neither his friends nor himself had foreseen at Philadelphia. The America, instead of being ready to be launched, was not half built; and there was neither timber, iron, nor any other material prepared for finishing her. Money would not have procured the necessary articles of equipment and men before winter. But money was wanting ; for the navy board at Boston had otherwise applied the funds, which the minister of finance had destined for the America ; and he had so many demands to meet, on account of the troops then detached from White Plains, on the secret expedition against Lord Cornwallis in Vir- ginia, that he found it impossible to make the necessary ad- vances. - The business was, however, begun immediately, and some progress made in the construction before the winter. In a letter written by him to the secretary of the admiralty at Boston, on the 24th of November in this year, he says : "I wish you to see as well as hear the situation of aifairs here, that we may either adopt effectual measures, or give up a fruit- less pursuit." In the same letter he mentions it as a matter of reproach to the service, that the officers of the Alliance had sold some of the articles on board, which were his private pro- perty ; and had not been called to an account, " for their re- peated misconduct, mutiny, and rebellion in that ship ;" and that " a board had received with approbation other officers, who had deserted from the service in Europe." He speaks of these things as matters of report, and some of them probably were no more. Congress had far more important business on hand. The capitulation of Cornwallis in the middle of October, and the events preceding and consequent upon it, formed the subjects of a letter from Jones to La Fayette, as we learn from the fol- lowing reply, dated December 22d PALL JONES. 333 " I have been honoured with your polite favour, my dear Paul Jones, but before it reached me I was already on board the Al- liance, and every minuf^ expecting to put to sea. It would have afforded me great satisfaction to pay my respects to the inhabitants of Portsmouth, and the State in which you are for the present. As to the pleasure to take you by the hand, my dear Paul Jones, you know my affectionate sentiments, and my very great regard for you, so that I need not add any thing on that subject. " Accept of my best thanks for the kind expressions in your letter. His Lordship's (Lord Cornwallis) downfall is a great event, and the greater, as it was equally and amicably shared by the two allied nations. Your coming to the army I had the honour to command, would have been considered as a very flat- tering compliment to one who loves you and knows your worth. I am impatient to hear that you are ready to sail ; and I am of opinion that we ought to unite under you every continental ship we can muster, with such a body of well appointed marines (troupes de mer) as might cut a good figure ashore, and then give you plenty of provisions and carte blancJie. " I am sorry I cannot see you ; I also had many things to tell you. Write me by good opportunities, but not often in ciphers, unless the matter is very important." Three days after the date of this letter, we find Jones indi- ting the following matter to the anonymous lady in France. " I wrote my most lovely Delia various letters from Philadel phia, the last of which was dated the 20th of June. On the 26th of that month I was unanimously elected by Congress to command the America of 74 guns, on the stocks, at Portsmouth, New Hampshire. I superintended the building, which I found so much more backward than I expected, that a plan of opera- tion I had in view is entirely defeated. I expected to have been at sea this winter, but the building does not go on with the vigour I could wish. Since I came here I have not found a single good opportunity to write to Europe. I have not since heard from your relation I left behind, but suppose he is with the 334 PAUL JONES. army. This situation is doubly irksome to me, my lovely friend, as it stops my pursuit of honour as well as love ! It is now more than twelve months since I left Franc* ^ yet I have not received a single letter from thee in all that time, except the one written in answer to my letter at taking leave. That one is a tender letter indeed, and does honour to thy matchless heart !" The " plan of operation" was not only defeated, but Jones was again to be altogether disappointed, in obtaining command of the America, as he had been in the case of the Indien. We are, however, anticipating forthcoming events ; the unavoida- ble fault of all who have undertaken a biography of this com- mander. What John Adams thought of his plans of operation at this time, appears from the following extracts of a letter, dated at the Hague, August 12th, 1782. " The command of the America could not have been more judiciously bestowed, and it is with impatience that I wish her at sea, where she will do honour to her name. Nothing gives me so much surprise, or so much regret, as the inattention of my countrymen to their navy ; it is a bulwark as essential as it is to Great Britain. It is less costly than armies ; and more easily removed from one end of the United States to the other. * * * * Every day shows that the Batavians have not wholly lost their ancient character. They were always timid and slow in adopting their political systems, but always firm and able in support of them, and always brave and active in war. They have hitherto been restrained by their chiefs ; but, if the war continues, they will show that they are possessed of the spirit of liberty, and that they have lost none of their great qualities. " Rodney's victory has intoxicated Britain again to such a de- gree that I think there will be no peace for some time. Indeed, if I could see a prospect of half a dozen line of battle ships under the American flag, commanded by Commodore Paul Jones, en- gaged with an equal British force, I apprehend the event would be so glorious for the United States, and lay so sure a founda- tion for their prosperity, that it would be a rich compensation for a continuance of the war. PAUL JONES. 335 " However, it does not depend upon us to finish it. There is but one way to finish it, and that is, Burgoynizing Carlton in New York." It will be proper to remember that the independence of the United States had been recognised by those of Holland in April, previous to the date of this letter ; that a commercial treaty was made in October following ; that the " intoxication" of the people of Great Britain soon passed away, so far as that can be called an expression of popular opinion, which is not a direct one ; and that the English government now began to give up the idea of waging war against these United States, because they could not carry it on any longer. Jones says, that the task of inspecting the construction of the America, was " the most lingering and disagreeable service he was charged with during the period of the revolution. * * * * But from the beginning, and almost to the end of the business, he had a prospect of carrying into effect by perseverance, the plan he had suggested for forming a light combined squadron. When the news of the surrender of Earl Cornwallis reached Portsmouth, a public rejoicing took place ; and as Captain Jones found it would not offend the people, he, on that glad occasion, resumed the decoration of military merit, and continued to wear it afterwards. As soon as the enemy had advice that there was a prospect of finishing the America, various schemes were suggested for destroying that ship. Intelligence of this was sent to Portsmouth, in cipher, by the minister of marine. Captain Jones made application to the government of New Hampshire for a guard, to protect the vessel ; and the assembly passed a resolution to comply with his demand. None was, however, furnished ; and, as a second alarm was sent to New Hampshire by General Washington, Mr. Hackett, the master builder and his associate were prevailed on to mount guard, with a party of the carpenters, by night." For some time he paid this guard himself; and took command of it, in his turn, with the master builders. Large whale boats, with muffled oars, came into the river, meanwhile, full of men, " and passed 336 PAUL JONES. and repassed the America in the night ; but dared not land on the little island where she was built." The birth of the Dauphin of France was officially communi- cated to Congress in the summer of 1782. Public rejoicings took place in several of the States in consequence. Jones did not ""let slip the opportunity," as he phrases it, "of testifying the pleasure and gratitude which he really felt." At his private expense he had artillery mounted on board of the America. She was decorated with the flags of different nations, displaying in front that of France ; " fired salutes as often as the forts, and thirteen royal salutes at the toast drunk at a public enter- tainment, and afterwards continued &feu dejoie until midnight. When it became dark, she was brilliantly illuminated and dis- played fire-works."* The Chevalier de la Luzerne, addressed to him a complimentary letter in consequence. Jones dwells with pleasure on matters of this kind ; and they belong to the reminiscences of the period. On the anniversary of our inde- pendence in that year he " made a similar rejoicing." He gives the following description of the America : " Captain Jones did not approve nor follow the plan that had been pro- posed for finishing the upper works of the America. It had been intended to make the waist shallow with narrow gang- ways ; the quarter-deck and forecastle to be short, with a large stern-gallery. Instead of this, the quarter-deck was made to project four feet before the main-mast. The forecastle was also long, the waist deep, and the gangways broad and of equal height with the quarter-deck and forecastle. There was just room for the boats between the gangways. A breast-work, pierced with gun-ports, but of suitable height for musketry, and * la one of the manuscripts preserved among the papers of Jones there is a formal bulletin in French of this " celebration made by Commodore Jones, at his own ex- pense, on board the America, &c." We learn from it that three large lanterns were devised for the occasion, and that the fire-works continued until midnight. They had a very brilliant effect from the circumstance that it was a very dark night. All the in- habitants of the town, and its vicinity, were assembled on the banks of the river, and testified their admiration by every possible show of applause. PAUL JONES. 337 of the same strength and nature as the sides of the ship, ran all round the quarter-deck, gangway, and forecastle ; so that all the cannon oh the quarter-deck and forecastle could have been fought on one side ; an advantage possessed by no other ship of the line we had. Above this breast-work, the poop-deck stood on pillars of eighteen inches long, and projected eight feet be- fore the mizen-mast. Round the poop-deck a folding breast- work was made of light materials, and of a strength to resist grape-shot ; and, as it was made to fold down on the deck, and could be raised again in a minute, it was impossible to perceive that the America had a poop, at the distance of a quarter of a mile. There were only single quarter-galleries, and no stern- gallery ; and both the stern and bow were made very strong, so that the men at quarters might be every where under a good cover. The plan which Captain Jones projected for the sculp- ture expressed dignity and simplicity. The head was a female figure, crowned with laurels. The right arm was raised, with the forefinger pointing to heaven ; as appealing to that high tribunal for the justice of the American cause. On the left arm was a buckler, with a blue ground and thirteen silver stars. The legs and feet of the figure were covered here and there with wreaths of smoke, to represent the dangers and difficulties of war. On the stern, under the windows of the great cabin, ap- peared two large figures in bas-relief; representing Tyranny and Oppression, bound and biting the ground, with the cap of Liberty on a pole, above their heads. On the back part of the starboard quarter-gallery was a large Neptune ; and, on the back part of the larboard quarter-gallery, a large Mars. Over the windows of the great cabin, on the highest part of the stern, was a large medallion, on which was a figure, representing Wisdom, surrounded by Danger, with the bird of Athens over her head. The America was fifty feet six inches, in the ex- treme breadth, and measured a hundred and eighty-two feet six inches, on the upper gun-deck. Yet this ship, though the largest of seventy-four guns in the world, had, when the lower battery was sunk, the air of a delicate frigate ; and no person 42 338 PAUL JONES. at the distance of a mile, could have imagined she had a second battery." It would not have been proper to omit this description of a fine ship, which must be interesting to those who have skill enough to criticise her construction. As for the devices, we are somewhat at a loss to know how Danger was represented. It could not have been personified, as surrounding Wisdom ; and was probably emblematically expressed by flashes of lightning, &c. Those who have no technical knowledge whatever, but who have read the works of our countryman Cooper, will readily recognise in the picture Jones gives of the ship built under his direction, the same beau-ideal of combined grace and strength after which the vessel commanded by the Red Rover, and that navigated by the Pilot, were modelled ; beautiful in their pro- portions as Semele, and, like her, delivered in thunder. But this fair frigate was not to be commanded by him who had watched her construction for more than a year, with the hope of " moving the monarch of her peopled deck." At the close of the summer of this year, the Magnifique, a seventy-four gun ship, belonging to the French squadron under the Marquis de Vaudreuil, was lost by accident in the harbour of Boston. Policy, and perhaps equity, rendered it expedient for Congress to present to France their solitary ship of the line ; and a reso- lution to that effect was passed on the 3d of September. Other motives may have had their weight, in making this disposition of the America ; and they seem to be alluded to in the following letter from Mr. Morris, written the day after the resolution was adopted. " Marine Office, September 4, 1782. " DEAR SIR, " The enclosed resolution will show you the destination of the ship America. Nothing could be more pleasing to me than this disposition, excepting so far as you are affected by it. I know you so well as to be convinced that it must give you great pain, and I sincerely sympathize with you. But although you PAUL JONES. 339 will undergo much concern at being deprived of this opportunity to reap laurels on your favourite field, yet your regard for France will in some measure alleviate it ; and to this your good sense will naturally add the delays which must have happened in fitting the ship for sea. I must entreat you to continue your inspection until she is launched, and to urge forward the busi- ness. When that is done, if you will come hither I will explain to you the reasons which led to this measure, and my views of employing you in the service of your country. You will on your route have an opportunity of conferring with the general on the blow you mentioned to me in one of your letters." * * * * Jones submitted to his disappointment, for such it must have been, without any ebullitions of vexation, or murmurs of discon- tent. In his journal, he says, that " he was not made ac- quainted with the minister's project for employing him, after the America should be launched.* And the Act of Congress of September 3d, after all the pains he had taken for sixteen months to finish that ship, did not even mention his name; which notice, it is presumed, might not have been inconsis- tent with the dignity of that Act, nor disagreeable to the mo- narch who honoured him with particular marks of his attention. Captain Jones had had before him no good prospect ; and the America was the tenth command of which he had been deprived in the course of the Revolution. Had it been possible for him to foresee the lingering, disagreeable situation that awaited him at Portsmouth, he would have thanked Congress for the honour they did him, by unanimously electing him to that command, and asked their permission to join the army in Virginia, under his friend the Marquis de La Fayette, who, by a letter he wrote Captain Jones, December 22d, 1781, [which has been inserted,] showed how glad he would have been of that event , and that his ideas corresponded with the plan Captain Jones had sug- * It must be remembered that a rougli original draft is quoted from. It is more to be relied upon because it is such. 340 PAUL JONES. gested to the court of France, for forming a combined squadron ; but which had not been communicated to the Marquis. Cap- tain Jones bore his disappointment with firmness, and answered the minister's letter, on the 22d of September, in a manner so gallant, as produced a flattering answer in a letter of the 9th of October/' The answer was as follows: " I have received your letter of the 22d of last month. The sentiments contained in it will always reflect the highest honour upon your character. They have made so strong an impression upon my mind, that I im- mediately transmitted an extract of your letter to Congress. I doubt not, but they will view it in the same manner which I have done." Jones proceeds in his rough notes, to say, that "he urged forward the business of launching the America, with his utmost energy. The difficulties were great. The ship was built on a very small island, situated in the river opposite the town of Portsmouth, belonging to the agent for supplying the materials. Between the stern and the opposite shore, which was a continual rock, the distance was no more than a hundred fathoms. From a few feet above the stern, a ledge of rocks projected two thirds of the distance across the river, making only an angle of twenty degrees with the keel. And, from a small bay on the opposite shore, the tide of flood continued to run with rapidity, directly over this ledge, for more than an hour after it was high water by the shore. It was necessary to launch exactly at high water, and to give the ship such a motion, as would make her pass round the point of the ledge of rocks, without touching the op- posite shore ; which, it is easy to perceive, was a difficult mat- ter. It was impossible to fix stoccades in the river, on account of the current and the rocks. This defect could only be supplied by anchors and cables. A large anchor was fixed in the ground, under the bow, from which depended cables of a proper length and ranged in a manner so as to be drawn gently after the ship, when put in motion, and with various slight stoppers at proper distances, to break one after another, so as to diminish her PAUL JONES. 341 velocity by degrees. When every thing was prepared, Captain Jones stood on the highest part of the brow, or gangway that ascended from the ground to the bow of the ship. From that position he could perfectly see the motion of the ship ; and de- termine by a signal the instant when it was proper to let go one or both of the anchors that were hung at the bows, and slip the end of the cable that depended on the anchor, fixed in the ground on the island. The operation succeeded perfectly to his wish, and to the admiration of a large assembly of spectators." Thus was the America launched ; and well might Jones have recited the "**c vos non vobis," as she went into the water. It is for those who are scientific, and know the localities, to judge criti- cally of the fitness of the means adopted to introduce her into the element over which she was to bear the flag of France. Jones commends highly the perseverance and ingenuity of the master builder, Major Hackett, who had never seen a ship of the line when he drew her plan ; and who had no more than twenty carpenters at work, at any time, while her construction was in progress. He says, " the workmanship was far superior to any before seen in naval architecture ; and it would only have been necessary that the Abbe Reynal should have seen the America, to have induced him to give the world a very .different idea of the continent, of which that elegant ship bore the name." The flags of the two allies were displayed on the poop at the launch ; and Jones, having caused the ship to be safely moored, delivered her on the same day, November 5th, to the Chevalier de Martigne, who had commanded the Magnifique. He set out for Philadelphia on the next morning, and there learned "that unforeseen circumstances had defeated the project for employing him on a secret expedition." When La Fayette requested him " not to write often in ciphers," he expressed a wish in which every one, whose business or pleasure it is to make out his history, will cordially sympathize. The Chevalier himself, however, explains in the same document we have been quoting from, what this secret expedition was. He says, that when he " determined to return to America, to submit his con- PAUL JONES. duct to the judgment of Congress," with the hope of command- ing a combined squadron by which he might annoy the enemy, " as the Indien was not thought necessary to assist in effecting the scheme, the king lent her for three years to the Chevalier de Luxembourg; and that nobleman contracted with Commo- dore Gillan, in the service of the State of South Carolina to command that ship," the prince having his share of the profits arising from the sale of prizes. When the Indien sailed, which was not until long after Jones left the Texel, it was under the name of the South Carolina. She took some merchantmen and carried them to Havana ; and thence, on her way to Philadelphia, joined the convoy destined against New Provi- dence, which surrendered immediately to the Spanish arms. She arrived in Philadelphia in a condition which rendered great repairs necessary. It was Mr. Morris' intention, according to Jones, to give him the command of this vessel, the time for which she had been chartered having nearly expired; the terms of the charter being, that she should, at its expiration be deliver- ed in good order, in a port of France, and Chevalier de la Lu- zerne on behalf of the king of France " yielding his most ready concurrence. It was their intention to join the Gaudaloupe frigate and some other force, and put the whole under the orders of Captain Jones." Colonel Laurens " had made large ad- vances to Commodore Gillan in Holland, on account of the United States, on condition that he would transport a quantity of clothing to America, for the army under General Washing- ton. No account had been rendered to the Chevalier de Lux- embourg of prize money, &c. and he had sent powers to the Chevalier de la Luzerne" to insist upon his rights. Mr. Morris on behalf of the United States, and the French ambassador on behalf of the prince, thus severally urged demands against Commodore Gillan, who, far from being able to meet them, if they were well founded, " found infinite difficulty in procuring the necessary funds for repairs." The two ministers had there- fore, " concluded that the State of South Carolina, and even Commodore Gillan himself, would easily consent to resign all PAUL JONES. 343 further pretension to the frigate in question. * * * * They were, however, mistaken, and Commodore Gillan out-generalled them both. When they found he had got the ship below the che- vaux de frise with her cannon on board, and that he was arrested by the sheriff for a large sum, &c." Jones proceeds to state mat- ters of rumour. The commodore, however, after remaining several days on board, proceeded homeward by land, and the South Carolina made sail and was captured. She was an unlucky vessel, and the merchant who built her in Holland, was nearly, if not quite, ruined by the contract. Jones wrote to the minister of marine on the 29th November, " requesting that unless Congress had some service of greater consequence for him, he might be ordered back to Boston, to embark as a volunteer in pursuit of military marine knowledge with his excellency the Marquis de Vaudreuil, in order to enable him the better to serve his country, when America should in- crease her navy." On the same day, Mr. Morris sent to the president of Congress a copy of that letter with the following remarks : " The present state of our affairs does not permit me to employ that valuable officer, and I confess that it is with no small degree of concern that I consider the little probability of rendering his talents useful to that country, which he has already so faithfully served, and with so great disinterestedness. " His present desire to be sent with the Marquis de Vau- drueil to join Count d'Estaing on his projected expedition from Cadiz against Jamaica, whole at the expense of his majesty. " It is certain that I am much flattered by receiving a gold sword from the most illustrious monarch now living ; but I had refused to accept his commission on two occasions before that time, when some firmness was necessary to resist the tempta- tion. He was not my sovereign ; I served the cause of freedom ; and honours from my sovereign would be more pleasing. Since the year 1775, when I displayed the American flag for the first lime with my own hands, I have been constantly devoted to the interests of America. Foreigners have, perhaps, given me too much credit, and this may have raised my ideas of my services above their real value ; but my zeal can never be over-rated. " I should act inconsistently if I omitted to mention the dreadful situation of our unhappy fellow-citizens in slavery at Algiers. Their almost hopeless fate is a deep reflection on our national character in Europe. I beg leave to influence the humanity of Congress in their behalf, and to propose that some expedient may be adopted for their redemption. A fund might be raised for that purpose, by a duty of a shilling per month from seamen's wages, throughout the continent, and I am per- suaded that no difficulty would be made to that requisition." The reasons of Jones for returning thus suddenly to America, are further explained in his letters to Mr. Jefferson and Dr. Bancroft in September of this year. He had expected to re- ceive at Brussels the necessary funds for his journey to, and business at Copenhagen ; but was altogether disappointed. He also met with difficulty and loss in disposing of part of his bank stock while in America. A letter of June 23d, from Madame T , informed him of the sudden death of her friend and protectress the Marquise PAUL JOIfES. 373 de Marsaji, who had introduced her to the king. He says, writing to Dr. Bancroft: "this is also a great grief and loss to me, as I had in that lady a valuable friend." To Mr. Jeffer- son he said: " the letter you sent me, left the feeling author all in tears ! Her friend her protectress her introductressto the king, was suddenly dead! She was in despair ! She lost more than a mother ! A loss, indeed, that nothing can repair ; for fortune and favour are never to be compared to tried friend- ship. I hope, however, she has gone to visit the king in July, agreeably to his appointment given her in the month of March. I am persuaded that he would receive her with additional kind- ness, and that her loss would, in his mind, be a new claim to his protection ; especially as he well knows and has acknow- ledged her superior merit and just pretensions. As I feel the greatest concern for the situation of this worthy lady, you will render me a great favour by writing a note, requesting her to call on you, as you have something to communicate from me. When she comes, be so good as to deliver her the within let- ter, and show her this ; that she may see both my confidence in you and my advice to her." His letter to the lady was as follows : " New York, September 4, 1787. " No language can convey to my fair mourner the tender sorrow I feel on her account ! The loss of our worthy friend is indeed a fatal stroke ! It is an irreparable misfortune which can only be alleviated by this one reflection, that it is the will of God, whose providence has, I hope, other blessings in store for us. She was a tried friend, and more than a mother to you ! She would have been a mother to me also had she lived. We have lost her ! Let us cherish her memory, and send up grate- ful thanks to th3 Almighty that we once had such a friend. I cannot but flatter myself that you have yourself gone to the king in July as he had appointed. I am sure your loss will be a new inducement for him to protect you, and render you justice. He will hear you, I am sure ; and you may safely un- 374 PAUL. JOKES. bosom yourself to him, and ask his advice, which cannot bu$. be flattering to him to give you. Tell him you must look on him as your father and protector. If it were necessary, I think, too, that the Count d'A ,* his brother, would, on your per- sonal application, render you good offices by speaking in your favour. I should like it better, however, if you can do with- out him. Mr. Jefferson will show you my letter of this date to him. You will see by it how disgracefully I have been detained here by the board of treasury. It is impossible for me to stir from this place till I obtain their settlement on the business I have already performed ; and as the season is already far advanced, I expect to be ordered to embark directly for the place of my destination in the north. Mr. Jefferson will for- ward me your letters. I am almost without money, and much puzzled to obtain a supply. I have written to Dr. Bancroft to endeavour to assist me. I mention this with infinite regret, and for no other reason than because it is impossible for me to transmit you a supply under my present circumstances. This is my fifth letter to you since I left Paris. The two last were from France, and I sent them by duplicates. But you say nothing of having received any letters from me ! Summon, my dear friend, all your resolution ! Exert yourself, and plead your own cause. You cannot fail of success ; your cause would move a heart of flint ! Present my best respects to your sister. You did not mention her in your letter ; but I persuade myself she will continue her tender care of her sweet godson, and that you will cover him all over with kisses from me ; they come warm to you both from the heart !" He says, in his letter to Mr. Jefterson: " I should have re- turned by the July packet, but was unexpectedly detained by the treasury ; and notwithstanding my continual pressing appli- cation since that time, the board has not yet reported to Con- * Count d'Artois, now Charles X. PAUL JONES. 375 gress on ray business done with the court of France. There is no Congress at this moment ; but as the grand convention is expected to rise about the 20th, there is little doubt but that Congress will be full soon afterwards. The board, I under- stand, is now ready to report. I expect to obtain from Congress a letter of thanks to the king, for the force he put under my command, and supported under the flag of the United States ; and my promotion has been talked of, to date from the day I took the Serapis." The report of the board of treasury was not satisfactory to him. He made, among others, the following comments upon it. " The settlement that I made with the court of France had first Dr. Franklin's, and afterwards Mr. Jefferson's approbation, in every stage and article of the business ; and I presume it will be found, at least so far as depended on me, to merit that of the United States. The board of treasury have been pleased in their report to treat me as a mere agent, though employed in that delicate national concern. In France I was received and treated by the king and his ministers as a general officer and a special minister from Congress. The credit with which I am honoured as an officer, in the opinion of Europe, and the per- sonal intimacy I have with many great characters at Paris, with my exclusive knowledge of all circumstances relative to the business, insured me a success which no other man could have obtained. My situation subjected me to considerable expense. I went to court much oftener, and mixed with the great much more frequently, than our minister plenipotentiary, yet the gentlemen in that situation consider their salary of two thou- sand sterling a year as scarcely adequate to their expenses." Speaking of Landais, he says : " The board seems very zealous for the interests of that broken and disgraced officer. I shall say nothing in opposition to his interests ; but I am pos- sessed of ample testimony, that if he had been tried on my ac- cusation, (instead of being broke and disgraced for bringing away the Alliance from France, after his being suspended by Dr. Franklin,) the judgment of the court martial would have 376 PAUL JONES. been of a more grave and serious nature ; a glaring proof, among many others, that we had no system for the government of our navy, and that we need not at this date be so tenacious of its vaunted ordinances ; especially in a delicate case between two nations, where they cannot in all respects be applied to the letter." The letter from which the foregoing extracts are made, was addressed to the chairman of a committee on the report of the board of treasury.- It is a bold and able vindication of his conduct and claims ; but is too long for insertion. He says in the course of it, " The proposition of the board of treasury, that I should give new securities for the business I am to transact in Denmark, cannot be complied with. The securities I gave with my own, are men of property, and their known honour and honesty set their characters above any attack. They have both of them been able and faithful servants of the American cause." Congress was disposed to act with more liberality than the board, and all Jones wished for was more than accomplished. His letter to Mr. Jay was in part referred back to that gentle- man for his report. On this occasion he took the opportunity of again urging the hints he had suggested in the conclusion. " I beg leave," he said, " to observe on the latter part of that letter, respecting the fund I wish to see established for the re- demption of our fellow-citizens at Algiers, that I had also in view, at the time, a national establishment, on the plan of the Greenwich Hospital in England, or Hotel des Invalids at Paris, which would be effected from the residue of the increasing fund I have proposed. I beg you, therefore, sir, to take notice of this in your report." On the report made by a committee, Congress passed reso- lutions on the llth October, confirming the quotas assigned to the several ships which had been under his command, and di- recting a distribution to be made agreeably thereto,* and on the 16th, that body passed the following resolution. " Mr. Carrington moved on this day a resolution to the effect that, though the terms open which Jones originally undertook the negociation, were for the usual commis- PAUL JONES. 377 ' Resolved unanimously ', That a medal of gold be struck, and presented to the Chevalier John Paul Jones, in commemoration of the valour and brilliant services of that officer, in the com- mand of a squadron of American and French ships under the flag and commission of the United States, off the coast of Great Britain, in the late war ; and that the Honourable Mr. Jeffer- son, minister plenipotentiary of the United States at the court of Versailles, have the same executed, with the proper devices." It was also resolved, that a letter should be written to the king of France, which was drawn up by Mr. Jay, and was as follow " To His Most Christian Majesty, Lotus, King of France and Navarre. " GREAT AND BELOVED FRIEND ! " We, the United States in Congress assembled, in consider- ation of the distinguished marks of approbation with which your majesty has been pleased to honour the Chevalier John Paul Jones as well as from a sense of his merit, have unanimously directed a medal of gold to be struck and presented to him, in commemoration of his valour and brilliant services while com- manding a squadron of French and American ships, under our flag and commission, off the coast of Great Britain, in the late war. " As it is his earnest desire to acquire knowledge in his pro- fession, we cannot forbear requesting of your majesty to permit sions, yet as the business was found to stand upon materially different ground from that contemplated at the time of the appointment, it was just and reasonable that the full value of the services and expenses necessarily incurred should be deducted from the property recovered ; and that he should be authorized to retain the 47,972 livres in his hands. Mr. H. Lee moved to postpone the consideration of this motion, and offered another, viz : that the excess of money expended over the amount of commission should be paid out of the federal treasury. On the question of postponement, the ayes were only four. On the question to agree to Mr. Carrington's motion, the delegates of eight States voted for it, two against it, and those of Virginia were divided. New Hamp- shire and Maryland had each only a single delegate present. So the question was lost 47 378 PAUL JONES. him to embark in your fleets of evolution, where only it will be probably in his power to acquire that degree of knowledge which may hereafter render him most extensively useful. ' ; Permit us to repeat to your majesty, our sincere assurances, that the various and important benefits for which we are indebt- ed to your friendship will never cease to interest us in whatever may concern the happiness of your majesty, your family, and people. We pray God to keep you, our great and beloved friend, under his holy protection. * Done at the city of New York, the 16th day of October, in the year of our Lord 1787, and of our sovereignty and indepen- dence the 12th." On the 24th of October, we find the following letter to Madame T , the last that appears among his papers ; nor is there any further record of his intercourse with that lady. " The last French packet brought no letter to me from the person whose happiness is dearer to me than any thing else. I have been on the rack of fear and apprehension, and am totally unable to account for that silence ! My business is done here, and the moment of my return to Europe approaches. My sen- timents are unchanged, and my impatience can better be ima- gined than expressed. I have been honoured here beyond my own expectations. But your silence makes even honours in- sipid. I am, however, far from blaming you ; want of health, or some other misfortune must have interposed. If this reaches you, remember me affectionately to your sister and her godson. May Heaven avert all trouble from you." On the 25th, Congress passed resolutions, authorizing and instructing the minister at Versailles to make proper represent- ations to his Danish majesty on the subject of the claim against him, to settle the demand, and to despatch the Chevalier Paul Jones, or such other agent as he might appoint, with powers to carry on the negociation, subject to his eventual approbation. Five per cent, commissions was to be allowed, for all expenses and demands whatever. PAUL JONK8. The following is an extract from a letter of Jones to Mr. Jef- ferson, dated the 24th. " I should have embarked in the; packet that will sail for Havre to-morrow morning ; but an account having arrived here that the English fleet is out, and was seen steering to the west- ward, and that a British squadron is cruising in the North Sea, has induced me, with the advice of my friends, to postpone my embarkation till the next opportunity, an American ship, about the beginning of next month." More than once he intimates apprehensions, that he was not safe from English resentment. They are treated in the Edin- burgh Biography with levity. There is some mystery in his being desirous not to attract public attention at the commence- ment of this mission, which cannot be cleared up ; though it may be conjectured that he was uncertain as to what course he should pursue, or what service he might engage in. It is barely possible that he may have had some views to the brilliant pro- spect which in fact opened upon him, on his arrival in Europe, and which held out a far more glorious promise than being permitted to embark for improvement in the French fleets of evolution. However this may be, he sailed from New York on the llth December, landed at Dover on account of unfavour- able weather, and after spending a few days in London,* where he conferred with Adams on the objects of his mission, he re- paired forthwith to Paris. The following was his first com- munication, to Mr. Jefferson. [PRIVATE.] " Hotel tie Bcauvais, rue tie metix Augustines. Paris, December 12, 1787. " His Excellency THOMAS JEFFERSON, " SIR I am just arrived here from England. I left New York the llth of November, and have brought public despatches * He went, he say8, to Covent Garden Theatre ; which does not indicate that he was afraid of popular resentment. PAWL JONES. and a number of private letters for you. I would have waited on you immediately, instead of writing, but I have several strong reasons for desiring that no person should know of my being here till I have seen you, and been favoured with your advice on the steps I ought to pursue. I have a letter from Congress for the king, and perhaps you will think it advisable not to present it at this moment. I shall not go out till I hear from, or see you. And, as the people in this hotel do not know my name, you will please to ask for the gentleman just arrived, who is lodged in No. 1." At the interview thus solicited, Mr. Jefferson made a com- munication to him, which, though he says in his Journal he at first treated it as chimerical, must, unanticipated as it probably was, have awakened ambitious hopes and dreams of glory too pow- erful and vivid not to be entertained and deeply meditated upon. He informed him, that in several conversations he had held with M. Simolin, the Russian ambassador at Versailles, the latter had intimated his opinion that it would be of great impor- tance to the empress, if she could engage the services of the chevalier in the war she was carrying on against the Turks. He was not authorized to make any specific proposition ; but the hint was certainly not unattended to by the commodore. On the 24th December, he submitted to Mr. Jefferson's peru- sal his documents in relation to the claim on Denmark. He says, in conclusion : " I have explained to the board of treasury the mistake that was made, in calling the ships in question ' prizes of the Alliance ;' and left them perfectly convinced that the prizes belong to the squadron in general.* Now, as his most Christian majesty was at the whole expense of supporting the squadron I commanded, including the expense of the Alli- ance, I submit to you what kind of support would be most pro- * As these prizes had been commissioned to war upon American vessels, &c. they belonged wholly to the captors. PAUL JONES. 381 per for this court to afford to my reclamation at the court of Denmark ? If is the duty of this government to interest itself in behalf of the French subjects who were embarked under my orders. In doing this, would it be most proper to authorize me to act for them in common with the Americans ; or to direct the Baron de la Houze to support my application ?" On the 24th of January following, he received his credentials from Mr. Jefferson, according to the tenor of the Act of Con- gress, and soon after set out for Copenhagen. The following letter to Mr. Jefferson explains the circumstances of his arrival and reception. It is dated March llth. "I have been so much indisposed since my arrival here the 4th, from the fatigue and excessive cold I suffered on the road, that I have been obliged to confine myself almost constantly to my chamber. I have kept my bed for several days ; but I now feel myself better, and hope the danger is over. On my arri- val, I paid my respects to the minister of France. He received me with great kindness ; we went, five days ago, to the minis- ter of foreign affairs. I was much flattered with my reception, and our conversation was long and very particular respecting America and the new constitution, of which I presented a copy. He observed, that it had struck him as a very dangerous power to make the president commander-in-chief ; in other respects it appeared to please him much, as leading to a near and sure treaty of commerce between America and Denmark. It was a day of public business, and I could not do more than present your letter. I shall follow the business closely. In a few days, when I am re-established in health, I am to be presented to the whole court, and to sup with the king. I shall after that be presented to all the corps diplomatique and other persons of distinction here. I am infinitely indebted to the attentions I receive from the minister of France. I made the inquiry you desired in Holland, and should then have written to you in con- sequence, had. I not been assured, by authority, (M. Van Stop- horst,) that I could not doubt that letters had been sent you on 882 PAtTL JONES, the subject, that could not fail of giving you satisfaction. M. Van Stophorst was very obliging. At Hamburgh, I ordered the smoked beef you desired to be sent to you, to the care of the American agent at Havre de Grace ; you have nothing to do but receive it, paying what little charges may be on it. My ill health and fatigue on the road hindered me from preparing the extract of the engagement. When you see M. Littlepage,* I pray you to present my kind compliments. It is said here that the empress confides the commerce of her fleet, that will pass the Sound, to Admiral Greig ; and that he means to call at an English port to take provisions, &c. The Hamburgh papers, I am told, have announced the death of Dr. Franklin. I shall be extremely concerned if the account prove true God forbid !" In a subsequent letter of the 18th, he states: " Yesterday his excellency the Baron de la Houze, minister plenipotentiary of France, at this court, did me the honour to present me publicly to his majesty, the royal family, and chief personages at the royal palace here. "I had a very polite and distinguished reception. The queen dowager conversed with me for some time, and said the most civil things. Her majesty has a dignity of person and deport- ment which becomes her well, and which she has the secret to reconcile with great affability and ease. The princess royal is a charming person, and the graces are so much her own, that it is impossible to see and converse with her without paying her that homage which artless beauty and good nature will ever command. All the royal family spoke to me except the king, who speaks to no person when presented. His majesty saluted me with great complaisance at first, and as often afterwards as we met in the course of the evening. The prince royal is greatly beloved and extremely affable ; he asked me a number of per-' .- * Chamberlain to the king of Poland. PAVL JONES. 383 tinent questions respecting America. I had the honour to be invited to sup with his majesty and the royal family. The com- pany at table (consisting of seventy ladies and gentlemen, inclu- ding the royal family, the ministers of state, and foreign ambas- sadors) was very brilliant." It will be seen that he lost no time, as soon as his health per- mitted, in pressing the objects of his mission; and though he was at the same time engaged in a separate negociation with Baron Krudner, the Russian envoy at the Court of Denmark, he appears to have urged his demands of indemnification for the lost prizes with at least as much rapidity and energy as the proprieties of diplomacy admitted. And though he had very soon made up his mind about the Russian offers, as will be seen from his letters, this did not occasion the abandon- ment of his application, which was got rid of by the Danish minister on formal pretexts, and by promises not made to be kept. On the 19th of March, he addresses M. De Chezaulx, who was still consul at Bergen in Norway, asking him to communi- cate what he knew and believed " in relation to the true and en- tire value of the prizes. * * * * From the favourable reception," he says, " with which I have been honoured at this court, I have reason to hope that my mission here will be amicably concluded. Please to address your letter under cover to the Baron de la Houze, to whose kind attention and good offices,! am under infi- nite obligations. I have the honour to subjoin a letter from 'the committee of foreign affairs to Dr. Franklin, in the name arid by order of Congress, thanking you for your conduct respecting my prizes, and the interests of the citizens of the United States." It would appear from a letter to Mr. Jefferson, written on the 20th, that the court of France had made no formal communica- tion to their minister at Copenhagen, (the Baron de la Houze,) directing him to support the claim. "I pray you," he wrote, "and so does he, to push that point immediately." On the 24th, he thus addressed the Danish minister of fo- reign affairs, Compte de Bernstorf. "From the Act of Congress, (the Act by which I am honoured with a gold medal,) I had the 384 PAUL JONES. honour to show your excellency the 21st of this month, as weJI as from the conversation that followed, you must be convinced that circumstances do not permit me to remain here : but that I am under the necessity, either to return to France or to pro- ceed to Russia. As the minister of the United States of Ame- rica at Paris gave me the perusal of the packet he wrote by me, and which I had the honour to present to you on my arrival here, it is needless to go into any detail on the object of my mis- sion to this court ; which Mr. Jefferson has particularly explained. The promise you have given me, of a prompt and explicit de- cision, from this court, on the Act of Congress of the 25th of October last, inspires me with full confidence. I have been very particular in communicating to the United States all the polite attentions with which I have been honoured at this court ; and they will learn with great pleasure the kind reception I had from you. I felicitated myself on being the instrument to settle the delicate national business in question, with a minister who conciliates the views of the wise statesman with the noble senti- ments and cultivated mind of the true philosopher and man of letters." On the 27th, I find a letter from Mr. Jefferson to Jones, dated at Amsterdam, where he had been staying some time longer than he had anticipated. He merely informs him of the delay in receiving news from America ; that there had been a rise of ten per cent, in the English bank stock : and that the government of that country refused to receive or furnish refresh- ments to the Russian squadron destined to the Mediterranean On the 30th, Jones again assailed Count Bernstorf. " Your silence on the subject of my mission from the United States to this court leaves me in the most painful suspense ; the more so, as I have made your excellency acquainted with the promise I am under to proceed as soon as possible to St. Peters- burgh. This being the ninth year since the three prizes reclaim- ed by the United States were seized upon in the port of Bergen, in Norway, it is to be presumed that this court has long since taken an ultimate resolution respecting the compensation de- PAUL JONES. 385 mand made by Congress. Though I am extremely sensible of the favourable reception with which I have been distinguished at this court, and am particularly flattered by the polite atten- tions with which you have honoured me at every conference ; yet I have remarked, with great concern, that you have never led the conversation to the object of my mission here. A man of your liberal sentiments will not, therefore, be surprised, or of- fended at my plain dealing, when I repeat that I impatiently expect a prompt and categorical answer, in writing, from this court, to the Act of Congress of the 25th of October last. Both my duty and the circumstances of my situation constrain me to make this demand in the name of my sovereign the United States of America ; but I beseech you to believe, that though I am extremely tenacious of the honour of the American Jiag, yet my personal interest in the decision I now ask would never have induced me to present myself at this court. You are too just, sir, to delay my business here ; which would put me under the necessity to break the promise I have made to her imperial majesty, conformable to your advice." To this the count was obliged to reply, which he did, as fol- lows, on the 4th of April. " You have requested of me an answer to the letter you did me the honour to remit me from Mr. Jefferson, minister pleni- potentiary of the United States of America, near his most Chris- tian majesty. I do it with so much more pleasure, as you have inspired me with as much interest as confidence, ami this occa- sion appears to me favourable to make known the sentiments of the king my master, on the objects to which we attach so much importance. Nothing can be farther from the plans and the wishes of his majesty than to let fall a negociation which has only been suspended in consequence of circumstances arising from the necessity of maturing a new situation, so as to enlighten himself on their reciprocal interests, and to avoid the inconve- nience of a precipitate and imperfect arrangement. I am 43 386 PAUL JONES. authorized, sir, to give you, and through you to Mr. Jefferson, the word of the king, that his majesty will renew the negotia- tion for a treaty of amity and commerce in the forms already agreed upon, at the instant that the new constitution (that ad- mirable plan, so worthy of the wisdom of the most enlightened men) will have been adopted by the States, to which nothing more was wanted to assure to itself a perfect consideration. If it has not been possible, sir, to discuss, definitively with you, neither the principal object nor its accessories, the idea of elu- ding the question, or of retarding the decision, had not the least part in it. I have already had the honour to express to you, in our conversations, that your want of plenipotentiary powers from Congress was a natural and invincible obstacle. It would be, likewise, contrary to the established custom to change the seat of negociation, which has not been broken off, but only suspended, thereby to transfer it from Paris to Co- penhagen. " I have only one more favour to ask of you, sir, that you would be the interpreter of our sentiments in regard to the United States. It would be a source of gratification to me to think that what I have said to you on this subject carries with it that conviction of the truth which it merits. We desire to form with them connexions, solid, useful, and essential ; we wish to establish them on bases natural and immoveable. The momentary clouds, the incertitudes, which the misfortunes of the times brought with them, exist no longer. We should no longer recollect it, but to feel in a more lively manner the hap- piness of a more fortunate period; and to show ourselves more eager to prove the dispositions most proper to effect an union, and to procure reciprocally the advantages which a sincere al- liance can afford, and of which the two countries are susceptible. These are the sentiments which I can promise you, sir, on our part, and we flatter ourselves to find them likewise in America ; nothing, then, can retard the conclusion of an arrangement, which I am happy to see so far advanced. PAUL JONES. 387 Paul Jones to Count Bernstorf. " Copenhagen, April 5, 1788. " I pray your excellency to inform me when I can have the ho- nour to wait on you, to receive the letter you have been kind enough to promise to write me, in answer to the Act of Con- gress of the 25th October last. As you have told me that my want of plenipotentiary powers to terminate ultimately the busi- ness now on the carpet between this court and the United States has determined you to authorize the Baron de Blome to ne- gociate and settle the same with Mr. Jefferson at Paris, and to conclude at the same time an advantageous treaty of commerce between Denmark and the United States ; my business here will of course be at an end when I shall have received your let- ter, and paid you my thanks in person for the very polite atten- tions with which you have honoured me." Thus was this negociation brought to what was in fact its close.* Jones had received the following letter from Baron Krudner, shortly after his arrival at Copenhagen. " I am much disappointed at not meeting you at court, as I had promised myself, but a slight indisposition prevented me from going abroad ; besides, I have been agreeably occupied in writing letters. My sovereign will learn with pleasure the ac- quisition which she has made in your great talents. I have her commands for your acceptance of the grade of captain com- mandant, t with the rank of major general, in her service, and * Mr Jefferson's reply to the communication of Bernstorf at this time, will be found in his " Writings," Vol. II. p. 326. t Tooke says in his Life of Catharine II. (Vol III. p. 184, Am. Ed.) that the Prince de Nassau-Siegen was the only admiral, and Mr. SpiridofFthe only contre admiral in the Russian service, towards the end of this year, 1788. He shows his ignorance as to the commission Jones held, and the services of the latter in the Liman campaign. He says: " in Russia there are three classes of captains. Those of the first have the rank of brigadier ; those of the second, of colonel ; those of the last, of lieutenant colonel. They all wear the military order of St. George ; but are only knights of the fourth claw." 388 PAUL JONES. that you should proceed as soon as your affairs permit ; the in- tention of her imperial majesty being to give you a command in the Black Sea, and under the orders of Prince Potemkin, from the opening of the campaign. The immortal glory by which you have illustrated your name cannot make you indif- ferent to the fresh laurels you must gather in the new career which opens to you. I have the honour of being on this occa- sion the interpreter of those sentiments of esteem with which for a long period your brilliant exploits have inspired her impe- rial majesty. Under a sovereign so magnanimous, in pursuing glory you need not doubt of the most distinguished rewards, and that every advantage of fortune will await you," &c. &c. In announcing the receipt of this letter to Mr. Jefferson, Jones said : " Before you can receive this, M. de Simolin will have in- formed you that your proposal to him, and his application on that idea, have been well received. The matter is communi- cated to me here, in the most flattering terms, by a letter I have received from his excellency the Baron de Krudner. There seems, however, to remain some difficulty respecting the Letter of Monsieur de Simolin's proposal, though it is accepted, in substance, with an appearance of great satisfaction. I find my- self under the necessity of setting out for St. Petersburgh through Sweden in a few days, instead of returning first, as was my wish and intention, to Paris. I hope in the mean time to receive a satisfactory answer, which I shall duly communicate to you." I cannot see the particular discrepancy, between these state- ments and those contained in the Journal, (which will present- ly be introduced,) which seems to have struck the writer of the Edinburgh Life. In the Journal Jones says, that on the first sug- gestion of the matter, he did not feel disposed to enter into a foreign service. But he very soon changed his mind. The following was his letter to Mr. Jefferson, announcing the termination of his business at the Danish court. It may be considered as apologetical for the step he was about taking, and must not be omitted. PAUL JOKES. 389 " Copenhagen, April 8, 1788. 11 His Excellency THOMAS JEFFERSON, Esq. " SIR By my letters to the Count de Bernstorf, and his ex- cellency's answer, you see that my business here is at an end. If I have not finally concluded the object of my mission, it is neither your fault nor mine ; the powers I received are found insufficient, and you could not act otherwise than was prescribed in your instructions. Thus it frequently happens, that good opportunities are lost when the supreme power does not place a sufficient confidence in the distant operations of public offi- cers, whether civil or military. I have, however, the melancholy satisfaction to reflect, that I have been received and treated here with a distinction far above the pretensions of my public mission ; and I felicitate myself sincerely, on being, at my own expense, (and even at the peril of my life, for my sufferings, from the inclemency of the weather, and my want of proper means to guard against it on the journey, were inexpressible; and I believe, from what I yet feel, will continue to affect my constitution,) the instrument to renew tne negociation between this country and the United States ; the more so, as the honour is now reserved for you to display your great abilities and in- tegrity by the completion and improvement of what Dr. Frank- lin had wisely begun. I have done then, what perhaps no other person would have undertaken under the same circumstances ; and while I have the consolation to hope that the United States will derive solid advantages from my journey and efforts here, I rest perfectly satisfied, that the interests of the brave men I commanded will experience in you parental attention, and that the American flag can lose none of its lustre, but the contrary, while its honour is confided to you. America being a young nation with an increasing commerce, which will naturally pro- duce a navy, I please myself with the hope, that in the treaty you are about to conclude with Denmark, you will find it easy and highly advantageous to include certain articles for admit- ting America into the armed neutrality. I persuade myself before-hand, that this would afford pleasure to the empress of 390 PAUL JONES. Russia, who is at the head of that noble and humane combina- tion ; and as I shall now set out immediately for St. Petersburgh, I will mention the idea to her imperial majesty, and let you know her answer. " If Congress should think I deserve the promotion that was proposed when I was last in America, and should condescend to confer on me the grade of rear admiral, from the day I took the Serapis, (23d of September, 1779,) I am persuaded it would be very agreeable to the empress, who now deigns to offer me an equal rank in her service, although I never yet had the honour to draw my sword in her cause, nor to do any other act that could directly merit her imperial benevolence. While I express, in the warm effusion of a grateful heart, the deep sense I feel of my eternal obligation to you, as the author of the honourable prospect that is now before me, I must rely on your friendship to justify to the United States the important step I now take, conformable to your advice. You know I had no idea of this new fortune when I found that you had put it in train, before my last return to Paris from America. I have not forsaken a country, that has had many disinterested and difficult proofs of my steady affection ; and I can never renounce the glorious title of a citizen of the United States ! " It is true I have not the express permission of the sove- reignty, to accept the offer of her imperial majesty ; yet Ame- rica is independent, is in perfect peace, has no public employ- ment for my military talents ; but why should I excuse a con- duct which I should rather hope, would meet with general ap- probation ? In the latter part of the year \ 782, Congress passed an Act for my embarkation in the fleet of his most Christian ma- jesty ; and when, a few months ago, I left America to return to Europe, I was made the bearer of a letter to his most Christian majesty, requesting me to be permitted to embark in the fleets of evolution. Why did Congress pass those Acts ? To facilitate my improvement in the art of conducting fleets and military operations. I am then, conforming myself to the views of Con- gress : but the roll allotted me, is infinitely more high and PAUL JONES. 391 difficult than Congress intended. Instead of receiving lessons from able masters, in the theory of war, I am called to imme- diate practice ; where I must command in chief, conduct the most difficult operations, be my own preceptor, and instruct others. Congress will allow me some merit in daring to en- counter such multiplied difficulties. The mark I mentioned of the approbation of that honourable body, would be extremely flattering to me in the career I am now to pursue, and would stimulate all my ambition to acquire the necessary talents to merit that, and even greater favours, at a future day. I pray you, sir, to explain the circumstances of my situation, and be the interpreter of my sentiments to the United States in Con- gress. I ask for nothing ; and beg leave to be understood only as having hinted, what is natural to conceive, that the mark of approbation I mentioned, could not fail to be infinitely ser- viceable to my views and success in the country where I am going. " The prince royal sent me a messenger, requesting me to come to his apartment. His royal highness said a great many civil things to me, told me the king thanked me for my atten- tion and civil behaviour to the Danish flag, while I commanded in the European seas ; and that his majesty wished for occa- sions to testify to me his personal esteem, &c. I was alone with the prince half an hour. I am with perfect esteem, &c." The hint that the empress would be pleased with his receiv- ing the honorary rank of rear admiral from his own govern- ment, was drawn forth in consequence of his not obtaining it in the first instance from Russia, upon which he had calculated, and meant, indirectly, to insist. In reply to Baron Krudner, he said : " I am extremely flattered by the obliging things ex- pressed in the letter your excellency has done me the honour to write me yesterday. The very favourable sentiments with which my zeal for the cause of America, rather than my pro- fessional skill, has inspired her imperial majesty, fills me with an irresistible desire to merit the precious opinion with which 392 PAUL JONES. her majesty deigns to honour me. Though I cannot conceive the reason why any difficulty should be made to my being ad- mitted into the marine of her imperial majesty as rear admiral, a rank to which I have some claim, and that it should at the same time be proposed to give me the grade of major general, to which I have no title, it is not my intention to withdraw from the engagement which you have formed in my name, in the letter you addressed your court on the 23d current. You will be convinced by the papers I have the honour to submit to your inspection, that I am not an adventurer in search of fortune. You will discover, I presume, that my talents have been con- siderable ; but that, loving glory, I am perhaps too much attached to honours, though personal interest is an idol to which I have never bowed the knee. The unbounded admira- tion and profound respect which I have long felt for the glorious character of her imperial majesty, forbids the idea that a sove- reign so magnanimous should sanction any arrangement that may give pain at the outset to the man she deigns to honour with her notice, and who wishes to devote himself entirely to her service. A conjoined command is hurtful, and often fatal in military operations. There is no military man who is so en- tirely master of his passions as to keep free of jealousy and its consequences on such occasions. Being an entire stranger, I have more to fear from a joint authority than any officer in her majesty's service. But I cannot conceive that her majesty could deem it expedient to divide the command in the Black Sea; and if the direction of the military department there is confided to an officer of sufficient capacity and experience, I can neither desire to interfere with his command, nor promise, with a detachment, which could not fail to excite his jealousy, to contribute much to the glory of her majesty's arms." Jones had particular reasons for disliking the subordinate command which was tendered to him. The Prince of Nassau- Siegen, who was now appointed to command the fleet of the empress in the Black Sea, had, as will be recollected, volun- teered to accompany him in the secret expedition against Eng- PAUL JONES. 393 iand in 1779, and abandoned his purpose, if it ever really existed, without even the civility of an apology. He took no notice of Jones' letters on the occasion. His subsequent naval services had been attended with no glory. He had been en- gaged in the attempt made by the French on the Island of Jer- sey, which failed altogether, and in the equally unsuccessful attack of Gibraltar by the French and Spanish forces. Jones had a poor opinion of his knowledge as a naval commander, or indeed of his courage. Such was the rival, however, with whom he was now to be associated. At the court of Denmark, which he was now leaving, he had unquestionably been received with great distinction. He men- tions in a letter to the Marquis de La Fayette, written a few months afterwards, that ' ; Mr. Elliott, the same who filched Dr. Lee's papers at Berlin, was furious when he found out his business at Copenhagen. * * * * Every time," he says, " that I was invited to sup with the king, Elliott made an apology. He shut himself up for more than a month, and then left town. This occasioned much laughter ; and, as he had shunned society from the time of my arrival, people said he had gone off in a fright."* What seems a little extraordinary, this court shortly after Jones' departure, sent him a patent, granting him 1500 Danish crowns annually, "for the respect he had shown to the Danish flag, while he had commanded in the north seas. It was undoubtedly offered with the double purpose of pleasing the empress and propitiating the American government. Jones did not under- stand the propriety of this gift at the time, and makes no men- * Mr. Gilbert Elliott, the English minister at Copenhagen. In Tooke's Life of the Empress Catharine II. (p. 331, Vol. III. Amer. ed.) he says that this functionary quitted Copenhagen, and crossed Sweden in great haste, to summon the Danish prince, Charles of Hesse, to raise the siege of Gotenburg, which he was carrying on, in pursuance of the engagements of the court of Copenhagen with Russia, with which power Sweden was now at war; and threatened the vengeance of England if he did not evacuate the territory without delay. This cannot be identical with the sudden departure referred to by Jones, and must have been subsequent to his leaving St. Petersburgh. 49 PAUL JONES. tion of it in his correspondence with his American friends at that period. Three years after, he found it convenient to avail himself of it ; but he then found, that like the promises in rela- tion to the prize money, it was but an unmeaning compliment. His journey to the capital of Russia was an extraordinary one. We shall give his own account of it in his journal. He says to La Fayette : " The empress received me with a dis- tinction the most flattering that perhaps any stranger can boast of. On entering into the Russian service, her majesty con- ferred on me immediately the grade of rear admiral. I was detained against my will a fortnight, and continually feasted at court, and in the first society. This was a cruel grief to the English, and I own that their vexation, which I believe was general in and about St. Petersburgh, gave me no pain. You would be charmed with Prince Potemkin. He is a most amiable man, and none can be more noble-minded. For the empress, fame has never yet done her justice. I am sure that no stran- ger who has not known that illustrious character, ever conceived how much her majesty is made to reign over a great empire, to make people happy, and to attach grateful and susceptible minds. Is not the present a happy moment for France to de- clare for Russia ?" Such were the first expressions of pleasure and exultation which his reception at this brilliant court, and immediate ap- pointment drew from him. It is a very long inference and an erroneous one, which one of his biographers has drawn from them, that his regard for, or devotion to America was diminished. His uniform professions are entitled to full credit, that he gloried most in being a citizen of the United States ; while he would never be engaged in hostile operations against France. And the letter to which we are referring, to La Fayette, is devoted principally to the prospects and policy of his adopted country ; the advantage she would derive from joining in the armed neu- trality, the commerce she might carry on with Russia, her new constitution, and the danger he apprehended, in common with PAUL JONES. 399 Count Bernstorf, from the president being made commander in chief of the army, &c. He was, indeed, in full vogue at St. Petersburgh.* Every attention was shown to him by the French minister at that court, and he was waited upon by all the members of the dif- ferent legations, and the principal Russian nobles, as appears from the notes preserved among his papers. The jealousy of the English officers was indeed great, and openly expressed, as is mentioned in the subjoined note ; but it did not affect his immediate and triumphant elevation to the rank of contre- amiral. Tooke, in his life of Catharine II. t speaking of him with all his national prejudice, as an " English pirate and renegado," says that, " not meeting with the consideration he expected in America, he made a tender of his services to the court of St. Petersburgh, &c. that the British officers, appli- cants for employment, went in a body, to the amount of near thirty, to lay down their commissions ; declaring it was impos- sible to serve under him, or to act with him in any measure or capacity." All this, however, did not move the empress ; and Tooke, if he knew any thing about them, does not make any mention of the services of Jones in the campaign of Liman ; an omission which tends to throw discredit on many of his other statements. * The following is an extract of a letter from St. Petersburgh, which appeared at this time in an Edinburgh paper. " Paul Jones arrived here a few days ago. He was presented to the sovereign by the French ambassador, and immediately promoted to the rank of admiral. He is to set out soon to take the command of a squadron in the Black Sea. I had the satisfaction to see this honest man while he was examining one of our dock yards. He is a well made man of a middle size ; he wears a French uniform with the cross of St. Louis and a Danish order, which be received at Copenhagen, where he had the honour to dine with the king ; he has also received since he came here, one of the first orders of merit in this country, so that it is to be feared they will spoil him by making too much of him. The English officers in this service have presented a memorial to Admiral Greig refusing to serve with Jones, and threatening to throw up their commissions. Whether they will stand to their text, it is difficult to say, but they have acted very spiritedly so far. t Vol. III. p. 321. Am. d. 396 PAUL JONES. In a letter written to Jones at this time by Mr. Framery, secretary of legation at Copenhagen, we find the following passages. " It is to be believed you are yet at St. Petersburgh. I will learn with increased gratification, your arrival in this capital, as reports are in circulation here that you have perished in a storm, in the Gulf of Finland, but as the relation of this pretended mis- fortune changes every day, I am still persuaded that it exists only in the mouths of evil disposed persons, who first forged and spread the account. My good wishes accompany you in every part of the world, animated by the remembrance of the friend- ship you expressed for me when at Copenhagen. The Baron de la Houze to whom I mentioned that I was about to write to you, has charged me to renew to you the assurance of the sen- timents of esteem and real attachment with which you have inspired him. He is so far from giving credence to the report which I have mentioned, that he awaits by the arrival of every courier, the letter which you promised to write him, as soon as you had reached your port of destination." Jones received before his departure from St. Petersburgh, the following letter and enclosure from the empress. From the Empress Catharine to Rear Admiral Paul Jones. " SIR, " A courier from Paris has just brought from my envoy in France, M. de Simolin, the enclosed letter to Count Besborod- ko.* As I believe that this letter may help to confirm to you what I have already told you verbally, I have sent it, and beg you to return it, as I have not even made a copy be taken, so anxious am I that you should see it. I hope that it will efface all doubts from your mind, and prove to you that you are to be connected only with those who are most favourably disposed towards you. I have no doubt but that on your side you will * Russian Minister for the Home Department. PAUL JONES. 397 fully justify the opinion which we have formed of you, and apply yourself with zeal to support the reputation, and the name you have acquired for valour and skill on the element in which you are to serve. " Adieu, I wish you happiness and health, " CATHARINE." Extract of the Letter from M. de Simolin to Count de Besborodko, enclosed in the above. " The letter with which your excellency favoured me on the 16th February, was delivered by Mr. Poliranoff. By it I was informed of the resolution of her imperial majesty, on the subject of the engagement with the Chevalier Paul Jones ; and the same day Lieutenant Colonel de Baner, who was despatched from St. Elizabeth by Prince Potemkin on the 9th of March, brought me two letters, the subject of one of which was the said Chevalier Jones, whom he requested me to induce to repair to his head-quarters as quickly as possible, that he might employ his talents at the opening of the campaign ; and to assure him that in entering the service, he, (Potemkin,) would do all that depended on him to make his situation pleasant and advanta- geous, arfd ceriainly procure for him occasions in which he might display his skill and valour."* The following is a translation of part of a letter, written to Count Segur, on Jones' arrival at St. Elizabeth : " I was re- ceived with much cordiality by Prince Potemkin, and have re- ceived very great attentions from every body during the day and two nights which I have spent here. I find the prince a very amiable man. I am much pleased with him, and greatly desire to merit his regard. The Prince de Ligne was absent ; but M. le Chevalier and Brigadier Ribas has undertaken to attend to the delivery of all the letters of which I was the bearer. A thousand compliments, I pray you, to the Grand Ecuyer, to ma- * " Has he kept his word ?" is the commentary made in the margin of this lettes at a absequeut period. 398 PAUL JONES. dame, to the fair Countess of Salloub, the charming Marie, and all the amiable ladies whom I had the honour of seeing at St. Petersburgh. The prince has told me that his charming niece wf.uld visit these coasts before going to Italy. I should be de- lighted to see her. She is a very interesting person. " I shall write to the empress, who has addressed to me a let- ter full of goodness, but I shall never be able to express how much greater I find her than fame reports. With the charac- ter of a very great man, she will be always adored as the mosl amiable and captivating of the fair sex. " As to yourself, my dear count, you have treated me with a kindness and friendship so precious to my heart, that T am sure you will render justice to the sentiments which your conduct to- wards me must produce in a soul of sensibility, which has loved you for a long time past. I therefore address to you no com- pliments, nor to M. de Genet, whose father was one of the men for whom I had the greatest attachment. " I shall write to General de Momonoff, who is a very agree- able man, and whose regard I desire to merit. After having had a Te Deum sung to-day, we have drunk her majesty's health in the good wine of which you made me a present." War had been impending between Russia and the Porte, since the disturbances in the Crimea, in 1777, occasioned by the elec- tion of a Khan, in which the former interfered to support one of the candidates, with the ultimate view of dispossessing him en- tirely. The empress, encouraged by her eccentric and over- bearing favourite and general, Potemkin, in the ambitious desire of being crowned at Constantinople, never lost sight of this in- tention. The foundations of the city of Cherson were only laid in 1783, and in a very short time it counted 40,000 inhabitants, and ships of war were launched from its yards. This advantage increased the cupidity of the Autocrat, and the invasion of the Crimea was determined upon, as a necessary preliminary to operations against Turkey. A pretext was soon found, in the dissentions between the Tartar princes, and the usurpation took PAUL JONES. 399 place effectually, though the Khan was left for a short time with nominal authority. At the same time Potemkin and Su- vorrof subdued and received the homage of the tribes of the Kuban, and the extensive wilds more remote. A manifesto was published to justify these unprovoked acts, and the annex- ation of those districts to the empire. The Porte replied in an able answer, but did not yet appeal to arms ; which was what the empress wished for. England urged the divan to the mea- sure, but the influence of France and Austria, and oriental in- dolence, prevailed against the advice. By a new treaty the sovereignty of Russia over the Crimea, and great part of Ku- ban, with the right of the dominion of the Euxine, and to the passage of the Dardanelles, was conceded to Russia. New usurpations followed immediately on the part of the latter. In 1786, Catharine projected a magnificent progress to the Euxine, where, after having solemnly taken the sceptre of the Khan, it was her intention to conduct her young grandson, Constantine. to the gates of that city, with reference to whose contemplated destiny he had been named. His sickness prevented this part of the project from being executed ; and the progress, though splendid, was not conducted on so grand a scale as had been at first proposed. She was attended by the existing favourite Momonoff, the Grand Ecuyer Narichkin, others of the Russian nobility and courtiers, the ambassadors of France and Austria, and the English envoy. She was joined at Kieff by Prince Potemkin, and the Prince Nassau-Siegen, who seems to have won favour for himself on the occasion. In the beginning of the spring she embarked with a numerous and brilliant retinue, the king of Poland being in company, and the emperor of Austria joining her on the route. The divan were uneasy at this visitation ; and while the empress was at Cherson, four of their ships of the line anchored at the mouth of the Dnieper, though not with actual hostile intentions. The empress re- turned, and Potemkin, who longed for the grand ribbon of the order of St. George, had not yet effected his object of forcing the Turks to act first on the offensive. No means were left un 400 PAUL JONES. tried. The consul in Moldavia stirred up insurrections ; the Rus sian ships abused their privileges conceded by the Porte ; a cor- respondence was formed with Egypt, and intrigues were carried on with the Greeks of Smyrna. The troubles in Georgia were fomented by the protection given to Prince Heraclius. These and various other grievances led to the presentation on the 26th July, 1787, of a memorial from the grand vizier, and reis ef- fendi, to the French minister ; to which an immediate answer was requested. The ambassador asked for time to consult his court, which was granted. But the influence of Great Britain now predominated, and war was declared before any answer was received from Russia. Eighty thousand men were ordered to march to cover Oczakow. A large army advanced to the Danube ; and a squadron of 16 ships of the line, 8 frigates, and several gallies entered the Euxine under the com- mand of the capitan-pacha. The Greeks were disarmed, and the Tartars invited to return to their allegiance to the grand seignior. They complied with the call, and their Shah had soon under his orders an army of 40,000 men. This news was received with joy at St. Petersburgh. A fleet of 8 ships of the line, 12 frigates, and near 200 chebeks or gun- boats was equipped in the Euxine, and two squadrons command- ed by admirals Kruse and Greig were in readiness at Cronstadt to sail for the Mediterranean. Joseph II. the ally of the em- press, sent 80,000 Austrians on their march to Moldavia, and the empress published manifestos to assert the justice of her cause. Hostile operations on the part of Sweden, which it is unnecessary here to dwell upon, gave a check to the exultation at St. Petersburgh, which was left defenceless ; and the appear- ance of the Swedish fleet off Cronstadt occasioned a recall of the sailing orders given to the Russian admirals there. At this period, Tooke says that the remonstrance of the English officers occasioned a recall of the appointment of Jones to a command in the Cronstadt fleet ; for which assertion there is no authority whatever. It has been thought proper to introduce the Journal of Ad- PAUL JONES. 401 miral Jones by the foregoing brief account, (from the history of Catharine II.) of previous events, and of the circumstances attending his entering into the Russian service. This Journal was prepared by himself, and arranged with the accompanying documents for his own vindication ; but was, unwisely perhaps, not published by him during his lifetime. If he sometimes speaks in terms of bitterness of those with whom he acted, it will be found that he had but too much cause to complain of them. He was treated with caprice ; his due honours were sought to be wrested from him ; he was sent back from the fleet cavalierly, and he was foully slandered. Over all this he triumphed in the issue completely ; but his health and spirits were irretrievably affected by the ignoble and ungenerous per- secution. A copy of this Journal handsomely engrossed in the French language, followed by ninety-three Pieces Justificatives is before the compiler. Reference will be made to the latter, where it seems necessary. AVANT-PROPOS OF THE REAR ADMIRAL. " The United States of America having charged me with a mission of a political nature to the court of Denmark, and having at the same time furnished me with a letter to deliver personally to his most Christian majesty, Louis XVI. I embark- ed at New York on the llth November, 1787, in an American vessel bound for Holland, the captain of which agreed to land me in France. " After a voyage of a month, I landed at Dover, in England, not being able to get ashore in France. From Dover I went to London, where I saw the minister of the United States. I passed some days with my friends there, and went to Covent Garden Theatre. I afterwards set out for Paris, where I ar- rived on the 20th December. " Mr. Jefferson, the ambassador of the United States, visited me on the night of my arrival, and informed me that M. de 50 402 PAUL JONES. Simolin, minister plenipotentiary of her imperial majesty of ail the Russias, had often spoken of me while I was in America, and appeared anxious to succeed in prevailing on me to go to Russia, to command the fleet against the Turks in the Black Sea. I regarded this proposal as a castle in the air ; and as I did not wish for any employment in foreign service, I avoided meeting M. de Simolin, for whose character I had, at the same time, the highest respect. "As the letter, of w-hich I was the bearer to the king of France, concerned myself alone, my friends advised me not to seek an interview with his majesty before my return from Den- mark. In that letter the United States requested his majesty to permit me to embark in his fleet of evolutions, to complete my knowledge of naval tactics, and of military and maritime operations upon the great scale. " Speaking to a man of very high rank at Paris, I repeated to him what had been communicated to me by Mr. Jefferson. He replied, that ' he would advise me to go to Constantinople at once rather than enter the service of Russia.' " On the 1st of February, 1788, at the moment of my de- parture from Paris, I received a note from Mr. Littlepage, chamberlain to the king of Poland, earnestly requesting me to breakfast with him next morning, as he had matters of the utmost importance to communicate to me. I went to him that same night, and he told me that M. de Simolin had the great- est desire to converse with me before my departure, and that he calculated on breakfasting with us next day. " M. de Simolin said the most polite and obliging things to me ; that, having known me well by reputation whilst he was ambassador in England, and since he had come to France, he had already proposed me to his sovereign as commander of the fleet in the Black Sea, &c. and that he expected her imperial majesty would make me proposals in consequence. I did not yet look upon the affair as serious; but I was much flattered with the politeness of M. de Simolin, and endeavouied to ex- press to him my sense of it. When he had left the house, Mr. PAUL JONES. 403 Littlepage assured me that he had written to his court, that 4 if her imperial majesty confided to me the chief command of her fleet on the Black Sea, with carte blanche, he would an- swer for it that in less than a year I should make Constanti- nople tremble.' " In Denmark I put in train a treaty between that power and the United States ; but it was interrupted by the arrival of a courier from St. Petersburgh, despatched express by the em- press, to invite me to repair to her court. " Though I foresaw many difficulties* in the way of my en- tering the service of Russia, I believed that I could not avoid going to St. Petersburgh, to thank the empress for the favoura- ble opinion she had conceived of me. I transferred the treaty going forward at Copenhagen to Paris, to be concluded there, and set out for St. Petersburgh by Sweden. At Stockholm I staid but one night, to see Count Rasoumorsky. Want of time prevented me from appearing at court. " At Gresholm I was stopped by the ice, which prevented rne from crossing the Gulf of Bothnia, and even from approaching the first of the isles in the passage. After having made several unsuccessful efforts to get to Finland by the isles, I imagined that it might be practicable to effect my object by doubling the ice to the southward, and entering the Baltic Sea. " This enterprise was very daring, and had never before been attempted; but by the north the roads were impracticable, and, knowing that the empress expected me from day to day, I could not think of going back by Elsineur. " I left Gresholm early one morning, in an undecked passage boat, about thirty feet in length. I made another boat follow, * Two letters are here referred to, one of which is from Baron Krudner to Jones, informing him that he had communicated to the empress. Jones' acceptance of the grade of captain commandant with the rank of major general in her service. It is dated March 22d. The other is Jones' reply on the following day, which has been inserted. The " difficulties" referred to are, partly that he thought himself entitled to the rank of rear admiral, but chiefly that he apprehended inconvenience and dis- agreements from a joint command 404 PAUL JONES. of half that size. This last was for dragging over the cakes of ice, and for passing from one to another, to gain the coast of Finland. I durst not make my project known to the boatmen, which would have been the sure means of deterring them from it. After endeavouring, as before, to gain the first isle, I made them steer for the south, and we kept along the coast of Swe- den all the day, finding with difficulty room enough to pass be- tween the ice and the shore. Towards night, being almost opposite Stockholm, pistol in hand, I forced the boatmen to enter the Baltic Sea, and steer to the east. We ran towards the coast of Finland. All night the wind was fair, and we hoped to land next day. This we found impossible. The ice did not permit us to approach the shore, which we only saw from a distance. It was impossible to regain the Swedish side, the wind being strong and directly contrary. I had no other course to adopt but to make for the Gulf of Finland. There was a small compass in the boat, and I fixed the lamp of my travelling carriage so as to throw a light on it. " On the second night we lost the small boat, which was sunk ; but the men saved themselves in the large one, which with diffi- culty escaped the same fate. At the end of four days we landed at Reval, in Livonia, which was regarded as a kind of miracle. Having satisfied the boatmen for their services and their loss, I gave them a good pilot, with the provisions necessary for making their homeward voyage, when the weather should become more favourable. " I arrived at St. Petersburg!! in the evening on the 23d of April, old style, and on the 25th had my first audience of the empress. Her majesty gave me so flattering a reception, and up to the period of my departure treated me with so much dis- tinction, that I was entirely captivated, and put myself into her hands without making any stipulation for my personal advan- tage. I demanded but one favour, ' that she would never con- demn without hearing me.' " On the 7th May, I set out from the imperial palace of Sacs cosello carrying with me a letter from her majesty to his high- PAUL JONES. 405 ness the Prince Marshal Potemkin at St. Elizabeth, where I arrived on 19th. The prince marshal received me with much kindness, and destined me the command of the fleet of Sevas- tapol against the capitan pacha, who, he supposed, intended to make descents in the Crimea. His highness was mistaken in this, and the next day he received information that the capital! pacha was at anchor within Kinbourn, having corne to succour Oczakow with a hundred and twenty armed vessels and other armed craft. " The prince marshal then requested me to assume com- mand of the naval force stationed in the Liman, (which is at the embouchure of the Dnieper,) to act against the capitan pacha till Oczakow should fall. I considered this change as a mark of confidence flattering to myself; and having received my orders, I set out on the same day for Cherson, in company with the Chevalier de Ribas, Brigadier du Jour of the prince mar- shal. He was ordered to make all the arrangements necessary to place me in command. At parting, the prince marshal pro- mised me ' to bring forward his troops without loss of time, to co-operate with the maritime force he had intrusted to my com- mand ;' and on the journey M. de Ribas told me, ' that all the force of the Liman, comprehending that of the prince of Nas- sau, would be under my orders.' " I spent but one evening and night at Cherson. But even this short period was enough to show that I had entered on a critical and disagreeable service. Rear Admiral Mordwinoff, chief of the admiralty, did not affect to disguise his displeasure at my arrival ; and though he had orders from the prince mar- shall to communicate to me all the details concerning the force in the Liman, and to put me in possession of the silk flag be- longing to my rank as rear admiral, he gave himself not the least trouble to comply therewith. " We set out early next morning for Glouboca, the armament of the Liman being at anchor very near that place, in the roads of Schiroque, between the bar of the Dnieper and the embou- chure of the river Bor. We went on board the Wolodimer 406 PAUL JONES. before mid-day, where we found that Brigadier Alexiano had assembled all the commanders, to draw them into a cabal against my authority. I may mention here, that this man was a Greek by birth, as ignorant of seamanship as of military affairs ; who, under an exterior and manners the most gross, concealed infi- nite cunning; and, by an impertinent roughness of discourse, had the address to pass for a blunt honest man. Though a subject of Turkey, it was alleged that he made war with the Mussul- mans by attacking their commerce in the Archipelago on his own authority, and that he had followed this means of enriching himself up to the period that Count D'Orloff arrived with the Russian fleet. Though I do not affirm the fact, several per- sons of credit have assured me that there are often pirates who infest the coast, and the isles between Constantinople and Egypt, who attack the commerce of all nations, and run down the ves- sels after having seized the cargoes and cut the throats of the crews. Alexiano had been employed by Count D'Orloff. He had reached the grade of captain de haut bord, with the rank of brigadier. He felt his spirits ruffled in the first instance, and afterwards made great merit with the prince marshal, of the sacrifice which he affected to make in serving under me. He said that, if he withdrew, all the other officers would do the same. The prince marshal sent presents to his wife, and wrote him kindly, persuading him to remain in the service. All the objections he made were bravadoes, to enable himself to make something out of the difficulty ; for, from what followed, I know that, had he left the service, it would have been alone, and that no one would have regretted his absence. " To give time to those angry spirits to become calm, and to be able to decide on the part I should take, I proposed to Briga- dier de Ribas, that we should together make a journey to Kin- bourn, to see the entrance of Dnieper and reconnoitre the posi- tion and strength of the Turkish fleet and flotilla. At my return all the officers appeared contented, and I hoisted rny flag on board the Wolodimer on the 26th of May, 1788. "The prince of Nassau-Siegen, whom I had known slightly PAUL JONES. 407 at Paris, told me, ' that if we gained any advantage over the Turks, it was necessary to exaggerate it to the utmost ; and that this was the counsel the Chevelier de Ribas had given him.' I replied, ' that I never had adopted that method of making myself of consequence.' ' Extract of a Journal of the Campaign in the LAman, in 1788. " At the opening of this campaign the squadron of Cherson was obliged to remain for two days in the road of Schiroque, till the troops should embark which were to form part of the crew. The prince of Nassau,* who had been appointed commander of the flotilla, and who had by this time received on board the troops intended for him, durst not venture to advance four or five verstes to take station opposite to the Bog, without being escorted by three frigates. The prince of Nassau made so many objections to the danger of his situation, 1 that on the 28th of + In a letter from Potemkin, dated at St. Elizabeth, on the 30th May, (all the dates quoted are old style,) he expresses the greatest pleasure at learning from Chevalier Ribas, that harmony was established between the rear admiral and the prince. " I regard," he said, " this concert, as the basis of all the good services which your talents and acknowledged courage enable you both to render to my country." A few days proved how unstable this basis was. f Three notes from Nassau are inserted in the Pieces Justificatives ; dated succes- sively, on the 28th, 29th, and 30th of this month, (May.) In the first, he says, he shall see the rear admiral (" my dear general," he calls him) arrive, with great pleasure. He says, that the strong gale that harrassed the fleet was lucky for them, as it prevent- ed the Turks from attacking him ; in which case he would have been compelled to retreat. " I reckon upon you, at farthest, during the course of the day. You know, my dear general, my esteem and friendship. It will end only with my life." In the second, he begs, that if Jones could not join him, he would send two hundred grena- diers, which were under his (Nassau's) command ; as it would be better that the troops should not be mixed. The bad grammar and worse spelling of the prince is scrupu- lously adhered to in those transcripts. The originals are before me ; the last is least in- correct, and as it is brief, it may be amusing. " Je vous envois mon cher general, les deux reponces de M r . de Souvorrow, qu'il m'a envoyts ouverts. Je voua prie de me mander ce quo vous feris, etant decide, puisque j'eu ai la liberte, a ne marcher que lorsque vous me prottgeois." In his hand writing, also, the prince was a rival of Buonaparte. 408 PAUL JONES. May, the day following, Rear Admiral Chevalier Paul Jones, commander of the squadron, reinforced him with a fourth frigate. " On the 29th, the troops being all on board, the squadron advanced, and got beyond the flotilla, which lay scattered about at anchor without any observance of order. The squadron drew up opposite the first village, to the west of the Bog, in an obtuse angle, and thus commanded, by a cross fire, the only passage of the Liman. This lies between two sand banks, through which the Turks must advance with their heavy ves- sels. By this position the rear admiral covered Cherson, and the country on both banks of the Liman, made good the free passage of the Bog to the army of the prince marshal, and held the Turks in check in any attempt they might make against Kinbourn. " The prince of Nassau at this time talked a great deal of projects of descents, surprises, and attacks, but without any rational plan. " A battery having been raised upon the point of Stanislaus, the prince of Nassau could not help exclaiming, ' that he was delighted with it, as in case of necessity he might there find shelter.' He was not ignorant that the rear admiral could not have retreated, as several of his vessels were already within a few inches of getting aground. The rear admiral was aware that the Turks, having a very superior force, would not give any opportunity of attacking them ; and that it was therefore* neces- sary to maintain the strong position he had taken, till the the arrival of Prince Potemkin. in order to advance in concert, and combine their operations with those of the land forces. " In the meanwhile General Suvorrof, commandant of Kin- bourn, made the rear admiral responsible for the safety of that place ;* while Brigadier Alexiano and the prince of Nassau or * On the 31st, there is a letter from Jones to Ribas, informing him that the Prince de Nassau asserted that he had carte blanche. " I was surprised," he says, " at hear- ing him talk this morning of advancing. He held a different language one or two days PAUL JONES. 409 their part, did all that was possible to make him distrustful of the means which he possessed for attack or defence. They alleged, that the vessels forming the flotilla, having been con- structed merely to convey the carriages of the empress in her late progress, might be expected, at the first attack, to sink under the enormous weight of the guns. " The squadron had a formidable appearance, but little real strength. The Wolodimer and the Alexander were but half armed ; and both vessels were already within a few inches of touching the bottom, so shallow is the Liman for vessels of war. In this most critical situation, having no orders from his high- ness the prince marshal for his guidance, and knowing nothing of his intentions, nor of the actual position of his army, the rear admiral resolved on assembling a council of war, in conformity to the ordinance of Peter the Great. The council he opened by a speech suited to the occasion, the main object of which was to show the necessity of a perfect understanding between the since, when he wanted to retreat, under a false alarm. Should we receive the least check, it may derange or render impracticable the attack on Oczakow. Kinbourn has not been attacked, and cannot, in my opinion, be in any danger, if the army of Prince Potemkin has passed the Bog, which, after his highness' promise, I have a right to suppose. The Turks will find work enough on the other side." On the same day, there is a note from Suvorrof to Jones, throwing upon him the responsibility spoken of in the text. It is rather characteristic. " Your excellency I have not received the copy of his highness Prince Potemkin's orders for you. You will see my whole opinion in a letter to the prince of Nassau, as you are acting with him. You are well enough, with the two squadrons, but you know well that, under the circumstances, the Radical of the operations regards Kinbourn, a principal, efficacious, and unequivocal point, and one on which all our cares and pains should be directed. It is plausible enough to wait for the approach of the land army. In the meanwhile, 7 cannot answer for results. Enough said, for a soldier who has never been a seaman. Ever your excellency's humble and obedient servant, Alexandre Suvorrof." Jones says in a note : " I beg the general's pardon ; but the Radical regarded Cherson ; and the capitan pacha had too much sense not to prefer it to such a place as Kinbourn, which he could easily have taken afterwards." In communicating copies of SWorrof's letters to the Chevalier Ribas, for the inspection of Potemkin, Jones begged for ex- plicit orders, " in order that there might be no mistake among so many commanders ; each of whom believed himself independent of the others ; which might lead to mischievous consequence? ' 51 410 PAUL JONES. squadron and the flotilla ; and that, uniting heart and hand, forgetting all personal considerations, they should determine to conquer, as the true glory of a patriot was to be useful to his country.* "He proposed to them nine questions. It was decided, to act together, mingle together, in one and the same order of battle ; that if the wind should be from a point from N. to S. E. the prince should detach a part of the flotilla, at 1 A. M. and should be supported at day break by the squadron of the rear admiral, to cut off the retreat of the enemy's small craft which were near the first village east of Oczakow ; and that the best positiont for the squadron and flotilla, in the Liman, to cover * There ie a proces rtarbal of this council, No. 83. of the Pieces Justificatives. The following is preserved as the address of the rear admiral : " Gentlemen Having been suddenly called to serve her imperial majesty, I have need of double indulgence, being aa yet ignorant of the language and customs of the country. I confess I mistrust my capacity properly to discharge all the duties of the high trust with which her majesty has honoured me ; but I rely on my zeal, and on your favour, co-operation, and candid advice, for the good of the service. You are met, gentleman, on serious business. We are to discuss points which touch nearly the honour of the Russian flag, and the interests of her majesty. We have to deal with a formidable enemy ; but if we are united and of one mind in all our efforts, if our operations are well concerted and vigorously executed, the known courage of Russians, the cause of the empress and of the country, and the remembrance of so many past victories afford us the most flattering hope of success, and cannot fail to inspire invincible resolution. We must resolve to conquer. Let us join our hands and our hearts. Let us show that onr feelings are noble, and cast far from us all personal considerations. Honour enough may be gained by every individual ; but the true glory of a citizen is to be useful to his country." The ques- tions follow, on three of which only resolutions were passed, as stated in the Journal. t Jones says in a note : " This was not the rear admiral's opinion ;" and refers to a letter written by him to the Prince de Nassau on the 1st June. In this he says : " If you will show me a more advantageous position than that which I have taken, I will change my plan with pleasure, and adopt yours. If you think my duty requires me to attack the Turkish fleet under existing circumstances, [It was then ranged under the cannon of Oczakow. Note by Jones.] I ask you if I must not wait, to conquer it? Who wiH justify me, if, on my own motion, and without any necessity, or waiting for sure news of the position of the army of Prince Potemkin, I should expose the squadron to be burned or captured ? Do you believe the enemy will dare attempt a descent on this side of Kinbourn, to find himself between two fires ? Last year's experience proves that he will run no risks on the other side; and that the garrison is too strong, PAUL JONES. 411 Kinbourn and act on the defensive, until the approach of the army under Prince Potomkin, was four verstes farther in advance, opposite the first village east of Oczakow, in a straight line, N. N.E. S.S.W. The batteries in the spaces between the ships, and a corps of reserve, composed of a division of the flotilla, to cover the right wing. The council was to have met again next day, to decide on the other points which the rear admiral had to propose ; among which was the best manner of attack and defence, and the general arrangement of signals, which ought all, in his opinion, to be made on board of the same vessel ; but M. de Nassau and the Brigadier Alexiano opposed this, and the council did not re-assemble as proposed. " On the 6th of June, at 2 in the morning, the prince of Nassau advanced, as had been previously agreed on, with the greater part of the flotilla ; but, in place of cutting off the re- treat of the vessels forming the enemy's advanced guard, he retired at day break before a very inferior force, and without offering the smallest resistance ; and the Turks chased him, keeping up a cannonade, into the midst of the squadron, which had advanced to take the position assigned to them. " The precipitate retreat of the prince of Nassau inspirited the Turks so much, that during the night between the 6th and 7th, they drew up their flotilla in two divisions, in a shallow close by their own shore. The first of these divisions had by and its generals skillful enough to repel an attack of 10,000 men. But, should the squadron which I have the honour to command, be destroyed, I need not suggest to you, that the Bog, Cherson, &c. would be open to the assaults of the enemy. I wish with all my heart, that your highness would place one or two batteries under the walls of Kinbourn to reinforce the place. [General Suvorrof had earnestly asked for this and I should have been glad to gratify him. Note by Jones.~\ But you must perceive, that it is impossible for me to give you an escort up to the batteries of Kinbourn, with- out first conquering the Turkish fleet. My instructions are, to protect Kinbourn, which I think I am doing at this moment. If I advance, I shall find myself in a position much weaker, with no advantage which I can apprehend. Our force in row boats is greatly superior to the Turks, and we can at any time go to the assistance of Kinbourn, though the wind should be contrary." 412 PAUL JONES. day dawn advanced within cannon shot of our reserve, which had been posted the previous night on the right wing. " At sunrise the Turks made sail ; and Brigadier Alexiano ran upon the deck of the Wolodimer half naked, ex claiming like a frantic man, in French and Russian, that the Turks were going to attack and board us, and that we would be blown to pieces for having been so foolish as to leave our former position. He had, notwithstanding, in the council of war, given his voice in favour of the position we now actually held. Brigadier Ribas, the captain, and all the crew, were witnesses of his extravagant and unjustifiable behaviour. " This proved a false alarm ; the Turkish fleet did not stir. " The prince of Nassau came on board the Wolodimer, and the rear admiral proposed to him to reconnoitre the enemy's fleet and flotilla. As they advanced together, the first division of the Turkish flotilla began to fire from their canoes, and raised their anchors and rowed forward towards our reserve, which they attacked briskly. At the same time several corps of Turkish troops advanced along the opposite bank, as if they intended to establish a post or battery to act on our flank. As our reserve had been posted to cover our right wing, the prince of Nassau, who knew not what to do, proposed to make it draw up in the form of a crochet de houlette, the better to sustain the assault. The rear admiral told him, that on the contrary, it was necessary to lift the anchors with the utmost despatch, and to form in line of battle to meet the attack of the Turks. The combat having commenced according to this plan, the rear ad- miral hastened along our line, to issue orders to the squadron, and, above all, to make the remainder of the flotilla, posted be- tween the ships and upon the left wing, advance. The wind being adverse, he made these vessels be towed by the ships' boats and other boats attached to the squadron ; and by an oblique movement formed in front line, with the intention of cutting off the retreat of the enemy, and galling him by a cross fire. As soon as the capitau pacha perceived the manoeuvre of the "ear admiral, he came forward himself in his kirlangitch, PAUL .HM>. 413 having a very favourable wind, and made the second division of his flotilla advance. At this time our reserve was very critically situated. A double chaloupe quitted the action, and four of our galleys were in danger of being captured. The prince of Nas- sau, who did not relish going himself, sent Brigadier Corsacoff, who made them retreat. Instead of remaining with the reserve, which, being without a commander, was in very great disorder, the prince of Nassau quitted his own post, and stationed himself before the rear admiral, where he could be of no use whatever. The rear admiral went into the same boat with the prince of Nassau, and again issued his orders along the line. Being now within caimon shot of the enemy, he opened fire, advancing always in an oblique line to cut off his retreat. At the same time he despatched Brigadier Alexiano to endeavour to rally the vessels of the reserve, which the prince of Nassau had de- serted ; but Alexiano contented himself with waving his hat in the air, and shouting from behind the lines ' Fire, my boys, on the kirlangitch of the capitan pacha !' " When the line led on by the rear admiral came to close fire with the enemy, their flotilla was thrown into the utmost con- fusion. Our reserve gave no farther way, and the enemy was placed under a cross fire. The capitan pacha availed himself of the only resource he had left ; the wind being in his favour, he set every sail to withdraw his force. Had he remained a half hour longer, he would have been surrounded. Two of his vessels were burnt in this affair. The flotilla of the enemy was composed of fifty-seven vessels, and we chased them up to their fleet. The rear admiral, who had directed the whole affair, left all the credit of it to the prince of Nassau. " An idea may be formed of the capacity of this prince, from the circumstance that, at the beginning of the action he re- quested the rear admiral to bring forward to the support of the reserve only the vessels posted on the left wing, which consisted of one galley and two double chaloupes. Besides the insuffi- ciency of force, these vessels had a very long way to make, and that against the wind. 414 PAUL JONES. " The Turks remained quiet for some time after this. The prince of Nassau, who had scarce spoken one word during the affair, save to make extravagant professions of regard for the rear admiral,* now began to give himself airs. On the J3th June he addressed a writing of an extraordinary character to the rear admiral, the object of which appeared to be, that an ad- * I find a letter which must have been written, according to the old style, on the 8th June, from Mr. Littlepage, who had just arrived at the camp on the Bog, congratula- ting Jones on this affair, and informing him of the satisfaction which Mr. Jefferson, the Marquis de la Fayette, and all his friends in Paris felt, on hearing of his appoint- ment. He says: " Your star is bright ; and not, 1 hope, to be eclipsed by the Cres- cent. Prince Potemkin is much your friend." In his reply, on the llth, Jones says: " The prince wrote me a letter of thanks for the affair of the 7th. If the honour had been ten times greater, I should have renounced it altogether in favour of the Prince de Nassau; but I am sorry to say, he is too jealous to be content with my self-denial. Perhaps he is ill advised, without knowing it. There is nothing, consistent with my honour, that I would not do to make him easy. I am the more in pain, as I under- stand he spoke favourably of me to the prince before I arrived. If he now becomes my enemy, I shall not imitate his example. It was my intention to pay him a compli- ment, when I said, in my letter to the prince, that 'he had taken my counsel in good part, in the affair of the 7th.' I showed the Prince de Nassau that letter, and he seemed pleased with it. In the affair, he embraced me, and said, ' we should always make but one; 1 but now, I find, a false construction has been put on my letter, and his jealousy supersedes every nobler sentiment." There is a letter from Jones to Nassau on the 14th, among his Vindicise annexed to the Journal, which is certainly written in a most conciliatory spirit. Referring to several minor arrangements for the squadron, he leaves them altogether to the prince's discretion. He anxiously inquires what cause be had given for offence ? It is undoubtedly to be found in the difference of opinion as U, the position of the squadron, and in the very phrase which Jones says he intended fcr a compliment. He says to him : " You appeared contented with my letter. The least word from you would have made me suppress it. I should prefer to have kept silence ; and on other occasions I shall know how to do so." In a note, he says : " I have been well duped by it." In Mr. Littlepage's reply to Jones' letter of the llth, he says, that he was not unadvised of the misunderstanding between the two commanders, previous to the affair of the 7th ; that Prince Potemkin had supposed it was settled, and was deeply pained to hear it was renewed. " I easily conceive," he says, " the delicacy of your position ; and I know that honour can make no sacrifices. But for God's sake, my dear friend be prudent, on your own account and that of your frieiids. Prince Potemkin has conceived a high esteem for you ; but he loves Nassau. If ever reciprocal interests dictated unity between two persons, it is between j'ou and the Prince de Nassau ; for the present moment, at least. * * * Nassau has been unfor- tunate, and he has more than one reason for endeavouring to make the best of existing PAUL JONES. 415 vance should be made of three verstes nearer the enemy, who had taken post under the batteries of Oczakow. The rear admiral, who could perceive no advantage to the service in such a movement, refused his concurrence, the prince marshal having approved his plan of acting on the defensive,* until the arrival of the land forces, or at least, until the moment when the Turks might afford us an opportunity of attacking them to advantage. Had he agreed, the movement would have been fatal to Russia, as will be seen by what follows. " By the 16th June, the patience of the capitan pacha was exhausted. He brought from his grand fleet, without Kinbourn, two thousand picked men, to reinforce the body under the walls of Oczakow ; and being strengthened still farther by the troops circumstances. If_you find weaknesses in his character, excuse them, and remember that he VMS, and I hope yet is, your friend. Pardon this liberty, &c." Surely no better advice was ever given, and it was not unattended to at the time. Jones, in a letter written on the 20th, said he considered the advice as a new proof of true friend- ship ; that it was that of a man of sense ; and to show he meant to follow it, transmit- ted a copy of the letter to the prince ; the contents of which have been stated. He says : " I have put up with more from Nassau, than, under other circumstances I could have done front any man who was not crazy. I can no more reckon upon his humour than on the wind. One hour he embraces me as his best friend, and the next he is ready to cut my throat." He then goes into a technical explanation of his reasons for not thinking it expedient to advance three verstes, before the affair of the 7th, and relates subsequent operations, as they will be found in the text of the Journal. New causes of offence had been given at the date of this letter, and it is plain from the beginning, that Jones must have changed his character entirely before he could submit to harmo- nize with the prince at the expense of his understanding, pride, and fame. * In a letter of the 8th, to the rear admiral, Potemkin expressly said : " I would desire you could defer your operations, until I may have approached nearer to you, excepting in case the enemy should give you a good opportunity to offer battle, or that the safety of Kinbourn should require it." If Jones be correct, the prince must have calculated that the first exception would soon occur ; for, he says in a note : " the prince never had any intention of passing the Bog, while the Turkish squadron was in the Liman. I do not presume to suggest his reasons." And in a passage of Mr. Lattlepage's letter which has been quoted from, informing him that unforeseen difficulties in the passage of the river had made a countermarch necessary, he makes this remark : " It was a sham, (Jeinte,) for the prince never intended to cross the Bog while the Turkish squadron was in the Liman. I have this from Brigadier Ribas, and many others in hia full confidence." 416 PAUL JONES. of the garrison, he advanced with his whole fleet and flotilla, and with a fair wind, into the Liinan, to attack and board us.* The ship, which bore one of the admiral's flags, steered right towards the Wolodimer from the commencement of the move- ment. When within two verstes of us, or little more, this ship got aground, and all the vessels which accompanied it imme- diately dropt anchor. It was then about two in the afternoon. " The rear admiral summoned a council of war to consult on what should be done. He addressed the council, at which were present all the commanders of the squadron and the flotilla, and concluded by telling them, ' that they must make up their minds to conquer or die for their country.'t " The wind, which was rather fresh, being against us, the only thing proposed by the rear admiral that was found practi- cable was, to draw up our force in an obtuse angle, by bringing forward, by anchors, the right of the line up to the centre. This movement was completed before midnight. The wind had shifted to N. N. E. and at break of day on the 17th, the rear admiral made signal, and the whole squadron immediately set sail to commence the attack on the Turks. " The Turks got into confusion the instant this manoeuvre was perceived. They raised their anchors or cut their cables * " The plan of the capitan pacha was to bear down full sail on the vessels of our flotilla, and run them to the bottom by the shock of the encounter of his large ships. He also proposed to burn our squadron by throwing in fire-balls, (grappins,) and set- ting fire to certain trading vessels which he had prepared as fire-ships. He had reason to calculate on success, had he not been thwarted by a circumstance which no man could have foreseen." Note by Paul Jones. t It seems unnecessary to insert the address made at this council, which is found among the pitcesjustificatwes. Three questions as to the manner of attack were pro- posed ; the resolutions upon them are not mentioned. By a statement of the force of the squadron under Jones on that day, it appears it consisted of one frigate carry ing 40 guns of different calibres, four carrying 26, two 24, one 20, and one 16, and four vessels carrying in all 66 guns. His own vessel, the Wolodimer, a 70 gun ship, carried only 24 twenty-four pounders and two Kcornes, pieces from which perforated balls were discharged, filled with combustibles. The shallowness of the Liman would not allow of a greater weight of metal. PAUL, JONES. 417 with the greatest precipitation, and not the shadow of order re- mained in their fleet. Our squadron advanced in line of battle with an imposing and formidable appearance, so that the Turks knew not how weak it really was. As our flotilla had been very slow in weighing anchor, the rear admiral was obliged to make the squadron halt twice to wait for it. At length, the flotilla being always last, the squadron opened fire on the enemy, of whom the person second in command, who had flown about like a fool, quickly ran his ship on a sand bank on the south of the Liman. There was no longer hope for him ; from the mo- ment he grounded he was ours. The enemy still kept flying about, and always in the greatest disorder. The rear admiral ordered his ship (the Wolodimer) to be steered to within pistol shot of the vessel of the capitan pacha, but the latter again ran aground upon a sand bank ; and a few minutes afterwards the Brigadier Alexiano gave orders in the Russian language, and unknown to the rear admiral, to drop the Wolodimer's anchor.* It was pretended that there were but fifteen feet of water a little way in advance of the ship, which was not true. A con- siderable time before this the squadron had been taken on the right flank by the Turkish flotilla, drawn up on the shallows, near the bank to the east of Oczakow, and commanded by the capitan pacha himself. The flotilla annoyed the squadron con- siderably, by incessantly throwing in along our line both bombs and balls of great size. Wanting depth of water, our frigates could not advance far enough to dislodge them, and, besides, they found that their guns were too small. The capitan pacha sunk one of our frigates, named ] the Little Alexander, by a bomb, at the side of the Wolodimer, and at the very instant Brigadier Alexiano made the anchor be cast. Our flotilla still lagged behind, but it did at last advance. Having passed * M. Zefaliano, captain of the Wolodimer certifies to the facts mentioned in this statement. His declaration, duly attested, is among the documents annexed to the Journal 52 418 PAUL JONES. through the squadron in the greatest disorder, and without the least appearance of being under command, instead of pursuing the flying Turks, the flotilla swarmed round the Turkish ships which were aground like a hive of bees. " The rear admiral commanded Brigadier Alexiano to get together some vessels of our flotilla to dislodge the Turkish flotilla. At the same moment the rear admiral advanced in his boat towards the left wing, where the prince of Nassau was with his body of reserve, employed to very little purpose, in surround- ing the first Turkish vessel which was aground, leaning on one side, and firing upon it. The rear admiral entreated him to bring or send the reserve to act against the Turkish flotilla upon our right flank, and informed him of the misfortune which had befallen the Little Alexander ; but M. de Nassau remained quietly behind his batteries, and made no movement to dislodge the flotilla of the enemy. " The rear admiral then met Brigadier CorsacofF, to whom he gave orders similar to those he had given to M. Alexiano; and these two officers having got together as many vessels of the flotilla as they could collect, assisted our frigates in dislodg- ing and chasing the Turkish flotilla even till under the walls of Oczakow. M. de CorsacofF was a brave and an intelligent man; he did not affect to have done any thing wonderful. Alexiano was a man of limited talent and of questionable courage, but his vanity was excessive. He pretended to have towed a battery to within pistol shot of the enemy's flotilla ; but M. AkmatofF, who commanded that battery, declared that neither he nor any one of our people ever were nearer the Turkish flotilla than half cannon shot. " The Turkish fleet was now distant. The prince of Nassau was told that the Admiral's flag, which had been displayed on the vessel of the capitan pacha, was struck, and he hastily advanced to claim it. The ship of the capitan pacha, like the other, was a la bande, that is to say, it leaned much to one side, and conse- quently could not make use of its guns. As the flag of the capitan pacha fell into the water from the top of the main-mast. PAUL JONES. 419 having been struck down by a ball, it is not difficult to discover that the vessel which had fired this ball was in no danger of being touched by case shot. The Zaporavians picked up the flag from the water, and the prince of Nassau, a long while afterwards, had the glory (which he turned to good account) of having snatched it from their hands. The rear admiral might have claimed at least half of this flag, as he bad his hands on it at the same moment with the prince of Nassau ; but he regarded it as a thing of very little consequence. " Brandcougles* had been thrown into the two Turkish ves- sels which were aground, and they were burnt. Was this a good or a bad piece of service ? These two vessels were ours, from the circumstance of having run aground, and because their crews had been left by their countrymen under the guns of our squadron. Wherefore did the flotilla interfere with them f ought it not rather to have pursued the flying Turks, who were not yet under the protection of the guns of Oczakow? Our flotilla had received no injury, and had nothing to fear from the shallowness of the water. " Having first sounded, the rear admiral made the squadron advance another verste, and took post in a right line, barely out of shot of Oczakow, and in line with the last Turkish ship that had been run aground and taken. Fire soon after broke out in this prize, which had been imprudently fired upon with brandcougles. The fleet and flotilla of the Turks now drew up in a line parrallel to ours, and under the walls of Oczakow. " How imbecile does the human mind become under the in- fluence of sudden panic ! The rear admiral, an hour after the affair, advanced in his boat, and took soundings all along the Turkish line, opposite the walls of Oczakow, and within reach of case shot, and not a single gun was fired upon him. " Previously to taking command of the squadron, the rear * A note by Paul Jones describes these incendiary missiles as a kind of bomb-shells, perforated with holes, and filled inside with combustible materials. They were fired from a sort of piece? called Licornes. 490 PAUL JONES, admiral had gone to Kinbourn with the Chevalier Ribas brigadier du jour, to the prince marshal, to reconnoitre the position and force of the fleet and flotilla under the capitan pacha, and to examine the entrance of the Liman. They arrived at Kinbourn at the very time that the capitan pacha had detached twenty-one vessels of war from his fleet, and with that force entered the road of Oczakow, the wind not permit- ting him to enter the Liman, where his flotilla and some trans- port ships were already stationed. The rear admiral was so struck at finding the tongue of land at Kinbourn without any battery or block fort, that he instantly spoke of it to the com- mandant, General Suvorrof. This tongue of land, from its position, commands the only passage by which large vessels can either enter or come out of the Liman, and the fortress of Kinbourn is far too distant to be able to command this passage. The rear admiral proposed to establish one or more strong batteries upon this stripe of land, and M. de Ribas seconded the proposition. After considerable delay, General Suvorrof resolved to establish a block fort with heavy cannon upon this point, and a battery farther within.* But the capitan pacha had already got the twenty-one ships in question into the Liman. " At 10 o'clock on the night between the 17th and 18th of June, the capitan pacha attempted to carry the remains of his squadron, which had been defeated at eve, out of the Liman ; but the block fort and battery fired on his ships, of which nine of the largest were forced aground upon the sand bank which runs out from Oczakow, at the distance of cannon shot from the block fort. " The block fort and battery fired on the enemy the whole night, and at daybreak General Suvorrof sent to us, requesting that we would send vessels to take possession of the ships of * General Suvorrof had the nobleness to say at court, in February, 1789, in a con- versation with the Baron and General Elmt, that the plan of establishing this block fort belonged to the rear admiral. Note by Jones. PAUL JO.NES. 121 the enemy which had got aground. The rear admiral wished to send frigates ; but Brigadier Alexiano assured him that he would run great risk of losing them. The current there, he said, ' was like that of a mill-dam, and the bottom was so bad that anchors would not hold.' " It was, accordingly, resolved to proceed with the flotilla ; and Alexiano, who had his private reasons, set out with the prince of Nassau.* The flotilla went pell-mell, and without any sort of order or plan, upon the nine ships aground, and fired brandcougles into them without mercy. It was in vain the wretched Turks made the sign of the cross, and begged for quarter on their knees! Above three thousand of them were burnt with their ships. By some chance two of these vessels, the least and the largest, did not take fire ; the one was a cor- * In a letter to Mr. Littlepage, written on the 20th, Jones says : " Without explain- ing to me any of his reasons, the prince of Nassau wished to go there, (to the sand bank under Oczakow,) with all the flotilla. I opposed it; because all the Turkish flotilla was under the cannon of the place, within cannon shot of our right wing, and we ought to have waited till the squadron should be attacked by it. He permitted himself to say many uncivil things ; among others, that fie was always wanted to pro- tect my squadron, with his flotilla. As he had often said such things since the affair of the 7th, I told him it was improper for him to say this and for me to hear it. That the squadron was respectable, as, belonging to the empress and having conquered her majesty's enemies. He bragged that he had taken the two ships. I told him that I saw nothing extraordinary in that; because they were aground, and, of course, cap- tured before he came up. He said he would write what I had uttered to Prince Po- temkin ; and that he knew better than / did, how to take ships ! I told him, that with- out impugning his skill, he was not ignorant that I had proved my ability to take ships, which were not Turks. He got out of all control of himself; and threatened to write against me, to the empress and Prince Potemkui. As for that, I told him, if he was base enough to do it, I defied his malice. He left me three half-galleys, (aemi-galeres,) one small battery, and one chaloupe, which I placed under our right wing, and has not spoken to me since. Before this ridiculous dispute, our combination was unne- cessary ; otherwise I would have put up with still more, for the good of the service. I feel no rancour against him ; and though he said, in a bitter tone, that I would be rejoiced to see him beaten, he little understood my heart !" In a note, he says: " He pays a poor compliment to himself, who ascribes such sentiments to a man whose honour U known. If I had kept quiet on the 7th June, his business would have been soon transacted." PAUL JONES. vette, very indifferently armed, carrying one battery and four pieces between decks. The other was a small brigantine, of French construction, armed with fourteen small guns. " Neither the prince of Nassau nor Alexiano was to be seen at this time. They were together, and at some distance, during this frightful carnage ; and it was afterwards asked of them if they had not, during this time, been at Kinbourn? As the greatest confusion reigned among the vessels of the flotilla, though our loss was not great, there is no doubt that part of it was owing to Russian bullets. " The army of Prince Potemkin having come up on the 27th June, the prince of Nassau had orders to attack and destroy, or capture, the Turkish flotilla which lay under the walls of Oc- zakow j and the rear admiral was commanded to give him every assistance that might be useful. In pursuance of these orders, on the 1st of July, at one in the morning, the flotilla advanced. The rear admiral had sent all the chaloupes and barcasses be- longing to the squadron to haul out the vessels of the flotilla. The prince marshal had taken the trouble to arrange the plan of attack himself, but his plan was not followed. " At daybreak, our flotilla having advanced only within can- non shot, opened fire upon the Turkish flotilla, and on the place. The current having carried several of our batteries and double chaloupes rather too far to leeward, the rear admiral had them hauled up by the boats and barcasses of the squadron, and set the example himself with the chaloupe in which he was. The Turks set fire themselves to a little frigate which they had pre- pared as a fire-ship, and placed at anchor to the N. E. of Fort Hassan Pacha. " At six in the morning, the rear admiral advanced consi- derably in front of the flotilla to seize five of the enemy's gal- leys which lay within case shot to the east of Fort Hassan. The position of these galleys, between the cross fire of our flotilla on one side, and that of Fort Hassan, the Turkish flotilla, and the citadel of Oczakow on the other, rendered this a very danger- ous :iterprise. The rear admiral boarded the galley which lay PAUL JONES. 423 farthest out, and had it towed out of danger in a short time by Lieutenant Left' Fahrician. He afterwards boarded the galley of the capitan pacha, which lay considerably nearer the fort. From unskilfulness, and excess of /eal, a young officer cut the cable of this galley without waiting the orders of the rear ad- miral, and before the boats could be got in order to haul it out. the wind drifted the galley towards the shore, and still nearer to the fort. The rear admiral had the galley lightened by throwing many things overboard. After much search for ropes that might stretch to the wreck of the burnt frigate, and get the galley afloat by that means, the plan failed from the ropes not being long enough. The rear admiral was very unwilling to yield to the obstinate opposition of the Turks, who fired upon him from all their bastions and from their flotilla and he de- spatched Lieutenant Fox to the Wolodimer, to fetch an anchor and cable. This was a certain means of securing his object in spite of the enemy ; and in waiting the return of the lieute- nant, he left the galley with his people, and assisted again in towing the batteries. Before the return of Lieutenant Fox, he had, however, the mortification to see fire break out in the gal- ley of the capitan pacha. He at first believed that the slaves chained on board had found means to escape, and had set fire to the vessel ; but he had afterwards positive proof that Briga- dier Alexiano being in a boat at the time with the prince of Nassau, on the outside of the flotilla, and being aware of the intention of the rear admiral, swore that it should not succeed, and sent a Greek canoe to set fire to the galley !* The three other Turkish galleys were at once run down and burnt by brandcougles. There were also a two-masted ship and a large * The attestation of a Russian officer to this fact is among the pitcts justifiiatives ap- pended to the Journal ; and the original of that attestation, written in French, and subscribed Bibicroff, officer of the guard, and dated at Kinbourn, the 26th October, 1788, remains among Jones' papers. This officer's certificate makes no mention of Nassau. He simply states, that the Brigadier Alexiano sent a chaloupe to set fire to tlie galley which the rear admiral was anxious to save. 424 PAUL JONES. bomb vessel burnt near Fort Hassan Pacha. This includes all that was taken or destroyed by water, save fifty-two prisoners taken by the rear admiral in the two galleys. The wretched beings who were chained in the galley of the capitan pacha perished there in the flames ! " The prince marshal having made an important diversion on the land side, it is to be regretted that advantage was not taken of this movement to seize the remainder of the enemy's flotilla. But our flotilla never came up within reach of grape shot." The above extract from the rear admiral's Journal is verified in the following manner : " This extract has been translated by me into the Russian language, and read before the commanders of the ship Wolodimer, Captain of the second rank Zefaliano ; of the frigate Scoroi, Captain of the second rank Aboljanin ; of the frigate Nicolai, Captain Lieutenant DanilofF; of the frigate Taheuroc, Lieutenant M akinin ; of the frigate the Little Alex- ander, Lieutenant Savitzsky ; and they have found nothing in them contrary to truth. " On board the Wolodimer, before Oczakow, the 28th Octo- ber, 1788. "PAUL DENITREFFSKY, " Honorary Counsellor of the College for foreign affairs, and by special orders of her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, Secretary to Rear Admiral and Chevalier Paul Jones." ADDITION OF THE REAR ADMIRAL TO THE PRECEDING JOURNAL. " The moment the ships began to withdraw from Oczakow, the prince of Nassau and Brigadier Alexiano hurried straight to the head quarters of the prince marshal, to relate the things which both pretended they had performed. In a few minutes after the flotilla began to retire, the rain fell in torrents, of PAUL JONES. 425 which Nassau and Alexiano received their own share before reaching head quarters. " Two days afterwards, Brigadier Alexiano returned on board the Wolodimer, having caught a malignant fever, of which he died on the 8th July. The prince of Nassau, who had made use of him in caballing against me God knows where- fore neither visited him in his sickness, nor assisted at his funeral. At first it was given out, that the service must sustain the loss of every Greek in it, on account of his death ; but I soon experienced the reverse. Not one asked to be dismissed ; they remained under my command with the Russians, and were more contented than before. On the day preceding the death of Alexiano, he had received intelligence of having been promoted two grades ; and that her majesty had bestowed on him a fine estate, and peasants, in White Russia. At the same time the prince of Nassau had received a very valuable estate, with three or four thousand peasants, also in White Russia, and the military order of St. George, of the second class. Her majesty likewise gave him liberty to hoist the flag of vice admiral at the taking of Oczakow, to which event it was apparently be- lieved he would greatly contribute. I received the order of St. Ano* 1 * an honour with which I am highly flattered, and with which I could have been perfectly satisfied, had others been recompensed only in the same proportion, and according to the merit of their services. All the officers of the flotilla received a step of promotion and the gratuity of a year's pay. The greater part of them also obtained the order of St. George, of the last class. Only two of these officers had been bred to the sea ; none of * I find two letters from Count Segur at St. Petersburgh, written to Jones in this month, (July,) of the 14th and 29th, both in a highly complimentary view, of course. He says in the former : " The empress being absent, I forwarded a copy of the greatest part of your letter to General Momonoff, who had it read to that princess. She is highly satisfied with it, and in two lines from her hand has been pleased to charge me with assurances to you, of the great respect in which she holds your services General MomonofFbegs me to say, that he will endeavour to merit the obliging things you say of him." 53 426 PAUL JONES. the others had been engaged in navigation. The officers squadron under my command were almost wholly marine of- ficers. They had done their duty well when opposed to the enemy ; but they obtained no promotion, no mark of distinction, no pecuniary gratification. My mortification was excessive ; but my officers at this time gave me a very gratifying proof of their attachment. On promising that I would demand justice for them from the prince marshal at the close of the campaign, they stifled their vexation, and made no complaint. " It ought to have been mentioned in the proper place, that three days after our success in the Liman, Prince Potemkin arrived at Kinbourn, from whence he came on board the Wolo- dimer to make me a visit. He was accompanied by General Count de Brandisky of Poland, the prince de Repuin, the Prince de Ligne, General de Samoilow, and several other officers. His highness did me the honour to remain to dinner ; and as he knew that an altercation had taken place between the prince of Nassau and myself on the morning of the 18th of June,* he had the goodness to employ the Prince de Ligne, and M. Littlepage, chamberlain to the king of Poland, to pursuade the prince of Nassau to make me an apology. I accepted it with sincere pleasure. We embraced in presence of this honourable com- pany, and I believed him as sincere as myself. " The prince marshal charged me at this time to make arrangements for raising the cannon, anchors, and other effects * In Jones' despatch to Potemkin, on the 18th June, he alludes to the dispute be- tween Nassau and himself about despatching all the flotilla to the sand bank, and to the passion into which the former was thrown. This was certainly impolitic. In the same despatch he praised Alexiano's services, at the prince's expense,- and recom- mended him to favour. But he says in a note, he was mistaken, in interesting himself in that ingrate Potemkin could not have been pleased with the continuance of an altercation, of the merits of which he was probably not able to judge ; and as Mr. Lit- tlepage had already warned Jones, " he loved Nassau." He also gives credit to Alexiano, and irnpliedly censures Nassau, in his report to the admiralty, at Cherson, on the same occasion. Potemkin directed him not to write again, directly, to the admiralty. PAUL JONES. 427 belonging to the enemy's ships which had been burnt. With- out loss of time, I detailed a transport ship with officers and people for this service. His highness the prince marshal advanced his army, which crossed the Bog and appeared in sight of us on the borders of the Liman, on the 27th June, and on the next day the capitan pacha weighed anchor with his grand fleet, which had constantly remained twenty or thirty verstes beyond Kinbourn, and direct- ed his course towards the entrance of the Danube, carrying three admiral's flags, and followed by all the vessels that had escaped us in the Liman. During the whole time that we were exposed to having a serious affair with the Turks, Brigadier Alexiano had carefully kept a Greek felucca of eighteen odfs alongside the Wolodimer. This felucca was better built for sailing than any of the other chaloupes or rowing vessels belonging to the whole squadron, so that he had at all times the means of saving himself in case of any disastrous event. Even the prince of Nassau, since his retreat on the 6th of June, was never seen in any vessel of the flotilla, but always in a chaloupe, which had been built for the especial use of her imperial majesty on her late voyage. For myself, I took no such precautions. I saw that I must conquer or die. For me there was no retreat. The instant that Alexiano saw the troops appear, he despatched his felucca to inform the prince marshal that it was he, in his zeal for the service, who had employed people to save the effects of the burnt prizes. Nothing could be less true. He had not taken the smallest concern in the matter. But this shows the charac- ter of the man. Next day I was informed that the transport ship I had employed on this service was already too heavily laden, and made a great deal of water. As the wind was fair for Glauboca, I gave orders that she should immediately go thither to unload. Some hours after the departure of the transport, Brigadier Alexiano returned from Kinbourn, where he had dined, and said several impertinent things to me on the subject of the transport. He went afterwards to head quarters to complain of me to the prince marshal. In consequence of 428 PAUL JONES. this complaint I received a letter from his brigadier dujour, trie Chevalier Ribas, which, among other things, mentioned that the prince marshal was ' singularly severe and strict in all that related to the orders he gave.' I replied, that I was not afraid of the severity of the prince marshal, as I had done nothing save my duty, in pursuance of his own orders.* " Next day I paid a visit to Prince de Nassau. I supposed I should be received with open arms, [a reconciliation it will be remembered had lately taken place, as stated in the beginning of this part of the Journal,] but he blew out, (me fit une scene,) about the transport, belonging, as he said, to his flotilla. I had told him I had been charged with that necessary business by * Pieces Justificatives. No. 24, is a letter from Jones of this date, (June 27th,) to Prince Potemkin, informing him, among other things, that he had given it in charge to a lieutenant to execute the order referred to in the Journal. No. 27, on the 30th, he informed him of the order to unload at Glauboca. No. 28, is the letter from Ribas, of the same date referred to in the Journal, and containing the offensive intima- tion. He says : " After the orders he had given on this subject to M. le Brigadier et Chevalier Alexiano, his highness is very sorry that your excellency has directed a change in what he had resolved upon. In such cases, the prince marshal, notwith- standing the goodness of his heart, is severely rigid, (d'une grand rigeur,) and I make it a point to inform you of it, sir, that yon may be on your guard for the future." No. 29, is Jones' reply on the evening of the same day ; in which he says, that as he knew the brigadier's intentions were good, he took his letter in good part ; that he had no knowledge of any instructions having been given to Alexiano by the prince, 'and cer- tainly no desire to meddle with the prizes, the reason of which, he need not inform Ribas was I'humeur du Prince de Nassau. He then states in detail what is substan- tially set forth in the Journal ; and mentions that, on the preceding day, there had been a considerable appearance of discontent among the Russian officers, at the con " slant preference given to the Greeks, and particularly at the charge given to Alexiano's nephew to save the effects of the burnt prizes, when he had, at the same time, com- mand of three frigates which Admiral Jones had stationed beyond Kinbonrn. " Too much," he adds, "has been said on a matter so unimportant. If the prince marshal has forgotten the order he gave me, I can recall to him the place and time, and the words he made use of." He subjoins in a note that Potemkin afterwards told Mr. Littlepage, that he had caused Jones to be censured very mal-a-propos. He con- cluded by saying, " I renounce all idea of personal advantage in regard to the prizes. Therefore what I have done was purely and only in the line of duty. I hope to find more noble means of advancement. I know but one manner of conducting myself: and as I can never depart from it, fear nothing." PAUL JONES. 429 the prince marshal ; and that as all the vessels of war and transports belonged to her imperial majesty, and the transport in question was empty when I ordered it to be taken, I could not see that he had the least ground of complaint. He was mad with rage ; but as the good of the service did not further require our combined operations, I thought his quarrelling too puerile to concern myself about it.* I took leave of him, beg- * The writer of the Life published in Edinburgh has well remarked, that after this time Jones seems to have abandoned all hope of conciliating Nassau; and by what follows in the Journal, it will be seen that the latter gave him no opportunity. A month after this, he gave full vent to his feelings in the following letter addressed to Ribas, and probably intended for the perusal of Potemkin. It is a loose copy of a let- ter not in the engrossed Journal. " Monsieur le Brigadier, Having been at Kinbourn this afternoon, to concert opera- tions with the commandant general, I received at my return here a kind of note with- out date, which purports to be from you, but which I do not recognise as your hand- writing. This note adverts to the question of saluting the flag of the vice admiral ; but I am not aware if there be an officer of this rank nearer us than St. Petersburgh. I respect infinitely the authority and the character of his highness the prince marshal. I love good order, and I am devoted with enthusiasm to the welfare of the empire, but the first duty of a man is to respect his own honour. 'I have no wish to speak of myself, but circumstances demand it. I was living in America, in the bosom of peace and friendship when his excellency, M. de Simolin, did me the honour, unknown to myself, to propose me to her imperial majesty and the prince marshal as commander in chief on the Black Sea. I was too much flattered by the reception of her majesty to stipulate the slightest condition on entering her ser- vice. She deigned to receive me. I was to serve only under the command of the prince marshal. " I imagined myself intended for another command than that which was given me ; but I looked on the change as a flattering proof of the confidence of the prince mar- shal. Never, probably, did any commanding officer commence sen-ice under circum- stances more painful than mine ; but, in spite of the restraints imposed on me by treacherous colleagues, in spite of their unceasing efforts to draw me into error, and their opposition to all my plans for the good of the service, I have extricated myself from the affair by the sacrifice of my own feelings and interests. I was a true phliloso- pher, and the service has not suffered. My firmness and integrity have supported me against their detestable plot for my ruin ; yet I have served as the cat's paw to draw the chesnuts from the fire for them. " I am much flattered by the order of St. Anne granted me for my zealous services ; but I should have been ashamed to receive brilliant rewards for empty boasts. " As I can never bring myself to resolve on having any connexion with a man so detestable as M. de Nassau, I can never acknowledge him for my superior. If he has 430 PAUL JONES. ging him to reflect, that I had given him no cause of displea sure. I did not wish to come to a rupture with him ; but, on received the rank of vice admiral, I will say in the face of the universe that he is un- worthy of it. It is now ten years since he wished to serve under my command. I have known him without knowing him. (connu sans connoitrc.) I knew that he was foolish, (bte,) but I did not believe, before proving it, that his character was base to the bot- tom; the only military merit he possesses is effrontery. The only thing he has done, was (after tue affair of the 17th June,) to snatch the flag of the capitan pacha from the hands of the Zaporavians, who had stolen it a long time before he came up. He has never shown either order or intelligence in the flotilla. Every commander of a boat, or other vessel, was his own master, and conducted matters according to his own notions. Hence it happened, that with much good will for the service, they bore down on the 17th and 18th June, on the enemy's vessels aground and heeled, hovered round them like a swarm of bees ; and small as was our loss, it cannot be doubted that a part of it was occasioned by Russian bullets. "A single galley, in the hands of a good officer, would, in like circumstances, suffice to conquer a ship of the largest size. But we should be just to the commander of the flotilla. He always had the prudence to keep behind his men; and in critical moments he always had in his mind, and sometimes on his lips, ways and means of retiring beyond the batteries of Stansilaw. He well knew that for me there was no retreat. In the affair between the flotillas, on the 7lh of June, there was something like military combination ; but it is not to him this should be attributed. If he had been left to himself, he would have been beaten, at least, as disgracefully as he had been chased by the Turks on the preceding evening. As to the affair of the 17th June, of the merits of which he so greatly boasts, the Turks got into confusion the moment they saw our squadron under sail and advancing to attack them. They had set sail, and the rout was general even before the whole of our flotilla had raised their anchors. The Turkish squadron had made no arrangement for fight, but fled in the greatest disorder and trepidation at the very commencement. I had given orders to advance near thj vessel of the capitan pacha, but M. Alexiano thwarted me, and cast anchor without my orders, at the moment when the second Turkish ship (the admi- ral) was striking. " The Turkish flotilla was manoeuvred with more skill upon the shallows on the right flank of our squadron, from whence they threw bombs, and sunk the small fri- gate, the Petit Alexander. The commander of our flotilla had paid no attention to my requests to send a detachment of the flotilla to dislodge them. The Brigadiers Alexiano and Corsacoff had assembled and brought forward batteries for this purpose, according to my orders, in concert with our frigates on the right wing. The affair of the 18th was the result of the panic of the evening before, and of the batteries which, in concert with you, (Ribas,) I had the credit of establishing at the point of Kinbourn. A very small detachment would have been sufficient to have secured the nine vessels under the cannon of our batteries, and out of the reach of those of the enemy. A good officer, who had commanded such an expedition, would have known how to bring in these nine vessels, without having exposed his people pell-mell, as was the case, and PAUL JOIfES. 431 the 1st of July, seeing the day dawn, and that the flotilla waa still far too distant to make the necessary attack,* meeting him without having the folly to destroy ships of which we stood so much in need, by brand- cougles. " I could not leave my own command to be present at this affair ; but I am told that some who were there inquired if M. de Nassau had not been at Kinbourn during the attack. " After all, we owe our success to favourable circumstances, to the good disposition, and the imposing appearance of our squadron in advancing to the attack on the 17th June ; for the enemy had taken flight before the approach of our floti'la, which was tardy in weighing anchor, and got into confusion from the beginning of the movement. It has been seen meanwhile that M . de Nassau, who did nothing, and who had not a single man wounded near him, has been rewarded as if he had performed the most heroic actions. Marshal Saxe said to his troops, 'lam not one of those generals who cry to their soldiers, FALL ON ! I say to you, My soldiers, behold the enemy, LET 0s FALL ON.' M. de Nassau has not shown that he is of the opinion of the marshal. Never was bravado more impudent than that of M. de Nassau. To depart from truth costs him nothing. He bad the effrontery to deceive the prince marshal (to whom he owes the bread that he eats,) in saying he had burnt six ships of the line and had takeatwo. These pretended ships of the line were nothing other than the merchant vessels called caravellas. In time of peace they trade between Constantinople and Egypt ; in time of war such ships are armed, but always badly. In place of eight, but four entered the Liman. I have made Lieutenant Pox measure the wreck of two carcasses of two of the largest; the one was 135 feet, the other 130 feet English measure, entire length of the decks on which were the principal batteries. Instead of two, there was but one three-masted vessel not burnt. It is true they also spared a small brigantine in the barbarous conflagration of June 18th. So we must regard this brigantine as a ship of the line taken by M. de Nassau. This prize remain- ed aground and has become a total wreck. Humanity recoils, indignant and affrighted at beholding so many wretched creatures perish in the flames, without any necessity. But there are some small marks of the goodness of heart and gratitude which M. de Nassau is pleased to show, to prove himself worthy of the kindnesses he lately re- ceived at Constantinople. Now he is with the Russians, where he has found his market, (trouv6 son comptc.) The same motives which induced him to come here, may lead him back to Constantinople." There is much repetition in this letter, of what is found in the Journal ; but it has been inserted entire, because it proves that the same charges, with like circumstan- tiality and more acrimony were urged at the time, which were afterwards deliberately written down as historical. It does not appear whether Ribas showed the letter to Potemkin or not; but by the middle of October, Potemkin communicated to Jones her majesty's orders for his recall. It is brought inhere out of date, because it refers to transac.ions already known to the reader. * To take some galleys at anchor under Oczakow, supposed to be weakly manned 432 PAUL JONES. in his chaloupe, I asked, ' If he did not think it time to begin the attack ?' * Is it of me you thus inquire ?' he replied ; ' I have nothing to say to you on the subject.' After a reply so uncivil, and so publicly made, it was impossible I could have any farther intercourse with him. " On the 18th June, in giving an account to the prince mar- shal of the fate of the nine vessels run aground in coming out of the Liman, upon the shallows opposite the battery and block fort on the tongue of land of Kinbourn, I took the liberty to pro- pose to him to get the Wolodimer, which had port-holes for 70 pieces of cannon, and the large frigate Alexander, which might have carried 50 pieces, completely armed, that at the first opportunity the squadron of Cherson might join that of Sevastopole ; but his highness gave no orders for this purpose till the month of September ; and the admiralty was so slow in acting, that the vessels were not equipped by the 18th October, when I was recalled to St. Fetersburgh by an order from her imperial majesty. " The fleet of the capitan pacha having sailed on the 28th of June, had a rencounter with that of Sevastopole, which had come out some days before ; but the Turkish fleet being much stronger than that of Russia, the latter fled, and had the good fortune to get back to Sevastopole without loss, having no more than six or seven men killed and wounded, which shows that the affair was neither close nor warm. "After the affair of the 18th of June, the greater part of our flotilla remained several days at anchor between Kinbourn and the block fort on the end of the tongue of land. On the 20th, the wind being strong and from the west, a Turkish brigantine, equipped as a fire-ship put off towards Kinbourn. The enemy set fire to her as they abandoned her, and she was consumed. It is surprising that the Russian seamen and pilots could be so Jones had orders from Potemkin to assist Nassan, in whatever lay in his power. PUces Justtficatives. No. 30. PAUL JONES. 433 profoundly ignorant respecting the anchorage, currents, and depth of the Liman, and, above all, at the entrance into the canal, (Fahz-water,) and in the road between Oczakow and Beresane. At first not a single commander in the flotilla durst venture to cast an anchor. "Being at Kinbourn on the 28th June, General Suvorrof spoke to me of the unpleasant circumstance of not being able to cut off the communication between Oczakow and Beresane. Having sounded myself, I informed him that this was quite as practicable as it was necessary, and I would place the frigates there instantly, if he would only require me to do so. He did not hesitate, and the same day I placed three frigates there. M. Alexiano did all he could to prevent this ; and when he saw the frigates set off, prophesied that I need not expect to see them return. He carried his intrigues so far, that the prince marshal wrote me a warning letter on the 29th, and on the 1st July a peremptory order to withdraw them.* During the short time they were there they took two Turkish armed chaloupes and a batteau laden with powder and shot ; and cut off the enemy's communication between Oczakow and Beresane. " The prince marshal had not been satisfied with the con- duct of the flotilla in the affair of attacking Oczakow on the 1st July, which was conducted in a very irregular manner, and at too great a distance. The most advanced charge was that of the battery commanded by M. Akmatoff, who was never less than 500 toises distant from the enemy. On the 10th of July, the prince marshal sent the prince of Nassau to Sevastopole, to learn if the squadron had been much damaged in the rencoun- ter with the Turkish fleet. Immediately after the departure of the prince of Nassau, the prince marshal gave the Chevalier Ribas the command of the flotilla, with orders to go to Kin- bourn, to receive on board the troops he destined to make a descent on the island of Beresane. At the same time he order- * The official letters between Potemkin and Jones, among the Pieces Juscificatives, how tha* ao blame could have been, or was, attached to him in this matter. 54 434 PAUL JONES. ed me to establish a line of blockade between that island and Oczakow. I stationed five frigates, carrying twelve pounders, in the road for that purpose. " On the 14th, I was ordered to inspect the entrance of the Liman. I immediately went to Kinbourn to have an under- standing with General Suvorrofand the Brigadier de Ribas. Though the brigadier had been incessantly occupied since the departure of the prince of Nassau in bringing the crews of the flotilla to some sort of order, he had not yet completed this task. So great was the confusion that reigned, that he could not find in any vessel five soldiers belonging to the same company ; and the officers knew not where to look for their men. This re- tarded the embarkation of the troops destined for the descent till the 16th. The prince marshal was so much displeased with this delay, that on the 17th, he gave orders to land the troops, that they might join his army before Oczakow, and that the flotilla should return into the Liman, as well as the five frigates I had posted for the blockade. " From the commencement of the projected expedition against Beresane, M. Ribas had requested me to conduct the flotilla and the descent of the troops. Though a man of much talent, he had not the misplaced conceit of some persons who readily take upon them things far beyond their capacity. I told him, ' He well knew I ought to have commanded the flotilla as well as the squadron, from the beginning of the campaign, but that my gratitude for the gracious reception accorded me by her imperial majesty, together with the very delicate state in which I had found affairs, had induced me to sacrifice my feelings, and even greatly to hazard my reputation, for the good of the empire; that I could never so far humble myself as to request the direction of the flotilla, but if the prince marshal thought proper to propose it to me, I would do my best to make the most of it possible.' " On the afternoon of the 17th, the prince marshal fairly pro- posed to give me the command of the flotilla. Plis highness info'med me his intention was to have Oczakow attacked a PAUL JONES. 435 second time. I replied, that I was disposed to execute with zeal whatever he might think proper for the good of the service ; but that to attack with advantage it was necessary to come to close quarters, and to advance in better order than on the 1st July. He was of the same opinion, and requested me to come ashore next day, that we might concert together the plan of attack. " I did not fail to comply with the orders of the prince mar- shal, but his highness spoke no more of the flotilla. I remained to dinner and supper, and afterwards&returned on board of my ship. The prince of Nassau having returned some days before from Sevastopole, had intrigued with the Prince de Ligne ; and the prince marshal had restored him to the command of the flotilla. " On the 18th June, I had been ordered to despatch the five frigates which had returned into the Liman, to be refitted at Glauboca, en batterie for sea service. I sent them off at day- break on the 19th, having taken the greater part of their crews for service in the gun-boats and bomb-vessels which the prince marshal proposed to place under my command. On the 20th, I received twenty-one gun-boats, each carrying a single piece, from eighteen to thirty-two pounders ; and five bomb-vessels, each carrying a mortar, of which four were of three poods, and one of five poods.* The same day the prince marshal having established his head quarters to the right of his army upon the shores of the Black Sea, (he had hitherto been on the shores of the Liman, on the left wing,) pointed out to me two of the enemy's gun-boats, stationed close by the fort of Hassan Pacha, and the Turkish lines on the side of Beresane. He was per- suaded that they would attempt to come out during the night with despatches, and inquired of me if it were not possible to capture them. As his highness appeared to attach great impor- tance to this service, I undertook it. * A pood, or pond, is a Russian weight, equal to 36 Ibs. English weight. 436 PAUL JONES. " I returned on board the Wolodimer, from whence, at eight in the evening, I set off with five armed ehaloupes. I made five gun-boats follow, as a measure of precaution in case the Turks had attempted to make a sortie, as their ehaloupes sailed much faster than ours. I found one of the Turkish gun-boats aground, hauled up, and almost dry on the sands adjoining the battery, and on an intrench ment the enemy had cast up on the water's edge. It was impossible to get it afloat under the terrible fire which we sustained from all the lines and batteries on the shore. The other gun-boat lay ju3t afloat, right against the fort of Has- san Pacha, to the south. Lieutenant Edwards boarded this vessel, and cut her cables ; but having had several of his men wounded, and being deserted by one of the ehaloupes, he was obliged to give up the attempt, lest he should be left by the other chaloupe also. During this time I had made some efforts to get the other Turkish boat afloat. I now rowed quickly to the assistance of Mr. Edwards, but the night was dark and he was already out of sight, when I boarded the vessel in which he had been. I had several men wounded around me; but, in defiance of the enemy, I hauled the vessel out, and stationed it right opposite the head quarters of the prince marshal. " On the 21st, at daybreak, I sailed with the Wolodimer, followed by all the vessels of the squadron that yet remained with me, and twenty-five gun-boats and bomb-vessels that had been placed under my commaud. The object of this movement was again to blockade Oczakow by sea, and to cut off the com- munication between that place and Beresane. To accomplish this object, I stationed the Wolodimer and the Alexander to blockade the channel at the entrance of the Liman, and I con- tinued the same line of blockade into the road, by placing the smaller vessels there. As the bomb-vessels and gun-boats had not water casks, the prince marshal, who wished to see these craft opposite his head quarters, made wells be dug on shore for the accommodation of the crews ; and on the 24th, ordered my offi- cer dujour to have the vessels stationed near the shore. I knew nothing of this change, for I had placed them the previous night PAUL JONES. 437 in line, and far enough off to be in safety. On the 25th, the wind was from the south, but blew moderately. After dinner I went to head quarters to make a visit to the prince marshal, and found, to my great astonishment, that half the boats were cast ashore, and the other half in the greatest danger. I set to work instantly, with my chaloupe, to haul off, and bring to anchor all the vessels possible ; and by means of anchors and cables, for which I sent to the squadron, we saved them all, ex- cept six gun-boats, which went to pieces, and filled with sand. On the 26th, the prince marshal wrote me by his brigadier du jour, to inform me that I was at liberty to place the boats I had saved where I pleased. I placed them near the tongue of land of Kinbourn, where they had a sheltered haven, and also wells for the accommodation of the men. They sustained no farther injury during the time they remained under my command. At this time, two chaloupes or small cutters were placed under my orders, of which each carried two licornes, of forty-eight pounds calibre in the fore part, and six falconets on the sides. Shortly afterwards, I got two larger cutters, carrying each two mortars of five poods. " On the 31st July, the capitan pacha again made his appearance with his fleet, followed by several vessels which he had not when he went off. His advanced guard, composed of his frigates, bomb-vessels, and small craft, cast anchor near Beresane, whilst his large squadron of ships of the line resumed their old position. The prince marshal ordered me to bring back my small vessels to assist in blocking up the passage at the entrance of the Liman ; and the prince of Nassau was ordered to block up the road with his flotilla, and thus cut off the communication of the Turkish small vessels by the shallows to the south of Fort Hassan Pacha. [Two versions are here given, apparently by accident, of the same circumstance. The latter is presumed to be the most corref* , and the former is, therefore, omitted in this trans- lation."' 438 PAUL JONES. " The prince of Nassau hoisted a white flag with a blue cross on one of the galleys, on leaving the Liman ; and that galley having passed under the stern of the Wolodirner on the 1st of August, he pretended that I ought to salute him as vice admiral. 1st, When I hoisted my flag, to avoid the idle vanity of exacting a salute, I did it at night ; and the Prince de Nas- sau, being only a simple volunteer, did not offer to salute it. 2d, An officer without my orders, corning from Cherson, had saluted the prince without my authority, but they did not give him a single gun in return. 3d, The prince had not received the grade of vice admiral in the service of her imperial ma- jesty. 4th, I had no orders from the prince marshal to salute the Prince de Nassau. 5th, The latter had applied, in the last war between France and England, to serve with me, and, assu- redly, not as my commander ; for, though he has made a voy- age round the world, he does not yet understand the compass. 6th, On saluting an officer of a superior grade, it is necessary to go on board his flag-ship to make a report and receive orders ; and I had in no-wise deserved so grave a punishment as to be put under the orders of the Prince de Nassau. Had the prince marshal been dissatisfied with my conduct on this occasion, he would have mentioned it to me, or issued an order. The prince of Nassau, however, has endeavoured to make it appear, at court especially, that his difference with me had no other foun- dation, than in ray not choosing to salute his flag. He lowered it two or three days afterwards. How should he have done so, if he had been vice admiral ?* " The capitan pachat came out from day to day, to sound * Deeming it improper to garble the Journal, the whole of this logic is inserted. It may be inferred, that Jones was mistaken as to Nassau's representations at court ; and that his dwelling on this point indicates a morbid feeling. But he may have been correct. At all events, he was right in not saluting him ; smd Nassau was weak and arrogant in claiming that compliment. t This old gentleman, for whom Jones always expresses great respect, as will have been observsd, was worthy of it from any generous foe. He had returned from PAUL JONES. 439 and reconnoitre, in his kirlangitz, which sailed like the wind, and always displayed an admiral's flag. As the block fort am; battery on the tongue of land at Kinbourn were only construct- ed of bags of sand, and were neither protected by ditch noi palisade, I was afraid that the capitan pacha might try to carry them by a sudden descent, which he could have done by land ing five hundred men. " General Suvorrof had been dangerously wounded in a sortie made by the garrison of Oczakow, and had come to Kin- bourn. I convinced him that the block fort and battery seemed to be menaced, and as he had a greater quantity of chevaux de frize at Kinbourn, than he required, I suggested that he should employ what was superfluous in surrounding the block fort and battery. The general gave orders accordingly, and I ranged all my gun-boats and bomb-vessels hard by the strip of sand between the block fort and the battery. The sand served them as a parapet, so that there was a line of fire continued from the point quite to the battery. The small craft were, besides, always ready to change their position at the first movement of the enemy, and I placed the squadron so advantageously to communicate with the block fort and the battery, without con- Egypt, where he had been engaged in pacifying the country, distracted by the intrigues of the Beys IVahim and Amurath. One of Jones' biographers, who has translated the Journal of this campaign, (and his translation has been used, correcting some singular and very ignorant blunders,) has inferred that Jones was three-fourths a Russian before he left St. Petersburgh, because he was civil to the empress ; and afterwards, that he was half a Turk, because he did honour to the old Turkish admi ral's skill and courage. Such stuff is of a piece with Tooke's statement in the Life of Catharine II. that in the affair of the 18th June, " Prince Nassau displayed great bravery in this action ; but the victory was chiefly owing to the talents of Captain Fanshaw, an English officer, (of course,) with two French officers, Varage and Ver- oois, and above all, to the Dutch Captain Winter."* Either this person, who pre- tended to write a history including this campaign, was so culpably ignorant as not to know that Jones commanded the squadron in the Liman, or he still more culpably omitted to mention his name. * Life of Catharine II. Vol. III. p. 333. Am. Ed . 440 PAUL JONES. fining their fire, and to keep back the enemy by a cross fire, on their entering the channel of the Liman, that, though we were very weak compared with the Turkish fleet, the capitan pacha never either attempted to make a descent, or to force the pas- sage of the entrance of the Liman. " The prince marshal having ordered rear admiral Woyno- witch to sail from Sevastopole with the fleet under his com- mand, and that officer having raised obstacles, because his force was not, he conceived, powerful enough to attack that under the command of the capitan pacha, his highness sent me a let- ter, written by his chief secretary, Brigadier Popoft', on the 19th August, (old style,) proposing that I should go to Sevastopole to take command of the fleet.* It may be remembered that I was brought to Russia to command all the naval force in the Black Sea, consequently this proposition did not surprise me. Had the prince marshal ordered me to go, I would have proceeded immediately, but I would not have it appear that I sought to be sent. 1st, My naval signals had not yet been translated into the Russian language, as no attention had been given to my request for a person capable of translating them. 2dly, The naval signals used in that fleet were imperfect and very limited. 3dly, I was acquainted with no one in the fleet, and I was aware that the prince marshal wished that it should come out the very day after my arrival at Sevastopole. 4thly, That fleet had been compelled to fly before that of the capitan pacha, at a time when he had two thousand fewer good seamen. 5thly, The * By the Pieces Justificatvces, it appears that on this day Popoffwrote him, that the prince marshal seemed disposed to send Jones to Sevastopole and give him the com- mand of the fleet. "Ishould likemuchto know, "he said, "what your excellency thinks of it, in order that, in case his highness should revert to that idea, I may speak to him more pertinently, of your sentiments on the matter." On the same day Jones replied, expressing his entire devotion to the service of the empress, and leadiness to obey the orders of the prince marshal. There is nothing in his letter to indicate any disinclina- tion for the duty. It is strictly formal and proper, though it seems from what follows in the Journal, that he had objections to undertaking it immediately. It popped out of Potemkin's head, as it had popped off from it, if we may be allowed a villanoua paronomasia. PAUL JONES. 441 fleet at Sevastopole was as weak as before, but that of the capitan pacha was stronger in craft, and had all the men re- placed that had been lost in the affair of the Liman. 6thly, I had just received preparatory orders from the prince marshal to attack Fort Hassan Pacha ;* and I hoped to show him the dif- ference between my fashion of attack and that of the 1st of July. t t replied, in answer to his letter, that being entirely devoted to the good of the state, his highness would find me eager to fulfil his orders. It was said, that some days afterwards the prince marshal sent positive orders to Admiral Woynowitch to come out, but that he always found reasons for not dealing farther with the capitan pacha. " On the 30th August, the Turks took a small lodka, freighted with water melons, belonging to the merchants of Kinbourn. In coming down the Liman the people on board had been foolish enough to pass too close to Oczakow. To ' punish the Turks' for this, the prince of Nassau, at evening, made his flotilla ad- vance to assault Oczakow ! I sent my secretary to head quarters, and in the meanwhile assembled the commanders of divisions of my gun-boats and bomb-vessels, and ordered them to bring forward their divisions, and form in line of battle between the squadron and Oe?:akow, ready to attack the fort of Hassan Pacha the moment orders should arrive. " Upon the return of the capitan pacha, M. Littlepage, chamberlain to the king of Poland, being then with the prince marshal, had solicited and obtained leave to command a division of my gun-boats. Night being come on, the chiefs of division wishing to bring forward their boats, found that thirteen of them had already quitted their posts, against the most positive orders to make no movement without their commanders of division. This movement had been occasioned by the rashness of a Greek * His orders on the 18th, were to advance with his gun-boats and bomb-ketches against this fort, as soon as the land batteries began to play on the fortress of Oczakow. The order is No. 46 of the Pieces Justificatites. t On the 19th, he transmitted a plan for the approbation of the prince. Pieces Jus- tificatives, 47. 55 442 PAUL JONES. lieutenant belonging to the division of M. Littlepage. The boat of this lieutenant had fired eight shots against the place, and another six, but none of the rest had fired. As this lieu- tenant was the most to blame, I deprived him of his command, and sent him to head quarters, which was required by the prince marshal. " The prince of Nassau, who had very idly wasted a great deal of ammunition, pretended that rny boats had prevented him from taking the whole Turkish flotilla !* The Greek lieu- i * Here several letters are referred to, belonging to the Pi6ces Justificatives. No. 50 is dated September 1st, being a letter from Ribas to Jones, informing him that the prince marshal did not know whether the commandants of the divisions which had so foolishly wasted powder in firing at Oczakow at so great a distance, were present at the time ; and that he had simply directed him (Ribas) to suggest that a good police must be preserved in the boats, which it would be less easy to keep up by diminishing the number of divisions. The brigadier adds: " I have advised Mavro-Maichailo to drink less ; to be more subordinate, and to keep himself quiet." The postscript states, that " The prince wishes to know why, without orders, these boats have been uselessly employed against the place, wasting a great quantity of ammunition really valuable, aud how much of it they expended." Jones says, in a note: " The prince occasioned this himself, by allowing subalterns to come and talk to him, and encouraging them in op- posing their superiors." No. 51 is a letter of the same date, from the rear admiral to Ribas, in reply, stating what is set forth in the text of the Journal. The Greek lieu- tenant's name was Clapakis, who, with the sub-lieutenant Saneftsky, were the only officers who directed the foolish firing against Oczakow. The rest of the letter affords details, which show that the rear admiral was blameless ; but which would be here irrelevant. No. 53 is a letter from Mr. Littlepage, to the grand general of Poland, dated on the 3d, he says: " I am very sorry that I could not find an opportunity last evening of explaining to you the history of the 30th August, which seems to have been very erroneously represented to the prince. What passed was, in a few words, as follows : As soon as we saw that the firing at night of the Prince de Nassau was sus- tained by the artillery on shore, the rear admiral assembled his commandants of divi- sion, to receive the orders and disposition which he expected on the part of the prince. But these orders not arriving, he despatched a chaloupe to the land, and ordered us to go and cause our respective divisions to advance and come to form line at anchor to the north of the Wolodimer. On arriving near the point of Kinbourn, we saw with astonishment that thirteen boats had already left their posts, against the most positive and repeated orders, not to make any movement without their chiefs of divi- sion. We caused the gun-boats and chaloupes which remained in the prescribed order to advance, and went thence to seek the others, under the cannon of the place. Bv midnight we had found all but two. which we were told had mac'e sail to regain thr- PAUL JONES. 443 tenant wlum I had disgraced, instead of being punished, was promoted to the command of a double chaloupe, mounting two aubusiers, that would throw 96 |>ouiids weight of balls. M. squadron. None of these boats had tired, though the Turkish bullets had passed through several of them. We returned very late to the Wolodimer, when the admi- ral told us to resume our ancient posts. The firing had nearly ceased on all sides, and the wind having become fresh, we expected every moment the return of the two missing boats, which did not appear until the morning to leeward. Chaloupes were sent to tow them to their place, and as they owned that one had fired six and the other eight shots, the admiral deposed their commanders. The officer, Clapakis, confessing himself most to blame, lie pardoned the other, and sent him ashore, where the prince has given him. it is said, the command of a double chaloupe. With all the submission we owe to the prince, this example is pernicious to discipline. But what does honour to the presence of mind of M. the Prince de Nassau, i^his having profited by this small circumstance to make a story out of it, and ascribes to it the bad success of his expedition. How ? Can fourteen shots, fired almost out of gun-shot distance, have deranged the operations of his line, which was acting, or rather ougltt to have been, against a part of the town absolutely opposite ? Truly his prudence is praise- worthy. I remember that in the affair of July 1st, the fire of all his flotilla did not pre- vent Paul Jones from going in front with his chaloupe, and withdrawing from the flames a Turkish galley, which was struck by several of our bullets while he was towing her. " For the rest, all this is too contemptible to merit attention. For what has hap- pened, personally disagreeable to myself in this Nassaurian cabal, I have little to say about it. I love and esteem the Prince de Potemkin. If he sees fit that I should re- tain command, I will endeavour to acquit myself for the best ; but I do not wish that the kindness he may be disposed to show to me, should prove in the smallest degree prejudicial to his service. I entreat him to explain himself on this point with frank- ness. I have nothing to lose or gain here ; for I am neither engaged in the war, as a necessary man like Paul Jones, nor as a necessitous one, like the Prince de Nassau." It will be seen that M. Littlepage now stood in need of some of his own good advice ; or rather that he had found how impossible it was to follow it, from personal expe- rience. On the 15th, we find he had resolved to withdraw from the service. His letter to the rear admiral was as follows : " My dear Sir The resolution I have taken to depart, and return to Warsaw, is not so precipitate as yon appear to think, if you will please to recall to mind my last conversations with you. In a word, I found my- self in a situation where I might lose much, without gaining any thing ; but I am not so unreasonable as to complain of Prince Potemkin, who expresses regret at my de- parture, and wishes to retain me. He has spoken to me of his project of sending you to attack the capitan pacha, and had the air of not being contented, though he was singularly struck with my reasons to the contrary. I advised him to limit his operations to the siege of Oczakow, and to employ your force in blocking the Liman. He re- plied, ' the Liman is sufficiently blocked.' ' In what way ?' I asked. ' Do you not 444 PAUL JONES. Littlepage gave a particular account of the whole affair in a letter to the grand general of Poland. " A few days after this, the prince marshal sent rear admiral Mordwinoff on board the Wolodimer, to assemble all the cap- tains and master pilots of the squadron, to hold a council on the means of effecting a junction between the squadron of Cherson and the fleet of Sevastopole. It was said that the prince mar- shal had earnestly entreated this officer to take the affair upon himself, and that he had positively declined it. I can say nothing on this head ; I only know that it was a delicate step in relation to me, to send another officer on board my ship to hold a council ; and, above all, without having apprised me either by speech or writing. If I had been stickling, I would have put this officer under arrest, as he could show no authority nor pre- cedent for holding a council where I commanded. But as I was influenced by the good of the service above every personal consideration, I received Admiral MordwinofF most amicably, and after dinner assembled the officers in question, for consul- tation. Many difficulties presented themselves to their minds against the proposed junction ; but as it was known that the prince marshal was determined on the measure, it was agreed that it could not be effected but at Hagdge-bay, upon the coast, between Beresane and the Danube, at the distance of fifty verstes* from the point of Kinbourn. I raised no obstacle. I only observed, that since it was pressingly necessary to beat the advanced seeourbatteries?' was the reply. ' Yes,' said I, ' but I also see the distance between them. What effect can you expect from them, in a dark night, with a strong wind, from the sea ?' He bit his nails, and told me he understood the Turks better than I did. So ended our conversation on this topic. As to my own affairs, I can enter into no other explanation, than that I was badly informed on the subject which brought me ashore ; but I have made other discoveries. Adieu, my dear admiral, take care of yourself, and be cautious in whom you trust. Remember you have to sustain here a political as well as a military character ; and that your part is now rather that of a courtier than a soldier." Jones says in a note : " I never was made to play that part." " A verste is e^ual to 3500 English feet. PAUL JONES. 445 guard of the enemy before we could effect the proposed junc- tion, it was indispensable to station the squadron previously in the road of Oczakow, and to sail from thence with the wind from N. to N.N.W. to avoid being attacked on the way by the grand fleet of the Turks, and to keep it to the leeward till the junction was effected. It was only a few days previously that preparations had been begun to complete the armament of the Wolodimer and Alexander. " During this time her imperial majesty had sent twenty- four swords of massive gold, to head quarters, to be distributed among the officers on account of the battle of the Liman. The prince marshal himself received a gold sword, enriched with diamonds and emeralds ; and the prince of Nassau received one ornamented with a row of diamonds. There were a number of silver medals sent at the same time to be distributed among the soldiers and seamen. The swords had not yet been distributed, but the medals were all given to the men of the flotilla, and not a solitary one to the squadron. It is usual to give subalterns the more merit the more they are exposed to personal danger. The crews of the squadron had often towed the flotilla totally uncovered, and exposed to the fire of the enemy, whilst the people of the flotilla were screened by parapets made of bags of wool, by which the vessels were surrounded. " On the 18th September, I received a secret order from the prince marshal to attack the advanced guard of the enemy, anchored under Beresane.* His highness proposed to make the attack with the five frigates which had been sent to Glau- boca to be mounted as batteries ; and these frigates were to be supported by the other vessels of the squadron, excepting the Wolodimer and the Alexander, the arming of which went on very slowly on account of difficulties on the part of the admi- ralty. Two of the frigates, the Scoroi and the Boristhenes, had already rejoined the squadron. Before the equipments of * The order is No. 55 of the Pieces Justificative*. 445 PACL JONES. those frigates were altered, they carried more guns than arc ever put, either by the French or English, ii.to ships of the same kind. The Scoroi, for example, carried 40 guns, and in Eng- land they would not have put more than 32 into her. She now carried 16 thirty-six pounders, and 4 licornes, eighteen pounders. " They called her ' a sea-battery.' The amount of her ca- libre now, compared with what it was before, had the advantage of 648 pounds over 452 ; but to gain this they had been obliged to open her port-holes en echiquier, because there was not room enough for recoil, to place the guns on each side opposite ; and for the same reason they were obliged after all to shift the guns from their places, arid make a sort of platform for the purpose on the side of the ship. And so with the others. When it was resolved to mount thirty-sixes on the five frigates, it must be supposed that the fact had not been adverted to, that they had no bullets of that size, and that they would be obliged to use 24 pound shot. To remedy this, recourse was had to means entirely novel. The twenty-four pound bullets were dipped in pitch to make them fill up the bore of the thirty-sixes. The use of these pitched bullets seems dangerous for those who work the guns ; for if the smallest particle of the combustible material remains in the piece, it must set fire to the next cartridge; and a single such accident would damp the courage of the most resolute men. But, putting aside all these and many other inconve- niences, the only advantage gained by using the twenty-four pound bullets for the thirty-six pound guns on board the Scoroi, would be reduced to the difference between 456, the actual calibre, and 452, the former. By experience it has been ascertained in the French marine, that two shots can be fired from an eighteen pounder for one from a thirty-six, if both pieces are worked with equal convenience. By this account it may be judged, whether the change in the armament of these frigates was a good or bad operation. Without presuming to decide the question, I will only say that, in my opinion, eighteen pounders are tbe largest and best for frigates. I think that guns of a PAUL JONES. 447 larger calibre are worked too slowly, for vessels whieh hare but one battery, and cannot keep up that rolling fire so necessary in attacking Turks. " The five frigates, of which I have perhaps spoken too much, appeared to me very fit to place behind a stoccado, or bar. But I never would make choice of ships of this kind for the sea service. The first broadside is all that is to be feared from them. ** I replied in writing to the proposition of the prince marshal for attacking the advanced guard of the Turks near Beresane, and afterwards had a plan of attack drawn out for his inspec- tion. He was much pleased with it. As it was necessary to take advantage of a northerly wind to effect the enterprise, I proposed to the prince marshal to place the frigates in the road as soon as they arrived from Glauboca, to preserve, while wait- ing the attack of the line, a permanent blockade between Oczakow and the enemy outside. His highness said it was not yet time for this, and ordered me to place them in a Hue with the other vessels of my squadron, so as to make a display in the channel of the Liman. " In the end of the month, the Turkish fleet set sail in the night, followed by all the vessels that had lain under Beresane ; and we saw it at a great distance the next morning. The capitan pacha returned in about thirty-six hours, and resumed the position he had left. The only difference was, that he brought in some additional small vessels, and that he consider- ably reinforced his advanced guard under Beresane. As our flotilla, which ought to have blockaded the road, and cut off the communication with the small vessels on that side, were only there occasionally, as if by caprice, it was quite natural for the Turks to profit by its absence, and go out and in when they found the way clear. " The flotilla being to leeward, between my squadron and Kinbourn, on the 8th October, the capitan pacha sent off in the evening three vessels of his advanced guard, which entered Oczakow unmolested, by an open passage. Our flotilla made 448 PAUL JONES. no movement. I made an attempt to intercept the enemy's progress with my gun-boats,* which I caused to be hauled to windward by the ships' boats of the squadron. But the wind being high, they could not bring them to attack. Our batteries nearest to Oczakow fired on the three Turkish vessels, but without being able to arrest their progress. It was now dark ; and, moreover, the distance between these batteries and the block fort on the side of Kinbourn, being seven verstes, the land batteries never could have prevented either the entrance or exit of small vessels. To command the entrance of the Liman, I think it is requisite to establish a fort, with two bat- teries, one over the other on the shallows which run out a con- siderable distance from the point of sand off Kinbourn, towards Beresane, and which would command even the entrance of the road of Oczakow. " One of the Turkish ships had the folly to cast anchor in the shallows of Fort Hassan Pacha ; and at daybreak on the 9th, being within shot of our most advanced land battery, was struck between wind and water, and sunk ; the other two vessels got in without difficulty. " I have already mentioned, that on the 18th of August, I received a preparatory order for attacking the fortress of Has- san Pacha with my bomb-vessels, and the chaloupes armed with licornes and mortars. I expected from day to day an order for action, and had in consequence bestowed much pains in training my men to the necessary evolutions ; but the final orders never arrived. " The prince of Nassau having caballed against my plan of attack, it was set aside ; and by a new arrangement, which I was commanded to form with General Muller, commander in * Pieces Justificatives, No. 59, is a letter from Potemkin, demanding why three ves- sels were allowed to pass unmolested by the fleet. No. 60, is an explanation in reply, by Jones, to the same effect as is stated in the Journal ; adding, that without a blockade constantly kept up, the Turks could always, under like circumstances, enter with their small vessels. PAUL JONES. 449 chief of artillery, I was destined to assault the intrenchment, and the Turkish batteries on the shore of the road. " On the 9th of October, the flotilla advanced from the shores of Kinbourn, and attacked Oczakow ; but this attack was con- ducted and ended in the very same manner as that of the 30th August, save that a small vessel of the Turkish flotilla was stranded, which lay farther out than any of the others, on the shallows this side of Fort Hassan Pacha. " On the 10th of October, I received another preparatory order ; and soon afterwards was ordered to give up all the boats to the flotilla.* Towards evening I went to head quarters to take particular orders in relation to these boats. The prince marshal told me he had the strongest desire to pitch overboard a large piece of artillery placed on the fore-part of the vessel of the Turkish flotilla that stood farthest out, and which had run aground. I imagined at the time that there was no other vessel run aground save the one in the road, which was at the distance of a verste from the fortress of Hassan Pacha ; so I said the the thing was quite easy ; for although the Turks should come up in fo^ce to defend the vessel, there would always be time to spike the piece of cannon. It was night when I undertook this little enterprise. I did not imagine the prince marshal attached so much importance to it as to wish that I should conduct it in /person. I confided it to Lieutenant Edwards, a brave and an intelligent man, whom I wished to reward for past services. 1st, On the 1st of July, he had followed me throughout, and was a long time with me in the galley of the capitan pacha, 2dly, He had followed me on the night of the 20th of July, and had boarded, and cut the cable of the vessel which I took opposite the fortress of Hassan Pacha. 3dly, He had assisted me some days afterwards, when, by orders of the prince marshal, we made trial of bombarding the fort from one of the bomb-vessels ; from * Pikes Justificatites, Nos. 61, 63. The orders are dated on the 9th. The latter directed all the gun-boats to be delivered to the flotilla ; stating that doable chaloupes more proper for the sea, would be substituted. 56 PAUL JONES. which service we had some difficulty in withdrawing, as the wind which, rising at the moment, kept us for a long while under the fire of the enemy's musketry, which wounded some of our men. " Mr. Edwards returned before daybreak, without having succeeded. He said there were a great many men in the ship, who fired on him, and that he durst not board her, he was so ill supported. I was so vexed that he had failed, that in my report to the prince marshal, I said, that I would conduct the enterprise myself next night, if that would satisfy him. The prince marshal held me at my word ; but it was eleven at night when Mr. Edwards returned with the order. The wind, which was high, was quite against me, as well as a strong tide ; and I would have deferred the attempt, if I had not conceived my honour pledged. I was led to hope, that after midnight the wind might fall, and the strength of the tide lessen, if it did not change. The night was very dark, and the rain fell in torrents. I waited till two o'clock, when the moon rose. I had with me five armed canoes, and I calculated on being followed by four hatteaux Zaporavians, and by one of the armed vessels I had taken from the Turks ; but it was impossible to tow them against wind and tide, and I was compelled to go on as I best could, with only my five canoes. I have noticed that our flotilla had run aground a small Turkish vessel in the shallows of the for- tress of Hassan Pacha, but I did not perceive this till the llth, after I had despatched Mr. Edwards to head quarters, because the vessel lay so near the fortress, where the water is of little depth, that it had only sunk a foot or fifteen inches, and conse- quently appeared as if still afloat. As the prince marshal had only spoken to me of the farthest out of the Turkish flotilla, I began to think he meant to designate the one nearest the fortress, in which idea I was confirmed by Mr. Edwards, at his return from head quarters, telling me he had heard ashore that the vessel run down in the road had been visited, but that nothing had been found there. I rowed for the vessel nearest the for- tress w'lich carried, like most of the others alongside, a large PAUL JONES. 451 cannon in her bow ; but, after having fatigued my rowers, I was vexed to see daylight appear, whilst I had still more than a verste to go before I could reach the vessel. I returned on board my own ship, to prevent a useless alarm, being persuaded I should succeed next night. Without waiting to receive my report, the prince marshal sent me orders ' to abandon the en- terprise, for he had intrusted it to other ships.'* There was fine weather on the night between the 12th and 13th, but the ' other ships' did nothing ; and the Turks availed themselves of an open way to bring out all their flotilla, which rejoined the ships of the advanced guard under Beresane. "Some days afterwards, a colonel of Cossacks boarded the vessel run down in the road, and set fire to it, by leaving in it lighted brandcougles, for which he received public thanks. " On the 13th, the prince marshal wished to establish a per- manent line of blockade in the road, by placing my frigates there, and some other small vessels. He wrote me a letter on this subject, on that day, which contained things that strongly affected me, and to which I replied next day, with perhaps too much freedom and warmth.t This occasioned an inter- * Such is the phraseology of the laconic order. Pieces Justificative, No. 66. t The following is the order of Potemkin referred to, being No. 66 of the Pifcet Justificatives. " Order to Rear Admiral Chevalier Paul Jones. " As it is seen that the capitan pacha comes in his kirlangitch from the grand fleet tc the smaller vessels, and as before quitting this he may resolve to attempt something, I request your excellency, the capitan pacha having actually a greater number of ves- sels, to hold yourself in readiness to receive him courageously, and drive him back. I require that this be done without loss of time ; if not, you will be made answerable for every neglect. I have already ordered the flotilla to approach. " PRINCE POTEMKIN TAURICIBN. ' 13th October, 1788." To this order Jones has affixed the following note : " A warrior is always ready, and I had not come there an apprentice." The following was the reply of Jones. 452 PAUL JONES. change of letters between his highness and myself, which was only terminated on the J8th, by the arrival of admiral Mordwi- noff, to take command of the squadron and the flotilla; for the " Walodimer, before Ocwkow, October, 14, 1788. "I have the honour to transmit to your highness a plan of the position in which I placed the squadron under my command this morning, in conformity to your or- ders of yesterday. During the time I was charged with the blockade of the road of Oczakow and the passage of the Liman, all communication between the place and the enemy outside was entirely ",ut off. But when the flotilla of the capitan pacha was on its return, your highness thought that my small vessels were too much expo- sed in the road, and ordered me to have them brought in to aid me in blocking the passage of the Liman. That passage has been so well blocked hitherto, that the capi- tan pacha, notwithstanding his great superiority, has never dared to attempt forcing it. But since his arrival, I hold myself in no-wise responsible for the entry and exit of the enemy by the road. [He says in a note : ' The flotilla under the Prince de Nassau's orders was charged with cutting off the communication of the small vessels of the enemy through the road. It had suffered the Turkish flotilla to escape.'] I have always conformed myself immediately, without murmuring, and most exactly, to the commands of your highness ; and on occasions when you have deigned to leave any thing to my own discretion, I have been exceedingly flattered, and believe you have had no occasion to repent. At present, in case the capitan pacha does resolve on attempting any thing before his departure, I can give assurance beforehand, that the brave officers and crews I have the honour to command will do their duty ' courageous- ly,' though they have not yet been rewarded for the important services they have already performed for the empire under my eyes. I answer with my honour, to ex- plain myself fairly on this delicate point at the end of the campaign. In the mean- while, I may merely say, that it is upon the sacred promise I have given them of de- manding justice from your highness in their behalf, that they have consented to stifle their grievances and keep silent." He added, that as he was made responsible for " negligence," his duty demanded that he should reclaim the officers, gunners, and seamen of the twenty gun-boats and bomb-vessels which were no longer under his orders, which were essentially wanted on board the frigates in the road. The soldiers attached to them belonging to the land forces might, he said, be replaced by other troops. Potemkin's order on the same day, was as follows: " As you are at present in want of seamen, and in reference to the difficulty represented, that your squadron cannot be kept in its present position, I direct your excellency to re-station it in its first place, until the people on board the gun-boats shall be restored to you." Jones wrote on the next day, in these terms : " On reading over the letter I had the honour to address to your highness, I do not find that I represented the squadron under my orders as being unable to retain its pre- sent position . meant only to state that the crews of the frigates and some of the other PAUL JONES. 453 prince of Nassau had set off for Warsaw some days after his affair cf the 9th, with which the prince marshal had been much dissatisfied. I at the same time received orders from her im- boats with which I have formed the line of blockade, are too weak to make the neces- sary defence in case of attack. Yon will perceive this as well as I do, by the particu- lars subjoined. The wind seems to me too strong to make the boats return this morn- ing. It will be difficult, probably impracticable, for them to double the sand bank, in their route to the north of the channel. I leave it in their discretion to return if they can ; but it is in order to obey, and not with any reference to my difficulties. I do not recollect having yet made any. I will even take the liberty of saying, with submis- sion, that, to make these boats return, will not, in my opinion, have a good effect for us in the mind of the enemy ; and if the flotilla goes away every time the wind begins to blow, experience has taught us that the Turks will not fail to profit by the way being open, to make their small vessels pass through the road." The order of this day, (the 15th,) with the comments of Jones, is as follows : " Your excellency finds the present line of your squadron weak for defence ; it is, in consequence, useless. [I did not say that.] Besides the number of the crews, which is deficient, cannot conve- niently be replaced on board of vessels in that position. [I only asked leave to try it.] I see no difficulties to prevent your occupying the first disposition ; it may be done forthwith ; and if I believed [I believed so, strongly, myself,] that the movement would produce a bad effect in the mind of the enemy, I would not do it. The position yon occupied impedes the fire of our land batteries." [Only of one small battery, most advanced toward Oczakow and newly built.] The next day Jones wrote that he had given the desired orders for the return of the frigates and boats, but a hard gale had pre^euted it ; and repeated that the complement of their crews might be put on board in their existing situation, and that the return would have a bad effect, &c. " Every man who thinks," he said, " is master of his own opinion; and this is mine." He suggested that they might be reinforced by soldiers; in consequence of which an order to that effect was given next day, with peremptory directions fora change in the posi- tion of the line. This order concluded with a repetition of the phrase which had already given such offence. " Should the enemy attempt to pass to Oczakow," the prince wrote, " prevent him by every means, and defend yourself courageously." The annotation of Jones is: " It will be hard to believe that Prince Potemkin addressed such words to Paul Jones." On the same day, he informed the prince that he had taken soundings in the road of Oczakow in the morning, and thought the line of block- ade might be formed in the manner he requested, so as not to impede the fire of the batteries on each side. His next letter is dated on the 18th, and is of some length. He begins by explaining the affair of the Turkish vessel which was aground, and in relation to which he had misapprehended the wishes of the prince. He seems to have suspected that his gallantry had been impeached, and that his non-success in this small matter had been the leading cause of discontent. He had, however, made full and satisfactory explanations before. He proceeded to say : " I now feel that 7 toos not in my place. I leave to your highness, as you have a noble heart and magnanimous soul. 454 PAUL JONES. perial majesty to go to St. Petersburgh to be employed in the North Sea. Sweden had declared war against Russia at the commencement of the campaign, and Admiral Greig, who had to judge whether I ought not to have been offended at your sudden order of the next morning, (the 12th,) before you had heard any reasons I had to offer. By that order, I was directed ' to abandon the enterprise, because you had intrusted it to other ves- sels.' Had not that order been given, the Turkish flotilla would not have been able to escape on the night between the 12th and 13th, for I should have been there again. Your highness will judge, how an officer, who fears nothing and had nothing where- with to reproach himself, must have been affected by your order of the 13th. I was directed to keep myself in readiness to receive the enemy ' courageously, and that without loss of time ; for if not,' &c. I was in despair. Having been all heart and soul for the good of the service, and having done all that a man of honour could to in- epire a confidence which I believed I had deserved at your hands, allow me, my prince, to ask you how it happens, that I have been so unhappy as to have lost your regard ? My enemies themselves cannot refuse me their respect. General Compte de Mamo- now assured me of your confidence in me, giving me the most flattering hope of your friendship ; and her imperial majesty told me the most obliging things to the same effect. At all events, your highness has so good a heart, that you will excuse the hastiness of expression which escaped me in my letter of the 14th. I am anxious to continue in the service. It is unnecessary to recite either the promises or the offers which have been made to rne. I am disposed to do all that can be asked of a man of honour, in my situation ; and if you find in me an acquisition to the imperial marine, it belongs to yourself to fix me in Russia. But as I come hither neither as an adventurer nor a charlatan to repair a broken fortune, I hope in future to experience no humilia- tion, and soon to find myself in the situation which was promised to me, when I was invited to enter into the marine of the empress. Perhaps I love honours too much ; but as to fortune, though my own is not very great, I never bent the knee to that idol. I well know that riches do not insure happiness. I am sure of one thing, if I had the happiness of once enjoying your confidence, it would be for life, for I am not of a character that can change." But the removal of Jones had been determined upon, not to command the fleet in the north, nor probably, merely in consequence of his let- ter of the 14th, by the imperious Potemkin. On the same 18th day of October, O. S. he received the following order : " According to the special desire of her imperial ma- jesty, your service is fixed in the northern seas; and as this squadron, and the flotilla, are placed by me under the orders of the vice admiral and the Chevalier de Mordwinoff, your excellency may in consequence proceed on the voyage directed; principally, as the squadron in the Liinan, on account of the season being so far advanced, cannot now be united with that of Sevastopole." On the 20th, Jones wrote to Potemkin that he had given up his command pursuant to orders, to Rear Admiral Mordwinoff. " I am much flattered that her majesty yet deigns to interest herself about me ; but what I shall for ever regret is, the loss of your regard. I will not say that it is difficult to find more skilful sea] officers than myself; PAUL JONES. 455 commanded the Russian fleet, having died, I was assured her majesty had very mportant views in recalling me. Yet I could not but feel grieved to be deprived of my command when the campaign, so far as regarded maritime operations, was so nearly concluded. " As soon as the prince of Nassau went off, all the gold swords were distributed to the officers of the flotilla. It is easy to imagine that this arrangement, as well as many others which preceded it, was not calculated to give me pleasure. The cap- ture of the Turkish galley, and the boarding of the galley of the capitan pacha on the 1st of July, were without dispute the most brilliant actions of the campaign of the Liman. The credit of them was most unjustly given to the flotilla, and my officers remained without any reward for the important services which they had rendered in these affairs, beside those of the 18th of June, the 30th of August, and the 9th of October, from which they reaped no advantage. After the gold swords had been distributed, I myself heard several of the officers who got them express their astonishment, not being able to guess for what they had been so highly rewarded. " It is worthy of notice, that all the large vessels which the flotilla attacked were previously aground. In this case, they might be compared to men with their feet nailed to planks, and 1 know well that it is a very possible thing ; but I feel emboldened to say that you will never find a man more susceptible of a faithful attachment or more zealous in the dis- charge of his duty. I forgive my enemies who are near you for the painful blow aimed at me ; but if there is a just God, it will be difficult for him to do as much. [In a note he says : " When I took leave of the prince at his head quarters some days after- wards, he said to me, ' Don't believe that any one leads me ! No one leads me :' and getting up and stamping with his foot, he added, ' Not even the empress. 1 "] I wish you, my prince, complete success inyour military operations, andcontinued happiness during the rest of your life." On the 25th, he again wrote to Potemkin, stating that when he first received the communication of her majesty's pleasure, fixing his service in the North Sea, he did not reflect that the season was too far advanced for warlike opera- tions before the ensuing year; and that to show himself deserving the order of St. Anne which he had received from her majesty, he would with pleasure volunteer to execute whatever service the prince might point out for the good of the empire. The reply is stated in the Journal. Popoff's services were again pat in requisition. 456 PAUL JONES. their hands tied behind their backs. This is the only instance in hutory of ships aground, and out of the possibility of being recap- tured, being attacked and destroyed, with their crews, by com- bustibles such as the Brandcougles. It may be recollected, that during the whole campaign the flotilla had not taken even one small vessel afloat. Since a very mistaken notion has been formed of the vessels taken in the Liman on the 17th and 18th of June, which have been called ' ships of the line,' it is but right to say that I made Lieutenant Fox measure the hulls of the two largest, and we found that the size of the one was 130, and of the other 135 feet English in total length, in the line of their first battery. Apply this to naval architecture. Yet the prince of Nassau has been rewarded in a brilliant manner for ' having destroyed six, and captured two ships of the line.' The only three-masted vessel which escaped burning upon the 18th June, was a caravel of one battery, and four pieces between decks. There escaped also one small brigantine of 14 three pounders. Such were the two vessels of the line that were cap- tured, and the latter was wrecked next day by the carelessness of those who had the charge of her. In place of eight vessels of the line, the capitan pacha had come into the Liman with only a detachment of caravels, or large merchantmen, frigates, bomb ships, and other smaller craft. Only four of the caravels car ried guns between decks. Of this number was the vessel saved. On one of these four vessels was displayed a square flag ; but there was the same on the galley and the kirlangitch of the capi- tan pacha. It has been already said that the grand fleet with- out Kinbourn displayed three admiral's flags. But by the his- tory of the campaign given by the prince of Nassau, it appears that the capitan pacha had lost his best ship, manned with the picked men of his fleet, and his only flag as grand admiral, while it is well known that at the end of the campaign he went back to Constantinople with all the ships of the line he had at its commencement. " As I was told that some ill-intentioned persons in the army had said that I had been deprived of my command because the PAUL JONES. 457 officers were unwilling to serve under me, I endeavoured to procure testimonials to the contrary, and have seen with regret that the mind is not always free ; and that men sometimes dare not render homage to truth.* " The last of the five frigates, called at the time, 'sea bat- teries,' did not rejoin the squadron until the 19th October, and on the same day, Admiral Mordwinoff placed the line of the blockading vessels in the road, much further out than before, so as to mask the fire of all the guns ashore, on both sides. It was ill-judged, because the land batteries ought always to be able to flank a line of blockade, formed by vessels or floating batteries. On the 20th, the wind being rather fresh from the north, the admiral made a signal at 3 P. M. for all the flotilla to leave the road, and come while it was in their favour to take station near Kinbourn. This movement was entirely unneces- sary for the safety of the flotilla ; but the capitan pacha availed himself of it, and got in, on the same night, twenty-four vessels loaded with ammunition for the garrison, and having onboard, besides their crews, 2700 men. The flotilla attacked these ves- sels on the succeeding days ; but the Turks, having taken out their cargoes, hauled them up on the road, under the cannon of their batteries where much harm could not be done to them. * Pieces Justificative^, No. 80, is a full certificate to the effect Jones wished, signed by Captain Afansio Rofstopoloff, commander of the St. Anne, before Oczakow, on the 31st October. It is attested by the secretary D mitreffsky and John Cramp assistant secre- tary, cornet of a regimentof cuirassiers. They certify that the captain came onboard the Wolodimer on the 4th November, and prayed the rear admiral to return the original attestation, in the Russian language ; as he had learned that having given it would do him much injury in the nrnd of Prince Potemkin, though it contained nothing but pure truth. It was accordingly burned in his presence, the French translation being re- tained. There is also a certificate to the same effect, the Russian original of which is preserved by Lieutenant Mihalopokoff, commandant of one of the vessels, called the Maillet ; which is stated in the French attestation to have been brulg, but seems to have been burned only figuratively, like the odd card in some French games ; and another, which was not signed, by any of the commanders, but the attestation of which sets forth that in addition to the two above named, all the others, while avowing to M. Dmitreffsky that for imperative reasons they could not subscribe it, declared, after hearing it read, that they found nothing in it contrary to pure truth. 57 458 PAUL JONES. "Having reflected that the season was too far advanced to render my services necessary in the North Sea before the follow- ing year, I wrote to the prince marshal, offering to continue my services till the end of the campaign. 1 was indebted to him for the order of St. Anne, and I have a heart naturally grate- ful. He directed his secretary, M. Popoff, to write me, that since I was recalled by the order of the empress, it was neces- sary I should go. "I was invited to head quarters to take leave, and to receive a letter from the prince marshal for her imperial majesty. As I was much interested personally, and still more so in relation to my officers, I after dinner spoke freely, and told M. Popoff all that was on my mind. This brigadier repeated what I had said to the prince marshal. He was vexed at first, but after- wards he sent for me to talk with him. Without failing in the respect due to him, I spoke to him freely enough. I told him he had played an unfair game at the opening of the campaign in dividing the command in the Liman in the existing circum- stances of the country ; and that, if I had not resolved to sacri- fice my own feelings in order to manage the persons he had given me for colleagues, the campaign would have taken a very different turn. He replied, 'agreed; but it is too late now.' He then said, he would be glad to see me fixed in Russia, and that he was disposed to give me solid proofs of his esteem, both now and in future. I showed him the testimonial of the captain of the Wolodimer, and some other papers, to convince him that he had neither done justice to me nor to the squadron. He said the prince of Nassau pretended all was done by himself; 'but I have never,' said he, ' been deceived in hiftri. I have always known him for what he is.' He proposed that I should go to Tagenroc to equip and command a squadron he was building- there ; but, as I had been brought to Russia to take the chief command in the Black Sea, and had received orders from the empress to repair to St. Petersburgh, I declined the offer. I only entreated that he would consider the services of my officers, and give them the senioritv thev had lost bv the promotion of PAUL JONES. 459 those officers of the flotilla who did not belong to the naval ser- vice. Admiral Mnrdwinofi* made the same request, and the prince promised to do them justice. " Two days afterwards, I received a letter from the prince marshal for the empress, in which he noticed the zeal and anxiety I had ever shown for her service, and to render myself worthy of her favour.* " On the 4th November, the capitan pacha having withdrawn his advanced guard in the night, set sail in the morning with his whole force, entering first Varna, and afterwards Constan- tinople, with every ship of the line he had at the opening of the campaign. It is singular that this enterprising commander did not attempt to force the entrance of the Li man ; for Admiral Mordwinoff had placed the squadron in so exposed and disad- vantageous a situation, that the fire of the land batteries, which should have flanked him without, was entirely covered. But it may be presumed that the Turkish admiral believed-he had done enough for the safety of Oczakow by the succours he had thrown into the place. " On the morning of the 7th, agreeably to a secret order from the prince marshal, the Zaporaviam landed, to the number of 2000, on the Island of Beresane. The Turkish garrison being only 300 strong, fired a few random shots, and then surrendered at discretion. " Having given the officers whom I had commanded such testimonials as they merited, I embarked on the morning of the 9th November, in a small open galley for Cherson. I was three days and three nights on the way, and suffered a great deal * No. 92 of the Pi&xs Justifications : " MADAM In sending to the high throne of your imperial majesty, Rear Admiral M. Paul Jones, I take, with submission, the liberty of certifying the eagemess and zeal which he has ever shown for the service of your imperial majesty, and to render himself worthy of the high favour of your impe- rial majesty. " From the most faithful subject of your imperial majesty", " PRINCE POTEMKW TAURICIEN. October 31, 1788." 460 PAUL JONES. from the excessive cold. The day after my arrival, the river was frozen up, and I was taken dangerously ill. My health was not sufficiently re-established to enable me to proceed before the 6th of December. Having arrived at St. Elizabeth, I received intelligence that Oczakow had been taken by storm on the 6th. The garrison was eleven thousand strong, including the three thousand that the capitan pacha had thrown into the place before he sailed. But the cold had become extreme,* and the Russian army being formed in six columns to attack the place at day-dawn, the Turks were completely disconcerted. Judging from the past, they expected no such visit : and, be- coming panic struck, suffered their throats to be cut like so many sheep. In the fury of the assault the Russian soldiers spared nothing. I have been assured, that from eighteen to nineteen thousand Turks perished on that day ! " As I wished to delay my arrival at court till that of the prince marshal, I stopped some days at Skloff, where General Soritsch loaded me with civilities. 1 arrived at St. Petersburgh on the 28th December, and was ordered to appear at court on the 31st, when her imperial majesty did me the honour of granting me a private audience. I presented the letter the prince marshal had given me. A few days afterwards, the em- press sent me word, through Count de Dmitrigus-Mamonow, that she must wait the arrival of Prince Potemkin before deci- ding on what she would do for me. In the meanwhile Count Besborodko told me, that a command of greater importance was intended for me than that of the Black Sea. " On the 1st February, the prince marshal not having yet arrived, I gave in to the vice chancellor, Count d'Osterman, a project for forming an alliance, political and commercial, be- tween Russia and the United States. As the object of this project was reciprocal advantages, and, above all, to encourage the commerce of the Black Sea, and of the settlements on the * Twenty-six degrees. PAUL JONES. 461 Crimea, I had long intended to transmit it to the prince mar- shal ; and on his arrival at court, about the middle of February, I sent him a copy. Some time afterwards, he took me into his cabinet, and said that my plan contained good ideas ; but that he did not think it expedient to adopt it at this time, as it might still further irritate the English against Russia, and that it was necessary first to make peace with the Turks. " I might make many remarks about the fleet and flotilla of Cherson, but shall say but little at present. I have already ob- served that the Turkish vessels, large and small, have a decided advantage over the Russians, in their movement. The Marshal de Saxe said of land armies, that ' the whole secret of their drill, and all that of war, is dans lesjambes.' [Basting the legs, according to Touchstone.] This expression, apparently obscure, envelops a profound and sensible meaning, and may be applied with still more force to the operations of naval armaments. Let me command a fleet superior in its sailing, and equal in force to beat the enemy. I learned with regret, that the vessels of war built at Cherson became rotten, in general, at the end of six years. This seems to me more extraordinary, as before the present war, France got excellent timber for building, from the Dnieper for the king's yards at Toulon. It is said that the admiralty of the Black Sea spends enormous sums yearly. 1 cannot vouch for the correctness of the statement ; but I know that the fleet does not look like it. In Denmark, where order and economy prevail, persons entitled to credit have informed me, that it costs the State but 5,050,000 rix dollars, per annum, to maintain a fleet of from 25 to 30 ships of the line, with frigates and other small vessels in proportion, and 4000 seamen in regular pay. The ships of war built at Copenhagen, last sixteen years, without requiring any repairs of consequence. My respect for Prince Potemkin, who created the fleet of the Liman, makes me regret that it should have been built on false principles, unable to sus- tain its enormous artillery, or to manoeuvre properly on the Black Sea ; while the Turkish fleet crossed it at its pleasure. The commerce of the Black Sea is an object of great impor- 462 PAUL JONES. tance ; but this commerce, so advantageous to Russia, will always be annoyed and often interrupted by the Turks, till Rus sia has a stronger fleet in the Black Sea to hold a rod over them, and to place the keys of Constantinople in the hands of the empress. Russia having all the requisite materials, in making the necessary arrangements with order and economy, (without speaking of war, to avoid exciting suspicions in powers jealous of her glory,) this deficiency might be supplied in a few years. The means of obtaining good seamen is to create a merchant trade, to form an alliance with the United States, and to have a squadron of evolution on the Black Sea, directed by an admiral and a properly instructed staff*. " I have always believed that Russia requires a port on the Asiastic side, opposite the Crimea, to protect the fleet from flaws of wind and currents, and to be, as it were, a sentinel post on the Turks. I have thought of Sinople for this purpose, and I spoke of it to the empress and Prince Potemkin ; but, being better informed, I found a more suitable situation, where I am certain such a post could be securely established at small cost, and beard the whole Ottoman empire. This place is a penin- sula between Sinople and Constantinople. " I must be permitted to conclude my journal with some re- flections naturally suggested by matters affecting my personal honour. I have never been able to conjecture the reason which made Prince Potemkin order Admiral MordwinofF to give up to him the official account of our operations, which I had drawn up in conformity to the orders of the admiralty of the Black Sea, as I was assured he had done, both by Admiral Mordwi- nofF and his brother-in-law, (his wife's brother.) No more could I gue^ss why Prince Potemkin had given orders that no notice should be taken of my loss of the frigate Alexander, which was run aground in the battle of the 17th June. This information also I had from Admiral MordwinofF after I had given up to him the command of the squadron. I have been assured, by him, that this frigate was, in consequence, always retained on the list of the marine. When I found that I received no testimony PAUL JONES. 463 of the satisfaction of the empress, with my conduct, in this af- fair, and on other occasions very interesting to the empire, I was compelled to think that she had been ill informed, for her ambition is to be esteemed the most magnanimous and the most generous of all sovereigns. I received a letter from the minis- ter of the United States (to the court of Versailles,) dr.ted Paris, the 23d March, 1789, which began by telling me, that a letter he had received from me, dated at St. Petersburgh, the 31st January, was the only proof my friends had of my existence since I had left Copenhagen.* If I had played the part of a cipher in the campaign of the Liman, it was for the first time. I either deserved to lose my head, or the plans of the operations on the Liman, which had been got up in St. Petersburgh during the winter, and which I saw r with astonishment in the office of M. Popoff, ought to be burnt. I assert, that they are false even in the most trifling details. " I have acted a public, and distinguished part for fifteen years among an enlightened people, where the press is free, and where the whole conduct of every man is open to discussion, and sub- ject to the judgment of his fellow-citizens. No man can play the hypocrite during so long a period in a career so trying as was mine. It was natural for the prince of Nassau and Briga- dier Alexiano to be my enemies, for they both sought only their own advantage ; and Prince Potemkin, who knew better, erred in judgment in placing me in competition with them ; but how * In Russia, letters were systematically intercepted. This was part of the policy of the government ; and such things have been heard of in that country, even of later date than the reign of Catherine II. When the Archduke Paul was permitted to travel through Europe with the archduchess, he was so well aware of the jealousy of his mother and her government, that he arranged a private correspondence to be for- warded to the Swedish post-offices by couriers. Kis correspondent was a young aid- de-camp, BibikofF, who sometimes permitted himself to describe persons about the court without sufficient regard to decorum. Among those honoured with his notice was One Eye, as he termed Potemkin. The courier was intercepted at Riga, and Paul's witty correspondent was exiled to Astracan, where he shortly died. Note, in the Edinburgh Life. 464 PAUL JONES. happened it that I had around Prince Potemkin other enemies as powerful as they were malicious ? I ought to have found only friends in Russia, for I have served that empire faithfully and well. The manner in which Prince Potemkin has changed in regard to me, since the commencement of the war, exceeds all imagination. While he supposed, at first, that my services would be an acquisition in directing the maritime operations against the Turks, the Admirals Mordwinoff and Woynowitch entirely lost his confidence as officers ; and it is evident, that Woynowitch had not regained it on the 19th of August, when it was proposed that I should go to Sevastopole to take command of the fleet. When I had the misfortune to offend Prince Potemkin by the freedom of my letter of the 14th October, he sent several cou- riers, which carried entreaties and brought back refusals, beg- ging that Admiral Mordwinoff would take command of the squadron, which the latter only at last accepted on condition of receiving carte blanche, and insisting that the prince should not interfere in any arrangements he thought fit to make. I have mentioned that the Dnieper was frozen over the day after my arrival at Cherson. In consequence, the squadron and flotilla were placed in danger, from not having been properly secured, for the season, after* the departure of the capitan pacha. I understood that some of the vessels were lost in the Liman, and that the Wolodimer, to save herself, was obliged to risk the pas- sage to Sevastopole without a good part of her ballast. Briefly, in a few days after my departure from Cherson, Admiral Mord- winoff was disgraced and sent from the service, whilst Admiral Woynowitch, who had married the daughter of Alexiano, was placed at the head of the admiralty, with the chief command of the fleet, and the entire confidence of Prince Potemkin. " It is said, that Russia has no longer need of foreign naval officers. So be it. No one is more desirous than myself that this may be so, for I cannot be jealous of any of them, and I must ever desire the prosperity of a country I have served. I may, however, be allowed to observe, that this opinion is not very old. If it had been believed before the last campaign, why PAUL JONES. 465 were my services so anxiously sought after ? It assuredly could not have been in compliment to me, nor in order afterwards to make use of me in promoting certain political designs. I have frequently heard, that, since the war with Sweden, measures have been taken to induce Rear Admiral Kinsbergen to quit Holland, and re-enter the service of Russia. His countrymen allege that he had been offered the rank of vice admiral, the order of Alexander Nevsky, and a fixed revenue of 20,000 roubles a year ; and that he refused all these advantages, as he had lately married a wife with a fortune which enabled him to live in independence in his own country. " It is known that the king of Sweden made advantageous offers to Admiral Curtis of the English navy, to induce him to take command of the fleet against Russia; and that this officer declined them, not wishing to hazard his professional reputation in command of a fleet which was not in so good a condition as that of England. " The empress will do me the justice to remember, that when I had the honour of accepting her service, I did not say one word regarding my personal interests. I have a soul too noble for that ; and if my heart had not been enlisted for her majesty, I would never have drawn my sword in her cause. I have now nothing for it but, like Admiral Kinsbergen, to marry a rich wife ; but I have sufficient to support me wherever I choose, and I know enough of the world to be a philosopher. "When I arrived at the Black Sea, if reasons much stronger than those which withheld Admiral Curtis had not influenced my mind and heart, which were devoted to the empress, I would never have hoisted my flag on board the Wolodimer. I would have refused the poor command offered me, and which was in no respect worthy of me. I have never puffed my own actions, nor given any piece to the press containing a eulogy on myself. " I respect the names of Kinsbergen and C.urtis ; but the first duty of a gentleman is to respect his own character ; and I believe, without vanity, that the name of Paul Jones is of as much value as theirs. It is thirty years since I first served ; 58 466 PAUL JONES. ana I have had for friends and instructors a d'Orvilliers and a Pavilion. Unfortunately Prince Poternkin never gave himself the trouble to know me. " I had the happiness to be loved by my officers and men, be- cause I treated them justly, and set them a good example before the enemy. After I ceased to command, though the campaign only lasted a few days, the seamen soon found the difference. They said they had lost their father : they were served with mouldy bread,' and afterwards with spoiled meal. I have men- tioned, that Prince Potemkin had promised, in presence of Ad- miral Mordwinoff, to advance the officers under my command, and to restore to them the seniority they had lost by the promo- tion of the officers of the flotilla ; but I have learnt with much pain that he has not kept his word, and that in consequence my officers, to the number of fifty, have demanded their dismission. Not one of them offered to resign while I held command. Ad- miral Woynowitch having represented to Prince Potemkin that without these officers the fleet was useless, he was compelled to ad- vance them all. I have been told that they were not yet satisfied, as they were not restored to their seniority, and that they propo- sed to quit the service at the end of the year. I hope justice will be done them, for they are brave men. For myself I have been marked among all the officers that served in the Liman, being the only one who obtained no promotion, though I commanded and was alone responsible ! I may be told that I ought to be satis- fied with having received the rank of rear admiral on entering the service. I reply, that I could not have been offered an in- ferior grade. One officer may deserve as much in a day as another in a lifetime, and every officer ought to be advanced according to his merit. I was not favoured in rank on entering the Russian service. I had a full right to claim that which I accepted. A man, only twenty-four years of age, has since been received, into the service with the rank of major general. I wish to say nothing against this officer ; it is not always years that give skill, much less genius, but he must do a great deal before he has my experience. PAUL JONES. 467 " It is painful, for the honour of human nature, to reflect on how many.malevolent and deceitful persons surround the great, and particularly crowned heads. I speak from my own unhap- py experience. Some persons had the malice to make Prince Potemkin believe that I made unhandsome strictures on his military conduct, and ridiculed his manner of conducting the siege of Oczakow. I have heard much idle talk on this sub- ject, and I am aware that it excited considerable discontent in the army. I was told, during my illness at Cherson, that a thousand of his officers had demanded their dismission ; but I defy any one to say to my face that I ever allowed myself to criticise his operations. I have been strongly attached to him, of which I think I gave proofs during my command, and even after he unjustly superseded me. Witness my letter of the 27th October, at a time when I certainly had reason to complain of his conduct towards me. " I have been more deeply hurt by those secret machinations against me, as regards the empress. My enemies have had the wickedness to make her believe that I was a cruel and bruta man ; and that I had, during the American war, even killed my own nephew ! " It is well known, that, from motives of revenge, the English have invented and propagated a thousand fictions and atrocities to endeavour to blacken the character of the celebrated men who effected the American revolution : a Washington and a Franklin, two of the most illustrious and virtuous men that have ever adorned humanity, have not been spared by these calum- niators. Are they now the less respected on this account by their fellow-citizens ? On the contrary, they are universally re- vered, even in Europe, as the fathers of their country, and as examples of all that is great and noble in the human character. " In civil war, it is not wonderful that opposite factions should mutually endeavour to make it believed that each is in the right ; and it is obvious that the party most in the wrong will always be the most calumnious. If there had really been any thing against my character, the English would not have failed to fur- 468 PAUL JONES. nish convincing proofs of it ; for, with very slender means, I had been able to give more alarm to their three kingdoms during the war than any other individual had done. " I have heard, that, at the period of my entering the Rus- sian service, the English in St. Petersburgh cried out against me, and asserted that I had been a contraband trader. All the world knows that men of this flescription are actuated entirely by avarice ; and every one to whom I have the honour to be known is aware that I am one of the least selfish of mankind. This is known to the whole American people. I have given proofs of it not easily shown, of which I possess very flattering testimonies. In a letter written on the 29th November, 1782, to Congress, by Mr. Morris, then minister of the marine and finance departments, after having made my eulogium with the warmth of a true patriot, who thoroughly knew me, he says, that ' I had certainly merited the favour of Congress by services and sacri- fices the most signal.' Men do not change their characters in these respects. " If my heart has bled for the Americans, above all, for those shut up as victims in English prisons by an act of Parliament as sanguinary as unjust ; if I have exposed my health and life to the greatest dangers ; if I have sacrificed my personal tranquilli- ty and my domestic happiness, with a portion of my fortune and my blood, to set at liberty these virtuous and innocent men, have I not given proofs sufficiently striking that I have a heart the most sensitive, a soul the most elevated ? I have done more than all this. So far from being harsh and cruel, nature has given me the mildest disposition. I was formed for love and friend- ship, and not to be a seamen or a soldier; as it is, I have sacri- ficed my natural inclination. " As an officer, I loved good discipline, which I consider indis- pensable to the success of operations, particularly at sea, where men are so much crowded and brought into such close contact. In the English navy it is known that captains of ships are often tyrants, who order the lash for the poor seamen very frequently, and sometimes, for nothing. In the American navy we have PAUL JONES. 469 almost the same regulations ; but I looked on my crew as my children, and I have always found means to manage them with- out flogging. " I never had a nephew, nor any other relation, under my command. Happily these facts are known in America, and they prove how cruel and harsh I am. I have one dear nephew,* who is still too young for service, but who now pursues his studies. Since I came to Russia I have intended him for the imperial marine. Instead of imbruing my hands in his blood, he will be cherished as my son. " In short, my conduct has obtained for me the returns most grateful to my heart. I have had the happiness to give univer- sal satisfaction to two great and enlightened nations which I have served. Of this I have received singular proofs. I am the only man in the world that possesses a sword given by the king of France. It is to me a glorious distinction to wear it; and, above all, to have received it as ' a proof of the particular esteem' of a monarch so august, a monarch who has become the protector of the rights of the human race, and who adds to this glorious title that of a citizen ! I have indelible proofs of the high considerations of the United States ; but what completes my happiness is the esteem and friendship of the most virtuous of men, whose fame will be immortal ; and that a Washington, a Franklin, a D'Estai.ng, a La Fayette, think the bust of Paul Jones worthy of being placed side by side with their own. It is then certain that this is not the bust of one, &c.t " Since I am found too frank and too sincere to make my way at the court of Russia without creating powerful enemies, I have philosophy enough to withdraw into the peaceful bosom of friendship ; but, as I love virtue better than reward, and as my greatest ambition is to preserve, even in the shades of re- treat, the precious favour of the empress, I may tell her majesty, * The late Mr. William Taylor, merchant of the city of New York, son of the rear admiral's eldest aiater, the late Mrs. Taylor of Dumfries. t He alludes to some calumnies, as foolish as base, not worthy of notice. 470 PAUL JONES. that even in the midst of my persecutions, my mind was occu- pied by plans for the essential advancement of her service, of which I gave some idea to her minister in June last, (1789.) I have not entered into any detail, for there are politicians who before now have robbed me of my military plans. I have other projects in view from which the flag of Russia might derive new lustre, and which would cost but little to her majesty at the out- set, and perhaps nothing in the end, if I had the direction ; for I would be able to make war support war. We have already done it in America, and our marine has cost the United States nothing. At all events, I have the satisfaction of having done my duty in Russia, and that without any views of self-interest.* It is af- firmed, that, in general, strangers who come to Russia are ad- venturers in search of fortune, not having the means of living in their own country. I cannot say as to this ; but I at least hope that the empress will not class me with those. " Briefly, I am satisfied with myself; and I have the happi- ness to know, that, though my enemies may not be converted into friends, my name will nevertheless be always respected by worthy men who know me ; and it is to me a satisfaction and a signal triumph at the moment of my leaving Russia, that the public, and even the English in St. Petersburgh, with whom I had no connexion, have now changed their sentiments in regard to me, give me their esteem, and regret my departure. " St. Petersburgh, July 29, 1789." CONCLUSION. " The art of war deserves the exclusive attention of those who are to be engaged in it ; and military science is only acqui- red by dint of study, of reflections, and of combinations. This . * The last of the Pieces Justificatives is a certificate from his secretary, Dmitreffsky, that the rear admiral had never received the appointments belonging to his grade, nor money for the expenses of his family, suite, servants, table, &c. nor for those attending his journey, after his recall from the Liman. PAUL JONES. 471 study, commenced at an early season, constantly followed up during life, and aided by continued experience, will hardly be- come familiar in all its parts to him who pursues it. Some occasion will infallibly happen, when pungent regrets for having neglected to obtain instruction, will be felt in all their force, by him, who, being charged with an important operation, is obliged to confess to himself his own incapacity to execute it. The time has gone by for beginning to attend to such study, when he has unfortunately been promoted to a command. Birth, patronage, solicitation, intrigue, sometimes win employment and rank ; but they do not secure success and credit. " As the profession of arms is so honourable, and those who hold commands acquire a reputation at once so brilliant and so solid when they discharge their duties worthily ; and as, on the other hand, nothing is so disgraceful as a repulse received in war, through our own fault ; with what ardour should not of- ficers who have any passion for true glory, seek to provide them- selves abundantly with all the variety of knowledge, which may, some day, put them in the way of becoming distinguished ? " Courage alone, will not lead to renown, as many fondly believe. The road would be too easy. The fate of courage, devoid of the lights which a knowledge of the principles of the art communicates, is, to be ignorant of danger, to confront it, and to perish to no purpose ; often even without the satisfac- tion, in perishing, of knowing that the manner of its fall was intrepid. " It would appear that the study of an art, of which all the details are so interesting, the knowledge of which is connected with an infinite number of facts naturally exciting quick curiosity, the principles of which are scattered through the histories of all nations, must have inspiring attractions for those who de- sire to rise in their profession as high as they are permitted to hope for, and a taste for it, which cannot but redound to their advantage, by conducting them, through the true path, to the promotion they covet. Such promotion cannot be flattering to men of sense, unless they have the satisfaction of knowing that 472 PATJL JONES. they deserved it ; and that consciousness is, of itself, sufficient to console those, whose success calumniators have made it their business to prevent." Thus ends the rear admiral's own account of what befel him in the course of his engagement in the Russian service. His- torical illustrations or speculative comments are not demanded in this volume. The reader will most readily find an off-hand and probably graphic sketch of the prince of Nassau, in the Me- moirs and Recollections of Count Segur. It tallies well with the idea of his character thrown out by Mr. Littlepage, in his letters, which have been cited. Jones accuses him of a want of courage. Personal timidity seems to have been implied in the charge ; but this was not his weakness. A soldier of fortune, he was encumbered with the pride belonging to birth and title ; and while he sought for the command of fleets, he wanted science and moral energy. It may not be a hyperbole, when Jones says, that though he had sailed round the world, he did not un- derstand the points of the compass. He is stated to have solicited and obtained his recall from his command in the Liman, previously to the dismissal of Jones, in consequence of taunts thrown out by Potemkin. Potemkin's character belongs to history. Various as the portraits are which have been drawn of it, the reader of Jones' own narrative will find in it sufficient cause of provocation, to account for the conduct of that imperious and spoiled com mander. He was not accustomed to receiving arguments instead of obedience ; and would rather have lost an important advantage to the empire than tolerated contradiction of his own pleasure. It is a question whether what seemed noble in his character belonged to its elements, or was put on with his great- ness, as an extraneous luxury. He closed his life like a changeling, and a drivelling idiot. In the notes subjoined to the campaign of the Liman, the papers annexed by the admiral have alone been cited. It is PAUL JONES. 473 necessary to refer back, in point of time, to some portions of his correspondence during this period, and to explain other parts of his narrative more at large. There are a few letters from the rear admiral to Potemkin, not inserted among the Pieces Justificatives, as arranged by him- self, and which he did not therefore attach consequence to, as vouchers for the accuracy of his statements. Their substance being stated in the Journal, we shall not introduce them. When Mr. Littlepage left the Liman, the rear admiral despatched letters by him to Mr. Jefferson. He was uncertain, as it ap- pears from them, whether those last addressed by him to the same gentleman, from Copenhagen, had been received. The anxiety he expressed about some of the features of the American Constitution, shows that his thoughts turned to the land of his adoption, and the country which was in fact his own. In one of these letters the following passage occurs. " I pray you to inform me, if you possibly can, what has become of Mrs. T . I am astonished to have heard nothing from her since I left Paris. I had written to her frequently, before I left Copen- hagen. If you cannot hear of, and see her, you wiH oblige me much by writing a note to Monsieur Dubois, Commissaire du Regiment des Guardes Francais,-vis a vis la Rue de Vivienne, Rue neuve des petits Champs, desiring to speak with him. He will wait on you immediately. You must know, that besides my own purse, which was very considerable, I was good natured, or, if you please, foolish enough to borrow for her, four thousand four hundred livres. Now Mr. Dubois knows that transaction, and as she received the money entire from me for the reim- bursement, I wish to know if she has acquitted the debt ? When that affair is cleared up, I shall be better able to judge of the rest." This extract is introduced for a twofold reason. In the first place, Jones would not have written to Mr. Jefferson in relation to his transactions with a lady of loose reputation. In the second, it has been previously stated, that no traces of his cor- respondence with Madame T were found after his last 59 474 PAUL JONES. letter from America. This lady, as the editor is informed, is not to be confounded with Madame Tellison, spoken of in some of the biographies of Jones. In the same letters, he requested that his bust might be for- warded to several persons in America, to whom he had pro- mised it should be transmitted. This bust, according to Baron Grimm, was executed at the request of the Lodge of Nine Sis- ters, of which Jones was a member. The gentlemen to whom he desired that casts might be forwarded, were, " General St. Clair, and Mr. Ross, of Philadelphia ; Mr. John Jay, General Irvine, Mr. Secretary Thompson, and Colonel Wadsworth, of New York ; Mr. J. Madison, and Colonel Carrington, of Virginia." He also requested that four gold medals might be struck for him, from the die ordered by Congress to be executed, in honour of his services. " I must," he said, " present one to the United States, another to the king of France, and I cannot do less than offer one to the empress. As you will keep the dies for me, it is my intention to have some more gold medals struck ; there- fore I beg you, in the mean time, not to permit the striking of a single silver or copper medal." In the same letters, dated on the 9th of September, (N. S.) he speaks doubtingly of the manner in which his situation in the Russian service might terminate. Clinging to the glory already gained, and the nobler triumphs already won, he seems to have been more interested about the reception of one of his journals by the Academy of Inscriptions and Belles Letters, and the designs of medals executed in wax commemorating his naval victories, than in the progress of the empress's arms. On the latter subject, however, it was not proper for him to speak in these communications. Jones arrived at St. Petersburgh on the 28th December, after being detained at St. Elizabeth by the indisposition which he mentions, and on the day following addressed the Compte de Morminoff, desiring as early an opportunity as possible of pre- senting Potemkin's letter, of which he was the bearer, to the PAUL JONES. 475 empress. This communication is noticed, as it is preserved among his papers. It is written strictly selon les regies, and speaks of his eternal gratitude to her majesty, &c. In January following, while writing, with probably no hope, on the promise of the Count Besborodko, that he should have a command of more importance than that of the fleet of the Black Sea, we find him congratulating Mr. Jefferson on the adoption of the Ame- rican Constitution, and anticipating from it the establishment of a marine force. The castigation of the Algerines was the foremost subject which occupied his mind. " If," he said, " there is still a disposition to send a force against the Algerines, would it not be a good thing to conclude a treaty with this country, and make the war a common cause in the Mediterra- nean. The Turks and Algerines are together, and acted in conjunction against us before Oczacoff. A treaty might now be concluded, permitting her imperial majesty to enlist seamen in America, and assuring to America after the peace, a free navigation to and from the Black Sea. If you approve of this idea in general, various other things will necessarily be engrafted in the treaty, and I flatter myself I may obtain the command of the force destined to act in conjunction with that of the United States." Two letters from him to Mr. Jefferson, on this theme, are preserved, and, as has been seen by his journal, he presented at the time to the Vice Chancellor Ostermann a project of a com- mercial treaty, and had a conversation with Potemkin on the subject. It was at this time that an infamous conspiracy to ruin his cha- racter was got up, and might have been successful, had not the friends of Jones assisted him with earnestness, in exposing the falsehood of the charges attempted to be fastened on him. The nature of these charges, with the history of the persecution raised upon them, will be found in the following letter to Potemkin. Who its authors were can never be known. Both Count Segur and Jones unhesitatingly ascribe it to English officers in the Russian navy, and the Englisli merchants. It was the most natural 476 PAUL JONES. supposition, in the absence of all positive proof; but it was a supposition only. Rear Admiral Paul Jones to Prince Potemkin. " St. Petersburgh, 13th April, 1789. ' MY LORD Having had the advantage to serve under your orders, and in your sight, I remember, with particular satisfaction, the kind promises and testimonies of your friend- ship with which you have honoured me. As I have served all my life for honour, I had no other motive for accepting the flat- tering invitation of her imperial majesty, than a laudable ambition to distinguish myself in the service of a sovereign so magnanimous and illustrious ; for I never yet have bent the knee to self-interest, nor drawn my sword for hire. A few days ago I thought myself one of the happiest men in the empire ! Your highness had renewed to me your promise of friendship, and the empress had assigned me a command of a nature to occupy the most active and enterprising genius. " A bad woman has accused me of violating her daughter ! If she had told the truth, I should have candour enough to own it, and would trust my honour, which is a thousand times dearer to me than my life, to the mercy of the empress. I declare, with an assurance becoming a military character, that I am in- nocent. Till that unhappy moment, I have enjoyed the public esteem, and the affection of all who knew rne. Shall it be aid that in Russia a wretched woman, who eloped from her husband and family in the country, stole away her daughter, lives here in a house of bad fame, and leads a debauched and adulterou life, has found credit enough on a simple complaint, unsupported by any proof, to affect the honour of a general officer of reputation, who has merited and received the decorations of America, of France, and of this empire ? " If I had been favoured with the least intimation of a complaint of that nature having found its way to the sove- reign, I know too well what belongs to delicacy to have pre- PAUL JONES. 477 sented myself in the presence of the empress before my justification. " My servant was kept prisoner by the officers of police for several hours, two days successively, and threatened with the knout. " After the examination of my people before the police, I sent for and employed Monsieur Crirnpin as my advocate. As the mother had addressed herself to him before to plead her cause, she naturally spoke to him without reserve, and he learned from her a number of important facts, among others, that she was counselled and supported by a distinguished man of the court. " By the certificate of the father, attested by the pastor of the colony, the daughter is several years older than is expressed in the complaint. And the complaint contains various other points equally false and easy to be refuted. For instance, there is a conversation I am said to have held with the daughter in the Russian language, of which no person ever heard me pronounce two words together : it is unknown to me. " I thought that in every country a man accused had a right to employ advocates, and to avail himself of his friends for his justification. Judge, my prince, of my astonishment and dis tress of mind,; when I yesterday was informed that the day before, the governor of the city had sent for my advocate, and forbidden him, at his peril, or any other person, to meddle with my cause I " I am innocent before God ! and my conscience knows no reproach. The complaint brought against me is an infamous lie, and there is no circumstance that gives it even an air of probability. " I address myself to you with confidence, my prince, and am assured that the friendship you have so kindly promised me will be immediately exerted in my favour; and that you will not suffer the illustrious sovereign of this great empire to be misled by the false insinuations and secret cabals of my hidden enemies. Your mind will find more true pleasure in pleading the cause of an innocent man whom you honour with your friendship, 478 PAUL JONES. than can result from other victories equally glorious with that of Oczakovv, which will always rank among the most brilliant of military achievements. If your highness will condescend to question Monsieur Crimpin, (for he dare not now even speak to me,) he can tell you many circumstances which will elucidate my innocence. I am, with profound respect, my lord, your high- ness's devoted and most obedient servant,"