••••••••••••••••••••#• •••#«*«««««*««#««#«««»«l Cbe ^torji? of tht illations. SICILY. THE STORY OF THE NATIONS. Large Crown %vo, Cloth, Illnstratcii, 5s. The Volumes are also kept in the following Special Bindings : Half Persian, cloth sides, gilt top ; Full calf, half extra, marbled edges ; Tree calf, gilt edges, gold roll inside, fnll gilt hack. By Arthur Oilman, By Prof. J K. ROME M.A. THE JEWS HOSMKR. GERMANY. By Rev. S. Baring-Gould, M.A. CARTHAGE. By Prof. Alfred J. Church. ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE. By Prof. J. P. Mahaffv. THE MOORS IN SPAIN. By Stanley Lane-Poole. ANCIENT EGYPT. By Prof. George Rawlinson. HUNGARY. By Prof. Armi- Nius Vamb6ry. THE SARACENS. By Arthur Oilman, MA. IRELAND. By the Hon. Emily Lawless. CHALDEA. By Z6naide A. Ragozin. THE GOTHS. By Henry Bradley. ASSYRIA. By Z^naide A. Ragozin. TURKEY. Poole. HOLLAND. By Prof. J. Thoroli) Rogers. MEDI.ffi.VAL FRANCE. By GUSTAVE MaSSON. , PERSIA. By S. G. W. Ben- jamin. , PHCENICIA. By Prof. Geo. Rawlinson. By Stanley Lane- E. By John Mac- MEDIA. By Z^naVde A. Ragozin. THE HANSA TOWNS. By Helen Zi.mmern. EARLY BRITAIN. By Piof. Alfred J Church. THE BARBARY CORSAIRS. By Stanley Lane-Poole. RUSSIA. By W. R. Mor- FILL, I\LA. THE JEWS UNDER THE ROMANS. By W. Douglas Morhlson. SCOTLAND. kintosh, LL.D. SWITZERLAND. By Mrs. Lin A Lug and R. Stead. MEXICO. By Susan Hale. PORTUGAL. By H. Morse StEI'HENS. THE NORMANS. By Sarah Orne Iewett. THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE. By C. W. C. Oman. SICILY : Phoenician, Greek and Roman. By the late Prof. E. A. Freeman. THE TUSCAN REPUB- LICS. By Bella Duffy. POLAND. By W. R. MOR- fill, ALA. PARTHIA. By Prof. George Rawlinson. AUSTRALIAN WEALTH. Tregarthen. SPAIN. 15y H. E. Watts. JAPAN. By David Murray, Ph.D. COMMON- By Greville London : T. FISHER UNWIN, Paternoster Square, E.G. SICILY PHOENICIAN, GREEK, & ROMAN BY EDWARD A. FREEMAN, M.A., Hon. d.c.l., ll.d. REGIUS PROFESSOR OF MODERN HISTOKV, OXFORD, FELLOW OF ORIEL COLLEGE, HONORARY FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, OXFORD SECOND EDITION T. FISHER UNWIN PATERNOSTER SQUARE NEW YORK: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS MDCCCXCIV Copyright by T. Fisher Unwin, 1892 (For Great Ijritain) Copyright by G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1892 (For the United States of America) PREFACE. In undertaking "to contribute a short History of Sicily to the series called The Story of the Nations," Mr. Freeman says, in the Preface to his greater work on the same subject, that he did so " on the express ground that Sicily never was the home of any nation, but rather the meeting-place of many." The original suggestion had been that he should write a volume on Norman Sicily. But in view of the necessity of first introducing his readers to the earlier stages of Sicilian history, this suggestion finally ripened into the proposal to write the whole story of Sicily, from the earliest days of the Greek colonisation to the time of Frederick the Second. The idea grew. It had for many years been a favourite saying of Mr. Freeman that " in order to write a small history you must first write a large one." ICSBdiS Vlli PREFACE. In this way the "Little History of Sicily" gave birth to the larger one, of which three volumes, reach- ing down to the time of the Athenian siege and the tyranny of Dionysios, have already been issued by the Clarendon Press. Besides this, there exist materials for a continuation of the larger history down to the period of the Roman Conquest and for a later volume on Norman Sicily. But, unhappily for his readers, he has not been spared to bring the work, either in its greater or lesser form, to com- pletion. With the exception of the headings from p. 297 onwards and the Index, which has been drawn up as far as possible on the lines of those made by the author himself for his greater work, the whole of the sheets had been passed for press by Mr. Freeman before he left England on his last journey — a journey to Spain, undertaken with a special view to the better understanding of the later parts of his great work. The present volume goes down to the end of the Roman dominion, and the last part of the book, which deals with Sicily as a Roman Province, covers a period which, in contradistinction to his usual practice, he had not yet written in the larger form. It had been his intention to add to the present a second volume, beginning with the coming of the Saracens, and which should, according to the hopes PREFACE. IX expressed in his greater work, have been at any rate carried on "till the Wonder of the World is laid in his tomb at Palermo," or, it may be, carried on yet further to the time when the " island story " should be merged in that of the new Italian Kingdom. But it was not so to be. The " life and strength " that he had hoped for failed him before their time, and, in the language of the Psalmist, whose words were ever on his lips and in his writings, his strength was brought down in his journey, his days were shortened. He died at Alicante on March i6, 1S92. A. J. E. AND M. E. CONTENTS. Preface PAGE vii I. Characteristics of Sicilian History . . 1-7 Geographical position of Sicily — Strife of East and West — Summary of the History. II. Sicily and its Inhabitants .... 8-28 Colonies in Sicily — Nature of Colonies — The older inhabitants — Phoenician and Greek Settlers — Shape of Sicily — Nature of the land — The Hill-towns — The Phoenicians — PhcEnician Colonies in Sicily — Panormos, Rlolya, and Eryx. HI. The Legends . HC-rakles— The Nether Gods- ^Arethousa. -The Palici and the Goddesses IV. The Greek Settlements in Sicily 39-56 Foundation of Naxos — Foundation of Syracuse— Foundation of Lcontinoi and Katane — Foundation of Megai a — Foundation of Zankle and Gela — Kamarina, Ilimera, and Selinous — Foundation of Akragas — Foundation of Lipara. Xll CONTENTS. PAGE V. The First Age of the Greek Cities . . 57-75 The Syracuse Gainoroi — Tyranny — Phalaris of Akragas — Expedition of Dorieus — The Samians at Zankle — Wars of Hippokrates — Galon at Syracuse — War in Western Sicily. VI. The First Wars with Carthage and Etruria 76-86 Persia and Carthage — Invasions of Sicily and Old Greece — Battle of Himera — Death of Gelon — Reign of Hieron. VII. The Greeks of Sicily Free and Independent 87-103 Fall of tyranny at Akragas— All the cities free— Wealth of Akragas — Politics of Syracuse — Rise of Ducetius — Foundation of Kale Akte — Great preparations of Syracuse. VIII. The Share of Sicily in the Wars of Old Greece 104-139 Sparta and Athens— Sikeliot appeal to Athens— Hermokrates at Gela — New War at Leontinoi — Appeal of Segesta to Athens — Hermokrates and Athenagoras — Recall of Alki- biades— Battle before Syracuse— Alkibiades at Sparta— The Athenians on the hill— Coming of Gylippos— Second Expedi- tion voted — Coming of Demosthenes and Eurymedon— Eclipse of the moon— Last battle and retreat— End of the Athenian invasion — Banishment of Hermokrates. IX. The Second Carthaginian Invasion . . 140-155 Expedition of Hannibal— Siege and taking of Selinous— Plannibal's Sacrifice — Death of Hermokrates — Siege of Akragas — Beginnings of Dionysios— Siege and forsaking of Gela — Treaty with Carthage. CONTENTS. Xlll The Tyranny of Dionysios .... 156-196 The tyranny of Dionysios — Revolt against Dionysios- -Con- quests of Dionysios— F"ortification of Epipolai — Dionysios' double marriage — Siege of Motya— Foundation of Lilybaion — Sea-fight off Katane— Carthaginian Siege of Syracuse— Defeat of the Carthaginians— Settlements of Dionysios— His defeat at Tauromenion— Wars in Italy— Destruction of towns in Italy— Taking of Rhegion— Dionysios in the Hadriatic— War with Carthage — Death of Dionysios. XI. The Deliverers 197-232 Dionysios and his Son— Dionysios the Younger— Coming of Dion— Dion delivers Syracuse— Dion and Dionysios— Dion deprived of the Generalship— Return of Dion— Recovery of the Island— End of Dion — Timoleun in Sicily— Recovery of the Island— New Settlement of Sicily— War with Carthage- Battle of the Krimisos— Last days of Timoleon— Archido.mos and Alexander. XII. The Tyranny of Agathokles . . . 233-260 His early life- His rise to power — His conquests— Battle of the Himeras— He lands in Africa— His African campaign- Murder of Ophelias— Agathokles king— End of the African ex- pedition— Agathokles and Deinokrates— Death of Agathokles. XIII. The Coming of Pyrrhos and the Rise of HiERON 261-275 Various tyrants — Pyrrhos of Epeiros— Hellas, Carthage, and Rome— Conquests of Pyrrhos— He leaves Sicily— Exploits of Hieron — Hieron king. XIV CONTENTS. PAGE XIV. The War for Sicily ..... 276-291 The Mamertines — Hieron's alliance with Rome — Taking of Akragas — Roman taking of Panormos — Defence of Panormos — Hamilkar Barak — Battle of Aigousa— Carthage gives up Sicily. XV. Thf. End of Sicilian Independence . . 292-318 Roman power in Sicily — The Ilannibalian War — Death of Hieronymos — Slaughter of Hieron's descendants — Taking of Leontinoi — Roman siege of Syracuse — Massacre at Henna — Epipolai in Roman hands — Punic force destroyed by pestilence — Taking of Syracuse — Exploits of Mutines — Outcry against Marcellus — Sicily an outpost of Europe. XVI. Sicily a Roman Province .... 319-354 Relations of cities to Rome — The Roman peace — First Slave War— Second Slave War — End of the Slave War — Pr.'etorship of Verres — Death of Crcsar foretold — Peace of Misenum — War between Ctesar and Sextus — Cccsar master of Sicily — Third Slave War — Growth of Christian legends — Beginning of Teutonic invasions — Rule of Theodoric — Gothic War of Jus- tinian—Connexion with East-Roman Empire — Constantine the Fifth. Index 355 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. THIi THEATRE, SYRACUSE . . . Froutispicce OLYMPIEION, SYRACUSE 44 HERAKLES AND THE KERKOPES (eARLY SCULPTURE FROM SE LI nous) .... AKRAGAS, FRO.M THE OLYMPIEION . COIN OF SYRACUSE, TIME OF THE GAMOROI TEMPLE OF ATHENE, SYRACUSE COIN OF HIMERA, EARLY COIN OF ZANKLE, SIXTH CENTURY COIN OF NAXOS, C. 500 B.C. COIN OF KAMARINA. EARLY COIN OF SELINOUS. EARLY DAMARATEION COIN OF GELA. C. 480 B.C. COIN OF SELINOUS. C. 440 B TEMPLE AT AKRAGAS AKTAION AND HIS HOUNDS COIN OF PANORMOS. C. 42O B.C. COIN OF MESSANA. C. 420 B.C. COIN OF SEGESTA. C. 415 B.C. MAP OF SYRACUSE DURING THE ATHENIAN SIEGE 52 54 60 61 64 68 68 71 75 82 85 85 88 97 102 102 112 122 XVI LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. COIN OF AKRAGAS. C. 415 B.C. .... 5VRACUSAN PENxfiKGNTALITRON (PRIZE ARMS OF ASSINARIAN GAMEs) .... SVRACUSAN STONE QUARRIES COIN OF HIjMERA. C. 430 B.C. COIN OF KATANli. AGU 126 ^ STORY OF SICILY. I. CHARACTERISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTORY. The claim of the history of Sicily to a place in the Story of the Nations is not that there ever has been a Sicilian nation. There has very seldom been a time when there was a power ruling over all Sicily and over nothing out of Sicily. There has never been a time when there was one language spoken by all men in Sicily and by no men out of Sicily. All the powers, all the nations, that have dwelled round the Mediterranean Sea have had a part in Sicilian history. All the languages that have been spoken round the Mediterranean Sea have been, at one time or another, spoken in Sicily. The historical importance of Sicily comes, not from its being the seat of any one nation, but from its being the meeting-place and the battle- field of many nations. Many of the chief nations of the world have settled in Sicily and have held dominion in Sicily. They have wrought on Sicilian soil, not only the history of Sicily, but a great part of their own history. And, above all, Sicily has been the 2 2 CHARACTERISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTORY. meeting-place and battle-field, not only of rival nations and languages, but of rival religious creeds. It follows from this that, while the history of Sicily has had a great effect on the general history of the world, it is still, in a certain sense, a secondary history. For some centuries past, and also in some earlier times, this has been true in the sense that Sicily has been part of the dominion of some other power ruling out of Sicily. But Sicily has not always been in this way a dependent land. In one age it contained the greatest and most powerful city in Europe. In another age it was the seat of the most flourishing kingdom in Europe. Yet its history has alwa}'s been a secondary history, a history whose chief importance comes from its relations to things out of Sicily. The greatest powers and nations of the world have in several ages fought in Sicily and for Sicily. Their Sicilian warfare determined their history elsewhere. In this way the history of Sicily is one of the longest and most unbroken histories in Europe. It does not belong, wholly or chiefly, either to what is called " ancient " or to what is called " modern " history. Of its two most brilliant periods, one belongs to what is commonly called " ancient," the other to what is commonly called " modern." And nowhere is it more hopeless to try to keep the two asunder ; nowhere is the history so imperfect if we try to look at one period only. For the history of Sicily is before all things a history of cycles. The later story is the earlier story coming over again. That is to say, like causes have been at work in very distant times, and they have led to like results. GEOGRAPHICAL POSITION OF SICILY. 3 Now all these characteristics of Sicilian history come from the geographical position and the geo- graphical character of the land. Sicily is an island. It is a great island, an island which, in the days when cities were powers, could contain many independent powers. And above all, it is a central island. It lies in the very middle of the great inland sea which parts and unites Europe, Asia, and Africa. That is to say, as long as the civilized world consisted only of the lands round the Mediterranean Sea, Sicily was the very centre of the civilized world. Its position in- vited settlement from every quarter, and its size allowed settlement from many quarters at once. Sicily therefore became the battle-field of many nations and powers ; but it was so for many ages without becoming the exclusive possession of any one. And its position specially marked it out as the chosen battle-field of one particular form of strife. Sicily lies in the very middle of the Mediterranean. It forms a breakwater between the Eastern and the Western basins of that sea. We count it as part of Europe ; but it comes nearer to Africa than any other part of central Europe. As it is a breakwater between the two seas, it is a bridge between the two continents. The question was sure to come. Shall the great central island belong to the East or to the West .-* Shall it be part of Africa or part of Europe? On this last question the whole history of Sicily turned as long as Sicily played a great part in the history of the world. In the great strife between East and West, and between the religions which had been adopted in East and West, Sicily has at two 4 CHARACTERISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTORY. periods of the world's history played a foremost part. The land has been twice fought for by Aryan and Semitic men, speaking Aryan and Semitic tongues, and professing and fighting for their several religions. In both cases the geographical relations of the struggle have been strangely turned about. In the strife between East and West, the East has be- come West, and the West East. That is to say, in the strife for Sicily, the Eastern side has been both times represented by men who have attacked Sicily from tlie West. Its enemies have been, not men coming straight from Asia, but men of Asia who had settled in Africa. In each case the representatives of the West (fighting from the East), have been men speaking the Greek tongue, and the representatives of the East (attacking from the West) have been men speaking a Semitic tongue. That is, they were first the Phcenicians, then the Saracens. In each case the strife has been made keener by difference of religion. In the first case it was the difference between two forms of heathendom, between the two very different creeds of Greece and Phoenicia. In the second case it was the keenest difference of all, the keenest be- cause the two religions have so much in common, the strife between the two great forms of monotheism, Christianity and Islam. In both cases the strife has been waged in Sicily and for Sicily ; in both cases the prize has in the end passed to the power which was at the time strongest in the neighbouring land of Southern Italy. That is, Sicily passed to the Romans in the first strife, to the Normans in the second. This forms the great cycle of Sicilian history ; the main STRIFE OF EAST AND WEST. 5 events of the earlier time seem to be acted over again in the latter. This is the great characteristic of Sicilian history, but it is not quite peculiar to Sicily. The same kind of cycle, the same waging of the great strife of East and West at different times and by different actors, is to be found in the history of Cyprus and of Spain as well as in that of Sicily. But Cyprus is much smaller than Sicily ; it lies in a corner of the Mediterranean, its revolutions did not affect the general history of the world in the same way as those of Sicily which lies in the middle. Spain is geographically much greater than Sicily ; but Spain lies at what in early times was the end of the world, and the historical importance of Spain came much later, as it lasted much longer, than that of Sicily. Sicily, as the cen- tral land, was the truest centre of the strife. It is on its central position that the whole history of Sicily turns. As long as the lands round the Mediterranean were the whole of the European world, the strife for Sicily, the central land of them all, had an importance which none could surpass. So it was in the former time of strife, the strife between the pagan Greek and the Phoenician. By the second time of strife, the strife between the Christian Greek or Roman — we may call him either — and the Saracen, the boundaries of the European world had been enlarged. Sicily was no longer the centre of the world, and its fortunes, though still of great moment, are of less moment than before. In later times again, when the European world has spread over all parts of the earth, when the Ocean has become the central sea instead of the 6 CHARACTERISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTORY. Mediterranean, Sicily has altogether lost its central position and its importance. For some centuries Sicily has held only a secondary place in Europe, and it has commonly been dependent on some other power. We may therefore sum up the history of Sicily in a very few words. It is the central land of the Mediterranean sea ; it was the central land of Europe, as long as Europe meant only the lands on the Mediterranean sea. As such it became the battle-field of nations and creeds, the prize for Europe and Africa to struggle for. The first time of strife was between Greeks and Phoenicians, between representatives of West and East, between men of Europe and men of Asia transplanted to Africa. The end of this strife was the victory of Europe, but in the shape of the incorporation of Sicily into the dominion of Rome. Of that dominion Sicily remained a part for many ages, till the second time of strife came, the strife which was waged with the Saracen by men whom we may call either Greek- speaking Romans or Greeks under the allegiance of the Eastern Rome. The end was the establishment of the Norman kingdom of Sicily, which was for a short time the most flourishing state in Europe. After a while Sicily lost its central position and with it its special character as the meeting-place of the nations. But its history as such had kept it back from that form of greatness which consists in being the chief seat of some single nation. There has been no Sicilian nation. The later historv of SUMMARY OF THE HISTORY. 7 Sicily has thus lost its distinguishing chaiTicter. It has become an ordinary part, and commonly a sub- ordinate part, of the general history of Europe, and specially of that of Italy. In this way Sicilian history begins when the great colonizing nations of antiquity, the Phoenicians and the Greeks, began to settle in Sicil}^ Our first business therefore is to see what manner of people the Phoenicians and the Greeks were at the time of their first settlements, what manner of land Sicily was, and what earlier inhabitants the new settlers found in it. Then we shall go on with the history of the two colonizing nations in Sicily. In so doing we shall have to say again many things that have already been said in other parts of the Story of the Nations. Indeed the most part of the Story of Sicily must have been told already. But it has been told, as far as Sicily is concerned, piecemeal. Things have been told, not in their relation to Sicily, but in their relations to some other land or power. Here they will be told as parts of a connected Sicilian story, a story of which Sicily is the centre, and in which other lands and nations find their place only in their relations to Sicilian affairs. 11. SICILY AND ITS INHABITANTS. [It may be needful to explain that, during the present chapter and for some time after it, we have no contemporary, or even continuous, narrative to follovif. In the very earliest times of course there could be none. The nearest approach to a narrative is the description of Sicily and its native inhabitants and of the Greek settlements there which Thucydides gives at the beginning of his sixth book. For the rest we have to put our story together from all manner of Greek sources. We have incidental notices of Sicily and the nation of Sicily in a crowd of Greek writers from the Odyssey onwards. Much is learned more directly from later Greek writers, as the geographer Strabo and the Sicilian historian Diodoros of Agyrium. If his work were perfect, we should have a continuous, though not a contemporary, Sicilian history. Something too may le got from Dionysios of Halikarnassos, the historian of Rome. All these preserve to us valuable notices from earlier writers, especially from the Sicilian historians Antiochos and Philistos. But they too were not contemporary. Of Phoenician authorities we unluckily have none. Among modern writers Adolf Holm has got together in his GcschicJiii Sicilicns pretty well every scrap that can be found. We spoke in our first chapter of the way in which the geographical position of the island of Sicily, as the central island of the Mediterranean sea, allowed, and almost compelled it, to play the particular part in history which it did play. We have now to see how the history of the land was affected by its geographical COLONIES IN SICILY. 9 character as well as by its geographical position. We must remember the general state of the world at the time when, first the Phoenicians and then the Greeks, began to plant colonies in Sicily and other lands. To such European nations as have already come, however dimly, into sight, the lands round the Mediterranean were the whole world, and the inland sea itself was what the Ocean is now. Europe contained no great kingdoms, like Asia ; the more advanced a people was, the greater was its political disunion. The indepen- dent city was the accepted political unit. In Greece above all, the nature of the land, the islands, the penin- sulas, the strongly marked inland valleys, fostered the separate being of each city in its fullest development. Every city either was independent or thought itself wronged if it was not so. It was only in the more backward parts of Greece that towns or districts in the early days grouped themselves into leagues. In Italy the growth of such leagues was the most marked feature. Outside Greece and Italy the other European nations had hardly got beyond the system of tribes, as distinguished alike from independent cities and from great kingdoms. Among the Asiatic nations the Phoenicians alone had at all fully developed the same kind of political system as the Greeks. With them too the independent city was the rule. They alone among barbarians knew anything of the higher political life. They were the only worthy rivals of Greece. Now, as the world stood then, it was only nations like the Phoenicians and Greeks, whose political system was one of independent cities, that could in 10 SICILY AND ITS INHABITANTS. the Strict sense plant colonies. We must distinguish colonies, as we now understand the word, from national migrations. In an early state of things nothing is more common than for a whole people, or a large part of a people, to leave their own land for some other. Their old land is left empty or much less thickly inhabited, and very often some other people steps in and takes possession of it. Both Greeks and Phoenicians and the other ancient nations of Europe and Asia must have come into their lands in this way. And the same thing went on again when the settlement of the present nations of Europe began, at what is commonly spoken of as the Wandering of the Nations. Then, for instance, the English settled in part of the isle of Britain, and gave it its name of England. The older England on the mainland of Europe was forsaken. So again in Greece, ever since the Greeks had settled there, there had been many movements of different divi- sions of the Greek nation, Dorians, lonians, Achaians, changing their dwellings from one part of Greece to another, or going across into Asia. Real planting of colonies, as we understand the word, is something quite different from this. It is not the movement of a whole people or of so large a part of a people as to leave the old land at all forsaken or weakened. Part of the inhabitants of an established kingdom or city go forth to seek new homes in a new land ; but the kingdom or city which they left still lives on. The two become what the Greeks called metropolis or mother-city and colony. And the Plioenician and Greek colonics, founded from cities, arose as indepen- NATURE OF COLONIES. II dent cities from the beginning. The colony owed the metropolis honour and reverence, and colony and metropolis were ready to help one another in time of need. But, as a rule, a Phcenician or Greek colony was not politically subject to the metropolis which planted it. In later times colonies have been founded from kingdoms, and it has been held that a subject of a king, wherever he went, could not throw off his allegiance to his sovereign. Colonies have therefore been held to be part of the dominions of the king of the mother-country. They have from the beginning been dependent instead of independent ; and when they have grown strong, they have often had to win independence by force of arms. Now Sicily was in the early days of Europe one of the greatest of colonial lands. It was a chief seat for the planting of colonies, first from Phoenicia and then from Greece. It is the presence of these Phoenician and Greek colonies which made the history of Sicily what it was. These settlements were of course made more or less at the expense of the oldest inhabitants of the island, those who were there before the Phoenicians and Greeks came to settle. These oldest inhabitants were of three nations. Of these the names of two are so much alike that one is tempted to think that they must be different forms of the same name. And yet all ancient writers speak of them as wholly distinct nations. These are the Sikans {Sicaiii, '^iKavoi) and the Sikels {Siculi, '2ik€\ol), each of which in turn was said to have given its name to the island. It was first Sikaiiia CZcKavit], 'S.LKavia), then Sikclia or Sicily {Sicilia, ^iKeXia). 12 SICILY AND ITS INHABITANTS. The Sikans claimed to be aiitoditJiones, sprung from the earth; that is, they were the earliest in- habitants of the land of whom anything was known. But the Greeks believed them to have come from Spain, and it is most likely that they belonged to that wide-spread non- Aryan race of southern Europe of which the Basques are now the survival. Nothing is known of the Sikan lan- guage, except so far as it is likely to survive in the names of places. The Sikans no doubt came into the island by a progress of national migration, though in an un- recorded time. The other people whose name is so like theirs, the Sikels, certainly did so, and their settlement in the island is all but historical. Their tradition was that they had come into the island from Italy three hundred years before Greek settlement in it began, that is in the eleventh century B.C. And in a general way this belief seems quite trustworthy, though of course we cannot commit ourselves to exact dates. Of the Sikel language we know a good many words, and nearly all of them are closely akin to Latin. We may in short look upon the Sikel as an undeveloped Latin people. The Latins in Italy were able to develop a polity and a national life of their own ; the Sikels could not do this, because at an early stage of their being they came across nations more advanced than themselves. In the fifth century B.C. there were still, as Thucydides witnesses, some Sikels left in Italy ; but the great mass of the nation must have crossed into the great island. They came nearer than any other people to being the real folk of THE OLDER INHABITANTS. I3 the land, and they gave the land its abiding name. The Sikans indeed appear in history as httle more than a survival. They seem to have been driven into the western part of the island by the advance of the Sikels. And there they came under the dominion and influence both of Phoenicians and Greeks. Still they kept some towns, chiefly inland, and we hear of them as a distinct people as late as the fourth century B.C. The Sikels, on the other hand, play a great part in the histor}' of the land to which they gave their name. But their story is mainly a record of the way in which they gradually became practically Greek. On the east coast they came for the most part under the dominion of the Greek settlers ; but on the north coast and in the inland parts they kept many independent towns. These gradually came under Greek influence ; they adopted Greek ways and spoke the Greek language, till in the Roman times they were reckoned as Greeks. Besides Sikans and Sikels, there was a third people in the island, of whom we hear a good deal, but of whom we really know less than of either of the other two. These were the Elymians, who held the two towns of Segesta and Eryx in the north-west part of Sicily. They professed, like the Romans and some others, to be descended from the Trojans. This kind of claim always means that the people making it were an ancient settlement, but that they could not certainly connect themselves with any known city or land. In history the Elymians appear as so completely brought under Phcenician and 14 SICILY AND ITS INHABITANTS. Greek influences that we cannot at all say what they originally were. We know nothing of their language. Their name is very like that of several other lands both in Europe and Asia ; but it is always dangerous to make guesses because of mere likenesses of name. They are most famous because of their great temple on Mount Eryx, dedicated to a goddess in whom the Phoenicians saw their own Ashtoreth, the Greeks their own Aphrodite, and the Latins their own Venus. It was in the land occupied by these nations, and largely at their expense, that, first the Phoenician and then the Greek colonists settled themselves. Both nations had already planted colonies elsewhere. The Phoenicians had settled in the Greek islands from which they had been driven by the Greeks, and also in Africa and Spain. The Greeks had settled in the islands and in Asia. But Sicily was a land in some things different from any of the other lands in which they settled. In Greece itself, and still more in the Greek islands, and afterwards in southern Italy, it was easy to occupy the whole land from sea to sea. On the other hand, most of the Greek colonies on the mainland, whether of Europe, Asia, or Africa, were settlements on the sea, holding a mere strip of coast with a barbarian background behind them. And whenever powerful kingdoms, like those of the Lydians and the Persians in Asia, grew up in that barbarian background, the independence of the Greek cities on the coast was threatened and sometimes destroyed. Among the Greek islands again some, as Crete and Euboia, were large enough to con- tain several independent cities ; but none were of PHCENICIAN AND GREEK SETTLERS. 15 a size and geographical character to allow of any large inland region really far away from the sea. The Phoenicians also were used to much the same state of things. Their own land in Asia was a mere strip of coast between the sea and the mountains, studded with their famous cities, Sidon, Tyre, and others. And their colonics in Africa and Spain were of the same kind. They held the coast, but did not spread far inland. In Sicily the Phoenician and Greek settlers found themselves under geographical conditions different from any of these. Sicily was an island ; it was, according to the ideas of those times, a very large island. It approached to the nature of a continent. It was not only large enough to contain many cities ; it was large enough to have its coast studded with sea-faring cities, and at the same time to leave a large inland region really away from the sea. Its shape, nearly triangular, is singularly compact ; and it allows the greatest amount of coast to the greatest amount of inland country. In Sicily therefore a state of things followed unlike anything to be seen elsewhere. Phoenician and Greek settlers could occupy the coasts, but only the coasts ; it was only at the corners that they could at all spread from sea to sea. A great inland region was necessarily left to the older inhabitants. But there was no room in Sicily, as there was in Asia, for the growth of great barbarian powers dangerous to the settlers. Neither Phoenician nor Greek was ever able to occupy or conquer the whole island ; but neither people stood in any fear of being conquered or driven out, unless by one another. 1 6 SICILY AND ITS INHABITANTS. But instead of conquest came influence. Both Phoe- nicians and Greeks largely influenced the native in- habitants. In the end, without any general conquest, the whole island became practically Greek. We have said that the shape of Sicily is nearly that of a triangle. The ancient writers fancied that it was much more nearly a triangle than it is. It was thought to be an acute-angled triangle with a promontory at each of its angles, Peloris to the north-east, Pachynos to the south-east, and Lilybaion to the west. The real shape of Sicily is that of a right-angled triangle, with the right angle to the north-east ; the north-western angle is cut off, so as to form a short fourth side to the west. And the angles do not end in promontories. Lilybaion, now Cape Boeo, is not a promontory at all ; it is the most western point of Sicily, but it is not high ground, and it is not an angle, but is in the middle of the short western side. Peloris is now called Capo del Faro, after the pharos or light-house from which the strait itself between Sicily and Italy has taken the name of Faro. There are high hills not far off, but the actual ano-le is very low ground. And the only way to make a promontory of Pachynos is to make the island of Passero the promontory, and that is not at the angle but on the east side. But this notion of the triangle and the three promontories took possession of men's minds. When therefore they began to find sites for all the stories in the Odyssey, the little island of Thrinakie spoken of there was ruled to be Sicily, and its name was improved into Trinakria, to give in Greek the meaning o{ three promontories. After all, SHAPE OF SICILY. IJ Sicily is really not far from being a triangle, and it i.s its triangular shape which makes it so compact. The north side runs very nearly east and west, the east side very nearly north and south ; the longest side is the south-western. All three are much more nearly straight than most coasts ; they are specially so as compared with the coasts of Greece. Compared with them, the Sicilian coasts are very little cut up with any large or deep inlets of the sea. But there are a good many smaller inlets which make excel- lent harbours, as above all at Syracuse, and also at Panormos or Palermo. Nor is the coast of Sicily surrounded by islands in the same way as the coast of Greece. There are a {q\w very small ones near the coast, and there are two groups of some importance. The isles of Aigousa or the Agates off the north-west corner are bold mountains in the sea. And to the north-east, between Sicily and Italy, are the volcanic isles of Lipara, the isles of Aiolos or of Ilephaistos, which connect the volcanic regions of /Etna and of Vesuvius, The islands between Sicily and Africa, Melita (Malta), Gaulos (Gozo), and Kossoura (Pantellaria\ are too far from Sicily to have had any continuous share in Sicilian history, though Melita is of importance at times. Sicily is a very mountainous land, and even where there are no high mountains, it is full of hills and valleys. There are no large plains ; that of Lentini or Catania on the east side is the chief. On the north side and part of the east, the mountains come near to the sea, sometimes quite close, forming very grand coast scenery. In the other parts the moun- 3 l8 SICILY AND ITS INHABITANTS. tains keep much further inland, and the coast is mainly low, though at a few points on the south side the hills come down to make promontories. The great mountain of all is of course yEtna, the greatest volcano of Europe. It rises more than ten thousand feet above the sea, and it is so near to the sea that its whole height is seen. Yet its base is so vast and the slope so gradual that it needs the snow near the top to show how high it is. None of the other heights of Sicily come at all near it. The loftiest are to the north. The most striking after ^tna, though by no means the highest (for its height is not much more than two thousand feet), is Eryx (Monte San Giuliano) at the north-west corner. It comes nearer to the nature of a promontory at an angle than any of the supposed three. So hilly a land is naturally full of springs and streams, but there is no room for great rivers. There is no such thing in Sicily as a navigable river or an inland haven. The greatest river system is that of the Symaithos (or Giarretta) on the eastern side, where many streams, draining many valleys and the great Leontine or Catanian plain, run into the sea by a single mouth. Next in size is the Himeras or Fiitnie Salso on the south side. There is another river on the north side (now Fiunie Grande) of the same name, and the two rise very near together, but the southern one has a much longer course. The rivers Halykos, Mazaros, Krimisos, and Orethos, are of more importance as boundaries or from events that happened near them than from their size. Many of the streams of Sicily, specially on the north and north- west sides, are what are called fiiiiiiare ; that is, in NATURE OF THE LAND. 1 9 winter they are torrents, rushing fiercely into the sea, while in summer their beds are nearly dry. Sicily has been always famous for its fruitfulness, and not without reason. The few wide plains, the lowlands between the mountains and the sea, and many of the inland valleys, are wonderfully rich in their growth. Even on hilly and stony ground rich patches of corn will grow between the stones. Men believed that wheat first grew in Sicily, as the gift of the goddesses of the island, and in the plain of Catania it was said to be still growing wild. How- ever this may be, it is certain that no land has ever received more vegetable gifts from other lands than Sicily ; olives, vines, oranges, the American prickly pear, all flourish. But the sugar-cane and the Egyptian papyrus have vanished, or nearly so ; cotton is grown only in a few places ; the palm grows, but its fruit docs not reach perfection. But while fruit-trees of all kinds are abundant, there is a strange lack of what we call forest-trees. There were plenty of them in times past, but now there are very few. The hill- sides are mostly quite treeless, and a valley which looks thickly wooded has often nothing but olives, almonds, and such like. Sicily was in old times famous for its horses and its sheep ; the traveller is now more struck with the asses, mules, and goats ; but there are more sheep inland than there are near the coasts. The seas abound in fish, specially the great tunny. In all ages the richness of the land has been dwelled upon with pride. As a Roman province, Sicily was the chief granary of Rome, and before and after, in the days of the Greek cities and of 20 SICILY AND ITS INHABITANTS. the Norman kings, it was the most flourishing land in Europe. Some of the present customs of Sicily seem to have come down from the earliest times. The traveller is struck by the general absence of villages and country-houses ; the mass of the people live in towns, and, except on the coast, the towns are mainly on the hill-tops. This fashion, common to most nations at an early stage, is spoken of as specially characteristic of the Sikans ; it has gone on to this day, because the country has at many times, and in modern times till quite lately, been made unsafe by plunderers by land or sea. Many of the hill-towns, both Sikan and Sikel, are thus dwelled in to this day, and some of the Sikel sites play a great part in Sicilian history. Such specially are the inland towns of Agyrium (afterwards San Filippo d'Argiro), and Centuripa fafterwards Centorbi), both on high hills, and above all Henna, the seat of the great goddesses of Sicil}', of whom we shall presently speak. This is now called Castro- giovanni ; but it has not really changed its nam2 ; the name has nothing to do with any JoJin. The Sara- cens corrupted Castruni Henncu into Casr-janni, and that was misunderstood and translated into Castniui- Johamiis. Cephaloedium (now Cefalu) is a wonder- ful Sikel site on the north coast. The old town, with some precious Sikel remains, stood on a high hill overhanging the sea ; below are Sikel walls, joining in to the sea, almost like the Long Walls of Athens. The Sikan sites are of less importance, but we shall come across some of them, and the Eh'mians have left us Eryx and Scgesta. Among these nations, who THE HILL-rOWNS. 21 were in the island before recorded history begins, came the settlers from the two great colonizing nations, who, at this stage of their history, had come to build their cities on the coast, not commonly on the high hills, and never very far inland. We must first speak of the Phoenicians and then of the Greeks. The Phoenicians then, the foremost of barbarian nations, the only real political rivals of the Greeks, came into Sicily and other western lands from the narrow strip of land at the east of the Mediterranean, between Lebanon and the sea, where were their old and famous cities of Sidon, Tyre, and Arvad. The name by which we call them (Greek ^olpl^, Latin Pccnus, Punicus) is not their own name, but one which perhaps marked their land as the land of palm-trees. They called themselves and their land CJina or Canaan. For of a truth they came from the Canaan of the Old Testament ; they worshipped the gods of Canaan, Baalim and Ashtaroth, with their foul and bloody rites, burning their children in the fire. Their tongue was the same as the Hebrew, and a very little knowledge of Hebrew will explain many Phoenician names. Thus the most famous of all, Han7tibal,\s the Grace of Baal, just as the Hebrew Hananiah is the Grace of Jehovah. Turn it round, and it \s Jeho/ianan, Johannes, our familiar Jo/ui. To the Greeks the Phoenicians were of course bai'barians, a name given to all who did not speak Greek. It no doubt implies a certain degree of contempt for those who did not speak Greek ; but it proves nothing as to the measure of civilization reached by the people so 22 SICILY AND ITS INHABITANTS. called, or even as to the degree of distance between their tongue and the Greek. The PhcEnicians were the boldest sea-faring people in the world and the most cunning traders. In this way they spread them- selves over a great part of the coast of the Mediter- ranean, founding in some places mere factories, in others actual colonies. They occupied many points in the island of Cyprus and many of the iEgaean islands, and seemingly points on the Greek coast itself At this early time, to which we can give no exact date, they were far advanced in material arts above the Greeks and all other Europeans ; but they are said not to have been an inventive people, but rather to have spread abroad the inventions of others. Certain it is that the Greeks learned much from them in the way of material culture ; and they learned a much more precious gift, namely the alphabet. All the various forms of written letters now used in Europe have come in different wa}'S from the letters which the Greeks first learned of the Phoeni- cians. The name alphabet shows it ; it comes from the first two Phoenician letters, alcph and bcth, in Greek alpJia and beta. Yet, with all this, the Greek was a Greek and the Phoenician was a barbarian. The superiority of the Asiatic was in material inventions ; what the Greek learned, he developed and improved as no barbarian ever did. It is the art, the polity, the language, of Greece, not that of Phoenicia, which has influenced the world for ever. In time the Phoenicians were glad to copy Greek arts, to take back their own gifts in a shape in which they could hardly have known them. But at THE PHCENICIANS. 23 this early time the Phoenicians were the more advanced people, above all in everything to do with trade and a sea-faring life. While the Greeks hardly ventured to stir beyond their own vEgaean and the islands just off Western Greece, the Phoenicians sailed everywhere in the Mediterranean, and even made their way into the Ocean. And at least one Phoenician colony was planted on the Ocean itself, outside what men called the pillars of Herakles, the heights on each side which seem to guard the entrance to the Mediterranean. This was Gadeira or Gades, said to be the oldest settlement of all. And so it well may be ; for one great object of Phoenician trade w^as the gold of Spain (Tharshish, Tartessos), then the land of gold ; the nearer colonies were posts on the way. Gades, hardly changing its name in the modern Cadi.':, though never a ruling city, has been a flourishing haven of trade through all the ages till now._ But the chief land of Phoenician settlement was Africa, and that brings us round to our own Sicily. Many Phoenician cities were planted in Africa, Hippo, Utica, and others, and above all Carthage. But Car- thage, which grew to be the greatest of all Phoenician cities, was the youngest of the African settlements. Its name {Kapxn^f^v, Kartaco, Carthago) means the New City, like Greek Ncapolis or English Neiuton. The first syllable is the word for city, which we see in many Old Testament names, as KirjatJi-]Q2cc\v^. But we have nothing to do with Carthage as yet. Carthage at a later time plays so great a part in Sicilian history that we are tempted to bring it in before its time, and to 24 SICILY AND ITS INHABITANTS. fancy that the Phoenician colonies in Sicily were, as they are sometimes carelessly called, Carthaginian colonies. This is not so ; the Phoenician cities in Sicily did in after times become Carthaginian dependencies : but they were not founded by Carth- age. We cannot fix an exact date for their founda- tion, nor can we tell for certain how far they were settled straight from the old Phoenicia and how far from the older Phoenician cities in Africa. But we may be sure that their foundation happened between the migration of the Sikels in the eleventh century B.C. and the beginning of Greek settlement in the eighth. And we may suspect that the Phoenician settlements in the east of Sicily were planted straight from Tyre and Sidon, and those in the west from the cities in Africa. We know that all round Sicily the Phoenicians occupied small islands and points of coast which were fitted for their trade, but we may doubt whether they anywhere in Eastern Sicily planted real colonies, cities with a territory attached to them. In the west they seem to have done so. For, when the Greeks began to advance in Sicily, the Phoenicians withdrew to their strong posts in the western part of the island, Motya, Solous, and Panormos. There they kept a firm hold till the time of Roman dominion. The Greeks could never permanently dislodge them from their possessions in this part. Held, partly by Phoenicians, partly by Sikans and Elymians who had been brought under Phoenician influence, the north- western corner of Sicily remained a barbarian corner. Of these three settlements \\hich the Phoenicians kept in Western Sicily, Motya has the shortest history. PIICENICIAN COLONIES IN SICILY. 25 It was the settlement nearest to Africa, planted on a small island in a sheltered bay, a little to the north of Lilybaion, the most western point of Sicily. There was as }'et no town of Lilybaion. But in the time of Carthaginian dominion, in the fourth century B.C. Motya was forsaken, and a very strong town arose on Lilybaion, now the modern Marsala. Motya has never been rebuilt, but large remains of its Phoenician walls may be seen. The other two Phoenician towns are on the north side of Sicily, where the coast makes a bend so as to form a bay looking to the east. On the rocky hill which forms the southern shore of this bay stood the Pheenician town of Solous, Soluntum, Solunto, said to be so called from Se/a, the rock, a name which is found in the Old Testament. It was the most important Phoenician outpost against the Sikels, and afterwards against the Greeks, to the east. So its site is not, like those of the other Phoenician towns, close on the sea, but on the inland side of the hill, with the sea at its foot. The site is now forsaken ; there are large remains of the town, but they date only from Roman, not from Phoenician times. But the greatest of all Phoenician settlements in Sicily lay within the bay of which the hill of Solous is one horn, but much nearer to the other horn, the hill of Herkte, now Pellcgrino. Here the mountains fence in a wonderfully fruitful plain, known in after times as the Go/dcu Shell (Conca d'oro). In the middle of it there was a small inlet of the sea, parted into two branches, with a tongue of land between them, guarded by a small peninsula at the mouth. 26 SICILY AND ITS INHABITANTS. There could be no better site for Phoenician traders. Here then rose a Phoenician city, which, though on the north coast of Sicily, looks straight towards the rising sun. It is strange that we do not know its Phoenician name ; in Greek it was called Panovmos, the All-haven, a name borne also by other places. This is the modern Palermo, which, under both Phoenicians and Saracens, was the Semitic head of Sicily, and which remained the capital of the island under the Norman kings. The ground has been quite changed. The two branches of the All-haven have become dry land, and the modern port of Palermo has moved away from the old city. This must be borne in mind ; because the city which we shall have to speak of down to the Norman times is still the old Panormos planted on the fork of the two havens, quite unlike the Palermo that now is. Thus in Sicily the East became West and the West East. The men of Asia withdrew before the men of Europe to the west of the island, and thence warred against the men of Europe to the east of them. In the great central island of Europe they held their own barbarian corner. It was the land of Phoenicians, Sikans, and Elymians, as opposed to the eastern land of the Greeks and their Sikel subjects and pupils. We must remember also that the Phoenicians w-ere settled in Africa and Spain, and that they gradually occupied the islands, great and small, around Sicily and to the west of it. Into all these lands the Phoenicians brought their tongue and their creed. The gods of Canaan were worshipped in Sicily. Men dX Panormos and Motya made their children pass PANORMOS, MOTYA, AND EKYX. 27 through the fire, and whatever the temple on Kryx was at first, it became the house of Ashtoreth. The strife between the Greeks, who had at least a nobler form of heathendom, and the Phoenicians was therefore something of a crusade or holy war from the beginning, and men clearly felt that it was so. But we must remember that the Greeks had but little warfare with the Phoenician settlements in Sicily as long as they were independent ; the great strife began when Carthage rose to dominion. We have thus gone through those nations that were in Sicily before the Greeks. That is the primitive inhabitants, Sikans, Sikels, and Elymians, and the Pha:;nician colonists who settled among them. All of them together have left but small traces of their presence. The chief are the tombs hewn in the lime- stone rocks, which abound in many parts, specially in the deep valleys on the south-east. These are doubt- less mostly Sikcl, but they may have been Sikan before that. We have spoken of the Phoenician walls at Motya ; they may well be Old-Phoenician; the work at Eryx and Lilybaion is Carthaginian. And we have mentioned the Sikel building at Cefalu. There is very little more, except the tombs of two Phoenician women in the Museum at Palermo. There are Phoenician coins with Phoenician legends ; of the other nations we have no coins, till they came to coin after Greek models. Of the Sikan and Elymian tongues we can say nothing ; the Sikel tongue, we have seen, was near akin to the Latin. But we have no writings or inscriptions in any of them. The Phoenician lan'Tuatje and all about the Phoenicians 28 SICILY AND ITS INHABITANTS. is well known, but not by reason of their presence in Sicily. All these nations, the Phoenicians thenn- selves among them, make only a preliminary part of our subject. The real history of Sicily, as a land playinCT a great part in the affairs of the world, begins with the coming- of the Greeks. III. THE LEGENDS. [Here, even more than ia other parts of the story, we have to pick up scraps of knowledge where we can. Our nearest approach to any- thing continuous is in the fifth book of Diodoros, where he is dealing with the legendary times of Greece, and brings in many of the stories of his own island. About the Palici we learn most from the late Latin writer Macrobius, who has collected a great deal about them from many sources ; but Diodoros has something to say too. The account of Hadranus comes chiefly from two notices in the History of Animals by the late Greek writer /Elian. The legend ot Demeter and Persephone is scattered over the whole range of Greek literature ; Init in its special relation to Henna it comes out wholly in Latin writers. It begins in the great speech of Cicero against Verres, and goes on in the poets Ovid and Claudian.] In the history of Sicily, perhaps even more than elsewhere, we must take special heed to distinguish genuine tradition, that is history in an imperfect shape, preserving the memory of real events, from two forms of untrustworthy statement. There are some tales which are sheer invention, devised with a purpose. There are also legends which have grown up, one hardly knows how, tales which are not true, but in which there is no conscious purpose to deceive. Thus the tale of the Sikcl migration from Italy is a piece of genuine tradition, recording a real event. 30 THE LEGENDS. The talc of the Trojan origin of the Elymians is a piece of sheer invention. Round both of these stories, as statements of fact or supposed fact, legendary details have grown. And legendary details have grown also where there is not so much groundwork of fact or supposed fact as this. Many tales grow up out of some local worship or are meant to explain some local phaenomenon. Of all these kinds of stories we have plenty in Sicily. We have tales which grew up among the Greeks themselves after they came into the island. And we have tales which the Greeks took over from the Sikels, and tricked out according to their own fancy. One class of stories arose out of the supposed necessity of finding real sites for all the places spoken of in the Odyssey. This the Greeks, above all in Sicily, looked on as a kind of duty. For Odysseus had sailed to the West ; he must therefore have visited Sicily. We have already mentioned how the little island of Thrinakic, where the oxen of the sun grazed, was held to be Sicily, and how the name was improved into Trinakria. The poet of the Odyssey may or may not have meant some real isle ; he may have meant some corner or peninsula of Sicily, mistaken for an island — as some said that Mylai or Milazzo was the place — he assuredly did not mean Sicily itself as a whole. On the other hand, we cannot doubt that the picture of Skylla and Charybdis sprang up out of tales told by sailors, very likely Phoenician sailors, about the wonders of the strait. Then the monstrous giants of the Odyssey, Laistrygones and Kyklopes, were quartered in Sicily. HERAKLES. 3 1 A whole crop of legends therefore grew up about Polyphemos, the nymph Galateia, and her other lover Akis. Others, as ^tna came to be better known, changed the giant shepherds into giant smiths, who forged the thunderbolts of Zeus and had Hephaistos to their master. These are all purely Greek stories, into which little or nothing of native belief or tradition has crept in. We have said that the Trojan origin of the Ely- mians was sheer invention with a purpose. The story must have been of Elymian invention, but invented after the Elymians had learned something of Greek legend. It took several forms, and legendary details grew about it. But it concerns us most that it clearly, among the Greeks at least, displaced an older Greek stor)-, which also looks very like invention with a purpose. The Greek hero Herakles got mixed up with the Phoenician Melkart, and in that character he was sent on various errands in the West, as far as the Ocean. Many stories arose about him in Sicily, about his driving away the oxen of Geryones, about their crossing the strait, and how the hero first received the worship of a god in the Sikel to\A-n of Agyrium, where the hoof-prints of his oxen were to be seen. All this last the historian Diodoros, who was a man of Agyrium, takes care to tell us at length. But above all Herakles wrestled with Eryx, the epoiiyinos of the mountain and town so-called, and overthrew him. He thus gained a right to his land, but he left it to him on a kind of lease, to hold till a Herakleid should come and claim it. This last part at least of the story was clearly made up in the interest of 32 THE LEGENDS. certain Hcrakleids who, as we shall see in time, did come to claim Eryx. But it is plain that the story of Herakles at Eryx before the war of Troy upsets the story of the Trojan origin of the Elymians. And men were driven to strange shifts in trying to reconcile the two. The story of the famous mythical artist Daidalos coming to Sicily is of quite another kind. Here we can see traces of real native legend, though greatly tricked out by Greek fancy. Daidalos, having offended Minos, the powerful king of Crete, flies to Sicily, or rather, as we arc specially told, to Sikania. There he is entertained by the Sikan king Kokalos — every pains is taken to point out that he was Sikan and not Sikel— for whom he builds the strong city of Kamikos. He does also many other wonderful works in all parts of the island ; among others, he builds the temple on Eryx. That is, as usual in such cases, all wonderful works were attributed to him. Pre- sently Minos comes with a great fleet to Sicily to punish Daidalos ; but he is killed in a bath by the daughters of Kokalos. His followers, or some of them, settle in Sicily, and build a town of Minoa where they first landed, with a tomb of Minos and a temple of Aphrodite. Here we have both Phceni- cian and Greek elements. The story had put on a Greek shape ; but the bringing of Minos into the story was most likely suggested by a Phoenician settlement at Minoa. But King Kokalos and his town of Kamikos must be true Sikan tradition. Nobody had any interest in inventing them. And Kamikos was a real town, which plays a part in THE NETHER GODS. 33 Sicilian history, though a small one. It has been placed on the site of tlic mountain town of Calta- bellotta near Sciacca, and it must at any rate have been not far off. This is perhaps our only bit of Sikan story ; the Sikels have left us much more. We have already seen at Agyrium a Greek story fixed on a Sikel site. But we have a large amount of Sikel belief and tradition which made its way into the mythology of the Greeks. As was natural in Sicily, a land so full of volcanic pha^nomena of all kinds, the Sikel religion was a worship of the powers of nature, and above all of the powers under the earth. The coin itself, grow- ing up from the earth, was looked on as a gift from the nether powers. Then there was the great burning mountain of Aitna, and several smaller volcanos which threw up only mud, as at Maccaluba near Girgenti ; there were the hot springs at Termini and near Sciacca. There were volcanic lakes, deep holes in the earth, and many things which fitted in with the worship of the nether-gods, gods, in Sikel belief, awful but kindly. Some bits of Sikel religion have come down to us almost untouched ; others have been so worked into Greek legends that we cannot even guess their native shape. Thus there was a Sikel goddess Hybla, whom the Greeks looked on as the same with several goddesses of their own my- tholog)^, here with one, there with another. Three towns in Sicily were called after her, one in the south-eastern part of the island, now Ragusa, another on the coast north of Syracuse, near the place where the Greek colony of Megara was afterwards planted. 4 34 THE LEGENDS. This gave its name to the H}-blaian hills not far off, famous for their honey ; but there is no hill strictly called Mount Hybla. The third Hybla is inland, not far from Catania, and is now called Paterno. The worshippers of the goddess here were specially skilled in the interpretation of dreams. Just below her temple is a mud volcano and some mineral springs, showing plainly enough that Hybla was a goddess of the nether- world. Then there was the Sikel fire-god Hadranus, who had a temple near JEtna, not far from Paterno, where a town Hadranum, now Aderno, was afterwards built. In his temple fire was ever burning. The story goes that in it were kept a thousand great dogs, who knew and welcomed good people when they came to worship, while the bad they drove away or tore in pieces, according to the measure of their sins. They also guided travellers who had lost their way, in which we may see some training like that of the dogs of Saint Bernard. More famous than these is the Sikel holy place which plays the greatest part in Sicilian history. This was the temple and lake of the Palici, the Great Twin Brethren of Sikel worship. Their temple stood in a plain north of the hill-town of Mensenum, now Mineo. There were anciently two volcanic craters ; now there is only one, within which the water bubbles up in several places. An oath taken here was the most binding of all oaths, and it was held that its breach was always followed by some fearful judgment. The Palici were clearly gods of the earth ; in their story they came out of the earth. They were kindly gods also, who gave special shelter to slaves. Here we have an almost untouched Sikel THE PALICI AND THE GODDESSES. 35 worship ; the Greeks did nothing, save, after their manner, to invent parents for the Sikcl gods, to say that the PaHci were sons of Zeus and a nymph Thalcia, or, more fittingly, of the fire-god Hadranus or their own Hephaistos. In the okl Italian religion, of which the Sikel creed was one form, the gods had no parents. But in the most famous of all seats of Sikcl worship we see how a story which had grown up in Greece was carried bodily into Sicily, how it was fitted to sites and phaenomena there, and so fully took posses- sion of them that, amid the rich adornments of Greek fancy, it is not easy to see what the original Sikel belief was. This is the story of the special patronesses of Sicily, the goddesses of Henna, the powers of the earth that sent up the fruitful corn. Their Sikel character, whatever it was, has been quite lost in the Greek story of Dcmeter and her daughter Persephone, called specially Kore, the Maid, and how the Maid was carried off by Ai'doneus, the god of the nether-world. The tale was carried to Sicily, and fixed at Henna and the neighbouring lake Fergus. It grew on Sicilian ground, and reached its height in the hands of the Latin poets. In the oldest form of the tale, in the Homeridian hymn to Demeter, there is no thought of Henna or of Sicily at all. Later on, as in the odes of Pindar and in various other notices, the goddesses appear as special goddesses of Sicily, but without any mention of Henna. It is by the Greek poet Kallimachos, in the time of the second Hicron, that Henna is first spoken of as having anything to do with the fjoddesses. Then the Latin writers 36 THE LEGENDS. Cicero and Livy describe Henna as the specially holy place of the goddesses, and fix the story to its neighbourhood. Lastly, in the Latin poets, specially in Ovid and Claudian, we find the tale told at length, as happening at Lake Fergus and other places in Sicily. The maiden Persephone, with her playmates the nymphs, is gathering flowers by the lake; as she goes to pluck a wonderful narcissus with a hundred heads, Aidoneus comes up through one of the holes by the lake, with his chariot and his black horses, and carries off 1\\q Maid. In the plain by Syra- cuse, the nymph Kyana rebukes him and bids him let the Maid go. Kyana is turned into the fountain that bore her name, and Aidoneus carries off his prize to the nether- world. Then come the wanderings of Demeter in search of her daughter, just as in the ver- sion that knows nothing of Sicily. In the end Zeus settles that Persephone shall stay half the year with Aidoneus as queen of the nether- world. But she receives Sicily as a wedding-gift, and she is to stay the other half year with her mother as one of the two great goddesses of the island. Here is the local belief of Sikel Henna so adorned by Greek fancy that we do not, as in the case of the Palici, see what it was that the story started from. Last of all, we have another very famous story, which arose out of physical pha^nomena in Sicily, but which seems to be wholly a Greek story, devised after the Greeks had settled in the island. In the island of Ortygia, on which the town of Syracuse began, was a spring of fresh water very near to the sea. Hard by, in the sea itself, was another fresh spring, bubbling ARETHOUSA. 37 up in the midst of the salt water. The two things, it was thought, must have something to do with one another. So the story grew that the maiden Arethousa, over the sea in Eh's, was pursued by tlie river-god Alpheios. She prayed to her mistress Artemis, who turned her into a fountain. Her waters ran under the sea till they turned up again in Ortygia, and her lover Alpheios also followed her with his stream through the waves. Both in Old Greece and in Sicily men were well used to rivers running under the earth and coming up again. So it did not seem impossible that they might run under the sea also ; and grave writers like Strabo and Pausanius go into scientific arguments whether so it could be. Here then we again see the powers of the nether-world, only this time under the sea and not under the earth. We see them this time also in a purely Greek shape, as there is no reason to think that Arethousa has anything to do with any Sikel worship or story. It can be shown that the legend grew out of the local worship of Artemis in Elis. It was simply carried to Sicily to explain the local wonders of Syracuse. Thus we have purely Sikcl beliefs, as in the stories of Hybla, Hadranus, and the Palici. We have, as in the story of Demeter and the Korc, a Greek tale fitted to a Sikel sanctuary, and practically displacing the old Sikel worship. Lastly, we have, in the story of Alpheios and Arethousa, a Greek story simply carried over to a Sicilian site. Thus the Greek influenced the Sikel and the Sikel influenced the Greek. It will always be so when two nations meet which are near enough to each other, as any two 38 THE LEGENDS. European nations are near enough, to influence one another. The Sikels were kinsfolk of the Greeks who had lagged behind. They were not savages, nor had they, like the Phoenicians, a civilization of their own quite different from that of the Greeks. We have now to tell what came of the meeting of these nations and of their influence on one another. The way in which the Sikels became Greek, that is, how Sicily became Greek, is the great feature of old Sicilian story. That story we shall begin to tell in our next chapter. IV THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. B.C. 735-580. [Of llie Greek settlements in Sicily we have the precious sketch at tlie beginning of the sixth book of Thiicydidcs, in which some say that he followed the Syracusan writer Antiochos. The books of Diodoros in which he must have described them more fully are unluckily lost, save some fragments. A good deal may be learned from Strabo, from whom we see that there were often several stories current about the same foundation. And there are casual notices in many places, in Plutarch's lesser works and elsewhere.] The Western Greeks at least had some vague notions of Sicily and the Sikels as carl)' as the time of the Odyssey. We there hear of a land called Sikanic, which can only mean Sicily, and of a people called Sikels, who may be those either of Sicily or of Italy. With them the Greeks seem to have carried on a brisk trade in buying and selling slaves. The suitors threaten to sell Odysseus to the Sikels, and old Laertes is waited on by a Sikel woman. But such a trade, carried on along the coast, as all inter- course between Greece and Sicily still was ages after- wards, carried on too most likely in Phoenician vessels, does not prove much intercourse between 40 rilE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. the people at the two ends. It is plain that Greek notions of Sicily were still very vague when settle- ment in Sicily began. It is said that the Phoenicians spread tales likely to frighten any other people from settling there. For a long time Greek settlement was directed to the East rather than to the West. And it was said that, when settlement in Italy and Sicily did begin, the earliest Greek colony, like the earliest Phoenician colony, was the most distant. It was believed that Kyme, the Latin Cumae in Campania, was founded in the eleventh century B.C. The other plantations in Italy and Sicily did not begin till the eighth. Kyme always stood by itself, as the head of a group of Greek towns in its own neighbourhood and apart from those more to the south, and it may very well be that some accident caused it to be settled sooner than the points nearer to Greece. But it is not likely to have been settled three hundred years earlier. Most likely it was planted just long enough before the nearer sites to suggest their planting. Anyhow, in the latter half of the eighth century B.C. Greek settlement to the West, in Illyria, Sicily, and Italy, began in good earnest. It was said that the first settlement in Sicily came of an accident. Chalkis in Euboia was then one of the chief sea-faring towns of Greece. Theokles, a man of Chalkis, was driven by storm to the coast of Sicily. He came back, saying that it was a good land and that the people would be easy to conquer. So in 735 B.C. he was sent forth to plant the first Greek colony in Sicily. The settlers were partly from FOUNDATION OF NAXOS. 41 Chalkis, partly from the island of Naxos. So it was agreed that the new town should be called Naxos, but that Chalkis should count as its metropolis. So the new Naxos arose on the eastern coast of Sicil}-, on a peninsula made by the lava. It looked up at the great hill of Tauros, on which Taormina now stands. The Greek settlers drove out the Sikels and took so much land as they wanted. They built and fortified a town, and part of their walls may still be seen. As the first Greek settlers in the land, they set up an altar and statue of Apollon Archcgctcs, the Leader and Beginner. It stood outside the town of Naxos, and became the religious centre of the Greeks of Sicily, the Sikcliots as distinguished from the Sikels. Hither all who went from Sicily to any of the great festivals of old Greece came first to sacrifice to the common god of all Sikeiiots. Naxos, as the beginning of Greek settlement in Sicily, answers to Ebbsfleet, the beginning of English settlement in Britain. The oldest of Sikeliot towns, it never became one of the greatest, and about three hundred years after its foundation it was altogcthci swept away, and has never since been rebuilt. Its settlers, Chalkidian and Naxian, belonged to the Ionian division of the Greek nation. In the very next year, it is said, in 734 B.C., a Dorian city was founded in Sicily, which has a much greater history. Corinth on the isthmus, with its two havens looking east and west, was one of the greatest sea- faring cities of Greece, and sent out colonies both ways. A joint enterprise to Sicily and the lUyrian coast was now decreed, and two famous Corinthian colonies, Kork\-ra 42 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SIC HA'. and Syracuse, arose as twin sisters. Chersikrates founded Korkyra and Archias founded Syracuse. Corinth seems to have claimed a measure of authority over her nearer colonies which was not usual on the part of a Greek metropolis. In the case of Korkyra this led to a War of Independence, and to bitter hatred between the mother and the daughter city. But no such authority was claimed over more distant Syracuse. Here therefore the metropolis and the colony were always on the best of terms, and the relations between them form the most pleasing story in Greek political life. Kyme was planted on a high hill overlooking the sea ; Naxos was planted all but in the sea, on a low peninsula. Syracuse was planted altogether in the sea on a low island. This shows how the Greeks had advanced since the days when all towns were built on inland hill-tops. The Greeks had caught up the Phoenicians. The island was that island of Ortygia which contains the spring of Arethousa. It lies close to the coast, so near that it was afterwards joined to it, sometimes by a mole, sometimes by a bridge. Running north and south, and with the peninsula called Plemmyrion opposite to it to the south, the two fence in an inlet of the sea with a comparatively narrow mouth, which forms the Great Harbour of Syracuse, great as a harbour, though small as a bay. North of the island is another smaller harbour, so that Syracuse, like her mother Corinth, had two havens, though they were much nearer to each other than those of Corinth. A little to the north again is a lonsf hill at its east end which rises sheer from FOUNDATION OF SYRACUSE. 43 the sea, and which stretches inland till it ends in a point. It thus looks down on the Great Harbour and on another bay to the north, with another peninsula, Xiphonia, stretching south to match Ortygia, and another small and low peninsula, Thapsos, in the middle of the bay thus formed. On the south there is a piece of low ground between the island and the hill. And there is a wide stretch of low and swampy ground between the Great Harbour to the east, the Syracusan hill to the north and the higher inland hills to the west and south. Through this low ground runs the river Anapos and its tributary Kyana, of which we have heard in a legend. The topography of Syracuse is of the greatest importance for its history. When the Corinthian settlers came, the Island and the whole land were held by Sikels ; but it is quite possible that Phoenicians had a factory for trade. The first Greek town arose on the Island. Syracuse grew by spreading on to the mainland and climbing up the hill. But it would seem that the settlers had, from the beginning or from a very early time, more than one outpost on the mainland to defend the land which they occupied. They had one post called Acliradina on the east end of the hill overlooking the sea, and another called Polidina — we might say in English Littleton — on a small hill in the low ground just west of the Great Harbour. Here arose the Olyinpicion, the famous temple of Olympian Zeus. And there was most likely another outpost on the south side of the hill, where was a temple of Apollon, called Tenicnitcs. Each of these outposts protected FOUNDATION OF LEONTINOI AND KATANE. 45 one of the chief roads leading to Syracuse. Achra- dina and Temenites were afterwards taken into the city, but Polichna never was. From the time of Archias till now, Syracuse has always been an in- habited city ; but for ages past it has shrunk up again within its first bounds on the Island. No part of the hill is at all thickly inhabited. From the Island the Sikels were of course driven out, and in so much land as the Greeks gradually took to divide among themselves, they were brought down to the state of villainage. The origin of the name Syracuse {Syra- konsai in various spellings) is not clear. It never was the name of the Island as such ; it was the name of the city on the Island, and spread as the city grew. By the foundation of Syracuse Dorian Greeks had occupied the best position on the east coast of Sicily. This seems to have stirred up the lonians of Naxos — they are commonly called Chalkidians, from their metropolis Chalkis — to found two new cities be- tween Naxos and Syracuse. This was in B.C. 729. Theokles himself founded Leontinoi, the only Greek city in Sicily on an inland site. But it was placed on a point needful to hold, as commanding the way from the inland hills to the plain of Leontinoi, the largest and most fruitful in the island. The town lay in a valley between two hills, with two akropolcis ; it still lives on and keeps its name as Lentini. The other Chalkidian settlement at this time was Katanc, Catiiia, Catania, founded on a site close by the sea, but not actually in it, like Naxos and Syracuse. This town has been destroyed many times by earthquakes and by the lava of /Etna, but it 46 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. has been rebuilt as often as it has been destroyed, and it is now a far greater town than S}'racuse. The working of the lava has given rise to both pagan and Christian legends. The tale went that at the first eruption after the foundation of Katane, the lava parted to spare the Pious Brethren, Amphi- nomos and Anapios, who were carrying off their parents on their shoulders. This became a very favourite story, and the brethren are often seen on the coins of Katane. Of two other Chalkidian towns, Euboia — so called from the island where Chalkis stands — and Kallipolis, the sites are unknown ; they must have been somewhere to the north of Naxos. Almost at the same time that the Chalkidians were thus advancing in Sicily itself, there came a new Dorian settlement from Old Greece. This was from Megara, which, like Corinth, is a city on the isthmus with two havens, and was then one of the chief sea-faring and colonizing cities of Greece. In B.C. 726 the Megarian settlers, under their founder Lamis, set forth to seek a home on that part of the east coast of Sicily which lay between Syracuse and the Chalkidian towns. There they met with some strange adventures. It is remarkable that they seem never to ha\e tried to settle on the peninsula of Xiphonia, a site which seems the best after Ortygia, and where now is the town of Augusta. First, they tried to settle a little to the north of Xiphonia, at a place called Trotilon, where the river Pantakyas, Pantagias, or Porcari, runs into the sea with a wide mouth, hardly a mile or two from the place where it is a tumbling brook in the meadows. Thence they moved to take FOUNDATION OF MEGARA. 47 a share in the newly-founded Chalkidian settlement of Leontinoi. Theokles, so the story goes, had planted his colony by agreement with the Sikels, and Greeks and Sikels lived together in Leontinoi as fellow-townsmen. Now no Greek held that he owed any duty to a barbarian, unless he was bound by special agreement, and both towards Greeks and barbarians an agreement was often kept in the letter and broken in the spirit. Theokles told the Mega- rians that he and his Chalkidians could do no harm to the Sikels, because they were bound by a pro- mise, but that the Megarians were not so bound, and that they might do what they chose. So the Mega- rians drove out the Sikels, and dwelled in Leontinoi along with the Chalkidians. Presently Theokles began to devise another trick against the Megarians. The Chalkidians, when warring with the Sikels, had vowed an armed procession to the Twelve Gods. It was now time to fulfil the vow ; but the Megarians had no right in it. The Chalkidians went through their ceremony, and then a herald proclaimed that every Megarian must leave the town before sunset. The unarmed Megarians could not stand against the armed Chalkidians ; so they set forth to seek a third home, while the Chalkidians kept Leontinoi to them- selves, without either Sikels or Megarians. Then the Megarians tried a winter on Thapsos, where Lamis died. Lastly they settled on a point of the bay between Thapsos and Xiphonia, near the greater Hybla. As is not very uncommon in such stories, they are said to have been helped by a Sikel prince who betrayed his own people. His name is Hyblon, 48 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. called after his town, as we shall find some other men. The wanderers at last founded a town on the coast, which they called after their metropolis, Megara, in which Hybla was pretty well swallowed up. Megara is no longer an existing town, but con- siderable remains may be seen. According to our dates, Greek settlement in Sicily must have stopped for about forty years after the foundation of Megara, and it is certain that for a while Italy rather than Sicily was chosen as the land to be settled. But one famous city seems to have been founded not long after Megara. This is Zankle, afterwards called Messana, which still keeps its later name in the form of Messina. It seems to have been first settled in an irregular way by pirates from Kyme. This would not give their town the rights of a re- gular Greek colony ; but it was afterwards founded again in a more orderly way from Kyme and Chalkis, with a founder from each. It was a wonderful site, on the strait at the foot of the hills, with a noble liarbour, fenced in by a narrow strip of land in front of it. Zankle, or rather Daiiklon, is said to have meant a reaping-hook in the Sikcl tongue ; hence the name. The settlers at Zankle presently turned the north-east corner of Sicily, and made themselves an outpost on the northern coast. This was on the peninsula of Mylai or Milazzo, which one legend called the grazing-place of the oxen of the sun in the time of Odysseus. Zankle or Messana has always been a prosperous city, but in Greek times it never held at all a foremost place among the cities of Sicily. FOUNDATION OF ZANKLI^ AND GEL A. 49 The foundation of Zankle completed the Greek possession of the eastern coast of Sicily. 13y far the greater part of that coast was now occupied by Greek settlements ; but, unless we count the Zanklaian out- post at Mylai, no Greeks had as yet attempted to occupy either the northern or the southern coasts. About B.C. 6S9 Greek settlers began to occupy the southern coast also. These were Dorians from the island of Rhodes, with some companions from Crete, and some perhaps from other islands. The new colony was planted near the march of the Sikans and Sikels, on a row of low hills between the sea and a rich plain fenced in by mountains. It was close by the river Gclas, so called in the Sikel tongue from the coldness of its waters, which shows how near the Sikel tongue was to the Latin gclu and gelidits. The new settlers first occupied a point of the hill, which they called Lindioi, after one of the Rhodian towns ; as the new city grew, Lindioi became the akropolis of Gcia, so called from the cold river. Gela became a famous city, but it has neither wholly perished like Naxos nor yet has it lived on like Messina. It was destroyed after a life of several centuries ; and after many more centuries, the pre- sent town of Terranova was built on part of its site. There is little doubt that the foundation of Gela, the first Greek town on the south coast of Sicily, stirred up- Syracuse to enlarge her borders. No town was so well suited as Syracuse to be at once a land and a sea power. Her object was to occupy the whole south-eastern corner, and to have a sea-board on the southern coast as well as the eastern. To 5 50 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. this end she worked steadily but slowly, advancing both inland and along the coast. She had outposts at Heloron on her own coast and at Neaiton or Netuin inland. Netum is A'o/o ; but the present town is nearer the sea. Next Syracuse struck further inland, clearly aiming at the south coast. In 664 she occupied inland Akrai, now Palazzuolo, a hill full of Sikel tombs. In 644 she went on to Kasmenai, now Spaccaforno, on a hill some way inland, but looking down on the southern sea. Lastly in 599 she planted Kamarina on the southern sea. Syracuse now held the whole south-eastern corner of Sicily, with a long sea-board round the corner and an unusually large inland territory to enable her to hold the sea on both coasts. What followed was as instructive as the relations between Corinth and Korkyra. All these Syracusan towns were doubtless meant to be, not separate commonwealths, but outposts of Syracuse, held by Syracusan citizens. At this time none of them coined money. And we hear of no disputes between Syra- cuse and any of them, except one. Kamarina was well suited to be a separate city and it sought for inde- pendence. A war followed, in which each side found allies, Greek and Sikel. In B.C. 553 the men of Kamarina were defeated, and their town was swept from the earth by its offended metropolis. Meanwhile there was no Greek settlement on the north coast westward of the Zanklai outpost at Mylai. But presently, about 648 B.C. Zankle went on to found a real colony much farther to the west, namely Himera, long the only Greek city on the north KAMARINA, HIMERA AND SE LI NOUS. 5 1 coast. Cephaloedium and other Sikcl points lay- between it and Zankle, and towards the west it stood right in the teeth of the Phoenicians. It stood on a not very high hill near the sea, by the mouth of the northern river of its own name. It lived only two hundred and forty years, and now it is wholly forsaken. But it had an outpost towards the Phoenician tcrritor}% the Hot Baths [Thenncv^ ©epfxai.) of Ilimera, which the legend said were thrown up by the nymphs to refresh the wearied Herakles after his wrestling at Eryx. The baths still remain, and the modern town keeps its name as Termini. We must now go back a little. While Syracuse and Zankle were working round their several corners, after the foundation of Himera, but before that of Kamarina, in 628 B.C. the Megarians of Sicily planted Selinous on the south coast, the most western of Greek cities in the island. It answers to Himera on the north side, as being planted as an outpost of Hellas on the very march of Phoenicians, Sikans, and Elymians. It had an outpost on the river Mazaros, the furthest Greek post in the island. The akropolis stood on a hill above che sea, between the rivers Hypsas and Selinous, and the temples and other buildings spread over that hill and over another hill on each side, a wonderful group. Selinous, like Himera, is now quite forsaken, but its ruins are the grandest in Sicily. Between Selinous and Gela a large gap still lay with- out any Greek city. This in 599 B.C. was filled up by the foundation of Akragas, Agrigcntuvi, Girgenti, FOUNDATION Ol- AKRAGAS. 53 which has always lived on without any real change of name. This was a foundation of Gela, which could thus endure to plant an independent colony on her own borders. Greeks from other places, especially from Gala's own metropolis of Rhodes, joined in the settle- ment. The new city was not so close to the sea as most of its fellows. It stood on a hill between two rivers in their valleys, Akragas and another Hypsas. The akropolis arose on a lofty and almost isolated point of the hill, from which the town gradually spread down, as Syracuse spread up. And, like Syracuse, the modern town has shrunk up again into its oldest part ; the present Girgenti is only the akro- polis of Akragas. But though the city spread, it never reached the sea ; its small haven remained at a little distance. Akragas had a great trade with the opposite coast of Africa ; but it never became a real naval power like Syracuse. But it grew rich and powerful in many ways, and was certainly the second Greek city in Sicily, as Syracuse was the first. The lower city is now forsaken, but nowhere can there be seen so many temples more or less perfect, besides the fallen one of Zeus Olympios, the greatest in Sicily. Thus in about 140 years, the greater part of the coast of Sicily was occupic 1 by Greek settlements. The Phoenicians and their neighbours kept their own barbarian corner. Independent Sikels kept the inland parts and a large part of the north coast between ^Nlylai and Ilimera. But the cast and south coasts were Greek. We shall come to see that Akragas was not the youngest Greek city in Sicily ; *■ 'I 1 IS FOUNDATION OF LI PARA. 55 but it was the last independent commonwealth settled from another independent commonwealth. It was not however the last attempt at such settlement. Soon after the foundation of Akragas, about 580 B.C., a body of settlers from Knidos and Rhodes, under the Knidian Pentathlos, strove to make a settlement in the heart of the Phoenician territory, near Lilybaion in the extreme west of Sicily. The new comers found a war going on between the Greeks of Selinous and the Elymians of Scgesta : — v^^e shall hear of several more such wars. The men of Segesta had Phoenician allies, while the new comers, Greeks and Dorians, naturally gave help to the men of Selinous, also Greeks and Doiians. But the Greeks were defeated, and Pentathlos was killed. His followers then sailed away round the north-west corner of Sicily to the isles of Aiolos ; there they planted a colony on the largest of them, the isle of Lipara, which has ever since been an inhabited town. The new city of Lipara looked to Knidos as its metropolis, and reverenced the dead Pentathlos as its founder. Thus the islands which lay between Sicily and southern Italy, two great lands of Greek settlement, themselves became Greek. The islands at the ex- treme west of Sicily, Aigousa and its fellows, naturally followed the fortunes of the neighbouring mainland, and the islands between Sicily and Africa were not touched by Greek settlement at any time. A time of nearly a hundred years now follows, which, as far as the Greek settlements were concerned, was a time of comparative peace and advance. We cannot say 56 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY. that there were no wars, either between Greeks and Greeks or between Greeks and Phcenicians ; but there is much less war than usual for so long a time. In the course of the sixth century B.C. the independent Phoenician cities of Sicily began to come under the power of their great sister-colony Carthage. Soon after that time begins the first great war of any Sicilian Greeks with Carthage, the first time when Syracuse stood forth in her great calling as the champion of Europe against Africa. But during the greater part of the sixth century Phcenicians and Greeks in Sicily meddled but little with one another. The Phcjenicians kept their own corner ; the Greeks strengthened their hold on the parts which they had won, and extended their borders against neighbour- ing Sikans and Sikels. But Syracuse alone, in her south-western corner, held any considerable inland territory. By the time the great strife came, Syracuse, though not holding the same dominion ov^er the other Greek cities as Carthage did over the other Phoinician cities, was as clearly the first among them. We must now go on to tell what little we know of the internal affairs of the Greek cities while this work of settle- ment was going on, and also what we know of the general affairs of the island from the completion of Greek settlement till the great war with Carthage. That will be, roughly, the history of the sixth century, B.C. V. THE FIRST AGE OF THE GREEK CITH'S. B.C. 735-480. [For th-J whole period of this chapter we are still without any con- temporary narrative ; it is only quite towards the end that we have a continuous narrative of any kind. Then in his fifth and seventh books Herodotus tells the story of Dorieus and of the reign of Hippo- krates and the early days of Gelon. The rest we have to put together from all manner of sources, mainly Greek writers who copied earlier ones. Aristotle tells us something in the Politics ; so do Tlutarch, Pausanias, Polyainos, and a crowd of other writers, among them Dio- doros, whose continuous narrative is still missing, but who gives the laws of Charondas out of their place. Perhaps no man in all Greek history or legend has more allusions made to him in Greek and Latin writers than Phalaris. But we have no narrative of his acts, beyond a few entries in the Parian Chronicle, short annals carved on stone in the third century B.C. The earliest reference to him is in Pindar, less than a hundred years after his time. It is perhaps needless to say that the Letters which were once believed to be his are a late forgery of no value whatever. On the whole, at this time we know very little of any of the Sicilian cities ; but we know somewhat more of Syracuse than of the olhcrs.] When the Greek settlements in Sicily began, the old kingship of the Homeric times had everywhere passed away or had become nominal. The political tendency was to oligarchy. Thus the Bacchiads at 58 THE FIRST AGE OF THE GREEK CITIES. Corinth were a house which had been a royal house. By the time when Syracuse was founded, personal kingship had passed away, and the Bacchiads ruled as an oligarchic house, choosing magistrates from among themselves. The name democracy was not yet known ; but the thing out of which it grew was forming itself. In all the old commonwealths citizenship could be had only either by descent or by special grant. Mere residence in a city, even from generation to generation, gave no political rights. Neither did residence go for anything in the old cities and boroughs in England and elsewhere ; but there were commonly means of obtaining citizenship in other ways than by birth. In both cases the descendants of the old citizens kept their exclusive rights, while a large body of dwellers in the town grew up around them who were not citizens. The old citizens, who had divided the lands of the commonwealth among themselves or had kept them as common property, had no wish to share their rights with others. They intermarried among themselves ; they kept all offices to themselves. Their numbers naturally grew smaller, while the numbers of the excluded class grew greater and greater. Thus these old citizens, once the whole people, forming what was really a democracy among themselves, gradually became an oligarchy, as concerned all the inhabitants who were not citizens. Then the excluded body wins political equality with the old citizens, either at once and by violence or by gradual stages. Then democracy begins. Such, with differences of detail arising out of the circumstances of different cities, was the story of the patricians of THE SYRACUSAN GAMOROI. 59 Rome and the cupatrids of Athens. Such too was the story of the Gauwroi or Landoivncrs of Syracuse. But mark the difference. At Rome and at Athens, the exckided class, i\\Q plebeians or demos, were a class of small landowners, for Athens and Rome were inland cities living by agriculture. At Syracuse, a city in the sea, the old citizens had all the land ; the new comers would be traders in or near the town. We do not know for certain what led men to leave Corinth or any other city of Old Greece, to settle in Sicily. Some may have left their homes through political discontent. We have a remarkable notice that many settlers went to Syracuse from the small town of Tenea in the Corinthian territory. Now the people of Tenca were a separate people from the Corinthians. They were said to be descended from Trojan captives, and long after, when Corinth was taken and destroyed by the Romans, the Teneats were received to favour. This looks as if the Tcneat settlers hoped to better their political condition by emigrating. On the other hand, we know that at least one Bacchiad, the poet Eumelos, went besides Archias. The circumstances of a colony are levelling ; we may be sure that every free settler got at least a lot of land and a vote in the assembly of the new city. But it does not follow that the lots were all equal or that there may not have been dis- tinctions in the disposal of offices. For a while, as long as the settlement was weak, they would welcome new citizens. When these were no longer needed, the tendency among the old citizens would be to closer equality among themselves and to sharper separation 6o THE FIRST AGE OF THE GREEK CITIES. between themselves and new comers. We get one sign of political disputes among the Gamoroi themselves. When Himera was founded from Zankle, we read that the Myletids, banished from Syracuse in civil strife, took part in the settlement. This looks like the banishment of a whole gens, like that of the Alkmaionids at Athens and the Tarquinii at Rome ; but we know not how it came about. We know however enough to say, what we might have taken for granted without, that there was at Syracuse a general assembly of the whole body of the Landoivners, and also a smaller senate, we know not COIN OF SVKACUSE, TIMIC OF THE (iAMOKOI. how chosen We hear of the general assembly (like the coinitia curiata at Rome) sitting as a court on a man named Agathokles, who, when the temple of Athene (now the great church of Syracuse) was build- ing, defrauded the goddess of the stones that were meant for the work. And we hear of the senate in a story of a shameful quarrel between two young men of the ruling order, which divided the whole city and led to political disturbances. A wise old senator counselled that both should be banished before matters grew worse. But his advice was not followed, and the government of the Landowners was over- 62 THE FIRST AGE OF THE GREEK CITIES. thrown. We must suppose that the excluded people took one side in the personal quarrel. They rose, and called in the help of the Sikel serfs or villains who tilled the lands of the Landowners. Between them they drove the Landowners out of the city, and held Syracuse for themselves. There was thus a new Syracusan people, and one not purely Greek ; they formed the first democracy under that name that Syracuse had seen. The banished Landowners occu- pied the outpost of Kasmenai and held it as a separate commonwealth, much as the Athenian oligarchs held Eleusis after the Thirty were driven from Athens. W^e have no exact date for this revolution ; but there can be no doubt that it happened in the first years of the fifth century B.C. We shall hear of the oligarchs at Kasmenai again. We may be sure that something Hke this growth of an oligarchy out of a body of old citizens happened in other Sikeliot cities besides Syracuse. WHiat dis- tinguishes Syracuse is that, during all this time, about 240 years from her foundation to the driving out of the Landowners, she never saw a tyrant. We do hear very vaguely of one king at Syracuse ; but the mere title of king went on in many Greek commonwealths, and of King Pollis we know only that he gave his name to a kind of wine. A tyrant of Syracuse there cer- tainly was not as yet. In the Greek commonwealths the word tyrant had a definite meaning, and was not simply a name of reproach for an oppressive ruler. The tyrant was a man who put his own power instead of the law, one who took to himself the power, or TYRANNY. 63 more than the power, of a king in a commonwealth where there was no king by law. This he might do in various ways : if he could in any way get a body- guard, that was enough. Sometimes he was a popular leader against the oligarchs to whom the people were foolish enough to vote a guard. Some- times he was a magistrate or general who turned his lawful powers against the state. Sometimes he held some commission which put public money in his hands, and he spent it in hiring mercenaries. When he had got power in any of these ways, he commonly used it oppressively, but not always. The name tyrant does not of itself imply the oppressive use of power, but only the unlawful way of gaining it. Some tyrants were bloody and greedy and com- mitted frightful crimes ; others allowed the usual course of the commonwealth to go on whenever their own interests were not concerned, and were simply ready to step in with their spearmen whenever it suited them. The tyrants never, till a much later time, called themselves kings or put their heads on the coin ; but they seem to have been pleased if any- body else would call them kings. They always tried to leave their power to their sons, and they often did ; but the son seldom knew how to keep what the father had known how to gain. Tyrants were more common in the Greek cities of Sicily than they were in Old Greece. The first recorded tyrant in Sicily is Panaitios of Leontinoi about B.C. 608, He is said to have been general in a war with Megara, the first recorded war, most likely not really the first war, between Greeks and Greeks 64 THE FIRST AGE OF THE GREEK CITIES. in the island. He is said to have risen by means of dissension between rich and poor, most hkely between old and new citizens. But we know nothing more about him and at this time nothing more of his city. Far more fomous was another tyrant a little later, Phalaris of Akragas, who held power there from about B.C. 570 to 554. No man in all Greek history ever came to be more talked about and to have more stories told of him ; but we have no real account of his actions. One thing is to be noticed, that he rose to power in Akragas only tcM HIMERA, EARLY. years after the foundation of the city, when neither he nor any other grown man could have been born in it. A story which places him at Himera and makes ihe poet Stesichoros warn the people, by the fable of the horse and the man, not to give him a body-guard, must belong to some other tyrant ; stories of one tyrant are very often told of another. At Akragas he rose to power by taking public money that was in his hands and using it to hire mercenaries. He made conquests from the Sikans, but there is no sign that he ruled in any Greek city besides Akragas. He is most famous for keeping a brazen bull into which PHALARIS OF AKRAGAS. 65 men were put, and roasted to death b)- a fire under- neath the image, while their cries represented the roaring of the bull. The story is as old as the poet Pindar. No doubt cruelty of this kind was suggested by some Phoenician model ; the worst Greek, as a rule, only skiys, he seldom tortures. At last Phalaris was overthrown by a certain Telemachos, who perhaps restored liberty, perhaps only put a milder tyranny instead of that of Phalaris. The tyrant and his chief supporters are said to have been roasted in his own bull ; but this sounds legendary. Meanwhile at Katane in the course of the same century we see the rule of one man in a better shape. When a Greek city was torn by disputes, the citizens sometimes gave extraordinary powers, for life or for a time, to one man whom they could trust. He was to settle everything by a code of laws. Such an one was Charondas, who made laws for Katane and for some other cities. These old lawgivers not only made political constitutions, but put forth rules ordering the whole life of the citizens. Some scraps of the laws of Charondas have been preserved, which show much of the simple shrewdness of old times. Thus he allowed a man to put away his wife or a woman to put away her husband, but he added that in such a case they must not marry anybody younger than the person put away. And a story is told of his death, which is also told of more than one other law- giver. The old custom, Greek and Teutonic, was to come armed to the assembly. This Charondas for- bade. One day, so the story ran, Charondas had gone out of the city after some robbers, and of 6 66 THE FIRST AGE OF THE GREEK CITIES. course went armed. While he was away, an assembly was held, and dispute rose high. Cha- rondas went in to quiet the people ; but he forgot to take off his sword. One man cried out, " Charondas, you are breaking your own law." " No," he said, " I will rather confirm it," and slew himself. We hear of tyrants in other cities besides Panaitios and Phalaris, and some of these come in a story which makes a kind of appendix to the Greek colo- nization of Sicily. In the course of the sixth century B.C. the Phoenician towns in Sicily had become dependencies of Carthage. There was therefore still less hope of founding new Greek settlements in the barbarian corner than there had been at the time of the expedition of Pentathlos. The independent Phoenician towns had not been aggressive ; but now that they are under the supremacy of the great ruling city, wars between Phoenicians and Greeks form a large part of Sicilian history. They began by an attempt to renew the enterprise of Pentathlos. This was made by Dorieus, son of the Spartan king Anaxandridas, about the )-ear 510 B.C. He was disappointed of the succession to the king- dom, and went to seek a home elsewhere. After some other adventures, he was bidden by the Delphic oracle to go and recover the lands of his forefather Herakles in Sicily, those lands of Eryx which Herakles had left to be given up whenever a descendant of his should claim them. But Dorieus forfeited his right by not at once obeying the oracle. Instead of going straight to Eryx, he turned aside to war against Greeks, helping the men of Kroton in southern Italy EXPEDITION OF DOKIEUS. 67 against Sybaris, So, when he came to Eryx, he was defeated and slain with many of his men in a battle with the Elymians of Scgesta and their Phoenician allies. Whether Carthage sent troops to the help of her dependencies we cannot say. But Elymians, Phoenicians of Sicily, and Carthaginians, were all alike concerned to hinder a Greek settlement in those parts. So Dorieus failed to win back the lands of his fore- father and to found a Herakleia on Eryx. Still something came of his attempt. Euryleon, one of his officers, gathered the remnant of his followers, and went to help the people of Selinous against a tyrant called Peithagoras. In the war with him Euryleon occupied the post called Minoa, of which we have heard in the story of Kokalos and Minos, and set it up as a town called Herakleia. So there was a new Herakleia, though not on Eryx. But Euryleon, after overthrowing the tyranny of Peitha- goras, made himself tyrant of Selinous. Presently the people rose and slew him. But we are now coming to much more famous tyrants than these. A great line of rulers arose at Gela, but they did not stay there. All that we know of Gela in these times is that there were disputes in the city, and that at one time one party seceded, as it is called in the Roman history, to the town of Makto- rion in the Geloan territory. They were brought back, neither by force nor by persuasion, but by the wonder-working power of some holy things of the nether-gods— perhaps of the two goddesses of 68 THE FIRST AGE OF THE GREEK CITIES. Sicily. These holy things, whatever they were, were in the hands of Telines of Gela, a descendant of one of the first settlers. By their means, we are not told how, he brought back the malecontents. He was rewarded with the hereditary priesthood of the deities whom he served, and his descendants became great in Gela. About the year 505 B.C. the oligarchy in Gela was upset by the tyrant Kleandros, ZANKLE. SIXTH CENTURY. f^, .^k^ NAXOS. C. 500 B.C. who was killed about seven years later, and his power passed to his brother Hippokrates. Hippokrates was, as far as we can see, the first man in Greek Sicily who aimed at being something more than the lord of a single city. He strove to found as large a dominion as he could, hiring mercenaries, Greek and Sikel, and taking towns both Greek and Sikel. Thus he won Naxos and Leontinoi and the lost Kallipolis and the Sikel Ergetion. His dominion thus spread from the THE SAMIANS AT Z ANKLE. 69 southern to the eastern sea, leaving Zankle in pos- session of one corner and Syracuse of the other. His dealings with these two cities are the first piece of Sicilian history of which we know anything in detail. Zankle was now ruled by one Skythes, who is spoken of as king ; perhaps the old kingship had gone on there. Rhegion, on the other side of the strait, was ruled by the tyrant Anaxilas, the first Italian ruler who plays any part in Sicilian history. This was the time when the Persian king Darius was bringing back the Greek cities of Asia under his power, and many of their inhabitants were ready to seek new homes elsewhere. About the year 493 B.C. Skythes proposed to them to settle in a body in Sicily. They were to found one great Greek colony on the north coast where there was no Greek city but Himera, at a point called Xa/e Akte, the Fair Shore, between Cephalcedium and Mylai. Many Samians and some Milesians agreed to come, and set sail. Meanwhile Skythes was warring against Sikcls, most likely with a view to the new settlement. But, when the Greeks from Asia were drawing near, Anaxilas sent a message to them, counselling them that, instead of taking the trouble to found a new city at Kale Akte, they should take possession of Zankle. They would find the town undefended, while Skythes and his army were engaged in the Sikel war. The Samians and Milesians were not ashamed so to treat the man who had planned such a service for them, and when Skythes and his army came back, they found themselves shut out of their own town. Skythes 70 THE FIRST AGE OF THE GREEK CITIES. then asked help of Hippokrates. The story reads as if Hippokrates were in some way his overlord ; for, when he came, he put Skythes in prison for losing Zankle. He then made a shameful treaty with the Samians in Zankle. They were to keep the town, but they were to give up to him half the goods in it, and he was to take all the goods outside the walls. In all these cases the inhabitants are reckoned among the goods ; and Hippokrates took possession of the whole army of Skythes as his slaves. Three hundred of the chief men among them he handed over to the Samians, bidding them put them to death. This they would not do ; but we know not what became of them. Hippokrates thus got a great booty, and went back to Gela. We are glad to hear that Skythes contrived to get out of prison, and to escape to Asia to King Darius, by whom he was greatly honoured. Nor did the Samians keep Zankle very long. For Anaxilas, who had first stirred them up, presently turned them out, and took the town to himself. He was thus lord of two cities, Rhegion and Zankle, on the two sides of the strait, the first, but not the last, ruler of Italy who also ruled in Sicily. And he is said to have now changed the name of Zankle to Messana ; but that change most likely came a little later. Hippokrates now engaged in a war with Syracuse, hoping to add the south-eastern corner of Sicily to his dominions. He defeated the Syracusans in a battle by the river Heloros south of the city, and came as near to Syracuse as the Olympieion, near the Great Harbour. It is not easy to see why he did not go on further to attack the city. But somehow there WARS OF HIPPOKRATES. 7I was time for negotiations with distant powers. For Corinth the mother and Korkyra the sister of Syracuse forgot their differences when Syracuse was in danger. They joined in a mediation, and Hippokrates made peace with S)'racuse on receiving the site and territory of Kamarina, the town which the Syracusans had destroyed. He now founded it afresh. All this is told without any exact date ; but it was most likely during the last days of the rule of the Landowners at Syracuse, and it may have helped to bring about their fall. Hippokrates died in the year B.C. 491, while he was KAMARINA. EARLY. besieging the Sikcl town of Hybla, the Heraian Hybla or Ragusa, which lay conveniently between his new dominions and those of Syracuse. Like all other tyrants, he wished to hand on his power to his children ; but his two sons were young and unable to keep it. The people of Gela would have nothing to say to them, and set up their common- wealth again. We now hear for the first time of a memorable man, Gclon, son of Dcinomenes. He was a descendant of that Telines who had brought back the Geloan seceders from Maktorion, and he was his successor in his priestly office. He was also the 72 THE FIRST AGE OF THE GREEK CITIES. commander of Hippokrates' cavalry, and had played a great part in his wars. He was one of four brothers, Gclon, Hieron, Polyzelos, and Thrasy- boulos, of all of whom we shall hear again. Gelon now professed to take up the cause of the sons of Hippokrates, and marched against Gela in their name. But instead of setting them up, he took the tyranny to himself Here was a base act, but we are apt to blame it on the wrong ground. No wrong was done to the sons of Hippokrates, who had no right to the unlawful power of their father ; but a great wrong was done to the people of Gela, whose newly restored freedom was destroyed again. Through life we shall find Gelon quite unscrupulous in the way of gaining dominion. But he was a great and wise ruler, and founded a great power ; and he was presently called to the noblest work that could fall to the lot of any Greek. Gelon thus held the dominion of Hippokrates, the greatest as yet seen in Sicily. He was soon both to enlarge it and to change its seat. The Landowners had now been driven from Syracuse, and they held Kas- menai. About B.C. 485 they prayed Gelon to bring them back to Syracuse. So he did ; but he made himself lord over both them and the commons. He was now tyrant of S3'racuse as well as of Gela ; he made Syracuse the head of his dominions, and gave himself to enlarging and strengthening it in every way. And some of the ways were strange enough. His advance was of course threatening to Hyblaian Megara, so near to Syracuse. The oligarchic govern- ment then made war on Gelon without the consent GELON AT SYRACUSE. 73 of the commons. When he had the better in the war, the oHgarchs were naturally in mortal fear, while the commons feared nothing, and most likely looked on Gelon as a deliverer. To all men's surprise, he sold the commons as slaves to be sent out of Sicily, while the oligarchs he took to Syracuse and made citizens. The town of Mcgara he destroyed, and joined its lands to those of Syracuse, keeping Megara only as a fortress. And he did exactly the same to the people of Euboia, the town whose site we do not know. The reason he gave for thus treating his friends ill and his enemies well was that he thought the commons a most unpleasant neighbour. But the commons of Syracuse he in no way oppressed, being most likely bound to them by some promise. And, when the men of Kamarina revolted and slew his governor, he pulled down the town and made the people come and live at Syracuse. At last he made one half of the people of his own native city of Gela remove to Syracuse in the like sort. So Syracuse grew at the cost of the other cities of Sicily. As the population grew so greatly, the town itself needed to be enlarged. As yet the Island had been the city, while Achradina was only an outpost on the hill. Gelon now carried the western wall of Achradina down to the Great Harbour, thus taking Achradina into the city. But both it and the Island kept their separate defences. The agora, the meeting- place and market-place, which must have been at first in the Island, was now moved into the low ground between the Island and the hill, which had now become the lower Achradina. Gelon was now lord of 74 THE FIRST AGE OF THE GREEK CITIES. the greatest city in Sicily, perhaps in all Hellas, and lord of the greatest dominion that had ever been in Sicily or anywhere in Hellas. As such he felt more like a king of Sicily than like an ordinary tyrant of Syracuse. He invited men from all parts who could be useful to him ; he hired many mercenaries and gave them citizenship. Next in power to him was Theron, tyrant of Akragas, a descendant of that Telemachos who had overthrown Phalaris. He had risen to power, like most tyrants, by a trick ; but he used his power mildly and left a good name behind him. He and Gelon were fast friends, and, like princes in later times, they made an alliance by marriage. Gelon took Theron's daughter Damarata to wife. Their alliance, which took in all south-eastern Sicily, was to some extent balanced by another in the north- east where Anaxilas of Rhegion and Zankle was closely allied with Terillos, tyrant of Himera, and married his daughter Kydippe. These two pairs take in all Greek Sicily, save two cities. One was Katane, of which we hear nothing, but which could not have kept much real independence while Gelon held Naxos and Leontinoi on each side of it. The other was Selinous, which we find a little time later as a dependent ally of Carthage. Now how had a Greek city come into this last case .'' We do not know for certain ; but we have dim hints of a w\ir between Greeks and Phrenicians earlier than the great one of which we shall have to speak directly. We hear of a war to avenge the death of Dorieus, in which Gelon claimed to have taken a part, and said that he had asked for help in WAR IN WESTERN SICILY. 75 Old Greece, but had got none. This could not have been after Gelon became tyrant ; but he may have acted as an officer of one of the earlier tyrants. It would seem that in this war the Carthaginians destroyed the new town of Herakleia between Selinous and Akragas, and this must surely have been the time when Selinous was made to join their alliance. But Gelon claims to have hindered the barbarians from coming further west, and to have ended the war by a treaty which gave some com- mercial advantages to all Greeks. Something of this kind must have happened to account for the state of things which we find a little later. But the story is told very darkly, and we can look on the war which followed the death of Dorieus only as a forerunner of the great and successful war with Carthage of which we have now to speak. SELINOUS. EARLY. VI. THE FIRST WARS WITH CARTHAGE AND ETRURIA, B.C. 480-473- [We now at last have a continuous narrative of Sicilian history for about two hundred years. The books of Diodoros for all this time are extant. He copied from earlier writers, among them the Syracusan historians Antiochos and Philistos. Sometimes he seems to copy a piece nearly in full, and gives us a clear and vivid account of things ; at other times he is very confused, and seems not to have understood his authorities. Still it is a great gain to have a continuous narrative of any kind. Of Gelon's dealings with the Greeks at the Isthmus we have the account of Herodotus. And we now for the first time come to absolutely contemporary sources, though not in the form of narrative. The odes of Pindar, commemorating the victories of Kieron, Theron, and other Sikeliots, in the games of Old Greece are full of references to events in Sicily. And there are some also in the poems of Simonides, who, like Pindar, was entertained by Hieron. Coins too begin to tell us more than before, and in the legend on Hieron's helmet we have a contemporary inscription recording a fact. We have also a dialogue composed long after by Xenophon in the names of Hieron and Simo- nides, which at least shows the kind of tradition which was handed on to later times.] The fifth century before Christ commonly seems to us the most brilliant time in the history of Greece, and it is one of the times of which we know most. And yet its most brilliant deeds show that the Greek 76 PERSIA AND CARTHAGE. yy folk had in some sort gone back in the world. Herodotus speaks of a time when all Greeks were free. That time had come to an end when the Greeks of Asia passed under the power of the kings, first of Lydia and then of Persia. Hellas was thus cut short ; and presently she had to defend herself in Old Greece also ; she had to fight to beat back the Persian invader. And so in Sicily at the same moment the Greek cities had to fight to beat back the Carthaginian invader. These two powers, Persia and Carthage, were such as the barbarian world had never seen before. The Persian dominion was the greatest in extent that had ever been seen in the East, and the Persians, in their beginning an Aryan people, had in them a strong and abiding national life beyond most Eastern nations. The Phoenicians again were the most advanced of barbarian nations and the most like Euro- peans. And Carthage was the model of the ruling city for all time. The world had never seen such a dominion by sea as she now had. And now these two great powers threatened the Greeks on both sides, and, there is little reason to doubt, threatened them in con- cert. They had easy means of communicating through the men of the old Phoenicia. Sidon and Tyre were now under Persian supremacy ; but they were still separate states, keeping their hatred for all Greeks and their friendship for Carthage. So it was agreed that Persia should attack the Greeks of Old Greece, and that Carthage should attack the Greeks of Sicily. There was this difference between the two, that the Persian king could not attack Greece except by 78 FIRST WARS WITH CARTHAGE AND ETRURIA. taking- a vast army over a long march in the face of the world. But the Carthaginians, being so much nearer to Sicily and having a starting-point in their Sicilian dependencies, could send a force against the Greeks of Sicily almost at any moment. Yet it needed time to gather a force fit for the purpose by hiring mercenaries everywhere. So neither power hurried. At last the Persian king Xerxes set out on his great march. The Carthaginians were then planning their warfare in Sicily ; but their actual coming seems to have been sudden, and its time and place were fixed by events which were happening in the island. Theron, tyrant of Akragas, seemingly invited by a party in Himera, drove out Terillos, tyrant of that city, and held the town himself A power was thus formed which stretched right across Sicily and barred the Carthaginian advance to the east. Terillos and his son-in-law Anaxilas of Rhegion and Zankle asked for help at Carthage. So their treason against Hellas somewhat hastened the Carthaginian attack, and settled in what part of Sicily it should be made. Meanwhile in the year 480 B.C. Xerxes was marching against Old Greece, and the patriotic Greeks who met in council at the Isthmus sent envoys to Gelon to ask for help. He had the best reason in the world for not sending help to Old Greece, namely that he needed all his forces to defend Syracuse and all Greek Sicily against the Carthaginians. But a wonderful set of speeches are given by Herodotus as having passed between Gelon and the envo}'s. They are quite unsuited to the circumstances of the time, and they INVASIONS OF SICILY AND OLD GREECE. jg were evidently made up afterwards by some clever Syracusan, as a satire on the airs which the cities of the mother-country gave themselves towards the colonies. The Lacedaemonian and Athenian envoys are made to insult Gelon in the very act of asking for help. It is enough to say that Gelon sent no help, and could not send any. And another story told how he sent an agent to watch the state of things in Greece. If the King should be successful, he was to give him a great sum of money not to come against Sicily. This agent was one Kadmos of Kos, who had been tyrant in his own island, but had given up the tyranny and had settled at Zankle with the Samians. It was thought a wonderful feat of virtue that, when Kadmos found that the money was not wanted, he brought it back- safe to Gelon. And now the blow which had so long been looked for fell suddenly. Theron was at his new possession of Himera, Gelon was waiting at Syracuse, when the crreat fleet sailed from Africa under the command of Hamilkar, one of the SJiopJictim of Carthage. These were the chief magistrates, who are compared to the Roman consuls and the Spartan kings ; the name is the same as that of the Hebrew Judges. The Greek writers commonly speak of them as kings. Hamilkar set forth with a vast force. The ships that carried the horses and war-chariots — for the Carthaginians still kept the fashion of the old Canaan — were sunk on the voyage. The rest of the fleet reached Panormos, and thence the ships sailed and the land forces marched to Himera. There Hamilkar pitched two camps, one close to the sea, the other on the hill, 8o FIRST WARS WITH CARTHAGE AND ETRURIA. west of the town. The east side towards the river, and the landward side seem to have been left open. We hear nothing of any action on the part of Anaxilas ; but the Sclinuntines were bidden, and they promised in a letter, to send their horsemen to the camp on a certain day. Meanwhile Theron and his force made a sally and were defeated. So the Carthaginians held the country and plundered' every- where. But Theron was able to send a message to Gelon, who at once marched to his help with his whole force. He pitched his camp on the right bank of the Himeras, and his horsemen scoured the country and took many of the Punic plunderers. The hearts of the men of Himera rose. The story goes that the letters from Selinous to Hamilkar fell into the hands of Gelon, and that he settled to attack the Carthaginians on the day when the Selinuntine horsemen were looked for. That day was commonly said to have been the same as that of the battle of Salamis in Old Greece. The two fights were certainly fought much at the same time, in the autumn of the year B.C. 4S0. And there is nothing against the story that they were fought on the same day, except that the tale sounds too good to be true. We have two quite different accounts of the great battle which followed. One, as it was told at Carthage, is given us by Herodotus. He says that the Syra- cusan version was different ; that we get from Diodoros. In the Carthaginian story Hamilkar stands apart from the fight, like Moses or Samuel. All day, while the battle goes on, he throws whole burnt-offerings into the fire. At last, towards evening, news comes that BATTLE OF HIMERA. 8l his army is defeated ; he then throws himself into the fire, as the most costly gift of all. For this he was honoured as a hero wherever Carthage had power. This is a grand story, and truly Semitic, but it tells us nothing about the battle. In the Syracusan story also a sacrifice offered by Hamilkar has a chief place ; but that is the whole amount of likeness. Gelon is said to have sent horsemen who went to the camp by the sea, and passed themselves off for the Selinuntines who were looked for. As such, they were let in. They killed Hamilkar, as he was sacri- ficing — to Poseidon, this story says — and many others, and set fire to the ships. Then, at a given signal, Gelon attacked the land camp, but was kept in check by the bravery of the Iberian mercenaries. The day was at last settled by the coming up of Theron with the garrison of Himera. The whole barbarian host was killed or scattered, a {tw only escaping to the ships that were still at sea. Those who fled hither and thither were gradually hunted down and made slaves ; the Akragantines especially caught a vast number, and set them to work at Theron's great buildings. Thus Greek Sicily was saved from the Carthaginian invader, as Old Greece was saved from the Persian. Only the Persian was driven out for ever, while after seventy years the Carthaginian came again. Gelon now went back to Syracuse, and was received with all honours, even with the titles of the gods, Benefactor (€vepyeTr}<;), Saviour ((rcorrjp), and King (^ao-tXeu?). And indeed from this time he and his 7 82 FIRST WARS WITH CARTHAGE AND ETRURIA. successors are spoken of by Diodoros as kings, and Pindar freely gives that title to Gelon's successor Hieron, while he does not give it to Theron. Pre- sently envoys came from Carthage, and seemingly from Anaxilas, asking for peace. Selinous must now have been set free from Carthage, as we presently hear of it as an independent city. The Carthaginians had to pay a large sum of money, and to build two temples at Carthage in honour of the Greek goddesses DAMARATEION. of Sicily. But they were not disturbed in their possessions in western Sicily. And a story was told that Gelon made it one of the terms of peace that the Carthaginians should give up the practice of human sacrifices. This cannot be true ; for no people interfered in this way with the religion of another, and the Carthaginians certainly did not give up the practice. But they may have engaged not to sacrifice Greeks ; in any case he who devised the story well understood the difference between Greek and Phoenician religion, and all that was implied in a struggle between the two nations. DEATH OF GELON. 83 Gelon himself gave great gifts to the gods of his own people at Olympia and elsewhere. He built the temples of Demeter and the Kore on the south side of Epipolai, and he began another temple near ^^tna which he did not finish. For he died two years after his great victory, in the year 478 B.C. He was buried with all honour, and commemorated by a stately tomb in the low ground between Epipolai and the Olympicion. He was reverenced at Syracuse as a hero and a second founder, and in after days, when the statues of all the other tyrants were taken down, those of the deliverer of Himera were spared. Gelon left a young son and three brothers, Hieron, Polyzelos, and Thrasyboulos. His power was to pass to Hieron, but Polyzelos was to have the command of the army, and was to marry Gelon's widow and take care of his son. This arrangement did not last. Hieron reigned splendidly, and gained great fame by getting round him all the poets and philosophers of his time, Simonides, ^Eschylus, Pindar, besides Epicharmos, the founder of Sicilian comedy. And above all, his chariots and horses won prizes in the games of Old Greece, and their victories were sung in the odes of Pindar. But his rule was suspicious and cruel. He set spies upon all the acts of the citizens of Syracuse, and he was specially jealous of his brother Polyzelos, who was much beloved. Him, it is said, he tried to get rid of in a war, perhaps in Italy, perhaps against the Sikels. Polyzelos fled to Theron at Akragas, and war broke out between Theron and Hieron. Some say that the two tyrants 84 FIRST WARS WITH CARTHAGE AND ETRURIA, were reconciled by the poet Simonides. Another story told how the people of Himera, oppressed by Theroii's son Thrasydaios, offered their city to Hieron, who betrayed them to Theron. Then Theron, so well spoken of at Akragas, went to Himera, and slew many of his son's enemies. The whole story is told confusedly ; but Theron and Hieron were recon- ciled, and Hieron married a niece of Theron. The chief action of Hieron within Sicily, that of which he was most proud, was hardly to his credit. He wished to be equal to his brother, to have the honours of a founder. To win them, he moved the people of Naxos and Katane to Leontinoi. He then repeopled Katane with new citizens from various parts ; he enlarged its territory at the cost of the Sikels ; he then changed the name of the town to ^Etna, and gave himself out as its founder. He called himself a man of ^Etna, and as Hieron of ^tna he won some of his victories in the games. And though he never ventured to call himself king at Syracuse, he set up his young son Deinomenes as King of JEtna. The best side of Hieron is seen out of Sicily, where he carries on Gelon's work as a champion of Hellas against barbarians. Gelon hardly meddled in Italian affairs. Hieron, early in his reign. In 477, was able, without striking a blow, to save Lokroi from a threatened attack by Anaxilas of Rhegion and Zankle. And in 474 he did a work which is placed akxigside of the day of Himera. The Greeks of Italy were often hard pressed by the barbarians ; above all, Kyme was threatened by the REIGN OF HIE RUN. 85 Etruscans. Hieron sent help to the Greeks, and the fleets of Syracuse and Kymc won a great victory, which did much to break the Etruscan power, and gave Kyme a time of peace and prosperity. But an attempt to plant a Syracusan colony on the island of Pithekoussa or Ischia failed. In the British GELA. C. 4S0. SEI.INOUS. C. 440. Museum we may still see the helmet which Hieron dedicated for the Etruscan victory won in his name. Here Hieron won real glory ; but he did nothing to help other Greeks in Italy against other barbarians. Anaxilas was now dead, and the government of his two cities was carried on by his steward Mikythos on behalf of his two sons. Mikythos sent help to the people of Taras or Tarentum, who were threatened by the Messapians or lapygians in the heel of the boot. This is almost the only time that 86 FIRST WARS WITH CARTHAGE AND ETRURIA. we hear of that people as dangerous to the Greeks ; but it sounds Hke a foreshadowing of the general action of the nations of southern Italy which was presently to come. The two Greek cities were utterly defeated by the Messapians, but Mikythos kept his hold on both Rhegion and Zankle. We have thus had to speak of the wars of Greeks against barbarians, both in Old Greece and in Sicily and Italy. Great victories were won ; but in Old Greece the barbarians were driven out for ever, while in Sicily they came again. In Old Greece again the wars were waged by free commonwealths, while in Sicily they were waged by tyrants. We have now to see the cities of Sicily get rid of their tyrants, and enter on a time, if not of great victories, yet of wonderful prosperity and of a nearer approach Chan usual to peace among themselves. VII. THE GREEKS OF SICILY FREE AND INDEPENDENT. B.C. 472-433- [Our main authority now is llie continuous history of Diodoros. lie alone gives us any account of Ducctius. Pindar still helps us a little at the beginning, as he has odes addressed to citizens of Himcra and Kamarina after ihey liad recovered independence. The acts of Empe- dokles come from his Life by Diogenes Laertios, compiled from various earlier writers. There are notices in Pausanias and elsewhere, specially notices of Sicilian luxury in Athenaios. And we now begin to feel the use of inscriptions, though those that concern us as yet are very frag- mentary, and were graven, not in Sicily, but at Athens.] We now come to a time which we might call the golden age of Greek Sicily, Its cities are both independent and free. The tyrants are driven out. No Greek is under a barbarian master, nor does any Greek city bear rule over any other. The cities are wonderfully rich and flourishing, and are able to raise great buildings. We cannot say that there is no war either against barbarians or between one Greek city and another. But there is much less war than there is in the times either before or after. And the most remarkable war is one waged between Greek FALL OF TYRANNY AT AKRAGAS. 89 cities and a Sikcl prince who was striving to bring about the unity and dominion of his own people. We have marked our dates from the beginning of deliverance, though it did not come all at once. In the year B.C. 472 Theron of Akragas died. What- ever men thought of him at Himera, he left behind him a good memory in his own city. He had greatly enlarged the town by taking in the great slope of the hill between the two rivers. He had made the walls which arc still to be seen, and he had begun the great range of temples. At his death he re- ceived the honours of a hero, and was buried in a stately tomb in the burial-ground west of the city. The tomb in another part which is shown as his is of much later date. His power passed to his son Thrasydaios, who had ruled so ill at Himera. He ruled just as ill in Akragas. When, on what occasion we are not told, he began a war with Hieron, his power at once broke in pieces. Akragas and Himera, which had no tic but that of a common master, parted asunder, and became again indepen- dent commonwealths. Peace was made with Hieron, and Thrasydaios fled to Old Greece. There the people of the old Mcgara put him on his trial and put him to death. One can see no reason for this, unless that a tyrant was looked on as a common enemy of mankind, who might be brought to justice anywhere. Here was a great blow struck at the cause of tyranny in Sicily. And Hieron hardly strengthened it when in 467 he stirred up the sons of Anaxilas to 90 GREEKS OF SICILY FREE AND INDEPENDENT. demand from Mikythos an account of his rule in Zankle and Rhegion. The faithful steward gave in an account which satisfied everybody, and the young men asked Mikythos to go on managing things for them. But he would not stay where he had been sus- pected. He went to Old Greece, and died in honour at Tegea. The sons of Anaxilas now took the rule of his two cities into their own hands ; but they could not keep it so well as Mikythos had done. The next year the great stay of tyranny in Sicily was taken away. In 466 Hieron died at his own city of -^tna. There his son Deinomenes went on reigning, and made offerings at Olympia in his father's name. But the power of Hieron at Syracuse and in the rest of his dominions passed to his brother Thrasyboulos, the last of the four sons of the elder Deinomenes. But the people of Syracuse were now weary of tyranny, and they presently rose to upset the power of Thrasyboulos. But it was a hard matter to get rid of him. For he had many mercenaries in his pay, and the men of /Etna came to fight for the house of their founder. Between them they held the fortified parts of Syracuse, both the Island and Achradina which Gelon had joined on to it. The men of Syracuse were driven to besiege their own city from outside. But the cause of Syracuse was felt to be the cause of freedom everywhere. From all parts, Greek and Sikel, which had been subject to Hieron or where men had dreaded his power, helpers flocked to Syracuse. The tyrant was defeated in two battles by land and sea, and he presently agreed to surrender everything and go away quietly. He went and lived at Lokroi, ALL THti CITIES FRF.E. 9 1 where the memory of Hieron was doubtless honoured. At the same time or soon after, the sons of Anaxilas were driven out of Zankle and Rhegion. The cities which had been under the rule of the lords of Syracuse again set up for themselves ; even fallen Kamarina rose again, this time not as an outpost of Syracuse, but as a free colony of Gela. Thus all the Sikeliot cities were again independent, and all were free commonwealths, save only yEtna, where Deinomenes still reigned. So the famous line of the tyrants of Gela and Syracuse passed away from both those cities, and we are surprised to find that it had lasted only eighteen years. The cities were now free, with neither tyrants within nor masters from outside. But it was not easy to settle the state of the new commonwealths after so many changes. The tyranny had swept away the old distinctions. At Syracuse, the city of whose affairs we hear most, there are no signs of any more disputes between the old Gamoroi and the old commons. But new distinctions had arisen. In the first zeal of deliverance men set up the feast of the EleiitJieria in honour of Zeus E/cnt/icrios, the god of freedom, and they admitted the mercenaries and others to whom the tyrants had granted citizenship to the same rights as themselves. But the two classes did not agree, and after a while (463) the old citizens, being the greater number, passed a vote that those whose citizenship dated only from the time of the tyrants should not be able to hold magistracies. The ex- cluded class flew to arms. If fewer in number, they were better at fighting, and they again held the 92 GREEKS OF SICILY FREE AND INDEPENDENT. Island and Achradina against the old citizens. This led to another enlargement of the city. The suburb of Tycha, outside Achradina on the north side of the hill, was fortified by the Syracusan besiegers of Syracuse, and became part of the city. The war went on for about three years, and it is not clear how it came to an end. But at last (461) the mercenaries were got rid of somehow. Something of the same kind, disputes between the old citizens and the new, must have been going on in other cities also. For a general vote was passed by all the Sikeliot commonwealths that all the mer- cenaries everywhere should be settled in the one territory of Messana. This implies that that territory was open to settlement. It is moreover the first time that the name Messaua, Alessene, Messina, is given to the town which had hitherto been called Zankie. The dates are confused ; but it was certainly about this time that the last Mcssenian war was going on in Peloponnesos. Many Mcssenianswere scattered abroad, and one cannot help thinking that it was now that the Messenian settlement at Zankie happened, and that the city changed its name. It was the first town that took that name. Messene in Peloponnesos had hitherto been the name of a land, and the town of Messene there was not founded till a hundred years later. Messana had the most motley population of any town in Sicily, and its policy was the most given to change, as one or the other party had the upper hand. In one city even now the house of the tyrants still reigned. But Greeks and Sikcls joined to drive Deinomenes and the Hieronian settlers out of /Etna. WEALTH OF AKRAGAS. 93 The Sikcls were led by their famous prince Ducetius, of whom we shall hear again. ALtna. once more became Katane ; the old citizens came back ; the honours of Hieron were abolished, and his tomb was destroyed. But his settlers, and doubtless their king with them, were allowed to occupy the Sikel town of Tnessa, further inland and nearer to the mountain. Its name was also for a while changed to ALtna. Thus the Greek cities of Sicily fell back, as far as they could, on the state of things which had been before the rise of the tyrants. Each city was again an independent commonwealth. Those cities which, like Syracuse and Akragas, had borne rule over others, now lost their dominion, and with it that kind of greatness which comes of dominion. They gained instead freedom at home. The constitutions of the cities were everywhere democratic, or more nearly so than they had been before. And the cities were wonderfully rich and flourishing. Above all, strange tales are told of the wealth and luxury of the rich men of Akragas. But, after so many shocks and changes, above all after so many movements of men from one place to another, there were many causes of dispute within the cities. Men in Old Greece contrasted the constant changes in Sicily with the stability of the older cities where the same people had lived for ages. It is only at Syracuse and Akragas that we get any details. At Syracuse there were, naturally enough, disputes about the rights of particular men to lands and citizenship. And, what no democratic forms can hinder, there seem to have 94 GREEKS OF SICILY FREE AND INDEPENDENT. grown up a kind of official class which kept affairs in its own hands. Thus there arose demagogues, leaders of the people. This name was in its origin perfectly honourable, marking a lawful and useful position, though one which might easily be abused. The demagogue commonly spoke against the ad- ministration of affairs at the time, and he could sometimes carry a vote of the people in opposition to the magistrates. And it marks an exclusive kind of feeling on the part of a governing class when we hear complaints that all the young men gave them- selves up to making speeches. For this was the time when oratory was becoming an art. And it began to be so first in Sicily. The first teachers of rhetoric were the Syracusans Korax and Tisias, and after them the more famous Gorgias of Leontinoi. There was always a certain fear that the dema- gogue might grow into a tyrant. He did so both in earlier and later times. At this time there were no tyrants in Sicily ; but there were men who were suspected of aiming at tyranny. There were several such at Syracuse. Thus about the year 454 one Tyndarion gave himself out as the champion of the poor, and his followers formed themselves into a voluntary body-guard. The body-guard was the very badge of tyranny. Tyndarion was there- fore charged with treason, and was sentenced to death. But his followers rose, and, instead of being lawfully put to death, he was killed in the tumult. Presently the Syracusans adopted a law in imitation of the Athenian ostracism. That name is often mis- used. At Athens it meant that, when the state was POLITICS OF SYRACUSE. 95 thought to be in danger, a vote was taken in which every citizen wrote on a tile (oarpaKov) the name of any man whose presence he thought dangerous. If 6000 citizens named the same man, he had to leave Athens for ten years. He could hardly be said to be banished, and he was in no way disgraced. He kept his property, and at the end of the ten years he came back to his full rights. Indeed his friends were often able to carry a vote to call him back before the time. At Athens this law worked well for a season, while the democracy was weak. When the democracy was fully established, it became needless, and gradually went out of use. We know much less of the working of the same institution at Syracuse. There it \\'as called petalisni, because the name was written on a leaf (jrhaXov). The time of absence was five years. We know nothing of the details, whether they were the same as those at Athens or not. We are told that it worked badly, and was soon abolished by general consent. For it is said that, while it was in force, the best men with- drew from public affairs and left them to the worst men in the city. There may be some truth in this ; for, after so many changes, political differences were likely to be much more bitter at Syracuse than at Athens. But these accounts clearly come from writers hostile to democracy. And it is quite certain that Syracuse was at this very time very flourishing at home and could act a very vigorous part abroad. The constitution of Akragas after the fall of the tyrants seem to have been less strictly democratic than that of Syracuse. What we know about it g6 GREEKS OF SICILY FREE AND INDEPENDENT. comes from the Life of the philosopher Empedokles. About him there is a silly story, how he threw himself into the furnace of ^tna, that men might think that he had become a god. And, as so often happens, this silly story has stuck to his name rather than any of his real actions. There is something very strange about Empedokles. He seems to have given himself out as having a divine mission, and his followers believed that he did many wonders, even to raising the dead. He was certainly a poet and a physician, and he most likely had a knowledge of nature beyond his time. He cleansed rivers and did other useful works. And he was the foremost man in the common- wealth of Akragas in that day. He refused the tyranny or supreme power in some shape ; he brought about the condemnation of some men who were aiming at tyranny ; he lessened the power of the senate, and so made the state more democratic. In after days, when the Athenians came into Sicily and warred against Syracuse, and when Akragas was bitterly jealous of Syracuse, Empedokles helped the Syracusans against Athens. For thus preferring the interests of all Sicily to the passions of his own city, Empedokles was banished from Akragas. He went to Old Greece and died, and was buried at the elder Megara. One can believe that the jealousy between Syracuse and Akragas, between the first city in the island and the second, had been handed on from the days of the tyrants or earlier. But it was at least greatly strength- ened by events in the wars of the time. For, though gS GREEKS OF SICILY FREE AND INDEPENDENT. the time was comparatively peaceful, there were wars. In 453 the commonwealth of Syracuse undertook to chastise the Etruscan pirates, just as Hieron had done. A fleet went forth and ravaged the whole Etruscan coast. Much spoil was brought in, and it would almost seem as if the Syracusans made some settlements in the islands of Corsica and Elba ; but, if so, they did not last. And there was a war in the west of Sicily, of which we can make out nothing distinctly ; but it looks as if Akragas and Selinous won some advantages over the Phoenicians. In neither of these meagre accounts do we see Akragas and Syracuse coming across one another in any way, friendly or unfriendly. It was another war with barbarians in which we hear of them in both ways, and which led to a lasting jealousy between the two cities. This sprang out of the last and greatest attempt of the Sikels to throw off the dominion of the Greeks in their own island. Many of the Sikels on the coast had been made bondmen ; but their inland towns were independent, and had largely taken to Greek ways. But they were hampered and kept in the background in their own land, and the more they felt themselves the equals of the Greeks, the less would they abide any Greek superiority. They had now a great leader among them, that Ducetius of whom we have already heard as helping against the Hieronians at Katane. He strove to unite his people, and to win back for them the full possession of their own island. His schemes must have been very like those of Philip of Macedon a hundred years later. He would found a RISE OF DUCETIUS. 99 state which should be pohtically Sikcl, but which should have all the benefit of Greek culture. He would be King- of Sicily or of as great a part of it as he could, with his royal throne in one of the great Greek cities. But Philip inherited an established kingdom, which he had only to enlarge and strengthen ; Ducetius had to create his Sikel state from the begin- ning. He started about the year 459, by founding the town of Mena:inum, now Mineo, on the hill above the lake of the Palici, the special gods of his people. There mighty walls are to be seen, most likely of his building. From that centre, in the space of six years, he brought together most of the Sikel towns, all, it is said, except the Galeatic Hybla, into an union of some kind under his own headship. Unluckily we can say no more ; of the terms of union we know nothing. For the power thus called into being he founded in 453 a new capital close by the holy lake, and bearing the name of Palica. He then came down from the hills to the plain, just as Philip came down from Aigai or Edessa to Pclla. This was a step in advance ; his next step, if possible, would have been to the sea. But we may be sure that he wished above all things to put his state under the protection of the great Sikel gods. As yet Ducetius had not attacked any Greek city. His first step in that way was to besiege and take Inessa, now called JEtna.. Thither, it will be remem- bered, the Hieronian settlers in the other ^tna, that is, Katane, were allowed to move. Ducetius himself had helped to place them in the Sikcl town. No Greeks gave any help to the remnant of the friends 100 GREEKS OF SICILY FREE AND INDEPENDENT. of the tyrants, perhaps with Deinomenes still calling himself their king. It was otherwise when Ducetius attacked the Akragantine town or post of Motyon. Ducetius was now so powerful that Akragas had to seek help at Syracuse. Ducetius won a battle against the joint forces of the two Greek cities, and took Motyon. The Syracusan general was charged with treason and was put to death. The Syracusans then sent a greater force, and, while the Akragantines besieged and recovered Motyon, they defeated Ducetius in a second battle. Defeat was what a power like that formed by Ducetius could not bear. There was no tradition of union among those whom he had brought together. All gradually forsook him, and the man who had striven to found the unity of his people was left alone, and in danger of his life. Ducetius now took a bold step. He would throw himself on the generosity and the religious feelings of his enemies. He rode to Syracuse by night ; how he passed the gate we are not told ; but in the morn- ing all Syracuse saw the dreaded Sikel king sitting as a suppliant at the altars of the gods of the agora. An assembly was at once held. Some were for put- ting him to death ; but there was a general cry of " Save the Suppliant." Ducetius' life was spared, but he was not allowed to stay in Sicily. The Syra- cusans sent him to their metropolis Corinth, under a promise to live there quietly on a maintenance which the commonw^ealth of Syracuse supplied him with. The Akragantines were much displeased with the FOUNDATION OF KALE ARTE. lOI Syracusans for thus sparing the common enemy. And they were the more angry at what presently happened. Ducetius no doubt learned a great deal by living in a great city of Old Greece, and he made friends there. Before long he gave out that the gods had bidden him to plant a colony in Sicily. He set forth with companions who must have been mainly Greeks, and began his settlement at the same place, Kale Akte on the north coast, where Skythes of Zankle had once wished the lonians of Asia to settle. The Akragantines said that this could not have happened without at least the connivance of the Syracusans. A war broke out in which each side had allies ; we are not told who they were. The Syracusans had the better ; peace was made ; we are not told on what terms. But from that time Akragas always had a grudge against Syracuse. This war gave Ducetius time to go on with his settlement. Many joined him, both Greeks and Sikels ; he was specially helped by the neighbouring Sikel prince Archonides of Herbita. His Greek name is worth marking, as distinguished from the evidently Latin name of Ducetius. The new town grew and prospered, and Ducetius was supposed to be again planning greater things. But the chances of the Sikels came to an end when he died of disease in 444. Many of the Sikel towns remained in- dependent ; but their only hope now was to make themselves Greek, which they gradually did. And Syracuse conquered some of those which were near her own territory. One was Trinacia, the town which had in some sort given its name to the island. 102 GREEKS OF SICILY FREE AND INDEPENDENT. Another was Ducetius' own Palica, which was de- stroyed. Thus all the great schemes of the Sikel prince came to an end. But he had done something. He had at least founded three towns, two of which lived on for many ages, and one of which, Menaenum, now Mineo, lives on still. For several years after this time there is no Sicilian PANORMOS. C. 420 B.C. MESSANA. C. 420 B.C. history. We hear only that about the year 439, or perhaps somewhat later, Syracuse began to make great preparations for something. She built a fleet ; she doubled the number of her horsemen ; she was thought to be aiming at the dominion of all Sicily. Nothing more is told us ; but it is plain that we have here the beginning of the story which we shall have to tell in our next chapter. The Chalkidians of Sicily and Italy were thoroughly frightened, and GREAT PREPARATIONS OF SYRACUSE. 103 they began to seek for allies in Old Greece. Till this time Sicily has been pretty well a world of its own, and for the last generation a very prosperous world. The Greek cities were free and flourishing. The failure of the plans of Ducetius showed what was the destiny of the native races, Carthage kept quiet. She was no doubt only biding her time, and, before her time came, we have to tell what happened when Sicily became mixed up in the wars of Old Greece, and when the destiny of the greatest powers of Old Greece was fought out in the waters of Syracuse. viri. THE SHARE OF SICILY IN THE WARS OF OLD GREECE. B.C. 433-409- [We have now, for the only time in the history of Greek Sicily, the narrative of a contemporary historian of the first rank. Through the whole of this chapter, except a very short time just at the end, we have the guidance of the Athenian Thucydides. In his earlier hooks we have to pick out what concerns Sicily from the general story of the Pelopon- nesian war. In the sixth and seventh books .Sicily is the main subject, and they are the noblest pieces of contemporary history ever written. In the eighth book we have again to pick out what concerns Sicily from the general narrative, and just before the end we lose Thucydides, and are left to the very inferior, but still conteipporarj', Xenophon. When Thucydides is to be had, we are tempted to despise Diodoros ; and, during the greater part of the story, his account is, strange to say, below the usual level of his Sicilian work. But in some places he gives us valuable matter which he has clearly copied from the contemporary Syracusan historian Philistos. Philistos was indeed more than a contem- porary ; in nil the latter part of the war he was an actual eyewitness and actor. The earlier Syracusan historian Antiochos ended with the con- ference at Gela in B.C. 423. And we have some subsidiary contemporary sources. There are many references to things that concern us in the plays of the Athenian comic poet Aristophanes, and the Athenian Iso- krates, though he lived so long that he seems to belong to a later time, was contemporary with the great siege, and he has left a remark or two about it. Among the Lives of Plutarch, too, those of Nikias and Alki- biadcs,deal with this time, and they preserve many things from Philistos 104 SPARTA AND ATHENS. IO5 and other lost writers. And, as usual, we pick up things occasionally in writers of all kinds, as Pausanias, Polyainos, Athenaios. Altogether there is no time before or after for which we have so much and so good materials.] We have now come to a time in which the Greek cities of Sicily get mixed up, in a way in which they have not been before, with the disputes of the mother- country. The more part of the Old Greek cities were now divided into two great alliances. These were Sparta with her following, and Athens with hers. Sparta was the head of the Dorians, Athens of the lonians. Sparta was old-fashioned, oligarchic, slow to act. Athens was fond of new things, democratic, daring in enterprise. Sparta was strong by land and Athens by sea. But though in their home govern- ments Sparta represented oligarchy and Athens democracy, yet in her dealings with other cities, Sparta had made herself better liked than Athens. The allies of Sparta were willing allies who followed her by traditional attachment. The so-called allies of Athens were mostly cities which she had lately brought under her dominion and which paid her tribute. When she had any willing allies, they were almost always cities which joined her out of some grudge against Sparta or some other member of the Lacedaemonian alliance. Before many years had passed, men found that Sparta, as a ruling city, was much more oppressive than Athens. But as yet Sparta represented free alliance and Athens repre- sented subjection. The Lacedaemonian cause was therefore popular throughout Greece. At this moment the two crreat alliances were at I06 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE. peace, under the terms of a truce for thirty years made in the year 445. Even before that time, perhaps even from the time of the Persian wars, Athens, looking for dominion and influence everywhere, be- gan also to look towards the West. As early as 454, we find, as an inscription shows, Athens meddling in Sicilian affairs and making an alliance with the Elymians of Segesta against some enemy, perhaps the men of Sikan Halikyai. In 443 Athens took the lead in founding the colony of Thourioi, near the site of the old Sybaris. And the beginnings of the Pelo- ponnesian war itself had a close connexion with Sicilian and Italian affairs. The Korkyraians, ever in dispute with their metropolis Corinth, asked for help of Athens, setting forth the importance of their own island, as holding the key of Italy and Sicily. This was in B.C. 433. And in this same year, the year of her alliance with Korkyra, Athens also concluded alliances with Leontinoi in Sicily and with Rhegion close to it. That is the beginning of the whole story. It is plain that Syracuse, whom we left at the end of the last chapter, strengthening her fleet and horse- men, was beginning to attack, or at least to threaten, her Chalkidian neighbours. They betake themselves to the great Ionian city for help. And when the war actually broke out in 431, it seems taken for granted on both sides that Sicily had something to do with the matter, though for several years nothing really was done on either side. Athens, as we have seen, was the ally of Rhegion and Leontinoi ; but she did nothing for them for several years. And, at the very besfinnin"' of the war, the Lacedc-emonians bade the SIR ELIOT APPEAL TO ATHENS. I07 Dorians of Sicily and Italy, as if they were members of their alliance, to join in building a great fleet. But for four years no ships of war passed either way be- tween Sicily and Old Greece. The allies of Sparta in Sicily thought they did enough by vexing the allies of Athens in their own island. In the year 427 we begin to see things more clearly. Syracuse u'ith her allies was warring against the Chalkidian Leontinoi and her allies. With Syra- cuse, we are told, were all the Dorian cities of Sicily except Kamarina — we hear nothing of Akragas — and Lokroi in Italy. With Leontinoi were the other Chal- kidian cities — that is, Naxos and Katane — Kamarina, and Rhegion in Italy. We hear nothing of Messana ; a little later it was in alliance with Syracuse. The Syracusan league was much the stronger, and Leon- tinoi was hard pressed. Then the men of Rhegion and Leontinoi, as allies of Athens, sent thither to ask for some real help. The great orator Gorgias of Leontinoi was one of the envo}-s, and he is said to have made a great impression at Athens. It was specially expedient at that moment to hinder any Sikeliot ships coming to the help of Sparta, for Korkyra was torn with sedition and could not do much for her allies. But Athens did not choose to run any great risk at first. A small fleet was sent, mainly to see whether it was well to do anything more. For about three years the war went on in a small way till, in the year 425, Athens sent a greater fleet to Sicily. Nothing really great was done even now ; but we hear several things which tell us a cri'cat deal as to I08 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE. the state of affairs in Sicily. Messana was always changing sides, according as one party or another in its mixed population got the chief power. One tinne, in 426 two Messanian tribes, attacked by the Athe- nians at Mylai, joined the besiegers in winning over Messana itself to the Athenian side. Presently the city changed back again to the Syracusan side. In Rhegion there was a party which acted with Lokroi against their own city. Kamarina, allied with Athens, wavered ; dislike to Syracuse and general Dorian sympathies were forces that pulled two ways. And we hear something of the older nations of Sicily. The Elymians of Segesta renewed their alliance with Athens, a fact of which nothing came at the time, but a great deal afterwards. Among the Sikels we hear that King Archonides, the friend of Ducetius, was, as he might expect, a firm ally of Athens. In Inessa, the Sikel town of which we have heard so often, we find a state of things such as often was seen in Greece itself in the Macedonian times. The town was a separate commonwealth, but it was controlled by a Syracusan garrison in its akropolis. And one story most curiously illustrates Sikel feeling. The Sikels had a special grudge against Naxos, as having been the beginning of Greek settlement in their land. But they hated Syracuse yet more, as being far more dangerous. So when the Syracusans and Messanians attacked Naxos, a large body of Sikels came to its help. The Messanians were so much weakened that they called in fresh citizens from Lokroi. This grew into an union between the two commonwealths of Messana and Lokroi. Presently a new revolution HERMOKRATES AT GEL A. lOQ drove the Lokrians out again. All these things show how much more unstable things were in Sicily, and specially in Messana, than they were in Old Greece. Before long all parties in Sicily grew tired of a war in which nothing of any moment was done on either side. In 424 a larger Athenian fleet came, and its commanders called on their allies for more vigorous action. The call seemed to turn men the other way. Kamarina and Gela, colony and metropolis, first made peace with one another, and then invited the other cities to join with her. A congress was held at Gela ; and there we for the first time come across one of the most memorable men in Sicilian history. This was Hermokrates of Syracuse, the chief man in that city. He was suspected of not being a friend to the democratic constitution ; but no city ever had a wiser or truer leader in war and all foreign affairs, and men trusted him accordingly. At Gela he made a most remarkable speech. It is essentially the speech of the statesman of a colony. He cares for more than Syracuse ; he cares for all Greek Sicily. But he does not, as some few did, care for the whole Greek folk everywhere. His teaching is that the Sikeliot cities should, if possible, keep peace among themselves ; but that, in any case, they should not let any one out of Sicily meddle in their affairs. They should all join together to keep any strangers out. He tells the lonians of Sicily that the friendship of Athens is all a blind. Athens, like all other states, is simply seek- ing dominion where she can find it. It is the com- mon business of them all to keep her from finding any in Sicily. no SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE. Two things maybe noticed in this speech. Hermo- krates speaks of all Greeks out of Sicily as strangers. He does not even except his own metropolis of Corinth. And he speaks as if all Sicily were a Greek land. No one would find out from his speech that there were any Phcenicians, Sikels, or Elymians in the island. That is to say, the speech is one made for that particular moment. Just then no barbarian power was threatening, and a Greek power was. And when he argued against keeping out Athenians, he could not ask to let in Corinthians. Hermo- krates knew perfectly well, and he showed it when the time came, how precious the friendship of Corinth might be to Syracuse, and how the enmity of Car- thage was only sleeping. Hcrmokrates prevailed, and peace was made. Each city v^as to keep what it had at the time. If Athenians or other strangers came in a single ship, they were to be received, but not more. The peace was accepted by the Italiot cities also, save Lokroi, where hatred to Athens was too strong. And the Athenian com- manders were forced to accept it also, for which they were fined and banished when they got home. Some- thing was gained. There was general, if not perfect, peace in Sicily ; there were disturbances, but only in a small part of the island ; and the next time the Athenians tried to meddle, they could do nothing at all. The next quarrel that broke out in Sicily is memor- able because it became one of the occasions of the great Athenian invasion some years later. After the NEW WAR AT LEONTINOI. Ill peace, the people of Leontinoi thought good to strengthen themselves by taking in a body of new citizens. This they did, but when it was proposed to give the new citizens lots of land, the oligarchic party in Leontinoi grew angry. We can only guess how things stood ; but most likely the lots were to be made out of folkland, which the rich men may have occupied, just as they did at Rome. The oligarchs asked for help at Syracuse. Syracuse was a democracy, and should not have helped oligarchs ; but the temptation to win dominion or influence at Leontinoi was too strong. A bargain was struck. The commons were driven out ; the oligarchs removed to Syracuse and received citizenship ; the commonwealth of Leontinoi was merged in Syracuse, and the town became a Syra- cusan fortress, like Megara. Presently some of the settlers at Syracuse repented, and joined the ex- pelled commons in occupying a Leontine fort and one of the two akropokis of Leontinoi. Thus there was again a shadow of the Leontine commonwealth, which sought for help at Athens. Athens was now, in 422, much less powerful than she had been in 425. Instead of sending a fleet, she sent only two ships carrying envoys, who were to try and get up a league in Sicily to check the encroach- ment of Syracuse, and specially to restore Leontinoi, Several cities, as Akragas and Kamarina, hearkened, but nothing was done. No one would stir, unless the Athenians came with a powerful fleet. So Athens had to leave Sicily alone for six years, during which we hear nothing more of Sicilian affairs. The Leontine remnant seem to have held out, and 112 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE. presently a new source of quarrel began at the other end of the island. This was one of the frequent border-quarrels between the Greeks of Selinous and the Elymians of Segesta. Besides boundaries, they quarrelled about risfhts of marriage. This shows that the two cities must have had the coiimibiiim or right of inter- marriage, and that shows that the Segestans must have largely adopted Greek ways. The Segestans first asked help of Carthage, the common enemy of all SEGESTA. C. 415. Greeks ; getting none there, they remembered their alliance with Athens some years back. So in 416 Segestan envoys came to i\thens to ask for help against Selinous, and with them came envoys from the remnant of the Leontines to ask for help against Syracuse. Athens and Sparta were just then nomi- nally at peace ; but there were many grounds of quarrel, out of which war might break out again at any moment. Athens had now fully recovered her power. She was full of hopeful spirits, eager for some bold enterprise, and not knowing how great an undertaking it was to wage a really effective war so APPEAL OF SEGESTA TO ATHENS. II3 far off as Sicily. Their leader was the famous Alkibiadcs, the most dangerous of counsellors, brave, eloquent, enterprising, but utterly unprincipled and thinking first of all of his own vain glory. He strongly pleaded for helping Segesta and Lcontinoi, looking forward, so he said afterwards, to the conquest of all Sicily and of Carthage, and to all manner of impossible schemes. He was opposed by Nikias, the most trusted general of the commonwealth, an honest man and a good officer, but by nature slow to act, and who knew better than Alkibiades how vain all his schemes were. He had also had the chief hand in making the peace with Sparta, and he did not wish to run the risk of breaking it. In the first assembly in which the matter was debated at Athens, it was voted to send envoys to Sicily, to see how matters stood there, and specially to find out whether the Segestans had any money, as they boasted of having a great deal. The story went that these envoys and the other Athenians who went with them were taken in at Segesta in a strange way. The Segestans took them to see the temple on Eryx and its wealth, where the envoys were deceived by taking silver-gilt vessels for solid gold. Then they got together all the gold and silver plate in their city, and all that they could borrow anywhere else, and asked the Athenians to a series of banquets, at which each man passed off all the plate as his own. So the envoys went back, thinking that Segesta was a very rich city, and taking with them sixty talents as an earnest. This was early in 415. And now, though Nikias argued as strongly as he could 9 114 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE. against it, the expedition to Sicily was decreed. Three generals were put in command, Nikias him- self, Alkibiades, and Lamachos. Lamachos was not a rich man or a political leader like Nikias and Alkibiades ; so he had not the same influence. But he was one of the two best soldiers in Athens. The other was Demosthenes, of whom we shall presently hear. And now the greatest force that had ever sailed from any Greek haven set forth to help Segesta and Leontinoi. Besides the force of Athens herself and her subject allies, she had in this war several willing allies, specially Argos, and Korkyra, ready to fight against her sister. There were 136 ships of war, 5,100 heavy-armed, 1,300 light troops. But where Syracuse was strongest, Athens was weakest. Only 30 horsemen were sent to meet the famous cavalry of Syracuse. When men heard in Sicily that this great force was coming, the more part disbelieved the story. But Hermokrates told the Syracusan assembly that the news was true, and that they must make ready in every way to meet the danger. They must make alliances in Sicily, Italy, and everywhere, specially at Sparta, Corinth, and even Carthage. But they were not without hopes. He knew that the most experienced of the Athenian generals disliked his errand, and he said that the very greatness of the force would frighten men, and hinder the Athenians from getting allies. All this was perfectly wise and true, as was everything that Hermokrates said and did about foreign matters. HERMOKRATES AND ATHENAGORAS. II5 But his home politics were suspected ; so the dema- gogue Athenagoras arose to answer him. In his speech he gave the best definition of democracy ever given. It is the rule of the whole people, as opposed to oligarchy, the rule of a part. In a democracy the rich men, the able men, and the people at large, all have their spheres of action. The able men are to devise measures, and the people at large are to judge of them. But even in the most demo- cratic states a kind of official class often silently grows up, men who are put forward in all matters, and who sometimes seem to keep the knowledge of affairs to themselves. Athenagoras, the opposition speaker, talks as the representative of those who were kept in the dark. He will not believe that the Athenians are coming ; the tale is got up by official men in their own interests. Here he was quite wrong, and his counsel was bad. But he was wrong simply through not knowing the facts. On his own showing, his speech is both sensible and patriotic. It was as Hermokrates said. The greatness of the force frightened even those who were friendly to Athens. The fleet met at Korkyra and sailed along the Italian coast ; but it was only at Rhegion that they were received with the least favour, and even there they were not allowed to come within the walls. And now the Athenian generals found out how the envoys had been cheated at Segcsta. All the monc)- in the hoard of that city was only thirty talents, that is, half a month's pay for the Athenian fleet. The generals then debated what to do. Nikias simply wanted to <7et the fleet home again with as little damage Il6 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE. as possible. He said that they were sent to settle the affairs of Segesta and Selinous. Let them go and bring those two cities to any kind of agreement ; then let them sail round Sicily, show men what the force of Athens was, and then go home. Alkibiades, who had much wider schemes and who wished to show off his own powers of diplomacy, said that they should first make all the allies they could ; then let them call on Syracuse and Selinous to do justice to Leontinoi and Segesta ; and, if they would not, then attack them. Lamachos, who looked at things simply as a soldier, was for attacking Syracuse at once. Their force, he said, was now in perfect order ; the Syracusans were frightened and unprepared. If they waited, their own strength would lessen, the fear of them would go off, and the enemy would be ready to resist them. But the other generals did not agree to this. So Lamachos joined the opinion of Alki- biades. The Athenians sailed about to seek for allies, while the Syracusans made ready for the defence. The only allies they found at this stage were Naxos and Katane. The Naxians were really zealous for the Leontines, At Katane men were divided ; but the more part were for Athens. By the accident of some Athenian soldiers making their way into the town while Alkibiades was speaking in the assembl}', the enemies of Athens were frightened away, and the rest accepted the Athenian alliance. Katane now became the Athenian headquarters. Messana would only give a market outside the walls. Kamarina would receive one ship only, according to the treaty. All this caused the fleet to sail backwards and for- RECALL OF ALKIBIADES. II7 wards. One time they sailed into the Great Harbour of Syracuse ; they made a proclamation for the Leon- tines to join them, and then sailed out again. They did a little plundering and skirmishing, not always successfully. In all these ways the Syracusans got used to the sight of the great fleet going to and fro, and doing nothing. Their fear of it therefore wore off, just as Lamachos had said that it would. At this point Alkibiades was called back to Athens, to take his trial on a charge of impiety. The famous story of the Hermes-breaking and all that followed it, so memorable in the history of Athens, does not concern us in Sicily, except as it turned Alkibiades from the general of the Athenians into the best counsellor of Sparta and Corinth against his own city. For he did not go back to Athens for his trial, but escaped to Peloponnesos, where we shall hear of him again. Meanwhile the command of the Athenian force in Sicily was left practically in the hands of Nikias. Now Nikias could always act well when he did act ; but it was very hard to make him act, above all on an errand which he hated. One might say that Syracuse was saved through the delays of Nikias. He now went off to petty expe- ditions in the west of Sicily, under cover of settling matters at Segesta. He really did nothing except take the one Sikan town of Hykkara on the north coast, which was hostile to Segesta, and sell all its people. Himera refused to join Athens; nothing was done at Selinous ; the Athenians could not take the Sikel town of Galeatic Hybla near /Etna, the seat of the goddess so called. Then they went into winter- Il8 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE. quarters at Katane (B.C. 415-414). The Syracusans by this time quite despised the invaders. Their liorscmcn rode up to the camp of the Athenians at Katane, and asked them if they had come into Sicily merely to sit down there as colonists. But the great danger against which Hermokrates had warned his fellow citizens was not to pass away so easily as this. The invaders were still in the land, and their leader could act vigorously when- ever he did act. By a clever stratagem, a false message which professed to come from the Syracusan party in Katane, Nikias beguiled the whole Syracuse force to come out to a supposed attack on the Athenian camp. Meanwhile the Athenian army went on board the ships and sailed in the night into the Great Harbour. There they encamped near the Olympieion; but Nikias took care to do no wrong to the temple and its precinct. A battle was fought next day on the low ground by the Anapos. The Athenians had the better, but the Syracusan horsemen kept them from pursuing. Nikias made this an excuse for doing nothing more, saying that he could not act without more horsemen and more money. So the day after the battle the Athenian fleet sailed away again, and took up their quarters for the rest of the winter at Naxos. One asks which did most for the deliverance of Syracuse, Hermokrates or Nikias. Hermokrates meanwhile bade his countrymen keep up their spirits. They had done as well in battle as could be expected ; they only wanted dis- cipline. And to that end it would be well to have fewer generals and to give them greater powers. So BATTLE BEFORE SYRACUSE. llCj at the next election, instead of fifteen generals they chose only three, of whom Hermokrates was one. They then went and burned the empty Athenian camp at Katane, and spent the rest of the winter in prepara- tions and fresh fortifications. The city was now again enlarged by taking the Tememites, the precinct of Apollon, within the walls. The winter (B.C. 415-414) was chiefly spent on both sides in sending embassies to and fro to gain allies. Nikias also sent home to Athens, asking for horse- men and money, and the people, without a word of rebuke, voted him all that he asked. A very instruc- tive debate took place in the assembly of Kamarina, where envoys from both sides were heard. Hermo- krates again preached Sicilian unity, and called on Kamarina to help herself by helping Syracuse. The Athenians, he said, did not care for the Leontines and their Ionian kindred. They only wanted do- minion, and they would treat Sikeliot allies just as they treated their allies nearer home. While they were talking in Sicily about the freedom of the Chalkidians, they were holding their metropolis Chalkis in bondage. Then the Athenian orator Euphemos answered that the Athenians did every- where what suited their own interests. They made their allies subject or left them free, just as suited them. They had made some of their allies into subjects, because it suited their interest to do so ; others they had left free, for the same reason. In Sicily, at that distance, it was their interest to have free allies. It was not Athens, he said, but S}'racuse, that threatened the freedom of anybody in Sicily. 120 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE. The men of Kamarina were mostly inclined to Athens ; but it seemed safer to be neutral. So they voted that, as the Syracusans and Athenians were both their friends, they could not help either of them against the others. The Athenians also sought alliances among barbarians as well as among Greeks. IMost of the Sikels took their side, but not all. And their help was valuable, as supplying horsemen, Horsemen too came from Segesta, The Etruscans also, old enemies of Syracuse, sent some help. But nothing came of an Athenian embassy to Carthage. The Cartha- ginians, we may be sure, were already biding their time for their great attack on Greek Sicily. But they meant, whenever they made it, to make it for their own profit, and not to strengthen so dangerous a power as Athens. But the most important embassy of all was that which the Syracusans sent to Corinth and Sparta. Corinth zealously took up the cause of her colony and pleaded for Syracuse at Sparta. And at Sparta Corinth and Syracuse found a helper in the banished Athenian Alkibiades, who was now doing all that he could against Athens. He told them everything, true and false, about the wonderful schemes of Athens at the beginning of the war. He told the Spartans to occupy a fortress in Attica, which they soon after- wards did, and a great deal came of it. But he also told them to give vigorous help to Syracuse, and above all things to send a Spartan commander. The mere name of Sparta went for a great deal in those days ; but no man could have been better chosen ALKIDIADES AT SPARTA. 121 tlian the Spartan who was sent. He was Gylippos, the dehvcrer of Syracuse. He was more hke an Athenian than a Spartan, quick and ready of re- source, which iew Spartans were. We shall see what he did presently ; but he had no chance of doing anything just yet. We must remember that at this stage Peloponnesian help to Syracuse has not yet come, but is making ready. And now at last, when the spring came (414) Nikias was driven to do something. He had again moved his headquarters from Naxos to Katane. Money and horsemen had come from Athens, but their horses were to be found in Sicily. Meanwhile Lamachos — for it must have been he — planned an attack such as he had doubtless meant from the beginning. It is very strange that the strong point called Euryalos at the western end of the hill of Epipolai had never been fortified. Almost at the same moment Hermokrates determined to guard it and Lamachos to attack it. The Athenian ships now carried the army to a point in the bay of Megara as near as might be to the west end of the hill, and then took up its station at Thapsos. From the coast the Athenians marched with all speed and climbed up the hill. At that very moment Hermokrates was holding a review of the Syracusan force in the meadows of the Anapos. He sent 600 men to guard Euryalos, not knowing that the enemy were already there. So first the 600, and then the whole Syracusan force that followed, were driven back by the Athenians. The Athenians now occupied all that part of the hill which lay outside SYRACUSE SHOWING THE ATHENIAN SIEGE. City Wall ... Athenian Well. Syracusan Wallb =^ AA First Wall B3 Second Wall CC Third Wall = J. , Jfirst Mia fcfvX>:^ r5:^:o:n=g« ^//^'''*y'< Mile C ^1 \^:i-^=,_J/ '^^v .Flemmyrion I.IAP OF SYRACUSE DURING THE ATHENIAN SIEGE. THE ATHENIANS ON THE HILL. 1 23 the walls of Syracuse. They were joined by their horsemen, Greek and Si]-:cl, and after nearly a year, the siege of Syracuse really began. The object of the Athenians now was to build a wall across the hill and to carry it down to the sea on both sides. Syracuse would thus be hemmed in. The object of the Syracusans was to build a cross- wall of their own, which should hinder the Athenian wall from reaching the two points it aimed at. This they tried more than once ; but in vain. There were several fights on the hill, and at last there was a fight of more importance on the lower ground by the Great Harbour. The Athenian wall had been carried down the south side of the hill ; it was carried across the low ground in the shape of a double line, and it had nearly reached the water. The Syracusans were doing all that they could to stop it by means of a counter-wall. The Athenian army therefore went down, and a battle followed on the low ground by the Anapos. The Syracusans were defeated, as far as fighting went ; but they gained far more than they lost. For Lamachos was killed, and with him all vigour passed away from the Athenian camp. At the same moment the Athenian fleet sailed into the Great Harbour, and a Syracusan attack on the Athenian works on the hill was defeated. Nikias remained in command of the invaders ; but he was grievously sick, and for once in his life his head seems to have been turned by success. He finished the wall on the south side; but he neglected to finish it on the north side also, so that Syracuse was not really hemmed in. But the hearts of the Syracusans sank; 124 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE. they grew wroth with Hcrmokrates and his colleagues and chose other generals. At last a party which had always been favourable to Athens prevailed so far that a day was appointed to discuss terms of sur- render. It was at this darkest moment of all that deliverance came. On the very day that had been fixed for the assembly, a Corinthian ship, under its captain Gongylos, sailed into the Little Harbour. He brought the news that other ships were on their way from Peloponnesos to the help of Syracuse, and, yet more, that a Spartan general was actually in Sicily, getting together a land force for the same end. As soon as the good news was heard, there was no more talk of surrender. That day was the turning- point of the whole war. It was as Gongylos said. The Peloponnesian fleet was not large, hardly twenty ships, nearly all from Corinth and her colonies. And they were somewhat slow in coming ; but they were at last on their way. Gylippos at first heard that Syracuse was altogether hemmed in. He gave up all hope for Sicily, but he thought of saving the Dorian cities of Italy. Nikias heard of their coming ; but he only sent four .ships to watch, and they were too late. For presently Gylippos heard that the Athenian wall was not finished on the north side, and that it was still possible to get into Syracuse by way of the hill. So he bade the Corinthians go on to Syracuse by sea ; he himself sailed to Himera, and waited awhile, collecting troops, Greek and Sikel. Himera, Gela, and Selinous all sent help. The Sikel king Archonides of Herbita, the friend of Ducetius, had lately died. He had been a firm ally of Athens ; COMING OF GYLIPPOS. I25 but now Gylippos was able to win a large Sikcl force to his side. Nikias heard all this; but he still loitered; the north v/all was not carried to the brow of the hill. And one day the Athenian camp was startled by the appearance of a Lacedsemonian herald, offering- them a truce of five days, that they might get them out of Sicily with bag and baggage. Gylippos was now on the hill. He of course did not expect that the Athenian army would really go away in five days, l^ut it was a great thing to show both to the besiegers and to the Syracusans that the deliverer had come, and that deliverance was beginning. Nikias had kept such bad watch that Gylippos and his troops had come up the hill and the Syracusans had come out and met them, without his knowledge. The Spartan, as a matter of course, took the command of the whole force ; he offered battle to the Athenians, which they refused ; he then entered the city. The very next day he began to carry out his scheme. This was to build a group of forts near the western end of the hill, and to join them to the city by a wall running east and west, which would hinder the Athenians from ever finishing their wall to the north. Each side went on building, and some small actions took place. The Athenians also occupied the point called Plemmyrion on the south side of the mouth of the Great Harbour. This served them both to watch the mouth and to secure a better station for their ships. To meet this stroke, the S)-racusans occupied Polichna, and constant skirmishings went on between the two outposts. Gylippos too finished his 126 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE. forts and wall, and cut off the Athenians from all communication to the north. The whole stress of the war was now in the Great Harbour and the south side of the hill. Another winter (B.C. 414-413) now came on, and with it much sending of envoys. Gylippos went about Sicily collecting fresh troops. All the Dorian cities, save Akragas, which remained neutral, now gave help, Kamarina among them. The cause of Syracuse was felt to be the common cause. Envoys were sent to Sparta and Corinth, and at last a considerable force from various parts of the Peloponnesian alliance was got ready. The main part was very long in coming ; but a few came more speedily ; among them a gallant band from Thespia in Boiotia. Meanwhile Nikias wrote a letter to the Athenian people. This was an unusual step ; hitherto he had sent only messages. He told the people that he wished them to know the exact truth, in how bad a case the army and fleet were. The ships were worn out; the men were deserting; Gylippos had come into Syracuse, and by his wall-building the besiegers were SECOND EXPEDiriON VOTED. 127 themselves more truly besieged. He did not say, perhaps he did not fully understand, how completely all this was his own fault. But he asked to be relieved of his command on the ground of sickness and long service. And he told the people that they must choose between two things. They must either recall the fleet and army before Syracuse, or else they must send out another force quite equal to that which they had first sent out two years before. This letter came at a time when the Lacedaemonian alliance had determined to renew the war with Athens, and when they were making everything ready for an invasion of Attica. To send out a new force to Sicily was simple madness. Wc hear nothing of the debates in the Athenian assembly, whether any one argued against going on with the Sicilian war, and whether any demagogue laid any blame on Nikias. But the assembly voted that a new force equal to the first should be sent out under Demo- sthenes, the best soldier in Athens, and Eurymedon. The people refused to relieve Nikias of his command, but ordered two of his officers, Menandros and Euthy- demos, to share it with him. Eurymedon was sent out with this message, and with 120 talents in money ; he then sailed back to join Demosthenes. At Syracuse, since the coming of Gylippos, Hermo- krates, though no longer general, was again listened to, as an adviser. He and Gylippos were now exhort- ing the Syracusans to attack the fleet of the besiegers before the new Athenian force came out. He told them that the Athenians had not always been strong by sea ; they had taken to it only at the time of the 128 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE. Persian invasion ; till then the Syracusans had had more to do with the sea than they. What the Athe- nians had done, the Syracusans might do also. And he said that the strength of the Athenians lay, not in their real power, but in their daring which frightened everybody. The Syracusans had only to meet them with equal daring. Thus stirred up, they made an attack on Plemmyrion by land and sea. At sea, after a hard fight, the Syracusans were defeated ; but Gylippos took the Athenian forts on Plemmyrion, and the besieging fleet had now to go to the inner part of the harbour, to the small piece of coast between the two Athenian walls. Here they were pent up close to the Syracusan docks, and constant skirmishes went on. Meanwhile the Syracusans were strengthened by help both in Sicily and from Peloponnesos. Their main object now was to strike a blow at the fleet of Nikias before the new force came. To this end the Corinthian officers taught them to make some changes in their naval tactics. The Athenian sailors did not think much of directly meeting an enemy's ship beak to beak. Their skill lay mainly in skilful manoeuvres, sailing backwards and forwards, and attacking the enemy at any weak point. For this they had less room in the Great Harbour than in the open sea ; so the Corinthians taught the Syracusans to make their beaks very heavy and strong for the direct attack. So taught, and skilfully guided by the Corinthian Ariston, the besiegers attacked the besieging camp by land and sea. In the second day's fighting the Syra- cusans had the great delight of defeating the dreaded COMING OF DEMOSTHEN&S AND EURYMEDON. 1 29 Athenians on their own clement. Their spirits rose high ; S}'racuse did indeed seem to be delivered. It had been just when the Syracusans were most downcast that they were cheered by the coming of the Corinthians and of Gylippos. And just now that their spirits were highest, they were dashed again by the coming of Demosthenes and Eurymedon. A fleet as great as the first, seventy-five ships, carrying 5,000 heavy-armed and a crowd of light troops of every kind, sailed into the Great Harbour with all warlike pomp. The Peloponnesians were already in Attica ; they had planted a Pelopon- nesian garrison there, which brought Athens to great straits ; but the fleet was sent out to Syra- cuse all the same. Demosthenes knew what to do as well as Lamachos had known. He saw that there was nothing to be done but to try one great blow, and, if that failed, to take the fleet home again. The worst thing of all for the Athenians was the wall that Gylippos had built along the hill from west to east. Demosthenes first attacked it from the south side, but in vain. His next plan was to march all round the west end of the hill, and climb up by night at the point on the north side where the Athenians had gone up first ot all. Demosthenes, Menandros, and Eurymedon, leaving Nikias in the camp, set out with provisions for five da}-s, with masons and carpenters and all that was wanted, and marched round to the north side of Epipolai. The attack was at first successful, and the Athenians took two of the Syracusan forts. But the Thespian allies of Syracuse stood their ground; 10 130 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE. and drove the assailants back. Utter confusion fol- lowed. The moon gave light enough to sec, but not to tell friend from foe. The watchword got known, and as there were Dorian Greeks, using the same war- cry, on both sides, the Athenians did not know Argeian friends from Corinthian enemies. At last the Athe- nians were driven over the hill-side, and many died by leaping or falling from the cliffs. The soldiers who had come first with Nikias, and who knew the country, for the most part escaped to the camp ; the new comers lost their way, and were cut down in the morning by Syracusan horsemen. The last chance was now lost, and Demosthenes was eager to go home. But Nikias would stay on ; he said that he knew from his friends in Syracuse that the Syracusans were worse off than they were. He would not even agree when Demosthenes and Eurymedon prayed him to move the camp to Thapsos or Katane. But when sickness grew in the camp, when fresh help from Sicily and the great body of the allies from Peloponnesos came in to Syracuse, he at last agreed to go. Just at that moment the moon was eclipsed. Few men then knew what an eclipse of the moon really was, and Nikias and his army were frightened at it as a warning against start- ing. Nikias consulted his soothsayers, and he gave out that they must stay tw^ent3^-nine days, another full revolution of the moon. This resolve was the destruction of the besieging army. The object of Gylippos and the Syracusans now was to destroy the enemy in the harbour, lest they should get out and carry on the war from some other ECLIPSE OF THE MOON. 131 point. An attack was made by land and sea. The land attack was beaten back, chiefly by the Etruscan allies of Athens ; but by sea the Syracusans had the better, and Eurymcdon was killed. The hopes and spirits of the Syracusans grew higher than ever. They fully felt the greatness of their position, as the centre of the war which divided all Greece, with so many allies on their side, their mother-city Corinth, and the great name of Sparta herself In the eyes of most Greeks at the time, Athens was the enemy of independence everywhere ; let them destroy the armament now before Syracuse, and the enemy would be so weakened as to be no longer dangerous. The Athenians, on their side, had given up all hope of taking Syracuse ; their only hope was to get home with as little damage as might be, and help their own city which was now so hardly pressed. It was felt on both sides that all would turn on one more fight by sea, the Athenians striving to get out of the harbour, and the Syracusans striving to keep them in it. The Syracusans now blocked up the mouth of the harbour by mooring vessels across it. The Athenians left their position on the hill, a sign that the siege was over, and brought their whole force down to the shore. It was no time now for any skilful manoeuvres ; the chief thing was to make the sea-fight as much as might be like a land-fight, a strange need for Athenians. New devices were devised on each side. The Athenians tried grappling irons, called iron hands ; the Syracusans covered their prows with leather to escape their grasp. Nikias, at his best now things were at the worst, went round exhorting all the 132 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE. Athenian captains. He stayed on shore with the land force, while the other generals went on board. The last fight now began, no Athenian ships against 80 of the Syracusans and their allies. Never before did so many ships meet in so small a space. The Syracusans had the great advantage of having the whole shore open to them, while the Athenians had only the small space between their walls. The Athenian ships sailed straight for the mouth of the harbour ; the Syracusans attacked them from all sides. The fight was long and confused ; at last the Athenians gave way and fled to the shore. The battle and the invasion were over. Syracuse was not only saved ; she had begun to take vengeance on her eneinies. But there were still 40,000 men in the Athenian camp, and Hermokrates feared that they might gain some friendly point, Greek or Sikel, and might still be dangerous. But these 40,000 men were utterly broken in spirit ; even the devout Nikias did not ask for the bodies of the dead. The men positively refused, when Demosthenes wished them to try one more chance by sea. There was therefore nothing for them to do but to seek some place of safety by land ; and it was the object of Gylippos and Hermokrates to hinder them from so doing. But the day was a high day, a feast of Herakles, and in the maddening joy of the great deliverance men would not turn out to do any more work at least till the morrow. Hermokrates therefore sent a false message, in the name of Nikias' friends in Syracuse, saying that the roads were already stopped, and it was in vain to set out that night. By this LAST BATTLE AND RETREAT. I33 means Gylippos found time to stop all the roads, bridges, and passes. The Athenians waited one day, and then set out, hoping to make their way to some safe place among the friendly Sikels in the inland country. The sick had to be left behind, and the horsemen and heavy- armed had to carry their own provisions, for their slaves had all run away. In this strait Nikias, sick and weak as he was, did all that he could to maintain order and to keep up the spirits of his men. They marched along, but very slowly, as the Syracusan horsemen and darters harassed them at every step. It seldom came to hand to hand fighting. When it did, the Athenians still had the advantage. But when they got into a narrow and stony gorge which led to their first point, a gorge just beyond the present town of Floridia, they found it impossible to get on, because of the darters above and the heavy-armed who stopped the pass. On the sixth day, after frightful toil, they determined to change their course. They would now strike into the road to Heloron and march nearer the coast, till they could reach the inland country by going up the bed of one of the rivers. They hoped to find Sikcl allies at the first of them, the Kakyparls or Cassibile. They set out in two divisions, that of Nikias going first. Much better order was kept in the front division, and by the time Nikias reached the river, Demosthenes was six miles behind. But instead of Sikel friends, the banks were guarded by Syracusan enemies. The Athenians drove them off, their last success in the war. But they did not now think of 134 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE. trying the bed of the Kakyparis, but rather of some stream further on. They halted for the night by another stream, the Erineos. And in the morning a Syracusan force came up with the frightful news that the whole division of Demosthenes were prisoners. They called on Nikias to surrender also. A truce was made for Nikias to send a horseman to find out the truth, and he came back to say that the Syracusans had overtaken the division of Demosthenes in a diffi- cult piece of ground, and had by many harassing SYRACUSAN PENTfeKONTALITRON. [Prize Arms oj Assinarian Ga7nes.) attacks brought them to surrender. Demosthenes made no terms for himself, but the Syracusans promised that of the 6,000 men that he had left none should be put to death either at once or by lack of food or intolerable bonds. They now called on Nikias to do the like. This he refused, but he proposed to G}^lippos that the Athenian army that was left should be allowed to go free out of Sicily on condition of Athens repaying to Syracuse all the costs of the war, and leaving citizen hostages till the money was paid. SVKACUSAN bTONE QUARRY. 136 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE. This was refused ; the Athenians tried in vain to escape in the night. The next morning they set out, harassed as before, and driven wild by intolerable thirst. They at last reached the river Assinaros, which runs by the present town of Noto. There was the end. The Athenians had doubtless meant to go up the bed of the river, and they did not expect to find so distant a stream guarded by S}-racusan troops. But so it was. Yet the Athenians were so maddened by thirst that, though men were falling under the darts and the water was getting muddy and bloody, they thought of nothing but drinking. Then a body of Pelo- ponnesians were sent down to slay them in the river bed. Nikias then prayed Gylippos to deal with him as he pleased, but to spare the slaughter of his men. No further terms were made ; most of the horsmen contrived to cut their way out ; the rest were made prisoners. Most of them were embezzled by Syra- cusans as their private slaves ; but about 7,000 men out of the two divisions were led prisoners into Syracuse. They were shut up in the stone- quarries, with no further heed than to give each man daily half a slave's allowance of food and drink. Many died ; many were sold ; some escaped, or were set free ; the rest were after a while taken out of the quarries and set to work. The generals had made no terms for themselves. Hermokrates wished to keep them as hostages against future Athenian attempts against Sicily. Gylippos wished to take them in triumph to Sparta. The Corinthians were for putting them to death ; and so it was done, END OF THE ATHENIAN INVASION. 137 So ended the Athenian invasion of Sicily, the greatest attempt ever made by Greeks against Greeks, and that which came to the most utter failure. It is wonderful that Athens could bear up as she did for several years after such frightful loss. In Sicily war still went on between Syracuse and the Chalkidians in the island ; but the most notable result was that Syracuse and Sclinous now repaid the help that they had received from Corinth and the whole Pelo- ponnesian alliance by sending ships to serve against Athens (B.C. 412). Hermokrates and the Syracusans won special credit by their conduct in the war that was waging along the coast of Asia. The Spartans had now joined in an alliance against Athens with the Persian king Darius and his satrap Tissa- phernes. They took pay from the barbarian and acknowledged him as master of all the Greek cities of Asia. Hermokrates did not directly refuse the alliance ; but he withstood the satrap when he tried to cut down the men's pay, while the bribed Spartan officers connived at it. And when the people of Miletos pulled down the castle which Tissapherncs had built in their city, the Spartan commanders bade them be quiet and serve the King ; but Hermokrates and the Syracusans stood their friends. The Sikeliot contingent was foremost in every battle, and they won themselves favour everywhere by their good conduct. But Hermokrates naturally drew on himself the bitter hatred of the satrap Tissapherncs. Meanwhile party strife was going on at S}-racusc. There, just as at Athens after the driving back of the Persians, the tendency of deliverance and victory was 138 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE.' to make things more democratic. A popular leader named Diokles had now the chief influence at Syracuse, and he is said to have drawn up a new code of laws. He was of course opposed to Hermokrates, and it was doubtless through him that (B.C. 409) a decree was passed deposing and banishing both him and the other generals who were in command in the ^gaean. This seems to us very unjust ; but it is only fair to remember that the Sikeliot ships had been sent in the hope of a speedy overthrow of the power of Athens by the joint force of Peloponnesos and Sicily. Nothing of the kind had happened, and there was doubtless sore disappointment at home. When the decree came out, the officers and seamen wished Hermokrates and his colleagues to keep their command in defiance of the orders from home. But they told their men to submit to the decree of the common- wealth, and consented only to keep the command till their successors came out. Then they withdrew. Many of the officers swore that, when they got back to Syracuse, they would do all that they could to bring about the restoration of Hermokrates and his colleagues. But he himself took other means to the same end which showed that the suspicions against him at home were not wholly without ground. Hated by Tissaphernes, he was on good terms with the rival satrap Pharnabazos, and from him he received a large sum of money to bring about his return to Syracuse how he could. Meanwhile the Sikeliots in the ALgxan were able to show that they could do good service even without Hermokrates. They still kept up their character for BANISHMENT OF HERMOKRATES. 139 bravery and good conduct. A strange adventure happened to some of them who were taken prisoners by the Athenians. They too were shut up in stone- quarries, to avenge the sufferings of the Athenians at Syracuse. But they contrived to dig their way out through the rock. Presently all the forces of Sicily were needed elsewhere. While the men of Selinous were warring on the coast of Asia, news came out that Selinous was no longer a city. The Sikeliots presently sailed back, being able to do the Peloponnesian cause one last service on the way. They helped to win back for Sparta the fort of Pylos, which Demosthenes had set up on Lacedaemonian ground in one of the earlier expeditions against Sicily. That was the last Sikeliot exploit in the eastern seas. There was reason indeed to call for every ship and every man of Greek Sicily for work in his own island. The news that had come from Selinous was true. A more frightful blow than the Athenian invasion threatened every Greek city in Sicily. The second Carthaginian invasion had begun. lUMERA. C. 430 B.C. IX. THE SECOND CARTHAGINIAN INVASION. B.C. 413-404- [For tliis chapter our authority is ahnost wholly the narrative of Diodoros. He followed various earlier writers, and sometimes quotes them. Those available now were Philistos the contemporary Syracusan historian, Ephoros the general historian of Greece, and Timaios, the later Sicilian writer. This is one of the best parts of Diodoros' narrative, and it is plain that he must have made large use of Philistos ; still it is a fall from Thucydides.] Carthage had been quiet, as far as concerned Sicily, all through the Athenian war. The schemes of Athens had threatened her ; but nothing had come of the proposal of Hermokrates to seek Carthaginian help for Syracuse. After the defeat of the Athenians, there seems to have been perfect peace between Greeks and Phoenicians in Sicil}-. But two local wars were going on at the two ends of the island, out of one of which much was to come. The Athenian war was in a manner continued in the warfare which Syracuse was carrying on without much zeal against the allies of Athens, Katane and Naxos. And in western Sicily the story of the 140 EXPEDITION OF HANNIBAL. 141 causes which led to the Athcniem invasion were acting over again. Segesta and Sclinous were still fighting on their borders, greatly to the advantage of Selinous. It was no use now for Segesta to ask help at Athens. Help was sought at Carthage, and, after some debates in the Carthaginian senate, it was granted. Segesta professed herself a dependent ally of Carthage. The man at Carthage who was most eager for war was the Shophet Hannibal son of Giskon, grandson of Hamilkar who died at Himera. He could have had no spite against Selinous. In that town there was a KATANE. C. 410. party friendly to Carthage, and his father, banished from Carthage, had found shelter there. But the one passion of his soul was to avenge his grandfather. He hated all Greeks, specially those of Himera. Being made general with full powers, he first sent over a body of Africans, and took into pay another body of Campanians, who had been hired for the Athenian service, but had come too late. Had they been wandering about Sicily all this time ? Hannibal contrived by subtle diplomacy to make S}'racuse neutral ; yet, when the Selinuntines asked for S}'ra- cusan help, it was voted, but not sent. But the 142 THE SECOND CARTHAGINIAN INVASION. dread of Syracuse caused Segesta to crave for further help from Carthage, and in the spring of the year B.C. 409, help came indeed. Hannibal spent the winter in bringing together a vast army from all parts. Two things are to be noticed about it. A large body of Carthaginians gave their personal service, and Hannibal somewhere found Greeks who were not ashamed to take his pay against their brethren. With 60 triremes and 1,500 other vessels of all kinds, carrying 4,000 horsemen and all kinds of military engines, he sailed from Car- thage to Lilybaion. He then left his ships at Motya, and marched straight upon Selinous. The news of his landing was brought to Selinous before he got there, or the city might have been taken unawares. As it was, there was no time to make ready for a siege. The Selinuntines were rich and prosperous ; they feared their Segestan enemies so little that they had let their defences go out of repair. They were busy building the greatest of the temples which w^e now see in ruins, and Hannibal's coming kept them from ever finishing it. He advanced from the west ; he took the Selinuntine outpost of Mazara ; and he seems to have encamped on the western hill of Selinous. He then brought up his men and his engines, and attacked the central hill, the hill of the akropolis. Horsemen were sent to ask for help from Akragas and Syracuse, but the men of both cities were slow to march. Selinous, left alone, held out, we are told, for nine days of constant fighting. At last the Iberians made their way in ; the rest followed ; a general massacre took place for a while ; SIEGE AND TAKING OF SELINOUS. 143 but some men escaped, and many women and children were spared as slaves. No such blow had ever before fallen on any Greek city of Sicily. Those who escaped found a kindly shelter at Akragas. And presently a body of 3,000 Syracusans under Diokles came, too late for any fighting. But Diokles and Empedion, the chief friend of Carthage at Selinous, who was among the refugees, made some kind of terms with Hannibal. Selinous ceased to exist as a city, even as a dependent city. It became part of the dominion of Carthage. Its walls were slighted ; but the remnant who had escaped to Akragas were allowed to go back to the site. But it does not appear that Hannibal wrought any greater damage than was needed for his purposes. The destruction of the temples was clearly not his doing, but the work of an earthquake. But he had done all that his Segestan allies could have asked for. They would never again be threatened by the Selinuntines. Hannibal had now seemingly done all that his commission from Carthage bade him do. But he had a further errand of his own ; he came to avenge the death of his grandfather Hamilkar. Himera was not to be let off so easily as Selinous. There neither men nor stones were to be spared. With his whole force, strengthened by some Sikans and Sikels who had joined him, he marched on Himera, and attacked the town with his engines, and also with mines. The men of Himera bore up stoutly for the first day. At night help came. The force which Diokles had led to Akragas had now grown to 5,000 144 ^"-f-^^ SECOND CARTHAGINIAN INVASION. and others were dropping in. A battle was fought beneath the walls, in which first the Greeks and then the barbarians had the better. At this moment, the Sikeliot fleet coming back from Asia, which had doubtless received orders on its voyage, came in sight of Himera. Then Hannibal cunningly spread abroad a false report that he was going to leave Himera, to march to Motya, to go on board his fleet, and to sail straight for Syracuse. Both Diokles and the officers of the fleet fell into this trap ; they thought their first duty was to save Syracuse. Diokles marched back to Syracuse in such haste as to forget the sacred duty of burying the dead. Himera was to be forsaken ; its inhabitants were to be taken by the ships in two parties to Messana. One party was taken safely ; the rest kept up the defence for one day. The next morning, just as the ships came within sight to save the second party, the barbarians broke into the city, and all was over. And now Hannibal had his own work to do. A massacre of course began ; but a mere massacre was not what he wanted. He gave the spoil to his soldiers ; the women and children were made slaves. Then all the men who were left, about 3,000, were taken to the place where Hamilkar had died. There they were insulted, tortured, and at last put to death as an offering to the ghost of Hamilkar. The walls of Himera were broken down ; the temples were plundered and burned ; the city, in short, was swept away. To this day there are mighty ruins at Selinous ; but the hill of Himera stands empty. So did Hannibal, with a mighty sacrifice, avenge HANNIBAL'S SACRIFICE. 145 the death of his grandfather. lie had cut Hellas short by two of her cities, and went back to Carthage with all honour. And now we hear again of Hermokrates. He had two objects, to bring about his own recall at Syracuse, and to do something for the Greek cause in Sicily. With the money that Pharnabazos had given him, he built five triremes ; he hired mercenaries ; volun- teers joined him ; and at the head of 2,000 men he marched to Syracuse. But the people were afraid of SYRACUSE. C. 409. HEAD OF ARETIIUSA. him and would not vote his recall, and he did not wish to use force. He then thought of doing some exploit which should win him favour. With no com- mission from any commonwealth, he made war on the Carthaginians on his own account. He occupied the akropolis of Selinous, and rebuilt the wall, where his work is still to be seen. Men flocked to help him, and, with 6,000 men, he did what no Greek had done before, what no Greek since Dorieus had tried to do. He marched into the very heart of the Carthaginian territory. The men of Motya were driven back into II 146 THE SECOND CARTHAGINIAN INVASION. their island. He then went where no Greek soldier had ever been, into the land of Panormos, where he won battles and gathered the rich fruits of the Golden Shell. Pyrrhos, Atilius, and Robert Wiscard, all learned the way from Hermokrates of Syracuse. After this, many at Syracuse wished to recall him ; but the vote could not be carried. He then made up his mind to do something which would still more strongly work on Syracusan feeling. He marched to Himera ; he took up the bones of the men whom Diokles had left unburied, and took them to Syracuse. The dead at last received their honours, and Diokles was banished ; but Hermokrates was not recalled. Now at last he determined to use force. And well would it have been for Syracuse if he had come in, even as tyrant. As it was, he contrived to enter the city with a small party of Syracusans only ; but the people withstood him and he was killed in the agora. Most of his followers were killed or banished. A few only escaped, those who were wounded and taken for dead. Among these was a m.emorable man indeed, Dionysios, son of another Hermokrates. We should hardly have looked to find him in the following of Hermokrates son of Hermon. For the dangerous point of Hermokrates was that he was thought to be disloyal to the democratic constitution. No one doubted that he sought, first of all, the independence and greatness of Syracuse and then the independence and well-being of all the Greek cities, Dionysios professed attachment to democracy, but only as a means of getting power for himself About this time a new town was founded, which DEATH OF HERMOKRATIlS. 147 came in some sort to represent the fallen Himera. At the Baths of Himera the Carthaginians planted a colony of Phoenicians and Africans. But it somehow came again into Greek hands ; so that the effect of the destruction of Himera was that a new town, a Greek town, though a dependency of Carthage, arose nearer to the Phoenician strongholds than Himera had been. Its name in Greek was Thcrina Hinicraia, and it still keeps the name of Termini, and has still its hot baths. Its people are often spoken of as men of Himera, No one doubted that a general Carthaginian attack on the Greek cities of Sicily would come before long. And those cities, fewer by two than they had been, were making every preparation. S}'racuse got her fleet ready, and found help in Italy and other quarters. Akragas, expecting to be attacked first, strengthened herself in every way, hiring mercenaries and getting a Lacedaemonian commander named Dexippos, who men hoped would be another Gylippos. Meanwhile Hannibal was ordered to lead another host against the Greeks. He had done his own work ; he asked to be let off on the ground of age ; but he had to go, only with his kinsman Himilkon as a colleague. The two set forth with a thousand ships of all kinds, and an army of the usual kind, reckoned at 100,000 — some said three times as many. The point aimed at was Akragas, but the Syracusan fleet was afloat, and began the war with a successful fight off the western coast. Then came the great siege of Akragas. Hannibal pitched his camp on the MAI' OF AKRAGAS. SIEGE OF AKRAGAS. I49 right bank of the Hypsas, near the south-west corner of the city, and planted a detachment on the heights on the left bank of the river Akragas to watch against any help that might come from Gela and the other cities to the east. Then he called on the men of Akragas to make peace with Carthage, and to join him against the other cities. When they refused, the siege began in the ravine west of the city. The Carthaginians destroyed the tombs of Theron and others. Presently a plague fell on them, of which Hannibal died, and which men looked on as the punishment of his sacrilege. But when Himilkon satisfied the conscience of the army by burning his son to Moloch, they took heart again. Meanwhile the Syracusan general Daphnaios was leading 30,000 men from Syracuse, Gela, Kamarina, and other cities, to the help of Akragas. The de- tachment on the heights came down to meet them, but they were defeated and driven to their main camp, and the allies took their post on the hill. Then the Akragantines called on Dexippos and their own generals to lead them out to battle, which they would not do. The people then streamed out of the city, and held an irregular military assembly, in which the allies seemed to have joined. Everybody believed that Dexippos and the Akragantine generals had been bribed. A tumult broke out ; fear of Sparta protected Dexippos ; but the Akragantine generals were attacked. Four out of five were stoned, and others were chosen in their place. Daphnaios now took the lead. He shrank from attacking the Carthaginian camp ; but he cut off its supplies. But when Himil- 150 THE SECOND CARTHAGINIAN INVASION. kon brought his fleet from the west and cut off the corn-ships that were bringing food from Syracuse, the cry of bribery arose again, and now reached both Dexippos and the Syracusan officers. For one reason or another, all the allies marched off, and left Akragas to its fate. Akragas, it must be remembered, was the second Greek city in Sicily in point of power, and perhaps the first in wealth and splendour. It was full of rich and bountiful men, and of noble buildings, among which the great temple of Olympian Zeus in the lower part of the city was fast drawing to perfection. Sud- denly the Akragantine generals gave out that there was not food enough to go on, that the defence was to be given up, and the city itself forsaken. As many as 40,000 men, women, and children, many of them used to every luxury, had suddenly to leave every- thing and seek new homes. All who could not under- take the journey, the old and sick, were left behind. Some too would not go, among them Gellias, the richest and most bountiful man in Akragas, who sought refuge in the temple of Athene on the akropoHs. The flight was by night. Next morning the bar- barians broke in, and slew and plundered. Gellias and his friends set fire to the temple and died in the flames. Himilkon kept the town as winter-quarters for his army. He sent much spoil to Carthage, specially pictures and statues, for the Carthaginians had learned to value Greek art. So, after an eight months' siege, Akragas had fallen, though not so utterly as Selinous and Himera. The alarm was great evcrj'where. The Akragan- BEGINNINGS OF DIONYSIOS. I5I tine refugees went to Syracuse, and accused the Syracusan generals of treason. They were strongly supported by Dionysios, who had so strangely escaped when Hermokrates was killed, and who had since niade himself a name by good service before Akragas. In his speech he in some way broke the rules of the assembly, and the magistrates fined him. But a rich man, Philistos by name, paid the fine, and told him to go on ; as often as the magistrates fined him, so often he would pay the fine for him. The people listened to Dionysios, and passed a vote, deposing the generals and choosing others, of whom Dionysios was one. Philistos was for a long while a firm friend of Diony- sios, and he was one of the chief writers of Sicilian history. Unhappily we have only fragments of his writings. Thus in the year B.C. 406, Dionysios took the first step towards making himself tyrant. The assembly now listened to him, and voted what he pleased. The Syracusans recalled the exiles, that is the friends of Hermokrates, and found quarters at Leontinoi for the refugees from Akragas. Two sets of people were thus attached to Dionysios. Every one now expected that the next attack of the Carthaginians would be on Gela. There was a Syracusan force there under Dexippos. But the Geloans asked for more help, and another body was sent under Dionysios. He threw himself into the political disputes of the city ; he stirred up the popular party against the oligarchs, and procured the condemnation to death of the Gcloan generals. Out of their confiscated goods he gave the soldiers double pay, thereby gaining more 152 THE SECOND CARTHAGINIAN INVASION. partisans. Then he went back to Syracuse to say that Himilkon had tried to bribe all the Syracusan generals, and that he alone had refused the bribe. A vote was then passed, in the year B.C. 405, to depose the other generals and make Dionysios general with full powers. This was in itself a legal office. It did not mean that its holder was set above the laws, but only that, as a military commander, he could use his own discretion, without consulting colleagues or waiting for orders from home. But it was a power open to abuse, and, in the hands of Dionysios, it was only a second step towards the tyranny. He still wanted the body-guard. He did not venture to ask for it in Syracuse ; so he marched to Leontinoi at the head of all the men under forty. There he held an irregular military assembly, and told them how traitors had sought to slay him. Then they voted him a guard of 600 men, which he presently raised to 1,000. He then dismissed and appointed officers as he pleased, and specially sent away Dexippos. Dionysios now was tyrant. He had abused his legal office of general to win for himself a power beyond the law. He was now able to act as he pleased. He could hold assemblies, and men, under fear of his mercenaries, voted as he bade them. Thus Daphnaios and another of the deposed generals were put to death by what we should call a bill of attainder. Dionysios began to give himself something of the airs of a further prince. He married the daughter of his old captain Hermokrates. But as yet he had no strong castle ; he lived in a house near the docks. SIEGE AXD EORSAKING OF GELA. 1 53 Meanwhile Gcla, which he had been sent to defend, was besieged by Himilkon. On a hill outside the city was a famous temple and statue of Apollun. The Carthaginians, worshippers of their own Baalim and Ashtaroth, made war on the gods as well as the men of Greece, and they sent Apollon as a captive to their metropolis at Tyre. There he was heard of again seventy years later, when the Macedonian Alexander besieged Tyre. The men of Gela made ready for the defence. It was proposed that the women and children should be sent to Syracuse ; but the women prayed that they might stay and share the fate of their husbands. Dionysios came to their help with a great force by land and sea, horse and foot, Sikeliot, Italiot, and mercenary. But he tarried so long on the road as to give great suspicion. And when he reached Gela and made an elaborate plan for attack on the Punic camp, the different divisions failed to act in concert, and the division which he himself commanded did nothing at all. Still greater suspicion was now awakened, and most of all when he gave out that Gela must be forsaken, and that its inhabitants must get to Syracuse how they could. And on the road he did the like by Kamarina. Not a Greek city w^as left along the whole southern coast of Sicily. On the road indignation burst forth. The horse- men, the rich men of Syracuse, took the lead. They rode to the city with all speed, so as to be there before the tyrant could follow. They entered by the gate,no one suspecting them ; but they disgraced a good cause by going to Dionysios' house and shamefully maltreating his wife, the daughter of Hermokratcs. T54 ^'^^ SECOND CARTHAGINIAN INVASION. It does not seem that the people in general took their side ; they had not made a good beginning, and men may have thought that an oligarchy would be worse than the tyranny. Presently Dionysios was at the gate, which he found shut against him. But he made his way in by burning the gate with a great heap of tall reeds. He then slew and banished as he thought good, and was fully master of Syracuse. Some of the horsemen escaped to Inessa or .^tna. And the refugees from Gela and Kamarina were afraid to enter Syracuse and joined the Akragantines at Leontinoi. Two settlements of Dionysios' enemies were thus formed. There can be no doubt that the suspicion against Dionysios was perfectly true. He who had com- plained so bitterly of the other generals had, even if his complaints were true, done worse than they. He had betrayed everything, including two Greek cities, to the barbarians. This at first seems strange, as in after times Dionysios was as ready as Gelon to make himself the champion of Hellas. But the matter became clear by the treaty which he presently made with Himilkon. They two settled the fate of Sicily, and that on terms most of which must have been most galling to Dionysios, or to any Syracusan. Syracuse was cut short and hampered in every wa}',and Carthage was in every way strengthened. Carthage was to keep her old Phoenician dependencies, as also the Sikans, Selinous, Akragas, and the new town of Therma, as her immediate subjects. Gela and Kamarina were to be unwalled towns, paying tribute. Thus Carthage TREATY WITH CARTHAGE. 155 got the dominion of the whole south coast and an enlarged territory on the north. On the other hand, the Sikels were to be free ; so was Messana ; and Lcontinoi, with its mixed population, was to be again a separate commonwealth independent of Syracuse. Syracuse was thus quite hemmed in with no means of advance in any way. But the price of all this was that Carthage gave Dionysios a guaranty of his dominion over Syracuse, of which one would like to see the exact words. It is plain that what Dionysios wanted was to have the support of Carthage till he had fully established his own power at home. Then he would cast the treaty aside, and win, for Syracuse and for himself, all that had been set free or given up to Carthage. And to a great extent he did so. KAMARINA. C. 415. X. THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS. B.C. 405-367. [The main authority for the reign of Dionysios is still the narrative of Diodoros. This part of his work is of very different degrees of value. Some parts are very good and full, evidently reproducing older writers, largely Philistos. In other parts he is very meagre and confused, and towards the end of the tyrant's life he tells us very little. We have also a little really contemporary matter from two Attic writers, the orator Lysias and the pamphleteer Isokrates. There is also a series of letters attributed to the philosopher Plato, dealing largely with Syracusan affairs, beginning in Dionysios' time. There is no reason to think they were really written by Plato ; but they were most likely written by some one of his school not long after ; so they may well give us Plato's views of things. Plutarch's Life of Dion also begins in Dionysios' time. The fame of the tyrant was so great that the references to him and stories about him in later writers are endless, almost equal to those about Phalaris. And we begin to have some documentary evidence, in the form of Attic inscriptions with decrees in honour of Dionysios. But we unluckily have no documents from Syracuse of his age.] Dionysios was now tyrant of Syracuse, and he remained so for the rest of his life. Several attempts were made to get rid of him ; but he kept his power for thirty-eight years, and he handed it on to his son. He knew how to keep power. He stuck at no cruelty or treachery that could serve his purposes, but he does not seem to have taken any pleasure in wanton 156 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS. I57 oppression, and he strictly kept liimself from the kinds of excess whicli oxerthrew many t}'rants. As a ruler, he established a greater power than had ever been seen before in the Greek world. He was never lord of all Sicily ; but he came nearer to being such than any man had ever done before, and his power reached far beyond Sicily. Syracuse he made at once the head of a great dominion, and in itself the greatest city of Hellas and of Europe. And his reign marks an epoch in the history of the world. He was the beginner of many things which were carried out more fully by the Macedonian kings. With him begins a wider and more complicated world than that of the separate Greek commonwealths, a world more like the modern world, with political powers of various kinds side b}' side. And his reign marks a great advance in the military art, both in the inven- tion of engines of war and in the use of different kinds of troops in concert. He is at his best in his wars with Carthage. He is at his worst when he destroys Greek cities or peoples them with barbarian mercenaries. These were chiefly Italians, the fore- shadowing of a time when Sicily was to pass under the dominion of an Italian cit}-. His. long reign covers a great space in Greek history. When he began, the Peloponnesian war was not yet ended ; when he died, Philip of Macedon was growing up. With Carthage he waged four wars, which enable us to part his reign into periods. During the first period, of eight years (405-397), he was strengthening his power in Syracuse and Sicih' generally. He kept peace with Carthage ; but he was evidently waitinj^ 158 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS. till he could throw aside the galling treaty. His first act was to build a strong place for his own defence. To this end he turned the whole Island of Syracuse into a fortress. He built a new wall between it and the mainland ; he built a strong castle on the isthmus and another at the extreme point of the Island. The former was his own dwelling. These strongholds he filled with mercenaries, and he allowed no one but his most trusted friends to live in the Island. The Island thus held the same place as the akropolis in other cities, and it is often, though incor- rectly, so called. Men said that he had bound Syracuse down with chains of adamant. He first broke the treaty by a Sikel war (404-403), which nearly brought about his overthrow. He marched against the Sikel town of Herbessus ; but now that the Syracusans had arms in their hands, a large body revolted and made a league with the horse- men at iEtna. Dionysios gave up the siege of Herbes- sus ; he went back to Syracuse, and there was besieged by the revolters. It was as in the time of Thrasyboulos, only Thrasyboulos had had no such stronghold as Dionysios had. The Syracusans again attacked the city from the hill, and they got ships from Rhegion and Messana to attack the Island. They prevailed so far that many of the tyrant's mercenaries went over to them, tempted by offers of citizenship. This desertion seems to have quite broken Dionysios' purpose, and in a debate with his intimate friends, Philistos and others, he sought for means of escape. But Heloris, who is called his adopted father, answered, in words which were often quoted, that the RF.VOLT AGAINST DIONYSIOS. 159 robe of the ruler was a noble winding-sheet. Another friend bade him ride to the Campanians in the service of Carthage, who were quartered somewhere on the north coast. He took heart again ; he did not ride to the Campanians, but he did send a message asking their help. Meanwhile he lulled his enemies to sleep by pretending to negotiate, offering to go away in five days with his private property. The besiegers were so foolish as to give up all watchfulness, and to send away the horsemen from ^tna. The Campanians and other mercenaries were thus able to come to the help of Dionysios, and he now went forth and defeated the disorderly besiegers in a battle. It was his policy to seem merciful ; so he checked the slaughter and buried the slain. He then made a merit of this to the rest of his enemies who had escaped to ^tna. He invited them to come back on an amnesty, and some came. But others, when he boasted of burying the dead, answered that they hoped soon to be able to do as much for him. The siege was now at an end. It was the Campa- nians who had won the victory for the tyrant. He did not trust them, but sent them away with great rewards. They marched towards the Carthaginian territory in the west, and were v/elcomed at the Sikan town of Entella, which was friendly to Carthage. But in the night they slew the men and took the town and the women to themselves. Entella became a Campanian town, the first place in Sicily, but not the last, which was seized in this way by Italian mercenaries. A new element was thus added to the mixed population of the island, l6o THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS. Sicily now began to be mixed up again with the affairs of Old Greece. The Peloponnesian War had ended in the utter destruction of the Athenian power. Sparta was now supreme in Greece, and the city which had professed to set all Greeks free was now holding down the towns everywhere under narrow oligarchies. It was the interest of Dionysios to attach himself as closely as might be to Sparta, and it was the interest of Sparta to support the power of Dionysios. But to support tyrants anywhere was against the policy of Corinth in any age. There was therefore a difference between Sparta and Corinth with regard to Syracusan affairs, and it is possible that this difference may have helped to bring about the open breach between Sparta and Corinth which took place some years later (B.C. 395). It is certain, though the story is told with a good deal of confusion, that, about this time, there were agents of both cities at Syracuse, the Spartan Aristos working for Dionysios and the Corinthian Nikoteles taking the popular side. We are further told that the Spartan brought about the murder of the Corinthian. At one stage no less a person than Lysandros himself came as Spartan envoy to S}'racuse, and the alliance between the two oppres- sive powers was firmly settled. Dionysios went on strengthening himself with more mercenaries and more fortifications. He now felt strong enough altogether to despise the treaty with Carthage, and to attack whom he would. And he used bribes quite as freely as arms. He drove away the refugee horsemen from ^tna, and then raised the old cry of Dorian against Chalkidian. Beginning in the year CONQUESTS OF DIONYSIOS. l6l B.C. 403, he attacked several cities, Greek and Sikel, Leontinoi, Henna, Herbita, but he did little more than harry their lands. Herbita was then ruled by a remarkable man, a second Archonides. He founded a new city, Halsesa, on the same north coast where the other Archonides had helped Ducetius to found Kale Aktc. Sicily was then enriched by a new city ; but meanwhile it lost an old one, and another was handed over to barbarians. One does not see that Dionysios had any ground of offence against either Naxos or Katane, except that they were Chalkidian. But in 403 he got possession of both by treachery ; and sold their people into slavery. Naxos, oldest of Greek cities in Sicily, he utterly destroyed and gave its lands to the neighbouring Sikels. The altar of Apollon Archegctes ceased to stand on Greek soil. Katane he gave as a dwelling-place to his Italian mercenaries. The Leontines thought it was wise to surrender quietly, and they fared better. Leontinoi again ceased to be a separate city, and became once more a mere Syracusan outpost. But its people were not sold. They were taken to Syracuse and received citizenship, such citizenship as was where Dionysios was tyrant. Thus was Hellas cut short in a way which had never before been known in Sicily. Greek rulers had destroyed Greek cities. Barbarians had occupied Greek cities. But no Greek as yet had handed over a Greek city to barbarians. Dionysios had given over Katane to Campanians and the site of Naxos to Sikels. It is not always easy to understand his motives, the more so as he was all this time making ready for an enterprise for which one would have 12 l62 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS. thought that he would have been glad of the help and good will of all the Greeks of the island. He had not thought of keeping the treaty with Carthage one SYRACUSE UNDER DIONYSIOS. moment longer than he was obliged ; he was planning his first Punic war. But a Punic war was sure to bring with it a Carthaginian attack on Syracuse ; his first object therefore was the strengthening of the city. FORTIFICATION OF EPIi'OLAI. 163 He had learned, both in the Athenian war and in his later war with the revolted Syracusans, how dangerous to the city was the undefended state of the hill. We know not whether any of the walls and forts built during the Athenian siege were still standing ; but, if any were left, they did not amount to a complete fortifi- cation of the hill. This great work Dionysios now, in the year 402, undertook, and he carried it out in a wonderfully short time. He carried on the north wall of Achradina and Tycha as far as the neck of Euryalos. There he built a strong castle, and carried the wall along the south side, seemingly to the point called PortcUa del Fusco. There the wall must have comedown the hill into the lower ground, and it must have been carried down to the shore of the Great Harbour. It was a wonderful work, most carefully done, and a great deal of it is left. And this, unlike the fortification of the Island, was not a mere strengthening of his own power, but a real strengthen- ing of the city. It was a work of which any lawful king or magistrate might have been proud. To such an end the people worked gladly along with the tyrant, and the work did something to make his tyranny less hateful. Thus Dionysios made Syracuse, at all events in extent, the greatest city of Hellas and of Europe. He was now ready to wage war with the great barbarian commonwealth. We know not whether these events have anything to do with the fact that about this time he founded a new city at the foot of yEtna. This was close by the temple of the Sikel fire-god Hadranus. We know not whom he planted there, but DIONVSIOS' DOUBLE MARRIAGE. 165 the town took the name of the god, Iladraniim, now Adcrno, and its people looked on themselves as his special servants. As for the older cities, there was now, between Dionysios and the Carthaginians, only one free Greek commonwealth left in Sicily, namely Messana. And by this time the dread of Dionysios was spreading beyond Sicily. The Chalkidian town of Rhcgion began a war with Dionysios, which de- layed his Punic enterprise somewhat. But as Rhegion was but feebly supported by Messana, both cities were soon glad to make peace. And just then it suited Dionysios not to press hardly on them. To strengthen his interest in Italy, he thought of taking a wife there. But the Rhegines, whom he first asked, refused him. Some say that they added the insult that he might, if he pleased, take the hangman's daughter. But at Lokroi they gave him Doris, the daughter of one of their chief men. On the same day that he married Doris, he also married the Syracusan Aristomache, both of them with all usual forms. For a man to have two wives at once was utterly against all Greek custom. But Dionysios kept them both ; he had children by both, and treated them with equal honour. All this time he was making ready for the war with Carthage. He hired mercenaries ; he built ships of greater size than had been seen before, quinquercmes, with five banks of oars, as well as triremes with three. Pie invented the catapult, a machine for hurling great stones, and made various military improvements. His skill was shown above all in making troops of different kinds act in concert. By hiring the best soldiers of all kinds he was able to do this more 1 66 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS. thoroughly than generals of commonwealths who com- manded only their own citizens. When all was ready, he gathered an assembly, and set forth the grounds for a war with Carthage. He would begin at once ; for Carthage, he said, was just now weakened by a plague. Every one agreed. If they hated the tyrant, they hated the Carthaginians still more ; and they thought that in war-time, with arms in their hands, they might find some chance of getting rid of him. Then he went through the form of sending an embassy to Carthage to declare war unless they agreed to set free all the Greek cities in Sicily. But, without waiting for an answer, he gave leave to the Syracusans to plunder the rich houses and stores of the Carthaginian mer- chants who were living at Syracuse. We see by this, as by some cases of intermarriage, that there was a good deal of intercourse between the Greek and the Phoenician city when they were not at war. And in the other Greek towns which were under Carthaginian dominion or supremacy, the people rose and put to death all the Carthaginians among them with insult and torture. Though a tyrant was at the head, it was a general rising of the Greeks of Sicily against bar- barian enemies and masters. And now the first Punic war of Dionysios began in the year B.C. 397. How and where to begin he had learned from his old captain Hermokrates. He carried the war at once into the Phoenician corner of Sicily. Never had any such force gone forth from any Greek city. When the lord of Syracuse made war, it was as if Athens had sent forth her fleet, and the Peloponnesian alliance its arm\', on the same errand. Ari'AKENT ARCH IN THE WALL OF ERYX. i68 TUB TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS. With 80,000 foot and 3,000 horse, Dionysios marched along the south coast, while 200 ships sailed along in concert. The Greek towns on the road, which had just risen against the Punic yoke, added such forces as they could. He crossed the stream of Mazaros ; then, finding that the Elymians of Eryx were ready to revolt against their Carthaginian masters, he marched thither and received them as allies. Then he began the great undertaking of this war, the siege of Motya. Motya, on the western side of Sicily, was, like his own Ortygia on the eastern side, an island joined tc MOTYA. C. 4CX). the mainland by a mole. But Motya, unlike Ortygia, was surrounded by its own haven, and the town had not spread on to the mainland. There was but little space on the island ; so the houses of the rich men of INIotya were of many stories, rising high above the wall. The citizens were stout-hearted, and there was a Carthaginian garrison, among whom, strange to say, there were some mercenary Greeks. They broke down the mole, and made ready for the defence. The mole that was thus destroyed was merely a road. Dionysios began the siege by making it afresh and making it much wader, so that he could bring up his engines on it to play on the walls of Motya. Hebrought MAP OF MOTYA AND ERVX. I/O THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS. his ships into the harbour. There was then a long peninsula to the north-west of Motya, where there now are a number of islands ; the ships were placed north of Motya by the isthmus. Meanwhile Dionysios went and made alliances with the neighbouring Sikans, and laid siege to Entella and Segcsta which held out for the Carthaginians. The two Elymian towns, Eryx and Segesta, were thus on different sides. When the mole was finished, he went back to Motya. Meanwhile Himilkon tried to call off Dionysios from Motya by sending ten ships to make a dash on the Great Harbour of Syracuse. So they did, and destroyed such ships as they found in it ; but nothing more came of the diversion. Then Himilkon made another sudden dash on the Greek ships in the haven of Motya. They were drawn up on land : but the engineers of Dionysios contrived to drag them across the isthmus. Then they were in the open sea, and sailed round to the north of the haven. But Himilkon did not care to attack a force that was stronger than his own, and Motya was left to its fate. And now began the real fighting for Motya. It w^as like the Punic sieges of Selinous and Himera turned the other way. The distinctive thing at Motya was the tall houses. The engines of Dionysios were made of vast height to reach them. Bridges w^ere thrown across, and men fought high in the air, many falling down from the height. This went on for some days. Every evening Dionysios called off his men, and the defenders took rest. This suggested a night attack ; by that means the Greeks entered, and the city was taken. The Motyans fought on SIEGE OF MOTYA. I7I with true Semitic stubbornness ; but the city was in the hands of the besiegers. Dionysios stopped the slaughter as soon as he could, that the people might be sold as slaves. To the Greek traitors who had taken service with the barbarians he was harsher. They were crucified, a piece of cruelty which the Greeks now began to learn from the Carthaginians. The rich spoil of the merchant city was given to the soldiers. This was the greatest success that any Greek had ever won in Phcenician warfare. Yet in Sicily itself less came of the taking of Motya than might have been looked for. It may be that Dion)sios found that such distant conquests could not really be kept. He left a garrison, chiefly of Sikels, in Motya ; he left his brother Leptines with the fleet to watch the coast, and he also left forces to go on with the sieges of Segesta and Entella. He himself went back to Syracuse for the winter. The next year (396) Carthage began to put forth her full strength for the war. Himilkon, now Shophet, came with a vast army and won back all that Dionysios had gained. Leptines could not hinder the Punic fleet from reach- ing Panormos. Eryx was taken by treachery ; the siege of Segesta was raised ; above all, Motya was won back by storm. Unluckily we have no details. And now Himilkon determined to choose another point for the chief seat of Phoenician power in Western Sicily. He forsook Motya, and founded another town on the point of Lilybaion, where we wonder that no town had been founded before. Lilybaion became a wonderfully strong fortress, of which the FOUNDATION OF LILYBAION. 173 ditches and parts of the walls arc still to be seen. Under the Arabic name of Marsala, it is the chief seat of the Sicilian wine-trade. Having thus provided for the defence of the Carthaginian dominion, Himilkon determined to attack the Greeks of Eastern Sicily. He took his fleet and army along the north coast to attack Messana. He did not even stay to chastise the men of Therma, but he sailed to Lipara and made the islanders pay thirty talents. Then he attacked Messana, The walls had been neglected, and the horsemen of the city were with Dionysios. So Messana fell into the hands of the Carthaginians ; but most of the people escaped. Himilkon's object now was to march against Syracuse, but, before that, he went through a solemn ceremony of destruction, which, though wrought only against stones and not against men, reminds one of Hannibal's sacrifice at Himera. He destroyed the town of Messana in a solemn and symbolic way, to mark his hatred of the Greeks. But he could build up as well as pull down, and, on his road, he struck a blow at Dionysios in this way also. This leads us to the foundation of another Sicilian town which came to be famous. The Sikels were now falling away from Dionysios, and Himilkon wished specially to win over those Sikels to whom Dionysios had given the lands of Naxos. They were beginning to settle as a community on the neighbour- ing hill-side of Tauros. He gave them all help, and the new town of Tauromenion, in its origin a Sikcl town, arose. Meanwhile Dionysios was building- ships, strengthening fortresses, hiring mercenaries, SEA-FIGHT OFF KATANE. 175 doing everything for the defence of Syracuse. Among other things he persuaded the Campanians to whom he had granted Katane to go inland and settle at yEtna. Of the state of Katane itself at this moment we hear nothing ; but was in some way under the power of Dionysios. The great object on each side was of course to attack and to defend Syracuse. On the road thither it was a . great object with Dionysios to attack the new settle- ment at Tauromenion, and with Himilkon to defend it. It was made the meeting-place of the Carthaginian fleet and army. They were to go on in concert ; but the land army was stopped in its march by a fresh outpouring of lava from^tna, and they had to march all round the foot of the mountain to reach Katane. Dionysios thus gained the start of them. He reached Katane with his fleet and army, and brought on a fight between the two fleets while the land army of Carthage was still on its roundabout road. The fight was an utter defeat on the Greek side. Dionysios bade his brother Leptines, who commanded the fleet, to keep all his ships together, because of the greater numbers of the enemy. Instead of doing this, he dashed on with thirty of his best ships far ahead of the rest. So, after much hard fighting, first his own division, and then the rest of the fleet, were over- powered by the Carthaginians. More than a hundred ships and 2,000 men were lost. It was now clear that the Carthaginian force by land and sea would go against Syracuse as soon as Himilkon brought up his land force. The Greek army generally was anxious to risk a battle by land. 176 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS. But to Dionysios the safety of Syracuse was the first of objects. He therefore hastened back ; but many of those who were Sikeh'ots, but not Syracusans, for- sook him. He accordingly marched to Syracuse, and two days later Himilkon reached Katane by his roundabout march. He did not hurry ; he gave his men of both forces a rest. He then tried in vain to win over the Campanians at ^tna, and then went on to Syracuse. Two thousand vessels of all kinds, 208 of them ships of war, sailed into the Great Harbour with all military pomp, like the fleet of Demosthenes and Eurymedon twenty years before. The Carthaginian land-army marched round by the westward of the hill of Syracuse and entered the low ground by the Anapos. There, on Polichna and the flats near to it, the great camp was pitched. The worshipper of Melkart was not like the pious Nikias ; Himilkon made his head- quarters in the sacred precinct of Zeus. Syracuse was thus again besieged, and by a far more terrible foe than her Athenian besiegers. From the moment of his return to Syracuse Dionysios had begun to take every means for the defence. He sent off embassies to Sparta and also to Corinth — the war between the two cities had not yet broken out — at once to ask for help from his allies and to hire mercenaries in Peloponnesos. Mean- while Himilkon began with an offer of battle which was declined. He then took to harrying the land and destroying its monuments. He came close up to the enlarged town, and plundered the temple of the goddesses of Sicily, Demeter and Persephone. From that time, so the Greeks believed, success CARTHAGINIAN SIEGE OF SYRACUSE. 177 began to forsake him. His army was full of super- stitious fears, and the Syracusans had the better in several sallies. He presently saw that the siege would be a long one ; so he fenced his camp in with a wall, and built three forts on different points, one on Plemmyrion. But he sinned yet more in the eyes of the Syracusans by destroying the tombs of Gclon and Damarata, which came within the circuit of his camp. Meanwhile Polyxenos came back with thirty ships from the allies in Old Greece and Italy under the command of the Spartan admiral Pharakidas, A strange episode followed. Dionysios and Leptines sailed out with some ships of war to convoy the provision ships of Syracuse. In their absence, the Syracusan ships, under whose command we are not told, defeated a part of the Carthaginian fleet, and the rest refused their challenge to come out and fight. Men's spirits were raised by this success ; they began to think of getting rid of the tyrant ; they did better against the enemy when he was away. In the midst of all this Dionysios came back, and he ventured to summon the people to a public assembly. This is one of many signs that, under his tyranny, though all things were done according to his will, yet the usual forms of the constitution went on. Dionysios praised the people for their exploit ; he bade them be of good courage, and he would soon put an end to the war. Then, it is said, a speaker named Theodoros, a horseman and a man of renown in the city, ventured to make a long speech, denouncing all the acts of Dionysios. The people 13 178 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS. hoped that their alHes would help them. They looked specially to Pharakidas, but he answered that he had no orders from Sparta to overthrow the power of Dionysios, but to help the Syracusans and Diony- sios against the Carthaginians. The people were so wroth at this that Dionysios called for his mercenaries and dismissed the assembly. This is a good example of the state of a city under a tyranny. If the legal course of things was likely to go against him, the tyrant could at once appeal to force. But Dionysios learned a lesson ; he began to treat the Syracusans more mildly, and he presently had an opportunity of winning a worthier fame than he had ever yet won. The vengeance of the goddesses — so the Greeks deemed — now fell on the barbarians for the plunder of their temple. That is to say, a plague arose in the besieging arm}'. It was autumn, and in autumn the swampy ground west of the harbour, where many of them were encamped, became deadl}'. Thousands died ; at last the dead were left unburied. When the Punic army was seriously weakened, Dionysios laid his plans for a general attack by land and sea. He was zealously supported by his forces of all kinds, Syracusans and allies. But he had a band of turbulent mercenaries whom he wished to get rid of, and those he contrived to get slain by the swords of the Carthaginians. Otherwise the work of that day makes a thrilling and a glorious tale. The Punic camp was attacked on all sides by land and sea ; Dionysios himself made a long march to make the attack from the west. The forts were taken ; but the most stirring part of the story is DEFEAT OF THE CARTHAGINIANS. 179 where the Syraciisan ships suddenly attacked the Carthaginians, who had no time to make ready. IVIany of their ships were sunk, many were set on fire ; the old and young who had stayed in the city manned what ships they could, and came at least to share in the plunder. A great day's work was done ; but the camp was not taken, and Dionysios took up his quarters for the night hard by the Olympieion in order to besiege it the next day. Himilkon perhaps knew that Dionysios had reasons of his own for not punishing the enemy to extremities. After some negotiations he and Dionysios secretly agreed that, on the payment of 300 talents, Himilkon should go away with all the Carthaginian citizens in his army; the allies and mercenaries he was to leave to their fate. This suited the purposes of Dionysios, as it would hold up the Carthaginians to hatred throughout Sicily as men who betrayed their allies. The terms were agreed to. The money was paid, and the Carthaginians set sail in the night. The Corinthians, who knew nothing of the agreement, sailed after them and destroyed some ships. Then Dionysios led his army to attack the Punic camp. The Sikel allies of Carthage, knowing the country, had gone away in the night. The mercenaries were there still, but they were disheartened by the treachery of Himilkon, and worn out by sojourn in the unhealthy ground crowded with dead bodies. The more part threw down their arms and only asked for their lives. They were taken and sold as slaves. The brave Spaniards stood to their arms, but offered peace and alliance to the tyrant. Dion)'sios knew their worth ; l8o THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS. he took them into his service, and they helped him well on many later days. No treaty followed the withdrawal of Himilkon from the siege of Syracuse. Things stayed for several years as they practically were. Dionysios made no attempt on the Carthaginian possessions in Western Sicily. On the other hand, the Greek cities were at least delivered from Phoenician rule, though they had to accept the dominion or supremacy of the Syracusan tyrant instead. It seems strange that Dionysios did not press his advantage further. Carthage was grievously weakened by the war, by the plague, and by a revolt of the mercenaries in Africa. The Cartha- ginians thought that all this was the punishment for the sacrilege done against the Sicilian goddesses. So they built them a temple at Carthage, and learned of the Greeks who were among them what was the right way of worshipping them. Their consciences being thus satisfied, they plucked up heart, and were able to put down the revolt. It almost looks as if Dionysios, for his own ends, did not wish to press Carthage too hard. The successful result of Dionysios' first Punic war seems to have largely spread his fame in Old Greece. A little later than the deliverance of Syracuse, the Athenians, now at war with Sparta and in alliance with Corinth, sought to win Dionysios to their side. It was soon after their great naval victory at Knidos (B.C. 394), and they were pressing their schemes in all quarters. They passed (B.C. 393) a decree in honour of Dionysios, of his brother Leptines, and others of his friends. It was hard to find a way to describe SETTLEMENTS OF DIONYSIOS. l8l him ; he appears in the decree as "ruler of Sicily" (St/ceX/a? apx^iv). An embassy was sent with the decree, one of whose members was the orator Lysias, a man of Syracusan descent. But Dionysios did not become an ally of Athens till he could be an ally of both Sparta and Athens at once. Meanwhile Dionysios had much work to do in Sicily, and he had many difficulties. He too, like the Carthaginians, had to deal with a revolt among his mercenaries, and he had to give up to them the town of Leontinoi. And the people of Naxos and Katane, driven out by himself, and the people of Messana, driven out by Himilkon, were wandering about, seek- ing for dwelling-places. He restored Messana, but he did not give it back to its old inhabitants. He peopled it with colonists from Italy and from Old Greece. Some came from Lokroi, whence he had taken his Italiot wife. For her sake he always .showed every favour to that city, while he in every way persecuted the Rhegines who had so deeply scorned him. He also planted a body of settlers from the old Messenian land in Peloponnesos. But this gave offence to their enemies the Spartans, his most powerful allies, and this led to the foundation of a new Greek city, nearly the last that was founded in Sicily. On the north coast, it will be remembered, there was only one of the old Greek settlements, that of Himera. That was now in a manner represented by the new town of Therma, which often took its name. Dionysios now took part of the territory of the Sikel town of Abacrenum, between Cephalccdium and the Messanian outpost of Mylai. He there built a town l82 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS. on a high hill overhanging the sea, which forms the other horn of a bay between itself and Mylai. Here he planted 600 settlers from the old Messenia, and called the town Tyndaris, after the Great Twin Brethren of Peloponnesos. The new city grew and flourished, and soon had 6,000 citizens. This kindled the wrath of Dionysios' enemies at Rhegion. They seized on the opposite peninsula of Mylai, and there planted a body of those men of Naxos and Katane whom Dionysios had driven from their homes. They tried to take Messana itself, but in vain. And it is to be noticed that their general was Heloris, a Syracusan exile. Was he the same as Heloris whom we have heard of as Dionysios' counsellor and adopted father ? The new Messanians won back Mylai, and the Naxians and Katanaians were again wanderers. Thus the north-eastern corner of Sicily was held by men who were really attached to Dionysios. And he went on further to extend his power along the north coast. Sikel Cephaloedium was betrayed to him, and even, it is said, Phoenician Solous. The new Himera would naturally be friendly to him. Dionysios had thus become a great power in Northern Sicily, and he was advancing in the central lands also. Henna itself was betrayed to him. The Sikel towns were now fast taking to Greek ways, and we hear of commonwealths and tyrants among them, just as among the Greeks. Agyris, lord of Agyrium, was said to be the most powerful prince in Sicily after Dionysios himself. He had gained dominion by slaying the chief men ; but Agyrium was very power- ful under him and numbered 20,000 citizens. With HIS DEFEAT AT TAUROMENION. 183 him Dionysios made a treaty, and also witli other Sikel lords and cities. This seems to have been going on at the same time as the war at Messana, and Dionysios was specially anxious to chastise the Rhegines. But there were several difficulties in his way, specially the new Sikel town of Tauromcnion, which he hated above all things. It was now (B.C. 394) winter, and the hill of Tauros was covered with snow. Greek citizen-soldiers were not fond of winter warfare ; but the mercenaries, if well paid, would doubtless go anywhither at any time. Dionysios accordingly led his force in person to attack the new city. He seized, we are told, one akropolis, that is most likely the hill where the theatre is. He thence got into the town ; but the people rose, and not only drove out the assailants, but sent them tumbling down the hill-side. Dionysios himself escaped, but he was very nearly taken alive. This discomfiture at Tauromenion checked the plans of Dionysios for a while. Several towns threw off his dominion. We hear specially of Akragas, now free from the Carthaginians, and doubtless wishing to be free from Dionysios also. And the Carthaginians also began to stir again. In B.C. 393 their general Magon, seemingly without any fresh troops from Africa, set out from Western Sicily to attack Messana. Unlike the Punic commanders gcneralh', Magon tried to win friends in Sicily b}' good treatment. Most of the Sikels therefore joined him, specially those of Abacas- num, at whose cost Dionysios had founded his town of Tyndaris. But Dionysios marched against him, defeated him in a battle, and himself crossed the 184 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS. Strait to make an unsuccessful attempt on Rhegion. Next year a large force came from Carthage to support Magon ; many of the Sikels again joined him. His expedition was mainly aimed at Agyrium ; but its tyrant Agyris was firm on the side of Dionysios. The story is not at all clearly told ; but a peace between Dionysios and the Carthaginians followed, by which the Sikels were handed over to him, and he was specially allowed to attack Tauromenion. He took it the next year (391) ; but we have no such account of its taking as we had of his vain attempt to take it. Dionysios was now at the height of his power in Sicily. We hear nothing more of the movement at Akragas ; otherwise all the Greek cities were under his dominion or supremacy. He commanded the whole east coast, and the greater part of the north and south coasts. The Sikel stronghold of Tauro- menion he settled with his own mercenaries ; the other Sikels were either his subjects or, like Agyrium, his allies. In short Dionysios and Carthage might be said to divide Sicily between them, and Dionysios had the larger share. There was now peace between the two powers for about nine years (392-383). and Dionysios now began to give his chief thoughts to things out of Sicily. In Southern Italy the Rhegines were his enemies and the Lokrians his friends. The other Italiot cities had formed a league to withstand his power. He now, in B.C. 390, planned another campaign in Italy ; its object was, if possible, to attack and take Rhegion without any direct hostilities against the other cities. But his new attack on Rhegion was beaten back by the prompt help of WARS IN ITALY. 1 85 tlic League, favoured by a storm which drove off the Syracusan ships. Dionysios could do nothing till the next year (389), when he was not ashamed to make a treaty with the Lucanians, the barbarian enemies who were pressing on the Greek cities of Italy. They were to attack them by land and himself by sea. The war began by incursions of the Lucanians on the lands of Thourioi, which led the Thourians, without waiting for their allies, to invade the Lucanian terri- tory, where they were entrapped and utterly defeated. The battle was fought near the shore, where the ships of Dionysios were afloat under his brother and admiral Leptines. Some of the Thourians swam to the ships and were kindly received by Leptines. But when Leptines went on further to make an agreement between the Lucanians and the Italiots, by which the war was stopped for a season, that did not at all suit the purposes of Dionysios. He removed Leptines from his command as admiral, and gave it to his other brother Thearidas. And he determined to make war in person the next year. So he did (B.C. 389); and he began by attacking the Italiot cities more directly by laying siege to Kaulonia, The Italiots now, Kroton leading the way, gathered a large army for the relief of Kaulonia, under the command of the Syracusan exile Heloris, as a special enemy of Dionysios. But the tyrant met them on the way ; Heloris was slain and his army defeated. The remnant escaped to a strong but waterless hill, where Dionysios and his army watched them from below. The next day they sent a herald asking to be allowed to go away on pa}'mcnt of ransom ; but 1 86 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS. Dionysios demanded that they should surrender at discretion. To this they could not yet bring them- selves ; but after several hours more of endurance, they gave way. Dionysios stood with a rod, and reckoned them as they came down, above 10,000 in number. They were in great fear, looking for death or slavery. But Dionysios let them all go free. We are also told that he made treaties with their several cities by which he left them independent. We are not told what cities they were, but Kroton and Thourioi must have been among them, as we do not find him warring against either of them for some time to come. But he certainly made no peace with Rhegion or with Kaulonia. Dionysios naturally won much credit by his treat- ment of the Italiot soldiers. But it was quite of a piece with his general conduct. Dionysios, though he stuck at no crime that served his purpose, had not, like some tyrants, any pleasure in bloodshed for its own sake. He hated the Rhegines ; he doubtless hated the Syracusan exile Heloris. But Heloris was dead, and he had no particular reason to hate the men of Kroton and Thourioi. He saw that he v^-ould gain more by winning a reputation for generous con- duct than he could gain by selling his prisoners as slaves. There was no wonderful virtue in the act ; but it shows that Dionysios did not belong to the very worst class of oppressors, those who delight in wrong simply as wrong. The Rhegines at all events were none the less afraid of the hatred of Dion}\sios. Finding them- selves without allies, they sent him a humble message, DESTRUCTION OF TOWNS IN ITALY. 1 87 praying for mercy. The siege of Kaulonia was still going on, and he could put off his action against Rhcgion. He spared them for the present, on con- dition of their giving up all their ships, seventy in number, and putting 100 hostages into his hands. Then he went on to finish the siege of Kaulonia. Here again his different ways of treating different people comes out strongly. He had no special spite against Kaulonia ; it simply stood in the way of his plans. So, when he took the town, he destroyed it, and gave its territory to his beloved Lokrians. The citizens he carried to Syracuse, and not only gave them citizenship, but an exemption from taxes for five years. The next year, he did the like to the town of Hipponion, its land and people. Only we do not hear of the exemption from taxes. The men of Hipponion had not endured so long a siege as the men of Kaulonia. But all this was simply the beginning of what Dionysios had most of all at heart, his attack on Rhegion. But, as he had so lately made a treaty with Rhegion, he had to find some excuse for renew- ing the war. He still had the hostages whom the Rhegines had given ; so they were greatly in his power. He first asked them for provisions for his arm)', promising to send back an equal store from Syracuse, whither he professed to be going. He seemingly hoped that they would refuse, so that he might treat the refusal as a hostile act. They did give him provisions for some days ; but, as Dionysios, pleading sickness and other excuses, stayed in their neighbourhood instead of going l88 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSTOS. to Syracuse, they presently stopped the supply. This he affected to treat as a wrong done by the Rhegines ; to put himself wholly in the right, he first gave back the hostages, and then besieged the town. The siege of Rhegion was one of the greatest of Dionysios' acts of warfare. He had to use all his forces ; for the Rhegines, under their general Phyton, made a most valiant defence, holding out against all attacks under every possible disad- vantage for more than ten months. They had no ships, no allies, and their stock of provisions had been lessened by what they had given Dionysios. The tyrant tried to bribe Phyton to betray the city, as the generals of several other cities had done. But the general of Rhegion stayed firm in his duty. Diony- sios, on his part, took his full share in the work, and was once so badly wounded by a spear that his life was for a while despaired of. At last, under sheer stress of hunger, when many had died for lack of food and the rest had lost all strength, the valiant men of Rhegion were driven to surrender at dis- cretion. Dionysios had gained one of the great objects of his life ; he was master of the city which he most hated. And now he showed in a more notable way than ever what manner of man he was. In one way he was really less harsh than many other conquerors had been. It was not very wonderful in Greek warfare to slaughter all the men and sell all the women and children of a captured town. Diony- sios made no general massacre. He sent all the people of Rhegion to Syracuse, not indeed to be made citizens like those of Kaulonia. Those who TAKING OF RHEGION. 189 could pay a certain ransom were let go ; those who could not were sold. But it was not usual in Greek warfare to put any man to death with torture and mockery. But now Dionysios seemed to gather his whole hatred of the Rhegines into the person of their brave general who had refused his bribes. He exposed Phyton in mockery on one of his loftiest war-engines ; then he told him that he had just drowned his son. And Phyton answered that his son was luckier than his father by one day. Then he caused Phyton to be led through the whole army with scourging and insult of every kind. At last Dionysios' own soldiers began to murmur at his cruelty, and he had Phyton and all his kinsfolk drowned. He appears to have destroyed the town of Rhegion and to have given its lands, like those of the other cities that he took, to the Lokrians. It was a memorable year (B.C. 387) for Greece and for Europe in which Dionysios, by the taking of Rhegion, made himself, beyond all doubt, the chief power, not only in Sicily, but in Greek Italy also. It was the year of the Peace of Antalkidas, which established for a while the power of Sparta in Old Greece and gave over the Greeks of Asia to the dominion of the Persian. It was also the year in which Rome was taken by the Gauls. The presence of these last barbarians in various parts of Italy supplied Diony- sios with the means of hiring Gaulish mercenaries. Some of these, as well as Iberians, he sent at a later time, with other troops, to the help of his Spartan allies in the wars of Old Greece. The Peace of Antalkidas supplied patriotic orators with the 1 90 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS. opportunity of painting Hellas as enslaved at both ends, in the East under the Persian and in the West under Dionysios. So spoke the Athenian Isokrates; so, with more effect, spoke Lysias, once envoy to Diony- sios, at the Olympic festival next after the Peace of Antalkidas (B.C. 384). To that festival Dionysios sent a splendid embassy. Lysias called on the assembled Greeks to show their hatred of the tyrant, to hinder his envoys from sacrificing or his chariots from run- ning. His chariots did run ; but they were all defeated. Some of the multitude made an attack on the splendid tents of his envoys. He had also sent poems of his own to be recited ; but the crowd would not hear them. This was rather out of hatred of the tyrant than for any fault in the poems ; for there is no doubt that Dionysios was a poet of some merit. He was now at peace with Athens, and he sent tragedies to be acted there. They gained inferior prizes more than once, and at last one of them won the first prize. It was said that Dionysios was so annoyed at the ill-fate of his poems that he began to suspect every- body, and to turn his rage against his nearest friends. Whether from this cause or from any other, he certainly banished two of the chief of them, the historian Philistos, to whom he owed his first rise, and his own brother the admiral Leptines. Lepti- nes was soon restored ; but Philistos remained in banishment till the death of Dionysios. Dionysios, perhaps in his character of poet, affected, like Hieron, the company of men of letters ; but they found that the poet was also the tyrant. The DIONYSIOS IN THE H ADRIATIC. igi philosophers Aristippos of Kyrene and Plato of Athens both visited him ; but he ill-treated both, and he is said to have caused Plato to be sold as a slave. And his fellow poet Philoxenos he is said to have sent to the stone-quarries for free criticism on his verses. Ikit however hated Dionysios might be both at home and abroad, he was still strong both at home and abroad. His next field of enterprise was the coasts and islands of the Hadriatic. Here the city of Ankon or Ancona on the Italian coast was planted by S}-racuse exiles trying to escape from his power. Other colonies in those seas he himself founded or helped others to found. Thus the people of Paros, with his help, planted settlements on the islands of Pharos and Issos, and he himself founded Lissos on the Illyrian coast. He then formed alliance with some of the lUyrians and with a banished prince of Molottis named Alketas. Him he was able to restore ; but he failed in a scheme of making his way into Greece on this side, and even, it is said, robbing the Delphian temple. This was too much even for his friends the Spartans, and a Lacedaemonian force checked all further advance. He next took up the old Syracusan quarrel with the Etruscans. For a war against them it was easy to find an excuse in their constant piracies. His real object seems to have been to plunder the rich temple of Agylla on the west coast of Italy, whence he carried off spoil in money, slaves, and other things to the value of 1,500 talents. Even at Syracuse he did not fear to plunder the temples ; from the Olympieion he carried off the golden robe of the statue of Zeus, ig2 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS. saying in mockery that such a garment was too hot in summer and too cold in winter. The Etruscan campaign might perhaps win back for Dionysios some credit both at home and abroad as a Hellenic champion against the barbarians. He would get more still when, in the year ^8^, he began another Punic war. At no time in our story do we more lament the lack of a contemporary narra- tive. Dionysios took advantage of the disaffection towards Carthage felt by some of her dependencies to contract alliances with them. We are not told what cities are meant ; some, we may suppose, of the Carthaginian dependencies in Sicily, perhaps the Elymian towns. Carthage, on the other hand, sent, for the first time, a force into Italy to act along with the tyrant's enemies there. A campaign followed, the geography of which is hopeless. Dionysios first won a great battle in which the Shophet Magon was killed. The Carthaginians then asked for peace ; Dionysios refused it except on condition of Carthage withdrawing altogether from Sicily and paying the costs of the war. Such terms needed the consent of the home government of Carthage. A truce was made; while it lasted, the new Carthaginian com- mander, the son of Magon, made every preparation for a new struggle. In a second battle Dionysios was defeated and his brother Leptines killed ; the slaughter was among the greatest that Greeks ever underwent at the hands of barbarians. Envoys now came from Carthage with full powers. The terms of peace were now quite the opposite to what Dionysios had pro- posed just before. He had to pay a thousand talents, WAR WITH CARTHAGE. ig3 and to make the Hal}-kos the boundary between his dominions and those of Carthage. That is to say, he gave up to Carthage SeHnous and its territory and part of the territory of Akragas. Hellas was thus again cut short on Sicilian soil, though not so utterly as had been the case when Dionysios first rose to power. If we had as clear accounts of his later days as we have of the earlier, we should better understand the difference between the two periods. But we have a very meagre account of the war which led to the loss of Selinous, and of the last sixteen years of his reign we know next to nothing. But we can see that about the year 379 both he and the Carthaginians were warring in Italy. They were seeking to set up again some of the towns which he had destroyed ; but they had to give up the attempt and go back to Africa on account of a plague and the revolt of their subjects. On the other hand, Dionysios took Kroton, which had escaped him in his earlier campaign, and robbed the temple of the Laki- nian Hera of a precious robe, which he, oddly enough, sold to the Carthaginians for a huge sum. There is also a story how he planned the building of a wall across the narrowest point of the south-western peninsula. This was, he said, to keep out the Lucanians ; but the Greeks north of the proposed wall saw that it was meant only to strengthen his own power in Italy. After this we hear nothing of his doings in Sicily or Italy for about eleven years. In Old Greece meanwhile, where, from the year B.C. 369 onwards, Athens and Sparta were allies against Thebes, we hear more than once of his sending bar- 14 194 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS. barian mercenaries, Gaulish and Iberian, to help the Spartans. And now (369-367) we find two Attic inscriptions recording the relations of the Athenian democracy with the tyrant. All manner of honours are voted to him and his sons, and in the second an alliance is concluded between Athens and " the ruler of Sicily," without any mention whatever of the people of Syracuse. Each is to help the other in case of attack by any enemy. It is some little comfort to think who the enemies of Dionysios at that moment were. For, just at the end of his reign, he renewed the greatest exploit of his earlier days, the invasion of the Phoenician possessions in Western Sicily. An excuse for a new Punic war could be easily found in real or alleged Carthaginian encroachments on the dominions of Dionysios. In such a war as this he knew that Greek feeling, in and out of Sicily, would go with him. With a great force, given as 30,000 foot, 3,000 horse, and 300 ships of war, he again marched westward. Carthage was believed to be, as so often happened, deeply weakened by the usual causes, pestilence and the revolt of her African subjects. He was at first successful. He recovered Greek Selinous; he took Entella, nowin the hands of the Campanians, and he took Eryx itself for the second time. He then began to besiege the new town of Lilybaion, which had taken the place of his old conquest of Motya. But he found the resistance too strong for him. At sea however he deemed himself so strong that he sent back the more part of his fleet to Syracuse, keeping 130 ships at anchor at Drepanathe haven of Eryx. But the Carthaginians, taking heart, DEATH OF DIONYSIOS. I95 made a sudden dash and carried off most of them. Then winter came, and both sides withdrew from the war. This is all that we hear. Before long a treaty was again made between Syracuse and Carthage. We are not told its terms ; but as Selinous, when we next hear of it, appears as a Carthaginian possession, the Syracusan conquests were most likely given back to Carthage. But it was not the elder Dionysios who made the treaty. We have come to the end of the reign and life of a man who had done such great things and had so largely changed the face of the world of his day. In the year ^,6^ Dionysios the tyrant died, after a reign of 38 years. The cause of his death is said to have been a strange one. It was now for the first time that a tragedy of his was thought worthy of the first prize at Athens. The news was brought to him with all speed. His delight was unbounded ; he sacrificed to the gods, and indulged in an excess of wine which was unusual Vvdth him. A fever followed, and he died. His career had been indeed a wonderful one. He had destroyed the freedom of his native city, but he had made it both the greatest city and the greatest power of Europe. No man had won greater successes over the barbarian enemies of Greece ; but no man had done more to destroy Greek cities, and to plant barbarians in his own island. With his great gifts, he might, as a lawful king or as the leader of a free people, have made himself the most illustrious name in all Greek history. As it was, he was a tyrant ; he reigned as such, and he was remembered as such. All 196 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS. that we can say for him is that worse tyrants still came after him His reign was unusually long for a tyrant, and he was able to leave his power to his son. He himself had said that he was able to reign so long, because he had abstained from wanton outrages against particular persons. His reign marks an sera in the history of Greece and of the world. He began a state of things which the Macedonian kings con- tinued. It is well to note that when Dionysios died, Philip son of Amyntas was already fifteen years old, and that eight years later he won for himself the Macedonian kingdom. XL THE DELIVERERS. B.C. i^T—ixj. [Our chief authorities now are still the narrative of Diodoros and Plutarch's Lives of Dion and Timoleon. Plutarch is commonly the fuller. There are also Latin lives of both by Cornelius Nepos. Some- thing may be learned from the letters attributed to Plato, with the cautions already given.] The great power of the elder Dionysios, the greatest power, as it is emphatically said, in Europe, now passed to the weaker hands of his son. The father had done great things, even if they were largely evil things. He had changed the whole face of Sicily, and had thereby gone far towards changing the face of the whole Greek world. He had given Syracuse, as the capital of a ruler, a position such as Athens herself had hardly held as a commonwealth bearing rule over other commonwealths. He had done greater things against barbarians in their own land than any Greek leader had done before him. Yet, besides the loss of political freedom in his own and other cities, he had on the whole done more against the 197 IgS THE DELIVERERS. Greek nation than for it. In his very first dealings he had helped the Carthaginians to win more than he could ever win back from them. In Sicily itself he had destroyed some Greek cities and peopled others with barbarians. He had sacrificed several Italiot towns to the advancement of one, and he had decidedly helped towards barbarian advance in Italy. It is only in his most distant enterprises, in his compara- tively obscure Hadriatic colonies, that he at all enlarged the borders of Hellas. His career tended, on the whole, to a great lessening, not only of Sicilian freedom, but of Sicilian prosperity. From his time the Sicilian and Italian Greeks began to find that they could not stand alone. The main feature of the times that followed, for about a hundred years begin- ning with the reign of his son, is the constant inter- course between Old Greece and the Greeks of Italy and Sicily. That intercourse takes a new shape. The Greeks of Italy and Sicily are ever sending to Old Greece for help against domestic tyrants, against barbarian enemies, or against both together. A succession of deliverers go forth, some of them to do great things. But we shall presently have to distinguish between the republican leader who goes out simply to deliver, and the prince who does indeed work deliverance, but who thinks that he has a right to reign over those whom he delivers. The history of the younger Dionysios illustrates the nature of the Greek tyrannies in many ways. As in many other cases, what the father won the son lost. The tyrant's son, born, as the saying is, in the purple, was commonly a weaker man than his father. DIONYSIOS AND HIS SON. iQQ And the elder Dionysios, in his extreme jealousy of everybody, had kept his son shut up in his palace, and allowed him no share in political or military affairs. He was not without ability or without ten- dencies to good ; but he was in every way weaker than his father. Not having his father's strength of purpose, he was easily impressed both for good and for evil. He was less cruel, because less deter- mined, than his father, but, for the same reason, he fell into the vices from which his father was free. It is a characteristic story that the old Dionysios found his son in an intrigue with another man's wife. He rebuked his son, and asked if he had ever heard of his doing anything of that kind. " No ; but then your father was not tyrant." " And your son never will be tyrant, if you do such things." The new tyrant was the son of his father's Lokrian wife Doris, and was about 25 years old at his accession. He was ac- knowledged, perhaps as general with full powers, by some kind of vote of an assembly which had no will of its own. He then gave his father a splendid funeral, and a tomb, contrary to Greek practice, in the Island. The elder Dionysios, at the time of his death, was at war with both Carthaginians and Lucanians. The new tyrant presently made peace with both. The Halykos again became the frontier between his power and that of Carthage. In Italy he is said to have founded two new towns on the coast of Apulia. Otherwise he simply kept his father's dominion, without extending it or doing anything memorable in any way. Under a tyranny, above all where the tyrant is 200 THE DELIVERERS. weak and needs guidance, family and personal relations, marriages, and the power of men whom we may call ministers, become of importance, just as they do among lawful princes. Two men specially stand out during the reign of the younger Dionysios. The historian Philistos, who had had so great a hand in setting up the power of his father, was recalled from exile, either at the beginning of his reign or somewhat later. He was now an old man, but he was still vigorous, and he was attached to the system of the elder tyrant. The other was Dion, the brother of Dionysios' Syracusan wife Aristomache. His father Hipparinos had had a hand in setting up the tyranny. Aristomache had two sons, much younger than Dionysios, and two daughters, Sophrosyne and Arete — mark the tyrant's choice of names for his children — who were married, the one to her half- brother Dionj^sios, the other to her uncle Dion. It was only marriage with a sister by the mother's side which was a sin against Greek feelings. Dion was enriched and favoured by the elder tyrant, and was largely employed by him in public affairs, specially in embassies to Carthage. He was an able man and a good soldier, stern and haughty in manner, yet capable of winning influence, strict in life, and with a tendency to philosophical speculations. He had had a hand in bringing Plato to Sicily in the days of the elder Dionysios. Now that the younger tyrant had succeeded and he himself stood high in his confi- dence, he hoped to work great things by the help of his favourite philosophy. He had no thought of restoring the old democratic constitution, which was DIONYSIOS THE YOUNGER. 201 by no means according to Platonic notions. But he wished to make Dionysios rule well instead of ill, and even to turn him from a t}'rant into something like a constitutional king. To this end he persuaded Plato to come again to Syracuse, to act as a kind of spiritual adviser to the tyrant. Not much good was likely to come of this. Plato was a speculator on constitutions, but he had no practical knowledge of affairs. Dionysios listened to the philosopher for a while with pleasure ; geometry became fashionable at his court ; he talked of making reforms and even of giving up the tyranny. But nothing was really done. Philistos and his party pressed Dionysios on the other side, and set him against Dion. The peace with Carthage was not yet settled, and Dion was charged with treasonable dealings with the enemy. He w^as accordingly suddenly sent away from Sicily, but was allowed to receive the income of his propert}'. His wife Arete, the half-sister of the tyrant, and his young son Hipparinos, remained at S}'racuse. Dionysios meanwhile kept up a strange kind of friendship for Plato. He was jealous that the philo- sopher thought more of Dion than he did of Diony- sios. He kept him for a while at Syracuse, and even persuaded him to pay him a second visit. But nothing came of it. Dionysios at last seized Dion's property and divided it among his own friends. This was during Plato's second visit ; after that Plato was very glad to get away. Presently the t}Tant took on him to give the wife of Dion to another man named Timo- krates, and he took pains to lead her }'oung son into vice. He also banished one of his chief officers, named 202 THE DELIVERERS. Herakleides, who then passed for a friend of Dion's. The tyranny in short was getting worse and worse. All this happened during the first seven years of the reign of the younger Dionysios (B.C. 367-360). Meanwhile Dion visited several parts of Old Greece, and was everywhere received with honour. At Sparta he received a most special honour, being admitted to full Spartan citizenship, a gift which was most rarely bestowed on any stranger. At Athens he made the acquaintance of Kallippos, one of Plato's followers ; indeed he made friends everywhere. He began to plan schemes for upsetting the tyranny of Dionysios, and he met with encouragement in many quarters. Herakleides too was planning for the same object ; but he and Dion did not agree, and each followed his own course. It is certain that no good came of the friend- ship of Kallippos ; as for the rivalry of Herakleides, it is only fair to remember that we have the story only as it was told by the friends of Dion. At any rate Dion was ready for his enterprise before Hera- kleides was. He had gradually raised a small force of mercenaries and volunteers ; but of Syracusan exiles, of whom there are said to have been as many as a thousand seeking shelter in different parts of Greece, he could get only twenty-five or thirty to join him. At last, in the summer of the year B.C. 357, ten years after the death of the old Dionysios, he set forth on his errand of deliverance. His force was so small that all could be carried in five merchant-ships. Dion and his small fleet did not follow the usual coasting route of ships going from Old Greece to COMING OF DION. 203 Sicily. The Italian coast was watched by a force under Philistos. Dion therefore struck straight across the open sea from Zakynthos to Sicily. His steersman guided him right to the south-east corner and there recommended him to land. But Dion did not think it wise to land so near Syracuse. Then a wind drove him to the coast of Africa. Thence he was soon able by a change of weather to reach the south coast of Sicily at Herakleia or Minoa, now, by the late treaty, a border fortress of Carthage and called by the Punic name of Ras Melkart. Here the officer in command, Synalos by name, was a Greek in the service of Carthage and a friend of Dion's. He received him and his followers friendly, and while at Herakleia Dion heard a precious piece of news, namely that Dionysios was not at Syracuse, but had gone with the more part of his fleet to look after the towns which he had founded on the Hadriatic. Timo- krates, to whom the tyrant had given Dion's wife, was left in command at Syracuse. As soon asTimokrates heard that Dion had landed, he sent a letter to Dionysios, but the messenger professed to have lost the letter by a strange accident ; so the tyrant only heard the news some days later by common fame. It was a great point for Dion to reach Syracuse before Dionysios should come back ; so he marched with all speed, Greeks, Sikans, and Sikels joining him at every step as he went along. The march was done in three days. The night before the last day they encamped before the hill of Akrai, the inland outpost of Syra- cuse. There Dion heard more of the state of things in the city. Epipolai was guarded by some of the 204 T^I^ DELIVERERS. barbarian soldiers to whom the elder Dionysios had given Katane and other towns. Dion cunningly spread a rumour abroad that he was not going to march straight on Syracuse, but on those towns first. The barbarians believed the story, and in spite of all the efforts of Timokrates who came out of the Island to keep them in order, they marched off to defend their own homes. Thus Dion was able to reach Syracuse without opposition. He started from Akrai before daybreak, and reached the crossing of the Anapos just as the s'un was rising. He offered sacrifices ; the prophets foretold good luck ; and the whole army marched on with their sacrificial wreaths on their heads, as if in a religious procession. By this time men could see them from the hill of Syracuse. The whole city rose. The people set on the few mercenaries who were left in the outer city, who contrived to form and encamp on part of Epipolai. Timokrates tried to get back to the Island, but he could not do so for the crowds. He rode awa}' by the northern road. The tyrant's soldiers were thus left without a commander, and Dion was able to enter Syracuse without hindrance. Meanwhile some of the people set upon the tyrant's spies and other agents. Others went in their best clothes to welcome their deliverer at the gate, the gate of Tcmenites, in the new wall of the elder Diony- sios. There they saw Dion in splendid armour, lead- ing his troops, with his brother Megaklcs and his friend Kallippos on each side of him. When he reached the gate, he announced by sound of trumpet that Dion and Megakles were come to deliver Syracuse and all DION DELIVERS SYRACUSE. 205 the Greek cities of Sicily from the tyrant. Then he marched on through Achradina, the people pressing on him on both sides with wreaths and sacrifices and drink-offerings. At last he was able to mount a tall sun- dial which the elder Dionysios had made near the gates between Achradina and the Island. There he made a speech as to an assembly of the Syracusan people, and called on them to elect generals. They at once chose Dion and Megakles generals with full powers. But Dion said that they must have colleagues ; so the people chose as many as twenty, some of them taken from among the exiles who had come back with Dion. SYRACUSE. DION S TIME. He then attacked and drove out the barbarians on Epipolai ; he set free those who were shut up in the tyrant's prisons, and built a wall of defence between the Island and the delivered parts of the cit}'. Dion)'sios, owing to the loss of Timokratcs' letter, did not come back with his fleet till seven days after Dion's entrance. And then he found that all Syra- cuse, except the Island, had passed away from his dominion. Never had any man had such a run of good luck as Dion had up to his time. It was now that his diffi- culties began. It was always easy to raise suspicion against Dion on account of his long connexion with 206 THE DELIVERERS. the house of the tyrants. And in truth, notwithstand- ing his popular bearing on the day of his entry, it may be doubted whether Dion at any time really thought of restoring freedom to Syracuse in the sense in which most Syracusans would understand freedom. He had not lived in a democracy ; he and his friend Plato seem to have dreamed all manner of impossible constitutions. There should be a king with limited powers, or perhaps more than one king, after the man- ner of Sparta. In short the Syracusans wished to rule themselves, like any other free Greek city ; Dion wished to rule them himself or with a few colleagues. He wished no doubt to rule them justly and well ; but still to rule them. His haughty manner too helped before long to make him personally unpopular. We hear casually that he had a body-guard, like a tyrant. Dionysios was quite clever enough to know all this, and to make his advantage out of it. His first trick was to try to open negotiations with Dion personally, and not with the Syracusan people. Dion told the tyrant not to speak to him, but to the people. Another message then came ; Dionysios, like more modern oppressors, promised to make various reforms. At this the people had the sense to laugh, and Dion told the tyrant's envoys that no offer could be listened to except a complete abdication of the tyranny. If he did this, Dion would, out of old friendship, procure good terms for him personally. Dionysios pretended to agree ; he asked that envoys should be sent into the Island to settle terms. But when they came, he kept them there, and sent his mercenaries to make a sudden attack on the wall which now hemmed in the Island DION AND D I ON Y SI OS. 207 by land. A sharp battle followed, in which Dion showed great courage, and received a wound. In the end the barbarians were driven back into the fortress. Dionysios now sent letters to Dion from his wife and sister whom he still kept in the Island. These Dion read out to the assembly. But one letter was headed "from Hipparinos to his father;" this the people told him to keep to himself ; it was too private to be opened publicly. But Dion opened and read it aloud. And it proved not to be from his son, but from the tyrant. Dionysios called on Dion to remember their old friendship, and not to serve an ungrateful people. He did not wish to rule any longer himself; he would willingly give up his power to Dion. If Dion refused this, he would do dreadful things to his sister and wife and son. It is not perhaps very wonderful that the reading of this letter raised suspicions against Dion among the people. And these suspicions grew stronger when a rival to Dion for the good will of the Syracusans presently came on the field. This was Herakleides, who now came with a number of triremes, some say twenty, some only seven, and 1,500 more soldiers. He was skilful in warfare and of more popular manners than Dion ; so he easily won the favour of the people. The assembly presently elected him admiral. Then Dion said that this could not be without his own consent ; but he presently himself proposed the election of Herakleides with a guard equal to his own. This satisfied nobody ; men began to call Dion a tyrant, and to say that they had only exchanged a drunken master for a sober one. And 2o8 THE DELIVERERS. presently Herakleides was able to do real services which might seem to equal those of Dion. Dionysios had come back to Syracuse with only part of his fleet ; the rest was still off the coast of Italy under the command of Philistos. The historian of Sicily, vigorous in his old age, was now the main- stay of the power of the tyrant. He came from Italy with the ships and troops which had been left there. He failed in an attempt to win back Leontinoi, which had revolted from Dionysios. He next met Herakleides in a sea-fight. Some of the crews of the tyrant's ships must have joined the patriots; other- wise Herakleides could not have had sixty ships to face the same number which Philistos commanded. The Syracusans had the better, and Philistos, after doing his best for his master, was taken alive. To the disgrace of the delivered commonwealth, the old man was put to death with insult, and his body was dragged into the streets and thrown into the stone- quarries. With the death of Philistos Dionysios began to lose heart ; but he still went on with his tricks to discredit Dion. The victory had naturally made Herakleides the favourite. Dionysios now sent another message to Dion, offering to give up the Island on condition of being allowed to withdraw safely to Italy and to keep the profits of a large private estate in the Syracusan territory. Dion again told the tyrant to make his pro- posal to the people and not to him. At the same time he counselled the assembly to accept the terms. But the people hoped to take the tyrant alive, and refused to hearken. Dionysios now thought mainly of his own DION DEPRIVED OF THE GENERALSHIP. 209 personal safety. He contrived to escape by sea, taking with him most of his treasures and furniture, but leaving the best of his mercenaries still in the Island under the command of his son Apollokratcs, who must have been young for such a trust. This rather discredited Herakleidcs, as men said that he ought to have kept better watch. And the story goes that he was thereby stirred up to make yet further attacks on Dion, setting on men to propose measures which Dion had to withstand. At last he was able to carry a vote by which Dion was deprived of his generalship, and twenty-five new generals were appointed, of whom Herakleides himself was one. Hitherto he had not been one of the body of generals, but had held a separate command at sea. And it was further voted to refuse pay to the men who had come from Pelopon- nesos with Dion. These men were not common mercenaries ; they had come from zeal in the cause, and had done great things for it ; but they could not afford to serve for nothing in a strange country. The Peloponnesians gathered round Dion, and prayed him to lead them against the Syracusans. Meanwhile the party of Herakleides tried to win them over by offers of citizenship. There had been a talk of division of lands, and most likely they were to get land instead of their pay. But the soldiers clave to Dion, and Dion refused to act against the Syracusans. He accordingly went away with his followers, 3,000 in number. They marched towards Leontinoi ; on the road they were followed by the new Syracusan generals with their force. Dion's men were much better soldiers than the Syracusans, and 15 210 THE DELIVERERS. they easily drove off their assailants, Dion striving to shed as little Syracusan blood as might be. He and his men were welcomed at Lcontinoi and received to citizenship. The Syracusans had thus (B.C. 356) got rid of their deliverer about nine months after their deliverance. There were faults on both sides ; but Dion undoubtedly had an honest purpose to get rid of the tyranny, what- ever kind of government he may have wished to set up in its stead. The Syracusans had now to besiege Ortygia for themselves, without Dion's help or that of his men. And their prospects grew worse when Dionysios sent a large stock of provisions for his garri- son, and an able officer named Nypsios from the Cam- panian Neapolis or Naples. He came, like Gylippos, at the very moment when the garrison had made up their minds to come to terms with the citizens. The Syracusan generals, who must have been guilty of some negligence in letting Nypsios enter the Great Harbour, repaired their fault by leading out the ships of the commonwealth to attack the mercenaries while they were still busy in getting the provisions on shore. A Syracusan victory followed ; but, just as after the greater victory over the Athenians, the night was given up to revelry and drunkenness. N}'psios saw his opportunity ; in the dead of the night he sent forth his mercenaries with orders to deal with the citizens as they would. They scaled the wall with which Dion had hemmed in the Island, slaying the drunken guards. But that night there was little slaughter, save of such as tried to resist ; the minds of the mercenaries were bent on plundering the RETURN OF DION. 211 houses and carrying off the women and children. This work went on all night through the lower part of the city. In the morning, those who had come to their senses and had contrived to escape to the parts of the town which the enemy had not reached, held an assembly, and with one voice voted to send to Leontinoi and to pray Dion to come at once to their help with his soldiers. As soon as the message came, Dion at once held an assembly of his soldiers. He left it to them to say whether they would go and deliver men who had treated them so unworthily. For himself he had no choice ; he must go, if only to die in the ruins of his native city. The whole body voted to go with him, and they set out by night. On the way he was met by contradictory messages. At night-fall Nypsios had withdrawn his soldiers into the Island. The enemies of Dion then gave out that there was no longer any need of Dion's help. The gates were shut against him, and a message was sent, bidding him not to come on. But his friends sent another message, bidding him to continue his march. Perplexed between the two messages, he marched on, but with less speed than before. At last, when he was near Megara, about seven miles off, a most pressing message came from Herakleides himself, praying him to come with all speed. As soon as Nypsios heard that the gates were shut against Dion, he let out his mercenaries again. This night was yet more frightful than the other. For this time they did not only plunder and carry off, but burned houses and slew all whom they met. Dion's bitterest enemies now felt 212 THE DELIVERERS. that their only hope was in him. After this last message, his men came on with all speed. They came up Epipolai on the north side by the gates called Hexapyla. All that part of the city was clear ; they had next to carry the wall of Achradina, which Nypsios and some of his men defended. Within the wall, they had to fight their way as they could among the burning houses and the streets choked with dead bodies. But they pressed on ; the mer- cenaries made a last stand near the gate of Ortygia. The more part escaped into the fortress ; those who were caught outside, as many as four thousand, were slaughtered. Dion had thus saved Syracuse a second time, and his second entrance was of a very different kind from the first. His men had to put out the flames and to clear away the dead. As soon as might be, an assembly was held. The more part of Dion's chief enemies had fled ; Herakleides and his uncle Theo- dotes confessed their fault and craved his pardon. Many of Dion's friends urged him to put them to death, and to free the city from their intrigues. But Dion forgave them, after a somewhat pedantic speech, saying that it was his business as a philosopher to outdo his enemies in virtue. He then repaired the wall which hemmed in the Island ; he buried the dead, and ransomed the captives. In another assembly Herakleides himself proposed that Dion should be made general with full powers by land and sea. But it is said that the sailors who had shared Herakleides' victory objected ; so the com- mand was divided, Herakleides taking the command RECOVERY OF THE ISLAND. 2I3 by sea. War with Dion)-sios went on for some while ; but each side charged the other with negh'gcnce and treason, till Dion and Herakleides were again formally- reconciled through the intervention of a Spartan named Gaisylos, who had come from Sparta to act, if need be, the part of Gylippos. We should like to know something more about his mission ; but our account is most meagre in everything but what per- sonally concerns Dion. At any rate Gaisylos behaved thoroughly well, claiming nothing for himself, but binding Herakleides by the most solemn oaths to be faithful to Dion, Soon after this came the full completion of de- liverance. We do not hear again of Nypsios ; but Apollokrates the son of Dionysios found that he could hold out no longer. He sailed away under a truce which he made with Dion, by which he was allowed to take away his mother and sisters, and so much of his goods and treasure as he could take in five triremes. But the fortress and the military stores in it were given up to Dion. And as nothing is said of the mercenaries, it would seem that they passed into Dion's service. Dion now went into the Island and was welcomed by his sister Aristomache, the widow of the old Dionysios, by his wife Arete, whom he took back again, and his son Hipparinos. The joy throughout Syracuse was great ; but it was soon damped. Dion went to live in his own house and not in the fortress ; but he kept possession of the fortress when men hoped that he would destroy it altogether. We cannot blame him when he refused, what many wished, to destroy the tomb of the elder 214 THE DELIVERERS. Dionysios, and to cast out his bones. But he kept power in his own hands, and kept on his haughty- demeanour. He had no thought of restoring tlie democracy as it had stood before the tyranny began. He was still corresponding with Plato and with friends at Sparta and Corinth, cities used to aris- tocratic government. Among them they dreamed of another beautiful scheme of government, in which what we may call king, lords, and commons were all to have their proper places. Herakleides and his party, whether they knew anything of all this or not, at least knew that Dion had not restored the old Syracusan commonwealth, but kept all power to himself. They naturally complained. And now Dion yielded to his friends who again suggested the death of Herakleides. Dion had refused to put him to death when it could have been done, if not by a legal sentence, at least by military execution ; he now sank to con- nive at the secret murder of Herakleides. Whatever he had done before, whatever he dreamed of doing, he was now practically tyrant. As such he was before long to undergo the tyrant's fate. With the position of a tyrant he had not learned to practise the system of caution and suspicion by which tyrants maintained their power. He still put faith in his Athenian friend Kallippos, who all the while was plotting against him. He had warnings and visions, and his son threw himself from a window and was killed. His wife Arete and his sister Aristo- mache knew better what was going on. They made Kallippos take the Great Oath, the most solemn of oaths in the name of the great goddesses of Sicily, END OF DION. 215 that he \v'racuse, a Roman officer marked a point where it would not be hard to EPIPOLAI IN ROMAN HANDS. 307 scale the wall. He told Marccllus, who did not hurry, but waited for a good opportunity. Such an opportunity presently came. There was a three days' feast to Artemis kept in Syracuse, when there was every chance that bad watch would be kept and that many would be drunk. As the Romans were not pressing the city at all closely, Archimedes' engines were not at work ; there was nothing to be feared beyond the ordinary risks of war. A chosen party was sent at night under the guidance of the Syracusan Sosis. They scaled the wall near the Hexapyla, and met with no resistance from the sleepy and drunken guards. Presently the Roman trumpet was blown from the wall ; the startled sentinels ran hither and thither; the Hexapyla was opened, and the whole Roman army marched in. They had now possession of the whole open ground of Epipolai ; but the older quarters of the city had still to be besieged. Epiky- des held Achradina and the Island, and at the other end the castle of Euryalos was still held against them. There was still much to do ; but it was something to have got within the wall of Dionysios. Marccllus, a stern man but with a good deal of the hero in him, looked down on the great and famous city, the vastest in all Europe, which he had gone so far to win. He thought of its old glories and of all that it might still have to go through before he had full possession. He looked and wept — there seems no reason to doubt the tale — in mingled joy and wonder and hope and fear. Marccllus had now, as had been done more than once before in Syracusan histor)', to besiege the inner 308 THE END OF SICILIAN INDEPENDENCE town of Syracuse from the outer. He once more offered terms, but the walls of Achradina were manned by deserters, and the herald could not even get a hear- ing. He turned his mind to the castle on Euryalos, where an Argeian mercenary called Philodamos commanded. Sosis was sent to negotiate with him, but Philodamos put him off for a while, as he was hoping for relief from Hippokrates. Meanwhile Marcellus pitched a camp on the middle of the hill, between the two later quarters of Tycha and Teme- mites,the latter of which had now grown into a Ncapolis or Neiutozvn. Their defences seem to have been much weaker than those of Achradina; the inhabitants presently sent to Marcellus, offering to surrender and begging only for their lives and dwellings. He took them at their word. The two quarters were syste- matically plundered ; but slaughter was forbidden, and the people were seemingly allowed to go back to their empty houses. Soon after, Philodamos, de- spairing of help, surrendered the castle of Euryalos and was allowed to join Epikydes in the Island. The Romans had now full occupation of the whole hill outside the wall of Achradina. The siege of the inner city of Syracuse now began. If Philodamos had waited a little longer, he might have given his friends some help. Things looked as if the besiegers were going, like the Athenians, to be themselves besieged by land and sea. Bomilkar brought a Punic fleet into the Great Harbour. Himilkon and Hippokrates came with a land army, Punic and Sicilian, and occupied a point in the low ground to the south of the camp of Titus Ouinctius. PUNIC FORCE DESTROYED BY PESTILENCE. ^Og A general attack was made ; Epikydes helping with a sally from Achradina. But the Romans beat off their assailants everywhere. For a while all remained watching one another. Marcellus was on the hill ; Epikydes was in the inner city ; Himilkon and Hippokrates with their army, and Ouinctius with his, were encamped in the lower ground, and the Carthaginian and Roman fleets lay in the harbour. Presently a new and terrible power stepped in. It was now the autumn of the year 212 ; and the marshy ground by the Anapos, as ever, became un- healthy. Pestilence broke out among the armies encamped there, as it had done in the days of the former Himilkon. It did not greatly touch either the besieged or the besiegers within the city ; they were in a purer air ; but it fell on the army of Ouinctius, and still more heavily on the army of Himilkon. Mar- cellus was able to help Ouinctius' soldiers by moving them to healthier ground on the hill ; the Sicilian soldiers who had come with the Carthaginians also found healthy spots in the neighbourhood. But the Punic force was utterly swept away, and with it the two commanders Himilkon and Hippokrates. The only hope of Epikydes was now in Bomilkar and the Punic fleet. Bomilkar went to Africa to ask for rein- forcements. The reinforcements were granted ; they came to Sicily, but not to Syracuse. Epikydes went to stir him up ; he set sail, but he neither entered the harbour of Syracuse nor met the Roman fleet in battle. He sailed away, it is not easy to see why, to Tarcntum. Epikydes did not come back to Syracuse. He was 310 THE END OF SICILIAN INDEPENDENCE. really the officer, not of Syracuse but of Carthage, and he may have thought that he could do Carthage better service elsewhere. His absence left Syracuse in the hands of the mercenaries and deserters. These last, in case of Roman success, had nothing to look for but the rods and the axe ; all others, citizens and soldiers, might have some hope of making terms. So yet again an attempt at negotiation was made. It began with the Sicilian troops in the neighbourhood. Marcellus said that he was still willing to leave Syra- cuse a free city, enrolled of course as a dependency of Rome, and paying to Rome the revenue that had been formerly paid to King Hieron. Envoys were sent to announce these terms to the mercenary captains who now had Syracuse in their power. These cap- tains the envoys contrived to slay, by the help of their friends in Syracuse, An assembly was then held, the last assembly of the Syracusan people. Generals were chosen, who began to treat with Marcellus on the proposed terms. This sounded like a death-warrant to the deserters ; they persuaded the mercenaries to share their luck ; they slew the new generals, and broke off all communications with the Romans. But presently the ordinary mercenaries began to see that their case and that of the deserters was not the same. The mere mercenaries might make terms, while the deserters could not. A Spanish captain named Mericus entered into communication with Marcellus ; great rewards were promised him, and he agreed to betray his post in the Island in the night. When the appointed time came, a Roman party came by water, and was admitted by Mericus. At TAKLXG OF SYRACUSE. 31 T :l.i\-bi'cak Marccllus made a pretended attack on the wall of Achradina. All the forces in Syracuse went to defend it ; larger parties of Roinans were admitted by Mericus till the Island was wholly in their power. And now comes the strange part of the story. The deserters contrived to escape ; it is implied that their escape was conniv^ed at. This looks as if Mericus had made some stipulation for them ; if so, Marcellus might shut his eyes to their escape ; he could not par- don them, if they came into his hands. But a hard fate fell on the citizens, a large part at least of whom were still inclined to Rome. They came out of the gate of Achradina, asking simply for their lives. The clemency of Marcellus was afterwards much boasted of; but it did not go far beyond forbidding any general massacre. It comes out afterwards that some special enemies of Rome were put to death and their houses and lands were forfeited ; but for the mass of the people the rule was the same that had been followed at the entrance of the Romans into Tycha and Neapolis. In truth it would have been impossible to keep the soldiers from the expected reward of their long toils. The houses of S}'racusc were given up to plunder ; but slaughter and outrage were forbidden, and the in- habitants were allowed to keep their empty houses. Marcellus took possession of the royal hoard for the Roman people ; but it proved less rich than had been looked for. And he began that shameless robbery of statues, pictures, and other works of art, \\hich went on constantly from this time. He took away all that he could to adorn his triumph. Slaughter and outrage were forbidden ; but, when 312 THE END OF SICILIAN INDEPENDENCE. pillage is allowed, some slaughter is sure to follow. And the taking of Syracuse was marked by the slay- ing of the most memorable man in Sicily. We have heard nothing of Archimedes since quite the early days of the siege ; indeed, since he drove away Marcellus and Appius, there had been no need of his engines. The story goes that Marcellus sent for him ; was it to lead him in his triumph? When the message came, the philosopher was busy with a mathematical problem ; he asked to be allowed to finish it ; the soldier seemingly misunderstood him, and in his haste drew his sword and killed him. Marcellus is said to have lamented his death and to have shown favour to his kinsfolk. Others were slain by one chance or another ; and those who kept their lives and houses, but had lost all their goods, were in a wretched case. Many had to sell themselves or their children for food. But Rome rewarded those who had served her Sosis and Mericus both received Roman citizenship. Sosis was also given a house in Syracuse and lands in the neighbourhood. INIericus and those who had helped him to let the Romans into the Island received lands elsewhere. Such was the end of the long history of Syracuse as an independent city, often as a ruling city, the greatest city of Sicily and of Europe. For more than a thousand years it remained, in one shape or another, part of the Roman dominion. Marcellus had now to deal with the other towns which had come under the Roman dominion. The kingdom of Hieron was swept away ; nor was there any hope of uniting EXPLOITS OF MUTINES. 313 eastern Sicily as a whole or any other shape. Each town was dealt with according to its deserts towards Rome. Those towns which had never fallen away or which had come back before the fall of Syracuse were received to different degrees of favour. Those which had simply come in through fear after Syracuse had fallen Marcellus dealt with as conquered enemies, and as at Syracuse, he portioned out rewards and punish- ments as he thought good. In these measures we see the beginnings of the different relations in which the towns of Sicily stood to Rome and to one another in after-times. But it was only in part of Sicily that Marcellus could thus act at pleasure. Many towns still clave to the Punic alliance. Hannon and Epikydes still held Akragas, and they were now strengthened by Hanni- bal sending to them a valiant captain of Numidian horse named Mutines. He was of the mixed breed called Libyphocnicians, who were shut out from honours in the Carthaginian commonwealth, but his merits as a soldier had won him honour and trust in the camp of Hannibal. At the head of his light cavalry he scoured the country unhindered. He harried the lands of the allies of Rome, and became the centre of the Carthaginian party everywhere. But Hannon envied his exploits, and, having his own commission straight from the Carthaginian government, he de- spised the officer merely sent by Hannibal. On the other hand, Mutines cared greatly for Hannibal and Mutines' soldiers cared greatly for Mutines ; but neither cared much for Carthage and still less for Hannon. It was therefore not hard for Roman intrigues to shake 3r4 THE END OF SICILIAN INDEPENDENCE. their allegiance when once they felt wronged. Hannon and Epikydes marched as far as Phintias, by the old battle-ground of the southern Himeras. Marcellus marched from Syracuse to meet them ; a battle fol- lowed ; Mutines was there, and the Romans were driven to their camp. A strange mutiny followed among the Numidians ; part rode away to Herakleia; Mutines went to bring them back ; Hannon would needs fight a battle while Mutines was away ; the Numidians sent word to Marcellus that they would not fight against him. On the day of battle they stood aloof, and without them Hannon's army was easily beaten. Marcellus took much spoil and eight elephants, and went back to Syracuse as a conqueror. This was his last exploit in Sicily. He was suc- ceeded in his command by the praetor Cethcgus, and went back to Rome, hoping for a triumph. The conquest of Syracuse was certainly the greatest success that Rome had ever seen ; but the war was not over, and Marcellus had come without his army. He was therefore refused the triumph, and was allowed only the lesser honour of the ovation. In that the general walked instead of being drawn in a chariot ; flutes were played instead of trumpets, and the sacri- fice to Jupiter on the Capitol was a ram and not a bull. But the rich spoil of Syracuse, the plunder of gods and men, the engines of Archimedes, the captive elephants, made so great a show that the ovation of Marcellus was as splendid as any triumph. At the election of consuls for the next year (B.C. 2II-2I0), he was again chosen with Marcus Valerius La;vinus. All Sicily was frightened at the thought of OUTCRY AGAINST MARCELLUS. 3T5 Marccllus coming back ; embassies went to Rome to beg for mercy ; the fright grew greater wlien tlie Senate voted that Sicily should be the province of one of the consuls, and when the lot gave it to Mar- cellus. It seemed, men said, as if Syracuse were going to be sacked a second time. Marcellus talked big, and said that the outcry was raised by the intri- gues of his enemies in Rome. But he found the feeling against him so strong that he thought it well to exchange provinces with Lsevinus. The Sicilians were then formally heard in the Senate, and set forth their griefs against Marcellus. Many senators spoke strongly against him ; but it w'as not thought expe- dient to pass any formal censure. His acts were con- firmed ; but Lajvinus was bidden to deal as gently with S)Tacuse as Roman interests would allow. Then the Sicilians found it expedient to ask pardon ot Marcellus and to crave his favour. Marcellus and his house became, according to Roman fashion, hereditary patrons of Syracuse. And lying legends arose about his clemency in Sicily and how much he was beloved there. While Marcellus was at Rome (210), reinforcements came from Carthage to Akragas ; Mutines still fought, and won over towns for Carthage ; Ccthegus had much ado to keep his army from mutiny. Presently Lacvinus came to his province. He seems to have done something to satisfy the complaints at Syracuse ; but the chief work to be done was at Akragas. But Lacvinus could do nothing as long as Mutines rode to and fro unhindered. At last the foolish jealousy of Hannon reached such a pitch that he deprived 3l6 THE END OF SICILIAN INDEPENDENCE. Mutines of his command and gave it to his own son. Then Mutines held that all ties between him and Carthage were broken, and the Numidians would serve under no captain but Mutines. He and they sent to Laevinus, offering to betray the town. So they did. A party of Romans were let in by the southern gate ; Hannon, Epikydes, and a few others, startled at the Roman war-shout, were able to make their wa}- out by one of the side-gates ; a crowd of others tried to follow them in vain ; and Akragas was a second time a Roman conquest. Laevinus came to sit in judgement ; he had no commission to be merciful to Akragas, and with a revolted city he dealt yet more sharply than Marcellus had dealt with Syracuse. The mass of the people were sold into slavery ; some special enemies of Rome were put to death. But some, the remains doubtless of a Roman party, were left to keep up some shadow of life till, a few years later, they were strengthened by the addition of settlers from other parts of the island. The history of Akragas now ends. There is only provincial Agrigentum. The work was now nearly done. There were still sixty-six towns in arms against Rome. But the fall of Akragas spread fear everywhere. Some towns surrendered freely ; some were betrayed, some were taken by storm. Rewards and punishments were dealt out among their people, according to their merits in Roman eyes. The war, strictly so called, was over. Laevinus could exhort the people of Sicily, now that peace was come, to sit down quietly and till their fields, and grow the corn which was to SICILY AN OUTPOST OF EUROPE. 317 feed themselves and Rome also. It was rather as a civil magistrate than as a general that he had to put down a gang of robbers that he found at Agathyrnum. Four thousand ruffians of every kind had seized the town, and made it a centre of brigandage. Oddly enough Laevinus found an use for them. He took them over to Italy to defend the lands of Rhegion against their fellow robbers the Bruttians. He then went on to Rome ; he reported to the Senate the peaceful state of his province, and presented Mutines and his comrades to receive their rewards, in the case of Mutines that of Roman citizenship. He then went back to Sicily for several years. He and other Roman commanders found the use of the island as the outpost of Europe against Africa. From the havens of Sicily many expeditions were made against the coasts of Africa, which Carthage sometimes threatened to return, but never did. The land was quiet ; its corn began to feed the Roman armies and Rome herself. In the very last stage of the war Sicily becomes at least the scene of greater events. Publius Cornelius Scipio, chosen consul for the year 205, made Sicily the starting-point for his great enterprise. His plan was to go in the path of Agathokles, to carry the war into Africa, to draw Hannibal out of Italy to the defence of Carthage. All his preparations were made in Sicily ; it was from Lilyba^um that he set forth, and it was to Lilybaeum that he came back. His plan had succeeded. Hannibal came back to Africa, to meet Scipio in arms, to fight his last battle and to undergo his first defeat. 3l8 THE END OF SICILIAN INDEPENDENCE. At Hannibal's bidding Carthage accepted the peace by which she ceased to be a ruHng city, and became practically a dependency of Rome. The long strife was over ; Europe had conquered Africa. Sicily was delivered from all fear of Phoenician rule, but only at the cost of submitting to Roman rule. Sicily has now, for a long time to come, no history but that of a subject province, an appendage to the history of Rome, Old and New. For six hundred years she vanishes from all direct share in the history of the world. This long, and mostly dreary, interval parts off the great times of Sicily through which we have passed from the great times of Sicily which are still far distant. Still it is a time from which we may learn much, and it has some stirring tales here and there. And one change took place greater than all. When Sicily next shows herself as having even a passing share in the great events of the world, it will be a Christian Sicily of which we shall have to speak. The altars of Baal have to pass away from Panormus and the altars of Zeus from Agrigentum. On the day of the victory of Scipio the number of )'ears that part us from the victory of Gelon at Himera is greater than those that part us from the preaching of Saint Paul at Syracuse. XVI. SICILY A ROMAN TROVINCE. B.C. 20I-A.D. 827. [In this clmptcr we have to deal with the history of more than a thou- sand years; but it is only a small part of that time which needs to be treated at any length. It is needless to say that we have no continuous history taking in all that time, and that we have no special Sicilian his- tory at all. Our story, just as at the very beginning, has for the most part to be put together from all manner of casual sources. But for several periods we have the help of good authorities, contemporary or nearly so. Thus for the Slave-wars, besides other notices, we have a good account in Diodoros. He was not actually contemporary, but he was deal- ing with his own island while the memory of things were fresh. The great speeches of Cicero against Verres are a store of knowledge about Sicily at that time, as, more than six hundred years after, the letters of Pope (Gregory the Great are for Sicily in his day. Between them, a pretty full account of the war of Sextus Pompeius may be made out from the histories of Appian and Dion Cassius, and such mention as there is of Sicily in the Vandal and Gothic wars of Belisarius comes from the high contemporary authority of Procopius, the best historian that we have had to deal with since Polybios. Otherwise our authorities are piece- meal. There are of course notices here and there in more general writers, from Suetonius and Tacitus onwards. For the earlier times we have notices of the country from Strabo and the elder Pliny in their general works. In the latter part the Lives of the Saints and other ecclesias- tical sources give a great deal of help ; but great care must be taken to distinguish legend from fact. But at the very least they are useful for local matters, and sometimes tliey are of a much higher character. And in the earlier times we have abundant help from inscriptions and 319 320 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE coins. The great mass of the Sicilian inscriptions date from the Roman times. We would gladly exchange any of them for a few of earlier days.] All Sicily was now a Roman province. Part of it, the first province that Rome held, became such when, at the end of the War for Sicily, Carthage ceded to Rome all her possessions in the island. That is, part of Sicily, from being a province of Carthage, became a province of Rome. But the kingdom of Hieron remained a separate state till his death. Then the second War for Sicily ended in bringing the whole island to the same state of subjection. The system of provinces thus began in Sicily ; it went on when the islands of Corsica and Sardinia were ceded by Carthage. It was not till later that Rome took syste- matically to turning independent lands into provinces. The kingdom of Hieron was a necessary appendage to the older Sicilian province. Yet it was none the less the first example of a kingdom dependent on Rome, an.d also the first example of the way in which such a dependency was brought down to a state of subjec- tion. For subjection it practically was everywhere. Yet we must not think that every inch of ground within a province stood in exactly the same relation to the ruling city. It suited Rome to allow very different degrees of internal freedom to cities all of which, in their external relations, were practically her subjects. One city might have joined Rome as a free ally when its alliance was valuable to Rome. It might keep its old formal alliance, sometimes an alliance on equal terms, though practically it could have no dealings with other powers but such as Rome thought good. RELATIONS OF CITIES TO ROME. 32 1 Such a city, though geographically within the bounds of the province, was not strictly part of the province ; it was an ally of Rome, not a subject ; it held its privileges by virtue of a treaty. Other towns might have privileges above others, not by virtue of a treaty, but by the favour of the ruling city. Such a town might be free in its internal administration ; it might be exempt from all tribute to Rome. And, even in the districts which were altogether subject, the towns still kept the character of separate communities with their own magistrates and assemblies, though they could not do anything of importance without leave from the sovereign power. That power was represented in the proN'ince by a proconsul or other Roman governor, in Sicily by a prcBtor. Practically the praetor or other governor could do pretty much what he chose, subject to the fear of being accused at Rome when he went out of office. And this check was but a slight one ; for, besides the power of briber)^ the Roman senators and knights were commonly unwilling to condemn their own chief men at the accusation of strangers. The Roman governors were therefore often very oppressive, treat- ing the provinces as fields for their own enrichment. We shall see something of this as we go on. Examples of all the relations of which we have spoken were to be seen in Sicily. Three towns were allies of Rome {fa:de}'atcs). Messana, now officially called Civitas Mamertina, kept its place as an Italian ally on Sicilian soil. The other two were Netum and Tauromenium — we may now begin to use the Latin names — which seem to have had more favourable treaties than Messana. They were both in the king- 22 322 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE. dom of Hieron, and they must have earned favour by- special services during the last war. Their position and that of other alHed cities within the provinces was a good deal like that of the republic of San Marino and the principality of Monaco in modern Europe. They remained what the kingdom of Hieron had been, with the great practical difference, that they were isolated towns and not a considerable territory. Five other towns had the lesser, but not unimportant, privileges of being exempt from tribute to Rome, and of keeping a free local administration i^Civitates libcrcc et iuiuiuncs sine fccdere). These were Centuripa, Haleesa, Segesta, Halicy^e, and Panormus. The rest of Sicily stood in the simple provincial relation. The towns kept their constitutions as municipalities ; but in every province the Roman People was sovereign and landlord. As landlord, it received in Sicily the tithe of the crops by way of rent. Hieron had also taken the tithe ; but that was as a native sovereign to defray the cost of a native government. Now it went out of the country, as tribute to a foreign power. We must also remember that, by the general rule in all cases of Roman allies and dependencies, the different towns, in whatever relation they stood to Rome, stood in no relation to one another. They were quite isolated. A citizen of one town could not hold land in the terri- tory of another, while a Roman could hold land any- where. Sometimes the same right was granted to specially favoured towns. Thus the people of the old Sikel town of Centuripa might hold land in any part of Sicily. They got great wealth by this privilege, and contrived to oust the people of Leontinoi from nearly the whole of their land. THE ROMAN PEACE. 323 It is important to remember these differences in the condition of the different towns, and the large amount of separate being which some of them kept under the Roman dominion. Such local independence was a privilege very well worth having ; still it was a poor substitute for the full freedom of older times, when each city could itself play a part in the affairs of the world. On the other hand, peace, the Roman Peace, was spread over the land ; cities could not make war on one another, as they did in the old time. Whether peace may not be too dearly purchased at the price of freedom and political life is another question. The Roman Senate and People certainly did not mean to act oppressively towards the lands which their victory over Carthage put into their hands. The fault lay in the system which gave one commonwealth a practically boundless power over another. And it lay still more in the great powers which the Roman officials held in the provinces, and in the way in which they often winked at unlawful acts on the part of other Romans. Yet there was clearly a disposition to do what could be done for the conquered land. Thus when, in the year 146 B.C., Carthage was taken and destroyed by the younger Publius Scipio, he gave back to the cities of Sicily many works of art which had been carried off to Carthage in the various Punic wars. Among these he gave back to Agrigentum a brazen bull which was said, though its claim was very doubt- ful, to be the real bull of Phalaris. As one effect of the Roman government, we may mark from this time a certain change in the relative importance of the Sicilian towns. Cities like S3racuse, which 324 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE. had been the seat of great independent powers, lost greatly in every way by becoming mere provincial towns. Their trade and wealth lessened, and they began gradually to decay. The process began, though it took a long time fully to carry it out, by which Syracuse shrank up again into its island and Agrigentum into its akropolis, as we see them now. On the other hand, now that the growing of corn became almost the only business of the island, some of the inland towns which were centres of the corn- trade grew greatly in importance. It is needless to say that the distinction between Greeks and Sikels is now quite forgotten. Even the Phoenician towns seem largely to have become Greek. In Cicero's time the whole people of Sicily could be spoken of as Greeks. The truth is that Rome herself came to be so much under Greek influences that she carried somewhat of a Greek element even into her bar- barian conquests. Much more then did the Roman conquest help to make a land wholly Greek which was already mainly so. On the whole, Sicily under the Roman dominion must be spoken of as declining land. Great evils came of the excessive cultivation of corn. Both rich Sicilians and Roman speculators became masters of great estates, which they tilled by gangs of slaves. The endless wars and conquests of Rome led to a vast increase of slavery and the slave-trade, and the corn- growers of Sicily bought captives from all parts. In the slavery of antiquity the domestic slave, above all, the educated slave, such as many were, had a good chance of freedom, and at Rome even of citizenship. FIRST SLAVE WAR. 325 But nothing could be more hopeless than the state of the slaves who worked in the fields. They had no chance of freedom ; they were cruelly treated ; they were not allowed enough of food and clothing ; they were sometimes even mockingly told by their masters that they might supply their wants by robbing on the highway. On the one hand, the whole country was made unsafe ; on the other, the wrongs of the slaves at last led them to revolt. The Slave Wars of Sicily form some of the most striking incidents in the otherwise not stirring history of the provincial land The slaves revolted twice, and both times they cost the Roman government no small trouble before the island could be made quiet again. It must be remembered that most of the Sicilian slaves who tilled the ground were captives taken in war, men well used to fighting. They came largely from Asia, and many of them were Cilician pirates. When therefore they had once taken up arms and made an union among themselves, they were able to make a formidable stand. The first Slave War broke out in the year B.C. 134. It was a time when the slaves rose in several other parts of the world ; but it is hard to say whether the Sicilian revolt had anything to do with the others. In Sicily the outbreak took place at Henna. A rich citizen of that town, Damophilos by name, and his wife Megallis, were specially cruel to their slaves, of whom they had a vast number. But their young daughter had always treated the slaves well, and had given them whatever comfort she could under the bad treatment of her parents. Another 326 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE. citizen of Henna, named Antigenes, had a Syrian slave called Eunous, who professed to have the gift of prophecy, and who played various tricks, breath- ing fire and the like. He gave out that the Syrian froddess had revealed to him that he should be a king. Presently the slaves of Damophilos conspired with the other slaves in Henna. They proclaimed Eunous king ; they took possession of the town, and did as they pleased with their former masters and the other inhabitants. Damophilos was put to death with many others ; his wife was given to the slave-women, who tortured her and threw her down the brow of the hill. But the slaves remembered her daughter's kind- ness ; to her they did no harm, but sent her under a trusty guard to some friends at Catina. The slaves flocked together from all parts ; Eunous was presently at the head of six thousand men, armed with such arms as they could get. Such of the freemen of Henna as were makers of arms they kept alive as prisoners to make them swords and spears. Eunous took on him the state of a king, with the name of Antiochos, after the kings of his own country. He also gave the title of queen to the Syrian slave-woman who lived with him , lawful marriage of course could not be among slaves. King Eunous was nothing great in himself; but he had a wise counsellor in one Achaios. Slaves were often called after their countries, and here was a slave, no barbarian, but an Achaian, a Greek of the leading commonwealth of Greece, who had become a slave, most likely by being kidnapped by pirates. Presently another body of revolted slaves showed themselves under a Cilician named Kleon. It was SECOND SLAVE WAR. 2)-7 thought that he and Eunous would fight against one another ; but Kleon submitted himself to Eunous as king. KIcon was a good captain ; so with him and Achaios the affairs of King Eunous went on very well for a time. For three years or more this revolt went on. The slave king, or his general Kleon, was able to defeat more than one Roman praetor with his army. The slaves seem to have had full possession of the open country ; but we do not hear of any of the chief towns falling into their hands, except Henna, where the revolt began, and Tauromenium, which they could hardly have taken by force ; it must have been be- trayed to them. At last in 132 the consul Publius Rupilius overcame them. He besieged King Antio- chos and his followers in Tauromenium, where they held out till they were brought to the eating of human flesh. At last Kleon died fighting mafnully in a sally. The town was betrayed to the consul ; Eunous or Antiochos escaped with a few attendants, and kept a while in hiding ; but he was taken and died of disease in prison. Rupilius stayed in the island as proconsul; and in the next year 131, he put forth a code of regulations by which the province was governed for many years. The laws of Rupilius however did not put an end to the evils of slavery. These, bad enough in all parts of the ancient world, seem to have reached their highest point in provincial Sicily. A second revolt of the slaves was the consequence. This lasted from B.C. 102 to 99, which was also a time of other revolts of slaves elsewhere. And the time was well chosen 328 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE. in other ways, as it was in the middle of the great war of Rome with the Cimbri and Teutones, when no great heed could be given to the affairs of Sicily. The story is in some things very like that of the first slave-war ; but it has perhaps a greater interest, on account of its connexion with some of the ancient sites and religious beliefs of the island. And the way in which tlic war bsgan throws great light on the nature of ancient slavery. We see liow commonly men were kidnapped by pirates, and how they were made slaves in unlawful ways by Roman officers. Whole lands were left almost without inhabitants. The Senate made an order that all slaves in any Roman province who were subjects or citizens of any state in alliance with Rome should be set free. The praetor of Sicily, Publius Licinius Nerva, began accord- ingly to set free all slaves who came under those terms. So many were thus set free that the slave-owners began to fear that they would lose all their human property. They persuaded or bribed the praetor not to put the law in force, and then the slaves began to revolt in various places. It carries us back to old times when we read that they began with solemn oaths in the temple of the Palici, the old Sikel gods who befriended the slave. Indeed it is said that even in these times no master dared to harm a slave who had taken refuge there. 1 he insurgents carried on the war for some time, having chosen as their king one Salvius, who, like Eunous, had got credit for soothsaying. They fought with success, and were able more than once to defeat such troops as the praetor could lead or send against them. But they END OF THE SLA]'E WAR. 329 could not get hold of any considerable city ; they won a battle before Morgantina ; but they could not get possession of the town. Trescntly another king arose in the western part of the island about Libybaeum and Segesta. This w^as a Cilician named Athenion, who also laid claim to mysterious powers, but who w^is withal a good soldier, having most likely been a pirate like Kleon. Just as in the case of Eunous and Kleon, men thouglit that the two would turn against one another ; but Athenion, like Kleon, submitted to Salvius as king, and acted as his general. Salvius now called himself Tryphon, after the Syrian king of that name. He assumed all kingly state, and fixed his capital and court in the small but strong town of Triocala,that is most likely either the modern Caltabellotta, or some point in the hills near it. Like Ducctius, he chose the Palici to his special protectors. Not only slaves but many poor freemen joined him, and they met Roman armies in the field. The praetor Lucius Licinius Lucullus, father of the Lucullus who was famous in Asia, defeated them in battle ; but he could not or would not take Triocala. His successor Ouintus Scrvilius did as little. At last the revolt grew so serious that the Senate was driven to treat it as a foreign war, and the consul Gains Aquillius was sent with his full army. Tryphon was now dead, and Athenion was king. Athenion was killed in battle with the consul ; the revolt was now thoroughly put down. Many of the slaves were taken to Rome to fight with wild beasts ; but they escaped this fate by slaying one another. 330 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE. The slave-wars are by far the most striking events in Sicily while it was a Roman province. They are real pieces of Sicilian history, such as it is. We have now little to tell, save the way in which Sicily, as a subject land of Rome, was passively touched by the revolutions of the ruling city, and how much it suffered at the hands of its Roman governors. Thus in B.C. 82, in the civil war of Marius and Sulla, some of the chief partisans of Marius sought refuge in Sicily, and were followed thither and overcome by the famous Gnaeus Pompeius. But it concerns us more when we read how one Sthenics, a chief man of Thcrma, who had done great things for his own city and was honoured throughout all Sicily, was charged before Pompeius on account of his friendship for Marius, but was let go. This comes from our chief source of knowledge of Sicilian matters a little later, namely the great pleading of Cicero against the pr?etor Gaius Vcrres, when he was accused for his oppressions in Sicily. Cicero had himself been quaestor in Sicily, and he knew the land well, and we learn a great deal as to its state from his speeches in this famous cause. Cicero seems to take for granted that there must always be some oppression in a provincial administra- tion. Only the Sicilians, he says, were such good quiet people that they did not complain unless oppression got much worse than usual. This is most likely quite true. The system was bad, specially the farming of the tithe to speculators. The prsetor himself might mean to be just, but he could hardly ever keep all his agents in order. But there was a PRmTORSHIP OF VERRES. 33 1 great difference between one Roman officer and another. Thus Sicily suffered a good deal from Marcus Antonius, father of a more famous man of the same name. He was not praetor in Sicily ; but having the command at sea, he was able to plunder various provinces, Sicily among them. But the praetor at this time (B.C. 74), Gains Licinius Saccrdos, is spoken of as a man of blameless character, against whom no charge of oppression could be brought. Then, in 73, came the worst of all the men whom Rome sent to rule her provinces, Gains Verres — his iiomen is not known for certain. Wy ill luck he stayed in the island three years. He heeded no law, Roman or local ; he cared nothing for the privileges of the towns or for the rights of particular men. He plundered everywhere ; he practised every kind of extortion in collecting the tithe, and in bu}-ing the public corn which was needed to be sent to Rome. He committed every kind of excess ; he imprisoned and slew men wrongfully. And his hand fell on others besides the provincials ; for the crime on which Cicero lays most stress, as the crown of all wickedness, was one that was absolutely unheard of before, the crucifixion of a Roman citizen. There is reason to think that the extortions of Verres really tended to the lasting impoverishment of the island. But the most striking thing at the time was his plunder of the choicest and most sacred works of art. He pro- fessed to be a man of taste, and in that character he robbed cities, temples, and private men. And all this while he neglected the common defence of the province, and let pirates sail freely into Sicilian 332 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE. havens. It throws much h'ght on the corrupt state of things at Rome that such a man as this found many supporters among the chief Romans. Every difficulty was put in the way of the Sicilians and their advocate Cicero. In the end they succeeded. The case was so clear that, before sentence was given, indeed before Cicero had finished his pleadings, Verres went into exile at Massilia. This a Roman could always do, and he thus escaped further punishment. In the days of the proscription he was put to death by the younger and more famous Marcus Antonius, for the sake of some of his stolen treasures which he had not given back. During the civil wars of Rome Sicily becomes at one stage of special importance. In the civil war of Caesar and Pompeius Sicily played no great part ; still it marks the position of the island that when, in B.C. 47, the Dictator Caesar crossed to his war in Africa, it was from Lilybaeum that he set out. Men said that his death in B.C. 44 was foretold, among other signs and wonders, by an eruption of ^tna, and soon after his death Sicily became for a while the great centre of strife. Sextus Pompeius, the younger son of the great Gna;us, had kept on a desultory warfare in Spain since the death of his father in B.C. 48. After the death of the Dictator, his adopted son Gains Octavius, now known as the younger Caesar and afterwards as Augustus, was for a moment the professed friend of the republican party against Marcus Antonius. Then Sextus, who was strong at sea, was acknowledged as commander of all DEATH OF C/ESAR FORETOLD. 333 the naval forces of the commonwcaUh. Presently Caesar changed sides, and formed his triumvirate with Antonius and Lepidus. In the general slaughter of their enemies that followed, Scxtus was set down among the proscribed, though he had no hand in tlie death of the Dictator. His fleet became the refuge of such of the proscribed as could escape ; he was joined by discontented men of all kinds, largely by pirates and runaway slaves. With this force he was able to occupy, first Myla; and Tyndaris, then Messana, then Syracuse the provincial capital, and the whole island (B.C. 43). Sicily thus became for seven years the seat of a separate power, at war wiih the powers of Italy and the rest of the Roman dominion. Not that Sextus had any thought of founding a distinct Sicilian dominion of any kind. The position of the island enabled a Roman party- leader who was strong at sea to hold Sicily for his own purposes against other Roman party-leaders. Writers in the interest of Caesar, as all our authori- ties are more or less, make a point of speaking of the war with Sextus Pompeius as a servile war, like those revolts of the slaves which we spoke of a little time back. But it is certain that many Romans, some of high rank, joined him. He showed no remarkable ability himself, but he was well served by several frcedmen with Greek names, who made excellent commanders by sea. One suspects that they had been Cilician pirates. By their help he kept the dominion of Sicily in the teeth of many attacks for the space of seven years. He added Sardinia and Corsica to his dominions, and kept up a plundering 334 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE. warfare along the Italian coasts. But he seems to have been incapable of any great enterprise, and he did little personally beyond keeping on the defensive in his head-quarters at Messana. But the loss of corn from Sicily brought Rome near to famine. On the other hand, the Sicilians must have lost the market for their corn. We hear next to nothing of the in- ternal state of Sicily during the occupation of Sex- tus ; but shortly afterwards the island is described in a general way as having lost much of its prosperity during his time. His aims seem to have been wholly personal ; as to the particular crimes laid to his charge, we must remember that we have only the statements of his enemies. Thus he is charged with the murder of several Roman officers who had come under his suspicion ; but the evidence is not very clear. The first attempt against Sextus was made by the younger Caesar in B.C. 42. But the officer sent against him, Ouintus Salvidienus Rufus, was altogether defeated at sea. Sextus then gave himself great airs, and called himself the son of Neptune or Poseidon. But he failed to take any advantage of the other wars in which Caesar was engaged, first along with Marcus Antonius against Brutus and Cassius at Philippi, and then against Lucius Antonius at Perusia. For a moment, in B.C. 40, Sextus made an agreement with Marcus Antonius, but Antonius and Caesar were soon again joined together against him. Now it was that his valiant freedman Menas won for him the other great islands ; but he was more valiant than faithful, and he was already beginning to have dealings with Caesar. The people of Rome were now feeling the PEACE OF MISENUM. 335 stress of hunger, and they clamoured loudly for peace with Scxtus. They showed their zeal in an odd way, by paying special devotion to the image of Neptune, when it was carried round at the games among the other gods. CiEsar and Antonius were driven to make peace with Sextus. In the year 39 the three met at Miscnum on the coast of Campania. The two triumvirs entertained Sextus on land, and he enter- tained them on board his ship. And the story went that Menas proposed to his master to sail off with Caesar and Antonius on board, and so make himself master of the whole Roman world. And Sextus is said to have answered : " You should have done it without asking me ; Menas may do such things ; Pompeius cannot." By the terms of peace, Sextus was to keep his three islands and to receive the province of Achaia from Antonius. This was the way in which the Roman leaders parted out the world among them. The followers of Sextus were allowed to return to Rome and receive again their rights and properties, save that the proscribed were to receive only a part. Magistracies and priesthoods were to be given to the friends of Sextus ; his father-in-law Libo was to be consul the next year along with Antonius, and Scxtus himself the year after along with Caesar. And Sextus' little daughter Pompeia was to be married to Marcellus the little son of Octavia, sister of Caesar and now wife of Antonius. The peace was received with universal delight, and many of Scxtus' friends went back to Rome. But nothing more really came of it. Each side of course laid the blame of the breach on the other. Antonius 336 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE. failed to make over Achaia to Sextus, and Sextus' plundering warfare began again. Presently Menas changed sides and went over to Caesar, taking the islands of Sardinia and Corsica with him. Sextus thus remained master of Sicily only. There now begins a second War for Sicily, like the war to which that name properly belongs, except that it was not waged by two hostile commonwealths but by two Roman party-leaders. It was a war between Caesar and Sextus. Caesar could not as yet persuade the other triumvirs to take any part in it. And the war was unpopular at Rome, where the people wanted corn and therefore peace. Still Caesar had, both now and in his later war with Antonius, a great advantage from his possession of Rome and Italy. Sextus too never took advantage of any success that he gained. He defended Sicily ; elsewhere he did nothing but plunder. Presently Caesar planned a great attack on Sicily by land and sea. He was himself in southern Italy when the two fleets met oft' Cumae (38). The battle w-as chiefly notable for the meeting in arms of the two freedmen, Menas, who had now a command under Caesar, and Menekrates, who led the fleet of Sextus. Their two ships met and fought fiercely. Menekrates was killed ; Menas was disabled by a wound. The Pompeians had greatly the advantage in the battle ; but Demochares, another freedman who took the command, and all under him, were too disheartened by the loss of Menekrates to improve their advantage as they might have done. WAR BETWEEN C7ESAR AND SEXTUS. 337 What they failed to do, the powers of nature, the power, Sextus would say, of his adopted father, did for them. Cresar was coming by sea from Tarentum to join his forces on the west side of Italy ; Sextus was waiting for him at Messana. Sextus dashed out on the Caesarian fleet ; a fight followed in the strait, in which Caesar was utterly defeated and escaped with difficulty to land. The next day a storm arose and broke in pieces the ships that had escaped in the battle. The division of Menas alone was able to find safety, through his knowledge of the coast. And he did Caesar some service by cutting off a voyage of Demochares to Africa. Presently he changed sides again, and went back to his former master. Al- together Caesar's power was so much weakened that he put off all attacks on Sextus and Sicily for more than a year. (B.C. 38-36.) Meanwhile Caesar had dealings with the other triumvirs. Antonius gave him 130 ships for Sicilian warfare in exchange for legionaries to help in his Eastern campaigns. He persuaded Lepidus to invade Sicily from the West. Thus Italy and Africa joined together against Sicily. Above all, Caesar caused his able lieutenant Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa to make all things ready for a great naval expedition. At last, on July i, B.C. 36 — the month was now dedi- cated to the Dictator as Divus Julius — the great fleet set forth. The Antonian ships were to come from Tarentum to meet it. A great storm arose ; Statilius Taurus, who commanded the Antonian ships, put back to Tarentum ; Lepidus contrived to land in Sicily and laid siege to Lilybseum ; but Caesar's own 23 338 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE. fleet, though he had carefully sacrificed to Neptune and the Sea, was so damaged by the storm as to cause thirty days' delay. Sextus now gave himself out more than ever as the son of Neptune, while Caesar forbade the image of that god to be carried at the games, and said that he would conquer Sicily in spite of him. Public feeling at Rome was again turning towards Sextus ; again men wanted Sicilian corn. Caesar would gladly have put off any more fighting till next year. He therefore set busily to work to repair his losses, while Sextus, as usual, did nothing to push his ad- vantages. It was ominous that Mcnas changed sides yet again, and went back to Caesar. Caesar now formed his plans. The main fleet under Agrippa was to attack northern Sicily ; the Antonian ships at Tarentum were to join Caesar in the strait and attack Tauromenium. Lepidus meanwhile was in western Sicily ; but Demochares and the other Pompeian commanders cut off by land and sea the help that was coming to him from Africa. He came back to eastern Sicily in time to meet Agrippa in a sea-fight off the peninsula of Mylre, in which the Caesarians had the better. Sextus then hastened to Mcssana, where he heard that Caesar was at Tauromenium. He had crossed from Italy with part of his forces, and Sextus was upon him by land and sea before he could send for the rest. Caesar was again defeated at sea, and escaped to Italy with great difficulty. His land force, under Cornificius, made a march of several days through the inland country, which reminds us of the retreat of the Athenians from Syracuse. They had much difficulty in crossing the lava-covered country C/ESAR MASTER OF SICILY. 339 under ^tna, and they were constantly beset by the Pompeian horsemen and darters. At last they were met by another force sent by Agrippa to meet them, and they came safely to the north coast. The war was ended, as far as Sextus was con- cerned, by another sea-fight. Agrippa won a more decisive victory over the Pompeian fleet off Nau- lochus, a point between Mylai and Cape Peloris. Sextus, who had looked on at the battle from the shore, forsook Sicily and sailed with a few ships for Asia. There, after many adventures which do not concern us, he was killed the next year (B.C. 35). Meanwhile both Lepidus and the Pompeian Plennius had come from the West. Plennius still held Messana for Sextus, and was besieged by Agrippa and Lepidus. The forces of Plennius and Lepidus presently joined together and sacked the town. Lepidus was aiming to make himself master of Sicily instead of Sextus. But, when Caesar came, both armies forsook their generals and entered his service (p..C. 36). Seven years after its first occupation by Sextus, Sicily passed under the dominion of Caesar. The later war between Cassar and Antonius does not concern us. Ca:sar was now master of all the West, of Sicily among the rest. He laid a heavy imposition on the island, 1,600 talents, and on his return to Rome, he celebrated an ovation for his Sicilian conquest. Sicily now came back to its former state as a province of Rome. But it had suffered much, and was greatly impoverished, during the war of Sextus. After all the civil wars \\ere over, Cresar, now Augustus and master of the whole Roman world, 34-0 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE. began to look to the state of the lands which had practically become his dominions, and, among other things, he tried to do something for the advantage of Sicily. This he did by planting Roman colonies in several of the towns, specially at Syracuse in B.C. 21. Of this last large traces remain. The Roman town seems to have been wholly on the low ground. It took in the Island, and the lower part of Achradina, and an extended Neapolis, between the theatre and the Great Harbour. Here we see the remains of several Roman buildings, specially of the amphi- theatre ; for Roman colonists, in Sicily or anywhere else, could not do without the bloody shows to which they were used at Rome. Other colonies were planted at Tauromenium, Catina, Therma, and Tyndaris, and laige remains of Roman buildings are to be seen in modern Catania and among the ruins of Tyndaris. Messana, the Mamertine city, got the Roman franchise, and remained a flourishing town. The lower franchise of Latium was granted to Netum, Centuripa, and Segesta. We may remark that by these changes Messana, Netum, and Tauromenium lost their position as free cities, and became, on different conditions, immediate parts of the Roman dominion. Messana, as getting the full Roman franchise, doubtless gained by this. But Strabo, who wrote in the time of Augustus, describes most of the old towns as having gone to utter decay, and he speaks of the country generally as in a wretched state. Sicily thus remained a province of the Roman Empire till the Empire began to lose its provinces. THIRD SLAVE WAR. 34I As one of the peaceful provinces, not lying on any- dangerous frontier, it was one of those which Augustus professed to put under the rule of the Senate and People, while he kept the more exposed lands in his own hands. For several ages there is but little to record. A province hardly has a history of its own, and the position of Sicily hindered it from being the scene of any of the great events in the general history of the Empire. We come across occasional notices of Sicilian towns, as we do of the other towns of the Empire ; we hear for instance of this or that temple being decayed, and perhaps restored by the reigning Emperor. And one at least of the early Emperors, Hadrian, who visited all parts of his dominions, did not fail to visit Sicily also (a.d. 126), and to study the wonders of yEtna. And one or two striking events happened, which sometimes recall past times and sometimes foreshadow times that were to come. There can be no doubt that Sicily lost a great deal by the Roman conquest of Egypt, after which it ceased to be the chief cornfield of the Roman people. We may therefore doubt whether a third revolt of slaves or robbers, of which we hear in the days of Gallienus (a.d. 260-268) was owing to the same causes as the two older and more famous Slave- Wars, Anyhow such an event reminds us of former days, while the next that we have to speak of is an isolated forerunner of what was presently to come. Whatever Sicily had to bear at the hands of Roman masters, she was at least spared the sight of a foreign enemy for several centuries. At last, in the days of the lunperor Probus [276-282), a sudden blow fell. Sicily was again 342 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE. attacked by barbarian invaders. A body of Franks — some say Vandals — who had submitted to the Emperor and had been transplanted by him to new lands by the Euxine, rose in revolt, got possession of ships, and laid waste various parts of Greece, Asia, and Africa. They were driven back from Carthage ; but they crossed to Sicily ; they seized and sacked Syracuse, and wrought a great massacre of its in- habitants. They then made their way into the Ocean, and sailed safely back to their own land, the Francia of those days, on the borders of Northern Germany and Northern Gaul. These new enemies of Sicily w^ere mere ravagersi not conquerors. But their coming marks an epoch It was the first appearance of men of Teutonic stock in Sicily or indeed in the Mediterranean waters. The days of Teutonic dominion were not yet ; but such an isolated event as this was a forerunner of their coming. Meanwhile another of the great elements of the later life of Europe was making its way in Sicily, as in other parts of the Empire. Christianity was preached in Sicily in very early times. The Acts of the Apostles record a three days' stay of the Apostle Paul at Syracuse. But local legend gathers rather round Saint Peter, who is made to send his disciples from Antioch. Saint Paul, legend tells us, found a bishop, JNIarcian by name, already at Syracuse, and preached in his church. The story has its local habitation in the undoubtedly very ancient church of Saint Marcian in lower Achradina. Another disciple of Saint Petei was Pancratius of Tauromenium, whose church, made GROWTH OF CHRISTIAN LEGENDS. 343 out of a small temple, still remains outside the wall of his own city. Like many other saints, he has conflicts with evil powers, in his case the idols Lyson and Phalkon, in which last we are tempted to see a survival of the old Sikel Palici. Saint Peter is also said to have come to Sicily in person, and a round building of Roman date at Catania is shown as a church which he consecrated to Our Lady while she was still upon earth. Some other legends are yet wilder. The old Sikel town of Agyrium took its later name of San Filippo cVArgiro from a Philip who is sometimes made a disciple of Saint Peter and sometimes placed in the reign of the Emperor Arca- dius (395-408). In his story we first hear of /Etna as an abode of evil beings. Saint Kalogeros, who is plainly an impersonation of Eastern monasticism, is also made into a disciple of Saint Peter. He gives himself to the discovery of healing springs and vapours, and his memory lives on two hills on the two sides of Sicily, by the Himcra^an and the Selinuntine Thcnna, now Termini and Sciacca. The virgin saints of Sicily are also many and famous. Two especially have had a great name out of the island. Saint Agatha of Catania has in some sort taken the place of the Pious Brethren. After her martyrdom under the Emperor Decius (249-251), her veil, preserved as relic, stops an eruption of ^tna. Saint Lucy of Syracuse, first of several of the name, is martyred under Diocletian (305), whose character is misconceived in the usual way. This Lucy, one of the virgin patronesses of the island, must be distinguished from a matron Lucy, who in 344 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE. the story appears as a personal victim of Diocletian at Rome. That is, the legend forgot that Diocletian's seat of rule was at Nikomedcia. Presently, under Constantine, came the peace of the Church. By that time we may safely say that the older bishoprics of Sicily, those which claim an apostolic origin, those of Syracuse, Panormus, Catina, Mcssana, Agrigentum, and Tauromcnium, were all in being. We hear of Sicilian bishops attending at councils, and of the island being troubled, like the rest of the West, with the Pelagian heresy. In short, the early ecclesiastical history of Sicily is much like that of any other part of Western Christendom. It was later events which gave it, like its temporal history, a character of its own. Sicily, it is well again to remember, was the first Roman province, the first land out of Italy possessed by the Roman People. Its position was that of a subject land ; its inhabitants were not Romans, except such Romans as settled in the island as colonists or otherwise, and except any natives who were personally admitted to the Roman franchise. After a while the distinction of Romans and pro- vincials was taken away through the Empire by the edict of the Emperor Antoninus, commonly called Caracalla (211-217). By that edict all the free in- habitants of the Empire were admitted to the name and rights of Romans. Under the practical despotism of the Emperors those rights were not worth very much, and it may be doubted whether the provincials found any immediate practical gain in becoming Romans, But the change had its effect nevertheless ; the people BEGINNING OF TEUTONIC INVASIONS. 345 of Sicily or of any other province became proud of the Roman name as opposed to the barbarians outside the Empire. A kind of artificial Roman nationwas formed, at all events in the West, and no Roman anywhere willingly submitted to a barbarian ruler. Now that one land was no more subject than another, the word j^rovi/icc lost its old sense of a subject land, and simply meant an administrative division of the Empire, whether in Italy or elsewhere. When the Empire was mapped out into such divisions by Constantine, Sicily and Italy were drawn closer together : the province of Sicily became part of the diocese of Italy — a formula which must not be confounded with the ecclesiastical use of the word. It was governed by 2. consular under the superior authority of the praetorian pra^fect at Rome. In the beginning of the fifth century the central island of the Mediterranean began to share in the revolutions which had long touched those provinces of the Empire which had exposed inland frontiers. The Teutonic invaders of the Roman dominions, long known in north-eastern Gaul and in the South-eastern lands, began to touch Sicily and other Mediterranean lands in a more lasting way than the momentary landing of the Franks in the third century. And wo. again, as of old, mark the central position of the island. It can be attacked either from Italy or from Africa, and conquerors or deliverers can come from the lands east of the Ionian sea. The first invasion was threatened from Italy ; but it was only a threat. This was from the West-Gothic king Alaric, who, after his taking of Rome in 410, designed an invasion of both Sicily and Africa, and died just 34^ SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE. as he was on the point of attempting it. The West- Goth was thus hindered from becoming the first Teutonic master of Sicily. The next enemy was the Vandal king Gaiscric, who in 429 established a Teutonic kingdom in Africa. He made Carthage his capital, and, as soon as that city was once more the seat of an independent power, it sprang again to something like its old position in its Phoenician days. The Vandal king became the great naval power of the Western Mediterranean ; he conquered and plundered almost at pleasure. He invaded Italy many times ; he sacked Rome itself ; he made him- self master of Sardinia and Corsica and the Balearic islands. He invaded and plundered Sicily many times ; he took and destroyed several towns, and he seems in the end to have established his dominion over the whole island. Besides being, in the speech of the time, barbarians, the Vandals, though Christians, were deemed heretics in religion, having like all the Teutonic nations except the Franks, first learned Christianity in its Arian form. Towards the end of his days (477) Gaiseric gave up the possession of Sicily to Odowakar on payment of a tribute. Odowakar was a leader of mercenaries who had become master of Italy when the first succession of Emperors in the West came to an end There was now only one Emperor, he who reigned at Constantinople, and Odowakar, practically an independent prince, was held to be his lieutenant with the title of patrician. Sicily thus, without being formally separated from the Roman Empire, really passed under the rule of Teutonic masters. The RULE OF THEODORIC. 347 same was the case when Odowakar was displaced by the great East -Gothic king Theodoric (493). Sicily, as well as Italy, passed under his rule. Theodoric looked carefully after all his dominions, Sicily among the rest, and we have occasional notices of Sicilian matters in the documents of his reign collected by his minister Cassiodorus. We find from them that the people of Sicily were, as we might expect, ill disposed towards Gothic rule, and Cassiodorus is praised by the King for winning them over to his allegiance. We find that corn was now sent from Sicily into Gaul, and that the church of Milan, as we shall presently hear of the church of Rome, held lands in Sicily. There are also some notices oi particular places. Thus Syracuse had a Gothic count ; the amphitheatre of Catina had fallen into ruins, and the magistrates and citizens were allowed to make use of the stones for the repair of their walls. Theodoric gave one of his daughters in marriage to the Vandal king Thrasimund, and gave him Lilyba^um as her dowry. The Vandals thus again got a foothold in Sicily. One thinks of the times when, first P}'rrhos and then the Romans, had won all Sicily except Lilybtiiuin from tiic Carthaginians. One wonders at Theodoric giving up so important a point to the new masters of Carthage. But Lilyba^um must have soon passed back to the Goths, as it was in their hands when we next hear anything about Sicily. We have thus seen Sicily, in the changes which swept over the I^npire in the fifth century, come under the power of barbarians, but still of European 348 SICILY A ROMAN PROVIXCE. barbarians, men indeed of Teutonic race. But we cannot say that the island was wholly separated from the Roman Empire, unless perhaps for a moment under Gaiscric. Presently, under the Emperor Justinian and his great general Belisarius, the Empire began to win back many of the lands which it had lost. Some were won back only for a short time ; but Sicily was won back for several centuries. The first land to be won back was Africa. In the year 533 Belisarius came to Sicily, a friendly land under the dominion of the Goths, and made it his starting-point for his expedition against the Vandals. We may thus add his name to the long list of those,from Agathokles onwards, who invaded Africa from Sicily. He did not however set sail either from Syracuse or from Lilyba.^um, but from the harbour of Caucana on the south coast. The Romans of Sicily — so we may now speak — received the Imperial general gladl)'. But after Africa had been won back for the Empire, a special Sicilian dispute arose between the Empire and the Gothic masters of the island. Those who had overcome the Vandals in Africa claimed also their possessions in Sicily, the fortress of Lilybaeum ceded to Thrasimund as his bride's dowry. This the Goths refused to restore. Within two years the question between the Empire and the Gothic king Theodahad came to touch more than Lilybaium ; it touched all Sicily and all Italy. In the year 535 began the great Gothic war of Justinian. And it was in Sicily that it began. The consul Belisarius landed at Catina ; S)'racuse and the towns of Sicily generally submitted willingly. It was Cioriiic WAR OF yusriNiAN. 349 only at Panormiis, where there was a strong Gothic garrison, that the Imperial forces met with any resistance. It would seem that Panormus had begun to shrink up like Syracuse, and that the suburbs which had grown up north and south of the two arms of the haven were now forsaken. Belisarius sailed into the haven without resistance. The masts of his ships were higher than the walls of the inner city ; so he was able to bring the garrison to submission by showers of arrows from a greater height. He went back- to Syracuse ; while he was there, the year of his consulship came to an end, and he laid down his office with the usual ceremonies at Syracuse instead of at Constantinople. All Sicily was now won back for the Empire, and when Belisarius went on the next year to win back Italy, he left garrisons at Syracuse and Panormus only. The Goths never forgot the case with which Sicily was lost, and at a later stage of the war we find the Gothic king Totila breathing vengeance against the Sicilians, both for the loss of the island and because Sicilian cornships had come to Rome and helped the defenders of the city to hold out against his siege of it. In 549-50 Totila invaded Sicily ; he could not take any of the chief towns, but he ravaged the island and left garrisons in four places which are not named. In 551 the Goths were finally driven out of the island. Thus Sicily again became an undisputed province of the Roman Empire. We must remember that the seat of the Empire was then at Constantinople, the Mew Rome, even after the Old Rome and all Italy was won back by Belisarius. A large part of Italy, 35b SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE. north and south, was presently torn away again from the Empire by the Lombards. The theological dis- putes of the eighth century caused the Emperors to lose all practical authority in the Old Rome ; and at last in 800 the Empire was finally parted asunder, when the Frank king Charles the Great was chosen and crowned Emperor there. But neither Lombards nor Franks touched Sicily, nor did they ever occupy the whole of Italy. The Eastern Emperors, as we may now distinguish them, the Roman Emperors at Constantinople, kept Sicily and part of southern Italy long after a Western, a Frankish, Emperor was chosen at Rome. The island was governed by a prcBtor or stratcgos sent from Constantinople, who commonly held the rank of patrician, the highest rank which did not imply any association in the Empire, and he was often spoken of as Patrician of Sicily. This connexion between Sicily and the Eastern, the Greek-speaking, parts of the Empire no doubt helped largely to strengthen the Greek element in Sicily. Belisarius the Roman consul did in effect repeat the work of Timoleon and Pyrrhos by winning the island again for the Greek world. Whatever Latin had come in with the Roman colonies gradually died out, as it did in the Roman colonies in the East, of which the New Rome itself was the greatest. The Eastern connexion again was strengthened when, in the eighth century, the Bishops of the Old Rome opposed the course taken by the Emperor Leo in the controversy about images, in return for which he took Sicily out of their ecclesiastical jurisdiction and put it under that of Constantinople, and confiscated their CONNEXION WITH EAST-ROMAN EMPIRE. 35I temporal estates in the island. Everything tended to make Sicily, like the rest of the East-Roman Empire, once more part of the Greek world. It is to the fact just mentioned, that the Bishops of Rome as well as those of Ravenna and Milan, held large estates in Sicily, that we owe a good deal of knowledge of the state of things there during the early part of the connexion of the island with Constantinople. We learn much from the letters of Pope Gregory the Great (590-604) to his officers in Sicily. He writes about all matters public and private, from an appeal to the Empress Constantina, wife of Maurice (582-602) to do something to relieve the burthens of the island, to the smallest matters concerning the property of his church. Many letters are written to prcnetors and others in authority, many to bishops and other churchmen. As at once Roman Patriarch and a great Sicilian landlord, Gregory looked after everything. Sicily was then full of churches and monasteries ; the great majority of the people were Catholics, but there were some heretics, a great many Jews, and still a (e\v pagans. Gregory has a great deal to say about the Jews, many of whom lived on the church lands. They were not to be in any way oppressed, but those who turned Christians were to have their rents lowered. And when the Bishop of Panormus took possession of a Jews' synagogue and turned it into a church, Gregory gave judgement that the act was a wrongful one, that, as the building had been consecrated, it could not be given back to the Jews, but that the Bishop must pay them the value of it. We find also that Sicilian corn was still 353 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE. sent to Rome ; the holding of Sicilian lands by the Roman Church would help to keep up the practice. Not very long after Gregory's time we hear a good deal of Saint Zosimus, Bishop of Syracuse. He first, in 646, turned the great temple of Athene in the island into a church as we see it now ; and we gather from his story that Syracuse had now shrunk up into the Island, and that nothing was left on the mainland but scattered churches and houses. During these ages when Sicily was ruled from Con- stantinople, the island did not often see its sovereign. But in 665 the Emperor Constans the Second, whose crimes had offended men at both the New and the Old Rome, came to Sicily and dwelled at Syracuse. Some have thought that he came with the purpose of making Syracuse the head of the Empire. But his op- pression was great in Sicily also, and in 668 he was killed in a bath. On his death the Sicilians set up one Mezetius — his name is spelled in several ways — as Emperor. But the next year Constans' son Con- stantine the Fourth (called Pogonatus or the Bearded) came to Sicily, overthrew Mezetius, and won back the island. This may need some explanation. What happened at this time in Sicily had often happened before in other parts of the Empire, but never in Sicily. Nothing was more common than for an ambi- tious man, most commonly a successful general, to set himself up as Emperor. This happened several times in Britain. His object was to seize the whole Empire, if he could, but at any rate to seize some part of it. If he succeeded in so doing, he went down in history as an Emperor ; if not, he was called only CONSTANTINE THE FIFTH. 353 tyrant. That is to say, the word tyrant liad now got a meaning which answered exactly, in the changed state of things, to its old use in the days of the Greek com- monwealths. It means an usurper or pretender, a man who sets himself up against lawful authority, only now against the authority of a prince and not of a commonwealth. In the reign of Constantine the Fifth, called Copronymus (741-775), we hear a great deal of the I^ishop Leo of Catina and of the magician Heliodoros, who was said, when condemned to death at Constantinople, to have fled through the air back to Catina. Legend also makes him the artist of the lava elephant which is still to be seen there. In the reign of this Emperor, Calabria was made part of the theme or province of Sicily. In the reign of Constantine the Sixth, in 781, Elpi- dius the pra:tor or strategos of Sicily set himself up as tyrant ; but he was put down and took refuge with the Saracens in Africa. The Saracens had plundered in Sicily more than once as early as the seventh century ; in the ninth century their invasions began on a greater scale, and before the end of the tenth (827-965) they had complete possession of the whole island. With their appearance a wholly new period in the history of Sicily begins. The island is gradually torn away from the Roman Empire, and thereby from Europe and from Christendom. It is next, in the eleventh century (1060-1090}, won back by the Normans. In all this we have the old history of 24 354 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE. Sicily over again. The old struggle between Europe and Africa, between Greeks and Semites, is fought over again, but it is this time made more keen by the religious opposition between Christendom and Islam. One Story of Sicily ended with the Roman conquest of Syracuse ; another Story of Sicily begins with the Saracen conquest of Mazzara. The time between is the mere record of a province, a land subject to distant masters. With the coming of the Saracens the island again begins to have a history, and a long history, of its own. But that history will be best told in another volume. INDEX. A. Abacceiuim, land of, taken for Tyndaiis, i8i ; joins Wagon, 183 ; taken by Agathokles, 237 Achaia, province of, 335 Achaios, counsellor of King Eu- nous, 326 Achradina, outpostof Syracuse, 43; joined to Ortygia by Gelon, 73 ; Dionysios' works on, 164; see also Syracuse Aderno, see Hadranum /Egates, see Aigousa /Elian, his history of animals, 29 /Eschylus, at Hieron's court, 83 /Eschylus, brother-in-law of Tinio- phanes, 217 yEina, Mount, 18 ; legends alxnit, 31, 343 ; legend of Empedokles at, 96 ; eruption of, thought to portend Carsar's death, 332 ; visit of Hadrian to, 341 /Etna (town), founded by Hieron, 84 ; his death at, 90 ; men of, support Thrasyboulos, 90 ; drives out Deinomenes, 92; renamed Kalane, 93, 99 ; transferred to Inessa, ib. ; taken by Duce- tius, 99 ; horsemen of Syracuse escape to, 154; joins Syracusan revolt against Dionysios, 158, 1 59 ; Dionysios drives away refugee horsemen, 160 ; Cam- panians settle at, 175, 229; camp of Agathokles at, 259 Africa, Phccnician colonies in, 14, 23 ; campaign of Agathokles in, 242 seqq. ; Roman invasions of, 282, 317, 332 ; Vandal kingdom in, 346 ; Belisarius's campaign in, 348^ Agathokles, compared with Diony- sios, 234, 257 ; his early life, 235 ; chosen general at Syracuse, 236; his rise to power, 236 ; Spartan expedition against, 237; his treaty with Akragas, 238 ; attacks Messana and Akragas, 238; recovers Centuripa and Galaria, ib. ; attacks the Punic camp on Eknomos, 239 ; takes Gela, 240 ; defeated at the Ilimeras, 240, 241 ; his designs on Africa, 242 ; his African campaign, 243-251 ; assumes the title of king, 248 ; returns to Sicily, 249 ; takes various cities, 250 ; his treatment of Segesta, 252 ; massacre ordered by, 254 ; his dealings with Deinokrates, 255-257 ; his kingly position in Sicily, 257 ; attacks Li para, 258 ; takes Kor- kyra, ib.; later wars in Italy, ib.; called Lord of the Island, ib.; plans a fresh Carthaginian expedition, 259; his death, ib. Agathokles the younger, slain by Archagathos, 259 356 INDEX. Agathokles, defrauds the temple of Athene at Syracuse, 60 Agathyrnum, centre of brigandnge, Agrigentum, bishopric of, 344 ; see also Akrngas Agrippa, M. V., his expedition against Sextus, 337-9 Ag)'lla, temple of, plundered by JJionysios, 191 A-gyris of Agyrium, his treaty with Dionysios, 182, 184 Agyrium, Sikel site, 20 ; Herakles worshipped at, 31 ; admitted to Syracusan citizenship, 229 ; re- volts against Phintias, 263 ; its later name, 343 Aigousa, isles of, 17, 55 ; battle off, 289 Aiolos, isles of, see Lipara Akestorides of Corinth, plots against Agathokles, 235 Akis and Galateia, legend of, Akragas, foundation of, 51 ; works of Theron at, 89 ; tyranny of Thrasydaios at, ib. ; its wealth, 93 ; banishes Empedokles, ib. ; its war with Ducetius, 100 ; with Syracuse, loi ; Athenian envoys at, ill; Selinuntines take refuge at, 143 ; prepares for Carthaginian attack, 147 ; siege of, 149 ; surrender and spoil of, 150; refugees accuse Syra- cusan generals, 151 ; subject to Carthage, 154 ; revolts against Dionysios, 183 ; re-settled by Timoleon, 229 ; withstands Aga- thokles, 237 ; makes terms with him, 238 ; his fresh attempt on, ib. ; its alliance against Agatho- kles, 248 ; at war with Carthage, 249; tyranny of Phintias at, 263 ; drives him out, 264 ; submits to Pyrrhos, 268 ; taken by Mamer- tines, 272 ; by Rome, 281 ; known as Agrigentum, ib. ; taken by Himiikon, 305 ; held by liannun, 313 ; reinforcements sent to, 315 ; betrayed to Lx- vinus, 316 ; brazen bull restored to, 323 ; decay of, 324 Akragas, river, 51 Akrai, outpost of Syracuse, 50 Akrotatosof Sparta, his expedition against Agathokles, 237 Alaric,kingof the West-Goths, 345 Alexander of Epeiros, 231, 265 Alexander the Great, his conquests, 230 ; their effect on Agathokles, 234 Alexander, son of Pyrrhos, king- dom of Sicily designed for, ib^i Alketas of Molottis, restored by Dionysios, 191 Alkibiadcs, su]5ports appeal of Segesta, 113; appointedgeneral, 114 ; is for attack on Sjracuse, 116; charged with impiety, 117; his speech and counsel at Sparta, 120 Alphabet, the, its Phoenician origin, 22 Alpheios, legend of, 37 Amphinomos, 46 Anapios, 46 Anapos, river, 43 ; battles by, 118, 123 Anaxilas, tyrant of Rhegion, his action towards Zankle, 69-70 ; his alliance with Terillos of Himera, 74 ; asks help from Carthage, 78 ; makes peace with Gelon, 82 ; threatens Lokroi, 84; his death, 85.; his sons' dealings with Miky- thos, 90; their fall, 91 Ancona, see Ankon Andromachos of Tauromenion, joins Timoleon, 219 Ankun, foundation of, 191 Antalkidas, peace of, 189 ^\.ntandios, left in command by Agathokles, 243 ; hears rumours of his defeat, 244 ; executes massacre at Syracuse for Aga- thokles, 254 Antigenes of Henna, 326 Antiochos, king, see Eunous Antiochos of Syracuse, his Sici- lian history, 8, 39, 104 INDEX. 357 Antonius, L. , his wnr with Caesar, 334 Antonius, M., the t-ldcr, phindfrs Sicily, 331 Antonius, M., the younger, puts \'errcs to death, 332 ; one of the triumvirate, 333 ; his agree- ment with Sextus, 334 ; joins CKsar against him, z'/i. ; makes peace with Sextus, 335 ; sends ships against him, 337 Apollokrates, commands in Orty- gia, 209 ; his truce with Dion, 213 ; re-enters Ortygia, 216 Apollon, statue of, taken from Gela to Tyre, 153 Apollon Archegetes, his altar at Naxos, 41 Apollonia, submits to Timolcon, 224 ; taken by Agathokles, 250 Apolloniades, tyrant of Agyrium, 229 Apollonides, his speech at Syra- cuse, 300 Aquillius, G., sent against the slaves, 329 Archagathos, accompanies Aga- thokles to Africa, 243 ; mer- cenaries demand his death, 246 ; left in command, 249 ; prays his father for help, 250 ; Aga- thokles plans to desert him, 251 ; his death, i7>. Archagathos, the younger, con- spires against his grandfather, 259 ; slain by Mainon, 262 Archias, founder of Syracuse, 42, 59 Archidamos, king of Sparta, slain at Manduria, 231 Archimedes, kinsman of Ilieron II., 294; at the siege of Syra- cuse, 304 ; his death, 312 ; his engines in Marcellus's ovation, 314 Archonides I., Sikel king, helps Ducetius to found Kale Akte, loi, 161 ; ally of Athens, 108, 124 ; his death, 124 Archonides II., Sikel king, founds Halucsa, 161 Arete, daughter of Dionysios, and wife of Dion, 200, 201 ; given in marriage to Timokrates, 201 ; taken back by Dion, 213 ; sus- pects Kallippos, 214 ; his treat- ment of, 215 ; her death, ?7;. Arethousa, fountain of, 37, 42 Argos, sends contingent to Athe- nian army, 1 14 ; Pyrrhos slain at, 271 Aristippos of Kyreiie, Dionysios' ireatment of, 191 Aristomache, wife of Dionysios, 165, 200 ; welcomes Dion's re- turn, 213; suspects Kallippo'^, 214 ; his treatment of, 215 ; her death, td. Ariston of Corinth, improves Syra- cusan naval tactics, 12S Aristos of Sparta, supports Diony- sios, 160 Asdrubal, his defeat at the Krimi- sos, 225-7 Asdrubal, his attack on Panormos, 284 ; his victory off Drepana, 286 A.shtoreth, worshipped at Eryx, 14, 27 Assinaros, river, Athenian slaugh- ter at, 136 Athenagoras, his speech at Syra- cuse, 115 Athenion, general under Salvius, 329 ; succeeds him as king, id. ; killed, zd. Alliens, her relations to Sparta, 105 ; her alliances in Sicily, 106, 108 ; helps to found Thou- rioi, 106 ; Sikeliot appeals to, 107, 108 ; generals accejit peace of Gela, no; embassy to Sicily 422 B.C., Ill; Segesta appeals to, 112 ; story of the env())s, 113; expedition to Sicily voted, 114 ; action of Nikias, 117; l)altle by the Anapos, 118; Nikias asks for reinforcements, 119; beginning of siege of Syra- cuse, 121 ; second expedition voted, 127 ; defeat at sea, 128, 131 ; coming of Demosthenes, 358 INDEX. 129 ; last battle and retreat, 132-6; end of the invasion, 137 ; Sikeliots, imprisoned by, 139 ; decrees in honour of Dionysios, 180, 194 ; recep- tion of Dionysios' tragedies at, 190, 194 ; her alliance witli him, 194 Atilius, A., invades Panormos, 146, 2S2 ; takes it, 282, 283 Augusta, see Xiphonia Augustus, see Csesar, G. O. B Bacchiads of Corinth, 58 Balearic Isles taken by Gaiseric, 346 Barbarians, meaning of the name, 21 Belisarius, his expedition against the Vandals, 348 ; wins back Sicily, 348, 349 ; effect of his conquest, 350 Beneventum, battle of, 271 Boeo, Cape, see Lilybaion Bomilkar, in command against Agathokles, 244 Bomilkar at the siege of Syracuse, 308; seeks reinforcements, 309; goes to Tarentum, ib. Bruttians, war of, with Kroton, 235 ; Segestans sold to, 252 C Cadiz, 23 CKsar, G. J., at Lilybaeum, 332 ; his death foretold, ib. Cresar, G. O. (Augustus), his war with Sextus, 333-5 ; makes peace with him, 335 ; his second war with Sextus, 336-9 ; master of Sicily, 339 ; his Sicilian ovation, ib, ; plants colonies in Sicily, 340 Calabria part of the iheine of Sicily, 353 Caltabellotta, said to be s.te of Kamikos, 33 ; whether identical with Triocaln, 329 Caltavulturo, see Torgium Campanian mercenaries, under Hannibal, 141 ; help Diony- sius, 159; take Entella, ib.; settle at /Etna, 175; Timo- leon's dealings with, 229 ; in the camp of Archagathos, 262 ; seize on Messana, ib.; take the name of Mamertines, 263 ; ra- vage Rhegion, 273 ; chastised by the Romans, 273, 277 Canaan, gods of, worshipped in Sicily, 21, 26 Caracalla, Emperor, his edict, 344 Carthage, origin of the name, 23 ; her dependencies in Sicily, 24, 66 ; war with, to avenge Dorieus, 74; her alliance with Persia, 77; invades Sicily under riamilkar, 77-81 ; Shopheliiii of, 79 ; treaty with Gelon, 82 ; cult of the goddesses at, 82, 180; Athenian emljassy to, 120 ; second invasion of Sicily, 140 seqq.; spoil from Akragas sent to, 150 ; treaty with Dionysios, 154 ; his embassy to, 166 ; Sicilian Greeks rise against, ib.; sends Himilkon, 17 1 5 victory off Katane, 175 ; besieges Syra- cuse, 176-179; defeat of, 179; invasion of, under Magoa, 183; makes peace w^ith Dionysios, 184 ; first war in Italy, 192 ; fresh peace with Dionysios, ib. ; robe of Lakinian Hera sold to, 193 ; fresh war with Dionysius, 194 ; makes ]3eace with his son, 195) '99 ; Iliketas in league with, 216, 218 ; envoys at Tauro- mcnion, 219 ; admitted into Syracuse by Hiketas, 222 ; cru- cifies Magon, 222 ; war of, with Timoleon, 225-227 ; defeat at the Krimisos, 227 ; supports the tyrants, 227 ; makes peace with Timoleon, 228 ; recalls Hamiikar, 237 ; treaty with Agathokles, 238 ; help sought by Syracusan exiles, ib. ; naval losses, 239 ; victory at the Hi- INDEX. 350 mcras, 240, 241 ; her position in Africa, 242 ; expedition of Agatholclcs against, 243-251 ; Akragas throws off her alliance, 249 ; defeats Archagalhos, 250 ; peace made with, by the Greek soldiers, 251 ; treaty of Aga- thokles with, 255 ; Mainon's alliance with, 262 ; supports rhintias, 263 ; besieges Syra- cuse, 264 ; her alliance with Rome, 267, 272 ; withstands Pyrrhos, 267, 271 ; fortifies Lilybaion, 270 ; alliance with Hieron, 273, 277 ; wars of, with Rome, 276-290, 295-317; makes peace with Rome, 290 ; em- bassy of Hieronymos to, 296 ; second peace of, with Rcrme, 318 ; taken by Scipio, 323 ; under Gaiseric, 346 Cassibile, see Kakyparis Cassiodorus, his notices of Sicilian matters, 347 Castrogiovanni, origin of the nr.me, 20 Catania, plain of, 17, iS, and see Kalane Catulus, G. L. , his victory off Aigousa, 289 ; makes terms with Ilamilkar, 290 Caucana, IJelisarius sets sail from, Centuripn, Ccntorbi, Sikel site, 20 ; tyrants at, 229 ; held by Agathokles, 238 ; attacked by him, 250 ; position of, under Rome, 322, 340 ; specially favoured as regards land, 322 Cephalcedium, Cefalii, Sikel site, 20; betrayed to Dionysios, 182; taken by Agathokles, 250; joins Deinokrates, 254 ; Agathokles negotiates for, 255 Cethegus, Praetor, 314, 315 Chaironeia, battle of, 230 Chalkis, metropolis of Naxos, 40, 41 ; of Zankle, 48 ; its treat- ment by Athens, 119 Charles the Great, crowned at Rome, 350 Charondas, his code of laws, 57, 65 ; story of his death, 65 Charybdis, tale of, 30 Chersikrates, founrlcr of Korkyra, 42 Chiia, land of the Phctnicians, 21 Christianity preached in Sicily, .342 Cicero, his speeches against Verres, .319, 339-332 Cilician pirates enslaved in Sicily, 325 Citizenship, right of, in old com- monwealths, 58 Claudius A., Roman pra'tor, 296 ; Syracusan negotiations with, 298, 295 ; with the fleet at Syracuse, 300 ; at the siege of Syracuse, 304 Claudius P., defeated off Drepana, 286 Colonies, nature of, 10, 11 Constans II., Emperor, at Syra- cuse, 352 ; killed, ih. Constantina, Empress, a]ipeals to Gregory the Great on behalf of Sicily, 351 Constantine IV., Emperor, wins back Sicily, 352 Constantine V., Emperor, 353 Constnntine VI., Emperor, 353 Constantinople, seat of the Em- pire, 349 ; its connexion with Sicily, 350 Corinth, her colonies and their re- lations, 41, 42 ; mediates be- tween Syracuse and Ilippo- krates, 71 ; Ducetius sent to, 100 ; Syracusan embassy to, 120, 160 ; embassy of Dionysios to 176 ; Syracusan appeal to, 216; sends Timokon, 217; Dionysios the younger sent to, 220; sends settlers to Syracuse, 223; Leptines sent to, 224; Carthaginian spoil sent to, 227 Corn, Sicily the market of, for Rome, 19, 317, 324, 334, 338, 351 ; for Gaul, 347 Cornelius G. ttlkes Panormos, 382 36o INDEX. Cornificius, Q., his retreat l^efore Sextus, 33S Corsica, possible Sj'racusan settle- ment in, 98 ; claimed by Rome, 290 ; ceded by Carthage, 320 ; taken by Sextus, 333, 334; confirmed to him at Misenum, 335; joins Ccesar, 336; taken by Ciaiseric, 346 Crete, independent cities in, 14 ; settlers from, at Gela, 49 Crispinus, T. Q., commands at siege of Syracuse, 305, 308 ; pestilence in his army, 309 Cunice, battle off, 336, ajui see Kyme Cyprus, compared with Sicily, 5 ; rhoenicians in, 22 D Daidalos, story of, 32 Damarata, wife of Gelon, 74 ; marries Polyzelos, 83; her tomb destroyed liy Himilkon, 177 Damareta, wife of Hadranoduros, 297 ; put to death, 299 Damarista, mother of Timoleon, 217 Damas, promotes Agathokles, 235 Damippos, as to his ransom, 306 Damophilos, defeats Xenodikos, 249 Damophilos of Henna, his treat- ment of his slaves, 325 ; killed by them, 326 Daphnaios, Syracusan general, be- fore Akragas, 149 Darius I., King of Persia, 69 ; re- ceives Skythes of Zankle, 70 Darius II., his alliance with Sparta, 137 Deinokrates, joins Hamilkar, 245 ; withstands Agathokles, 250, 254 ; negotiates with him, 255 ; his defeat, 256 ; Agathokles' treatment of, ib. ; slays Pasi- philos, 257 Deinomenes, father of Gelon, 71 Deinomenes, son of Hieron, King of y^^tna, 84, 90 ; driven out of ^tna, 92 Delphi, designs of Dionysios on, 191 Demagogues at Syracuse, 94 Demeter and Persephone, legend of, 29, 35 ; temple of, at Syra- cuse, St,, 176; temples of Car- thage, 82, 180 ; solemnity of oath by, 214 ; Corinthian ship consecrated to, 217 ; Agathokles offers up his ships to, 243 Demetrios the Besieger, 258 Demochares, in command under Sextus, 336, 337 ; cuts off Lepi- dus' reinforcements, 338 Democracy, origin of, 58 ; defined by Athenagoras, 115 Demos of Athens, 59 Demosthenes, appointed general, 114, 127; his plan of attack, 129 ; counsels retreat, 130 ; surrenders, 134; put to death, 136 Dexippos, commands at Akragas, 147 ; suspected of bribery, 149, 150; commands at Gela, 151; sent back by Dionysios, 152 Dikaiopolis, see Segesta Diodoros, his Sicilian history, 8, 31, 76, 104, 140, 156, 319 ; his version of the battle of Himera, 80 ; gives the kingly title to Gelon, 82 Diokles of Syracuse, his code of laws, 138 ; negotiates with Hannibal, 143 ; marches back to Syracuse, 144; banished from Syracuse, 146 Dion, Life of, by Plutarch and Cor- nelius Nejios, 156, 197 ; favoured by Dionysios the elder, 200 ; per- suades Plato to revisit Syracuse, 201 ; banished, ih. ; treatment of his property and wife, ib. ; re- ceives Spartan citizenship, 202; his expedition against Dionysios the younger, 202 seqq. ; enters Syracuse, 204 ; chosen general, 205 ; drives out the mercenaries, ib. ; negotiations of Dionysios with, 206 ; Dionysios' letter to, 207 ; charges against, ib. ; INDEX. 361 counsels acceptation of Diony- sios' terms, 208 ; deprived of his gener.ilsiiip, 209 ; retires to Leontinoi, id.; his return, 211, 212 ; his treatment of his enemies, 212 ; reconciled to Hernkleides, 213 ; recovers the Island, 213 ; refuses to destroy tomb of Dionysios, ?7;. ; con- nives at murder of Ilerakleidcs, 214; plots against, z/>.; his death, 215 ; Plato's schemes for his son, 162 Dionysios the elder, escapes the fate of Hermokrates, 146 ; his speech in the assembly, 151 ; chosen general, ?7>.; his conduct at Gcla and Leontinoi, 151, 152 ; established as tyrant, 152; his marriage, ?7'. ; empties Gela and Kamarina, 153 ; treatment of his wife, il>. ; recovers his power at Syracuse, 154 ; his treaty with Himilkon, ti.; great- ness of his power, 157, 184 ; fortifies Ortygia, 158; his Sikel wars, 158, 161 ; revolt against, i7).; his policy to his besiegers, 159; his alliance with Sparta, 160 ; his treatment of Naxos and Katane, 161 ; extends the Syracusan fortifications, 164 ; founds Iladranum, tl>.; his war with Rhegion and Messana, 165 ; his double marriage, tl'. ; his prejjarations against Car- thage, 165, 175,176; his speech, 166 ; besieges Eryx, 16S ; and Segesta and Entella, 170. 171 ; defeated off Katane, 175 ; his em- bassies to Peloponnesos, 176 ; calls an assembly, 177 > defeats the Carthaginians, 178; his agreement with them, 179 ; Attic decrees in his honour, 156, 180, 194 ; his settlements, 181, 1 82 ; his defeat at Tauionienion, 183 ; defeats Magon, zd.; makes peace with Carthage, 184; takes Tauromenion, id. ; his wars in Italy, 1 84- 1 89 ; takes Rhegion, 188; his embassy to Olympia, 190 ; his tragedies at Athens, 190, 195 ; his treatment of men of letters, 190, 191 ; his liadri- atic and Etruscan campaigns, 191 ; fresh war with Carthage, 192 ; terms of peace, id.; takes Kroton, 193 ; wall planned by, id.; invades Western Sicily, 194; his death, 195 ; effect of his reign, I95> 197 ) liis tomb in Ortygia, 199, 213 ; his sun-dial, 205 ; compared \\ith Agathokles, 234, 257 . Dionysios the younger, compared with his father, 198, 199 ; ac- knowledged l)y the assenil)ly, 199 ; makes peace with Car- thaginians and Lucanians, //'. ; his marriage, 200 ; his friendship for Plato, 201 ; his treatment of Dion, id. ; banishes Ilerakleides, id.; his negotiations with Dion, 206, 20S ; his letter to Dion, 207 ; escapes from Ortygia, 209 ; sends Nypsios to Syracuse, 210 ; re-occupies Ortygia, 216 ; sur- renders to Timoleon, 220 ; sent to Corinth, id. Dionysios of Corinth, 224 Dorian settlements in Sicily, 41, 46, 49 Dorieus of Sparta, his expedition to Western Sicily, 66 ; war to avenge him, 74 Doris of Lokroi, wife of Diony- sios, 165 Drepana, haven of Eryx, 194; stronghold of Carthage, 281, 285 ; Roman defeat off, 286 ; taken by Rome, 289 Ducetius, helps to drive out Deino- menes, 92 ; union of Sikels under, 98, 99 ; founds Mena;- num, 99, 102 ; and Palica, 99 ; takes /Etna, id. ; his war with Akragas and Syracuse, lOO ; throws himself on the mercy of the Syracusans, id. ; sent to Corinth, id. ; founds Kale Akte, loi ; his death, //'. 362 INDEX. Duilius, G., his victory off Mylai, 2S1 E East and West, their strife in Sicily, 4, 354 Ebbsfleet, compared witli Naxos,4i Egypt, Roman conquest of, its effect on Sicily, 341 Eknonios, Panic camp on, 239, 240 Elba, 98 Elephants first used in the West, 266; use of in the Punic armies, 283-285 Elejitheria, feast of, at Syracuse, 91 . Elpidius, Sicilian tyrant, 353 Elymians, hold Segesta and Eryx, 13, 20 ; as to their Trojan origin, 20, 30, 31 Empedion of Selinous, 143 Empedokles, his Life by Diogenes Laertios, 87 ; legend of, 96 ; refuses tyranny of Akragas, ib. ; banishment and death, il>. Empire, Eastern, its connexion with Sicily, 350 Empire, Roman, Sicily a province of, 339> 349> 344. 349 ; division of the empire, 350 Engyum, submits to Timoleon, 224 Entella, taken by the Campanians, 159 ; besieged by Dionysios, 170; taken by him, 194; saved by Timoleon, 226 Epicharmos, at Ilieron's court, 83 Epikydes, his mission to Syracuse, 296 ; intrigues against Rome, 298, 299 ; chosen general, 299 ; stirs up the Leontines, 300 ; spreads falsehoods about Mar- cellus, 302 ; re-enters Syracuse, 303 ; his answer to the Roman envoys, il). ; puts Roman parti- sans to death, 306 ; holds Ach- radina, 307, 309 ; asks for re-inforcements, 309 ; leaves Syracuse, il'. ; holds Akragas, 313 ; escapes from it, 316 Epipolai, see Syracuse Ergelion, conquered by Hippo- krates, 68 Erineos, river, Athenian halt by, 134 Erymnon of Aitolia, withstands Ilamiikar, 244 Eryx, temple at, 14, 27 ; Phoe- nician remains at, 27 ; attempted foundation of Durieus on, 67 ; Athenian envoys at, 113 ; joins Dionysios against Carthage, 168 ; taken by Ilamilkon, 171 ; retaken by Dionysios, 194 ; won by Pyrrhos, 269 ; taken by Rome, 286 ; lower town seized by Hamilkar, 288 ; prolonged strife for, 288-290 ; garrison marches out, 290 Eryx, eponymos hero overthrown by Herakles, 31 Etruscans, Plieron's victory over, 85 ; war of, with Syracuse, 98; help Athens, 120, 131; war of Dionysios with, 191 Euboia, island, independent cities in, 14 Euboia in Sicily, a settlement of Chalkis, 46 ; its treatment by Gelon, 73 Eumelos, the poet, settles at Syra- cuse, 59 Eunousthe slave. King of Henna, 326 ; calls himself Antiochos, il/. ; defeats the Romans, 327 ; his death, id. Eiipatrids of Athens, origin of, Euphemos, his speech at Kania- rina, 1 19 Euryalos, occupied by the Athe- nians, 121 ; Dionysios' castle at, 164 ; surrendered to Marcellus, 308 ^ Euryleon, founds Ilerakleia, 67; his tyranny and overthrow at Selinous, ib. Eurymedon, commander of second Athenian expedition, 127 ; joins in attack on Epipolai, 129 ; counsels retreat, 130 ; dies in the sea-fight, 131 INDEX. 3 ^^3 Eutliydemos, Athenian [general, 127 ; joins in attack on Epipo- lai, 129 Faro, Capo del, sre Peloris I'iuntare, 18 Floridia, 133 Franks invade Sicily, 342 G Gadeira, Gades, 23 Gaiseiic, King of the Vandals, liis African kingdom, 346 ; invades Sicily and Italy, ib. ; gives Sicily up to Odowakar, ih. Gaisylos of Sparta, 213 Galaria, held by Agathokles, 238 (jalateia, legend of, 31 Caiiioroi of Syracuse, 59 ; politi- cal disputes among, 60; driven out of Syracuse, 62 ; restored by Gelon, 72 Gaul, corn sent to, from Sicily, 347 . , ^ Gauls, their \vars with Kome, 189, 293 ; take service under Dionysios, 1S9, 194 Gaulos, island of, 17 Gela, foundation of, 49 ; founds Akragas, 51 ; secession to Mak- torion from, 67 ; tyranny of Kleandros,68 ; of Ilippokrates, 68-71 ; of Gelon, 72 ; metro- polis of new Kaniarina, 91 ; makes peace with Kaniarina, 109; congress at, ?7'. ; peace of, 110 ; joins Gylippos, 124 ; asks for help from Syracuse, 151 ; siege and forsaking of, 153 ; tributary to Carthage, 154 ; re- settled by Timoleon, 229 ; makes terms with Agathokles, 238 ; taken by Agathokles, 240 ; joins Akragas against him, 248 ; destroyed by the Mamer- tines, 264 Gelas, river, meaning of the name, 49 Gelllas of Akragas, his death, 150 Gelon, son of Deinomenes, his treatment of the sons of Ilippo- krates, 71, 72 ; becomes tyrant of Syracuse, 72 ; his tlealings with oligarchs and commons, 73 ; enlarges Syracuse, ib. ; grants citizenship to strangers, 74 ; allies himself to Theron, 7b. ; alleged treaty with Car- thage, 75 ; embassy from Greeks of the Isthmus to, 78 ; his victory at Himera, So, 81 ; honours paid to at Syracuse, 81, 83 ; his treaty with Syra- cuse, 82 ; his gifts and temples, 83; his death, ih.; his tomb destroyed by Himilkon, 177 Gelon, son of Hieron II. ; his death, 295 Geryones, his oxen, 31 Girgenti, see Akragas Gongylos of Corinth, 124 Gorgias of Leontinoi, teacher of rhetoric, 94 ; his embassy to Athens, 107 Goths, their rule in Sicily, 347- 349 Gozo, island of, see Gaulos Greeks, independent political sys- tem of, 9; national migrations of, 10 ; their settlements in Sicily, II, 14, 39 seqij.; com- pared with the Phoenicians, 22 ; ask Gclon's help against Xerxes, 78 ; Sikcl attempt against, in Sicily, 98 ; share of Sicily in their wars, 105 seqq., 160 Gregory the Great, Pope, Sicilian notices in his letters, 351 Gylippos, sent to Syracuse, 121 ; collects contingents, 124; 126; his proposals to Nikias, 125 ; his forts and wall, ib. ; urges attack on the fleet, 127 ; takes Plemmyrion, 128 ; l.i'.ocks the roads, 133 ; takes Nikias and his army prisoners, 136; pleads for Athenian generals, ib. 364 INDEX. II Hauranodoros, uncle of Hierony- mos, 295 ; supports Carlhage, 296 ; hopes to succeed Hier- onymos, 297 ; elected general, i7>. ; put to death, 298 Hadranum, foundation of, 34, 165 ; Timoleon's victory at, 219 ; attempted murder of Timo- leon at, 221 ; taken by Rome, 278 Hadranus, Sikel fire-god, 29, 34, 35. Hadrian, Emperor, his visit to Sicily, 341 Iladriatic, the, settlements of Ui- onysios on, 191 Iladriimetum taken by Agatho- kles, 245 Haloesa, foundation of, 161 ; position of under Rome, 322 Ilalikyai, HalicyK, Sikan town, 106 ; position of, under Rome, 322 Halykos, river, 18 ; boundary be- tween Syracuse and Carthage, 193, 199 Ilamilkar, son of Hannon, in- vades Sicily, 79-81 ; his defeat and sacrifice, 80, 81 ; his death avenged by Hannibal, 143 Hamilkar, his defeat at the Kri- misos, 225-227 Hamilkar, Syracusan generals seek help of, 235, 236 ; won over by Agathokles, 236 ; his recall and death, 237 Hamilkar, son of Gisgon, suc- ceeds his namesake, 237 ; his treaty with Agathokles, 238 ; fresh expedition under, 239 ; his victory at the Himeras, 240, 241 ; his policy towards the Sicilians, 241 ; his attempts on Syracuse, 244, 245 ; his death, 246; head exposed by Agathokles, 245, 246 Hamilkar Barak, sent against Rome, 287 ; takes Herkte, t7>. ; and lower Eryx, 288 ; makes peace with Rome, 290 Hananiah, meaning of name, 21 Hannibal, meaning of name, 21 Hannibal, son of Giskon, his hatred of Greeks, 141 ; be- sieges and takes Selinous, 142 ; takes and destroys Himera, 144 ; his second invasion, 147 ; his death, 149 Hannibal, Carthaginian comman- der, at the siege of Akragas, 281 Hannibal, son of Hamilkar Ba- rak, Syracusan embassy to, 296 ; sends envoys to Syracuse, 29S ; pleads for reinforcements in Sicily, 305 ; sends help to Akragas, 313; his war with Scipio, 317 ; makes peace with Rome, 318 Hannibal the Rhodian, at the siege of Lilybaion, 286 ; his ship copied by Rome, 286, 289 Hannon, in command against Aga- thokles, 244 Hannon, holds Akragas, 313 ; his jealousy of Mutines, 313, 315 ; his victory and defeat at Phintias, 314 ; deprives Mu- tines of his command, 315 ; es- capes from Akragas, 316 Harmonia, wife of Themistos, 298 ; put to death, 299 Hebrew tongue same as Phoeni- cian, 21 Heliodoros the magician, 353 Heloris, of Syracuse, his advice to Dionysios, 158; whether the same as the Rhegian general, 182 ; his death, 1S5 Heloron, outpost of Syracuse, 50 Heloros, river, battle of, 70 Henna, Sikel site, 20; its modern name, z6. ; legend of the god- desses at, 35 ; attacked by Di- onysios, 161 ; betrayed to him, 182 ; joins Akragas against Agathokles, 248 ; taken by Carthage and by Rome, 28 1 ; massacre at, 305 ; revolt of the slaves at, 325 Heiakleia Rlinoa, founded by Euryleon, 67 ; destroyed by the INDEX. 36: Carthaginians, 75 ; Dion lands at, 203 ; held by Carthage, 203, 229, 238 ; (lelivcrt'd by Akra- gas, 249 ; seized by Agathokies, 250 ; taken by I'yrrhos, 269 ; taken by Himilkon, 305 Ilerakleia, daughter of Hieron, put to death, 299 Ilerakleidcs, of Syracuse, ban- ishetl Ijy Dionysios the younger, 202 ; plots against him, ib. ; elected admiral at Syracuse, 207 ; defeats Philistos, 208 ; his attack on Dion, 209 ; a]ipointed general, il>. ; sends to Dion for help, 211 ; Dion's treatment of, 212 ; reconciled to him, 213 ; secret murder of, 214 Herakleidcs, Syracusan general, denounced by Agathokies, 235 ; banished, ib. ; seeks Haniilkar's help, 235, 236 Ilerakleides, son of Agathokies, 243, 251 Herakles, legends of, 31 Ilerbessus, besieged Ijy Dionysios, 158 ; Hippokrates and Epi- kydes at, 302 Herbita, attacked by Dionysios, 161 ^ Herkte, rock of, 25 ; taken by Pyrrhos, 269 ; held by Carthage 283; taken by Rome, 285; re- covered by llamilkar, 287 llermokrates of Syracuse, his speech at Cela, 109, no; his speech at Syracuse, 114; and at Kamarina, 119; appointed general, 119 ; driven back from Euryalos, 121 ; deposed, 124 ; advises attack on fleet, 127 ; his stratagem, 132; pleads for mercy to Athenian generals, 136 ; his action in Asia, 137 ; his banishment, 138 ; his deal- ings with Pharnabazos, 138, 14s ; occupies Selinous, 145 ; his war with Motya and Panor- nios, 145, 146 ; enters Syracuse and is killed, 146 ; his daughter marries Dionysios, 152 Herodotus, on Sicilian history, 57 ; his account of Celun, 76, 78 ; of the battle of I limera, 80 Hieron I., sonof Deinonienes, 72 ; his victories commemorated l)y Pindar, 76, 83 ; his helmet, 76, 85 ; his dialogue with Simon- ides, 76 ; succeeds Gelon, S3 ; his war with Theron, ib. ; re- conciled to him, 84 ; founds A'Ana., ib. ; sends help to Lok- roi and Kyme, 84, 85 ; his death, 90 ; his tomb at yEtna destroyed, 93 Hieron H., stories of his ancestry and birth, 272 ; chosen general at Syracuse, ib. ; marries Phi- listis, 273 ; his war with the Mamertines, 273, 277 ; hisiule in Syracuse, 274, 293, 294 ; his alliance with Rome, 279; posi- tion of his kingdom under Rome, 293 ; strengthens and adorns Syracuse, 294 ; his law as to tithe, 294, 322 ; his death, 295 ; slaughter of his descendants, 299 Ilieronymos, son of Hieron H., kingdom of Syracuse be- queathed to, 295 ; his character, 295, 296 ; joins Carthage, 296, 297 ; killed at Leontinoi, 297 Hiketas, puts Aristomalce and Arete to death, 215 ; tyrant of Leontinoi, ib. ; in league with the Carthaginians, 216, 2i8, 219, 221 ; defeated by 'linio- le6n,2ig; besieges Ortygia,2i9, 221 ; his plots against Timo- leon, 221 ; besieges Katane, 222 ; escapes to Leontinoi, ib. ; submits to Timoleon, 224 ; set up again by Carthage, 227 ; put to death, 228 Hiketas, Syracusan general, with- stands Mainon, 262 ; tyrant of Syracuse, 263 ; defeats Phin- tias, ib. ; overthrown by Thoi- non, 264 Hill towns in Sicily, 20 Himera, founded by Zanklc, 50 ; 366 INDEX. its hot baths, 51 ; held byThc- ron, 78 ; battle of, 79-81, 227 ; betrayed by Hieron to Theron, 84 ; Pmdar's odes to the citi- zens, 87 ; refuses Athenian al- liance, 117; joins Gylippos, 124; vengeance of Hannibal on, 143, 144 ; Hermokrates at, 146 Ilimeras, river, 18 ; battle of, 240, 241 ; projjosed boundaiy of Hieronymos, 297 Himilkon, colleague of Hannibal, besieges Akragas, 147, 150 ; sacrifices his son, 149 ; be- sieges Gela, 153 ; his treaty with Dionysios, 154 ; tries to defend Motya, 170; recovers Western Sicily,i7i ; founds Lilybaion,/*^. ; destroys Messana, 173; founds Tauromenion, I'i. ; his victory off Katane, 175 ; besieges Syra- cuse, 176 ; plunders temples, id.; and destroys tombs, 177; his defeat, 179; makes terms with Dionysios, id. Himilkon, Carthaginian general, his expedition to Sicily, 305 ; besieges Marcellus at Syracuse, 309 ; his death, i/>. Hipparinos, father of Dion, 200 Hipparinos, son of Dion, 201 ; his alleged letter to him, 207 ; welcomes his father back, 213 Hipparinos, son of Dionysios, takes Ortygia, 215 ; killed, id. Hippo, Phoenician colony, 23 Hippokrates, tyrant of Gela, his conquests, 68 ; his dealings with Zankle, 69, 70 ; his war with Syracuse, 70 ; refounds Kamarina, 71 ; his death, id. ; Gclon's dealings with his sons, 71,72 Hippokrates, of Carthage, his mission to Syracuse, 296 ; intrigues against Rome, 298, 299 ; chosen general, 299 ; stirs up the Leontines, 300 ; spreads falsehoods about Mar- cellus, 302 ; re-enters Syracuse, 303 ; joins Himilkon against Marcellus, 308; his deatli, 309 Hippon, tyrant of Messana, 227 ; put to death, 228 Hipponion, Dionysios' treatment of, 187 Holm, A., his Geschichte Sici- liens, 8 Hybla, Sikel goddess, townscalled after, 33 ; temple of, at Paterno, 34 Hybla the Greater, see Megara Hyblaia Hybla, Galentic, worship of the goddess at, 34 ; unsuccessful Athenian attack on, 117 Hybla Heraia, called after the goddess, 33 ; death of Hippo- krates at, 71 Hyblon, Sikel prince, helps Me- garian settlers, 47 Hykkara, taken by Nikias, 117 Hypsas, river, at Selinous, 51 ; at Akragas, 53 I lapygians defeat the Tarentines, Iberian mercenaries under Diony- sios, 189, 194 Iliyrians, alliance of Dionysios with, 191 Inessa, name changed to ^Etna, 93 ; Syracusan garrison at, 108 Inscriptions, Sicilian, mainly Roman, 320 Ischia, see Pithekoussa Isokrates, on the Athenian siege, 104 ; on the Peace of Antal- kidas, 190 Issos, island settlements from Paros on, 191 Italy, wars of Dionysios in, 184, 193 ; Punic invasions of, 192, 193 ; intercourse of, with old Greece, 198 ; campaign of Pyrrhos in, 267, 271 ; designed for his son Ilelenos, 268 ; under INDEX. 3^>7 the Gdths, 347 ; wax of Bcli- sarius in, 349 J Jchohanan, same as liananiali, 21 Jews in Sicily, dealings o( Gregory the Great with, 351 John, origin of the name, 21 Junius, L., takes Eryx, 286 Justinian, Emperor, Sicily re- covered by, 348, 349 K Kadmos of Kos, 79 Kakyparis, river, guarded l)y Syra- cusans, 133 Kale Akte, proposed Greek settle- ment at, 69 ; settlement at by Ducetius, loi Kallimachos, his mention of Henna, 35 Kallipolis, Chalkidian settlement, 46; conquered by Ilippokrates, 68 Kallippos, his friendship with Dion, 202 ; enters Syracuse, 204 ; plots the death of Diun, 214 ; his rule at Syracuse, 215 ; turned out, ih. ; murder of, 224 Kamarina, outpost of Syracuse, 50 ; its war with Syracuse and destruction, ih. ; refounded by lIip]")okrates, 71; destroyed by Gelon, 73 ; Pindar's odes to, 87 ; set up again by Ck'la, 91 ; allied with Atliens, loS ; makes peace with Gela, 109 ; refuses Athenian alliance, 116, 120; de- bate in the assembly, 119; joins Gylippos, 126 ; emptied by Dionysios, 153; tributary to Carthage, 154 Kamikos, built by Daidalos, 32 ; its probable site, 33 Karkinos, father of Agatlujklds, 234 Kasmenai, outpost of Syracuse, 50 ; occupied by the Gaiiioroi, 62, 72 Ka-sandros, King of Macedon, 258 Katane, Catina, Catania, founda- tion of, 45 ; legends of the lava at, 46, 343 ; Charondas makes laws for, 65 ; enforced migration and repopulation by Ilieron, 84 ; name changed to /Etna, ib., see /Etna; its old name restored, 93 ; joins Athenian alliance, 116 ; Athe- nian headquarters at, 116, 118, 121 ; camp at, burnt, 119 ; war of, with Syracuse, 140 ; treat- ment of, by Dionysios, 161 ; sea-fight off, 175 ; Kallippos, tyrant of, 215 ; welcomes Pyrrhos, 267 ; Roman colony at, 340 ; Saint Peter at, 343 ; bishopric of, 344 ; amphitheatre at, 347 ; Belisarius lands at, 34S ; stories of Ileliodoros at, ,353 . Kaulonia, siege of, 185-187 Kephalos of Corinth, 224 Kleandios, tyrant of Gela, 68 Kleon, general under Eunous, 326, 327 ; his death, 327 Knidos, metropolis of Li]iara, 55 ; Athenian victory at, iSo Kokalos, King of Kamikos, 32 Korax, teacher of rhetoric, 94 Korkyra, colony of Corinth, 41, 42 ; mediates between Syracuse and Hippokrates, 71 ; asks help of Athens, 106; sends contin- gent to Athenian expedition, 114; meeting of Athenian fleet at, 115 ; sends help to Syracuse, 21S ; won by Agathokles, 258 ; dowry of his daughter, ib. Kossoura, island, 17 Krimisos, river, 18 ; battle of, 226 Kroton, at war with Sybaris, 66 ; sends help to Kaulonia, 185 ; makes treaty with Dionysios, 186 ; taken by Dionysios, 193 ; at war with the Bruttians, 235 Kyana, legend of, 36, 43 Kydippe, wife of Terillos, 74 Kyklopes, 30 Kyme, foundation of, 40, 42 ; settlers from, at Zankle, 48 ; delivered by Ilieron, 85 368 INDEX. Kyrene, 247 I. I.revinus, M. V., chosen consul, 314 ; his exchange with Mar- cellus, 315 ; Akragas betrayed to, 316; his deahngs with the brigands, 317 Laistrygones, 30 Lamachos,appointedgeneral, 114; is for attack on Syracuse, 116; his plan carried out, 121 ; killed in battle, 123 Lamis, his attempt at settlement in Sicily, 46 ; his death, 47 Lanassa, daughter of Agathokles, Land tenure in Sicily, under Rome, 322 Landowners of Syracuse, see Gamoroi Latin tongue, akin to Sikel, 12, 27 Leo, Bishop of Catina, 353 Leo, Emperor, deprives the Popes of jurisdiction in Sicily, 350 Leontinoi, Lentini, plain of, 17, 18; foundation of, 45 ; its war with Megara, 63 ; taken by Hippokrates, 68 ; peopled from Naxos and Katane, 84 ; its treaty with Athens, 106 ; wars with Syracuse, 107 ; asks help of Athens, 107, 1 12 ; absorbed by Syracuse, 11 1; Athenians a>ttempt to restore, ih. ; Akra- gantine refugees settled at, 151 ; independent of Syracuse, 155 ; treatment of, by Dionysios, 161 ; given to his mercenaries, 181 ; revolts against Dionysios the younger, 208 ; welcomes Dion, 2io; Hiketas, tyrant of, 215; Hiketas escapes to, 222 ; Ti- moleon's attempt on, 224 ; Hieronymos slain at, 297 ; re- volts against Syracuse, 300 ; taken by Marcellus, 301 Lepidus, I^L /E., invades Sicily, 337-339 ; his designs on Sicily, 339 , . . , Leptines, commands Dionysios fleet, 175, 177 ; Attic decrees in his honour, iSo; his treat- ment of the Thourians, 185 ; banished by Dionysios, 190 ; his death, 192 Leptines, tyrant of Engium and ApoUonia, 224 Leptines, general of Agathokles, defeats Xenodikos, 249, 251 Leptines, father of I-'hilistis, 273 Leukas, sends help to Syracuse, 218 Libyphcenicians, 313 Licata, see Phintias Libo, father-in-law of Sextus, 335 Lilybaion, its geographical posi- tion, 16; foundation of, 25, 171 ; besieged by Dionysios, 194 ; Carthaginian fleet at, 225 ; besieged by Pyrrhos, 270 ; besieged by Rome, 285, 288, 289 ; garrison marches out, 290 ; Scipio at, 317 ; Caesar sets out for Africa from, 332 ; besieged by Lepidus, 337 ; marriage portion of Theodoric's daughter, 347 ; Imperial claim to, 348 Lindioi, akropolis of Gela, 49 Lipara, 17 ; Knidian settlement on, 55 ; Himilkon at, 173 ; attacked by Agathokles, 258 ; taken by Rome, 2S3 ; ceded to Rome by Carthage, 290 Lissos, founded by Dionysios, 191 Lokroi, delivered by Hieron, 84 ; Thrasyboulos retires to, 90 ; its union with Messana, 108 ; refuses peace of Gela, no; gives a wife to Dionysios. 165 ; Messana repeoplcd from, 181 ; lands given to Dionysios, 1S7, 189; Dionysios the younger at, 216 Lombards in Italy, 350 Longanos, river, battle near, 273 Lucanians, their treaty with Dionysios, 185 ; wage war on Tarentines, 231 Lucullus, L. L., defeats Tryphon, 329 INDEX. 369 Lykiskos of Aitolia, 246 Lysandros, Spnrtan envoy to Syracuse, 160 Lysias, Attic orator, 156; his embassy to Dionysios, 181 ; his speech against Dionysios, 190 Lyson, idol, 343 M MaccaUiba, mud volcano of, 33 Macrobius, on the PaHci, 29 Magon, defeated by Dionysios, 183 ; his death, 192 Magun, comes to help of Iliketas, 221 ; kills himself, 222 Mainon, of Segesta, said to have poisoned Agathokles, 259 ; banished, 262 ; murders Archa- gathos, U: Maktorion, secession from Gela, 67 Malta, see Melita Mamercus of Katane joins Timo- leon, 220 Mamertines at Messana, 262 ; destroy Gela, 264 ; withstand Pyrrhos, 267, 271 ; wars of Hieron II. with, 273, 277; alliance of Syracuse and Car- thage against, 273, 277 ; seek help from Rome, 277 Mamercus, tyrant of Katane, asks help Irom Carthage, 227 ; his death, 228 Manduria, battle of, 231 Marccllus, M. C.,299 ; negotiates with Syracuse, 300 ; takes Leon- tinoi, 301 ; his treatment of the deserters, ;'/'. ; falsehoods about, ?7>. ; besieges Syracuse, 303-7 ; takes the outer city, 307 ; con- tinues the siege, 308 ; Syracusan negotiations with, 310; his treat- ment of Syracuse, 311 ; of other Sicilian towns, 313 ; his victory over Hannon, 314; his ovation, i7>. ; re-elected consul, t7>. ; Sicilian feeling against, 315 ; his exchange with Lpevinus, ?7;. ; patron of Syracuse, ii. Marcellus, M. C, betrothed to Pompeia, 335 Marius, C, his war with Sulla, 330 Marsala, see Lilybaion Massilia, Verres in exile at, 332 Mazaros, river, Selinuntine out- post on, 51, 142 Megakles, brother of Dion, enters Syracuse, 204 ; elected general, 205 Megallis, her treatment of the slaves, 325 ; killed by them, 326 Megara, Old, its colonies in Sicily, 46-48 ; trial and execution of Thrasydaios at, 89 ; Empcdo- kles buried at, 96 Megara, Ilyblaia, foundation of, 33, 48 ; metropolis of Sclinous, 51 ; its war with Leontinoi, 63 ; its treatment by Gelon, 73 Melita, island of, 17 ; won by Rome, 295 Melkart, his relation to Herakles, 31 Mensenum, temple of the Palici near, 34 ; founded by Ducetius, 99, 102 Menandros, Athenian general, 127 ; joins in attack on Epipolai, 129 Menas, freedman of Sextus, 334 ; his proposal at Misenum, 335 ; joins Cxsar, 336 ; wounded at Cumse, id. ; returns to Sextus, 337 ; changes sides again, 338 ; Menekrates, killed off Cumx, 336 Mercenaries, Sikcliot, decree as to their settlement, 92 ; see also Campanians Mericus, betrays Syracuse to Mar- cellus, 310 ; his rewards, 312 Messana, Messene, Messina, name of Zankle changed to, 92 ; its shifting politics, 108 ; attacks Naxos, il>. ; its union with j Lokroi, il>. ; refuses Athenian ! alliance, 116; independent of ! Syracuse, 155 ; joins Syra- i cusan revolt against Diony- j sios, 158; makes peace with I Dionysios, 165 ; destroyed by 25 370 INDEX. Himilkon, 173; repeopled by Dionysios, 181 ; puts HippOn to death, 228 ; war of, with Agathokles, 237 ; refuge of Syracusan exiles, 238 ; attacked by Agathokles, ib. ; massacre at, by mercenaries, 262 ; called Civ? /as Matnertina, 263, 321 ; Carthaginian garrison in, 277 ; its alliance with Rome, 321 ; occupied by Sextus, 333 ; Cxsar defeatedat,337 ; getsfull Roman franchise, 340; bishopric of, 344 Messapians, their wars with the Tarentines, 85, 231 Messenia, settlers from, in Sicily, 92, 181, 182 Metellus, L. C, defends Panor- mos, 284 Rletropolis, relations of, to the colony, 10, II Mezetius, set up as Emperor in Sicily, 352 Mikythos, his rule at Rhegion, 85, 90 ; his retirement and death, 90 Milan, church of, holds lands in Sicily, 347, 35 1_ Milazzo, see Mylai Milesians share in the Samian expedition to Sicily, 69 Miletos, Tissaphernes' castle at, 137 Mineo, see Menrenum Minoa, foundation of, 32, see also Herakleia Minoa Minos, King of Crete, 32 Misenum, peace of, 335 Monaco, principality of, 322 Morgantina, battle of, 329 Motya, Phoenician settlement of, 24; Hannibal at, 142; war of Hermokrates against, 145 ; be- sieged by Dionysios, 168-71; won back by Himilkon, 171 ; forsaken for Lilybaion, ib. Motyon, taken and lost by Ducetius, 100 Mutines, his exploits in Sicily, 313, 314 ; deprived of his command, 316 ; betrays Akragas to Rome, ib. ; receives Roman citizenship, Mylai, said to be site of ThrinakiS, 30 ; outpost of Zankle, 48, 50 ; attacked by Athens, 108 ; seized by Rhegion, 182; won back by Messana, ib. ; Roman victory off, 281 ; occupied by Sextus, 333 ; sea-fight off, 338 Myletids, banished from Syracuse, 60 N Naulochus, sea-fight off, 339 Naxos, island, gives its name to Sicilian Naxos, 41 Naxos, Sicilian, foundation of, 41, 42 ; analogy with Ebbsfleet, ib. ; conquered by Hippokrates, 68 ; people of, moved to Leon- tinoi, 84 ; attacked by Messana, 108 ; joins Athenian alliance, 116; Athenian fleet at, 118; war of, with Syracuse, 140 ; destroyed by Dionysios, 161 Neaiton, Netum, outpost of Syra- cuse, 50 ; its position under Rome, 321, 340 Neptune, Sextus claims him as father, 334, 338 ; devotion to, at Rome, 335 ; Ccesar's edict against, ib. Neon, 222 Nerva, P. L., sets free the slaves, Nikias, opposes Sicilian expedi- tion, 113; appointed general, 114; counsels return, 116; his delays, 117, 123, 125; his stratngem, 1 18 ; asks for horse- men and money, 119; in sole command, 123 ; sends ships to meet Gylippos, 124 ; his letter to the Athenians, 126 ; refuses to retreat, 130; his energy during the retreat, 133 ; sur- renders to Gylippos, 135, 136 ; put to death, 136 Nikoteles, of Corinth, 160 Norman kingdom in Sicily, 6, 353 Nolo, see Neaiton INDEX. 371 Numidians under Mutincs, 313, Nypsios, holds Ortygia for Diony- sios, 210-212 Nysaios, in possession of Ortygia, 215 ; driven out, 216 O Odowakar, 346 Odyssey, sites for, sought in Sicily, 16, 30, 48 ; meniion of Sikels in, 39 Olympia, embassy of Dionysios to, 190 Olympieion, temple at Syracuse, 43; Ilimilkon's head-quartersat, 176; robbed by Dionysios, 191 Ophelias of Macedonia, 247 Orethos, river, 18 Ortygia, story of Arethousa at, 36, 42 ; see also Syracuse Ostracism, meaning of, 94 Pachynos, Promontory of, 16 Palazzuolo, sec Akrai Palermo, Semitic and Norman capital of Sicily, 26 ; Phoenician tombs in museum, 27 ; see also Panormos Palica, founded by Ducetius, 99 ; destroyed by the Syracusans, 102 Palici, their lake and worship, 34, 99 ; temple of, refuge for the slaves, 32S ; protectors of King Tryphon, 329 ; whether they survived in god Phalkon, 343 Panaitios of Leontinoi, 63 Panormos, harlraur of, l"], 26 ; Phoenician settlement at, 26 ; Semitic head of Sicily, 26 ; Ilamilkar lands at, 79 ; invaded by Hermokrates, 146 ; taken by Pyrrhos, 269 ; taken by Rome, 2S2 ; attacked by Asdrubal, 284 ; position of, under Rome, 322 ; bishopric of, 344 ; withstands Belisarius,349; see also Palermo Pantagias, Pantakyas, river, 46 Pantellaria, see Kossoura Papyrus at Syracuse, 294 Paros, settlements of, 191 Pasiphilos, joins Deinokrates, 254 ; slain by him, 257 Passero Cape, 16 Paterno, see Hybla Galealic Peithagoras, tyrant of Selinous, 67 Pellegrino, see Herkte Peloris, 16 Pentathlos, counted as founder of Lipara, 55 Pergus, Lake, 35, 36 Persephone, see Demeter Persia, its alliance with Carthage, 77 ; invades Greece, 78 Petalism, instituted at Syracuse, 95 Phalaris of Akragas, his forged letters, 57 ; stories of, 64 ; his bull, 64, 323 Phalkon, idol, 343 Pharakidas, Spartan admiral, 177, Pharnabazos, his dealings with Hermokrates, 138 Pharos, Parian settlement on, 191 Philinos of Akragas, 276 Philip of Macedon, his conquests in Greece, 218, 230 ; interviews Dionysios, 221 Philistis, wife of Hieron II., 273 Philistos, Sicilian historian, 8, 76, 140 ; takes part in the war against Athens, 104 ; his friend- ship with Dionysios, 1 5 1, 158 ! banished by him, 190 ; recalled, 200 ; in command against Dion, 203, 20S; taken by Herakleides and slain, 208 Philodamos of Argos, 308 Philoxenos, treatment of, by Dionysios, 191 Phintias, tyrant of Akragas, 263 ; defeated by Iliketas, Uk; driven out of Akragas, 264 ; town founded by, ih. Phintias (town), foundation of, 264 ; battle of, 314 Phoenicians, their political system, 372 INDEX. 9; plant colonies in Sicily, 11, 14, 21-28 ; origin of the name, 21 ; their tongue the same as Hel:)rew, ib. ; their relations with the Greeks, 21, 22 ; their Mediterranean colonies, 22, 23, 26 ; alphabet taught to Greeks by, 22 ; hold the west of Sicily against Greeks, 24 ; remains of their walls at Motya, 25 ; tombs of, in Palermo Museum, 27 ; their coins, ih. ; their wars with the Greeks, 66 Phyton, Rhegian general, 188; Dionysios' treatment of, 189 Pinarius, L., his massacre at Henna, 305 Pindar, notices of the goddesses in, 35 ; refers to Phalaris, 57 ; Sicilian references in his odes, 76, 83, 87 ; entertained by Hieron, 76, 83 ; gives Hieron title of king, 82 Pious Brethren, legend of, 46 Pithekoussa, island, 85 Plato, his alleged letters on Syra- cusan affairs, 156, 196 ; treat- ment of by Dionysios, 191 ; visits the younger Dionysios, 201 ; his constitutional schemes for Syracuse, 214, 216 Plemmyrion, peninsula, 42 ; occu- pied by the Athenians, 125 ; recovered by Gylippos, 128 ; Hiniilkon's fort on, 177 Plennius, 339 Polichna, early Greek outpost, 43 ; occupied by Syracuse, 125 ; Himilkon's camp on, 176 Pollis, king of Syracuse, 62 Polyphemos, legend of, 31 Polyxenos, brinies help from Old Greece to Syracuse, 177 Polyzelos, son of Deinomenes, 72; marries Damareta, 83 ; Hieron's plots against, Uk Pompeia, daughter of Sextus, 335 Pompeius, G., in Sicily, 330 Pompeius, S., his war in Spain, 332 ; his war with the Trium- virs, 333; charges made against. 334; claims divine origin, 334, 33S ; his agreement with An- tonius, 334 ; makes peace with Ca:sar and Antonius, 335 ; pro- posal of Menas to, it>. ; his second war in Sicily, 336-339 ; his death, 339 Porcari, see Pantagias Probus, Emperor, 341 Province, Roman system of, 320, 344. 345 ^ Ptolemy, King of Egj'pt, his friendship with Agathokles, 258, 259 Punic Wars, see Carthage Pylos, won back for Sparta, 139 Pyrrhos, King of Epeiros, marries Agathokles' daughter, 258 ; Greek Sicily seeks his help, 265 ; his wars against Rome, 265, 266, 267, 271 ; withstood by the Mamertines, 267 ; lands at Tauromenion, il>. ; received at Syracuse, 267 ; wins Akragas, 268 ; his title of King of Sicily, ib. ; his campaign in North-west Sicily, 268, 269 ; takes Panor- mos, 146, 269 ; besieges Lily- baion, 270 ; fails to recover Messana, 271 ; leaves Sicily, ib. ; defeated at Beneventum, ib. ; killed at Argos, ib. R Ragusa, see Hybla Heraia Ras Melkart, see Herakleia Minoa Ravenna, church of, holds lands in Sicily, 351 Regulus, M. A., his attack on Carthage, 282 Rhegion, tyranny of Anaxilas at, 69, 70 ; rule of Mikythos at, 85, 90 ; sons of Anaxilas at, 90, 91 ; treaty with Athens, 106 ; asks help of Athens, 107 ; Athenian fleet at, 115 ; joins Syracusan revolt against Diony- sios, 158 ; makes peace with Dionysios, 165 ; refuses him a wife, 165, 181 ; seizes on Mylai, INDEX. 373 182 ; attacked liy Dionysios, 1 84 ; sends einhiissy to him, 186 ; siege and taking of, 188 ; destruction of, 189 ; Timoleon at, 218 ; ravaged by Agathokles, •235 ; by the Campanians, 273 ; defence of, by La;vinus, 317 Rhodes, her settlements in Sicily, 49' 53> 55 ; bounty of Hieron II. to, 294 Roman Peace in Sicily, 323 Rome, Romans, Sicily the granary of, 19, 317. 324,. 334' 338, 35 J ; war of I'y rrhos with, 265-7, 27 1 ; allied to Carthage, 267, 272 ; dealings of, with the mercen- aries, 273 ; wars of, with Carthage, 276-290, 295-317 ; Hieron's alliance with, 279 ; establishment of her power in Sicily, 292 ; Ilieronymos re- volts against, 296 ; war-law of, 301 ; uses Sicily as an outpost against Africa, 317 ; relations of, to subject cities, 320 ; state of Sicily under, 321-323, 330-2 ; enactment as to slaves, 328 ; colonies of, in Sicily, 340 ; rights of, extended by edict of Caracalla, 344; taken by Alaric, 345 ; besieged by Totila, 349 Rome, Church of, deprived of jurisdiction in Sicily, 350 ; estates therein, 351 Rome, New, see Constantinople Rufus, Q. S., sent against Sextus, 334 Rupilius, P., takes Tauromenium, 327 ; his laws, 2I'. S Sacerdos, G. L., Praetor in Sicily, 331 Sacred Band of Carthage, de- stroyed at the Krimisos, 225 - 227 Saint Agatha of Catania, 343 Saint Kalogeros, 343 Saint Lucy, Matron, 343 Saint Lucy of Syracuse, Virgin, 343 Saint Marcian, bishop of Syra- cuse, 342 Saint Pancratius of Tauromenium, 342 Saint Paul, at Syracuse, 342 Saint Peter, legends of, at Syra- cuse, 342 ; said to have been at Catania, 343 Saint Zosimus, Bishop of Syra- cuse, 352 Salvius, king of the slaves, 328 ; calls himself Tryphon, 329 ; his revolt against Rome, //'. Samians, take Zankle, 69 ; treaty of Hippocrates with, 70; turned out by Anaxilas, il'. Samnites, pray Pyrrhos for help against Rome, 271 San P'ilippo d'Argiro, 343 ; see Agyrium San Marino, republic of, 322 Saracen invasion of Sicily, 4, 353 Sardinia, ceded by Carthage to Rome, 290, 320 ; taken by Sextus, 333, 334 ; confirmed to him at Misenum, 335 ; joins Casar, 336 ; taken by Gaiseric, 346 Sciacca, hot springs near, 33, 343 Scipio, P. C., his expedition against Hannibal, 317 Scipio, P. C, the younger, re- stores to Sicily s]5oil from Carthage, 323 .Segcsta, Elymian site, 13, 20 ; wars of with Selinous, 55, 112, 141; with Dorieus, 67; its treaty with Athens, 106, 108 ; appeals to Athens, il>. ; trick played on Athenian en- voys, 113 ; helps Athens, 120 ; alliance of, with Carthage, 141 ; besieged by Diunysios, 170; siege raised, 171 ; treatment of, by Agathokles, 252, 279 ; joins Pyrrhos, 269 ; joins Rome, 279 ; position of, under Rome, 322, 340 Sehnous, foundation of, 51 ; wars with Segesta, 55, 112, 141; tyranny of Peithagoras and 3H IND^lt. Euryleon at, 67 ; her relations to Carthage, 74, 82, 154, 229, 238 ; promises help to Hamil- kar. So; joins Gylippos, 124; sends help to Greece, 137; taken by Hannibal, 139, 142; fortified by Hermokrates, 145 ; recovered by Dionysios, 194 ; origin of the name, 226 ; wel- comes Pyrrhos, 269 ; destroyed by Carthage, 285 Selinous, river, 51 Servilius, Q., his war with the slaves, 329 Shopheti7)i of Carthage, 179 Sicily, its historical importance, I, 2; its geographical position and character, 3, 9, 15 seqq. ; strife between East and West for, 3, 26, 354; compared with Cyprus and Spain, 5 ; Norman kingdom of, 6, 353 ; Phoenician colonies in, 11, 14, 21-28; Greek colonies in, 11, 14, 39 seqq. ; older inhaljitants of, 1 1- 14 ; becomes practically Greek, 16, 324 ; its triangular shape, 16 ; sites for Odyssey sought in, 16, 30, 48; mountain and rivers of, 17-19 ; chief granary of Rome, 19, 317, 324, 334, 338, 351 ; hill towns of, 20 ; legends of, 29 seqq. ; Ilamilkar's in- vasion of, 77-81 ; independence of its cities, 87 seqq. ; share of, in the wars of Greece, 104 seqq., 160 ; Athenian expedi- tion to, I l\seqq. ; second Cartha- ginian invasion of, 140 seqq. ; effect of the reign of Diony- sios on, 197, 198; new settle- ment of, 223 ; freed by Timo- leon, 229 ; position of Aga- thokles in, 257 ; war of Pyrrhos in, 265-271 ; a wrestling ground for Rome and Carthage, 272, 276 seqq. ; given up by Carthage, 290 ; becomes a Roman pro- vince, 292, 320, 339, 344 ; main battlefield of Hannibal, 305 ; outcry in, against Marcellus, 315 ; an outpost of Europe, 317 ; Scipio's starting point for Africa, 317; relation of its cities to Rome, 320-322 ; Roman Peace in, 323 ; increase of slavery, 324 ; slave wars of, 325-329, 341 ; Cicero's account of> 330 ; Julius Caesar's starting point for Africa, 332 ; occupied by Sextus, 333 seq. ; war be- tween Ccesar and Sextus for, 336-339 ; Cresar master of, 339 ; Roman colonies in, 340 ; Hadrian's visit to, 341 ; Prank- ish invasion of, 342 ; Chris- tianity in, 342-344 ; effect of the edict of Caracalla on, 344 ; part of the diocese of Italy, 345 ; Teutonic invasions of, 345 seq. ; under Theodoric, 347; won back by Belisarius, 348-349 ; its connexion with the Eastern Empire, 350 ; lands of the Roman Church in, 347, 351, 352 ; Constans H. in, 352 ; Mezetius Emperor in, 352 ; re- covered by Constantine IV., ib. ; Saracen invasions in, 353 ; won back by the Normans, 353 Sidon, probable settlement from in Sicily, 24 ; its hatred to- wards the Greeks, 77 Sikania, name of Sicily, li; men- tioned in Odyssey, 39 Sikans, the, 11-13, 27 ; hill towns, characteristic of, 20 ; remains of, in Sicily, 27 ; traditions of, . 32 . Sikelia, 11 ; subject to Carthage, Sikeliots, distinguished from Si- kels, 41 Sikels, the, 11-13; gradually become Greek, 13 ; language of, akin to Latin, 12, 27; hill- towns of, 20 ; remains of, in Sicily, 27 ; tale of their migra- tion from Italy, 29 ; their beliefs and traditions, 33-37 ; men- tioned in Odyssey, 39 ; driven out of Syracuse, 45 ; Theokles' INDEX. 375 dealings willi, 47 ; war of, with Skylhes, 69 ; tlieir union under Ducetius, 98 ; help Naxos, 108 ; help Athens, 120; guaranty of their indci)endence, 155 Siaionides, Sicilian references in his poems, 76 ; entertained by liieron, 76, 83 ; said to have reconciled Ilieron and Theron, 84 Skylla, tale of, 30 Skylhes of Zankle, his war with the Sikels, 69 ; Ilippokrates' treatment of, 70 ; escapes to Asia, zd. Slaves, increase of, in Sicily, 324 ; wars of, 325-330 ; Roman order for their liberation, 328 ; third revolt of, 341 Solous, Solunto, Phoenician settle- ment of, 25 ; taken by Pyrrhos, 270 ; joins Rome, 283 Sophrosyne, daughter of Uiony- sios, 200 Sosis, slays Hieronymos, 297 ; takes refuge with Marcellus, 303, 306 ; leads the Romans into the Ilexapyla, 307 ; re- warded by Marcellus, 312 Sosistratos, denounced by Aga- thokles, 235 ; banished, id. ; seeks Ilamilkar'shelp, 235, 236; his death, 23S Sosistratos, in command at .Syra- cuse, 264 ; welcomes Pyrrhos, 267 ; takes service under him, 26S ; flees from Syracuse, 271 Spaccaforno, ^vt' Kasmenai Spain, compared with Sicily, 5 ; Phoenician colonies in, 14, 15, 23, 26 Spanish mercenaries of Diony- sios, 179 Sparta, compared with Athens, 105 ; Syracusan embassy to, 120; her alliance with Darius, 137 ; Pylos won back for, 139 ; supports Dionysios, 160; em- bassy of Dionysios to, 1 76 ; objects to settlement of Mes- senians by Dionysios, l8l ; Dionysios sends help to, 189, 194; checks his advance, 191 ; admits Dion to citizenship, 202 ; sends help against Agathokles, 237 Sthenics of Therma, 330 Stesichoros, 64 Strabo, his description of Sicily, 39, 340 Sulla, L. C, his war with Marius, 330 Sulpicius, G., invades Panormos, 282 Susa, see Hadrumetum Sybaris, its war with Kroton, 67 Symaithos, river, 18 Synalos, receives Dion at Plera- kleia Minoa, 203 Syracuse, foundation of, 42 ; her relations to Corinth, id. ; im- portance of her topography, 43 ; her outposts, 49, 50 ; her war with Kamarina, 50; cham- pion of Europe against Africa, 56 ; Gamoroi of, 59-62 ; war of Hippokrates with, 71 ; tyranny of Gelon at, 72 scqq. ; enlarged by him, 73 ; temples at, built by Gelon, 83; drives out Thrasy- boulos, 90 ; feast of the EIcii- tlieria at, 91 ; exclusion of the new citizens, ib. ; demagogues at, 94 ; institution of petalism, 95 ; her wars with Akragas, 96, loi ; with Etruscans, 98 ; with Ducetius, 100 ; with Leon- tinoi, 107, III ; attacks Naxos, loS ; Athenian expedition against, 1 14 seqq. ; debate in the assembly, ib. ; embassies to Peloponnesos, 120 ; beginning of the siege, 123; coming of Gylippos, 124, 125 ; improve- ment of naval tactics, 128 ; Athenians surrender to, 134, 136 ; treatment of prisoners, 136 ; sends help to Greece, 137 ; threatened by Hannibal, 144 ; feeling towards Ilermo- krates, 145-6 ; sends help to Akragas, 149 ; generals accused ?il^ INDEX. of treason, 151 ; recalls the exiles, 151 ; Dionysios tyrant at, 152, 156; revolt of the horse- men, 153 ; return of Dionysios, 154 ; subjection to Dionysios guaranteed by Carthage, 155 ; fortification of the Island, 158 ; revolts against Dionysios, ib. ; fortified by Dionysios, 164 ; be- sieged by Himilkon, 176 ; Olym- pieion plundered by Dionysios, 191 ; her treaty with Carthage, 195 i position of, under Diony- sios, 197 ; delivered by Dion, 203-5 ' Island held by Dionysios the younger, 205, 207 ; treatment of Philistos by, 20S ; gets rid of Dion, 209 ; prays him for help against Dionysios, 211 ; Dion's entrance into, 212 ; Plato's schemes for, 214, 216 ; tyrannies in, on Dion's death, 215-6; embassy to Corinth, 217 ; de- livered by Timoleon, 220-2 ; second Corinthian settlement of, 223 ; treatment of Hiketas' family, 228, of Mamercus, ib. ; massacre at, by Agathokles, 236 ; his tyranny at, ib. ; Carthaginian attack on, 239 seqq. ; Hamilkar retires from, 245 ; his first attack on, 246 ; wars of with Akragas, 249, 253 ; Hiketas tyrant of, 263 ; prays Pyrrhos for help ag.iinst Carthage, 265 ; welcomes Pyrrhos, 267 ; allied with Carthage against Mamertines, 273, 277 ; Hieron's kingdom of, 274, 278-9 ; pros- perity of, under Ilieron, 293, 294 ; misrule of Hieronymos in, 297 ; negotiates wiih Appius Claudius, 29S, 300 ; slaughter of Hieron's descendants, 299 ; Leontinoi revolts against, 300 ; effect of Marcellus' treatment of the deserters on, 301-2 ; Roman siege of, 303, 31 1 ; Mai- cellus, hereditary patron of, 315 ; gradual decay of, 324, 352 ; occupied by Sextus, ^2iT, ; Ro- man colony at, 340 ; sacked by the Franks, 342 ; SS. Peter and Paul at, ib. ; bishopric of, 344; Gothic count of, 347 ; sub- mits to Belisarius, 348 ; temjjle of Athene turned into a church, 352 ; Constans II. at, ib. Taormina, see Tauromenion Taras, Tarentum, helped by Mi- kythos, 85 ; asks help of Sparta, 231 ; helped by Pyrrhos against Rome, 265, 266, 271 ; submits to Rome, 271 ; head-quarters of Antonian ships, 337, 338 Tauromenion, foundation of, 173; defeat of Dionysios at, 183 ; taken by him, 184 ; Timoleon lands at, 219 ; Punic envoys at, ib. ; men of, slain by Aga- thokles, 238 ; Pyrrhos lands at 267 ; its alliance with Rome, 321 ; taken by the slaves, 327 ; Roman siege of, ib. ; Cresar at, 338 ; Roman colony at, 340 ; church of Saint Pancratius at, 342 ; bishopric of, 344 Taurus, S., in command under An- tonius, 337 Tegea, Mikythos dies at, 90 Telemachos of Akragas, 65 Telines of Gela, 68 Temenites, outpost of Syracuse, 43 ; taken into the city, 119 Tenea, settlers froai, at Syracuse, 5? Terillos, tyrant of Himera, 74 ; driven out by Theron, 78 Termini, see Thermai of Himera Terranova, see Gela Teutonic invaders of Sicily, 342, 345 Thapsos, peninsula, 43 ; Megarian settlement at, 47 ; Athenian station at, 121 ; taken by Aga- thokles, 245 Thearidas, admiral of Dionysios' fleet, 185 Themistos, elected general, 297 ; put to death, 29S INDEX. 377 Theodahad.kinf^ of the East Goths, Thcodoric, king of the East Goths, 347 Theodores, denounces Dionysios, 177 TheodoteSjDion's treatment of,2i2 Theodotos, slays Hicrunymos, 297 Thcokles of Chalkis, founds Naxos, 40 ; and Leontinoi, 45 ; his dealings with the Sikels and Megarians, 47 Theokritos, his verses to Ilicron II., 294 Thcrnia, Thermai, of Ilimcra, 51, 343 ; colony of Carthage at, 33, 147 ; becomes Greek, 147 ; subject to Carthage, 154, 238; Agathokles born at, 234 ; taken by Agathokles, 250 ; joins Deinokrates, 254 ; Agathokles negotiates for, 255 ; taken by Rome, 283 ; Roman colony at, 340 Therrnai of Selinous, 343 Theron, tyrant of Akragas ; his alliance with Gelon, 73 ; drives out Terillos, 78 ; his share in the battle of Himera, 80, 81 ; his war with Ilieron, 83 ; recon- ciled to him, 84 ; his works at Akragas and death, 89 ; de- struction of his tomb, 149 Thespia, sends contingent to Syracuse, 126, 129 Tlioinon, of Syracuse, overthrows Hiketas, 264 ; welcomes Pyrr- hos, 267 ; put to death, 271 Thourioi, foundation of, 106 ; treatment of by Leptines, 185 ; makes treaty with Dionysios, 186 ; helped by Corinth, 221 Thrasimund, king of the Vandals, Thrason, adviser of Ilieronymos, 296 Thrasyboulos, son of Deino- menes, 72, 83 ; his tyranny al Syracuse, 90 ; withdraws to Lokroi, }7>. Thrasydaios, his oppression at Ilimera, 84; his tyranny at Akragas, 89 ; put to death at Old Megara, il>. Thrviakic, 16, 30 Tiiiiokratcs, Dion's wife given to, 201 ; left in command at Syra- cuse, 203 ; his letter to Dio- nysios, 203, 205 Timoleon, his share in Timo- phanes' death, 217 ; sent to help Syracuse, ib. ; lands at Tauromenion, 219; defeats Hi- ketas at Hadranum, ib. ; Dio- nysios surrenders to, 220 ; plots against, 221 ; takes Syracuse, 222 ; re-founds it, 223 ; repulsed at Leontinoi, 224 ; Leptines and Hiketas submit to, ib. ; his war with Carthage, 225 ; his victory by the Krimisos, 227 ; his treat- ment of the tyrants, 227, 228 ; makes peace with Carthage, 228 ; sends settlers to Gela and Akragas, 229 ; ends his days at Syracuse, ib. ; the Timoleon- teion built in his honour, 230 Timophanes, of Corinth, his tyranny and death, 217 Tisias, teacher of rhetoric, 94 Tissaphernes, his alliance with Sparta, 137 ; withstood by Ilermokrates, ib. Torgium, battle of, 255 Totila, king of the Goths, invades Sicily, 349 Trinacia taken by Syracuse, 107 Trinakria, 16, 30 Triocala, capital of King Tryphon, 329 Trotilon, first Megarian settlement at, 46 Trojan traditions at Segesta, 13, 252, 269, 279 Tryphon, sec Salvius, 75 Tunis, head -quarters of Aga- thokles, 243 ; victory of, over Carthage, 244 ; taken by the mercenaries, 246; Ophelias slain at, 247 Tycha, quarter of Syracuse, 92, 165 378 INDEX. Tyndarion, his attempt at tyranny at Syracuse, 94 Tyndarion, tyrant of Taurome- nion, 263 ; joins Pyrrhos, 267 Tyndaris, foundation of, 182 ; joins Timoleon, 220 ; Roman victory off, 282 ; occupied by Sextus, 333 ; Roman colony at, 340 Tyratits, use of tlie name, 62, 353 ; Greek view as to slaying of, 217, 228 Tyre, prohaljle settlements from in Sicily, 24 ; its hatred to- wards Greeks, 77 ; the Geloan Apolloii sent to, 153 ; Carthagi- nian embassies to, 244 U Utica, Phcenician co'ony, 23 ; taken by Agathokles, 248 V Vandals, alleged invasion of Sicily by, 342 ; in Africa, Italy, and Sicily, 346 ; Belisarius' cam- paign against, 348 Ver res, G. , Cicero's speech against, 3I9>.330. 332; his oppression in Sicily, 331 ; goes into exile, 332 ; put to death, ib. Volcanic mountains and lakes in Sicily, 33, 34 Xenodikos of Akragas, defeated ])y Leptines, 249, 251 Xerxes, invades Greece, 78 Xiphonia, peninsula, 43, 46 Zankle, foundation of, 48 ; founds Himera, 50 ; ruled by Skythes, 69 ; seized by the Samians, ib. ; its army enslaved by Hippocrates, 70 ; occupied by Anaxilas, ib. ; name changed to Messana, 70, 92 ; rule of Mikythos at, 85, 90 ; sons of Anaxilas at, 90, 91 -jsee Messana Zoippos, uncle of Hieronymos, 295 ; supports Carthage, 296 ; sent to Egypt, 299 ; slaughter of his family, ib. UNWIN BEOTHEES, CHILWOETH AND LONDOW. A 000 004 412 3