FRANK, and THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES SWORD OF LIBERTY SWORD OF LIBERTY THE STORY OF TWO REVOLUTIONS BY FRANK AND CORTELLE HUTCHINS ILLUSTRATED NEW YORK THE CENTURY CO. 1921 Copyright, 1921, by THE CENTURY Co. Printed in U. S. A. TO A LOVED LITTLE OLD LADY CAROLINE FULLER JONES OUR MOTHER AND "MOTHER" THIS BOOK IS AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED FOREWORD THIS book has been written to be inter- esting: if it proves to be so, its lesser purpose will have succeeded. It has been written to be historically accurate: if it proves not to be so, its greater purpose will have failed. THE AUTHORS CONTENTS CHAPTER PAG* I AN OLD ENVOY FROM A YOUNG NATION . . 3 II FRENCH NOBLE AND ENGLISH KING .... 18 III LAFAYETTE GOES TO AMERICA 28 IV THE WOUNDED BOY FROM FRANCE .... 41 V THE SWORD MEDALLION, "GLOUCESTER" . . 52 VI THE BIRTH OF AMERICAN DIPLOMACY ... 59 VII THE DAYS OF VALLEY FORGE 69 VIII THE SWORD MEDALLION, "BARREN HILL" . . 78 IX THE SWORD MEDALLION, "MONMOUTH" . . 86 X THE SWORD MEDALLION, "RHODE ISLAND" . 92 XI A FRENCH-AMERICAN OFFICER ON FURLOUGH 99 XII AMERICA'S PART OF SWORD OF LIBERTY . . 108 XIII AMERICA'S FRIEND AT COURT 115 XIV DAYS OF WAITING 127 XV MORE HELP FROM FRANCE 136 XVI FRANCE AND AMERICA TALK IT OVER . . . 148 XVII A NIGHT OF TREASON 156 XVIII SAVING AMERICA'S GIBRALTAR 165 XIX FIGHTING IN THE CAROUNAS 176 XX RETREATING TO VICTORY 189 XXI THE FINAL VENTURE 203 x CONTENTS CHAPTER PACK XXII YORKTOWN 214 XXIII PEACE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND AMERICA . . 224 XXIV A CRUMBLING THRONE 233 XXV THE FALL OF THE BASTILLE 245 XXVI THE END OF THE FEUDAL SYSTEM .... 258 XXVII THE MOB AND THE KING 266 XXVIII FRANCE'S PART OF SWORD OF LIBERTY . . . 277 XXIX STORMING THE TUILERIES ...... 291 XXX THE REIGN OF TERROR 305 XXXI END OF THE REVOLUTION 319 XXXII SWORD OF LIBERTY 332 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Marquis De La Fayette Frontispiece FACING PACE Benjamin Franklin 20 Old State House, Philadelphia 38 George Washington 56 The British Surrendering their Arms to General Wash- ington after their Surrender at Yorktown, Virginia . 220 Siege of the Bastille 256 The Storming of the Tuileries 300 The Temple 324 SWORD OF LIBERTY Somewhere in France there is a strange and magnificent sword. Once,, care fully guarded, it was brought to this country and exhibited at the World's Co- lumbian Exposition. The engraved gold hilt and the finely etched blade tell, most oddly blended, J the stories of the two great struggles of the modern world for freedom. Sword of the American Revolution Sword of the French Revolution SWORD OF LIBERTY! SWORD OF LIBERTY CHAPTER I AN OLD ENVOY FROM A YOUNG NATION IT was a late-October day in the year 1776. An old man and two boys were driving quietly, per- haps almost stealthily, out of a town that lay along a wide brown river. An odd-looking town it was, and in a land that the world did not know much about, a land that was just struggling out of its colonial swaddling-clothes, and trying hard to be a nation, the United States of America. Leaving the town Philadelphia, it was called the travelers turned into the King's Highway, lead- ing down along the Delaware River. The old man was large and a little round-shouldered. He had a placid, rather grandmotherly face, but the pro- jecting chin and something in the quiet, steady eyes gave hint enough of virile force. He was plainly dressed in dark wide-skirted coat and knee-breeches. A fur cap came low over his thin gray hair, seem- ing almost to rest upon his big round spectacles. Anybody in Philadelphia, where he lived, and many folks far beyond, could have pointed out this quaint 3 4 SWORD OF LIBERTY figure as one of the most prominent men of the country, Benjamin Franklin. The two boys were grandsons of Franklin. They were almost miniatures of him in point of dress, and, with their prominent little chins, looked some- what like him. One was Benjamin Bache, a child of seven. The other was William Temple Franklin, about fifteen years old. This lad, usually called Temple, was to have a most unusual part, for a boy, in the stirring events toward which the three were now journeying. If there was anything of stealth about these travelers, it was not without reason. Peaceful as everything may have seemed all about them as they jogged along the old post-road, the times were troublous enough, and they were start- ing upon a perilous undertaking. For over a year the American people had been engaged in conflict with Great Britain, at first to secure their rights as Englishmen, but since the memorable Fourth of July of this year to secure their independence. The war, which had started out with such spirit and fervor at Concord and Lexington and Bunker Hill, had settled down to a grim and not very hopeful struggle. It was evi- dent that help must be had or the cause would be lost. Indeed, for some time the colonies had had an agent, Silas Deane, in France doing what he could to get sympathy and support there. Lately the Continental Congress had determined to have a AN OLD ENVOY 5 body of three commissioners in that country, and had appointed as such Benjamin Franklin, then in Philadelphia, Silas Deane, already in Paris, and Arthur Lee, at the time in London. So now Dr. Franklin and his grandsons were on their way to a little settlement about twenty miles down the Delaware, called Marcus Hook, where a swift war vessel of the colonies was waiting to carry them to France. And danger lurked in every league of the way. Franklin was naturally the head and front of the new commission, because of his great reputation, and because he was especially well and favorably known in France from two visits he had made there. Glad would the British have been to capture this important envoy and to thwart his mission to the French court. Franklin well knew that his capture would mean at least long imprison- ment, more likely death. But, putting out of mind all anxious thoughts, as the philosophic old Doctor had a way of doing, there was much to interest man and boys along the King's Highway. The warm reds of Phila- delphia's homes and the spire of Christ's Church faded in the background, as the mile-stones along the way bobbed up and spoke and fell behind. A bend and a swing of the road over closer to the river, and then the travelers were driving between the little hipped-roofed homes of Old Chester, where the sign of that famous inn "The Pennsyl- 6 SWORD OF LIBERTY vania Arms" swung in the wind just across the street from the steepled court-house. Here the Franklin party ended their travel for that day, and "nighted."- Next morning they were on their way again, the road now running much closer to the Delaware. They felt the freshening wind and caught the glint of tacking sails. A sharp turn toward the river, and they entered the little village of Marcus Hook. The place had a double interest for the boys. It was not only the port from which they were to sail, but it was also a famous old-time resort of pirates. Folks still living there that day had seen the doughty Blackbeard and his crew swag- gering in the streets and inns. The pirates had made one street so much a scene of their drunken brawls that it had been called Discord Lane. Likely as not it was along Discord Lane that the Franklins now drove into the village, their eyes sweeping the shipping on the wide river for a glimpse of the war vessel that was to carry them to France. There she lay out beyond the long piers of Marcus Hook, the Reprisal, one of the swiftest vessels of what Congress now called the United States Navy. The Franklins lost no time in getting aboard, though the old Doctor had no longer the athletic nimbleness of his earlier years, and his was a rather corpulent body to carry over the ship's side. Now this important envoy was in as safe hands AN OLD ENVOY 7 as possible; for the commander of the Reprisal, Captain Lambert Wickes, was one of the best of- ficers in the navy. The captain, and the officers under him too, were rather brilliant figures as they stood there on the quarter-deck of the little "rebel" war-ship. At first our naval officers wore almost anything they happened to pick up. That would not do, and now for some time the order of Congress had been out prescribing regulation American uni- forms. So behold our captain resplendent in blue coat with red lapels and yellow buttons, blue breeches, and a red waistcoat trimmed with lace. The subordinate officers added half a dozen more shades to the color scheme. It was on the morning of October 27 that the Reprisal got under way. Piercing notes of the boatswain's silver pipe, topmen running aloft, deck- men at ropes and capstan, haul and strain of hem- pen cable, flap and swell of spreading sail ; and then the swing and the list of the little ship as she an- swered to the pulse of the wind and the call of the sea. Now the scientific Franklin, who had always a leaning toward a seafaring life, gave a sharp eye to the sort of vessel he was on. She was a sloop of war, not much of a fighting-ship, car- rying only sixteen six-pound guns; but the boys came across plenty of muskets, sabers, and boarding- pikes. The Reprisal made a good run of the Delaware, 8 SWORD OF LIBERTY tacking between pleasant wooded shores that showed in those days but little mark of man's reshaping. At the end of the third day she was approaching the opening between the capes, the gateway to the ocean. The critical moment had come. Just outside the bay was a favorite cruising-ground of the British war- ships. To run the gantlet of those menacing craft would be the most hazardous part of the whole voy- age. It was in the darkness of the night of Oc- tober 29 that the little ship slipped out between the capes. There were no lights on her, nor a sound aboard, save the guarded voice of the leadsman, the muffled word of command, the creaking strain of spar and cordage. But taut was every sail she could carry, and tense every soul on board. Luck still held with the Reprisal. Out of the gloom came no challenging voice, no warning shot across her bows. On in ghostly silence she ran through the night; and by the time daybreak robbed her of the friendly darkness, she was past the worst of the cruiser-infested waters. Still, to the end, menace would lie in every sighted sail. The November gales soon struck the voyagers, and they had much tempestuous weather. Franklin escaped seasickness, because he never was subject to that, but he was far from well during most of the voyage. But no illness could thwart his pas- sion for scientific pursuits. Just now the "gulph" stream and other ocean currents held his interest, AN OLD ENVOY 9 and every day the temperature of the sea and of the air had to be religiously taken and recorded. It was well that other folks aboard the Reprisal were not so absorbed in scientific pursuits. Some- body had to look out for English cruisers. Many times the ceaseless eye-sweep of the ocean detected such craft; and more than once the issue of their chase was doubtful. Then came the preparation for engagement. And there was thrill in that moment for an old man as well as for two boys. The roll of drums sounding over the sloop, beating the crew to quarters; the quick manning of the guns; the officers' keen inspection along the lines, now a word of command, now a sharp glance at primer and breeching. Then the stern, silent wait- ing. And what must have been the white-haired Franklin's thoughts in that ominous waiting! On- coming, under billowing canvas, and swiftly cleav- ing the sea, a formidable enemy cruiser; beneath him a poorly armed sloop; and clearly imaged to the steady old eyes, an English scaffold and a halter ! But the plucky little Reprisal would not permit that. Sooner or later she would manoeuver to get the wind to her liking, and then gradually her pursuer would fade and lessen and sink over the rim of the ocean. One morning toward the end of the voyage, Cap- tain Wickes himself determined to try to take a prize. He was successful. About noon a British brig struck her colors and surrendered. That was io SWORD OF LIBERTY a bigger event than it appears. The capture of that brig was very much more than mere prize-taking. It was America's first blow struck on the other side of the ocean. It was carrying the war across the Atlantic ! In all this commotion on the Reprisal, the philoso- phic Franklin never forgot his thermometer. Noon- day was the time for taking the temperature of the sea, and no mere prize-taking happening at the same time was to interfere with it. Just as usual the ther- mometer went over the ship's side, and calmly the record was entered that at noon on November 27, 1776, the temperature of the sea was fifty-eight degrees Fahrenheit. But the Reprisal was not done with her prize- taking. Along in the afternoon of the same day she overhauled another British brig, and captured her with a valuable cargo of flaxseed and brandy. So evening found the little American war-ship again on her way, proudly convoying two prizes. She soon sighted the French coast, and came to anchor on November 29 in Quiberon Bay. Contrary winds preventing the Reprisal from making the port of Nantes, Captain Wickes procured a fishing-boat on December 3 to put the Franklins ashore at a little village called Auray. Sailing through an open- ing in the coast-line and following the picturesque windings of a stream for about three miles, they came to the village at which they were to land. AN OLD ENVOY II Auray lay close to the river, broken, irregular rocks along the water-front, and a lofty hill frown- ing behind. The Breton craft was brought to shore, and then was presented a strange spectacle, Benjamin Frank- lin, American envoy to the King of France, landing from a dirty fishing-boat, at a poor little village, unheralded and unknown, in the cold and dark of a winter night. There was no post-chaise to be had at Auray, and it was necessary to send about ten miles down the coast to Vannes for a carriage. It was a miser- able conveyance that arrived, but at last the long journey to the French capital was begun. The route was to be by way of Nantes, where the bag- gage would be left from the ship. As the weakened Franklin traveled slowly, often resting at inns along the way, it was not until December 7 that his car- riage drove into Nantes, a bustling city for those days, and one attractively picturesque. Spread out over islands lying between the six arms of the river Loire, the town was tied together by stone bridges, beneath which sailed up and down the little Breton boats. Into this scene, still driving quietly on, still un- announced and with none to welcome, came the most famous man of America, one of the most widely and favorably known men of the world. But here was to come the awakening. Now France was to 12 SWORD OF LIBERTY learn that the great Franklin was upon her soil. Now was to begin an ovation that was to last through all the years of his stay. The old Doctor had acquaintances in Nantes, men he had known in previous visits to France. Soon he was in the hands of his friends, and an elaborate entertain- ment was prepared for him. The news of his ar- rival was caught up from mouth to mouth until the whole city was in a ferment. Here we have a peculiar situation. How did the mere coming of one old man, even so prominent a man as Franklin, produce such a sensation ? Largely as the answer lies in the old man himself, it lies more largely in the nation he had come to visit. It was a strange France, that France of 1776. On the surface it was a stable and magnificent mon- archy; beneath, it was honeycombed and under- mined. But nobody saw beneath, and nobody saw what was coming. France was, herself, upon the eve of revolution, and did not know it. For ages there had been building upon a crushed people a splendid autocracy, the most splendid in Europe. Never again will the world look upon anything so brilliant as that court of Versailles! But now, down below, the patient burdened folk of France were straightening their bowed backs, and, all unknown to themselves, were preparing to step from under. Strangely, among the higher classes too, the age-long order was breaking. From AN OLD ENVOY 13 somewhere vague ideas of a freer life were creep- ing in. Unheard of words "liberty," "equality," were upon every tongue. Nobody knew just what they meant, but that mattered little. Their sound was alluring. So alluring, indeed, that the very aristocrats, the scions of nobility, could not resist them. "Liberty! Liberty!" cried the common people, not knowing that soon in that name they were to commit the foulest crimes. "Liberty! Liberty!" re- sponded the nobility, not knowing that soon in that name they were to be dragged to the guillotine. Even the throne was touched by the infection. At last there reigned a king who would, if he could, have done something for his people. But the hour was too late, and the hand was too weak. All that young Louis XVI could do was to show sympathy with the spirit of the people, and to echo faintly, "Liberty!" And he too knew not what he voiced, iand that in that name he and his young queen, Marie Antoinette, should one day perish. Now to such a nation, vaguely wakening to a vision of freedom, suddenly came Benjamin Frank- lin, the recognized incarnation of freedom, the rep- resentative of a brave young land across the sea that even then was waging a desperate struggle for liberty. Was it surprising that the great heart of France went out to him? After a short rest at Nantes, the Franklins went 14 SWORD OF LIBERTY on their way to Paris. For days they journeyed on past quaint villages, ancient Roman towers, Gothic cathedrals, and the stately country-seats of French nobility. The last day of this long drive was Friday, December 20. The improved condi- tion of the country, the more perfectly kept high- way, the increase of travel, all indicated to Franklin that they were approaching the royal suburb of Paris, Versailles. Some time before mid-afternoon they emerged from a woodland, and there ahead, upon a wide plateau, loomed the great white palace of the French king. It flashed upon the wondering sight of the boys like an enchanted castle. But for Franklin it had sterner significance. Within those marble walls, gleaming in the western sun, lay the fate of American independence. Approaching from the west, the travelers saw little of the town of Versailles, as that lay upon the other side of the palace. Upon this side were the royal parks and gardens, which, even if open to criticism from an artistic standpoint, were the most beautiful thing of the kind in the world. When the Franklins had passed the terrace, where the colossal "Hundred Steps" flanked the orangery, and where lords and ladies sauntered in the sunshine, they drove on past the southern wing of the palace and found themselves in the town of Versailles. A strange town, its every feature dwarfed by the great palace that sat upon its eminence as upon a AN OLD ENVOY 15 throne. But a town of brilliant life, always staged for pomp and pleasure. It was all a familiar story to Franklin, who even had been presented at the French court. But the travel-worn old man needed rest, and he determined to stop at Versailles until the next day. His choice of an inn gave the boys a peep at the most ani- mated part of the town. They turned into a vast, bustling plaza, called the Place d'Armes. From it three roads branched fan-wise, the central one the main highway to Paris. Here in those days went endless conflicting streams of vehicles. Long wicker stages, each with several horses; high En- glish gigs of the new fashion; crude carts of com- mon folks; little glass-enclosed carriages known as caliches, with court beauties in their velvet depths; and, cutting recklessly through all, the gilded chariots of the princes, drawn by six horses at full gallop. Safely through this moving maze of the Place d'Armes we see the Franklins enter the Rue Dau- phin, drive down it a little way to a pretty park, and there draw up at Number Eight, the inn called La Belle Image. That night as the old man looked from his windows out over Versailles alight, it was with no divination of the future to tell him to look to the westward. And yet in that direction, within a square or two, stood the Hotel de Noailles, the court home of a French nobleman who was to do 16 SWORD OF LIBERTY as much as Franklin himself for American inde- pendence. The Hotel de Noailles was one of the mansions of a most ancient and noble family of France. In keeping with the custom of the times, it was a sort of patriarchal home, richly conducted upon a vast scale, and housing at once members of two or three generations. When the fourteen-year-old daughter of the house, Adrienne, had married a tall young nobleman with hazel eyes, red hair, and great wealth, scarcely older than herself, the boy- and-girl couple made their Versailles home in this family mansion overlooking the palace gardens. The young husband was the Marquis de Lafayette, al- ready filled with that enthusiasm for liberty that was to carry him across the sea to fight for America. Some months earlier, as an officer in the French Army, Lafayette had been stationed in the old town of Metz. There he had attended a dinner given in honor of the English Duke of Gloucester, then traveling in France. Listening to the duke's story of the American war, the boy noble had given his heart to the cause of the struggling colonists. Be- fore he left the table he was planning to go to Amer- ica to help them. But there was a difficulty. He knew that if his father-in-law, the powerful Due d'Ayen, should suspect his design, he would op- pose it, and would even secure King Louis's inter- dict AN OLD ENVOY 17 So Lafayette had determined to keep his project secret from all but those who had to know, secret from his king, and even from his family. His first step had been to go to Paris to consult with the agent of the United States, Silas Deane. And, even through an interpreter, he had impressed Deane so favorably that he had obtained a commission as major-general in the American Army. And now, from that time to this night of Franklin's coming to Versailles, the young noble had vainly sought to get to America. The next day Silas Deane arrived at Versailles to meet Doctor Franklin. He was about fifty years old, and of rather distinguished appearance. Though a man of ability, he was unable to handle the com- plicated situation in France, and he was overjoyed at sight of the competent old Doctor. Now the little party of Americans set out on their twelve-mile drive to the capital city. The road was excellent, broad, well paved, and lined on each side with beautiful trees. It soon came to the river Seine, followed for a while the windings of the stream, then, passing through the city gate, entered Paris. Franklin's long journey was over. CHAPTER II FRENCH NOBLE AND ENGLISH KING OUITE different from the Paris of to-day was the city that the American envoys entered that Saturday, December 21, 1776. Though even then a place of nearly a million inhabitants, with many fine buildings and some that were palaces, it had not on the whole an attractive appearance. Among its worst features were the narrow, dirty streets, with open gutters in the middle, and without side- walks. The houses were high and narrow, of hewn stone. Most of them were weather-stained and dilapidated, but the newer ones white and beautiful. The streets were crowded with tangled traffic; and here, there, and everywhere went swarms of pedes- trians. Had the envoys run over some of them, little notice would have been taken; street accidents were an accepted feature of Paris life. A city of hubbub : ceaseless screaming of water-carriers, ven- ders of vegetables, milk, fruit, and what not; fren- zied shouts of drivers; clangor of church and convent bells that were never still. Deane had secured lodgings for Franklin and his 18 FRENCH NOBLE AND ENGLISH KING 19 grandsons at the hotel where he himself lived. This carried them to the Latin Quarter, where they drew up almost across the Seine from the Tuileries, at the Hotel de Hambourg. Next day a rather tall, good-looking blue-eyed man made his appearance in the French capital, Mr. Arthur Lee, the third American envoy, just arrived from London. Here was a singular character. Probably both able and patriotic, he was yet narrow and malignant, and bound to be a thorn in Franklin's side for many a day to come. As it became known that the great Franklin was in Paris, the city went wild with enthusiasm. His old friends flew to greet him; enthusiasts for the rights of man rallied about the famous signer of the Declaration of Independence; aristocrats and nobles rose to do him honor, and, more than all, the downtrodden common people, looking upon this white-haired American patriot as the breaker of shackles, thronged about his hotel and filled the streets with applause. Now that the United States envoys were all to- gether, they promptly took up the situation in France. Louis XVI had liberal ideas as to human rights, and shared in the sympathy his country felt for the cause of liberty in America. Besides, he and his ministers were not blind to the fact that the colonists were fighting the hereditary enemies of the French. Assistance extended to them would 20 SWORD OF LIBERTY be a blow against a hated nation. But at the same time France was not prepared to risk any steps that might lead to war with Great Britain. Under these conflicting considerations the French Government had adopted a tentative policy of aiding the Ameri- cans in such ways and at such times as it could, secretly. According to this policy the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Comte de Vergennes, was now acting; and it was requiring all his consummate finesse to maintain an appearance of French neu- trality. The assistance thus being given to the Americans was considerable, but not enough. The envoys knew that every effort must be made to get more help, and indeed to secure the open alliance of France with America. On the day after Lee's arrival, Franklin drew up their first official communication to the French Gov- ernment, including a request for an audience. The conveyance of the papers was entrusted to Temple, who now became secretary to his grandfather. And the boy's first mission turned out well. He was to go to M. Conrad Alexander Gerard, secretary to the Comte de Vergennes. Gerard was out of town. But the lad had no idea of allowing the business of the United States of America to be delayed by that. Buoyed up by a bursting sense of impor- tance and brand-new Parisian clothes and wig, he proceeded to the great Vergennes himself. We can see the slender young figure moving away a fl BENJAMIN FRANKLIN From a portrait by iHiplessis FRENCH NOBLE AND ENGLISH KING 21 little perplexedly from the Foreign Office, along the Rue de la Surintendance, and at length stand- ing before the imposing gates of the royal palace. There he must needs negotiate his way past the guards, across to the great south wing, and into the presence of the august minister of His Majesty, Louis XVI. Not a presence to be lightly entered, that of the veteran French statesman, the Comte de Vergennes, a dignified, cold, calculating man with a manner gravely, chillingly polite. But it was in a very friendly way, likely with some amusement, that he received the youthful American diplomat. As this minister was unfamiliar with English, he appre- ciated Temple's ability to speak French. The an- swer that the boy brought to Paris was that Ver- gennes would receive the American envoys upon December 28. The Americans were received with great respect, but the meeting was a disappointment. Even the astute Franklin could not alter French policy. Still, shortly after the interview, came, in the old secret way, two million francs, without interest, to be repaid when the United States should be settled in peace and prosperity. Scant and depressing enough was the news these days from over the seas. Through English reports the envoys learned that the colonists had met de- feats shortly after Franklin sailed from Marcus 22 SWORD OF LIBERTY Hook, and Washington had been forced to retreat straight toward the little capital, Philadelphia. The English gazettes were jubilant, exasperating. It seemed that the cause of liberty was failing. As a matter of fact there was another side to the story. But France and Franklin did not know then how Washington had turned, carried his army through floating ice across the Delaware, and struck back successfully at Trenton and at Princeton. France and Franklin knew only of defeat and retreat. But the brave smile of Franklin never failed. "a ira," he would say; or, as we should put it, "It will be all right in the end." And "a ira" went the round of Paris. And America's friends took heart again. In their own troubles, the envoys did not forget Lafayette, and the efforts he was making to go to the aid of the colonists. After the unfavorable news from America they advised him to give up his chivalrous project. But Lafayette had no idea of abandoning the cause of liberty because its state was desperate. "Until now," he replied, "you have seen only my ardor in your cause, and that may not prove wholly useless. I shall purchase a ship. It is especially in the hour of danger that I wish to share your fortune." At once the marquis set out upon his new plan, and for some time the Ameri- cans knew little of his movements. One of the first persons of importance that Frank- lin met after arriving in Paris was a large-faced FRENCH NOBLE AND ENGLISH KING 23 Frenchman, with a wide good-natured mouth, and an evident immediate liking for the Doctor. This was M. Donatien le Ray de Chaumont, a man of wealth and of marked devotion to the American cause. He had recently purchased a handsome home, the Hotel de Valentinois, in a suburb of Paris called Passy. There was a large and independent portion of it, furnished but unoccupied, and this he now offered to Franklin. The matter of rent was waived. Time enough to talk of that when American freedom was won. M. de Chaumont's offer was accepted. The Franklins moved to their suburban home early in 1777. A half-hour's drive out along the road to Versailles brought them to Passy, a village crown- ing a wooded hill beside the Seine. It was one of the most beautiful and socially desirable of the Paris suburbs. A remarkable panorama greeted their eyes from that village height: Paris, the winding Seine, a country-side dotted with noblemen's villas, and scores of walled towns. There were many im- posing homes in Passy, among them one of the king's chateaux, La Muette. Indeed, next to this royal chateau stood Franklin's new home, the Hotel de Valentinois. The way to this was now along a winding road, beneath a stone bridge, and through a gateway into the walled enclosure. Castellated and vine-embowered, with its great stone balustrades and Tuscan columns, its settings of terraces and 24 SWORD OF LIBERTY gardens, it must have seemed to Franklin an in- congruous home for an envoy of a little scarce- fledged and already bankrupt republic. So imbued are most of us with an idea of demo- cratic simplicity in Franklin, that we naturally pic- ture the establishment that he now set up as one of Spartan modesty. Not so. The fact is that there was no great simplicity about the Doctor in his later days. He was a man of the world, and with very different ideas from those of his Poor Richard. Many American travelers in France pro- nounced his style of living extravagant; his ele- gant French friends regarded it as charmingly modest. He had his maitre d'hotel with a consid- erable corps of servants, his carriages and horses, and maintained a rather luxurious table. His servants were not in livery, but were kept neatly and expensively dressed. The envoys now held their conferences at this new home of their chief ; and as Congress failed to provide an assistant, Temple became virtually the secretary of the embassy. This brought him closely in touch with the men and events of those stirring times. Probably no other boy of his age ever had such intimate knowledge of pending international affairs. To-day it is with an odd sense of the in- congruous that one reads the records of momentous and secret state papers, written in a boyish hand, FRENCH NOBLE AND ENGLISH KING 25 and closing with the entry, "True Copy. Examined. W. T. Franklin." While the American envoys were getting their affairs under way at Passy, the indefatigable Lafay- ette was secretly trying to purchase a ship. Through a trusted agent, he secured at Bordeaux a vessel called La Victoire. But it could not be delivered until the middle of March. In the meantime the new owner went to London upon a visit to his uncle, the Marquis de Noailles, then Ambas- sador from France to England. Lafayette had never been in London. He was impressed by the marked difference in appearance between that city and Paris. In Paris were far finer palaces and gardens than he found here in London; the houses there, too, even when dingy, were more cheerful than the dark brick ones about him in the English capital. But here, instead of driving through narrow dirty streets, he was travers- ing clean spacious thoroughfares ; and, oddest of all, here were walk-ways at the side for pedestrians. As a nobleman of France, and introduced by the French ambassador, Lafayette was handsomely re- ceived in English court circles. The young marquis gaily attended dinners, balls, routs, and the opera- He met England's most noted statesmen, courtiers, men of letters, ladies of rank, wits, belles, and beaux. With the secret plans he had in his head, it was an odd experience when he was presented by his 26 SWORD OF LIBERTY uncle to the King of England the king he was going to fight. He found the ceremony of pres- entation at the English court different from that of the court of France. He was used to seeing his half-dressed sovereign giving audience in the royal bedchamber, scarcely speaking to most of those pre- sented, and principally occupied with the process of being robed by a retinue of nobles. And such, a little earlier, had been the practice in England. But the custom of George III was to go over to St. James's Palace from Buckingham House, in his royal sedan-chair, and to hold a levee in which he walked about the room and spoke to all present. So this was the monarch who was trying to crush those struggling colonies in America! A well-appearing royal personage in the main ; a figure of good height, not much too stout as yet, and of dignified bearing. However, the whole kingly effect was rather spoiled by white eyebrows, and certain indications of too close association with Bacchus. Lafayette's fine sense of honor alone saved him from making mistakes in London. He was a guest of England; and he was at the same time secretly an officer in the army of her enemy. Many times his English acquaintances puzzled over his refusal to see interesting things and places, things and places that Lafayette felt might afford him military information to which he was not entitled. He espe- FRENCH NOBLE AND ENGLISH KING 27 cially refused to visit the seaports where expeditions were fitting out against the colonies. While the marquis concealed his intentions, he openly avowed his sentiments, and often defended the Americans in this capital of their enemies. At length it was time for his ship to be ready. With a suddenness that almost excited the suspicions of his uncle he cut his visit short and returned to France. CHAPTER III LAFAYETTE GOES TO AMERICA IT was on March 12, 1777, that Lafayette ar- rived in Paris. He went to the house of an of- ficer, Johann Kalb, who was to accompany him to America. There he remained concealed for several days, making final preparations for his voyage. The young noble felt that he could not go to take leave of his young wife and their baby girl, Henriette, for the Due d'Ayen would at once secure the king's order for his arrest. So, heavy-hearted, he left a letter to be delivered later, and then secretly set out upon his great adventure. It was on the evening of March 16 that he and Kalb took post to go to the waiting ship, and three days later they drove into Bordeaux. Through the narrow, crooked streets in the old part of town the two found their way to the waterfront, and to the vessel that the marquis had bought. There she lay, such as she was, an awkward, heavy craft, armed with two old cannon and a few muskets. But what a wonderful ship she was to the boy adventurer ! His own ship, to bear him across the sea to fight for liberty ! 28 LAFAYETTE GOES TO AMERICA 29 However, the marquis was not at the end of his troubles. Evidently his parting letter had been de- livered too soon ; for now he learned that the king's interdict had issued to prevent his sailing. Couriers to stop him were even now on the way. And La Victoire not ready for sea, and without her papers ! Lafayette plunged into the work of fitting his ship, hoping to escape before the royal order could be served. At last, except for her papers, La Victoire was ready, several young officers who were to go with the marquis were aboard, and the wind prom- ised fair. It was resolved to sail at once, and to put in at the nearest Spanish port for the ship's papers. So, on March 26, La Victoire weighed anchor and stood down the river toward the sea. It was a fit morning for a start upon so glorious an adven- ture, a morning of glorious weather. Along the river banks were beautiful country-seats, ancient convents, and picturesque villages, la belle France looking her best at the hour of parting. Reaching the open sea, the voyagers turned southward and wearily beat their course against the strong shore current down the sand-waste coast of France. On March 28 they ran into the first Spanish port, the beautiful little landlocked harbor, Los Pasages. But the little harbor did not long look beautiful to Lafayette. He found at Los Pasages what he had escaped at Bordeaux, two officers of his king 30 SWORD OF LIBERTY with a lettre de cachet commanding him to return to France, and to await further orders at Marseilles. Though now beyond the jurisdiction of France, such a command from his king could not well be defied. He left La Victoire in charge of his com- panions, and dejectedly started back with the officers, though still hoping for a way of escape. Just after crossing the boundary line into France, they passed through a village. The perturbed Lafayette scarcely noticed this quaint little bathing- place, St. Jean de Luz. But St. Jean de Luz noticed him, or at least the daughter of the post-house keeper did. And soon to this girl he was to owe his getting to America. Traveling on up the coast of France, Lafayette came again to Bordeaux, from which, with high hopes, he had so recently sailed. There he wrote many letters to ministers, family, and friends, try- ing to vindicate himself and get permission to sail. He soon saw that his efforts were useless, and re- solved again upon flight. He planned the attempt with a young friend, the Vicomte de Mauroy, who now joined him at Bordeaux, and who also wished to go to America. Leaving the commandant at Bordeaux to suppose that he was going to Marseilles, in compliance with the king's order, Lafayette with his friend set out from the town in a post-chaise. Outside the town they changed their course, and LAFAYETTE GOES TO AMERICA 31 took the road leading back toward the little Span- ish port and La Victoire. That was not all. In a little while, any govern- ment officers overtaking that post-chaise would have found but a single individual riding in it, the Vi- comte de Mauroy, who was not the gentleman they might be looking for. As was the custom, the vi- comte had a postboy on horseback far ahead to secure inn accommodations and fresh horses for the car- riage. He was a rather long and not very graceful postboy, and his complexion and hair may have looked somewhat artificial; but the desperate hope was, anyway, that no one would recognize him as the Marquis de Lafayette. On went postboy and post-chaise in their flight toward the Spanish border. Now they were almost there, the postboy galloping into the last of the French villages, St. Jean de Luz. An hour more and he would be aboard La Victoire! Then the thing happened. The postboy saw the girl of St. Jean de Luz; and the girl of St. Jean de Luz saw him. And there was recognition in her eyes ! And she the daughter of the keeper of the post! In that tense moment, in that quick eye-play be- tween the girl and the fugitive lay the to-be or the not-to-be of Lafayette's career in America. A sig- nal from him, and his danger passed. The girl un- derstood, and adroitly turned the matter aside. Out of the inn yard, and off upon his way again, gal- 32 SWORD OF LIBERTY loped the postboy nobleman. Officers came dashing into the village close upon his trail. Again the Marquis de Lafayette and the United States of America were to owe much to the girl of St. Jean de Luz. Quick and resourceful, she misled the officers; the last precious moments of their pursuit were wasted; and Lafayette went joyfully over the border. On Sunday, April 20, 1777, La Viet owe sailed out of the little Spanish harbor of Los Pasages, bound for the port of Charleston, capital of the colony (now bravely calling itself the state) of South Carolina, in the land of America. Quite promptly both seasickness and homesickness assailed Lafayette. In his suffering he wrote to his girl wife: I am writing to you from a great distance, my dearest love. . . . How many fears and anxieties enhance the keen anguish I feel at being separated from all that I love most fondly in the world ! How have you borne my second departure? have you loved me less? have you pardoned me? ... I hope that for my sake you will become a good American, for that feeling is worthy of every noble heart. Baffling winds, and heavy, plodding ship. The voyage seemed stretching out endlessly. Lafayette took up the study of the language he should soon have to use. A sick, lonely boy at sea, wrestling with that lawless monster, English speech. x At last the lookout sighted land. America! Yes, but where in America? No one could tell. Con- LAFAYETTE GOES TO AMERICA 33 fused, they ran for several days along a low-lying coast, offering no harbor. The sea rolled in upon a continuous hard sandy beach, for the most part white as snow, behind it a green wall of palmetto and pine. At length, upon Friday, June 13, they came to an opening in the coast, apparently an inlet, but not even the captain had any knowledge of it. Here they cast anchor. Lafayette and some of the officers set out in the ship's yawl to find a landing. They entered the inlet about the middle of the afternoon, and rowed up a little waterway for hours through an apparently uninhabited country. Long after nightfall they came upon a few negroes tonging for oysters. The negroes guided them to a little landing, and they made their way toward a light shining from a distant house. As they approached, dogs barked and a voice called out in the darkness. They re- sponded in their best English, and soon found them- selves the welcome guests of an American officer, Major Benjamin Huger. It proved that La Victoire had come to anchor off Winyah Bay, some fifty miles up the Carolina coast from her intended des- tination, Charleston. Sending a pilot to take her to that port, the marquis with his companions re- mained at Major Huger's. How Lafayette, wherever he went, touched other lives with the romance of his own ! That night the 34 SWORD OF LIBERTY eyes of young Francis Huger, the little son of the house, were wide and bright with the sense of ad- venture. The mysterious ship from across the sea, waiting in the night down the bay; the elegant French nobleman landing in the swamps and the darkness to fight for America! But wider and brighter would those young eyes have been if the boy could have known that one day, in a far land, he was to cross paths with this nobleman again, and was to risk his own life for him. Now, Lafayette, himself but a boy, was enjoying the success of his own adventure. The long struggle to reach America was over. He was safe in the land where he was to draw his sword for liberty. He awakened next morning keenly alive to his new and strange surroundings : the unaccustomed room of a Southern plantation house, the bed oddly covered with mosquito netting, the turbaned black servants who came to wait upon him. He rose and looked from his window. It was a beautiful morn- ing, and he looked out upon a strange and beautiful scene. It was a scene of luxuriant verdure, little of which was familiar to him. And the strange freshness of it all, and the ardor of his young soul for liberty in this new land, filled him with inde- scribable emotions. Lafayette and his companions tarried at Major Huger's two or three days, and then went to Charles- ton. This was a small city numbering about fifteen LAFAYETTE GOES TO AMERICA 35 thousand people. But it was the Paris of America. The governing 1 class of the province lived there; it was the resort of the aristocracy of planters, and the center of slave-holding wealth and pride and power. As a result, it was a city of handsome build- ings, notable refinement of life, and was much given to pleasure and display. As soon as the ar- rival of the travel-worn Frenchmen came to be known in the town, they were given the most hos- pitable reception. Lafayette thought Charleston one of the handsomest and most agreeable cities he had ever seen. But he was not so much taken up with the city as to overlook the beauty of its daughters, and his French gallantry struggled bravely with an unknown tongue. One noonday La Victoire came tacking into the harbor. Lafayette supposed that the sale of her cargo would give him and his companions abundant funds. But to his dismay he found that, in haste to escape from France, he had unwittingly signed an agreement which precluded his realizing any- thing at present upon either cargo or ship. It was an embarrassing beginning in the new land, for he had to borrow money for the trip to Philadelphia, where he and his fellow-officers would obtain their army positions. On June 25 the French company bade farewell to the metropolis of the South. The little procession made an odd appearance as it got under way. At 36 SWORD OF LIBERTY the head rode one of the marquis's people in a huzzar's uniform. Next came an open carriage containing Lafayette and Kalb, one of Lafayette's servants riding alongside as his squire. Other car- riages followed with officers or luggage; and (after the manner of the new land) the rear was brought up by a negro on horseback. The rather imposing character of this cavalcade did not last long. The rough roads wrecked the carriages, some of the horses went lame, some of the party fell ill, and some went afoot. But the travelers pressed on, sup- ported by agreeable memories of their reception at Charleston, and by pleasant anticipations of a like greeting at Philadelphia, if they could hold out to get there. On July 27, after some eight hundred miles of this weary travel, the little company entered Phila- delphia. The Quaker City of that day contained thirty thousand inhabitants; and, as far as it went, was the same precise checker-board city that it is to-day. It was well paved; had wide, clean side- walks ; was fairly lighted at night ; and was in many ways ahead of the times. All this was largely due to that prominent citizen Benjamin Franklin, through whose genius Philadelphians also had lightning-rods, Franklin stoves, and Poor Richard almanacs. And here in the capital of the American republic, the French officers learned more fully about the conflict they had come to enter. LAFAYETTE GOES TO AMERICA 37 For two years the war had gone on without any- thing approaching decisive results. In the present campaign, besides smaller forces at various points, each side had two main armies in the field. At New York was a British army under General Howe, and opposing it from points near by was an American army under General Washington ; while in the coun- try of the upper Hudson was a British army under General Burgoyne, and, opposing it, an American army under General Schuyler at first, and later under General Gates. The logical plan of the campaign clearly was for the English to seek and for the Americans to oppose a union of the two British armies. Such a union, once accomplished, would mean English control of New York State, and would cut the string of embryo states in two. In the attempt to prevent this the American commander-in-chief had to face a serious problem. After sending to Schuyler some of his own best troops, Washington felt confident that that general would be able to keep Burgoyne from making much progress southward toward a junction with the forces of Howe; but a more difficult undertaking would fall to himself in preventing Howe from going to Burgoyne. Promptly the struggle between Schuyler and Bur- goyne began in the wilds of the upper Hudson ; but to Washington's amazement, as he held himself in 38 SWORD OF LIBERTY readiness to dispute a northward march of Howe, that general made no move. At length, four days before the company of French officers arrived in Philadelphia, an inexplicable thing had happened. With all strategic conditions requiring his immediate advance up the Hudson, .Howe had suddenly em- barked his army, and disappeared upon the ocean. Now all was excitement as to the purpose and the probable landing-place of the British ; and Washing- ton, in his encampment near New York, was anx- iously awaiting information. The French officers were highly interested in this state of military affairs, and they lost no time in trying to enter the drama. Their way to the Con- gress led to a little-developed portion of Chestnut Street where there was an ill-kept park, a walled park in those days, and a great gateway gave en- trance. There stood the Pennsylvania State House, where the Declaration of Independence had been adopted and where Congress now sat. It was al- ready beginning to be called Independence Hall. It appeared then virtually as it does to-day, a noble, beautiful building, well worthy the honor that came to it. Lafayette, afire with enthusiasm, his heart beating high, approached this birthplace of American lib- erty. But it was there he was to meet the disappoint- ment of his life. The little party reached the door of Independence Hall, and that was as far as they LAFAYETTE GOES TO AMERICA 39 got. They were met by one or two members of Congress, and so coolly as to leave them stupified. They were given to understand that Mr. Deane had exceeded his authority in commissioning them, and that they were not needed, and were not wanted. Amazed, and scarcely comprehending such treat- ment, they turned away. Unnecessarily brusque as their dismissal was, it was not wholly without rea- son. Numerous foreigners had already succeeded in getting commissions in the American Army, and most of them had proved worthless adventurers. It was, all unknowingly, upon the heels of such a rabble that Lafayette and his companions knocked at the door of Congress. To most of the French company that chill reception seemed final. Not so to Lafayette. He prepared an address to Congress, all of which would likely have been in vain but for one most surprising and felicitous passage. He declared that, after all the sacrifice he had made, he had a right to ask Congress to allow him to serve in the American army without pay, and at first as a volunteer. Such terms, so different from the bumptious demands of other foreign officers, and showing such disinterested zeal for the cause, were at once accepted. The young French officer was commissioned by Congress as a major-general in the American army on July 31, 1777, but was not promised an immediate command. Nor did destiny give any promise that day of 40 SWORD OF LIBERTY what it had in store as a result of that most fortu- nate commission. Fate kept to herself the fact that this coolly received French boy was to become the idol of the American people ; that soon this Con- gress was to be proud to present to him a magnifi- cent sword; and finally that, in a strange way, the blade of that sword was to disappear, but the golden hilt was to become part of the Sword of Liberty. CHAPTER IV THE WOUNDED BOY FROM FRANCE ABOUT the end of July, 1777, it was reported that the British fleet had been seen off Dela- ware Bay. Philadelphia was in danger. General Washington marched his army southward almost to the town, and himself went on and spent some days in the little capital. Now came that first meet- ing between the young French knight of liberty and the American hero of all his dreams. A dinner party was given to the commander-in-chief, at which La- fayette was a guest. There his eager young eyes quickly singled out, from the throng of officers and dignitaries, the great leader. That night the young marquis was beholding Washington in his prime. The American com- mander was then about forty-five years of age, and in the unusually vigorous health that was providen- tially granted him in those trying days. Towering above the men about him he stood there, well over six feet tall, admirably proportioned, as straight as an Indian, and muscled to magnificent power. His head, though not large, was well shaped, and finely poised. His countenance was remarkable, 42 SWORD OF LIBERTY agreeable, even benignant, and yet of commanding 1 force. Beneath a strong forehead, penetrating blue- gray eyes looked out, wide apart; the nose, strong and straight, was a little too heavy, though that was scarcely noticed in the general strength of the face ; a large, firm mouth took added firmness from a rather projecting lower jaw. The hair was brown, though of course well-powdered now, and was gath- ered back into a cue. But striking face and striking figure were not all. Everything about General Washington would serve to hold Lafayette's gaze. The calm, impressive dignity; the unlooked-for gracefulness in a man of such size; and above all, the simple natural air of authority. At length came the meeting between the young French courtier and the big, aristocratic Virginian. Now the marquis, on closer view, would notice a physical blemish hi his idol. Smallpox had scarred the noble countenance, though little would the boy think of that in so imposing a presence. That pres- ence, that natural stateliness of Washington, im- pressed all the notable Europeans who visited the United States during the war. Of course the conversation that night between Washington and Lafayette had its difficulties, for the former could not speak French, and the latter was making his first essays at English. But the young Frenchman managed 'to commend himself, and was invited to make the quarters of the com- THE WOUNDED BOY FROM FRANCE 43 mander-in-chief his home, and to consider himself at all times one of the General's military family. Thus began a friendship that ripened rapidly, and that was destined to unite these two men in unusual intimacy. Conflicting reports about the British fleet held Washington's army near Philadelphia ; and about the middle of August Lafayette joined it, and began his long and faithful service in the American cause. As he rode into camp he found the commander-in- chief just about to review the troops. The marquis was added to the reviewing party, and thereupon had a sudden and surprising revelation of the des- perate condition of the patriots. Before him passed the principal army of the Americans, the main hope of the new nation, and it was a sorry sight. Per- haps eleven thousand men, poorly armed, worse clad, and in unsoldierly array. Soon news arrived that Howe's fleet was coming up Chesapeake Bay. That meant an attack upon Philadelphia. Immediately Washington marched his army below the city to protect it. He took up his position on the north bank of a shallow, lazy little river called the Brandywine. His center cov- ered the main crossing-place, Chadd's Ford, while his wings guarded other fords up and down the stream. He established headquarters near the cen- ter, a little back from the river, and Lafayette's post was with him. 44 SWORD OF LIBERTY On September n the British, marching up from the head of the Chesapeake, eighteen thousand strong, reached the Brandywine, and engaged the American center at Chadd's Ford. It was a spirited attack, and, owing to the wooded nature of the country, Washington could not know whether it was in full force or not. But it was not. A large part of Howe's army was then making a long detour that would carry it across the Brandywine above the guarded fords. Through a confusion of despatches, Washington did not learn this at first. Suddenly a countryman rode up and insisted upon seeing the commander-in-chief. He declared that British forces had crossed the river at higher fords, and were coming down on that side so rapidly that the Americans soon would be surrounded. "My life for it!" he cried. "Put me under guard, General, until you find it's true!" At the same moment came despatches confirming the man's story. Instantly Washington sent troops to support the endangered right wing; and with them went a boy officer with the best fighting-blood of France in his veins. The marquis found the Americans broken by the unexpected attack of the British, who had crossed the stream above them. Recklessly imperil- ing his life in trying to rally the panic-stricken soldiers, he became one of the heroes of the day. He was soon wounded, a musket ball passing THE WOUNDED BOY FROM FRANCE 45 through his left leg. But he held the field, and helped to prevent a general rout. However, the American center also now gave way, and the whole army fell back toward Philadelphia. In the retreat, Lafayette, with his leg temporarily bandaged, was carried along by the resistless mass toward Chester. Night fell. Lafayette attempted to make a stand again. At a bridge on the outskirts of Chester, he threw out guards and succeeded in stopping the torrent of fugitives. That night General Washington was almost fatherly in his solicitude as he directed the surgeon to care for the young French officer. And at mid- night, as Lafayette lay in pain but in happiness too, his commander-in-chief was despatching to Con- gress the report of the battle, and making special mention of the injury to the Marquis de Lafayette. Indeed, it would have been hard to teli which of the two, the boy or his great leader, was the prouder of that wound. A wound that, long afterward, the unemotional Washington characterized as "the tribute that Lafayette paid to gallantry at the Brandy wine." Though the disorderly flight of American troops had been stayed at Chester, yet the retreat itself would have to' continue. And so, some time after Lafayette's wound was dressed, he was borne out through the dark, disturbed streets of the little village, and placed in a boat, to be carried up the 46 SWORD OF LIBERTY Delaware. About daylight, to one of the many rude piers that then jutted from the low water-front of Philadelphia, came the little ambulance boat. The marquis was tenderly lifted and carried into the city. And it was into a scene of excitement and confusion. Speeding couriers had brought hither the news of Washington's defeat at the Brandywine, and Philadelphia seemed doomed to capture. Royalists were rejoicing; while patriots were filled with consternation, and were hurriedly preparing for flight. Congress itself was on the eve of departure. In the midst of the commotion Lafayette was carried to the Indian Queen Inn, which stood at the corner of Fourth and Market streets. Here he was attended by admiring citizens. But the thoughts of the young marquis turned to his wife, and from the old inn went a characteristically engaging letter to her. It was an almost amusing mixture of tender care not to alarm her, and of boyish pride in his wound. It was full of brave brightness as he lay there worn and wounded in a far land, amid the clamor of the frightened, distracted city. Many members of Congress came hurriedly to see him, some booted and spurred and ready for flight. But they provided for his safety also. Soon, in a boat got ready upon their orders, and with his attendants and baggage, he was taken on up the river to Bristol. There he found several members of the fleeing THE WOUNDED BOY FROM FRANCE 47 Congress on their way to reassemble beyond the Schuylkill. Among these was one of the most promi- nent of the patriots, Henry Laurens. He took the wounded marquis into his carriage to convey him to a little settlement in the Pennsylvania foot-hills, called Bethlehem, where the Americans had a mili- tary hospital. For the long drive, these chance fel- low-travelers were not ill met. Laurens was a native of the state upon whose hospitable shores the mar- quis had lately landed, and (like Lafayette's first host, Major Huger) was of French Huguenot descent. But rough, jolting roads and a wounded leg were a less happy combination, and the marquis watched eagerly for the first glimpse of Bethlehem. That glimpse came with striking abruptness. Out from the primeval wilderness of new America, the travelers came suddenly upon a walled town of old Europe. At least it looked that way. An opening in the wooded hills disclosed a settlement of long stone houses in rows, with many connecting stone walls. A peculiar-looking place belonging to a peculiar people, the Moravians. The war had brought a rude awakening to these gentle, isolated folk in their little village of Beth- lehem. Theirs was the gospel of non-resistance; and, refusing to join in the struggle against the King of England, they were often condemned as royalists by the patriots, and sometimes persecuted. Just now some of their buildings were being used 48 SWORD OF LIBERTY as a hospital for the American army. However, that was not persecution ; for the care of the suffer- ing appealed to the Moravians, and their hearts as well as their doors opened to the afflicted. Into this once so peaceful but now disquieted vil- lage, came the carriage bearing the wounded Lafay- ette, on September 21, as the Sunday sun was setting. The little settlement was crowded. Here were soldiers on guard, and refugees from Phila- delphia, and wagon-trains of wounded from the Brandywine. Through a scene of confusion the Laurens carriage brought Lafayette to the broad, many-windowed front of the old Sun Inn. The inn was already filled, among its guests being several members of Congress and some officers of the army. But the marquis was carried up the steps to the white portico; and mine host Jost Jensen, good-natured giant, crowded somebody a little more that the wounded officer might have a place for the night. Next day Lafayette was moved from the crowded inn to the Boeckel home near by. There he was to remain until well again. He was attentively nursed by Mrs. Boeckel, in her little white cap tied with a blue ribbon, and the pretty daughter of the house, Liesel, in her little white cap tied with a pink ribbon. For in Bethlehem, be it known, matrimony wrought this change in the color scheme. Lafayette suffered a good deal from his wound, THE WOUNDED BOY FROM FRANCE 49 but he had the best of surgical aid. Washington sent to him his surgeon-in-chief with admonitions to care for the boy as though he were the general's own son. The patient's main trouble was worry over his enforced inaction. And that would wear upon him the more as he learned how his "dear general," still forced backward by Howe, was com- pelled to let Philadelphia fall into the hands of the enemy. Day after day, looking out upon the quaint vil- lage street, this ardent, imprisoned lover of liberty would see everywhere the signs of liberty's defeat. Now, dismally heavier the stream of refugees rolled in from the fallen city. Wagon-trains of public stores and of army supplies were trailing by. And one day came a wagon bearing a monstrous bell. Already sacred, it was the great bell that had rung out to the people the signing of the Declaration of Independence. Unhung, silenced, fleeing with the rest, was this very emblem of American freedom. As though humiliation were not yet great enough, the wagon broke down in the village street, and in dirt and debris lay the Voice of Liberty! But the young marquis held to his faith and his courage. He knew that Washington, even in battle- defeat, was strategically winning. Having sold Philadelphia as dearly as he could, he would now endeavor to make it for Howe not a prize but a prison, a prison in which the English army would 50 SWORD OF LIBERTY be held when it ought to be on its way to the aid of Burgoyne. By the middle of October Lafayette could endure inaction no longer. Though he was unable to bear a boot upon his injured leg, he bade good-by to the gentle Moravians and set out for Washington's headquarters. By this time, the main army still threatening Howe, and acting to cut off his supplies at Phila- delphia was occupying a position about twenty miles north of the city. Lafayette arrived in a camp that was all jubilant uproar. Out of the North a speeding courier had just brought glorious news to headquarters : Gates was victorious ; Burgoyne and his whole army were prisoners of war! How joyously the young marquis plunged into the camp celebration! Not even he could detect the shadow that lay across it all for his great leader. No one could have excelled General Washington that day in true and thankful appreciation of this great victory of the American arms ; but personally it was an evil day for him, and he knew it. Fate had not been kind to the commander-in-chief of the American army. Though no other man could have filled his place, though his was the master mind that guided the Revolution and brought victories to other generals, yet personal victory seldom came to him. It seemed as though a perverse destiny deprived him of successes splendidly earned, and just within his grasp. THE WOUNDED BOY FROM FRANCE 51 Now another campaign was closing, another campaign of technical even if not real defeat for the main American army the army under his imme- diate command. Dissatisfaction with his leadership was springing up; unreasonable and as yet incon- siderable, but manifest and growing. And here, almost upon the heels of another defeat for him, came this spectacular triumph of one of his gen- erals, and that general one who had been named more than once in connection with the position of commander-in-chief. Even as the great Virginian wrote his congratulations to General Gates, even as he ordered salvos of cannon in honor of his victory, he clearly foresaw the cost of that victory to him- self. Never was Washington greater than at this moment. Knowing that his own defeats had been inevitable, and partly for want of choice troops of which he had robbed himself to reinforce Gates; knowing that the success was really due not to Gates but to his predecessor, Schuyler, and to subordinate officers, yet the commander-in-chief held his peace, and spoke only in praise and thankfulness. "If the cause is advanced," he patriotically declared, "in- different is it to me in what quarter it happens." CHAPTER V THE SWORD MEDALLION, "GLOUCESTER" THE evil fruits that had to come of that glorious success in the North quickly ripened. Insidiously was spread the propaganda, Washing- ton and defeat; Gates and victory. A party arose in Congress whose ultimate purpose was a change of leaders ; and Gates, in every way untrue to Wash- ington, joined this cabal, and schemed to become commander-in-chief. Washington paid no heed, and in patience and dignity went on with his duties. Toward the end of November, 1777, news came to the American camp just north of Philadelphia, that a large foraging detachment under Cornwallis had left the city and entered New Jersey. Wash- ington ordered Greene with his division to follow and if practicable to give battle. Lafayette obtained permission to accompany the expedition. He and Greene had come to be warm friends. Greene was much impressed with the "noble enthusiasm" that had led the marquis to leave "a young wife and a fine fortune of fourteen thousand pounds sterling 52 "GLOUCESTER" 53 per annum to come and engage in the cause of liberty." The American forces proceeded to Mount Holly, New Jersey, where Greene sent Lafayette forward with three hundred men to reconnoiter the enemy's position. A small detachment and ragged; but the boy general was proud of his first command. What delighted him most was that he had a few of the famous Morgan riflemen, those unequaled fighters the like of which Europe had never seen. Clean- limbed, clear-eyed men in buckskin and moccasins with long-barreled, deadly rifles, who could slip through the forest as silently as Indians. Lafayette learned that Cornwallis was near Gloucester, a New Jersey town on the Delaware a little below Philadelphia, He found the British encamped beside a creek emptying into the river. He made a personal reconnaissance, stealing out upon a small tongue of land so far that it seemed he must be captured or shot. Absolutely fearless, before him the example of Washington (who made most daring personal observations of the enemy), Lafayette stopped at nothing to make his little expedition a success. It was not a pleasant scene that the keen eyes of the marquis were watching. Sleek, well-fed, well-clothed soldiers loading their boats with forage, while the American forces, even those behind him then, were suffering for the neces- sities of life. The enemy were not so unconscious 54 SWORD OF LIBERTY of Lafayette's presence as they seemed. All this while British dragoons were stealing around to in- tercept him. But he discovered them and made a quick retreat to his troops. The marquis was not content with observation. He fell back, crossed the creek, and marched his detachment straight toward the British camp. With his little force, he could only skirmish, but he was bent upon as much of a fight as he could make. He soon encountered an advance post of Hes- sians, alone outnumbering the Americans, and having cannon. Lafayette attacked and precipitated a miniature battle. It was a short-lived one. The Hessians broke in full retreat. Pressing them hard, the young general threw out pickets at the cross- roads to prevent surprise and sent a little band to threaten the enemy's right flank. Daylight was going now, but so were the Hessians, and Lafayette kept on. Reinforcements arrived for the sleek, scarlet-coated mercenaries, fleeing before the gaunt, ragged Continentals. But that only made so many the more to run. Cornwallis, alarmed, came up at nightfall with his grenadiers; and Lafayette's proud little army, drums beating, drew off and re- joined Greene's division. Although Greene was not strong enough to follow up this spirited reconnais- sance by an attack in force, and the whole detach- ment now returned to headquarters, yet the little "GLOUCESTER" 55 affair at Gloucester stood out a bright heartening bit in the gloom of the waning campaign. The next day Lafayette sat down to write it all to Washington. His naive views and his quaint lapses in an unaccustomed language, make the letter a most engaging one. Full of pride and pleasure, he laboriously assumed an air of calm unconcern quite becoming a major-general. He deprecated mentioning the matter at all, yet made a long letter of it. Beginning with the attractively confused announcement, "I went down to this place since the day before yesterday," the victorious commander reported, "We got yet this day fourteen prisoners." To swell the dear little casualty list of the enemy, he added a postscript : "I have just now a certain assurance that two British officers, besides those I spoke you of, have died this morning of their wounds in an house." Greene's favorable report to Washington of Lafayette's expedition concluded with the words, "The Marquis is determined to be in the way of danger." Such was the skirmish at Gloucester. A small affair. But in time it was to be set forth with all the graver's art in a medallion upon that noble sword to be presented by the Continental Con- gress to the Marquis de Lafayette. However, not really for Gloucester, nor for the later events de- picted with it, but for what those events typified, was that sword to be presented. The cunning of the 56 SWORD OF LIBERTY graver's art was more to tell of a boy's wonderful love of freedom; of his sacrifice for the independ- ence of a faraway land; and of the quick, warm affection which that land had come to bear toward this veritable Knight of Liberty. Nobody got more satisfaction out of the Glouces- ter affair than did the commander-in-chief. The young Frenchman for whom he felt so warm an affection had now, at Brandywine and at Glouces- ter, given a good account of himself. It was time for this ardent, unattached major- general to have his own command. And he got it most promptly. On the very day that Washington received Lafayette's boyish account of his second fight, the pleased commander-in-chief wrote to Con- gress suggesting the propriety of giving him a division. And on the same day that Congress re- ceived Washington's letter, it passed a resolution declaring that it was "highly agreeable to Congress that the Marquis de Lafayette be appointed to the command of a division in the Continental Army." And almost on the day that Washington received the resolution of Congress, an order from headquar- ters was issued in camp that "Major-General Marquis de Lafayette is to take the Command of the Division lately Commanded by General Stephen." And his twentieth birthday just passed! The division referred to was one of Virginians, men from Washington's own state ! That made the GEORGE WASHINGTON From a painting by C. W. Peale "GLOUCESTER" 57 young commander doubly proud of them, although they were about the most ragged and forlorn of that ragged and forlorn array. The campaign of 1777 was over, and the Ameri- can commander-in-chief looked about him for a place that would serve as winter quarters for his army. There were many things to be considered in choosing such a place; and while the selection made by Washington has met with criticism, it was probably the best that could have been made. He knew the country, and he could judge its possibili- ties better than any other man. At such a time how much he owed to his youthful experience as a surveyor! His eye for distance, for contour, for every feature of topography, was trained and ac- curate. His choice fell upon a spot on the right bank of the Schuylkill, about twenty miles above Philadel- phia. There, among the foothills of the Blue Ridge, two lofty eminences bank the river, and a small tributary stream, Valley Creek, flows in between. The creek, with a little iron-working plant that stood near, gave name to the place, Valley Forge. In the cold of a severe December, the miserable, ragged, half-fed army abandoned the camp near Philadelphia, and started upon its march to the bleak hills chosen for winter quarters. Fortunately, even in the hardships of that march, no man fore- visioned the suffering and the agony that lay ahead, 58 SWORD OF LIBERTY that for all time should fill with horror the very words "Valley Forge"! Present misery was great enough. Over the old Gulf Road, through snow and ice, they marched along the Schuylkill. And when, at last they reached their destination, behind them stretched a trail written plain over the hills in footprints of blood. Turn now from those dark last days of 1777 in America, the cause of liberty seemingly ebbing away with the dying year, and cast our eyes across to France, a last despairing look for help from over the sea. CHAPTER VI THE BIRTH OF AMERICAN DIPLOMACY VAIN to look to France in those somber days! At Passy still sat a white-haired old man, a little older, a little whiter, still bravely talking, writing, smiling for America. But he was smiling into darkness. Though he knew nothing of the now desperate condition of the patriot army, nothing of the footprints of blood that led to Valley Forge, yet without that the prospect before his eyes was dark enough. For long but little news from America had reached France, and most of that was bad. The worst was the report that Philadelphia, the capital of the infant republic, had fallen. That was a heavier blow to Franklin than to Washington. For in Paris unduly grave significance was given to that unfortunate event. Appreciating this, Franklin, as upon many another occasion, had made his quick wit hide a heavy heart. "No!" he had exclaimed, and doubtless with a smile well hinting American strategy. "Howe has not taken Philadelphia; Philadelphia has taken Howe!" 59 60 SWORD OF LIBERTY But wit could not avail to save the situation. Though the ardent soul of France was still for America, though the carriage bearing a quaint, bespectacled old man and a boy was made way for in the streets of Paris as though it were the coach of a prince of the blood, yet the French people were steadily losing faith in the success of the colonists. America's best friends in the ministry were dis- couraged. And, after all the envoys' hard work, open recognition by France seemed farther off than ever. In this situation there came, one day in that December of 1777, the news of the surrender of Burgoyne. The effect upon the despairing envoys was magical. Deane said that the message was like a sovereign cordial to the dying. But there was little time for congratulation among themselves. All France, all Europe must know! Of course the first step was to send a despatch to the French Gov- ernment; and the honor of acting as courier fell to Temple. The message that the American boy carried to the French minister that day perhaps determined the fate of the United States. Backed up as it immediately was by strong arguments from Frank- lin, it put an end to the long hesitation of France, and brought her to a determination to recognize the brave young republic and to enter into alliance with her. This conclusion of the French Govern- BIRTH OF AMERICAN DIPLOMACY 61 ment was hastened by the universal acclamation with which the news of the American success was received throughout France. Paris went into ec- stasies over it, rejoicing as though the victory had been won by French troops. Events moved rapidly now. Within a few days the envoys received a note upon the gilt-edged cor- respondence paper of Louis XVI. It quite frankly suggested that proposals for closer relations between France and America would not fall unpleasantly upon the royal ear. Soon began those first treaty negotiations of the United States with a foreign power; those negotiations in which lay the birth of American diplomacy. It was a most satisfac- tory beginning; and largely because of the two chief characters who had to do with it. Vergennes and Franklin met upon a high plane. They sincerely sought to construct for France and the United States a treaty of commerce and a treaty of alliance, both of which should be just, honorable, and endur- ing. The two men knew each other well, respected each other profoundly, and in them the sore-pressed little American republic and the proudest of Euro- pean monarchies met upon terms of absolute equality. It was about the beginning of February, 1778, that the final papers establishing terms of com- mercial intercourse and of alliance between the two nations, were ready. Monsieur Gerard, who 62 SWORD OF LIBERTY acted for France, met the envoys in Deane's apart- ments in Paris on the evening of Friday, February 6. There the men gathered about a table upon which the precious documents were spread out. Monsieur Gerard signed first, and next, Doctor Franklin. The two men crossed to the fireside and stood talking while Deane and Lee affixed their signatures. Then congratulations and engagements to secrecy were made all around, Gerard politely took his leave, and, subject to ratification, France and the United States were allies. The concealment enshrouding the Franco-Ameri- can alliance did not wear well. A few weeks, and the whole matter was an open secret in France, though it would be long before America could hear of it. The French received the news joyfully. And now, with the United States recognized as an inde- pendent nation, and as an ally, it was proper that its representatives should have formal presentation at the French court. This function was set for March 20, 1778. Appreciating the importance that European courts attached to the formality of dress at this ceremonial, the American envoys set out to conform to custom. Possibly Deane and Lee succeeded fairly well. In dressing on that eventful day each topped out his court garb with the regulation powdered wig and the regulation sword. But the old Doctor, and most fortunately, did BIRTH OF AMERICAN DIPLOMACY 63 not mold well into court form. The plain black velvet suit he put on that morning with the snowy ruffles at wrist and bosom, the white silk stockings, and the shoes with silver buckles was all very well in its way, but that way was not the way of the French court; and as to other details of dress, he shaped still less into a court figure. True, a wig, that all-important adjunct, had been duly ordered. Indeed, as the scene comes down to us, there in Franklin's dressing-room stood a famous Parisian perruquier, about to put the wig on the great head of the American. But a moment more, and the perruquier was in a passion, and the wig was on the floor. "Is it too small?" placidly inquired the Doctor. "Too small!" exclaimed the offended artist. "No! Mon Dieu! It is not the wig which is too small, Monsieur, but your head which is too large !" So the great head was left in the simple dignity of its own silver locks. And simplicity, once domi- nant, held sway over the remainder of the Doctor's toilet: when all was complete, under his arm was no formal chapeau; dangling at his side was no formal sword. Perhaps the first instance in the long story of heralds and kings in which an envoy about to approach a sovereign stood virtually in his every-day garb. In separate carriages the three commissioners, each with attendants, entered Versailles. They 64 SWORD OF LIBERTY drove into the forecourt of the palace through an applauding press of people, and alighted at the south wing where they were received by Vergennes, who conducted them to the king's antechamber. Their progress was accompanied with ovation, the frank tribute of the artificial, sophisticated court to the simple dignity of these republicans. A few minutes of waiting, and then the doors of an adjoining room were thrown open. Here was a surprise and a shock for Mr. Arthur Lee. He had got a wrong notion of a court presentation. While he may not have been expecting the king to greet him from the imperial throne, he evidently was expecting to be received with some state and ceremony. And now "a dressing-room"! and some nobles acting as valets to a half -garbed young man with his "undressed hair hanging down on his shoulders" ! Mr. Lee could not quite get over what he took to be an offensive lack of respect for the august envoys from the United States. He did not know that they were being honored in the customary form of presentation at the court of Versailles, and almost as though they were the regularly accredited ambassadors of a first-class power. The "dressing- room" was the magnificent apartment once used as the royal bedchamber, and now for the ceremony of the king's robing and levee. The half-garbed young man with the undressed hair was a rather big fellow, not tall, but stocky, and about twenty- BIRTH OF AMERICAN DIPLOMACY 65 five years old. He had a good look, a Roman nose, and the throne of France. Vergennes advanced and presented the American envoys. The king received them graciously, ex- pressing his approval of them personally, and his friendship for the United States. They were next to be presented to the queen and to the other members of the royal family. Doubt- less they feared more the appraising glances of gaily critical Marie Antoinette and the court beauties about her than they had the short-sighted gaze of Louis XVI. They entered a noble room of white and gold, its walls set with great mirrors that reflectingly multiplied the elaborate decorations in marbles, bronzes, and paintings. Just now visions of still more showy figures were being caught and flashed from glass to glass, the elaborately gowned ladies of the court, with the majestic queen among them. With all her faults (and they have been cruelly exaggerated), Marie Antoinette was every inch a queen. As she stood there within the vision of the American envoys, she must almost have reconciled those republicans to some aspects of royalty. In physique she was essentially queenly, though at that time she was scarcely more than a girl. Taller than any of her ladies in waiting, she was of fine figure with a naturally regal air. Beauty of countenance she may not have had, an aquiline nose detracting 66 SWORD OF LIBERTY somewhat in this respect even while adding to her commanding appearance; but her gray eyes were bright and full of expression, her light hair was very beautiful, and her complexion was of dazzling fairness. In point of dress, the young queen and her ladies would more than make up for any lack on the part of the king. Court gowns of eight-yard spread swept the floor, and great head-dresses of flowers and gauze and ribbons towered high above the powdered heads. When the envoys approached, the queen received them graciously. The Franco-American alliance quickly ended diplomatic relations between France and England. The English minister left Paris bound for London, and without stopping to pay his respects to the French king, a step fraught with grave significance. Paris laughed. France lost not a moment in preparing to go to the aid of her ally. As secretly as possible, for she would still keep knowledge of her movements from Great Britain, she got ready her ships of war. It was a formidable fleet for those days that was soon assembled in the fortified harbor of Toulon on the Mediterranean. The command was given to a dis- tant relative of Lafayette, the Comte d'Estaing. On March 31, two men secretly left Paris for Toulon. They were Silas Deane, who had been recalled to America, and Monsieur Gerard, who had BIRTH OF AMERICAN DIPLOMACY 67 been appointed Minister from France to the United States. They were to ship with D'Estaing; but, to conceal their intentions and to avoid betraying the plans of the French admiral, they left Paris sur- reptitiously and traveled by different routes to Toulon, where the fleet was now nearly ready to sail. On the same day there arrived at the French seaport Bordeaux a short, stout man of the restless, impetuous type, the noted American statesman John Adams now come to France to take Deane's place. In point of patriotism, integrity, and general intellectual ability, Congress could not have sent a better man; in point of temperament, training, and tactfulness, they could not have sent a worse one. Self -centered and aggressive, he was bound to be a failure as a diplomat at any court, preeminently so at the court of Versailles. But nobody could have made John Adams believe that, and confidently this great but misplaced man set out for Paris, where he arrived on April 8. His coming did not improve matters at the American embassy. An intense, driving worker, a methodical man of red tape and pigeonholes what a diplomatic bedfellow for Benjamin Franklin, who took work lightly, who loved to visit and to dine out, and whose papers were all over the floor ! Strive as the two men both would and did, courteous tolerance was to be their nearest approach to ambassadorial harmony. And as of course Lee remained Lee, the last estate of 68 SWORD OF LIBERTY this American commission was worse than the first. One day about the middle of that April of 1778, there was bustle and excitement in the harbor of Toulon. The French fleet was getting under way. Majestically the great ships spread their wings, tacked off between the headlands, and passed out to sea. At last France was to strike for America. No more mere covert recognition, no more mere secret aid. With the arrival of this armament on the other side of the Atlantic, the last veil of diplomatic temporizing would be torn away. Open alliance between Louis XVI and the American republic would be voiced in the roar of French guns. CHAPTER VII THE DAYS OF VALLEY FORGE TURN backward now, and from France to America. Turn from the warm spring day that witnessed the sailing of the French fleet, back to that bleak December day when we left a little American army seeking winter shelter and ending its bloody trail at the wind-swept hills of Valley Forge. The days on those hills must be lived. First came an order for the building of huts, an order received by the half-famished, shivering men as a requirement almost beyond them. However, they went bravely to work. If one needed encour- agement, he had only to look across the hillside to where a plain little tent was straining against the wintry blast. Within that frail shelter lived and toiled the American commander-in-chief, refusing better quarters until his soldiers too could have them. In the midst of cold and snow the army worked on. Axes rang in the great forests, and logs were cut and hauled. In regular rows the little huts began to rise. But it was slow, painful work, the 69 70 SWORD OF LIBERTY men's strength lessening as food became more scarce, sickness more common, and the weather more severe. Christmas came cold, and the snow falling. An ideal Christmas for the snug British in Philadelphia, but a bitter mockery for the shel- terless patriots at Valley Forge! Slowly the work went on. Horses, as ill fed as their drivers fell in their work of drawing logs from the forest, and lay down in the snow and died. Then men dragged the logs through the drifts, and their feet and legs froze, and the surgeon's knife and saw were the only remedy. The ragged clothes in which the troops reached this winter camp wore out in the heavy work, and, scant supplies coming to replace them, the soldiers were soon half -naked in the snow. Still the huts rose slowly, and pos- sibly the spirits of the army with them. Each hut was fourteen by fifteen feet, the spaces between the logs filled with clay, and the openings for windows covered with oiled paper. Early in the new year most of the soldiers were housed in these rude build- ings, fourteen men in each hut. Now there disappeared that frail, wind-blown shelter of the commander-in-chief. Down by the river where Valley Creek emptied in stood a stone building, the house of Isaac Potts, and Washington took this stout little house for his headquarters. Some distance up the creek was another substantial home, owned by John Harvard, and this came to THE DAYS OF VALLEY FORGE 71 be the headquarters of Lafayette. Temptation was strong for the marquis to spend the winter in France. Even a baby daughter was there that he had never seen, little Anastasia, born shortly after he left home. But he stayed to share the hardships of Valley Forge. "Everything told me to depart," he wrote to his wife; "honor told me to remain." In the gloom of those winter days, Washington and Lafayette drew yet closer in their intimacy. One January day the two friends were sitting to- gether in Washington's headquarters. A package of papers arrived from York, where Congress was then in session. Washington opened and read what was an insult to him as Commander-in-Chief of the American Army. The papers in his hand revealed the power of the political cabal opposed to him. Congress had created a new army, the Army of the North ; which was to be independent, not in any way under control of the commander-in-chief . One of his own officers was to be in supreme command of this new army; and that officer, the devoted young friend sitting there beside him. Indeed, that was the crux of the whole affair, the separation of Washington and Lafayette. Such separation was important in furthering the purpose of the cabal against Washington. Lafay- ette was a man to be reckoned with in almost any movement affecting the American army. A ro- 72 SWORD OF LIBERTY mantic figure in the conflict, he had a warm place in the hearts of the soldiers, and was looked upon almost as the representative of France. The cabal could not win his support ; it must do all possible to deprive Washington of it. We can see the quiet Washington, hurt but un- showing, sitting there with his quick-eyed, ardent young friend, before the open fire that winter day. What thoughts were his! His long service and sacrifice; the turning from him because he could not accomplish the impossible; and now, this at- tempt to lure away from him the devoted but ambitious young Frenchman whom he had come to love as a son. How clearly he saw through the whole miserable scheme! Among the papers was one for Lafayette, his commission as commander of the Army of the North. Washington turned and handed it to him without a word. At first Lafayette's eager mind caught only the idea of active service, and the honor of command. He was to march into Canada, that fair province of France that she had lost to England; fight the British, and rouse the Canadians to join in the struggle for American liberty. What a glorious undertaking for a son of France, to be the libera- tor of French America! But was something wrong? The boy soldier read more carefully. When he realized that this flattering honor to him was an insult to his chief, THE DAYS OF VALLEY FORGE 73 Lafayette's heroic vision vanished. He* hotly de- clared that he would not accept the appointment. Washington advised otherwise. The Army of the North had been created. Nothing could help that now. And to whom could Washington more safely trust its command than to Lafayette? Dearer to the marquis than the enticing commission was the simple tribute of confidence: "I would rather they had selected you for this than any other man." Lafayette insisted upon being subordinate to Gen- eral Washington and regarded as one of his officers detached for special service. This condition was acceded to, and he accepted the appointment. Albany, New York, was to be the starting-point of his expedition; and up the steep hill of that old Dutch town, one February day, rode Lafayette, buoyant with visions of glorious service for the liberty of America and the honor of France. But the glamor quickly faded. There was no Army of the North, just a few hundred men, ragged, ill-fed, sick, and mutinous. There were no munitions. There was no money. The expedition into Canada was impossible! The situation was one we may never quite under- stand. Perhaps the cabal at York had not really intended this expedition to go forward. In any event, it served its main purpose of taking Lafayette from the side of the commander-in-chief. Amazed at the utter cpllapse of the project, chafing 74 SWORD OF LIBERTY at his own helplessness, the marquis was left with no further support from Congress. He would have been more content had he known the change that was taking place in that body. The strength of the cabal against Washington was waning in the face of a growing popular faith in him. In the end Congress announced that the expedition into Canada was impracticable, and directed Lafayette to return to the main army. It was a most welcome order to the disgusted Commander of the Army of the North. And so, on a day in April, he came riding again into the camp at Valley Forge, making very straight for the little stone house down by the river, where he found Washington and a warm welcome. He found also a new member in the household. The general must have had much satisfaction in presenting the ele- gant, courtly Frenchman to "Lady Washington," as even democratic America called the wife of its commander-in-chief. A very good continental bow (Lafayette could never quite make the best) and then a lasting friendship began between the hostess of headquarters and the "French boy," as she always called him. How little she seemed beside her lordly husband ! Very sober in her quiet brown dress, relieved only by the spotless white at her throat. Her brown eyes, too, were sober now, as though catching a shadow from Valley Forge. THE DAYS OF VALLEY FORGE 75 Out through the camp the marquis saw 'changes. There was something of springtime awakening; something of heart and hope showing through the gloom, like stirring buds under the dead leaves of the woodland. For the past two or three weeks a sufficiency of food and considerable clothing had been reaching the camp ; and the soldiers, what there were left of them, showed for it. But the greatest change of all this returning officer observed at manceuvers. He had left the American army virtually an untrained mob. Al- most unbelievable was the undisciplined nature of that brave soldiery. They knew about as much of the manual of arms as a sheriff's posse. They seem always to have been so busy fighting that they could not stop to learn how to fight. France saw all this from across the Atlantic. And while Lafayette was away she (without letting her agency be known in the matter) secured the appointment by Congress of a certain Baron von Steuben as Inspector-General of the American army. Von Steuben was perhaps no great military genius, but he was a remarkable man, and with consummate knowledge of military organization, acquired under Frederick the Great. Now for some weeks this efficient drill-master had been training the raw Americans. Well, Lafayette would scarcely know his own division. To his eye, as to Von Steuben's, accustomed to the accuracy of European 76 SWORD OF LIBERTY manceuvers, there was yet room for criticism; but as compared with the untrained army he had so lately left, these were crack troops. The month of May came in, bringing great joy to Valley Forge. Word reached the camp on Sat- urday, May 2, that treaties creating an alliance had been signed by France and the United States. That glorious news was received with such rejoicing as almost to banish the memory of a winter of misery. Washington set Wednesday, May 6, as a time of celebration. And they made a full day of it. There was much parading, every man in his tattered best, bands playing, officers leading proudly upon pranc- ing steeds. The deafening fire of musketry ran back and forth across the lines. Cannon flashed and roared. And now and then, at a signal gun, rose the greater joyous voice of the soldiery: "Huzza, for the American States! Long live the King of France!" In this day of celebration Lafayette carried a divided heart. It was a day of personal triumph for him; the cause that he had championed in opposition to his king, that king had now pledged all France to support. But he had just learned of the death of his little Henriette; and with that affliction stabbing he joined in cele- brating the alliance of France and America. With the advance of spring, very different grew that life at Valley Forge. The month of May brought brightness and warmth, and there was an THE DAYS OF VALLEY FORGE 77 ample supply of food. Men who, such a little while ago, were huddling about their fires, cold, famished, despairing, were now comfortable, well fed, and romping in the sunshine. There were a few more days yet to be spent upon those hills, but the camp life of exposure and suffering was over, that tragic camp life that carried a shiver into history. CHAPTER VIII THE SWORD MEDALLION, "BARREN HILL*' IT was in that spring of 1778 that Sir Henry Clinton arrived in Philadelphia to succeed Lord Howe. At once there were indications of some intended movement of importance by the British. From such information as Washington could gain, he surmised that they were about to evacuate the city. Whether this was actually their purpose, and if so whether the evacuation would be for attack or for retreat, there was no way of telling. Wash- ington concluded to send out a considerable detach- ment toward Philadelphia, as a security to his own camp, as a means of obtaining intelligence, and as an advance body ready to fall upon the enemy's rear should their retreat make that practicable. He selected for this purpose some of his best troops, about 2500 men, and gave the command to Lafayette. That was a marked and indeed a sur- prising exhibition of Washington's confidence in that young officer. The expedition was more important than many involving vastly larger forces. It also was especially dangerous. That the com- mander-in-chief appreciated all this was shown by 78 "BARREN HILL" 79 his instructions to Lafayette, and by the particular admonition, "You will remember that your detach- ment is a very valuable one, and that any accident happening to it would be a very severe blow to this army." On the morning of May 18 the expedition left Valley Forge. How proud the tall, slender young Frenchman as he marched his little army off the parade-ground, and rode down the slope with his "old Continentals in their ragged regimentals"! How straight the blue-coated back, how square the shoulders under the gold epaulettes, how full the chest under the purple ribbon of his rank, all with the thought that the quiet eyes of a majestic figure were following him with paternal interest and pride! With the flower of the American army, Lafay- ette marched down along the Schuylkill that May morning. Over rocky slopes, through dark valleys, and upon winding forest roads he proceeded about five miles, to a shallow in the river called Swede's Ford. Here he crossed the stream and took the Ridge Road leading toward Philadelphia. March- ing on into the afternoon, he doubtless heard cannonading ahead in the direction of the city, which would excite his interest and perhaps wonder- ment. The British were having in honor of the retiring Lord Howe a demonstration which they called the Mischianza. 80 SWORD OF LIBERTY Could Lafayette have looked in upon the Quaker town, he would have seen merrymaking almost European in its elegance. The British officers, en- thusiastically aided (How strange it sounds!) by many of the fashionable residents of the city, made that afternoon and night a brilliant, and at times somewhat unbridled, round of gaiety. And all in honor of a British general who had accomplished nothing. By the next day Lafayette reached a small eleva- tion called Barren Hill, midway between Valley Forge and Philadelphia. Here he took up a position from which to begin his operations. It was a posi- tion well chosen. His center rested upon a rocky ledge, over which his five little cannon were soon poking their noses defiantly southward toward the city; his right reached to the protection of the river; and his left to that of a wood and several strong stone houses. His pickets were well out in all directions. Behind him were open avenues of retreat for recrossing the Schuylkill; one along the road just traversed, back to Swede's Ford, and others leading to a lower ford, called Matson's Ford. So situated, the Americans were as well off as a detached force could expect to be, thrown forward in the face of the enemy. Now Lafayette lost no 'time in getting to work upon one of the main objects of his expedition, the obtaining of information as to the intentions of the "BARREN HILL" 81 enemy. He found a young woman who was willing to go into Philadelphia for intelligence, under the pretense of visiting her relatives. Upon the morn- ing of May 20 he was just giving her his final instructions, when a messenger came hurrying with news that put an end to plans of that sort. All this time the British had not been idle. Their efficient spy system had quickly advised them in Philadelphia of Lafayette's every movement. And so, close upon the heels of the Mischianza, they had merrily planned another gala event the cap- ture and humiliation of a certain young French nobleman who had paid light respect to the British king, sided boldly with America in English drawing-rooms, danced gaily with the London belles, and then blithely crossed the sea to fight for the "rebels." An elaborate plan for surrounding Lafayette was devised and joyfully entered upon. Captured, he should be borne into the city in mock deference, to receive exaggerated courtesy and attention. To complete his humiliation, he should be carried to England to face London again; or, perhaps better, to France, where his reputation as a gallant knight would be snuffed out in laughter. So attractive was the idea of catching the French marquis, that both General Howe and General Clinton determined to accompany the expedition. And so gaily confident were they of his humiliation, 82 SWORD OF LIBERTY that they arranged for a grand dinner to be given upon their return, and issued invitations to a num- ber of society people to meet the distinguished French nobleman, the Marquis de Lafayette. And indeed the prospect of this mock honor to the youthful commander who had ventured out in the face of the British army, seemed very good. A complete surprise had been planned by a select force four or five times as large as Lafayette's, and accompanied by two of the leading generals of England. In three columns the British expedition set out from Philadelphia on the night of May 19. Through the darkness they stealthily advanced upon the American detachment. One column proceeded directly toward Barren Hill, and took a stand in front of Lafayette's position. The second column marched to a point on the Schuylkill near his right wing. The third column moved rapidly around his left wing, so as to gain his rear and cut him off from the roads by which he could retreat to the fords, and so back across the river to Valley Forge. All went well with the British, surprisingly well. Even the column seeking to pass around Lafayette's left, and so gain the rear of his position, accom- plished its purpose readily and without finding even an American outpost to obstruct the road it was traversing. Yet Lafayette had placed a strong body of militia to guard that very road. For some reason "BARREN HILL" 83 that body of militia had seen fit to desert its post and to go to the rear. Morning came and the Americans were virtually surrounded. It was then, as Lafayette was starting the girl spy for Philadelphia, that the hurrying messenger broke the news that the redcoats were upon him. Unaccountable as this seemed to him, knowing nothing of his guard's desertion, yet he instantly sent out a party to reconnoiter. Back came word of the approach in more than one direction. The cry arose among the troops that they were surrounded! It was a situation to tax an older head than Lafayette's. But no older one could possibly have improved upon his prompt measures. He met the cry of the men with a reassuring calm, and even with a heartening smile. Without a moment's hesitation he wheeled his troops to a changed front, with all the appearance of an intended attack against the British on his left. He was playing for time. For, although the principal roads of retreat to the fords were already cut off by the British, there was a little road running under a ridge along the river by which Matson's Ford might yet be reached, if the enemy could be kept from farther advance. And Lafayette's show of attack held them. Soon it was a very thin show; for back of a sparse line in front, he was rapidly sending his troops down 84 SWORD OF LIBERTY the little road to Matson's Ford. Further deceiving the British by having small bodies of men show themselves here and there in the woods, to appear like heads of marching columns, he kept the enemy hesitating to attack him until too late. At length, having successfully covered the retreat of the main body, the marquis gathered up his handful of last defenders and withdrew down the little road him- self. Pursuit of course followed, but too late. Safely across the Schuylkill, and in a commanding position on the heights, the Americans challenged further action. The young French nobleman, who was to have been the drawing guest at that dinner in Philadelphia, had declined the invitation. The British glared across the river at Lafayette's position, afraid to attack, and then marched back to Philadelphia. Upon Lafayette's safe return to Valley Forge with his detachment, he was re- ceived with acclamations. Washington had early learned of the movement against the Americans, and had suffered much apprehension. Riding in hot speed to a hill summit, he had trained his glass anxiously upon Lafayette's position. Now with relief and pride he welcomed his young general who had saved the flower of the army by a presence of mind and a ready skill that would have done credit to a veteran officer. And once more, in re- porting to Congress, the commander-in-chief took "BARREN HILL" 85 occasion to mention with distinction the Marquis de Lafayette. And once more the boy general had made copy for the graver's tool. Upon that sword that America was to present to this Knight of France would be represented the incident of Barren Hill. A rath.-: considerable military event in its clever handling of troops, and one that has earned for Lafayette high praise, and yet no great affair. No, again we must look beyond what carved lines show. To catch the spirit of the sword we must see not only the courage and the strategy of Barren Hill, but the noble service of those days that led up to Barren Hill. We must catch the picture of a mere boy standing loyally by the weak and oppressed of an alien land, through winter days so dark that bravest hearts lost hope ; we must see him turning from the lure of home and luxurious ease to share sufferings from which Americans themselves fled in scores, the horrors of Valley Forge. CHAPTER IX THE SWORD MEDALLION, "MONMOUTH" ABOUT the middle of June, 1778, came the movement on the part of the enemy that Washington long had been expecting. The British fleet dropped down the Delaware and sailed, as it proved, for New York; while Clinton with his army abandoned the city, crossed the river to the Jersey shore, and set out upon a long hard march for the same destination. Washington was ready for pursuit. Quickly the American army at Valley Forge was put in motion ; some of it so quickly that half-baked bread was left in the ovens, as the men marched down the slopes and over the improvised bridge across the Schuylkill. It was determined that an advance corps of about five thousand men should harass the retreating enemy, the remainder of the army following within supporting distance. Naturally the command of the important advance corps was offered by Wash- ington to the highest officer under him, General Lee. Lee declined it, ostensibly because he did not favor the plan of operations, and the command was then given to Lafayette. 86 "MONMOUTH" 87 The young general set out upon the enterprise with great enthusiasm. It was all to his liking. The position given to him at the head of the "flying army" was a flattering one. It meant fighting, and fighting was what he was there for. He pressed eagerly forward, and was almost upon the British, even preparing his attack, when he was suddenly stripped of his dream of glory. The trouble was simply that Lee changed his mind. He concluded that he wished the command of the "flying army" after all. He applied both to Washington and to Lafayette. He represented that he had made a mistake, and that he saw he should be disgraced were he not in command of this important advance army. Appealing to Lafayette, he said, "I place my fortune and my honor in your hands; you are too generous to destroy both the one and the other." It was a bitter moment for Lafayette, but one that he met with his characteristic chivalry. Con- fident of success, sword raised to strike, he stayed his arm, and relinquished his authority to Lee. That officer took command on June 27 ; the marquis now under him, and with little chance of distin- guishing himself. That night the British were encamped near a small village called Freehold, in central New Jersey, where was the court-house of Monmouth County. Here they occupied a strong position. Lee with his detachment was within about five miles of them, and Washington with the main 88 SWORD OF LIBERTY American army some two or three miles behind him. Lee was now under orders from the com- mander-in-chief to attack the enemy as soon as they should leave their strong position and resume their march. This they did on the morning of June 28, and Lee pressed forward to attack. The true story of the ensuing battle, called the battle of Monmouth, will never be told. Although the action has been well threshed over, owing to the court-martial proceedings against Lee for his conduct that day, yet much remains in a confusing fog of contradiction and uncertainty. In general, it was this way. It was Sunday, and a day to be remembered for its heat and sultriness. The long red line of the English toiled over the sandy road. Out from a wood came Lee's de- tachment to fall upon the enemy's left flank and rear. Back of him Washington was coming up with the main army. The English did not tamely wait for Lee's onslaught. Quickly countermarching and deploying, they also formed to attack. How- ever, all things were propitious for the success of Lee's forces. And then, before the occurrence of anything more than a slight engagement at one or two points, the Americans were thrown into utter confusion from lack of proper command. Lee, by vague and conflicting orders, soon had his detach- ment broken up into small parties, ordered forward here, and backward there, without any of his "MONMOUTH" 89 officers understanding the purpose of the action, if there were any. Soon most of the commands were left unsupported in positions from which they were forced to retire. Lafayette, making the most strenuous efforts to strike effectively with his command, was so re- stricted by his orders, and by lack of support, he could accomplish nothing. He vainly protested that a stand should be made; and at length became so suspicious of Lee that he sent in all haste a despatch from the field to Washington. It is said that when he was still forced to fall back, one of his aides was shot by his side, and that the marquis coolly dis- mounted under fire, and stopped to make sure that the man was beyond succor. At length Lee had his whole command in rapid and somewhat dis- orderly retreat. It was now that Washington, coming up with the main body of his army, reached the field. He was amazed and indignant upon beholding Lee's broken and fleeing detachment His meeting with that officer was a stormy one. But there was no time to be lost. A scathing reprimand, and then the com- mander-in-chief turned quickly to the work of saving the day. He seized upon an advantageous position, checked the retreat, and reformed enough of Lee's force to hold the ground until he could bring the main army into action. This he did to 90 SWORD OF LIBERTY excellent advantage, confidently placing part of the troops under Lafayette. Time after time, the pursuing English now threw themselves against the American position. But the tide of battle had turned. They were repulsed at every point, and finally were driven back some distance before darkness closed the engagement. That night the Americans lay upon their arms ready to resume the offensive in the morning. Upon the same cloak, at the foot of a tree, lay Washington and Lafayette. There was little sleep for them. They discussed earnestly the conduct of Lee. Quite likely, in their anger and disappointment, they somewhat over-blamed the man. Much as he was at fault, there seem to have been some things in extenuation of his conduct that they could not then understand; and possibly there was not actual treachery on his part that day, however much of a traitor he may later have been. But that night, how could any condemnation seem too strong? While Washington had saved the situation, turning defeat into victory, and hoped to do more in the morning, yet the grand opportunity had been lost, lost by a trusted officer's "shameful retreat." The hot dawn of the next day brought disap- pointment. During the night, so quietly that not even the American advance posts learned of his movements, Clinton had withdrawn his army in the darkness. He was now too far on his way for "MONMOUTH" 91 further attack. He soon completed his long march to New York; while the Americans could do no more for the present than to follow and to occupy near-by strategic points. Had Lafayette continued in command, it is almost certain that he would have led to victory. But would that have made more nobly symbolic the carved medallion, "Battle of Monmouth," soon to find place on that sword from Congress? His real victory, his honors, lay back of that battle in his generous and graceful sacrifice of leadership. This medallion on the sword may well stand as a tribute to the boy's chivalry. CHAPTER X THE SWORD MEDALLION, "RHODE ISLAND" THERE now began a new period of the Ameri- can Revolution. It opened on July 7, 1778, when, out from the gray haze of the Atlantic, loomed sail after sail after sail! France was com- ing! That night a splendid battle fleet of His Most Christian Majesty, Louis XVI, lay at anchor in Delaware Bay. From that moment a new strength, and a new weakness too, were added to the patriot cause. Thereafter America and France fought side by side ; but often with so much of misunderstanding and bit- terness between them as to threaten their own defeat. The racial troubles began early. Nothing breeds friction between co-workers like ill-success. The French fleet met disappointment at the outset. Its admiral, the Comte d'Estaing, came counting upon catching the British fleet in the Delaware. He found that it had escaped and was now in the harbor of New York. He at once sailed up the coast, but because some of his ships were of too deep draught to go over the bar, or because the 92 "RHODE ISLAND" 93 English vessels commanded the channel, he could not enter for an engagement. Washington hastened to propose another under- taking. At that time Newport, Rhode Island, was occupied by the British. Washington felt that its capture would force the English to evacuate New York. Preparations were at once begun for a joint attack. Washington ordered Major-General Sulli- van to assemble militia near the town, and sent to him a strong detachment of his own best troops, part under Greene and part under Lafayette. Upon July 29, 1778, the French fleet cast anchor off New- port. Generals Sullivan and Lafayette and some other American officers went aboard the flag-ship. At once difficulties arose. D'Estaing and Sulli- van did not agree, especially as to the use of the French troops to be landed from the fleet. Under a thin veil of courtesy was unfortunate racial an- tagonism. France and America had such divergent standards and traditions that Europe from the first had doubted their ability to act in concert. At any rate, here at the outset, they seemed about to fail. Likely but for Lafayette they would have done so. Back and forth he went between camp and flag-ship, explaining here, counseling there, and in every way seeking to further harmony. He was successful, and finally all was ready for action. On August 8, D'Estaing's fleet sailed in before the little island on which Newport stood, 94 SWORD OF LIBERTY and which had the same name as the whole state, Rhode Island. On the ninth the Americans ad- vanced upon the island, behind the town. All was propitious until about two o'clock on that Sunday afternoon, when the lifting of a fog that had hung about the town all day dashed the hopes of the allies. Suddenly, down from the lookout at the masthead of D'Estaing's flag-ship came a warning cry. A large fleet of war vessels, which proved to be the British fleet from New York, was standing in toward Newport. The French sailed out to sea to meet it A violent storm came up, and raged furiously for two days. The fleets were separated, scattered, and dismantled. On the evening of the nineteenth, the Americans were rejoiced to see D'Estaing's returning vessels approaching the town. But, still another disap- pointment! The French fleet dropped anchor out- side the harbor. From the admiral came a com- munication informing Sullivan that his ships were so storm-shattered, he must go at once to Boston to refit. That was a hard blow to the Americans ; and they received the statement with some incredulity and even suspicion. Sullivan turned to Lafayette, hoping that he might induce D'Estaing to refit at Newport, and proceed with the attack upon the town. It was a delicate and painful position for Lafay- ette. He took boat, with Greene and several other "RHODE ISLAND" 95 officers, and went aboard the French flag- ship. But he wholly failed to change the views of the French admiral. Now the feelings of the Americans against the French ran high. Much of their criti- cism was unreasonable, and all of it impolitic and unfortunate. They had no sufficient knowledge of the facts to enable them rightly to judge D'Estaing's course, nor have we to-day ; but they allowed disap- pointment and suspicion to goad them into looks and talk that seriously threatened rupture of our alliance with France. Doubtless the trouble would have blown over if Sullivan had been a Washington. But, though an honorable and efficient officer, he was hasty and tactless. He sent a protest to D'Estaing, and is- sued a general order to the army, each of which contained an imputation of desertion on the part of the French. At this, Lafayette broke through his restraint, and answered in language he had never expected to use toward Americans. In the heat of the moment he cried that he was ready to support his words with his sword. Indeed, as between him and Sullivan, a duel seemed at one time inevitable. But in the end much good sense was shown on all sides. The American officers, impatient and ir- ritated as they were over the failure of the expedi- tion, sought to explain and to soften the situation for the young Frenchman, even Sullivan making a clumsy sort of retraction; while Lafayette, sore at 96 SWORD OF LIBERTY heart but loyal, never faltered in his faithful service to America. Indeed, we next see him upon another mission, at the request of Sullivan, to intercede for the patriot army this time bearing the request to D'Estaing at Boston that the fleet's land troops, anyway, be sent back to Newport. This journey to Boston was an especially dis- tasteful one to Lafayette, for he felt that he was leaving the army just when fighting was imminent. But he set out at once. And the speed of his re- markable ride told of his zeal to accomplish his mission and to get back to the front. In the darkness of night, he rode from Newport to Boston, some- thing over seventy miles as he went, in seven hours ! And the same zeal that he showed in the saddle, he showed in his meeting with the French admiral. The boy's impassioned appeal was successful. D'Estaing agreed to send his land troops to the aid of Sullivan. But it was now too late. One moment in La- fayette's ears the music of D'Estaing's promise; and the next, the news that Sullivan, unable to hold on longer, was retreating from his position before Newport. In hot haste, Lafayette again sprang to the saddle. And the sting of the thought that there was fighting, and he not there, brought an im- petuous horseman dashing into Newport at eleven o'clock that night, six and a half hours out of Boston ! "RHODE ISLAND" 97 He found that the Americans had been attacked by the British, and had won a hotly contested battle ; but that news of approaching reinforcements for the English, was compelling Sullivan to retreat with all haste from Rhode Island. Without a moment's rest after a ride such as few men could endure, La- fayette flung himself into the work of the retreat, and, as .usual, into the place of greatest danger. He took command of the rear-guard of the army; and the last boat to cross from the island to the mainland was the one that carried him. But it carried an unhappy man. Despite his having been absent on a mission at the request of Sullivan, and his having made desperate rides to get back to the front, the fact that he had not been there in time for the battle weighed heavily upon him. However, there were others who appreciated more fully his services in the Newport enterprise. His distress must have disappeared when he received commendatory letters from Washington, and even a resolution of thanks from Congress for his sacri- fice in going to Boston at such a time, and for his gallantry in going on the island and bringing off the last of the American forces. It was in acknowledging this tribute from Con- gress that Lafayette made use of the words so often quoted, and which so beautifully express his de- votion to the cause of liberty, and to our struggling country: "The moment I heard of America, I 98 SWORD OF LIBERTY loved her ; the moment I knew she was fighting for freedom, I burnt with a desire of bleeding for her ; and the moment I shall be able to serve her at any time, or in any part of the world, will be the happiest one of my life." As it turned out, the Rhode Island affair was the last American military enterprise in which Lafay- ette was to be engaged for some time to come, the last that was to find representation upon the sword he was to receive from Congress. Again a minor part had been his to play; again he had played it well. And through what a test of honor and fidelity ! Conquering his own hot blood, he had spent himself to stay the rift between France and America. We may forget the young marquis's thrilling ride to battle, and his brave and skilful covering of the American retreat ; but we should not forget the sore- tried, unwavering loyalty of the boy represented by the Rhode Island medallion upon that sword from Congress. CHAPTER XI A FRENCH-AMERICAN OFFICER ON FURLOUGH THE campaign of 1778 was virtually at an end. Neither Washington nor Clinton had re- sources for any further important operations. D'Estaing sailed away for the West Indies. Under these circumstances, Lafayette's heart turned toward wife and child, and toward his country, too. For now France herself was in the war, and there were rumors that she was about to invade England ; unless he could do better service for her where he was, his place was with the battle-flag of his king. After advising with Washington, Lafayette went to Philadelphia about the middle of October, and presented to the Congress a petition for leave of absence in which he said, "I dare flatter myself that I shall be looked upon as a soldier on furlough, who most heartily wishes to join again his colors, and his much esteemed and beloved soldiers." It was in granting this request for leave of ab- sence that Congress conferred upon Lafayette the great mark of honor, the sword. It adopted a reso- lution, "That the minister plenipotentiary of the United States at the Court of Versailles be di- 99 ioo SWORD OF LIBERTY reeled to cause an elegant sword, with proper de- vices, to be made and presented, in the name of the United States, to the Marquis de Lafayette." That sword Benjamin Franklin was soon to have made in Paris. It was to be the sword that should tell of Gloucester, and devotion to freedom; of Barren Hill, and patient suffering; of Monmouth, and chivalrous sacrifice ; of Rhode Island, and tested loyalty. As the news of Lafayette's intended absence spread, tributes to his worth and gallantry came from all sides. And such a little while before he had come to our coast in the night, an unknown boy, half-lost in the darkness and the wilderness of a strange land. Now he was leaving that land, one of the recognized leaders of its great Revolu- tion, and second only to Washington in the hearts of the people. It was late in October when Lafayette left Phila- delphia for Boston, at which port the Alliance, the finest war vessel of the United States Navy was waiting to carry him across the ocean. His ride would take him by way of the American head- quarters on the Hudson, and give him a few last days with Washington. It proved a hard trip. He was exposed to the wind and rain of most in- clement weather, and to what was far more trying, the ceaseless attentions of an admiring people. A FRENCH-AMERICAN OFFICER 101 Day after day, at every town through which he passed, there were festivities in his honor. At length exertion, exposure, and social strain took their toll, and when the exhausted rider got off his horse at the town of Fishkill, on the Hudson, he was not to sit his saddle again for many a day. There he succumbed to a violent illness. Fortun- ately he was now near,the headquarters of his "dear general," who was soon at his side. In those days, men who had thought the great commander cold and unfeeling, looked into his grief -stricken eyes, and knew him better. At last came long days of convalescence, spent with Washington. Once more in the saddle, but with his physician riding at his side, Lafayette set out again. On a December day he rode into Boston, which he found a very different looking city from Philadelphia. Here was no prim regularity. Even the houses broke away from simple straight lines, and often found picturesque forms in hipped roofs and projecting stories, while the crooked little streets led nowhere and everywhere. Despite Lafayette's belated arrival in Boston, the Alliance was not ready for sea, as she had been unable to get a full crew. That was a common trouble with the vessels of the revolutionary navy. While America could boast the best of seafaring men in those days, it was hard for the navy to get hold of them. Congress had commissioned many 102 SWORD OF LIBERTY privately owned vessels to arm and prey upon British commerce, and sailors found better pay and more prize money aboard these privateers. This accounts for the revolutionary navy not having ac- complished more than it did ; much of the time its ships were lying useless in port for want of men, or were on the ocean fighting with seasick land- lubbers at the guns. In the case of the Alliance there was talk of impressing the needed men. But the marquis was opposed to that, and the crew was filled out with British deserters and prisoners, a hazardous resort that was to come very near ending the career of Lafayette. During those days of waiting, the "French boy's" heart overflowed in letters of affection to Washing- ton. One was on the very eve of departure : "The sails are just going to be hoisted, my dear General, and I have but time to take my last leave of you. . . . Farewell, my dear General; I hope your French friend will ever be dear to you; I hope I shall soon see you again, and tell you myself with what emotion I now leave the coast you inhabit, and with what affection and respect I am forever, my dear General, your respectful and sincere friend." So, on January n, 1779, through the floating ice of the winter-bound harbor, the Alliance bore Lafayette out upon his long homeward voyage. There was a favorable wind, but too much of it; A FRENCH-AMERICAN OFFICER 103 it soon swept to a gale. For three days the ship fought the storm. Then, after a dark, wild night that seemed the end ( the crew ready to cut away the masts, the ship steadily filling) the storm died down, and the Alliance, with shattered rigging but sea- worthy yet, went bravely on her way. But more trouble was brewing. The English sailors, who outnumbered the rest of the crew, hatched a plan to seize the vessel. On an early February afternoon, all was orderly aboard ship, suspiciously orderly, the time set for the uprising only an hour away. Below, Lafayette and the ship's officers were at dinner. Doubtless a merry party, sickness and storms all forgotten, and France just over the edge of the sea. Suddenly an excited sailor was among them. The first words of his story sent Lafayette and the officers rushing on deck. They summoned the loyal sailors and quickly had the chief mutineers seized and in irons. From that time all went well. What must have been Lafayette's feelings that Saturday, February 6, as dimly out of the ocean rose the coast of France ! France, from which he had fled almost as an outlaw, disguised as a postboy, pursued by officers of the king. Now he was returning covered with honors, a major-general of distinction, upon a war- ship especially commissioned for his use. And France herself was following where he had led! Higher and clearer rose the land ahead, that great 104 SWORD OF LIBERTY arm of Brittany that France reaches out toward America, Along the coast villages stood out, strangely clear. The Alliance held for a slowly lifting headland, and sailed under looming fortifi- cations into the harbor of Brest. And then came a moment when Lafayette's heart leaped. Flash after flash, roar after roar, from the great guns of the forts. The salute of France to the flag of America! The thunder of the guns, echoing from the hillsides of the harbor, brought most of the clat- tering sabots of Brest down to the waterfront, and began an ovation to Lafayette in which all France was to join. On Friday, February 12, Lafayette reached Ver- sailles, the royal city in which he had spent much of his life. There was the academy where he had gone to school with his fellow nobles and with princes; there, the Place d'Armes, where he had taken part in manceuvers under the banner of the regiment De Noailles; there the great white palace where he had attended the king's levees, and danced at the queen's balls. The return of the marquis had its perplexing features for the French Government. The boy had left the country in contempt of a lettre de cachet, and almost with his tongue in his cheek at the French king. Kings and lettres de cachet were not things to be laughed at. There must be punish- ment meted out. And yet the whole setting of the A FRENCH-AMERICAN OFFICER 105 stage had rather embarrassingly changed. The king himself was now fighting for the very cause that the boy had run away to champion. Besides, the young offender had complicated matters by com- ing back so covered with glory that the people would not be able to see the culprit for the hero. What was to be done ? The answer was thorough- ly French, and thoroughly satisfactory all around. When Lafayette entered Versailles, his cousin, the Prince de Poix, was ready to take him in charge ; and there was a one-day stop, full of the serio- comic, in the king's city. The marquis was not allowed to show himself publicly, no chance being taken of popular demonstrations in honor of a sub- ject technically under the king's displeasure; and yet he was presented with all marks of distinction to the ministers of the Government, and earnestly consulted by them ! He was not allowed to see the king; and yet it was arranged that he should be in the palace gardens where the queen drove, that she might see him and congratulate him! He was in- formed that he was to consider himself under arrest for disobedience of royal command; and yet the prison appointed turned out to be not the Bastille but his own home! And so, that night, the happiest of condemned culprits was on his way again to the capital, and to the Hotel de Noailles, the family mansion in Paris having the same name as the one in Versailles. io6 SWORD OF LIBERTY A swift ride over the superb road to the city, on through the crowded streets to the great hotel on the Rue Saint Honore, and then the glad plunge into imprisonment, his shackles the arms of his young wife and the baby fingers of Anastasia, That imprisonment in the family mansion con- tinued for some days, becoming more and more a matter of French comedy. The marquis had been forbidden to receive visitors there. All the better for the comedy. That gave parts for delighted Paris to play. So delighted Paris assailed the Hotel de Noailles, inquiring most formally for Madame de Lafayette, for her parents, or for any- body indeed but the imprisoned hero that Paris had come to see. In the midst of adulation, the marquis did not forget America. As he could not go to Franklin to consult about her affairs, he wrote asking Frank- lin to come to him. And so on a morning very shortly after Lafayette's arrival in Paris, a car- riage drove up to Number 235 Rue Saint Honore, and from it alighted, rather uncertainly, the old doctor. Franklin was not a stranger in this home, and he and Madame de Lafayette were already friends. How often, in his grave, official packets for America, had he found place for her love-letters to the marquis! There were two things of special interest for Franklin and Lafayette to talk over that day. A FRENCH-AMERICAN OFFICER 107 Among the despatches the marquis had brought from Congress was one instructing Franklin to pre- sent to the Marquis de Lafayette an elegant sword in the name of the United States of America. And another abrogated the commission of three envoys to France, and appointed Benjamin Franklin as sole minister to the court of Versailles. A few days later Lafayette's imprisonment came to an end. He wrote a letter of apology to the king he had flouted, whereupon he was summoned to Versailles. With feelings more of pride than of penitence, the young noble presented himself before his monarch. And good-natured King Louis, who in truth liked the young culprit, soon fell to talking interestedly of his life in America; and the "reprimand" ended in royal congratulations upon the very exploits the boy had run away to get into. Even honor followed soon, for he was given command of the King's Dragoons. It is impossible to overestimate the services of Lafayette to our country during this visit back to his native land in 1779. It was he who kept zeal for our cause from dying out at the court of Ver- sailles. Linking his work with that of the old Doctor, it is probably safe to say that but for Frank- lin we could not have obtained, and but for Lafay- ette we could not have retained, the effective support of France in the American Revolution. CHAPTER XII AMERICA'S PART OF SWORD OF LIBERTY WHILE Lafayette was ceaselessly petitioning the French Government in behalf of his adopted country, Doctor Franklin, out at Passy, was adjusting himself to his new position. At last that absurd triumvirate of envoys with its incon- gruous make-up was at an end. At last the one American quite capable of handling the situation in France was free to do so. At last Benjamin Franklin was sole minister from the United States to the court of Versailles. In his own way he con- ducted the affairs of the embassy. If that way meant more dining out than working in, and more papers on the floor than on the files, it was a good way, anyhow, for it got America what she sought. The Doctor acquainted the Minister of Foreign Affairs with his appointment, and a day was set for his presentation to the king in his new capacity. But Franklin's movements were a good deal subject to the whims of the tyrant Gout And in this case that tyrant chose the same time as Louis XVI for 108 AMERICA'S PART 109 a meeting with the Doctor, so the audience with the French king had to be postponed. However, there are many things that can be done even by a minister with the gout. And we may be sure that one thing Franklin was giving attention to now was the procuring of that sword for the Marquis de Lafayette. Congress had set the old man a task to his liking, and fortunately had left him a free hand. His to choose the kind of sword, his to determine all the embellishing devices. The Doctor may not have known much about swords, but among his French friends were nobles well qualified to advise him ; while as to the devices, he had a knack of his own along that line, and he drew some of them himself. In those days one qf the most famous sword- cutlers of Paris was Liger, down near the Palais Royal in a narrow little cross-street, the Rue Co- quilliere. To Liger, Franklin entrusted the making of the sword. Congress had said, "an elegant sword," and an elegant sword it was to be. No pains were spared to make the gift truly carry its story and its sentiment. More than once Franklin's coach came rolling into little Rue Coquilliere, and deposited the Doctor for conference with the famous Liger. Another thing taking Franklin to Paris now was his growing friendship for Lafayette. But he no longer drove down old Rue Saint Honore to the no SWORD OF LIBERTY Hotel de Noailles. Lafayette had established a home of his own. He and his Adrienne had had that idea in mind for a long while. One day when he was in America she had received a letter from him that ran wistfully : "Do you not think that, at my return, we shall be old enough to establish our- selves in our own house, and to live there happily together? I enjoy thus building in France castles of felicity and pleasure! you always share them with me, my dearest heart." Evidently "our own house" appealed to his "dearest heart;" besides, was not her French colonel and American major-general too important a man now not to have his independent establish- ment? So, in that spring of 1779, the young couple turned their backs upon the great family mansion to seek their "castle of felicity." They found it on the other side of the Seine, where the lofty dome of the Invalides marked the aristocratic faubourg of Saint Germain. Over there next to the beautiful gardens at the end of old Rue de Bourbon, they discovered a great house to their liking, and proudly rechristened it the Hotel de Lafayette. There was a high-walled garden running back a whole square, a charming bit of outdoors for the little Marquise and baby Anastasia. As the summer drew on France and Spain were planning to send a fleet and a great army across the Channel for a descent upon England. France was AMERICA'S PART in already collecting forces and vessels for transports along her Channel coast from Havre to St. Malo. The fleet of war-ships was to come up from the Mediterranean. Lafayette had an "important and agreeable" command in the expedition as aide- matrechal-^eneral des logis. Now he set out for Havre to join the army of invasion. The invasion of England! How those words must have carried his thoughts centuries back to that great prototype of this expedition, the invasion of England from the same coast by William the Con- queror ! And soon, as his horse struck into the old roads of Normandy, how every mile of the way tied the present expedition to that historic one! For now he was in William the Conqueror's own country. All the way to the coast there would ride beside the marquis the phantom of that great figure in armor on the heavy Norman war-horse; accoutered with sword and lance and kite-shield; eagle-eyed, fierce-visaged under the helmet with the ducal crown, William, Duke of Normandy. So com- panied, the ardent young noble pressed on. And the road was the Conqueror's road; and the towns were his, and the grim castles on their wooded heights. On through a beautiful country-side (the great duke had known it well) where silver-gray rivers swept round lofty cliffs, and after a while Rouen was reached, the city of ever-chiming bells. 112 SWORD OF LIBERTY Rouen the Conqueror's capital city. And then came Lillebonne, where a frowning castle stood high above the town the Conqueror's castle. Up there, in the great baronial hall, the duke and his knights first openly spoke their minds as to the dar- ing enterprise, the invasion of England. There each knight told what number of men and of ships he would supply, his quota being set down against his name in a book. Journeying on, Lafayette came, in the beginning of July, to the hills of the Norman coast and looked down upon the sea-bordered plain below, half ex- pecting, one might think, to behold the embarking host of William the Conqueror. Instead, that plain was filled with the host of Louis XVI. Out beyond, in sheltered waters near where the great duke's little boats once lay, were countless transports for the expedition of the French king. And there in a cleft in the hills was Havre. Not much of a place in those days, but strongly walled all about with frowning ramparts. It behooved the traveler to get down from the hills and to make his entrance before nightfall when the gates of the walls would swing shut. Lafayette took up his station in the town just opposite the port, where he could overlook the waiting vessels, delighted to find himself in the midst of preparations for the great invasion. But the days and the weeks passed; and though anxious eyes were turned seaward, no spread of sail AMERICA'S PART 113 whitened out there to tell the coming of the allied fleet. One day while Lafayette was chafing over the fatal delay, young Temple appeared at Havre. He was the envoy of his grandfather to present to the marquis the sword of Congress. And we have the marquis's word for it that the handsome sword was presented handsomely. It was a strange scene, a scene of international significance, the actors virtually two mere boys. A few words, a golden hilt passing from one young hand to another, and it was all over. But in that moment France and America drew nearer together; and what had been but an elegant weapon became a symbol of the struggle for liberty. It was a symbol that had its immediate value. The news that Lafayette had been presented with an epee de honneur from the Congress of America flew through the camps. It had "a tremendous effect upon the army." The young French officers gathered into Lafayette's quarters, congratulating, questioning, each eagerly grasping the glittering sword, and feeling the urge of its call to the Ameri- can crusade. Lafayette's own delight in the gift was boundless, and found expression in the words, "That sword I am proud to carry into the heart of England!" It was a superb weapon, showing the perfection just at that time reached in sword-designing; a slender, gleaming, viciously beautiful thing. Upon H4 SWORD OF LIBERTY the hilt of gold was the work of the best artists of Paris, in line and in low-relief. Among the finely wrought embellishments were the four large medal- lions emblematic of this young hero's deeds at Glou- cester, Barren Hill, Monmouth, and Rhode Island. Combined with these were devices of knighthood, so appropriately giving to this sword the touch of romance and of chivalry. The presentation in- scription ran : "From the American Congress to the Marquis de Lafayette, 1779." This gold hilt was to become America's part of the Sword of Liberty. CHAPTER XIII AMERICA'S FRIEND AT COURT BUT Lafayette was not to carry his new sword into England. Though at last the fleet of France and Spain arrived in the Channel, it was too late. The English had gathered their forces, and the attempt to imitate William the Conqueror was abandoned. This failure did not leave France without other projects for the war. All along Lafayette had been urging the ministry to send a second French ex- pedition, with a force of land troops, to America. It was a proposal that nobody but Lafayette would have thought of making. Everything was against it. America did not want the troops; France did not want to send them. The D'Estaing expedition had turned out so badly that the idea of combined forces was out of favor on both sides of the Atlantic. But Lafayette insisted that despite the unfortunate experience, the American army could be successfully reinforced by French troops; and indeed would have to be to win the struggle. At the opening of 1780, he was seeking Franklin's aid, hoping that the Doctor could induce Congress to 115 n6 SWORD OF LIBERTY favor the coming of French troops, and to make a request for them. But also now Lafayette was anxious to impress upon Franklin another important matter, that there was a new member of the family just arrived at the Hotel de Lafayette, a boy, and that he was named for George Washington. The United States Minister, with his usual versatility, had no trouble in considering both the baby and the proposed expedition to America at the same time. Both received his approval. As to the little bundle in the cradle he was enthusiastic ; but as to the expedi- tion he had to act reservedly because of racial feel- ings at home. In January the ministry yielded to Lafayette's appeal ; the king's order issued ; and a second expedi- tion to America was in preparation. At once arose the question concerning leadership. As to the fleet, the command was given to the Comte de Ternay. As to the land forces, the ministry was not long left in doubt about Lafayette's views. He thought the proper man was Lafayette. The marquis was likely to think that way upon such occasions. He had a good deal of confidence in himself and was never backward about asking. At the same time, he always recognized the rights of others, and never sulked when what he sought went to other men. In this case, his claim to leadership was a strong one, but it could not stand against the stern fact AMERICA'S FRIEND AT COURT 117 that after all he was little more than a boy, and only a colonel in the French army. So the command of the land forces went to Lieutenant-General the Comte de Rochambeau, one of the king's most ex- perienced officers. It was arranged that Lafayette should hasten to America to herald the expedition, and that then he should be free to resume his posi- tion in the patriot army. Now there was much to be done, and cautiously, for the whole expedition was wrapped in profound secrecy. And, France being France, it was all to be done in a delaying maze of formality and festivity. The young marquis was of the court circle; while he must make ready for his momentous journey, equally must he be ready to answer summons to hunt with the king, to dine with the queen, to at- tend court functions. One of the main things on Lafayette's mind was to get ready a large supply of clothing to take with him for the American soldiers. His pride was up, his American pride. He would not have those showy French troops that were to follow him see Washington's soldiers in rags and tatters. Eagerly he besought Franklin to see that the uniforms were got ready; and, with his usual mad generosity, he declared that if the embassy did not have money enough he himself would supply the deficiency. Money! Money! Money! With all we could fur- nish ourselves and with all we could borrow, there n8 SWORD OF LIBERTY was never enough. Indeed, but for the liberality of France, American independence could not have been bought, for we could not have paid the price. One evening in the first week of March, 1780, a handsome coach attended by running footmen and by lackeys in livery bright with gold lace, came rolling into the courtyard of the Hotel de Valen- tinois Monsieur le Marquis de Lafayette to take leave of the American Minister. And yet to any one who had known the marquis in America, there would have seemed something strange about the young man who now stepped from the carriage. America had seen but Lafayette the United States soldier; here was Lafayette the French noWe, the elegantly dressed courtier that he was in those days. He was ushered into a richly furnished room, and into the presence of Franklin. Picture the old man sitting there in the March eve- ning before the open fire. He sits in a lax, heavy way, a gouty leg held out, and his chin, after that habit of his, oddly resting on the tip of his thumb. But back of those quiet eyes, perhaps even a little dreamy in the firelight, is still the keenest of minds ; and now the eyes themselves flash bright in warm welcome to Lafayette. Quickly the young French- man steps forward to pay parting respect to the venerable minister. Two men to whom the cause of liberty owes much! But for Franklin and Lafayette, each true AMERICA'S FRIEND AT COURT 119 to his own land but reaching out understandingly toward the land of the other, the bond between France and America might have failed and the cause of the patriots with it Often in the stress and strain of suspicion and jealousy these two human links seemed all that held. When Lafayette went to take formal leave of his king, envious courtiers gathered in the royal ante- chamber to see the romantic young soldier, a second time bound overseas to that land of adventure. By special concession of the king, he appeared in his uniform of a major-general in the American army, and wearing the honor sword from Congress. At last came Lafayette's parting from his family. Considering all that the marquis had done, and his prominence upon two continents, it is hard to realize what very young people these yet were, saying good-by to each other. Even now Lafayette was but twenty-two years old, and the little marquise was but nineteen. Theirs was a married life of deep affection. Again war and the sea were to come between them. And this time there were two children to make the parting harder, Anastasia, nearly three years old, and little George Washington as many months. Bearing the king's secret, which he was going to carry straight to Washington, Lafayette soon reached the coast where the winds blow wild over the great salt marshes of the Straits of Antioch. 120 SWORD OF LIBERTY Here was the safest point from which to sail; and here lay waiting the king's frigate, the Hermione. With the marquis aboard, the ship stood up the harbor toward a white-walled town, La Rochelle, where she was to take on thousands of uniforms for the American soldiers. She tacked around the quaint old lantern-tower that for centuries had lighted vessels home, and in amongst the shipping before the town, but only to disappointment. The uniforms had not arrived. Lafayette held his ves- sel here a day or two, but fruitlessly. On a dark March night she weighed anchor, sailed out under the faint glow of the old lantern-tower, and put to sea. After a tedious, uneventful voyage the Hernuonc arrived at the port of Boston on April 27. All the city learned who was aboard the beautiful frigate landing at Hancock's wharf. The people crowded to the harbor front. Cannon boomed from ships and batteries. Lafayette disembarked in a welcom- ing tumult. With music and cheering, and three- cornered hats up in the air, he was escorted into the town. Well up the hill the procession came to a stop in front of a broad, stately mansion, the home of one of America's most prominent patriots, John Hancock, whose guest Lafayette became for the time of his stay in Boston. Here he met warm hospitality; and here too he picked up the story of how things had been going in America. AMERICA'S FRIEND AT COURT 121 In the North, during Lafayette's absence, there had been a strange military inactivity. Through all that year of 1 779 Washington had been too weak to attack the British force at New York, and that force had made no serious attempt to attack him. During this long deadlock, however, each side had undertaken some minor operations. The British had made several marauding expeditions about New York and along the coast, the most serious of these having been an incursion into Connecticut, which had done them little good but had blackened their name by its outrages upon defenseless people. Sharp encounters had taken place over two little posts on the Hudson, Stony Point and Verplanck's Point; encounters always to be remembered on ac- count of the brilliancy of the fighting, though of little effect upon the military situation. But it was Georgia and South Carolina that had seen the chief military activity while Lafayette had been away. Clinton had suddenly shifted the English offensive from the North to the South, sending troops from New York to cooperate with his Southern forces. All had gone well for the British in the new field of battle, Georgia soon being completely conquered. A vigorous effort had been made by the American Southern forces under Lincoln, aided by the fleet of D'Estaing, which had come up from the West Indies for the purpose, to break the British hold 122 SWORD OF LIBERTY upon Georgia by retaking Savannah. But the at- tempt had failed. Elated -over the success in Georgia, Clinton had concentrated his Northern forces by abandoning Newport, and, taking what troops could be spared from New York, had himself sailed southward to conquer the Carolinas. He had turned in at Charleston, then occupied by Lincoln's army, and had settled down to a determined siege of the city. That siege was still going on. Such was the war-story that the returning La- fayette heard as he sat in Hancock's house on Beacon Hill and looked out over the town and har- bor of Boston. It was not a very pretty story to the ears of that fighter for liberty. While he was gone, there had been no gains for the patriots in the North; there had been loss after loss in the South. Nor was that all. Soon the young French- man learned that America was in a plight which no mere tale of the fighting could disclose. The grave, the alarming fact was that the country had lost its nerve. War-worn, the people were ready to quit, were quitting. Fighting patriots there still were, and many of them ; but they could no longer hold the people up to the fighting-spirit. One trouble was the lack of money. So far as American means were concerned the Revolution was run on paper money; and by this time it had so depreciated as to be virtually worthless. The soldiers were AMERICA'S FRIEND AT COURT 123 tired of fighting, and the people of furnishing sup- plies, all for paper money that was useless. So the armies had dwindled to pitiful numbers, recruiting was almost impossible, and what soldiers there were went starving. Even Lafayette's unfailing courage must have faltered as bit by bit he picked up the dismal story. So this was the state of the cause to whose support he had persuaded his king to send a second expedi- tion! It must have been with a sick heart that the young Frenchman, early in May, left Boston and started upon his long ride to Washington's headquarters at Morristown, New Jersey. Something of a caval- cade his little party made, with the several French officers who were with him, his secretary, and his personal servants. Among the latter was a valet who affected so strange and fierce a head-dress that he was nicknamed "the Devil." For days the way led through the hill country south of Boston and along the sandy levels of New Jersey. Somewhere on the road Lafayette saw approaching him a number of horsemen of a sort that he knew well. Unusually tall, fine riders in blue and white, with blue-and-white feathers in their hats. So Washing- ton had sent a party of his own body-guard to escort his "young soldier." On they traveled across the low country and came one morning to Morristown. or almost to it. For 124 SWORD OF LIBERTY while yet the white church steeple of the village showed some way off, there was pointed out to Lafayette a broad white house topping one of the neighboring hills, Washington's headquarters. Riding up the slope, the party saw little of the main army, as that was encamped some distance away. But all about was the life and bustle of head- quarters. The huts of Washington's Life Guards stood in a meadow near the house. Officers and messengers went up and down the hill. Sentries were passed. Quick drawing of rein, hot creak of leather, rattle of swords, as the marquis and his suite and the Continental guardsmen pulled up and dis- mounted. Entering through a broad colonial door- way Lafayette found himself welcomed not only by his general but by Lady Washington too, and by many officers whom the chief had invited to attend a dinner in his honor. At the table that day, we see General and Lady Washington sitting side by side, and with them a group of men whose names bulk big in the story of the Revolution. Near the commander-in-chief sits a tall, broad-shouldered man with brilliant blue eyes and with such a commanding air you would never suspect he is a Quaker, that is Greene, throughout the war the right hand of Washington. Another guest belies his appearance still more the big, full- faced, genial man with the kindly smile, a smile not AMERICA'S FRIEND AT COURT 125 to be counted upon when dinners become battles and Washington is depending upon Knox. The huge imposing figure sitting there with the jeweled order upon his great breast is not Mars himself, though his martial air would excuse your thinking so. That is the man who bellowed and cursed and goaded and loved the brave raw Americans into disciplined soldiers, Baron von Steuben. Near him sits a man impressive in another way. Tall, slender, nervously energetic, with piercing black eyes and with a nose that beaks strong above a kindly, whim- sical mouth, that is Schuyler, a greater man than history paints him, who ought to have had the honor that Gates got at the surrender of Burgoyne. Across the table from Washington is a very small young man ; but his massive head and his dignity add cubits to his stature. He is presiding at the dinner, and with that graceful courtesy that always dis- tinguished Alexander Hamilton. Washington esteems them all, and in his grave way has let them know he does. But for that stripling of France that he "loves as his own son," his quiet gray-blue eyes have a look that no other man has ever been able to bring into them. After the dinner Washington and Lafayette withdrew from the company for a private talk. Then came the explosion of the great secret that the king's young herald had bottled up for so long. And how did it impress Washington? We shall 126 SWORD OF LIBERTY never quite know. Probably his view was favor- able. He certainly acted promptly, bending every effort toward preparing for joint operations with the French forces. For a few days Lafayette remained at head- quarters. The commander-in-chief had sorely missed his boy general, and now everything goes to show his happiness in the reunion. Of course a subject quickly to the fore in the talks of these re- united friends was that other George Washington. The general's affection went out to the tiny noble across the sea for his father's sake. But one day the little fellow was to have a tug at the great man's heartstrings on his own account. A boy refugee from the horrors of the French Revolution, wealth and rank gone, he was to find sanctuary in America, in the home of his famous namesake at Mt. Vernon. CHAPTER XIV DAYS OF WAITING ON May 14 the Marquis de Lafayette started for Philadelphia to make necessary arrange- ments for the coming of the Rochambeau expedi- tion. He found Congress in session in Inde- pendence Hall, in the historic chamber where the great Declaration was signed. It was a noble room about forty feet square and very high, lighted by deep-casemented windows and paneled with artis- tically wrought pilasters. The members of Congress were seated somewhat in a circle, with green- topped tables at convenient intervals. The circle was broken at one point by a low dais upon which, in a stately Chippendale chair, sat the president be- fore a mahogany table bearing a curious four-legged object in silver that was inkstand, quill-holder, and sanding-box. There was a note of incongruity in the scene. The Congress of a bankrupt, war-ruined nation, and arrayed as though for a fancy-dress ball ! But gaudiness was the note of the times, and even reso- lutions to borrow more money had to be passed in the brightest of coats and the gayest of waistcoats. 127 128 SWORD OF LIBERTY The returning young major-general received a warm welcome, and doubtless found place of honor in an opening in the congressional circle, as visiting notables were wont to do. Congress interrupted its proceedings to pass a resolution in honor of La- fayette, expressing its pleasure at the return of "so gallant and meritorious an officer." Lafayette's preparations for the arrival of the French expedition were made difficult by the un- certainties of navigation in those days. No one could foresee at what point the fleet would arrive in American waters. Signal officers were sta- tioned at various places on the coast, provided with swift boats and landing instructions, ready to put out the instant the fleet should be sighted. The landing instructions that the marquis sent would read a little oddly to those officers of the French expedition, not quite acquainted as yet with La- fayette, the American Lafayette. French eyebrows and shoulders would go up over the "we" and the "you" and the "us" as a paragraph ran, "We shall all endeavor to merit the friendship and the esteem of troops whose assistance at the present moment is so essential to us. You will find amongst us a great deal of good will, a great deal of sincerity, and above all, a great desire to be agreeable to you." And written by a French officer ! Every day the marquis was receiving letters from Washington, planning and urging on the prepara- DAYS OF WAITING 129 tions ; and urging, too, that Lafayette come back to him. We catch the human nearness of these two as the grave, repressed chief whips out, "Finish your business as soon as you can and hasten home, for so I would always have you consider headquarters and my house." And Washington needed him. It was now toward the last days of May, and the outlook only growing darker. The States were not re- sponding to his urgent call. Recruits were not ar- riving. Supplies were not coming in. A murmur of mutiny was in the ranks. This the preparation for the great united effort with allied forces that now might arrive at any moment! Look in upon no unusual scene in headquarters on the hill near Morristown. It is late in the May night, perhaps almost dawn ; but there in the other- wise deserted office a majestic figure bends patient- ly over a little ink-stained despatch table with its guttering candles. The fitful light shows the strong face drawn with care and anxiety, as the big mus- cular hand writes on steadily, George Washington making a last appeal to his apathetic countrymen. Look over his broad shoulder for a moment as the words form in those clear firm letters : The Court of France has made a glorious effort for our deliverance, and if we disappoint its intentions by our supineness we must become contemptible in the eyes of all mankind. ... All our operations are at a stand; and unless a system very different ... be immediately adopted . . . our affairs must soon become desperate be- 130 SWORD OF LIBERTY yond the possibility of recovery. . . . We have everything to dread. Indeed I have almost ceased to hope. A day or two more and Lafayette was "home" again. He found Washington planning measures fairly desperate. His one chance lay in the serious- ly divided state of the British forces, now that so considerable a body had gone from New York to lay siege to Charleston. If that city could hold out until the French should arrive, then two quick blows, one at the reduced garrison in New York and the other at the besiegers of Charleston, might turn the fortunes of war. How anxiously the two men waited for news from beleaguered Charleston ! How impatiently they looked for that swift horse- man who should bring word from those watchers by the sea! Then one day (it was Thursday, the first of June) a little handbill, brought out from New York, ended even desperate hopes. Charleston had fal- len! One of the greatest disasters of the war. And hard on the heels of that news came word of many ships bearing into New York harbor not the arriving French fleet, but the returning British fleet, bringing back victorious Clinton and all his troops except five thousand men left under Corn- wallis to complete the conquest of the Carolinas. Now from plans of aggression Washington had to turn to those of defense, expecting Clinton flushed with victory to attack him from New York. DAYS OF WAITING 131 If the British commander were to do this with energy, but one result seemed possible. As Wash- ington said, "Their superiority will be decided, and equal to almost anything they may think proper to attempt. . . the most disastrous consequences are to be apprehended." And still no word of the sighting of the French fleet ! But danger and anxiety never quite quench hope, or make life stand still and wait. In the house on the hill brave hearts watched and worked, and laughed and sang as well. Among the bravest was that fervid little patriot, Lady Washington, in her sober war-time dress of homespun. She had come up from Mount Vernon in the past winter in her coach, with military guard, battling through cold and snow, and bringing seven extra horses for the general. Here at Morristown she was constantly engaged upon some good work for her war-lord husband or his needy soldiers. In those days of waiting we see Washington and Lafayette out upon many a gallop to an important post of observation. While the young Frenchman rode much, and well enough, he was never at his best in the saddle. He must have welcomed these opportunities to pick up points from the "finest horseman of the times." Down from headquarters they canter to little Morristown, where the flag waves from the Liberty Pole and the people flock to the "green" to greet them. On through the vil- 132 SWORD OF LIBERTY lage they go, out on the Jockey Hollow road, and up through the hills to a lofty height upon whose commanding top they draw rein. And there the two horsemen stand, like raised emblematic figures silhouetted against the sky, Washington and La- fayette, America and France, the alliance for liberty! Spread out before them is the whole military panorama. Near at hand, hutted upon the hills, are the soldiers of the little American army in their tatters and wretchedness, held there, indeed, only by their devotion to the great chief now looking down grave-eyed upon them. Out beyond, far to the east, New York and the camps of the British. The story of Clinton's return is written in the added myriad of masts cutting across the horizon. It was on June 6, in the quiet of the dawn, that a scout runner came panting up headquarters hill. He bore the message that the British were ad- vancing from New York toward the American posi- tion. Washington at once took steps to move his army forward to vantage-points. So the campaign had begun. And that meant separation again for the general and Lady Washington ; he to go to the front, she back to Mount Vernon. Some time in the commotion of that morning their good-bys were said, and soon the American army was on its way down out of the hills, though leaving a strong guard DAYS OF WAITING 133 for the protection of Lady Washington as she pre- pared for her departure. In a day or two her coach and four stood before the open doorway, black coachmen, footmen and postilions in white-and-scarlet livery, and mounted military guards waiting. Upon black faces some very white smiles back-to-Mount-Vernon smiles are showing, as footmen and maid dispose of their mistress's traveling-boxes. Now comes the brave little wife of Washington, surrounded by loyal women, some the wives of generals, some the villagers who have come to say good-by to one whose kindness and graciousness have made her very dear to them. Doubtless with more cracking of whip and flour- ish of reins and rearing of horses than is quite necessary (for the proud black retinue sees to that) the coach gets under .way and goes swinging down the hill. From this moment the news travels fast that "Lady Washington is on the road," and ex- cited people gather to cheer as she passes, and militia turn out to give her escort, and many great families are all a-bustle preparing for the honor of her stopping to "night" with them. It was a strange campaign opening that had oc- casioned this breaking up of headquarters at Morris- town. That incursion by the British from New York, which the American scout had heralded, proved to be in considerable force, and it was soon 134 SWORD OF LIBERTY supplemented by another under Clinton himself; but for various reasons both turned out to be odd, half-hearted affairs. Even the miserably prepared Americans were quite able to meet the situation. At each incursion, signal guns boomed and warning beacon-fires flamed from the hilltops, and Washing- ton's little army with hastily gathered militia faced the enemy. There were sudden scattered attacks, sharp running encounters along the roads, and some hotly contested little battles; but before any major engagement was reached, the British lost heart and beat retreat Soon they were driven ignominiously back to New York, and again matters settled down to that endless weary watching and waiting, the struggle of endurance. Washington thought the next move of the enemy would be a more direct attempt to wrest from the Americans the control of the Hudson. He took what measures he could for the safety of its chief post, West Point, and also moved his own army near to the river in New Jersey. Establishing his headquarters there, he resumed the almost hopeless attempt to recruit and refit his army for cooperation with the French. Immediate determination must be made as to just what operations were to be under- taken. There was bitter mockery in that thought. What operations could be undertaken by such an army as his, even with the aid of the French? Washington's answer was a desperate one. Any DAYS OF WAITING 135 worth-while answer had to be. He would greet his allies with a plan for immediate joint attack upon New York itself. And now to deal that bold blow America was waiting through the summer days for the coming of France. CHAPTER XV MORE HELP FROM FRANCE BUT was France coming? Day after day, week after week went by, the watchers on the coast scanning the sea in vain. Then suddenly, one July morning, it all happened. A heavy fog hanging over the New England shore lifted, and there, in the outer harbor of Newport, Rhode Island, lying quietly at anchor, was the French fleet. Despite the long vigilant watch that this town like so many others had kept, Newport was taken by surprise. In the rising mist one of the smaller vessels took on a group of officers from the flag-ship and stood in toward the port. There was a strange quiet about the place. Except for some curious flocking of people down the hillside streets to the water- front, there was no demonstration. Newport was too much surprised to show welcome and felt little welcome to show. This was the town that had seen D'Estaing sail away without attempting to rescue it from the hands of the British. Explanations? Oh, yes, but they had never counted for much here. Besides, what awful tales of French manners and 136 MORE HELP FROM FRANCE 137 morals the good New Englanders had heard ! And now these faithless, virtue-less allies were coming right to Newport ! It was about noon when the French vessel came up to Long Wharf. From it debarked a brilliantly uniformed group the pride of France Lieu- tenant-General the Comte de Rochambeau and his staff of French noblemen. And they landed almost in the chill of silence upon American soil. It was an ominous beginning. But soon the situation mended. The frank, dig- nified Rochambeau made an excellent impression. He quickly won the respect and confidence of the men of the town, while his handsome, dashing young staff captivated the women. Major-General Heath of the American Army arrived to welcome the French officially, and one night Newport even had an illumination. This was a most satisfactory demonstration, the treasurer supplying a box of candles at the expense of the town, and the illumina- tion being bravely kept up until ten o'clock. With the landing of the troops things took on a new aspect in Newport. To the war-worn dejected town came life, color, music, commotion. Trans- port after transport sailed up and discharged its burden of splendidly equipped soldiers and elaborate paraphernalia of war. What a colorful picture it all made! One crack regiment after another debark- ing and forming ashore this one all in white, that 138 SWORD OF LIBERTY in white and green, the next in blue and red ; these in jaunty cocked hats, those in high grenadier caps with waving colored plumes; and every man spick and span and with his hair done up in a pigtail. When the transports were empty a French army of six thousand men was encamped near the town. It had been intended in France that the force should be larger but at the last moment there was a short- age of transports and many of the assembled troops had to be left to form a second division, which was to follow as soon as possible. Rochambeau wrote at once to Washington, formally announcing his arrival. He expressed veneration for the American commander and zeal for the cause, and said in con- clusion, "We are now, sir, under your command." The French at once began to fortify their posi- tion. There was more need for prompt fortification than any one supposed. The British fleet at New York was just at this time reinforced, and at once sailed for Newport. In a few days the French, who had arrived so full of zeal to attack the enemy, were placed wholly on the defensive. Their ships were bottled up in Newport Harbor by the superior British fleet cruising outside, while word came that Qinton was on his way from New York with a large land force. The French worked hard upon their defenses; but at the same time, while waiting for the English to try to capture Newport, they went on capturing MORE HELP FROM FRANCE 139 it themselves. So admirable was the conduct of the troops, so charming the appearance and the manners of their officers, that gladly the whole town surrendered. Do we ever quite appreciate the unique social situation that attended the coming of France to help us in our fight for liberty? Into that rather sedate unsophisticated American society was suddenly thrown a group of the gayest, most polished Europeans, a dashing band of young nobles from the very inner circle of the brilliant court of Marie Antoinette. It is not surprising that the provincial little democratic town of 1780 was set agog. And how well that sudden contact of American simplicity and European elegance was managed! The credit goes to the French. Quartered among families of the town, those cultured, pampered nobles of France, with their elegant trappings and their Parisian valets, readily adapted themselves to the ways of the little American seaport. Heartily, gaily, they entered into the life of the place. Or rather, they made it. Young counts and marquises and barons and dukes not only entered American parlors as though they were the white-and-gold drawing-rooms of France, and drank tea with American girls as though they liked it, but a little later they held forth in elaborate functions of their own, where the good Newportians were shown all the courtesies of the Paris salon. 140 SWORD OF LIBERTY When balls were given by the Comte de Rocham- beau or by the Due de Lauzun or by the officers of the Royal du Fonts, what a suffocating flutter in fair bosoms as French bands "played like enchant- ment," as French nobles paid charming court, and every colonial maiden was a princess! Now those colonial maidens were not used to being princesses, and there were delicious, agonizing hours of prep- aration for the part. Old finery was gotten out, and feverish efforts made to get a season or two nearer the prevailing French modes. And after all, Polly Leighton, a demure little Quakeress who did n't even put a coquettish bow in her bonnet strings, carried off the honors. The July days went by hurried work upon the defenses; anxious looks seaward at blockading British ships; express riders foaming in with news of Clinton's movements; and, along with all, music and gaiety. It was into that sort of Newport that there came riding one evening toward the end of the month the Marquis de Lafayette. It was a proud moment for him. Here was a great military expedition that his efforts had obtained from the French king; and to it he was now coming as the sole representative of the American commander-in- chief . This youth bore authority from Washington to make all arrangements for the joint operation of the French and American forces. "All the in- formation he gives," wrote Washington to Rocham- MORE HELP FROM FRANCE 141 beau, "and all the propositions he makes, I entreat you to consider as coming from me." But Lafayette found the French commanders in no position to consider plans for aggressive action. They were too busy with the matter of their own salvation. So the marquis had to postpone the sub- ject of his visit and to join in the efforts for de- fense against the British. He had to join in the social functions too, and Newport family traditions are rather rich in ancestresses who danced with La- fayette. His was a strange position there with his own countrymen. His meteoric career excited perhaps admiration, certainly some other feelings in the officers of the expedition. Probably younger than any of them, he occupied so important a position that some feared being placed under command of the stripling, and had taken a vow not to submit to it. However, military friction aside, Lafayette was among friends, and even relatives. Rocham- beau himself was a distant kinsman. The general spirit of the French toward the cause was all the marquis could have wished. The young officers were full of enthusiasm in the glorious ad- venture, burning to unsheathe their swords for American liberty. And even Lafayette must have been surprised at their intense eagerness to behold the great Washington. One day about the first of August came an ex- 142 SWORD OF LIBERTY press rider bearing word from him, anyway. The commander-in-chief regretted that he could not send any detachment from his own army to aid in re- pelling Clinton's expected attack upon Newport; but he said that, with the idea of drawing the British general back from that object, he was marching his entire force directly toward New York, and might even attack the weakened garrison there. A few days more and the nervous tension at Newport was over. The British offensive broke down before the combination presented by the strong position of the French and the menacing movement of Wash- ington. But the English fleet continued to blockade the harbor. At last Lafayette could take up with the French commanders the matter that had brought him there, the consideration of joint operations by the allies. Rochambeau's headquarters, the old Vernon House at the corner of Clarke and Mary streets, saw some earnest and not always harmonious conferences. But they amounted to little. The sudden blockad- ing of the French squadron by the reinforced British fleet prevented any present action. All that could be done was to plan vaguely for what might be undertaken when the second division should arrive. A hard blow to Lafayette. Was this French ex- pedition, his expedition, to go the way of its pred- ecessor and fail the Americans? It was a sober young marquis that mounted his horse one day in MORE HELP FROM FRANCE 143 early August and started upon his return journey to the main American army. He found the army crossing to the west bank of the Hudson at King's Ferry after its feint upon New York. And some- where in those pitiful lines of soldiers toiling along the hot, dusty way, he found a body of light infantry that Washington had formed in his absence and of which he was now to have command. La- fayette was prouder of these ragged troops than he had been of his superbly uniformed King's Dragoons. Hounded by famine, the army struggled south- ward along the Hudson. Soon they were in an almost mockingly beautiful land, that reach of smiling valleys just back of the Palisades. Some- times their way was through Sleepy-Hollow-like peace and plenty. But even where plenty was, it was not for the patriot soldiers. While the rural sections of America were generally far more loyal to the cause of liberty than were the cities, yet here was a country-side steeped in Toryism. The bare necessities of the troops were met only by forages at the point of the bayonet. Yet all along Washington's hope fed upon visions of great things to be accomplished when the second French division should come that is, until that hot day at the end of August when an unwelcome mes- senger came riding up to headquarters. It is said that Washington almost lost his marvelous com- 144 SWORD OF LIBERTY posure that day as he read the message brought. There was to be no second division. The expected additional French fleet could not even leave France, it was blockaded by the British in its own harbor at Brest. The first blow of disappointment weathered, Washington turned wearily to face the situation. That was the end of all hope for a Northern cam- paign in 1780. But a brave front must still be kept up, and the fight against starvation must go on. Dejectedly the army went into camp there in the extreme northeastern corner of New Jersey, close by the all-important Hudson. On a dismal rainy day at the opening of September, Washington, riding out in the open country, stopped at a long, low, stone house a little back from the river, and took up his headquarters there. It was a usual enough house of the better sort, with nothing to indicate the part that it, or its owner, was playing in the cause of liberty. But had the Tories of the neighborhood known what Washington knew the building would probably not have been left standing. Here lived Andrew Hop- per, well known as a prominent patriot, but not known as what he really was, one of Washington's most trusted spies. The work of such a man in the American Revo- lution was of particular importance. It was a war of spies. And yet, from the nature of things, com- MORE HELP FROM FRANCE 145 paratively few of them could be trusted. The most efficient work had to be done by double dealing, blinding the enemy by giving information as well as getting it. There was always the danger that even the most loyal spy would mistakenly give more than he would get ; and there was the even greater danger that his loyalty would fail in this double dealing and that he would go over to the enemy. Washington kept personal control of a spy system of his own, and showed ability in choosing men and in planning their operations. That dismal rainy September day in which Wash- ington took up his headquarters at the Hopper house was suggestive of the experience he was to have there. The distress of the army continued; militia arriving had to be turned back and disbanded for lack of food; Clinton was threatening immediate attack ; and in the midst of all came news of serious disaster in the South. For a while after Clinton had captured Charles- ton, and had sailed away leaving Cornwallis to complete the conquest of the Southern colonies, all had gone well for the British. There had been virtually no American army left in the South, and it had looked as though all that region was to be quickly subdued. But gradually the patriots had renewed the struggle in the only way they could, by waging desultory warfare from the fastnesses of forests and swamps. Under such leaders as Marion 146 SWORD OF LIBERTY and Sumter they had kept the cause of liberty alive, and after a while a new American army had been organized in the Southern field to oppose the vic- torious Cornwallis. Congress, without consulting Washington, had given command of this army to Gates, the general who had obtained so much un- deserved credit for the capture of Burgoyne. Now, by the time Washington was established at the Hopper house, about the only encouraging fea- ture of the situation was the favorable word from the South, indicating that Gates was in a fair way to wrest that portion of the country from the grip of Cornwallis. Perhaps the commander-in- chief had this one pleasant prospect in mind as he wakened one morning in his quaint, low-pitched room and looked out between the parted chintz curtains of his bed. The rain had gone and it was a beautiful morning. The room was furnished in old darkened walnut richly carved. A Dutch Bible mounted in silver lay on the table with antique bits of pottery, while pictured family forebears looked down from the walls upon the famous guest. But the beautiful day was to be a bad day for Wash- ington. Some time in the afternoon news reached head- quarters stripping the commander-in-chief of his one favorable war prospect. Gates, the vainglorious general who had been about to save the South, had bungled into battle with Cornwallis to his own MORE HELP FROM FRANCE 147 undoing. The two opposing generals had started out on the same August night, near Camden, each to surprise the other. The result had been the most crushing defeat ever inflicted upon an American army. Gates's forces had been virtually annihilated. Perhaps there never was a darker time for Wash- ington than that September 5, 1780, there at the Hopper house, in his hand the fatal message from the South. It was not that a battle had been lost, but an opportunity, perhaps the last. Just as the blockading of the second French division had thwarted his desperate attempts to make some head- way that year in the North, so now this over- whelming defeat of Gates blighted all hope of even holding his own in the South. The Southern colonies lay open to complete subjugation. CHAPTER XVI FRANCE AND AMERICA TALK IT OVER IN that autumn of 1780 Washington resolved upon a conference with Rochambeau and Ternay to determine what might possibly be arranged as to future joint operations. The place of meeting agreed upon was Hartford, Connecticut, about half- way between the two headquarters. In preparation for this journey the chief placed Greene in com- mand of the army. It was an impressive little company ready to set out that Monday morning, September 18, for Hart- ford. Besides Washington on his big, fine mount, there were Lafayette and Knox and half a dozen aides including young Alexander Hamilton. They were a handsome body of officers; for this confer- ence the United States was putting her best foot foremost. And yet something was wrong. The Commander-in-Chief of the American armies could not get together money enough to make the proposed journey decently! The military chest was empty. Even Lafayette, who was usually depended upon to help liberty out of such troubles, had in his many mad generosities about exhausted his available re- 148 FRANCE AND AMERICA 149 sources. After each officer had contributed all he had or could borrow (mostly in paper money) they all set forth, trusting to good fortune that their meager means would carry them through. After all, money or no money, this journey was a good deal of a pleasure outing for the routine- worn, camp-weary Washington. Out in the open now, a good horse under him, favorite officers galloping at his side, he set a good round pace along the road that stretched alluring in the September sunshine. Their way was up along the Hudson. It was toward evening when they reached Stony Point and came out upon the river bank at the landing of King's Ferry to cross the stream. And there, all unknowingly, they stood upon the verge of a disgraceful chapter in the story of our country, and even met and greeted the man who was to make it so. The man was apparently waiting for them. He was a well-built, strong- featured Ameri- can officer, and his name up to that time was an honored one Major-General Benedict Arnold. The commander-in-chief thought highly of that hero of many battle-fields, now limping about from the effects of two wounds received in fighting for his country. Upon earnest solicitation Arnold lately had ob- tained from Washington the command of West Point and of the auxiliary posts along the Hudson, in other words, of the most important and vital 150 SWORD OF LIBERTY defenses of American liberty. And to no one would they have been entrusted with greater confidence. But it was confidence sadly misplaced. Already he was deep in a plot to betray the Gibraltar of the patriots into the hands of the British. He had come down the river from West Point to the ferry that day in his six-oared barge, and had actually received a communication from the enemy but a little while before the arrival of Washington. Now the chief and his party of officers joined Arnold in his barge to cross the Hudson. They made a picturesque group in their blue and buff and gold as the strokes of the oarsmen carried them out into the mellow glow of the river's twilight. Arnold's nerves were good ones, that there in the presence of the commander he was about to betray, he maintained a bold air of composure. But once that failed him. They had got out to where their view commanded a long reach of the river to the southward. Washington looked and brought his spy-glass to his eye. Arnold (though nobody thought anything of it at the time) visibly started. What the commander-in-chief saw was a war-ship lying far down the stream near the eastern shore. He turned and made some remark to the officer near him in a tone too low to reach the eagerly strained ears of Arnold. The traitor's trepidation increased. Doubtless for a moment he thought his plot discovered. For that vessel was FRANCE AND AMERICA 151 the British sloop of war Vulture, and through it Arnold had been communicating with the enemy. But his fears were groundless. Washington had not a suspicion, and he was as far from guessing the errand of the dim distant ship as though she had been a phantom sail on that river of nautical ghosts. When the barge reached the other side of the stream at Verplanck's Point, the party, including Arnold, traveled a few miles to the village of Peekskill, where they all remained that night. Next morning Washington and his company, still un- suspicious, went upon their way, while Arnold turned back to complete the selling of his country to the enemy for the best price he could get, before the commander-in-chief should return. It was a good-sized troop with which Washington rode out into the sunrise of that September morning, for at Peekskill he had added a mounted guard of fifty men. Nor was this for display. There were dangerous portions of the country ahead. And yet for the most part what honor and devotion he was to receive all along the way! It is easy for us to forget how very little the people really saw of George Washington. He was a man never on parade, who seldom took a holiday. No wonder that the people, who loved and trusted him as they did no other man, crowded into the towns through which he was to pass. And he in his modesty was 152 SWORD OF LIBERTY always surprised and deeply affected by the recep- tion accorded him. For the next two or three days the commander- in-chief and his officers reveled in the free life of the highway. Out in the sunshine, with glow of color and glint of weapons, they went clattering over the hills. But that meant many stops at way- side inns where stalwart riders and sweating steeds had sharp-set appetites. The almost worthless paper money was going fast. But the unexpected was to happen. One day, upon leaving an inn, thinking rather ruefully of the score to be paid, they were surprised to be told that they owed noth- ing. They had just crossed the boundary line into Connecticut, and that State had assumed obligation for all their expenses while they were within its borders. In the circumstances that was a more comfortable basis to journey on. At length the company came out upon a height overlooking a considerable river, and below, along the stream, lay the town of their destination, Hartford. The capital of Connecticut was an odd-looking place in those days, more an overgrown, sprawling village than anything else. Everything was called Hartford for leagues around. As Washington and his party rode down into the town, they were met by mounted guards of honor, and cannon boomed a welcome. The town FRANCE AND AMERICA 153 was crowded with a multitude of people. The distinguished military visitors were received by Governor Trumbull and other notables and con- ducted through cheering crowds to the home of Colonel Wadsworth standing back in its spacious gardens on Main Street. Soon there was the booming of cannon again, announcing the arrival of the French commanders. Down at the City Landing they were formally received as they disembarked from the ferry. The party consisted of Rochambeau, Ternay, and two or three subordinate officers. For the French, too, there was the most enthusiastic popular welcome as they were conducted up from the landing to the square in front of the Capitol, where Washington and his generals now awaited them. It was one of the big moments in our story of liberty, that meeting and greeting of the great commanders of France and of America. It was the alliance made visible. In the midst of a showy setting of officers and aides and gaily uniformed guardsmen was that trio of leaders upon whom all eyes were bent. There were Rochambeau and Ternay, neither one an impressive man physically, but both of noble bearing, richly uniformed and sparkling with jeweled insignia. There was Wash- ington, less brilliantly though elegantly dressed in buff and white and blue, and superb in his towering majesty. 154 SWORD OF LIBERTY As the three exchanged courtesies, what a triumphal moment for Lafayette! This was his doing. To him was owing the fact that those two high officers of his king were standing upon American soil pledging to Washington the support of the army and the navy of France. And yet that thought was not swelling the chest of the young marquis half so much as another one. How, ever since he ran away to America to fight for liberty, he had been singing to his countrymen the praises of the magnificent hero he had found over there leading the desperate cause! Perhaps they were skeptical. Now they should see, now they were seeing! And in their eyes he could read the vindi- cation of his own judgment. The formal presentation over, the French and the American generals were conducted to the home of Colonel Wadsworth, where they remained during their stay in Hartford. That was only two or three days, and would have been less had Washington for a moment suspected what was going on, in his absence, along the Hudson. Ignorant of that, he threw all his energies into this conference with the French commanders, still hopeful that some way might be found to strike an effective blow against the British. As he did not know French and Rochambeau and Ternay did not know English, Lafayette acted as interpreter. But there was not much to interpret. It soon appeared that no present FRANCE AND AMERICA 155 undertaking could be determined upon. About all that could be done was to send a joint communica- tion to the French king asking for more ships and more troops. On the night of Thursday, September 21, the conference ended. While Washington was to re- main in Hartford another day, the French com- manders were to take their departure in the morn- ing. The final gathering of the leaders that night at Colonel Wadsworth's lavishly hospitable mansion was a memorable event. But a much more memor- able one was occurring that same night back on the Hudson River. CHAPTER XVII A NIGHT OF TREASON IT was about midnight, still and starlight. The Hudson, widening below King's Ferry, was flowing smoothly on the last of the ebb tide. Out from the shadows of a wooded point on the western bank moved a little rowboat containing three men. It moved almost noiselessly, the oars being muffled with pieces of sheepskin. The course laid was toward the British war-ship Vulture, still anchored a little below and on the other side of the river. While two of the men rowed steadily, the third sat in the stern of the boat, ill at ease. He was a rather prominent man of those parts, Joshua Smith, a lawyer and apparently a wholly unprincipled one. Whether or not he fully understood the foul errand he was on that night for Arnold, does not much matter. The ebbing tide favored the little craft and before long the spars of the Vulture showed shadowy against the starlit sky. There came quick challenge, and the boat was ordered alongside. That was just what was wanted, and Smith climbed aboard the British vessel. A short while and he was back, 156 A NIGHT OF TREASON 157 slipping down the side to the little boat. Close following him came a slender, graceful youth wrapped in a long blue watch-cloak concealing the scarlet and gilt of a British uniform. From the ship's deck above leaned dark, anxious figures watching the young man and speaking guarded last words. Then the rowboat headed noiselessly back for the western shore. The closely cloaked young man was one of Clinton's favorite officers, Major John Andre, Adjutant-General of the British army. He and Smith spoke little and guardedly. At length the boat shoved softly upon the beach a little below the point from which it had started. Smith and Andre got out and went up into the blackness of the wooded shore. And there they found, skulkingly waiting in a thicket, Major-General Benedict Arnold. Smith left the two officers together and made his way through the darkness back to the boat. Hour after hour passed. The stars looked down upon a peaceful river scene, only an innocent little rowboat lying at the bank. No sight or sound to tell that up there in the blackness of a thicket Ameri- can liberty was being sold. At length Smith grew uneasy. Treason was outlasting the darkness to cover it. He groped his way up the bank and again whispered a warning of the nearness of day. Two dim figures emerged from the thicket. Now, either 158 SWORD OF LIBERTY because the boatman would not risk taking Andre back to the ship that night, or because the nefarious bargain was not yet concluded, the plotters decided to go to Smith's house for concealment against the coming day. On the way they passed through a village, and suddenly a sentry's challenge rang sharp, answered by Arnold. Andre started in alarm ; it was the first intimation he had that they were to pass within the American lines. With no little uneasiness he fol- lowed Arnold until they came to a stone house on the crest of a ridge. They entered just as the day was breaking. In the dim dawn might be seen what sort of man Qinton had sent to treat with Arnold. A young fellow, slender, handsome, grace- ful, still in his twenties. He was to prove a most accomplished youth in the lighter graces, but scarcely the man for this work. Hardly were the conspirators safe within the house when the sound of firing on the Hudson alarmed them. Andre hastened to a window commanding a view of the river. There he saw the Vulture, which was to await him, being driven from her position by the cannonading of Americans on shore, and slowly passing down the stream. It was an anxious young British officer who now turned to further discussion with Arnold. About the middle of the forenoon the evil busi- ness came to an end. All arrangements were com- A NIGHT OF TREASON 159 plete for the English to attack West Point, and for Arnold to surrender it. And for his treachery he was to receive a large sum of money and high rank in the British army. He delivered to Andre sev- eral papers in his own handwriting, apparently an unnecessary step that might incriminate them both. Then, after furnishing passes and giving Andre to understand that he would be rowed back to the Vulture that night, the traitor left the house and started for his own headquarters. All day Andre remained at Smith's house. After some hours the wearing suspense was lessened by his seeing the Vulture sailing back up the river and taking position not far from her old anchorage. Anxiously he awaited the coming of night when he should be rowed out to her. But Smith had no idea of carrying out that part of the arrangement. Objections and excuses began, and in the end Andre was forced to attempt returning by land to the British lines. That was a much more serious and dangerous undertaking. Toward evening the two men set out, Andre now necessarily in disguise and with the papers from Arnold concealed in his boots. It was a fatal step. Up to this time, in his own uniform and without papers, his capture might have meant but detention as a prisoner of war; now, in disguise and with the incriminating papers, it would mean death as a spy. But he had no choice. i6o SWORD OF LIBERTY The two men were well mounted, Andre on a big brown horse, and hoping something perhaps from its conspicuous brand, "U.S.A." By a wind- ing, hilly, and picturesque road they traveled up the Hudson to King's Ferry, arriving there at twilight. The boat was just starting. When they reached the eastern bank of the river they set off hopefully toward the outposts of the British above New York. Their way was now through a lonely country. The autumn night came fast in the hills, and darkness closed about them full of lurking perils to the distraught mind of the young English officer forced into the character of a spy within the American lines. Smith sought to draw him into conversation, but fruitlessly. The long suspense was telling upon this gay favorite of the British headquarters as hour after hour he rode in the gloom, staring ahead through a hangman's noose. Sometime in the night came the sudden challenge of a sentry. They had stumbled upon an American patrol. They produced their passes. The captain of the guard took them to his quarters, where by the lamplight he studied them suspiciously. Smith, who was good at that sort of thing, invented a very plausible story as to their late travel toward the enemy's lines. But the captain seemed hard to satisfy. Perhaps to quiet suspicion, they stopped and spent the night near by. Andre went to bed A NIGHT OF TREASON 161 with his boots on, not even removing his silver spurs, and tossed anxiously till morning. The travelers were up long before daylight and, encountering no opposition, set hastily forth. It was a foggy morning, threatening rain. They had not gone far in the gloom, and were just passing a small frame tavern, when again they were halted by a picket guard. Again Arnold's passes were pro- duced and carried away to be read, and again was the long waiting. Back through the misty darkness came a dim figure from the tavern. The passes were all right ; they might proceed. Then the long climb of a stony hill, the riders and daybreak reaching the top about the same time. If Andre welcomed that foggy morning light after the night full of fears, he was soon to long for the concealing blackness again. Descending the hill into a little valley, they were riding more cheerfully now, Andre almost buoyant, when he suddenly went blank. A horseman was approaching, an American officer who had been a prisoner in New York, and who had met Andre there! It seemed the end had come. The American officer stared hard. But Andre's luck still held and the parties passed without his detection. A short ride farther brought the travelers to a fork in the rising road, where stood an old weather- worn house. They rode up behind it and asked for breakfast. And there, sitting on the back steps, 162 SWORD OF LIBERTY the Adjutant-General of the British army ate his last meal as a free man. At this point, Smith again failed Andre. Although it had been understood that he was to conduct the young officer to the British lines, yet here, fifteen miles short of that, he refused to go farther. Again Andre was helpless. Alone, armed with Arnold's pass, the fugitive pushed on. He was now entering the Neutral Ground, the between-region, not occupied by either army, but harried by irregular bands more or less in sympathy with one side or the other. He knew nothing of this country. The morning fog thick- ened and changed to a fine, drizzling rain. He became confused. He would try one road, then turn back and try another. He was forced to make inquiries, which was dangerous. People looked askance at the strangely garbed, muffled figure on the fine horse with its handsome saddle and bridle, and with its mane and tail filled with burrs. But, by this route or that, Andre worked toward the British lines, and by the middle of the forenoon was galloping along the old post-road near Tarry- town, and seeming in a fair way to be back soon among his friends. That was not to be. Now, just ahead the road crossed a stream flowing through a dark ravine. As the galloping horse clattered over the bridge, three men sprang up from A NIGHT OF TREASON 163 the bushes at the wayside, and a musket was pre- sented at the rider's breast. Andre seems to have wholly lost his presence of mind. While he had no means of telling to which side his assailants belonged, if he had promptly shown Arnold's pass he would have been safe in any event. If his captors were of the Americans, the pass would secure his release; if they were of the British, he would need no release. But, misled by appearances, he thought himself among Royalists, and imprudently declared that he was a British officer. His guess was wrong. His three captors, little more than boys, whose names were Paulding, Williams, and VanWart, now announced that they were Americans. At that Andre started, became more confused, and produced Arnold's pass. But it was too late. He was seized and searched, and the telltale papers found in his boots. "He is a spy!" exclaimed Paulding. Despite Andre's efforts to purchase his release, his captors hurried him to the nearest American post, where to the commander, Colonel Jameson, they delivered him and the papers he had carried. Then the unaccountable thing happened. Jame- son, with all the evidence before his eyes, could not or would not believe the story they so plainly told of the treason of his superior officer, Arnold. And so, while he at once sent a letter and the papers 164 SWORD OF LIBERTY found on Andre to Washington, he also sent a letter to Arnold advising him of the capture. It was a regrettable act of faith and of foolishness opening the way for the traitor's escape. CHAPTER XVIII SAVING AMERICA'S GIBRALTAR WHILE the courier bearing Jameson's com- munication to Washington was galloping over the road toward Hartford, the commander-in- chief and his military company were returning from that town along another route. On the morning of Monday, September 25, they were riding down the east bank of the Hudson toward Arnold's head- quarters, known as the Robinson house, which was almost directly across the river from West Point. They were two or three days ahead of the time when they were expected to return, and word had been sent on telling Arnold of their coming and that they would that morning breakfast with him. Suddenly Washington turned his horse from the road leading to the Robinson house into a lane running down to the edge of the river. Lafayette, surprised, reminded him of their breakfast engage- ment and that Mrs. Arnold would be waiting for them. There came that winning smile of the commander-in-chief, the more winning for its infre- quency. The beautiful Philadelphia girl who had become Arnold's second wife, had just arrived from 165 166 SWORD OF LIBERTY the South with their baby and joined her husband in his new headquarters. "Ah, I know," said Washington, "you young men are all in love with Mrs. Arnold. Go and breakfast with her, and tell her not to wait for me. I must go down to examine the redoubts on this side of the river." But even breakfast and a pretty hostess could not lure Lafayette and Knox from their chief; so two aides, Hamilton and McHenry, were sent ahead with apologies, while their superior officers turned down the little lane leading to the redoubts. A short gallop brought Hamilton and McHenry to Arnold's headquarters. It was a long, rambling house standing in a lonely spot, and certainly a forlorn home for the gay society girl who had mar- ried Arnold. The two young officers joined the household in the breakfast-room, with its quaint low-beamed ceiling and heavy-paneled fireplace. For a while it was a cheery gathering chatting over the coffee-cups. The pretty young hostess was happy to have agreeable visitors at that lonely house in the Highlands. As for Arnold, he seems to have carried off the situation well. Black treason in his heart, he gave no sign. But it was a trying moment for him. Though he supposed that Andre had safely regained the British lines, and that the arranged attack upon West Point would soon be made, and though he had already weakened the de- SAVING AMERICA'S GIBRALTAR 167 fenses preparatory to the surrender that was to make him a wealthy British officer, yet this unex- pectedly early return of Washington might delay or defeat the whole scheme. However, anxiety for the success of his treason was now to give way to apprehension for his own safety. Another horseman was at the door, and in a moment the fatal letter from Jameson advising Arnold of Andre's arrest and of the papers found upon him having been sent to Washington, was in the traitor's hands. Never losing his composure, Arnold rose from the table, pleading business that must take him at once to West Point. His wife followed him upstairs and at his hur- ried confession fell senseless to the floor. There was a knock at the chamber door ; a messenger had arrived announcing the approach of Washington. With that, the last of the traitor's composure went. Panic-stricken, he wildly ordered a horse and gal- loped down to the river, where his barge was moored. He hurried the rowers aboard, cursing because they were not armed, and pushed out into the stream. Crouching in the boat, urging his men to greater effort, and nervously cocking and un- cocking two pistols held in his jerking hands, he desperately strained toward his only hope, the Vulture. But a short time after the traitor fled from the Robinson house, Washington, Lafayette, and Knox 168 SWORD OF LIBERTY arrived there. They were informed that Arnold had been called to West Point, and that Mrs. Arnold was indisposed. The chief presumed that the sudden call to West Point had to do with prepa- ration for his own reception there, as he intended to visit the fortifications. He and his generals took a hasty breakfast, and then all of the party except Hamilton set out to cross the river. When their boat neared the other side what new courage and strength came to Washington as he gazed upon those towering highlands that crowded close their peaks and crags in stern guard over his one great fortress, West Point! How confidently he gazed up there, America's Gibraltar, and a tried and trusted fighter for freedom in command ! Now soon would roar forth the welcoming voice of the great fortress, thirteen guns in salutation to the commander-in-chief. Instead, a puzzled look came to the general's face. Except for the whistle of the Bob White and the caw of the crow from those autumn-tinted hills the silence was unbroken. An officer, full of apologies, came hastening down a rugged path to the landing. He had not known; the visit was a surprise. Washington interrupted him. "Is not General Arnold here?" "No, sir, he has not been here for two days." Perplexed, the chief took up his inspection of the fortress. He was amazed at the condition in which he found it. Doubtless a sharp reprimand was shaping in his SAVING AMERICA'S GIBRALTAR 169 mind as he recrossed the river toward the Robinson house. But still it was with no shadow of suspicion of his trusted general that he landed at Arnold's pier. Then Hamilton came hurrying up. He took his commander aside, spoke a few low quick words, and placed a package of papers in his hands. After circuitous travel, Jameson's letter to Washington with its accompanying papers taken from Andre had at last caught up with the chief, and had been delivered at the Robinson house while he was in- specting West Point. Now, suddenly, the monstrous, startling story of Arnold's treason stared Washing- ton in the face ! The commander-in-chief took the blow with iron self-control. To Knox and Lafayette only did he communicate the intelligence. His only comment was, "Gentlemen, whom can we trust now?" But no time was lost in vain regrets. The situation was still full of danger. Though the treasonable plot had failed, yet weakened West Point was now vulnerable; Arnold with all his knowledge of the fortress was with the enemy, and an attack in force might be expected that very night. Washington's mind worked quickly, his orders coming thick and fast. Everybody about him was kept busy, and couriers were sent flying in all directions. Instantly, upon a forlorn hope, Hamilton had been despatched at the top of his horse's speed down to Verplanck's 170 SWORD OF LIBERTY Point, only to find himself too late to intercept the traitor. Hard riders swept through the hills, ordering in Arnold's scattered detachments, and calling* upon Greene for a whole division of the main army. Strange and fortunate that just at this time the commander-in-chief, who so rarely through the whole Revolution left his main army, should happen to be at this very spot ; that, when for the one time in the war treason raised its hideous head, Wash- ington was there ! Aside from Lafayette and Knox, no one knew the occasion of the chief's swift massing of forces. But by this time more than one suspected. Toward evening Washington, calm and collected, joined the officers then at the Robinson house for dinner. "Come, gentlemen," he said affably, "since Mrs. Arnold is indisposed and the general is absent, let us sit down without ceremony." Looking about the table as we can picture it that evening, one is im- pressed with the youthfulness of most of those present. This crisis found the commander sur- rounded by his boy officers, as they might be called. Perhaps most were in their early twenties. After dinner Washington, who was deeply affected by the sufferings of Mrs. Arnold, went with two of the aides to visit her. She was prostrated with grief, and at times on the verge of distraction. The gen- eral made every provision for her comfort. SAVING AMERICA'S GIBRALTAR 171 Night dosed down upon the hills of the Hudson, a night of anxiety, and of pitch darkness, and of torrents of rain. Washington's work was done. Under his orders, out in the blackness and the driv- ing storm, keen sentinels were watching at every pass ; in little boats the water-guards were patrolling the river; hurrying scattered forces were still gath- ering back to the betrayed fortress; and loyal, hard-fighting Anthony Wayne with the detachment from the main army was coming in record march through the ink-black defiles of the mountains. Back at the Robinson house the long hours wore on in quiet. Yet, for the guard standing outside Washington's door, the stillness was broken by a steady measured footfall within the room, ceaseless throughout the night. At last morning broke across the Hudson to a sigh of relief from the imperiled posts in the High- lands. Qinton had not seized the opportunity. By another night West Point again would be im- pregnable. Washington remained at the Robinson house but a day or two longer. After seeing Mrs. Arnold started for Philadelphia in her carriage, with her baby and her maid and under proper escort, he assembled his own military company again and they set forth for the main army. Crossing the Hudson at King's Ferry, where, unsuspicious, they had so lately crossed with Arnold, they took their way 172 SWORD OF LIBERTY down the west bank to a little Dutch hamlet called Tappan. To this neighborhood, almost on the boundary line between New York and New Jersey, Washington had directed Greene to move the army in his absence. Now as he rode down out of the hills, there before him were the long white lines of the tented forces stretching across the autumn-painted slopes. A snug encampment, one would say, but Washington knew the rags and the distress that it covered. His was a warm welcome. The ugly story of Arnold's treason had reached the soldiers, with wild rumors of an attempt to capture their loved leader. Welcome was the sight of the tall, gallant horseman in buff and blue towering above his officers as he rode into Tappan that Thursday evening, September 28, "to the great Joy of the Army." On the edge of the handful of homes that made Tappan, there was a house standing a little back from the road. It was a quaint one-story building with the threshold of its Dutch doorway on a level with the ground. Here Washington made his head- quarters. Entering, the commander found himself in a large room with an oddly tiled fireplace, the windows looking out upon a quiet scene, a little creek meandering by. At once he appointed a military court to pass judgment upon Andre, whom he had ordered here for trial. It was about dusk SAVING AMERICA'S GIBRALTAR 173 of that same evening when, under strong guard, Andre was brought up the little main street and safely lodged in the stone tavern. How different was the treatment he was receiving from that accorded by the British to the young American captain, Nathan Hale, when he was cap- tured as a spy! Every courtesy was being shown Andre, and now he was to have fair trial; while Hale was loaded with abuse, denied trial, and hanged immediately. The military court appointed by Washington (of which Greene, Knox, Lafayette, and Von Steuben were members) convened in the village church. Before an impressive bench of judges stood young Andre, dressed as when he was captured. And from the first moment a profound pathos shadowed the whole proceeding. Not that the judges or the prisoner gave way to sentimentality or to melo- drama. If military crime was there, it was not to be condoned because of youth or grace or winning personality. Yet in every mind was the thought that at best a pitifully one-sided justice was being done. In a sense Arnold had forced Andre into his character as a spy. And now the greater offender, for whom in every mind burned indignation and contempt, had escaped; while the lesser, who had won every heart, was facing the penalty. But sternly the judges did their duty, and bravely the prisoner heard their sentence, that he suffer 174 SWORD OF LIBERTY death. It is said that Washington sitting in his headquarters before the old Dutch fireplace hesi- tated over signing the death-warrant; and that he had to master his trembling pen to its purpose. However, if the chief's hand was uncertain, his convictions were not, and now his signature put an end to the last hope for Andre. Monday, October 2, 1780; a golden autumn day. The heavy shutters on the west side of Washington'^ headquarters are closed, not against the flood of sunshine but to shut out the sight on the low hill at the edge of the village. However, hundreds, thousands of people from all the country round are crowding about that hill. Upon its flat top a strangely high gibbet is outlined gruesomely against the sky. An army wagon is drawn up beneath, and upon it stands the slender, graceful figure of Andre. Except for sash and sword and spurs he is now in his full British uniform of scarlet and gold. An officer stands with a watch in his hand, his sword raised. It is within a moment of high noon. Andre is very white, but very straight and very firm. Some- thing of the old smile, that had won even his captors, is on his lips as his own hands tie the handkerchief over his face and place the noose about his neck. The people see poorly now, for their tears. The officer looks at his watch, his raised signal sword SAVING AMERICA'S GIBRALTAR 175 drops. A flash of falling, swinging scarlet. A great audible wave of grief sighing through the thou- sands. And the story of Benedict Arnold's treason is finished. CHAPTER XIX FIGHTING IN THE CAROLINAS THE days following Andre's execution were days of steady rain, as though nature sought to wash from the land the stain of treason. Soon search for food carried the distressed American army on again, this time into the picturesque New Jersey country along the Passaic River. There in October was made the last encampment before going into winter quarters. Tradition has it that a general apprehension at this time of an attempt to capture Washington had something to do with the selection of this readily defensible position, and of the general's personal headquarters there. He established himself in the handsome house of Colonel Dey, some distance from the main army, but well located to prevent surprise. Headquarters looked like a camp itself, and a bustling one. About the house were the tents of the chief's Life Guards, numbers of baggage-wagons always ready, and farther out the stables of the many horses; while moving through all were the patrolling sentries and the numerous grooms and servants. Several miles away, at the other end of the tented 176 FIGHTING IN THE CAROLINAS 177 army, was the camp of Lafayette's corps, with his headquarters. By now this was the finest corps Washington had. And the mutual admiration be- tween the soldiers and the young commander was the talk of the army. He had at his own expense largely reclothed the men. They looked smart and military, their crowning glory being stiff leather helmets carrying long red and black plumes. There was always something doing at Lafayette's camp. And his little army showed for it. Care and train- ing so occupied the proud young commander that he scarcely took time to eat or to sleep. He some- times had his men out on parade before daylight. But, alas, not one opportunity had come for our fine light infantry corps to win distinction! In those October days Washington, in his head- quarters at the Dey house, was casting many an anxious thought toward the South, from which no news but bad news came to him. Since that dis- astrous defeat of Gates by Cornwallis at Camden, it had seemed that the Carolinas were lost. With virtually no American force left in the field, Corn- wallis had set boastfully forth to complete the subjugation of the whole South. And, partly by overcoming small bands of patriots, partly by com- pelling the allegiance of the people, he had made no small headway. About the middle of the month Washington's anxiety must, for a moment anyhow, have given 178 SWORD OF LIBERTY way to amusement upon the arrival of a letter from Congress asking him to appoint a general to take the place of Gates in the South. A pleasant indica- tion of chastened spirit in that body after its foolish and offensive appointment of Gates without even consulting the commander-in-chief ! Washington showed his appreciation of the situation by appoint- ing his best general, Greene, to take command in the Southern field. But at the same time he wrote to Congress: "I think I am giving you a general, but what can a general do without men, without arms, without clothing, without stores, without provisions ?" With Greene on his way to supplant Gates, Washington felt easier. And in a few days he was further cheered by a bit of good news that came up from the South. Major Ferguson, one of the best partisan commanders under Cornwallis, had come, in the congenial work of subjugating the Carolinas, to a fine mountain region along their dividing boundary line. That the region was all right is shown by its being sought to-day by thousands of tourists for its health-giving climate. But it had proved a poor health resort for Ferguson and his troops. Somehow, in that portion of the Carolinas and the neighboring parts of Tennessee and Ken- tucky armed patriots had seemed to rise out of the earth. Not soldiers but picturesque backwoodsmen in rough dress with fringed hunting-shirts; sprigs FIGHTING IN THE CAROLINAS 179 of hemlock were in their hats, knives and toma- hawks in their belts, and in their hands that long frontier rifle that usually spoke but once to the same man. The rising sun of October 7 had found Ferguson and his eleven hundred men at bay on top of a considerable eminence called King's Mountain. There they had thought themselves safe from any force that could be brought against them. But they had not reckoned on the ways of the back-woods- men. About one thousand of those old Indian- fighters had promptly started up the mountain, not in a wild charge that could have been easily met, but in open order, each man dodging behind tree or rock, and keeping up a cool, deadly firing. Despite desperate charges by the British, the Americans had crept slowly upward till they closed in at the summit. Then quickly it had all ended. Ferguson, shot through the heart, had fallen from his white horse as it plunged down the mountain side, and what were left of his men had surrendered. That was the news that now came up from the South to General Washington. No great affair, and yet a cheering event, and destined to prove one of the turning-points of the Revolution. The sweeping little victory was to renew the courage of the Southern patriots, and to pave the way for the work of Greene. However, in the North, where still it was sup- 180 SWORD OF LIBERTY posed that the war was to be won or lost, the campaign was closing drearily enough. It was not merely that, despite all effort, nothing had been accomplished; it was more the loss of ability to accomplish. Not only were the distresses of the army so great that "it was scarcely within the power of description to give an adequate idea of them"; but the government behind the army was going to pieces. All effective unity of action between the States seemed to have broken down. Under such conditions the campaign of 1780 was ending. Would there even be another? The commander- in-chief looked hopelessly toward the impotent Congress, pitifully toward his wretched army, and doubted it ! And when Washington's mighty faith wavered, there was small hope for American inde- pendence. But work must go on without hope sometimes. Now the next step is plain enough. It is pointed out by every nipping blast of the almost wintry winds whipping across the Preakness hills. So, one Monday morning, November 27, all is bustle and commotion in the main army as it breaks camp for the march to winter quarters. The troops are to be scattered this time in rather widely separated cantonments near the Hudson. Listen to the drums and the fifes as the men swing out upon the march, crowding and choking the diverging roadways. At headquarters is quite a brilliant gathering. Aside FIGHTING IN THE CAROLINAS 181 from the American officers are several young French nobles from Newport, who have been visiting the camp, and their showy uniforms add an air of brightness to the scene. At last partings are over; Washington is on his way to New Windsor on the Hudson a little above West Point, where he is to make his winter headquarters, and Lafayette and the young French officers are off for a visit to Phila- delphia. The Frenchmen made a gay little company. In spirited rebellion at the dull closing of the campaign, they rode out of their way and exposed themselves on the bonk of the Hudson opposite the New York posts in a vain effort to draw a few parting shots from the enemy. Washington, with his suite, rode on in his direc- tion more gravely. Doubtless he was mounted now on one of the fine horses just presented to him by the State of Virginia; for by this time all his own thoroughbreds from Mount Vernon had been worn out in the service. It was on December 6 that the commander finished his journey up the Hudson, riding that wintry evening into New Windsor. The little river town stretched thin along the bank, where the frowning bluffs drew grudgingly back to make place for it. Washington, entering by the King's Highway, did not ride into the heart of the com- munity, where the tavern flanked the public square, now proudly called Liberty Square. He drew rein 182 SWORD OF LIBERTY on a low hill at the southern edge of the town, in front of a stone house that was charming and pic- turesque enough, but rather small, one would say, for headquarters. Within a few days, up from the South along the King's Highway came another important traveler. After a journey of hundreds of miles through cold and rain and snow, a coach and four, with attend- ants in white and scarlet, drew up before headquar- ters doorway. Once more Lady Washington had arrived to join her husband for the winter season. That meeting was not all pleasure. By this time the eye of a devoted wife could perceive evidences of war strain in even the vigorous commander-in- chief. Six years not only of fighting but of holding his country up to fighting, had left their mark upon the big Virginian. Perhaps in no way did the strain show more than in the longing, that had become ceaseless and poignant, to get back to his quiet home life at Mount Vernon. Failing that, he found comfort in the new home life now at military headquarters. The old Dutch house, with its long sweeping roof and with the hooded dormer windows like half-closed eyes look- ing out upon the river, was homey and comfortable. And a domestic bit we catch as we see the general seated, not upon his war-horse but in his wife's coach, driving with her about New Windsor and among the officers' quarters. FIGHTING IN THE CAROLINAS 183 For the first time in five years Lady Washington had joined her husband early enough in the winter to be with him for the Christmas season. She was determined that this time he should have something of the old Mount Vernon holiday cheer. So now the season finds headquarters decked in the beautiful northern greens that answer very well for the trailing cedar and the mistletoe of Virginia; and Christmas Day finds a merry party gathered about an old-time Virginia dinner. Young Alex- ander Hamilton, who usually officiates at table, being, like Lafayette, absent from headquarters, Washington presides. At the other end of the board is Lady Washington, and ranged between them some twenty guests and members of the mili- tary household. As all stand about the table, the commander-m- chief asks a blessing very gravely. The dinner progresses in true Christmas cheer, with music by the Life Guard band. Washington's negro body- servant, Billy, his white woolly head held high, is chief waiter, and with vast dignity. When fruit and nuts are served the dinner is at its best, for the general is exceedingly fond of nuts and does his best talking as he eats them. With candle-lighting time come young folks from the village and the non-commissioned officers of the Guard, who dance and make merry till the solemn hour of nine o'clock, 184 SWORD OF LIBERTY when the company says good night and goes de- corously home. In the opening days of 1781, Washington knew that, despite the heartening victory at King's Moun- tain, the outlook in the South was getting darker. He knew that Clinton was materially reinforcing Cornwallis, while Greene was finding scarcely enough of Gates's forces left to reorganize. That general wrote of his broken army : I am not without great apprehension of its entire dis- solution. . . . Nothing can be more wretched and dis- tressing than the condition of the troops, starving with cold and hunger ; without tents and without camp equipage. ... A tattered remnant of some garment clumsily stuck together with the thorns of the locust tree forms the sole covering of hundreds. When intelligence reached the commander-in- chief of the exact location of the opposing forces in the South, and of the strategy likely to develop, he feared for Greene. Cornwallis was near Winnsborough, in the upper part of South Carolina; while Greene was near Charlotte, in the lower part of North Carolina. Greene, in the face of his superior enemy, now violated a well-known rule of warfare by dividing his little army into two forces, and widely separating them. From that moment, as Washington well knew, there was imminent danger that the two divisions, unable to assist each other, would be attacked and destroyed separately. But all rules are FIGHTING IN THE CAROLINAS 185 made to be broken now and then; and, for many reasons, Greene was taking chances advisedly. Events soon vindicated his act as one of the brilliant strategical movements of the war. He marched both divisions of his army boldly down into South Carolina, one to the eastward and the other to the westward of the position occupied by the British at Winnsborough. So Cornwallis soon found himself in an uncomfortable position between two American forces, both insignificant but difficult to combat. If he should move to attack either one, he would leave the other in position to gain important advantages and even to capture vital points. But something had to be done, and the British general decided to strike first at the American force on his left. This consisted of about eight hundred men under Brigadier-General Morgan, a huge Welshman who from a start as a mere wagoner had become one of the ablest commanders of light troops in the war. Against him Cornwallis sent about one thousand men under the intrepid but brutal Tarle- ton, whose name had come to spell terror in the South. The two forces met on January 17 at a place called the Cowpens, almost on the border line between the two Carolinas. If Greene had broken one military rule, Morgan now broke half a dozen in arranging his troops for battle, and with the same good results. Among other things, he took position 186 SWORD OF LIBERTY with a river just behind him. To the objection that the stream would prevent his retreat, he replied that that was just what he wanted, that now they would have to win. And win they did. Tarleton's force was nearly annihilated in a short, fierce engagement called the Battle of the Cowpens. It was a welcome courier that brought to Wash- ington, about the middle of February, the news of this cheering event. But even the splendid little victory could not greatly allay the chief's anxiety over Greene's outnumbered and divided army. Im- patiently, in that day of slow-moving despatches, he awaited further intelligence. By this time there was another matter also to cause his solicitude as to the South. Clinton at New York, not content with reinforcing Cornwallis in the Carolinas, had sent a strong detachment that had landed in Virginia to raid and plunder that State. It added nothing to Washington's peace of mind to learn that the expedition was under the command of Benedict Arnold, now a brigadier-general in the British army. Indeed, the calm chief was inwardly aflame at the thought of the arch traitor, arrayed in British uniform, and turning upon his own countrymen. Washington at once took steps to meet this new invasion of the South ; and not merely with the idea of protecting Virginia but in a desperate hope of capturing Arnold. The only chance lay in a com- FIGHTING IN THE CAROLINAS 187 bined expedition, a land force to attack the traitor's detachment, and a naval force to cut off his escape by sea. The trouble was that the French fleet, which must be looked to for the naval force, was still blockaded by the British fleet at Newport. Suddenly the elements conspired to sweep away that difficulty. There came a violent storm, which so scattered and crippled the British vessels that the French were able to run the blockade and sail south- ward to blockade Arnold's ships in the waters of Virginia. A French officer in very brilliant uniform and with rose-colored plumes in his helmet seemed a most fit messenger to bring to Washington the wel- come news of the great storm. Promptly the general organized a land force to cooperate with the fleet, ill as he could afford to spare the men. The detach- ment consisted of twelve hundred light infantry, and was at once started upon its long march to Virginia. The command was given to Lafayette, who had just arrived at New Windsor from Philadelphia. He lingered at headquarters a day or two for the final preparations and instructions, which included the order that if Arnold was caught he should be summarily hanged. Now it is the twenty-second of February, not the honored day of the calendar, in that year 1781, that it has since become, but already a day of significance to Lafayette. And on this day the young French 188 SWORD OF LIBERTY officer issues from headquarters, draws his military cloak against the stormy weather, mounts his horse, and canters off down the King's Highway to join his troops marching southward. Lafayette is on his way to his greatest campaign in behalf of liberty in America. CHAPTER XX RETREATING TO VICTORY FROM that February day of 1781, in which Lafayette started on his expedition against Arnold, Ihe American Revolution was shaping to its close upon a Southern battle-field. Both the American and the British commanders-in-chief had now detached heavily to the South; and there, or on the way there, were now the men who were to scheme and march and fight until the opposing armies should lock horns ready for Washington's final blow at Yorktown. Not that even the two commanders-in-chief yet saw all this. They still glared at each other across the wintry waste between New Windsor and New York, and planned each other's destruction in great combats to be staged along the Hudson. But both were watching intently the operations in the South. Brokenly the news came up to Washington as to Greene's continued struggle with Cornwallis. It had turned out that despite the striking success at the Cowpens circumstances had compelled both divisions of Greene's army to at once retreat north- ward; and Washington knew that they were in 189 190 SWORD OF LIBERTY breathless flight across North Carolina, before the pursuing Cornwallis. It was such a race as warfare seldom presents three flying columns, one of Greene's on each hand and that of Cornwallis thrusting up between. The two American forces, gradually converging, were desperately striving to come together ahead of the enemy; while the British force was being driven up as a wedge to prevent this, and in the hope of destroying Greene's two divisions separately. How anxiously Washington, from his far-away quarters in the Hudson Highlands, was following that mad upward race across North Carolina ! How well he could picture it all! He knew the country down there, and he knew the conditions. Keenly he was visioning the outnumbered Americans, ragged, hungry, sleepless; pressing on over vast stretches of forests and barrens; fording midnight rivers swollen by torrential rains; desperately turn- ing now upon close-pressing foe, the mounted rear- guard wheeling and charging to gain time for the exhausted forces; then on again through endless forest aisles, flaming pine knots lighting the trails ; on out of one river into another; the men wet, shivering, failing; but ever just behind them the on-coming army of Cornwallis! And what was to be the end of it all? Could Greene escape? Was another American army, like that of Gates, to be RETREATING TO VICTORY 191 annihilated? Washington could only watch and hope. If he looked to his other force in the South, that of Lafayette, the prospect was no more satisfactory. The young marquis, in his expedition against Arnold, had carried his troops part way down Chesapeake Bay, but had been compelled to halt because of a failure of the French fleet to cooperate. The French had sailed down the coast and almost into the Chesapeake, when they were overtaken by the English fleet, which had promptly set out after them. A battle had ensued in which both sides suf- fered severely, and thereupon the French had relinquished their purpose and returned to Newport. Not receiving the naval support, Lafayette had been compelled to abandon his undertaking; and the end of March found him disconsolately preparing to return northward with his detachment. So the spring of 1781 opened darkly for Wash- ington as to both of his forces in the South. But matters mended. About the first of April he heard again from Greene, and we can almost catch the sigh of relief that came. The two retreating di- visions of Greene's army had outmarched, out- manoeuvered, the enemy; and, after a final dash across the Dan River, stood united upon Virginia soil where, for want of boats, the British could not reach them. One of the ablest retreats in history had come to an end. And virtually a victorious 192 SWORD OF LIBERTY one. There was the British army, foiled of its purpose ; stripped of its baggage, sacrificed to hasten the frantic chase; and drawn over two hundred miles away from its base of supplies. And that was not all ; the good news kept coming. Cornwallis, balked at- the Dan, had turned back southward; and Greene, after receiving some rein- forcements, had recrossed the river in pursuit. To be sure, he had not gone far before Cornwallis turned upon him and soundly whipped him in a battle at Guilford Court House. But that mattered little. The fact is that that was Greene's way of win- ning. He always was peculiarly unlucky in battle; and yet his defeats were equal to other generals' victories. That was because of his superb strategy. The opposing general usually won the fight; while Greene won what they were fighting for. So it had been at Guilford Court House. The battle had left the victorious Cornwallis so crippled and so hampered by the superior strategy of his opponent that there was nothing to do after all but to retreat. And this time he had given up the struggle with Greene, and had retired eastward to the coast at Wilmington. Thereupon the American general, his strategy ever faultless, had simply ignored his retreating enemy, and had started southward upon a campaign RETREATING TO VICTORY 193 of his own, a campaign that was to win back the conquered States of South Carolina and Georgia. So April saw the commander-in-chief a good deal relieved as to Greene, though still anxious for his welfare. However, immediately a new element of danger appeared in the sailing of still another British force from New York southward. To meet this move, Washington sent orders to Lafayette, now returning northward, to about face and to march to the support of Greene. Though, as the chief gravely said, how that could be done without money or credit was more than he could tell. These orders found the marquis with his detach- ment at the head of Chesapeake Bay. And now, truly enough, the youthful general had a problem on his hands. His unpaid, ill- fed, and pitifully ragged soldiers were in no mood for the new ex- pedition. There were black looks, murmurings, and even desertions. But Lafayette knew his men, and took his own way to handle them. He announced that there was no need for desertion; that while the detachment was setting out for difficult and dangerous services, he did not care for any man who was inclined to abandon him ; any such had only to ask for a pass in order to be sent back to the North. And nobody asked for a pass, and suddenly "desertions were no longer in fashion." Before the soldiers could change their minds again, the re- sourceful marquis piled them into wagons and carts 194 SWORD OF LIBERTY "to give their march the air of a frolic" and hurried them southward. On they went through forests and marshes, and mostly in the rain, until they came to a town tilted up on the slope of a hill beside a wide river. This was perhaps the third or fourth town to be started under the name of Baltimore; and it was the one destined to become the metropolis that we know to-day. Scarcely metropolitan was its appearance on that April day of 1781; its little yellow, white, and blue houses straggling up the hillside; though even then there were a few rather pretentious homes, standing proudly aloof from their neighbors. Lafayette and his suite, straight and handsome on their clattering horses, rode down Calvert Street to a warm welcome. Baltimore Town had shown such strict patriotism that it had given up all amuse- ments, from theaters to cock-fights. But now the Assembly Hall was thrown open, and a grand ball was given in honor of Lafayette. He turned the occasion to the advantage of his soldiers. While the Baltimore worthies were toasting the French nobleman, he was borrowing money from them upon his personal obligation in order to provide his shabby men with clothes and shoes ; and while Bal- timore belles were artfully competing for the honor of dancing with the gallant young jhero, he was quite as artfully inducing them to put their fair fingers to work making shirts. RETREATING TO VICTORY 195 It was a better-looking and a better-feeling little army that Lafayette, on April 19, led on southward. By this time the marquis knew that the British under Phillips, who had succeeded Arnold were about to start upon a raiding expedition in Virginia up the James River. That meant an attack upon Richmond, where the Americans had valuable mili- tary stores. Lafayette resolved to race the British commander for that goal, hoping to be able to save the stores. Now the way was down into the beautiful Vir- ginia springtime which nobody had time to notice, though on every hand the dogwood was spreading its gleaming white tents, and the Judas-tree bloom- ing like sleep-flushed Spring herself. Meanwhile Phillips's marauding forces were moving rapidly up the south side of the James River, the feeble militia of the State falling back before them. Upon Monday morning, April 30, they came out at a point just opposite Richmond; but when they were about to cross, they beheld an American force drawn up in possession of the town. Lafayette had won! The amazed and discomfited Phillips glared and swore. Though outnumbering the Americans, the British did not attack, but retired down the James. Now Lafayette had time to take a breath and to look about. He probably thought that, except for the military stores, this capital of Virginia that he 196 SWORD OF LIBERTY had been racing to save was scarcely worth the trouble. He beheld nothing of that scene of broad mansions with white-pillared porticos, of court- yards canopied in purple wistaria, of towers and spires and great classic temple, that is the Richmond of to-day. He was gazing about upon a disorderly lot of miserable houses that looked as though they might all slide down hill into the river, and no great loss at that. Even these buildings were mostly empty, the inhabitants having fled at the approach of the British. In that shapeless wooden building at the foot of the hill the Virginia Legislature usually assembled ; but just now that too was empty, the legislators having hastily adjourned to a village in the mountains. About this time two important things happened : Lafayette, by a despatch from Greene, was given full and independent command in Virginia; while Phillips's command passed to no less a person than Cornwallis himself, who came bringing his army up from Wilmington. That made a much bigger affair of this campaign in the Old Dominion. The boy general, Lafayette, against the veteran com- mander Cornwallis. And the people of Virginia looked upon the protector assigned to them, and "were aghast at his youth." It was toward the end of May when Cornwallis, his forces united with the Phillips detachment, set buoyantly forth to conquer Virginia. His pros- RETREATING TO VICTORY 197 pects looked bright. He had five thousand men, soon to be increased to eight thousand. Nothing stood in the way of his design but young Lafayette. The marquis was now at Richmond, removing the last of the military stores to safer places. His little detachment had been somewhat augmented, but chiefly by unreliable militia, poorly armed when armed at all; his whole force being vastly inferior to that of Cornwallis. The British general, confidently declaring, "The boy cannot escape me," was soon nearing Richmond. Lafayette, too weak to fight, was forced at the out- set into a retreat, or, as he put it, into "a runaway kind of war that I most heartily detest." He marched rapidly northward, hoping to meet a small American force under Wayne now coming to re- inforce him. Cornwallis started in pursuit. And so began a chase fraught with more danger to American liberty than many a more pretentious event. If Lafayette's little army should be caught, it would inevitably be crushed; and Virginia, now become the key to the situation in the South, would be thrown open to the enemy. The chase was fast and keen enough. The British had raided the fine plantation stables, and upon Virginia race horses went Tarleton's white riders. It must have been the spirit of the flight that spoke when Lafayette reported the crossing of the Rapidan River as the crossing of the "Rapid Ann." But this retreat was 198 SWORD OF LIBERTY not a matter of speed alone ; and through those days of "runaway war" Lafayette showed no small degree of generalship. At length Cornwallis aban- doned pursuit, and got what consolation he could by raiding the country about him. Tarleton even captured several Virginia legislators; and, but for being delayed by a late breakfast one morning, would have got no less a person than the author of the Declaration of Independence, now Governor of Virginia. By early June the retreating young marquis had run well up the map into northern Virginia, looking for Wayne. Then one day his eyes were gladdened. Toward him along the forest road from the north came an array of waving plumes. Lafayette knew what that meant. "Mad Anthony" Wayne's troops might be in tatters, but he would always see to it that they had plumes, and the biggest in the army. The array turned out to be principally plumes, the number of men actually added to Lafayette's army being distressingly small. However, now came a turn of the tables. Though still with a force wholly inferior to that of Cornwallis, the marquis turned back toward his late pursuer. By this time the British were threatening the village of Albemarle Old Court House, where the Americans had military stores. Nothing could have pleased Cornwallis more than the news that Lafay- ette was coming back to the relief of the place. But RETREATING TO VICTORY 199 while the British general was confidently preparing for battle, the young Frenchman was busy reopen- ing a disused and forgotten road, and making a stealthy night march over it. Suddenly Cornwallis discovered that "the boy" had stolen by him and taken up a strong position in front of the threatened village with its valuable stores, and was ready for battle. Perhaps this was the last straw in a discouraging campaign for the English commander. He not only declined the offer to fight, but withdrew his troops, and started upon a long retreat back down the James River. And that little forgotten road has never been forgotten since, nor the new name that it took from the young general's use of it. If you happen to-day down Albemarle Old Court House way, anybody will point out to you "the Marquis's Road." As Cornwallis retreated down the James, out upon the country he let loose his pillaging scarlet horde, while he and his officers reveled in the lordly historic homes along the way. "Shooting up" the stately porticos as they entered, drinking rare wines poured from cut-glass decanters, wantonly slashing ancestral portraits done by the court painters of England, gathering priceless plunder into baggage- trains, they went down the line of the proud old manors of the James. Steadily Lafayette followed the retreating, raid- ing forces, not driving them before him, as we 200 SWORD OF LIBERTY Americans usually put it, for he was far too weak for that, but cleverly harassing their flanks and rear-guard without permitting them effectively to strike back ; and by his very boldness leading Corn- wallis to suppose his force much greater than it really was. Having but an insignificant body of cavalry, he sometimes mounted a foot-soldier be- hind each horseman in order to make a strong attack quickly. Altogether he must have quite convinced Cornwallis that the boy general was a worthy antagonist, whether as pursuer or pursued. So, on through the Virginia June-time, past stately old plan- tation homes rose-embowered but war-ravished, their treasures gone, their stables empty, their fields bare the marquis led his little command, and won the hearts of the Old Dominion as he passeji. He was old enough, after all; nobody longer doubted that. Down toward the mouth of the James the British would pass to the other side of the stream, and Lafayette now pressed close, intending to attack them when divided in crossing. On the afternoon of July 6, according to intelligence brought to him, the right moment had come, most of the retreating army being reported as having passed to the other side of the river. Night was approaching, and he at once threw forward a party under Wayne to attack the remaining forces of the enemy. But RETREATING TO VICTORY 201 quickly the marquis saw from the character of the fighting that something was wrong. He rode out alone upon a tongue of land projecting into the stream, where he got a full view of the enemy. The situation was clear enough then. His information had been erroneous; scarcely any of the British force had crossed the river; instead of attacking a rear-guard only, Wayne was engaging the whole British Army. In hot haste Lafayette spurred to the field again. Exposing himself with reckless bravery, he ordered Wayne to fall back upon troops stationed to support him; and in the end, after a gallant charge by that officer and after Lafayette had two horses shot under him, the Americans made a successful retreat from the unequal combat. Cornwallis now crossed the river and resumed his march to the seaboard. Embarking his army upon transports, he sailed a little way up the Chesapeake, and into the mouth of the next river above the James, the York River. There in the early days of August he disembarked his troops at a village on the high bluffs, called Yorktown, and proceeded to fortify it, and also Gloucester Point, on the opposite bank. Little as the veteran English general dreamed it, he was setting the stage for the last scene in the drama of the American Revolution. Now, with the British actors already on the boards, it remained but to assemble the Americans and the 202 SWORD OF LIBERTY French about this little Virginia village. And at two points so far remote as the Hudson Highlands and the West Indies preparations were already making to that end. CHAPTER XXI THE FINAL VENTURE TURN to the scene on the Hudson in those early August days of 1781. Stand on the east bank of the noble river, there where its waters are suddenly caught and narrowed in the grip of the bluffs at Dobbs Ferry. That is where the American main army is now, and has been for a few weeks. But do not imagine from the brilliantly clad troops you see that some military fair god- mother has waved her wand over the rags of the American soldiers. You are looking at the wrong camp. For here also are the French forces from Newport, the two allies at last united and ready for joint action. In long lines, the camps stretch from the river out across the Greenburg hills, a beautiful valley lying between the French and the Americans. Washington, now in command of the united armies, probably is not at the house called headquarters, but in his open marquee on the hillside, looking with perturbed gaze out over the warlike scene. How long and how patiently he has striven for 203 204 SWORD OF LIBERTY just this situation ; and now, how full it is of mock- ery! In 'a last desperate hope he has overridden all obstacles and united his armies to strike a decisive blow somewhere, somehow, before the fast-waning fighting spirit of the States shall snuff out entirely. He has called Rochambeau ; and the French general has come, bringing his splendid army. But what of Washington's own army? There it is down by the river, that little body of perhaps four thousand men, half -clothed, poorly armed, borrowing food from the French! It was to have been a force several times as large, and well equipped, and there was to have been money to enable Washington to feed his troops, and to move them, and to launch a campaign. But the States are war-weary, and their sons have not come, and the war-chest is left empty. All this at a time peculiarly propitious if America would but awake and act. For now Washington knows that another and greater French fleet has arrived in the West Indies, and is likely to appear soon in American waters. To think that at such a time the fighting spirit of the young republic should fail! Small wonder if it is with troubled eyes that George Washington is looking out from his marquee upon this encampment on the Hudson. The hot summer days went by. Now and then a reconnaissance, perhaps a skirmish with the enemy, as Washington felt out the possibilities of an attack THE FINAL VENTURE 205 upon New York; but for the most part just mis- erable embarrassing inactivity. Something of wonderment in the camp; something of impatience too; but, topping all, an absorbing curious interest of the two armies in each other. Perfect harmony prevailed, and a growing mutual respect and fraternal feeling. The French were not little monkeys after all, as the English had said they were; and as for the Americans, their very rags won the hearts of their allies. On parade Wash- ington's men were big-eyed at the elegance of the army of France; while Rochambeau's men were almost dim-eyed over the "nakedness" of the patriots of America. And this, although those patriots were at their smartest, fresh-shaven, their tatters clean, and their heads powdered. But nothing could keep down the high spirits of the French. Their camps were scenes of merri- ment, and neighborhood barns made banquet- and dancing-halls. The gay young nobles, some scarcely more than boys, won temporarily, anyway the hearts of the country belles, though eyes had to speak for tongues that were useless. And in turn those young nobles themselves lost their hearts ; but that was to Washington. It was a plain case of hero-worship. When he sometimes visited their camps, they "had not eyes enough to see him with." They pronounced him magnificent. Then that admired commander, so calm, seemingly so com- 206 SWORD OF LIBERTY posed, would return to his own camp and wrestle for the hundredth time with the humiliating prob- lem before him. At last, and suddenly, the days of humiliation were numbered ; opportunity was at hand, desperate opportunity, but opportunity for all that. It was on Tuesday afternoon, August 14, that a messenger from Newport came riding into camp with stir- ring news, the great French fleet from the West Indies was coming ! Admiral de Grasse with nearly thirty ships of the line and carrying three thousand land troops had already sailed and would put in at Chesapeake Bay. Never was opportunity seized upon more prompt- ly. At once Washington determined upon a superbly audacious undertaking, to march the allied army over four hundred miles to the foot of Chesapeake Bay; and there, with the French fleet to prevent Cornwallis's escape, overwhelm the British general at Yorktown. Of course, looking at matters sanely and in cold blood, the thing simply could not be done. Men were lacking. Money was lacking. Time was lacking. Above all, the old faith and fire of the people to put such a movement through were lacking. However, it was not in cold blood that the commander-in-chief was coming at this situation. His whole being aflame with in- dignation at the apathy of his country, at the dying patriotism that was already whining for a dishon- THE FINAL VENTURE 207 orable peace, this man "born for the Revolution," was become a pillar of fire to lead his fainting peo- ple to liberty. At once the doing of the impossible began. And the first step was to lay upon the whole undertaking the finger of secrecy. Clinton must not by any chance come to know, and so be enabled to send forces to the support of Cornwallis. Quite wisely it was determined that the best way to conceal the proposed movement from enemies was to conceal it from friends as well ; so the great secret of Wash- ington and Rochambeau was shared by few of even those high in the allied command. Much caution was used in selecting a special messenger to carry the word to Lafayette, together with urgent instruc- tions for him to spare no effort to hold Cornwallis at Yorktown. Now came George Washington's last great appeal to what was left of the old spirit of '76. In every direction he sent his calls keeping his secret where he could, confiding it where he must for men, for money, for equipment, for supplies. There was scant response. After setting aside a most inade- quate force to leave behind to guard the Hudson, the commander-in-chief had perhaps two thousand men to join the French for the expedition against Cornwallis. As to money, little came. And the generalissimo of the united armies had the mortifi- 208 SWORD OF LIBERTY cation of marching his American forces upon money of France, from the war-chest of Rochambeau ! To deceive Clinton, every appearance was given of an intended attack upon New York. Recon- noitering parties were thrown forward in that direc- tion; roads leading toward the city were repaired; and great show made of siege preparations. Even when, upon August 19, the march for Virginia began, it was so cleverly conducted as to keep up for some days this deceptive appearance. Though the troops were put across the Hudson and moved down the western side, their march was along such roads, and included such demonstrations as indi- cated an intention of passing around below the city and attacking across Staten Island. Clinton was completely deceived, and lost those precious days in needless preparations for his own defense, while Cornwallis went unwarned and unaided. As for the allied armies themselves, they knew not what to think. An American officer wrote, "General Washington resolves and matures his great plans and designs under an impenetrable veil of secrecy." One of the French officers summed up the mystery of the movement in his expressive, "What to believe!" But for those young French officers mystery was but an added charm in this strange service of romance and adventure in America. Gaily through the torrid heat they fol- lowed their adored American leader, declaring him THE FINAL VENTURE 209 "a thousand times more noble and splendid at the head of his army than at any other time." Washington skilfully kept up his perplexing manceuvers, giving specific orders for each move- ment of each column, until nearly the end of August. By that time the armies had got about as far as they could go with any show of menacing New York; then suddenly, to their own surprise, they were headed boldly for the South. Now the comniander-in-chief, his armies well launched upon their great undertaking, left them winding down through the summer valleys of New Jersey, and rode rapidly ahead toward Philadelphia. How well he knew that only in his personal efforts along the way lay any hope of arousing the country to the support of his daring movement! It was a brilliant party of horsemen that went galloping off in a cloud of dust down the hot, dry highway; for with Washington rode Rochambeau and one or two French generals, all with their staffs and trains of attendants. About noon of that Thursday, August 30, the allied commanders were approaching Philadelphia. Rolling swiftly out from the town along the high- way came another cloud of dust, from which emerged the city's troop of light-horse in bravest attire and with much waving of high plumes. Wheeling and falling into line, they formed an escort for the distinguished travelers into the city. 210 SWORD OF LIBERTY But soon a good share of the population became an huzzaing escort through the streets as the party made its way to the City Tavern, which had lately taken the place of the old London Coffee House, on Second Street. Here Washington and Rocham- beau were enthusiastically received by the town notables. They went to the home of Robert Morris on Market Street (then called High), where they were to be entertained. Wherever Washington went that day, as to Inde- pendence Hall to pay his respects to Congress, the people, whose very idol he was, crowded about him. Night fell, but they had not seen enough. Down between the two great ancient lamps that flanked the Morris doorway the noble figure came, and patiently and courteously made a tour of the city streets, illuminated in his honor. The common people, who somehow were always strangely at one with that lordly aristocrat, pressed close ; small boys almost within touch of the elegant blue-and-buff coat, and of the green-hilted sword with its spiral trimmings of silver. And no one in the admiring throng knew how deeply touched the big modest hero was by such signs of the love and trust of his countrymen. But care and heavy responsibility were upon the commander-in-chief that night; and when he re- turned to the home of Robert Morris it was with anxious thought for the outcome of the grave move- THE FINAL VENTURE 211 ment he had undertaken. Behind him, pressing on rapidly now, were two armies coming at his call, while the problem of their very subsistence stag- gered even this man of infinite resource and un- conquerable faith. The Americans were coming, too, in a dangerous mood. Their pay long in arrears, their temper was as ragged as their clothes. Washington knew that only devotion to him held them. Would even that hold them much longer? As for money, there was none. And then, where was De Grasse? Even here, no word from him. Before this his fleet should be in the Chesapeake. Were he to fail, what a tragic fiasco this allied march into the South! But if such thoughts were driving sleep from the chief that night, they were not at all troubling the boys who had so proudly trailed him in the Philadelphia streets ; they, in their aroused patriotism, proceeded to settle the whole matter off hand by throwing stones through the windows of houses where Tories lived. It was on Sunday afternoon, September 2, that the American forces, who were in advance of the French, approached Philadelphia. A sorry-looking array and, truly enough, half mutinous. Through the ranks was running the murmur that no people deserved liberty who didn't fight themselves or pay those who did fight. Probably no leader could have taken those men a day's march farther except that big horseman now galloping out from Phila- 212 SWORD OF LIBERTY delphia, with his aides, to place himself at their head for the march through the city. That march was anything but a brilliant affair. The streets were very dirty, and clouds of dust settled thick upon the ragged soldiers. But the people greeted them enthusiastically, and the calling of fife and drum brought to the open windows so many pretty powdered heads that for a while, per- haps, the moody men forgot their troubles. The march was straight through the city without a stop, and then an encampment was made on the bank of the Schuylkill. The next two days witnessed the arrival of the French Army in two divisions. Those were days of boundless excitement in Philadelphia. As both divisions halted outside the city to furbish up and to put on gala decorations, they marched through in such handsome array as the good Americans had never dreamed of. At the head not merely fifes and drums, but complete military bands that "de- lighted the people"; then in endless lines the great white army of the French king, with its many-hued decorations and waving plumes and gorgeous silken banners; the whole officered by resplendent beings glittering with gold and jeweled orders, the proudest nobility of Europe. No wonder the prim Quaker town went wild in its excitement, and in its accent too as it cried, "Vive le Roi!" "Vive la France!" On the night of September 4 the French minister, THE FINAL VENTURE 213 La Luzerne, gave a dinner to the principal French and American officers and city notables. Con- spicuous in even that distinguished company were the stately nobility and the graceful courtesy of the American commander-in-chief. Quiet and com- posed as ever, he gave no hint of the anguish he was by this time enduring. Still no money! Still no word from De Grasse 1 CHAPTER XXII YORKTOWN ON the morning of September 5, 1781, the two allied chiefs left Philadelphia and moved on southward again to precede the marching army; Washington setting out on horseback, while Ro- chambeau took boat to go down the Delaware as far as Chester. The French commander soon made the short sail down the river. Upon nearing the Chester landing he saw a big man on the bank wildly waving a handkerchief in one hand and his hat in the other. Incredible as it seemed, that highly excited man was no other than the dignified Ameri- can commander-in-chief. The reserved George Washington, his cocked hat in the air, his face aglow with joy, and calling like a boy to Rochambeau that a courier had just come, and that De Grasse was in the Chesapeake ! As the French commander dis- embarked, the two men embraced quite in French fashion, and set off joyously to dine together. Then on southward hastened the chief, leaving Rocham- beau to follow more leisurely. Washington's anxie- ties now centered about a little settlement on ahead 214 YORKTOWN 215 at the upper end of Chesapeake Bay, called Head of Elk, where he hoped to embark his troops to sail to their destination. For days he had been sending his appeals along the coast for the assembling of ves- sels at this point, big boats, little boats, anything that would carry soldiers and equipment down the bay. At this Head of Elk, too, he determined that there must be money on hand for a further payment to his troops, no matter what else was sacrificed for the purpose. One of his pathetic calls for money grew poetic in its intensity, as he wrote, "I wish it to come on the wings of speed." It was September 6 when the tireless chief rode into the little settle- ment on the upper waters of the Chesapeake. The American forces, still nearer to mutiny, were al- ready there, and Rochambeau and the French soon arrived. But money was not there; nor anything like enough boats! Now Washington's call was such that there came one day, not upon "the wings of speed," but upon lumbering ox-carts, some good hard money. Not enough, and, what there was of it, borrowed from the French. It was in kegs, and the prospects of American liberty brightened with the soldiers' eyes as the oaken heads were knocked in. As to the boats, nothing more could be done. A part of the soldiers now embarked, but most of them marched 2i6 SWORD OF LIBERTY on, and finally found tardy transportation, some at Baltimore and some at Annapolis. On September 8, the commander-in-chief, again preceding Rochambeau, set out from Head of Elk. A short stop at Baltimore, and then, with a single aide, he was off again next morning. But it was something besides military urgency that brought him to his saddle at daybreak that Sunday. His thoughts now were upon a spot to the southward, almost in his direct course, where stood a house looking out upon a broad river. A house he had not seen for over six years, not since the beginning of the war, his own home, Mount Vernon. It would be a hard day's ride, but he determined that that night he would rest beneath his own roof-tree. Some time before midnight, under the full Southern moon, the travelers rode through the old town of Alexandria, asleep by the Potomac. Now Mount Vernon was but a few miles away. If the impatient Washington was trying to vision his home-coming, he had some trouble in doing it. He had never seen just the home he was now ap- proaching. The Mount Vernon he had left in 1775 had been an unpretentious building, although he had already begun to enlarge and beautify it. Through the years since then the work had gone on extensively. And now, as the homing rider in the night came up out of a wild ravine and topped the hill beyond, the house that he suddenly beheld YORKTOWN 217 white in the moonlight was the spacious mansion that we all know so well to-day. For three days the commander-in-chief was a simple country gentleman at home with his wife and his friends. Rochambeau came, and soon the house was crowded with guests. Here Washington appeared at his best, the central figure in a scene of old-time Virginian hospitality. It was a short respite. On September 12, he and Rochambeau with their aides were again in the saddle. Almost three days more of hard riding, and then, on the afternoon of September 14 they were joyously re- ceived in Lafayette's camp, which was then about ten miles from Yorktown, at the village of Williamsburg. With his horse on a run the mar- quis came to meet them, and it is said that he threw his arms around Washington in a most ardent em- brace. So ended Lafayette's independent leader- ship. He had made a notable campaign in the South, and it closed with Cornwallis securely trapped at Yorktown. Now Washington took command of the Virginia forces, including the French troops that had been landed from the fleet of De Grasse. Within a few days the allied armies coming from the North ar- rived, giving the commander-in-chief a total of > sixteen thousand men. At five o'clock on the morning of September 28 the entire army, except a detachment sent to guard 218 SWORD OF LIBERTY Gloucester Point, moved from Williamsburg, and by evening was marching along the York River, approaching the final scene of its labors. There, perched high on the river bluffs, the little village of Yorktown; running raggedly around its land sides, the British fortifications; within the works, Corn- wallis and his army of about seventy-five hundred veteran troops. Promptly the allied forces took up their position before the town, and gradually they drew a semi- circle of intrenchments about it, sweeping from the river front above around to the river front below. By October 9 they had batteries in place and that evening Washington put a match to the first gun to be fired from the American works. From that time the bombardment and the return fire were almost continuous. Two redoubts of the enemy, near the river, en- filaded the allied trenches, and it was determined to take them by storm. The capture of one redoubt was entrusted to the Americans, and of the other to the French. Among the Americans the honor fell to a detachment from Lafayette's light infantry, and among the French to a detachment from Baron de Viomenil's chasseurs and grenadiers. On the eve of the attack, the marquis and the baron had some disagreement as to the merit of their re- spective troops; and as the two storming-parties YORKTOWN 219 waited for the signal, it was in a considerable spirit of rivalry. It was the night of October 14, a cold night with a drizzling rain. At about eight o'clock the bom- barding cannon ceased their roar, and then from one of the batteries fiery rockets shot up in the darkness. It was the signal, and the two storming- parties were off. The Americans went forward impetuously under a heavy fire from the enemy's works, but without firing a shot themselves ; they scaled the parapet of the redoubt, and carried everything before them at the point of the bayonet. The whole was the work of but a few minutes. And then the proud Ameri- can general Lafayette, perceiving that the French were still fighting, had the pleasure of sending one of his aides to the Baron de Viomenil with some- what mocking compliments and an offer of assist- ance. However, in a few minutes more, the French, who had met with the stronger resistance, as gallantly carried their redoubt. All this time, in an exposed embrasure of one of the batteries, Washington had been watching the attack. It might be familiar work for the French veterans; it was new work for his men. Despite bullets whistling about him, he had declined to re- tire. Now, when it was all over, he drew a long breath, and turning to Knox said, "The work is 220 SWORD OF LIBERTY done, and well done!" Then he called for his horse, and rode away in the darkness. The situation of Cornwallis was now almost hopeless. Under the fierce bombardment his de- fenses were crumbling about him. He made a gallant sortie on the night of the fifteenth and a desperate attempt to escape by the river on the night of the sixteenth; but both efforts failed. The last hope fled under the heavy fire of the allies on the morning of the seventeenth. About ten o'clock two scarlet figures appeared upon the British para- pet; one was vigorously beating a drum, although scores of drums could not have been heard in the din of the bombardment, and the other was waving a white flag. The allies could see the flag, if they could not hear the drum, and the cannonading ceased. The flag-bearer came forward, was met by an American officer, and after being blindfolded was conducted to the rear of the allied lines. So began negotiations for the capitulation of the British army, and in two days they were completed ready for the formal ceremony of surrender. It is the afternoon of October 19, a bright sunny afternoon. There seems a strange, peaceful quiet about little Yorktown, after the long din and up- roar of bombardment. In an open space some distance from the village, the entire allied army is drawn up in a double column stretching away a mile long; the Americans on one side, the French K O e ~ ,0 H "* P * ~ ts x; w ^ S3 "S - a a. si w '* g THE FALL OF THE BASTILLE 25? surrender, upon being assured of protection from massacre; but the little paper warned the people that there were twenty tons of powder in the magazine, and that if the capitulation was not ac- cepted, there would be an explosion that would blow up the Bastille and all its besiegers. Rashly the young mob leader cried, "We accept, on the faith of an officer; lower your bridge." The drawbridge was lowered, the advance of the tumultuous mass rushed roaring over, and the Bastille had fallen. But what about the safety of the garrison "on the faith of an officer" ? The young leader did all he could, but followers such as his do not keep faith ; nor did the garrison their lives. Some were saved, the rest fell before savage slaughter. Their heads were cut off, held aloft on pikes, and borne in ferocious triumph through the city. Horrible, and horribly fitting insignia of that wild, fierce, scarcely human power now entering into the Revo- lution! Those ghastly heads, almost alive in their awful expression of terror, were but the first of many doomed to make gruesome standards above the Paris rabble. CHAPTER XXVI THE END OF THE FEUDAL SYSTEM MOB power entered the Revolution that fate- ful July 14 of 1789 to stay. Not only to stay; to rule! Before that day the great struggle was waged between the king and the Assembly; after that day the dominating force, greater than Assembly, greater than king, was the mob. Its supremacy over the king was shown at once. All that elaborate military coup d'etat which Louis had planned for suppressing the unruly Assembly and its supporter, Paris, went down with the Bastille. After such a demonstration of the power of the mob, the king stayed his hand, which he now saw was too weak, and bowed before the storm. It was a strange scene when, on the day after the fall of the Bastille, the king of France, without pomp or ceremony, with no attendants but his two brothers, entered the hall of the Assembly at Ver- sailles, gave full recognition to that body, announced that he had ordered the immediate withdrawal of his troops, and asked the aid of the delegates in quieting Paris. There was a great demonstration 258 THE END OF THE FEUDAL SYSTEM 259 in the Assembly, revolutionists joining with royal- ists in honoring the king; though inwardly rejoic- ing in the victory over him that the mob had won for them. All the delegates circled about their sovereign, making a chain of joined hands, and con- ducted him back to the palace amidst rapturous cries of the people, "Vive le roil" Many of the court clique now felt that their in- fluence with the king was over, that the revolution- ists had won, and that safety for themselves lay only in escape beyond the border. At once flight began, led by D'Artois, the king's brother. The Assembly sent a large deputation, headed by La- fayette, to pacify Paris. They were received in the capital with a hubbub of jubilation, drums, trumpets, and flags ; flowers, tears, and kisses. Amid wildest demonstrations Lafayette was made commander of recently organized city troops, some forty thousand men, soon to be known in con- nection with similar forces throughout the country as the National Guards. With his popularity among the masses, his American fame, and this command, he was now the most prominent man in France. He accepted the new honor enthusiastic- ally, drawing his sword and swearing to sacrifice his life if need be in guarding the cause of liberty. How often in the days to come was fate to be on the verge of demanding that sacrifice! Difficulty and danger enough were in those first 260 SWORD OF LIBERTY days of command. Paris was still turbulent, still unsated. Already that mania for hanging victims to street lamps, that was to become one of the terrors of mob rule, was seizing the populace; and its fateful cry, "A la lanterne!" horrible signal of death, was beginning to be heard. Several times Lafayette had all he could do to silence and to de- feat that cry. Once, perhaps not he but his little son, George Washington, was the rescuer. "A la lanterns! A la lanterne!" shrieked a maddened crowd, as it seized an unoffending priest and started to hang him to the nearest street lamp. Lafayette appeared and sought to save the man. But the mob would not be balked. At that moment it hap- pened that the tutor of young George was bringing him to see his father. Lafayette saw them, caught up the boy, and cried, "My friends, I have the honor of presenting to you my son." The half -hysterical crowd was ready for any new emotion, and in its "effusion" over the son of Lafayette forgot the poor priest, who was quickly smuggled out of the way. Soon after taking command, Lafayette gave his troops a fighting emblem most happily chosen. Combining the colors of Paris, red and blue, with the royal color, white, he formed a cockade of the same tricolor that he had fought under with Wash- ington, The new cockade was at once taken up THE END OF THE FEUDAL SYSTEM 261 outside the army, and was conspicuously worn by everybody. Yielding to what was virtually the demand of Paris, the king visited the city on July 17. His reception showed a strange blending of old-time devotion and fear, and new-time disdain and de- fiance. The new-time spirit was bound to prevail to the extent of forcing Louis to accept and ratify all the recent high-handed doings of the city. Ratify them he must; there was no help for that now. And yet, in the very doing of it, there was open to him a last opportunity to save something of royal estate and dignity. A princely bearing at this moment, a frank acceptance of a lessened power, but a proud insistence upon that power; in short a quick, dramatic adoption of his new part as con- stitutional king, might have caught the popular fancy, and have ultimately saved Louis his throne and his life. But Louis was not quick, he was not dramatic, and the opportunity passed. Meekly he did about as he was told, ratified everything, pinned the new cockade on his hat, rather tearfully expressed his great love for his people, and was allowed to go. As he left Paris, all the acclamations he could have wished attended him, acclamations whose uproarious joy lay in his complete subjec- tion. However, evil as was that July 17 for Louis, it seemed a glorious day for France. It seemed to 262 SWORD OF LIBERTY open wide the way for her to take on liberty in a peaceful, orderly way. She now had a king who had fully aligned himself with the aspirations of the people; she had an Assembly which was hard at work upon a constitution to secure to French- men all the blessings of freedom. King, Assembly, and populace were all decked out with the same cockade, and the air was ringing with joyous cries, "Vive le roil" "Vive la nation!" But again appearances were nothing to go by. The new element in the Revolution, the mob, upset all calculations. The very fact that it was about to be given just what it wanted, made it unwilling to wait for it. Drunk with the victory that had brought it power, it was bound to run amuck. And now, not the mob of Paris alone. That fall of the Bastille, the biggest little event of history, was making mobs all over France. While in reality it was not a case of conquest at all, yet the event was so catchingly suggestive of a people's triumph over despotism, that it sent a wave of similar lawlessness throughout the land. [The mob was everywhere; and everywhere lesser Bastilles, the chateaux of the feudal lords, were burning amid scenes of violence and slaughter. The Revolution had got out of hand; the ignorant masses were demented; and over all the land lay "the great fear." Neither the king nor the As- sembly knew what to do about this new ominous THE END OF THE FEUDAL SYSTEM 263 situation. The Assembly had no army with which to put down the reign of anarchy; and the king none that he could depend upon, his forces fast melting away in affiliation with the populace. So July went and August came, and France, with both a king and an Assembly, was left to govern or to fail to govern herself. However, so many and so alarming were the reports of lawless- ness coming to the Assembly, that at last it was forced to do something. And it did it on August 4. What it did was as surprising a thing, as amaz- ing a thing, to itself as to all France. Most of that day was given to consideration of the anarchy and violence that gripped the country. But the very aw fulness of the situation seemed to preclude deal- ing with it. Night came; the Assembly sat hope- less. Hopeless, it was about to adjourn. Sud- denly a young noble sprang to his feet, the brother- in-law of Lafayette, the Vicomte de Noailles. What of importance could that pampered son of privilege have to say? That elegant courtier, known chiefly as a gallant and the finest dancer at the court of Versailles. What he had to say was the amazing thing. After declaring that the blame for the awful situation lay more in the unjust feudal rights and privileges of his own class than with the people who were attacking them, he boldly proposed that the remedy be the immediate and total abolition of 264 SWORD OF LIBERTY all such relics of feudalism! The proposition took the breath of the Assembly. Feudal power, for a thousand years the very basis of French govern- ment, to be swept away in a night, with a word! The delegates gasped, and then went into a frenzy of enthusiasm. And when the proposition was supported by the Duke d'Aiguillon, next to the king the greatest feudal lord in France, a delirium of joy and of renunciation swept over the Assembly. Noble vied with noble in relinquishing privilege. Many beggared themselves. All night long the excitement and the sacrifice kept up. By morning more than a score of decrees had been passed, still lacking some legal formalities, but virtually lifting the most monstrous burden of the centuries from the backs of the people. Feudal- ism in France was dead. Too bad that all this could not have worked out as well as it sounded. But, for a while anyway, it did not. As the news of that night's proceedings in the Assembly spread over France, the peasants hailed the new decrees with joy, and started at once in their own way to put them into practice. Legal formalities, executive machinery, none of these things troubled Jacques Bonhomnte. Feudalism was dead. Very well ; then what had been his lord's was his. Feudal dues he laughed at; his lord's forests he cut down, if only for the pleasure of cutting ; his lord's game, that he had never dared to THE END OF THE FEUDAL SYSTEM 265 touch, he slaughtered in sheer, glorious wanton- ness. If opposed in all this, Jacqifcs was ready with stronger proofs of his emancipation, proofs that pillaged estates and burning chateaux had taught his lord to fear. To meet this lawlessness in the provinces, National Guards, chiefly of the bourgeoi- sie, were organized everywhere, and in a measure they succeeded in controlling violence. But just in proportion as they did so they were sowing the seeds of future trouble. The Revolu- tion had opened with a fairly united Third Estate arrayed against the two higher estates, or the privi- leges they represented. But the Third Estate was rapidly becoming divided against itself, the bour- geoisie growing every day more conservative and the peasants and the artisans more radical in their revolutionary spirit. And now these differences came to actual conflict as peasant uprisings were forcibly quelled by the bourgeois National Guards. CHAPTER XXVII THE MOB AND THE KING DURING that summer and autumn of 1789 the situation in Paris grew worse. Not that there was great actual disorder, for Lafayette and his National Guards kept their grip upon the city; but the populace was seething with discontent. One of the chief troubles was that Paris was hungry. Long bread lines stretched down the streets, and often with no bread at the end of them. Even the wealthy classes were unable to get enough ; and engraved dinner invitations included the re- quest that guests bring their own portions of bread. Thomas Jefferson saw more danger at this time in the short food supply than in all the other elements of unrest. In September he said, "We are in danger of hourly insurrection for the want of bread, and an insurrection once begun for that cause may associate itself with those discontented for other causes and produce incalculable events." Though the insurrection he feared was to come soon enough, he was not to see it, as he left France at this time for America. 266 THE MOB AND THE KING 267 Irresponsible agitators now played upon the worst impulses of the hungry populace, rabid leaders who promised everything, and had charmingly di- rect methods for getting it. Better for France had the Assembly made less constitution and more bread. Not that all these radical agitators were dema- gogues or men of evil intent. Some were sincere, zealous lovers of liberty, but unbalanced firebrands. Among these was that strange mixture of scientific ability and political fanaticism, Jean Paul Marat, already hysterically demanding the death of aristo- crats. It was easy for these agitators to incite the hungry populace against the Government. At Ver- sailles was bread; the king and the Assembly were there. The king and the Assembly should be brought to Paris; then Paris would have bread. Besides, what were king and Assembly doing? Where was the millenium the people had been ex- pecting? Who could tell but what the king was even yet planning vengeance against the capital which had humiliated him? He might flee the king- dom and return with foreign troops to restore des- potism. The thing for Paris to do was to gain permanent control of the king by bringing him to the city. And the Assembly should be brought with him. The immediate occasion for an outburst was fur- nished at Versailles. The king brought troops 268 SWORD OF LIBERTY there, not many, about a brigade, and probably only for self -protection. But instantly Paris was afire. Troops ! What was the court plotting now ? The situation was not helped when, with the early October days, there came to the capital rumors of a banquet given by the officers of the king's body- guard to officers of the new troops ; a night of orgy in which royalist songs were sung, royalist toasts drunk, the king's white cockade worn, and the na- tional tricolor cockade thrown down and trampled. Paris flared up; but in a demonstration so strange it seemed to have no relation to these events at Ver- sailles. Some say it was manipulated to appear that way. It was in the early raw morning of October 5. Paris seemed quiet enough. But unaccountable groups of women were in the streets; mostly big-boned, gaunt women; excited, loud-talking women. There was the sound of a drum, and down a crooked street came something like a troop of women. Above the sound of the drum was a ceaseless wailing cry, a cry for bread. Into this main group flowed the other groups, and from every stairway, shop, and stall, women came thronging. Soon the surging sea numbered some ten thousand, flanked and trailed by men and boys, many of these dressed as women. A fierce mob, howling and brandishing weapons, and ever sending above the THE MOB AND THE KING 269 general tumult that dolorous cry, "Du pain! Du pain!" After marching to the Hotel de Ville and taking possession of some cannon there, this female mob suddenly started for Versailles. Off down the street they went with more drums, more screeching, and more women. They forced into their ranks now every woman, afoot or in carriage, that they met; until dainty silks and squalid rags, little satin shoes and clumping wooden sabots, delicate shrinking ladies and brawny yelling fishwives, all went surging together toward the royal city. Lafayette soon had a large body of National Guards at the Hotel de Ville. But the situation was difficult. The city was rising; the troops were not dependable; the municipal government hesitated. Lafayette, sitting his white horse, held his Guards in restraint. The soldiers were for marching at once to Versailles; not so much to quell the mob, as to get the king and to bring him to Paris. Im- patient, irritable, half -mutinous, they awaited the decision of the tall, slender young man on the white horse. And as he looked about, upon scowling soldiery fringed by another gathering mob, he knew that his authority, indeed his life, hung by a thread. Pale but composed, he held troops and mob; and nothing but dauntless courage saved Lafayette that day. More than once weapons were aimed at him, and more than once the cry, "A la lanterne!" came 270 SWORD OF LIBERTY to his ears. At last he and the Paris officials, trying to look as though they were voicing their own will, ordered the march to Versailles. The white horse wheeled to the head of the line ; the soldiers fell in ; and as the National Guard moved off, the fickle Paris populace was shouting itself hoarse, "Vive Lafayette!" Meanwhile the mob of women was well on its way to the royal city. And what would Benjamin Franklin have thought, had he still been at the Hotel de Valentinois, as that wild, lawless mass went howling through Passy, in the name of liberty ! Rain was falling now. It was coming down in torrents by the time Versailles was reached. But rain and bedragglement only added to the fury of that clamorous sea as it surged almost to the palace gates. Drawn up on the Place d'Armes were troops of the king. But to no purpose. "You will not fire upon women!" And at that cry the troops were useless. The women rushed forward and hung about the soldiers' necks. It was fairly opera bouffe. The crack regiment of the king, undependable, was sent to barracks. It was well for Louis that his body-guards were back within the iron barred court of the palace. After some fighting among them- selves the women got a delegation sent off to the king and one to the Assembly. These met with fair words. But the women could not eat words. And THE MOB AND THE KING 271 hunger gnawed, and night came, and the rain fell. The crowd grew uglier. Weapons were brandished, and ominous torches flamed near the cannon. To besieged royalty within the palace comes hoarse and sinister the long-drawn roar of the mob. The king with his counselors is in his cabinet; the queen in her own apartments ; while nobles and ladies of the court, restless, apprehensive, roam the palace, scarcely speaking to one another, but tensely lis- tening. To their ears come the sounds of gun shots. Not many, but ominous. What is the king going to do? Now the report runs through the palace that he has determined upon flight; again, that he has changed his mind. One moment it is learned that the royal carriages are ordered; the next, that the mob women have cut the traces. It is too late now; flight is impossible. At last, out in the wet blackness, far down the central avenue toward Paris, moving lights were to be seen. Lafayette was coming. With torches flaring wildly in wind and rain, twenty thousand National Guards marched into Versailles. The king received Lafayette gladly, and the protection of the outer posts of the palace, on the side toward the city, was assigned to him. Much better had the entire defense been placed in his hands. Lafayette attended to the disposition of his troops; and then toward morning went to his old home, the Hotel de Noailles, where he made his headquarters. No 272 SWORD OF LIBERTY pleasant thoughts were his. So this was what the bright dreams of liberty in France had come to! Unholy despotism gone; but hideous, brutal, mob rule in its place. Meanwhile, in the guarded palace, the royal family had retired for what repose might be theirs after that day of anxiety and fear. There, too, all was quiet, and no warning came of what was brewing out in the darkness and the rain. Once rough voices in the thick dawn roused the unhappy queen, raised, her on white elbow, with quick anxious glance from her velvet-hung bed. A lady in waiting, heavy-eyed, looked from a window, and assured Her Majesty that there seemed to be only some women of the mob moving about as though they did not know where to go. The queen rested again. And for the last time at Versailles. A little later, it all happened. Nobody knows just how. That gate on the garden side, was it ill defended, or treacherously? It matters not now. The mob has gained the inner court, is rushing with wild cries over hacked and slain sentinel guards, and up the grand staircase into the palace. In fury against the queen, the rabble surges toward her apartments. The king's body-guards fighting, overpowered, falling back, shout to waiting women, "Save the queen ! Save the queen !" Marie Antoi- nette, leaping from her bed, rushes through a little THE MOB AND THE KING 273 doorway beside it; and even as she flees down a passage leading to the king's apartments, brutal pikes are striking and stabbing where a moment ago she was lying. Now while the king, the queen, and their children gather together in the imminence of death, the loyal body-guards are barricading a near-by hall and making their last stand in defense of the royal family. A handful of soldiers, a heap of dainty tables and chairs, against an oncoming frenzied horde. The turmoil roars up to the very barricaded wall. How many minutes will that frail defense hold ? But suddenly the attack ceases and the com- motion dies down. Out of the strange quiet come friendly reassuring voices. The barricade is torn away, the doors flung open. There, thanks to Lafayette's prompt action, stands a body of his National Guards. The royal family is saved. Out in the court of the palace Lafayette himself was seeking to control the mob, and to rescue some of the king's body-guards who had fallen into its clutches. Already the heads of two of their com- rades were being paraded on pikes. He entered the palace, consulted with the king and queen, and, going out upon a balcony, addressed the mob to gain time. But not even Lafayette could prevail against the demand that the mob was shouting now, that the royal family should be carried to Paris. 274 SWORD OF LIBERTY In response to clamorous calls, Louis appeared. He signed to the people, or they took it so, that he would go. Now there were deafening cheers; and amidst cries of, "Vive le roil" the king reentered the palace. But the queen? She hesitated for a moment, then stepped bravely out upon the balcony before a mob that only an hour ago was shrieking for her head. Lafayette, knowing her danger, was at her side. And now for a second time that day he risked all in defense of the royal family. Unable to make himself heard, he resorted to quick-witted chivalry. Bending low, he raised and kissed the cold hand of the queen. An act that might well have sealed his own fate. But courage and chivalry won. Threats changed to cheers. "Vive la reinel" shouted the crowd, "Vive Lafayette!" But all this did not stay that other cry, "Le roi & Paris!" Inevitably and without delay, to Paris the king must go. Like evicted tenants the royal family stepped from the grand palace of the Bour- bons out into the midst of the motley, bedraggled crowd, on into the great coach that awaited them, the king, the queen, Madame Royale, and the young dauphin. Tears were in the eyes of the golden- haired boy for the loss, not of his royal home, but of his little garden whose flowers were always for his mother. He would not be comforted, crying that he would have no flowers to give her when they returned. "When we return!" exclaimed the THE MOB AND THE KING 275 queen with quick tears, clasping the boy in her arms. "Ah, I think that will never be!" Lafayette disposed his troops to best control the mob, and reined his horse up beside the royal coach. About noon, and in a drizzle, the chaotic procession got under way and passed roaring out of Versailles. Behind it the magnificent forsaken palace, windows open, doors swinging in the wind, seemed left mutely aghast, staring its last upon royalty. On Parisward went chaos; not raging now, as when it moved out upon Versailles; but infinitely worse, hilarious! Hideously, foully hilarious! Lafayette could protect the royal family from violence; he could not from torture. Torture from slow, halting progress; torture from pressing mob, laughing, singing, dancing, almost to the doors of the carriage ; torture from ribald jeers at the queen, that made the little dauphin cry out piteously, "Mercy for mamma! Mercy for mamma!" Still on went hilarity and humiliation through drizzle and mud. On through the daylight, into the night. But at length into Paris. There, in re- doubled tumult, mob flowed into mob. And the greeting cry was, "We have got the baker, and the baker's wife, and the baker's little boy. Now we shall have bread!" For crowning mockery, a re- ception to the king at the Hotel de Ville. At last even that day came to an end. The old shabby royal 276 SWORD OF LIBERTY palace, the Tuileries, opened its doors and received, for the first time in half a century, a resident king, received him virtually as a prisoner. Again the mob had won. CHAPTER XXVIII FRANCE'S PART OF SWORD OF LIBERTY FOR a long time after the great upheaval of October 5 and 6, 1789, the course of France on her way to liberty was a rather quiet and un- eventful one. The Assembly soon had to follow the king to Paris. It established itself in a long plain building almost on the edge of the Tuileries gardens, and which had once been the royal riding- school, the Salle du Manege. So with only the palace gardens between them the king and the As- sembly took up again their rule of France. It was something of a mockery, the king virtually a prisoner in the Tuileries, and the Assembly overrun by lawless crowds that almost dominated its pro- ceedings. As between themselves, the king and the As- sembly kept up their contest for sovereignty, to the constant disadvantage of the king. More and more the Assembly took on executive powers, issuing its own decrees for governing the country; and in the constitutional monarchy that it was framing, mon- archy was being written small. As the constitution 277 278 SWORD OF LIBERTY was being put into force piecemeal, each article effective as soon as adopted, Louis's autocratic power was melting fast. All along there was a sort of tacit understanding, however, that the completed constitution was to leave in the king the power of veto; and accordingly now as decrees were voted in the Assembly, they were sent to the king for his signature. But this was all make-believe ; there was nothing for the King of France to do but to sign what he was told to sign. The Assembly, over the signature of an autocrat, was establishing popular sovereignty. The whole country was politically redivided; conditions of suffrage decreed; new law courts established; all titles abolished; and the mighty fabric of the Church severed from papal authority and made a creature of the State. This last step was one of fatal consequences. Most of the clergy would not take the oath to become mere civil officials, and an element of religious war was introduced into the Revolution. The Assembly continued so to restrain and be- little the royal family as to make a strange and incongruous court life at the Tuileries. Surrounded by guards, and in constantly dwindling state, king and queen rather perfunctorily maintained court ceremony. It was all but a shadow of the past, and all with a tinge of melancholy. The king no longer kept up the royal hunts, and the queen absented herself from many functions. FRANCE'S PART 279 But the little dauphin knew less of change from the days of Versailles, for again he had his garden. It was in a sheltered corner down by the Seine. And now, besides furnishing the bouquets for "mama-Queen," the garden was serving a new purpose. An absorbing interest in military affairs possessed the boy. He had several small cannon among his flowers, and they were fired when he gave the signal with his sword. A famous military body of boys, of which he was honorary colonel, often maneuvered in the garden. They were little uniformed miniatures of the French Guards, and the young prince was proud of his Regiment du Dauphin. It was well for him to make the most of his last days of happiness, for he was soon to be- come the most pitiful victim of the French Revo- lution. Months went by, and now it was the summer of 1790, and just ahead was a day not likely to be overlooked by Frenchmen July 14, the anniversary of the fall of the Bastille. It was determined to celebrate the day in Paris with a magnificent Fes- tival of Fraternity, to which delegates from all France should be invited. For this purpose the Champ de Mars was converted into an immense amphitheater by the voluntary joyous labor of thousands of Parisians of all classes. Enthusiasm redoubled as the delegates from the provinces came marching into the capital. They came in endless 2 8o SWORD OF LIBERTY troops, many of them singing a song known by the words that Franklin had made famous, "(To ira." July 14 came, and inauspiciously, with clouds and rain. But French enthusiasm was proof against the weather. Hundreds of thousands of persons gathered in and about the great amphitheater. Bands played, cannon roared, and the sounds of both were at times drowned by the mighty voice of the people in vivats to liberty. At one end of the enclosed field was a triumphal arch, at the other end a pavilion for the king and the Assembly, while in the center stood an immense altar, the "Altar of the Country," with flights of fifty steps leading up to it. Despite the rain, there were processions, spectacles, dances, and mock combats. In the midst of all the proceed- ings, Lafayette on his white horse was the con- trolling figure. Now came the supreme ceremony, the taking of the oath to the still unfinished con- stitution. Two hundred priests in white approached the great "Altar of the Country" and placed the sacred oriflamme of St. Denis upon it where waves of incense rose. Lafayette rode to the pavilion, and, dismounting, approached the king. He received from Louis the form of the oath. Then, ascending the many steps to the altar, he laid his sword upon it, and, turning, faced the multitude. There was a moment of intense silence as he repeated the oath, vowing to be faithful to the nation, the constitution, FRANCE'S PART 281 and the king. Then, at his signal, and as a tri- colored flame shot upward, there was suddenly a sea of raised hands, and in the words, "I swear!" came the thundering vow of the assemblage. Louis next took the oath: "I, King of the French, swear to protect the constitution I have accepted." As now the queen held out the little dauphin to the people, the vast throng burst into wildest jubilation, and bands and cannon crashed in to swell the uproar. For the rest of the day and throughout the night all Paris was singing, dancing, and feasting in rapturous celebration of the downfall of feudalism and the birth of liberty. It was a premature jubilee. France had seas of blood yet to wade through before liberty could be hers, and the false confidence and optimism of that day had a bad effect. With the comfortable feeling that the cause was won, and only a few details yet to be worked out, a majority of the conservatives, both in the Assembly and out of it, became apa- thetic; unfortunately apathetic, for, despite their failings, it was to the conservatives alone that France could look for peaceful reform. At the same time the ultra royalists and the ultra revolutionists became increasingly militant. Probably by the end of that year 1790 but two great conservative figures were effectively restraining these extreme parties, that slender figure on the white horse, ideal knight of the Revolution; and that huge, horrible figure 282 SWORD OF LIBERTY now dragging to vile death, greatest intellect of France. But, ill supported by their fellow moderates, not even Lafayette and Mirabeau could save the day for orderly development toward liberty. Early in 1791 Mirabeau died. The power for moderation he had wielded was shown by the fierce radicalism that was at once let loose. Among the revolution- ists this centered especially in two political clubs, the Cordeliers and the Jacobins. These organiza- tions, at first but social or debating societies, were now fast becoming hotbeds of rabid revolutionism. Two men, long prominent leaders in these clubs, but heretofore held in some restraint by the over- aweing power of Mirabeau, now came rapidly and ominously to the front. One of these was a big brawny man whose massive features were distorted by a hair lip and a flattened nose, and yet who somehow had a rugged attractiveness; though not essentially cruel as a man, he at times was to prove inhuman as a revolutionist. That was Danton. The other club leader was a stiff little lawyer, with dim eyes, large spectacles, and a green coat; he had no particular looks, certainly none in keeping with the important and tragic part he was to play; though perhaps not a bloodthirsty man, he was so fierce a reformer that the guillotine was to run red with blood in his attempt to make France a Utopia. That was Robespierre.' These two men, together FRANCE'S PART 283 with the yet more rabid Marat, stood above all others as popular leaders. Among the royalists boldness now grew. The queen was the chief firebrand. Humiliated, threat- ened, insulted, and with the throne to which her son was heir crumbling before her eyes, she felt the royal position intolerable, and she was plotting inside and outside of France to undo the work of the Revolution. The king, weak and undecided, was a troublesome factor in her schemes, and in those of all his supporters. But by this summer of 1791 the royalists were ready for an attempt to break through restraint and to play their master stroke for the ancien regime. A plan was matured by which the royal family were to escape from Paris, the king was to join a supposedly loyal army on the frontier, and to call all royalists to his sup- port. Doubtless the scheme included promised as- sistance from Austria. Elaborate preparations were made for the flight from the well-guarded Tuileries. On the night of Monday, June 20, in the midst of the usual throng coming and going at the palace, the attempt was made. There were hasty flittings through dark passages; quick donning of disguises, making the King of France a servant, the dauphin a little girl, and a noted count a cabman; there were misunderstandings and mishaps and perilous moments. But at length, about two o'clock in the morning, a shabby coach containing the royal family 284 SWORD OF LIBERTY was rolling through the darkness along an open highway, with Paris just behind. The driver who, under his rough coat and cabman's hat, was the Count de Fersen, drew up his horses and peered about. He got down from the box and walked along the road. With relief he discovered in the gloom an immense berline or traveling carriage with four horses, drawn up at the side of the road, its lights out, and its attendants silent and motion- less. The royal family were quickly installed in the luxurious berline, and now with the four horses off at full speed, the real flight began. The king, seeking to reach the northeastern fron- tier, would experience his greatest danger in the first hundred miles from Paris. For that distance there would be but the slender disguises and an irregular passport to depend upon. Beyond that troops were stationed to cover the flight All went well with the fugitives, or so they thought. As they rode on out of darkness into daylight their spirits rose. By midday the king was confident and imprudent. He even insisted upon getting out at posting-stations. Of course he was recognized. But through that day and into the night the great berline rolled on unopposed. Toward midnight it was approaching the little town of Varennes. The fugitives were elated. Just beyond this place they were to find strong military support. But at this point the flight broke down. At Varennes the royal FRANCE'S PART 285 family were arrested, when within a few hundred yards of safety. After being lodged for a while over a grocery shop, they were started back to Paris. That slow return journey, with mocking, insulting crowds pressing about the berline, was almost unbearable torture. When the fugitives again entered the Tuileries, Marie Antoinette's hair was white. Now, more than ever before, the king and the queen were prisoners. Sentinels were all about the palace, within and without, even at the doors of the royal chambers. That flight of the king was one of the most im- portant occurrences of the French Revolution. As an event in itself it was simply a pitiful fiasco; but as a breeder of events it was epochal. One of its first effects lay in its own recoil; what had been intended as a master stroke for royalism, had played into the hands of the revolutionists. Louis had been a poor enough figure to rally around before; he was virtually a nonentity now. Indeed, he was scarcely king at all ; for the Assembly assumed his functions, and at best his kingly power was for the time sus- pended. Many of his stanchest supporters lost heart, and a large conservative class that had been hovering on the dge of royalism fell away. Then, too, the flight gave the extreme revolu- tionists unlooked-for opportunities, and their efforts became more open and pronounced for the over- throw of the monarchy. A great handle for them 286 SWORD OF LIBERTY lay in the practical question now arising as to what was to be done with a king who had virtually re- nounced a constitution, even an incomplete one, to which he had sworn allegiance. Some of them de- clared that he had abdicated; some that he must be deposed. And through all their talk ran a new note, the first out-and-out demand that France be- come a republic. From this time we may fairly enough call these ultra-revolutionists republicans. So far as the discomfited and weakened royalists were concerned, these republicans had now a free hand to dispose of both Louis and the monarchy, yet they were to be foiled by a sort of eleventh-hour awakening on the part of the conservatives. To them a republic was almost as objectionable as an autocracy; and, besides, it would wholly undo all the Assembly's long labors upon a constitutional monarchy. So aroused did this moderate party become upon this point, that for a time it quite dominated the situation. In the Assembly it de- feated all efforts to dethrone the king, even resorting for this purpose to some amusing fictions. One of these was the solemn declaration that Louis had not been guilty of flight, but had been "carried off" by enemies of the country. Worsted in the Assem- bly, the republicans and their adherents dramatically carried the contest outside. They resolved upon obtaining popular support by means of a monster petition for the dethronement of the king. FRANCE'S PART 287 Upon Sunday, July 17, 1791, a vast throng gath- ered in the Champ de Mars, the great petition being placed upon the "Altar of the Country." The Jacobins had their supporters there from the slums of the city. Disorder arose, and two men were torn to pieces. Upon this, Lafayette with his National Guards marched to the scene. They were received with hootings and showers of stones, and a riot ensued. One man fired at Lafayette and was ar- rested, but the general set him at liberty. The mob refused to disperse, and finally was fired upon by the Guards. Some of the rioters were killed and the others fled. The conservatives had won for the time, any- way, in the field as well as in the forum. And now they made the most of their ascendancy to finish the constitution according to their own ideas. This they accomplished by the beginning of Sep- tember, 1791, and at once the instrument, repre- senting over two years' labor of the Assembly, was sent in formal farce to the king for his sanction. Louis, after some ten days of supposedly grave con- sideration, did what from the first he knew he had to do; and now the long-awaited constitution stood complete with the royal signature and the royal oath. It was not a good constitution. It scarcely could have been in the circumstances. Born of 'hate and fear, and nurtured upon sentimentality, it was 288 SWORD OF LIBERTY bound to be a weakling. Retaining kingship as the executive power, it provided a lawmaking body in a single house of representatives, the Legislative Assembly. And then it proceeded to mix the functions of these two branches of government until the throne was unduly weakened in executive power, and the Legislative Assembly was burdened with administrative duties it was not qualified to perform. There were numerous other defects. But the conservatives did not see them ; or, seeing, knew that they saw too late, and shut their eyes. They succeeded in overcoming all opposition, and in launching the new form of government amidst great popular enthusiasm. The precious constitu- tion was to bring to France the golden age. Now, of course, Louis was restored to his kingly powers, what there were left of them. The royal family was ostentatiously given a deceptive sort of free- dom; and in the general rejoicing they appeared in public with some degree of their old-time splendor. To cap this season of pitifully mistaken rapture, Paris delightedly celebrated "the end of the Revo- lution"! And had this been the end of the Revolution, it would have been a quite successful one. Already France was truly made over. The old despotic monarchy was dead, and a new constitutional mon- archy set up in its stead ; that evil relic of the middle ages, feudalism, was overthrown; the most unjust FRANCE'S PART 289 forms of privilege and inequality were abolished; popular sovereignty was established. The fact was that already France had acquired all the liberty she could yet either understand or rightly use. Never- theless this was not the end but merely a pause in the Revolution which was soon to sweep on with a new and awful intensity. In the meantime no one was more deceived than Lafayette by the mirage of peace and prosperity. In an optimistic fervor he resigned his command of the National Guards and prepared to retire to one of his estates. He was probably even up to this time the most powerful individual in France ; and his re- tirement was accompanied by many marks of honor. Amid the cheers of Paris he and the little marquise rode out of the city gate in their great yel- low coach drawn by four black horses, the rest of the family and the servants following. The journey was to be to Lafayette's birthplace, the mountain stronghold, Chavaniac, in the old province of Auvergne. It was golden autumn weather. All the way was triumphal, bells of town and village ringing at his coming, escorts forming with bands and banners, town officials meeting him with the "wine of honor," admiring crowds pressing about the yellow coach, crying, "Vive Lafayette !" "Five le defenseur de la liberte!" Toward the end of the journey they climbed slowly up into a strange, still, mountain country, where stern castles of over- 290 SWORD OF LIBERTY lords frowned from the heights, and the homes of humble peasants clustered below. The mountain towns, too, stayed Lafayette with festivities in his honor, and then sent escorts on with him, their banners flying by day and by night their flaring flambeaux lighting the lava highways. So at last the travelers came to the Chateau de Chavaniac, with its massive gray walls and its huge round towers, a little village nestling close. There was something almost medieval in the scene as the villagers crowded out to greet their hero lord, bowing low and even kneeling at the wayside. And honors followed Lafayette to his mountain home. Soon a deputation from his National Guards in Paris came to Chavaniac and presented a hand- some sword to their old commander. Its two-edged blade was forged from bolts of the Bastille, and presented symbolic designs damascened in gold. Among these were representations of the taking of the Bastille, of the Column of Liberty raised upon its site, and of the ringing of the dread tocsin. This blade was to form France's part of the Sword of Liberty. CHAPTER XXIX STORMING THE TUILERIES IN that autumn of 1791 steps were taken to in- augurate the new form of government. The National Constituent Assembly ordered an election for its successor under the constitution, the Legis- lative Assembly. And then on September 30 it de- clared its own mission fulfilled and passed out of existence. The Legislative Assembly convened in Paris on October I, and in the same building, the Salle du Manege, that had been occupied by the Constituent Assembly. Now France entered upon her brief but dramatic career as a constitutional monarchy. In many respects she started auspiciously. The French people were ready enough to support even the faulty constitution, and so were a majority of the members of the Legislative Assembly. That body soon divided along party lines. There was a large group of stanch supporters of the new gov- ernment, called the Feuillants or Constitutionalists; and there were two smaller opposition groups of republicans, one called the Gironde and the other 291 292 SWORD OF LIBERTY called the Mountain. This left a large floating membership, naturally inclined to vote with the Constitutionalists. The two groups of republicans, or men of re- publican sentiment, the Gironde and the Mountain, were soon to become famous. They had surprising influence, for a minority, in the proceedings of the Assembly, although they were always at war with each other. The chief difference between them was that between theory and practice. The Gironde at first, anyway was temperate in its opposition to the constitutional monarchy; its members only visioning an ideal republic they were scarcely ready to strike for. The Mountain stood for more ex- treme measures, its members soon being ready to strike for any sort of republic and do the idealizing afterward. Before long these two minority groups, with the Gironde in the lead, dominated the Legislative As- sembly. Their peculiar strength was due to the ability of their leaders and to their being supported from the outside by the mob. For by this time the Paris populace was thoroughly dissatisfied with what it was getting out of the Revolution. Despite reforms there was not the expected betterment in the lot of the poor. The Jacobins and the Cor- deliers cleverly used the discontented masses to pack the galleries of the Assembly hall. So the skilful republican leaders on the floor, abetted by a howling STORMING THE TUILERIES 293 mob in the galleries, forced legislation that weak- ened the Government by arraying king and Assem- bly against each other. Such legislation was likely to succeed because most of the members were suspicious that Louis was not honestly supporting the new government, but was conspiring with foreign powers to over- throw it. This suspicion was indeed well founded. By the spring of 1792 some of the neighboring states had made considerable preparation toward armed intervention. Austria was in the lead, and against her the Legislative Assembly declared war on April 20. Soon Prussia entered the contest as an ally of Austria; the combined armies being placed under command of one of the most famous generals of the times, the Duke of Brunswick. The French put three armies in the field under Rochambeau, Lafayette, and Liickner. Wholly inferior to the enemy in numbers, training, and equipment, they soon were overcome and almost routed. The tidings qf defeat and of the unpre- pared condition of the French armies frightened and enraged Paris ; and led to a lawless demonstra- tion on June 20, 1792. A mob of several thousand men and women, somehow allowed to enter the gates of the Tuileries, crowded into the palace and to the apartments of the royal family. There they jeered and threatened the king, at bay in a window recess, and the queen, in refuge with the dauphin 294 t SWORD OF LIBERTY f behind a table. There was no actual violence, but for hours the royal family were subjected to hu- miliation and insult, Louis maintaining what kingly dignity he could in a red liberty cap that had been thrust upon his head. For a little while after this disgraceful event it seemed likely to help rather than to hurt the royal cause. A wave of resentment swept over France. But nobody did anything in particular except Lafayette. At once upon receiving the news in his camp on the frontier, he started indignantly for Paris, reaching the city upon June 28. It was a brave visit, for he knew that where, a little while ago, he and his fellow-conservatives were in power, the rabid revolutionists now held sway; and that the Jacobins among them would stop at nothing to put him out of the way. But he appeared before the Assembly, condemned the attack upon the Tuileries, denounced the Jacobins as the guilty instigators, and demanded their punishment. Then he tried to plan for the protection of the king and the queen, and to rally about him enough of the old conservative element to restore to Paris law and order. But Louis and Marie Antoinette would accept no aid from the man who had done so much to overthrow the old autocracy; and few of the moderates dared to align themselves with Lafayette in defiance of the all-powerful Jacobins. The Revolution had leaped all restraint; and he, STORMING THE TUILERIES 295 so lately the idol of Paris, was fortunate to live to leave the city. Indeed, he had scarcely started back to his army when there was a demonstration against him, and he was burned in effigy. The slight reaction in favor of the king died out, and the revolutionary movement that was to over- throw him gathered headway again. Its leaders, the Jacobins, now prepared for a final blow to mon- archy, the taking of the Tuileries by storm. This would be no small undertaking. The palace was something of a fortress for those days, with cannon and large supplies of ammunition. In case of attack it would have a garrison of some six thousand men. But the Jacobins knew the irresistible power, partly of frenzied patriots and partly of lawless rabble, that they could incite to the attack. By this time they had gained control of the city government of Paris, and commanded enough votes in the Assembly to shape the situation to their ends. The National Guard was re-officered to their liking, and its ranks filled with the lowest characters; the mob element was armed with pikes and held in readiness. By the middle of July many members of the provincial National Guards were in Paris to celebrate again the anniversary of the fall of the Bastille, and the Jacobins prevailed upon such of these as they wanted to remain in the city. As the hot days of July went by, everybody felt the growing tension, and probably everybody knew 296 SWORD OF LIBERTY what was afoot. The situation grew so alarming that friends of the king and the queen urged them to fly, and planned for their escape, but they refused to leave Paris. They were yet looking, for their salvation and their triumph, to the coming of the armies of the allies. About the end of the month occurred two events that inflamed the pent-up forces and precipitated explosion. Into the city marched a band of men, some five hundred, that the Jacobins had sent for. They were "the men of Marseilles." Probably not the desperate characters they have been painted, more likely fanatical patriots, but yet men keyed up to savage violence. Passing in by St. Anthony's Gate, through cheering throngs, they raised their famous new marching song, which has come down across many battle-fields to our own time, "La Mar- seillaise." And almost coincident with this stirring event in Paris came the other one. The Duke of Brunswick, at the head of the invading armies, is- sued a manifesto demanding the restoration of the ancien regime, and threatening that if any harm came to the royal family, the allies would destroy Paris. That proclamation produced just the oppo- site effect from the one intended. It turned France in wrath against her king. Altogether, the time was now ripe for the Jacobins' great blow which was to bring the down- fall of Louis and the French monarchy. By Thurs- STORMING THE TUILERIES 297 day, August 9, all Paris knew that the blow was to fall next day; and although that night the city lay quiet enough, it was not sleeping. It was wait- ing tensely for a sound in the darkness, the clangor of church bells that everybody knew was to be the dread tocsin. It was a hot, stifling night, moonless, but showing the stars. There by the Seine, under their pale light, loomed the huge dark bulk of the Tuileries, glowing windows marking vigil and preparation. To the east, well up the river, the Hotel de Ville was alight. There members of the municipal government were gathered in their council chamber, mostly Jacobins now, though not all, and more than one hesitating over that night's work. In a room apart from them was gathered another group of men, having no recognized place there, but waiting. As the night wore on, an unruly crowd flowed in and out of the council chamber, boisterously interfering with deliberations there. And then, as at a signal, those waiting men from the other room made their way in, broke up the regular proceedings, and seized upon the city gov- ernment. They were a body of desperate leaders, creatures of Danton. It was the coup d'etat of rabid revolutionism. Now Paris was completely in the grip of a band of Jacobins of Jacobins, soon to become infamous under the name of the Revolutionary Commune. Hesitation ceased. Midnight quiet was suddenly 298 SWORD OF LIBERTY broken by clangor of bells. Then fanatical Paris burst into the streets, and "anarchy began." But it was a long time reaching its victims. About the Tuileries, as one hot hour of darkness followed another, all was quiet, and the streets stretched empty. Within the palace tense figures were relax- ing, and even jests passed upon the failure of the tocsin and the cowardice of the canaille. Darkness paled and morning came. With that, jesting ceased. From the direction of the Seine came an ominous roar, close followed by a tossing forest of pikes. Soon about the palace, and as far as the eye could reach, was a wild chaos, the chaos that was master in those days, the mob. It threw itself against the oaken gates of the palisade and burst through. There was at first only a skirmish, the Swiss Guards charging the mob and driving it shrieking back through the gates. But the living deluge receded only to surge forward again; and this time more formidably, the men of Marseilles at the front. There was a lull for a while as both sides gathered for sterner work. At this time Louis allowed him- self to be persuaded that the palace could not hold out The western gardens were still free of the mob; and he and his family, the spirited queen vehemently protesting, slipped away under the stiff- set trees to take refuge with the Assembly. That was a great mistake according to the judgment of a STORMING THE TUILERIES 299 little, sallow-faced young man who was looking on that day. He was confident that, had Louis re- mained and led, the Swiss could have held the palace. Likely he was right, for, though then scarcely more than a boy, his name was Napoleon Bonaparte. Now the fight began again. The mob, headed by the men of Marseilles came on, but were met by a volley from the Swiss and a sudden charge. The defenders were doing well when their commander received an order sent by the king to cease firing. Though not at once understood and obeyed by all the Swiss, the order caused confusion and weak- ness; and by a bold dash the mob got within the walls. The rest was wholesale massacre and the sacking of the palace. At last even the shrieks of victims and the crash of destruction were over, and most of the mob was gone. The quiet of ruined royal apartments was broken only by the looting and the laughter of a drunken rabble, decked in the finery of kings. Meanwhile, the royal family had found sanctuary, such as it was, in the hall of the Assembly, the slow king stolid, unperturbed; the proud queen broken, crushed. They were treated with cold respect, and huddled into a small back room or reporters' box to await their fate. And their fate, as indeed almost everything else now, was to depend upon that sejf -constituted body that had sprung up in a night, 300 SWORD OF LIBERTY the Revolutionary Commune. Not content with its usurpation of Paris, that wholly illegal organization was setting out by sheer daring and the support of the mob to rule France. Soon the men behind the movement came for- ward, and there at the head of this Commune stood Danton, Robespierre, and Marat. While the king was still in refuge with the Assembly, the Commune demanded that he be deposed. The helpless As- sembly temporized, and perhaps saved something of its dignity by merely suspending the pitiful, un- kingly ruler cooped up in the little back room. But that availed Louis nothing. The Commune obtained custody of him and his family, and imprisoned them in a gloomy medieval fortress in Paris, called the Temple. Virtually Louis XVI had ceased to be. And even plain Louis Capet, which was about all he was now, would issue from this prison only to go to his death. With the king disposed of, and the constitutional monarchy paralyzed, the Commune grew yet bolder. Quite under its dictation, the Assembly now issued a call for the necessary National Convention to form a new government, and also appointed a tem- porary executive council headed by Danton. From now on, through the days pending the assembling of the Convention, the Revolutionary Commune ruled France. It turned its attention to Lafayette. The general, STORMING THE TUILERIES 301 though he had lost favor with the Paris populace, had still so much influence, especially with the army, that the Commune sought in every way to win his support. Failing in that, it caused the Assembly to declare him a traitor. Soon commissioners ar- rived at his camp with his dismissal from command. Lafayette had to act quickly. For him and his staff officers, who also had incurred the enmity of the Commune, instant flight was the only salvation from the guillotine. They crossed the frontier into Bel- gium. And in that crossing, in the darkness of night, August 19, 1792, the world lost sight of a man who long had filled the public eye. He fell at once into the hands of the enemy ; and for years to come, in one prison or another, much of the time no one knew where, he was dead to the world. News of Lafayette's escape from France, but not of his capture by the enemy, soon reached Chava- niac. The heart of the little marquise, who daily had been expecting his death at the hands of the Jacobins, was lightened, although Jacobin malignity was now turned upon the Chavaniac household. Indeed, from now on the cruel treatment of this family gives a very good idea of the persecution of the nobility all over France. Expecting the chateau to be pillaged, Madame de Lafayette saw to it that private papers were burned and valuables hidden. She had the American sword of honor buried on the estate. Little George Washington knew where, 302 SWORD OF LIBERTY and fortunately was to remember. The family was soon reduced to distress. Their securities were re- fused and their property put up for sale. By the end of August the victorious allies were advancing into the interior of France, and Paris was becoming panic-stricken. The Commune made the most of the alarm. By its orders about three thousand persons accused of being in sympathy with the invaders, were arrested and imprisoned. Then the Commune, through Marat, raised the cry that these royalist prisoners might break out and mur- der the wives and children of soldiers fighting at the front. It was a slim pretext for a barbarous act that was being planned. But it answered. Paris joined in the blood-cry of Marat, and by September 2 the Commune was ready to strike. Again the tocsin, again the swelling ominous roar in the narrow streets, again the mob. This time it surged toward the prisons. Bands of hired lead- ers were at the head, who broke down prison doors, formed hideous mock trial courts, butchered the helpless royalists and many non-juring priests, and threw their bodies to the waiting crowd. Ghastly processions moved through the streets bearing the heads of victims on pikes. For several days, among the most terrible days of history, the killing went on. There was one place of comparative safety in that murder-mad city, the American Embassy in the Fau- STORMING THE TUILERIES 303 bourg St. Germain. It was vain to seek sanctuary at the other embassies, for they were closed. Gouverneur Morris, now the American minister, was the only foreign representative remaining at his post. And Paris would have been amazed to know what this stout-hearted, quick-witted minister pleni- potentiary was protecting. Once Paris tried to learn, officials visiting the embassy to search it ; but Morris successfully opposed them. So Paris did not know that the American Embassy held a number of refugee French nobles, and also a very large sum of the royal funds confided to Morris's care by the king. The mania for murder spread from Paris over all France, and atrocities of every sort added to the horror of the "September Massacres." Under such conditions were the elections being held for the National Convention. It was just after those days of butchery that an officer with a body of soldiers came up the rocky road to Chavaniac. Madame de Lafayette under- stood, and her first thought was for her children. Young George Washington she had already placed in hiding in the mountains, and now little Virginia was hastily concealed in a deep fireplace. Anastasia insisted upon staying with her mother. Soon the mother was under arrest, and with her daughter started under guard for Paris. But the spirited Adrienne so bravely denounced the design of send- ing them at a time when they were bound to be 304 SWORD OF LIBERTY murdered on the way that the journey was stayed, and in the end the order for her arrest was re- pealed. They returned to Chavaniac, but the little marquise came saddened with the information she had got while away that Lafayette was in a Prussian prison. In that September the allies were steadily near ing Paris, and by the middle of the month little hope remained of saving the capital. Then suddenly the tide of conflict turned. On the twentieth the invad- ing army was checked at Valmy, and it soon started upon a retreat which was to carry it back out of France. CHAPTER XXX THE REIGN OF TERROR ON September 20, 1792, as the battle of Valmy was being fought, the National Convention met in Paris. Its membership was largely the same as that of the recent Legislative Assembly, but with a stronger republican element, there being gains for both the Gironde and the Mountain. Promptly the Convention proceeded to create still another new government for France. It did this in a round- about way, and not even a proclamation of change was made, and yet under its decrees a monarchy fell and a republic arose. A committee was at once ap- pointed to draw up a constitution for the "French Republic." However, the work of the Convention was hin- dered by struggle for party control. The republicans had won, but which republicans ? Was the Gironde or was the Mountain to control and to shape the new republic? The Gironde was for a decentralized government, each department of France to have a considerable degree of independence; the Mountain was for a strongly centralized government, largely dominated by Paris. With these two parties ar- 305 306 SWORD OF LIBERTY rayed against each other, and between them a rather bewildered body of neutrals voting now one way and now the other, the Convention went on with its labors. Every question that arose was embittered by the animosity of party spirit. The most important of these questions, of course, was as to what to do with Citizen Louis Capet, ex-king of France. In the end he was given a trial, though it was a farce, and he was condemned to death. Even then it seemed that the thing could not be, and attempts were made to stay the execution, but they failed. In the dawn of Sunday, January 21, 1793, Paris lay dull, damp, and chill. After a while drums began to beat in every quarter, as though to stir the city to the deed that was to be done that day. In a prison room in the Tower the descendant of a hundred kings was quietly preparing for his part. A weeping valet was aiding him to dress. Slowly Louis drew a ring from his finger, his wedding- ring, and placed it upon a mantel-shelf. "Give it to the queen," he said, "and tell her that I parted from it with pain, and not until the last moment." Now he received the sacrament, and with his faith- ful confessor at his side he was ready. The heavy- footed guards closed about, and the little procession went down the long stone steps to the misty court, which echoed with the tramp of horses and of marching men. There a carriage waited. For a THE REIGN OF TERROR 307 moment Louis stood there, looking back at the Temple. He had sought to save his wife and chil- dren the agony of a last parting, and his promise to see them again had not been kept. Trumpets and drums proclaimed the passage of the king's carriage through the streets. But those streets save for soldiers were almost empty; their houses, too, stood with vacant windows, blind as never before to the king's passing. The people had hurried ahead for the greater spectacle that he was to afford that day. In the immense square of the Place Louis XV was a multitude. A rough, high structure was in the midst, the new instrument of death, the guillotine, surrounded by soldiers and cannon. To the roll of hundreds of drums (that any words of compassion might die unheard) came the king* s carriage, Louis sitting in simple dignity, and unafraid. The carriage stopped. The king stepped out. Three executioners came forward to prepare him for the scaffold. But he haughtily stayed them, and himself took off his brown coat and his white waistcoat, and bared his neck. His hands were then bound. He went steadily up the steps of the scaffold. He started to speak to the sea of people, but there was a signal from a leader on horseback and the words were drowned in a furious crash and roll of drums. Now the king was seized and bound upon the plank. To the still deafening roar of the drums the great blade fell. 3o8 SWORD OF LIBERTY There was a big, ill- featured man who was well pleased that day, Danton. Casting his boar-like eyes in the direction of the invading armies, he exclaimed, "We have flung them the gage of battle in a king's head!" He little knew to what degree the challenge was to be accepted. Ever since Valmy the French arms had been successful. The flag of the republic had been carried eastward to the Rhine, and northward far into the Austrian Netherlands. Now, almost as though in response to Danton's defiance, the allies stiffened, regained the offensive, and soon subjected the French to defeat and retreat. But that was not all. The real, the literal response to that gage of "a king's head" was the sudden reinforcement of Austria and Prussia by England, Holland, Spain, and other nations. Indeed, the death of Louis proved the signal for a coalition of all Europe against France. By March, 1793, the allied armies were in the field. To meet such an array of enemies France could not even present a united people. Every- where faction against faction; royalism against republicanism; and, at this critical moment, came the actual armed uprising of one large department against the republic. The Gironde, well-meaning but weak, could not meet the crisis, and the Moun- tain, less scrupulous, more vigorous, steadily gained control in the Convention. As necessary war measures it secured the creation THE REIGN OF TERROR 309 of two extraordinary bodies, one called the Revo- lutionary Tribunal and the other the Committee of Public Safety. The Revolutionary Tribunal was a high criminal court that was to judge "traitors, conspirators, and anti-revolutionists." Its judg- ments were to be final. The Committee of Public Safety was a sort of executive cabinet composed of a few members of the Convention. It was to act secretly, and to have some almost despotic powers in administration and the conduct of the war. In vain did the Gironde declare that such ex- traordinary bodies established "a new despotism worse than the old." It had to accept them, and to see the Mountain in full control of both. Indeed, the days of the Gironde's influence in forming and protecting the new government were about over. The Commune and the mob joined in the attack upon it; and, on June 2, 1793, with the aid of an armed rabble outside, the Mountain expelled the Gironde leaders from the Convention. With that lawless act was laid the ground for a new and appalling phase of the Revolution, the Reign of Terror. The Mountain was now in com- plete control of the Government, and the situation it had to face was a desperate one. France, attacked by all Europe, and needing her united strength for defense, was day by day becoming more divided against herself. New departments were rising in 3iQ SWORD OF LIBERTY insurrection, and soon a civil war was raging more fiercely than the foreign one. Even where there was no insurrection most of the better class of people were bitterly opposed to the Mountain. In such circumstances that party now organized a government more despotic, more tyrannical than the Bourbon monarchy had ever been. It adopted a policy simple and awful, the maintenance of its own supremacy by terror. There is no telling how much such a course was taken for this party's evil, vengeful ends, and how much for the purpose of forcibly uniting France against her enemies. It is often said that by maintaining a strong central government the Terror saved France. But nothing to be said can lessen the stigma history has placed upon the authors of it. The Mountain had already at hand its enginery of absolutism and terrorism in that despotic body, the Committee of Public Safety, with its servile supporter, the Revolutionary Tribunal. At this time the Convention changed its place of sitting, establishing itself in the Tuileries, the committee occupying the former royal apartments. There, gathered around a green table, that handful of men proceeded to spread a net of surveillance over all France. Its meshes reached into every nook and corner, ready to close upon any man even suspected of opposing the Government. And suspicions were ever ready, and the Revolutionary Tribunal was THE REIGN OF TERROR 311 kept busy. Its methods were summary; its deci- sions, usually against the prisoners, were final; and its sentences always of death. One of the early victims in that summer of 1793 was a young girl, Charlotte Corday, who stabbed to death that fiercest of the terrorists, Marat. Some weeks later, on an October morning, a common cart containing another woman approached the guillotine through a frenzied, almost uncontrollable mob. The woman was in a plain prison dress, her hair cut off, her hands bound behind her, and an executioner was holding the rope. Little remained except proud dignity to mark this for Marie Antoinette. She gave no heed to the rain of curses from every side, and calmly mounted the scaffold, which still stood on the Place Louis XV, just west of the Tuileries. But, standing there, she looked for a moment out over the crowd in the direction of her old palace home; and those near saw her face whiten and quiver as her gaze turned toward the little dauphin's garden. Then quietly and bravely she met her death. So far-reaching and relentless was the work of spies and persecutors under the Committee of Public Safety that the prisons filled with "suspects," and their trial required many additional revolu- tionary tribunals to be instituted all over France. Soon traveling courts, each carrying its own guil- lotine, went up and down the country. 312 SWORD OF LIBERTY Toward the close of 1793 Madame de Lafayette was again arrested, and after some delay was car- ried to Paris. There was usually but one end to such a journey. She entered the capital like many another member of the nobility in those days, in a common chaise, and surrounded by an insulting mob. How different a city from the Paris she had left, that joyous Paris celebrating the adoption of the constitution, and the "end of the Revolution" ! Now, as she was driven through the streets, they were, except for the lawless rabble, almost deserted. The taint of the guillotine with its cesspool of blood was in the air. Everywhere was desolation, as of a plague-stricken city. The prison was reached; and as the little marquise entered she knew she was but the last of her family to pass through such doors. Already her grandmother, her mother, her oldest sister, her uncle, and her aunt were awaiting their turn at the guillotine, and they had not much longer to wait. But America was to speak and promptly for the wife of Lafayette. Gouverneur Morris, fearing the worst, wrote plainly but tactfully to the authorities in her behalf, dwelling upon the significant fact, "the family of Lafayette is beloved in America." No reply came, but as time passed without her name appearing among those called to the guillotine, he felt there was hope. By the latter part of 1793 the Committee of THE REIGN OF TERROR 313 Public Safety had the conduct of the war well in hand. It decreed military measures that only such a body of terrorists could have enforced. The result was that France now had in the field fourteen armies containing a million men; and all the rest of the people, down to the small children, were engaged, fear-driven, in supporting and equipping this im- mense soldiery. Terror was kept at its height, and even lukewarmness in the work might lead to the guillotine. Scores perished daily. And the Terror marched with the armies, too. With each went two members of the Convention, called "deputies on mission," to see that the com- manding general won victories or that his head paid the forfeit. A barbarous form of incentive, but tremendously effective. The armies of the republic made almost superhuman efforts. Against both the allies and the insurrectionists they were successful. The opening of the year 1 794 found France freed from invasion, and the uprisings in the provinces virtually suppressed. While the victorious repub- lican armies marched on to carry the war into the enemies' countries, the Committee of Public Safety proceeded to carry terror into the recently revolted provinces. Hundreds of persons were guillotined, but that process proved too slow. In some places the accused, with or without trial, were mowed down in batches by cannon or musketry, or were loaded into boats and drowned. 314 SWORD OF LIBERTY With their triumph over their enemies, the Con- vention and the committee turned their attention more to the general internal affairs of the republic. Their economic policy was distinctly socialistic. It manifested itself in naive attempts to equalize the distribution of wealth. Everything that savored of the ancien regime was intolerable ; even the calendar had to go. A new era was declared, dating from the birth of the republic; so this forepart of 1794 was by their reckoning the Year II. An attempt was made, more by the Commune than by the Convention, to abolish Christianity, and to substitute a new religion called the Worship of Reason. Over all these civil relations also hung the scourge of the Terror. For so slight a misstep branded a man a "suspect," and in the simple affairs of daily life people walked in the shadow of the guillotine. Intimate friends kept apart, fearing to bring suspicion upon one another by word or look. Many people lived hidden in cellars or in abandoned houses. Parents hushed their children at sound of heavy footfalls without, and trembled at a knocking on the door. When the tread of the "commissaries" stopped at a house, no neighbor peered out, and no matter what the cries or struggles no one offered help or sympathy. Through streets of houses so quiet they seemed deserted the rabble bore heads on pikes, and the death-cart passed. But now began an inevitable reaction. With the THE REIGN OF TERROR 315 bettered military conditions there sprang up, even among some of the supporters of the Terror, a feeling that the time had come for its moderation. Danton himself, arch-terrorist from the beginning, now led in a movement for return to normal govern- ment. At once the Committee of Public Safety, and especially its leader, Robespierre, resolved to crush this movement and Danton with it. It was a struggle of the giants. But the great enginery of destruction, against which no man could stand, was in the hands of the committee, and on April 5, 1794, Danton, the most powerful figure of the Revolution, perished on the guillotine. The fall of Danton left Robespierre supreme. Head of the Committee of Public Safety, controller of the Commune, idol of the populace, he became virtually dictator of France. Whether this man was a savage or a fanatic or both, matters little. He was of that make-up that enabled him to provide the people of France with a new religion on one day, and with a shorter route to the guillotine on the next. Much troubled over the recent establish- ment of the Worship of Reason, Robespierre caused the Convention to abolish it, and to substitute what he called the Cult of the Supreme Being. On June 8, 1794, the new religion was solemnly inaugurated in the Champ de Mars. For one day the guillotine rested. Robespierre appeared as something of a high priest amidst much chanting and strewing of 316 SWORD OF LIBERTY flowers, a little spectacled lawyer in a sky-blue coat, and possessing more autocratic power at that moment than any monarch of Europe. Close after this religious demonstration came an infamous decree of the Convention, at the instance of the dictator. It broke down the last restraints upon government by terror. It defined new and unheard of crimes, making them punishable by death; did away with counsel for the accused, and often with witnesses; and vastly enlarged the al- ready murderous powers of the Revolutionary Tribunal. Under such a law no man's head was safe upon his body if Robespierre preferred it in the basket of the guillotine. And now the Terror grew into the "Great Ter- ror." Spies were everywhere, arrests constant, prisons overflowing, and the guillotine claiming in Paris alone, over a score a day. Dread lay upon the city. The old-time gay cafes were hushed; the streets quiet. People said little that was safest. Even in the Convention, even in the Committee of Public Safety that was safest. Indeed, terror had now turned upon the terrorists. In all France no one more feared Robespierre than did these fellow- members of the great committee, these men who had sent thousands to the guillotine, and thought them- selves safe. Gathered about the green table, they nervously watched every movement of that cold, precise little man in the big spectacles ; and, did they THE REIGN OF TERROR 317 but know it, the dim eyes behind those spectacles were just as nervously watching them. All about that green table, suspicion, fear, plotting. All knew that the strain could not go on, that the guillotine must decide amongst them. The break in the tension came in the hot afternoon of July 27, 1794, and upon the floor of the Conven- tion. Robespierre had sought to strike first, by securing decrees against some of his fellow-com- mitteemen. But they had craftily undermined him. When he attempted to speak, he was amazed at the cry, "Down with the tyrant!" Then all was con- fusion and struggle, lasting for several hours. Robespierre's voice failed him. They said it was Danton's blood choking him. In the end the Con- vention was carried for his arrest. But that night, in wind and rain, the Commune rallied its forces to the support of the fallen dictator, released him from prison, and carried him to the Hotel de Ville. Had Robespierre promptly signed a call of the peo- ple to arms that his friends laid before him, he might have been saved. But he refused. Troops of the Convention surrounded the Hotel de Ville. At the last moment Robespierre started to sign the call to arms. It was too late. The soldiers burst into the room, he was shot in the face, and the signature stood, "Ro " and a splash of blood. Though the wound was not serious, the man 3i8 SWORD OF LIBERTY could not speak. But just before going to the guillo- tine, on July 28, he asked by signs for writing- materials. His request was denied. There has always been a feeling that both he and France were wronged by that denial, that the fallen dictator took an important secret with him out of the world. CHAPTER XXXI END OF THE REVOLUTION THE death of Robespierre that midsummer day of 1794 marked a sharp turning-point in the French Revolution. The Reign of Terror ended as his head fell. France took a long breath of re- lief. But she was left confused and unsteady. A strong guiding hand had suddenly been caught away, and there was nothing at the moment to take its place. In the Convention, though an overwhelm- ing majority was now openly against the Mountain and for return to regular government, yet it lacked leaders and had no real working policy to go ahead on. Fpr a while France drifted. However, she cleaned house as well as she could after the awful time of turbulence and violence. And perhaps in this the Convention majority showed a quality more valuable at such a moment than the most brilliant party policy would have been, a surprising moderation. While the odious laws and machinery of terrorism were swept away, yet vengeance did not play a great part, and the leaders of the Convention sought peace and con- ciliation. The Committee of Public Safety, the 319 320 SWORD OF LIBERTY Revolutionary Tribunal, and the Paris Commune were all reorganized, and, as agencies of terror, suppressed. The evil Jacobin Club was dissolved. The National Guards were almost recreated, being cleared of the mob element, and made again a middle-class body. The prison doors were thrown open, and thousands of "suspects," fearfully await- ing their turn to go to the guillotine, were suddenly amazed and bewildered to find themselves free. But among them was not the wife of Lafayette. She had, doubtless through the intercession of Mor- ris, escaped the guillotine, but even the present republican leaders were not willing to grant her freedom. In this summer of 1794 Morris was succeeded as American Minister by James Mon- roe, later to become president of the United States. Both Monroe and Mrs. Monroe continued to throw about Madame de Lafayette the protection of all the American influence they could safely invoke. And through them, as earlier through Morris, American money found its way to her, some of it a personal gift from George Washington. At length, with the opening of 1795, her release was obtained, largely through the efforts of Monroe. From now on at every turn it seemed American aid that made things possible for this distressed little daughter of the French noblesse. While she had been in prison, Chavaniac, the birthplace of Lafay- ette and in whose soil lay buried his American END OF THE REVOLUTION 321 honor sword, had been confiscated by the republic and sold over her children's heads. Now American money helped to buy it back. Madame de Lafayette had her plans for the future all ready. With her two daughters she would go to seek her husband and to share his imprisonment. She would not dare to take her son, little George Washington, into the hands of his father's captors, so she decided to send him, accompanied by his tutor, to his great name- sake in America. But how were any of them to get out of France? Even if a Lafayette could get a passport, the old Jacobin feeling against everybody of that name would make travel under it dangerous. Again the land that owed much to the husband of this troubled woman had a chance to help. It was recalled that the marquis had been made a citizen of some of the American States. So now under the family name of Motier, and as citizens of Hartford, Connecticut, Lafayette's family secured passports under which they could travel. The mother's greatest trial was the separation from her son, George Washington, now fourteen years old, and over whom, as heir of the Lafayettes, dangers still hung. But at length partings were over, and in their different directions went these members of the oldest nobility of France, furtively traveling as unknown citizens of Hartford, Connecticut. All the preparations of the Lafayettes for their 322 SWORD OF LIBERTY departure had been interrupted and delayed by the unsettled state of France, especially Paris. What- ever moderation after the Terror was shown by the Convention, its example was not being followed by the people. Intense hostility broke out everywhere against all who had furthered those days of horror. Well-to-do bourgeoisie and "aristocrats" whom the Jacobins had persecuted, now turned the tables, many of them appearing in the streets with clubs that frequently found their way to Jacobin skulls. Even royalists who had been in hiding from the guillotine now came forth and joined in the war upon terrorists. It was inevitable that this bitter hostility among the people should make trouble for the Convention which was trying to govern so divided a France. On the one hand, the harried Jacobins, who were still by no means powerless, were preparing the most desperate means to regain control of the Gov- ernment ; on the other hand, the royalists saw their opportunity in this widespread reaction against terror under the republic, and they were bending every energy to sweep it into a movement for a re- turn to the monarchy. The Convention consistently sought to hold down both these extreme elements, and to preserve the young republic from both ter- rorism and royalism. As the year 1795 opened, the Jacobins were es- pecially active. They resorted to their old tactics END OF THE REVOLUTION 323 of using the mob, and precipitated serious attacks upon the Convention. There were the old time scenes : the fierce howling rabble, the brandished pikes, the lawgivers bearded in their hall. But now a new element entered in. Now the soldiery, instead of fraternizing with the mob, was on the side of the Government, and the lawless attacks were quickly suppressed. The idle guillotine was put to work again for a little while, and a number of the insur- rectionary leaders perished. But the Convention had no sooner mastered the Jacobins than it had to face serious demonstrations on the part of the royalists. In some parts of France they fanned the spirit of vengeance against the former terrorists until no Jacobin was safe. Aided by many of the bourgeoisie they inaugurated, particularly in southern France, a new reign of violence called the "White Terror." For a while there was great slaughter and all the barbarities of the "September Massacres," but with the former butchers now the victims. Royalist thoughts turned more and more to that boy prisoner in the Temple, whom they considered as Louis XVII. Was not the time ripe for a great uprising that would crush the republic, restore the monarchy, and place this son of the Bourbons on the throne? Such a project was not visionary. It might well have succeeded but for one thing, a thing so inhuman as to be almost unbelievable even 324 SWORD OF LIBERTY in that reign of inhumanity, the French Revolution. Those royalists were thinking of the bright, beauti- ful dauphin who had been consigned to the Temple with his royal parents, too sturdy a little fellow to have been seriously affected by his long imprison- ment. They did not know that for a good while the leaders of the republic had been purposely, systematically killing their "little king." It all began some time before the execution of Marie Antoinette. One tragic night in the gloomy prison they took the boy away from her. "Austrian tigress" she surely was that night, but vainly. The child was put under a low, brutal keeper in another part of the prison. One after another the essentials of comfort, of decency, were denied him. He was finally put in a miserable room, without light or ventilation; its iron-barred door was locked and sealed. Child of sunshine and royal gardens, of tender nurture and care, of bright, sensitive mind and passionately loving heart, caged like a wild animal alone in the quiet and the dark. For months no one even entered that cell either to care for him . or for it. They had no care. Coarse, dirty food was shoved through a grating in the door by at- tendants who were forbidden to speak; forbidden even to reply should a little timid voice come out from that stagnant foulness and darkness. It was only now, since the Terror, that the barred and sealed door of that awful room was opened. THE TEMPLE From an old print END OF THE REVOLUTION 325 And what came out? A loathsome, misshapen little creature, nearly naked, covered with sores and vermin, shivering with terror, almost speechless, this the sturdy, vivid little Dauphin, "born gay." He begged to see his mother, whom he supposed still a prisoner somewhere in the Temple. They did not tell him. Even now there was no intention of saving the boy, were saving possible. Heir to the throne of France, he was in the way of the republic. New keepers were appointed for him and better surroundings, but medical aid was denied until the republic knew that physicians could serve but to cer- tify the inevitable end. In the meantime the new attendants gave the scant care that they dared, the child at first afraid of their kindness. His happiness over four little pots of flowers brought the first tears to his eyes. They talked to him of his garden at the Tuileries and of his command of the Royal Dauphin regi- ment. The dimmed eyes brightened. "Did you see me?" he asked eagerly. "Did you see me with my sword?" But soon even memories could not cheer. The boy was very ill. The hideous darkened room had done its work. With his failing strength he called for his mother. Mercifully now they did not tell him. On the afternoon of Monday, June 8, i?95> whatever of menace to the great French Republic lay in a twisted, rickety little sufferer in the Temple, came to an end. But upon that repub- 326 SWORD OF LIBERTY lie was fixed almost the blackest stain that history knows of political crime. There was open elation shown by the republicans upon the news of the death in the Temple. To the royalists it came as a hard blow. But the Comte de Provence, brother of Louis XVI, succeeded as claimant to the French throne, and the projects for restoring the monarchy went on. That summer the royalists were aided by an expedition from England including many French emigres. It was a brave showing of tall ships that approached the French coast and sailed into Quiberon Bay. The forces were landed on a sandy point not far from where, so long before, Franklin had landed one winter night. There was good prospect of success. That coastal country was already disaffected toward the republic, and now peasants came to join the royal standard. But a republican army under Hoche came also. Came in the night, in a wild storm, gaining the sandy point by wading deep through the roaring Quiberon waters. They drove the royal- ists before them. Some escaped to the ships, some perished in the sea, but most were taken prisoners. The republic was master on the soil of France. It was master also in the foreign theaters of war, the French armies still sweeping all before them in their invasion of the allied countries. Indeed, the allied countries were beginning to give up the fight. A little while ago, Prussia and Holland, and now END OF THE REVOLUTION 327 Spain sued for peace and quit. By August, 1795, England and Austria were about all that were left of the huge European coalition against France. So, pretty much at ease, the Convention at last turned seriously to a business it long had been neg- lecting. Though this body, upon first convening, had created the republic, yet, on account of the troublous times, the constitution it provided had never been put in force. Now the Convention de- termined to provide a new one. The result of its labors was an improvement upon the earlier efforts of France in this direction. A lesson was drawn from America, and the legislature made to consist of two branches. The executive power was to be exercised by a Directory consisting of five members. While this constitution breathed all the spirit of liberty that the Revolution stood for, there was a marked lessening of the old emphasis upon equality. Even the franchise was withdrawn from the work- ing classes. Altogether this new attempt at an organic law was too aristocratic to please the radi- cal republicans, and of course, far too democratic to please the royalists. But by this time everybody wanted to get rid of the Convention and to get settled under regular government, so the proposed constitution was generally favored. What made trouble was the Convention's sud- denly added provisions that two thirds of the legis- lature must be taken from its own membership. 328 SWORD OF LIBERTY So the Convention was perpetuating itself after all. This aroused opposition throughout France, even threatened violence in Paris; and yet, upon sub- mission to the people, the constitution was ac- cepted. At this, Palis went into a fury. The royalists were not slow to make the most of the situation. Feelings anti-Convention were easily fanned into feelings anti-republic. By October 4, a formidable force of royalists and bourgeoisie was ready to rise against the Convention. That night was one of violent storm. But Paris streets were full. In and out of coffee-houses and theaters men marched crying, "Down with the two thirds!" A little man came out of one of the cheap theaters and looked about. He was the same little sallow- faced man that had watched the storming of the Tuileries three years before and had criticized the weak resistance Louis XVI had made. The name Napoleon Bonaparte was somewhat better known now, but not much. The five-foot-two figure in the uniform of an officer of artillery looked in- significant enough. He had been out of the service for some time and was poor and needy, and prob- ably at the moment hungry. His uniform showed for wear and his boot tops flapped about his thin legs. But then, it is hard to keep smartness in a uniform with empty pockets, and to fill boot tops with shapely legs on one meal a day. Bonaparte looked about upon hurrying angry crowds, listened END OF THE REVOLUTION 329 to a parley going on near him, and started off in wind and rain for the Tuileries. With all his strange prescience he did not see that he was walking straight into the opening of his career. In the meantime, in the palace, the Convention was waiting in trepidation. It had done all it could. It had available for defense some eight thousand men under one of its members, Barras. But Bar- ras could not find a certain man he wanted to have take the immediate command, "A little Corsican officer who will not stop on ceremony." After diligent search had failed, the "little Corsican officer" walked into the palace. In the presence of the smart officers gathered there he looked less than ever like the man for the occasion, so hopelessly unmilitary. The cocked hat which topped the small figure had a badly ad- justed feather limp from the rain, the tricolored scarf was poorly tied, the sword carelessly worn. Even the face, later to become impressively statu- esque, was only pinched and sallow under the lank wet hair. But within half an hour, officers at the palace who had exclaimed, "Bonaparte! Who is Bonaparte?" had found out. They were no longer smiling at the little officer's sash knot, or at his in- adequate legs. They were too busy taking his orders that came quick, laconic, sharply imperative. Cannon were got from every available source, and 330 SWORD OF LIBERTY strong outposts established. Even the members of the Convention found arms in their hands. By morning the palace was a fortress. And by morning it needed to be. The military force of the insurgents, now including about thirty thousand National Guards, came marching upon the Tuiler- ies along both sides of the Seine. They were al- lowed to approach unmolested. There was much valiant shouting, but a sudden halt at sight of Bona- parte's defenses. Hours passed, and not a move- ment was made upon either side. It was along in the afternoon when there came a musket shot from somewhere, and the insurgents charged. It was a brave but hopeless attack. Instantly Napoleon's cannon loaded with grapeshot opened fire. Their deadly work, followed by a charge by the palace troops, completely dispersed the assailants. The desperate insurrection, at bottom an attempt to restore the Bourbon monarchy, had failed. The republic still was master. Within a week elections were held for the legislature under the new consti- tution. Then, on October 26, 1795, the Conven- tion declared its mission ended, and closed its sittings. Roughly, this date is a mile-stone in French history. W r hile the period of revolutionary energy in France is as hard to fix at its ending as at its beginning, yet the date of the close of the Conven- tion in 1795 is an accepted one as marking the end END OF THE REVOLUTION 331 of the French Revolution. In the next period, that of the Directory, the revolutionary spirit with its good and its evil waned. It was lost in social cor- ruption, in the dry-rot of political leaders, and in the turning of the nation from self-government to a military despot, Napoleon Bonaparte. But the great work of the Revolution was not lost. While Napoleon had little sympathy with what he regarded as the fanaticism of liberty, and rather despised the multitude, yet all that was best of revolutionary development found recognition under his rule. Indeed, to this autocrat was France indebted for the firm and enduring estab- lishment of the principles of her Revolution. CHAPTER XXXII SWORD OF LIBERTY WITH Austria and France still at war, Vienna as well as Paris seethed with excitement. People talked feverishly, many of them too much. Spies were everywhere. Strange meetings came about in those troubled days. Perhaps no stranger one than that of the two men sitting together in one of the popular coffee-houses of Vienna on an autumn afternoon. One was a slender, boyish fel- low barely in his twenties; the other somewhat older, but still in his young manhood, quick and alert. They talked long but cautiously. A few words of that talk would have set the rulers of Europe by the ears. The older man was a Hanoverian, named Boll- man; a physician by profession, but with marked leaning and aptitude for adventure. The story he told his young chance acquaintance, after measur- ing him keenly, was a strange one. Friends of La- fayette, baffled in their attempts to solve the prison- mystery of his whereabouts (if indeed he still lived) had turned for aid to this Dr. Bollman. For a long 332 SWORD OF LIBERTY 333 time now the young physician had been going up and down middle Europe, posing as this and as that, seeking some clue as to where Lafayette was buried from the world. Mystified and often hopeless, he had at length picked up a clue that led him to the little Austrian village of Olmutz, with its huge fortress, about one hundred miles north of Vienna. There was village gossip enough that some mysterious state prisoner had been secretly brought to the ancient stronghold and was being doubly guarded there. Bollman felt that he had come to the end of his long search. But how was he to make sure, let alone work Lafayette's delivery? Out beyond the village, alone on a wide treeless plain, stood the great Austrian fortress like a prison-sphynx in the desert; and sphynx-like it kept its secrets. But Bollman matched his wits against massive walls, and guards, and guns. A casual meeting with the surgeon of the prison, pleasant professional fraternizing, considerable wine, and then the secret was out. Lafayette that is to say, a certain numbered man who used to be known as Lafayette was down in one of the dungeons of the fortress. More professional fraternizing, more wine, and a little lemon juice. The lemon juice was for secret writing upon what appeared as innocent communi- cations, often carried by the prison surgeon himself, between the pleasant visiting doctor and the num- 334 SWORD OF LIBERTY bered man in the dungeon. The communications spoke of "warmth" or of "fire," and the numbered man understood. The pieces of paper, once heated, bore very different messages from the ones the sur- geon had read, and soon a plan was worked out for an attempt to free Lafayette. Bollman could not manage the adventure alone. So now here he was in a coffee-house in Vienna, seeking a trusty confederate. And who was that chance acquaintance, that young man sitting with him, to whom the wary doctor was confiding his story? The very name marks this a strange meet- ing. Huger, he called himself, Francis Huger. No other than the son of Major Huger of South Carolina, at whose house Lafayette had landed upon his first going to America. The young man remembered his childish excitement and joy over that romantic coming in the night of the elegant French youth to fight for liberty. Young Huger needed no persuasion to join Bollman in the attempt to free that hero of his boyhood. So one November evening there came to the Golden Swan Inn at Olmutz two young horsemen followed by their traveling carriage and servants. To the curious of the village, Huger was a young Englishman and Bollman his tutor. By the old means Bollman communicated again with Lafayette. The general had been ill and was now taken out for a drive on certain days. In the morning of one of SWORD OF LIBERTY 335 those days the "Englishman" and his "tutor" paid their bill at the Golden Swan Inn and sent their carriage and servants on to the neighboring town of Hoff. A little later in the day they ordered their saddle-horses and leisurely followed. At last the moment for their attempt had come. There was but one thing lacking. They knew that they needed another horse, but did not dare to take one for fear of arousing suspicions. They had found that one of their own mounts would carry double. That must do. The plan was for the two horsemen to meet the prison carriage on the road and to effect the rescue ; then, after giving Lafayette one of their horses, both Bollman and Huger were to mount the other, and a dash was to be made for Hoff where their traveling-carriage was waiting. The plan did not look so feasible now that acting- time had come. How bare the country was! How the sleepless eyes of the fortress saw every- thing for miles around ! Not a tree, not a bush to afford a moment's hiding. And people everywhere. Scattered over the dull plain they were drudging in the soil ; along the dusty highway, for it was market- day, they came driving in their bright dress and their high carts. But Bollman and Huger rode on undaunted by the odds. They must play the game as they found it. They were intent upon but two things now, the expected meeting with the prison carriage, and the 336 SWORD OF LIBERTY concerted signal by Lafayette. At length a phaeton was approaching. Besides the driver, a private soldier, and an officer, it contained a pale and ema- ciated man. He wore a blue greatcoat. But the important thing was that as the two horsemen went by, he raised his hand and passed a white handker- chief across his forehead. Bollman and Huger bowed a faint recognition of the sign and passed on. Their hearts were pounding. Lafayette out in the open, and his fate depending upon them! As soon as they dared they turned and slowly followed the carriage. In a little while, it stopped. Lafayette and the Austrian officer stepped out as though for exercise for the prisoner, who leaned heavily as he walked. Huger's eyes' were doubly alert now, for at a distance Bollman saw poorly. Suddenly another signal. Plain against the back of the blue greatcoat, a handkerchief waving. The two young men set spurs and came dashing up. Lafayette seized the hilt of the officer's sword, but could not wrest the weapon from him. Bollman threw himself from his horse, which he left with Huger, and joined in the struggle. The soldier in the phaeton leaped out and ran shouting toward the town, the driver sat still and crossed himself, the peasants let the whole affair alone. But the fortress, a mile or two away, had seen all. The boom of its alarm guns rolled out over the plain. Soldiers poured forth from the walls. SWORD OF LIBERTY 337 Rescue must be quick now or not at all. The Austrian officer was gripping Lafayette so that it took both Bollman and Huger to free him, and in the struggle one of the horses broke loose and ran off down the road. Lafayette, despite his protest, was forced upon the remaining horse, and a purse and a pistol thrust into his hands. He hesitated a moment, saw the runaway horse caught, then set off . at top speed. Bollman and Huger mounted to- gether, and started to follow. The animal reared and plunged. Fate had been against them: it was the horse Lafayette was on that would carry double. Soon both riders were in the ditch. Then young Huger made his sacrifice. He per- suaded Bollman that of the two of them, the doctor could be of more service to Lafayette, and so in- duced him to mount alone and ride on. Huger fol- lowed, running, as well as he could. It was a short shrift for him. The .soldiers closed about him, and between rows of fixed bayonets he was marched to the prison. Down in a. stone cell the young Ameri- can became a number chained to a wall. Days passed. Then the fortress looking out over the treeless plain saw soldiers approaching with a prisoner. A dungeon door closed upon Doctor Bollman too, another number chained to a wall. The grim fortress still watched. Again soldiers approaching. Among them a tall, emaciated man in a blue greatcoat. Lafayette had missed his way, 338 SWORD OF LIBERTY and the brave dash for freedom had come to this! A certain Russian nobleman who understood how to use money in Austrian affairs interested himself in Bollman and Huger, and after a while they were released. Prison walls held Lafayette closer than ever. No word possible now from the outside world. More watchful than ever the hawk-like eyes of the fortress swept to the horizon. But they were not prepared for what they saw one golden autumn morning of 1795, coming across the tree- less plain. In an open carriage a woman and two girls, and driving straight for the prison. Once there their surprising mission was made known, not to free Lafayette, but to place themselves within dungeon walls to share his fate ! Madame de Lafayette and her daughters had had a long hard journey from Paris to this remote Austrian stronghold. At Vienna they had obtained the necessary permission from the emperor to join Lafayette; but it had come with solemn advice against such a step. Now a strange scene in the old prison. Grief, struggle, despair, it had always known as new faces entered in. But here came a slender little woman and two young girls in joyful tears, storming the grim entrance, begging to be made prisoners, exult- ing as each ponderous door closing behind brought them nearer to that doubly locked cell of Lafayette. Without warning to the prisoner, the bolts rattled SWORD OF LIBERTY 339 back and the door swung open. There in the dim vaulted space was standing a man, tall, pale, thin to emaciation, entirely bald, wearing rags that were once the uniform of a French general, standing uncertainly, gazing with wide unbelieving eyes at a radiant group trembling in his prison doorway. The joy of that reunion never faded even when the first exultation passed, and the long days and nights of immolation wore on, and stone walls crowded close, and iron bars ate in. The two girls were given a cell next to Lafayette's. For a por- tion of each day the members of the family were allowed to be together. They had one another, that was all. Most necessities of comfort, even of decency, these cultured scions of nobility had to get along without. No one cared for their cells; that work, however hard and repellent, they had to do for themselves. Their food, which they paid for, was plentiful enough, but inexpressibly dirty. They were compelled to eat with their fingers, knives and forks being denied them. Worst of all, a foul open drain ran under their window, so that the air was constantly contaminated. In such existence weeks, months, a year, went by. Through some means the prisoners got the comfort of knowing that young George had safely reached his famous namesake in America; but they were not allowed to communicate with him. All seemed able to bear the prison life except Madame 340 SWORD OF LIBERTY de Lafayette. Though the brightest and most cheerful of all, she was evidently failing. Soon her condition became alarming. An appeal was made to the emperor that she might be permitted to go for treatment to Vienna. The reply was that she might go, but that if she did she could not re- turn. Adrienne Noailles de Lafayette did not go to Vienna. By this time the family must have been much im- pressed with their importance as prisoners. The most elaborate precautions were taken against their escape. The huge jailer had a "trousseau" of keys with which to unlock their cells. He did not dare to speak to them without witnesses. At eight o'clock at night he appeared accompanied by several guards. It was then time for the girls to be taken to their separate cell. They had to pass under the crossed sabers of the guards. So the weeks and months of the second year (the fifth for Lafayette) dragged on. All this time efforts were being made to induce Austria to relinquish her famous prisoner. Wash- ington did all in his power, including a personal ap- peal to the emperor. But in the imprisonment of Lafayette, Austria was but acting as the jailer for Europe. All Europe was afraid of the man. The French Revolution, spreading its principles with the advance of its armies, had undermined European despotism. With the zeal of a holy war the French SWORD OF LIBERTY 341 legions had carried to downtrodden peoples the new ideas of liberty and equality, and had fired them with the revolutionary fanaticism that had over- turned the throne of France. Monarchs trembled, and tightened their hold upon Lafayette. While he had had nothing to do with the excesses of the French Revolution, and had always stood for moderation, yet he had been and was the very embodiment of rebellion against auto- cratic rule. As the Austrian cabinet put it, "His very existence is a menace to the established govern- ments of Europe." Regardless of appeals from every side, the frightened family of sovereigns had no idea of allowing him to leave his prison alive. But at length, in the summer of 1797, a voice was to speak not in appeal but in demand, and prison doors were to open. Napoleon Bonaparte had risen fast after his debut in cannon smoke at the Tuileries. Placed at the head of one of the French armies, he had astonished the world in a campaign against Austria. He had swept through Italy, over the Alps, and to within sight of the domes of Vienna. Then Austria had been forced to sue for peace; and among the terms to which she had to accede was a demand for the release of Lafayette. Not for Lafayette's sake (even Napoleon feared the man's influence), but because he was a French general in the hands of the enemy. On September 19, 1797, the gates of Olmutz 342 SWORD OF LIBERTY swung open, and under an Austrian guard the La- fayettes came forth. The prisoner of kings was on his way to liberty. Weakened and blanched, the family shrank from sunshine and breeze, and even the unaccustomed pure air troubled them. Ac- companied by the guard, they set out for Germany where, at Hamburg, they were to be set at liberty. The journey was taken slowly on account of the seriously weakened condition of Madame de La- fayette. At Hamburg, America had another grate- ful part to play. It was not to some representative of France, but to the consul of the United States, that this important state prisoner was formally de- livered. Now where was Lafayette to find a home? He was forbidden to remain in Germany, forbidden to enter France. Few places were open to him. America of course, but the ill health of his wife pre- cluded that. At first the family joined a number of relatives and friends living in exile in a fief of Den- mark. Here they became part of a tragical comedy that fallen, impoverished French nobility were playing all over Europe. Marquises, counts, dukes, and their grand ladies, exiled by law or by terror, for the first time looking the world in the face, and trying through laughter and tears to get on with it. Babes in the woods ! They pooled their little sums of money, won- dered at what shops you bought things, and won- SWORD OF LIBERTY 343 dered more that their money bought so little. Some- times a hidden jewel or a treasured keepsake would be brought out, and the proceeds helped for a while. Hiding poverty through the day, fallen noblesse would meet at night in their faded best quite in the manner of the Paris salon. If hunger gnawed, it but lent piquancy to conversation as to how much the last snuff-box would bring. And so all out around France tears and laughter went on, tears in the little back rooms, laughter in the mock salons. And poverty did not overlook the Lafayettes. For long this was their life. Yet they had a sort of happiness, and Madame de Lafayette grew stronger. Toward the spring of 1798, young George Washington arrived from America. He had grown almost out of recognition. To his father the joy of his coming was enhanced by what he brought with him. The boy had dared to pass through France on his way, and had visited his aged aunt at Chavaniac. There he had remembered the buried American sword that had lain in Lafayette's native soil through all those troubled years. He had dug it up, that is, the gold hilt of it, the blade having rusted away. It was a dangerous undertaking at that time to attempt to carry gold out of France; but young George successfully concealed the treasured hilt, and now presented it to his father. A son just re- turned from the home of Washington; in his hand 344 SWORD OF LIBERTY the hilt of the American honor sword! What thoughts must have been Lafayette's ! Night after night he talked with George of America; and chiefly of the man who, as he said, "had become a father for both." Early in 1799 the Lafayettes moved a step nearer their native land, making their home in a little village in Holland near Utrecht. Madame de Lafayette's name was not among those in the "book of death," and so, being free to enter France, she made a number of journeys there in the attempt to save something from the wreck of her family's princely possessions. She was but one of many lone women of the old nobility desperately engaged in such efforts. Poverty-stricken, they sought cheap lodgings, went afoot past their own lost palaces, and, in memory of the death-tumbrels, shivered at the rumble of a cart. Madame de Lafayette was upon one of her visits to Paris that memorable ninth of November, 1799, when, by a coup d'etat, all of the republic but the name was overthrown, and Bonaparte as First Consul became dictator of France. The devoted wife of Lafayette was quick to see in this upheaval a possibility of ending the exile of her husband. She planned a little coup d'etat of her own. Hur- riedly she wrote him that the France which had set a price upon his head was no more, that now was SWORD OF LIBERTY 345 the moment to risk all, break through his proscrip- tion, and come to Paris. Within two hours after the messenger reached Lafayette with this letter and a passport for him under an assumed name, the exile was on his way to France. But upon his advising Napoleon of his arrival in Paris, the dreaded anger of the Corsican blazed forth. Nobody dared to speak to him of the matter. Prison walls seemed looming again for Lafayette. His friends urged him to leave France at once. He spoke of Bonaparte's anger lightly. "You should be sufficiently acquainted with me," he said, "to know that this imperious and menacing tone would suffice to confirm me in the course which I have taken." This was but the first of many con- flicts of will between these two great leaders of France. This time Napoleon's star was in the ascendant, and while Lafayette was allowed to re- main in his native land, it was required that he should live in retirement in the country until re- lieved from his proscription. The time was soon to come when the tables were to be turned, when Lafayette, who was yet to make and unmake kings, should be among the foremost in forcing the abdi- cation of Bonaparte as emperor. But all that was on beyond the days of this story of two revolutions. Now, Madame de Lafayette had finally recovered an estate (inherited from her mother) called La 346 SWORD OF LIBERTY Grange, not far from Paris, and to this the family retired. It is useless to try to keep Lafayette out of the atmosphere of the days of chivalry. Grave histori- ans have failed at it. Just as, in his boyhood, a gallant young figure, he sailed across the sea to fight for liberty; just as, through two revolutions, he fought and suffered with courage high and honor unsullied; so now he returned from battle-field and prison like a worn but undaunted crusader. And (how the atmosphere holds!) returned to a verit- able medieval stronghold with battlements, moat, portcullis, and all. La Grange did not fail in its part. It was a great castle-fortress of the days of the Crusades themselves. And down through the centuries it had defied change. For this "knight of liberty" here was proper resting-place. And here for long Lafayette remained, rather scandalizing the proud old castle, perhaps, by turn- ing farmer. But he kept the warrior spirit too, and treasured his trophies as they hung upon the walls. There among others was the gold hilt of the American honor sword, a line of rust showing where blade had been; and there was the honor sword from France. Then, an inspiration! Was it Lafayette's or did it come from the shade of some bold knight who had fared forth across the portcullis of La Grange and left his bones in the Holy J^and? Soon, in- SWORD OF LIBERTY 347 stead of those two trophies on the wall, there hung a strange new sword: to the empty hilt from America had been welded the blade of the weapon from France. Now in odd companionship were the exquisitely wrought devices, Gloucester, and the dread tocsin; Barren Hill, and the Fall of the Bastille. It was all a long while ago. And yet to- day somewhere in France still hangs that strange sword of two languages, of two countries, of two great revolutions for freedom Sword of Liberty. THE END UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. DEC 2 -1959 J&H 1 o 1962 DEC APR liiESffii MAY 1 63 Form L9-32m-8,'58(587684)444 i: UCSOUTHERN.REGIONALVBRARY AC ITY A 001157390 4 \ DO NOT REMOVE THIS BOOK CARD University Research Library n