/n 
 
A PEPYS OF MOGUL INDIA 
 
A PEPYS OF 
 MOGUL INDIA 
 
 l6 53 
 
 BEING AN ABRIDGED EDITION 
 
 OF THE "STORIA DO MOGOR " 
 
 OF NICCOLAO MANUCCI 
 
 TRANSLATED BY WILLIAM IRVINE 
 
 (ABRIDGED EDITION PREPARED BY 
 MARGARET L. IRVINE) 
 
 WITH A FRONTISPIECE 
 
 NEW YORK 
 E. P. DUTTON AND COMPANY 
 
VS4- 
 
 H 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 NICCOLAO MANUCCI THE MAN 
 
 NICCOLAO MANUCCI, the hero of our narrative, ran 
 away from Venice in 1653, being then fourteen. He 
 hid on board a vessel bound for Smyrna, and was 
 fortunate enough to find a protector in a certain 
 Viscount Bellomont, an English nobleman, then on 
 his way to Persia and India. He followed Bellomont 
 through Asia Minor to Persia, and from Persia to 
 India, meeting with many adventures by sea and 
 land. The sudden death of his master near Hodal, 
 in 1656, left Manucci friendless in a strange land. 
 
 He seems to have been a youth of considerable 
 resource, however, and fortune favoured him, for he 
 soon found employment as an artilleryman in the 
 service of Prince Dara Shukoh, eldest son of the 
 Emperor Shahjahan. Till Dara's death, in 1659, 
 Manucci followed his varying fortunes in peace and 
 war, and, refusing to transfer his services to Aurangzeb, 
 he gradually adopted the profession of medicine. 
 
 Being offered the post of a captain of artillery by 
 Rajah Jai Singh, he returned to soldiering for some 
 years, till apparently he grew tired of it, and resigned 
 his post. He made his way to Bassain, where he 
 narrowly escaped the Inquisition, and thence to Goa, 
 ultimately returning to Agrah and Dihlt. Here he 
 
 512786 
 
vi INTRODUCTION 
 
 took service with Kirat Singh, son of Jai Singh ; but 
 when Kirat Singh was ordered to Kabul, Manucci 
 resolved to move to Lahor (end of 1670 or early in 
 1671) and start in practice as a physician. At the end 
 of six or seven years, having made a little money, 
 Manucci decided to remove into European territory, 
 and he made his home at Bandora, on Salsette Island. 
 Before long, however, he lost his money in an unlucky 
 venture, and was obliged to return to the Mogul 
 Court. He obtained an appointment as one of the 
 ^ physicians attached to Shah 'Alam, and followed him 
 to the Dakhin when he went there as Governor in 
 1678. Shah 'Alam was recalled in 1680 to take part 
 in a campaign, and from that time they were on the 
 move till early in 1681. Manucci seems to have found 
 his position somewhat irksome, and determined to 
 make his escape to Goa on the pretext of taking leave 
 of absence. 
 
 He reached Goa, and was employed by the Portu- 
 guese in negotiations with the Mahrattah chief, Sambha 
 Ji, and also with Shah 'Alam, for which services the 
 Governor conferred on him a patent of knighthood 
 in the Portuguese Order of Sant' lago, 1684. On a 
 second embassy to Shah 'Alam, Manucci was detained 
 as a deserter from his service. He attempted flight, 
 but was brought back, and had to accompany Shah 
 'Alam through the Ghats to A^madnagar, and thence 
 on a campaign against the King of Gulkhandah. When 
 at Malkher, Manucci managed to make his escape 
 into Gulkhandah, and when Shah 'Alam occupied 
 Gulkhandah he fled to the European settlements at 
 Narsapur and Masulipatam. He was brought back 
 to Gulkhandah, but evaded being given up to the 
 agents of Shah 'Alam, and, with the help of an 
 
INTRODUCTION vii 
 
 Augustinian friar, he managed to escape once more 
 and took refuge at the English settlement of Fort 
 St. George. He had thought at this time of returning 
 to Europe, but was dissuaded from doing so, and 
 was advised to marry. He acted on this advice, and 
 married in 1686 a Catholic widow named Clarke, 
 daughter of Christopher Hartley and Aguida Pereyra. 
 They had one child, a son, who died in infancy. 
 
 During his residence in Madras Manucci was em- 
 ployed by Governors Gyfford and Pitt ; by Gyfford 
 in the matter of transmitting letters to the " Great 
 Mogull," and by Thomas Pitt in actual negotiations 
 with Da,ud Khan, who invested Madras in 1702. 
 From 1703 onwards for several years Manucci seems 
 to have been quite absorbed in matters ecclesiastical, 
 and he devoted many pages of his memoirs to the 
 discussion of the disputes between the Capuchins and 
 Jesuits, which reached an active stage about that time. 
 In 1706 his wife died, and between 1706 and 1712 
 Manucci moved his home to Pondicherry. 
 
 In that year he was about to make a special journey 
 to Shah 'Alam's court at Lahor as an intermediary on 
 behalf of the Madras Council, who wished to settle 
 various long-standing difficulties, and also to secure 
 fresh privileges. The death of Shah 'Alam put an end 
 to these plans, but as a reward for his previous 
 services the Governor and Council on January 14, 
 1712, conceded to him in perpetuity his leasehold 
 house and garden at Madras, which he had acquired 
 as being heir of Thomas Clarke, having married his 
 widow. 
 
 There is no further trace of Manucci at Madras 
 or Pondicherry, and the only date for his death is a 
 reference in the work, " Delia Litteratura Veneziano " 
 
riii INTRODUCTION 
 
 (4to, Venice, 1854), by the Doge Marco Nicol6 Foscarini, 
 where on p. 441 of the 4th edition, 1854, it is said that 
 Manucci died in India in 1717 as an octogenarian, as 
 he (Foscarini) had heard. 
 
 NICCOLAO MANUCCI THE AUTHOR 
 
 Manucci's own life is brimful of adventure, and 
 not less interesting is the story of the vicissitudes 
 through which his manuscript memoirs passed before 
 they were finally presented to the public in 1907 in 
 the masterly edition prepared by my father, the late 
 William Irvine, entitled " Storia do Mogor." The 
 strange story is given by him in the minutest detail 
 in his Introduction to the " Storia," and I must 
 content myself by giving a mere outline of the most 
 essential facts. 
 
 Manucci sent home two copies of his manuscript ; 
 the first by the hands of a certain Mons. Boureau 
 Deslandes in 1701. This manuscript was lent by 
 Deslandes to a certain Pere Catrou, a Jesuit priest, 
 who published in 1705 a book founded upon it, and 
 entitled " Histoire Generate de 1'Empire du Mogol 
 depuis sa fondation, sur les Memoires de M. Manouchi 
 Venitien." 
 
 In 1705 this particular manuscript passed with others 
 into the possession of Baron Gerard Meerman, of 
 the Hague, was bought from his heirs in 1824 by 
 Sir Thomas Philipps, of Middle Hill, Worcester, and 
 was finally acquired by the KOnigliche Bibliothek at 
 Berlin in 1887. 
 
 Some time in 1704, or 1705, Manucci received from 
 Catrou an advance copy of his " Histoire," or of the 
 preface to it. He was intensely indignant at what 
 
INTRODUCTION ix 
 
 he considered to be an attempt on the part of the 
 Jesuit Fathers "to transfer to themselves the glory 
 won by another's labour," and he determined to send 
 to Europe the original draft of his Parts I., II., and III., 
 together with Part IV., on which he had been engaged 
 since 1701. He sent them to the Venetian Senate by 
 the hand of Father Eusebius, of Bourges, a Capuchin, 
 in 1705. We learn that the manuscript was made over 
 to the then Ambassador of the Venetian Senate at 
 Paris, Lorenzo Tiepolo. Tiepolo became librarian of 
 the San Marco Library in 1736, and Manucci's manu- 
 script is entered in the catalogue made during his tenure 
 of office, although we have no record of its transmission 
 to Venice. 
 
 With the first manuscript sent to Europe, in 1701, 
 Manucci also sent a volume of portraits. This seems 
 to have passed out of the Jesuits' possession, for 
 Zanetti catalogues it as being in the San Marco 
 Library at Venice in 1741. Since then it has become 
 the property of the French nation, being made over 
 to them in 1797, and is now to be found in the 
 Cabinet des Estampes at the Biblioth&que Nationale 
 in Paris, classed as O.D. No. 45 (reserve). 
 
 This brief sketch of the man and his work will 
 serve, I hope, to awaken interest in his story, and 
 perhaps it will not be out of place to state here the 
 reasons which suggested that a volume of selections 
 from the " Storia " might meet with success. 
 
 The " Storia do Mogor," as a whole, is very lengthy, 
 and somewhat diffuse ; and a great deal of it is 
 interesting only to the student and the scholar. Some 
 passages, such as those dealing with the disputes 
 between the Capuchins and Jesuits, might even be 
 called wearisome, whilst to many people the mere 
 
x INTRODUCTION 
 
 appearance of the four weighty volumes is quite 
 alarming. We hoped, therefore, by making a selection 
 of passages, dealing chiefly with Manucci's own life- 
 story, that we might thus give a sufficiently faithful 
 picture of the man and his career, and introduce him 
 in this way to many readers, who otherwise would 
 never have made his acquaintance. 
 
 In conclusion, I wish to express my most cordial 
 thanks to Mr. L. Cranmer-Byng for his kind and able 
 assistance and advice, 
 
 M. L. IRVINE. 
 
 GRINDELWALD, 
 
 January II, 1913. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 INTRODUCTION pp. v-x 
 
 Departure from Venice Service with Lord Bellomont Travel i in 
 Turkey Arrival in Persia The Shah's banquet Interview with 
 'Azamat-ud-daulah, his reply on behalf of the King Negotiations 
 fail Of the city of Isfahan, Shiraz, Lar, and Bandar 'Abbasi, Hormuz 
 Island The Port of Surat, Burhanpur, Sironj Of Saraes, Narwar, 
 Gwaliyar, Dholpur, Agrah Lord Bellomont dies at Hodal His 
 property seized Manucci at Dihll, Shahjahan and his audience-hall 
 Ambassador's property released Manucci enters Prince Dara's 
 service . pp. 1-50 
 
 Warlike preparations Dara and his army set forth Traitorous 
 advice to Dara Dawn of battle day Course of events Dara's defeat 
 and flight Dara at Agrah, Dihll, and Lahor Manucci starts for 
 Dihli Adventures on the way He rejoins Dara Dara leaves for 
 Multan M. follows Departure for Bhakkar Siege of Bhakkar 
 Evacuation of Bhakkar At Lahor, Primavera killed M. escapes 
 naked, goes to Dihll, refuses to serve Aurangzeb . . pp. 51-98 
 
 Manucci as Medecin Malgre* Lui Aurangzeb's march to Kashmir 
 Details of march Plan of encampment M. at Dihli, Agrah, and 
 Allahabad Bathing in the Ganges Benares and Patnah A journey 
 by river Arrival at Hugh" A marriage proposal Interference 
 of two friars M. leaves Hugll A rescue from Sati ; M. enters 
 service of Jai Singh European modes of fighting on sea and land 
 M. negotiates with petty rajahs Spells and sorcery M. and Shiva 
 Jl ; At Bassain and Goa M. leaves Goa Attacked by thieves At 
 Aurangabad, Agrah, and Dihll M. sets up as a physician His first 
 patient M. and Muhammad Amln Khan A false accusation 
 of theft He is protected by Fida,e Khan M. and Mahabat 
 
 llian pp. 99-150 
 
 xi 
 
xii CONTENTS 
 
 A royal patient, successful treatment Use of human fat and flesh 
 Europeans persecute Manucci Attempted murder M. and the 
 Pathan widow M. as an exorcist M. leaves Lahor An unlucky 
 venture M. enters service of Shah 'Alam Sambha Ji plans to 
 seize Goa M. and the Portuguese Events at Goa M's embassy to 
 Sambha Ji Sambha Ji's envoy M's embassy to the Mogul fleet 
 Second embassy to Sambha JT Arrival of Shah' Alam M. and Shah 
 'Alam M. made a Knight of Sant lago M. attempts to leave Shah 
 'Alam He is recaptured, granted leave, and returns to the royal 
 camp M. again takes flight, reaches Gulkhandah, is brought back 
 again A fresh escape M. reaches Madras his marriage pp. 151-197 
 
 Why Manucci left the Mogul country His service with Shah 'Alam, 
 1680-85 Royal blood-letting A merry jest jealousy of native 
 physicians Successful cases Poor rewards Encounter with an 
 angry slave pp. 198-213 
 
 Manucci in Madras Employed by Governor Gyfford Life in San 
 Thome Jealousy of the Goa doctors M. as envoy to Shah 'Alam 
 M. tricked by a Portuguese Dalpat Rao Life in Goa M. and 
 the Inquisitor Life in S. Thome Bishop Caspar Alfonso M. and 
 the Jesuits M's letter to Da,ud Khan M. and Da,ud Khan Da,ud 
 Khan visits Governor Pitt Da,ud Khan departs . . pp. 215-250 
 
 Da,ud Khan's hostile return Manucci acts as envoy once more 
 He assists the French The French envoy successful M. visits 
 Da,ud Khan The French and the Moguls Fortresses and artillery 
 Vellore fortress Crocodiles Da,ud Khan visits San Thome An 
 English deputation Marriage of Francois Martin's granddaughter 
 Illness of Francois Martin French pirates M. and the French 
 doctor's son Fate of the French doctor M. as swashbuckler He 
 recalls his youthful escapades M's house at Big Mount attacked 
 M. and Shah 'Alam M. and Muhammad Muqlm M. hides himself 
 Friends at Court A good appointment Royal blood-letting M's 
 offended dignity Accident attributed to skill A. Legrenzi, physician 
 Death of M's wife pp. 251-289 
 
 INDEX pp. 291-310 
 
 NOTE 
 
 Passages placed in square brackets have been 
 supplied by the Editor to connect the narrative. 
 
A PEPYS OF MOGUL INDIA 
 
 PART I 
 MY JOURNEY TO INDIA 
 
 OF MY DEPARTURE FROM VENICE 
 
 WHEN I was still quite young, I had a passionate 
 desire to see the world, but as my father would not 
 allow me to leave Venice, my native place, I resolved 
 to quit it in some way or another, no matter how. 
 Finding that there was a tartane just about to leave, 
 although I did not know its destination, I went on 
 board in 1653, at the age of fourteen. The officers of 
 the vessel, thinking that I was the son of one of the 
 merchants who were going on board, did not ask me 
 who I was, but let me pass without question. We had 
 scarcely left Venice before we ran into the teeth of a 
 gale which lasted twenty-four hours hours of the 
 greatest misery to me, as I was sea-sick, being un- 
 accustomed to the sea. When twenty-four hours had 
 passed, I was forced by hunger to present myself 
 before the captain, who asked under whose protec- 
 tion I was there. I begged for pardon, saying that, 
 having come on board a short time before he put out 
 to sea, I had fallen asleep, and that, finding myself 
 utterly unprovided for, I had come to him. At this 
 he gave orders for me to be looked after; but 
 fortunately for me I found on board an English 
 gentleman in disguise called Lord Bellomont. He 
 bad left England to escape death at the hands of 
 
 i 
 
2 I TAKE SERVICE WITH LORD BELLOMONT 
 
 Cromwell, protector of that kingdom, who had con- 
 demned him because he belonged to the party of 
 King Charles 1 1., then in France. This person showed 
 me much affection, and when he asked me if I would 
 like to go with him, I inquired of him his destination. 
 He then told me he was going to Turkey, Persia, 
 and India. 
 
 I was much rejoiced thereat, and answered that I 
 would gladly go with him, when he at once gave me 
 the keys of his wardrobe, and I served him with great 
 affection, seeing he loved me as if I had been his son. 
 We arrived at Raguza, where we stayed several days 
 on account of a contrary wind. Having at last set 
 sail, we coasted along Dalmatia and past several 
 islands, and finally leaving the Archipelago behind, 
 at the end of four months we arrived in the port of 
 Smyrna. 
 
 Smyrna is a Turkish port, and there is a mingling 
 of many nations there namely, Italians, French, 
 English, Dutch, and many Armenian merchants, 
 who all live by the borders of the sea. At the time 
 when we were at this port it happened that a Turk 
 gave several blows with a stick to the captain of an 
 English vessel. The Englishman swallowed the affront 
 while he remained in the town waiting to embark, and 
 after he had got a little way out to sea he bombarded 
 the town and fled. 
 
 We remained seven days at Smyrna ; after that we 
 started with a caravan for the town of Burca (Brusa). 
 On the road we suffered much from cold, owing to 
 the large amount of snow, and we arrived in eight 
 days in good health. 
 
 On our arrival at Burca, an ancient town of the 
 Greeks, we were received by an Armenian called 
 Anthoine Cheleby, who acted as governor of the 
 town; and further seeing that we should have to 
 wait a long time before we could meet with a caravan 
 leaving for Persia, we quitted the town and went to 
 live in the country house of the said Anthoine Cheleby. 
 
ADVENTURES ON THE WAY 3 
 
 While our clothes were being carried out, under charge 
 of one of our men called Charles, a Frenchman and a 
 great musician, a couly (quit) carrying one tin case 
 disappeared. In this box was our money, also the 
 best and most valuable of what my master possessed. 
 Great efforts were made to recover the things, but all 
 we could find was the empty box, lying outside the 
 town in the middle of some gardens. In this difficulty 
 Anthoine Cheleby gave us whatever we had need of 
 for the expenses of our journey. 
 
 [After fifty days in Burca, Lord Bellomont and his 
 retainers left for Persia.] 
 
 We pursued our route along with the caravan, 
 which was a very large one. In it were several 
 Armenian merchants, who looked after our food, also 
 our horses, mules, and camels. We put up in their 
 tents, where we were very well treated ; but this was 
 not done without an object, for the Armenians are 
 very fond of their own interest. After some days we 
 arrived at Tocat (Tokat). In this town, which lies 
 among mountains, we remained eight days, after which 
 we started again with the whole caravan, keeping our 
 eyes ever open as we advanced by reason of the 
 robbers who often on these routes attack caravans. 
 This is the reason why men travel armed, and at night 
 sentinels are set on watch on every side, so that no 
 one can come near the encampment. One day it 
 happened that there was a great alarm, some horse- 
 men having appeared who wanted to rob us. Twenty- 
 two of our mounted men went out against them, and 
 prepared to attack them; but the robbers took to 
 flight. Still, one of them was caught ; his horse being 
 much out of condition, could not gallop like the others. 
 He was made prisoner. 
 
 The next day the robbers sent a message praying 
 that their comrade might be released, and 10,000 
 pataques must be sent. If not, they would attack the 
 caravan, and give quarter to no one. This news 
 caused some apprehension in the caravan ; but the 
 
4 TRAVELLING IN TURKEY 
 
 leader of it, who was a brave man and experienced in 
 these journeys, showed no fear, but, on the contrary, 
 he sent word to them in a rage that he would come 
 out in pursuit and leave not one alive. Thus the 
 negotiations on both sides were confined to threats 
 and defiance ; and this went on for three days, during 
 which the robber horseman was always guarded by 
 two of our mounted men. After three days, one night, 
 while the caravan was asleep, the thief escaped, and 
 the quarrel came to an end. 
 
 In these journeys one has to be extremely vigilant, 
 taking care never to go any distance from the caravan, 
 for those who do so run a very great risk of falling 
 into the hands of clever thieves, and of losing both 
 goods and life, as has happened to many. If any 
 traveller intends to make this journey, he will do well 
 to arm himself with a great deal of patience, and take 
 good thought of the hardships and disagreeables which 
 he will have to encounter on these roads. For it is 
 not as in Europe, where there are inns in which all 
 the necessities and comforts requisite for life are to be 
 found. When travelling in Turkey you must sleep on 
 the ground on a piece of carpet, or on the top of some 
 bale of goods, where you suffer from the cold. Then, 
 in the middle of your sleep, you are roused hurriedly 
 to get ready and load up the camels and horses, and 
 start on your way. During the day you are much 
 troubled with the heat of the sun. Often it happens 
 that the Turks seek you out and assail you with much 
 abuse, and subject you to much indignity and shame. 
 In these encounters it is wise to hang your head down 
 like a Capuchin, and not open your mouth. At times 
 it is necessary to bear slaps on the face with humility 
 and even endure beating with a stick, for fear of 
 worse happening. For if a hand is raised by chance 
 against a Turk, such person is forthwith either forced 
 to become a Mahomedan, or he is decapitated. The 
 greatest favour accorded to him would be to let him 
 go free after cutting off his hand. It is requisite to 
 
TRAVELLING IN TURKEY 5 
 
 inform all who mean to travel in these regions that 
 they must not wear anything of a green colour. 
 Turks only may wear clothes of that colour. This 
 remark applies to Turkey, for in Persia and in the 
 Mogul Empire Christians can wear any colour they 
 like. But the Turks are very particular about green, 
 it having been liked and approved by the false prophet 
 Mahomed. 
 
 No traveller need to expect to find wine on the 
 journey, for only water is drunk. In order never to 
 be without water, it is necessary to have a bottle hang- 
 ing from, or attached to, the beast on which one rides, 
 and thus be able to have recourse to it in case of 
 need. The bottles so used are easily procurable, and 
 are sold ready for use. The merchants who go on 
 these journeys also carry with them nets, with which 
 they can catch fish. Many buy a kind of boiled sour 
 milk called jugurd in the language of the country. 
 It is put in a say (? sieve), so that the water in it may 
 drain away; and in that way it can be kept several 
 days. We ate it several times mixed with water, put- 
 ting in it biscuits or dry bread, or it was mixed with 
 pelos (? pilao). It is very palatable. When any dwell- 
 ings are met with you can get eggs, butter, fowls, 
 goats, and a few kinds of ripe fruit. But it is advisable 
 to carry with you some dried fruit, meat fried in 
 butter and packed in leather vessels ; also sausages 
 and puddings of salted beef, for it is at times im- 
 possible to obtain any food. And the best advice that 
 I can give is, not to allow your curiosity to carry you 
 so far as to look into the earthen houses of the 
 country, or to examine the peasants who dwell in 
 them, for thereby one runs the risk of a thousand 
 mishaps and evil fortune. 
 
 After having passed over this wearisome road in the 
 midst of dangers and across swamps, we arrived at 
 Erzerum, where are to be found many Armenians, 
 for it is a town with a great trade, lying upon the 
 Turkish frontier. There we remained six days. 
 
6 EkZERfiM AND ERIVAN 
 
 Good bread and plentiful supplies are found in the 
 town, but the Turks there are dishonest boors ; they 
 examined our baggage with great severity (a common 
 occurrence in this town, one of which all travellers 
 complain). We were able, however, to conceal 
 several presents that we were carrying for the King 
 of Persia. At the end of the six days we left the 
 town and continued our journey. After marching 
 for two days, we came to a fortress built in the rock 
 on the top of high ground; at its foot was a small 
 town called Hassamcala (Hasanqala'h). When we 
 had passed that place, and on the same day, the 
 men of Erzerum examined our baggage a second 
 time, to see if there were no merchandise hidden 
 by us ; and although we had very few things, they 
 insisted on our paying customs dues a second time, 
 finishing up by cursing us as they bade us fare- 
 well. However, we had made over to an Armenian 
 the swords that we were taking as a present for the 
 King of Persia ; we had also confided to him a box in 
 which were the letters of the embassy. This man had 
 taken another route, and overtook us during the night 
 at a place where we were free from the attempts of 
 such-like people. 
 
 Next day we continued our march, and after going 
 on for eight days we reached a stream called the Aras, 
 over which one has to cross several times. In the end, 
 by slow degrees, we arrived on Persian territory, 
 where we had the consolation of being both freer and 
 more honoured than in the country we had just left. 
 In due time we came to Erivan, a region which once 
 on a time belonged to the Armenians, and thus there 
 are still a great many of them living there. Erivan is 
 situated just in front of a great mountain called Ararat. 
 They say that it was on this mountain that the Ark of 
 Noah rested. At a distance of some ten leagues from 
 the town the mountain looked as if entirely covered 
 with ice on its summit, and when the sun shone 
 on it, its appearance was splendid. There are many 
 
OUR RECEPTION AT ERIVAN 7 
 
 brooks at the foot of this mountain, and the ground 
 is covered throughout the year with sweet-smelling 
 flowers. The town is enclosed by very thick and 
 strong walls of earth, so that cannon would not be 
 able to do as much damage as they would on a wall 
 of stone, the reason being that the stones fracture 
 while the earth does not. The country round is fresh, 
 fertile, delicious, abounding in oil and fruit. We 
 halted for ten days. 
 
 We drew up at a spot near Erivan, whence the 
 Armenians who were with us went to inform the Cam 
 (Khari) } or governor of the place, that an ambassador 
 had come from the King of England, Charles II., son of 
 King Charles I., and was on his way to the King of 
 Persia. On receiving this information the Khan sent at 
 once to compliment him on his arrival, and invited him 
 to enter the town. On the following day, according to 
 the usage in regard to all ambassadors who come to 
 the King of Persia, we were well received in the 
 greatest pomp by the governor, who gave a banquet, 
 and presented to the ambassador four horses and 
 several pieces of silk. Then he issued orders that 
 every day our wants were to be carefully attended to ; 
 we and our animals were to be fed plentifully. We 
 remained in this place ten days, receiving numerous 
 visits and passing our time agreeably, the pleasure 
 being enhanced by seeing ourselves in a land of plenty, 
 and in the midst of a people more polite than those we 
 had just left behind. When we were ready to make a 
 start, the governor sent a horseman and several armed 
 men on foot to accompany us, as it is the habit to do 
 for all ambassadors. These men go on ahead and get 
 ready whatever is required for food and repose in the 
 villages. Thus we were relieved of all trouble and 
 exertion. 
 
 At the end of five days we arrived with our followers 
 at the town of Tauris (Tabriz). This town is the same 
 as the ancient Ecbatana, built by Arfaxad, King of 
 
8 OUR ARRIVAL AT TABRIZ 
 
 the Medes, as may be read in the Book of Judith 
 chapter i. At present it is inhabited by people of 
 various nationalities : there are many Armenian mer- 
 chants ; many carpets are manufactured, and also 
 pieces of silk, velvet, and brocade. Although the 
 governor was not actually present in the town, having 
 gone to one of the provinces, my lord was acknowledged 
 as an ambassador, and treated as is the custom for such. 
 We dwelt for some thirty days in this place, where we 
 equipped ourselves and got ready new clothes to be 
 worn on our arrival at the court of the King of Persia. 
 He was then at Casbin (Qazwin). We were forced to 
 have new clothes, those we had being of Turkish 
 pattern. 
 
 Before entering the town I noticed an open place 
 where stood two pillars which marked the distance 
 that a stick had been thrown by Sultan Morad (Murad) 
 the Grand Signer, when he came to take Tabriz. But 
 it seems almost impossible that a man should be able 
 to throw a stick so far. I noticed also that the town is 
 fairly large, surrounded by gardens which contain fine 
 trees yielding good fruit. There are many mulberry 
 trees, so that they have much silk, of which they make 
 various kinds of stuff. 
 
 At the end of thirty days we started again, accom- 
 panied as before, and with the same retinue. As we 
 went along, I saw that the land did not produce so 
 many trees, nor was water so plentiful as in Turkey ; 
 for in Persia they are forced in many places to bring 
 water from a great distance through underground 
 channels. They make big holes to see if there is 
 running water underneath, and whether it is suffi- 
 cient. In the open country there are certain dry 
 plants on which the sheep subsist and grow fat. 
 They have very long and broad tails from which 
 much fat is obtained, and their wool is excellent. 
 The skins of these sheep are very soft, and the wool 
 curly ; it is usual to make fur coats from them, and 
 also hats. I have also noticed in Persia that there 
 
AT QAZWlN 9 
 
 is no firewood, and in place of it they burn cow- 
 dung, also the droppings of camels, horses, asses, 
 and sheep. 
 
 HOW WE WERE SENT FOR TWICE TO THE ROYAL 
 PALACE AT QAZW!N 
 
 At the end of thirteen days we arrived at the city 
 of Qazwin, where the king, Xaabas (Shah 'Abbas), 
 was. We were conducted to a house made ready 
 for the purpose ; and after three days a captain came, 
 accompanied by several cavalry soldiers, to visit the 
 ambassador on behalf of the chief ministers of the 
 king. He presented congratulations on our arrival, 
 with many compliments and offers of service. Sub- 
 sequently the ambassador paid a visit to the chief 
 minister, called Etmadolat ('Azamat-ud-daulah), which 
 means ''Modesty of Wealth," by whom he was well 
 received with many polite speeches and compliments, 
 in which the Persians are never wanting. Between 
 them there was much conversation in the Turkish 
 language, the chief object of which was directed to 
 finding out what presents we had brought for the 
 King of Persia ; secondly, to know the ambassador's 
 rank, so that the proper honours might be paid to 
 his person. Hearing from the Armenians that he 
 (Bellomont) was of a great family, 'Azamat-ud-daulah 
 sent to Smyrna to obtain information whether or not 
 he were of the great family that he claimed to be. 
 Meanwhile, after eight days from our arrival, we 
 were sent for to the royal palace, into which we went 
 through numerous gates, ending in a large court- 
 yard, in the midst of which stood two beautiful trees 
 full of shade. Beneath them were two lions fastened 
 with heavy golden chains; before each lion was a 
 large golden basin full of water. Also below each 
 tree stood a well-dressed man with long moustachios 
 reaching to his shoulders, in his hand a short spear 
 all of gold, with his face turned towards the royal 
 
io PRIM N r.vriON TO SHAH VMM 
 
 seat. We wont on our way, and next came to an 
 open liall, which hatl t\\<nl\ beautiful -Mil pill. us, 
 ornamented \\ilh many kinds of lloral designs ami 
 mam rohuued en. iincl->. llere we seated ourselves 
 in the expectation that the king would come out. 
 
 An horn allerwaids the king ai lived in great state, 
 wlieieupon .ill iosc to then led, and ctosscd their 
 hands on their breasts, and made a how with lowered 
 heads. This, tOO, was (lone by the ambassador, 
 SCCing that this Was the CUStoiu o! that eourt. Then, 
 approaching the king, he delivered to him the letter, 
 winch the king took with his own hand, ami placed 
 in that of the chief minister, who stood at his 
 side. 
 
 The king seated himself in his place, and the master 
 of ceremonies, who was close to the ambassador, 
 pointed out to him his place, which was the lifth on 
 the right hand. He was to sit there. On taking his 
 
 seat he picsented a hi east plate, a headpiece (lIMW 
 and sword mountings, all ot tine work made at Paris. 
 All these were accepted by the king, who looked at 
 
 thr amhassadoi \\ilh a pleased tace, saying to him 
 
 that he was delighted at his coming. All this was 
 spoken through an interpreter, an Armenian, who 
 
 Was in our employ. Then he asked after the health 
 ot the King ot Kngl.md, inquiring it he had any 
 
 brothers, if he were married, how old he was, and 
 
 whether he- was loved by his people. To all these 
 questions the ambassador replied ; and after the lapse 4 
 ot one hour the king rose, saying to the ambassador 
 that he .should take lesi and ireoxei horn his fatigues. 
 Meanwhile he torwaided to Kspahao (Isfahan) the 
 
 letter brought by the ambassador m order to have 
 
 it translated by a I'apuchiu trial named Kiev Raphael 
 Pumaiis, well acquainted with the I'm kish and 1 Yi siau 
 languages, a priest of great \ nines, loved by the king 
 and all the court. 
 
 The letter having been translated, the king sent 
 to the ambassador an imitation to come to Court, 
 
THE SHAH'S BANQUET n 
 
 where he gave him a banquet at his own table. It 
 was given in the hall already described, which was 
 decorated with rich brocade and handsome cushions. 
 In the assembly was the king seated in the midst of 
 ten persons. That is to say, on his right hand 
 'Azamat-ud-daulah, then three of the great officials, 
 and in the fifth place the ambassador, and on his 
 left hand other five men, who were the chief generals 
 then actually present at court. 
 
 Below the royal seat, which was raised the height 
 of a foot, there were on each side thirty persons, all 
 men of rank and position. 
 
 They placed in front of the king twelve large basins 
 of gold filled with polas (puldo} of various kinds, and 
 four dishes of different roast meats, six porcelain 
 vessels holding various other meats, and several boxes 
 having their covers ornamented with all sorts of 
 precious stones. Each of those who were on the 
 two sides of the king had the half of what the king 
 himself had placed before him, and the sixty who were 
 farther down, away from the king's side, had each 
 of them four basins of pulao. At this banquet wine 
 was absent ; and although the king knew how to 
 drink a drop or two, on this occasion he refrained 
 as a matter of dignity. When the first course was 
 finished, the second was brought, consisting of much 
 fruit and numerous sweet dishes. 
 
 The reader will be pleased to learn what puldo 
 means. Puldo is rice cooked with many spices : 
 cloves, cinnamon, mace, pimento, cardamoms, ginger, 
 saffron, raisins, and almonds, to which is added the 
 flesh of sheep, or fowls, or goats, and the whole 
 dressed with plenty of butter. They make these 
 puldos of many sorts and of different flavours. 
 
 When the feast had ended, the king rose and said 
 to the ambassador that he might start for the city of 
 Isfahan, for which he himself would set out in a few 
 days. This sending off of milord was because they 
 were waiting for the answer from Smyrna, whether 
 
12 WE MOVE TO ISFAHAN 
 
 it was true that he had been sent as an ambassador 
 by the King of England, Charles II., and whether 
 he was of the rank that he claimed. At the end of 
 six months the answer came, as I shall mention 
 presently. Meanwhile we had spent fifty days in 
 this city of Qazwin, and every day there came to 
 us food in abundance for every one of our people, 
 with sufficient wine, and whatever was necessary for 
 our animals. 
 
 The city of Qazwin stands in the midst of several 
 mountains ; it has sufficient water, many gardens, 
 and much fruit, a fitting place for the holiday re- 
 sort of a king, however great he may be, where he 
 can go out after game, with which the country is 
 well supplied. 
 
 We came out of Qazwin to start for Isfahan, and 
 neither at the time of leaving nor during the journey 
 were the accustomed supplies delivered to us. None 
 the less, we managed to make our journey in suffi- 
 cient comfort, and in twelve days we reached Isfahan, 
 where there was made over to us as a dwelling 
 a large house with a lovely garden. It was the 
 property of the general of the king's artillery, who 
 was then in Qazwin. There we fed ourselves at our 
 own expense. 
 
 Finally, at the end of three months, when winter had 
 passed, the king arrived at Isfahan, and we were 
 obliged to leave that house where the general lived, 
 and they made over to us another. After a few days 
 the ambassador sent a message to 'Azamat-ud-daulah 
 that he desired to pay him a visit, but the answer 
 returned was that in these days, the king being newly- 
 arrived, he was very much occupied, and he (the 
 ambassador) must have a little patience, and that 
 notice would be given of the time when they could 
 meet. 
 
 Thus matters were kept in suspense till the answer 
 from Smyrna should arrive. Finally, they learnt that 
 without any doubt the Belmont (Lord Bellomont) had 
 
INTERVIEW WITH 'AZAMAT-UD-DAULAH 13 
 
 been sent as ambassador, and that he was of the rank 
 that he asserted. Three months after the king's 
 arrival at Isfahan, 'Azamat-ud-daulah sent for the 
 ambassador, and held with him a long conversation. 
 I was present the whole time, quite close to the 
 ambassador, who put me forward as his son. 
 
 In the speech he made, he (the ambassador) told 
 how the king, Charles I., was unjustly beheaded by 
 his subjects, who into his place had raised a man of 
 low origin, banishing King Charles II. and his brother 
 James from the kingdom, and persecuting them. He 
 had, therefore, come to His Majesty of Persia to ask 
 for help, in accordance with the friendship which had 
 always existed between the crowns of England and 
 of Persia. 
 
 'Azamat-ud-daulah asked in what way could his 
 king give aid such as he required. Then the 
 ambassador replied that he should call to mind 
 the word given long ago by the King of Persia to 
 afford help to the King of Great Britain, should 
 occasion arise. That also he still owed for the 
 expenses incurred by the King of England when 
 he sent a fleet to take the fortress of Orumus 
 (Ormuz) from the hands of the Portuguese, and 
 made it over to Persia. It was also most desirable 
 that he should assist King Charles II. at this con- 
 juncture, by expelling from his dominions all the 
 English who were partisans of the rebellion, and 
 compel them to abandon their trade. By thus doing 
 the praise of the generous acts of the famous Persian 
 king would go through all the world. 'Azamat-ud- 
 daulah, having listened to this reasoning with a 
 solemn countenance, replied with a smile that he 
 would report to the king all that had been said, and 
 would give an answer afterwards. With this ended 
 the interview. 
 
 When eight days had elapsed from the visit to the 
 wazir the ambassador was invited to a grand banquet 
 in a beautiful palace that the king had recently com- 
 
14 HOW WE WENT A THIRD TIME TO COURT 
 
 pleted. At its gateway stood the large and handsome 
 cannon which were captured at Ormuz. They were 
 near a large reservoir of nice appearance and very 
 pleasant. At this second feast which the king gave 
 him, the ambassador was treated with great honours 
 in deference to his embassy, 'Azamat-ud-daulah and 
 a number of officers proceeding to the gates of the 
 palace to meet him, and continuing in his suite until 
 he arrived before the king. The latter caused his 
 guest to be seated in the second place that is to 
 say, 'Azamat-ud-daulah came first, then the ambas- 
 sador, then three of the king's officers; there being 
 on the left hand five other persons, the greatest 
 of the generals. The seat was larger than in 
 Qazwin, with greater richness, and the room more 
 beautiful. In it were sundry officials and captains, 
 who stood. 
 
 There was not much conversation. The king only 
 asked the ambassador whether the climate of Persia 
 suited him; to which the ambassador replied that, 
 after all, the climate of Persia had much resemblance 
 to that of England, by reason of the frosts and snows 
 that it had. I was standing behind the ambassador, 
 and the king asked who I was. The ambassador 
 answered that he looked upon me as his son. The 
 king said to him that if he chose to make me over to 
 him he would treat me very well, and thus there 
 would be a memorial of him left at the court. The 
 ambassador said that if I were in reality his son he 
 would make me over to His Majesty, but as my 
 parents had placed me in his care, he could not part 
 with me. 
 
 This was the conversation that we had until, after 
 one hour had passed, the table was laid ; it was much 
 more imposing and more highly adorned than the one 
 at Qazwin. The place where the king was seated 
 was larger, and the carpets of greater value and more 
 beautiful. The king's whole table vessels were of 
 gold, with covers having handles ornamented with 
 
A SECOND BANQUET 15 
 
 precious stones. In the lower seats were on each 
 side fifty men, all nobles, including a few men of 
 learning. Among these the king ordered me to take 
 my seat. Each person had four plates full of pulao, 
 also various dishes of roast and fried meat, and some 
 of pickles. I noticed that all these men were of large 
 frame, tall, and well made, with huge moustachios 
 which some of them had twisted round their ears, so 
 that they might not fall on their shoulders. All were 
 well clad in rich stuffs, and wore enormous turbans. 
 Many of them ate voraciously. 
 
 The first course being finished, they set before us 
 the second, consisting of a great quantity of fruit, 
 which in Isfahan is very plentiful. This course 
 lasted two hours, and at the end of it the king rose 
 and entered the female apartments. 'Azamat-ud- 
 daulah conducted the ambassador to the end of the 
 room, holding him by the hand, saying that nothing 
 should be wanting on his part to do him service, 
 with many amicable speeches, in which this kind of 
 people are never deficient. 
 
 Some days elapsed after the above invitation, when 
 'Azamat-ud-daulah sent to the ambassador from the 
 king fifty pieces of gold and silver brocade, velvet, and 
 various-coloured silk, four pairs of handsome carpets, 
 and 2,000 patacas, which arrived just at the right time ; 
 for the ambassador had run into debt with certain 
 Armenian merchants, and with this money he paid his 
 debt. After a very few days the ambassador went to 
 the house of 'Azamat-ud-daulah, where he remained 
 a long time in consultation, the subject being the 
 following: 
 
 The ambassador demanded a favourable reply, say- 
 ing that it was necessary for him to leave. 'Azamat- 
 ud-daulah made use of many friendly expressions, 
 but was not desirous of answering the proposition 
 laid before him. By putting questions he feigned 
 an eagerness to know whether England was a large 
 kingdom, how many men it could place in the field, 
 
16 A PARADE OF CAVALRY 
 
 if there were a route to it by land. He appeared 
 to be much amazed that all the kings of Europe, 
 being themselves Christian, did not afford succour 
 to the King of England. 
 
 The ambassador replied to all this, but chiefly to 
 this last question. He said if the King of Persia 
 would pay the money that he owed, the King of 
 England could then, without other assistance, obtain 
 possession of his kingdom, and seize his enemies. 
 Seeing the stiff answer of the ambassador, 'Azamat- 
 ud-daulah succeeded in sending him away with 
 pleasant words. 
 
 During the time the ambassador was in Isfahan, 
 the king decided to have a parade of his armed 
 force, and make a display of his power. For this 
 affair he sent an invitation to the ambassador. We 
 repaired to the very large royal hall, containing 
 forty pillars, which has an outlook on the great 
 square. In this hall the king takes his seat but 
 rarely, and only when he has a review of his cavalry. 
 These reviews are held twice a year ; each time they 
 last three days. 
 
 We went one day only. We saw the cavalry enter 
 at one side of the plain and march out at the other. 
 The soldiers, forty thousand in number, were mostly 
 clad in mail, and bore maces ; some squadrons had 
 lances, others bows and arrows, others matchlocks. 
 All were mounted on good and swift horses, and they 
 carried standards bearing devices. At the end of the 
 review we saw two Persians bound each on a camel, 
 with their bowels protruding. Their offence was 
 causing a disturbance, after they had drunk too much 
 wine. These men were conducted thus through the 
 city until they died. 
 
 The ambassador, although somewhat doubtful of 
 obtaining an answer such as he desired, never desisted 
 from importuning 'Azamat-ud-daulah, reminding him 
 that it was close upon a year that he had been in 
 Isfahan without making the smallest advances in the 
 
REPLY OF 'AZAMAT-UD-DAULAH TO AMBASSADOR 17 
 
 negotiations for which he had come so far. 'Azamat- 
 ud-daulah put him off from day to day. At length, 
 tired out by so many remonstrances, he made up his 
 mind to give an answer. With this view he sent a 
 message to the ambassador, requesting him to be good 
 enough to come to his house, as he wanted to speak to 
 him. 
 
 We repaired to the house of 'A^amat-ud-daulah, 
 who received the ambassador with many gracious 
 words and much politeness. Seating themselves 
 they began a long conversation to the following 
 effect : 'Azamat-ud-daulah began a very long way 
 off by remarking that the King of Persia was a great 
 friend of the King of England, and cherished for 
 him the same amity that he had felt towards the 
 former kings, his ancestors; he greatly desired to 
 assist that king, chiefly owing to the great necessity 
 of the case. This was the reason that he had post- 
 poned his reply, while he searched for and con- 
 sidered ways in which he could give assistance. But 
 he could find no manner of so doing. The Persian 
 cavalry and the rest of their troops could not be sent, 
 by reason of the great distance by the land route. On 
 the road were many kingdoms through which they 
 must pass. Thus it was impossible to be of any use 
 by sending an armed force. Then he had sought for 
 some means of helping him by way of the sea ; but to 
 send a great fleet he saw was extremely difficult. In 
 Persia they had no ships, and, should they attempt to 
 construct them, they had not sufficient materials for 
 the purpose. 
 
 Another reason for the long delay in giving an 
 answer was this : they had used the interval to find 
 out from the nations of Europe the Portuguese, the 
 Dutch, and even the English themselves whether 
 they could purchase any ships in which to send rein- 
 forcements to the king. But in spite of all the offers 
 they had made, they could not obtain what they 
 wanted. The ambassador knew well that this was all 
 
1 8 AMBASSADOR'S ANSWER TO 'AZAMAT-UD-DAULAH 
 
 a pretence, but he kept his temper, although showing 
 signs of impatience at all this long-winded and 
 superfluous talk. 
 
 When 'Azamat-ud-daulah had finished this long 
 speech, the ambassador began as follows : First of all, 
 he expressed his thanks for the great efforts that the 
 King of Persia and 'Azamat-ud-daulah had taken to 
 assist the King of England. Then, half making fun of 
 'Azamat-ud-daulah's many words, he said to him that 
 he himself had a much easier method of remedying all 
 this, without giving trouble to the Persian monarch, 
 and without fatiguing the Persian soldiers, so famous 
 throughout Europe. This plan was that the King of 
 Persia should pay, cash down, the money due on the 
 bill owing to the King of England. He had not come 
 all that long journey in search of cavalry, nor a fleet, 
 nor ships, but of a debt in arrears. If he would 
 excuse him, he would say a word or two frankly. 
 To this 'Azamat-ud-daulah replied that he might 
 speak as freely as he liked. Upon this the ambas- 
 sador continued that all that had been said by him 
 showed that his king had no intention of paying 
 the debt. 'Azamat-ud-daulah, in a deceptive manner 
 and smiling, said that his king wished to pay, but, 
 seeing that the amount demanded was very large, it 
 would require a great number of beasts of burden, 
 that it would be necessary to pass through other 
 kingdoms, that possibly he might be robbed on his 
 way. Nor was the difficulty met by saying that he 
 could carry the amount by sea, for all the world 
 knew what risks were run at sea, both of being 
 attacked and of being wrecked, whereby the whole 
 amount would be lost. 
 
 The ambassador's answer was that, if they gave 
 him the money, he knew quite well how to take care 
 of it and remove it in safety. If they paid over to 
 him a sufficient sum, the King of England, his master, 
 would have no other demand to make. He would 
 hold himself satisfied, according to the orders he had 
 
THE NEGOTIATIONS FAIL 19 
 
 received, as set forth in the letters he had presented. 
 This he said with a certain show of emotion, for by 
 this time he saw that their object was to pay him in 
 words. 
 
 'Azamat-ud-daulah hung his head down and affected 
 a mild expression of countenance, then said in a low 
 voice : " Necessity is not the most perfect of judges." 
 He added that, as to banishing from the Persian 
 realm the English traders, that could not be ; for the 
 king had allowed them willingly to enter his territory 
 the land of Persia was free to all and the king 
 declined to turn out any one unless he had been 
 guilty of an offence. All the same, they would grant 
 him (Bellomont) leave to eject them from the kingdom 
 himself by his own forces. The king would back 
 up neither one side nor the other. 
 
 Finally, being wearied out, the ambassador said, with 
 a certain amount of passion, that he had not looked 
 for such an answer from a king of such fame in the 
 world, especially after the Persian kingdom had 
 received aid from the King of England, at great cost 
 to the latter. 'Azamat-ud-daulah did not change 
 countenance, but endeavoured to pacify the ambas- 
 sador, saying that such events were sent from above, 
 that never was all that we asked of God granted us, 
 that in due time God would bring to mind his king. 
 Encouraging him and consoling him with kind and 
 soft words, he added that, if he were in any difficulty 
 for expenses, he could send to his interpreter, who 
 would help him. Hearing this, the ambassador said 
 not a single word, but rose hastily, came forth, and 
 returned home. When he had arrived there, he by- 
 and-by gave an order for the sale of some pieces of 
 cloth and some carpets which still remained, to provide 
 for our road expenses. 
 
 The above conversation was in Turkish, which I could 
 already speak and understand sufficiently. Listening 
 to everything with the greatest attention, I admired 
 the way in which 'Azamat-ud-daulah was able to 
 
20 AMBASSADOR'S HAUGHTY BEHAVIOUR 
 
 evade the aggressive answers of the ambassador 
 without betraying any sign of ill-humour. 
 
 The firm words of the ambassador were the cause 
 of their giving him his leave to depart after a brief 
 delay. With this intent, eight days after the above- 
 mentioned conversation, he was sent for to court on 
 behalf of the king, when we were given another feast 
 like the one which I have described, and in the same 
 place. At the end of the banquet 'Azamat-ud-daulah 
 took the ambassador by the hand and led him in front 
 of the royal seat at a distance of two or three paces, 
 and with his face towards the king. The ambassador 
 was on the left side of 'Azamat-ud-daulah. The latter 
 put his hand into his pocket and drew forth a bag of 
 gold brocade, in which was a letter. Lifting this bag 
 with both hands, he placed it on his head, making a 
 profound reverence to the king, bowing his head most 
 deeply. Then he handed the said bag to the ambas- 
 sador, saying that his king sent that letter to the 
 King of England. He was directed to make obeisance 
 as he had seen the others do. During this short 
 speech 'Azamat-ud-daulah held half the bag in his 
 hand, while the other half was in that of the ambas- 
 sador. As soon as the brief speech was ended the 
 ambassador drew the bag from the hands of 'Azamat- 
 ud-daulah, and quickly turned his back, and without 
 any sort of bow held it out contemptuously to the 
 interpreter. This man at once hastened up to re- 
 ceive the letter with both hands, for the motion 
 made by the ambassador showed that, if he did not 
 hurry near, the ambassador would throw the bag 
 at him. 
 
 Then, without any civility, or any sort of bow, he 
 left 'Azamat-ud-daulah standing where he was and 
 went out, his head high, while the king sat with 
 cast-down eyes as if he saw nothing of what was 
 passing. All those present remained in silent wonder 
 at such boldness. I was quite close to the ambassador, 
 and came out, notwithstanding with some amount of 
 
OF THE CITY OF ISFAHAN 21 
 
 dread, anticipating that the king would send out some 
 order to have us killed. But we were not interfered 
 with. 
 
 On arriving home we took measures to prepare 
 ourselves without delay for continuing our journey 
 in fact, we did so at the end of nine days ; and the 
 ambassador, not being provided with sufficient funds 
 for our expenses, applied to the head of the English 
 factory at Isfahan, who was called Mestre Jhon 
 (Mr. Young), a very short man, but most generous 
 and liberal, as I made note of from the feasts and 
 offerings which several times he had given to the said 
 ambassador. 
 
 The city of Isfahan is very large, situated in a great 
 plain at the foot of some IOW T hills. It has four canals 
 of water, which flow through the midst of it, and these 
 serve for irrigating the gardens. These canals issue 
 from a river which flows between Julpha (Zulfah) 
 and Isfahan ; its name is Senderuth (Zindah-rud) ; 
 over it are four bridges somewhat distant from each 
 other. Of the four, two are especially handsome 
 namely, the one on the road from Isfahan to Julpha 
 (Zulfah). You approach it by a long and wide raised 
 way, adorned on both sides with the great and 
 beautiful walled gardens of the king, and with high 
 trees, called in Persian " chenar " (chandr\ and in 
 European languages " planes." In the midst thereof 
 flows one of the aforesaid canals of water, which fills 
 various reservoirs for the use of the said gardens, 
 and goes on its course until it reaches again the 
 river from which it was taken. Horses are ridden 
 on the raised way. 
 
 There are many seats where the Persians imbibe 
 tobacco from crystal " guriguris," called by them 
 " caliao " (qaliyan), which are long and narrow-necked 
 circular flasks filled with water, having a vessel of 
 tinned copper or of silver in the shape of an open 
 flower of the water-lily stuck into its (the flask's) 
 mouth, and filled with tobacco. With this they sit, 
 3 
 
22 THE CITY OF ISFAHAN 
 
 telling stories until late, sometimes, without exaggera- 
 tion, as many as five or six thousand of them. 
 
 The second bridge, which is the finest of them all, 
 is called the bridge of Xiras (Shiraz), thus named 
 because when going from Isfahan to Shiraz you cross 
 over it. The bridge consists of three stories besides 
 the chief one, which is in the middle. The king goes 
 there sometimes with his harem, and he can descend 
 to the water without being seen. By all these stones 
 you can cross from one side of the river to the other. 
 The water runs over dressed stones, made artificially 
 high or low, so as to produce waves pleasing to be- 
 hold. 
 
 I noticed that the houses of Isfahan, and those 
 throughout Persia, seen from the front, are not pleas- 
 ing, being all made of clay ; but they are lovely inside, 
 and highly decorated. They have both large and 
 small gardens, with good fruit trees that is to say, 
 pears, apples, peaches, apricots, mulberries, sweet and 
 sour quinces, like the apples of Europe, vines of Boas 
 Vuas, and vineyards of Vuas, grapes without stones, 
 which are called "quiximis " (kishmish), many kinds of 
 plums and all the varieties of flowers that grow in 
 Europe, for the Armenians are very fond of growing 
 European flowers, and present them to the Persian 
 nobles. The Persians, as also the Moguls, are fond of 
 flowers and perfumes. 
 
 In front of the royal palace is a large plain, where 
 throughout the year stand fruit-sellers' booths, and a 
 large quantity of exquisite melons. Here they drink 
 coffee and smoke tobacco ; the place is always full of 
 people going and coming. Here are to be seen 
 dancers, wrestlers, and other performers. In one 
 corner of this open square is a palace where musical 
 instruments are played ; and there stands the clock 
 found by them in the fortress of Ormuz, which they 
 preserve as a memorial of their victory over the Portu- 
 guese. The city is always clean, due to the energy 
 of the gardeners, because with what is removed from 
 
THE CITY OF ISFAHAN 23 
 
 the streets they manure their gardens. They collect 
 most industriously the sewage from the houses for the 
 same purpose. This is a great help to keeping the air 
 pure by not allowing dirt to accumulate in the city. 
 There are also many baths, where the body may be 
 washed. The soul also profits (as they believe), for 
 when they wash themselves they imagine themselves 
 to be absolved from their sins. Ablution serves 
 among the Mahomedans and speaking always with 
 due reverence like confession and absolution among 
 us Catholics. In the city are two factories one of the 
 English, the other of the Dutch. There are also four 
 churches one of the Portuguese Augustinians, which 
 the present king caused to be entirely gilded at his 
 own expense, and he went there several times to see 
 our ceremonial. Another church belongs to the bare- 
 footed Carmelites, another to the Jesuits, another to 
 the Capuchins. 
 
 There are also in the city many mosques, among 
 them a dome with two tombs, which are much 
 venerated. The door of this dome is only opened 
 once a year, on the occasion of a great festival, to 
 which flock people from different provinces on the 
 appointed day. One tomb they assert to be that 
 of 'Alt, the other they state to be that of his sons 
 Assen (Hasan) and Ossen (Husain), who are revered 
 as martyrs. Others declare they are tombs of the 
 companions of Muhammad, although he had no court 
 or courtiers. 
 
 We were now to continue our journey, where- 
 fore we begged the help of Mestre Jonh (Henry 
 Young), who gave to the ambassador the assistance 
 he required. We wished to leave Isfahan in com- 
 pany with the said Mestre Jonh (Henry Young), but 
 we could not conclude our business in time. He 
 left several days before we did, and we left at the 
 end of September, of one thousand six hundred and 
 fifty-two (1652). 
 
 During our journey to the town of Xiras (Shiraz) 
 
24 THE TOWN OF SHIRAZ 
 
 we obtained good supplies of food, but the road is 
 somewhat difficult, owing to the mountain ranges 
 which must be crossed, where horses are fatigued 
 not a little in trying to keep their feet. But I must 
 allow there is also some fine open country, not- 
 withstanding there are some very difficult swamps. 
 The mountains are like all those in Persia that is 
 to say, generally bare of trees, though not wanting 
 in fodder for sheep and goats, which in some places 
 produce the stone called ftazar (bezoar). Of these 
 stones I will speak when I come to write of the 
 kingdom of Gulkhandah, where there is an abundance 
 of them. 
 
 The sheep of Persia are very prolific; they bring 
 forth young twice a year, by the help of a grain called 
 chicharos, on which they are fed at a certain time 
 of the year ; and their wool is of the sort already 
 described (p. 8). 
 
 Finally, at the end of fifteen days' travel, we arrived 
 at the town of Xiras (Shiraz), where we stayed for 
 thirty days, the ambassador having fallen ill. He 
 received many visits from a barefooted Carmelite friar, 
 a missionary to the Armenians who dwell here. The 
 air of this town is very fresh ; there are many gardens 
 with good fruit, and the country round produces a 
 quantity of grapes ; consequently they make a great 
 deal of wine, which is exported to all parts of India. 
 \ Although the law of the Mahomedans forbids the 
 drinking of wine, still the King of Persia permits the 
 English to make it ; but they only produce enough 
 for the company and not to sell to others. In this 
 region there is no deficiency of food produced, of 
 oranges, of lemons, nor, above all, of roses, which 
 they distil, and the rose-water is forwarded in boxes 
 to all parts. 
 
 One of the wonderful things round Shiraz is a 
 famous building standing at a distance approximately 
 of two leagues, where dwelt, as they declare, the great 
 Darius, King of Persia, who was defeated in battle by 
 
SHlRAZ AND ITS MUMIYAI 25 
 
 Alexander the Great. There is also a mountain in 
 which is a cave where drips a liquid called by the 
 Persians mumihay (mumiyai). This liquid belongs to 
 the king exclusively, and thus the cave is closed by 
 doors and guarded by vigilant sentinels. It is the 
 business of these men to collect the liquid (which 
 drips in minute quantities) and then forward it to the 
 king. When he wishes to make a gift to anyone, he 
 gives them a little of this liquid. This is on account 
 of the admirable results it produces that is, for all 
 bruises, fractures of bones, and sores. 
 
 If what they say is true, though I have not made the 
 experiment, should the leg of a cock or other animal 
 be broken and you take of the above liquid ten to 
 fifteen drops and give it to the animal to drink, at the 
 same time anointing the wounded place with it, then, 
 if it is a true story, in twenty-four hours the bones 
 will unite. I possessed a little, given me by one of 
 the king's eunuchs. He had effected wonderful cures 
 with it. The principal case was the recovery of a 
 stonemason who fell from a great height, and lay with 
 his bones broken, blood pouring from his mouth, 
 nostrils, and ears, the man having entirely lost his 
 senses and being without hope of life. In two days 
 he was perfectly well. There is also a pond (pauso) 
 where on the top of the water floats a ready-made gum 
 which is sold by the natives as the royal liquid, thus 
 cheating a few simpletons. It is not devoid of virtues, 
 but they are nothing like so great as those of the royal 
 liquid. 
 
 When the ambassador began to recover his health, 
 we quitted Shfraz, and in nine days we were at the 
 fort of Lar, which they say was formerly much larger, 
 with a great enclosed space. But in the Middle Ages 
 it was quite small, inhabited by many Hindus, who 
 bought there the goods brought by traders from 
 Isfahan and other places, and then exported them to 
 many countries, principally from the ports of Congo 
 and Bandar 'Abbas. 
 3* 
 
26 LAR AND BANDAR 'ABBASI 
 
 During our journey from Shfraz as far as Lar we 
 were in excellent health, but were in some concern 
 lest we should not find water for drinking ; for on the 
 roads the water which is used is that collected during 
 the rainy season in great cisterns. The earth being 
 salt, the water which flows over it acquires the same 
 property, and therefore is not potable. For this reason 
 they preserve water in cisterns, in which there are all 
 kinds of filth, and it is only out of absolute necessity 
 that one feels inclined to drink. 
 
 In spite of this defect of water the country was 
 sufficiently humid, and many places had their gardens 
 of oranges, of palm trees and date trees bearing dates. 
 In Lar we obtained sufficient food supplies, but water 
 only of the quality described. There was water below 
 ground in channels, as is the custom over almost the 
 whole of Persia. The fort of Lar is placed upon a 
 small hill standing in the midst of four other hills of 
 the same size. Thus the fort in time of war is in want 
 of protection from good walls and dependent edifices, 
 for an enemy who occupied the aforesaid hills could 
 easily attack the fort. 
 
 After a day's rest we left Lar and journeyed through 
 open and agreeable country, coming to different 
 " sarays " (sardes), where we obtained grapes and 
 melons for our consumption. We moved between 
 hills of salt, we crossed several streams, whose 
 crystal clearness invited us to drink, but their waters 
 were so salt that no one could even pass them over 
 his tongue. Among the rest is a stream called Ryo 
 Salgado (Salt River), over which was a great bridge of 
 more than thirty arches. In nine days, after sufferings 
 enough, we arrived at Gomoram (Gombroon), of which 
 the other name is Bandarabassi (Bandar 'Abbasi), 
 meaning " Harbour of Shah 'Abbas " ; for, being a 
 port on the sea, it is called " Bander " (bandar), and 
 having been established by the Great Shah 'Abbas, 
 they have added " abassi " and have come to call it 
 Bandarabassi. This harbour was made by Shah 
 
HORMUZ ISLAND 27 
 
 'Abbas, after having recovered from the hands of the 
 Portuguese, with the aid of the English, the famous 
 island and fort of Orumus (Hormuz). 
 
 This island was formerly the greatest and most 
 frequented port on the ocean, where dwelt traders 
 to every region in India men of great wealth so 
 that a merchant possessing more than a million of 
 patacas (about 100,000) was not a man of very great 
 account Shah 'Abbas considered that by making 
 himself master of Hormuz, and transferring the port 
 to the mainland, lying not over a league from the 
 island, he would be able to draw all this wealth 
 into Persia. But he was frustrated in his object 
 because the traders were afraid of his interfer- 
 ence. The island has many hills of salt, and the 
 climate is therefore prejudicial to life. Notwith- 
 standing this, the Persians are so jealous about the 
 island that they do not wish a single European to 
 set foot in it. 
 
 After we had been at Bandar 'Abbas three days, the 
 ambassador ordered me to go to the English factory to 
 speak to the chief, requesting him to send a trust- 
 worthy person to discuss certain negotiations of 
 great importance. The chief sent to him Mestre Pit 
 (Mr. Pitt), who had acted as page to the English 
 gentleman desirous of speaking to Shah 'Abbas. 
 With him there was a full hour's discussion. Next 
 day the chief himself came with the officials of the 
 factory to visit the ambassador. Offers were made 
 to him to serve him in every way they could. At the 
 time there was an English vessel, belonging to a 
 private owner, about to sail for the port of Surrati 
 (Surat). They asked the ambassador to embark in 
 her, as she would be the last vessel to leave Bandar 
 'Abbas in that monsoon. Then we ate mutton which 
 came from Hormuz, also good and cheap fish caught in 
 the harbour. 
 
 The water at Bandar 'Abbas is either rain-water or 
 brackish, and of such bad quality that it disorders the 
 
 \ 
 
2 8 WE LEAVE FOR SINDl 
 
 bodily humours, and generates worms as long as your 
 arm, which appear on the hands, jaws, and legs. 
 When they begin to show themselves you must lay 
 hold of them by the head, and pull at them daily, 
 winding them round a hide (? twig) or cloth very 
 slowly. For if they break they turn inwards, causing 
 great pain and becoming very difficult to cure. For 
 this reason, everybody who can do it sends to fetch 
 water by camels from inland, three leagues off, at a 
 place called Hixin. The climate of this port is most 
 noxious by reason of the salt ridges, and of certain 
 hot winds, and the noise of the sea. I noted that 
 many of the inhabitants had defective sight and teeth, 
 and I was informed that on this coast, as far as Arabia 
 and Mecca, they suffered from these ailments by 
 reason of the many dates they eat ; for the larger 
 number of the inhabitants live upon that fruit in 
 addition to fish. 
 
 Two days after the visit that the Englishmen had 
 paid to the ambassador that is to say, on the fifteenth 
 of December of one thousand six hundred and fifty- 
 two (1652 ; should be 1655) we went on board the 
 said vessel. During the whole of our voyage the 
 captain treated us with great politeness and civility. 
 Setting sail, we arrived in twelve days, having favour- 
 able winds, at a port in the Great Mogul's territory 
 called Sindi. There the vessel anchored, and we 
 travelled up-stream by the river for a whole night to 
 an inhabited place, which stood twelve hours' journey 
 from the sea. This river is a very large one, it being 
 formed of seven rivers which flow down from the 
 interior of the country, as I will relate hereafter. 
 Here we saw many Arabian and Persian vessels 
 which import great quantities of dates, horses, seed- 
 pearls, incense, gum-mastic, senna-leaves, and Jew's- 
 stones, which come from Mecca. In return they load 
 up with white and black sugar, butter, olive oil, and 
 cocos, which medical men call nos Indica (Indian Nut). 
 Of this product and its virtues I will make mention 
 
THE PORT OF SURAT 29 
 
 farther on. They also export many kinds of white 
 linen (? cotton cloth) and printed goods which are 
 manufactured in the same region. When the business 
 was finished that our captain had to do at this place, 
 we left it, and returned to the vessel. Setting sail, we 
 arrived in a few days at the port of Surat on the 
 twelfth of January of one thousand six hundred and 
 fifty-three (1653 ; correctly 1655-6). 
 
 As soon as we anchored milord went ashore 
 secretly, following the advice given to him by our 
 captain and by a private trader to seek a refuge in 
 the town. For the English were going to seize him 
 and put him by force on board one or other of the 
 English vessels, then in harbour and about to sail 
 for England. It produced great astonishment in 
 me to see how milord landed without breathing a 
 word to me. But I heard the reason afterwards 
 when I reached Surat, bringing all the baggage 
 which was in my charge. There we found Mestre 
 Jonh (Henry Young), who had left Persia a short 
 time before ; and my master announced that he had 
 come as an ambassador from the King to the Great 
 Mogul. 
 
 When the Governor of Surat heard of the am- 
 bassador's arrival, he ordered his secretary to pay 
 him a visit. The message thus brought was that 
 rumour said he had come as ambassador, therefore 
 he was requested to state whether this was true or 
 not. It was necessary for him (the governor) to send 
 a report to the Emperor Xaaiahan (Shahjahan), then 
 ruling over the Empire of the Great Mogul. The 
 ambassador replied that it was correct, that he could 
 write in all confidence, and announce his arrival. 
 Before I say anything of our stay, I will state some- 
 thing about this port. 
 
 I was much amused when I landed to see the greater 
 number of the inhabitants dressed in white clothes, also 
 the many different kinds of people, as well men as 
 women. The latter, mostly Hindus, do not conceal 
 
30 EFFECTS OF EATING BETEL 
 
 the face as in Persia and Turkey, where women go 
 about with their faces hidden. It is true that the 
 Mahomedan women do not allow their faces to be 
 seen by anyone, it being contrary to their law to 
 allow themselves to be seen with an uncovered face. 
 But among other things I was much surprised to see 
 that almost everybody was spitting something as red 
 as blood. I imagined it must be due to some com- 
 plaint of the country, or that their teeth had become 
 broken. I asked an English lady what was the matter, 
 and whether it was the practice in this country for 
 the inhabitants to have their teeth extracted. When 
 she understood my question, she answered that it 
 was not any disease, but (due to) a certain aromatic 
 leaf, called in the language of the country, pan, or 
 in Portuguese, betele. She ordered some leaves to 
 be brought, ate some herself, and gave me some 
 to eat. Having taken them, my head swam to such 
 an extent that I feared I was dying. It caused me 
 to fall down, I lost my colour, and endured agonies, 
 but she poured into my mouth a little salt, and 
 brought me to my senses. The lady assured me 
 that every one who ate it for the first time felt the 
 same effects. 
 
 Betel, or pan, is a leaf similar to the ivy leaf, but 
 the betel leaf is longer ; it is very medicinal, and eaten 
 by everybody in India. They chew it along with 
 "arrecas" (arecd), which physicians call Avclans 
 Indicas (Indian filberts) and a little catto (kath or 
 kattha), which is the dried juice of a certain plant that 
 grows in India. Smearing the betel leaf with a little of 
 the kath, they chew them together, which makes the 
 lips scarlet, and gives a pleasant scent. It happens 
 with the eaters of betel, as to those accustomed to take 
 tobacco, that they are unable to refrain from taking it 
 many times a day. Thus the women of India, whose 
 principal business it is to tell stories and eat betel, are 
 unable to remain many minutes without having it in 
 their mouths. 
 
OUR STAY IN SURAT 31 
 
 It is an exceedingly common practice in India to 
 offer betel leaf by way of politeness, chiefly among the 
 great men, who, when anyone pays them a visit, offer 
 betel at the time of leaving as a mark of goodwill, and 
 of the estimation in which they hold the person who 
 is visiting them. It would be a great piece of rudeness 
 to refuse it. 
 
 We remained for seventy-five days in that port i.e. 
 Surat the revenues of which had been given by Shah 
 Jahan to his daughter, Begom Saeb (Begam Sahib) to 
 meet her expenditure on betel. During this time we 
 were making our preparations for going on to the 
 court of the Great Mogul. I was much gratified at 
 seeing such plenty in this place, for I had never had 
 such a satisfaction since (I left) my Venice, and felt 
 proud at staying some days in this port, especially 
 after the arrival of the French. During the time we 
 stayed the English never ceased to offer a thousand 
 civilities to milord, the ambassador. But his true 
 friends told him not to trust them, for all they did 
 was in order to get hold of him and carry him off 
 to England. They did their very best once to per- 
 suade the ambassador to go on board of an English 
 vessel, then about to depart for England, under the 
 pretext of offering him a banquet with all the state 
 befitting his dignity. But the truth was that they 
 wanted to confine him in the ship, and he most 
 politely made excuses. Then we began to get to- 
 gether our baggage, for which purpose the ambas- 
 sador was in want of funds. Mestre Jonh (Henry 
 Young) secretly offered to supply all that was re- 
 quired, whether in money or in different sorts of 
 goods, among the latter some fine broadcloth, a 
 handsome clock, an Arab horse for a present to the 
 king, with swords, pistols, matchlocks, and numerous 
 playthings. We started from Surat bearing a pass- 
 port given us by the governor, and in fifteen days 
 we reached the town of Brampur (Burhanpur), where 
 
32 THE TOWN OF BURHANPUR 
 
 was the court of the Prince Aurangzeb, with whom 
 we had much to discuss. We did not meet with him, 
 by reason of his being at that time in Orangabad 
 (Aurangabad). 
 
 We found Brampur (Burhanpur) a town of medium 
 size, and without a wall. Aurangzeb, in the year 
 one thousand six hundred and seventy-six, being then 
 absolute king, caused it to be enclosed by a bulwark 
 and wall along the bank of the river which flows 
 beneath it. This river is not very large, but its waters 
 are clear and good. The town is much frequented 
 by Persian and Armenian traders, on account of 
 the many excellent kinds of cloth manufactured 
 there, chiefly various sorts of women's head-dresses 
 (toucd) and cloth for veils (beatilha), scarlet and white, 
 of exceeding fineness ; also for the quantity of iron 
 procured there. 
 
 In this town there is plenty of fruit, such as 
 ambah) or mangas (mango) the best fruit to be found 
 in India oranges, limes, citrons, and grapes in abun- 
 dance. There is also in this town, as throughout the 
 kingdom of the Mogul, a large supply of vegetables 
 of various sorts. On the road to this town we found 
 every day different streams and brooks with good 
 water ; also villages, shady and pleasant woods, 
 peopled with many varieties of animals of the chase, 
 such as harts, stags, gazelles, wild oxen (ores), pea- 
 cocks, cooing doves, partridges, quail (cordernizcs), 
 blackbirds (tordo), geese (patto\ ducks (ades), widgeon 
 (marecas\ and many sorts of birds. 
 
 1 would warn the reader never to stray far from 
 his companions, because he might come across robbers 
 in these woods. When they find any person apart 
 from his company they rob him. I was very near 
 falling into their hands, for, having gone some dis- 
 tance from the rest of the caravan, I had got off my 
 horse. I was about to shoot at a peacock with my 
 matchlock, when all of a sudden there came out 
 towards me two men with bows and arrows, who 
 
BURHANPUR TO SIRONJ 33 
 
 with signs and calls invited me to approach them. 
 But I, apprehending what they wanted, went on my 
 way in the direction the rest of the company had 
 gone, never ceasing to have an eye upon those men. 
 These, seeing me choose a different direction, placed 
 arrows in their bows and, hastening their pace, came 
 after me, trying to overtake me. Seeing that other- 
 wise I could never escape them, I stopped and put 
 my matchlock to my cheek as if I meant to fire. 
 Frightened at my firmness, they placed their hands 
 on their heads as a sign of politeness, and, turn- 
 ing their backs, fled with even more agility than 
 when they had followed me. I continued on my 
 way in dread of a similar encounter, and thus I 
 learnt nevermore to leave the rest of the travellers, 
 and I put off my longing to go out shooting until 
 we should reach some place or village. Then I 
 went out to shoot, and without hindrance killed 
 whatever I wished, there being no scarcity of things 
 to kill. 
 
 We delayed eight days in Burhanpur, then, re- 
 suming our journey, we came in six days to a river 
 called the Narbada, where there was a town called 
 Andia (Handiyah); there was also on the bank of 
 the above-named river a little fort, situated at the 
 crossing-place. This river is a great breadth, and 
 full of large stones. Its waters divide the lands of 
 the Dacan (Dakhin) from those of Industan (Hindu- 
 stan), which word means " Hindudom " (gentilidade, 
 place of the heathen). 
 
 We crossed the river, and after going eight days 
 through jungle, we arrived at a large town called 
 Seronge (Sironj), which in old days was founded by 
 a Hindu prince, but at present the overlord thereof 
 is the Grand Mogul. This town lies in the midst of 
 the territories of several Hindu princes of the Rajput 
 tribe. Of these the nearest and most powerful is the 
 Rajah Champet Bondela (Champat Rae, Bundelah), 
 whose country extends to twenty leagues from Agra 
 
34 SARAES 
 
 (Agrah), and he has command over fifteen thousand 
 horsemen, and three hundred thousand infantry. 
 
 For the use of wayfarers there are throughout the 
 realms of the Mogul on every route many " sarais " 
 (sardes). They are like fortified places with their 
 bastions and strong gates ; most of them are built 
 of stone or of brick. In every one is an official whose 
 duty it is to close the gates at the going down of the 
 sun. After he has shut the gates he calls out that 
 everyone must look after his belongings, picket his 
 horses by their fore and hind legs, above all that he 
 must look out for dogs, for the dogs of Hindustan 
 are very cunning, and great thieves. I may find 
 a good opportunity to speak of the cunning of 
 these dogs. 
 
 At six o'clock in the morning, before opening the 
 gates, the watchman gives three warnings to the 
 travellers, crying in a loud voice that everyone must 
 look after his own things. After these warnings, if 
 anyone suspects that any of his property is missing, 
 the doors are not opened until the lost thing is found. 
 By this means they make sure of having the thief, 
 and he is strung up opposite the same. Thus the 
 thieves when they hear a complaint made, drop the 
 goods somewhere, so as not to be discovered. 
 
 These sardes are only intended for travellers (soldiers 
 do not go into them). Each one of them might hold, 
 more or less, from 800 to 1,000 persons, with their 
 horses, camels, carriages, and some of them are even 
 larger. They contain different rooms, halls, verandahs, 
 with trees inside the courtyard, and many provision- 
 shops, also separate abodes for the women and men 
 who arrange the rooms and the beds for the travellers. 
 I will speak hereafter of the deceits of all these, 
 when I come to talk of the Sultan Amayum (Hu- 
 mayun). 
 
 We halted four days in Sironj, and then went on 
 our way across inaccessible mountains, with numer- 
 
NARWAR, GWALIYAR 35 
 
 ous beautiful trees, and traversed by crystal streams, 
 whose waters are most wholesome, doing no harm 
 to those who drink them fasting, rather they are 
 beneficial, and most palatable. In six days we 
 reached the town of Narvar (Narwar), which lies 
 at the foot of a great range of hills six leagues in 
 circumference. On the very highest point of these 
 hills is a fortress, which occupies all the level ground 
 on the summit, with a circumference of two miles a 
 little more or less with many houses and rooms ; 
 a work made long ago by the Hindus. But in the 
 course of years, and by the inclemency of the weather, 
 the walls are crumbling away through the negligence 
 of the Mogul king. His object is to destroy all the 
 strong places of the Hindus of which he can get 
 possession, so that their conquered princes may not 
 rebel against him. His only anxiety is to fortify 
 and supply the forts that are on the frontiers of his 
 kingdom. 
 
 We did not halt at this place, but pressed onwards. 
 In five days we arrived at the well-known fortress 
 of Gualior (GwaliySr), where it is usual for the Mogul 
 to keep as prisoners princes and men of rank. This 
 fortress is on the top of a great mountain having 
 a circuit of three leagues. It is in the middle of a 
 fertile plain, and thus there is no other high ground 
 from which it could be attacked. 
 
 There is only a single road to ascend it, walled in 
 on both sides, and having many gates to bar the way, 
 each having its guard and sentinels. The rest of the 
 hill is of rock, perpendicular as a wall, though made 
 by Nature. All around this mountain are to be seen 
 many balconies, lanterns (? kiosks), rooms and veran- 
 dahs in different styles of architecture, with Hindu 
 sculptures all of this making the view most agreeable 
 and pleasant to the visitor. 
 
 On the crest of the mountain is a great plain, on 
 which are sumptuous palaces with many balconies 
 and windows of various kinds of stone, and delightful 
 
36 DHOLPUR, AGRAH 
 
 gardens irrigated from many crystal springs, where 
 cypress and other lovely trees raise their heads aloft, 
 so as to be visible from a distance. Within this 
 fortress is manufactured much oil of jasmine, the 
 best to be found in the kingdom, the whole of the 
 level ground on the summit being covered with that 
 shrub. There are also in this district many iron- 
 mines, of which numerous articles are made and 
 sent to the principal cities in the Mogul country. 
 
 In the town, which lies at the foot of the hill, there 
 dwell many musicians, who gain a livelihood with 
 their instruments, and many persons maintain that 
 it was on this mountain that the god Apollo first 
 started Hindu music. 
 
 Continuing our route, we came in three days to the 
 river called the Chambal, at which is the town named 
 Dolpur (Dholpur), where Arangzeb gave battle against 
 his brother Dara (Dara Shukoh), in the year one 
 thousand six hundred and fifty-six (correctly 1658), 
 at which I was present, and to which, farther on, 
 I shall refer. Thence in four days we arrived at the 
 city of Agrah, having ended by doing four hundred 
 and sixt}^ leagues, for such is the number reckoned 
 from Surat as far as Agrah. At this place the governor 
 assigned to us a handsome house to stay in. 
 
 We remained in this city, of which 1 will speak on 
 a future occasion, and, a few days after our arrival, 
 the Englishmen who at that time were present at 
 their factory came to visit the ambassador, showing 
 themselves desirous of being useful to him, making 
 him frequent and handsome offers. But these the 
 ambassador would in no way accept. After several 
 visits they invited him to their house, where they 
 gave him a splendid feast, with dressed meats and 
 beverages after their style. The ambassador com- 
 plained very much of the great heat that has to be 
 endured in that country, and the English offered him 
 a powder, declaring that if he mixed it and drank it 
 he would experience great relief and coolness. 
 
BELLOMONT DIES AT HODAL 37 
 
 When a few days had passed we resumed our route 
 for Dely (Dihll), where at that moment the king, 
 Shahjahan, was living. Then, after three days from 
 our leaving Agrah, towards the evening, when in 
 sight of the place where we meant to halt for that 
 night, the ambassador called out to me in great pain, 
 asking me for water. Then he expired without al- 
 lowing me time to give it to him, those being the last 
 words that he uttered. He died on the twentieth 
 of June of one thousand six hundred and fifty-three 
 (correctly 1656), at five o'clock in the evening. We 
 carried the body at once to a sarae called Orel (Hodal), 
 between Agrah and Dihll, and, it being already late, 
 we did not bury him that night. The official at the 
 sarae sent notice to the local judicial officer, who 
 hastened to the spot, and, putting his seal on all the 
 baggage, laid an embargo upon it. I asked him why 
 he seized and sealed up those goods. He answered 
 me that it was the custom of that realm, and that he 
 could not release the things until an order came from 
 court, they being the property of an ambassador. 
 
 After seven hours of the night had passed we 
 removed the body of the defunct from the palanquin 
 in order to enshroud it, and, as day began to dawn, 
 we proceeded to lay him in the grave. Taking him 
 by the arms I tried to lift him, but, while in my hands, 
 a blister burst, from which exhaled such a fetid odour 
 that all those standing by nearly fainted and fell 
 down. We were forced to cease to lift him, and await 
 the day. When day arose we somehow or other put 
 him into a coffin, with all the haste that the odour 
 compelled, and interred him on the bank of a re- 
 servoir which adjoined the town, marking the spot 
 so that his bones might be transported elsewhere, 
 as accorded with the rank of such a person. And 
 as a fact they removed the remains after fifteen months 
 to the city of Agra (Agrah). 
 
 Having interred the ambassador, the servants all 
 disappeared, and I was left alone, sad and anxious, 
 4 
 
38 AMBASSADOR'S PROPERTY SEIZED 
 
 having nothing to console me, nor anywhere to turn 
 in order to recover my things, which had been sealed 
 up by the official along with the ambassador's, al- 
 though all the keys were in my possession. 
 
 After we had buried the ambassador I wrote to 
 the English factory at Agrah, informing them of his 
 death, and of the embargo imposed by the local 
 officials on his property as well as mine, wherefore 
 I prayed them to send me the necessary recommenda- 
 tory letters. I received no answer; but eight days 
 afterwards two Englishmen appeared, one called 
 Thomas Roch (?T. Roach), and the other Raben 
 Simitt (? Reuben Smith), dressed after the fashion and 
 costume of the country, men in the service of the 
 King Shahjahan, and captains of the bombardiers in 
 the royal artillery. 
 
 They came to visit me, and when I saw them I 
 asked what they had come about. They informed 
 me that they had come under the king's orders to 
 carry away the property of the ambassador, which 
 lapsed to the crown. To that I retorted by asking 
 if they bore any order, whereupon they laughed, and 
 asked who I might be. I told them I was the servant 
 of the ambassador, that the property in question had 
 been made over to me, that I did not mean to let it 
 go without their delivering to me my belongings 
 that is, two muskets, four pistols, clothes, and other 
 trinkets, which had been set apart Their answer 
 was that the whole belonged to the king, and without 
 another word they went to find those who had put 
 on the seals, and obtaining their consent made them- 
 selves masters of everything, arranging to remove 
 the whole to the city of Dihli. 
 
 I did not mean to abandon the property, and re- 
 solved to set out in their company. On the road 
 they showed me not the least little sign of civility, 
 such as Europeans, even of different nations, are 
 accustomed to display in all parts of Asia when they 
 come across each other. Many a time did I entreat 
 
MANUCCI REACHES DIHLl 39 
 
 them for God's sake to make over to me what was 
 mine; but as they saw I was only a youth they 
 scoffed at me, and said : " Shut your mouth ; if you 
 say a word we will take your horse and your arms 
 away." Seeing there was no other way out of it, I 
 dissembled for the time being, but never despaired 
 of getting back what belonged to me. 
 
 After three days' journey we arrived at Dihli, where 
 the Englishmen deposited the property in a same, 
 put seals on the room doors, and told me to go about 
 my business. Then I began to make request that 
 they would be so good as to separate my property 
 from that of the ambassador, and make it over to me, 
 for it did not belong to the king. They burst out 
 laughing and mocked me, giving me the customary 
 answer. As I took my leave I prayed them to do 
 me the favour of telling me their names, so that if 
 anyone called me to account about that property I 
 should be able to defend myself by pointing out the 
 persons who had taken possession of it. I expressed 
 my astonishment that they should lock up in a sarde 
 room property that they said belonged to the king. 
 I asked them angrily whether the king had no other 
 place in which to store the goods he owned ; but they 
 knew quite well that the property did not belong to 
 them, and that they were taking the king's name in 
 vain, solely in order that they might get hold of other 
 people's goods. They replied that there was no need 
 to know their names. As for my second remark they 
 only set to laughing, and thus went away in apparent 
 triumph, not foreseeing what was to happen to them. 
 
 I retired to a room in the same sarde, not far from 
 the one where the property was. Then I found out 
 the names of those two Englishmen, so as to be able 
 to take my own measures. Being anxious to know 
 what was going on, there turned up on a visit to me 
 a Frenchman, called Clodio Malier, a founder em- 
 ployed in the artillery of Dara, first-born son of Shah- 
 jahan. With him I talked over what had happened 
 
40 MANUCCI APPLIES TO THE WAZlR 
 
 to me with those two Englishmen, and said again that 
 it did not seem to me possible that so great a monarch 
 as the Mogul king should possess no other place to 
 store the goods that belonged to him than a mere 
 same, where travellers took up their quarters. The 
 Frenchman assured me that the Englishmen had not 
 seized the goods by order of the king, but that Thomas 
 Roach, learning of the ambassador's death, had sent 
 in a petition to the prince Dara, by whom he was 
 favoured, in the following terms : " A man of my 
 country, a relation of mine, came from Europe, his 
 purpose being to obtain the honour of serving under 
 your highness, but his good fortune was of such little 
 duration and so scanty that he was unable to obtain 
 his desire, being overtaken by death on reaching the 
 same of Hodal, whereupon those who govern in that 
 place laid an embargo upon his goods. Therefore I 
 pray as a favour that your highness be pleased to issue 
 orders for their delivery to me." 
 
 The prince dealt with this petition as Thomas Roach 
 hoped, but Raben Semitt (Reuben Smith), getting 
 word of what Thomas Roach was about, held it not 
 to be right that he should acquire the whole of the 
 ambassador's property, that it must be divided between 
 the two of them. Thus he (R. Smith) accompanied 
 him (T. Roach) as far as Hodal. Should he not 
 consent to a division, he (R. Smith) threatened to tell 
 the whole story to the king. Thomas Roach accepted 
 the situation, so as not to lose the whole. This was 
 the story told me by Clodio Malier, who bade me 
 adieu with much civility and many offers of service. 
 Being thus informed of what was going on, and con- 
 fiding in my knowledge of the Turkish, but more 
 especially of the Persian language, which is that 
 chiefly used and most current at the court of the 
 Mogul, I resolved to go to the secretary of the king, 
 whose name was Vizircan (Wazir Khan) to lodge a 
 complaint. For this purpose I went to his house, and, 
 obtaining permission to enter, I reported to him what 
 
MANUCCI TAKEN TO THE PALACE 41 
 
 was going on. He directed me to sit down opposite 
 to him, alongside one of his sons, who was of my 
 age. 
 
 The secretary asked me if I knew the accustomed 
 mode of making obeisance before the king by those 
 who enter his presence. I answered that I did. As 
 he displayed a desire to see me do this, I arose, stood 
 quite erect, and, bending my body very low until my 
 head was quite close to the ground, I placed my right 
 hand with its back to the ground, then raising it, 
 put it on my head, and stood up straight. This cere- 
 monial I repeated three times, and this is done to the 
 king only. The secretary was delighted to see a 
 foreigner, young in years and newly arrived in the 
 city, make his obeisances so confidently. I was dressed 
 like a Turk, with a turban of red velvet bound with 
 a blue ribbon, and dressed in satin of the same colour ; 
 also a waist-cloth of gold-flowered pattern with a red 
 ground. He was amused to see me got up like this, 
 and asked the reason for adopting such a costume, 
 and why I did not adopt the Mogul fashions, where- 
 upon I acquainted him of the journey that I had made 
 and the countries through which I had passed. 
 
 During this time a notice reached him that the 
 king had decided to hold an audience that morning. 
 Then, rising at once, he took me with him to the 
 palace, telling me that it was requisite for me to go 
 with him before the king. 
 
 He warned me that, when I came into the king's 
 presence, I must perform the same obeisances that I 
 had practised before him. When we got to the 
 palace the king had already taken his seat on the 
 throne. The secretary directed two men to present 
 me to the king, while he (the secretary) should be 
 talking to him. Accordingly they did present me, 
 ordering me to appear in front of the king at a 
 distance of fifty paces, waiting until he should take 
 notice of me before I made my obeisance. 
 
 I had noticed that, when the secretary reached the 
 4* 
 
42 SHAHJAHAN AND HIS AUDIENCE-HALL 
 
 place where is the railing, he made one bow, such as 
 I had done at his house ; then, when close to the 
 throne, he made three bows ; and, approaching still 
 nearer, he began to speak to the king. After a few 
 words he raised his hand towards where I was, as if 
 pointing me out. The king raised his eyes towards 
 me, then the courtiers with me told me to make my 
 obeisances, which I did. The secretary went on with 
 his conversation, which I could not overhear by reason 
 of the distance at which I was. All those who were 
 present before the king were standing ; only one man 
 was seated at the side of the throne, but his seat was 
 lower, and this was the Prince Dara, the king's son. 
 
 I noted that the throne on which the king, Shahjahan, 
 was seated stood in front of, and near to, the palace 
 of the women, so that as soon as he came out of its 
 door he reached the throne. It is like a table, adorned 
 with all sorts of precious stones and flowers, in 
 enamel and gold. There are three cushions a large 
 one, five spans in diameter, and circular, which serves 
 as a support to the back, and two other square ones, 
 one on each side ; also a most lovely mattress : for in 
 Turkey, and throughout the whole of Hindustan, they 
 do not sit upon chairs, but upon carpets or mattresses, 
 with their legs crossed. Around the throne, at the 
 distance of one pace, are railings of gold, of the height 
 of one cubit, within which no one enters except the 
 king's sons. Before they enter they come and, facing 
 the king, go through their obeisance, then enter the 
 palace and come out by the same door from which the 
 king issued. Arriving there, they again make obeis- 
 ance, and upon a sign from the king they take their 
 seat in the same enclosure, but at the foot of, and 
 on one side of, the throne. Thereupon the pages 
 appear with the umbrella, parasol, betel, spittoon, 
 sw r ord, and fly-brusher. 
 
 Below the throne, several feet lower than it, a space 
 is left, sufficient for the secretary (? zvaztr) and the 
 greatest officials of the court. This space is sur- 
 
SHAHJAHAN AND HIS AUDIENCE-HALL 43 
 
 rounded by a silver railing. Near it stand " grusber- 
 dares " (gurz-barddrs) that is to say, the bearers of 
 golden maces, whose duty it is to carry orders from 
 the court to princes of the blood royal. After a 
 descent of a few more steps there is another space 
 of greater size, where are the captains and other 
 officials, also the " grusberdares " (gurz-bardars) with 
 silver maces, who convey the orders of the court to 
 the governors, generals, and other princes. These 
 are placed with their backs to a railing of wood painted 
 vermilion, which surrounds the space. 
 
 The hall in which stood the royal seat is adorned 
 with twenty highly decorated pillars, which support 
 the roof. This roof stretches far enough to cover the 
 spaces enclosed within the silver railing, and is hidden 
 half-way by an awning of brocade. Further, a canopy 
 over the king's throne is upheld by four golden 
 pillars. 
 
 Outside the wooden railing is a great square, where, 
 close to the railing, stand nine horses on one side and 
 nine on the other, all saddled and equipped. Near 
 to the pillars are brought certain elephants on every 
 day that the king gives audience, and there they make 
 their obeisance, as I shall describe when I speak of 
 the elephants. Behind the horses already spoken of 
 were four handsomely adorned elephants, and in the 
 square a considerable number of soldiers stand on 
 guard. At the end was a great hall, where were 
 stationed the players on instruments, and these, upon 
 the king's appearing to give audience, played very 
 loudly, to give notice that the king was already in the 
 audience hall. 
 
 The silence preserved was astonishing, and the 
 order devoid of confusion. For this purpose there 
 are officials, whose business it is to see that the 
 people are placed in proper order. Some of these 
 officials held gold sticks in their hands, and these 
 came within the silver railing. The others carried 
 silver sticks, and they took great heed that throughout 
 
44 THE AMBASSADOR'S PROPERTY RELEASED 
 
 the court nothing was done which could displease 
 the king. 
 
 After 1 had received my permission to go I left 
 in the company of the two courtiers, and returned 
 to the sarae. There I showed them where I had 
 put up, and the room in which was the property. 
 Thereupon they broke the seals, and brought out 
 all the things, and carried them away. 
 
 The next day, about nine o'clock in the morning, 
 there came two servants of the secretary (wazir) to 
 fetch me. They took me to his palace, where I found 
 him seated in the same hall where I had spoken to 
 him the day before. As I came in I observed that 
 the ambassador's property was lying there. I made 
 the usual obeisance to the secretary (wazir). Then 
 with a pleasant look on his face he asked me if I 
 identified the two thieves, pointing with his hand 
 to one corner of the hall. Noticing this, I turned my 
 face that way, and saw the two English impostors, 
 loaded with iron, fetters on their feet and shackles 
 on their necks, and very much ashamed, being afraid 
 that they would be decapitated. 
 
 Turning again to the secretary, I craved leave to 
 speak to them, and going near to them I said : " It 
 would have been more honest to let me have the 
 little that was mine, but then you wanted to acquire 
 more than was yours ; you suffer through your excess 
 of greed, and in your desire to embrace all you are 
 left with nothing. You laughed, you scoffed, and had 
 no tenderness for me, and now I sorrow for love of 
 you, and feel compassion for the miserable condition 
 in which I see you. You may make certain that I 
 shall not fail to deal towards you with more charity 
 and consideration than you showed me on the road 
 from Hodal." 
 
 Returning to the secretary (wazir), he told me to 
 look at the things, and inform him whether any article 
 was missing, for the prisoners would have to pay 
 for anything deficient. 1 examined the property in 
 
DISPOSITION OF THE PROPERTY 45 
 
 his presence, and ascertained that it was complete. 
 Since my things had been separated and were kept 
 apart I prayed him as a favour to issue orders that 
 they should be returned to me. In addition, most 
 of the ambassador's goods belonged to an English 
 trader, named Mestre Jonh (Mr. Young), dwelling in 
 Surat, from whom the ambassador had obtained them, 
 promising to repay him afterwards. 
 
 The secretary (wazir) told me to sit down beside 
 his son, who was in front of him ; he said he would 
 give me many things, and making me great promises 
 said to me that if I consented to remain in his house 
 he would treat me like a son. In case I did not agree 
 he did not mean to give me anything. My answer 
 was that I could not live in his house, that I cared 
 very little about the loss of my own things, but should 
 grieve a very great deal if he did not give to Mestre 
 Jonh (Mr. Young) those that were his. 
 
 Upon this the secretary (wazir) asked me minutely 
 which were the ambassador's and which Mestre Jonh's 
 (Mr. Young's) things. I pointed them all out in detail, 
 one of the secretary's clerks taking the whole down 
 in writing. I told him that besides these goods 
 Mestre Jonh (Mr. Young) had lent the ambassador 
 the sum of four thousand patacas (about 800), and 
 an Arab horse, already in the secretary's (wazirs) 
 possession. Finally I begged leave to return to my 
 abode, and he, in sending me off, directed me to 
 return in two days to speak to him in the same place. 
 
 Accordingly this I did, and he said to me that he 
 had spoken to the king, who ordered that the property 
 should be sent to the Governor of Surat for the pur- 
 pose of being made over to Mestre Jonh (Mr. Young), 
 with the exception of the Arab horse, which the king 
 kept for himself, giving an order to pay to the said 
 Jonh (Young) one thousand patacas, the price at which 
 it had been valued. He took nothing else but the 
 letter which was destined for him. 
 
 After this I made a fresh application to the secre- 
 
46 TROUBLE WITH THE VVAZIR 
 
 tary (wazir) that he would order my property to be 
 given to me ; but his answer was that the whole 
 must go to Surat, and be made over to Mestre Jonh 
 (Mr. Young), who, if he liked, might give them to me. 
 Thus he was unable to dispose in any way of this 
 property. But if 1 consented to live with him he 
 would give me a great deal more, and repeated that 
 he would cherish me as his son, and many other 
 promises. For all these words and the kindness he 
 had displayed I gave him thanks over and over again ; 
 but as for living with him that could never be. It 
 was not right for me to do so, being a Christian. The 
 secretary (wazir) cut short my speech, and, losing his 
 temper, said angrily : " You do not know that you are 
 the king's slave." 
 
 Hearing these words I rose to my feet, and an- 
 swered that Europeans were not and never would 
 be slaves of anyone, and in great haste I left the hall, 
 resolved to give my life rather than live in his house. 
 Coming out at the door, I vaulted lightly on to my 
 horse, and took my way somewhat hurriedly, dreading 
 lest the secretary (wazir) might send someone after 
 me to attack me. Then my groom warned me that 
 two foot soldiers were hurrying after us, trying to 
 overtake us. Then I turned my horse round, and, 
 putting my hand on my cutlass, set off to face them. 
 I asked what they wanted. They made me a bow, 
 and answered that the secretary (wazir) sent me 
 ten gold rupees for the purchase of betel. I took 
 them, and went on my way. I was determined 
 to return to Surat that I might find myself among 
 Europeans. 
 
 At this time I met Clodio Malier, who carried me 
 off to his house, and there I told him of my resolve. 
 He did not approve. Then by his arguments he suc- 
 ceeded in persuading me. Having got as far as the 
 court, what was the good of leaving it again without 
 first seeing what there was there, so that I might 
 report on the riches and greatness of the kings of 
 
CLODIO MALIER BEFRIENDS MANUCCI 47 
 
 the Mogul, exceeding the riches of other kings (as 
 may be seen in the course of this my book)? 
 
 As I was a youth carried away by curiosity, but 
 still more by the friendship shown to me by Clodio, 
 and reflecting that I had already in him one friend 
 who could do me some good in this kingdom, and 
 be of help to me in some affair, I determined to remain 
 where I was. 
 
 After three days had elapsed, Clodio Malier was 
 sent for to the palace of Prince Dara, who inquired 
 if he knew of the arrival of a European youth, who 
 had come with the ambassador of England, and a 
 few days before had appeared in the king's presence 
 to make a complaint of injuries done by a captain 
 of artillery and other Englishmen. Clodio answered 
 that he knew me well, that, seeing me unprotected, 
 he had taken me into his house, adding that I was 
 a youth of quality. He wished that, before allowing 
 me to leave the Mogul kingdom, I should see some- 
 thing of the king's and princes' riches, so that on my 
 return to Europe I might declare the wealth and 
 grandeur of the Moguls. 
 
 Thereupon the prince said to him that he wanted 
 to speak to me, and thus he must not fail to find 
 a way to bring me to his presence. When Clodio 
 Malier came home, he said to me at once, with a 
 joyous countenance, that I had already captured good 
 fortune, for the eldest prince, a generous man and 
 friendly to Europeans, had shown himself interested 
 about me and wanted to speak to me. 
 
 I rejoiced at this good news, knowing that the 
 Europeans who served this prince had a good life of 
 it, and received adequate pay. Thus I, too, was 
 desirous of obtaining some employment at his court. 
 I made up my mind for that reason not to put off 
 my visit, and I asked Clodio if we should have to 
 wait long before complying with the prince's desire. 
 My friendly shelterer replied to me that it was not 
 wise to delay, otherwise we might lose the favourable 
 
48 MANUCCI GOES TO COURT OF PRINCE DARA 
 
 opportunity. For the resolves of the great were like 
 birds : if the bird-lime stuck to them they were easily 
 caught, but if once they flew away it was very hard 
 to lay hold of them a second time. 
 
 For these reasons we started the very same day, 
 and repaired to the court of the above-named prince. 
 As soon as he was informed of our arrival, he gave 
 the order to allow us to enter. When I reached his 
 presence, and had made the usual obeisances, he asked 
 me if I could speak Persian, and put some other ques- 
 tions with a pleased and friendly expression on his face. 
 He was delighted at seeing a youth of not more 
 than eighteen years, and a foreigner, with such 
 quick-wittedness that he had learned to make the 
 proper obeisance without any shyness. Then I 
 answered the questions, showing myself acquainted 
 with Turkey and Persia and other important matters. 
 The whole of my replies were in Persian, by which 
 1 proved to the prince that I could speak sufficiently 
 well the language about which he had asked me. 
 
 At the conclusion of the above talk he directed that 
 the ambassador's letter be given to me. It had already 
 been opened ; and I was directed to translate it into 
 Persian. The letter was in Latin, written in letters 
 of gold, and it differed but little from the letter 
 presented to the King of Persia. Being thus alread} T 
 acquainted with the business, 1 had little difficulty in 
 translating it. Next the prince asked what the letter 
 was written on, for it seemed to him like a skin and 
 not paper. I answered that it was of vellum skin, 
 and it was the usage of European kings, when for- 
 warding letters to far-off kingdoms, to have the more 
 important matters written on vellum skin, in order that 
 they might be better protected against the inclemencies 
 of the weather and of the journey than they would 
 be if they were on paper. 
 
 At the end of this conversation Dara asked me if 
 I wished to remain for a time in the Mogul country, 
 to which I replied affirmatively. He said to me with 
 
MANUCCI ENTERS DARA'S SERVICE 49 
 
 a smile on his face : " Would you like to enter my 
 service?" As this was the very question and none 
 other that 1 was hoping for, I replied that I should 
 have put to very good use the weariness and 
 fatigues of my journey if I had the good fortune to 
 serve under so famous a prince. 
 
 He then directed that every month they should give 
 me eighty rupees of pay, a sum equal to forty patacas. 
 He ordered them to deliver to me at once, in his 
 presence, a serpao (sarapa), and thirty rupees and a 
 good horse. He put me in charge of one of his 
 trusted eunuchs, called Coja Mosquis (Khwajah Miskin), 
 with instructions to look after the little European and 
 see that he was well trained and educated. I returned 
 thanks to the prince, and seeing how well Dara was 
 inclined towards me, I prayed leave to entreat another 
 favour that is to say, the liberty of the two English 
 prisoners; and through the mediation of the prince, 
 they were released in a few days by order of the king. 
 
 I came out from the prince's presence. Although 
 Dara desired that Khwajah Miskin should teach me 
 the court ceremonial in order to turn me into a 
 courtier, I took means to prevent my being made 
 into a Mahomedan. So I did not go to seek out 
 the said Khwajah Miskin, but kept in the company 
 of the Europeans. Some of these were surgeons, but 
 the greater number artillerymen in the Mogul service, 
 an honourable employment. For European artillery- 
 men who took service in that branch had only to take 
 aim ; as for the rest the fatigue of raising, lowering) 
 loading, and firing this was the business of artificers 
 "or labourers kept for the purpose. However, when 
 Aurangzeb came to the throne, he, seeing the insolent 
 behaviour and the drunkenness of such-like men, de- 
 prived them of all their privileges, except that of 
 distilling spirits, and forced them to do sentry duty 
 like other soldiers, thus leaving them with no esti- 
 mation or reputation in the army. But the old plan 
 continued in force up to the evacuation of the fortress 
 
50 A GOOD BARGAIN 
 
 of Bacar (Bhakkar) and the beheadal of Prince Dara, 
 as farther on I shall relate. 
 
 For some time I dwelt in the house of Clodio, and 
 when I had acquired the means I hired a separate 
 house. Then came a man to me who said that he 
 would put me in the way of gaining money. I inquired 
 from him what it was he wanted. He told me he 
 wanted nothing beyond permission to distil spirits 
 under my protection and close to my house. He 
 would give me ten rupees every day ; thus I should 
 be put to no expense ; all I had to do was to assert 
 that he was my servant. I agreed to the bargain, and 
 out of regard for me no one said a word to him, for 
 the Europeans in the service of Dara had this pri- 
 vilege of distilling spirits and selling them without 
 hindrance. 
 
 Finding myself with sufficient pay, and in good 
 condition, I wrote to Mestre Jonh (Henry Young) at 
 Surat, giving him notice of the king's orders how 
 he had ordered all the ambassador's property to be 
 placed in the hands of the Governor of Surat, with 
 directions to make it over to him. After some 
 months he replied that he had then received delivery 
 of everything. 
 
 When I left Venice I already knew sufficiently how 
 to speak the Italian language, and, in addition, a little 
 French. During this journey I learnt the Turkish 
 and Persian languages. Finding myself established 
 in India, 1 now set to work to learn the Indian tongue. 
 Furthermore, as I was desirous of knowing about 
 matters in the Mogul kingdom, I found an aged man 
 of letters, who offered to read to me the " Royal 
 Chronicles of the Mogul kings and princes." There- 
 fore I am of opinion that the reader will be glad to listen 
 to me, seeing that I have special information. I will 
 speak of all the Mogul kings in my second book, which 
 will close with the death of Aurangzeb's brothers, and 
 therein will be seen what happened to me. 
 
 [Not long after entering Dara's service, Manucci had 
 
SHAHJAHAN AND DARA 51 
 
 to follow his master to the wars. King Shahjahan 
 fell ill, and at the news of his illness three of his 
 sons, Shah Shuja', Murad Bakhsh, and Aurangzeb 
 made preparations to seize the throne by force. Un- 
 able to take the field himself, Shahjahan deputed Dara 
 to take his place.] 
 
 Finding himself in bodily weakness and desirous 
 of pleasing Dara, he transferred to him all his powers 
 and dignities, and ordered everyone to yield him 
 obedience. He wanted to try if, by this means, he 
 could rid himself of all the ills from which he suffered, 
 including the danger in which he stood of being 
 captured by Aurangzeb, and dispossessed of his 
 authority. 
 
 Some authors, recording what they have been told, 
 say that Dara seized his father and divested him of 
 power by force ; but I assert this to be a great 
 untruth, for I know, and have tested it that Dara was 
 quite submissive. He did nothing without communi- 
 cating it to his father. I might produce several 
 proofs of what I say ; but I will ask the reader to do 
 me the favour of recollecting what I have said as to 
 the letters written by Muhammad Amin Khan and 
 Shaistah Khan. On account of these Dara wanted 
 to have them decapitated, yet they were liberated by 
 the order of Shahjahan. If Dara had, as others write, 
 taken possession of his father and of his authority, 
 he would have exercised this absolute power to order 
 their heads to be cut off, as justice required. 
 
 Another case I will bring forward in proof of what 
 I say. A few days before we took the field against 
 Aurangzeb, the police seized a Genoese youth for 
 having in his possession a bottle of wine, a thing not 
 prohibited for Europeans. In order to petition for 
 his release I went off to the magistrate, who at once 
 placed me alongside the youth. I made a sign to my 
 servant, who rushed off to tell my friends artillery- 
 men in Prince Dara's service. These men came in 
 a body, all of them armed, and, breaking down 
 
5 2 WARLIKE PREPARATIONS 
 
 the doors of the prison, liberated us. The soldiers 
 ran from the police-office, leaving the magistrate 
 by himself in a state of astonishment at what was 
 going on. Being aggrieved as I was, I thereupon 
 went up to the magistrate and put a pistol to his 
 breast ; I did not slay him, but took compassion upon 
 him on his humbling of himself. This affair was 
 brought before Shahjahan, who complained to Dara 
 of what his artillerymen had done. To satisfy the 
 king, Dara ordered the captain of artillery to ad- 
 minister a reproof to the Genoese. We all went in 
 a body to the captain to lodge a complaint against the 
 magistrate for the disgrace done to us, the king having 
 accorded us the right to drink wine. Now, if Dara 
 had been as others say, no one would have had the 
 audacity to displease his employes, nor to complain 
 of them to Shahjahan. 
 
 On finding that the King Shahjahan had delivered 
 himself with all his authority and his army into the 
 hands of Prince Dara, everybody seized their weapons ; 
 there was great uproar, each man acting on his own 
 inclination. More than one hundred thousand horse- 
 men assembled, and more than twenty thousand 
 infantry. There were one hundred pieces of field 
 artillery, every one of them carrying shot of from eight 
 to twelve pounds ; in addition, there was a twenty- 
 pounder culverin, and over two hundred European 
 artillerymen. There were no want of subordinates, 
 of shopkeepers who furnish supplies for the susten- 
 ance of the whole realm and army, a large number 
 of sarrafos (sarrdf), who provide the cash required by 
 the whole army ; many majestic and well-armoured 
 elephants, and five hundred camels. On each of the 
 latter was a man seated atop with a swivel-gun, 
 carrying a ball of from three to four ounces, which he 
 loaded and fired without dismounting. There were 
 also five hundred elephants with their howdahs, and 
 in these sat two men with two guns like those upon 
 the camels. 
 
DEPARTURE FROM AGRAH ft 
 
 After all these preparations we issued from the 
 city of Agrah on the I4th of May, one thousand six 
 hundred and fifty-six (correctly 1658). When on the 
 march we covered the ground as far as the horizon, 
 making a brave and splendid show. What disconcerted 
 me was that no one would say that Dara was sure 
 of gaining the battle with all this grand array. 
 
 The greater number of the soldiers that Dara had 
 newly enlisted were not very warlike ; they were 
 butchers, barbers, blacksmiths, carpenters, tailors, and 
 such-like. It is true that on their horses and with 
 their arms they looked well at a review ; but they had 
 no heart, and knew nothing of war. If only Sulaiman 
 Shukoh had arrived in time, there would have been 
 no need of men like these, nor of Khalilullah Khan. 
 The wife of the latter had warned Dara to put no 
 reliance on her husband, nor trust to his soft speeches, 
 for she knew him well, and, given the occasion, he 
 would invariably engineer some treachery. Nor should 
 he rely upon the thirty thousand Mogul troopers in his 
 father's service. 
 
 Shahjahan earnestly desired that Dara should not 
 offer battle until Sulaiman Shukoh had arrived. But 
 Dara's two brothers and enemies came on with such 
 haste that they left him no chance of delaying. I have 
 been assured that Aurangzeb professed such determi- 
 nation as to say that, if Taimur-i-lang and all his 
 descendants came against him, on no account would 
 it be fitting for him to retreat. He was resolved to 
 give battle, putting his faith in the traitors to be found 
 in Dara's camp. 
 
 When placed in the field, our army was so well 
 distributed that it looked like a lovely city adorned 
 with beautiful tents, flying innumerable flags of all 
 colours and different shapes, each tent having its own 
 flag and device so that it might be recognised. The 
 prince Dara went to take leave of the king, his father, 
 and of Begam Sahib, his sister, who at that time were 
 living in the fort of Agrah. On beholding the son 
 5 
 
54 DARA'S LEAVETAKING 
 
 and brother so well beloved, they melted into floods 
 of tears. The king began to speak, and thus addressed 
 Dara : 
 
 " My loved and cherished son ! I have always been 
 well inclined towards you as being my first-born son 
 and full of good qualities above all of the quality of 
 obedience, which you have always displayed towards 
 me. Your father hoped to see you become king 
 peacefully, but none can fathom the secrets of the 
 Lord Most High. My desire was to leave you in this 
 fortress, and go forth myself against those rebels 
 Aurangzeb and Murad Bakhsh, unworthy of the name 
 of my sons or of your brothers. I had hoped to 
 chastise the rebels and traitors who take the side of 
 my enemies; but you have had compassion on my 
 years and infirmities, and mean to expose your life for 
 the peace of the kingdom, the freedom and the safety 
 of your father. Not to dishearten you, I consent to 
 your doing as you wish, but entreat you, my beloved 
 son, to avoid a battle until the arrival of Sultan 
 Sulaiman Shukoh your son. You will thus increase 
 your chance of victory. I beg of you to curb your 
 ardour. Being incapable of doing more, I pray that 
 your life may be spared and that you may survive to 
 become Emperor of all Hindustan, and that our 
 enemies may be slain. I place you in the hands of 
 God, in whom we trust to give us the victory and 
 make us triumph over rebels and traitors." 
 
 Having bade farewell to his father, Dara soon ap- 
 peared in the army ; but the march could not be 
 undertaken that day. Some of the war materiel was 
 still wanting, nor did the astrologers judge the hour 
 auspicious for a start. On the third day this huge 
 army began its march. When Dara was about to 
 mount his magnificent elephant Fatejang (Path Jang) 
 that is to say "Victor in War" he said these 
 words : " Guerrib maf, magrur marg " (Gharib mu*af, 
 maghrur marg) that is to say : " To the humble par- 
 don, to the haughty death." The generals then present 
 
DARA AND HIS ARMY SET FORTH 55 
 
 replied simultaneously " Hixa Alia" (Inshallah) that 
 is to say : " By the favour of God." 
 
 We began the march in such great order that it 
 seemed as if the sea and land were united. Prince 
 Dara amidst his squadron appeared like a crystal 
 tower, resplendent as a sun shining over all the land. 
 Around him rode many squadrons of Rajput cavalry 
 whose armour glittered from afar, and their lance 
 heads with a tremulous motion sent forth rays of 
 light. There were other squadrons of calvary armed 
 with lances, in front of whom went many ferocious 
 elephants clad in shining steel with chains on their 
 trunks, their tusks encrusted with gold and silver, and 
 broad cutlasses affixed thereto by rings. In advance 
 was one with a handsome flag, and the driver, who 
 guided the elephant, was armed with armes blanches 
 (sword and shield). 
 
 A marvellous thing was it to behold the march, 
 which moved over the heights and through the vales 
 like the waves of a stormy sea. Thus we held on our 
 way for four days, until we reached the bank of the 
 River Chambal, where was a village called Dolpur 
 (Dholpur). Our powerful army took up position on 
 this ground, and entrenched the crossing, placing its 
 pieces of artillery to cover the most exposed points. 
 
 We awaited the enemy, who was already near ; he 
 appeared afar off after three days. Being fully pre- 
 pared, and in every way desirous of finding ourselves 
 engaged in battle, we begged for leave to attack the 
 enemy. But Dara for two reasons would not consent. 
 The first was that he was waiting for Sultan Sulaiman 
 Shukoh and his force, who could not be very long in 
 coming ; even if they were delayed, he was sure the 
 enemy would never risk a crossing at this place, which 
 was well occupied and fortified. The second reason 
 was the inadvisability of attacking the enemy in a 
 situation full of hollows and rocks, and altogether a 
 dangerous place. 
 
 At this time Aurangzeb persisted in his usual 
 
56 AURANGZEB'S SECRET PLANS 
 
 stratagems and intrigues. After having encamped his 
 army on the farther side, not far from the river, he 
 called together his generals. He said to them that 
 they must be prepared to deliver battle, and be every 
 one ready with his force of cavalry. In making haste 
 lay their chance of victory, and, full of confidence in 
 their courage, he hoped in a brief space to be victori- 
 ous. They could not postpone the battle, seeing the 
 danger of Sultan Sulaiman Shukoh's arrival. A report 
 of the above speech reached the army of Dara, and 
 was received with pleasure. Everybody made his 
 preparations with the greatest eagerness, and expected 
 every day that the enemy would come to attack us. 
 
 But Aurangzeb's secret plan was to win over Rajah 
 Champet (Champat), to whom he sent valuable pre- 
 sents, proposing for him high rewards and making 
 him liberal offers. He asked the rajah to allow him to 
 pass through his territories in order to get across the 
 river by another unknown ford, situated twelve leagues 
 from us. These demands were conceded by Rajah 
 Champat, hoping to avenge himself on Shahjahan for 
 the acts I have already told you of. Gained over by 
 entreaties, and all unwitting of the misfortune that he 
 had to undergo, the rajah accompanied Aurangzeb. 
 The route was so difficult, the march so impeded by 
 jungle and uneven ground, that Aurangzeb was un- 
 able to take with him the whole of his forces. He 
 left his tents standing, and some of his men behind, 
 by way of formality in order to conceal his design the 
 more effectually. He crossed the river (as I was told) 
 with over eight thousand horsemen, and though they 
 were all much fatigued, he made himself master of the 
 crossing on the thirtieth of May, 1656 (i.e. 1658). 
 
 This day was as full of joy for Aurangzeb as it was 
 full of sadness for Dara. The latter, receiving a 
 report of the carrying out of the above design, fell 
 into a great rage with Champat, who had given his 
 word that in no case would he allow Aurangzeb to 
 cross, and it was for this reason that Dara had not 
 
TRAITOROUS ADVICE TO DARA 57 
 
 blocked the ford in question. When the news came 
 that Aurangzeb had actually crossed, Dara was 
 desirous of moving personally in pursuit of him. 
 
 He was, however, well advised by the General 
 Hebraim Can (Ibrahim Khan), son of Alimerda Can 
 ('All Mardan Khan), to send instead, with the greatest 
 expedition, twelve thousand horsemen to fall suddenly 
 upon Aurangzeb and his soldiers, who were much 
 fatigued, very scattered, and lying about on the river 
 bank. But the traitor Khaltlullah Khan, having heard 
 that Dara had decided to make this attempt, came to 
 him and said that it was inadvisable, it would not add 
 to his credit or reputation. For, of a certainty, the 
 name and fame of any victory would accrue to the 
 commander, and not to his Highness. He ought not 
 to listen to the advice of these boys, quite inexperi- 
 enced in war, and it was a mistake to detach those 
 twelve thousand cavalry from his division, for by so 
 doing the victory which was now a certainty would 
 become doubtful. The following day we marched in 
 pursuit of Aurangzeb, but it was already too late. 
 For during the night, and very early on the following 
 morning, almost the whole remaining army of Aurang- 
 zeb came up, and, quitting the river, we arrived in an 
 extensive plain. 
 
 It was the ist of June of one thousand six hundred 
 and fifty-six (i.e. 1658). We made use with great labour 
 of the water in the ponds in the open fields, and the heat 
 was stifling. Between the two armies there was not 
 more than a league and a halfs distance. During the 
 time we were taking up ground for our army, the rest 
 of Aurangzeb's force continued to join his ranks, but 
 the whole of his artillery and baggage had not arrived. 
 Having detailed information of everything in Aurang- 
 zeb's force, and knowing his men were exhausted, 
 Dara wanted to commence the action. But the 
 traitors intervened on astrological grounds by saying 
 that neither the day nor the hour was favourable. He 
 must postpone the battle. He was already sure of the 
 5* 
 
58 BATTLE DELAYED 
 
 victory, because he had a good army, with valiant and 
 high-spirited soldiers quite sufficiently numerous for 
 the destruction of Aurangzeb, who in comparison 
 to him was an invisible speck on this earth. All 
 this they did solely that Aurangzeb might have time 
 to take rest, to refresh his people, and secure the 
 arrival of his guns. 
 
 The traitors had made an agreement with Aurangzeb 
 that when he was ready to give battle he should warn 
 them by three discharges of cannon, and thereupon 
 they would make dispositions for delivering Dara into 
 his hands. Meanwhile Aurangzeb gave proof of how 
 he understood recompensing those who helped him in 
 his unjust undertaking. He caused his friend Champat 
 to be sent for, who was waiting not far from his tents, 
 in expectation of the many favours and presents pro- 
 mised to him. When he reached the presence, having 
 no anticipation of what was about to happen to him, 
 Aurangzeb instantly caused him to be bound, and 
 carried to the route along which he designed to 
 advance next morning to give battle ; there he was to 
 be offered up a sacrificial victim and beheaded. This 
 command was executed. 
 
 On the 2nd of June (1658) Dara received a letter 
 from his father Shahjahan, directing his retreat to 
 Agrah, there to entrench himself until the arrival of 
 Sulaiman Shukoh. This could not be done, because 
 if Dara retreated, the enemy would without fail 
 resume his advance with still greater spirit, while 
 our troops would lose all confidence in the valour of 
 their prince and commander. They would imagine 
 if he retired that he had not the courage to attack. 
 The greater part of our army, directly they saw such 
 a movement, would inevitably transfer themselves to 
 the enemy's side. 
 
 So far was Dara from following the advice of his 
 father that he had, on the contrary, made up his mind 
 to deliver battle. In reply to his father, he wrote that 
 he ought to take his ease and keep in good heart. He 
 
DAWN OF BATTLE DAY 59 
 
 promised him that within three days he would drag 
 Aurangzeb and Murad Bakhsh bound into his 
 presence, when he might punish them as he saw 
 fit. The truth is that he (Dara) wished to fight on 
 the 3rd of June, a Saturday. But the traitors, taking 
 advantage of a shower of rain which fell in our camp, 
 said it was not a good time to attack, for already the 
 skies wept over his defeat as soon as they heard that 
 he meant to fight. It would be much better to delay 
 until the next day, which was known to be the first 
 day, when God created light a very auspicious day 
 on which, without doubt, he would be victorious. All 
 this they said because if Dara had attacked the enemy 
 on that day he would have gained a certain victory. 
 For Aurangzeb had not then his ranks in proper order, 
 nor had the agreed-on signal been given. 
 
 The presumption that I found in Dara afflicted me, 
 seeing him give credit to the words of traitors. But I 
 consoled myself a good deal, being young, with the 
 hope of getting some experience of war. On the 
 whole I did not feel satisfied, finding that Dara was 
 not making the exertions required for the good 
 ordering of such a huge army. He had not sufficient 
 experience in matters of war, having been brought up 
 among the dancing-women and buffoons of his father, 
 and gave undue credit to the words of the traitors. 
 
 On the 3rd of June, at midnight, the enemy fired 
 three pieces of artillery, the signal agreed upon with 
 the traitors, showing them that Aurangzeb had now 
 made his dispositions for giving battle at daybreak. 
 We replied with three other shots. After one hour 
 had elapsed Dara emerged from the camp through 
 the midst of our artillery, for which it was necessary 
 to take down my tent to allow a passage for his exit 
 with the few cavalry in his retinue. 
 
 A short time afterwards I mounted my horse and 
 went forth out of curiosity to know what was going 
 on, this being the first battle that I had been able to 
 see. Trusting to my good horse, I went on, and 
 
60 DISPOSITION OF THE ARMIES 
 
 halted on a height adjoining an uninhabited village ; 
 thence I saw, though it was still dark, many horsemen 
 leave our army for that of Aurangzeb, and never 
 return. 
 
 Almost at daybreak there came forth from the 
 army of Aurangzeb several camels laden with bombs, 
 escorted by some horsemen and many men on foot, 
 who halted in the village and distributed themselves 
 at considerable distances. As the light grew clearer 
 I saw that Aurangzeb was advancing very leisurely 
 with his whole army. It was formed into five divisions 
 of cavalry. 
 
 In the first division, placed in the middle, was the 
 strong and valiant Aurangzeb seated on a large 
 elephant, accompanied by fifteen thousand horsemen 
 well armed with lances, bows and arrows, and match- 
 locks. At his right hand he had his son, Sultan 
 Muhammad, and Mfrbaba (Mir Baba) his foster- 
 brother, to whom on this occasion he gave the title 
 of Badercan (Bahadur Khan) at the head of another 
 fifteen thousand horsemen. The third division, on the 
 right hand of Sultan Muhammad, had also fifteen 
 thousand horse under the command of Nezebetcan 
 (Najabat Khan) and other generals. The fourth 
 division was composed of another fifteen thousand 
 well-armed cavalr}^ with whom was Prince Murad 
 Bakhsh, seated on a lofty elephant, which rose like a 
 tower in the midst of his squadrons. With him sat 
 his little son. 
 
 The remainder of Aurangzeb's army consisted of 
 one division of problematical value, made up of low- 
 class men of unwarlike habits, in addition to baggage, 
 carts, camels, and unloaded oxen ; these had their 
 place on the left of Murad Bakhsh. Behind followed 
 all the artillery. As this army continued its advance 
 in tranquillity, so I in the same manner retired until I 
 saw that they had arrived close to the deserted village. 
 Then the artillery was ordered to the front, behind 
 them the musketeers, behind them again some camels 
 
DISPOSITION OF THE ARMIES 61 
 
 carrying swivel guns (trilhoens). In their rear was the 
 army, as I have above described. I answer for all this 
 with all confidence. 
 
 I awaited the approach of our army in order to take 
 my place. But seeing from afar that it did not stir, 1 
 went back close to it, where there were several scat- 
 tered horsemen. There I halted to look at it, and 
 consider our great army and its disposition. I noticed 
 that while I had been away to look at the army of 
 Aurangzeb, Dara had arrayed his forces in the 
 following order : The artillery was all in one row, 
 and each carriage bore two scarlet pennons. This 
 row of guns served as a wall to protect the musketeers 
 behind it, to the number of twenty-five thousand men. 
 These were supported by five hundred camels with 
 swivel guns (trilhoens), to their rear stood the armour- 
 clad elephants, and then the cavalry, twenty-eight 
 thousand horsemen. Last of all was Dara on his 
 magnificent elephant, followed by numerous elephants 
 carrying drums, trumpets, and all manner of music, 
 forming his retinue. 
 
 In the division to the right of Dara was Ramsing 
 Rotella (Ram Singh, Rathor) with his fifteen thousand 
 Rajputs, all well-armed men of war. On their right 
 was Khalflullah Khan with thirty thousand Moguls, 
 whose orders were to encounter the miscellaneous 
 division of which I spoke, this being his (Khalflullah 
 Khan's) own pretext. On the left of Dara was posted 
 the valorous General Rustomcan Dacanj(Rustam Khan, 
 Dakhini) with fifteen thousand horse in all ; at his 
 left Raja Chartersilara (Chhatarsal Rae) with fifteen 
 thousand horsemen, the greater part of them Rajputs. 
 All this array made a lovely sight, both by the beauty 
 of the arms and by the number of the standards and 
 pennons of so many colours. 
 
 Be it known to the reader that these two armies 
 were not ordered in the disposition obtaining in Europe. 
 But one division was close to another as the trees of a 
 pinewood, in the order that I have described. 
 
62 FIRST ATTACK 
 
 I remained where I was in safety, there being no 
 firing from either side. It was already eight o'clock of 
 the day, when there came an order from our army that 
 all the scattered horsemen must retire, because they 
 wanted to discharge the artillery. Thereupon every- 
 one withdrew into the army, and a poor Mogul cavalier 
 riding behind me, not getting back in time, fell at the 
 first fire of our artillery. Repeated orders poured in to 
 keep up a continuous artillery fire, although the shot 
 did no damage. They fell short of Aurangzeb's men, 
 who were at a great distance from us. I was much 
 amazed at their making us work thus for nothing. 
 During the time that we were making this deafening 
 din with our guns the enemy saluted us with nothing 
 but a few bombs with tails, after the style of rockets. 
 
 After the first discharge Aurangzeb ordered one of 
 his pieces of artillery to be fired in continuation of the 
 signal to the traitors. After we had fired again several 
 times he let off two pieces together. When we had 
 fired ten times he replied with three pieces at once. 
 This was the desired signal by which he was to let the 
 traitors know that he was prepared to receive attack 
 where he was, without moving towards Dara. Then, 
 leaving his division, Khalllullah Khan came in search 
 of Dara. On reaching his presence he greeted him as 
 victor, speaking thus : " May the victory be auspicious 
 to the invincible Dara. Without'losing any of his men, 
 solely by use of his artillery he has destroyed the 
 greater part of the enemy, and little effort remains to 
 gain a complete victory. It is not desirable to continue 
 the artillery fire, but we must now advance and lay 
 hold of the enemy." 
 
 Orders were given not to discharge the artillery any 
 more, and the well-reputed General Rustam Khan was 
 sent for in order to hear what he advised. When the 
 latter heard the views of Khaltlullah Khan, he replied 
 that it would be better to await the enemy and leave 
 him to attack us, for he had come a great distance to 
 seek us, and, according to usage, he could not avoid 
 
AN ILL-ADVISED ADVANCE 63 
 
 being the attacker. When he came on we could 
 receive him with the fury and valour befitting the 
 advantage that we had over him. 
 
 This advice was most prudent, but the cunning 
 Khalilullah Khan turned it into disparagement of 
 Rustam Khan, saying : " I am greatly amazed that a 
 captain so famous should tell us at such a juncture to 
 show ourselves such cowards and of so little courage 
 that after we have almost destroyed the enemy, we 
 should } 7 et be afraid to take the offensive." Dara, 
 without listening to other arguments, adopted the 
 counsels of Khalilullah Khan, and set his elephant in 
 motion in order to attack the enemy with his heavy 
 divisions. Orders were given to Rustam Khan to 
 return to his division, and give evidence of his 
 well-known valour. The artillery was ordered to be 
 unchained to allow the troops to pass through the line. 
 
 Khalilullah Khan, pleased at having accomplished 
 his purpose of exposing Dara to the risk of death, went 
 with him half-way and then returned to his own 
 command, the enemy being still at some distance. On 
 this side, when Dara started with his division against 
 the enemy, everything fell into confusion. The barbers, 
 butchers, and the rest turned right about face, abandon- 
 ing the artillerymen and the guns. Many made for the 
 baggage train to plunder it, which they did, breaking 
 open the chests of silver and gold and carrying off 
 what they could lay hands on. This resulted in 
 many men being murdered while trying to rob their 
 companions. 
 
 Dara pursued his route courageously, making signs 
 with his hands from the top of his elephant that all 
 should hasten to take part in the victory. To this 
 intent he ordered his drums to beat. I admired Dara's 
 high spirit, and I noticed that the enemy did not stir, 
 contenting himself with a discharge of shells until 
 Dara had come quite close. Then all of a sudden the 
 enemy discharged his cannon, musketry, and swivel 
 pieces, which struck us and frightened numbers of our 
 
64 DARA'S BOLDNESS SUCCESSFUL 
 
 men, who scattered this way and that. Finding himself 
 in imminent peril, Dara ordered the guns to be dragged 
 forward and the musket-men to advance, the franquis 
 (Europeans) were also to join the movement. But it 
 was no longer time, for all his men were in disarray, 
 and everyone had taken his own road. 
 
 In spite of all this he (Dara) did not lose heart, but 
 waving his hands made signs to continue the advance. 
 Then Rustam Khan and Chhatar Sal Rae, although 
 they had suffered by the first discharge of the enemy, 
 came up and collected as many fresh men as they could. 
 Dara did the same. Then with such vigour, courage, 
 wrath, and violence did he attack his opponents that 
 he broke through the guns and penetrated to their 
 camp, putting to rout camels, infantry, and everything 
 that was to be found in that direction. 
 
 Seeing the boldness of Dara, the enemy sent as 
 reinforcement a large division led by Secmir (Shekh 
 Mir), teacher of Aurangzeb, and other famous captains. 
 This body made all haste, and at this point arose the 
 hottest of the fighting on both sides. At length, 
 coming to closer quarters, they took to their swords 
 with the greatest vigour. Dara continued to hold his 
 ground, seated on his elephant, shouting and making 
 signs with his hands. He advanced always with the 
 greatest composure, until, unable to bear up against 
 this stout resistance, the enemy was forced to retire. 
 
 I saw in this action, as in so many others where I 
 was afterwards present, that the only soldiers who 
 fought were those well to the front. Of those more to 
 the rear, although holding their bared swords in their 
 hands, the Moguls did nothing but shout " Boquox, 
 boquox ! " (Ba-kush, ba-kush /), and the Indians " Mar, 
 mar!" (Mar, mar!) that is to say, "Kill, kill!" If 
 those in the front advanced, those behind followed the 
 example, and if the former retired the others fled, a 
 custom of Hindustan quite contrary to that of Europe ; 
 and if they begin to take flight, by no method is it 
 possible to stop them. 
 
AURANGZEB IN DANGER 65 
 
 Owing to the great disorder of his people, caused 
 by the valour of Dara, Aurangzeb, who was not very 
 far away, ran great risk of being taken. But he dis- 
 regarded the danger, and ordered a large division of 
 his best cavalry, which was close at hand, to take up 
 the resistance to Dara's advance. He tried to raise 
 the courage of the few soldiers left to him by calling 
 to the principal men, each by his name, saying : 
 u Mardaney delavaram bahader vactas " (Mardanl, 
 dilaivaran-i-bahadur ! waqt ast /) that is to say, "Men 
 of power, valour, and courage ! now is the time ! " 
 Then, raising his hands to heaven, he exclaimed : 
 11 Hia Coda! hia Coda!" (Yd Khuda! Yd Khuda /) 
 " O God ! O God ! in you is my trust ! I will sooner 
 die on this spot than give way." Placing his hands 
 upon his morion, he ordered them to attach iron 
 chains to the feet of his elephant as an attestation 
 of his resolve. He pricked his elephant a little 
 onward to reanimate the leaders who had gathered 
 round him, all pledging him their word that they 
 would yield their lives in his sight rather than recede 
 one single step. 
 
 Dara's design was to continue his advance until he 
 had closed with Aurangzeb, and could attack him in 
 person ; but, owing to the difficulties of the ground 
 and to the fatigue that overcame him, he made a short 
 halt. This hindered his winning the day ; for if he 
 had kept his original rate of progress, and maintained 
 the vigour of his onslaught, the victory was his. 
 Aurangzeb could have made no resistance with the 
 small force left round him, for with a few men it was 
 not possible to repel his enemy's victorious fighters, 
 full of bravery and strength. 
 
 But Aurangzeb's lucky star worked in his favour, 
 for while Dara was still halted news came to him 
 that Chhatar Sal Rae had been routed and killed by 
 Najabat Khan's force. Subsequently another still more 
 unhappy report reached him (Dara). Rustam Khan 
 who fought against Sultan Muhammad and Bahadur 
 
66 EVIL TIDINGS 
 
 Khan, was also dead and his division in disorder. 
 These leaders were killed by the traitors in their 
 ranks, it being the more easy to kill them that they 
 were riding on high elephants. 
 
 Learning that the troops of the two deceased 
 generals were still fighting valorously, he (Dara) 
 turned off to reinforce those divisions, doing his 
 work so effectually that he routed Sultan Muhammad 
 and Najabat Khan, and failed not at all in that which 
 is expected of a valiant general. If that coward 
 traitor, Khalilullah Khan, had made the slightest 
 effort in support of his Prince Dara, there can be no 
 doubt that this day would have seen the destruction 
 of the rebels, and have become a consolation to 
 Shahjahan, a glory to Dara, and a day of peace for all 
 Hindustan. For Shah Shuja', although a valiant 
 soldier, had not a large army, nor had he much sense, 
 and it would have been possible to defeat him quickly, 
 of which we will speak hereafter. 
 
 But it seems as if God meant to punish the sins 
 and lasciviousness of Shahjahan and the overweening 
 pride of Hindustan ; for there came once more to 
 Dara a piece of news still more overwhelming that 
 is, the death of Ram Singh, Rathor. This rajah 
 attacked with such energy the Prince Murad Bakhsh 
 that he penetrated the enemy's ranks and gave them 
 much to do. He dispersed their vanguard with his brave 
 Rajputs, captured their artillery, and, coming close 
 up to Murad Bakhsh, stuck his elephant and its howdah 
 full of arrows, and killed the cornac, or man who guides 
 the elephant. Finally they planted three arrows in 
 the face of Murad Bakhsh. He had as much as he 
 could do to defend his life, to guide his elephant, and 
 look after his restless infant son. The boy was so 
 anxious to see what was going on that his father 
 was forced to cover him with his shield and place one 
 foot over his head. 
 
 There was no one on Aurangzeb's side who fought 
 so well as this prince. Raging at this resistance, and 
 
DEATH OF RAM SINGH, RATHOR 67 
 
 finding it impossible to slay him, Ram Singh, Rathor, 
 and some of his Rajputs dismounted, and, like raven- 
 ing dogs, leapt on the elephant, hoping to sever the 
 girths by sword-cuts and lance-thrusts, and thus bring 
 Murad Bakhsh to the ground. The latter, seizing the 
 occasion, saw that he could make a good shot, and 
 planted an arrow in the breast of Ram Singh, Rathor, 
 who forthwith fell to the ground. The elephant 
 turned and seized him with its trunk, and, throwing 
 him beneath his feet, finished him off. Thereupon 
 the Rajputs, seeing their beloved captain was dead, 
 increased in rage and fury, and battled more violently 
 than ever. 
 
 Already a victor in three encounters, Dara, when 
 he heard this report, hastened with greater courage 
 than ever to the reinforcement of the Rajputs against 
 Murad Bakhsh. He felt certain that if this brother 
 were put to death he could easily gain his purpose. 
 But his evil fate would not concede to him the effecting 
 of this, however great and glorious he held himself 
 to be. There now came to pass a treason that had 
 never been looked for, such as none had ever seen, 
 none could ever have imagined. It was the cause of 
 Dara's total loss and ruin, although this did not appear 
 at the time. 
 
 What happened was that the astute traitor Khalt- 
 lullah Khan, using the pretext of a good chance of 
 seizing Aurangzeb, came to Dara and acclaimed him 
 as victor, and spoke to him thus : " I know well that 
 I have been in many battles and campaigns, and beheld 
 the mighty deeds of renowned warriors, yet never 
 have I heard of a prince like your Highness, who, 
 appearing for the first time in the battlefield, accom- 
 plished such valiant acts. One thing alone remains 
 to display to the world your qualities that is, the 
 capture of Aurangzeb. I feel compassion for the 
 fatigues your Highness has already undergone, but 
 it would be wrong to lose such a good opportunity. 
 Yonder stands Aurangzeb with a scanty following ; 
 
68 THE TRAITOR, KHALILULLAH KHAN 
 
 let us go at once and seize him, as can be done 
 without any difficulty. Let your highness be pleased 
 to descend from your elephant and mount your horse, 
 and ride at the head of your own cavalry and the 
 squadrons committed to my charge. We will go to- 
 gether to the attack. It was for this alone that I saved 
 my division, seeing that up to now there was no 
 necessity for my engaging." 
 
 Poor Dara ! Without fully considering what he was 
 doing and what would follow when he was no longer 
 to be seen on his elephant, towards which all turned 
 their gaze, but relying on the soft words oi Khalilullah 
 Khan, by which he allowed himself to be persuaded 
 and deceived, he took the advice, as it appeared to 
 him that what had been said was very true. He 
 alighted from his elephant, and this was as if he had 
 quitted victory ; for the soldiers and commanders, who 
 in the midst of battle kept an eye on Dara, not seeing 
 him on his elephant, assumed that he must be already 
 dead. For this reason they were thrown into great 
 confusion. 
 
 I myself was in great astonishment and dismay, 
 not knowing what to imagine, finding all in confusion, 
 and Dara no longer on his elephant ; meanwhile the 
 whole army was fleeing to the rear, like dark clouds 
 blown by a high wind, seeking safety for their lives 
 in the belief that Aurangzeb, although still at a good 
 distance, was already upon us. Dara, on beholding 
 this great confusion and flight, fell into deep thought, 
 and saw now the mistake he had made, and the plot 
 laid for him by Khalilullah Khan. He repented him 
 of the fault, but it was too late. Full of wrath and 
 raging, he asked where was the traitor Khalilullah 
 Khan. Let him be sought for and brought, for he 
 meant to slay him. But the traitor was already afar 
 off. His lord having dismounted from his elephant, 
 and mounted his horse, he (Kbalflullah Khan) rejoined 
 his division, with the object of transferring himself 
 and his soldiers to the side of Aurangzeb. The 
 
DARA'S FLIGHT 69 
 
 soldiers who followed him did not exceed five thou- 
 sand horsemen ; the rest of those under his command 
 were soldiers of King Shahjahan. But these latter 
 fell into disorder like the others, finding themselves 
 without a leader to direct them, owing to the treachery 
 that had occurred. 
 
 These events of the battle which I have related 
 occupied some three hours. The affair beginning at 
 nine o'clock in the morning, it was near midday that 
 the rout took place. A great many men and a still 
 greater number of horses and other animals were 
 killed. The reason of this was that our horses were 
 much out of condition, and not used to the heavy 
 work of a battle, while, on the contrary, Aurangzeb's 
 horses were not overfed, and were used to work. 
 Other causes were the great heat prevailing, the want 
 of water, and the excessive dust. It seemed to me 
 more died this way than by injury from weapons. 
 
 [Finding that the day was lost, and that it was 
 impossible to rally his scattered army, Dara took 
 flight in the direction of Agrah.] 
 
 The miserable and unfortunate Dara, by a hurried 
 flight, reached the gates of the Agrah fortress at 
 nine o'clock at night, and sought some repose. But 
 he did not want to enter, fearing that Aurangzeb 
 might invest it, and thus prevent his exit, when he 
 would fall a prisoner, and be abandoned by everyone. 
 At the same time he was greatly ashamed at appear- 
 ing before his father. He remembered that Shahjahan 
 had wished to be present in the battle, but he had 
 withheld consent, whereat he was now exceeding 
 sorry. So far had he lost his wits that he knew not 
 what he said or did. 
 
 He sent this message to Shahjahan, his father, and 
 his well-beloved sister, Begam Sahib : " What has 
 now happened to me is what you foretold." He 
 grieved them much, but as they loved him, in place 
 of repining at his evil fate, and in spite of all differ- 
 ences, the good old man his father sent to him a 
 6 
 
70 DARA AT AGRAH 
 
 faithful eunuch called Faim (Fahim) to console him 
 (Dara), and assure him that he still cherished for him, 
 and would for ever cherish, the same love and strong 
 friendship that he had always had for him ; he felt 
 deeply the misfortune that had befallen him. But he 
 must not despair. There was still the other great 
 army under Sulaiman Shukoh ; with it he could 
 renew the attack on the rebels, and routing them 
 inflict vengeance on them for their temerity. 
 
 At the same time Shahjahan ordered to be sent to 
 Dara mules laden with gold coin. He suggested his 
 proceeding to the city of Dihli, and taking all the 
 horses and elephants in the royal stables. Orders 
 were sent to the governor of Dihli to open the gates 
 to Dara, and to deliver to him the fortress, with all 
 the treasures and other things within it. He was to 
 be received with the same ceremonial and deference 
 as if it were he (Shahjahan) in propria persona. For 
 the execution of these orders trusty and well-known 
 persons were sent in his suite, carrying letters to the 
 above effect. He was advised to remain in Dihli, and 
 not proceed farther. He (Shahjahan) gave his word 
 of honour that he would do all he could to seize and 
 chastise Aurangzeb. He would keep him (Dara) in- 
 formed of everything that happened. 
 
 The eunuch delivered this speech, but Dara was 
 to such an extent confused, enfeebled, and cast down, 
 with his thoughts wandering and his mind full of 
 tribulation, that he was unable to utter a word, and 
 lay writhing on the ground. The eunuch tried all 
 he could to console him on seeing him in this deep 
 affliction, but he could not extract a single sensible 
 word. 
 
 His sister, Begam Sahib, sent another faithful 
 eunuch to him with some valuable jewels. She ex- 
 pressed her deep grief, telling him that she was even 
 more discomfited than he; but she had not lost all 
 hope of seeing him reign peacefully, that ever would 
 she petition God in her prayers to look favourably 
 
DARA AT DIHLI AND LAHOR 71 
 
 on him. After this talk Dara repaired hurriedly to 
 his mansion, and ordered the removal of all the 
 precious stones that could be carried off. At mid- 
 night he made a start, taking with him his three 
 wives, his daughter, Jani Begom (Jan! Begam), his 
 little son, Super Xacu (Sipihr Shukoh), and some 
 chosen slave girls. On his departure for the city 
 of Dihli he was followed by some five hundred 
 soldiers, for the most part slaves of his household. 
 It was a great affliction to see such a down-come. 
 
 On arriving at the city of Dihli he sent at once 
 the orders of his father to the governor, requiring 
 him to make over the fortress. But the governor, 
 already averted by the letters of Aurangzeb, to whom 
 he was well affected, declined to comply with Shah- 
 jahan's orders. Thus the unhappy Dara was forced, 
 after seizing what horses there were in the royal 
 stables, to resume his march, and make for Lahor. 
 Seeing our total defeat, I made in haste for the city 
 of Agrah, where I arrived at ten o'clock at night. 
 The whole city was in an uproar, for a Portuguese 
 called Antonio de Azevedo, who early in the battle 
 had witnessed the plunder of the baggage, rode off 
 at full speed. On arriving at the city of Agrah, at 
 two o'clock in the afternoon, his horse fell dead at 
 his door. Thus the news spread that Dara had lost 
 the battle, and the confusion was increased by Dara's 
 own arrival. The curiosity of everyone was aroused 
 to know how the defeat had happened, and men asked 
 each passer-by about the safety of his master. This 
 happened to me. An old woman asked me what had 
 become of Khalilullah Khan. Owing to the rage I 
 was in at his treachery, I replied at once that I was 
 present when he was torn to pieces. The old woman 
 was very disconsolate, and hastening her steps went 
 off to give this news at his house. Much weeping and 
 lamenting was caused thereby, they supposing it to 
 be the truth, for I had entered into some details on 
 purpose. 
 
72 MANUCCI TRIES TO LEAVE AGRAH 
 
 On learning that Dara was resuming his journey 
 and making for Dihli, I decided that very instant 
 upon rejoining him. But my steed was so worn out 
 that he could hardly stand, just as were those of 
 everyone who reached the city that night. I decided 
 to take a rest for twenty-four hours, and after that to 
 start and go in search of Dara. 
 
 Aurangzeb showed no want of promptitude in carry- 
 ing out his designs. Within twenty-four hours he 
 dispatched Bahadur Khan with several troops of 
 cavalry to occupy the road to and from Agrah on the 
 west. This was to hinder anyone following Dara. 
 As a result, the first men to take to the road before 
 the day dawned, among them several Europeans, 
 found free passage ; but the rest, not knowing that 
 Bahadur Khan was already in position, started on the 
 journey, only to be plundered of all they carried 
 and sent away with a good beating, coming back to 
 the city. 
 
 Without knowing these facts, at nine o'clock in the 
 morning I made a start, riding my horse, followed by 
 a loaded camel and some servants. Issuing from the 
 city, I saw several squadrons dispersed in the plain. 
 As I imagined these to be our men, I decided to join 
 them. Then I saw that a body of some five hundred 
 horsemen with its commander was bearing down upon 
 me. On its drawing near, the leader advanced from 
 it, attended by two horsemen. When quite close he 
 asked me lovingly where I was going. I replied with- 
 out subterfuge that I was on my way to find my 
 master Dara. He took compassion on my youth and 
 innocence, and said to me that if I followed his advice 
 I should return home, for if I proceeded farther I ran 
 great risk of losing my life. This captain was so 
 generous that, to protect me, he escorted me safely to 
 my house. 
 
 If he had not done this, there can be little doubt I 
 should have been plundered by others posted on the 
 road, or even by his own soldiers, who betrayed 
 
AURANGZEB AND HIS DESIGNS 73 
 
 every desire to plunder me had he not prevented 
 them. Seeing me into my house unharmed, he advised 
 me not to leave it again. The government had already 
 changed hands, and Aurangzeb was victor. For that 
 time I had escaped, and I looked out for a safer 
 opportunity to start in search of Dara, for whom I had 
 a great affection. If Aurangzeb had not barred the 
 way, all Dara's people would have gone on to rejoin 
 him. But they could not then do it, as I have told 
 you, for they came in tired out by their flight, and 
 their horses quite exhausted. 
 
 I remained in the city of Agrah, and observed the 
 way in which Aurangzeb forwarded his designs. For 
 on the eighth of the month of June, one thousand six 
 hundred and fifty-six (correctly, 1658), four days after 
 the battle, Aurangzeb and Murad Bakhsh arrived at 
 Agrah. They posted their army close to a garden 
 called Zafarabad (Ja'farabad or Zafarabad) near the 
 city, at a distance of two miles. Thence Aurangzeb 
 sent his eunuch, called Fahim, an able, astute, and 
 loyal person, to visit his father, carrying a thousand 
 beautiful protestations of love and submission. He 
 professed to be much affected by what had passed, his 
 excuse being that the ambitious and evil thoughts of 
 Dara had forced him into resorting to all these ex- 
 tremities. As for the rest, he was highly elated at the 
 good news of his (Shahjahan's) better health. He 
 was now at the capital, ready to receive and obey his 
 orders. 
 
 The eunuch Fahim made no stint either of obeis- 
 ances or of soft and humble speeches. He dwelt on 
 the goodwill and excellent intentions of Aurangzeb. 
 Nor, on the other hand, was Shahjahan wanting in a 
 plentiful display of loving satisfaction. 
 
 [There was much finessing, plots, and counterplots 
 on both sides ; but Aurangzeb had well-laid plans, and 
 finally succeeded in occupying the fortress of Agrah 
 and in making his father a prisoner.] 
 
 Finding himself already practically with control 
 6* 
 
74 MANUCCI STARTS FOR DIHLl 
 
 over all the nobles at court, and Shahjahan securely 
 lodged in prison, Aurangzeb appointed his maternal 
 uncle Shaistah Khan, governor of the city of Agrah. 
 Taking out of the treasury whatever money he 
 wanted, he and Murad Bakhsh started in pursuit 
 of Dara. The latter was already in Lahor raising a 
 new army, having lost all hope of aid from Sulaiman 
 Shukoh. 
 
 On the day that the two armies quitted Agrah, 
 which was in the beginning of June, I disguised my- 
 self as a holy mendicant and joined their train, mean- 
 ing to stick to the service of Dara. The eunuch 
 Shahbaz and the more intimate friends of Murad 
 Bakhsh advised him to allow Aurangzeb to go after 
 Dara by himself, while he should conduct an invest- 
 ment of Agrah and Dibit with his army, which was 
 already far larger than before. But, not perceiving 
 the finessing and wiliness of Aurangzeb, he relied on 
 the promises and oaths of fidelity which had been 
 made to him upon the Alcorao (the Quran). He 
 neglected to listen to these faithful men, and allowed 
 himself to be played with by that fabricator and 
 deceiver. 
 
 [Before the armies reached Dibit, Aurangzeb had 
 carried out his intention of making his brother Murad 
 Bakbsh a prisoner, and Manucci, anxious to rejoin 
 his master, completed the last part of the journey 
 alone.] 
 
 " Beholding all this [the capture of Murad Bakhsh] 
 and hearing that Dara had decided to raise a fresh 
 army in the province of Lahor, I started as a humble 
 mendicant for the city of Dibit There I remained 
 some fifteen days, awaiting the assembling of more 
 travellers. For the villagers and thieves were plunder- 
 ing the highways, and created a good deal of tribula- 
 tion to travellers, robbing them and slaying them. 
 They were forced to do their stages with arms ready 
 in their hands, while pursuing their way. Each night 
 we took shelter in the saracs, where we were able to 
 
ADVENTURES ON THE WAY 75 
 
 take some rest in security. Every day we halted at 
 noon to feed and rest the animals, and at two in the 
 afternoon we resumed our march, until we reached 
 another same somewhere before sunset. Once on 
 this journey we were resting at midday near a town 
 called Panipat (Panipat), distant from Dihl! four days' 
 journey. When the time came to start again, my 
 cart-man could not be found, and the convo}' set out. 
 1 knew not what to do, for after a good deal of effort 
 I was unable to get hold of my cart-driver. By this 
 trouble I was much put out, for I found that the oxen 
 would not obey me, nor could I travel on foot, for 
 fear of being attacked. The men of the place sur- 
 rounded me, and wanted to rob me, which they did 
 not do only because I had nothing. I was much 
 perplexed. They advised me to continue my route, 
 for during the night (as they assumed) someone would 
 be able to kill me. 
 
 Meanwhile my cart-driver turned up ; he came 
 running in great haste from the halting-place. As 
 soon as he got near me I fell upon him in a great 
 rage and gave him a sound beating. I knew not 
 the favour that had been accorded me by Divine 
 Providence, which in sui disposition* non falitur, and 
 even does us the most benefit when it seems the 
 most against us. I started on my road, and the cart- 
 man wanted to hurry, fancying that he could catch 
 up the rest of the party, who were two hours ahead 
 of us, and thereby enter into my good graces again. 
 But I assured him we could never overtake them, 
 anyhow, could not reach the sarae. He had better 
 drive on at a moderate pace. Still displeased with 
 the cart-man, I inquired why he had been so heedless, 
 knowing the perils existing on the road. He replied 
 that, overcome by his necessities, he had gone some 
 distance from the town, and then there had come 
 on him heavy sleep, so that he had been unable 
 to wake sooner; this was the cause of his delay. 
 
 During this conversation we had entered into a 
 
;6 A LUCKY ESCAPE 
 
 wood, through which we had to pass. When within 
 it I beheld with terror the greater number of our 
 party heaped together, either decapitated or wounded, 
 and all plundered and ruined ; the few who survived 
 were stripped naked. The cart-man, frightened to 
 death at the spectacle, wanted to drive off with his 
 cart across the jungle without attending the dead and 
 wounded lying on the road. I told him to go slowly, 
 that there was nothing to be afraid of, for the danger 
 had passed (although I was a good deal frightened 
 myself). I found one poor creature lying in the 
 middle of the road with a spear thrust through him, 
 who, raising his hands to heaven, prayed me to help 
 him. Taking compassion on him, I stretched forth 
 my hand to lift him into my cart, whereupon the 
 driver pricked up his bullocks, and did not give me 
 the chance of doing this deed of charity. 
 
 We went on our way, and coming forth from the 
 wood, I noticed that the inhabitants of the village 
 where we were to put up appeared before us. Aware 
 of the great mishap that had occurred, when, in 
 spite of all that, they saw a cart appear quietly from 
 such a perilous spot, they were in the greatest amaze- 
 ment, and questioned me as to how I had saved my 
 life. Then I replied that God knew how to deliver 
 poor men from the hands of scoundrels. I continued 
 my journey, always in the fear of thieves, until I 
 reached the river called Bear (Biyas or Biah), where 
 I found an officer, Dautcan (Da,ud Khan), who, 
 quitting Sulaiman Shukoh, had come to join Dara 
 through jungle and desert by a very difficult route, 
 where he had been in fear of his life. This he did for 
 the. love he bore him (Dara). The latter had entrusted 
 him with sufficient artillery, cavalry, and infantry to 
 bar the passage of the river to Aurangzeb. 
 
 I presented myself to him (Da,ud Khan), and as 
 he recognised me he treated me with much honour, 
 and granted me a passport for my onward journey. 
 Without such no one could go on to the city of Lahor. 
 
MANUCCI REJOINS DARA 77 
 
 There I arrived at four o'clock in the afternoon, when 
 Prince Dara was actually seated giving audience. 
 Quitting the cart, I threw my small wallet across 
 my shoulder, and taking in my hands my bow and 
 seven arrows, I entered the palace. When my com- 
 mander Barcandas Can (Barqandaz Khan) saw me, 
 he advanced to greet me ; and after embracing me 
 with great affection, he led me joyfully to the presence 
 of the prince just as I was. There I performed the 
 usual obeisances, and he (Dara) with exceeding glad- 
 ness exclaimed in a loud voice : " Xabas ! xabas ! " 
 (Shabash ! slidbash /) that is to say, " Bravo ! bravo ! " 
 His eyes brimming over with tears, he turned to 
 his officers and said in a troubled tone: "See, you 
 others, the fidelity of this European Farangi lad, who, 
 although neither of my religion nor of my race, nor 
 for long an eater of my salt, having only entered my 
 service when these wars began, came after me with 
 such loyalty through the midst of such dangers ; while 
 those maintained by me for so long, and getting im- 
 mense payments, with base ingratitude and utter 
 disloyalty abandoned me when I had need of them, 
 just as you others have seen." 
 
 After this speech Dara asked if other European 
 Farangis accompanied me. To this I answered that 
 the hardships of the road hindered many from coming, 
 but as they found a chance they would come. Dara 
 ordered a horse to be given to me, which was at once 
 brought. Not liking the look of it, he directed them 
 to give me another and better one. He increased my 
 pay, making it, in place of eighty rupees, one hundred 
 and fifty rupees every month. An order was issued 
 for a present to me of five hundred rupees with a 
 11 serpao " (sarapa). I put up at a house where several 
 of my European friends were staying they had got 
 away from Agrah before it was invested and with 
 them I dwelt. 
 
 Aware that Aurangzeb was drawing nearer and 
 nearer, and distrusting his officers, having a force 
 
78 DEPARTURE OF DARA FOR MULTAN 
 
 insufficient for resistance, Dara sent an order to 
 withdraw the few men and guns posted at the river- 
 crossing. He directed his powder-magazine to be 
 blown up, which was speedily done. He then left 
 Lahor in the end of October one thousand six hundred 
 and fifty-six (correctly 1658). He took with him the 
 whole of his family, and at the head of eight thousand 
 horsemen started for the city of Moltan (Multan), 
 which lies on the bank of the River Ravi, the same 
 river as at Lahor. The distance of that city (Multan) 
 from Lahor is ten days' journey. 
 
 I made up my mind not to march along with Dara, 
 owing to some business, but to leave on the third day. 
 During the second day I passed before the door of 
 the officer second in command of the artillery, a Turk 
 by race, called Rumican (Rumf Khan), who was busy 
 in the preparations and the enlistment of men ; he had 
 also some field-pieces, which he meant to take with 
 him. As soon as he saw me he called me, and as 
 I got near ordered me to dismount at once. He 
 asked me where I was off to, and I answered that 
 I was on my way to make preparations to start for 
 the army. He told me to sit down, and said he also 
 was starting that day; he would send to fetch my 
 baggage, and I could go with him. I was suspicious, 
 believing that he distrusted me, and I concluded that 
 it would not suit me to march with* him ; for then it 
 could be said that he had brought me by force, which 
 would be to my discredit. So I answered him by 
 praying his leave to go to my house to collect some 
 cash and pay my debts, and put together my things ; 
 after that I would come back and join him. But the 
 obstinate Turk would not listen to me nor give me 
 leave, so it came to my deciding absolutely to kill 
 him, if he would not allow me to go. For it was not 
 right for me to be made to march by force. I was in 
 Dara's service, had a good reputation, and wished to 
 rejoin without the slightest delay. Thus I told him 
 that the favours I had received from Dara left me 
 
MANUCCI AND RUMl KHAN 79 
 
 under such an obligation that I would sooner lose 
 my life than miss an occasion to prove my gratitude 
 to my king. For Dara I would sacrifice my person ; 
 and if he did not believe me, let him send twenty 
 horsemen with me to my house, which was close by. 
 I would then come back with them. Thus I spoke 
 to him, having absolutely the intention of killing him, 
 although I should lose my own life, it he refused. 
 But God was good to me! For the Turk accepted 
 this my ultimatum, and sent with me twenty horse- 
 men with express orders to bring me back to his 
 presence. 
 
 I got on my horse highly delighted, and went faster 
 and faster, paying no heed to their telling me to go 
 slowly. They urged on their horses to overtake me. 
 This irritated me, so I turned in my seat with an angry 
 face, and laying hold of my sword, so threatened them 
 that they were afraid and drew back. They contented 
 themselves by following me at a distance until I went 
 in with a rush into the house of a friend, leaving the 
 escort at the door. Directly I had got inside I seized 
 a musket that was standing in a corner, and then went 
 for them, discharging the piece to frighten them. 
 Next, laying hold of my sword, I shouted : " Strike, 
 strike!" though without much hope of success. But 
 they, supposing that there were a number of us, 
 scattered in all directions. 
 
 After the flight of these horsemen, I told my friend 
 to get upon his horse and come along with me. For 
 when the news should reach that officer, he would 
 send a great many soldiers and capture us if we 
 stayed. He would not listen, and leaving him in 
 his house, I mounted on horseback and went outside 
 the city until night came on. Then I came home 
 peacefully. My poor friend had been carried off 
 against his will, as I had prophesied. Next morning 
 I removed such chattels as I could carry with me to 
 the house of another friend. When I was about to 
 bind my bundle on my horse's back, meaning to start 
 
So MANUCCI FOLLOWS DARA 
 
 on my journey to rejoin the army and Prince Dara, 
 there appeared one of the officers set over the kotwdfs 
 pioens (policemen), who was very drunk. This man 
 had complete control over that officer of justice (the 
 kotwat). He began to abuse me, and with harsh 
 words ran down Dara's followers. I dissembled and 
 made use of all my patience, which conquers every- 
 thing, chiefly because I saw that there would soon be 
 a change in the government of the city through the 
 departure of Dara. 
 
 Rendered still more impertinent by my apparent 
 quietude and patience, the officer went on with his 
 insolence. In time he exhausted my patience, and in 
 a rage I picked up a stone, and hurling it with the 
 greatest force, hit him in the mouth, cutting his lips, 
 and sending two teeth down his throat. He fell to the 
 ground and spoke no more. I resumed the tying on 
 of my bundle, and before I mounted gave the fellow 
 several kicks, owing to the rage I was in. 
 
 Taking to my horse, I set out on my way, unaware 
 that the man's servant had gone to tell his men. 
 Having gone only a few paces, I perceived some 
 thirty foot soldiers, all armed, coming hastily in search 
 of me to take vengeance for the affront done to their 
 officer. I wanted to turn back simply that I might 
 rid myself of them. Then I reflected that I should 
 only light upon others lying in wait for me. Fixing 
 my turban more firmly, angry and resolute, sword in 
 hand, I spurred my horse, on which I relied a good 
 deal. I flung myself into their midst, and they, seeing 
 my anger and resolve, were not bold enough to attack 
 me, only having enough presence of mind to salute 
 me and leave me a free passage. They followed me 
 afar off*, relying upon others who had been sent in 
 pursuit. To these it happened as to the first lot, and 
 they all followed me up to my issuing from the city. 
 I then got rid of them and went on my way. 
 
 After three days I arrived in the army of Dara, 
 where I found the officer who had tried to carry me 
 
ARRIVAL AT MULT AN 81 
 
 off by force from Labor. I told him I had come to lay 
 a complaint against him before Dara. He had been 
 the cause of other Europeans not accompanying me, 
 who subsequently had decided to remain where they 
 were owing to the bad way he had treated me. The 
 Turk, on hearing this, embraced me with the greatest 
 submissiveness, and begged me to suppress my 
 grievance for the sake of his good name. 
 
 We continued our marches until the early days of 
 November, when we arrived at Multan, an ancient 
 city where in old days, before the Portuguese were 
 masters of the Eastern seas, there came many cafillas 
 (qdftlah} of merchandise and spices and drugs of India. 
 With us marched the great Da,ud Khan, who, spurred 
 by the loyalty and affection that he had to Dara, would 
 not abandon him, offering him through others to serve 
 him faithfully, as he had done for many years. But 
 Dara did not trust him, led astray by the forged letters 
 that Aurangzeb continued to write. 
 
 To impose on the people of Multan, Dara made 
 believe that he intended to stop in that city and enlist 
 troops. He began to repair the houses in which 
 formerly Aurangzeb lived when he governed that 
 territory. He ordered them to send for the relations 
 of a false prophet, then deceased, called Coia Bahaudim 
 (Khwajah Baha-ud-dm) that is to say, " Price of the 
 Law" one greatly venerated by the Mahomedans, 
 who is buried in the middle of the city in a great dome 
 covered with blue tiles, an ancient building. He 
 earnestly entreated them to intercede for him with 
 Muhammad that he might favour him and give him 
 the victory over Aurangzeb. They gave him their 
 word that without fail they would supplicate Muham- 
 mad ; he might rest assured that his petitions would 
 be considered, being as they were so just. During the 
 following night they would so arrange that they should 
 precede everyone and be the first to receive audience 
 from Muhammad, and thus comply with his Highness's 
 desire. 
 
82 DARA LEAVES MULTAN FOR BHAKKAR 
 
 The following day, very early, Dara took care to 
 have them called so as to know the result of their 
 prayers. They appeared, as this sort of knave knows 
 so well how to do, with downcast faces, and told him 
 that all night long they had been in the presence of 
 Muhammad, but were unable to speak to him, because 
 Aurangzeb was in conversation with him. But 
 without fail they would the following night find an 
 opening for his petitions. In order to gratify them, 
 and bind them still more to his interests, Dara 
 made them a present of twenty-five thousand rupees 
 and a covering of costly stuff to be spread on the 
 tomb of the false prophet (i.e. Baha-ud-din). But on 
 their being sent for again the next morning, they 
 came with the same answer, and it was the same on 
 the third day. 
 
 When Dara was informed that Aurangzeb had left 
 Lahor in pursuit, he lost faith in his prophets and held 
 it best to withdraw from Multan. For this purpose 
 he gave orders that all the boats, five hundred and 
 seven in number, should be made ready for a voyage 
 towards the fortress of Bhakkar. They were loaded 
 with supplies of food requisite for a beleaguered 
 citadel ; they also put on board eight cannon carrying 
 shot of from sixty to one hundred and twenty pounds' 
 weight, besides light artillery, ammunition, and the 
 necessary materiel of war. Each boat carried, more or 
 less, a hundred tons of cargo. 
 
 While Dara was thus preparing to resume his march, 
 Aurangzeb was coming after him by long marches, 
 moving on day and night without halting, at the head 
 of the finest part of his army. These were enough to 
 overcome the small force still attached to Dara. 
 Aurangzeb had left behind the rest of his army with 
 orders to follow. Finding that he was pursued, Dara 
 was compelled to move. He ordered the boats to be 
 started down the river, putting in command of them a 
 valiant eunuch, Coia Vacent (Khwajah Basant) that is 
 to say, " Springtime." The prince left by the land 
 
FIDELITY OF DA,UD KHAN 83 
 
 route at the head of five thousand horsemen and 
 five thousand infantry. Dara's favoured general, 
 Barqandaz Khan, went with him ; most of the others 
 deserted, as did those that he had taken on at Multan, 
 carrying off the large sums of pay that he had dis- 
 bursed to them. 
 
 Much to be marvelled at was the obstinate fidelity 
 of Da,ud Khan. Keeping at a little distance from our 
 troops, he continued to follow. He sent a clear mes- 
 sage to Dara that he might trust him ; he wanted to 
 accompany him whenever the occasion arose, and with 
 his blood would seal the testimony of his loyalty. 
 The prince should accept his advice, and not believe 
 in the forged letters that had fallen into his hands. 
 But Dara, more and more suspicious, sent word to 
 him that, if he were true to him, let him cease to 
 follow him and go his own way. By this time Da,ud 
 Khan saw that it was of no use to try to remain 
 with his well-beloved prince, and sent an answer that 
 he would obey orders on the condition that his dismissal 
 was by writing. 
 
 It was not long before Dara made over to him 
 a paper in which it was stated : " I, Dara, discharge 
 Da,ud Khan, and command him to withdraw from 
 my army, and accord him liberty to serve whom he 
 pleases." What things may not be worked by a 
 falsehood when accepted as true by a prince ! 
 Without reflecting on the evil that might accrue 
 to him, the prince persisted in the unjust impres- 
 sion made upon him. Da,ud Khan received this 
 writing at the city of Vehu (Ochu, perhaps Dchh). 
 Weeping like a child, so that it was pitiful to see 
 him, he exclaimed : " It seems to me as if evil 
 fortune dogged the steps of Dara " ; and therewith 
 he departed. 
 
 Learning the news, Aurangzeb, when he arrived at 
 the city of Multan, detached a force in pursuit of Dara, 
 with orders to capture him if they could ; they were 
 to pursue him wherever he went. Then he sent an 
 
84 ARRIVAL AT THE FORTRESS OF BHAKKAR 
 
 affectionate letter to Da,ud Khan, tempting him with 
 very high pay an offer which was accepted on con- 
 dition that he should not be ordered to take up arms 
 against Dara. This Aurangzeb accorded, and treated 
 him with great consideration, and in that reign he 
 held high appointments. 
 
 We continued our marches, suffering somewhat 
 from failure of supplies, and several times from want 
 of water. We passed through several rough woods, 
 and arrived opposite the fortress of Bhakkar in the 
 middle of the treacherous river of Sind, thus called 
 after the union at this place, distant one hundred and 
 thirty leagues from Multan city, of seven large rivers, 
 which farther on I will tell you about. There we 
 found the valiant eunuch Primavera occupied in the 
 disembarkation of the big guns and the other munitions 
 for the said fortress. At this time Dara received word 
 that Aurangzeb's troops, commanded by Bahadur 
 Khan, sent in pursuit of us, had already arrived 
 quite near. He saw that he could not resist such a 
 strong force ; he therefore ordered, with all possible 
 haste, two thousand selected men Pathans, Sayyids, 
 Mughals, Rajputs twenty-two Europeans of different 
 nationalities, and other servants to occupy the said 
 fortress. The command was given to the eunuch 
 Primavera. The remainder of the army was ordered 
 to cross with the same haste to the other side of the 
 river, and seize all the boats to be found there, in order 
 to hinder the enemy's crossing at that point. 
 
 When I knew of this order I presented myself before 
 Dara, and urgently besought him to take me along 
 with him. With words of exceeding love and tender- 
 ness, he replied that he longed to take every one of us 
 with him ; but it was of the greatest importance to 
 him to make sure of the said stronghold, and for this 
 reason he left us in it, having such great reliance upon 
 our valour and fidelity. I renewed my application, 
 with protestations and entreaties added to tears, indi- 
 cations of the grief I felt at our separation, asking 
 
DARA LEAVES FOR GUJARAT 85 
 
 him to leave all the rest behind and take me along 
 with him. Dara, with a pleased face, repeated 
 that it was desirable that we should all remain 
 in the fortress, seeing that the place was of the 
 greatest use to him against his enemies, that in it 
 were goods which he held as dear as his own 
 person ; and, using other words of much affection, 
 he sent me off. 
 
 I was overcome with tears and sighs at this part- 
 ing, and, seeing the downcast state in which I was 
 quitting the presence, he called me back. He then 
 made me captain of the Europeans, and ordered them 
 to give me five thousand rupees to divide among my 
 men, and doubled my pay. It had been one hundred 
 and fifty, and he made it three hundred rupees. He 
 gave me his word that if God made him king he 
 would create me a noble of his court, and reward my 
 men, in whose loyalty he had much confidence. He 
 added the present of a " serpao " (serapa], and directed 
 that I should receive a boat-load of Persian and Kabul 
 wine. He recommended me earnestly to Primavera 
 the eunuch, and told him to look well after me and 
 my men. After shedding more tears, I left, and went 
 into the fortress with the eunuch, while Dara departed 
 thence, taking all the boats. Hardly had he gone 
 when we heard the drums of the enemy, and the 
 report came in how Aurangzeb had left Multan for 
 the Agrah direction in the greatest haste, in the fear 
 that Sulaiman Shukoh might come down from the 
 mountains of Srinagar. 
 
 After he had sent us away Dara set out for the 
 port of Sindi by land, ordering all the boats to 
 assemble at that place for his departure. Having 
 reached the vicinity of that port, he used all the boats 
 found there to cross the river to the town of Sindi. 
 When he got over, he ordered all the boats that 
 could be found to be collected, so that by this means 
 he might hinder the passage of the enemy then in 
 his pursuit. 
 7 
 
86 BHAKKAR INVESTED 
 
 [Dara finally reached Gujarat, and took possession 
 of the chief city, Ahmadabad.] 
 
 While Dara was renewing his strength in the pro- 
 vince of Gujarat, the enemy began a most vigorous 
 investment of Bhakkar fort, where we were shut up 
 along with the loyal and valiant eunuch Primavera. 
 No one could get out, no one could enter. This 
 fortress is in the middle of the mighty river Sindi 
 (Indus), founded upon the live rock, stones from 
 which could be used as flints for muskets. The for- 
 tress was nine hundred and seventy-five paces long, 
 and five hundred and fifty-three broad. In the middle 
 was a " cavalier " (tower) overlooking both banks of 
 the river. On the east was a large town called Xaquer 
 (Sakkar), and on the west another called Rori ; at a 
 short distance from the fort, towards the north, was a 
 little island known as Coia Quitan (Khwajah Khidr), 
 where is a tomb held in great veneration by the Moors 
 (i.e. Mahomedans). 
 
 We were very well fortified, provided with plenty 
 of artillery and munitions of war, and had a consider- 
 able store of gold and silver, precious stones, and a 
 great deal of baggage. In addition to this, Dara left 
 some ladies who had accompanied him, one wife of 
 Sulaiman Shukoh, and two young sons much cherished 
 by Dara as being his grandsons. His plan was that if 
 he did not succeed in the province of Gujarat and 
 suffered defeat, this fortress of Bhakkar would serve as 
 a base to help him again. 
 
 After a few days of investment the enemy prepared 
 two batteries mounted with cannon, left behind by 
 Dara in the foundry at Lahor, he not being able to 
 move them owing to the hurry with which we started, 
 and the enemy leaving us no chance of putting them 
 on the boats. With these they did us a good deal of 
 damage. Be it known to the reader, that those seven 
 rivers of whose junction I spoke did not touch the 
 sides of the fortress for more than a pistol-shot on the 
 west and two musket-shots on the east, because they 
 
BHAKKAR INVESTED 87 
 
 flowed between rocks and hills. Thus the enemy gave 
 us trouble enough ; nor did we desist from doing our 
 duty with our guns, dismounting his artillery, damag- 
 ing the towns, and killing a number of men. Several 
 times we made sallies under cover of our artillery, 
 swarming into their trenches, killing and destroying 
 all we found there. Once we captured four field pieces 
 and a quantity of baggage lying close by them. Thus 
 the traitor Khaltlullah Khan, at whose cost the invest- 
 ment was conducted, was forced to send more men 
 against us. Regardless of these reinforcements, the 
 commandant, Primavera, sent off before daybreak 
 some boats with musketeers, who delivered attacks at 
 various points and alarmed the enemy. They went on 
 increasing the investing force until the place was 
 evacuated, as farther on I shall relate. 
 
 When Aurangzeb received the news that Dara was 
 busy raising a new army in the province of Gujarat, he 
 did not turn aside to attack him. It was more urgent 
 to hinder Shah Shuja* from reaching Agrah. But he 
 was much concerned on learning that Sulaiman Shukoh, 
 by favour of the Rajah of Srinagar, was making ready 
 to descend from the mountains ; and aided by the said 
 Rajah, at the head of a considerable force, hoped to 
 avenge himself for what had happened to his father 
 (Dara) and himself. Aurangzeb, therefore, wrote a 
 letter, giving many promises to the said Rajah, and 
 also caused others to be written by different rajahs, 
 chief among them being Rajah Jai Singh, asking the 
 Srinagar rajah to dissemble, and suggesting that by 
 the use of certain arguments he should force the poor 
 prince to remain quiet in those mountains. 
 
 In that fortress (i.e. Bhakkar) we remained, under 
 continual assaults, defending ourselves boldly. In 
 spite of all their efforts, the enemy were unable by 
 force of arms to overcome us. Therefore they planned 
 a means of getting the European artillerymen to with- 
 draw from the fortress, and to this end they shot 
 arrows to which letters were attached. These invited 
 
88 PRIMAVERA AND KHALILULLAH KHAN 
 
 us to abandon the service of Dara and evacuate the 
 place. One of these arrows hit me on the shoulder 
 when I was sitting in my bastion at eight o'clock at 
 night. Withdrawing the arrow, I went with it at 
 once, wounded as I was, to the eunuch. He gave me 
 a robe (sarapa) and some bottles of rose-water in 
 recognition of my fidelity. 
 
 Since Aurangzeb had strongly enjoined on Khalt- 
 lullah Khan that he must reduce the place in one way 
 or another, and as he saw that he could not do so by 
 force of arms, he had recourse to many letters contain- 
 ing promises to our eunuch Primavera (Basant) that 
 if he gave over the fortress his demands would be 
 gratified. Enraged at length at the receipt of so many 
 letters, the eunuch wrote to Khalllullah Khan that if 
 he would come in person he would enter into the 
 desired agreement ; he meant to surrender the place, 
 as he perceived that Dara's affairs were in a very bad 
 way. Khalilullah Khan received this letter with great 
 delight, fancying he was about to accomplish great 
 things for Aurangzeb, who was so keen on acquiring 
 the place. He started from Lahor with the remainder 
 of his army to bring to a conclusion the anxiously 
 desired surrender. On his arrival a truce was made 
 between the two sides. Khalilullah Khan wrote to the 
 eunuch a letter full of civilities, displaying the great 
 results to be gained by making over the stronghold, 
 whereby he would be taken into favour by Aurangzeb ; 
 in fact, in so delivering it, he would find the only way 
 to fortune. 
 
 Primavera the eunuch was quite rejoiced at the 
 arrival of Khalilullah Khan, and decided on giving him 
 a reply. With this idea he sent for me, and ordered 
 me to load with horns and old shoes the cannon nearest 
 to the garden where Khalilullah Khan had encamped. 
 It was charged thus up to the very muzzle. The 
 answer was after this wise : " I hold few words with 
 you, for I am greatly amazed at you, and I hope to 
 supply your want, having been all your life a pimp 
 
DEPARTURE OF KHALILULLAH KHAN 89 
 
 and used to shoe beatings from women. Herewith 
 what you deserve, I offer you a present proportioned 
 to your merits." The letter went on with more abuse, 
 which I will not insert. Closing it he ordered it to be 
 handed to Khalilullah Khan. The eunuch watched for 
 the arrival of the boat at the garden, which was not 
 far from the fortress ; and when it seemed that Khali- 
 lullah Khan must be perusing the letter, he ordered us 
 to fire off the cannon, and we covered Khalilullah 
 Khan's tent with the charge it contained. 
 
 The traitor was thereby much shamed and discom- 
 fited, not knowing how to hide the affront. The 
 following night, when we were off our guard, he 
 suddenly ordered a discharge of all his artillery and 
 musketry, which was a complete surprise to us, and 
 the shot fell all over the fortress. I assert without 
 exaggeration that a pole on which we had a small flag 
 was pierced by three balls. But our eunuch would 
 not pass over such-like bravado, and the next night he 
 suddenly ordered us to fire all our guns and musketry, 
 and discharge a number of iron bombs to show that we 
 had ample munitions of war. This took place at eight 
 o'clock. To prove to him still better that we were not 
 afraid, he ordered a number of vessels of artificial fire 
 to be set alight, so that it was as clear as day. There- 
 upon Khalilullah Khan, finding that he could not 
 succeed, turned his face, discomfited, towards Lahor, 
 and left us invested as before. 
 
 Forty days after the departure of Khalilullah Khan, 
 we saw one morning a numerous force pass over the 
 river from west to east at some distance from the 
 fortress. Our artillery began to pound them as hard 
 as it could. At this moment a horseman appeared on 
 the river bank with a small white flag displayed. At 
 once the eunuch gave an order for a small boat to fetch 
 the horseman. On his entering the fortress he delivered 
 a letter to the eunuch, and proclaimed loudly thus : " I 
 demand on behalf of Aurangzeb that you surrender 
 this stronghold, since we are carrying with us in this 
 7* 
 
90 DARA ORDERS PRIMAVERA TO SURRENDER 
 
 army the Prince Dara, whom we have a prisoner." 
 Hearing this sad and unexpected news, we were all 
 cast down, and dropped our arms. The eunuch told 
 the horseman he could not make over the place without 
 the order of his prince, the Lord Dara, from whom he 
 had received charge. The messenger went away with 
 this answer. 
 
 Before he had reached the farther bank, we saw 
 coming seven boats full of armed men carrying a 
 number of flags. Their officer was called Chegatcan 
 (? Chaghatae Khan), an Dzbak by race : he was nighty 
 elated, as if entering in triumph into his own house. 
 I gave an order to my men to get their guns read} r , 
 and some pieces with grape (varrer, literally, "to sweep 
 with a broom "). When they had already got near, we 
 gave them a round from the artillery, which did a good 
 deal of damage, both to the boats and to the men. 
 After that the} 7 retreated, while our artillery went on 
 firing. 
 
 Seeing how resolute we were, Bahadur Khan repaired 
 to Prince Dara, and requested him to order the eunuch 
 to surrender the stronghold, since, the garrison being 
 firm in their resistance, in all probability the whole of 
 them would come to a miserable end within the 
 fortress. On hearing this, Dara had compassion upon 
 his eunuch and upon us, and wrote a note with his 
 own hand, stating : " Unfortunate in the one for 
 whom you fought, I now request and require you to 
 deliver up the place." 
 
 When the eunuch Primavera (Basant) saw the 
 letter, he recognised the writing and began to weep 
 bitterly. He wrote to Bahadur Khan that we de- 
 manded to come out with our baggage, and if he did 
 not consent, we would fling the cannon and treasure 
 into the river, and fight to the death with all despera- 
 tion. Bahadur Khan sent back an assurance that we 
 could leave with our baggage, but must make over the 
 treasure, the princes, and all the materiel appertaining 
 to the fortress. One condition was imposed : we 
 
' 
 EVACUATION OF BHAKKAR 91 
 
 must cross over to the west of the river, then eight 
 days after he had marched we could take the road to 
 Dihli. He made this condition because he feared we 
 might enter his camp, and do our utmost to rescue 
 Dara. After three days we issued from the fort in 
 which we had endured so much. For, two days before 
 the evacuation, I bought two calves for six hundred 
 rupees, and paid one rupee for every ounce of butter. 
 Without exaggerating, I bought one chicken for 
 thirteen rupees. 
 
 The army of Bahadur Khan passed out of sight of 
 Bhakkar with their princely prisoner. 
 
 Now I deal with our departure from Bhakkar. 
 After surrendering the fortress we made over the 
 treasure and the unhappy princes, the little sons of 
 Sulaiman Shukoh, of whom nothing more was ever 
 heard, and it seems as if, by order of Aurangzeb, they 
 were got rid of within the fortress. After fifteen days 
 the eunuch and all the people in the fort embarked in 
 some boats, and we voyaged "by the river to Multan 
 against the stream, but with a favourable wind. In 
 four-and-twenty days we reached the said city, then 
 governed by Lascar Can (Lashkar Khan). He sent an 
 invitation to our eunuch to honour him by dining at 
 his house. But the eunuch replied that he would 
 have liked it much, but the haste he was in did not 
 allow of his accepting. He suspected some treachery, 
 and it seems as if his heart gave him a presage of 
 what was to befall him, as 1 shall relate. 
 
 At this city of Multan we provisioned ourselves for* 
 a start by land to the city of Dihli, distant five-and- 
 twenty days' journey. One day a Portuguese, by 
 name Agostinho Bias, begged me to abandon the 
 company of the eunuch, because he knew of a certainty 
 that there existed an order of Aurangzeb for his 
 seizure and execution. We quitted Multan, and in ten 
 days reached the city of Lahor, then governed by 
 Khaltlullah Khan. Our eunuch settled himself in a 
 house of his own, which was on the river bank. His 
 
92 AT LAHOR 
 
 men scattered in various directions, there not being 
 enough room in the said house. We Europeans were 
 at a distance of half a mile from Primavera (Basant). 
 
 On the third day after our arrival he (Basant) sent 
 for me, but I did not go, as it was already evening. 
 By another messenger he told me to come to him very 
 early in the morning. At daybreak I mounted my 
 horse, and on the road 1 met a former servant of mine 
 called Delavar (Dilawar), who asked me where I was 
 going. I replied that I was going to the eunuch's 
 house. At this he fell into a fright, and said that for 
 God's sake I must not go. For everybody said that 
 the eunuch would most certainly be killed on that day, 
 and I could easily notice the changes in the city, the 
 soldiers and troopers being posted at so many places. 
 He demanded with much insistence that I should turn 
 back ; and reflecting a little, I remembered the advice 
 of Agostinho Bias. In spite of this the love and grati- 
 tude I felt for the eunuch impelled me to go to his 
 house without considering the danger. 
 
 Pricking on my steed, I shortly reached the house. 
 Going within I sat down by Khojah Basant, finding 
 him somewhat perturbed, and a few only in his com- 
 pany. He said to me softly that he had something to 
 say to me. At this moment there appeared in the 
 distance several bodies of horse with banners dis- 
 played. All of a sudden there came a horseman to 
 the eunuch, and, addressing him politely, said : 
 " Khalilullah Khan sends many compliments to Your 
 Excellency, and intimates that he has received the 
 king's order for Your Excellency to come forthwith 
 into the city, to a house already prepared for you 
 where you may remain in perfect safety ! " 
 
 With equal civility the eunuch replied : " I am only 
 a passer-by ; I go to the royal presence, nor have I 
 anything to do with the city ; I return many thanks 
 for Khalilullah Khan's kindness." The messenger 
 started off with the reply, and the eunuch, seeing the 
 troops that were appearing, became a little frightened. 
 
PRIMAVERA IN DANGER 93 
 
 He asked me if I could produce my men without de- 
 lay. I replied that there must be some delay, and that 
 they could not arrive in time, owing to their being so 
 far away. At this point the soldiers present in the 
 room, after whispering into each other's ears, rose 
 one by one and went out. I remained seated along 
 with ten persons, who were house servants, and, fore- 
 seeing the danger, I was anxious to leave, but the 
 pride of a youth devoid of experience hindered me, and 
 I wanted to see the end of it and what would happen. 
 
 Then came another message like the first, but more 
 urgent, with this detail : that if he did not give heed 
 to it, he ran in danger of his life. But the eunuch 
 gave the same answer, and the infantry and cavalry 
 continued to draw in nearer. During this time the 
 eunuch was looking on calmly at all that was taking 
 place outside, for the place where we were was a 
 little elevated, with a view of the river sands. It had 
 the shade of some great trees, and was enclosed all 
 round with a low wall. On the bank of the river, 
 near the wall and below our position, stood a relation 
 of the eunuch Primavera (Basant) on horseback, 
 lance in rest, waiting to give up his life if need 
 arose. 
 
 When a third message came with greater urgency, 
 begging the eunuch for God's sake to come into the 
 fort in obedience to the king's orders, adding the 
 intimation that it was his last warning, he answered 
 not at all. 
 
 We saw the messenger start off at a run, and it was 
 no joking matter, for the cavalry continued to advance, 
 and drawing their swords shouted to the messenger, 
 who heard not through the uproar that had already 
 arisen. The house was encircled by a number of 
 infantry, while on the river sands several squadrons 
 rode from different directions, discharging arrows 
 that fell like rain in the place where we were. The 
 cavalier related to the eunuch, finding that the thing 
 was serious, began to skirmish, pushing his horse at 
 
94 PRIMAVERA KILLED 
 
 those squadrons, with his lance at the charge, until 
 he got stuck in a marshy place full of mire, where, 
 unable to move, he was killed by the arrows. 
 
 The infantry tried to scale the wall, but we defended 
 ourselves, and prevented them from climbing over. 
 Among others we killed the kotwal's son, whereat 
 being enraged they set upon us with greater fury, 
 and one resolute man leapt over behind the eunuch 
 and at once cut off his head. Primavera (Basant) had 
 been resisting vigorously on the other side. Many 
 more scrambled over, and began to cut down the few 
 of us found here and there. The man that cut off the 
 eunuch's head and some others came against me with 
 great rage, and, seeing that our defence was overcome, 
 
 I went straight to them, and throwing my sword on 
 the ground, stepped two paces to the front. Placing 
 myself humbly before them, I lowered my head, and 
 said : " Slay me, slay me," and shutting my eyes I 
 awaited the blow. But finding it did not come, I lifted 
 my head, and saw a soldier of the same troop of the 
 enemy standing between us two. With hands ex- 
 tended he was begging on behalf of God that they 
 should not kill me. But the other most angrily, his 
 raised sword dripping with blood, ordered him to get 
 out of the way. He who was pleading for me said : 
 
 II First kill me, and spare this other." My assailant, 
 seeing the determination of his fellow-soldier, went 
 off to find someone else, and left me alone. He who 
 saved me took me by the hand, and led me away, 
 saying : " Come with me ; I want to deliver you, and 
 place you in safety." But I, knowing the instability 
 of the Mahomedans, said to him that as he wanted 
 to kill me he need practise no deception on me. As 
 I was ready for my fate, there was no need to remove 
 me from that place ; but if he wanted to kill me he 
 could do it where we were. Seeing what was in my 
 mind, he sheathed his sword, and gave me his word 
 not to hurt me, but at the cost of his life would prevent 
 others doing so, and take me to a place of safety. 
 
MANUCCI ESCAPES NAKED 95 
 
 We came forth by a postern gate, where we saw 
 some thirty men with swords in their hands, who 
 came at me, saying : " Let us kill him ; he, too, is of 
 the eunuch's force." The man with me then laid one 
 arm upon me, and, waving the other hand, demanded 
 in the king's name that they should not kill me, nor 
 lay hands on me. But they were keen to plunder 
 me, and told him that he had become my advocate 
 simply to strip me himself; but grieve him as it might 
 they meant to kill me, and appropriate my clothes. 
 Recognising their purpose and seeing them approach, 
 I took off my turban there and then, and the rest of 
 my vestments, being left with nothing but my under 
 drawers and my shirt. I threw the clothes to them, 
 and my defender conducted me a little farther ; then 
 he said I might go on in security, as I was now out 
 of danger. But just as I imagined I was free there 
 came towards me a soldier, a Hindu rustic, holding 
 a drawn sword, who, with many abusive terms and 
 threats, requested me to make over my shirt to him. 
 Enraged at finding myself amidst so much persecution 
 and so many affronts, I said that he might kill me if 
 he liked, but that I would never give him the shirt. 
 
 Overwhelming him with abuse, I provided him with 
 cause for dispatching me, but he did not want to 
 damage the shirt, so he allowed me to live. In the 
 end I decided to give up the shirt, so I took it off, 
 in a rage, rather than lose my life. With my head 
 sunk I went on my way, running considerable danger, 
 although stripped naked, and full of grief and shame. 
 I sought the house of one of my friends, a professing 
 Mahomedan, whose name was Dulah (? Dulha), a man 
 of learning, from whom I had received much kindness. 
 On my way a woman met me, and offered me a sheet 
 with which to cover myself, saying that when I got 
 home I could send it back to her. But, not willing 
 to be indebted to her, I declined, and went on 1113' 
 way in the same pitiable state. When I was only a 
 little distance from my friend's house I saw coming 
 
96 MANUCCI REPORTED DEAD 
 
 towards me the captain of infantry whose teeth I had 
 broken with a stone. He recognised me, but took 
 compassion on my plight, and lowering his head made 
 no attempt to do me harm. Thence in a few more 
 steps I got into the house of my friend Dulha, to 
 whom I recounted all that had happened to me. He 
 welcomed me with great warmth, accorded me full 
 rights of hospitality, and gave me clothes and food. 
 1 did not forget to render thanks to God for all His 
 mercies, and for deliverance from so many perils. 
 
 This affair happened at eight o'clock in the da}', 
 and my servants removed my horse to where my men 
 were, and gave them the melancholy news of my 
 death. All my friends were much afflicted ; and they 
 sent off one of their number, called Ignacio Gomens, 
 the one best liked by and most intimate with me, to 
 the site of the affray to make a search for my body. 
 They instructed him to bring it back so that they 
 all jointly might inter me in some convenient spot, 
 and commend my soul to God, seeing that there was 
 no priest. Thus we were used to do when any of 
 our friends died. All of them said, and were quite 
 certain, that I must be dead. On arriving at the place 
 of death Ignacio Gomens found eleven bodies with 
 the eunuch's headless trunk. The head had been 
 carried away to lay before Khalilullah Khan, who was 
 eager to satisfy his wrath and avenge himself for the 
 indignity that had been done him. Ignacio Gomens 
 came back, and reported what he had seen, and that 
 my body was not forthcoming. My friends supposed 
 that after my death the Mahomedans had, without a 
 doubt, thrown me, a Christian, into the river. So 
 they decided they would all go the next day in search 
 of my body, and give it burial. But I, through God's 
 favour, was still alive. 
 
 At six in the evening I left the house of my friend 
 Dulha, and took my road to the place where my 
 followers were, with much quietness, rendering thanks 
 to our Lord. On arriving close to them 1 knew them 
 
MANUCCI GOES TO DIHLl 97 
 
 all, but they did not recognise me, although they 
 looked at me. Then all of a sudden I gave a shout, 
 whereupon they knew my voice, and came running 
 with open arms towards me, unable to utter a word 
 by reason of exceeding joy. They all began to weep 
 with content, and after a rest I related in detail all 
 that had happened to me on that day, and how 
 God, out of His infinite compassion, had been my 
 deliverer. 
 
 The following day we received a message from 
 Khalilullah Khan directing us to proceed to court 
 to the king's presence, where we should be well 
 received. By this we were made very contented. 
 With us he sent a captain and thirty troopers, and 
 in their train we reached in eight days the town of 
 Cerend (Sihrind), which means " Head of India," as 
 it divides the province of Lahor from Hindustan. 
 Before our entry into the town we saw, in a field 
 a little apart from the gate, some fifteen corpses. 
 Asking whose they were, they replied, that they 
 were those of Jiwan Khan and his relations and 
 servants. After making over to Aurangzeb at Dihlf 
 the Prince Dara, they had received this reward. That 
 same king gave orders to the governor of the fortress 
 of Sihrind that when Jiwan Khan and his men should 
 arrive on their way to their home, he should have 
 them stoned in this field by all the populace, and 
 thus both be rewarded and slain (a most fitting 
 chastisement for his ingratitude). This gave us all 
 great pleasure, and the Mahomedans themselves 
 uttered a thousand curses over the corpse of Jiwan 
 Khan. 
 
 From this town (Sihrind) we went on towards the 
 court, and arrived at Dihl! in seven days, where we 
 learnt that the king was much affected by the death 
 of our eunuch, Primavera (Basant), his orders having 
 been to seize, but not to kill him. But Khalilullah 
 Khan excused this excess, writing to the king that 
 his death was necessary because it was known that 
 
98 MANUCCI REFUSES TO SERVE AURANGZEB 
 
 he meant to go into the Srinagar territory, where 
 Prince Sulaiman Shukoh was, taking with him two 
 thousand fighting men, hardy troops, and the best 
 of the Europeans that Dara had left in the fortress of 
 Bhakkar. Without doubt if the eunuch had obtained 
 free passage we should all have gone to find Prince 
 Sulaiman Shukoh. 
 
 After three days we were presented to Aurangzeb. 
 He was very anxious for us to enter his service, 
 recognising the fidelity and valour with which we 
 had served Dara, and that among his own people 
 he could not meet with such fidelity and stubborn- 
 ness. Therefore, he now fixed four rupees a day 
 for every European and for me five. My companions 
 accepted his service, but I did not wish to do so, 
 through the antipathy I had to him, and the point 
 of honour I cherished, of not serving under the 
 murderer of my master. I communicated my non- 
 acceptance of employment. He caused me to be 
 sent for once more, and asked why I did not accept 
 service with him ; did I want higher pay than he 
 offered ? But I replied to him that I would willingly 
 enter his employ, but I longed to return to my native 
 land, years having elapsed in absence from it ; and 
 thus he allowed me to leave. 
 
PART II 
 
 [Although Manucci had refused to take service with Aurangzeb, he 
 did not at once leave Dihti, and we next find him acting the part 
 of a physician.] 
 
 THE ENVOY FROM BALKH AND His SUITE (1661-1662) 
 
 IT happened that a relation of the envoy fell ill, and, 
 imagining that I was a physician, as they suppose all 
 Europeans to be, they called me to their house. 
 
 I knew a few secrets, but I did not give myself out 
 as a physician, nor was 1 bold enough to teach myself 
 medicine at the expense of others' lives. But seeing 
 that these savages had sent for me to their house, 
 I was anxious to see how they lived. I proceeded 
 with great solemnity to the spot. When I had gone 
 in I found the patient on a very dirty bed. I 
 felt his pulse, but my thoughts were not given to 
 the pulse, but to finding something I could seize on 
 in the difficulty to effect a good recovery. Never- 
 theless I ascertained that he was in a high fever, 
 and placing my hand upon his head, bathed in 
 malodorous perspiration, I found it was burning 
 hot, like a pot placed upon the fire. To induce him 
 to believe that I was a great physician, I asked the 
 patient's age, and then for a time I assumed a pensive 
 attitude, as if I were seeking for the cause of the 
 illness. Next, as is the fashion with doctors, I said 
 some words making out the attack to be very grave. 
 This was done in order not to lose my reputation and 
 credit if he came to die. 
 
 99 
 
ioo MANUCCI AS M&DECIN MALGR& LUI 
 
 All of them were in a state of admiration, saying 
 among themselves that I was a great physician, and 
 that the Franks had received from heaven the gift of 
 being accomplished doctors. The principal envoy 
 prayed me earnestly to put forth all my powers to 
 cure this relation of his. I held out to him good 
 hope of a cure, and, being unable to stay more in 
 the place owing to the smell, I told them I was 
 going home to prepare medicine, and that in the 
 evening I would return once more. 
 
 I came out, and repaired to a friend of mine called 
 Joao de Souza, a Portuguese, who was under an 
 obligation to me, and recounted to him all that had 
 passed. As he had considerable acquaintance with 
 medicine, he was much astonished at such a report, 
 and did not know what to prescribe for the patient. 
 Still, he delivered to me some pills. For three days 
 1 went on with these, giving them to the sick man, 
 who did not seem to me to be improving. But all 
 the men assured me that he was recovering, whereat 
 I rejoiced much. I seized the opening to still more 
 cry up the medicine and dwell on the danger of the 
 disease. Twice a day I visited the patient, once in 
 the morning and once in the evening. Each time four 
 horsemen arrived to escort me. 
 
 Almost every day that I went there I was obliged 
 to dine with the envoy, and I thus had the chance of 
 observing their mode of eating. Over fifty persons 
 seated themselves together round the cloth ; the food 
 was flesh of camels and horses cooked with salt water, 
 and some dishes of puldo of goat's flesh. The cloth, 
 spread upon a carpet, was very dirty. To wait on 
 us were two men with bare feet, who, walking upon 
 the cloth, distributed the food, each with a big spoon 
 in his hand. 
 
 It was disgusting to see how these Uzbak nobles 
 ate, smearing their hands, lips, and faces with grease 
 while eating, they having neither forks nor spoons. 
 The only implements each had on him were three 
 
THE TREATMENT SUCCESSFUL 101 
 
 or four knives, large and small, which they usually 
 carry hanging from their waist-belt. Mahomedans 
 are accustomed to wash their hands after eating with 
 pea-flour to remove grease, and most carefully clean 
 their moustaches. But the Uzbak nobles do not 
 stand on such ceremony. When they have done 
 eating they lick their fingers, so as not to lose a grain 
 of rice ; they rub one hand against the other to warm 
 the fat, and then pass both hands over face, mous- 
 taches, and beard. He is most lovely who is most 
 greasy. They render thanks to God with " Alaham 
 dilaha " (Al-hamdu-l'illahi). Each man then begins to 
 take tobacco, and remains for a time talking. The 
 conversation hardly gets beyond the talk of fat, with 
 complaints that in the Mogul territory they cannot 
 get anything fat to eat, and that the puldos are de- 
 ficient in butter. As a salute to their repletion, 
 they emit loud eructations, just like the bellowing 
 of bulls. 
 
 Although against my will, I went on with my treat- 
 ment of the sick man, and I found out by questioning 
 the kind of food eaten by him when at home. He 
 told me that, being a shepherd, he lived on camel's 
 milk, and ate much cheese and curds made when milk 
 turns sour. I ordered him to eat what he ate in his 
 own country. Continuing with some tonic extract of 
 coral, I restored him to health in five days, and the 
 envoy was so pleased that he made me a present of 
 nine melons and a quantity of dried fruit. He en- 
 treated me to continue in his house, and did all he 
 could think of to persuade me to go with him, promis- 
 ing to procure for me from the King of Balkh 
 lands and herds of horses and camels and flocks of 
 sheep. He said I should be highly esteemed by the 
 king and all the court. 
 
 I was very anxious to join his suite, as a means 
 
 of seeing more of the world ; but, as their habits did 
 
 not please me, I made excuses many times that I 
 
 should never get accustomed to their way of life. 
 
 8 
 
102 AURANGZEB'S MARCH TO KASHMIR (?1662) 
 
 Above all, I had seen once one of their Uzbak 
 soldiers lay hold of a small knife and bleed his horse 
 on the neck with great dexterity. Having drawn 
 forty ounces of blood, he closed the wound with one 
 finger and drank the blood with great gusto. After 
 he was satisfied, he shared the rest with his com- 
 panions, who came hurriedly, each trying to be first, 
 like so many famished wolves. Afterwards the wound 
 was tied up with a cloth, and the horse left to get well 
 by itself. I asked why he drank his horse's blood. He 
 replied that they were accustomed to it, because in 
 their country, when plundering within an enemy's 
 boundary, if provisions failed their soldiers sustained 
 life with the blood of their horses ; nor by this 
 blood-letting did the horses lose their vigour. In 
 addition to this, he told me it was their habit, 
 when they captured any camel, horse, or sheep in 
 an enemy's country, if they were unable to carry 
 it off, to decapitate it, cut it into pieces, and place 
 some between their saddle and their horse's back 
 for consumption on the march whenever they were 
 hungry. 
 
 THE ROYAL MARCH 
 
 On the seventh day, at three o'clock in the morning, 
 the march began. First went the heavy artillery, which 
 always marches in front, and is drawn up as an 
 avenue through which to enter the next camp ; with 
 it went a handsome boat upon a large car, to ferry the 
 royal person across any river when necessary ; then 
 followed the baggage. In this way, when morning 
 broke, the camp was free, leaving only the cavalry 
 and infantry, each in its appropriate position. With 
 the rest, in addition to the other transport, went two 
 hundred camels loaded with silver rupees, and each 
 camel carrying four hundred and eighty pounds' weight 
 of silver; one hundred camels loaded with gold coin, 
 each carrying the same weight ; and one hundred 
 
THE ROYAL KITCHEN 103 
 
 and fifty camels, loaded with nets used in hunting 
 tigers. 
 
 The royal office of record was also there, for the 
 original records always accompany the court ; and this 
 required eighty camels, thirty elephants, and twenty 
 carts loaded with the registers and papers of account 
 of the empire. In addition to these, there were fifty 
 camels carrying water, each camel bearing two full 
 metal vessels for the royal use. The princes of the 
 blood royal marched in the same fashion, each accord- 
 ing to his rank. Attending on the king are eight 
 mules carrying small tents, which are used on the 
 march when the king desires to rest, or to eat a little 
 something, or for any particular necessity. Along 
 with them are two mules carrying clothes, and one 
 mule loaded with essences of various odoriferous 
 flowers. 
 
 It is the custom of the court, when the king is to 
 march the next day, that at ten o'clock of the night 
 the royal kitchen should start. It consists of fifty 
 camels loaded with supplies, and fifty well-fed cows 
 to give milk. Also there are sent dainties in charge 
 of cooks, from each one of whom the preparation of 
 only one dish is required. For this department there 
 is an official of standing, whose business it is to send 
 in the dishes sealed up in bags of Malacca velvet, 
 et cetera ; and two hundred culles (qulis\ each with his 
 basket of chinaware and other articles ; further, there 
 are fifty camels carrying one hundred cases packed 
 with sardpd (robes of honour) ; also thirty elephants 
 loaded with special arms and jewels to be distributed 
 among the generals, captains, et cetera. These arms 
 are of the following kinds : swords, with their accoutre- 
 ments, shields ; various kinds of daggers, all worked 
 in enamel and in gold, adorned with precious stones ; 
 plumes ; also things to give to ladies, jewels to wear 
 on the breast, and other varieties ; also armlets of gold, 
 mounted with pearls and diamonds. Again, there 
 march close to the baggage one thousand labourers, 
 
104 DETAILS OF THE ROYAL MARCH 
 
 with axes, mattocks, spades, and pick-axes to clear 
 any difficult passage. Their commanders ride on 
 horseback, carrying in their hands their badges of 
 office, which are either an axe or a mattock in silver. 
 On arriving at the place appointed for the royal halt, 
 they put up their tents and place in position the 
 heavy artillery. When the light artillery comes up, 
 it is placed round the royal tents. Aurangzeb started 
 at six o'clock of the day, seated on the throne pre- 
 sented to him by the Dutch, as I have stated. To 
 carry this throne there were twelve men ; in addition, 
 there were three palanquins of different shapes, into 
 which he could get when he pleased. There were 
 also five elephants with different litters (cherollas) for 
 his own use whenever he desired. Upon his issuing 
 from his tents the light artillery began the march from 
 its position round them. It was made up of one 
 hundred field pieces, each drawn by two horses. 
 
 The following is the order of the king's march : At 
 the time when he mounted the throne and issued from 
 his tents all the warlike instruments of music were 
 sounded. At the head came the son of the deceased 
 Shekh Mir with eight thousand cavaliers. In the 
 right wing was Assenalican (Hasan 'Alt Khan), son of 
 Alaberdican (Allahwird! Khan). This is the Allah- 
 wird! Khan who caused Prince Shah Shuja* to get 
 down from his elephant at the battle of Khajwah. 
 Hasan 'Alt Khan commanded eight thousand horse- 
 men; the left wing, consisting of eight thousand 
 horsemen, was commanded by Muhammad Amln 
 Khan. In the rear of these two wings were the 
 mounted huntsmen, each with his bird of prey (hawk) 
 on his wrist. Immediately in front of the king went 
 nine elephants with showy flags, behind these nine 
 were other four, bearing green standards with a 
 sun depicted on them. Behind these elephants were 
 nine horses of state, all adorned and ready saddled, 
 after these horses came two horsemen, one carrying 
 a standard with Arabic letters on it, the other with a 
 
DETAILS OF THE ROYAL MARCH 105 
 
 kettledrum, which he struck lightly from time to time 
 as a warning that the king was approaching. 
 
 There was no want of men on foot, who advanced 
 in ordered files on the one and the other side of the 
 king ; some displayed scarlet, others green, pennants ; 
 others, again, held in their hands their staves, with 
 which they drove off the people when anyone made 
 so bold as to draw near. There were on the right 
 and left many horsemen with silver staves keeping 
 the people back. Among the men on foot were some 
 with perfumes, while others were continually watering 
 the road. 
 
 By their side was an official provided with a descrip- 
 tion of the provinces, lands, and villages through 
 which the king must pass, in order to explain at once 
 if the king asked what land and whose province it 
 was through which he was then passing. These men 
 can give him an account of everything down to the 
 petty villages, and the revenue obtained from the land. 
 
 Other men march with a rope in their hands, 
 measuring the route in the following way : They 
 begin at the royal tent upon the king's coming forth. 
 The man in front who has the rope in his hand makes 
 a mark on the ground, and when the man in the rear 
 arrives at this mark he shouts out, and the first man 
 makes a fresh mark, and counts "two." Thus they 
 proceed throughout the march, counting " three," 
 "four," and so on. Another man on foot holds a 
 score in his hand, and keeps count. If perchance the 
 king asks how far he has travelled, they reply at once, 
 as they know how many of their ropes go to a league. 
 There is another man on foot who has charge of the 
 hourglass, and measures the time, and each time 
 announces the number of hours with a mallet on a 
 platter of bronze. Behind all these the king moves 
 on his way quietly and very slowly. 
 
 So great is the dignity with the Mogul kings' travel, 
 and the delicacy with which they are treated, that 
 ahead of the column goes a camel carrying a white 
 
106 THE ROYAL STANDARDS 
 
 cloth, which is used to cover over any dead animal 
 or human being found on the road. They place heaps 
 of stones on the corners, so that the cloth may not be 
 blown away by the wind. When he passes, the king 
 stops and asks the why and wherefore. 
 
 Behind all these squadrons rode on horseback the 
 princes Sultan Mu'azzam and Sultan A'zam. After 
 the king came ten horsemen, four with the royal 
 matchlocks enclosed in cloth-of-gold bags ; one bore 
 his spear, one his sword, one his shield, one his 
 dagger, one his bow, one the royal arrows and quiver ; 
 all of these in cloth-of-gold bags. After the weapons 
 came the captain of the guard with his troops, then 
 the three royal palanquins, and other palanquins 
 for the princes, then, after the palanquins, twenty- 
 four horsemen, eight with pipes, eight with trumpets, 
 and eight with kettledrums. Behind these mounted 
 musicians were the five royal elephants bearing litters 
 (cherollas), also three elephants, one of which, that in 
 the middle, bore three hands in silver upon a crossbar 
 at the end of a pole, covered with its hood of Malacca 
 (velvet). These signify " Observer of the Maho- 
 medan faith." The other two bore hands in the 
 same style which signify "Augmenter and Conser- 
 vator of the faith." On the right of this middle one 
 was another elephant which displayed a plate of 
 copper (lamina) upon a staff with engraved letters 
 in Arabic, meaning " God is One, and Muhammad 
 just." The other had a pair of scales, which means 
 " a king dealing with justice." On the right (? left) hand 
 was another elephant bearing a crocodile's head, with 
 a body made of fine white cloth, which, when moved 
 by the wind, looked like a real crocodile, signifying 
 " Lord of the Rivers." 
 
 On the left went an elephant showing a spear, which 
 means " the Conqueror"; to its left again, another with 
 the head of a fish, having a body made of cloth, and 
 when swaying in the wind this looked like a great 
 fish, and it means " Lord of the seas." All these 
 
ROSHAN ARA BEGAM AND HER RETINUE 107 
 
 elephants were decorated with valuable housings 
 and ornaments. They were followed by twelve more 
 bearing large kettledrums, and other instruments 
 made of refined metals not employed in Europe. 
 They are of the nature of large dishes, which, being 
 beaten one against another, make a great noise. 
 These musical instruments are employed by Arme- 
 nians, Syrians, and Maronites in Syria at church 
 solemnities and at weddings ; they are also used at 
 such events by the Turks. After these musicians 
 came Rajah Jai Singh with eight thousand horsemen, 
 serving as rearguard. Be it known to the reader that 
 each division of those spoken of had six highly adorned 
 elephants, with rich trappings, displaying on brilliant 
 flags the device of its commander. 
 
 At some distance from the foregoing came Roshan 
 Ara Begam upon a very large elephant in a litter 
 called pitambar^ which is a dome-roofed throne, very 
 brilliant, made all of enamelled gold, and highly 
 adorned. Behind her followed one hundred and fifty 
 women, her servants, riding handsome horses, and 
 covered from head to foot with their mantles of 
 various colours, each with a cane in her hand. 
 Before Roshan Ara Begam's elephant marched four 
 elephants with standards and a number of bold and 
 aggressive men on foot to drive away everybody, 
 noble or pauper, with blows from sticks and with 
 pushes. Thus I wonder when I find someone writing 
 in Europe, that he managed one day to get near 
 enough to see a woman servant whisking away the 
 flies from Roshan Ara Begam, which is an impossi- 
 bility. For the princesses and nobles' wives are shut 
 up in such a manner that they cannot be seen, although 
 they can observe the passers-by. 
 
 Behind Roshan Ara Begam came her retinue, which 
 consisted of several sour-faced eunuchs on horseback, 
 with others on foot surrounding the litter ; after these 
 were three elephants with different kinds of litters 
 covered in rich cloth. Still farther in the rear were 
 
io8 PLAN OF ENCAMPMENT 
 
 many palanquins covered with different nettings of 
 gold thread, in which travelled her chosen ladies. 
 Following them were some sixty elephants with 
 covered litters, carrying her other women. After 
 Roshan Ara Begam's retinue came three queens, 
 wives of Aurangzeb, and other ladies each of the 
 harem, each with her own special retinue. It would 
 be very lengthy to recount all the details of this 
 march, the Moguls being extremely choice in such 
 matters, overlooking no detail that could minister to 
 their glory. 
 
 It remains to state that ahead of all this innumerable 
 throng there always moved, one day ahead at the 
 least, the Grand Master of the Royal Household, with 
 other engineers, to choose an appropriate site where 
 the royal tents should be unloaded. For this purpose 
 is always chosen some pleasant spot. The camp is 
 divided in such a way that on the arrival of the army 
 there may be no confusion. In the first instance they 
 fix the site of the royal enclosure, which, by measure- 
 ments I subsequently took several times, occupies 
 five hundred paces in circumference. Behind the 
 royal quarters is another gateway, where the women 
 live, a place much respected. After this is arranged, 
 they fix the position of the tents of the princes, the 
 generals, and the nobles. This is so managed that 
 between these tents and the royal tents there should 
 be a wide space. The central space is encircled by 
 scarlet cloths, having a height of three arm-lengths, 
 and these serve as walls. Around these enclosing 
 screens are posted the field pieces, in front of them is 
 a ditch, and behind them are palisades of wood, made 
 like network, which open and shut just like the 
 ancient chairs of Venice. At the sides of the gateway, 
 at a distance of one hundred and thirty paces, are 
 two tents, holding each nine horses, most of them 
 saddled. In front of the gateway is a large raised tent 
 for the drummers and players of music. 
 Among the special royal tents are some where the 
 
SPECIAL TENTS 109 
 
 king gives audience; these are supported by small 
 ornamented masts upon which are gilt knobs. No 
 one else may make use of these knobs, only persons 
 of the blood royal. On the top of a very high mast 
 is a lighted lantern which serves as a guide to those 
 who arrive late. The tents of the rajahs and nobles, 
 although high, must not be so high as those of the 
 king, otherwise they would run the risk of having 
 their tents knocked down and being ruined them- 
 selves. 
 
 When the king comes out of his tent, to begin a 
 march, the princes, nobles, and generals throng round 
 to pay him court, each one bringing forward some 
 short request, to which a brief answer is given. They 
 accompany the king to the end of the camp in which 
 they had halted for that day, then each departs to his 
 proper place in his own division. Then the king 
 joins the huntsmen, and announces whether he intends 
 to go hunting or not. When he so wishes he leaves 
 the army and is followed by only the men on foot 
 and the soldiers of his guard. Everybody else con- 
 tinues the march very slowly. If he does not wish to 
 hunt, the huntsmen move to their previously appointed 
 places. When the advance tents come into sight, the 
 musicians commence anew to play their instruments 
 until the king has passed through the gateway of the 
 tents. Then the small artillery is discharged, while 
 the queens and ladies offer to the king congratulations 
 on arrival, saying : " Manzel mobarec " (Manzil 
 tnubarak\ which means " Happy be the journey." 
 
 It should be observed that, although the princesses 
 and ladies start the last, they always arrive the first, 
 having taken some shorter route. Ordinarily the 
 women start after the baggage and move quickly. I 
 knew that in this journey Roshan Ara Begam did not 
 take in her litter her maid-servant, but in the latter's 
 place a youth dressed as a maid-servant. God knows 
 what they were up to, in addition to drinking wine. 
 The person who told me this was a friend of mine, a 
 
no MANUCCI AT DIHLl AND AGRAH 
 
 eunuch who loved wine. The same story was con- 
 firmed after the princess's death by several ladies of 
 her suite. 
 
 [Manucci only marched three days with the army 
 towards Kashmir and then returned to Dihfl.] 
 
 This is why I do not write the whole of the king's 
 journey to Kashmir. I leave it to the reader's curiosity 
 to read what Monsieur Bernier has written about that 
 journey, although, if I am to speak the truth, he puts 
 many things of his own into his Mogul history, and I 
 could, through his chronology of the times, make it 
 clear that he writes many things which did not occur 
 nor could they have occurred in the way in which 
 he relates them. Nor could he have been too well 
 informed, for he did not live more than eight years at 
 the Mogul court ; it is so very large that there are an 
 infinity of things to observe. Nor could he so observe, 
 for he had no entrance to the court. As it seems to 
 me, he relied for what he said upon the common 
 people ; and if there is any good thing in his books, 
 it is due to the information given to him by Pere 
 Buzeo, also to what I gave him, having then no 
 intention of writing anything. If I write now I do 
 so at the demand of my friends, chiefly Monsieur 
 Francois Martin, Director-General, and Monsieur 
 Deslandes. 
 
 Thus I returned to Dihlf, where I stopped several 
 days to take leave of my friends. Then I started for 
 the city of Agrah, where I came across the Jesuit 
 Fathers. I remained there for a while in the enjoy- 
 ment of the conversation of my old friends, with 
 whom I had been in the fortress of Bhakkar. I did 
 not care to take service with Aurangzeb, but they had 
 accepted and were at this time artillerymen in the fort 
 at Agrah. They were urgent for me to enter the 
 service ; but finding that I would not listen to their 
 words, they went and spoke to Ptibar Khan, fancying 
 that he could persuade me. Ttibar Khan sent for me, 
 and on visiting him I presented a cup of crystal. Re- 
 
SHAHJAHAN IN PRISON in 
 
 ceiving it with a pleased face, he ordered robes of 
 honour to be given to me. He endeavoured to win 
 me over, and urgently entreated me to remain in the 
 fortress and enter the service. He would grant me 
 any terms I demanded, and allot me the pay I received 
 from Prince Dara at Bhakkar. He would make me 
 captain over the Christians (which was what they 
 desired, remembering how well I had treated them at 
 Bhakkar). 
 
 1 tendered my excuses, and said in addition that I 
 was most desirous to see different parts of the world; 
 there was also the aversion that I had to Aurangzeb, 
 and equally the face of I'tibar Khan displeased me in 
 fact, to speak properly, he looked like a baboon. To 
 me it seemed that from one with a face like that no 
 good deed could proceed. Nevertheless, I did not fail 
 to go several times to court, as requested by Ptibar 
 Khan, he imagining in this way to overcome little by 
 little my resolve, and bring me to take employment. 
 But each time I went to the audience served only to 
 renew my determination not to stay in Agrah. 
 
 Going thus several times into the fort, I noted the 
 imprisonment of Shahjahan was closer than can be 
 expressed. There passed not a day, while I and others 
 were in conversation with the governor, that there did 
 not come under-eunuchs to whisper into his ear an 
 account of all the words and acts of Shahjahan, and 
 even what passed among the wives, ladies, and slave- 
 girls. Sometimes, smiling at what the eunuchs told 
 him, he would make the company sharers in what was 
 going on inside, adding some foul expressions in 
 disparagement of Shahjahan. Not content with this 
 even, he sometimes allowed it to be seen that he treated 
 him as a miserable slave. Once an under-eunuch came 
 to tell him that Shahjahan was in want of " papuz " 
 (paposh), which are slippers without heels, such as 
 Mahomedans wear. He ordered several pairs to be 
 brought, and the tradesmen produced several different 
 kinds of pdposh, some of leather worth half a rupee, 
 
1 12 MANUCCI GOES TO ALLAHABAD 
 
 some of plain velvet, and some of velvet more or less 
 embroidered. Some were worth as much as eight 
 rupees, a very small thing for a great king like 
 Shahjahan, even when in prison. In spite of this the 
 eunuch, immeasurably stingy, sent him shoes neither 
 of eight rupees, nor of four, nor of two, but the common 
 leather shoes. He smiled over it as if he had done 
 some great deed ; and it was a great deed, being after 
 the nature of his friend Aurangzeb, who knew from 
 this eunuch's physiognomy the vileness of his soul, and 
 selected him to receive charge of his greatest enemy in 
 the world, his father, so that by force of ill-treatment 
 the wretched old man (Shahjahan) might die. 
 
 I do not know how it was with the others who were 
 present when this was done, but I certainly felt it 
 much. I knew the dignity with which Shahjahan had 
 lived when he was free and Emperor of Hindustan ; 
 it was doubly sad when one remembered that Ptibar 
 Khan was formerly a slave of this same Shahjahan, 
 by whom he was given to Aurangzeb. 
 
 When the Jesuit Fathers saw that I did not want to 
 remain in Agrah, but was determined to go to Bengal, 
 Father Henriques Roa (Heinrich Roth), a German 
 rector of the college, earnestly entreated me to take 
 with me two Portuguese friars, then living in his 
 college. They were companions of others who had 
 fled from the town of Chavel (Chaul), and he (Roth) 
 did not wish to be accused of harbouring fugitives. 
 Although I did not burden myself willingly with such 
 merchandise for I have always held that he who flees 
 from a convent is capable of other misdeeds never- 
 theless, to be agreeable to the Father Rector, I took 
 with me the two friars, turning them into my servants. 
 In twelve days we reached Allahabad. 
 
 I believe that the reader will be pleased to know that 
 on the eastern side of this city is a fortress all of red 
 stone. It was King Akbar who ordered it to be built; 
 it is very handsome and very strong. For, in addition 
 
BATHING IN THE GANGES 113 
 
 to art, Nature has also helped to make it strong : the 
 River Ganges, flowing on the north or left side, directs 
 its course towards the south until it reaches the fortress, 
 while the River Jamnah, flowing on the east, at the right 
 hand of the fort, forms a junction with the Ganges river 
 beneath the walls. Besides these rivers there issues 
 from the rock on which stand the fort and its outworks 
 a petty stream with blue waters, which is called Tirt 
 (Tirth); it goes by a straight course, like a tongue, 
 between the two rivers until it flows into them. Just 
 as if the said two rivers held those waters in respect, 
 on account of their birthplace, they allow them to pass 
 down for a long distance without their colour being 
 modified. Thus you can plainly see the waters of this 
 streamlet flowing in the middle of the waters of the 
 two rivers, Ganges and Jamnah. 
 
 I observed this very specially when during my stay 
 one of my friends, named Aquim Momena (Hakim 
 Mumin), physician to Bahadur Khan, gave me a dinner 
 upon the said fortification. As it was the first time I 
 saw it, I showed my admiration of this work of Nature. 
 For many gave me particular information, and told me 
 that the Hindus worship this River Tirth, their story 
 being that one of their gods opened with an arrow the 
 spring from which the said river rises. 
 
 Every five years multitudes of Hindus assemble and 
 wash their bodies in the said stream. This yields a 
 good revenue to the Mogul king, for every person who 
 bathes in the river pays six and a quarter rupees. 
 Such is the multitude of frequenters that in the crowd- 
 ing many are stifled. Nor on this account do the 
 relations of the smothered persons make the usual 
 lamentations. On the contrary, they boast that their 
 relations died in a state of grace and holiness, all of 
 which is included in the word Tirth. 
 
 These three rivers flow beneath the city of Banaras 
 (Benares), ninety leagues from Allahabad, pass near 
 the city of Patana (Patnah), forty leagues distant from 
 Benares, then, flowing onwards, water the shores of the 
 
n 4 BENARES AND PATNAH 
 
 small town of Muguer (Munger) at a distance of eighty 
 leagues from Patnah, and, continuing their course, 
 greet the town of Ragemahal (Rajmahal) at forty 
 leagues from Munger. There they divide into two 
 branches : one, keeping the name of Ganges, flows as 
 far as Ugulim (Hugli) in Bengal, and from Hugli goes 
 southward to the sea ; the other branch, under the 
 name of Jamnah, flows near the town of Daca (Dhakah), 
 where it mingles with other great rivers. 
 
 We were some days in Allahabad, and the then 
 governor was Bahadur Khan, who was absent on a 
 campaign against some villagers who objected to pay 
 their revenue without at least one fight, just as the 
 villagers near Agrah do. Leaving Allahabad, I 
 took the road for Benares, by land, carrying with 
 me a passport as is the practice with all tra- 
 vellers. The route was level and without hills, and 
 in eight days we came to the city of Benares, where we 
 remained several days. This city is small, but very 
 ancient, and venerated by the Hindus by reason of a 
 temple there possessing a very ancient idol. Some 
 years after my visit Aurangzeb sent orders for its 
 destruction, when he undertook the knocking down of 
 all temples. 
 
 In this city is made much cloth worked in gold and 
 silver, which is distributed hence all over the Mogul 
 realm, and is exported to many parts of the world. 
 It is the fashion in Hindustan to use this proverb : 
 " Toracana Banarismo Rana"(77?0ra khana, Bandras 
 mon rahnd)ihat is : " Little to eat, but live in Benares " 
 suggesting that Benares is a nice place, with a good 
 climate, productive land, and cheap food. Here I 
 crossed the great river, showing the Allahabad pass- 
 port, as is usual ; and by land I arrived in four 
 days at Patnah, a very large city with bazars, the 
 greater part thatched and inhabited by many mer- 
 chants ; for here is prepared much white cloth of fine 
 quality. 
 
 In this city were two factories one of the English 
 
A CLEVER ARMENIAN AT PAJNAH 115 
 
 and the other Dutch seeing that here, besides cloth 
 of cotton, much fine silk cloth is woven, and a huge 
 quantity of saltpetre produced, which goes to be 
 stored in Bengal, and is there loaded on ships for 
 various parts of Europe. Bottles are also made, and 
 cups of clay, finer than glass, lighter than paper, and 
 highly scented ; and these, as curiosities, are carried 
 all over the world. When I was at Patnah I saw 
 an Armenian friend of mine called Coja Safar (Khwajah 
 Safar), of Agrah. He had a letter entitling him to 
 receive from a sarraf (money-changer) twenty-five 
 thousand rupees. On his arrival he learned that the 
 sarraf had become bankrupt. The Armenian dis- 
 simulated. As all the merchants knew him, they 
 brought him cloth, and he took delivery up to thirty 
 thousand rupees' worth. He loaded up all this cloth 
 for Surat, continuing himself at Patnah. When the 
 time came for paying the merchants, he, in pursuance 
 of the custom of the country, lighted two candles in 
 the morning, as a sign that he had become bankrupt, 
 he sat in his house with no turban on his head, a 
 simple cloth bound round his head and loins, his 
 seat an old bit of matting, and a dejected expression 
 on his face. 
 
 A great tumult arose in the city, and the merchants 
 thronged to learn the cause ; there was a storm of 
 questions, answers, and bad language. To all this he 
 replied with a sad countenance, calmly, and without 
 heat, by the word " Divalia " (diwala), which means 
 " bankrupt." No other response could they get. They 
 carried him off to court ; but on the quiet he had 
 given the judge a bribe of five thousand rupees. At 
 the hearing he (Safar) produced the bill of exchange 
 that he got at Agrah upon the sarraf of Patnah, and 
 made the defence that this sarraf was the cause that 
 he, too, was a bankrupt. The judge decreed that the 
 merchants must take the bill of exchange and procure 
 payment for themselves, being fellow citizens of the 
 sarraf. It was unreasonable that a stranger should 
 
n6 A JOURNEY BY RIVER 
 
 suffer in a foreign country. The Armenian, being thus 
 absolved, made his way to Siirat. 
 
 At this time Dautcan (Da,ud Khan) governed 
 the city of Patnah. This is the man who was un- 
 willing to forsake the service of Dara, yet was forced 
 to leave it because Dara, in opposition to all reason, 
 expelled him from the service when he marched out 
 of Multan. The prince acted on unfounded suspicions, 
 as I have recounted in the other part. I went to 
 see him, and he was very delighted to see me, remem- 
 bering that 1 had been something of a favourite with 
 Dara. He gave me a set of robes (sardpa). He still 
 retained much affection for the deceased prince, up- 
 braiding the evil fortune that had pursued him. He 
 said to me that if Prince Dara were still alive he 
 would never have taken service under Aurangzeb, 
 and now that he had accepted employment he 
 had been sent to govern Patnah. He was desirous 
 for me to become his follower, making me great 
 offers ; but as I wished to continue my journey, 
 I asked him to forgive me, as I had business in 
 Bengal. He agreed to let me go on condition that 
 I accepted from him a boat for making my journey 
 by river to Bengal, as a mark of the affection he 
 bore me. 
 
 I accepted the offer ; and of the two horses I had 
 I sold one, the other I embarked on the boat. Then 
 I got into it, taking the two friars, with whom I was 
 considerably incensed. We proceeded slowly, and, 
 arriving near an island, while our meal was in pre- 
 paration I landed with my boys to go shooting, there 
 being an abundance of game in these islands, all of 
 them uninhabited. Having shot sufficient for supper 
 and breakfast, I returned to the boat, and every evening 
 we slept close to the bank. 
 
 One day during this voyage the boatman told me 
 not to put any trust in the friars, for they were not 
 my friends on the contrary, they had several times 
 wanted to resume the journey while I was out on an 
 
RAJMAHAL 117 
 
 island shooting ; but the boatman would never consent, 
 knowing that Da,ud Khan would wreak vengeance 
 on him for daring so to act. I knew quite well that 
 the friars were capable of doing this, for the more 
 I tried to please them, the more insolent they became. 
 They did not recognise the benefit I was doing them, 
 for no other reason than their being men of religious 
 profession, recommended by the Father Rector of the 
 Jesuits in Agrah. I wanted to find out whether really 
 they spoke thus to the boatman, and I learnt after 
 some days that they again did as before. Thus I was 
 compelled to show myself in a rage, and I said to 
 them that, if they did not mend their impertinent 
 ways, I would abandon them on some island, and 
 leave them to the disposal of Time and the wild beasts. 
 I hoped that they would not thereafter venture to incur 
 my displeasure. All men of wisdom know that, with 
 certain characters, it is necessary to be resolute before 
 you can make them abate their rage, and thus was it 
 requisite to do on this occasion to make them thoroughly 
 uneasy. 
 
 Finally I reached Rajmahal, the former court 
 residence of Prince Shah Shuja', where I delayed 
 a few days to see the ruins of the city, the 
 dilapidated palaces, the great fallen mansions, the 
 neglected groves and gardens. ; At this time the city 
 was ruled by Mirza Jam, who had been the cap- 
 tain of Shah Shuja's artillery in the severe battle 
 of Khajwah. Upon the defeat of that prince, Mir 
 Jumlah, who was viceroy of Bengal, aware of the 
 prudence and valour of Mirza Jani, made him 
 governor of this city. 
 
 From Rajmahal I continued my journey on the 
 river to the city of Daca (Dhakah), which was 
 reached in fifteen days from leaving Rajmahal. The 
 city of Dhakah is the metropolis of the whole province 
 of Bengal, where a viceroy always resides who wields 
 the greatest power, although when I reached it Mir 
 Jumlah, the then viceroy, was not there, he having 
 
 9 
 
n8 ARRIVAL AT HtJGLl 
 
 gone to make war on Assam, a campaign of which I 
 will speak later on. The city of Dhakah, without 
 being strong or large, has many inhabitants. Most 
 of its houses are made of straw. At this period there 
 were two factories, one English and the other Dutch ; 
 there were many Christians, white and black Portu- 
 guese, with a church served by a friar called 
 Agostinho. 
 
 Here I made the acquaintance of an Englishman 
 named Thomas Plata (? Platt), a courteous man, who 
 had from Mir Jumlah five hundred rupees a month. 
 He was master of the riverside, and employed in 
 building boats and making ammunition for river 
 fighting. This Englishman carried me off to his 
 house, and I received from him many favours ; I 
 shall have something to say about him after the death 
 of Mir Jumlah through something that then happened 
 to him. After some days I embarked once more, 
 accompanied by the friars, traversing the great river 
 of Dhakah, on my way to Hugli. Having discovered 
 that I had little time to spare, and that there was a 
 shorter and a safer route to Hugli, we therefore 
 quitted the main stream and passed by a way between 
 forests, which are called the Forests of Sunderi 
 (Sundarbans). 
 
 In forty days we got through the forest and reached 
 the waters of Huglf, not far from the sea. The friars 
 made for the harbour of Balasor, where they wanted 
 to beg for alms. I disembarked at Hugli and went to 
 see the Father Prior of St. Augustin's, named Frey 
 Irao Bautista. Here I found the chief inhabitants of 
 Hugli, all of them rich Portuguese, for in those days 
 they alone were allowed to deal in salt throughout the 
 province of Bengal. The Father asked me at once if 
 there had come with me two fugitive friars. I replied 
 that two Fathers bad come, but they were not fugitives 
 on the contrary, they were religious persons much 
 to be esteemed ; that they had come to gather alms 
 for their convent and were gone to Balasor. Thus 
 
MANUCCI'S STAY IN HtJGLl 119 
 
 did I repay the troubles they had caused me on the 
 journey. But they did not equally return them to me 
 the good I had done them, as I shall relate. The 
 Father Prior placed trust in my words, and made 
 ready two cells to receive the friars on their arrival, 
 which came to pass a few days afterwards, when they 
 were well received. 
 
 Some days after my arrival the Jesuit Fathers came 
 to visit me, and in course of conversation they said to 
 me that they had a tiny church, and that only built 
 of straw. They desired to construct one of stone, 
 but the governor objected, although they were ready 
 to pay him five thousand rupees. The governor was 
 Mirzagol (? Mirza Gul or Mughal), an old man of 
 Persian race, who had been in Shah Shuja's service 
 when he fought the famous battle of Khajwah against 
 Aurangzeb. He afterwards entered the service of 
 Aurangzeb, and Mir Jumlah, who knew his prudence, 
 made him governor of Hugli. This governor was 
 determined that the Jesuit Fathers should not build 
 a church, and he issued orders that no one should 
 work at such an edifice under penalty of losing a 
 hand. 
 
 The Fathers begged me most earnestly to speak to 
 Mirza Gul on this matter. To be of service to the 
 Fathers, I paid a visit to the governor, when we had a 
 talk over the events in the recent wars, so that he took 
 a fancy to me. He said to me that if he could be of 
 use to me in any way he would do it willingly. 
 Seeing an opening for carrying out the project of the 
 Fathers, who were with me, I explained to him, after 
 many polite words, that I should be content if he 
 would allow the Fathers to build a church. This was 
 the greatest favour that he could do me. Then I 
 presented to him their petition, which he granted on 
 the spot. 
 
 When they learnt this, the Portuguese were all 
 amazed that I, with a few words, had secured what 
 they could not obtain for five thousand rupees. This 
 
120 A MARRIAGE PROPOSAL 
 
 thing caused them to seek every mode of keeping me 
 in Hugli, they supposing that, as I had managed so 
 easily such a difficult affair, I would prove of benefit 
 to the Portuguese should I take up my residence there. 
 They found that I was not willing ; on the contrary, I 
 wanted to go back to the Mogul territory to practise 
 the science of medicine, of which I had begun to learn 
 the elements, and was continuing my studies. I knew 
 from experience that Frank physicians are held in 
 esteem by the Mahomedans. They then thought 
 to detain me by a marriage to a young lady, with 
 the promise of thirty thousand rupees and two 
 pataxos loaded with salt, making the whole one 
 hundred thousand rupees, also a house furnished 
 with everything necessary for a newly-married 
 couple. 
 
 I was really anxious that this contract should be 
 carried through ; all the same, I made a show of not 
 caring a rap, pretending, on the contrary, that I was 
 absolutely determined to return to the Mogul country. 
 The Jesuit Fathers were never tired of trying to get a 
 "Yes "from me, but though desirous in my heart of 
 assenting, I made a show of refusal, so that they might 
 not fancy they were conferring any benefit on me, 
 nor, if afterwards there chanced to be any quarrel, 
 could they throw in my face the benefit they had 
 done me. 
 
 The friends with whom I had travelled from Agrah 
 to Bengal were anxious on this occasion to repay me 
 for the kindness I had done them in taking them as 
 my companions. They came to interview me, and by 
 a long argument tried to draw from my purse three 
 thousand rupees. They said if I gave them the 
 three thousand rupees they had the power of 
 arranging a very profitable marriage for me. They 
 supposed that at the time I knew nothing of this 
 proposed marriage, and thus they came confidently 
 hoping to suck three thousand rupees out of me. 
 With an unmoved face I gave them my thanks, 
 
INTERFERENCE OF TWO FRIARS 121 
 
 saying that I had no wish to marry. Worn out by 
 talking, they had to quit my dwelling without the 
 rupees. 
 
 They (the friars) waited until a day on which my 
 proposed father-in-law had prepared a luncheon, and 
 intended to come with the Jesuit Fathers and other 
 friends of his to carry me with them to this feast. 
 He meant to obtain my acquiescence during the meal. 
 All of a sudden they (the two friars) appeared in the 
 company. Everybody was pleased, looking on the 
 friars as my friends ; and they were invited to come 
 also to my house to fetch me, and settle about the 
 wedding. Those two men, who sought nothing but 
 my harm, began to give vent to the rage that they 
 had against me at not having been able to extract 
 the three thousand rupees from me. They expressed 
 their surprise that a rich man, having only one 
 daughter, the heiress of much wealth, should seek 
 for her the ill-fortune of being married to a foreign 
 youth, one of little ability. On the other hand, there 
 were many Portuguese of good sense, of good family, 
 well-established merchants in Huglt, who were willing 
 to marry the girl ; if others were consenting to this 
 union they could not concur in such an injury being 
 inflicted on the girl. 
 
 Everybody was amazed at this kind of talk from 
 the friars, they all supposing them to be my friends, 
 as I had vouched for them ; and their words found 
 acceptance in the minds of many present. The two 
 knew that someone would come and tell me what 
 had happened, therefore they cunningly took the 
 initiative, and came within the same hour to visit me. 
 They said Hugli was not a good place for me; it 
 were better to quit it at once. The Father Prior of 
 the Augustinians was, they said, very vexed with me 
 for obtaining permission for the Jesuit Fathers to 
 build their church. He had sworn that when he came 
 across me he would thrust some insult upon me. 
 
 As soon as they had left my house I took pen and 
 9 * 
 
122 REPRISALS 
 
 ink, and wrote a letter to the said Father Prior, asking 
 the cause of his displeasure. For it did not seem to 
 me sufficient cause to be vexed because a stranger 
 had assisted in getting God glorified. Nevertheless, 
 if I had offended I would come to him for my penance. 
 But it did not seem to me right that he should show 
 such signs of displeasure as recounted to me by such- 
 and-such priests. He replied to me that he had no 
 grievance about my gaining the permission for the 
 Jesuit Fathers, but it was because they had promised 
 him one hundred and fifty rupees if the negotiation 
 succeeded, and now were unwilling to keep their 
 word. Meanwhile there appeared the foster brother 
 of her who was to be my wife; he was my great 
 friend, and he told me all that occurred. The story 
 was confirmed by other friends who had been present 
 during the telling of falsehoods about me by the two 
 friars. 
 
 I came out of my house, and went to the Father 
 Prior of the Augustinians, where 1 made known what 
 the friars were, for I now saw they were full of guile. 
 I told him, as was the truth, that they collected alms 
 not for the convent, but for themselves. They had 
 tried to levy from my purse three thousand rupees ; 
 but, as I did not wish to give them this money, the} 7 
 invented falsehoods about me. They supposed I 
 wanted to get married, whereas the thought of it had 
 never entered my head. The Father Prior approved 
 of what I said, and extracted from the hands of the 
 fugitives the alms collected, writing to the convent 
 of the said friars at Goa as to what he had done. He 
 gave orders in his convent of the Augustinians for 
 the preparation of a satisfactory account of the money. 
 The said Father Prior made complaint to me for my 
 not having denounced them as absconders. I replied 
 that under the impression that they intended to do 
 better deeds than those they had committed in the 
 Mogul country I judged myself under an obligation 
 to screen my neighbour's faults, but finding that they 
 
MANUCCI LEAVES HUGLl 123 
 
 were acting worse than before I held it now opportune 
 to declare the truth. 
 
 Certain friends were very anxious for me to remain 
 in Hugli to renew the proposals of marriage. But 
 being quite ready for a start I declined to listen to 
 anyone. Two days after the above-mentioned event 
 I quitted Hugli by land. Some imagined that I was 
 not really going, for before I had reached Cassim 
 Bazar (Qasim Bazar) they sent me couriers calling 
 on me to return, saying that already the plot of my 
 enemies had been discovered, and my father-in-law 
 was anxiously awaiting me to give me his daughter 
 as my bride. I paid no heed to such letters and 
 promises, for I had by that time made up my mind 
 to go once more to Dihli. 
 
 I reached Qasim Bazar, at three days' journey from 
 Hugli, and here I saw that they make much high- 
 quality piece-goods, and much white cloth. There 
 are in this village, which is near the Ganges, three 
 factories of the French, English, and Dutch. From 
 Qasim Bazar I took the road to Rajmahal, and there 
 waited to see a Hindu woman burnt, although I had 
 already seen many. She had poisoned her husband 
 by reason of her love for a musician, hoping to get 
 married afterwards to this lover. But on the husband's 
 death the musician refused to marry her. Thus 
 finding herself deprived of a husband, and her re- 
 putation gone, she resolved to be burnt. A great 
 crowd collected to look on ; among them appeared 
 the musician, hoping to receive from her something 
 by way of memorial. It is usual for women who go 
 to be burnt to distribute betel-leaf or jewels. The 
 place was a large pit. As she was circumambulating 
 this pit she came close to the young musician, and, 
 taking from her neck a gold chain she had on as an 
 ornament, she flung it round the young man's neck, 
 and taking him forcibly into her arms jumped into 
 the pit. Everyone was taken aback at this, not anti- 
 cipating such a thing. Thus did she and the youth 
 
i2 4 A RESCUE FROM SATl 
 
 together expiate their sin and the murder of the 
 husband. 
 
 From Rajmahal I made once more for Patnah, 
 where I halted several days, spending a jolly time 
 with some English and Dutch friends. I then started 
 for Allahabad, and from Allahabad I went to Agrah, 
 where was King Shahjahan, still kept with the same 
 rigour as ordered by King Aurangzeb, who was then 
 in Kashmir. The routes I traversed are much fre- 
 quented, full of villages and sardes, food being good 
 and cheap. 
 
 Some time after my arrival in Agrah there came 
 to my house a Dutch surgeon named Jacob, a fugitive 
 from the harbour of Goa, having killed a man when 
 the Dutch blockaded the entrance to that place. His 
 visit was mo^t opportune. For the governor of the 
 city, who suffered from a fistula, had sent for me to 
 see if I could cure him. None of the Europeans 
 living in the fort knew the proper treatment, nor was 
 there any Mahomedan surgeon who would venture 
 to deal with the case. I asked Jacob, who was unable 
 to speak Moors, and was a poor, miserable creature, 
 whether he had the courage to treat such a complaint. 
 He replied in the affirmative, and so I went with him 
 to the governor, and in a short time we cured him, 
 when he gave us a considerable sum for our trouble, 
 besides the presents sent to me during the time we 
 were attending him. Thus little by little I began to 
 turn myself into a physician, although I did not make 
 bold to announce myself as such. 
 
 During my stay in Agrah I went one day to make 
 an excursion into the country on horseback, in the 
 company of a young Armenian. We came where a 
 Hindu woman had begun to move round her pyre, 
 which was already blazing ; she rested her eyes on 
 us, as if she appealed to us for help. The Armenian 
 asked if I would join him in saving the woman from 
 death. I said I would. Seizing our swords, and our 
 servants doing the same, we charged our horses into 
 
MANUCCI ENTERS JAI SINGH'S SERVICE 125 
 
 the midst of the crowd looking on, shouting " Mata, 
 mata!" ("Kill, kill!"), whereat the Brahmans, being 
 frightened, all took to flight and left the woman un- 
 guarded. The Armenian laid hold of her, and making 
 her mount behind him, carried her off. Subsequently, 
 having had her baptized, he married her. When 
 I passed through Surat I found her living there with 
 her son, and she returned me many thanks for the 
 benefit done to her. When the king returned from 
 Kashmir, the Brahmans went to complain that the 
 soldiers did not allow women to be burnt, in accord- 
 ance with their customs. The king issued an order 
 that in all lands under Mogul control never again 
 should the officials allow a woman to be burnt. This 
 order endures to this day. 
 
 The king having arrived at Dihli from Kashmir, I 
 went several times to make my bow to Rajah Jai 
 Singh, who took a fancy to me, and in the end 
 requested me to teach him how to play Hombre, as 
 I had already done to his son Queretsing (Kirat 
 Singh). Several times we played together, and we 
 two won from the said Rajah some sums of money. 
 At this time Rajah Jai Singh said he had need of me. 
 He wanted me to join him in this most important 
 enterprise, and he would make me commander of 
 his artillery. For this purpose I must search for 
 Europeans I knew and who were good soldiers. 
 Afterwards he would entrust other business to me. 
 Meanwhile he fixed my pay at ten rupees a day. 
 I could not resist his proposal, and I had great 
 trust in his word, nor did I like to offend him at 
 such a time. For I had not yet the boldness to 
 announce myself as a physician. He gave me a rich 
 sardpd (set of robes), and a good horse, with sufficient 
 money for my equipment. 
 
 Everything having been arranged, we quitted Dihli 
 with a strong force. Aurangzeb ordered Mahabat 
 Khan to return to the government of Gujarat, and 
 
126 VAIN-GLORIOUS BAHADUR KHAN 
 
 Bahadur Khan, the king's foster-brother, was ordered 
 to return to court. At this time happened an amusing 
 affair. Bahadur Khan, as the king's foster-brother, 
 had been lifted from an obscure position to that of 
 a general. He had become very high and mighty 
 and vain-glorious. Everyone arriving from court was 
 asked eagerly as to the king's health, not calling him 
 by his title, but speaking of him as his brother ; thus 
 he used to say : " How is my brother ? " Mahabat 
 Khan decided to teach him a lesson. On reaching 
 Gujarat, he took his seat in his tent and arranged 
 with his foster-brother that when Bahadur Khan was 
 there he should, richly clad, and with an aigrette of 
 gold stuck in his turban, gallop past on a fine horse, 
 acting the braggart, as if on his way to his own 
 quarters. Bahadur Khan wondered at this perform- 
 ance, and asked who was that mighty warrior. 
 Mahabat Khan did not use the man's name, but, 
 assuming an innocent air, he said briefly : " These 
 foster-brothers are shameless creatures, and have no 
 tact in what they do. They fancy that being our 
 brothers by milk, they are equal members of our 
 house!" Bahadur Khan quite saw the hit, but pre- 
 tended not to. Nor by this was he turned from his 
 line of conduct. For the proverb is a true one : 
 " However many stratagems a man possesses, they 
 sooner or later ruin him." 
 
 Two things happened to me during this march. 
 The first was that, being dressed in the costume of 
 the country, I fastened my gown or cabaya (qaba) 
 on the right side as is the fashion of Mahomedans. 
 The Hindus fasten theirs on the left. I also went 
 with my beard shaved, wearing only moustaches like 
 the Rajputs, but without pearls hanging from my ears 
 as they have. The Rajput officers wondered at this 
 get-up, neither Rajput nor Mahomedan. They asked 
 me what religion 1 belonged to. I replied that I was 
 of the Christian religion. Once more they asked me if 
 I were a Mohamedan Christian or a Hindu Christian 
 
EUROPEAN MODE OF FIGHTING AT SEA 127 
 
 for they recognise no other religions than these in 
 Hindustan. I seized the opportunity to tell them 
 a little about our faith. 
 
 The other matter was that one day Rajah Jai Singh 
 asked me whether in Europe there were armies, wars, 
 and squadrons. I replied to him that the braver}' 
 with which the Farangis fought, of which I was an 
 example, sufficed to show him that we in Europe knew 
 what war and fighting meant. We were accustomed 
 to fight in two ways : one by sea, the other by land. 
 That upon the sea took place thus : 
 
 A number of planks are joined together by rails in 
 the form of a large enclosed house, with many cannon 
 in tiers. Entering into the said house, the soldiers 
 attach huge cloths to masts, and, driven by the winds, 
 these serve to put the said house in motion. The 
 course is regulated by a large plank fixed on the 
 house, and capable of movement from one side to 
 another. In this way, with good matchlocks, pistols, 
 and swords, and a sufficient supply of food, of powder, 
 and of ball, they set out in search of their enemies. 
 When they encounter one, the fight begins with the 
 firing of cannon, which breaks the masts or makes 
 holes in the said houses, allowing entrance to the 
 water. But those who are within assemble and 
 with skill plug the hole. For this they always have 
 materials read}'. 
 
 Meanwhile some attend to the vessel, and others 
 fight without intermission. The dead bodies are 
 thrown into the sea, so that they may not hinder 
 the fight. Nor are there surgeons wanting to aid 
 the wounded, who are carried to a room specially 
 set apart. As their courage grows hotter, they bring 
 the vessels nearer, emptying all their matchlocks and 
 pistols, until at length, the fight waxing still fiercer, 
 they grapple one with the other; then the sword- 
 blows scatter streams of blood, reddening the sea. 
 There being no mode of flight for the fighters, it is 
 therefore necessary to conquer or die. Sometimes it 
 
128 EUROPEAN MODE OF FIGHTING ON LAND 
 
 happens that the captain who is losing, resolving not 
 to be overcome, orders all his cannon and other pieces 
 to be double-shotted. He then sets fire to the ship's 
 magazine of powder ; thus he destroys himself along 
 with the others. The rajah wondered at such a mode 
 of warfare, and it seemed to him very hard and cruel 
 that a man, if he did not want to defend himself, could 
 not even run away. 
 
 The other mode of fighting was on land. There the 
 foot soldiers were separated from the squadrons of 
 horse, and all had their matchlocks and swords. 
 Those who were mounted had good carbines, pistols, 
 and swords. When I was giving this account, finding 
 some pikes or spears there, I exhibited how the spear- 
 men stood in front of the companies to hinder the 
 cavalry from getting in and throwing into disorder the 
 well-ordered ranks of the infantry. Thus the battle 
 would commence with great order and discipline, the 
 cavalry helping wherever it was necessary to repress 
 an onslaught of the enemy. Many a thing did we tell 
 him of our fighting in the open country. Upon this 
 he set to laughing, assuming us to have no horses in 
 our country, and thus we could know nothing of fight- 
 ing on horseback. 
 
 For this reason we agreed, I and Luis Beigao, a 
 French surgeon, Guilherme (William), an Englishman, 
 and Domingo de Saa, a Portuguese, who had formerly 
 been a cavalry soldier in Portugal, to give the next 
 morning during the march, and in the rajah's presence, 
 a demonstration of our mode of fighting on horseback. 
 We rode out with our carbines, two pistols in our 
 holsters, and two in our waistbelts, and carrying our 
 swords. We rode two and two, and began to career 
 about, our horses being excellent. Then first of all 
 we skirmished with the carbine, and after some circling 
 and recircling, letting off our pistols we made pretence 
 of flight and pursuit. Then, turning round and making 
 a half-circle, the fugitive attacked the pursuer and let 
 off his pistol. Thus we went on till all our charges 
 
ARRIVAL AT AURANGABAD 129 
 
 were fired off of course without bullets. Then laying 
 hand upon our swords, we made gestures as if giving 
 sword-cuts, which the others parried. 
 
 The rajah, who was on his elephant, halted, and 
 when our display was finished we rode up and made 
 our bow. He asked what meant these excursions and 
 alarms. I replied that purposely we had done this to 
 let him see that we knew how to fight on horseback 
 in the European way. He asked me several times if 
 really they fought like that in Europe. I answered 
 that this was only a small specimen. We would show 
 him sport when it came to reality, observing the same 
 order ; and if there were on the field dead men or 
 horses we should ride over them as if riding on a 
 carpet, and make no account of them. He praised our 
 way of fighting, saying he thought it a sound mode of 
 warfare, and he should like to form a troop of Euro- 
 pean cavalry if I could obtain them. I answered that 
 it was not easy to get so many men in Hindustan who 
 had been trained in our wars. He then gave us our 
 leave with a good present, and thenceforth thought 
 more of European nations, who, if it were not for their 
 drinking habits, would be held in high estimation, 
 and could aid our kings to carry out some project 
 in those lands. 
 
 While this embassy (to Persia) was in progress, we 
 were marching onwards to the city of Aurangabad, on 
 reaching which we joined Shah 'Alam. Sending for 
 me, Rajah Jai Singh ordered me to go as envoy to the 
 three rajahs that is to say, Ramanagar (Ramnagar), 
 Pentt (Pent), and Chottia (Chiutia), who are petty 
 rajahs among the Hindus, and the Portuguese call 
 them kings of the Colles (? Kolis). It was through 
 their lands that Shiva Ji passed on his way to attack 
 Surat. Rajah Jai Singh gave me a set of robes and a 
 horse, and sent with me thirty troopers and infantry, 
 also a considerable sum for expenses. My orders 
 were to go to these rajahs, and tell them they must 
 give their word not to take the side of Shiva Ji, nor 
 
i 3 o MANUCCI NEGOTIATES WITH PETTY RAJAHS 
 
 allow him passage. He (Jai Singh) must declare war 
 against them in the name of the Mogul emperor, if 
 they did not take up arms against Shiva Ji and em- 
 brace the cause of Aurangzeb. As security for their 
 promise they must come in themselves, or send their 
 sons to attend on the court, where they would be 
 assigned pay and rank befitting their condition. 
 
 I took my departure on this deputation, and the 
 first person I visited was the Rajah of Ramanagar, 
 whose territories lie amidst frightful hills and gloomy 
 forests. I was well received by this rajah, who invited 
 me to take a rest while he deliberated on what he 
 thought it was best to do. I amused myself mean- 
 while going out to shoot and fish ; nor did the rajah 
 fail in providing pastimes in the nature of plays and 
 games. Meanwhile he was corresponding with the 
 other two rajahs, whether they thought it suited them 
 to take the Mogul side against Shiva Ji. I was not 
 backward in making promises and using threats, 
 according as I considered it appropriate. Sometimes 
 I put myself into a passion and demanded an answer, 
 else I would be off. In the end the rajah chose the 
 side of Aurangzeb, giving me a horse and a sword. 
 He made over to me his son in confirmation of his 
 word. 
 
 I then went to the second rajah, where I was re- 
 ceived in a friendly manner, and treated just as I had 
 been at the first place. He petitioned for time, feign- 
 ing that he had not had time to write to the others. 
 Here I received many honours according to their 
 custom dances, plays, and the chase. Finally he too 
 gave me a horse and a sword, and delivered to me his 
 son to be conducted to court. But this tall and 
 robust young man died on the journey, by reason of 
 the great heat of the sun, which inflamed his blood 
 He would not agree to be bled, as I counselled, he 
 not trusting me. 
 
 Next I proceeded to the third rajah, who showed 
 himself recalcitrant. But finding I was determined, 
 
SPELLS AND SORCERY 131 
 
 he set to work to conciliate me. Not having any sons, 
 he made over to me his brother to be taken to court 
 with me; he then bestowed on me a sword and a 
 horse, and bade me farewell. It happened that at this 
 time he was fighting the Portuguese of Damao 
 (Daman), so I arranged matters and persuaded them 
 to make peace. 
 
 Here two things happened to me that I wish to 
 recount, so that inquiring persons may learn that 
 these people are much given to sorcery. I had a 
 handsome horse that Rajah Jai Singh had given me. 
 The Rajah of Chottia (Chiutia), took a fancy to this 
 horse, and requested me to sell it to him ; he would 
 pay me one thousand rupees. I was not willing ; but 
 when it was time for my departure the horse had lost 
 the use of its legs, and was unable to move. I waited 
 for eight days without any good, when the rajah sent 
 me word that, though the horse was damaged, he 
 would still give me one thousand rupees. In a rage I 
 started from the place, telling my people that if within 
 twenty-four hours the horse could not move, to cut his 
 throat and bring the hide to me. Finding me so 
 resolute, the rajah sent me one thousand two hundred 
 rupees, beseeching me not to order the horse's throat 
 to be cut, but to content myself with the present, and 
 he would keep the horse in remembrance of me. I 
 contented myself with taking the twelve hundred 
 rupees, knowing quite well that if I did not, I should 
 lose both horse and rupees. 
 
 Another affair happened to me on this return 
 journey to the camp with the hostages. It was thus : 
 One of my servants passing through a field of radishes, 
 stretched out his hand to pluck one out of the ground, 
 when his hand adhered in such a fashion to the radish 
 that he could not take it away. It was necessary to 
 find the owner of the field to get him liberated. This 
 was done, and after taking something as a bribe, and 
 giving him a beating, the owner recited some words 
 and the man was freed. I could never sufficiently 
 
132 MANUCCI MEETS SHIVA Jl 
 
 state to what an extent the Hindus and Mahomedans 
 in India are in the habit of practising witchcraft. I 
 quite well know that if I were to recount that they 
 can even make a cock crow in the belly of the man 
 who stole and ate it, no credit would be given to me. 
 Nevertheless, the truth is that many a time I heard 
 the crowing in different cases, and of such instances I 
 was told over and over again. 
 
 A few days after my arrival Shiva Jf gave himself up 
 and came into our camp. Since I went at night to 
 converse and play (cards) with the rajah whenever he 
 so desired, it happened one night during this period 
 that we were having a game, the rajah, his Brahman, 
 and I, when in came Shiva Ji. We all rose up, and 
 Shiva Ji, seeing me, a youth well favoured of body, 
 whom he had not beheld on other occasions, asked 
 Rajah Jai Singh of what country I was the rajah. Jai 
 Singh replied that I was a Farangi rajah. He won- 
 dered at such an answer, and said that he also had in 
 his service many Farangfs, but they were not of this 
 style. Rajah Jai Singh wanted to do me honour, and 
 responded that as a rule Nature made a distinction 
 between the great and the humble, and I being a rajah, 
 she had given me a mind and a body very different 
 from those of others. I rose to my feet as a mark of 
 recognition for the compliment, and made the appro- 
 priate obeisance. This was the opening which afforded 
 me occasion many times to converse with Shiva Ji, 
 since I possessed, like anyone else in the camp, the 
 Persian and Hindustan languages. I gave him informa- 
 tion about the greatness of European kings, he being 
 of opinion that there was not in Europe any other 
 king than the King of Portugal. I also talked to him 
 about our religion. 
 
 During this advance and retreat there was with our 
 army the Father Damiao Vieira, a Portuguese expelled 
 by the Jesuit Fathers. The cause of his appearance 
 was that during our stay below the fortress of Punagar 
 (? Puna-garh) the Hindus of Chawal came to complain 
 
DIFFICULTIES WITH THE PORTUGUESE 133 
 
 to Rajah Jai Singh that the Portuguese were seizing 
 forcibly the sons of the Hindus and making them 
 Christians. This made the rajah angry, for he was 
 zealous in the Hindu faith, and he made preparations 
 to send a force against Chawal. 
 
 On becoming aware of this I gave notice, there and 
 then, to Ignacio Sermento at Bassain. He was chief of 
 the northern territory of the Portuguese, which extends 
 to Damao (Daman). I requested him to send someone 
 as envoy with some presents, and I would arrange 
 matters. He sent this padre, with a young Mahomedan 
 in his suite. He brought this youth expressly to get 
 from him half of what he might acquire, as being well 
 acquainted with the territories of Chawal. He was 
 clever enough to secure the rajah's taking this young 
 man into his service, and thus they shared the pay in 
 a brotherly manner. I spoke to the rajah and pointed 
 out to him that there was no occasion for the Hindus 
 of Chawal to complain, since what the Portuguese 
 were doing had gone on certainly for a hundred years, 
 nor did they make Christians of anyone but orphans 
 who had no relations forthcoming. 
 
 The padre was not content with having accomplished 
 his mission with somewhat of honour, but he must 
 needs enter on warlike proposals. He promised the 
 rajah that he would so manage that the viceroy of Goa 
 should give aid to the Moguls, in the acquisition of 
 Bijapur. Over and over again I told the padre that it 
 was not a good thing to enter into such matters, that 
 he had much better withdraw to Goa. For the King 
 of Bijapur was a better neighbour to the Portuguese 
 than the King of the Moguls would ever be. The latter 
 having conquered Bijapur, would next try to take Goa. 
 The padre was not pleased with my views, and com- 
 plained to the rajah, so that the rajah said to me one 
 day, without giving a reason, that I should avoid 
 meeting the padre. After the business had been 
 settled, I received from the Portuguese a certificate 
 signed by Ignacio Sermento, wherein he swore on the 
 
 10 
 
t34 AT BASSAIN 
 
 Holy Evangelists that I had done great service to the 
 Crown of Portugal. 
 
 We got to Bfjapur as I said, and there we beheld the 
 miracles that the padre had promised us. We were to 
 take Bijapur with the greatest ease, whereas it all but 
 happened that Sharzah Khan broke all our heads. 
 Therefore, finding, after we had retreated, that we 
 were going into quarters, I began to long for a life 
 among Christians ; and I was disgusted at the conduct 
 of the padre, who continued to live on in the army. I 
 asked the rajah for leave to resign, as I wanted to 
 return to my country, and I put forward as excuse 
 that I wanted to get married, They never refuse 
 anyone leave when it is with that object. The rajah 
 asked his Brahman and the astrologers, with whom 
 these princes are always well provided, if he 
 should ever see me again. They replied that we 
 should never meet again. He believed that I was 
 doomed to die, but he reckoned badly, for while I 
 got back to the Mogul country, he was left dead far 
 from home. 
 
 On my taking leave he gave me a set of robes, and 
 something by way of a present. Upon quitting the 
 army I went into a village belonging to the Portuguese 
 called Camba (Kambe) close to Galiani (Kaliyam) and 
 Beundi (Bhiwandi) in the country of Shiva Ji. In this 
 village are made many things of wood handsome 
 chairs, sideboards, bedsteads, and different playthings. 
 Here I stayed for several days, at the request of a 
 friend of mine, who was the owner of the village, and 
 he kept me in his house until he had stolen some gold 
 coins I had. Thence I made for Bassaim (Bassain, 
 Wasai), a Portuguese town, there to pass Lent, and I 
 lived outside the town. I was very near losing my 
 life here. A gentleman (fidalgo) asked me about some 
 fidalgos of the Mello family, then living in the Mogul 
 country, who had been banished for putting to death 
 two brothers named Medoncas (? Mendoza), brothers- 
 in-law of the questioner, on the accusation of treason 
 
AT GOA 135 
 
 to the Portuguese Crown. I had no idea that he was 
 an enemy of these fugitives, and I replied that they 
 were men of worth and honoured gentlemen. This 
 sufficed to set him plotting against me, and he sent out 
 men to assassinate me. But it was God's pleasure that, 
 when coming out of the town on my horse, I should 
 meet some gentlemen, who requested me to put my 
 horse to speed, which I did most vigorously. With a 
 pleasantry I took my leave of them, and spurred my 
 horse into a gallop, though it was already tired out ; 
 getting my sword out of its scabbard, it was as much 
 as I could do to get hold of it, seeing that my horse 
 would hardly let me. 
 
 But here we must admire God's providence, who had 
 resolved on saving me. Here was I galloping my 
 horse, sword in hand, when I came up with four men 
 at a corner round which I had to pass. They stood 
 there waiting for me with naked swords ready to slay 
 me. But guessing that I had been already warned, 
 and was coming at them, resolved to fight to the death, 
 they were in fear and allowed me to pass without 
 hindrance. I was subsequently informed that he who 
 had laid this plot for me was the fidalgo to whom I 
 had praised the Mellos. Thus fearing that he would 
 lose no occasion of executing his evil intent, I left for 
 Goa, and there I arrived in the month of May, one 
 thousand six hundred and sixty-six (1666). Of the 
 place itself I shall have much to say presently, but the 
 reader must first permit me to say something about 
 my own stay there. 
 
 I did not obtain there what I sought, for I found 
 myself in a place where treachery is great and pre- 
 valent, where there is little fear of God and no con- 
 cern for strangers. Not that I can complain myself 
 of ill-treatment, for the viceroy desired to honour 
 me with the command of a war-galley ; but since I 
 had many necessary expenses, and I was not rich 
 enough to take upon myself the payment of the 
 soldiers and sailors from my own pocket, I declined. 
 
136 TARDY PAYMENT OF A DEBT 
 
 My advice to the viceroy was that he should take 
 great care not to let the Mogul become master of 
 Bijapur, for, on finding an opportunity, he would 
 use all his strength to take Goa, as was his usual 
 practice. 
 
 As I had need of money for expenses, I went several 
 times to the General Ignacio Sermento, to ask for the 
 three hundred rupees which he continued to owe me 
 for certain articles that he had asked me to send him 
 when I was in the Mogul country. Never could I 
 succeed in getting what was due. At length, when 
 he was about to start for his government of Mozam- 
 bique , I begged him to make me a gift of the three 
 hundred rupees at any rate, under the name of alms. 
 As a foreigner, I had no remedy against him, and when 
 he heard me ask for charity he ordered the sum to be 
 paid me. Thus is it the custom of certain of these 
 gentlemen to pay their debts after wearying out their 
 creditors. I was very fortunate. Others, in place of 
 collecting the money they have lent, have lost a limb, 
 or even their life. I do not want to talk of that, for 
 those who are curious may ask the Portuguese them- 
 selves; there are among them men of sincerity, as 
 there are in other nations ; such men can tell them 
 more than I dare to write about the Portuguese of 
 India. 
 
 I stopped in Goa a year and three months. It is 
 a place with a climate suited to men from forty up 
 to old age, but it is very unhealthy for young men. 
 Thus, a few months after my arrival, I fell ill, and 
 could never recover my health. Therefore I retired 
 to the convent of the Italian Carmelite priests, where 
 I was well received and attended to for six months, 
 during which I continued unwell. 
 
 The viceroy, when I arrived, was Antonio de Mello 
 de Castro, who died afterwards a prisoner in Portugal, 
 through good works of thieving, et cetera, of which 
 he had been guilty in India. To replace him came Joao 
 
A FRUITLESS EXPEDITION AGAINST MASQAT 137 
 
 Nunes da Cunha ; and this new governor, as soon as 
 he arrived, undertook a great expedition. He kept 
 his object secret, and it would have resulted in great 
 honour to the Portuguese if those who were envious 
 of his earning this glory had not impeded its execution. 
 There came from Masqat, a fortress on the Arabian 
 coast formerly belonging to the Portuguese, which 
 by their negligence they lost, when it passed into 
 the hands of an Arabian prince there came, I say, 
 from this fortress to Goa a Portuguese named 
 Andre da Andrada, who was commander of artillery 
 there, and passed for a Mahomedan. This man 
 pledged his word to the new viceroy to deliver 
 over the fortress if a strong fleet appeared before 
 it by sea, and to secure that end he would spike 
 the guns. 
 
 The viceroy took up the proposal, and hired a 
 strong fleet of good ships and frigates for this service. 
 But he let no one know what he meant to do, and 
 from this secrecy the Dutch dreaded some sudden 
 blow to them, as J:hey could not find out what such 
 preparations were meant for. By the distribution of 
 copious bribes in all directions they won over several 
 of the officers. The viceroy, being desirous of equip- 
 ping his ships well, ordered the embarkation by force 
 of every valid man, compelled the better class of 
 Portuguese from the northern parts to come to Goa, 
 and directed that no one should be allowed to quit the 
 place. Thus, when the ships were well fitted out, 
 he made over sealed instructions to the captains with 
 the order not to open them until arrival at a certain 
 latitude. 
 
 Thus the fleet set sail without anyone knowing its 
 destination. But the bribed pilots and captains sailed 
 hither and thither with the ships without overcoming 
 the contrary winds until they reached the appointed 
 latitude, where the letters of instruction were opened ; 
 and some of them managed secretly to tamper with 
 the water-casks, so that all the water was lost. The 
 10* 
 
138 MANUCCI LEAVES GOA 
 
 fault was put upon the viceroy, who, in his desire for 
 haste, had not given time to prepare the ships properly. 
 Thus there put into port only one frigate, which, in 
 obedience to orders, anchored at Bandar Congo, on 
 the Arabian coast, a Portuguese territory that now 
 belongs to the King of Persia. There it waited 
 some time for its companions, until it was obliged to 
 return to Goa to avoid capture by those of Masqat, 
 who profited by the treason. 
 
 At the time of this expedition I was anxious to quit 
 Goa, but I could not do it in lay clothing. I therefore 
 left in the garb of a Carmelite monk until I got beyond 
 the district of Goa and had entered the territory of 
 Bijapur, of which Shiva Jt had already taken posses- 
 sion. There 1 returned to my ordinary costume, and 
 placed myself under the guidance of Divine Provi- 
 dence. I prayed God to deliver me from many perils, 
 above all from robbers ; for, a little time before my 
 arrival, they had at a certain place murdered fifteen 
 persons. Nor did they murder me as I passed by, but 
 when they might have done it they saw me to be 
 poor and a foreigner. A few paces farther on I met 
 a traveller near some cattle sheds, who was escaping 
 in haste, and he warned me to press onwards because 
 the people following us were robbers ; but, weakened 
 by illness, I could not keep up with the pace of the 
 man who was acting as my guide in a country I did 
 not know. I passed several chungams, which are 
 places where they collect money from people passing. 
 The seventy they exercise upon travellers is great, 
 depriving them of the smallest piece of money to be 
 found on them, with no tenderness for the poor, 
 taking from them in default of money their shirts, 
 coats, and sheets. 
 
 Having come to the boundary of the Bijapur terri- 
 tory near the river Bimbra (Bhima), I stopped for the 
 night in a village called Pandarapur (Pandharpur), and 
 on my arrival I took up my quarters in a public bazar, 
 as is the custom of travellers, and deposited myself 
 
ATTACKED BY THIEVES 139 
 
 in an open shop. Some people passing said my 
 waist-cloth was crammed with pearls. I answered 
 that I was only a poor traveller. God was good to 
 me that night ! For at midnight the robbers entered 
 the village, and the first thing they did was to come 
 to the shop where I had put up. As they began by 
 throwing stones, I sought refuge inside, dragging 
 with me a servant boy whom I had with me, to prevent 
 his being killed. They did not venture inside, but 
 shouted to me to fling out whatever I had, thrusting 
 with their spears and cutting with their swords at the 
 door. I assured them that I could fling nothing out, 
 for I was a poor man, having nothing with me. Such 
 was the terror that throttled me that I could not utter 
 a word, for I remembered what had been said to me 
 that evening, that I had a waist-belt full of pearls, and 
 I believed that they had come resolved to take my life ; 
 therefore I threw out two chains, each of which might 
 be worth some fifty rupees. They made off, robbing 
 the bazar and killing people, so that there was great 
 tribulation in the village. 
 
 Not considering myself safe in that shop, I sallied 
 forth, and traversing the streets I reached a house 
 where I halted, and finding the door open I ascended 
 some steps and reached a terraced roof. Here I 
 fancied myself in security. But the owner of the 
 house, who had heard the outcry in the village, came 
 out of his room with sword and shield. On seeing me, 
 he ordered me roughly to make my way downstairs. 
 I told him I was a foreigner who had fled from the 
 bazar, where the thieves had robbed me, and to save 
 my life had taken refuge there, finding the door open. 
 This did not persuade him to let me remain, but he 
 insisted on my departing. I was content that he even 
 let me go unharmed, for on hearing his first talk I 
 feared much he was about to finish what the robbers 
 had begun. 
 
 I now went to the steps of a temple, where many 
 persons had taken shelter out of the way of the arrows 
 
140 NUTMEG FOR A HORSE 
 
 flying about the streets and the sword-blows being 
 distributed in all directions. Nor was it without some 
 trouble that I got in even there. Next a Brahman 
 refused to let me stop, thrusting me forth by force. 
 But God repaid him for his want of charity, for while 
 he was interfering with me, there came an arrow and 
 hit him on the leg, and I was rid of him. The thieves 
 withdrew, and I, too, found a refuge again in the bazar, 
 but not in the same shop, for I feared greatly they 
 might come there once again. I spent the night in 
 the discomfort that everyone can imagine. At dawn, 
 feeling much afflicted, I chewed a clove, washing it 
 down with a little warm water, whereupon I vomited 
 several clots of thickened blood, and felt relieved. 
 
 I continued my journey up to the crossing on the 
 river (? the Bhima). Although it is wide, there were 
 no boats ; I crossed seated on a small bedstead 
 attached to the tops of four pots. I then reached 
 Paranda (Parenda) in the Mogul territory, where I 
 came across my friends of the fortress of Bhakkar. 
 They took compassion on my poverty, regaled me, 
 succoured me with money, clothes, and a mount, on 
 which I resumed my travels and arrived at Auran- 
 gabad. 
 
 Travelling is a teacher of many things, and he who 
 wanders without learning anything can only be said 
 to have the head of an ass. The horse given me by 
 Manoel Ribeiro at Parenda had only arrived a few 
 days before from Dihli, a journey of forty-six days, 
 and it was thus much out of condition. It happened 
 one day that my servant opened his bag in which he 
 had a nutmeg, and by carelessness he left this nut on 
 the ground, and the horse ate it. Next day on 
 mounting, I noticed ithat he was much more lively 
 in his gait. I did not know the cause of this fresh- 
 ness, then I remembered that he had eaten a nut the 
 night before, and I concluded that must be the cause. 
 Nor was I wrong, for on giving him each day one nut, 
 he became ever more ready and clever. 
 
AT AURANGABAD, AGRAH, AND DIHLl 141 
 
 After my arrival in Aurangabad I lived retired. 
 This was the time at which, as I have related, Shah 
 'Alam was busy trying to get hold of Shiva Jf, and I 
 was informed of the friar's death in the way I have 
 recounted. I went on through Burhanpur, where I 
 found several friends among the servants of Jai Singh, 
 all disconsolate at the death of that great general. I 
 felt his death very much, although I had no intention 
 of re-entering his service, for I wanted to start as a 
 doctor. Thence I went on to Agrah, where I visited 
 the Jesuit Fathers, and reported to them what was 
 going on at Goa. 1 did not stay long, but passed on to 
 Dihli. Thereupon, on learning of my arrival, there 
 was no fail of women who proposed marriage to me 
 and sent me cloth, and money, and banquets of food. 
 One of them sent me fifty gold coins and a horse, and 
 handsome stuff to make me clothes. I went to see 
 Kirat Singh, the younger son of Rajah Jai Singh, who 
 in remembrance of the great affection his father held 
 me in, and which he continued to give me, gave me a 
 set of robes, two horses, and five rupees every day, 
 and a handsome house to live in. By this means, 
 those envious of my good fortune, who had expected 
 to see me under the necessity of applying to them for 
 my expenses, knowing that I was out of service, were 
 in amazement at seeing me well dressed, owning 
 horses, and keeping servants. Any foreigner who is 
 out of employment can only subsist in a miserable 
 fashion in that country. 
 
 I lived in Dilh! one year in splendid style, having 
 honourable means of making money. Then, by the 
 king's order, Kirat Singh went to Kabul, and I deter- 
 mined to move to Lahor and give myself out as a 
 doctor. I could not start this at Dihli, where there 
 were already some Europeans, while in Lahor there 
 was none. 
 
 On reaching Lahor I found that Muhammad Amin 
 Khan was governor, Aurangzeb having kept his 
 promise to make him viceroy. As soon as I arrived 
 
i 4 2 MANUCCI SETS UP AS A PHYSICIAN 
 
 I put up in the sarae with my grand carpets and my 
 petty establishment, until I could find a house. I 
 hired one belonging to Barqandaz Khan, my com- 
 mander in Dara's time, and 1 instructed my servants 
 to inform everyone that I was a Farangf doctor. 
 Through this many came to talk with me, and in 
 return I had no want of words, God having given me 
 a sufficiently mercurial temperament. Thus it began 
 to be noised about in Lahor that a Frank doctor had 
 arrived, a man of fine manners, eloquent speech, and 
 great experience. I rejoiced at such a reputation, but 
 my heart beat fast, for then I had had no experience. 
 It pleased God our Sovereign Lord to open the 
 door to me with a case furnished to me by His Divine 
 Providence. 
 
 There came to me in the house where I had settled 
 an old woman, who told me that the wife of the qazi 
 was very ill, and given up by all the Persian and 
 Indian physicians. She requested the favour of my 
 proceeding to the qazi's house to see the woman, and 
 decide whether there was any cure, for all the doctors 
 had said that if anyone cured her they would burn all 
 their books and profess themselves disciples of him 
 who cured her. I put several questions about the 
 illness of the woman ; I told the messenger to return 
 home, and I would follow, saying that although the 
 complaint seemed mortal, I would see if there was any 
 remedy. 
 
 I mounted my horse and rode to the qdzi's house, 
 followed by my servants. Entering the house, I felt 
 the patient's pulse. The attack was growing more 
 and more severe, and no pulse could be felt, nor 
 could I find out the seat of the disease. I trusted 
 more to several secret experiments I knew, and to 
 my questions. I racked my brains to think of some- 
 thing I could give the patient that might do her good. 
 I asked her if she had been relieved, and they told 
 me that for days she did not know what thing a 
 motion was. This sufficed for me to start my treat- 
 
MANUCCI'S FIRST PATIENT 143 
 
 ment, and I told the old woman that the only thing 
 was to administer a clyster. The old woman and 
 the patient's son were much opposed to this, the 
 Mahomedans having objections to this treatment. But 
 the patient was already speechless. I said : " Agar 
 zarurat bayad, rawa bakhshad" that is : " Necessity has 
 no law," which are words of the Quran. Thus they 
 gave in to my resorting to this treatment, and I told 
 the old woman to come to my house in a few hours, 
 and I would give her all that was required for the 
 application. 
 
 I came forth from this house leaving an excellent 
 impression from my many questions and my copious 
 flow of talk. But now came the moment when our 
 Nicolao Manuchy found himself in a difficulty. For 
 I knew not what ingredients I must employ, nor to 
 what implements I must have recourse for this won- 
 derful operation. After much searching of heart, 
 I remembered that the enemas administered to me 
 at Goa were concocted of mallows, wild endive, and 
 some other herbs, with a trifle of bran, black sugar, 
 salt, olive oil, and Canna fistula. I sent out for these 
 things, and made a concoction. But the greatest 
 difficulty was to get the instrument. For this I sent 
 and got a cow's udder, and for the tube I took a 
 piece of cane from a huqqah snake, through which 
 the Mahomedans draw their tobacco. I managed to 
 put these together in a manner that would serve. 
 1 placed the concoction into the udder, and fastened 
 the tube to it. Then the old woman came, and to 
 her I made over the injection, teaching her how 
 she was to deal with it. I enjoined on her to 
 come and inform me when the operation had been 
 performed. 
 
 I declared to her that if in a period of three hours 
 the enema did not take effect, the patient had no hope 
 of life. It was advisable for me to make this assertion, 
 since should the patient die, I could say that I had 
 foretold the result as inevitable. This was necessary 
 
i 4 4 SUCCESSFUL TREATMENT 
 
 to keep my reputation intact. Off went the old 
 woman, and my heart began to beat hard, not know- 
 ing what effect the medicine might have. Soon I 
 heard a knocking at my door as by one in haste. My 
 anxiety was redoubled. It might be the news of the 
 patient's death, through which I should lose the repu- 
 tation that I was in search of. For the Mahomedans 
 easily assign one a reputation, and as easily take it 
 away. A happy cure at the start suffices to give the 
 greatest credit, even if the cure be a mere accident. 
 On the contrary, if there is a failure in the first 
 case, even when the doctor is exceedingly learned 
 and experienced, it suffices to prevent him ever being 
 esteemed. 
 
 I sent to have the door opened, when the old 
 woman fell at my feet and gave me blessings, telling 
 me that the patient had already begun to mend. 
 Thus she urgently prayed me to visit the qazi's 
 house to see the patient and continue the cure. 
 Proud and elated by this news, I told her how 
 necessary it was to confide in experienced physi- 
 cians, that if I had not given her this medicament 
 composed of ingredients known alone to me the 
 patient was bound to die. I went and found that 
 the patient had already begun to speak and recognise 
 everyone who was present. She was very different 
 from what she had been for some days, for they 
 told me that she knew no one and could not speak. 
 1 thought it advisable to discharge nature further, so 
 I gave her a light medicine, continuing it daily, until 
 the system was well cleansed. Then, with chicken- 
 broth and bezoar stone, I began to strengthen the 
 patient in such a way that in a few days she was 
 restored to perfect health. 
 
 This case became notorious among the principal 
 men in Lahor, for this wife was much loved by her 
 husband the qazi^ so that he had called in all the 
 physicians to treat her disease. Thus there began 
 to be talk of the Farang! doctor who was capable of 
 
MANUCCI AND MUHAMMAD AMlN KijAN 145 
 
 resuscitating the dead. This caused me to be called 
 in by many sick persons ; and by adhering to certain 
 books I had, I succeeded by God's favour in almost 
 every case in which I was sent for. 
 
 My fame reached the court of Muhammad Amin 
 Khan, governor of the city and viceroy of the province 
 of Lahor. He sent for me, and, after a long conversa- 
 tion on the subject of diseases and good health, he 
 wanted to make me take service with him, offering 
 me little pay, but great liberty. But I knew the style 
 of man very haughty, far from genial, just like the 
 character of his father, Mir Jumlah. So that I said 
 that as to becoming his servant I objected ; still I 
 should not fail to appear at the palace whenever 
 necessary, either for himself or for those of his family. 
 He was a little put out by my answer, but I paid no 
 attention to that, for I was already on friendly terms 
 with the chief people in the city, and by God's bles- 
 sing my practice was successful. Thus I knew of 
 a certainty that, in spite of Muhammad Amin Khan's 
 desire to do me an injury, he would never dare. He 
 would not give such an opening to the other nobles 
 to make complaint of him at the court of Dihli. On 
 the other hand, although he was much aggrieved at 
 my not frequenting his audiences, he betrayed no 
 anger, for he saw I was of use for attending his wives 
 and sons. There happened to me a terrible business 
 at the time of his departure from Lahor for Kabul 
 (1670-71). 
 
 This was the year in which Muhammad Amin Khan 
 gave me a lot of annoyance, for, having been ordered 
 by the king to Kabul, as governor in place of Mahabat 
 Khan, he wanted to take me with him by force. I 
 made my excuses, saying I did not wish to leave 
 Lahor. 
 
 He left with his retinue, and finding that neither by 
 promises nor by threats could I be made to follow 
 him, he ordered me to be carried off by force. Thus I 
 travelled with him for three days as far as Little 
 
146 MANUCCI AND MUHAMMAD AMlN KHAN 
 
 Gujarat, crossing the river of Lahor and the river 
 Chinab. He acted thus not only from his desire to 
 keep me, but also because his wife so willed it. She 
 went the length of unveiling before me her daughter's 
 face (a most unusual thing among them), and said to 
 me that if I would not go for her sake, at the least I 
 might for her daughter's, whom I had brought back 
 to health when she was very ill. I had come thus far, 
 but never forsook the project I intended to carry out ; 
 for he who serves by compulsion can never be satis- 
 fied. Thus, the marches being at night on account of 
 the heat, I turned back without saying a word to any- 
 one except an Englishman, whom I told I was going 
 to the town of Little Gujarat to buy some medicines, 
 and if Muhammad Amin Khan should ask him about 
 me, he was to give that answer. 
 
 That nobleman had given an order, that no one was 
 to be allowed to cross to the other side of the river, 
 permitting nothing to remain on our side except the 
 ferry boat, for conveying the couriers to and from the 
 court ; but I so took my measures that this boat was 
 forced to carry me across, for, as I approached, I sent 
 my servants to take possession of the boat and keep 
 it until I arrived. I came up and ordered the boat- 
 men to convey me across, pretending I was a courier 
 from Mahabat Khan to the court. As soon as I had 
 passed the river it began to dawn, and I met a body 
 of Muhammad Amin Khan's people. When they 
 asked me where I was going, I answered angrily that 
 Mirza 'Abdullah being unwell the prince had sent me 
 to treat him. Thus I got past them. I reached Lahor 
 by fast travelling before he could overtake me on the 
 way. 
 
 But Muhammad Amin Khan planned a piece of 
 treachery for my destruction. This consisted in writ- 
 ing to Gitar, commander of the fort and provisional 
 governor, to his own agent (? wakil], to the kotwal, and 
 to the gdzi, requiring them to forward me to his camp. 
 If I refused, they were to charge me with having 
 
MANUCCI FALSELY ACCUSED OF THEFT 147 
 
 stolen from him five lakhs of rupees. They knew 
 quite well it was a false accusation, but Muhammad 
 Amin Khan being a great man, they did not hesitate 
 to do everything possible to have me seized. But I 
 was not asleep, and I was tolerably versed in 
 Mahomedan tricks, for they stick at nothing to gain 
 success in their desires. Therefore I did not stay in- 
 side Lahor at my house, but hid myself in the gardens, 
 moving about from one place to another in disguise. 
 This went on for forty days, and proclamation was 
 made, that anyone knowing where I was hid and dis- 
 covering me, would be highly rewarded, and whoever 
 concealed me in his house would be compelled to pay 
 the five lakhs of rupees robbed by me from Muham- 
 mad Amin Khan. 
 
 At this time Fida,e Khan, who was to succeed 
 Muhammad Amin Khan as governor, was approaching. 
 He was his predecessor's enemy. In advance of his 
 own arrival he sent two hundred cavalry, conveying 
 letters to the provisional governor, the kotwdl, and the 
 qazi, telling them to carry on the government in his 
 name until he should arrive. At each court of justice 
 was posted one of Fida,e Khan's troopers to act as 
 witness, and verify everything that took place. When 
 I knew this I came boldly into Lahor, and had an 
 interview with the trooper who attended the kotwdl's 
 court, also with the man posted at the deputy gover- 
 nor's, telling them my story. Both men pledged me 
 their word that they would help me, but I told them 
 not to take action until they saw me being taken 
 away by force to Muhammad Amin Khan. Secure of 
 their aid if anything happened to me, I returned to 
 my house. The kotwdl and the other officials were in 
 fear of Muhammad Amin Khan, so the kotwdl sent for 
 me and locked me up in prison, and three times on 
 three different days he asked me in public audience 
 whether I would willingly go to Muhammad Amin 
 Khan or not. On my saying resolutely that I would 
 not go, he said that as Muhammad Amin Khan had 
 
148 HE IS PROTECTED BY FIDA,E KHAN 
 
 accounts to go into with me, I must be forced to go. 
 My reply was that I had no sort of account with him, 
 nor knew I aught about his jewels, for I was no 
 official of his household, but only a Frank surgeon to 
 whom jewels would not be made over. Seeing me 
 thus firm, he too spoke resolutely, at the instigation 
 of Muhammad Amfn Khan's wakil, declaring that I 
 must absolutely go. 
 
 They had already removed me from the audience, 
 and were making me mount into a carriage prepared 
 for that purpose, when the trooper whom I had 
 already made my friend, announced openly, that if 
 they wished to send me they might, but hereafter 
 Fida,e Khan would have something to say to them, 
 he having given special instructions for Hakim Nicco- 
 lao, the Frank, to be looked after, he being his (Fida,e 
 Khan's) private doctor. He called on everyone to 
 bear witness, how he had made requisition on his 
 master's behalf. Upon hearing this the kotwal got 
 into a fright and sent for me once more, and said to 
 me in a loud voice that the trooper had made requisi- 
 tion on behalf of Fida,e Khan, but the law demanded 
 that at the very least I should produce bail for m}' 
 person, so as to be able afterwards to justify itself 
 against a claim by Muhammad Amfn Khan. 
 
 Sureties were not wanting who, knowing the truth, 
 were willing to bind themselves for me. But neither 
 the kotwal nor the wakll would accept them as bail, 
 warning them that in this way they would have to 
 defend themselves from Muhammad Amm Khan, a 
 violent and powerful man. Thus it came to pass, that 
 all of them were afraid to do what they wished, until 
 at last a Hindu turned up, who, in defiance of Muham- 
 mad Amfn Khan, became surety, I giving him an 
 indemnity, and thus I was free. 
 
 Meanwhile Mirza $alih, the son of Fida,e Khan, 
 arrived. I visited him and paid my respects, having 
 beforehand had some good words said to him about 
 me, for 1 was tolerably well known in Lahor. In this 
 
MANUCCI AND MAHABAT KHAN 149 
 
 way, when Fida,e Khan himself subsequently arrived, 
 he (Mirza Salih) presented me to his father, by 
 whom I was well received. I presented to him a box 
 full of an electuary. He sent for the kotwal, and told 
 him to take good care that no one interfered with me, 
 and he also gave me his word to be favourable to me. 
 This, of a truth, he was as long as he lived, and that 
 too in things of great importance. 
 
 AURANGZEB HAS MAHABAT KHAN POISONED 
 
 He (Aurangzeb) ordered, as I have said, that poison 
 should be given to him secretly ; and, since he was 
 on his way to Lahor, they told the king there was 
 in that city a Frank physician who might cure him. 
 For this reason there came to me a letter without any 
 name, which stated that in no way must I afford aid 
 to Mahabat Khan. He who brought me the letter, 
 a man unknown to me, took me by the hand, and, 
 pressing it, said I must pay great heed to the letter, 
 and not to act to the contrary, and then off he went. 
 
 Knowing that Mahabat Khan was on his way, and 
 being on friendly terms, I sent out to him a present 
 of some good spirits, that I had prepared myself. His 
 doctor, who had the order to give him the poison, 
 seized the opportunity for my ruin and his own pre- 
 servation. On the day that the Nawab drank my wine 
 he gave him the poison in an elixir, such as the 
 Mahomedans are accustomed to take. Mahabat Khan 
 found himself troubled with sharp pains, and suspected 
 that there must be poison in my spirits, and that I had 
 acted thus at the instigation of Fida,e Khan, his enemy. 
 He sent to fetch me in the greatest haste, just as I 
 was ready to go out for a stroll. At once I suspected 
 something. I jumped on my horse and went off to 
 him, he being eighteen leagues away. 
 
 Entering the tent, I found everyone in astonish- 
 ment, for they had the idea that I would never come, 
 being, as they asserted, the culprit. He ordered the 
 tent to be prepared for me, and a good supper, sending 
 ii 
 
150 DEATH OF MAHABAT KHAN 
 
 to entertain me several of his nephews, great friends 
 of mine ; also a captain called Mirak Ata-ullah. This 
 man was to spy upon me, and see if I spoke with 
 any sign of fear or surprise ; but, as I was quite 
 innocent, I spoke in my usual manner. Next morning 
 1 went to see Mahabat Khan again, and I asked him 
 if he had tested the spirits that I had sent, and he said 
 he had. Thereupon I prayed the favour of his giving 
 me a drink of it. They brought me the bottle from 
 which he had drank. I drank, and after I had done so 
 I gave some to his nephews, who praised the liquor. I 
 did this to let him be satisfied that it was not my liquor 
 that had made him bad, but some other thing. I re- 
 mained with him in talk a long time, and he observed 
 that the spirits did neither me nor his nephews any 
 harm. He then invited me to treat him. I made excuse, 
 saying that he was provided with his own doctor, a 
 very wise man, and that I was not acquainted with 
 that disease. Thus I remained with him nineteen 
 days, and he detained me to find out if the spirits we 
 drank did any harm, either to me or his nephews. 
 He was obliged to let me go without being able to 
 find from me whether he had poison in his inside or 
 not. At my departure he conferred on me a set of robes, 
 and sent the same captain with twenty horsemen to 
 escort me, so that his men, who thought me the cause 
 of his illness, should not harm me. He died a few 
 days afterwards of fetid discharges, a sign that his 
 bowels were ulcerated. 
 
 Hardly had I reached Lahor when a terrible affair 
 happened. This was that the holy man of Balkh, to 
 whom Aurangzeb had married the daughter of Murad 
 Bakhsh, went mad. I was treating him as such. But 
 Fida.e Khan, being away at Peshawar, Amanat Khan 
 was in his place. He listened to the proposals of 
 the sorcerers, who said that the holy man was possessed 
 by a demon, and not mad. I was obliged to abandon 
 the treatment, Amanat Khan being aggrieved that I 
 had taken on myself to treat a royal connection with- 
 
CALL TO ATTEND MURAD BAKHSH'S DAUGHTER 151 
 
 out first of all consulting him. My answer was that, 
 being by profession a medical man, I went to the 
 house of anyone who sent for me, without making 
 any distinctions ; but since he did not approve of my 
 continuing the treatment, I would that very hour quit 
 the house and the patient. 
 
 It happened that a few days afterwards, the sorcerers 
 assuring him that the man was now sane and had no 
 longer a demon in his inside, they allowed him to go 
 for a walk with the princess and her ladies. Having 
 a dagger in his waist-belt, he drew it, and, seizing the 
 princess, stabbed her beneath the ribs towards the side. 
 When the ladies and the eunuchs, on hearing her 
 cries, ran to the spot, he killed one woman with the 
 same dagger, and wounded another in the arm. After 
 this he jumped into the reservoir, playing (bailando) 
 with the dagger, and other obscenities. Then they 
 carried away the princess in a palanquin as speedily 
 as possible to the palace, and a eunuch came careering 
 on horseback to my house. I was urged to make all 
 haste ; I knew not why or wherefore. I sent an order 
 to harness my carriage for us both to go together. 
 But I could not extract from his mouth where it was 
 necessary to go, until at last he told me to carry with 
 me the remedies for the treatment of a wound that 
 the holy man had inflicted on the princess. I protested 
 that I could not go without the permission of the 
 governor, because the princess was of royal blood, 
 nor could I treat her without the king's orders. He 
 paid no heed to those words, and most urgently en- 
 treated me not to delay, for the princess was in danger 
 of death. He then told me the whole story. 
 
 We started in the carriage, and he made out I was 
 drunk, ordering the carriage to be driven with all 
 speed, stopping for neither hucksters' stalls nor people. 
 Everybody was amazed to see a Frank, who usually 
 went by rather quietly, rush past so desperately. 
 We reached the palace, and, on being told the facts 
 as to the wound, I feared a lesion of the bowels. How- 
 
152 THE PRINCESS RECOVERS 
 
 ever, continuing my inquiries, I found that the wounds 
 were not mortal. I did my utmost to get an examina- 
 tion before I began the treatment; but the Mahomedans 
 are very touchy in the matter of allowing their women 
 to be seen, or even touched, by the hand ; above all, 
 the lady being of royal blood, it could not be done 
 without express permission from the king. Thus an 
 examination was impossible. But I ordered them to 
 describe the wound, and I had the dagger brought, 
 and I saw that it was only by God's grace that it 
 had not cut the bowels. I made my tents and plasters, 
 mixing in them a balsam which I made ; and, since the 
 persons in the service of these great people are in- 
 telligent, I instructed them as to what they had to do. 
 By God's help the treatment succeeded, and in eleven 
 days I healed her completely. 
 
 When for the first time I applied the medicine I 
 went to the governor and reported the facts. This 
 was to prevent his expressing surprise afterwards, on 
 hearing such news, and becoming frightened that the 
 king would remark on the want of care with which he 
 had guarded a man who had been declared mad. He 
 entreated me earnestly to make my best efforts to cure 
 the princess. Meanwhile he wrote to the king about 
 the case, and told him that a demon had entered the 
 body of the holy man, and the princess had been 
 mortally wounded with a dagger. But a Frank doctor 
 named Hakim Niccolao had attended her, and held 
 out hopes that she would be well in a short time. 
 This event brought me to the notice of many nobles 
 who were in the camp. For on the matter becoming 
 public, my friends wrote to their acquaintances, and 
 the princess herself, as soon as she was well, wrote to 
 the king that 1 had perfectly restored her, and she 
 gave me a handsome present. 
 
 Another case occurred which made me famous 
 throughout the kingdom. It was as follows: Fida,e 
 Khan ordered the beheadal of a powerful rebel, who 
 plundered in all directions in the king's territories ; he 
 
USE OF HUMAN FAT AND FLESH 153 
 
 was brother-in-law of the qdzl of Labor. His name 
 was Theka Araham (? Thfka,Arain) acl he was 
 extremely fat. I thought it was a good chance of 
 laying in a stock of human fat, procuring it from the 
 man and his companion, who also was very obese. 
 I spoke to Fida,e Khan, pointing out the necessity I 
 was under of having this medicament. As the oppor- 
 tunity was favourable, would he give orders to remove 
 the fat from these two condemned men ? He then 
 ordered the kotwal to have this done, and in com- 
 pliance with the order, men were sent to carry out 
 the operation. I thus acquired eighteen sirs that is, 
 five hundred and four ounces purified. 
 
 This matter caused great talk in the city, and the 
 qazi, assembling many of the learned, sent men to 
 complain to the king against Fida,e Khan, for pro- 
 tecting a Frank. On his behalf he had committed the 
 sacrilege of removing the fat of a Mahomedan, a man 
 who read the Quran and yet had been thus afflicted. 
 According to the strict law the Frank deserved to be 
 burnt, but as Fida.e Khan declined to listen to argu- 
 ment, they were forced to come to His Majesty to 
 present a complaint and demand justice. 
 
 I was warned of the plot, and spoke to Fida,e Khan 
 about the qazi's intentions. He sent at once a 
 messenger to court, to report that the population of 
 Lahor were restless, and if there came any complaint 
 about the beheaded man, Thlka,Arain, it must not be 
 listened to, for the qdzi and others had been his sup- 
 porters. This was enough to secure that on the 
 arrival of the complaint at court, where many had 
 clad themselves in mourning to present the petition, 
 the king should send them away after saying very 
 little, with the remark : " Caziey zemi, bessare zemi " 
 (Qazaya-i-zam\n bar-sar-i-zamin). This means: " Cases 
 about land are settled on the land itself." Thus I was 
 left unharmed for that once, and freed from a great 
 persecution that would have cost me my life. 
 
 God was pleased to deliver me once more after 
 
154 USE OF HUMAN FAT AND FLESH 
 
 several months. For there came a relation of the 
 beheaded man expressly to kill me. By a lucky 
 chance he came when I was prescribing for the sick, 
 distributing medicine, adding alms for those in want. 
 He came into my dlwan with his sword and shield, 
 leaving his spear and horse at my door. Without any 
 salutation he sat down in front of me and watched my 
 movements, the humanity with which I spoke to the 
 sick, and the liberality with which I succoured the 
 needy. Nor did 1 fail from time to time to observe 
 the face of this new guest, without knowing either 
 who he was or what he wanted. I wondered at his 
 wrathful countenance, his head-shakings, and other 
 signs of a man in anger. Having got rid of my 
 patients, I asked him more than once if he wanted 
 anything in which I could be of use, but he returned 
 no answer. At length there being no one else left, 
 he asked me if I knew the cause of his coming. I 
 replied 1 did not. He said he had come resolved to 
 kill me because I had removed the fat from his uncle. 
 But finding that in my hands it was being well 
 employed, he felt satisfied at making my acquaintance. 
 He rose to his feet, refusing to eat, or take betel, or 
 listen to my words. He could have killed me quite 
 safely, but God was pleased to change his intentions, 
 in reward for the little or much that I managed to do 
 for the poor who were in ill-health. 
 
 The qazi did not find it so easy to forget his anger 
 against me. Fida,e Khan did not stay much longer in 
 Lahor. He (the qdzi} then sent someone for me, and 
 on my presenting myself he was very affectionate, but 
 did all he knew to trip me up in my talk. He began a 
 conversation about the fat of his brother-in-law, asking 
 me if ever I gave such fat to be taken for a medicine, 
 and for what complaints it was used. I answered, in 
 ignorance of his maliciousness, that fat was not 
 administered by the mouth, but served simply to 
 make ointments in nervous disorders. It was lucky 
 that I answered thus, for if I had said that the fat 
 
EUROPEANS PERSECUTE MANUCCI 155 
 
 was also given by the mouth, it would have been 
 enough to afford him an opening for planning a 
 fresh persecution against me, and ordering me to be 
 tortured. 
 
 It appeared to him most barbarous to prescribe 
 human fat to be taken, imagining I did this to make 
 mock of the Mahomedans, by getting one man to eat 
 the fat of another. After this, I fell into conversation 
 with him and discovered his malice, and saw the kind- 
 ness God had done me in making me reply as above. 
 For it was this which had delivered me from death. 
 But he who came to catch me got caught himself. 
 On his demanding of me some remedy for a cough he 
 had, I told him of various drugs ; among other things 
 I said that, as he was an old man, human " myrrh " 
 would be good. He answered that he had already 
 taken it, but it had done him not the least good. 
 Upon this, with a smile, I said openly to him, that to 
 me it did not seem much of a thing to give human fat 
 through the mouth by way of medicine, when at the 
 same time he had no scruple in eating human flesh 
 and fat. For that is what is meant by human 
 " myrrh." He also could not help laughing, and told 
 me that such medicines were to be taken secretly 
 only, so that no one knew. 
 
 This persecution was bad enough, but without a 
 doubt the Christians persecuted me worse than the 
 Mahomedans. It arose from their envy at seeing 
 me with name and fame, whereas at the place where 
 I had settled down I had done no harm to any one of 
 them. God alone knows how many times they tried 
 to murder me, and they sent men to steal my books, 
 on which I relied. Finding their projects had no 
 success, they made up their minds to do openly what 
 they had failed to do in hiding. To this end they sent 
 four Europeans of various nations to murder me. 
 Two came into the house as friends and began to 
 talk to me ; another who was to do the deed stood in 
 the doorway, shouting hoarsely a thousand abusive 
 
156 ATTEMPTED MURDER 
 
 terms at my servants ; and the last sat on his horse 
 with his pistols ready, to back up what was going on 
 at the door. Hearing this row I came out, begging 
 the disturber to hold his tongue ; he might come in if 
 he wanted to, but if he did not come in, let him go his 
 way. When he heard this he fired his pistol, which 
 was already at full-cock, when one of my servants, 
 grappling with him, took the pistol from his hand. 
 He drew his sword to defend himself from the 
 servants, who had begun settling his business for 
 him with thick sticks, applying them without remorse 
 to him and his servants until they fled. Then I recog- 
 nised that it was planned treachery and ordered one 
 of my servants, with a drawn bow, to see that the 
 one on horseback should not move his hand in 
 the direction of his pistols ; if he moved, an arrow 
 was at once to be let fly at him. Thus terrorised, he 
 was afraid to stir or to assist his companion who was 
 getting his beating. I told the others with their bows 
 and arrows to watch, without a word, over the two 
 men in the house. Meanwhile, I ordered a good 
 thrashing to be given to the insolent fellow. While 
 drawing his sword to defend himself from the servants 
 he cut his hand, and one of my servants seized him 
 round the body so violently that he was brought to 
 the ground. But he would not let his sword be taken 
 away ; I therefore ordered them to give it to him well 
 until he let go the sword. Seeing that he still clung 
 to it, one of the men planted one foot on his chest, 
 and so crushed it that he had to give up the sword. 
 Thereupon I told them to bind him and carry him to 
 the magistrate. But the man on horseback dis- 
 mounted, and earnestly begged me not to pass this 
 affront upon a white man. His petition was his 
 undoing. I told him to fall at his protector's feet. 
 He declined, but my servants by thumps and holding 
 his neck got him to his knees. 
 
 Then I left all the four, and rode off at once to 
 Fida,e Khan, who at the time this happened was in 
 
MANUCCI AND THE PATHAN WIDOW 157 
 
 Labor. He recognised that I had good reason for 
 anything that I had done, and sent men to escort 
 my assailants to the other side of the river Chinab, 
 and on the road he who was the leader died. I will 
 state here that my enemies seized this occasion at 
 the time that the Europeans of the army were on 
 their way to the attack on the Pathans, since being 
 war-time no one would be able to know afterwards 
 who had made the attempt. But God, who seemed 
 to cherish a special desire for my protection, would 
 not permit my death at the hands of those who wished 
 to do so on the quiet by entering my house in the 
 guise of friends. They did not succeed in this or 
 other treacheries, but my enemies managed to give 
 me poison, from which I escaped, although I felt its 
 effects for some years. 
 
 So great was the name that I had of being fortunate 
 with the cases that I undertook that they came from 
 many places distant from Lahor to call me in to visit 
 patients. This was of great profit to me, even to the 
 extent that many wanted me in marriage. If I had 
 been of little wisdom I should have had no want of 
 marriage proposals of exceptional quality among the 
 Mahomedans. But, thanks to God, although I left 
 home a mere youth, there remained ever graven on 
 my memory the good teaching of my parents. 
 
 But I cannot resist telling of one case that happened 
 to me with a well-connected widow woman, the 
 daughter of Dindar Khan, Pathan. On one occasion 
 I had treated one of her sisters at Qasur, twenty 
 leagues from Lahor. This lady was present, and 
 took such a fancy to me that she wanted to marry 
 me. She herself spoke to me about it, and told me 
 she would make her own arrangements for flight. 
 At first I paid no heed to these things, still, seeing 
 the woman so determined, and she being rich, well 
 proportioned, and intelligent, I began to entertain 
 the idea of carrying her off to Europe as she desired. 
 
 The agreement was that she should give sufficient 
 
158 MANUCCI AND THE PAJHAN WIDOW 
 
 money to buy a big ship, on which would b*e placed 
 the bulk of her wealth. Then she would pretend that 
 she had vowed a pilgrimage to Mekka, would obtain 
 permission for this, and leave home. When she was 
 on her voyage, and had left the port of Surat, I with 
 my ship was to fall upon the vessel going to Mekka, 
 and carry her off with me to Europe. The agreement 
 was in process of execution, but she was not suffi- 
 ciently prudent. She roused suspicions of her affection 
 for me by forwarding message upon message by an 
 old woman in her service. But the special cause for 
 the non-execution of the agreement was a Portuguese 
 called Joao Rodrigues de Abreu. After having done 
 him many favours, and proved him sufficiently faithful, 
 I confided our plans to him, intending to take him 
 along with me. But he did not act in correspondence 
 to my friendship, for he went off and told Misri Khan, 
 who was a suitor for marriage with the same woman. 
 
 Discovering thus the agreement we had made, and 
 the friendship of the said widow, which she had de- 
 clared by sending me messages with valuable presents, 
 Misri Khan, through fear of Fida,e Khan and other 
 nobles who were very fond of me, was content not 
 to do me any harm, or send men to murder me, but 
 only wrote me a letter in which he said that he knew 
 quite well why Jam Btbf, the widow's maidservant, 
 came so often to my house, but he saw quite well 
 that what I was doing would in the end cost me my 
 life. I pretended I did not understand the letter, and 
 replied that Jani Bib! came and went as if she were 
 my mother. If it displeased him that she came to 
 my house he had only to tell her not to go again. 
 By this means I found out we were already discovered. 
 When Jani Btbi came I asked her to inform her 
 mistress that it was no longer safe to come, and she 
 must conceal everything or she would cause my death. 
 On finding that her project could not succeed, the 
 widow married Misri Khan, but only lived for eight 
 days after her marriage. If I had been like many 
 
THE EUNUCH DAULAT 159 
 
 Europeans in the Mogul country and Hindustan, I 
 should have accepted the money that she wanted to 
 give me for buying the ship, then taken flight for 
 Europe, disregarding the marriage and all my pro- 
 mises. I did not act thus, not for fear of discovery, 
 but because I had always professed to be an honest 
 man, and thus I did not allow myself to fall into this 
 temptation. The only thing that weighed upon me 
 was that, through the treachery of that Portuguese, 
 the lady continued to be a Mahomedan when she 
 desired to become a Christian. 
 
 The fame 1 had acquired as a good surgeon and 
 physician was the cause, among other things, that I 
 was importuned by the eunuch Daulat, a man of staid 
 habits, rich, and well known. This eunuch was in 
 the employ of 'Ali Mardan Khan, he who made over 
 the fortress of Qandahar to the King Shahjahan. 
 When his master died, in the year one thousand six 
 hundred and fifty-two, this eunuch of his carried his 
 bones to Persia to be buried in the tomb of his fore- 
 fathers. The fact became known to Shah 'Abbas, at 
 that time King of Persia, who ordered the arrest of 
 the eunuch Daulat. 'Ali Mardan Khan's remains he 
 directed to be burnt, and the eunuch's nose and ears 
 to be cut off. He was then to be expelled from the 
 country. The king held it an act of presumption 
 to bring the bones of a traitor to the kingdom of 
 which in his lifetime he was a declared enemy. 
 
 The wretched Daulat retired full of shame to Lahor, 
 and kept close within his house. Knowing the work 
 I had done, he several times requested me by some 
 art or ingenuity to make his nostrils and ears grow 
 again, an impossible thing. But he imagined that 
 Christians could do impossible things with elixirs. 
 Therefore he besought and entreated me that 1 would 
 do to him this favour, and he would give me anything 
 I asked. I answered that now there was no remedy, 
 the wounds being old, for if they had been fresh 
 something might have been done. This reply of mine 
 
160 MANUCCI AS EXORCIST 
 
 only inspired greater hopes, and he asked me to 
 renew the sores by making new wounds. Then I 
 was to cut off the best-shaped nose and the finest 
 ears from one or other of his slaves, and apply them 
 to his face. He embraced me, he styled me Galen, 
 Bu Alt (i.e. Avicenna), Aristotle, and Plato ; he begged 
 me to do him this favour, and make him happy all the 
 rest of his life. 
 
 The slaves then present were in a great state of 
 mind lest I should accept the eunuch's proposal, and 
 gazed at me with mournful faces, as if entreating me 
 not to comply with the request. I was laughing in- 
 wardly at them, contrasting the eagerness of Daulat 
 with the fright of the slaves. But as a final answer 
 I stated that even if I did what he asked, and cut 
 off the noses and ears of the slaves, it would be of 
 no avail, for being another's flesh it would never unite, 
 the only result being to disfigure his slaves without 
 any benefit to him. Finding there was no remedy, 
 and being a facetious fellow, he said in joke : " I know 
 not what sins I have committed to be made an out- 
 and-out eunuch twice over, first in my inferior part, 
 and secondly in my upper half. Now there is nothing 
 more to deprive me of, nor do I fear anything but 
 losing my head itself." This saying served us often 
 afterwards as a subject of conversation. 
 
 Not only was I famed as a doctor, but it was rumoured 
 that I possessed the power of expelling demons from 
 the bodies of the possessed. This idea spread because 
 I was a man capable of conversation, in which I showed 
 my nimbleness of wit whenever an occasion presented 
 itself. Once some Mahomedans were at my house 
 consulting me about their complaints, when night 
 came on. I did not want to lose the chance of over- 
 aweing them, and letting them see that 1 had the power 
 of giving orders to the devil. In the middle of our talk 
 1 began to speak as if to some demon, telling him to 
 hold his tongue and not interrupt my talk, and let me 
 serve these gentlemen, for it was already late. Then 
 
MANUCCI AS EXORCIST 161 
 
 I resumed my conversation with the Mahomedans. 
 But now they had only half their souls left in their 
 bodies, and spoke in trembling tones. I made use of 
 their terror for my own amusement, and raising my 
 voice still more I shouted at him whom I assumed to 
 be present, lying invisible in some corner. I resumed 
 my talk to the Mahomedans, and this I did four or five 
 times, each time showing myself more provoked and 
 fierce. At length I threatened the demon with expul- 
 sion from the house, and rising to my feet, angrily laid 
 hold of a coarse glass bottle in which I had a little 
 spirits of wine, and going near the candle set light to 
 it, and uttered a lot of abuse to the supposed unquiet 
 spirit. Then approaching the window, I made a noise 
 with the bottle like a pistol-shot. I returned the 
 bottle to its place and said to the demon that I objected 
 to his coming any more into my house. I then turned 
 again to the Mahomedans, and resumed the conversa- 
 tion. They were unable to speak a word out of fright, 
 and prayed for permission to leave, they would come 
 back another time. But the special joke was that they 
 were afraid to go out, dreading that the demon might 
 attack them in the street. I reassured them by saying 
 that the demon stood in fear of me, and would not do 
 such a thing, for I had the means of punishing him. 
 It would suffice, while going to their houses, for them 
 to say en route that they came from the Doctor Sahib. 
 A grand medicine certainly, and a great exorcism for a 
 make-believe phantasm ! 
 
 But this was not enough to induce them to venture 
 out ; whereby I was forced to send with them one of 
 my servants, who as they progressed was to mutter : 
 
 II Duhai Hakim Jl "that is : " On the part of the 
 Doctor Sahib." Under these conditions I got rid of all 
 those Mahomedans. Being credulous in matters of 
 sorcery, they began to bruit abroad in all directions 
 that the Frank doctor had the power of expelling 
 demons, including dominion over them. This was 
 enough to make many come, and among them they 
 
1 62 MANUCCI LEAVES LAHOR 
 
 brought before me many women who pretended to be 
 possessed (as is their habit when they want to leave 
 their houses to carry out their tricks, and meet their 
 lovers), and it was hoped that I could deal with them. 
 The usual treatment was bullying, tricks, emetics, 
 clysters, which caused much amazement, the actual 
 cautery, and evil-smelling fumigation with filthy things. 
 Nor did I desist until the patients were worn out and 
 said that now the devil had fled. In this manner I 
 restored many to their senses, with great increase of 
 reputation, and still greater diversion for myself. It 
 may be that some reader will not put faith in me, but 
 Europeans who are acquainted with the Mogul country, 
 and my character in India, know that I was capable of 
 many practical jokes of this sort. What is certain is 
 that I very seldom lost my temper, and knew how to 
 divert myself in proper time and place with harmless 
 amusements. 
 
 Havingacquired a sufficient capital, I became desirous 
 of withdrawing from the Mogul country and living 
 once more amongst Christians. This I could not effect 
 by moving to Goa, for the mode of life of those gentle- 
 men did not suit me. I resolved to retire to a village 
 called Bandora, which is under the Jesuit Fathers, who 
 do not allow any of the Portuguese to live in it, beyond 
 a few of their own faction. For as soon as a white 
 man appears they put a spy on him, who follows him 
 constantly. On no account will they allow such a man 
 to sleep in the village. Nevertheless, as they knew 
 that I was not a troublesome man, they were content 
 to allow me to become a resident. In the village dwelt 
 many merchants of different nations, it being a place 
 of trade. One could live there in security through the 
 efforts of the fathers in defending themselves from the 
 thieves, who traversed the ocean in such numbers that 
 it was necessary for many vessels together to leave 
 port, for the Malavares (? Malabarts) and Sanganes 
 (? Sanjanfs) infest this coast. 
 
 The news spread that I meant to leave Lahor, and I 
 
AN UNLUCKY VENTURE 163 
 
 was forced to affect that the report was false, for they 
 would never have let me go away, neither the nobles 
 nor the lower orders, for I had great repute and was 
 much thought of. To keep me they placed spies upon 
 me to hinder my departure. But I carried out my 
 intention in such a way as to mislead the spies ; I left 
 at night without letting anyone know. Thus I was 
 able to proceed on my journey, for I left my heavy 
 luggage behind, and everything in my house in its 
 usual order. I reached Sihrind without interference, 
 and from Sihrind, passing outside Dihli, I rested in 
 Agrah. From Agrah I went to Surat, where I came 
 across the woman I spoke of earlier, she who married 
 the Armenian. From Surat I went on to Damao, then 
 through the territories of the Portuguese, where the 
 Fathers of the society (i.e. the Jesuits) did me many 
 kindnesses, and at length I arrived at Bandora. 
 
 Here I was advised by some people to buy a ship, 
 and thus not to leave my capital without fructifying. 
 They proposed to me for taking charge of the ship a 
 certain Ignacio de Taide, a Portuguese, who lived with 
 the reputation of being a good Christian. To him I 
 made over my ship and its cargo, which in all cost me 
 the sum of fourteen thousand rupees. This caused 
 others to confide to him considerable sums of money, 
 seeing that I had faith in him. My orders to him were 
 not to stray from the convoy. But having other views 
 of his own, he went with the convoy only for a certain 
 time. After that he began to fall behind, and,abandoning 
 the ship, disappeared, for he had raised large sums on 
 Respondentia bonds ; he now started the story that the 
 pirates had seized the ship. In that case he would not 
 be obliged to pay the money that he borrowed. By 
 this means I was left devoid of capital, having nothing 
 left but a little money for daily expenses. This 
 necessitated my asking payment from Diogo de Mello 
 de Sampayo, son of Luis de Mello de Sampayo, called 
 the Roncador (the Bully), of whom I have spoken, he 
 who fought so valorously at Damao. I asked him to 
 
164 RETURN TO THE MOGUL COUNTRY 
 
 do me the favour of returning the two hundred rupees 
 with which I had helped him in his necessity, out of 
 which he had only repaid twenty. But all I received 
 was the answer that he had given me the twenty 
 rupees in charity; as for the money he owed me, I 
 might collect it from the Mogul, who was indebted to 
 him in a large amount. 
 
 Finding myself without means and very ill, I made 
 up my mind to return, on recovering my health, to 
 the Mogul country, and try my fortune once more. 
 Thus when 1 had got well, 1 left Bandora with a friar 
 in my charge, whose name out of respect I will not 
 disclose, and Antonio Machado, a man well known 
 for his bravado and talk, which led to his murder at 
 Goa. God alone knows what I endured with this 
 fellow-traveller, who, looking on the Mahomedans of 
 Hindustan as being the same as the Portuguese, tried 
 to carry everything off by bravado. He ignored the 
 fact that Hindustani Mahomedans are very touchy, 
 and possess sense and judgment like any other 
 nation. If I wanted to write here the foolish acts 
 done on the road by these two men, my story would 
 become a very long one. 
 
 On arrival in Agrah, I left behind me the friar, who 
 stayed on account of some business. The other man 
 wished to come with me as far as Dihlf ; then he 
 attempted by force to take up his quarters in my 
 house. But I declined, and he was forced to search 
 for a home elsewhere. He encountered all that I had 
 prognosticated, for I was fairly well acquainted with 
 the Mogul country. It wanted very little more for 
 this man to have brought the Fathers of the society 
 (the Jesuits) to perdition ; for, in his desperation, 
 having nothing to eat, he tried to denounce them 
 to the qazl of Agrah. He said that the only object 
 of the Fathers' stay in the Mogul realm was to buy 
 Qurans and transmit them to Europe. There on a 
 fixed day in each year a festival took place, when 
 they burnt the image of Muhammad. This was quite 
 
MANUCCI ENTERS SERVICE OF SHAH 'ALAM 165 
 
 enough to have caused the Fathers to be burnt alive ; 
 and, seeing themselves in such danger, they collected 
 as an alms the sum of five hundred rupees (for him), 
 and were thus delivered from a great peril. For, 
 being a man of little understanding, he was capable 
 of doing such a silly thing. He wandered hither and 
 thither, and then quitted Mogul territory, I giving 
 him his expenses to take him as far as Surat. 
 
 On my reaching Dihlt several nobles took notice of 
 my arrival, and called me in. The chief of these was 
 the Master of the Ceremonies to Prince Shah 'Alam, 
 whose wife was very ill, and given up by the other 
 doctors. My treatment of her renewed my reputation, 
 which during my absence of a year had somewhat 
 diminished. But the Persian doctors in the household 
 of Shah 'Alam did not approve of my continuing at 
 court after having cured the said woman whose case 
 they had given up. This caused me to decide on a 
 return to Lahor, for I saw that the court was not 
 for me. 
 
 With this intention 1 left secretly, but the princess, 
 wife of Shah 'Alam, who had learnt of the benefit I 
 had effected in the case of the wife of the Master of 
 the Ceremonies, brought to mind the cases I had 
 cured at Lahor, when her parents were there. I 
 had also treated her in secret for a small abscess 
 she had in her ear. Accordingly she besought the 
 prince one night to take me into his service, allotting 
 to me noble's pay. Not to discontent the princess, 
 whom he loved much, the prince fixed for me three 
 hundred rupees a month, and gave me in addition 
 the title of mansabdar that is to say, of a noble. This 
 was a singular favour, the Mahomedans not being 
 accustomed to grant such honours to Christians ; 
 furthermore, such physicians and surgeons remain 
 subordinate to, and under the orders of, the head 
 physician. But I was a privileged person, for I 
 agreed to serve on no other condition than that 
 I must be left free, nor must anyone give me orders. 
 
 12 
 
166 MANUCCI OBTAINS LEAVE 
 
 Thus I took service with Shah 'Alam, although my 
 Christian enemies did all they knew to prevent the 
 prince's accepting me. And thus, unwilling as I was 
 to serve Aurangzeb, I was the servant of his son, 
 beginning my service in the year one thousand six 
 hundred and seventy-eight. (See further pp. 199-213, 
 277 and following.) 
 
 It was at this time (some years later) that out of dis- 
 gust I resolved to live no longer among Mahomedans, 
 now that I had put together a sufficient sum. Nor 
 did Shah 'Alam pay me at all punctually. I therefore 
 decided to return to Goa, where I had some money in 
 the hands of the Theatine Fathers, meaning to leave 
 eventually for Europe. For this reason I asked several 
 times for my discharge, which he (Shah 'Alam) always 
 refused me, till at length I told him that my private 
 affairs needed my presence at Surat, and he must give 
 me leave for at least two months. He consented to 
 do this, and I went to Surat ; there Senhor Francisco 
 Martin, at this day General of the Royal Company 
 of France, gave me an armed sloop to carry me as 
 far as Daman in Portuguese territory. Thence I went 
 to Goa, and lived in the gardens. When Aurangzeb's 
 letter reached the viceroy he had me sent for to 
 translate it into Portuguese. On hearing the pro- 
 posals, I gave him advice as to what he should do. 
 For this war could not be of any benefit to the 
 Portuguese, seeing that the Mogul would never be 
 content to leave the Portuguese to themselves, after 
 he had destroyed Sambha Ji. In spite of this the 
 viceroy engaged in the war against that prince, and 
 thereby all but lost Goa. 
 
 Sambha Ji learnt the above news, and Akbar, who 
 was living in that prince's territory, not far from Goa, 
 was anxious to show his gratitude for the honour 
 Sambha Ji had shown him. He also sought occasion 
 to prepare for the flight which he designed to make 
 into Persia, and wanted to ask the viceroy to provide 
 him with a ship for that purpose. He sent an envoy 
 
SAMBHA jl LAYS PLANS TO SEIZE GOA 167 
 
 to the viceroy, forwarding at the same time some 
 rubies and diamonds for sale. He prayed as a favour 
 that permission might be granted him to build a ship 
 on the river of Goa, for his flight into Persia, he being 
 persecuted by his father Aurangzeb. 
 
 He really wanted to build the ship, but also hoped 
 to land, a few at a time, a large number of men, and 
 then all of a sudden to seize Goa. Knowing as I did 
 the tricks of the Mahomedans, I advised the viceroy 
 to take great care, and find out how many men were 
 disembarked, for they might cause damage to Goa 
 before his Excellency could prevent them ; and truly 
 Sambha Ji's intention was to get a number of men 
 into the island. Then he meant to come in person 
 to attack, after the men already landed in the island 
 had occupied the best positions. Thus would he 
 manage to accomplish his purpose. The viceroy 
 gave heed to my words, and he noticed that the 
 next day a great number of men came from Sambha 
 Ji's territory for work at the ship, but not so many 
 withdrew at night. Orders were therefore given that 
 all must withdraw, and that the next day as many 
 as came in the morning must go back at night. 
 
 Nor did the viceroy content himself with giving 
 Akbar leave to build his ship ; he also made ready 
 some presents to be sent to him. I held my tongue 
 till I saw that these things were already prepared, 
 when, out of the affection I bore to my fellow- 
 Christians, I went to the viceroy. I said to him that 
 to me it seemed that His Excellency was not acting 
 with sufficient caution. He intended to write to the 
 Mogul (Aurangzeb), agreeing at his request to make 
 war on Sambha Ji ; while by these presents he acted 
 as if he thought that great king to be of small account ; 
 for, not content with allowing Akbar to build a ship, 
 he was sending him presents. By this the Mogul 
 would be angered, and would seek an opening for 
 some attempt against Goa, because of the favour 
 shown to his rebellious son. The viceroy was pleased 
 
168 PORTUGUESE DEFEAT AT PONDA 
 
 to listen, and came to a stop, and did not send the 
 presents. Meanwhile the ship was finished, and Akbar 
 had it removed to the port of Vingorla, twelve leagues 
 distant from Goa, and in the territory of Sambha Ji. 
 
 Finding that by using the chance afforded by the 
 matter of the ship he could not carry out his design, 
 Sambha Ji sent to the viceroy tutored spies, who told 
 him that in the fortress of Ponda were great treasures. 
 His object was to get the viceroy to leave Goa with 
 a large force for the conquest of that fortress. Then 
 he meant to cut off the Portuguese retreat and prevent 
 their return, in this way making himself master of 
 Goa. The facts became known to a French trader, 
 then in Rajapur, and he wrote to me to warn the 
 viceroy of Sambha Jl's purpose. He was coming down 
 with his army. 
 
 I told His Excellency, but he would not heed my 
 words. He issued forth with eight hundred white 
 soldiers and eight thousand Canarese. He crossed 
 with them to the other side of the river, and began 
 his campaign. With him went five pieces of heavy 
 artillery. The men inside Ponda defended themselves 
 until the arrival of Sambha Ji along with Akbar's 
 men. They attacked with great fury the viceroy's 
 army, and gave him as much to do as he could 
 manage. His best troops were killed, and if he had 
 not used wooden obstructions with which to impede 
 the onset of the cavalry, he would never have been 
 able to get back to Goa, nor could he have made any 
 defence. The rainy weather impeded the discharge 
 of his matchlocks ; thus coming on still closer, a 
 trooper among the Rajputs dealt His Excellency a 
 sword-blow on the ribs. Retreating slowly, he 
 reached the river bank with great difficulty, and once 
 more entered Goa. He recognised, although too late, 
 that he had been misled. Great grief was caused in 
 the city by the fruitless loss of so many lives. 
 
 In the interval Goa was governed by the archbishop 
 Dom Manoel de Souza de Menezes. There came a 
 
MANUCCI TREATED AS A TRAITOR 169 
 
 boat sent by the general of Aurangzeb's fleet, which 
 was on the watch to prevent Akbar leaving Vingorla 
 in the ship he had built. It brought a message for the 
 viceroy, urging him to make a valiant fight of it, and 
 before very long he (Aurangzeb) would arrive to his 
 assistance. But the archbishop would not listen to 
 the envoy, and gave the answer that he must go and 
 deal direct with the viceroy. I knew this because I 
 translated the letters, and I did not wish to forsake 
 the viceroy at such a time, so that he might have 
 no cause of complaint against me. I therefore de- 
 manded permission of his lordship, and with great 
 difficulty he granted me a boat to travel in. We in 
 Goa did not then know the miserable plight of the 
 viceroy. 
 
 I left, but the archbishop, I know not why, sent an 
 order to the guards posted on the river to seize me. 
 Thus, while I disbursed my coin to aid and serve the 
 Christians against the power of the Mogul, they made 
 me out to be a traitor. They persuaded the archbishop 
 that I was taking with me five hundred Shivajis (i.e. 
 Mahrattahs) to cut off the viceroy's retreat and pre- 
 vent him returning to Goa. For this reason he 
 directed my arrest. The captains of the guard knew 
 quite well 1 was innocent, for when I reached them I 
 had no one with me but a servant. In spite of this, 
 as the orders were absolute, they civilly made me a 
 prisoner without communicating to me their orders. 
 I made pretence of not recognising that the way they 
 were treating me betrayed suspicion of my acts. At 
 this time I saw the arrival of several boat-loads of 
 dead and wounded, a proof that Sambha Jt had 
 defeated the viceroy. 
 
 But if I took as a joke this treatment of me by the 
 archbishop, it was not really such. Nor did the 
 envoy look upon the manner in which he had been 
 received as any joke ; for, wishing to make him out 
 greater than he was, they placed him in danger of 
 losing his head. They began to spread a rumour 
 
 12* 
 
170 EVENTS AT GOA 
 
 that he was not an envoy, but the very Sambha Ji 
 himself. This story was so much accepted that men 
 were already in search of him to slay him. Such is 
 the power of fear when it enters into people who 
 are otherwise of good sense ! When I saw what 
 their purpose was, I did my very best that they should 
 not kill him, but only arrest him. I assured them that 
 he was not Sambha Ji, but a Mogul, as he really was. 
 For, if they had killed him, I, too, ran a very great 
 risk of losing my life, and that for nothing else than 
 trying to help his Excellency at the time the said envoy 
 arrived. 
 
 It pleased God that at last the viceroy should arrive, 
 and he, too, was at first persuaded that the man was 
 Sambha Ji in person. But after I had spoken with 
 him, I assured him that, even if he were really Sambha 
 Ji in person, no violence could be done by him, for I 
 would keep close to him when the letters were pre- 
 sented. Thus I conducted the envoy into the presence 
 of the viceroy, who was already in a fright. 
 
 Then, taking myself the letters from the envoy's 
 hands, I presented them to His Excellency. There- 
 upon he recognised the great mistake which had held 
 the whole island in perturbation. He (the envoy) had 
 with him only two servants. 
 
 But let us now return to Sambha Ji. He had missed 
 his blow when he had fought the viceroy, for if he 
 had only occupied the river bank it would have been 
 easy for him to slaughter everybody, and equally 
 easy to take Goa. All the same, he did not despair 
 of success in his attempt ; for, after the defeat of the 
 viceroy, he took possession of the lands of Salseite 
 (Salsette) and Bardes, Between which lies the island of 
 Goa, and, after stiff fighting, tried to disembark men 
 on the island (of Goa). But the Portuguese resisted 
 valiantly, above all, the Augustinian Fathers, who 
 were at a crossing against which Sambha Ji made his 
 principal efforts. 
 
 Thus, finding he had not carried out what he 
 
MANUCCFS EMBASSY TO SAMBHA jf 171 
 
 wanted to do, and seeing that by force of arms he 
 should not conquer, he adopted the way customary in 
 Hindustan that of deceit. He therefore made Akbar 
 act as mediator and send in a letter to the viceroy. In 
 it he said that, being on the point of leaving for 
 Persia, as a friend of both sides, he wanted to restore 
 peace and amity between Sambha Jf and the Portu- 
 guese. With this object would they send a trusty 
 person capable of dealing with such a negotiation ? 
 He would bring it to a conclusion to the satisfaction 
 of both parties. 
 
 The viceroy selected me for this business. On my 
 side I recognised that I was a foreigner, so I took 
 along with me one priest and one layman, both 
 Portuguese, to bear testimony to my acts and words. 
 I made declaration to the viceroy that they would 
 never conduct me to Akbar, but to Sambha J! instead. 
 I questioned the viceroy as to what I should do in 
 that case. He said to me that under no circumstances 
 did he wish me to approach Sambha Jf. With this 
 point determined on, I quitted Goa. 
 
 Hardly had I arrived in Sambha Jt's territory when 
 they wanted to carry me to him and not to Akbar. 
 Thereupon I declared 1 would not go, that I would 
 sooner lose my head than act against the orders I had 
 received. Akbar learnt this, and dispatched Durga 
 Das, as representing his person during the negotia- 
 tions with Sambha Jf. On these conditions I, too, 
 attended, or else they would have carried me there by 
 force. 
 
 We reached the presence of Sambha Jt, who re- 
 ceived me with great politeness. During the con- 
 versation he made bitter complaint of the viceroy's 
 declaring war against him in spite of the King of 
 Portugal's orders. The king had ordered him to 
 maintain peace with his neighbours. Many other 
 things against the viceroy did he say to me during 
 this talk. It was on this occasion that he told me that 
 with his own sword he had decapitated his chief 
 
172 SAMBHA JI'S ENVOY 
 
 captains, owing to their disaffection. He showed me 
 the sword. 
 
 Finally, he gave me my leave to go, adding that, 
 seeing the viceroy would not send him an envoy, he 
 meant to be the first and send one to him and so let 
 him see how much he desired to uphold peace between 
 the Portuguese. 
 
 Taking one of his officers by the hand, he said to 
 me : " This is the man I mean to send ; he is the key 
 of my treasure-house." Then, laying hold of my hand 
 also, he made the man over to me, and said he was 
 doing him (the viceroy) much honour, for the man was 
 his chief favourite. He sent me away, handing me 
 two handkerchiefs of gold thread, and in the evening 
 the envoy came to visit me. He set forth his pre- 
 tensions, which were that he should land in the isle 
 with one thousand, or at least five hundred men as 
 his guard, taking also seven horses (as he said) to 
 show his rank. We hammered away for a long time 
 at this subject, he beseeching me earnestly to secure 
 this honourable treatment for him from the viceroy. 
 But I displayed total indifference, saying it lay with 
 the viceroy to concede to him or not what he asked, 
 at the same time I would lay his requests before 
 His Excellency. But horses were not necessary, 
 the fortress being quite near, nor could the horses 
 climb to it. 
 
 The reader must be made aware here of what the 
 envoy's intentions were. The first was to get with 
 this large number of men into Goa, where there was 
 not a large enough garrison to defend all the posts. 
 Coming, thus attended, to pay his court to the viceroy, 
 it would be very easy to carry out their object. For 
 they would enter with the fixed intention of assassina- 
 ting the viceroy, and consequently would come wear- 
 ing concealed chain-mail. Having succeeded, some of 
 them would jump on the horses, and, careering about, 
 would strike terror into the inhabitants, and throw 
 everything into disorder. Thus Sambha Ji would 
 

 THE ENVOY'S DESIGNS FRUSTRATED 173 
 
 have time to land his force without any difficulty and 
 capture defenceless Goa. 
 
 I returned to Goa and reported to the viceroy what 
 was going on, and of the probable intentions of 
 Sambha Ji. For the time being he should not, I 
 thought, give audience in the royal hall, but in the 
 fortress of Dangf (Dangim), which was quite close to 
 the sea. Strong guards should be posted so as to 
 hinder the envoy from carrying out his plans. Al- 
 though there was some difficulty in doing what I 
 said, nevertheless, acknowledging that I had some 
 acquaintance with the tricks of people in Hindustan, 
 the viceroy did as I advised. Thus I went back to 
 tell the ambassador that he might come. I took with 
 me no more than three boats, so that too many people 
 might not come. But so many crowded in that our 
 boat was in great danger of going to the bottom. I 
 complained to the envoy of this carelessness, and he 
 grew angry, for he saw that with so small a number 
 he would not be able to carry out his project. He 
 wanted to give up coming. But, encouraging him, I 
 brought him to the above-mentioned fortress. Matters 
 were disposed in such a way that not more than seven 
 persons were able to enter with him. These were 
 received by the viceroy with great pomp. 
 
 The envoy's design was unmasked during the 
 audience, for he made no statement about terms of 
 peace, stating that his coming was for nothing more 
 than to know if the Portuguese gentlemen really 
 desired to make peace or not, and whether they 
 would pay tribute to his prince. The viceroy replied 
 that he wanted peace, but would not pay any tribute. 
 The envoy answered that he would take this reply to 
 his prince, and then took his leave far from well con- 
 tented, not having been able to make himself a name 
 by a piece of treachery (i.e. assassination), for amongst 
 them this mode of going to work is a proof of great 
 valour. 
 
 Although peace negotiations were going on, there 
 
174 MANUCCI'S EMBASSY TO THE MOGUL FLEET 
 
 was no suspension of arms, for continuously Sambha 
 Jf went on fighting at Goa with great vigour. In the 
 course of these contests, as there were not many 
 troops in the island, there was reason to fear that 
 Sambha Ji might land his soldiers there. The viceroy 
 therefore sought someone who would go to the Mogul 
 fleet, then off Vingorla, to request the admiral to sail 
 with his ships till he was within sight of Goa. Thus 
 some fear would be instilled into Sambha Jt's men 
 then in Salsette and Bardes. For all they could do, 
 they could not find any person willing to take upon 
 himself to risk his life for the public benefit. Then, 
 knowing the heartiness with which I had laboured to 
 the utmost of my power, he asked me if I would per- 
 form this benefit on behalf of a city which found itself 
 in such a sorry plight. 
 
 I gave a favourable reply, and, as I was leaving Goa, 
 Dom Rodrigo da Costa, in command of the fleet, 
 declared that 1 was on my way to destruction. God 
 was pleased to show the care He had over my person, 
 for one morning in the dark I found myself with my 
 boat in the midst of thirty-seven galliots belonging to 
 Sambha Jf. As soon as we discovered that the fleet 
 was not that of the Moguls, but of Sambha Jf, we 
 were very apprehensive, and already the master of 
 the vessel and several seamen wanted to jump into 
 the sea. But I laid hold of my matchlock and 
 frightened them, saying that the first who moved 
 was a dead man. If they set to work to row with 
 all their strength, I would give them five hundred 
 xerafins (ashraf\, a gold coin) on arrival in Goa. This 
 was in addition to several pieces of gold that I dis- 
 tributed among them on the spot. As the man who 
 guided the helm was very skilful, we feigned to be 
 part of that fleet until we forged ahead of all the 
 galliots. Then putting on a spurt we drew away 
 from our enemies, who began a chase in the hope of 
 capturing us. 
 
 Keeping on our course, we arrived at the Mogul 
 
SECOND EMBASSY TO SAMBHA jt 175 
 
 fleet, and I carried out my instructions. But the 
 commander replied that he could not come away 
 from Vingorla for fear that Prince Akbar might 
 escape. Thus it turned out that I put my life to 
 danger without doing any good. Nevertheless, I 
 went back to Goa by another route, and there 
 I reported the Mogul fleet to be already on its way 
 to give assistance against Sambha Jf. This I did that 
 all might recover heart and resolution, and continue 
 the war with greater courage. 
 
 Sambha Jt's soldiers took the island of Santo Estevao, 
 and were very near to Goa. They gave so much trouble 
 to the city that the viceroy resolved to send an embassy 
 to the said prince to see if he could obtain a peace, and 
 I was obliged to go a second time to Sambha Jf. But 
 on my arrival I found a spy, then in his service, who 
 gave me a faithful report of the latest news. He told 
 me that the army of Shah 'Alam was already quite 
 close. This was enough to decide me not to pursue 
 my negotiations ; therefore I determined to retrace 
 my steps, and to advise the viceroy that the deliver- 
 ance of Goa was at hand with the aid of Shah 'Alam. 
 I stayed in Goa afterwards to visit that prince and 
 negotiate as soon as he arrived. In my place they 
 sent to Sambha Jf Manoel Saraiva and an Augustinian 
 Father. But the fighting still went on with great 
 energy. Well was it for the Portuguese that Sambha 
 Jf never knew exactly how few men there were in the 
 island. If he had known, he could have carried out 
 his scheme in its entirety. 
 
 I do not know if it was from carelessness or from 
 real want of soldiers that the vessels which were on 
 guard had not more than seven or eight men to each 
 vessel. I know the fact because one night the viceroy 
 invited me to go with him in his boat on his rounds to 
 see if the officers were doing their duty. We found 
 them nearly all asleep, and instead of challenging us, 
 it was necessary for us to accost them, to find out if 
 there was anyone in the vessel or not. Not aware 
 
176 CARELESSNESS OF THE PORTUGUESE 
 
 that it was the viceroy who was passing, they gave us 
 ill-conditioned replies, and we ascertained that there 
 was not a single officer in the ships. But what was 
 my astonishment, on reaching the fort opposite the 
 bar at the entrance of the river, to find that we had to 
 beat at a door for a long time, making much noise 
 without getting any response. Finally came a soldier, 
 who replied to us by stating that there were only 
 eleven men. Yet this fort was of the greatest im- 
 portance, and Sambha Ji had only to take it to get 
 possession of Goa without any further difficulty. 
 
 The viceroy was angry at getting such a reply, and 
 asked why the men of the garrison had not answered. 
 The soldier said they could not answer, for there was 
 no one, only a boy who tended the goats. These were 
 the preparations that we found in the ships and at 
 that fort at a time when Sambha Ji was doing all he 
 could to capture a city that had ever remained the 
 glory of the Portuguese ! From this the reader may 
 judge how little these gentlemen thought of the 
 courage of veteran soldiers such as those of Sambha 
 Ji, or else, over-confident in themselves, they imagined 
 that their mere name would bar the way to the enemy, 
 or it may be that in reality there were no troops avail- 
 able. In any case, those they had in their service 
 could not have cared much whether they lived under 
 the rule of the Portugal king or that of Sambha Ji. 
 
 Aurangzeb received the reply of the Goa viceroy, 
 in which he promised to allow free passage up the 
 river to his fleet coming from Surat with supplies for 
 the army of his son, Shah 'Alam. The king ordered 
 that prince to march with forty-five thousand horse- 
 men in the direction of Goa, traversing the kingdom 
 of Bijapur. His instructions were to capture the 
 island of Goa by treachery, thus becoming able there- 
 after to invade easily the territories of Sambha Ji. 
 
 On this march Shah 'Alam took several of Sambha 
 Ji's forts, and arrived in time to deliver the island 
 from the hands of that prince. It was already in 
 
ARRIVAL OF SHAH 'ALAM 177 
 
 great danger. Sambha Jl made every possible 
 exertion to take it before Shah 'Alam arrived, but 
 it did not happen according to his desire. Thus, on 
 the arrival of the Mogul fleet, he was obliged to 
 decamp, but before he disappeared he ordered the 
 mortars in Santo Estevao to be charged, with the 
 idea of bursting them, seeing that he could not carry 
 them away. But in this he did not succeed, for only 
 one of them burst ; then spiking the rest he fled. 
 
 As soon as Shah 'Alam arrived he sent an envoy to 
 the viceroy as far as the river bank. On learning this, 
 His Excellency ordered me to go and speak to this 
 envoy, who was the brother of Sec Mahamed (Shekh 
 Muhammad). I went to the spot, and while afar off, 
 I saluted him in the European fashion. But he, 
 remaining seated in his palanquin, paid little or no 
 heed to me, and, ignoring the politeness customary 
 in India, which is to raise the hand to the head, he 
 placed it on his breast, as usual among the Persians. 
 This made me angry, and I declined to advance any 
 farther. His example was not followed by the slaves 
 and servants of Shah 'Alam ; they knew how anxious 
 their master was to retain me at his court. They all 
 bowed to me with great respect. 
 
 I did not neglect to say in a loud voice what seemed 
 to me necessary against such a messenger, and turning 
 my back, cheerfully accosted my friends. All the same, 
 I did not lose the words said by the envoy. They 
 amounted to nothing more than that the Portuguese 
 were under great obligations to Shah 'Alam, and they 
 ought to commence at once to count out the millions 
 they would have to give for having been delivered 
 from Sambha Ji. Then spies went off to Shah 'Alam 
 and told him that the viceroy had sent me to treat 
 with the ambassador, and that the latter had failed to 
 render me due honour. 
 
 The prince was much put out, and in that man's 
 place sent my friend Miraxam (Mir A'zam) with orders 
 to conciliate me in every way. On his reaching the 
 
178 NEGOTIATIONS CONTINUE 
 
 river bank I advanced to meet him, but he, having 
 received different instructions from the first man, rose 
 to his feet when he saw me, and coming towards me, 
 embraced me. He told me the prince's orders were 
 that he was to do whatever I might suggest, as he had 
 no knowledge of the viceroy. Then he delivered me 
 a letter sent to me by the prince. In it he begged 
 me to come to him, as he greatly desired to speak to me, 
 and he trusted I would not refuse, having eaten the 
 salt of his house. 
 
 1 did not wish to take him (the envoy) into Goa, so I 
 escorted him to a little island called Ilha de Manoel de 
 Mota. There I regaled him during the night. On the 
 day following 1 conducted him to the viceroy, who was 
 in the fortress of Santiago, near the mainland. There 
 he presented Shah 'Alam's letter. It began by request- 
 ing that Hakim Niculao, his old servant, should be sent 
 to him. As soon as he arrived they would arrange 
 things to the satisfaction of both sides. Next it stated 
 how, in conformity with the letter of the viceroy sent 
 to the great Aurangzeb, permission was given for the 
 entry into the river of the ships carrying supplies for 
 the army sent against Sambha Jf. Yet the fleet in 
 question had not arrived. Fulfilment of the promise 
 was now requested. 
 
 The viceroy replied that he would certainly carry 
 out what he had promised, but the route taken must be 
 by the other river, that of Bardes, not by that of Goa. 
 But the envoy persisted in his demand, that they 
 wanted to pass through the river of Goa, as had been 
 promised to His Majesty. Finally the viceroy answered 
 that I would go to his Highness, and that there 
 matters would be settled. 
 
 During the discussion the king's fleet, which was at 
 the harbour mouth, continued to advance. When a 
 report of this reached the viceroy, I said to Dom 
 Rodrigo da Costa that now was the time for a display 
 of courage and energy. Therefore, without any delay, 
 the fleet ought to be fired upon. He hurried to the 
 
MANUCCI VISITS SHAH 'ALAM 179 
 
 spot, where he found that, by the carelessness of 
 the commandant of Aguada, some five-and-twenty 
 galliots had already entered and were close to the 
 Fort of the Kings. When arrived he ordered at once 
 the discharge of three loaded cannon, to intimidate 
 them, and cause their retirement. They replied that 
 they were friends, and had come under the protection 
 of the viceroy's promise ; they should therefore stop 
 firing, as that was not the way to receive friends. 
 
 When the Aguada fort became aware that the Fort 
 of the Kings declined to allow a passage, it too fired 
 several times, in order to prevent the remainder of the 
 fleet which was following from completing its purpose. 
 Thus was Goa saved this time, for without a doubt it 
 would have been lost had the fleet entered. The 
 twenty-five galliots which were already inside took 
 refuge behind the Fort of the Kings in a river which is 
 called Nelur. Here they remained until the receipt of 
 fresh orders from Shah 'Alam. They plundered along 
 the shore, and carried off any goods and women or 
 girls found there. 
 
 At nightfall I issued from Goa with the envoy in 
 order to go to the encampment of Shah 'Alam. When 
 we disembarked, the spies informed us that the enemy 
 were in sight. Mir A'zam feared some harm to my 
 person, and ordered twenty horsemen to accompany 
 me as far as the camp. He stopped behind with thirty 
 horsemen. In this way I reached the camp, where, 
 being known, many greeted me with loud voices. I 
 cannot express the affection with which they came to 
 embrace me. 
 
 If the reader could only know the manner in which 
 I had behaved to all the officials and ministers, he 
 would not be surprised that they received me with as 
 much love as if I had been one of their relations. 
 
 I proceeded to the prince's tents, and there the 
 eunuchs, who knew how eagerly the prince and princess 
 were looking-for me, came forward to receive me. The 
 chief eunuch told me that Shah 'Alam had ordered 
 
i8o MANUCCI VISITS SHAH 'ALAM 
 
 that at whatever hour I might arrive he should forth- 
 with be informed ; he had also directed the whole 
 army to be in readiness the next morning. For if I 
 did not arrive he meant to send his troops across the 
 river by swimming it. I said to the man that the 
 prince should not be roused ; it was already midnight 
 and I could wait, nor was it right that a tired prince 
 should be woke on account of one of his servants. 
 
 When the prince got up next morning, they reported 
 my arrival. He was more anxious for this than for 
 the taking of Goa, and was now content. He issued 
 orders for his soldiers to return to their quarters, as 
 he no longer meant to take any action. Next, he sent 
 word inside to the princesses and princes that I had 
 come, and called them all together with great glee, and 
 ordered a letter to be written to his mother Nabab 
 Baegi (Nawab Bae Ji) telling how he had now caught 
 me. For this queen had complained bitterly about his 
 giving me leave of absence. She called me within the 
 pardah, where I first made my bow as a European, and 
 then did obeisance in court fashion. 
 
 She was much amused at seeing me in European 
 costume, my beard shaved off, and wearing a peruke. 
 As the princess had not been used to seeing me in 
 such a get-up, she asked me what drugs I took to 
 return to youth. Then, jokingly, I gave her my 
 reasons, and let her understand that I did not wish to 
 serve any more, because the officials did not carry out 
 the promises made me by His Highness. The prince 
 replied that I ought not to trouble myself about this ; 
 I had only to apply to him on the occurrence of any 
 difficulty, and without fail he would ensure me any 
 satisfaction I could desire. Laughing at the liberty I 
 was taking, I told him that I could no more rely on His 
 Highness than on the rest, for many times he had 
 broken his promises. Then he brought forward his 
 heir, Sultan Mazudin (Mu'izz-ud-din), as security, and 
 added one hundred rupees a month to my former pay. 
 He ordered my pay to be disbursed for the whole time 
 
MANUCCI VISITS SttAH 'ALAM i8t 
 
 of my absence from his court. In addition he promised 
 to maintain four horses to carry my baggage, and eight 
 men to carry my palanquin, with my food daily sent 
 from his table. 
 
 After this we entered upon a conversation over the 
 differences with the viceroy. As I was obliged, in my 
 capacity of envoy from the viceroy, to take the part of 
 the Portuguese gentlemen, I said to His Highness that 
 the viceroy could not on any conditions allow the 
 royal fleet to come through the river of Goa, such 
 being the orders of the King of Portugal. If His 
 Excellency disobeyed such orders, his head would be 
 in great danger. 
 
 Shah 'Alam persisted that at least the galliots already 
 in the river, behind the Fort of the Kings, should 
 continue their course. He assigned as reason that, 
 other ships being allowed to pass, they might just as 
 well allow the said galliots to go up, since they were 
 already inside. I retorted that other ships allowed to 
 pass were merchantmen, as to which there was no 
 prohibition. But in respect to His Highness's ships 
 and those of other crowns, there was a rigorous order 
 not to let them pass. If the viceroy in his letter to 
 Aurangzeb had promised a passage, that must be 
 understood not of the Goa river, but of the lands 
 belonging to the Portuguese. He did not decline to 
 comply, but offered a passage through other rivers. 
 To show better to His Highness that the viceroy 
 maintained friendship with His Highness and with his 
 father, he would provide men to guide the vessels to 
 any port His Highness wished. 
 
 This proposal so much approved itself to Shah 
 4 Alam, that he was willing to order the galliots already 
 inside to go out again. He sent me with people to 
 carry this order to the captain-general of the fleet ; and 
 I left with him other men to act as guides in conducting 
 him by land to the mouth of the river Bardes. 
 
 To conclude the story : before giving me my leave, 
 he sent me an exquisite sarapa (set of robes) and a 
 
i82 MANUCCI AND SHAH 'ALAM 
 
 horse. I was made to promise that I would return 
 to him next day at two o'clock in the afternoon. I 
 took with me the men carrying to the captain-general 
 of the fleet the orders to turn back and proceed to 
 meet the prince by way of the Bardes river. 
 
 I went to Goa, and recounted to the viceroy what 
 had happened. He was considerably gratified at the 
 way I had arranged matters, and at deliverance from 
 the peril he had been in of losing the island. I urged 
 him to give the ambassadors their dismissal, with 
 the presents he meant to send to His Highness. In 
 the morning I did my very best to be sent off early, 
 in order to fulfil my promise to reach His Highness 
 at two o'clock in the afternoon. But His Excellency 
 wanted me to carry a letter to the prince, and kept 
 me waiting longer than was necessary. For this 
 reason, the prince finding I did not arrive at the 
 appointed hour, ordered Bardes to be plundered and 
 thereby force the viceroy to send me at once. 
 
 His Highness had ordered that as soon as ever 
 they perceived me approaching they were to stop 
 plundering. The sentries who recognised me shouted 
 and ran about to make the soldiers give over, but 
 that did not help the poor wretches already stripped 
 bare. I reached the prince, and was well received ; 
 but I made somewhat of a remonstrance at the irre- 
 gularity of the soldiers plundering Bardes when we 
 were friends. The prince smiled, and said to me : 
 " It would have been still worse for them had you 
 not appeared." There we halted several days until 
 the supplies for the army had been landed. It is 
 impossible for me to detail the gifts I received from 
 all the court, and even from the princesses and sons 
 of Shah 'Alam. 1 The latter was aware that I was 
 serving him reluctantly, and thus instigated these 
 others to propitiate me. 
 
 We went to Vingorla, and the prince captured that 
 place easily, seeing that nearly everybody took to 
 
MANUCCI DOES PORTUGUESE A GOOD TURN 183 
 
 flight. The fleet continued to accompany us. After 
 a few days the Portuguese ambassadors arrived ; they 
 were Joao Antunes Portugal and Manoel de Santo 
 Pinto. They brought some showy presents and 
 lengths of ornamented China cloth, some lovely 
 branches of coral, and six small pieces of artillery, with 
 other objects, the whole being worth a good amount. 
 
 They were well received, and sardpd (sets of robes) 
 were ordered for each of them, in addition to two 
 thousand rupees. For the viceroy there were given 
 a caparisoned horse, a dagger mounted with precious 
 stones, a little bottle of essence of roses, and an 
 honourable formao (farman, or rescript?). 
 
 It should be noted here that at the presentation 
 of these ambassadors I did not act as interpreter, 
 but some other European. In reading out the con- 
 ditions he succeeded in doing a piece of bad work 
 for the Portuguese. For in one paragraph the viceroy 
 desired Shah 'Alam either to give him eight hundred 
 horses, or permit him to buy them in the camp. 
 The European stated as the viceroy's proposal that, 
 if the prince gave him eight hundred horses he would 
 consider himself a subject. This was as much as to 
 say that he would place Goa in the prince's hands. 
 When I heard this I prayed the royal scribe to stop 
 writing, for the interpreter did not understand the 
 viceroy's proposal. All he said was that being in 
 want of eight hundred horses to continue the campaign 
 against Sambha Ji he asked for these eight hundred 
 horses; and should His Highness decline to give 
 them he prayed leave to buy them in the camp. The 
 interpreter was angered, but I judged it necessary 
 on such an occasion to speak up, to defend truth, 
 and to protect Goa from a pretext under cover of 
 which Aurangzeb would proceed to occupy that island. 
 
 In the evening of the same day I encountered 
 Shekh Muhammad at the entrance of the prince's 
 tents. He is the man who had gone first as envoy 
 from Aurangzeb to the viceroy, and had promised 
 
1 84 MANUCCI MADE A KNIGHT OF SANT' I AGO 
 
 Aurangzeb to make over Goa to Shah 'Alam. He 
 complained to me, telling me it was not for me to 
 intervene in the royal affairs, nor was it my business 
 to act as agent for the Portuguese. In time we began 
 to raise our voices, so that the prince heard the alter- 
 cation, and asked the cause, and who were the men 
 making so much noise. Then they told him how 
 Hakim Niculao and Shekh Muhammad were shouting 
 at each other over the pending negotiations. The 
 prince, who did not want any violence, sent word to 
 Shekh Muhammad to go away, and not open his 
 mouth on such affairs. As for me, he called me inside, 
 reassured me, and gave me his word that he would 
 not touch the Portuguese. Of a certainty had he 
 listened to Shekh Muhammad he must have taken 
 Goa, for that man was very familiar with the ground, 
 being a native of those parts. 
 
 Manoel de Santo Pinto then returned to the viceroy, 
 and reported to him the above two affairs. On this 
 account the viceroy sent me, through him, the pro- 
 position that I should either accept the knighthood 
 of Sant' lago, or a village yielding annually a thousand 
 xerafins (ashrafi). I did not want to accept one or 
 the other, but Manoel de Santo Pinto pressed the 
 accepting of one of the offers, as it would affront the 
 viceroy if I refused. I therefore accepted the knight- 
 hood of Sant' lago, which he forthwith conferred on 
 me, together with the letters patent, in which he set 
 forth the two particular services aforesaid which I 
 rendered the crown of Portugal, as may be seen from 
 the following copy of that patent : 
 
 " Dom Pedro, by the Grace of God, Prince of 
 Portugal and of the Algarves, on this and that side 
 of the sea in Africa, of Guinea, and of the conquered 
 commercial navigation of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, 
 and India, et cetera ; as regent and successor, and ruler 
 of the said realms and lordships, and governor and 
 perpetual administrator, as I am, of the Mastership 
 and Knighthood of the three Military orders : 
 
MANUCCI MADE A KNIGHT OF SANT' IAGO 185 
 
 "Be it known to all beholding this Patent, that 
 having regard to the services done by Niculcio 
 Manuchy in our Indian dominions on various occa- 
 sions arising in our service ; by translating the letters 
 written by the Mogul King to the Count, our viceroy 
 in the said Dominions, and by being present during 
 the conferences with his ambassador, Shekh Muham- 
 mad, upon the matters under negotiation; subse- 
 quently, upon the approach of the prince Muhammad 
 Mu'azzam, Shah 'Alam, eldest son of the said King, 
 with his army, to the vicinity of the said Dominions, 
 by accompanying the envoy that the said Count, our 
 viceroy, sent to the said Prince, and by going more 
 than once to the said army on various matters of 
 great importance appertaining to the said Dominions. 
 Wherein the said Niculao Manuchy conducted himself 
 with great fidelity and zeal in our service ; from 
 which we anticipate he will act in the same way from 
 now henceforth. 
 
 " For all these reasons he is worthy of every honour 
 and favour, and to prove to the said Prince the esteem 
 in which we hold his person, We hold it expedient 
 to make a grant to the said Niculao Manuchi of the 
 vestment of the order of Sao Tiago, which he can 
 wear on his breast like a true knight, for which he 
 will be recognised and respected as such, enjoying 
 all the honours and privileges thereto appertaining. 
 
 11 Wherefore I order that this Patent now issued be 
 made over to him, that it be carried out and observed 
 in its entirety as therein set forth, and that it be sealed 
 with the seal bearing the Royal Arms of the Crown 
 of Portugal. Our Lord the Prince issues it through 
 Francisco de Tavora, Count of Alvor, one of his 
 Councillors of State, Viceroy and Captain-General 
 of India, executed by the Custodian Souza Moreira 
 in Goa the twenty and ninth of January of one 
 thousand six hundred and eighty-four. 
 
 " Ordered to be recorded. 
 
 " The Secretary, 
 " LUIS GONSALVES CoTA. 
 
 " COUNT OF ALVOR. 
 Luis GONSALVES COTA. 
 
1 86 MANUCCI ATTEMPTS TO LEAVE SHAH 'ALAM 
 
 " Patent by which Your Highness is pleased to 
 grant to Niculao Manuchi the vestment of the Order 
 of Sao Thiago, to be borne on his breast as a true 
 knight enjoying all the honours and privileges per- 
 taining thereto, as is above declared. 
 
 " Verified by Your Highness. 
 
 "Registered in the Book of Grants in the State 
 Secretariat on page twenty-nine. 
 
 "LUIS GONSALVES COTA." 
 
 I did not wish to continue in the service of 
 Shah 'Alam, for I did not feel happy living among 
 Mahomedans. I saw that these campaigns would 
 not soon come to an end, and thus I would be 
 forced to wander here and there and everywhere 
 with the prince's camp. I took my measures for 
 flight, as was my intention. The > first thing I did 
 was to pray the ambassador from the Portuguese 
 to wait for me with his galliot (armed boat). For 
 when the prince started to march with his army I 
 meant to get back to Goa with him (the envoy). 
 He gave me his word that he would await me. Then 
 I resolved to return the two thousand rupees given 
 me by Shah 'Alam to enable me to march with 
 the army. I did not want it said of me that Hakim 
 Niculao fled after having received two thousand 
 rupees. So I took them to Sultan Mu'izz-ud-din, 
 Shah 'Alam's heir, and asked him to consent to hold- 
 ing the said two thousand rupees, as I had no place 
 to put them. He ordered his eunuch to take charge 
 of them. 
 
 I waited until the prince had set out, and then 1 
 made off, hoping to catch up the ambassador and his 
 boat. But he had gone off to feast himself in the 
 Dutch Factory, and thus the attempt failed. When 
 the prince knew of it he fell into a great rage at 
 my attempted flight, and ordered his foster-brother, 
 Mir Muhammad, to whose charge he had committed 
 me, to go off in search of me, and not to come back 
 to his presence until he brought me with him. He 
 
MANUCCI RECAPTURED 187 
 
 sent an order to the commander of the fleet to pro- 
 ceed in search of me and (carry me off by force or 
 persuasion. For he declared unconditionally that he 
 meant to keep me in his service. 
 
 But he knew that I was no lover of violence, so 
 he sent to the seashore a caparisoned horse for me 
 to ride, and an elephant along with five hundred 
 horsemen to escort me. This was all to do me 
 great honour, but they were to seize me if they 
 came across me. 
 
 I was much affected when I did not find the am- 
 bassador in the boat. While I was waiting for him, 
 I felt happy at having got away from the camp. Then 
 the sentries reported to us how a galliot belonging to 
 the Mahomedans was approaching. Putting my head 
 to the window, I saw that it was Mir Muhammad, and 
 thereby my courage at once evaporated. 
 
 He came aboard the envoy's boat, and earnestly 
 entreated me to save his life ; for the prince would 
 never see him until I went back to the camp and 
 spoke with His Highness, who was waiting for me. 
 While we were still in talk, the sentry said that all 
 the Mahomedan army had come from Vingorla. Thus 
 I lost all hope of being able to flee, and, entering 
 Mir Muhammad's galliot, we went off to find the 
 prince, who had already gone four leagues farther 
 off. The commander of the fleet notified my presence 
 to the prince. But owing to the land route being 
 closed by the enemy, who were plundering in all 
 directions, thus causing great risk of the elephant's 
 capture, which would be a disgrace, he ordered them 
 to embark the horses and the troopers told off to 
 escort me, while the elephant was put aboard some 
 other vessel. Thus we all went to a port distant 
 some two days from Vingorla, where the prince 
 had gone to destroy a temple known as the White 
 Pagoda, or of the Virgins. It was sent into the air 
 by gunpowder. 
 
 The prince was pleased and happy at my return, 
 
i88 MANUCCI GRANTED LEAVE 
 
 Remonstrating lovingly with me, he said he did not 
 know what was to happen to me. For he saw that I 
 had no love for him or for his family. Other Farangis 
 would adopt any and every method to find a prince 
 who had for them a mere fraction of the interest he 
 displayed in me. I replied that I admitted fully the 
 love with which His Highness was pleased to favour 
 me; but my expenses were heavy, nor did I deserve 
 less pay than that given to the other physicians. 
 Thus I could not continue to serve him. Besides 
 this, his ministers and the officials made me wait a 
 very long time for the little His Highness gave me. 
 In this way, while in his service, I was expending 
 my patrimony without benefit and with nothing but 
 distress. 
 
 Before putting faith in this speech of mine, it is 
 necessary for the reader to know my temperament, 
 and he should, in addition, know the wonderful cures 
 I had effected among the Mahomedans. Well might 
 I talk thus, for I neither sought for, nor was I in need 
 of, the prince's pay, and thoroughly content should 
 I have been had he grown angry and said : " Be off 
 with you." But he, instead of getting angry and 
 expelling me, ordered, in my hearing, a guard of 
 horse and foot to be put on me, as he did not want 
 me to escape again. Seeing thus how determined he 
 was, I said I could not follow him, not having the 
 necessary equipment; all my baggage was in Goa. 
 On this account I prayed leave to visit Goa to fetch 
 my things, and bid farewell to my relations. I 
 pledged my word to come back within the term of 
 seven days. 
 
 He was reluctant to give me this leave, but in the 
 end said he would grant it if I swore to come back 
 again. I swore after the manner of Hindustan that 
 is, by the feet of His Highness I would come back 
 again. But he refused this oath, and called upon me 
 to swear by the name of the Messiah, and that then 
 he would place faith in my words and permit me to 
 
RETURNS TO THE ROYAL CAMP 189 
 
 quit the royal camp. Finding he required this of me, 
 I swore by the terrible, venerable, and admirable 
 name of Jesus that I would be faithful to my promise. 
 Then he granted me the leave, and conferred on me 
 another set of robes (sardpa). 
 
 Though thus obliged to abandon Goa, which I had 
 wished to serve to the utmost of my power, I resolved 
 to seize the occasion for alleviating the great necessity 
 from which it was then suffering. There was famine 
 from want of supplies, especially of wheat, of which 
 there was none in Goa not even enough to prepare 
 the Host. I asked the prince to let me have a cargo 
 of wheat, his army being fully supplied. It was to 
 be delivered at Goa on account of the merchants, for 
 I wished to confer this benefit on my intimates by 
 way of a parting gift. My petition was acceded to, 
 and, embarking on the same vessel, I went to Goa, 
 where the Portuguese were much pleased at the benefit 
 I had gained for them from the prince, and the mer- 
 chants acquired their profit. After two days I took 
 leave of the viceroy and my friends, and returned to 
 the royal camp, where the prince awaited me with 
 great eagerness. 
 
 When I arrived I learnt that the prince was already 
 prepared for the march, having completed the destruc- 
 tion of the White Pagoda and other edifices belong- 
 ing to Sambha Ji. We took the road for Bardes 
 once more, halting on the bank of that river. Shah 
 'Alam had given orders that everyone caught entering 
 or leaving the camp at night should be beheaded 
 without fail. This was to frighten the spies, and 
 hinder them from coming to pry about in the camp. 
 It happened that they caught, among others, some 
 Canarese, who had come from Goa to sell fruit, butter, 
 et cetera, in the camp. Already they were on their 
 way, early in the morning, to be beheaded, when my 
 servants, hearing of this, informed me of the miserable 
 plight of these Canarese. I therefore hurried to the 
 prince, who was already on the march, and besought 
 
190 A DISASTROUS MARCH 
 
 him for an order to release my people, who had 
 carried me from Goa. He smiled, and directed the 
 release of the men for whom I had petitioned. Thus 
 some men were released whom I had recognised to 
 be Christians. 
 
 After this we marched, and climbed a mountain 
 called Ramgat (? Ramghat), a league and a half of 
 ascent. Here Sambha Ji might have killed the whole 
 of us, for it was a place difficult to climb, with narrow 
 paths passing through jungle and thorny scrub. But 
 he did not choose to attempt it, and they said he was 
 acting in collusion with Shah 'Alam. 
 
 But what Sambha Ji did not do by attacking us, 
 God carried out by the pestilence which raged in the 
 army with such violence that in seven days of its 
 prevalence everyone died who was attacked that is, 
 about one-third of the army. Of this disease there 
 died every day five hundred men ; nor was the mor- 
 tality confined to men only it extended to horses, 
 elephants, and camels. This made the air pestilential, 
 and, it being a confined route, supplies failed also ; 
 and this was like encountering another enemy. For 
 although, as I said, wheat was abundant from this 
 time, there were no animals to carry it. Thus the 
 soldiers had more than enough to undergo. Many of 
 those whose horses had died had no money to buy 
 others, nor was there anyone in the camp ready to 
 sell. They were thus forced to march on foot, and 
 many died of the great heat and thirst they under- 
 went. Having reached the top of this pass, we marched 
 for the kingdom of Bijapur. Several times we were 
 watched on the march by the enemy, who, whenever 
 occasion served, spared neither our baggage nor 
 ourselves, plundering in all directions. 
 
 Finally we arrived at Aamadanaguer (Ahmadnagar), 
 where Chand Bib! caused golden and silver balls to be 
 fired from her cannon, with the inscription that the ball 
 should belong to the finder. Here we met the army 
 of Aurangzeb, who was waiting for the rainy season 
 
MANUCCI AGAIN TAKES FLIGHT 191 
 
 to pass before venturing farther into the kingdom of 
 Bijapur and Gulkandah. During these marches and 
 halts it was observed that in the morning there were 
 on the tents various scarlet imprints of hands. Every- 
 one was in astonishment. We could never discover 
 the signification of these imprints, unless it could be 
 judged to be some witchcraft, for no one could climb 
 so high as to make those hand-prints on the royal 
 tents. 
 
 As I was already dissatisfied with all this marching, 
 I continued to reflect on modes of retiring to Europe, 
 there to enjoy the much or little that I had fairly 
 earned by my labours. I therefore asked Shah 'Alam 
 for leave to visit Surat on some business I had there. 
 But as he knew by experience that my determination 
 was to proceed still farther, he ordered his slaves to 
 watch carefully that I did not take to flight. He refused 
 to give any other answer. 
 
 Seeing him thus positive, I adopted another plan, 
 which was to write to Muhammad Ibrahim, begging 
 him to assist me in my escape. He wrote that he 
 would most willingly do so. To this end he sent 
 daily four thousand horse to patrol as if they meant 
 to make an attempt upon us, and this caused some 
 anxiety to Shah 'Alam. This went on for several 
 days, until the day fixed for my escape arrived. I 
 sent ,my books out of the camp by the hands of my 
 spies, who moved about in safety. Then, contenting 
 myself by carrying off my hoard of gold coins and 
 my case of instruments, I left my tent mounted on a 
 horse followed by a palanquin, as if I were going to 
 take the air. I halted at the tent of one of my friends, 
 an Englishman named Thomas Gudlet, and there I 
 drank a cup or two so as to mystify Shah 'Alam's 
 spies. Then, on the pretext that at night I had to 
 give a dinner to some friends, I sent the spies to 
 procure dishes of food, some in one place, some in 
 another. I also ordered my palanquin to be taken 
 away, as I intended to ride home that evening. 
 
192 SUCCESSFUL ESCAPE 
 
 When I found myself free of these spies, I sent out 
 two faithful servants to wait for me in a village across 
 the river, near which were posted the four thousand 
 horsemen of Muhammad Ibrahim. On arriving, they 
 were to display a small white flag as a signal that the 
 horsemen were there, and that I might come safely. 
 As soon as I got this warning I rode out on my horse 
 as if taking the air, but in truth I was on my way to 
 escape. When I reached the river I moved most 
 leisurely, as if I only meant to give my horse a drink. 
 
 When the sentries saw that I was crossing the 
 river, they began to shout and warn the horsemen 
 that I was clearing out. But they were too late to 
 catch me, for giving my steed the rein I moved off in 
 fine style. The horsemen of Shah 'Alam pursued me, 
 describing a half-circle in the hope of surrounding 
 me. But Muhammad Ibrahim's troopers at once rode 
 up, lance in rest, and put Shah 'Alam's horsemen to 
 flight. Thus delivered I reached the village, and 
 from the village the army, where I gave thanks to 
 Muhammad Ibrahim for the favour he had done me. 
 
 Nor must I omit to mention how some Christians in 
 the service of the Gulkandah king, aware that I was 
 seeking to escape from Shah 'Alam, came out to meet 
 me and escort me, so as to take my side in case any of 
 the Gulkandah troops attempted to interfere with me. 
 Hardly had I reached the presence of Muhammad 
 Ibrahim, when one of Shah 'Alain's spies turned up. 
 He delivered letters to the general, and informed him 
 in private that I was much valued by Shah 'Alam, 
 who would take it very ill should he assist a person 
 that the prince had sent after several times and put 
 sentries over to prevent his escape. 
 
 The spy left, and also the other persons present, 
 and I was alone with Muhammad Ibrahim. He 
 already regretted having helped me in my flight, and 
 as he had been planning to desert to the prince's side, 
 he feared being badly treated by His Highness. This 
 was why, after having congratulated me on my escape, 
 
MANUCCI REACHES GULKANDAH 193 
 
 he prayed me to remain with him a few days ; he said 
 he felt unwell, and wanted to purge himself. I quite 
 understood the design of Muhammad Ibrahim ; he 
 meant to make me over once more to Shah 'Alam. 
 Placing my hand on my dagger, I said to him that if 
 he did not give me leave to go on to Gulkandah, I 
 should without fail rip open my bowels in his presence, 
 and would rather die than go back to the service of 
 Shah 'Alam. 
 
 He became alarmed at finding me thus resolute, and, 
 retiring inside, told me to wait a little. He wrote me 
 a passport for Gulkandah, and coming out again 
 handed it to me, telling me privately to make all the 
 haste I could. As this was all I was waiting for, I 
 jumped on my horse at once and travelled for three 
 days, until 1 arrived at Gulkandah. There I repaired 
 to the house of a friend, Monsieur Francisco Guety, 
 and he conducted me to the mansion of Xarif Elmulq 
 (Sharlf-ul-mulk), brother-in-law of the Gulkandah king. 
 He had several conversations with me ; and the king's 
 sister suffering from palpitation of the heart, I was 
 able to alleviate her complaint a great deal. In this 
 way I began to be talked about in Gulkandah. 
 
 Thus the king heard of my arrival. As his European 
 physician, a Frenchman named Monsieur Destremon, 
 was dead, the king sent for me to his presence. There, 
 after some conversation, he directed me to go and 
 bleed a woman in his harem, much cherished by him, 
 because she knew where the treasures of the King of 
 Gulkandah Cotobxa (Qutb Shah) were concealed. 
 She was a Georgian, and so extremely stout, and the 
 fat covered the veins so much, that blood could not be 
 drawn from her except from the capillary veins. Her 
 arms were covered with lancet marks. I felt for the 
 vein, and after fixing the bandage, I took a measure 
 twice the size I used for others ; and I reached the vein 
 with such dexterity that the blood gushed out with 
 great force. Everyone was in admiration at seeing a 
 thing that had never happened before with this woman 
 
194 MANUCCI LEAVES GULKANDAH 
 
 The king himself, who was standing behind looking 
 on, became desirous of being bled also. But though 
 they made me wait for that day, in the end he would 
 not have it done. It may be that someone had 
 frightened him, that I might be an emissary from 
 Shah 'Alam and Aurangzeb, sent to bleed him in such 
 a way that he would never want to be bled again. In 
 place of having himself bled, he made over to me for 
 treatment one of his nephews who had an ulcerated 
 leg, and for this purpose he presented to me seven 
 hundred rupees for my expenses. [To evade capture 
 by Shah 'Alam, Manucci again fled to Narsapur.] 
 
 While Shah 'Alam was halted in that province 
 (Kohir) waiting for the receipt of the treasure, 
 elephants, jewels, and war materials, in accordance 
 with the treaty, he requested the king to have a search 
 made for me, and send me to him as he wanted me. 
 Horsemen were sent by the king to fetch me, with 
 orders to the governors that if I refused to come 
 willingly, I was to be sent by force. The soldiers 
 came upon me in Narsapur, and showed me the royal 
 farman, whereby the king recalled me to court, on the 
 pretext of continuing the treatment of his nephew. 
 He promised me that whenever 1 wanted my liberty it 
 should be given without difficulty. 
 
 I could see quite well that there was no escape from 
 going, for they would carry me off to the court whether 
 I liked it or not. I therefore dissembled, and made 
 display of goodwill, and a desire to be of service to 
 His Majesty. I mounted my horse and went with them, 
 in all pomp and magnificence, until we got to Gul- 
 kandah. When I appeared to make my obeisance to 
 the king, he declared himself pleased at my coming. 
 Urgently I begged him, as I had come under pro- 
 tection of his word, not to deliver me into the hands 
 of Shah 'Alam. By this he was somewhat discon- 
 certed, and fixed my pay at seven hundred rupees a 
 month. But I declared that I would not accept pay, 
 that I meant to serve him for nothing. Nevertheless, 
 
A FRESH ATTEMPT TO ESCAPE 195 
 
 he sent seven hundred rupees to my abode, and while 
 I was with him he ordered a set of robes to be con- 
 ferred on me. He gave a private order to post a 
 hundred horsemen in the street where I was staying, 
 to prevent anyone interfering with me. 
 
 For the envoy of Shah 'Alam, called Momencan 
 (Mumin Khan), sought an opening for carrying me off 
 to the prince. In addition to the guard of horsemen, 
 Abu,l Hasan gave me over in charge to his dlwan, 
 who was responsible for my personal safety. I began 
 the treatment of his nephew once more, and remained 
 two months in Gulkandah, by which time the patient 
 had recovered. But I was obliged to seek safety in a 
 secret flight. For the ambassador of Shah 'Alam, 
 when he was taking leave, once more tried to induce 
 the king to make me over into his hands. He (the 
 king) replied that if at his departure he carried me 
 away with him, no one would come forward to defend 
 me. For this purpose he ordered the withdrawal of 
 the hundred horsemen, placed as sentries to prevent 
 interference with me. 
 
 This conversation was heard by one of the said 
 ambassador's soldiers, who years before had come under 
 an obligation to me for treating him in an illness, and 
 he hurried to warn me of the ambassador's intentions. 
 The information reached me when I was at cards, and, 
 suppressing my tribulation, I went on for a time with 
 the game. I then went out and betook myself to the 
 house of the Dutch envoy, who was then Lourenco Pit, 
 and begged his assistance in this delicate situation. 
 After that I sent for the Father Vicar of Gulkandah, 
 named Frey Francisco, of the Order of St. Augustin, 
 and most earnestly entreated him to see Rustam Rao 
 and procure leave to remove to Machhllpatanam a 
 brother of his called Augustinho, who had fallen ill. 
 
 I furnished him with this name, so that if asked for 
 his invalid brother's name he should be in no per- 
 plexity, and thereby avoid suspicion of there being 
 some deceit. The arrangement succeeded perfectly, 
 
196 MANUCCI REACHES MADRAS 
 
 for the permit was obtained. I got into a palanquin, 
 and feigned to be unwell ; and praise be to God, the 
 spies never discovered me. Thus did I make my 
 journey without the envoy of Shah 'Alam being aware 
 of my departure. I went on until I arrived at Madrasta 
 (Madras) or Fort St. George, which belongs to the 
 English, and there I was free of all danger. My escape 
 from Gulkandah was the cause of some discomfort to 
 the king, for Shah 'Alam made great complaint of his 
 want of energy in arresting me, but he knew quite 
 well that by that time I was no longer in Gulkandah. 
 Still he made various searches, and in the end sent 
 Rustam Rao as a prisoner into the fortress, because 
 he had issued the permit for my departure. The 
 prisoner was forced to pay fifty thousand rupees, 
 which were forwarded to Shah 'Alam as a present to 
 procure pardon for the fault of the king's officer. 
 
 On my arrival in Madras, the Portuguese gentlemen, 
 who knew the zeal with which I had served their 
 nation in Goa, came to see me. They congratulated 
 me on my arrival and offered their services in whatever 
 way would be of use to me. Such help they would 
 give most willingly. But I was all anxiety to see 
 Senhor Francisco Martim (Francois Martin), Director- 
 General of the Royal Company of France, who had 
 come back to Pudichery (Pondicherry) from Surat. I 
 got into a palanquin and went off to visit him, where I 
 was well received, and well entertained for several days. 
 He gave me the advice not to return to Europe, but to 
 marry in India. He informed me of a lady born in 
 India, but of good English Catholic parents. She 
 lived in Madrastapatao (Madras) and her name was 
 Senhora Ilizabet Ihardili (? Elizabeth Hartley), legiti- 
 mate daughter of (Mr.) Christovao Ihardili (? Christo- 
 pher Hartley), president of Machhltpatanam, and of 
 Donna Aguida Pereyra, a Portuguese lady. At that 
 time the lady Ilizabet Ihardili was the widow of Mr. 
 Thomas Klark (Clarke), an English Catholic ; he was 
 a judge, and second at the station of Madras. 
 
MANUCCI MARRIES 197 
 
 This is what I was told by Monsieur the General, 
 confirmed by some Capuchin friars, and thus I began 
 to relinquish the idea of going back to Europe. For, 
 as they told me, having become accustomed to the 
 climate and the food of India, and being already 
 advanced in age, I should not last very long in Europe. 
 Thus I quitted Pondicherry and returned to Madras, 
 meaning to find out the intentions of the said lady. 
 There I arrived at the end of June in one thousand six 
 hundred and eighty-six, and I talked with the well- 
 known Fathers Zenao (Zenon) and Ephrem (Ephraim), 
 Capuchins, and apostolic missionaries in Madras, 
 otherwise Fort St. George. They were aware of the 
 virtues and sound doctrine of the said lady, and they 
 gave me such a good report of her qualities and virtues 
 that 1 decided to marry. By the favour of God I was 
 married on St. Simon's and St. Jude's day of that same 
 year (1686). 
 
 I had a son, but God chose rather to make him an 
 angel in Paradise than leave him to suffer in this 
 world. In this way I was fixed to a residence in the 
 said Fort St. George, where came many that knew me, 
 or heard speak of me, in order to be treated. Among 
 those who came was Rajah Champat, son of Champat 
 Bundelah, who, as stated in the first part of my history, 
 was sacrificed by Aurangzeb as a foundation for his 
 victories, in reward for having found him a route in 
 his combat with Dara. 
 
 Nor did Shah 'Alam fail to send in search of me in 
 several directions, while the princess sent one who had 
 formerly been my servant to seek me in Madras. She 
 gave him as a present a dagger, which he sold to one 
 of my friends for eight hundred patacas (Rs. 1600). 
 This she did only through her desire to know where 1 
 was, so that she might send to fetch me. 
 
 All my acquaintances know that very few months 
 
 passed without gifts coming from the Mogul grandees, 
 
 who gave me many presents, and sent to me patients 
 
 of title and many others. Experience was my great 
 
 14 
 
i 9 8 WHY MANUCCI LEFT THE MOGUL COUNTRY 
 
 teacher, whereby I had acquired several secrets, in 
 which it may be that I shall allow the world to partici- 
 pate, for I have no heir to whom to bequeath these 
 treasures that preserve our bodily health. But among 
 the others I may as well mention that I manufactured 
 certain cordials regardless of expense, the same being 
 wonderful in certain complaints, as many can testify. 
 Yet it is only a short time ago that I began to distribute 
 these cordials, for I have no wish to imitate those who, 
 keener for others' gold than the health of their fellow 
 men, make up mixtures of various things and sell them 
 as cordials. I did not begin to sell mine until experi- 
 ence had taught me that the purchasers would not be 
 cheated. My residence in Madras will offer no prejudice 
 to the continuation of my history, for, besides the spies 
 I employed, the nobles were pleased to forward me 
 news of what took place in the camp. 
 
 I know quite well that some in reading this history 
 will comment on my leaving the Mogul country so 
 many times and then going back. Some will say to 
 themselves that in those lands there must be some 
 delectable fields which caused my return there. But 
 in reality, granting that by God's favour I did have the 
 luck to attain some good fortune, yet never had I any 
 desire to settle there. For of a truth they have nothing 
 that can delight or win people from Europe, or make 
 them desire to live there. The country is not good for 
 the body, much less for the soul ; for the body it is 
 requisite to live ever on the qui vive and keep your 
 eyes open, since no one ever says a word that can be 
 relied on. It is continuously requisite to think the 
 worst, and believe the contrary of what is said ; for it 
 is the habit there absolutely to act according to the 
 proverb of my country, " Pleasant words, sad actions." 
 They deceive both the acute and the careless ; thus, 
 when they show themselves the greatest friends, you 
 require to be doubly careful. 
 
 The country is not good for the soul, as much from 
 the licence one has there, as from the absence of 
 
IN THE SERVICE OF SHAH 'ALAM, 1680-85 199 
 
 Catholic observances. Thus, when I could leave it, I 
 did so ; nor should have I ever gone back there, had I 
 not been forced by necessity. I offer up many thanks 
 to God that at length He granted me means to deliver 
 myself, and I assure the reader that few Europeans 
 could live there with the advantages and honours I 
 was able to achieve. Nor let him be led away by 
 the hope that, resorting thither, he would be able to 
 improve himself in any degree. For few indeed are 
 they who return thence bettered, and many are those 
 who have been made worse. 
 
 Among other occasions, there was one when the 
 king's wife, the mother of Shah 'Alam, was gra- 
 ciously pleased to give me testimony of her 
 goodwill towards me in recognition of my having 
 accompanied the prince her son from Goa to court. 
 This princess showed me great affection because I 
 had attended her and bled her several times, in addition 
 to which she had often to send for me, as she suffered 
 much from gout. As it was I who prescribed for 
 her, she often sent me some dainty, as is the fashion 
 of these ladies to do to those whom they esteem. 
 When I bled her she put her arm out from the curtain, 
 but wrapped up, leaving only one little spot uncovered, 
 about as wide as two fingers, close to the vein. For 
 that attendance I got from her four hundred rupees 
 and a sardpd (set of robes) as a present, and I bled her 
 regularly twice a year. 
 
 It should be understood that, before a European 
 can acquire the office of physician among these princes, 
 he must be put to the proof a long time, for they are 
 extremely distrustful and nice in such matters. 
 Every month the princesses and the ladies have 
 themselves bled, which is done in the way I have 
 above described. It is just the same when they want 
 themselves bled in the foot, or have any wound or 
 fistula dressed ; nothing is ever shown but the part 
 affected or the vein they wish opened. When I bled 
 
200 MUTUAL DISTRUST AMONG PRINCES 
 
 the wives and daughters of Shah 'Alam, each of them 
 gave me two hundred rupees and a sarapa, but when 
 I bled that prince, who was my employer, and he was 
 at court, I could not do it without the leave of the 
 king. For this bleeding I got four hundred rupees, 
 a sarapa, and a horse. 
 
 When I had finished I had to report to the king the 
 quantity of blood I had drawn, what was the prince's 
 reigning humour, and reply according to circumstances 
 to the inquiries made by the king on this subject. 
 After this he would give me my dismissal, granting 
 me a sarapa. For each bleeding of one of the prince's 
 sons I received two hundred rupees, a sarapa, and a 
 horse. 
 
 The distrust among these princes is so acute that 
 the father does not trust the son, nor the son his 
 father. Here is an instance : Sultan Mu'izz-ud-din, 
 eldest son of Shah 'Alam, was graciously pleased to 
 act as intermediary, and to intercede for me with 
 his father to get me back into his service, as I 
 have related more at length in my account of Goa. 
 The father, without any other reason, commanded 
 me not to go to the court of the said Sultan, giving 
 him orders at the same time not to send for me. 
 Let him, said Shah 'Alam, employ his own 
 doctors, and not me. Upon this subject they had 
 some words, and thereupon separated. Some- 
 time afterwards Sultan Mu'izz-ud-din feigned the 
 invalid, and no longer went to the court of his father. 
 As soon as the latter heard of the illness he sent his 
 Persian physicians, and these men reported that he 
 was not in the least unwell. To give them the lie, 
 and show that he required my treatment, he made 
 one of his women servants suck a place in his neck, 
 and thereby raised a blue mark. On learning that 
 he was suffering from this blue mark, Shah 'Alam, 
 without knowing the cause of it, had the idea 
 that he required bleeding. So he ordered me to 
 see him at his residence, and, with a view to satis- 
 
IN THE SERVICE OF SHAH 'ALAM, 1680-85 201 
 
 fying his son, told me to go whenever he sent for 
 me ; and in this manner they made it up, and were 
 at peace. 
 
 Perhaps it will be found not altogether devoid of 
 utility if I impart to my readers several events that 
 happened to me which are proof of the prince's kind- 
 ness and of the friendship he bore me. Seeing that 
 I was not married, he inquired from me, through the 
 first princess in his mahal (seraglio), why I did not 
 take a wife. I replied that I found none of my standing 
 that took my fancy. This lady and her husband were 
 both desirous to get me married, so as to retain me 
 and hinder my leaving Hindustan and his court. 
 She said to me that she would send for all the 
 daughters of Christians, whether Europeans or Ar- 
 menians, and I had only to choose the one I liked best. 
 She would see that I obtained the girl, would give 
 her away in marriage herself, and provide all the 
 expenses necessary on such occasions, adding a number 
 of other promises. I thanked her, and made her under- 
 stand how grateful I was for all her favours, but 
 being a man of family, it was not correct for me to 
 accept a bride such as she proposed. To that she 
 replied by a great many things ; among others, that 
 Mahomedans took anybody, without regard to their 
 birth. Although Christians could never have pre- 
 tensions to such an honour, yet, if I would agree, she 
 would have all her maids-of-honour brought before 
 me, and I had only to select the one 1 most liked, and 
 she should be given to me as wife, nothing remaining 
 but to carry her away to my dwelling. 
 
 Being weary of all this woman's talk, 1 gave an 
 off-hand answer that I was incapacitated for marriage. 
 But on she went, and, with a number of other remarks, 
 refuted me by saying that my bearing and complexion 
 showed the falsity of what I told her. Finally, after 
 all this discourse, she ordered me to put my hand 
 inside the curtains of the bed to feel her pulse ; for 
 this is the way one has to deal with these ladies, 
 14* 
 
202 A MERRY JEST 
 
 as I have said. I noted that the arm was thick, 
 muscular, and hairy, and by these signs I knew at 
 once it was a man's arm ; and it turned out to be 
 Shah 'Alam himself. Without delay I rose and said 
 that the arm I had touched was a man's, and not a 
 woman's, and it could be no other than that of the 
 King of the World. At these words the prince burst 
 out laughing, and told me that I knew how to distin- 
 guish the difference between a man and a woman. 
 
 Wishing to retain me and gain me entirely over to 
 his interest, the prince thought that women would be 
 a good vehicle to secure his object ; for it is very 
 common for men to be destroyed by this snare. Here 
 is how he set to work. He asked me if I knew there 
 was a European in his palace. I said I did not. 
 Instantly, while we were speaking, there came out 
 of a room a very pretty girl, dressed as a man in 
 European style, with a gold-mounted sword at her 
 side. As soon as she saw me she lifted her hat and 
 saluted me. I was conscious at once that it was the 
 prince who had put all this in play to amuse himself, 
 and see if he could gain me over. But I feigned the 
 ignoramus, as if I had not noticed anything, returned 
 the bow, and proffered some compliments. Speaking 
 French, I went up to her to kiss her, when at once 
 she turned her back and fled. I ran after her, as if 
 wishing to embrace her, but she ran faster than I 
 did. However, I did my utmost to overtake her. 
 Laughing, the prince cried out to me. At his voice 
 I came back with slow steps close to him, much put 
 out at not having succeeding in embracing the young 
 person. 
 
 When I had come close, he asked me what I wanted 
 to do. I replied that 1 wanted to embrace and kiss 
 the would-be young man. He assumed to be aston- 
 ished at such a piece of audacity, then took to smiling 
 at it ever so long, as did all the princesses. 
 
 Afterwards he told me that the FarangI I had seen 
 
IN THE SERVICE OF SHAH 'ALAM, 1680-85 203 
 
 was not a man, but a woman, and if I would have her 
 he would give her to me, and she could serve to carry 
 my medicines to the mahal. I answered, with a serious 
 air, that she was no use for that, as medicines admini- 
 stered by a woman's hand produced no effect. The 
 prince joked for a long time with the princesses over 
 what I had said. This is the greatest amusement he 
 has. All other Mahomedans also pass the greater part 
 of their time among their women. This is so much the 
 case that through them important business at court 
 is transacted. For my part I have done a great deal 
 thus, principally through the first princess. 
 
 It is the custom in the royal household, when a 
 physician is called within the mahal, for the eunuch to 
 cover his head with a cloth, which hangs down to his 
 waist. Then they conduct him to the patient's room, 
 and he is taken out in the same manner. The first time 
 that I was led through the palace, I was fitted out in 
 the above fashion, but, by premeditation, I walked as 
 slowly as I could, in spite of the urging of my guides, 
 the eunuchs. The prince, having seen this, ordered them 
 to uncover me, and that in future I was to be allowed 
 to come and go without being covered. He said that 
 the minds of the Christians were not filthy like those 
 of the Mahomedans. 
 
 This prince held me in such affection that he granted 
 me permission to enter the Ghusul-klianah, which is 
 a secret place where the second audience is given and 
 the council sits. Into it only the principal lords and 
 officers of the court enter. If anyone fails to attend, 
 whether by accident or otherwise, he cannot enter 
 any more without fresh permission. To obtain this 
 renewal he must make some present to the prince, 
 at the very least one gold and nine silver coins ; but 
 with respect to me, I had liberty to enter and come 
 out without anything of that sort. As the prince was 
 in a fright that I would quit his service, he sought 
 from time to time means of obliging me, and paid me 
 all the honours such as I have reported. However, 
 
204 IN THE SERVICE OF SHAH 'ALAM, 1680-85 
 
 finding he could not capture me through women, he 
 resolved to have a friendly talk with me on religion. 
 
 Having sent for me, he begged me not to take it 
 amiss if he gave me a warning; his religion forced 
 it upon him, and to discharge his conscience he was 
 obliged to give it thrice. Following on this, he said 
 it was his intention to elevate me to the rank of a 
 noble at his court; but before this could be I must 
 adopt his religion, which was assuredly the best, and 
 through it I would gain salvation. The moment he 
 had finished his discourse I made a very low bow, 
 and said I knew very well what was contained in the 
 Quran, also what the Gospel imposed on me. There 
 I had learnt that without baptism no one could enter 
 the kingdom of heaven, and to gain it I was ready 
 to spend and give up my life. 
 
 Seeing me so determined, he changed the subject, 
 and he ordered me to send at once to procure him 
 some crystal vessels for drinking water from. I sent 
 off a man to Bombay to bring some. This order 
 he executed nay, those he brought were very hand- 
 some. These I presented to the prince. He seemed 
 to be astonished to see so many crystals at once 
 more than he had ever seen in his life for he 
 imagined them to be of rock-crystal, which is ex- 
 tremely costly in the Mogul country. This is the 
 reason of his 'asking me what the whole might be 
 worth. Quite happy, I answered him that it was a 
 present from me, and that Doctor Nicolas stated no 
 prices to kings. He was so satisfied with this reply, 
 that, coming to me, he patted me on the shoulders, 
 and said that should God ever be gracious and make 
 him king, he would remember my generosity. At the 
 same time he ordered them to give me a very valuable 
 set of robes and a very nice horse. 
 
 I must here make the remark that when these kings 
 and princes give audience they display all imaginable 
 gravity and majesty in order to inspire fear in every- 
 body, but in their mahal and in private they are as 
 
IN THE SERVICE OF SHAH 'ALAM, 1680-85 205 
 
 lowly as infants. This I have experienced several 
 times, they going so far as to play with me with all 
 possible familiarity. It is true that it may be said that 
 all these pretty stories referring to me are of no great 
 value to the public, but I thought a charitable reader 
 would easily pardon this small satisfaction which I 
 have ventured to give myself. Moreover, if anyone 
 were about to travel in these far-off places, it may be 
 that at some conjuncture these tales of my humble 
 adventures will not be entirely useless to him. 
 
 As the entire thoughts of these princes are turned 
 in the direction of the throne, they search out very 
 carefully any means of conferring favours on the most 
 powerful men, in the hope of having them on their 
 side. Shah 'Alam had usually with him a Hindu 
 prince called Bau Sing (Bhao Singh), leader of twelve 
 thousand horsemen, and a vassal of the king. He 
 served under the orders of Shah 'Alam. Noticing 
 that he had ceased to come to court, being unwell, 
 the prince sent me to visit him on his behalf, and 
 offer my services. This was merely to oblige him, 
 and gain him to his side, should any occasion present 
 itself. 
 
 The rajah was already old, and was suffering from 
 his lungs. The prince, however, directed me to 
 observe him and reckon how long he might yet live. 
 Bhao Singh received my visit, but refused my services, 
 and told me if I gave him any medicines he would put 
 them with the rest I saw there. He had a whole 
 roomful. God might do with him according to His 
 pleasure, but he would not take the medicines, beyond 
 looking at them. All this care was because he was 
 afraid of being poisoned. This fear was increased by 
 the example he had in Rajah Jai Singh and several 
 others to whom such a fate had happened. I must 
 say the prince never had any designs of that sort, and 
 all he did was intended to oblige. I may add that 
 during all the time I had the honour to serve him, 
 he never suggested employing me for such a purpose. 
 
206 IN THE SERVICE OF SHAH C ALAM, 1680-85 
 
 Still, he made a trial as to whether I was of a nature 
 that would carry out such devices. This I discovered 
 in the course of time. For example, he sent to me 
 some unknown persons who offered me large sums 
 to bring to their death other patients that I was 
 treating. Others asked me to sell them poison, but 
 no one ever got me to accede to such a demand. 
 Another stratagem was also made use of to test me 
 and attempt to find me out in a fault. This was the 
 sending to my house of a young and very pretty girl, 
 in charge of an old woman, on the pretext that the 
 young beauty was ailing. She was barely eighteen, 
 and I found out from her pulse that she was the very 
 reverse of indisposed. I asked her if she suffered 
 from any pain which could not be detected from the 
 pulse. As I interrogated her, the old woman, making 
 believe that she was a simpleton, left us and took a 
 turn in the garden. The young girl seemed at once 
 to grow very free with me, as well as by word as 
 by deed. She told me she longed for my friendship, 
 while hers would not be useless to me. She could 
 secure me many advantages. As soon as I heard 
 her talk I was disgusted, and, quitting her, I came 
 out and shouted to the old dame to take her away. 
 I then grew angry, and, calling my men, ordered them 
 both to be ejected. 
 
 Two months afterwards there came another still 
 more lovely ; but she was alone, and in a palanquin. 
 Under the same pretence of illness she told me she 
 came from a great distance to procure a cure. She 
 entered my house wrapped in a shroud, but on nearing 
 me she uncovered, and throwing herself at my feet, 
 implored me to keep her in my house ; for, being a 
 stranger, she knew not where to turn. Her prayer 
 was repeated several times. I noticed that she had 
 on her jewels of great value, and her clothes were 
 those of a person of quality, so fine that her skin 
 showed through. All this troubled me, and I fancied 
 that it might be to betray me. Still more did I 
 
IN THE SERVICE OF SHAH 'ALAM, 1680-85 207 
 
 think so, for the same thing had happened to others ; 
 and as I had no intention of marrying, it did not suit 
 my views to get entangled. 
 
 With the object, then, of getting her away, I ex- 
 pressed my sympathy, and by pleasant words sent 
 her off. Some time afterwards I was warned that 
 this was one of Shah 'Alam's tricks, only resorted to 
 in the hope that she would take my fancy that I 
 should have an affair with her, and by this means he 
 would obtain an opening for compelling my con- 
 tinuance in Hindustan, with a change in my religion, 
 or else the loss of my life, as has happened to many 
 who have lost their souls for a woman's love. Only a 
 few years ago two Capuchins, or rather Portuguese, 
 in the town of Isfahan fell into this sad soul-destroying 
 misfortune. One of them was prior of the convent, 
 and both were forced to become Mahomedans through 
 similar events. Afterwards, under pretext that they 
 were of that religion, they robbed a merchant of their 
 own nation. God forgive those who send out characters 
 like these to be missionaries. 
 
 The kings and princes delight in showing themselves 
 to be just, and when taking cognisance of important 
 business, they endeavour to hold the balance even. 
 Since I was in Shah 'Alam's service in the capacity of 
 physician, I was an object of envy to other physicians, 
 the Persians, who sought means to ruin me. It chanced 
 that a brother-in-law of the prince, named Mirza 
 Sulaiman Beg, fell ill from a fullness of the blood. 
 The prince directed his chief Persian physicians, 
 named Aguins (Hakims), Moquins (? Muqim), and 
 Mosencan (Muhsin Khan), to prescribe for him. 
 They failed in curing him, and instead of bleeding 
 him and cooling him down, they gave him hot 
 remedies. They treated him in such a way that in 
 a few days he was in the throes of death. When he 
 was in this state, one of his brothers, named Mirza 
 Mahomed Moquim (Muhammad Muqim) took me to 
 the patient's house, hoping I might help him. I saw 
 
208 JEALOUSY OF OTHER PHYSICIANS 
 
 at once that there was nothing more to be done. On 
 the prince hearing the opinion I had expressed about 
 his brother-in-law, he asked his physicians the reason 
 he had fallen into this condition. They had the ill- 
 will to say that I was the cause. To find out the 
 truth Shah 'Alam sent the nazir Daulat, the chief 
 eunuch of his palace. This man on his return re- 
 ported that the patient complained that the said 
 physicians killed him, whereas had the Doctor 
 Nicolas only treated him, he would not have lost 
 his life. While saying these words the poor man 
 expired. But the testimony he had given me con- 
 ferred much credit upon me at court, and gained me 
 the esteem of everybody. 
 
 After a time it came to pass that Mirza Muhammad 
 Muqfm, brother of the deceased, of whom I have 
 just spoken, went out of his mind. In an access of 
 madness he slew his father-in-law and some servants, 
 and committed many other crimes. On hearing this, 
 the prince made him over to his physicians. Their 
 report was that such a man could never recover the 
 senses that he had lost. To demonstrate the force of 
 their opinion, they cited as proof a passage in the 
 Quran which says that for madness there is no cure. 
 
 Shah 'Alam heard this sad decision pronounced, and 
 at once ordered the patient to be placed in my care, as 
 he believed I should find a remedy. I know not 
 whether this was actually because he thought me 
 cleverer than the others, or because I was a Christian. 
 For I had often noticed that many patients were made 
 over to me when their health was in a desperate state, 
 because they had taken it into their heads that the 
 Saviour had invested me with some virtue or other. 
 With the permission of God I cured this lord in a few 
 days. To reward me for my trouble and for any 
 expense I had incurred, he sent me a horse with very 
 good paces, but made no other payment. The reason 
 of such a meagre present was his miserliness. On my 
 side 1 was much put out at getting so little for all the 
 
SUCCESSFUL CASES 209 
 
 trouble I had taken. So, without any word of thanks, 
 I sent the horse back, telling the groom who had 
 brought him, when many men were present, that his 
 master was in no state to send gifts before he had 
 recovered his reason perfectly, and when he had re- 
 covered his health I would accept what he sent to 
 me. He had hardly heard my message when he sent 
 me the same horse with a thousand rupees and a very 
 handsome set of robes. The truth is that he did not 
 send me the present willingly, but felt constrained to 
 do it for fear I might tell everyone he was still mad. 
 By this means he would lose the office he held at 
 court, and also lose everyone's confidence. Shah 
 'Alam, when he learnt what had passed, was very 
 satisfied at the cure, and still more with the answer I 
 had given about the present. On his part he gave me 
 a horse and a set of robes, adding many praises from 
 his own lips, a habit common enough to these princes 
 with physicians who succeed in curing patients they 
 have made over to their care. 
 
 Shah 'Alam had directed the physician Muqim to 
 treat the wife of one of his captains called Mabarescan 
 (Mubariz Khan), a man much beloved by that prince. 
 This woman had been long in a decline, and was worn 
 out by the quantity of blood she had lost. The doctor, 
 finding that his remedies did her no good, lost all hope 
 of her, and intimated to the prince that her life was in 
 danger. On hearing this, Shah 'Alam ordered me to 
 take over the case. I applied myself to her relief with 
 all possible care and diligence, and in a short time I 
 had pulled her through. The physician was vexed in 
 his mind, but outwardly he displayed much goodwill 
 to me, just the contrary of his real feeling. I was 
 not taken in, for I had known that pilgrim for many a 
 long day. 
 
 The physician Muhsin Khan treated a uterine(?foster) 
 brother of the prince, whose name was Muhammad 
 Riza. He had a severe fever, which made him delirious. 
 The physician, not recognising the complaint, came to 
 
210 POOR REWARDS FOR SERVICE 
 
 the conclusion that there was no remedy, and gave 
 him up. After that I was ordered to treat the man, 
 and in a short time I put him on his legs again. There 
 were other patients who had been given up in the 
 same way by these gentlemen, but subsequently 
 recovered their health under my hands, to those phy- 
 sicians' disgrace and loss of reputation. This is the 
 reason they were no friends of mine ; still more so that, 
 though their patients came to me, none of mine went 
 to them. 
 
 I also cured a noble from Balkh called Fath-ullah 
 Khan, a title conferred on him by the king. He had 
 afterwards married an extremely pretty woman, who 
 had served up to him nothing but delicious plats until 
 he got ill, and lost his appetite. He grew so thin that 
 he looked like a skeleton, and no physician was able 
 to do him any good. In the end Shah 'Alam ordered 
 me to take charge of him. I knew the constitution of 
 these savages, so I gave him a comforting syrup, which 
 could do him neither harm nor good. Then I ordered 
 him to get his stews made of horseflesh, and by this 
 means he was in a short time restored to his former 
 rude strength. 
 
 From this I acquired such renown that many men of 
 this race came to me for treatment. But 1 got very 
 little out of them, for they are very avaricious and paid 
 me highly in compliments only. Moreover, I had the 
 reputation of being charitable and curing the poor for 
 the love of God. Thus everybody flocked to my house. 
 The Mahomedan and Hindu surgeons were very much 
 provoked, for their interests were involved and they 
 lost their practice. However, as they saw they could 
 not injure me directly, they started the rumour that I 
 drank the blood that I drew from Mahomedans, that it 
 was by this means that I was made so brisk and 
 energetic and had such a high colour. All this was 
 simply to hinder people coming to me to be treated. 
 Everybody supposed that what they had published was 
 true, and great repugnance was shown to be bled by 
 
ENCOUNTER WITH AN ANGRY SLAVE 211 
 
 me. Aware of what it was that troubled them, I told 
 them to bring with them a china vessel, and all they 
 had to do was to carry the blood home, and there 
 bury it, for fear any cat or dog might consume it ; 
 for if that happened, they would make noises ex- 
 actly like those animals. By this measure I put an 
 end to the false rumours, and they were no longer 
 spoken of. 
 
 One day, as I was attending to the treatment of some 
 patients with all possible care, there comes into my 
 house a king's slave in a great rage and a great hurry, 
 making much noise and throwing everything into con- 
 fusion. This man I imagine had been sent by the 
 other doctors, my enemies. I went up to him and 
 begged him most civilly and even humbly to do me the 
 favour of not upsetting the sick men. But he paid me 
 no heed, and went on worse than before, and abused 
 me. Seeing how insolent he was, I signed to my men 
 to fall upon him without giving him time to draw, 
 which they forthwith did. Our man, finding himself 
 caught, flew into a fearful rage, and made more noise 
 than ever. He said he would kill me and my men and 
 other such outrageous speeches. 
 
 Thereupon I assumed an aspect of mingled severity 
 and sadness, and said I had compassion for him, seeing 
 he was suffering from blood to the head. His was a 
 case for bloodletting. This remark made him more 
 fusions still and he struggled to get free. Without 
 heat, I ordered them to undress him and then bind 
 him ; and sending for a lancet, I made ready to bleed 
 him. The slave, still angry, insisted that I must not 
 bleed him ; if I did he would kill me. My answer was 
 given in an amiable tone before everyone that it was 
 absolutely necessary to bleed him, that the blood had 
 gone to his head, and assuredly if not treated he would 
 be the death of someone. 
 
 In the end, by force I opened two veins in his arm. 
 The fellow was still angry and wanted me to close the 
 veins ; but ignoring what he said, I showed sorrow at 
 
212 IN THE SERVICE OF SHAH <ALAM, 1680-85 
 
 beholding his blood, from time to time feeling his 
 pulse, and saying that his blood was very vitiated. 
 Then, raising my eyes, I looked in his face and asked 
 if he did not already feel an alteration in his body. 
 Finding that his menaces and loud talk were of no 
 good to him, nobody listening to them, he adopted at 
 last the mode of humble entreaty, and said in a feeble 
 voice that God had brought him to my house to be 
 cured of the ills he had suffered from through many 
 years. He thanked me for my trouble. In spite of 
 this I did not trust him without precautions, so, closing 
 the veins with two fingers, I put several new questions. 
 Having replied very properly and civilly to these, just 
 as he ought, I closed the veins and had his clothes and 
 weapons returned to him. After this he said a thousand 
 flattering things about me, and never more passed in 
 front of my door. When we met at the king's or else- 
 where, he was very polite to me. I have always 
 thought that he did this only from the fear he had that 
 I might announce he was mad, or that I might drain 
 all the blood from his body. 
 
 It is not the practice among these princes for nobles 
 to have converse with the favourites and servants of 
 other princes for fear they may spin some web of 
 treason. If it is ever the case, it is always with the 
 permission of their master. It happened that Diler 
 Khan fell ill ; he was Shah 'Alam's enemy, yet he sent 
 for me to prescribe for him. He knew of the pro- 
 hibitions on the subject ; he sent word that if I went 
 to his house, it would afford a good opening for him 
 to become friends with the prince. He would always 
 be ready to assist him with all the cavalry under 
 his command on any and every occasion that might 
 arise. 
 
 As I knew the custom of the court and the scurvy 
 tricks of the Mahomedans, I informed the prince of 
 this affair, and pointed out to him that Diler Khan had 
 sent for me. Hardly were the words out of my mouth 
 when his face began to flush and he asked me very 
 
IN THE SERVICE OF SHAH <ALAM, 1680-85 213 
 
 hastily whether I wanted to go there. To that I 
 replied with a smiling face that, if I was anxious to 
 go there, it was only to see the state he was in 
 whether he would live or die, so that I might make 
 my report to His Highness. These words appeased 
 him, and he forbade me to go. Diler Khan died, and 
 it was found to be poison administered by his son-in- 
 law, Azil Can, and by one of the prince's commanders. 
 
PART III 
 
 GOVERNOR GYFFORD EMPLOYS MANUCCI 
 
 IN the year one thousand six hundred and eighty-six, 
 seven days after my arrival at Madras, Governor 
 William Guiford (Gyfford) sent for me and informed 
 me that the governors and officials of the Mogul king 
 in Bengal province had been ill-treating his (the 
 English) factors. They hindered them from exer- 
 cising the privileges conceded to them by the Mogul 
 kings. For two years he had made efforts to bring 
 his grievances before the king, and had spent much 
 money, yet had been unable to impart to the king 
 in person the damage they were doing him. On 
 this account they had begun a war on the Governor 
 of Hugli. 
 
 He prayed me to find some means by which King 
 Aurangzeb should take notice of the oppression 
 inflicted on them by his officials. I wrote a letter 
 to one of the king's eunuchs, a very familiar friend 
 of mine, called Necruz (Nekroz) that is, " Fortunate 
 Day." In it I informed him with great politeness of 
 the troubles suffered by the English nation within 
 His Majesty's dominions, including many necessary 
 particulars. I prayed him as a favour to deliver this 
 letter to the king, and he, out of his great friendship 
 for me, and aware also that His Majesty himself knew 
 who I was, delivered the letter with confidence when 
 the king was among his women. Having read it, the 
 king put it in his pocket, then went out into the 
 { Am-Khd$s (the audience hall) and began to hold 
 
 215 
 
216 NEGOTIATIONS DESCRIBED 
 
 audience. After hearing several complaints brought 
 before him by his officials, he drew the letter from 
 his pocket and began to read it again, shaking his 
 head meanwhile. Then he said aloud : " It is true 
 that the English are in the right and the fault lies 
 with my officials." The persons present were much 
 agitated. 
 
 He turned his face in the direction of Mahabat 
 Khan, and asked him if there was at the court any 
 agent of the English. He answered that there was 
 not. The king ordered him to write to the Governor 
 of Madras, that he forgave the temerity displayed 
 by the English in plundering the town of Hugli, 
 and on their side they must excuse the troubles 
 caused to them by his officials. The governor 
 should send to court persons properly empowered, 
 and he might be assured of acquiring new favour. 
 During this going to and fro, the war in Bengal 
 went on. 
 
 By the time the answer arrived, Governor Gyfford 
 was already out of office, and there governed in his 
 place Alexandre Hayel. The latter, on seeing the 
 goodwill shown by the king, was very pleased, but 
 was unable to send off any representative at once, 
 because he had to report to the general, who lived in 
 the island of Bombajm (Bombay), at a great distance 
 from Madras. The officials at the court finding that 
 no agent appeared in time, and being aggrieved at 
 what the king said in audience, so managed affairs 
 that they forced the king into investing the fortress 
 of Bombahim (Bombay). This place was so closely 
 pressed that it very nearly fell into the hands of the 
 Mogul. Finally the (English) general was obliged 
 to send an envoy to the court. Great expenditure 
 was incurred before he obtained entry in the manner 
 that everybody obtains, and he received his leave 
 to depart, when an order to raise the investment 
 of Bombay had been issued. The English under- 
 took to send orders to withdraw their fleet from 
 
LIFE IN SAN THOME 217 
 
 Bengal. If these efforts had only been made at the 
 proper time, there would not have been much 
 expense or damage, for from a single neglect flow 
 many evils. 
 
 I will also recount what happened to me, and 
 what I have seen and undergone. I have already 
 told you in my book how, upon my arrival in these 
 regions, the chief personages of San Thome did me 
 the honour to receive me with civility, and offered 
 to put themselves at my service. Among them 
 were Manoel Texeyra Pinto, chief captain (capitao, 
 mor), Joao da Costa de Sua, Cosmo Lourenco 
 Madeyra, Antonio Palha de Lima, and Manoel da 
 Silva de Menezes. I had treated them and their 
 families gratis. 
 
 A year afterwards there came to me from Goa a sum 
 of three thousand and seven hundred patacas (Rs. 
 7,400) which I had deposited with Father Salvador 
 Gallo, prefect of the Theatines. The said Father 
 handed the money to my attorney, Joao Lopes de 
 Figueredo, a Portuguese born in India, to be delivered 
 to me. When this man arrived at the port of San 
 Thome the above named were at the time governing, 
 and were also the magistrates. Thus, when the said 
 Joao landed they seized him and confiscated every- 
 thing he brought with him, taking possession also of 
 his ship, under the false declaration that he was the 
 debtor of certain Jews called Bertolameo Rodrigues, 
 Domingos do Porto, and Alvaro da Foncequa. These 
 magistrates called upon him to pay a debt due 
 from a man of his faction (Figueredo's), called 
 Francisco de Lima, owed to the above Jews. These 
 latter were much delighted at the benefit thus done 
 them. 
 
 Finding this great wrong done, and that I should 
 also lose my money, I had recourse to these same 
 magistrates. I laid before them the receipt of Joao 
 Lopes (de Figueredo) the letters of Father Salvador 
 Gallo, and attestations by Dom Rodrigo da Costa, 
 15* 
 
2i8 MANUCCI DEFRAUDED 
 
 Governor of India, who had also written a separate 
 letter to the leading men of San Thome recommending 
 me to their favour, because their Indian dominions 
 were under great obligations to me. He certified that 
 Joao Lopes conveyed this money to be delivered to 
 me. Thus he had done his very best to carry through 
 my business. 
 
 None of these efforts did me any good. Once more 
 I presented fresh testimony received from Goa from 
 Augustinho Ribeyro and Pascoal Gomes ; also the 
 Letters Patent with which the King of Portugal had 
 honoured me. These men had been present when the 
 said Father (Gallo) delivered the said money to Joad 
 Lopes de Figueredo. He was under obligation to 
 pay me in current coin, and to take seals (sealed 
 receipts) ; Joa<5 also demanded leave to pay me. He 
 only owed money to me, and nothing to anyone else 
 as was the truth, for no statement was produced 
 to show how he was a debtor. In the end the said 
 Joao Lopes was ruined and destroyed. As for my 
 claim, which they could not deny, after much worthless 
 argumentation, they resolved to pay me two thousand 
 patacas (Rs. 4,000). This they declared was a favour 
 they were doing me ; the balance they would not pay. 
 One man so decided because I would not marry one of 
 his relations ; others said, if I settled among them in 
 San Thome I should not lose my money ; another 
 said that there was no ground to complain, that the 
 two thousand patacas sufficed, as I had a sufficient 
 income to live upon all my life ; the rest uttered 
 similar irrelevant opinions, and I was sent about my 
 business. 
 
 With regard to the wrong done to Joao Lopes, let 
 the reader understand that there were two reasons 
 for it. The first was envy at seeing him, a man born 
 in India, with some fortune and the ov/ner of a ship, 
 a thing they did not possess. The second reason was 
 because three of the said magistrates had asked the 
 wife of Joad Lopes in marriage, she being a rich 
 
GOVERNOR PITT AS ARBITRATOR 219 
 
 woman, and, as she had refused them all, this pro- 
 duced the hate and envy which impelled them to ruin 
 the man. 
 
 When twelve years from this dispute had passed 
 by, in the year one thousand seven hundred (1700), 
 there came as Governor of San Thome, on behalf of 
 King Aurangzeb, a friend of mine called Xefican 
 (Shaft* Khan). He was told of the injustice and 
 robbery done to me by the Portuguese of San Thome, 
 and revived the suit. The men were summoned to 
 his presence. He asked them about the debt to me 
 when they answered boldly that they knew of no such 
 thing, nor did they owe me anything, and they offered 
 to swear upon the Holy Evangelists. 
 
 As the governor did not know the European lan- 
 guages, he applied to Mr. Thomas Pitt, Governor of 
 Madrasta (Madras), sending him my papers and affi- 
 davits, and asked him to decide according to right. 
 The said governor sent the papers to be translated 
 into English. There was a delay of two months in 
 getting this done. At the end of this time he sent 
 for the Portuguese, and asked them in a friendly way 
 to give me satisfaction, because it seemed to him that 
 Nicolas Manuchy (sic) was a most reasonable man, and 
 they ought to come to an agreement with me. In 
 a most haughty and contumacious manner they re- 
 plied they owed me nought, nor would they pay me 
 anything. 
 
 A few days afterwards he (Mr. Pitt) assembled the 
 whole council, the magistrates, and the learned men 
 of different nations. They all sat together and de- 
 liberated. The Portuguese were called in, and in their 
 presence in a loud voice he (the governor) read my 
 documents, when those present decided unanimously 
 that I had been wronged. It was decreed that the 
 debtors must pay me. They were thus unmasked 
 before all the Europeans and Mahomedans, yet not 
 for this would they reform and turn from their evil 
 ways. 
 
220 JEALOUSY OF GOA DOCTORS 
 
 I will add another case which happened to me in 
 the same San Thome with the aforesaid Manoel da 
 Silva de Menezes in the year ninety (1690), in the month 
 of March. I had advanced five hundred patacas to a 
 Genoese merchant called Jorge Bianco for trading in 
 Pegu. He sent the principal with the agreed profit 
 to be paid to me in San Thome. The said Manoel 
 da Silva de Menezes was then judge. He took 
 possession of my money and wanted to pay with his 
 usual arguments, and in spite of all my efforts I could 
 not obtain payment of what was mine. In the end 
 I made use of certain friars, who interceded for me 
 with Thomas de Maya, the chief captain then holding 
 office, and he did what he could out of friendship for 
 me. He ordered me to be paid ; but behold the way 
 Manoel da Silva wanted to satisfy me ! He had 
 bought some kons (scores, or twenties) of cloth for 
 thirty patacas the scores. He wanted to pay me in 
 this cloth, entering every score in my account at 
 eighty patacas. Since I declined to accept, I only 
 received a little cash, losing part of my principal and 
 all the profit. 
 
 It seems to me that readers will approve, also those 
 intending to come to India, of having this information 
 by which they can guide themselves, making use of 
 my experience. 
 
 The reader will have seen in my Second Part the 
 efforts I had made and the services I had rendered in 
 Goa when the Portuguese found themselves in such 
 great peril. Thome de Azevedo, the chief physician, 
 a priest of Jewish birth, ordered the bailiffs to seize 
 me and thrust me into prison. The bailiff had com- 
 passion on me and sent me secret word of these 
 orders, and advised me to get out of the way. At 
 that moment I was entering the house of the Secre- 
 tary of State, called Luis Gonsalves Cota, to translate 
 the reply to a letter from Sambha Ji, which the viceroy 
 was about to send. After the letter was translated I 
 mentioned to the secretary the orders that had been 
 
JEALOUSY OF GOA DOCTORS 221 
 
 given by the physician. The secretary answered very 
 frigidly that the physician could act thus, as he had 
 the leave of His Excellency. If he had me arrested, 
 he had cause, for I had no permission to treat the 
 poor. He reprehended me, and said I was acting 
 ill; he had also heard it stated that I had some 
 little pills with which I made an easy cure of wounds 
 and buboes. I answered that I treated none but 
 mendicants and the indigent, and that without fee. 
 It was my habit wherever I travelled to help the 
 necessitous, and for such good deeds I was esteemed 
 throughout the Mahomedan country, where I was 
 held in much respect. Thus I would seek some 
 other place, so as not to give annoyance, and 
 preserve my liberty. The secretary was very 
 stiff, and gave me not a word of reply, instead 
 of paying some attention to or remedying my 
 grievance. 
 
 I concealed my feelings, though disappointed in him, 
 and lost no time in placing myself (in sanctuary) 
 within the church of the Theatines. Thence I sent 
 information to Dom Rodrigo da Costa, who at the 
 time was in command of the fleet, and on hearing 
 from me he went to see the viceroy, Count Francisco 
 de Tavora. The latter was annoyed with the chief 
 physician for wishing in that dangerous time to inter- 
 fere with me. The physician was sent for, and also 
 the chief surgeon, Francisco da Silva, and they were 
 told by the viceroy in an angry voice that, if they 
 touched me, he would have satisfaction from them. 
 I was let alone, and in freedom. 
 
 I believe the reader will not be astonished at my 
 writing with so much liberty, for I profess to declare 
 the truth, which, as it seems to me, is the only thing 
 likely to be of use as a warning to any curious person 
 undertaking any long voyage, or in especial one 
 coming to these parts of India. Many is the time 
 I have wished to do good to and help necessitous 
 persons; but afterwards, instead of being thanked, 
 
222 MANUCCI AS ENVOY 
 
 I issued from the matter under sentence of crime as 
 a misdoer and a rogue. Thus was it with what hap- 
 pened to me in the year one thousand six hundred 
 and eighty-two. 
 
 Taking with me the ambassador from Goa, Joao 
 Antunio Portugal, I set out for the army of Shah 
 'Alam, then lying near Goa territory. In our com- 
 pany were twenty men of rank, one Jesuit called 
 Antonio de Barro, a Theatine called Dom Joseph 
 Tedesqui, and a priest known by the name of 
 Gonsallo Lopes. The whole party was put up by 
 me in a large tent which the prince had assigned 
 as my quarters, and there I entertained them as 
 befitted them. 
 
 The next day I brought them to the court of 
 Shah 'Alam, and there with the greatest difficulty 
 I obtained leave for the entry of three persons only ; 
 but out of respect for me they were relieved of the 
 heavy expenditure which has to be incurred by custom 
 at all such courts. The Prince Shah 'Alam desired 
 me to remain with him, and in order to compel or 
 induce me, sent his confidant, Mirza Muhammad Riza, 
 officer of his table and a great friend of mine, to make 
 over to me two thousand rupees, which I was to 
 accept, giving as a reason that I had spent consider- 
 able sums on His Highness's service. He had express 
 orders that he must make me accept the money. I 
 brought forward some objections to receiving it, but 
 he embraced me, and, encouraging me, earnestly 
 besought me to accept. The supplicant, finding 
 that I did not want to accept, left the money and 
 beat a hasty retreat, and I gave orders to lock up 
 the cash. 
 
 The ambassador and some others were present. 
 They began to talk softly to each other, and then 
 angrily asked me in a loud tone who the rupees 
 were meant for. I replied that the prince had sent 
 them to me for my expenses. In their anger they 
 answered me with misplaced words, and such-like 
 
COURSE OF THE NEGOTIATIONS 223 
 
 talk, so that I held it better not to answer ignorant 
 men who did not speak to me in a proper manner. 
 It was reported among them that the prince had sent 
 the two thousand rupees to the ambassador and that 
 I had usurped them. 
 
 This matter was not such a secret that it did not 
 come to the prince's ears, and he was annoyed, saying 
 he could not have supposed that such people could 
 have been so ignorant, and the higher he had thought 
 of them, the more aggrieved he felt. To restore my 
 honour, he ordered one of the principal officials of 
 his court, Mir Muhammad Sadiq, to send for the 
 ambassador to his tent with all his retinue, and 
 apply a remedy for the above false statement. With 
 me standing near him and the others round him, 
 he asked if I had received the above-mentioned 
 money. I replied in the affirmative. Then in a 
 loud voice, with his hand raised, he said it had 
 been heard that there was someone rash enough 
 to assert that Manuchy had stolen the said money. 
 If he could only find out who were these slanderers, 
 he would unfailingly cram their mouths full (be 
 it said with all respect) of dirt. Most of them 
 hung their heads and said not a word; they had 
 imagined they were sent for to receive some 
 present. 
 
 When I had finished the negotiations in favour of 
 the viceroy, Shah 'Alam ordered that in his presence 
 the three persons should receive each a sardpa (set 
 of robes). At that moment appeared two men with 
 two thousand rupees in two bags, and from behind 
 the ambassadors shouted in a loud voice these words : 
 " Here are the two thousand rupees that Your Majesty 
 confers on the Portuguese ambassadors." They recited 
 these words three times. Joao Antunes Portugal was 
 alarmed at such shouting, as he did not know the 
 language, and asked me the reason. I told him it 
 was about the two thousand rupees that the prince 
 had ordered to be given, and that it was in this 
 
224 MANUCCI TRICKED BY A PORTUGUESE 
 
 manner that the gift was made, instead of sending 
 the money to his tent. He cast down his eyes, 
 recognising the reason why the prince acted thus. 
 It was solely that no doubt might be thrown on my 
 good faith. Joao Antunes Portugal was incensed at 
 this affair, and, in place of being sorry, sought means 
 to take my life. If he did not succeed, it was because 
 I did not remain in Goa, but returned to the Mogul 
 prince's service. 
 
 I will insert a small affair that happened to me on 
 the same occasion. In Goa there was a well-born 
 man called Lourenco da Cunha, who pretended to 
 be my friend. On my taking leave of the viceroy, 
 at the time when I was about to start for the Mogul 
 army to undertake negotiations for the State, this 
 man carried me to his house, where I stopped all 
 night. He asked me to convey in my boat a box 
 containing various Chinese curiosities, which might 
 be worth fifty rupees, hoping to sell them in the army. 
 1 excused myself for two reasons. The first was that 
 the goods were not suitable for Mahomedans, being 
 images of tigers, cats, cocks, et cetera. The second was 
 because the things could not be carried safely, owing 
 to the difficult marches we were to make. On hearing 
 these objections he said nothing ; but at midnight, when 
 1 was asleep, he made over the box to the boatman, 
 with an order to inform me after I had reached the 
 army. When I arrived at the army the boatman told 
 me about the box, but at the time I passed the matter 
 over in silence. The next day my friend Lourenco 
 da Cunha turned up, and demanded from me four 
 hundred and fifty rupees for the goods he had put 
 into my boat. My arguments were of no avail, he 
 talking preposterously. Finding all this trouble, 
 and being careless about money, I ordered the 
 payment of the amount claimed, and before his face 
 caused all the contents of the box to be distributed 
 to common people. He declared he was doing me 
 a favour in letting me have the things so cheap. 
 
DALPAT RAO 225 
 
 These fellows glory in cheating foreigners without 
 scruple. 
 
 This incident brings to mind that in seventy-six 
 (1676) I left the Mogul territory, and stopped a few 
 days at Damao (Daman). At that time a Portuguese 
 fleet arrived as convoy to the ships going to Surat 
 and Kambaya. The principal men in this fleet begged 
 me to open my boxes, as they wanted to see some of 
 my curiosities. I could not refuse, and, holding them 
 to be gentlemen of position, I allowed them an in- 
 spection; but it was not long before some of the 
 articles had disappeared. I suppressed any remark, 
 for if I had taken any action they would have 
 assassinated me without fail, as is customary among 
 them. 
 
 In the year ninety-two there came a Hindu officer 
 from the army in the Karnatik, a commander over 
 five thousand horse, recommended to me by the 
 Nababo (Nawab) Julfacarcan (Zu,lfiqar Khan), Mirza 
 Mahdi, the captain of cavalry, and other friends. He 
 wanted to be treated, and promised me four thousand 
 rupees. The Portuguese of San Thome now inter- 
 fered, including the head of the bishopric, a priest, 
 then in charge also of the civic government, who was 
 under obligation to me for having cured him of an 
 obstruction. All these men, hearing of the above 
 Hindu, took him to a physician, who offered to effect 
 a speedy cure at a less price. They arranged matters 
 so that the said officer believed them, and sent me a 
 message that I need not trouble, and if he wanted me 
 he would let me know. 
 
 After the lapse of a few days he sent a message 
 to me, because he had not recovered his health 
 as he desired, but I declined to attend him. I 
 replied to those who had written to me that the 
 said captain had declined to listen to my advice ; 
 and he went back as he had come lamenting his 
 evil fate, for thus do the people of India talk when 
 things do not succeed with them as they would 
 
226 LIFE IN GOA 
 
 wish. This captain was a rajah, his name was 
 Dalpat Rao, son of Champat Bundelah, he whom 
 Aurangzeb sacrificed after crossing the river Dholpur 
 (i.e. the Chambal) to give battle to Dara, as described 
 in my First Part. 
 
 Once in Goa, being in my house, there suddenly 
 appeared a gentleman of birth who, with much assur- 
 ance, took a seat without uttering any words of polite- 
 ness. At his back stood four Kaffirs with staves in 
 their hands. He said he was a gentleman of high 
 rank, and occupied an important position in His 
 Majesty's service, but fortune had not been kind to 
 him. He had been wealthy, the lord of many planta- 
 tions, but to pass the time he had gambled and lost all. 
 Then raising his eyes, he looked at me and said : " I 
 have heard that your honour is a merchant, a person 
 of position, and the reputation you enjoy has induced 
 me to visit you." But he could not stay long, because 
 the viceroy was waiting for his presence to begin his 
 dinner; and since he was in want of pocket money, he 
 would borrow a sum from me. I replied that I was a 
 poor soldier, and not a merchant ; he had been misin- 
 formed. Raising his voice he said : " These arguments 
 will not do for me. Either lend me or give me what I 
 need." At these words the Kaffirs raised their staves. 
 On seeing this I fell into a quandary, and began to reflect 
 on what might be the result. I tried to retire into my 
 room, when he said to me roughly, raising his voice, 
 that I was not to stir from my place. Then dissimulat- 
 ing as to the pressure put upon me, I told my boy to 
 bring my writing-desk. I opened it in front of him 
 and showed what it contained namely, thirty ashrafis 
 (gold coins). I handed him this amount with the greatest 
 politeness, saying that, had there been more, I should 
 most willingly have offered it to him. He felt so 
 honoured that he took twenty-five coins, saying that 
 would suffice for his wants during that day. He put 
 his good services at my disposal, instructing his Kaffirs 
 that when I needed them for giving anyone a beating 
 
LIFE IN GOA 227 
 
 with bamboos, or stabbing anyone, they must carry 
 out my orders. He then departed. Conceiving that 
 I had got rid of him very cheaply, I gave thanks to 
 God, and at once changed my quarters, going to 
 live close to the Convent of the Carmelites, and 
 there I lived with my doors barred, for 1 had seen 
 many houses robbed by bodies of masked men enter- 
 ing them. 
 
 The first time 1 was in the city of Goa I lived in the 
 street called Santo Aleixo, opposite some large houses. 
 In one of these lived a widow called Dona Christiana ; 
 she was rich and led a quiet life. She wanted to 
 marry me, a thing I never dreamt of. Seeing that I 
 made no approaches, and made no effort, she resorted 
 to a trick. This consisted in sending for the prior of 
 the Carmes, Friar Pheliciano de Santa Teresa, a native 
 of Milan and a great friend of mine. To him she 
 complained that I had been pursuing her, sending her 
 offers of marriage, to which she replied that she had 
 no thought of such a thing. The Father believed her 
 words, being unaware of Indian women's trickish 
 ways ; and coming to pay me a visit, as he constantly 
 did, he prayed me with the greatest gentleness not to 
 persecute Dona Christiana with such proposals as I 
 had sent her, saying that I wanted to marry her. 
 When I heard the padre talk like this, I was plunged 
 in thought, trying to remember if on any day I had 
 given the widow occasion for such a complaint about 
 me. Examining my mind thoroughly, I found I had 
 not the least remembrance of her, and said so 
 to the Father. He smiled and said he hoped there 
 would be no more complaints about me. As a satis- 
 faction to him I left the neighbourhood and lived 
 elsewhere. 
 
 Eight days afterwards the same priest came straight 
 from the widow's house to find me, and directly he 
 saw me began once more to complain harshly, saying 
 that I should be the cause of that woman losing her 
 
228 MANUCCI AND THE INQUISITOR 
 
 reputation. He begged me for the love of God to 
 abandon such thoughts. Feeling myself quite innocent 
 in the matter, I replied to the padre that never had I 
 dreamt either of stopping or of marrying in Goa. As 
 it seemed to me, it was she who wanted to marry me, 
 and had thus called in the padre as intermediary and 
 made use of this artifice. I laid before him many 
 similar affairs that had happened in India. But the 
 priest was not a practical man, and had not been 
 long in India, so he believed what the woman had 
 said, and made me out the culprit. He told me I 
 was not speaking the truth ; and finding my argu- 
 ments did not prevail, I gave my word to the 
 priest that in a short time I would quit Goa, if he 
 would only give me the time to prepare, and this 
 he did. 
 
 Apropos of this case I may mention that, on arriv- 
 ing in the town of Bassaim (Bassein) in one thousand 
 six hundred and sixty-six (1666) I was sent for 
 by the commissary of the Inquisition. He was the 
 prior of the Franciscan Convent, and three times 
 over he examined me to find out about me and 
 my life. Discovering nothing suspicious by his in- 
 terrogatory, he made me swear upon a holy crucifix. 
 Then, finding there was nothing wrong in my 
 replies, he embraced me, and, treating me as an edu- 
 cated man with a clear conscience, he sent me away, 
 saying that now I was free, and he would not send 
 for me any more. I came to discover in the course 
 of time that my accuser was the Father Damao 
 Vieira, a man expelled from the Jesuit order. This 
 is the man who came as an envoy to Rajah Jai 
 Singh, and promised to reduce the city of Bijapur 
 by miracle. 
 
 Owing to the hatred in which he held me, he 
 denounced me, and I was sent for by the commissary 
 as 1 have said. I was innocent, and could not make 
 out why I had been sent for. As the friar found he 
 could not harm me in this way he came to Goa while 
 
LIFE IN SAN THOME, 1688 229 
 
 I was living there, and urged a well-born man called 
 Antonio de Couza Coutinho, who had once been 
 governor of India, to put an affront on me. But, like 
 a wise man, he would not consent ; he invited me to 
 his house, and in his conversation told me to live very 
 cautiously, for the friar in question was not fond of me. 
 Thus I was far from secure, and for this and other 
 reasons I quitted Goa. 
 
 After some time there arrived at the town (San 
 Thome) the most illustrious Lord Dom Caspar 
 Alfonco, Bishop of Meliapur (Mailapur) and other 
 places. This prelate held in his hands both civic 
 and ecclesiastical jurisdiction. Yet he did not meddle 
 much in the former branch. However, as I noticed 
 that he did me the honour to like and esteem me, 1 
 begged him to see me righted to the injustice that had 
 been done me (see pp. 217, 218). After I had told 
 him my story a few days elapsed. He then gave 
 me his reply, telling me that I was in the wrong, 
 that the judges owed me no redress, that it was 
 the chief captain who had done the wrong, and it 
 was he who ought to do me amends. " But," he 
 added, "he is no longer in this world, and has 
 left nothing. That is a misfortune for you, but 
 you must bear it, as one must the other ills of this 
 life." 
 
 I resented acutely the inequity of this answer ; how- 
 ever, I did not show this for several years. All the 
 time I was reflecting how I could bring him to feel 
 the injustice of his finding. Finally I determined to 
 take as my model what the prophet Nathan said 
 to David to bring home to him his sin. Full of this 
 thought, off I went to visit the said bishop, putting on 
 a vexed and melancholy air. When we had exchanged 
 compliments, I told him I had come to ask him for 
 advice on a thing that had happened to me. To this 
 he replied that with all his heart he would render 
 me such service in all matters as was within his 
 power. 
 16 
 
230 MANUCCI AND BISHOP CASPAR ALFONfO 
 
 " M on signer," said I, " when I lived with my fellow- 
 countryman, Hortense Bromsoune (Ortenzio Bron- 
 zoni), we were both very well known, had good 
 credit, and everybody esteemed us. This induced 
 Juan Dias d'Almeda and Diogo Mendez Botelho to 
 confide to us a chest which contained a quantity 
 of money. My comrade, driven by 1 know not 
 what necessity, or perhaps by envy, had a false 
 key made, and withdrew one thousand rupees from 
 the chest. This he did in the face of all 1 could 
 say to prevent him. Some months afterwards the 
 two Portuguese came and removed their chest. It 
 was not long before they noticed that one thousand 
 rupees were deficient from the total sum. They 
 complained, but as we were well supported we re- 
 jected their demand in sharp terms, and ejected them 
 from our house, protesting that they were forgers and 
 rogues. 
 
 " Some time afterwards my comrade died, and left 
 me as his testamentary executor. However, as a long 
 time had passed, the affair was no longer spoken of. 
 Now they wish to revive it, and a few days ago I 
 received a letter from the aforesaid Portuguese in 
 which they set forth the distress they are in, that 
 they have a daughter to be married, that I should 
 reflect whether in conscience I do not owe them for 
 that deficiency of one thousand rupees which occurred 
 within my house." 
 
 I added some words praying the bishop to tell 
 me as a matter of conscience whether I was under 
 an obligation to pay that money, with the interest 
 accrued since that time. It was to be remembered 
 that I had not consented to the theft. He answered 
 that I was under an obligation to pay. I took my 
 leave and went to see the Jesuit and other regulars 
 and priests, men learned in the law. I told them 
 the same story and all replied to me in the same 
 terms, but had no idea of the inference I intended 
 to deduce from their answer. It was my object to 
 
MANUCCI AND THE JESUITS 231 
 
 make them admit out of their own mouth that what 
 they had decided in my case was unjust, for my case 
 was absolutely identical, changing only the persons. 
 I had been robbed, the inhabitants of San Thome 
 were consenting parties to the theft, and Manoel 
 Texeira was the Ortenzio Bronzoni who had taken 
 my property. 
 
 Some of those religious persons read the riddle 
 after I had left, and they told me afterwards I was 
 very clever. But all that was no more than com- 
 pliments, for that did not hinder the greater number 
 of them giving certificates in the very teeth of the 
 equity of my demand, clear and evident as that 
 was. Although this business has no interest for 
 the public, I have thought it might serve as a warn- 
 ing to those who travel in these distant parts. It 
 will teach them not to allow their property to be 
 taken from them, for once it has gone the best argu- 
 ments in the world will be useless in procuring them 
 redress. 
 
 But now let us come back to the persecutions at 
 Tanjor, of which I have already spoken at some 
 length. It is my duty, dear reader, to tell you 
 what has since taken place. At the beginning of 
 December (? 1701) the Reverend Father Martin, 
 Jesuit, appeared at my house. After a good deal 
 of ceremony and compliments, he produced a letter 
 from Monsieur Martin, Governor of Pondicherry, in 
 which he begged me as a Christian to be so good 
 as to interest myself in the protection of these 
 oppressed believers, and procure for them some 
 respite, they and their imprisoned pastors. He repre- 
 sented to me that their misfortunes arose from nothing 
 but certain acts and importunities of this, that, and 
 the other person in the king's entourage, whereby 
 from being their friend he had been turned into their 
 enemy. 
 
 The Reverend Father (Martin) had brought with him 
 a large present made up of European curiosities, a 
 
232 MANUCCFS LETTER TO DA,UD KHAN 
 
 mirror of crystal, and a poignard mounted with jewels 
 in the style of this country. He expected by means 
 of these presents to procure some letters of recom- 
 mendation from the Governor-General Daoutan(Da,ud 
 Khan), who had taken the place of Jufacarcan (Zu,lfiqar 
 Khan). 
 
 He had been sent into this kingdom of the Karnatik 
 by orders of Aurangzeb, whose domination extends 
 over all the petty Hindu kings and governors of these 
 countries, all of them being tributary to him, as I have 
 (I think) already explained. 
 
 I took into consideration in a Christian spirit the 
 misfortunes to which this new Christian community 
 was exposed. I was also of opinion that all these 
 presents would be useless and in vain ; for this reason 
 I did not think it advisable to present them, because 
 these Mahomedans are very touchy, and I feared that 
 the general might conceive some idea quite opposed 
 to the facts. Neither did I desire the Father to go to 
 him, though this was his intention ; and he meant to 
 take me with him, he meeting the necessary expenses 
 of the journey. I made up my mind to avoid all this 
 labour and expenditure by writing a letter on the 
 subject to this nobleman. In it I besought him as a 
 friend, and by reason of the obligation that he had 
 always professed to be under to me, to look with a 
 favourable eye upon the Christians of Tanjor. They 
 had been cruelly persecuted by their king, who had 
 unjustly imprisoned two Jesuit Fathers, my near re- 
 lations. Would he have the goodness to interpose 
 with his authority to protect the said Christians, and 
 get those Fathers out of prison, where they were so 
 unjustly and narrowly detained, and also procure the 
 restitution to the former (the Christians) of the goods 
 so unjustly forfeited ? I wrote other letters on the 
 same subject to the first minister of the Karnatik 
 province (? the diwdn)^ who is always in attendance 
 on the above general ; also to other officers of the 
 army with whom I was acquainted and who were 
 
RECEPTION OF THE LETTER 233 
 
 great friends of mine. I sent all this correspondence 
 to the camp by one of my servants. 
 
 After these dispatches had started, Pere Martin 
 proposed to leave for his college at Pondicherry, which 
 is part of the same mission, and by his hands I sent 
 a letter in reply to that of Governor Martin, detailing 
 what I had done for the relief of the Christians at 
 his solicitation, and as a response to the friendship 
 with which he honoured me. 
 
 As soon as my man arrived at the army he pre- 
 sented my letters to the general commanding, Da,ud 
 Khan, along with some presents that I sent him on 
 my own behalf. He also delivered the other letters 
 to the first minister and the other officers to whom I 
 had the honour of writing. These men, having read 
 them and learnt that the captive Fathers were my near 
 relations, were extremely incensed against the King 
 of Tanjor. The commanding general, in particular, 
 and the first minister displayed much resentment on 
 the subject ; and on the spot they sent for the envoy 
 of that prince, who is always present in the army of 
 the general, to secure the interests of the king, his 
 master. They blamed the king loudly for his hardi- 
 hood in imprisoning the poor European Brahmans 
 from Rome (that is the name they give the priests). 
 To this they added some harsh and severe language, 
 and told him they were amazed still more at the acts 
 of the king, his master, when he knew that these 
 Fathers were near relations of the Doctor Nicolas 
 Manuchy, physician to the Mogul Emperor, his suze- 
 rain. To this Da,ud Khan added the words : " He is 
 also my physician and my father." These last words 
 were said by the general because from his early youth, 
 when I still lived in the Mogul country, he had called 
 me " father." Falling into a great rage, he ordered 
 the agent to put such pressure on his master that the 
 captive Fathers, the Roman Brahmans, should be set 
 at liberty, and the Christians allowed to live according 
 to their religion. He added : " If you do not obey my 
 16* 
 
234 GOOD EFFECT AT TANJOR 
 
 commands, I will have you put to death, and wage 
 continual war against your master. Do not fail thus 
 to write to him. I also require him to restore all 
 the property that has been confiscated from the 
 Christians." 
 
 The envoy, upon receiving these orders, wrote in 
 the above sense to his prince, and described the 
 manner in which he had been treated by Da,ud Khan. 
 The cause of this harshness was the persecution he 
 had commenced against the Christians, and the con- 
 fiscation of their goods. He prayed, therefore, first 
 of all for the release of the Jesuit Fathers, known as 
 the Roman Brahmans, the cessation of all persecu- 
 tion of his Christian subjects, and the rebuilding 
 of the ruined churches. As a consequence of these 
 acts he stood in danger of his life, and His Majesty 
 ran the risk of a war if these demands were not 
 conceded. 
 
 While this correspondence was in progress, Da,ud 
 Khan, the first minister, and all the other officers, 
 gave indications of taking the matter very much to 
 heart, and swore with most terrible strength at the 
 malignity of those deeds at Tanjor. The crime was 
 so much the greater at being perpetrated upon poor 
 people living peaceably, who had never given their 
 king any cause for complaint. 
 
 Thus, no sooner had he received the letter of his 
 envoy than the king sent forth edicts, whereby he 
 permitted his fugitive Christian subjects to return 
 unmolested to their houses, and there enjoy their 
 possessions as heretofore. He ordered the release 
 of those who were in prison, and all Christians were 
 free to follow their religion. The two European 
 Fathers, the Roman Brahmans, were taken out of 
 prison ; but as the remedy came somewhat late, through 
 the fault of the Jesuit Fathers of Pondicherry, it 
 appeared that one of them, attacked by fever and 
 dysentery, had succumbed. He was a Portuguese, 
 and his name was Simon Carvalho ; but the other, 
 
RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION CEASES 235 
 
 a French Father, was released, as well as the other 
 Christians. 
 
 I also received in connection with this affair a letter 
 from Da,ud Khan, addressed to the King of Tanjor. 
 It was full both of menaces and compliments ; its 
 purport was the securing to these poor persecuted 
 men the liberty they had lost. I caused it to be con- 
 veyed to its destination, and by way of reply he (the 
 king) announced that on the receipt of his envoy's 
 letter he had complied with everything : the Christians 
 were at rest, the Roman Brahmans at liberty though 
 it was known that they were not Brahmans, as they 
 asserted, but of the same profession as those that 
 dwelt at Pondicherry. 
 
 In spite of this, the prince was terribly enraged 
 against the Christians, even going so far as to write 
 to all the kings, his neighbours, asking them to destroy 
 everyone of that faith found within their states. But 
 the letters and menaces of Da,ud Khan put an end to 
 all these disorders, and not a single prince was found 
 willing to follow the king's suggestion. 
 
 Upon the departure of the Reverend Father Martin 
 for Pondicherry, I determined to visit that place 
 myself, and send some of my most trusted servants 
 to Tanjor. The latter were to make inquiries as 
 precise as possible into the truth of the reports about 
 the persecution. My object was to satisfy myself if 
 what was said about the reverend French Jesuit 
 Fathers in regard to the Hindu ceremonies they 
 practised was true or false. On this head I assure 
 you that the whole is quite true, following the report 
 of my servants and the statements of certain mer- 
 chants I know. In addition, there is also what I 
 learnt about it from several French clerics and secular 
 priests, who had seen the reports and found them 
 to be quite consistent and in accordance with the 
 truth. 
 
 From what I have said, and from what I said earlier, 
 about the persecution it will be clearly seen what were 
 
236 MANUCCI AND DA,UD KHAN 
 
 its causes, its commencement, its results, its termina- 
 tion. In dealing with this matter, I took my part 
 so far as my duty and my insufficient zeal impelled 
 me. 
 
 I have already spoken of the General Da,ud Khan 
 on several occasions. Here I must remark that he 
 came to this province of the Karnatik in the month of 
 January 1701, and on his arrival he camped below the 
 great fortress of Arcat (Arkat), an ancient strong place 
 of the Hindu kings, at a distance inland from Madras 
 of about thirty-four leagues. Thence he did me the 
 honour of addressing me a very civil letter, inviting 
 me to pay him a visit. To do this I had not the 
 slightest intention. 
 
 But the governor of this locality (Madras) and his 
 council having heard what was passing, made use of 
 the occasion to send him a present and congratulate 
 him on his auspicious arrival. With this object they 
 prayed me to render this service to their company, 
 and they associated with me in the task a Brahman 
 clerk long in the service of the Company, whose 
 name was Ramapa. At that time he was not in their 
 service. 
 
 I started and carried with me a fine present, consist- 
 ing of two cannon, several lengths of broadcloth in 
 scarlet and other colours, other pieces of gold cloth of 
 Europe and China, and several rarities, such as mirrors 
 of all sizes, different kinds of crystal vases, and some 
 weapons such as fusils, pistols, and sabres ; also 
 different kinds of wine; added to all of which was 
 a sum of five thousand rupees. As soon as Da,ud 
 Khan heard that I was coming, he desired to honour 
 me so far as to send a captain with thirty horsemen 
 and fifty musketeers to receive me at a distance of 
 five leagues from his camp. 
 
 On the following day I gave myself the honour of 
 going to visit him, when he displayed much tenderness 
 and friendliness. Next I conveyed to him compliments 
 on behalf of our governor, but he let me understand 
 
MANUCCI AND DA, CD KHAN 237 
 
 that he felt much resentment, and complained that 
 they had not already paid him a visit. They had not 
 taken the same trouble as the Portuguese to pay him 
 the usual compliments. My answer was that when 
 other governors had come to occupy the position he 
 held, it was the custom to visit them at this very place 
 where he now was. I could not run the risk of going 
 any farther, on account of the great forests there were, 
 filled with robbers, where I might possibly receive 
 some injury and lose much of what I was bringing. 
 The Portuguese could run a greater risk, for they 
 brought nothing with them, and came only to demand 
 favours. 
 
 He seemed satisfied with these reasons, and others 
 that I gave him, on the subject, and after much dis- 
 course on divers matters I laid before him a letter and 
 said to him that I had a present to offer on behalf of 
 the governor and of the company ; and I prayed most 
 humbly that he would deign to accept it. His reply 
 was that I need then only retire for repose to a tent 
 which he had had erected for me close to his mansion. 
 He would send word to me of the hour at which I could 
 appear, as is the custom among the Mahomedans. 
 Thereupon I took my leave of the general and retired 
 to the tent, and it was impossible for me to get 
 away from it to pay my respects to the first minister, 
 Mahamad Sayd (Muhammad Said, the diwdri), and 
 all the other officers. For I expected from one 
 moment to another to be called, nor did I wish to 
 allow any opening for the complaint that I was not 
 found in my lodgings. 
 
 With this thought in my mind I wanted to send the 
 above-mentioned Brahman to visit the chief minister, 
 but he objected that it was late, and he wanted to 
 bathe his body according to their custom, which is to 
 bathe every day. Although he deceived me, I believed 
 him all the same. However, not to neglect entirely my 
 duty, according to the customs of the court, I sent a 
 very honest youth, that I had brought with me from 
 
238 COURSE OF THE NEGOTIATIONS 
 
 Madras, to make my compliments to the chief minister, 
 and intimate to him my arrival in the army. I sent 
 him word that it was late and I was unable to acquit 
 myself of what was due from me to him, but that in the 
 morning I would do so without fail. 
 
 About half-past seven o'clock Da,ud Khan sent me 
 word that I might bring the present before him. This 
 I did to a great extent, only keeping back in my custody 
 the money and some of the trifling things. The reason 
 for my so acting was that 1 could not then give him 
 the money secretly, by reason of his being accompanied 
 by many officers and other persons of consideration. 
 Moreover, they look on it as a distinction and an honour 
 to receive presents in public, but as regards money 
 they never take it but in secret. I was thus obliged 
 to beg him in a low voice to give me instructions to 
 whom it should be delivered. He replied in the same 
 way that I must keep it, that afterwards he would 
 dispose of it as he judged most fitting. The Brahman 
 Ramapa did not fail to notice the good reception given 
 me, and all the honours showered upon me, as also the 
 friendliness displayed more and more by Da,ud Khan. 
 Besides, the Nawab had fed me splendidly that evening, 
 and had directed his major-domo to supply my table 
 all the time I was with him just as if it were his own. 
 For these reasons he (Ramapa), like a fool, proceeded 
 to imagine that this would suffice, that the present 
 had done all that was required, and thus it was of no 
 use to give him (Da,ud Khan) anything more. It was 
 advisable, Ramapa thought, to keep the money, and on 
 this he imparted to me his idea. 
 
 He suggested that we should all the same enter it 
 without fail in our account, and tell the governor that 
 we had paid it over. To speak the truth, I was 
 surprised at such a proposal, and to start with fell into 
 such a violent rage with this Brahman that, in opposi- 
 tion to my nature, I spoke several sharp and harsh 
 words to him, and went so far as to style him a thief 
 and a traitor. For he knew very well that with the 
 
MANUCCI'S NATIVE COLLEAGUE 239 
 
 Mahomedans no present was better or more esteemed 
 than money. 
 
 The following day Da,ud Khan sent one of his 
 servants to spy out the land, and discover from the 
 Brahman how much money he had with him, and bring 
 back a faithful report. He (Ramapa) quite forgot that 
 the day before he had reported to another servant of 
 this same Da,ud Khan that in addition to the presents 
 we had brought some money, and this he had let out 
 without first speaking to me. 
 
 He told the second messenger that we had brought 
 no money at all. At this information the general was 
 so irritated that he sent back the present he had already 
 accepted, and displayed extraordinary indignation 
 against the Company. Yet with regard to me, he 
 showed me still the same esteem, and did me always 
 the same honour as before, in my quality as his sincere 
 friend. As for the Brahman, he declined to see him 
 again, and ordered the door of the house to be shut 
 against him. 
 
 However, as soon as I saw the present come back, 
 I went off to see Da,ud Khan, to whom in the sweetest 
 and most flattering language I pointed out the injury 
 that might be inflicted on me. I prayed him most 
 humbly, even if he had no concern for the Company, 
 at least to call to mind our ancient friendship. I was 
 rather esteemed and liked by the English and the 
 gentlemen of the Company. As they had heard of 
 the friendship and respect that he (Da,ud Khan) had 
 for me, that fact had induced them to send me 
 to him to carry through their business with him. 
 Furthermore, they knew my honesty and loyalty. 
 
 His reply was, that as for me he would do any- 
 thing I wanted, but that the English settled in the 
 country of the king, his master, possessed a strong 
 place most useful and highly suitable for all sorts 
 of merchandise and traffic. They had always been 
 left undisturbed, and yet, without regard to the past, 
 they now treated him in the most cavalier spirit, and 
 
2 4 o DA,UD KHAN ANGRY WITH THE ENGLISH 
 
 gave him next to nothing. They failed to reflect that 
 they had enriched themselves in his country to a most 
 extraordinary degree. He believed that they must 
 have forgotten that he was general over the province 
 of the Karnatik, and that since the fall of the Gul- 
 kandah kingdom they had rendered no account of 
 their administration, good or bad, commencing with 
 1686. Nor had they accounted for the revenues from 
 tobacco, betel, wine, et cetera, which reached a 
 considerable sum every year. In his capacity of 
 governor-general of the province he was forced to 
 work for the progress and benefit of the king's 
 interests. The English were very much mistaken if 
 they thought by two thousand four hundred patacas 
 (Rs. 4,800) to discharge the whole of their debt and 
 enjoy freely all the revenues appertaining to the 
 crown of his prince. 
 
 All this he said with the greatest imaginable fury 
 and passion, which were increased by his hatred of 
 the English for having killed his brother-in-law, who 
 was slain in the fight at Cuddalore, as 1 have stated, 
 while serving in the army of Sulaiman Khan, the 
 general's brother. After his rage had cooled a little, 
 he made me sit down beside him, and caused Ramapa 
 to be sent for. To him he said in harsh words that 
 he did not mean to accept the present, he might carry 
 it back to the governor ; for his part he did not accept 
 presents of that sort. He would come himself with 
 all promptitude possible to take what he anticipated 
 would suit him better. As regards Manouchy, he 
 would not allow of his return to Madras ; he meant 
 to retain him for himself, and still more so because 
 he happened to want him for the treatment of some 
 ailments. 
 
 At these words the Brahman withdrew and repaired 
 to the tent and waited for me, so that we might concert 
 what ought to be done at this conjuncture. But at 
 the same moment the general called a captain known 
 to me, named Mirmoin (? Mir Mu'fn), an Uzbak by 
 
MANUCCI AS PEACEMAKER 241 
 
 race, and ordered him to take two hundred horse 
 and two thousand infantry, and proceed to Madras 
 with all the haste he could. He was to invest that 
 place, and prevent anything going into or coming 
 out of it. He meant to follow in person very shortly. 
 But the coming of night hindered the execution ot 
 these orders with all the haste he desired, for they 
 are very slow at making a start. 
 
 Thus after supper I had the time to hold a conver- 
 sation with Da,ud Khan at great length, and still more 
 easy was it to do so that he was in high spirits, having 
 drunk copiously of the European wines that I had 
 brought for him. I began this talk by remarking to 
 him that if he was so kind as to hold me in such high 
 esteem, I must humbly supplicate him not to send 
 either the captain or the soldiers. The matter was 
 of the utmost importance for my reputation, which I 
 placed entirely in his hands. If these soldiers pro- 
 ceeded to Madras, all the European nations as well 
 as the English would attribute the fault to me; I 
 should pass among them for a man void of either 
 faith or fealty in any business confided to me. 
 
 I also prayed him to hinder the Brahman's departure, 
 telling him the reasons I had for this course. In no 
 shape or form was it advisable for him to leave except 
 in my company ; to do otherwise would be to put the 
 fat in the fire. As concerned the revenues, I pointed 
 out to him that at the time when the English came 
 and occupied Madras it was nothing but one vast 
 plain full of sand, uninhabited, and without any name 
 or fame in India. On the other hand, it should be 
 remembered that it was now highly populous, full 
 of active merchants and other residents. It was the 
 money of the English and their good government 
 that had created all that prosperity, coupled with 
 the justice they administered to everybody without 
 fear or favour. If he intended to act with so much 
 harshness and injustice, all the nations of Europe 
 would abandon India. He must recollect the income 
 
242 MANUCCI AS PEACEMAKER 
 
 and benefits which Aurangzeb had acquired ; for from 
 what entered and left Madras alone he collected more 
 than one hundred thousand patacas. 
 
 In addition, there w r ere many merchants, weavers, 
 cloth-printers .and others, for all of whom the English 
 provided a livelihood. Many subjects of the king of 
 this realm and others knew very well that every year 
 there were earned in Madras five lakhs of gold pagodas 
 (equal to about one million patacas more or less), and 
 over ten lakhs of silver rupees (which amounts to five 
 hundred thousand patacas). The whole of this money 
 remained in the country, and in exchange for all this 
 the English carried off to Europe no more than some 
 cotton-cloth. Let him reflect that if he objected to the 
 residence of the English in Madras, and if he bothered 
 his head about their gaining such considerable sums, 
 it was requisite for Aurangzeb and his subjects to 
 give them time to withdraw to Europe. They (the 
 English) set little store by the place ; yet if they were 
 forced to abandon it, they would also give up the 
 other towns and factories they held in the Indies. In 
 that case they would cease to be friends and become 
 enemies. Upon their departure they would without 
 fail seize every ship they came across, and thereby 
 spread ruin and desolation throughout the Mogul 
 empire. 
 
 I pointed out to him these things, not solely in 
 respect of the English, but also as generally appli- 
 cable to the other nations of Europe who were to 
 be found in that empire. Da,ud Khan was favourably 
 impressed by all these arguments, and gave me 
 reasonable and satisfactory answers. In brief, he 
 issued orders to stop the departure of the troops and 
 the Brahman. 
 
 The next day I paid a visit to the chief minister and 
 to all my other friends, and to them I related what 
 had happened to me, although they knew it already. 
 However, they felt my troubles acutely, and gener- 
 ously endeavoured to protect me. In this way, after 
 
JEALOUSY OF MANUCCI'S COLLEAGUE 243 
 
 a few days, I was given my dismissal, carrying a con- 
 firmation of all the farmans and favours accorded to 
 the English just in the manner that they desired. 
 
 Da,ud Khan now took the present again ; and as he 
 knew that I had the money, it being only the Brahman 
 who denied the fact, because he wished to embezzle 
 it like the thief and the traitor he was, he(Da,ud Khan) 
 accepted the present favourably and thought highly of 
 it. He told me to retain the money until he sent 
 someone to receive it. Upon this I took my leave 
 of him. 
 
 Next day I sent on the present that I had for the 
 chief minister, who took it with much politeness and 
 many thanks. This lord is one of the most polished 
 men to be found among the Mahomedans. He in- 
 vited me to his table and entertained me magnificently, 
 one of the greatest honours that these people can 
 confer. However, the Brahman was jealous beyond 
 measure of all the honours received by me from Da,ud 
 Khan, from the chief minister, and all the other officers 
 of the army, a feeling intensified by seeing himself 
 despised and hated. 
 
 For this reason he designed covertly to make me 
 lose the esteem and reputation that I had among 
 the Mahomedans, and the property I held within the 
 English jurisdiction. To this end he tried to make 
 use of the spies who were on the spot, men of his 
 tribe, and wished to force them into writing to the 
 Governor of Madras and his council that I was the 
 sole cause of failure and the producer of all the dis- 
 putes between the Mahomedans and the English. 
 But the most intimate friends of the man knew that 
 all he said was false, and all his inventions diabolic. 
 They refused, but instead gave me warning of what 
 was going on. They advised me not to put much 
 trust in Ramapa. He, on the other hand, became 
 more and more eager for my ruin and destruction, 
 and had recourse to other methods. In pursuance 
 of this idea he sought the advice of another Brahman 
 
244 ATTEMPT TO CAUSE TROUBLE 
 
 he knew, and then returned to our quarters. I asked 
 him where he had been, and he told me he had come 
 from the general's. The latter had given him an order 
 to place the money in the hands of the servant of a 
 Brahman called Longcarne (? Langkaran). Directly 
 this servant came to us, we must obey the order forth- 
 with and without objection. He added to this several 
 words to persuade me that such was Da,ud Khan's 
 wish. 
 
 When he had finished these words he went off on 
 other business, and instantly those servants appeared 
 and claimed the money. The}' told me they came on 
 behalf of Da,ud Khan. There were several of them, 
 and as soon as one had entered, another put in an 
 appearance. They solicited and importuned me to 
 such an extent about this money, for which they said 
 Da,ud Khan was waiting, that I remembered what 
 the other Brahmans had said about not trusting 
 Ramapa. 
 
 Then I recollected that Da,ud Khan had said he 
 would inform me of the name of the person to whom 
 he desired that I should count out this money. For 
 these reasons, then, I would not deliver it to these 
 servants ; but to escape from their importunities I 
 said that they had only to wait a little while I 
 went to fetch the money. However, instead of doing 
 this, 1 made all the haste I could to get out and find 
 Da,ud Khan. I discovered him in the midst of many 
 officers conducting a review of his cavalry. In spite 
 of this, I went close to him, and twice over whispered 
 in his ear, asking him to be gracious enough to send 
 someone to receive the money. 
 
 To these words he replied by telling me to wait 
 a little. When he had finished his inspection I re- 
 newed my prayer that he would be good enough to 
 relieve me of that burden, since he knew very well 
 that 1 could not guard it securely. At last, to satisfy 
 me, he sent for his treasurer, and, after having had 
 a good look first one wa} r and then another, to see 
 
NEGOTIATIONS SATISFACTORILY CONCLUDED 245 
 
 that no one was watching, he said to him privately, and 
 to me also, that he must go to receive that money. 
 
 I returned to my quarters highly pleased, and there 
 1 found no trace of the lackeys I spoke of above, nor 
 have I ever seen them since. In a little time the 
 treasurer arrived, and I delivered the money to him 
 in the presence of several of my friends and some 
 servants of the Company. He, too, was very joyful 
 at receiving it, for there is no greater pleasure to 
 these men than when they behold the store of their 
 master on the increase. 
 
 Some little time afterwards the Brahman Ramapa 
 returned, and, although he knew all that had happened, 
 he made no sign ; on the contrary, he asserted he 
 knew nothing whatever. But I told him I had paid 
 over the money to the general's treasurer, and not 
 to the men of the Brahman Langkaran. Upon this, 
 in the humblest tone and his eyes swimming with 
 tears, he began to make excuse, just as is their habit ; 
 for it may be truly said that these people are very 
 much like crocodiles (cocordilles\ whose skin changes 
 at their will and pleasure. 1 
 
 These difficulties occasioned me much trouble, and 
 were all due to the Brahman ; so great were they, that 
 I was not far from losing my life. The whole affair 
 caused me the more vexation because this Brahman 
 had many friends at Madras, and many relations 
 among the merchants who were influential with the 
 governor, et cetera. In spite of this, by Heaven's help 
 I was delivered entirely, upholding my own honour 
 and that of the Company. Upon quitting the army I 
 had the delight of hearing, mingled with other com- 
 pliments, that all which had been gained was on 
 account of me ; I found myself also regaled by a very 
 rich sardpd (set of robes), which I showed to the 
 Brahman, who also received one for himself. 
 
 About fifteen days afterwards I returned to Madras, 
 and rendered an account to the governor of all that 
 
 1 Does he not mean to say " chameleons." 
 17 
 
246 DA,UD &BAN COMES AGAIN 
 
 I had done in regard to the interests of the Company 
 and to the matters he had committed to me. This 
 generous man, having obtained full confirmation of 
 my story, was very satisfied, and gave me many 
 marks of his gratitude. I did not tell him all that the 
 Brahman had done to me, for he had besought me 
 with tears in his eyes not to say anything. His tears 
 compelled me to have compassion, and, instead of 
 telling, I made over to him two lengths of cloth, 
 thereby rewarding his ingratitude and infamous 
 conduct by a largesse. I let him see that a generous 
 and Christian heart (be it said without boasting) never 
 resents the wrongs or injustice done to it. 
 
 [Some months later Manucci had further dealings 
 with Da,ud Khan, who arrived at San Thome with his 
 army, on his return from collecting tribute in Tanjor 
 and elsewhere.] 
 
 Lastly he reached Madras with all his army. At 
 this spot the Governor of Madras sent out to salute 
 him Mr. Ellis, the second in council, accompanied by 
 two other officials. They carried with them a present 
 similar to the one I had given him when I applied for 
 confirmation of the farmans to the Company. Their 
 orders were also to pay many compliments to the chief 
 minister. Of all these duties the Englishmen acquitted 
 themselves. 
 
 By chance I happened to be present when these 
 gentlemen arrived at the camp, (because I had gone 
 there also to pay my respects to the general and the 
 chief minister. The visitors were badly enough 
 received ; for Da,ud Khan declined to receive this 
 "ordinary present" as he styled it. He told them 
 plainly that these articles were not such as could be 
 presented to a man of his rank. He felt astonished 
 that the governor should send presents of such small 
 importance ; he should remember that he was the first 
 man in the province, and lieutenant-general for the 
 Great Mogul. He also said to them that he was 
 
AN ENGLISH DEPUTATION 247 
 
 greatly amazed at the governor sending a Brahman 
 to Arkat in the company of Dr. Manouchy, to take 
 part in the discussion of their business. The matter 
 was fully important enough to demand a man of 
 another stamp than this Brahman, a nobody and 
 of no standing. His amazement was all the greater, 
 since the man had tried to do harm to Dr. Manouchy, 
 who had been brought up in the courts of Asia, 
 more especially that of the Great Mogul. He added 
 some further words in my praise and to my honour, 
 such as is not meet for me to repeat. 
 
 In the end the Englishmen were given leave to 
 depart, and they received some very fine cloth-of-gold 
 and silver, of which he made them a present. He 
 added many soft and sugared words, for he declared 
 to them that he was a firm friend of their nation ; they 
 ought to repose entire confidence in him, for he would 
 at all times be ready to do them a service in all matters. 
 But along with these speeches he did not omit to 
 tell them that presents sent to a minister of his 
 standing ought to be large and proportionate to his 
 rank and authority. 
 
 Those gentlemen wished to make excuses, but he 
 declined to listen. Whatever efforts they made to 
 persuade him that they were treating him exactly 
 like all the other nawabs, his predecessors, and above 
 all, Zu,lfiqar Khan, who is generalissimo at the 
 court of the Mogul, he remained deaf to all their 
 arguments. The English were much put out by this 
 treatment, which was founded on nothing but cupidity. 
 Therefore, foreseeing the inconveniences likely to be 
 produced by his displeasure, they decided to employ 
 some friends to plead their cause. They applied to 
 the chief minister and others, who adjusted the quarrel. 
 The conditions were that the same present should be 
 sent again, adding five thousand rupees and some very 
 rare European curiosities. After this they became 
 friends. 
 
 Da, ad Khan subsequently (July u) sent a message 
 
248 DA,UD KHAN VISITS GOVERNOR PITT 
 
 to the governor that he was desirous of visiting him, 
 as he (Pitt) could not come to San Thome. The 
 governor requested me to go to that place (San 
 Thome) to receive him (Da,ud Khan) (July 12), and 
 escort him to this fortress (Fort St. George). This 
 I did. We left San Thome with fifty horsemen, as 
 previously agreed on. On our way we met the 
 councillors from Madras, accompanied by a part of 
 the garrison. After reciprocal compliments between 
 the two parties, we resumed our journey. 
 
 Upon reaching the gate of the town, we perceived 
 all the soldiers European and Indian under arms, 
 and drawn up in single rank on both sides from that 
 spot up to the fort gate, while a number of armed men 
 were on the town wall and the fort wall. These were 
 arranged in excellent order, much to the astonishment 
 of Da,ud Khan, who could not repress signs of admira- 
 tion. Still greater was his amazement when, as they 
 drew near the fort gateway the soldiers and officers, 
 on catching sight of the governor, drew themselves 
 up in line and went through divers movements which 
 were quite unknown to him. They were only done in 
 his honour and that of the governor. But being 
 unaccustomed to all this military ceremonial, he was 
 thrown into a state of confusion and apprehension. 
 He believed himself to be already a prisoner. For 
 this reason he spoke to me in a loud voice, requesting 
 that all these men might be withdrawn. I reassured 
 him, saying it was nothing but the usual ceremonial 
 and method among these troops ; he should not be in 
 the least afraid, or suspect anything. At the same 
 time I took care to cry out to the soldiers that they 
 must retire. 
 
 While 1 was speaking the governor arrived, accom- 
 panied by a large number of officials and servants. 
 I told him (Pitt) he must embrace Da,ud Khan, who 
 by this time had dismounted with all his retinue. 
 This embrace was given, and then the chief minister 
 and the bakhshl were received in the same fashion. 
 
SALUTES AND TOASTS 249 
 
 Then we entered the fort, where the governor paid 
 him innumerable tokens of respect and friendship and 
 conducted him to his rooms. These were magnifi- 
 cently furnished. The bed in his room was covered 
 with a quilt of (blank). He admired it in a way to 
 show that he had never seen one like it before, and 
 he begged me to ask the governor if he could give him 
 a pattern of that coverlet, and this I did in a low voice. 
 
 The latter (Pitt), readier even to give than the other 
 to ask, made him a present of two others. He even 
 offered to give him the whole bed. Da,ud Khan 
 would not accept this, contenting himself with the 
 two bed covers, these being of a wonderful, extra- 
 ordinary, and strange workmanship. Upon entering 
 the room the governor presented to him a ball of 
 ambergris mounted in gold, with a rich chain of the 
 same metal. After this was done they sat down, and 
 the conversation turned on various subjects with 
 offers of service. When the talk was finished, the 
 governor sent for wine, and drank to the health of 
 King Aurangzeb to a salute of thirty-one guns. 
 
 Da,ud Khan responded to this by drinking the 
 health of the King of England to the sound of as 
 many cannon as before. Then they drank the health 
 of the chief minister (waz\r\ Asad Khan, who is 
 nowadays Mirolo Morao (Amir-ul-uinara) that is 
 " Noble of Nobles." This title was borne by Aurang- 
 zeb's uncle and father-in-law (i.e. Shaistah Khan, 
 died 1695). A salute of twenty-one guns was fired. 
 This was followed by a toast to Zul,lfiqar Khan, and 
 one to Da,ud Khan himself, each with the same 
 number of cannon. To end with, they drank to the 
 Dtwdn, the chief minister of this general, and to his 
 bakhshl, each time to the sound of fifteen cannon. 
 
 He was astonished at the rapidity and dexterity 
 with which everything was carried out, and was 
 highly gratified by it all. While these ceremonies 
 were taking place, they made him a present of several 
 cases of liqueurs, spirits, and wines of Europe of 
 17* 
 
2 5 o DA,UD KHAN DEPARTS 
 
 different sorts. All these he greatly prized. Next 
 he was led into a large hall adorned with all kinds 
 of arms. There he found a magnificent dinner pre- 
 pared in European and Indian fashion. He admired 
 the variety of the arms, for which, however, he had 
 no envy, unless for the spears. Having asked the 
 governor for one, two were given to him. 
 
 He then went to seek repose for an hour, and after 
 that took his leave. The governor accompanied him 
 as far as the fort gateway, the general protesting 
 against his coming any farther. There they reiterated 
 their compliments and polite speeches, and Mr. Pitt 
 wished him a pleasant journey. On his side the 
 general put forward many offers of service, and assured 
 him of a perpetual peace, wishing him every success in 
 his enterprises and trading; and said he would ever 
 remain his friend and protector so long as he ruled the 
 province. 
 
 The governor did not withdraw until Da,ud Khan 
 had mounted his horse nay, wanted to hold the 
 stirrup for him, but this Da,ud Khan would not allow. 
 But to me he said in a low voice that he would like to 
 be saluted with some salvoes of artillery as he was 
 leaving the town. This desire was carried out, the 
 musketeers also accompanying him to the boundary of 
 San Thome. I went with him half-way there, when 
 he said that as it was already late I might go back to 
 Madras. All this he said with many compliments and 
 a thousand expressions of civility, ending by saying 
 that he hoped to pass still two or three days in my 
 house at the Big Mount, and rest himself there. I 
 consented with the greatest pleasure, as may be 
 imagined. 1 went there to see him before he started 
 for Arkat, when he gave me a valuable set of robes, and 
 repeated his offer of serving me just as he was used to 
 do on previous occasions. 
 
 The above is the mode in which things happened 
 and an arrangement was arrived at, the Mahomedans 
 making profuse protestations to the English of service 
 
DA,UD KHAN'S HOSTILE RETURN 25-1 
 
 and friendship. We shall see next how these perfidious 
 men acquitted themselves of such promises. At the 
 end of December 1701 I was at Pondicherry on business 
 connected with the Tanjor persecutions, of which I 
 have already spoken. At the end of January in the 
 next year (1702) I had trustworthy information that 
 Da,ud Khan and the diwan and the whole army were 
 about to leave Arkat again for Madras. This fact I 
 learned from different sources through various friends 
 and officials known to me, some of whom sent a warn- 
 ing to me that during this march some harm was 
 intended to Madras. 
 
 He had received peremptory orders from the court 
 to deal rigorously with the English. 
 
 This news forced me to forsake the pleasant company 
 of the French, in order to return with all possible 
 haste to Madras. I arrived there on February 2 of the 
 same year (1702). On my taking leave of them the 
 governor, Francois Martin, and the other officials of 
 the Royal Company, strongly enjoined me to let them 
 know what happened between the English and Mahome- 
 dans, sending off immediately express messengers 
 (pions). This requisition I executed without fail. 
 
 A few days afterwards I warned Governor Pitt of 
 Da,ud Khan's approach. In fact he arrived at San 
 Thome two days afterwards. On my advice they sent 
 him a Mahomedan servant of and trader under the 
 Company, named Coja Ammad (Khwajah Ahmad), as 
 also another merchant of the town named Narapa. 
 But the second man fell ill and only the first named 
 went ; I went also. 
 
 There I found the general, the diwan, the bakhshl, 
 and all the officers assembled. They received me 
 most cordially, showing many signs of joy and em- 
 bracing me. They sent without delay for Khwajah 
 Ahmad, who appeared at once. They directed him to 
 inform the Governor of Madras that they desired his 
 presence at San Thome. They had important matters 
 to communicate to him. If he could not come himself. 
 
252 MANUCCI ACTS AS ENVOY ONCE MORE 
 
 would he send the second and the third in council 
 (February 4 or 15)? Then Da,ud Khan and the diwan 
 turned towards me, and said I must confirm to these 
 gentlemen (the English) whatever Khwajah Ahmad had 
 been ordered to report to them. Then taking me aside 
 privately, they told me to be sure to tell the said 
 governor to come himself without fail, or send the two 
 others of his council. Then they said we must both 
 return to San Thome, showing thereby that they had 
 no confidence in Khwajah Ahmad, and had no belief in 
 his truthfulness. 
 
 When we arrived at Madras we went together to see 
 the governor, and told him what the Mahomedans had 
 charged us to say to him. To this he replied that he 
 neither meant to go himself nor send any of his council. 
 He declined to do so on several grounds, principally 
 because neither the second nor the third nor anyone 
 else could speak " Maure" (the language spoken by the 
 Mahomedans). But he urged me earnestly to return 
 to the general (Da,ud Khan) along with Khwajah 
 Ahmad, and explain the reasons which hindered him 
 from complying with his request. If he had any 
 negotiations to make with him and his council, he 
 could conduct them safely through Khwajah Ahmad as 
 their qualified procurator. 
 
 The real reason why the governor declined to send 
 anyone is that he feared the Mahomedans might oblige 
 them by force to execute some writing by which they 
 undertook to be responsible for all piracies throughout 
 the seas, and on all the coasts of India. This is what 
 they (the Mahomedans) had done at Surat to the other 
 directors of the companies of France, Holland, and 
 England. Or he feared they might be seized and 
 constrained to pay considerable sums to recover their 
 liberty. This was a customary enough act among the 
 Mahomedans, and yet it would greatly injure their 
 company. 
 
 However, Khwajah Ahmad and I returned to San 
 Thome. I repeated to Da,ud Khan and the diwan all 
 
MANUCCI ACTS AS ENVOY ONCE MORE 253 
 
 that the governor had said to me. As I was about to 
 leave I perceived that things were approaching a 
 rupture, whereupon I humbly besought them not to 
 employ me in such thorny affairs. The intention of 
 the two Mahomedans was to make use of me as 
 mediator between the two parties. They had great 
 faith in me because I spoke the language fairly well, 
 and they imagined that without harming much the one 
 or the other, I should deal with things to their advan- 
 tage and that in some degree I should adopt their side 
 rather than the other. 
 
 Thus they laid before my eyes the great danger the 
 English stood in of losing Madras. In so doing they 
 somehow forgot that I, too, had been suckled in Europe 
 as much as the English ; that, for the honour of my 
 country and of all the other European nations, I was 
 under greater obligation to them (the English) than I 
 could possibly be to the Mahomedans. Under these 
 circumstances I parted from them as civilly as I could, 
 and on sufficiently good terms, in order to be able to 
 advise the governor of what I thought best for his 
 reputation and the defence of the town. 
 
 [The English made preparations to resist any attack, 
 protesting at the same time against the high-handed 
 methods of Da,ud Khan, who confiscated thirty loads 
 of fine cloth and also took possession of three villages. 
 Their protests were of no avail.] 
 
 However, Da,ud Khan and the diwan, having come 
 to the conclusion that the English were quite resolved 
 on resistance, that the town was fairly strong and 
 very well provided with artillery, and had a garrison 
 of eight hundred seasoned soldiers, decided to send 
 a message asking the governor to send me to San 
 Thome. They were ready to discuss matters with 
 me and settle the dispute to the advantage of the 
 company. In spite of some time having elapsed 
 without my having seen the one or the other of the 
 parties, the governor lost no time in sending me. 
 
 After an exchange of the usual compliments, Da,ud 
 
254 PACIFIC ARGUMENTS 
 
 Khan began his reproaches about the English, whom 
 he designated as over-proud and defiers of his king's 
 orders. In reply, I laid before him several arguments, 
 which I will not set forth, to avoid wearying my 
 readers. All I will mention is that I showed to him 
 the great harm being done to the king's interests by 
 the way he was acting. For these nations, worn out 
 by such continuous ill-treatment, must inevitably in 
 the end leave the country and close their trade ; but 
 as soon as ever they got out to sea they would 
 capture every merchant vessel they came across. 
 They would make descents upon the ports upon the 
 sea-shore, would carry off all they could find, would 
 give quarter neither to rich nor poor, and wherever 
 they landed would spread fire and desolation. 
 
 To all this I added that, if they declined to listen 
 to these arguments, so important in the interest of 
 their king, I would, being his (the king's) servant, go 
 to the court myself and prove to him the innocence 
 of the English and the injustice being done to all 
 Europeans. No consideration was being paid to the 
 fact that these merchants were neither the defenders 
 nor the protectors of these pirates, from whom they 
 also suffered, and it was this very cause that made 
 it impossible for i any of the European nations to 
 suppress them, or give the king the undertaking that 
 he demanded. 
 
 In spite of this, Da,ud Khan wrote to the French 
 at Pondicherry, the Dutch at Negapatam, and the 
 Danes at Tranquebar, calling on them to send men 
 and ships to help him against the English at Madras. 
 These people, all of them, made excuses. While this 
 was in progress attempts were made to appease the 
 Mahomedans by pleasant words, and making them 
 limited promises. They were not thereby deterred 
 from continuing their investment (of Madras), although 
 carrying it out less rigorously than at first ; in fact, 
 four Englishmen who had been made prisoners at 
 San Thome by Da,ud Khan's orders, when on their 
 
MANUCCI ASSISTS THE FRENCH 255 
 
 way from Cuddalore, were now released and sent 
 here (Madras), each being presented with a chaal 
 (shawl). 
 
 I communicated to Monsieur Martin, Governor of 
 Pondicherry, all that happened between the Mahome- 
 dans and the English. I told him it would be a good 
 thing to send some men to Da,ud Khan and the diwan, 
 so as to turn their minds from doing at Pondicherry 
 what they were then doing at Madras. Thus that 
 governor (Martin), who is extremely prudent and 
 well versed in the Mahomedan way of governing, 
 decided to send one person with some presents for 
 Da,ud Khan, the diwan, and some other officials. Con- 
 sequently, on the 1 5th of the month of March of this 
 year (1702), Monsieur Desprez, a merchant of the 
 Royal Company, arrived at San Thome, and at once 
 informed me of his presence, sending me a letter 
 from the governor. In it Monsieur Martin recom- 
 mended me to this gentleman, and prayed me to aid 
 and assist him in his negotiations with Da,ud Khan 
 and the other officials. 
 
 As soon as I heard this news I threw up all the 
 business I had at Madras, and transferred myself in 
 all haste to San Thome, wishing to be of use to the 
 French to the utmost of my powers. This desire was 
 increased by the fact that I have always esteemed, 
 and shall continue to esteem, them by reason of their 
 fine qualities and the honourable attentions with which 
 they have overwhelmed me. 
 
 After I had arrived at San Thome I had a con- 
 versation with the said Monsieur Desprez. I found 
 him very much troubled ; for never before, all his life 
 long, had he been concerned in a similar business, and 
 had never paid a visit to a Mahomedan of this rank. 
 I gave him encouragement, and told him I would do 
 all that was necessary to carry through the affairs of 
 the Royal Company. I would accompany him on 
 his visit to Da,ud Khan, the diwan, the bakhshi, each 
 one separately. This I did, and he was well received 
 
256 THE FRENCH ENVOY SUCCESSFUL 
 
 by these lords, who gave him many testimonies of the 
 regard in which they held the French, and betrayed 
 to him their pleasure at the French having sent to 
 compliment them so very politely. 
 
 Monsieur Desprez had brought a present for Da,ud 
 Khan, and one for the cfawan, and never dreamt that 
 the bakhshi would also require to be remembered. 
 But I adjusted all that ; I observed that there was 
 enough in what he had brought to bear division into 
 three parts; this I did. In this way they were highly 
 contented, and he obtained his leave to depart after 
 a very short delay. It took him only eight days to 
 get through the business. When he said good-bye, 
 the nawab and all the other officials requested him to 
 assure his governor of their friendship. He might 
 live unconcerned, nor need he have the slightest 
 doubt about the respect they had for his person- 
 ality ; and in all that lay in their power they would 
 be always ready to help the French of the Royal 
 Company. It sufficed that Monsieur Manouchy was 
 the governor's friend to ensure their giving all the 
 help that lay in their power, for was not he 
 (Manucci) loved and respected by all the ministers 
 of Aurangzeb ? 
 
 Da,ud Khan sent to Monsieur Martin a very fine 
 horse, valued at one thousand rupees, along with a 
 costly set of robes; another set was given to the 
 said Monsieur Desprez. The diwan and bakhshi 
 also gave him a very good set each, and sent him 
 off in a satisfactory manner. He bore with him 
 a complimentary letter to the governor, and the 
 latter was highly satisfied, being hardly able to con- 
 tain himself for joy at being thus delivered from such 
 rascals. 
 
 In the year 1703 I received a letter from Da,ud Khan 
 and another from the diwan Chaadetulcan (Sa'adatullah 
 Khan), and several others from other lords. By these 
 letters they entreated me to visit them, especially as 
 they had much need of me. I began my journey on 
 
MANUCCI VISITS DA,UD KHAN 257 
 
 February 27 of the same year (1703), and found the 
 said general at the town of Carpa (Cudapah, Karapa), 
 distant one hundred and twenty leagues from Madras. 
 I was very well received by these gentlemen accord- 
 ing to their customs. They asked me to be so good 
 as to treat a captain named Mohamed Jafar (Muhammad 
 Ja'far), a Persian by race. 1 would not undertake the 
 case, for he was already moribund in fact, he died 
 a few days afterwards. During the short time I was 
 with their army I got no time to rest, for everybody 
 pestered me, as their way is, for medicines even those 
 who had no need of them. They would say as a 
 reason : " I have no appetite ; give me some medicine 
 to make me eat like an elephant, or like a camel, or, at 
 any rate, like a horse." And all these brute-like de- 
 mands simply to have strength to slake their sensuality, 
 for their minds are filled with, and they have no other 
 diversion than, the desire to steal all they can, for no 
 other object than the accomplishment of their carnal 
 desires. 
 
 At the end of fifteen days they gave me leave to go 
 in an honourable manner, conferring on me a sardpa 
 (set of robes) and enough money to pay the cost of 
 my journey. These gentlemen gave me a letter for 
 the governor of this place (Madras), conveying many 
 thanks for having sent me, and they told him other 
 details of my journey. Verbally they directed me to 
 say to the said governor that he must give back three 
 villages, those that Zu,lfiqar Khan had presented to 
 the Honourable Company of England in the days of 
 his being governor ; since then fresh orders had been 
 received to take possession of them again. 
 
 I arrived at Madras, and carried out the orders that 
 had been given to me. But the governor, Thomas 
 Pitt, paid no heed to the message ; for having much 
 experience he knows perfectly the manners and cus- 
 toms of this kind of people. They seek continually 
 fresh methods of capturing some money. His reply 
 to them was, that he was the owner of the villages, 
 
258 THE FRENCH AND THE MOGULS 
 
 and that he meant to keep them, so much so that to 
 this day he remains in possession. 
 
 On this reply there came certain menaces, but in the 
 end the thing blew over without further disturbance. 
 
 The said diwan gave me another letter for the 
 Governor of Pondicherry, Francois Martin, which 
 contained but some compliments and friendly ex- 
 pressions. But the said diwan or governor directed 
 me verbally to say to the said Sieur Martin that he 
 had received orders from the King Aurangzeb to 
 obtain the lands controlled by Pondicherry. The 
 answer given (by the French) was that they had 
 been bought from the hands of Roma Raja (Ram 
 Raja), son of Shiva Jt, that afterwards they had 
 received them back at the hands of the Dutch ; that 
 the lands were in their possession, and they meant 
 to keep them to all eternity. After this reply they 
 sent him a few presents, and since then nothing more 
 has been said about the matter. It is the fashion of 
 these Moguls to make a display of power (in this way) 
 and proclaim themselves all-powerful and masters of 
 everything. Subsequently, when they discover that 
 they cannot overcome either by force or artifice, they 
 dissemble, but if at a future time an occasion presents 
 itself, they keep neither their word nor the friendship 
 that they had promised. 
 
 COUNTRY BETWEEN MADRAS AND CUDDAPAH 
 
 I noticed in this little journey that the country is 
 full of hills, and that the roads are very narrow. 
 Thus, had the inhabitants displayed any courage or 
 valour it would never have been possible for the 
 Moguls, with all the forces at their command, to 
 make themselves masters of it. I also beheld several 
 ancient fortresses built by the Hindu princes of the 
 Karnatik ; for those who are nowadays in command 
 on behalf of the Mogul had been warned of my 
 approach, and invited me to visit them. ach one 
 
FORTRESSES AND ARTILLERY 259 
 
 made me a present, such as some pieces of silk, some 
 shawls, et cetera, and treated me most splendidly 
 according to their fashion. It is true that the} r did 
 not present these things to me for nothing, for in 
 return I gave them such medicines as they wanted. 
 
 I noticed that these fortresses had not been de- 
 signed by good architects or engineers. The works 
 are (?weak) in spite of their walls being built of great 
 hewn stones fixed in cement, and their being provided 
 with hollow r s or ditches right round them. In some 
 ditches there is a water supply, in others none. The 
 forts have also some pieces of artillery twenty to 
 twenty-five feet long, of which the calibre is so 
 extremely large that a big fat man can easily get 
 inside. The greater number of these guns lie on 
 the ground outside the fort gates. There are, in 
 addition, a few inside in different positions. I also 
 noticed some small pieces on the walls and bastions, 
 carrying a ball of from one half-pound to three pounds 
 weight. They were mounted on heavy blocks of wood, 
 without carriages or wheels, and their muzzles pointed 
 into the air. 
 
 Their only use is to make a noise and smoke on the 
 days when a new moon appears, or when it is intended 
 to frighten someone, for to go through any drill with 
 them, or to teach how to aim them in one direction 
 or another, that is an impossible thing. Nevertheless, 
 the Mogul never omits to sanction the money neces- 
 sary for efficiently providing all these fortresses, and 
 sees that there are faithful officers in charge, such as 
 Darroges (daroghak) Ammy (amiri), and Morseg 
 (mushrif) that is to say (blank in the original). In 
 addition there is a commandant at each fortified place. 
 But the whole lot are thieves, and the places are kept 
 like cowsheds. 
 
 During this journey I also received an invitation 
 from Gulla Maly Can (Qhulam 'Alt Khan), governor 
 of the fortress of Velours (Velur, Vellore), my ancient 
 friend who gave himself up to Da,ud Khan, as 1 have 
 
260 VELLORE FORTRESS: CROCODILES 
 
 related. This lord received me with great joy, the 
 more so that at the moment they were in the midst 
 of feasts and banquets in honour of some grandson 
 of his. This event he had looked forward to for 
 several years past, and now attributed to the virtues 
 of my medicine the appearance in the world of this 
 new heir to his wealth. For this reason he gave 
 me several things and uttered many expressions of 
 gratitude ; in addition he sent with me as an escort 
 twenty-five horsemen and five matchlock men. 
 
 The fortress of Vellore is large and well built. It 
 has lateral supporting walls and the ditch is large, 
 about fifty cubits in width, and filled by springs 
 rising in it. The water is full of crocodiles, and 
 if by misfortune anyone falls into it he is at once 
 torn to pieces and eaten up by them. Out of 
 curiosity I went quite close to the ditch ; these 
 animals, seeing on the water the shadow of human 
 beings, at once opened their jaws. I threw them a 
 goat, which they tore to pieces at once and ate, 
 snatching the pieces out of each other's jaws. I ob- 
 served that at the noise these made other crocodiles 
 rushed from different parts of the ditch. They were 
 in such great numbers, and there was such con- 
 fusion, that they could not be counted. They kept 
 their heads out of the water and their jaws wide 
 open. As a pastime I threw them several goats 
 in pieces; they fell upon the pieces, and without 
 any chewing swallowed them at one mouthful. At 
 another place I made the men throw in some heads 
 of goats with large horns. But no sooner had they 
 been thrown in than the crocodiles with a toss of the 
 head had at once swallowed them, for these animals 
 are monstrous. It can also be said that they render 
 the fortress stronger, and defend it from any assault 
 that might be delivered. But what protection are 
 they against the high hills surrounding the place, 
 from the summit of which the walls could be knocked 
 down by pieces of artillery ? 
 
VELLORE FORTRESS: CROCODILES 261 
 
 According to the custom of the country there come 
 at times strange men who, as a sacrifice for their sins, 
 throw themselves into this ditch. The Mahomedans 
 often sacrifice buffaloes, cows, goats, et cetera, and all 
 this forms the food of the crocodiles. Da,ud Khan, 
 when he mastered the fortress, had all the thieves 
 caught in the army thrown to these crocodiles. This 
 he did by way of a thanksgiving sacrifice for the 
 reduction of a place of such fame. This is what 
 they ordinarily do to secure good success in their 
 designs. 
 
 18 
 
PART IV 
 
 DA,UD KHAN VISITS SAN THOME 
 
 AFTER Da,ud Khan had taken the fortress of Pilconda 
 (Penukonda), as already stated, he came to San Thome 
 in the month of November (1706). Before entering 
 the town he rested for one day and one night in my 
 house, situated at the foot of Monte Grande (the Great 
 Mount, of which I have already spoken). I was unable 
 to go out myself to meet him by reason of the heavy 
 rain then falling. 
 
 The following day he came on to San Thome, and 
 went straight to see the Lord Bishop, prostrating him- 
 self at his feet, as is their custom in the case of religious 
 mendicants. The bishop received him in the church 
 with music and instruments. On his leaving he pre- 
 sented three hundred and fifty rupees to the household 
 of the said Most Illustrious, and then retired to his 
 tents. 
 
 As I was anxious to pay him a visit, the Governor 
 of Madras, Thomas Pitt, asked me to go in company of 
 the envoys he must that day send. I acceded to the 
 governor's wishes. 
 
 The envoys were the following : Mester Rabart 
 (Raworth) and Mester Fedorik (Frederick), both of 
 the Council ; the third Mester Devenport (Davenport), 
 secretary, the fourth Mester Canosbin (Coningsby), 
 both well-born, well-instructed young men of good 
 carriage. Joined with them was the doctor of 
 the Honourable Company, called Doctor Botler 
 (Bulkley). 
 
 263 
 
264 ENGLISH DEPUTATION VISITS DA,UD KHAN 
 
 The four above-mentioned gentlemen were mounted 
 on handsome Arabian and Persian horses, while the 
 doctor and I were in palanquins. During the march 
 there went in front one hundred halberdiers, men of 
 the country ; behind them were carried two flags, and 
 after these marched sixty-two European soldiers, 
 commanded by a sergeant. We went on and found 
 Da,ud Khan in a large tent erected on the sea-shore, 
 and fitted with carpets. He was seated on a small 
 bedstead and clothed in simple raiment. On our 
 entering the tent he rose and embraced us all, then 
 made us sit near him. He displayed much urbanity, 
 and was most courteous. After exchanging compli- 
 ments, we passed an hour and a half in conversation 
 with him. He professed himself a warm friend of the 
 governor, praising his good administration. 
 
 Upon giving us our leave he presented us each with 
 an emerald ring worth two hundred rupees, and placed 
 in the hands of Mester Rabart (Raworth) a jewel to be 
 presented to the governor ; it was worth five hundred 
 rupees. He remarked that he was sending it in 
 sign of remembrance, and he would be glad to meet 
 him and drink a glass or two to his health in his 
 company. 
 
 The next day the governor sent him a messenger, 
 a person of standing, with many compliments, to say 
 that he would expect him during his march. Da,ud 
 Khan started, but half-way reflected that the English 
 would never permit his entry with a number of 
 retainers and that some dispute might arise between 
 the soldiers on both sides. Thus, stipulating with 
 me to get his salute of guns from the city, he halted. 
 He proposed going to a garden belonging to an 
 English resident of that city, and sent word to the 
 governor that from certain reasons he had changed 
 his mind as to his visit. At once there started to greet 
 him the same Englishmen as specified above, and with 
 them a young man, a private merchant named Mester 
 Lester (Lister), son-in-law of Daniel Chardin, also a 
 
A BANQUET AND PRESENTS 265 
 
 famous merchant, and much esteemed by him (Da,ud 
 Khan). I, too, was of the company. 
 
 The banquet which had been prepared was carried 
 to the garden along with several cases of good wine. 
 When the meal was finished they made him a present 
 of eight pieces of broad-cloth of various colours, 
 different pieces of silver plate, such as candlesticks, 
 fan-boxes, basins, inkstands, boxes, scent-sprinklers, 
 et cetera, two large mirrors in gilt frames, several 
 chests of liqueurs, Persian wine, and rose-water, 
 a large quantity of dried fruit, almonds, walnuts, 
 filberts, pistachios, apricots, et cetera, the whole 
 amounting in cost to seven thousand rupees. The 
 Nawab, pleased and satisfied, resumed his journey, 
 and passed six days in San Thome. I felt it my 
 duty to pay him a visit every day in return for 
 the obligations I was under, and also because he 
 asked me. 
 
 As Da,ud Khan was suffering from sciatic pains, he 
 sent a man to beg the governor of this place (Madras) 
 to do him the favour of lending him the services of his 
 medical man to treat him. In reply the governor sent 
 his doctor with all the articles requisite. 
 
 At this time (when Da,ud Khan was laid up) the 
 Lord Bishop went to pay him a visit, and gave him a 
 present of some torches and candles of white wax. 
 He explained that he was a poor "darvesh" and had 
 no wealth with which to find presents. He was 
 received most courteously. On the next day Da,ud 
 Khan went to see him, and said good-bye. He was 
 received in the way I have already described, and 
 once more he gave the bishop three hundred and fifty 
 rupees. He drank a considerable quantity of wine, 
 and the principal Portuguese inhabitants, to the 
 number of four, were present. 
 
 One day before his departure I went to take my 
 
 leave. We then had a long conversation, and he 
 
 expressed his approval of the liqueurs and cordials 
 
 that on several occasions I had forwarded. I now 
 
 18* 
 
266 DA,UD KHAN'S DEPARTURE 
 
 presented some more. He gave me a present of a 
 costly set of robes, and of three hundred and fifty 
 rupees. He added that it was only a small sum, and 
 must be made over to the little children in my house ; 
 and he would not ask me to accompany him, so as to 
 spare me the fatigue of the march, I being a man 
 already getting on in years. He begged me to con- 
 tinue my friendship as before, and he would never 
 forget me. 
 
 During the conversation a dispatch-rider arrived 
 from the court with a number of letters. Among 
 them was one from Zu,lfiqar Khan, of whom I have 
 already spoken. By it he entrusted him with some 
 business, and also in it directed him to make over to 
 me seven hundred rupees as a present. Da,ud Khan 
 executed this second commission on the spot. That 
 noble (Zu,lfiqar Khan) had been condescending 
 enough to write to me several times to ask for some 
 lotions and medicines, by means of which his wife, 
 who suffered from her eyes, had been cured. 
 
 Da,ud Khan started, and took with him the doctor. 
 Before they left he gave him one hundred and fifty 
 gold pagodas, which comes to five hundred and twenty 
 rupees in silver, and a valuable set of robes. 
 
 MARRIAGE OF F. MARTIN'S GRANDDAUGHTER 
 
 Two days after the departure of these French 
 captains the marriage took place of the Lord Governor 
 Martin's granddaughter to Monsieur Ardancour 
 (Hardancourt), commissary and second councillor. 
 A grand banquet was given, followed by music and 
 dancing, at which were also present the son of 
 Governor Ruberto (Gabriel Roberts) of the fortress 
 of Tevanapatam, and a councillor called Mester Barlu 
 (Mr. Berleu). When the festivities were ended, they 
 returned to Tevanapatam, and I in their company, 
 wishing to pay a visit to Governor Ruberto (Roberts), 
 
F. MARTIN ILL 267 
 
 my old friend. This gentleman received me with 
 great politeness, and after several healths were drunk 
 we had music and dancing. 
 
 In the midst of this joyous intercourse there reached 
 me, almost at midnight, a mounted orderly bearing a 
 letter, which recalled me with all urgency to Pondi- 
 cherry. I was wanted at once to treat the Lord 
 Governor Martin, who was seriously ill. Upon 
 hearing this sad news I and the rest of the company 
 were much pained, not merely at having to break up 
 our feast, but equally at learning of the grave indis- 
 position of an old and affectionate friend. At once I 
 was given my leave to depart, on condition of paying 
 another visit to Tevanapatam, which I promised 
 to do. 
 
 I began my journey at once, and at break of day 
 arrived in Pondicherry. I found the good old man, 
 then seventy-three years of age, in a high fever, with 
 pains in the head, absence of sleep, and other symp- 
 toms. I started on the treatment forthwith, and held 
 a consultation with the doctors of the Royal Com- 
 pany, one of whom was named Monsieur Maquari, 
 and the other Monsieur Albert. By our efforts and 
 the drugs we administered he was placed out of 
 danger, and by dieting and care was restored to 
 perfect health. 
 
 Not to break my word, and in compliance with the 
 messages sent me, I went back to Tevanapatam, to 
 the contentment of all my friends ; thence back to 
 Pondicherry, and finally back to my own house in 
 Madras. Here I received news that a Monsieur 
 Delavale, a married man and resident of Juncalam 
 (Ujung Salang), a land belonging to the King of Siam, 
 had turned pirate. It is three years ago that he 
 came to Madras in the guise of a merchant. I gave 
 him money to trade with, as did many other persons 
 of this settlement. Having acquired enough money 
 and a supply of goods in this country, he left it. 
 To disabuse his creditors of any hope they entertained 
 
268 FRENCH PIRATES 
 
 of being repaid at any rate, the capital amount he 
 captured an English boat loaded with cloth from 
 Bengal, and took its captain a prisoner. 
 
 The governor of the place (Ujung Salang), on the 
 facts being reported, sent orders to seize Delavale ; 
 but he fled, followed by all his companions, taking 
 with him the prisoner, but abandoning his house and 
 wife. The governor of the country took possession 
 of his wife and of all the merchandise. Monsieur 
 Delavale sought refuge in another province of the 
 same kingdom, ruled over by a man who was an enemy 
 to the other governor. The followers of this pirate 
 Delavale are two in number, one called Monsieur 
 Masson, the other Monsieur de Roubal. These events 
 have caused such consternation among the merchants, 
 that not one of them will venture on a voyage to that 
 port. 
 
 FAMILY TROUBLES OF A FRENCH DOCTOR. MANUCCI 
 CONCERNED 
 
 [A certain French doctor being on bad terms with 
 his wife, she left him, and, taking her youngest son 
 with her, fled to her relations at Lahor.] 
 
 The afflicted surgeon made great efforts to recover his 
 little son, but never succeeded. The child's detainers 
 were too strongly protected. Maria de Ataides taught 
 him in the Mahomedan way, and he learned to read the 
 Quran. The Maria de Ataides in question had an 
 ancient eunuch in her service who directed her house- 
 hold. He was a very avaricious man, and advised 
 his mistress to kill her niece and take possession 
 of her property. The lady, without further con- 
 sideration, accepted the proposal, and gave her niece 
 poison. 
 
 While the niece was in the throes of death, an old 
 woman-servant of hers came secretly to call me in. 
 I started in all haste, but did not arrive in time to 
 be of any use to her, the whole of her body having 
 
MANUCCI HELPS THE PHYSICIAN'S SON 269 
 
 already become black. Therefore, when I had enjoined 
 her to ask God's forgiveness, she called upon the name 
 of Jesus as well as she could, and shortly afterwards 
 expired. When the surgeon heard of his wife's death 
 he was quite happy, and over and over again asked 
 the king for leave to return to his own country, but 
 all in vain. Once more he wrote a letter to Maria de 
 Ataides, in which he said she ought to send back his 
 son at once. If she did not, he had decided to make 
 the boy over to Begum Sahib, who would send men to 
 seize him. 
 
 Maria de Ataides was annoyed at this threat, and 
 was, in addition, afraid of some censure against her 
 being issued by the court. Thus she had the boy 
 circumcised at once, and continued his training in 
 Mahomedan tenets. Whenever I had the opportunity 
 I never omitted to console the boy, to teach him, and 
 to hold out hopes that his father would still be of 
 some benefit to him. Seeing that the youth received 
 consolation from, and believed in, my words, and 
 being also anxious to deliver him from Mahomedanism, 
 I took the liberty of saying to him that if he wanted 
 to leave that house and go to his father, I would help 
 him, and provide the necessary expenses. I knew 
 that his father was waiting for him, and meant to 
 marry him to the daughter of the officer in command 
 of the fortress of Daman, who was providing her 
 with a dowry of twenty thousand rupees. To these 
 overtures the youth replied that he would carry out 
 all my orders. At once, and in secret, I found four 
 guardians who could represent the youth before the 
 courts if, upon obtaining his liberty, he should en- 
 deavour to recover part of what belonged to his 
 mother. The youth left the house secretly and joined 
 these guardians, who were waiting. They took him 
 without delay to the qazVs court, a man who was my 
 friend, and to whom I had in addition recommended 
 this client's interests in the shape of some presents I 
 had given him. 
 
270 COUNSELS OF NO AVAIL 
 
 The guardians' action was such that the boy Ignatio 
 was restored to liberty, and recovered something, 
 though nothing of consequence, out of what had 
 belonged to his mother. This small effort cost me 
 two thousand rupees, which equals one thousand 
 patacas. I reported to his father, then at the court in 
 Dihli, what had been managed, at the same time ad- 
 vising him that as soon as his son arrived he should 
 send him into Portuguese territory, so as to be 
 protected from Mahomedan outrage. 
 
 When Ignatio reached the paternal dwelling he 
 was very pleased, but, finding that his father was not 
 sending him away from Mahomedan territory, as I 
 had suggested, he said to him : " My father, why do 
 you keep me in the house and do not at once send me 
 into Portuguese territory ? Do you not see that one 
 of these days the Mahomedans will come to steal me?" 
 The ignorant father answered that he kept him in his 
 house to revenge himself on Maria de Ataides, and to 
 be able to recover the plunder that his wife had robbed 
 him of. What an impossibility ! 
 
 Thus my counsels were of no use to him, nor did in 
 aught avail the words and repeated insistence of his 
 son. We shall see what things came to pass. After 
 twelve days the men of Maria de Ataides went to 
 Dibit, and, asserting that the youth was in his father's 
 house, they went before the king, and recounted to 
 him the above circumstances. Forthwith the king 
 ordered soldiers to be sent to seize the youth and 
 bring him to the presence. As soon as the king saw 
 him he appointed him one of his pages, with charge of 
 carrying his sword during audience, being a well- 
 formed and graceful youth. Then after some years 
 he was appointed captain of artillery, and at the present 
 time is married and has sons and daughters. 
 
 The old surgeon stayed on at court without obtain- 
 ing leave to depart. Then he decided on flight from 
 Aurangabad for Daman. This he managed to do, but 
 
FATE OF THE FRENCH PHYSICIAN 271 
 
 the end was not favourable. At the time I arrived at 
 Surat orders had been received to catch the surgeon, 
 who had fled from the court. He was very easy to 
 recognise, for he bore a knife scar across his face from 
 one ear to the other, due to a wound inflicted by one 
 of his compatriots. I was then in Dihlt newly from 
 Persia. The governor, in his attempts to find the 
 surgeon, learnt that a surgeon (that being I) had arrived 
 from court. 
 
 At once he sent off a messenger to my house, who 
 informed me, on behalf of the governor, that I must at 
 once appear in his presence. At that time I had fever, 
 and the insolent fellow (they are all like that) would 
 not take my excuses, or accept the complimentary 
 message I sent to the governor, whose name was 
 Cartalapan (Kar-talab-Khan). The man spoke with 
 great rudeness, and made as if he meant to take me 
 away by force. At this movement I lost patience, and, 
 getting to my feet, gave him several shoe strokes, and 
 threw him downstairs. Thus, beaten as he was, he 
 returned to the presence of the governor with outcries, 
 making out a little more than he had suffered. As the 
 governor was a cautious man, he sent a person of 
 standing, making over to him a letter from the court, 
 in which was entered the mark on the face as a means 
 of recognising the surgeon. 
 
 On his reaching my house, as soon as I saw him I 
 recognised that we were old friends. He reported the 
 facts to the governor, and he sent word to me that as 
 soon as I was well again he would come to see me. 
 Three days having elapsed, the fever left me, and I 
 repaired to the governor's. I was well received by 
 him, as he required medicines from me. Whilst we 
 were in conversation they brought in the surgeon. 
 He was taken away that night to another house, and 
 next morning was sent back to court. These events 
 took place in 1680, in the month of September. In 
 1686 the king consented to his leaving, looking on him 
 as a man already old -and no longer of any use. 
 
272 WARNINGS TO TRAVELLERS 
 
 This same doctor in 1672 had another mishap. 
 Being then, as I have said, desirous of leaving for 
 Europe, he expended seven thousand rupees on dia- 
 monds. He showed his purchase to a young man 
 who in his wanderings had arrived at his house. 
 Being a fellow-countryman, he placed great faith in 
 him, and never dreamt of his plotting treachery against 
 him. 
 
 One day when the doctor had gone to make his 
 appearance at court, the ungrateful youth opened the 
 casket with a key that he had got made, and took the 
 diamonds and as much money as seemed to him neces- 
 sary for expenses. He then fled. He might have 
 carried off a great deal more than he actually took, but 
 this he refrained from doing, not wishing to carry such 
 a weight as would hinder the celerity of his movements. 
 When the surgeon returned from the audience hall to 
 his house, he perceived the loss he had suffered. By 
 much exertion he sent off different persons in many 
 directions to search for the thief. He also wrote to the 
 (European) factors living at the seaports. But all his 
 efforts produced no results, for never more was that 
 young man heard of. It may well be that he was 
 robbed by other thieves and his life taken, as on many 
 occasions I have seen happen. 
 
 I pray the prudent reader not to grow angry at such 
 advice, but if I write it so often, I do it solely to warn 
 any inquiring traveller who may wish to wander 
 through the world, and teach him at others' cost how 
 to look after himself. In voyaging prudence is re- 
 quired, and, above all, patience, for in most instances 
 it is only through the rashness of youth that such 
 difficulties arise ; and men are generally the originators 
 of their own ruin, and may even risk the loss of life. 
 The following story may serve as an example : 
 
 When I was a youth, at the beginning of Aurangzeb's 
 reign, it was my custom to go out on Thursdays. On 
 that day there is a great concourse of men and ladies 
 of the city (Dihli) who come out to visit sepulchres and 
 
MANUCCI AS SWASHBUCKLER 273 
 
 obtain recreation in the gardens of Khwajah Qutb-ud- 
 din, outside the city of Dihii as I have said before 
 some to pray and some to enjoy themselves. I, too, 
 went to take the air in those gardens. I was also 
 curious to see certain festivals that it is usual to hold 
 several times in the year in the fields and gardens, and 
 on the banks of streams, reservoirs, et cetera. 
 
 While returning one day from the garden of Khwajah 
 Qutb-ud-dm on the way to my house, I saw a carriage 
 coming a long way off. It withdrew out of the direct 
 road, and went down into the open fields. Seeing this 
 manoeuvre, I assumed that it had moved out of the 
 highway for fear that I might do it some harm. I 
 knew that in the carnage was a public dancing girl ; it 
 was surrounded by fifteen pages, and followed by a 
 horseman. Without taking time to reflect, I turned 
 my steps with all possible speed towards the carriage, 
 shouting to it to stop. It paid no attention, however, 
 to my voice, but went on its way peacefully. 
 
 Seeing that I was not obeyed, I decided to make a 
 display of courage, so I seized a stick, and, going up to 
 the carriage, gave the pages several blows. Seeing 
 that the game was not a joke, these men followed the 
 example of the horseman, abandoned the carriage and 
 took to their heels. At that point I raised the cloth 
 that covered the carriage, and saw the dancer. I 
 gave her some abusive language, not forgetting, how- 
 ever, to keep my eyes open to see if succour was on 
 its way. 
 
 This precaution of mine was not uncalled for, since 
 at this moment I saw afar off a troop of cavalry coming 
 in my direction. I left the carriage at once and directed 
 my steps slowly towards the horsemen in question, 
 while I adjusted my turban firmly on my head, and 
 handled my sword to see that it would come easily out 
 of the scabbard, just as if I was making ready for a 
 fight, should I be opposed. During this interval I had 
 drawn near the horsemen, making these preparations 
 meanwhile. They now drew rein ; one of them, how- 
 
274 NOTHING HAPPENS 
 
 ever, who was in advance, came on towards me. In 
 spite of having his face half concealed, I could see he 
 was a man of some age. When he was near me he 
 spoke to me politely and modestly. However, I gave 
 no answer to his words, and went on my way with 
 niy eye fixed steadily on the other horsemen, who 
 were standing still. I believed they meant to bar 
 my way. I was greatly mistaken, however, for on 
 my passing quite close not a man of them said a thing 
 to me. 
 
 The following day I made the same excursion, 
 taking my lance with me this time. While I was in a 
 plain of some size and fairly level, I saw the carriage 
 of the previous day a little off the road guarded by 
 some horsemen. I knew at once that these were the 
 same men as before. Nevertheless, not to show that 
 I had any fear of them, I would not retrace my steps, 
 but continued my journey, flourishing my lance about 
 a bit, until I was quite close to them. Then the elderly 
 horseman, with the greatest politeness and a smiling 
 face, asked the favour of speaking a word with me. 
 Directly I heard the voice I stood still, and turning 
 towards him the point of my lance, I asked what it 
 was he wanted. 
 
 He answered modestly that he was the brother of 
 Allahwirdt Khan, that he had fallen in love with this 
 dancer, on which account the king had reduced his 
 high pay. Out of love for her he endured all this 
 hardship, and gave up everything. Therefore he 
 asked me the favour of permitting him to go and 
 come freely. Without changing my position I 
 answered that I granted what he asked, on con- 
 dition, however, of his throwing over the carriage a 
 scarlet covering, so that I might identify it. He 
 answered that he would do so, and went away after 
 saying good-bye. 
 
 The man's name was Mirza Arjanj, brother of that 
 Allahwirdi Khan who betrayed Prince Shah Shuja' 
 when he delivered battle against Aurangzeb, as will 
 
YOUTHFUL ESCAPADES 275 
 
 have been seen already in my First Part. This Mirza 
 Arjanj, being resolute in not giving up the said dancer, 
 was content that the king should take away two 
 hundred horses from his command, and leave him only 
 ten, with twelve thousand rupees of yearly pay. He 
 endeavoured to become friendly with me, but I 
 declined to waste my time on him or put any trust 
 in him. 
 
 One day, while I was out on one of the above 
 excursions, I amused myself in those gardens for 
 longer than usual, and night came on before I had 
 half completed my journey. By the light of the moon, 
 which was now very bright, I observed coming to- 
 wards me some strings of camels and oxen laden with 
 goods, guarded by mounted soldiers. To afford 
 myself a bit of a game, I drew my sword and charged 
 them, with shouts of " Mora, mora ! " (Maro, Maro ! 
 (" Strike, strike ! ") On hearing my cries, all the men 
 fled and abandoned the animals. When I had arrived 
 quite close, and found there was no one there, I rode 
 my horse in all directions, crying out that I was only 
 joking. Moreover, I was no thief, therefore let them 
 return and look after their animals. My voice was 
 given to the winds, since no one appeared. I resumed 
 my journey and made for my house. Afterwards I 
 learnt that it was the baggage of a viceroy, who was 
 proceeding to his government of the province of 
 Ajmer ; but no one over found out that it was I who 
 had caused the stampede. 
 
 It is the custom in the Mogul country for the royal 
 elephants, whether those meant for war or those 
 which fight before the king, to be kept outside the 
 city near the gardens. They stand in a field below 
 some trees, they are bound with heavy chains, and 
 their keepers live with them. I once went at night to 
 tease these animals with fireworks. They broke their 
 chains and rushed wildly over the fields, doing a great 
 deal of damage. Next I received word that some 
 cavalry soldiers had been posted on guard to seize 
 
276 MANUCCI'S HOUSE AT BIG MOUNT ATTACKED 
 
 the insolent intruder ; thus I forbore to molest the 
 elephants any more. Just let the judicious reader 
 imagine what would have been my punishment had I 
 been taken, and into what disgrace I should have 
 fallen. To-day, although now in old age, when I 
 remember this and other similar escapades I com- 
 mitted, I never fail to sigh over them and grieve at m}' 
 misdeeds. 
 
 I must not forget to tell what happened to me on 
 the day of the Virgin's Feast that is, on December 18, 
 1705. It was at Monte Grande (Big Mount) at three 
 o'clock in the afternoon. I was in the middle of 
 entertaining several guests, who on that day never 
 fail to appear, for a great crowd assembles there for 
 this solemnity. 
 
 While I was in the middle of conversation with my 
 friends, men of different nations, I noticed that a 
 serious dispute was going on at my gate. My servants 
 were hindering the entrance of certain audacious 
 persons who wanted to come in by force. I, too, 
 proceeded to the spot. Although I saw they did not 
 mean to listen to argument, all the same I attempted 
 to prevent any violence, but quite in vain. The 
 insolent fellows persisted in their attack, but were 
 finally put to flight. 
 
 There remained in our hands the captain of the 
 men ; he was a Brahman officer, who ruled over some 
 villages not far from Big Mount. He was drunk. 1 
 ordered the man to be tied to a tree over against my 
 gate, and he received a good thrashing. He was then 
 taken before the Mahomedan governor (faujdar) 
 Mulla Murad, in San Thome. He is the present 
 governor of the territory, and is a nominee of the 
 great diwan and minister of the Karnatik. 
 
 When the captive reached tfiefattjddr's, the principal 
 officers and some of his relations presented themselves. 
 They tried hard to throw the whole blame of the 
 misdeed upon me, and they accused me as the culprit. 
 Some of the Mahomedan officials supported their 
 
MANUCCI AND SHAH 'ALAM 277 
 
 contentions. The judicious governor was not taken 
 in by these fabrications, but on dismissing my servants 
 he sent me a letter full of ceremonious expressions. 
 He paid no heed to the contrary suggestions of the 
 Brahmans, my enemies. 
 
 Perhaps he had doubts that if he had acted other- 
 wise he would be either reproved from court or dis- 
 missed from his office. He knew very well that the 
 chief ministers were my friends. The man who has 
 no friends in these lands is nowadays despised, and it 
 is of no use for him to be in the right. 
 
 As it seems to me, I have not explained in detail 
 the way in which I was treated when in the service 
 of the Prince Shah 'Alam. Now, to demonstrate once 
 more their policy, their style of government, and the 
 mode in which their business is done, also how much 
 the ladies at this court can accomplish, I will resume 
 the subject. By this means the reader will learn what 
 is the value of friends upon occasion. 
 
 There was at the court of the Prince Shah 'Alam 
 a European blood-letter who, when he entered the 
 service, was granted two rupees a day. This was 
 done by the influence of the chief physician, Muhammad 
 Muqfm, of whom I failed not to speak on other occa- 
 sions. The blood-letter, finding the prince had a good 
 opinion of him, and having by this time acquired a 
 little money, made a most unreasonable demand from 
 the prince to the detriment of the said physician. He 
 said to the prince that Muhammad Muqim had an 
 annual salary of over one hundred thousand rupees, 
 besides the other great profits that he received. But 
 Muqfm was not any wiser than he, the European, 
 was, and therefore he, too, was worth quite as much 
 pay. The prince, upon hearing this preposterous 
 claim, was much put out, but concealed the fact, and 
 gave not a word of reply. The physician Muhammad 
 Muqfm heard of the affair by means of his friends. 
 He was much annoyed, but made no sign, and did not 
 betray his feelings in the least. 
 
278 MANUCCI AND MUHAMMAD MUQlM 
 
 I had already been known in the empire for many 
 years when I reached the court after the heavy loss 
 of money in Portuguese territory of which I have 
 already spoken. I was then much in need of money 
 for my support. As soon as my arrival was heard 
 of, I was at once invited by the prince and several 
 of his princesses to accept service with him. The 
 message was conveyed to me through a eunuch 
 of some standing named Meccaian (? Miskin). To 
 this proposal I replied that I would be really glad 
 to accept the honour done to me by His Highness, 
 but I must decline to accept his service unless 
 the physician, Muhammad Muqfm, conducted the 
 negotiations with me. Thereupon it was at once 
 ordered that he should present me to the prince, as 
 is the custom. 
 
 At this time Shah 'Alam was making his prepara- 
 tions for starting to take charge of the Dakhin. The 
 physician Muhammad Muqim, remembering what the 
 European blood-letter had done to him, feared the 
 same conduct from me also. He further reflected 
 that I had cured several persons of quality whom he 
 had given up as beyond hope, whence he was afraid 
 he might lose his reputation and be ejected from the 
 service. Thus, in spite of his promises, he took no 
 steps to push my interests. 
 
 The leading princess, as a sign of her affection for 
 me, sent me food daily, and made me presents of 
 different kinds of fruit. Seeing that the date of depar- 
 ture was close at hand, she asked my permission to 
 deal herself with the prince on my behalf, since the 
 physician had done nothing. Before this, I had re- 
 quested her not to speak on the subject. My reply to 
 her now was, that I begged as a favour she would 
 not speak to the prince on the subject, as I had left 
 it to the discretion of the physician. This I said in 
 spite of my being in great straits from the want of 
 money, and my sufferings from the persecutions of 
 my adversaries, the aforesaid (European) blood-letter 
 
MANUCCI HIDES HIMSELF 379 
 
 (of the prince) and the (European) surgeon of the 
 king, of whom I have spoken above. I stood strong 
 and firm in my decision in order to prove to the 
 physician, Muhammad Muqim, and those others, the 
 vast difference there was between one person and 
 another, and that he might see my upright modes 
 of action. 
 
 I held my tongue for several days, looking out for 
 some movement on the physician's part. Finally, 
 seeing that he was not forwarding my interests, in 
 spite of his making a great show of wishing me well, 
 I left the court, gave up my house, and took refuge in 
 the house of a friend named Luis Gonzalves, intending 
 subsequently to remove to the city of Lahor, where I 
 had lived for a number of years. On the day that 
 I disappeared the princess as usual sent me some 
 gifts of food. When it was reported to her that I 
 had gone, and it was not known where (the news 
 reached her rather late) she was much grieved. She 
 shut herself up in her room, and would not go to 
 the garden to join the prince as was her custom. 
 He passed his time there listening to music and other 
 pastimes. 
 
 The prince noticed the absence of the princess. 
 Not aware of the cause, he sent to invite her, letting 
 her know that he was waiting in the garden most 
 impatiently, for without her there could be no joy. 
 The princess, aware of the great love the prince bore 
 to her, sent back to say that she had been kept awake 
 and troubled by a slight ailment ; would he, therefore, 
 excuse her for that day? Hardly had the news 
 reached the prince's ear, than he quitted the entertain- 
 ment, and with all possible haste made for her apart- 
 ments. He saw she had nothing the matter beyond 
 being in low spirits, so he pressed her to tell him the 
 cause of her melancholy. 
 
 But the princess in a graceful way made excuses, 
 just exactly as ladies do when they are intent on 
 having their own way. Finally, being forced into 
 
2 8o SEARCH FOR MANUCCI 
 
 consenting to explain her ill-humour, she said it all 
 sprang from the thought that His Highness did not 
 love her to the extent that he asserted ; because, if his 
 love were really such, he would not have neglected to 
 entertain at court, and taken into his service, the 
 physician Manuchi, a man who knew her constitution, 
 a man who had nursed her as a little child in his 
 arms. 
 
 Taking her by the hand, to these words the prince 
 replied that when morning came he would send in 
 search of me, and pledged his word of honour that he 
 would do so. Women can do much, and demand a 
 good deal as soon as they perceive that they are held 
 in estimation. On this occasion, that was how the 
 princess acted ; therefore she replied to the prince that 
 that very moment he must write an order to the 
 principal eunuch, Nazir Daulat, directing him to send 
 off a troop of soldiers, who at the time were on guard, 
 to trace me out. Prince Shah 'Alam gave way to the 
 wishes of the princess, and the soldiers, rushing about 
 all night, made a fruitless search for me. 
 
 However, they came in the end to know that if I 
 were in any place in the suburbs of the city, 1 should 
 not be found anywhere else than at the king's artillery 
 park, in the house of my great friend, Luis Gonzalves. 
 In fact, when it was already full daylight, being seated 
 in the garden, I observed one of the prince's guard 
 thrusting his head in at the door, but as soon as he 
 saw me he withdrew it at once. Having seen this 
 man, I was a little reassured, guessing what it might 
 be for, when in a moment or two there entered twelve 
 troopers in the highest glee. They treated me most 
 ceremoniously, and in a few words conveyed to me 
 that the prince was waiting for me, and I must start 
 quickly. 
 
 At these words I pretended to turn a little uneasy, 
 as if they had need of me for some case of illness. 
 They assured me that everybody was in good health, 
 and I was sent for solely with a view to do me honour. 
 
FRIENDS AT COURT 281 
 
 The men urged me to start, and, to tell the truth, I was 
 extremely eager myself, yet concealed it, and gave 
 signs of the exact contrary of what I desired. I told 
 them to let me go to sleep, during which time they, 
 too, could sit down and rest. To sum up, we began 
 our journey about nine o'clock in the morning. 
 
 Meanwhile, let us look at what was going on about 
 me at the court. By this time the princess had given 
 up hoping for my return, and carried her lamentations 
 to the prince. Shah 'Alam went forth to hold audience, 
 and asked his chief minister and counsellor, Casmir 
 (Qazi Mir), where Manucci had gone to. The Qazi, 
 knowing nothing about my disappearance, replied that 
 I was in the city. Shah 'Alam then ordered him to 
 include me among the servants of His Highness. Upon 
 receipt of this order, Qazi Mir suggested that Manucci 
 had heavy expenses ; it was therefore necessary to 
 give him an honourable rate of pay. The prince 
 thought over this for a little, and then instructed him 
 that he should give me seven rupees a day, the sum 
 that his blood-letter had received. My friend Qazi 
 Mir put on a dejected air, and made this suggestion : 
 " Your Highness ought to know that the father of 
 your blood-letter was barber to the father of Manucci ; 
 thus he would never accept that rate of pay." 
 
 At these words, another friend of mine who was 
 present, named Mirecautaula, came forward three 
 paces, and, making obeisance, said, " If Your Highness 
 permits me to speak, I will inform him of what I 
 know about Manucci." The prince turned his eyes in 
 his direction, and with a smiling face said he might 
 speak. Mirecautaula then started : " Does Your High- 
 ness know that Nawab Mahabat Khan offered him 
 through me three hundred rupees a month, with a 
 palanquin, robes, and food, yet Manucci would not 
 enter his service ? " Having said this much, he bowed 
 and returned to his place. The prince asked him 
 whether, if he were to offer me three hundred rupees 
 a month, create me man$abdar (noble) of the court, 
 19* 
 
*8* A GOOD APPOINTMENT 
 
 would I accept? Mirecautaula replied: "Maybe he 
 will agree, this being a royal establishment." The 
 prince ordered Qazi Mir to settle with me, and obtain 
 my consent. This is the way they are accustomed to 
 act in this court when they want to give a helping 
 hand to anyone. 
 
 While this was in progress, I arrived at the house of 
 my friend, Qazi Mir, not far from the court. He was 
 not long in making his appearance. As he was 
 coming in at the door, I went to meet him with the 
 usual compliments, but with a very long face, in spite 
 of my knowing all that had taken place. The moment 
 he saw me he put his hands to his sides, halted, and 
 showed all the signs of being quite worn out, telling 
 me : " To-day I laboured in a cause which very seldom 
 is carried to success in the Mogul court ; you are 
 already made a servant of the Prince Shah 'Alam, and 
 have as pay three hundred rupees a month, and in 
 addition you are a noble of the court." 
 
 With a humble countenance, making an obeisance, I 
 rendered him sincere asseverations of my gratitude. 
 But Qazi Mir, observing that I had not changed my 
 expression one little bit, nor shown any sign of 
 gladness, came to the conclusion that I was dis- 
 satisfied. Therefore, coming closer to me, he 
 suggested that for the time being I ought to accept the 
 pay that had been fixed. He could assure me it would 
 very soon be increased, and this he repeated at least 
 twice. 
 
 Discovering by these remarks that he had not 
 perceived that I was more than content, in order to 
 let him see the truth, I drew back one pace, and 
 lifting my head and my voice, I said : " I accept with 
 all goodwill the honour that, through your mediation, 
 His Highness has done me, and I live in the hope of 
 receiving through your protection still greater." Thus 
 did I reassure Qazi Mir, and inform him that I was 
 satisfied. Embracing me, he took me by the hand and 
 led me into the house. We had dinner together, then 
 
ROYAL BLOOD-LETTING 283 
 
 he presented me with a horse (which I was much in 
 want of) and a valuable set of robes, thereupon I 
 returned to my own house. 
 
 As soon as I reached my house, the princess sent me 
 her usual gift of food, together with a thousand rupees, 
 giving me to understand that this money should serve 
 as a help for the expenses I might have to incur in 
 connection with the ensuing march, which was to begin 
 a few days afterwards. 
 
 The eunuch Nazir Daulat sent a man to call me, 
 whereupon I paid him a visit and sat down in his 
 presence. On seeing me he shook his head and said : 
 11 You are the man who had the royal gates opened at 
 unsanctioned hours, a thing never allowed in the royal 
 palace." I replied that to have the royal gateway 
 opened at that hour was due to the generosity of His 
 Highness, who desired to favour a foreigner. 
 
 This man (Daulat) was a great friend of mine, as I 
 experienced on many necessary occasions, as will have 
 been seen. In opposition to the habits of his class, he 
 was of a good disposition, and very liberal. He had 
 sixty horses in his stalls, and sixty camels loaded with 
 pieces of cloth and other valuables. His tent was like 
 a general's, and in his suite were noble horsemen. He 
 was much esteemed at the court because he behaved 
 prudently ; his income was very large, owing to the 
 offices he held, and his words were listened to by the 
 prince. 
 
 I likewise give an account of the manner in which it 
 is usual to bleed the princes, at what seasons it is 
 done, and what happened to me on such occasions. 
 
 Ordinarily the princes and princesses have them- 
 selves bled twice in the month of March, and the 
 interval between the two bleedings does not exceed 
 twenty-four hours. The operation is begun half an 
 hour before the setting of the sun. Three days after- 
 wards they take a purge ; but if necessity demands a 
 shorter interval they do not wait the three days, but 
 are governed by the requirements of the case. In 
 
284 ROYAL BLOOD-LETTING 
 
 the month of September the same procedure is re- 
 peated. 
 
 The first time that Shah 'Alam had blood let by me 
 I was summoned to the Maal (mahat), which means 
 the palace, and went into the saral (sarde) that is, 
 seraglio. He showed me his arm, inquiring if his 
 veins were visible, and asked if I should give him any 
 pain when I drew the blood. When I heard this 
 question, I took hold of his arm, and looking at it, 
 said without a pause that the vein could be opened 
 without the least difficulty, and he would be quite 
 satisfied. I quickly tied his arm with a bandage of 
 fine broad cloth without stretching the skin very 
 much. As I took up my lancet to make the incision, 
 he stopped me, and said I ought to stretch and rub 
 the arm well, as other blood-letters did. I answered 
 that His Highness need not be alarmed, that I knew 
 what I was doing. 
 
 I took hold of the arm again and at once made the 
 incision, opening the vein without going so deep as 
 other practitioners do, by which practice some days 
 must be passed without being able to move the arm. 
 What 1 noticed on this occasion was that the prince 
 betrayed signs of fear, turning away his face until the 
 blood had been taken. It is customary to keep ready 
 for these occasions a set of silver scales and weights ; 
 the basin for receiving the blood is also of silver. 
 
 On the ground is spread a large sheet, in order not 
 to dirty the carpets and floor-cloths ; over the body of 
 the prince is cast another sheet, somewhat smaller. 
 All the princes are present at the operation, as also 
 the principal eunuch, and some under-eunuchs who 
 act as attendants. It is the business of one of these 
 to throw a little charcoal into the blood that is 
 collected from the vein, also a little bit of iron, some 
 small coin, and a few grains of raisins for the preser- 
 vation of the blood. After all these ceremonies they 
 bury the blood in the garden, also performing other 
 customary superstitious observances. When the 
 
MANUCCI'S OFFENDED DIGNITY 285 
 
 incision is made all those who are present make 
 profound bows, adding the words : " May the blood- 
 letting be to your benefit." The same ceremonial is 
 followed in the case of a princess. 
 
 As soon as the surgeon has left the room alms are 
 distributed. When I had finished the blood-letting 
 the prince ordered them to give me four hundred 
 rupees. At the time of my reaching the gate a eunuch 
 handed me the said money on a salver, telling me it 
 was proper for me to make a bow with my face turned 
 towards the palace. I did so, according to the custom 
 of this court. 
 
 When I gave an order to my servant to take charge 
 of the said rupees, the insolent eunuch said to me, " It 
 seems to me you could never have had as much money 
 in all your life." At once I took the salver and emptied 
 out on the ground all the money in it in the presence 
 of the gate-keepers, telling them I made them a present 
 of it. Then I turned to the eunuch : " Do you not 
 know that I am the son of the chief physician of the 
 King of Spain, who is lord over half the world and 
 owns the mines of silver ? My father, being tired and 
 in a hurry, on one occasion missed the vein ; but, 
 seeing that the king required to be bled, he made 
 another stroke, and hit the right place. In spite of 
 this my father was so sorrowful for the error he had 
 committed that the consolation .offered by the king 
 had no effect on him. Therefore, out of the love he 
 bore him, and in the hope of restoring him to 
 happiness, the king gave him a town as large as the 
 town of Sihrind, together with a galleon laden with 
 silver, which had just reached the port of Cadiz. Out 
 of these revenues and moneys my father sends me 
 twenty-four thousand rupees for my expenses, since 
 the pay I receive from this court barely suffices for the 
 expenditure in my kitchen." 
 
 All this I did and said solely to the end that it 
 should not be thought that I was needy, and also to 
 let them know my lofty way of looking at things. My 
 
286 ACCIDENT ATTRIBUTED TO SKILL 
 
 prince, when he knew what had happened, said that he 
 felt I must have been brought up in the midst of 
 riches. He sent me the money over again, recovering 
 it from the porters, and added to it a valuable set of 
 robes and a fine horse. He said he must maintain the 
 customs of his court, but without my being sub- 
 ordinat to anyone, and that I should have entire 
 liberty. 
 
 Another mysterious thing happened to me when 
 first I drew blood from the wife of the prince, called 
 Nurnixam (Nur-un-nissa) Begam. The lady thrust 
 her arm out from the curtain, as is the custom, and, 
 holding my lancet, I moved forward to open the basilic 
 vein. I was still at a distance of six inches from the 
 arm, when suddenly the princess turned round and 
 threw up her arm violently towards the lancet I 
 know not whether through fear, or simply in changing 
 the position of her body. The instrument went into 
 the basilic vein, and blood flowed. 
 
 The prince, who was present, patted me with his 
 hands on the shoulders (a sign of pleasure), and 
 applauded my ability in having opened so skilfully 
 so difficult a vein as the basilic. At this unrehearsed 
 success I cannot tell you how I felt. Pallor spread 
 over my countenance at the thought that all that 
 portion of the lancet which projected from my finger- 
 ends had entered the basilic vein, and might cut the 
 artery. Having this in my mind, I stood watching 
 the blood flow with no little apprehension. However, 
 when four ounces had been lost, I noticed that I had 
 not in any way touched the artery ; on the contrary, I 
 had struck exactly on the basilic, and thus I was 
 reassured without having betrayed my concern. 
 
 The princes who were in attendance, although they 
 had observed the difference ol method in this extrac- 
 tion of blood, nevertheless did not attribute it to 
 accident, but to the dexterity of my hand, and as such 
 they spread it abroad, talking me up as a great master 
 of surgery, although it was really an accident. In 
 
A. LEGRENZI, PHYSICIAN 287 
 
 this way I left the court, after obtaining great honour 
 and valuable gifts, in addition to being praised by 
 everybody. 
 
 I have already spoken of the Persian physicians, 
 and of their inability to believe or admit that European 
 doctors are acquainted with medicine, but I will insert, 
 nevertheless, an instance that occurred in 1679. 
 
 While I was at the court of Shah 'Alam in ^Vuran- 
 gabad, there arrived a Venetian physician named 
 Angelo Legrenzi. He came from Aleppo, having 
 quitted the service of the Most Serene Republic, and 
 at the age of thirty-five had set out in search of fresh 
 fortunes. He had thought out various ideas, and 
 collected in his head many thoughts. 
 
 He came to see me, and delivered to me a letter of 
 recommendation from the Reverend Father Era Ivo, 
 Capuchin, of Surat. I received him with every civility, 
 making an offer to him of a share in my house, 
 including a companion of his called Signor Protazio, 
 a German gentleman. I was highly delighted at his 
 arrival, in the hope of ridding myself of several 
 patients, who all day long came in search of me 
 personally. Forthwith I gave him out to be my rela- 
 tion, in order to obtain him more respect. I took him 
 to the presence of the chief physician, Mamed Muquin 
 (Muhammad Muqim), of whom I have already spoken, 
 with the object of getting him, too, entry to the court, 
 with handsome pay from the prince, and thereby 
 prevent any hindrance to his practising. The chief 
 physician promised me the new-comer should have a 
 place, but patience was required. 
 
 The worthy patrician, seeing how well I was 
 treated, was full of joy, but would not comply with my 
 advice. He showed he was in too great a hurry to 
 enter the prince's service and draw his pay. As a 
 proof of his ability, and that he was not a surgeon, 
 but a physician, he prepared a pamphlet, in which he 
 discoursed on the four principal fevers, of their causes, 
 and the remedies for driving them away. Seeing that 
 
288 A. LEGRENZI, PHYSICIAN (1679) 
 
 he had little confidence in my word, and none at all in 
 that of other friends, I took him with me to the said 
 chief physician; Legrenzi presented the pamphlet, 
 and its contents were explained. 
 
 Muhammad Muqfm, while listening to this talk, 
 seemed pleased and contented, and by his face 
 indicated that he approved of such good arguments. 
 On his side Legrenzi was equally satisfied, in the 
 belief that he had done rather well by presenting his 
 work, which would cause him to be valued at the 
 court. Knowing the contrary, I said to him how 
 much I should rejoice if he met with success. At the 
 time of saying good-bye the chief physician said to 
 him that he could repeat his visit to the court. 
 
 I continued to aid him with a horse and servants, 
 who every day attended to him, for the chief physician 
 lived over half a league from my house. This going 
 and coming lasted for over half a year without the 
 chief physician making over to him any patient, or 
 speaking any more to him. Our patrician did not 
 perceive what it meant. Finally, one day, to undeceive 
 him, Muhammad Muqim ordered one of his servants, 
 an Armenian, called Joseph, who acted as interpreter, 
 to sit down near him. 
 
 Our patrician was offended at this act, and on his 
 return home he reported it to me. I did not know 
 what else to say to him than that we must have 
 patience. The following day he went back to the 
 court, and wasted his time seated there for over three 
 hours. Finally the chief physician accosted him by 
 asking him whether he knew what thing God was. 
 At such a demand Legrenzi was stupefied, and made 
 no sort of answer. By this request he understood 
 that he had received his dismissal, and his joy was 
 turned into sadness. Thus he went back the way he 
 came with .lamentations over his strange fate. He 
 was well received, and appointed again to the place 
 that he had quitted. Mr. Protazio remained with me, 
 having no money to pay for his journey. After a 
 
DEATH OF MANUCCFS WIFE 289 
 
 year, however, he started, and I helped him so far 
 as 1 could, and I heard no more of him. 
 
 I now state what happened to me. On December 
 15, in the year 1706, it was the pleasure of the Divine 
 Power to remove from this world my wife, with 
 whom I had lived more than twenty years. The 
 grief I underwent at that melancholy moment I 
 neither know how to, nor ought I to, recount. All 
 I will say is that it was the more profound for never 
 having been experienced before. But, just as it 
 appears to be the way of the world that sad events 
 always come in company, and are never solitary, on 
 the 2Qth of the same month Monsieur Martin died ; 
 he was the Governor of Pondicherry, nowadays 
 called Fort St. Louis. By this second death I was 
 plunged into nearly the same grief. He had been 
 very much my friend, my true and ancient friend, 
 and I had received from him great very great 
 kindness, civility, and honour. 
 
 Still, in spite of all these misfortunes, I was well 
 able to console myself by placing reliance on the 
 Divine Will. 1 
 
 1 There are no further personal details in the original MS., which closes 
 with a lengthy and detailed account of disputes between the Jesuits and 
 Capuchins at Pondicherry. We have no further trace of Manucci at Madras 
 or Pondicherry, and only slight evidence of his death in India in 1717 (see 
 Introduction). 
 
INDEX 
 
 'Abbas II, Shah of Persia, 9, 10, 1 1 , 
 12, 14, 16,20; gives banquet sin 
 honour of Lord Bellomont, 1 1 , 
 14, 15, 20 ; parades his cavalry 
 in honour of Lord Bellomont, 
 1 6 ; and the Island of Ormuz, 
 27 ; and the eunuch Daulat, 
 
 159 
 
 Abu.l Hasan, King of Gulkandah, 
 and Manucci, 193, 194, 195 ; 
 and Shah 'Alam, 194, 196 
 Agrah, Aurangzeb and Murad 
 
 Bakhsh arrive in, 73 
 Agrah, Bellomont at, 36 ; Bello- 
 mont's remains removed to, 37 
 
 Agrah, Dara and his army leave, 
 53. 54 > 55 J directed to retreat 
 
 _ to, 58 ; takes flight to, 69 
 
 Agrah, English factory at, 36, 38 
 
 Agrah, Manucci at, v., 36, 124, 
 141, 163, 164; takes flight to, 
 71 ; tries to leave, 72 ; has to 
 remain in, 73 ; leaves in dis- 
 guise, 74; starts for, no 
 
 Agrah, Shaistah Khan, appointed 
 governor of, 74 
 
 Agrah, references, 33, 87 
 
 Aguada, fort at Goa, 179 
 
 Ahmad, Khwajah, sent as envoy 
 to Da,ud Khan, Panni, 251, 252 
 
 Ahmadabad, Dara takes posses- 
 sion, of, 86 
 
 Ahmadnagar, Manucci accom- 
 panies Shah 'Alam to, vi ; Shah 
 'Alam and his force arrive at, 
 190 
 
 Akbar, King, ordered fortress to 
 be built at Allahabad, 112 
 
 Akbar, Prince, son of Aurangzeb, 
 asks permission to build a ship 
 on the river of Goa, 166, 167 ; 
 builds the ship and has it re- 
 
 moved to Vingorla, 168 ; a 
 watch set to prevent his leav- 
 ing Vingorla, 169 ; writes for 
 Sambha Ji to the Viceroy of 
 Goa, 171 ; at Vingorla, 175 
 
 Albert, Mons., doctor at Pondi- 
 cherry, 267 
 
 Aleppo, 287 
 
 Alexander the Great, 25 
 
 Algarves (a province of Portugal), 
 184 
 
 'Ali Mardan Khan, who made over 
 Qandahar to Shahjahan, 159 
 
 'All, tomb of, at Isfahan, 23 
 
 Allahabad, account of fortress 
 and rivers at, 1 12, 1 1 3 ; Manucci 
 at, 112, 113, 114, 124 
 
 AllahwirdI Khan, at the battle of 
 Khajwah, 104 ; 274 
 
 Almeda, Juan Dias d', 230 
 
 Alreu, Joao Rodrigues de, pre- 
 vents Manucci' s marriage with 
 the Pathan widow, 158, 159 
 
 Alvor, Count of. See Tavora, 
 Francisco de 
 
 Amanat Khan, at Lahor, 1 50, 151 
 
 Andrada, Andre da, Portuguese 
 renegade at Masqat, visits Goa, 
 
 137 
 
 Apollo, the god, 36 
 Arabia, 28, 184 
 
 Ararat, the mountain called, 6, 7 
 Aras, the stream called, 6 
 Arfaxad, King of the Medes, 7 
 Aristotle, 160 
 Arkat, Da,ud Khan, Panni, at, 
 
 236 ; leaves for Madras, 251 
 Arkat, references, 247, 250 
 Armenians : at Smyrna, 2 ; mer- 
 chants with Lord Bellomont' s 
 caravan, 3,7; at Erzerum, 5 ; 
 at Erivan, 6 ; merchants at 
 
 291 
 
292 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Tabriz, 8 ; Lord Bellomont in 
 debt to, 1 5 ; at Isfahan, 22 ; at 
 Shiraz, 24 ; merchants at Bur- 
 hanpur, 32 ; musical instru- 
 ments employed by, 107 
 
 Asad Khan. 249 
 
 Asia Minor ; Bellomont and 
 Manucci travel through, v. 
 
 Assam, Mir Jumlah in, 117, 1 1 8 
 
 Ataides, Maria de, and the French 
 doctor's son, 268, 269, 270 
 
 Audience-hall of Shahjahan, 42, 43 
 
 Augustinians, Portuguese, their 
 church at Isfahan, 23 ; valiant 
 resistance against Sambha Ji, 
 170 
 
 Aurangabad, Aurangzeb at, 32; 
 Manucci at, 140, 141, 287 ; with 
 Jai Singh at, 129 
 
 Aurangabad, 270 
 
 Aurangzeb: at Aurangabad, 32; 
 prepares to seize the throne, 
 51 ; stratagems and intrigues, 
 55, 56 ; his army, 56, 57, 
 58 ; signal to traitors in Dara's 
 camp, 58, 62 ; advances with 
 his army against Dara, 60; 
 in danger of_ being taken, 65 ; 
 arrives in Agrah, 73 ; com- 
 munications with Shahjahan, 
 73 ; succeeds in making a 
 prisoner of Shahjahan, 73, 74 ; 
 starts in pursuit of Dara, 74 ; 
 appoints Shaistah Khan 
 Governor of Agrah, 74 ; makes 
 Murad Bakhsh a prisoner, 74 ; 
 leaves Lahor, 82 ; arrives at 
 Multan, 83 ; tempts Da,ud 
 KJjan with high pay, 84 ; leaves 
 MultSn, 85 ; and the Rajah of 
 Srinagar, 87 ; how he rewarded 
 Jiwan Khan, 97 ; offers to take 
 Manucci into his service, 98 
 details of march to Kashmir 
 102 ; the royal kitchen, 103 
 an early start, 104 ; order of 
 the march, 104 ; how the 
 route is measured, 105 ; the 
 royal standards, 106 ; Roshan 
 AraBegam and her retinue, 107, 
 1 08 ; plan of camp, 108 ; special 
 royal tents, 109 ; Manucci's 
 aversion to, in ; orders des- 
 truction of an idol at Benares, 
 114; in Kashmir, 124, 125; 
 sends Mahabat Khan to Gujarat, 
 125 ; orders Mahabat Khan to 
 
 be poisoned, 149 ; Manucci 
 translates his letter for the 
 viceroy, of Goa, 166 ; orders 
 Shah 'Alam to march towards 
 Goa, 176; at Ahmadnagar, 
 190 ; M. negotiates with, on be- 
 half of Governor Gyfford, 215 ; 
 and the English, 216 ; sends 
 Da.ud Khan, Panni, to the 
 Karnatik, 232 ; and the English 
 in Madras, 242 ; references, 36, 
 54. 59. 67, 72, 81, 88, 112, 119, 
 130, 141, 167, 169, 181, 183, 197, 
 226, 249, 258, 274 
 
 Avicenna, 160 
 
 A'zam, Mir, second envoy sent by 
 Shah 'Alam to the Viceroy of 
 Goa, 177, 178, 179 
 
 A'zam, Sultan, on the march to 
 Kashmir," 1 06 
 
 'Azamat-ud-daulah, chief minister 
 of Shah 'Abbas, 9, 11,12,14,20; 
 interviews with Lord Bellomont, 
 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19 
 
 Azevedo, Antonio de, brings news 
 of Dara's defeat to Agrah, 71 
 
 Azevedo, Thome de, physician at 
 Goa, jealous of Manucci, 220, 
 221 
 
 Azil Can, poisons Diler Khan, 213 
 
 Bahadur Kjian (Mir Baba), ad- 
 vances with Aurangzeb's army, 
 60 ; sent to patrol roads west of 
 Agrah, 72 ; commands troops 
 sent in pursuit of Dara, 84 ; 
 and the surrender of Bhakkar, 
 90, 91 ; governor of Allahabad, 
 114; story of his vain-glorious 
 behaviour, 126 
 Balasor, the harbour of, 1 18 
 Balkh, the envoy from, Manucci 
 doctors a relation of, 99, 100, 
 
 101 ; manners and customs of 
 Uzbak nobles from, 100, 101, 
 
 102 ; the King of, 10 1 ; the holy 
 man of, story of his madness, 
 150, 151, 152 
 
 Bandar 'Abbas, 25 ; Manucci and 
 Bellomont at, 26, 27 ; English 
 factory at, 27 ; bad effects of 
 water at, 27, 28 
 
 Bandar 'Abbasi. See Bandar 
 'Abbas 
 
 Bandar Congo, 138 
 
 Bandora, on Salsette Island, 
 Manucci settles at, vi ; resolves 
 
INDEX 
 
 293 
 
 to retire to, 162 ; arrives at, 
 163 ; leaves, with A. Machado, 
 164 
 
 Banquets, given by Shah 'Abbas 
 in honour of Lord Bellomont, 
 1 1, 14, 15, 20 
 
 Bardes, taken possession of by 
 Sambha JI, 170, 174 ; the town 
 of, plundered by order of Shah 
 'Alam, 182 ; the river of, 178, 
 181, 182 ; reference, 189 
 
 Barqandaz Khan, Manucci's com- 
 mander, pleased at his rejoining, 
 77 ; leaves Multan with Dara, 
 83 ; Manucci hires house be- 
 longing to, 142 
 
 Barro, Antonio de, Jesuit, 222 
 
 Basant, Khwajah, in command of 
 boats sent to Bhakkar, 82 ; put 
 in command at Bhakkar, 84 ; at 
 Bhakkar, 86 ; defends Bhak- 
 kar against Khalllullah ghan, 
 87 ; enraged by letters from 
 Khalllullah Khan, 88 ; his 
 reply to the letters of Khall- 
 lullah Khan, 88, 89 ; receives 
 orders from Dara to surrender 
 Bhakkar, 90 ; and Lashkar 
 Khan, governor of Multan, 91 ; 
 and Manucci, at Lahor, 91, 92 ; 
 receives messages from Khall- 
 lullah Khan, 92 ; in danger, 93 ; 
 is killed, 94 ; reference, 97 
 
 Bassain, Manucci at, v, 134, 135 ; 
 warns I. Sermento of, 133 ; and 
 the commissary of the Inquisi- 
 tion at, 228 
 
 Bautista, Frey Irao, Father Prior 
 of St. Augustin's at Hugli, Ma- 
 nucci visits, 118, 119, 122; 
 reference, 121 
 
 Begam Sahib, revenues of Surat 
 given to, 31 ; farewell to Dara, 
 53, 54 ; message from Dara to, 
 69, 70 ; answer to Dara's mes- 
 sage, 70 ; reference, 269 
 
 Begum Sahib. See Begam Sahib. 
 
 Beisao, Luis, assists Manucci to 
 demonstrate European mode of 
 fighting, 128, 129 
 
 Bellomont, Lord, takes Manucci 
 into his service, v, i , 2 ; travels 
 through Asia Minor, v ; Persia, 
 v ; in India, v ; death of, at 
 Hodal, 1656, v, 37 ; at Raguza, 
 2 ; at Smyrna, 2 ; arrives 
 Brusa, a ; departs, 3 ; at 
 
 Tokat, 3 ; Erzerum, 5 ; at 
 Erivan, 6, 7 ; at Tabriz, 7, 8 ; 
 at Qazwln, 9, 10, n, 12; at 
 Isfahan, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 
 1 8, 19, 20 ; interviews with 
 'Azamat-ud-daulah, 13, 15, 16, 
 17',' 1 8, 19 ; haughty behaviour 
 at audience with Shah 'Abbas, 
 20 ; ill at Shiraz, 24 ; leaves 
 Shiraz, 25 ; at Lar, 25, 26 ; at 
 Bandar 'Abbas, 26, 27 ; at 
 Sindi, 28 ; at Surat, 29, 31 ; sup- 
 plied with money by Henry 
 Young, 31 ; at Burhanpur, 31, 
 32, 33 ; at Sironj, 33, 34 ; at 
 Narwar, 35 ; at Gwaliyar, 35, 
 36 ; at Dholpur, 36 ; at Agrah, 
 36 ; remains removed to Agrah, 
 37 
 
 Bellomont, Viscount. See Bello- 
 mont, Lord 
 
 Benares, rivers at, 113 ; Manucci 
 at, 114 
 
 Bengal, Manucci's journey by 
 boat to, 116, 117, 118; refer- 
 ence, 268 
 
 Berleu, Mr., 266 
 
 Berlin, Konigliche, Bibliothek at, 
 purchases MS. of Manucci's 
 " Storia," 1887, viii 
 
 Bernier, Fra^ois, Manucci com- 
 ments on his inaccuracy, no 
 
 Betel leaf. See Pan 
 
 Bezoar stones, 24 ; Manucci makes 
 use of, in treatment, 144 
 
 Bhakkar, fortress of, Dara's army 
 leaves for, 82 ; Dara and his 
 followers arrive at, 84 ; besieged, 
 86 ; the evacuation of, 91 ; 
 references, 50, 98, no, in 
 
 Bhao Singh, Manucci attends, 205 
 
 Bhlma, the river, 138, 140 
 
 Bhiwandl, 134 
 
 Biah, the river, Manucci meets 
 Da.ud Khan at, 76 
 
 Bianco, Jorge, a Genoese mer- 
 chant, 220 
 
 Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, 
 volume of portraits now in, ix 
 
 Big Mount, Da.ud Khan stays at 
 M.'s house at, 263 ; attack on 
 M.'s house at, 276; M.'s house at, 
 reference, 250 
 
 BIjapur, city of, 134, 136, 228; 
 Manucci at, 1 34 ; the King of, 
 133 ; Kingdom of, M. in, 138 ; 
 references, 176, 190, 191 
 
 
 20 
 
294 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Biyas, the river. See Biah, the 
 river 
 
 Blood-letting, mode of, with royal 
 patients, 199, 200, 283, 284, 
 285 
 
 Bombay, fortress of, invested by 
 the Moguls, 216 
 
 Botelho, Diogo Mendez, 230 
 
 Boureau-Deslandes. See Des- 
 landes 
 
 Bridges at Isfahan, description of, 
 21, 22 
 
 Bronzoni, Ortenzio, friend of 
 Manucci, 230, 231 
 
 Brusa, Bellomont and M. arrive 
 at, 2 ; depart from, 3 ; Anthoine 
 Cheleby, Governor of, 2, 3 
 
 Bulkley, Dr., English envoy sent 
 to Da,ud Khan. 263, 264 
 
 Burhanpur, Manucci and Bello- 
 mont at, 31, 32, 33 ; Armenian 
 merchants at, 32 ; description 
 of, 32 ; Manucci at, 141 
 
 Cadiz, 285 
 
 Capuchins, Manucci's account of 
 
 their disputes with Jesuits, vii ; 
 
 their church at Isfahan, 23 
 Carmelites, bare-footed, their 
 
 church at Isfahan, 23 
 Carvalho, Simon, 234 
 Castro, Antonio de Mello de, 
 
 Viceroy of Goa, 136 
 Catrou, Pere, and Manucci, viii, 
 
 ix ; publishes book in 1 70 5 , 
 
 founded on Manucci's " Storia," 
 
 viii 
 
 Cavalry, Persian, parade of, 16 
 Chaghatae Khan. 90 
 Chambal, the river, 36 ; Dara and 
 
 his army reach, 55 
 Champat Bundelah, 33 ; helps 
 
 Aurangzeb, 56 ; fate of, 58 ; 
 
 references, 197, 226 
 Champat, Rajah, son of Champat 
 
 Bundelah, treated by M., 197 
 Chand Blbl, her defence of 
 
 Ahmadnagar, 190 
 Chardin, Daniel, 264 
 Charles I, King of England, 13 
 Charles II, King of England, 2, 7, 
 
 12, 13 
 
 Chaul, the town of, 112 
 Chawal, the Hindus of, complain 
 
 to Jai Singh, 132, 133 
 Cheleby, Anthoine, Governor of 
 
 Brusa, 2, 3 
 
 Chhatarsal Rae, advances with 
 
 Dara's army, 61 ; reinforces 
 
 Dara, 64 ; killed, 65 
 Chinab, the river, 146, 157 
 Chiutia, the Rajah of, Manucci 
 
 sent as envoy to, 129, 131 
 Christian religion, the, Manucci 
 
 and, 126, 127 
 Christiana, Dona, a widow, and 
 
 M., 227, 228 
 Clarke, Elizabeth, nee Hartley, 
 
 Manucci marries, 197 ; her 
 
 death, 289 
 Congo, Port of, 25 
 Coningsby, Mr., English envoy 
 
 sent to Da.ud Khan, 263, 264 
 Costa, Dom Roderigo da, com- 
 mander of Portuguese fleet, 1 74, 
 
 178, 217, 218 ; M. applies for 
 
 protection to, 221 
 Cota, Luis Gonsalves, secretary at 
 
 Goa, 185, 186, 220, 221 
 Couza Coutinho, Antonio de, 
 
 friendly to M., 229 
 Crocodiles, at the fortress of 
 
 Vellore, 260, 261 
 Cromwell, 2 
 Cudapah, Karapa, M. visits Da,ud 
 
 Khan at, 257; country between 
 
 Madras and, 258 
 Cuddalore, 240, 255 
 Cunha, Joao Nunes da, Viceroy 
 
 of Goa, organises expedition 
 
 to Masqat, 137, 138 ; Cunha, 
 
 Lourenco "da, of Goa, tricks 
 
 M., 224, 225 
 
 Dakhin, the, M. follows Shah 
 
 'Alam to, vi; 33 
 Dalmatia, 2 
 Dalpat Rao, M. refuses to attend, 
 
 225, 226 
 Daman, the Portuguese of, 131 ; 
 
 Portuguese territory extending 
 
 to, 133 ; M. at, 163, 166, 225 ; 
 
 references, 269 
 Damao. See Daman 
 Danes, the, Da.ud Khan asks, to 
 
 help him against the English, 
 
 254 
 
 Dangim, the fortress of, Viceroy 
 of Goa receives Sambha Ji's en- 
 voy at, 173 
 
 Dara, M. enters service of, v ; 
 to, petition of Thomas Roach, 
 40 ; expresses a desire to see 
 Manucci, 47 ; interviews Ma- 
 
INDEX 
 
 295 
 
 nucci, 48 ; takes Manucci into 
 his service, 49 ; and Shahjahan, 
 51, 52 ; farewell to his father 
 and Begam Sahib, 53, 54 ; leaves 
 Agrah with his army, 53, 54, 55 ; 
 his army encamps at Dhol- 
 pur, 55, 56; receives letter 
 from Shahjahan, 58 ; leaves 
 camp, 59 ; advances with his 
 army, 61 ; adopts counsels of 
 Khalilullah Khan. 63 ; shows 
 great valour, 63, 64 ; receives 
 bad news, 65, 66 ; routs Sultan 
 Muhammad and Najabat 
 Khan. 66 ; listens to traitorous 
 advice, 67, 68 ; takes flight to 
 Agrah, 69 ; sends message to 
 Shahjahan, 69, 70 ; advised to 
 proceed to Dihli, 70 ; starts for 
 Dihli, 71 ; hostile reception at 
 Dihli, 71 ; starts for Lahor , 71 ; 
 raising a new army in Lahor, 
 74 ; pleased at Manucci's 
 fidelity in rejoining him, 77 ; 
 starts for Multan, 78 ; at 
 Multan, 8 1 ; leaves Multan, 82 ; 
 discharges Da.iid Khan from 
 his service, 83 ; arrives with his 
 army at Bhakkar, 84 ; makes 
 Manucci captain of the Euro- 
 peans left at Bhakkar, 8 5 ; leaves 
 Bhakkar for Sindi, 85 ; reaches 
 Gujarat, 86 ; takes possession 
 of Ahmadabad, 86 ; raising a 
 new army in Gujarat, 87 ; a 
 prisoner, 90 ; orders Primavera 
 to surrender Bhakkar, 90 ; his 
 dismissal of Da.ud Khan, 116 ; 
 references, 36, 42, 97, 98, ill, 
 197, 226 
 
 Dara, Prince. See Dara 
 Dara Shukoh. See Dara 
 Darius, King of Persia, 24 
 Da.iid Khan gives Manucci a 
 passport, 76 ; marches with 
 Dara to Multan, 81 ; fidelity to 
 Dara, 83 ; takes service with 
 Aurangzeb, 84; Governor of 
 Patnah, Manucci visits, 116; 
 reference, 117 
 
 Da.ud Khan, Panni, in Madras, 
 vii ; deputy governor in the 
 Karnatik, Manucci writes to, 
 232, 233 ; causes cessation of 
 persecutions at Tanjor, 234, 
 235 ; letter to the King of 
 Tanjor, 235 ; at Arkat, 236 ; 
 
 Manucci sent by the English on 
 deputation to, 236, 237 ; course 
 of negotiations, 238, 239, 240, 
 241, 242, 243, 244, 245 ; his 
 opinion of the English, 239, 240; 
 at S. Thome, 246 ; an English 
 deputation to, 246, 247 ; visits 
 Governor Pitt, 248, 249, 250 ; 
 returns.toS. Thome, 250 ; hostile 
 return to Madras, 251 ; Ma- 
 nucci goes to interview at S. 
 Thome, 251, 252, 253, 254 ; 
 writes to the French, Dutch, 
 and Danes to help him against 
 English, 254 ; Mons. Des- 
 prez sent as envoy to, 255, 256 ; 
 sends a horse to Fr. Martin, 256 ; 
 Manucci visits, 257 ; stays at 
 Manucci's house at Big Mount, 
 263 ; visits S. Thome 1706, 
 263 ; receives the English en- 
 voys, 264 ; banquet given for, 
 265 ; at S. Thome, 265 ; visit 
 from the Lord Bishop, 265 ; 
 gives presents to Manucci at 
 leave-taking, 266 ; references, 
 259, 261 
 
 Daulat, the eunuch, and Ma- 
 nucci, 159, 160 
 
 Daulat, Nazir, eunuch in service 
 of Shah 'Alam, 208, 280, 283 
 
 Davenport, Mr., English envoy 
 sent to Da,ud Khan, 263, 264 
 
 Delavale, Mons., a French pirate, 
 267, 268 
 
 Deslandes, brings home MS. of 
 Manucci's " Storia," viii ; sug- 
 gests to Manucci that he should 
 write his memoirs, 1 10 
 
 Desprez, Monsieur, sent by F. 
 Martin as envoy to Da,ud Khan. 
 255, 256 
 
 Destremon, Monsieur, French 
 physician to King of Gulkandah, 
 
 193 
 
 Dhakah, the river Jamnah at, 1 14 ; 
 the city of, metropolis of Ben- 
 gal, 117, 118; English and 
 Dutch factories at, 118 
 
 Dholpur, Manucci and Bellomont 
 at, 36 ; Dara's army encamps 
 a t, 55, 56 ; the river (Chambal), 
 226 
 
 Dias, Agostinho warns Manucci of 
 danger, 91 
 
 Dihli, Manucci at, v, 38, 39, 74, 
 97,99, no, Hi. 165,271 ; enters 
 
296 
 
 INDEX 
 
 service of Jai Singh at, 125 ; 
 Shahjahanat, 37; Bellomont's 
 property removed to, 38, 39 ; 
 Dara advised to go to, 70 ; 
 Dara badly received at, 71 ; 
 references, 72, 91, 123, 270 
 
 Dilawar, a servant of Manucci, 
 warns him of danger, 92 
 
 Diler Khan sends for Manucci, 
 212 ; dies of poison adminis- 
 tered by Azil Can, 213 
 
 Dindar Khan, of Qasur, Manucci 
 thinks of marrying daughter of, 
 
 157 
 
 Dulha, Mahomedan friend with 
 whom Manucci seeks refuge, 95, 
 96 
 
 Dumans, Frey Raphael, Capuchin, 
 10 
 
 Durga Das, sent by Akbar as his 
 representative during negotia- 
 tions with Sambha Ji, 171 
 
 Dutch, at Smyrna, 2 ; factories 
 at Isfahan, 23 ; at Patnah, 115; 
 at Dhakah, 1 1 8 ; at Qasim 
 Baz^r, 123; Da.ud Khan asks 
 them to help him against the 
 English, 254 
 
 Ecbatana, 7 
 
 Ellis, Mr., sent on deputation to 
 Da.ud Khan, 246 
 
 England, the King of, 10 
 
 English, at Smyrna, 2 ; factory at 
 Isfahan, 21 ; factory at Bandar 
 'Abbas, 27 ; factory at Agrah, 
 36, 38 ; factory at Patnah, 115; 
 in India, Manucci speaks in de- 
 fence of, 241, 242 ; in Madras, 
 Erepare to resist attack of 
 a,ud Khan, 253 
 
 Ephraim, Father, Capuchin, mis- 
 sionary at Fort St. George, 197 
 
 Erivan, Bellomont and Manucci, 
 at, 6, 7 
 
 Erzerum, Armenians at, 5 ; Bello- 
 mont and Manucci at, 5 ; the 
 men of, 6 
 
 Ethiopia, 184 
 
 Europe, the Kings of, 16, 132 
 
 Europeans, artillerymen in service 
 of Dara, 49, 51, 52 ; permitted 
 to distil spirits, 50 ; persecute 
 Manucci, 155, 156 
 
 Eusebius, of Bourges, brings home 
 MS. of Manucci's " Storia," ix 
 
 Factories, Dutch, at Isfahan, 23-; 
 at Patnah, 115; at Dhakah, 
 118; 'at Qasim Bazar, 123; 
 English, at Isfahan, 21, 23 ; at 
 Bandar 'Abbas, 27 ; at Agrah, 
 36, 38 ; at Patnah, 115 ; at 
 Dhakah, 1 1 8 ; French, at Qasim 
 Bazar, 123 
 
 Fahim, the eunuch, sent to Dara, 
 70 
 
 Fahim, eunuch, servant of Auran- 
 gzeb, employed to carry 
 messages to Shahjahan, 73 
 
 Fath-ullah Khan, Manucci cures, 
 210 
 
 Fida,e Khan, on the way to 
 Lahor, 147 ; Manucci appeals 
 to troopers of, for protection, 
 147, 148 ; and Manucci, 149 ; 
 permits Manucci to have fat 
 removed from two condemned 
 rebels, 153 ; leaves Lahor, 154 ; 
 Manucci appeals for protection 
 to, 156, 157; references, 150, 
 
 IS 2 
 
 Figueredo, Joao Lopes de, Ma- 
 nucci's attorney, 217, 218 
 
 Fonequa, Alvaro da, of S. Thome, 
 217 
 
 Fort of the Kings at Goa, 179, 181 
 
 Fort St. George (Madras), Ma- 
 nucci takes refuge at, vii ; 
 Manucci arrives at, 196 ; Ma- 
 nucci married at, 197 ; Da.ud 
 Khan. Pannl, visits Governor 
 Pitt at, 248 
 
 Foscarini, Doge Marco Nicold, 
 only authority for death of Ma- 
 nucci in 1717, viii 
 
 Francisco, Frey, Father Vicar of 
 Gulkandah, Manucci appeals for 
 help to, 195 
 
 Frederick, Mr., English envoy sent 
 to Da,ud Khan, 263, 264 
 
 French, at Smyrna, 2 ; factory 
 at Qasim Bazar, 123 ; Da.ud 
 Khan. Panni, asks them for 
 help against the English, 254 
 
 Galen, 160 
 
 Gallo, Father Salvador, prefect of 
 
 Theatines at Goa, 217, 218 
 Ganges, the river of Allahabad, 
 
 113 ; course of, 113, 114 ; 
 
 Hindus bathe in, 113 
 Caspar Alfon9O, Bishop, at S. 
 
 Thome, 229, 230, 231 
 
INDEX 
 
 297 
 
 Ghulam 'AH Khan, Governor of 
 Vellore, invites Manucci to 
 visit him, 259, 260 
 
 Ghusul-Khanah, private audience 
 chamber, Manucci allowed to 
 enter the, 203 
 
 Gitar, provisional governor of 
 Lahor, 146 
 
 Goa, Manucci at, v, vi, 135, 136, 
 137 ; Manucci decides to re- 
 turn to, 1 66 ; under government 
 of archbishop Dom Manoel de 
 Souza de Menezes, 168 ; Sambha 
 Jj's designs on, 172, 173 ; Shah 
 'Alam approaches, 175 ; the 
 river of, 178, 181 ; Aguadafort, 
 and Fort of the Kings, at, 179 ; 
 Manucci obtains leave to visit, 
 1 88 ; takes wheat to the Portu- 
 guese, 189; jealousy of doctors 
 in, 220, 221 ; Loureno da 
 Cunha, of, and Manucci, 224, 
 225 ; Manucci's stories of life 
 in, 226, 227, 228 ; references, 
 186, 217, 229 
 
 Gombroon. See Bandar 'Abbasi 
 
 Gomens, IgnaciO, searches for 
 Manucci's body, after his re- 
 ported death, 96 
 
 Gomes, Pascoal, of Goa, 218 
 
 Gonzalves, Luis, a friend of Ma- 
 nucci, 279, 280 
 
 Great Mount, the. See Big 
 Mount 
 
 Gudlet, Thomas, an Englishman, 
 friend of Manucci, 191 
 
 Guety, Francisco, friend of Ma- 
 nucci at Gulkandah, 193 
 
 Guilherme (William), an English- 
 man, assists Manucci to de- 
 monstrate European mode of 
 fighting, 128, 129 
 
 Gujarat, Dara reaches, 86 ; raises 
 a new army in, 87 ; Mahabat 
 KJian at, 126; Little, 146 
 
 Gulkandah, Manucci in, vi ; Ma- 
 nucci reaches 193 ; flies from, 
 and is brought back, 194 ; Abu.l 
 Hasan, King of, and Manucci, 
 **93i T 94 195 i references, 24, 191 
 
 Gul Mirza, Governor of Hugli, 
 grants Jesuits permission to 
 build a church at Manucci's re- 
 quest, 119 
 
 Gwaliyar, the fortress of, des- 
 cribed, 35, 36 ; Bellomont and 
 Manucci at, 35, 36 
 
 Gyfford, Governor, employs Ma- 
 nucci, vii, 215 
 
 Handiyah, the town of, 33 
 
 Hardancourt, Monsieur, marries 
 granddaughter of Fr. Martin, 
 266 
 
 Harem, the Royal, Manucci visits, 
 in his capacity as physician, 203 
 
 Hartley, Christopher, president of 
 Machhlipatanam, 196 
 
 Hasan, tomb of, at Isfahan, 23 
 
 Hasan 'All Khan on the march to 
 Kashmir, 104 
 
 Hasanqala'h, 6 
 
 Hayel, Alexandre (Elihu Yale), 
 Governor of Madras, 216 
 
 Hindu princes, of the Karnatlk, 
 258,259 
 
 Hindus, at Lar, 25 ; the strong 
 places of, 35 ; bathing in the 
 Ganges, 113 ; the ancient idol 
 of, at Benares, 1 14 ; the way of 
 fastening their gown, 126 ; the, 
 of Chawal, complain to Jai 
 Singh, 132, 133 
 
 Hindustan, 33 
 
 Hixin, 28 
 
 Hodal, death of Bellomont at, 
 1656, v, 37 ; Manucci buries 
 Bellomont at, 37 ; references, 
 40, 44 
 
 Hormuz. See Ormuz 
 
 Hugli, the Ganges at, 114; Ma- 
 
 " nucci at, 118, 119 ; a marriage 
 
 proposed by the Jesuits, 120, 
 
 121 ; interference of two friars, 
 
 121, 122 ; Manucci leaves, 123 
 
 Husain, tomb of, at Isfahan, 23 
 
 lago Sant. See St. lago 
 
 Ibrahim Khan, one of Dara's 
 generals, 57 
 
 Ignatio, a French doctor's son, 
 and Manucci, 269, 270 
 
 India, 2 ; Manucci with Bello- 
 mont in, v. 
 
 Isfahan, Manucci and Bellomont 
 'at, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 
 20 ; description of, 21, 22, 23 ; 
 Mr. Young, head of English 
 factory at, 21, 23 ; Christian 
 churches in, 23 ; tombs of 'All, 
 Husain, and Hasan at, 23 ; 
 references, 10, n, 12, 25, 207 
 
 Italians, at Smyrna, 2 
 
 20* 
 
298 
 
 INDEX 
 
 I'tibar KJian, offers Manucci em- 
 ployment, no, in ; harsh 
 treatment of Shahjahan in 
 prison, in, 112 
 
 Ivo, Father, Capuchin of Surat, 
 287 
 
 Jacob, a Dutch surgeon, assists 
 Manucci with a case, 124 
 
 Jai Singh, Rajah, Manucci enters 
 service of , v, 1 25 ; and the Rajah 
 of Srmagar, 87 ; on the march 
 to Kashmir, 107 ; Manucci des- 
 cribes European modes of fight- 
 ing to, 127, 128; a demon- 
 stration, 128, 129 ; presents 
 Manucci to Shi vajl, 132; Hindus 
 of Chawal make a complaint to, 
 132, 133 ; Manucci grieved at 
 death of, 141 ; references, 205, 
 228 
 
 Jamnah, the river, at Allahabad, 
 113 ; course of, 113, 114 
 
 Jam Begam, goes to Dihll with 
 Dara, 71 
 
 Jesuit Fathers. See Jesuits, the 
 
 Jesuits, the, Manucci's account of 
 their disputes with the Capu- 
 chins, vii ; their church at 
 Isfahan, 23 ; Manucci meets, 
 at Agrah, no ; ask Manucci to 
 take two friars with him to 
 Bengal, 112; at Hugll ask 
 Manucci to use his influence on 
 their behalf, 119 ; at Hugli try 
 to arrange a marriage for 
 Manucci, 120, 121 ; at Hugli, 
 and the Father Prior of the Au- 
 gustinians, 122 ; at Agrah, 
 Manucci visits, 141 ; at Ban- 
 dora, 162 ; and Antonio 
 Machado, 164, 165 ; references, 
 132, 234 
 
 Jew's stones, from Mecca, 28 
 
 Jhon, Mestre. See Young, Henry 
 
 Jlwan Khan, and the reward of 
 treachery, 97 
 
 Jonh, Mestre. See Young, Henry 
 
 Judith, the Book of, 8 
 
 Kabul, KIrat Singh ordered to, vi, 
 141 ; Muhammad Amln Khan, 
 ordered to, 145 
 
 Kaliyanl, 134 
 
 Kambaya, 225 
 
 Kambe, village called, 1 34 
 
 Karapa, Cudapah, Manucci visits 
 
 Da,ud Khan at, 257 
 Karnatik, the, Da.ud Khan, PannI, 
 
 in, 236 ; Hindu princes of the, 
 
 258 ; reference, 225 
 Kar-talab Kjian, Governor of 
 
 Dihli^, 271 
 Kashmir, Aurangzeb's march to, 
 
 102 ; Aurangzeb in, 124, 125 
 Khajwah, battle of, references, 
 
 104, 117, 119 
 Khalilullah Khan, the traitor, 53 ; 
 
 gives traitorous advice to Dara, 
 
 57, 62, 63, 67, 68 ; advances 
 
 with Dara's army, 61, 66; 
 
 oe3 off to join Aurangzeb, 68, 
 9 ; Manucci spreads false re- 
 port of his death, 71 ; sends 
 force against Bhakkar, 87 ; 
 letters to Primavera (Khwajah 
 Basant), 88 ; leaves Lahor, 88 ; 
 returns discomfited, 89 ; sends 
 messages to Primavera, 92 ; 
 Basant's head laid before, 96 ; 
 orders Manucci and his com- 
 panions to proceed to court, 
 97 ; his excuses for the murder 
 of Khwajah Basant, 97, 98 
 
 Khwajah Baha-ud-dm, tomb of, 
 atMultan, 81, 82 
 
 Khwajah Khidr, island of, 86 
 
 Kirat Singh, Manucci takes ser- 
 vice with, vi ; generous treat- 
 ment of Manucci at Dihll, 141 ; 
 ordered to Kabul, 141 ; refer- 
 ence, 125 
 
 Kohir, province of, Shah 'Alam in, 
 194 
 
 Kolis, petty rajahs of, 129 
 
 Labor, Manucci goes to, vi ; 
 Dara starts for, 71 ; Dara in, 
 raising a new army, 74 ; Ma- 
 nucci rejoins Dara at, 77 ; Dara 
 leaves, 78 ; Aurangzeb leaves, 
 82 ; KJialllullah Khan leaves, 
 88 ; returns to, 89 ; governor 
 of, 91 ; Khwajah Basant and 
 Manucci at, 91, 92 ; Manucci 
 goes to, 141 ; sets up as a 
 physician, 142 ; his first patient, 
 142-44 ; gains a reputation for 
 skill, 144, 145 ; Manucci at, 
 affair of the holy man of Balkh, 
 150, 151, 152 ; affair of Thika, 
 Arain, 153, 154, 155 ; Manucci 
 at, story of eunuch Daulat, 1 59, 
 
INDEX 
 
 299 
 
 1 60 ; Manucci at, practises as 
 an exorcist, 160, 161, 162 ; 
 Manucci leaves, 162, 163 ; re- 
 ferences, 86, 268 ; the river of, 
 146 
 
 Langkaran, Brahman, 244, 245 
 
 Lar, Hindus at, 25 ; Manucci and 
 Bellomont at, 25, 26 
 
 Lashkar Khan. Governor of Mul- 
 tan, and Khwajah Basant, 91 
 
 Legrenzi, Angelo, and Manucci, 
 287, 288 
 
 Lima, Antonio Palha de, of S. 
 Thome, 217 
 
 Lima, Francisco de, 217 
 
 Lister, Mr., English envoy sent 
 to Da.ud Khan, 264 
 
 Lopes, Gonsallo, priest, 222 
 
 Machado, Antonio, leaves Ban- 
 dora with Manucci, 164 ; causes 
 trouble for the Jesuits, 164, 
 165 
 
 Machhllpatanam, Christopher 
 Hartley, president of, 196 
 
 Madeyra, Cosmo Louren9o, of San 
 Thome, 217 
 
 Madras, Manucci in, vii ; Da,ud 
 Khan in, vii ; Manucci's house 
 and garden at, vii ; (Fort St. 
 George), Manucci arrives at, 
 196 ; Thomas Clarke, second at 
 the station of, 196 ; (Fort St. 
 George), Manucci marries at, 
 197; English in, 241, 242; 
 Manucci returns to, 245 ; ren- 
 ders account of his deputation to 
 the Governor, 246 ; the Governor 
 sends deputation to Da,ud 
 Khan, PannI, 246, 247 ; (Fort 
 St. George), Da,ud Khan, 
 Pannl, visits Governor Pitt at, 
 248 ; Manucci's return to warn 
 English in, 251 ; English in, 
 prepare to resist attack of 
 Da.ud Khan. 253 ; Manucci 
 leaves for S. Thome, 255 ; Ma- 
 nucci returns to, with a mes- 
 sage for Governor Pitt, 257 ; 
 country between Cuddapah and, 
 258 ; Manucci returns to, from 
 Tevanapatam, 267 ; town of, 
 references, 236 
 
 Magic and spells, stories of, 131, 
 132 
 
 Mahabat Khan, ordered to return 
 to Gujarat, 125 ; suspects Ma- 
 
 nucci of poisoning him, 149 ; 
 his death, 1 50 ; ordered to write 
 to Governor Gyfford, 216 ; re- 
 ferences, 145, 146, 281 
 
 Mahal. See Harem, Royal 
 
 Malidl, Mirza, captain of cavalry, 
 225 
 
 Mahomed, the prophet, 5 
 
 Mahomedans, way of fastening 
 the gown, 126 
 
 Mailapur, Caspar Alfon9O, Bishop 
 of, 229 
 
 Malabarls, 162 
 
 Malier, Clodio, visits Manucci, 39, 
 40 ; befriends Manucci, 46, 47 ; 
 presents Manucci at Court of 
 Prince Dara, 48 ; Manucci lives 
 in his house, 50 
 
 Malkher, Manucci escapes from, 
 vi 
 
 Manucci : and Abu.l Hasan, King 
 of Gulkandah, 193, 194, 195 ; at 
 Agrah, v, 36 ; leaves with 
 Dara and his army, 53 ; retreats 
 to, 71 ; tries to leave, 72 ; is 
 obliged to remain, 73 ; leaves in 
 disguise, 74 ; at, offered em- 
 ployment by I 'tibar Khan, no, 
 in ; he leaves, taking two 
 friars with him, 112 ; treats 
 the governor, 124 ; visits Jesuits, 
 141 ; at Agrah, 163, 164 ; at 
 Ahmadnagar, accompanies Shah 
 'Alam to, vi ; at Allahabad, 112, 
 113, 114; at Allahabad, 124; 
 and Monsieur Albert, doctor at 
 Pondicherry, 267 ; Joao de 
 Alreu prevents his marriage 
 with the Pathan widow, 158, 
 159 ; and Amanat Khan. 150, 
 151 ; at Arkat, sent with a de- 
 putation to Da.ud Khan, Pannl, 
 236 ; travels through Asia 
 Minor with Bellomont, v ; at 
 Aurangabad, 140, 141, 287; with 
 Jai Singh, 129; and Aurang- 
 zeb, refuses offer of employ- 
 ment, 98 ; his aversion to, in ; 
 and Aurangzeb, translates his 
 letter to the Viceroy of Goa, 
 1 66 ; and Aurangzeb, negotiates 
 with on behalf of Governor 
 Gyfford, 215 ; and MIr_ Azam, 
 envoy sent by Shah 'Alam to 
 Viceroy of Goa, 177, 178, 179 ; 
 and 'Azamat-ud-daulah, present 
 during'his interviews with Lord 
 
INDEX 
 
 Bellomont, 13, 15, 16,17, ! 8, 19 ; 
 and Thome de Azevedo, phy- 
 sician at Goa, 220, 221 ; treats 
 a relation of the envoy from 
 Balkh, 99, 100, 101 ; story of 
 the holy man of Balkh, 1 50, 151, 
 152 ; describes manners and 
 customs of nobles from Balkh, 
 100-2 ; at Bandar 'Abbas, 
 26, 27 ; at Bandora, vi ; 
 resolves to retire to, 162 ; 
 arrives, 163 ; leaves with A. 
 Machado, 164 ; and Barqan- 
 daz Khan. 77, 142 ; and 
 Khwajah Basant (Primavera), 
 recommended to his care by 
 Dara, 85 ; and Khwajah Basant, 
 under his command at Bhak- 
 kar, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90 ; and 
 Kh. Basant, leaves Bhakkar with 
 him, 91 ; at Lahor, 91, 92 ; 
 stands by him, 93 ; at Bassain, 
 v, 134, 135 ; questioned by the 
 commissary of the Inquisition 
 at, 228 ; and Frey Irao Bau- 
 tista, 118, 119, 122; and Luis 
 Bei9ao, they demonstrate Euro- 
 pean mode of fighting, 128, 129 ; 
 and Bellomont, is taken into his 
 service, v, I, 2 ; travels with 
 him through Asia Minor and 
 Persia, v, 2-27 ; and Lord 
 Bellomont, present at his inter- 
 view with 'Azamat-ud-daulah, 
 13,15,16,17,18,19; with Bel- 
 lomont in India, 28-37 ; buries 
 Bellomont at Hodal, 37 ; at 
 Benares, 114 ; journey to Ben- 
 gal by boat, 1 1 6, 1 1 7, 1 1 8 ; com- 
 ments on Bernier's inaccuracy, 
 1 10 ; makes use of bezoar stone 
 in treatment, 114; at Bhakkar, 
 arrives with army of Dara, 84 ; 
 at Bhakkar, made captain of the 
 Europeans left in the fortress, 
 85 ; at Bhakkar, the fortress 
 besieged, 86, 87 ; at Bhakkar, 
 wounded by an arrow, 88 ; at 
 Bhakkar, in command of the 
 artillery, 88, 89, 90 ; at Bhakkar, 
 leaves with Khwajah Basant 
 (Primavera), 91 ; attends Bhao 
 Singh, 205 ; at the river Biah, 
 meets Da,ud Khan, 76 ; his 
 house at Big Mount, Da,ud 
 Khan stays there, 263 ; his 
 house at Big Mount attacked, 
 
 276 ; his house at Big Mount, 
 reference, 250 ; at city of Bija- 
 pur, 134 ; in the Kingdom of 
 Bijapur, 138; blood-letting, 
 describes his mode of treating 
 royal patients, 199, 200, 283, 
 284, 285 ; his friend Orten- 
 zio Bronzoni, 230, 231 ; at 
 Brusa, arrival, 2 ; departure, 
 3 ; at Burhanpur, 31, 32, 33, 
 141 ; and Capuchins, account of 
 their disputes with the Jesuits, 
 vii, Pere Catrou, viii, ix ; 
 treats Rajah Champat, son of 
 Champat Bundelah, 197 ; sent 
 as envoy to the Rajah of Chiutia, 
 129, 131 ; and the Christian 
 religion, 126, 127 ; and the 
 widow Dona Christiana, of Goa, 
 227, 228 ; marries E. Clarke, 
 n&e Hartley, at Fort St. George, 
 vii, 197 ; her death, 289 ; and 
 Dom R. da Costa, commander 
 of Portuguese fleet, 174, 178, 
 217, 218, 221 ; and Luis Gon- 
 salves Cota, secretary at Goa, 
 220, 221 ; and Ant. de Couza 
 Coutinho, 229 ; at Cudapah 
 (Karapa), visits to Da.ud Khan. 
 257 ; tricked by Loureno da 
 Cunha, of Goa, 224, 225 ; fol- 
 lows Shah 'Alam to the Dakhin 
 1678, vi ; refuses to attend 
 Dalpat Rao, 225, 226 ; at 
 Daman, 163, 166, 225; and 
 Dara, the prince expresses a 
 wish to see Manucci, 47 ; he 
 interviews Manucci, 48 ; Man- 
 ucci enters his service, v, 49 ; 
 with the army, 53-59 ; the 
 battle-array, 60, 61 ; describes 
 course of battle and defeat of 
 Dara, 62-70 ; Manucci rejoins 
 the prince at Lahor, 77 ; 
 follows Dara from Lahor, 80 ; 
 the army leaves Multan, 82, 83; 
 arrival at Bhakkar, 84 ; Manucci 
 begs for leave to go with Dara, 
 84 ; the prince makes Manucci 
 captain of Europeans left at 
 Bhakkar, 85 ; date of death, 
 vii, viii, 289 n. ; Da,ud Khan 
 gives Manucci a passport, 76; 
 Da.ud Khan, Manucci visits 
 him at Patnah, 116; Da,ud 
 Khan, Panni, a letter to, 
 232, 233 ; and Da,ud Khan, 
 
INDEX 
 
 Panni, sent with a deputation 
 to greet him by the Eng- 
 lish, 236, 237 ; and Da.ud 
 KJjan, Panni, course of the nego- 
 tiations, 238-45 ; and Da,ud 
 Khan, Panni, 246, 247 ; and 
 Da.ud Khan, Panni, sent to 
 meet him at S. Thome and 
 escorts him to Fort St. George, 
 248 ; and Da,ud Khan, Panni, 
 sent to interview him at San 
 Thome, 251-54; and Da,ud 
 Khan, Panni, a visit at Cuda- 
 pah, 257 ; ; and Da.ud Khan, 
 Panni , a visit to Manucci's house 
 at Big Mount, 263 ; Da,ud 
 Khan, Panni, Manucci visits, 
 with the English envoys, 263, 
 
 264 ; Da,ud Khan, Panni, 
 Manucci goes to take leave of, 
 
 265 ; receives presents, 266 ; 
 the eunuch Daulat, 159, 
 1 60 ; Deslandes brings MS. 
 of the "Storia" to Europe, 
 viii, suggests to Manucci the 
 writing of his "Storia," no; 
 at Dhakah, well treated by 
 Thomas Platt, 1 1 8 ; at Dhol- 
 pur, 36 ; warned by Agostinho 
 Dias of danger, 91 ; at 
 Dihli, v, 38, 39, 74, 97, 
 no, 271 ; at Dihli, acting as a 
 physician, 99, 165 ; at Dihli, 
 handsomely treated by Kirat 
 Singh, 141 ; at Dihli, en- 
 ters service of Jai Singh, v, 
 125 ; Dilawar, warns him of 
 danger, 92 ; Diler Khan, 
 sends for Manucci to attend 
 him, 212 ; Dindar KJian, of 
 Qasur, Manucci thinks of 
 marrying his daughter, 157; 
 seeks refuge in house of his 
 friend Dulha, 95, 96 ; encounter 
 with an angry slave, 211, 212 ; 
 speaks in defence of the English, 
 241, 242 ; at Erivan, 6, 7 ; at 
 Erzerum, 5 ; persecuted by the 
 Europeans, 155, 156; Euse- 
 bius, of Bourges, brings home 
 MS. of the " Storia," ix ; 
 cures Fath-ullah-Khan, 210 ; 
 Fida.e Khan, Manucci is 
 presented to, 149 ; permits 
 Manucci to have fat removed 
 from two condemned rebels, 
 153; to Fida,e Khan, Ma- 
 
 nucci appeals for protection, 
 l $6, 157 ; and his attorney, J. 
 L. de Figueredo, 217, 218 ; at 
 Fort St. George (Madras), vii, 
 196 ; he marries, 197 ; appeals 
 for help to Frey Francisco, 
 Father Vicar of Gulkandah, 
 195; Father Salvador Gallo, of 
 Goa, 217, 218 ; and Bishop 
 Gaspar Alfonso, 229, 230, 231 ; 
 visits Ghulam 'Ali Ihan at 
 Vellore, 259, 260 ; allowed to 
 enter the, Ghusul-Khanah or 
 private audience chamber, 203 ; 
 at Goa, v, vi, 135, 137 ; his 
 illness there, 136; at Goa, he 
 leaves in disguise, 138 ; decides 
 to return, 166 ; at Goa, warn- 
 ings to the viceroy, 167, 1 68 ; at 
 Goa, treated as a traitor by 
 Dom Manoel de Souza de 
 Menezes, 169 ; at Goa, presents 
 Sambha Ji's envoy to the 
 viceroy, 1 70 ; at Goa, sent as en- 
 voy to Sambha Ji, vi, 171, 172 ; 
 at Goa, helps to frustrate de- 
 signs of Sambha Ji and his 
 envoy, 173 ; at Goa, sent as 
 envoy to the Mogul fleet, off 
 Vingorla, 174, 175 ; at Goa, 
 sent as envoy to Sambha Ji for 
 the second time, 175 ; at Goa, 
 sent to speak with Shah ' Alam's 
 envoy, 177 ; at Goa, meets Mir 
 'Azam, envoy from Shah 'Alam 
 to the viceroy, I77,_i78, 179; 
 at Goa, visits Shah 'Alam at his 
 encampment near, 179, 180, 
 181, 182 ; obtains leave of 
 absence to visit Goa, 188 ; 
 takes wheat to the Portuguese 
 there, 189 ; at Goa, jealousy of 
 the physicians there, 220, 221 ; 
 at Goa, tricked by L. da Cunha, 
 224, 225 ; at Goa, stories of 
 life there, 226, 227, 228 ; his 
 friend Luis Gonzalves, 279, 280 ; 
 and Thomas Gudlet, 191 ; his 
 friend Fr. Guety at Gulkandah, 
 193 ; Guilherme (William), 
 an Englishman, assists him to 
 demonstrate European mode of 
 fighting, 128, 129 ; and Mirza 
 Gul, Governor of Hugli, 119; 
 in Gulkandah, vi, he arrives, 
 193 ; flies from and is brought 
 back, 194 ; in Gulkandah, deal- 
 
302 
 
 INDEX 
 
 ings with the King Abu.l 
 Hasan, 193, 194, 195 ; at 
 Gwaliyar, 35, 36 ; employed by 
 Governor Gyfford, vii, 215 ; 
 visits the Royal Harem as a 
 physician, 203 ; buries Bello- 
 mont at Hodal, 37 ; arrives at 
 Hugli ; 118 ; goes to see Frey 
 Irao Bautista, 118, 119; at 
 Hugli, a marriage proposed by 
 the Jesuits, 120, 121 ; interfer- 
 ence of two friars, 121, 122 ; 
 leaves Hugli, 123 ; helps Ignatio, 
 a French doctor's son, 269, 
 270 ; in India with Bello- 
 mont v; at Isfahan, 12, 13, 
 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 
 23 ; and I'tibar Khan, an offer 
 of employment, no, in ; 
 Jacob, a Dutch surgeon, assists 
 him with a case, 124 ; enters 
 service of Jai Singh, v, 125; 
 describes European modes of 
 fighting to him, 127, 128 ; a 
 demonstration, 128, 129 ; is 
 
 E resented by Jai Singh to 
 hiva JI, 132 ; grief at death of 
 Jai Singh, 141 ; and the Jesuits, 
 account of their disputes with 
 the Capuchins, vii, meets them 
 at Agrah, 1 10 ; they ask him 
 to take two friars with him 
 to Bengal, 112; ask him to 
 use his influence in their be- 
 half at Hugli, 119; they try 
 to arrange a marriage for him 
 at Hugli, 1 20, 121 ; he visits 
 them at Agrah, 141 ; at Karapa 
 (Cudapah), visit to Da,ud Khan, 
 257; describes Aurangzeb's 
 march to Kashmir, 102-10 ; three 
 days' march with the army to- 
 wards Kashmir, no; spreads 
 false report of death of Khalilul- 
 lah Khan, 71 ; is ordered to pro- 
 ceed to court of Aurangzeb by 
 Kh. Kh.. 97 ; takes service with 
 Kirat Singh, vi ; is generously 
 treated by him at Dihll, 141 ; 
 goes to Lahor, vi ; rejoins Dara 
 at, 77 ; with Khwajah Basant 
 at, 91, 92; at Lahor, in great 
 danger, 94 ; escapes naked, 95 ; 
 at Lahor, 141 ; sets up as a 
 physician, 142 ; his first patient, 
 142-4 ; gains a reputation for 
 skill, 144, 145 ; at Lahor, affair 
 
 of the holy man of Balkh, 150, 
 151, 152; at Lahor, story of 
 Thika Arain, a corpulent Ma- 
 homedan, 153, 154, 155 ; at 
 Lahor, forced to leave in suite 
 of Muhammad Arnin Khan, 145; 
 returns, 146 ; falsely accused of 
 theft, 147 ; at Lahor, appeals 
 for protection to Fida,e Khan's 
 troopers, 147, 148 ; at Lahor, 
 visits Mirza Salih, son of Fida.e 
 Khan. 148 ; is presented by 
 him to Fida.e Khan, 149 ; at 
 Lahor, story of the eunuch Dau- 
 lat, 1 59, 1 60 ; at Lahor, practises 
 as an exorcist, 160, 161, 162 ; 
 leaves Lahor, 162, 163 ; at 
 Lar, 25, 26 ; and A. Legrenzi, 
 physician, 287, 288 ; and Ant. 
 Machado, 164 ; in Madras, vii; 
 his house and garden, vii; he 
 arrives at Madras (Fort St. 
 George), 196 ; at Madras (Fort 
 St. George), his marriage, 197 ; 
 returns from deputation to 
 Da,ud Stan, 245 ; warning to 
 the English, 251 ; at Madras, 
 leaves for S. Thome, 255 ; re- 
 turns with a message for 
 Governor Pitt, 257 ; returns 
 from Tevanapatam, 267 ; sus- 
 pected of poisoning Mahabat 
 1^3 an, 149, 150; receives a 
 visit from Clodio Malier, 39, 40 ; 
 befriended by Clodio Malier, 46, 
 47 ; presented at court of 
 Pr. Dara, by Clodio Malier, 48 ; 
 lives in house of Cl. Malier, 
 50 ; escapes from Malkher, vi ; 
 and Father Martin, Jesuit, 
 231-33 ; Fr. Martin, Director- 
 General, suggests that Ma- 
 nucci should write his auto- 
 biography, 1 10 ; sends Ma- 
 nucci to Daman in an armed 
 sloop, 1 66 ; visits Fra^ois 
 Martin, at Pondicherry, is ad- 
 vised by him to marry, 1 96 ; 
 receives letter from Fra^ois 
 Martin, 231 ; replies, 233; com- 
 municates with Fran9ois Mar- 
 tin, 251, 255 ; treats Fr. Mar- 
 tin when ill, effects a cure, 
 267; at Masulipatam, vi ; Dom 
 M. de Souza de Menezes, 
 treats M. as a traitor, 169 ; his 
 friend Mirecautaula, 282, 283 ; 
 
INDEX 
 
 303 
 
 and Mirza Arjanj, 274, 275 ; 
 and Mirza Muhammad Muqim, 
 207, 208, 209 ; visits MirzaSalih, 
 148 ; is presented by him to 
 Fida.e Khan, 149 ; called to 
 attend Mirza Sulaiman _Beg, 
 brother-in-law of Shah 'Alam, 
 207, 208 ; and Khwajah Miskin, 
 49 ; explains why he left the 
 Mogul country, 198, 199 ; and 
 Muhammad Amln Khan, forced 
 to leave Lahor in his suite, 145 ; 
 falsely accused by him of theft, 
 146, 147 ; assisted by Muham- 
 mad Ibrahim to escape from 
 Shah 'Alam, 191, 192, 193 ; 
 asked to treat Muhammad Ja'far, 
 257 ; Mir Muhammad sent in 
 pursuit of, 1 86] 187; and Mu- 
 hammad Muqim, 278, 279 ; 
 cures Muhammad Riza, 210 ; al- 
 tercation 'with Shekh Muham- 
 mad, 183, 184 ; and Sultan 
 Mu'izz-ud-din, 186 ; at Multan, 
 81,91 ; and Mumin Khan. 195 ; 
 at Narsapur, vi, he flies there 
 to evade capture by Shah 
 'Alam, 194; at Narwar, 35 ; 
 interview with Nawab Bae Ji, 
 mother of Shah 'Alam, 180 ; 
 writes to the eunuch Nekroz, 
 215 ; and Nur-un-nissa Be- 
 gam, an accident in blood- 
 letting, 286 ; his first trial of 
 pan (betel), 30 ; attacked by 
 thieves at Pandharpur, 139, 
 1 40 ; lucky escape near Panipat, 
 75. 76 ; at Parenda, 140 ; at 
 Patnah, 114; story of the clever 
 Armenian, 1 1 5, 1 16 ; at Patnah, 
 visits Da,ud Khan, 116; at 
 Patnah, 1 24 ; sent as envoy to 
 Rajah of Pent, 129 ; in Persia, 
 v, 6-27 ; and Pheliciano de 
 SantaTeresa, Prior of Carmelites, 
 at Goa, 227, 228 ; appeals for 
 help to Lourenco Pit, 195 ; em- 
 ployed by Governor Pitt, vii ; 
 Governor Pitt arbitrates be- 
 tween Manucci and the Portu- 
 guese, 219 ; Manucci warns him 
 of the approach of Da,ud 
 Khan, 25 1 ; is asked by Governor 
 Pitt to visit Da,ud Khan with 
 the English envoys, 263 ; and 
 Thomas Platt, of Dhakah, 1 18 ; 
 in Pondicherry, vii, 251 ; visits 
 
 Fr. Martin at, 196 ; leaves, 197 ; 
 returns to Pondicherry to treat 
 Fr. Martin, 267 ; and Joao A. 
 Portugal, embassy to Shah 
 'Alam, 222, 223, 224 ; em- 
 ployed by the Portuguese, vi; 
 and Signor Protazio, 287, 288 ; 
 at Qasim Bazar, 123 ; be- 
 friended by Qazi Mir, minister 
 of Shah 'Alam, 281, 282, 283 ; 
 at Qazwin, 9, 10, 1 1 , 12 ; arrives 
 with Lord Bellomont at Ra- 
 guza, 2 ; receives a warning 
 from Rajapur, 168 ; at Rajma- 
 hal, 117 ; story of sail at, 123 ; 
 sent with Ramap. on deputa- 
 tion to Da,ud Khan, 236 ; 
 Ramapa causes trouble, 238-40, 
 243, 244 ; his excuses, 245 ; 
 generous conduct towards Ra- 
 mapa, 246 ; sent as envoy to 
 Rajah of Ramnagar, 129, 130 ; 
 receives a horse from Manoel 
 Ribeiro, 140 ; M. and T. Roach, 
 38, 39, 44 ; visits G. Roberts, 
 Governor of Tevenapatam, 266, 
 267 ; and Heinrich Roth, Jesuit, 
 112; and the Turk, Rumi 
 KJian, 78, 79, 80, 81 ; as- 
 sisted by Domingo de Sa, to 
 demonstrate European mode of 
 fighting, 128, 129 ; receives 
 letter from Sa'adatullah Khan, 
 256 ; and Sambha Ji, vi ; sent 
 as envoy to, 171, 172, 175 ; 
 and Diogo de M. de Sampayo, 
 163, 164 ; at San Thome, un- 
 just treatment by Portuguese, 
 217, 218 ; at San Thome, 
 Governor Pitt as arbitrator, 219; 
 San Thome, sent to receive 
 Da.ud Khan, PannI, at, 248; 
 made a Knight of Sant' lago, 
 vi, 184 ; the letters patent, 184, 
 185, 1 86; takes part in a 
 rescue from satJ, 124, 125'; 
 warns I. Sermento at Bassain of 
 trouble, 133 ; I. Sermento testi- 
 fies as to Manucci 's services to 
 the Portuguese, 133, 134 ; tardy 
 payment of a debt to Manucci, 
 1 36 ; enters service of Shah 
 'Alam, vi, 165, 166 ; obtains 
 leave, 166 ; visits him at his 
 camp near Goa, 179-82 ; and 
 Shah 'Alam, 181, 182 ; attempts 
 to leave Shah 'Alam, 1 86 ; is 
 
304 
 
 INDEX 
 
 recaptured, 1.87 ; obtains leave 
 from Shah 'Alam to visit Goa, 
 1 88 ; takes a supply of wheat 
 with him, 189; again leaves 
 Shah 'Alam, 191, 192, 193 ; 
 Shah 'Alam sends in search of 
 him, 197 ; Shah 'Alam plays 
 a_ trick onM., 201, 202 ; Shah 
 'Alam tries to persuade him to 
 change his religion, 204 ; tested 
 by Shah 'Alam,_ 206, 207 ; 
 ordered by Shah 'Alam to treat 
 different people at his court, 
 208-10; Shah Alam annoyed at 
 his being sent for by Diler 
 Khan. 2 12, _ 21 3; negotiates 
 with Shah 'Alam, vi, 222-24 ; 
 and Shah 'Alam, 277-82 ; pre- 
 sented to Shahjahan, 42 ; des- 
 cribes the audience hall, 42, 43 ; 
 at Shiraz, 24, 25 ; meets Shiva 
 JI, 132 ; at Sihrind, 97, 163 ; 
 reference, 285 ; atSindi, 28 ; at 
 Sironj, 33, 34; M. and R. Smith, 
 38, 39, 44 ; arrives with Lord 
 Bellomont at Smyrna, 2 ; Joao 
 de Souza helps him to prescribe, 
 100 ; his " Storia do Mogor," 
 account of the MSS., viii, ix ; at 
 Surat, 29, 30, 31, 163, 1 66 ; as a 
 swashbuckler, 273, 274 ; youth- 
 ful escapades, 275, 276 ; at 
 Tabriz, 7, 8 ; Ignacio de Taide 
 embezzles his ship and cargo, 
 163 ; and Fr. deTavora, Viceroy 
 of Goa, 221 ; sends Manucci to 
 negotiate with Sambha Ji, 171 ; 
 Fr. de Tavora, his reports 
 to, 173, 182 ; sends Manucci as 
 envoy to the Mogul fleet, 174, 
 175 ; Fr. de Tavora, sends Ma- 
 nucci to speak with envoy of 
 Shah 'Alam, 177 ; Fr. de Ta- 
 vora offers Manucci knighthood 
 of Sant' lago, 1 84 ; at Tevena- 
 patam, 266, 267 ; and Thlka 
 Arain, a corpulent Mahomedan, 
 1 5 3~5 5 ; atTokat, 3 ; describes 
 manners and customs of Uz- 
 baks from Balkh, 100-102 ; 
 at Vellore, 259, 260 ; runs away 
 from Venice, 1653, v, i ; and 
 Father Damao Vieira, 228, 229 ; 
 sent as envoy to Mogul fleet off 
 Vingorla, 174, 175 ; applies for 
 help to Wazir Khan. 40, 41 ; 
 taken to Shahjahan's palace by 
 
 Wazir Khan, 41, 42; and 
 Wazir Khan, 44, 45, 46 ; writes 
 to Henry Young at Surat, 50 ; 
 Zu.lfiqar Khan sends a present 
 to, 266 
 
 Maquari, Monsieur, doctor at 
 Pondicherry, 267 
 
 Maronites, musical instruments 
 employed by, 107 
 
 Martin, Father, Jesuit, and M. 
 231, 232, 233 ; reference, 235 
 
 Martin, Fra^ois, Director - Gen- 
 eral, suggests to Manucci that he 
 should write his autobiography, 
 no ; sends Manucci to Daman 
 in an armed sloop, 166 ; Ma- 
 nucci goes to visit, 196 ; ad- 
 vises Manucci to marry, 196 ; 
 letter to Manucci from, 231 ; 
 Manucci replies to, 233 ;; Ma- 
 nucci communicates with, 251, 
 255 ; sends an envoy to Da,ud 
 Khan. 255 ; Da.ud Khan sends 
 a horse to, 256 ; letter from 
 Sa'adatullah Khan to, 257 ; 
 marriage of his granddaughter, 
 266 ; illness of, Manucci hastens 
 to his side, 267 ; death of, 289 
 
 Martin, Senhor Francisco. See 
 Martin, Francois 
 
 Masqat, fruitless Portuguese ex- 
 pedition against, 137, 138 
 
 Masson, Monsieur, a French pirate, 
 268 
 
 Masulipatam, Manucci at, vi 
 
 Maya, Thomas de, of S. Thome, 
 220 
 
 Mecca, Jew's-stones from, 28 
 
 Meerman, Baron Gerard, pur- 
 chases MS. of the " Storia," 
 1705, viii 
 
 Mellos and Mendozas, disputes of, 
 at Bassain, 134, 135 
 
 Menezes, Dom Manoel de Souza de, 
 Archbishop, temporary Gover- 
 nor of Goa, 1 68, 169; treats 
 Manucci as a traitor, 1 69 
 
 Menezes, Manoel da Silva de, of S. 
 Thome, 217, 220 
 
 Mirak Ata ullah, a captain, 150 
 
 Mir Baba, foster brother of 
 Aurangzeb. See Bahadur Khan 
 
 Mir Jumlah, in Assam, 117, 118 ; 
 Viceroy of Bengal, makes Mirza 
 Jam Governor of Rajmahal, 117; 
 makes Mirza Gul Governor of 
 Hugli, 119 
 
INDEX 
 
 305 
 
 Mirecautaula, a friend of Manucci, 
 
 282, 283 
 
 Mirza 'Abdullah, 146 
 Mirza Arjanj and Manucci, 274, 
 
 275 
 Mirza Jam, Governor of Raj- 
 
 rnahal, 117 
 Miskin, Khwajah. Manucci put in 
 
 the charge of, 49 
 MisrI Khan, marries the Pa than 
 
 widow instead of Manucci, 158 
 Mogul country, the, why Manucci 
 
 left, 198, 199 
 
 Moguls, the, fond of flowers, 22 
 Monte Grande. See Big Mount 
 Moreira, Souza, custodian, 185 
 Mota, Una de Manoel de, island 
 
 near Goa, 178 
 Mozambique, I. Sermento goes to, 
 
 136 
 Mu 'Azzam, Sultan, on the march 
 
 to Kashmir, 106 
 Mubariz Khan, Manucci attends 
 
 the wife of, 209 
 Muhammad, 81, 82 ; the image of, 
 
 164 
 Muhammad Amm Khan, 51 ; on 
 
 the march to Kashmir, 104 ; 
 
 Governor of Lahor, 141 ; forces 
 
 Manucci to leave Lahor in his 
 
 suite, 145 ; has Manucci falsely 
 
 accused of theft, 146, 147 
 Muhammad Ibrahim, assists Ma- 
 nucci to escape from Shah 
 
 'Alam, 191, 192, 193 
 Muhammad Ja'far, Manucci asked 
 
 to treat, 257 
 Muhammad Mir, foster brother of 
 
 Shah 'Alam, sent in pursuit of 
 
 Manucci, 186, 187 
 Muhammad Muqim, chief physi- 
 cian to Shah 'Alam, 277, 278, 
 
 279, 287, 288 
 Muhammad Muqim Mirza, and 
 
 M., 207, 208, 209 
 Muhammad Riza, Manucci cures, 
 
 210 
 Muhammad Riza, Mirza, officer 
 
 of Shah 'A lam, 222 
 Muhammad Sadiq, official at 
 
 Shah 'Alam's court, 222 
 Muhammad Sa'Id, dlwan of the 
 
 Karnatik, 237 
 Muhammad, Shekh, envoy from 
 
 A'urangzeb to Viceroy of Goa, 
 
 altercation with Manucci, 183, 
 
 184 ; reference, 185 
 
 Muhammad, Sultan, son of Au- 
 rangzeb, 60 ; routed by Dara, 
 66 
 
 Muhsin, Khan, Persian physician 
 in service of Shah 'Alam, 207 ; 
 and Muhammad Riza, 209, 
 210 
 
 Mu'm Mir, Uzbak, 246 
 
 Mu'izz-udjdm, Sultan, son of 
 Shah 'Alam, Manucci entrusts 
 money to, 1 86 ; quarrels with 
 his father, 200 ; references, 1 80 
 
 Multan, Dara, starts for, 78 ; his 
 followers arrive at, 81 ; and 
 his followers leave, 82 ; Aurang- 
 zeb arrives at, 83 ; Aurangzeb 
 leaves, 85 ; Khwajah Basant 
 and Lashkar Khan, Governor 
 of, 91 ; reference, 116 
 
 Mumin, Hakim, physician to 
 Bahadur Khan, 1 1 3 
 
 Mumin Khan, envoy of Shah 
 'Alam, tries to carry Manucci off, 
 
 195 
 
 Mumiycfi, Shiraz and its, 25 
 
 Munger, rivers at, 114 
 
 Murad Bakhsh, prepares to seize 
 the throne, 51 ; advances with 
 Aurangzeb's army, 60 ; hard 
 pressed by Ram Singh, Rathor, 
 66 ; arrives in Agrah, 73 ; starts 
 with Aurangzeb in pursuit of 
 Dara, 74 ; made a prisoner by 
 Aurangzeb, 74 ; Manucci at- 
 tends the daughter of , 1 5 1 , 1 52 ; 
 references, 54, 59 
 
 Murad, Mulla, Mahomedan 
 Governor of S. Thome, 276 
 
 Murad, Sultan, 8 
 
 Music, instruments of, employed 
 by Armenians, Syrians, Maro- 
 nites, and Turks, 107 
 
 Najabat Khan, one of Aurang- 
 zeb's generals, 60 ; routed by 
 Dara, 66 
 
 Narapa, sent as envoy to Da,ud 
 Khan, 251 
 
 Narbada, the river, 33 
 
 Narsapur, Manucci at, vi ; flies 
 to, to evade capture by Shah 
 'Alam, 194 
 
 Narwar, Bellomont and Manucci 
 at, 35 
 
 Nawab Bae Ji, mother of Shah 
 'Alam, interviews Manucci, 180 
 
306 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Negapatam, the Dutch at, asked 
 by Da.ud Khan to help him 
 against the English, 254 
 
 Nekroz, the eunuch, Manucci 
 writes to, 215 
 
 Nelur, the river, 179 
 
 Niccolao, Hakim. See Manucci 
 
 Noah, the Ark of, 6 
 
 Nur-un-nissa, Begam, accident 
 when Manucci drew blood from, 
 286 
 
 Nutmeg, good effect of, on a horse, 
 140 
 
 Ochu. See Uchh 
 Ormuz, the fortress of, 13, 14, 22 ; 
 the fortress and island of, 27 
 
 Pan (betel leaf), 30, 31 ; Manucci's 
 first trial of, 30 
 
 Pandharpur, Manucci attacked by 
 thieves at, 139, 140 
 
 Panlpat, Manucci's lucky escape 
 near, 75, 76 
 
 Parenda, Manucci at, 140 
 
 Paris, volume of portraits now at 
 Bibliotheque Nationale, in, ix 
 
 Patnah, rivers at, 113 ; Manucci 
 at, 114, 115, 1 1 6, 124 ; factories 
 at, English and Dutch, 115; 
 manufacture and trade of, 115 
 
 Pedro, Dom, Prince of Portugal, 
 184 
 
 Pent, the Rajah of, Manucci sent 
 as envoy to, 129 
 
 Pereyra, Donna A, wife of 
 Chris. Hartley, 196 
 
 Persia, Manucci, accompanies 
 Bellomont through, v ; presents 
 for the King of, 6 ; sheep of the 
 country, 8, 24 ; water supply 
 in, 8, 26; climate resembling 
 England, 14; Shah 'Abbas, King 
 of, 9, 10, ii, 12, 14, 16, 20 ; the 
 King of , references, 7, 8, 138; 
 Akbar's intended flight to, 166, 
 167; references, 2, 3, 5, 184,271 
 
 Persian cavalry, parade of, 16 
 
 Persians, fond of flowers, 22 
 
 Peshawar, Fida.e Khan at, 1 50 
 
 Pheliciano de Santa Teresa, Prior 
 of Carmelites at Goa, 227, 228 
 
 Philipps, Sir Thomas, purchases 
 MS. of Manucci's " Storia " 
 1824, viii 
 
 Pinto, Manoel Texeyra, of San 
 Thome, 217 
 
 Pit, Lourenco, Dutch envoy in 
 Gulkandah, Manucci appeals 
 for help to, 195 
 
 Pitt, Thomas, Governor of Madras, 
 employs Manucci, vii ; arbit- 
 rates between Manucci and the 
 Portuguese, 219 ; visited by 
 Da.ud Khan, 248, 249, 250 ; 
 warned by Manucci of approach 
 of Da,ud Khan, 251 ; reply to 
 message from Da,ud Khan and 
 others, 257, 258 ; asks Manucci 
 to visit Da.ud Khan in com- 
 pany with English envoys, 263 
 
 Plato, 1 60 
 
 Platt, Thomas, English boat- 
 builder at Dhakah, friendly to 
 Manucci, 118 
 
 Ponda, Portuguese, defeat at, 168 
 
 Pondicherry, Manucci in, vii, 251 ; 
 Manucci goes to visit Fra^ois 
 Martin at, 196 ; he leaves, 197 ; 
 Father Martin returns to, 233 ; 
 Manucci determines to visit, 
 235; Da,ud Khan asks French 
 at, for help against English, 
 254 ; Fran9ois Martin ill at, 
 267 ; death of Fra^ois Martin, 
 Governor of, 289 
 
 Porto, Domingos do, of S. Thome, 
 217 
 
 Portraits, volume of, sent home 
 with first MS. of " Storia," ix 
 
 Portugal, the King of, 132, 181 
 
 Portugal, Joao Antunes, Portu- 
 guese envoy to Shah 'Alam, 
 183 ; Joao Antunio, Portuguese 
 envoy to Shah 'Alam and Ma- 
 nucci, 222, 223, 224 
 
 Portuguese, in India, 13, 22, 27, 
 1 33> 136, J 66 ; employ Ma- 
 nucci, vi. 
 
 Primavera. See Basant, Khwajah 
 
 Protazio, Signer, a German, and 
 Manucci, 287, 288 
 
 Puldo, ii, 15, 100, 101 
 
 Puna-garh, the fortress of, refer- 
 ence, 132 
 
 Qandahar, and Shahjahan, 159 
 Qasim Bazar, English, French 
 
 and Dutch factories at, 123 ; 
 
 Manucci at, 123 
 Qasur, Dindar Khan, of, 157 
 Qazi Mir, minister of Shah 'Alam, 
 
 befriends Manucci, 281, 282, 
 
 283 
 
INDEX 
 
 307 
 
 Qazwin, 8, 14 ; Manucci, and 
 Bellomont at, 9, 10, 1 1 , 12 ; the 
 royal palace at, 9, 10 ; situation 
 of, 12 
 
 Quran, the, references to, 74, 143, 
 153, 164, 204, 208, 268 
 
 Qutb Shah, King of Gulkandah, 
 treasures of, 193 
 
 Qutb-ud-dm, Khwajah, gardens 
 of, near Dihll, 273 
 
 Raguza, Manucci arrives with 
 Lord Bellomont at, 2 
 
 Rajapur, warning sent to Ma- 
 nucci from, 1 68 
 
 Rajmahal, rivers at, 114; Ma- 
 nucci at, 117 ; story of satl, 123 
 
 Rajputs, the, 67 ; way of wearing 
 the hair, 126 
 
 Ram Raja, son of Shiva JI, 258 
 
 Ram Singh, Rathor, advances with 
 Dara's army,' 6 1 ; death of, 66, 
 67 
 
 Ramapa, sent with Manucci on 
 deputation to Da,ud Khan. 236 ; 
 causes trouble, 238, 239, 240, 
 243, 244 ; his excuses, 245 ; 
 Manucci' s generous conduct 
 towards, 246 
 
 Ramghat, a mountain called, 190 
 
 Ramnagar, the Rajah of, Ma- 
 nucci sent as envoy to, 129, 130 
 
 Ravi, the river, 78 
 
 Raworth, Mr., English envoy sent 
 to Da,ud Khan, 263, 264 
 
 Ribeiro, Manoel, gives Manucci a 
 horse at Parenda, 140 
 
 Ribeyro, Augustinho, of Goa, 218 
 
 Roach, Thomas, seizes Bello- 
 mont's property, 38 ; his peti- 
 tion to Dara, 40 ; pardoned by 
 Manucci, 44 
 
 Roberts, Gabriel, Governor of 
 Tevenapatam, Manucci visits, 
 266, 267 
 
 Rodrigues, Bertolameo, of S. 
 Thome, 217 
 
 Rori, town of, 86 
 
 Roshan Ara Begam and her re- 
 tinue on the march to Kashmir, 
 107, 108 ; her travelling com- 
 panion, 109 
 
 Roth, Heinrich, Jesuit, begs Ma- 
 nucci to take two friars with him 
 to Bengal, 112 ; reference, 117 
 
 Roubal, Monsieur de, a French 
 pirate, 268 
 
 Rumi Khan, Turkish officer, and 
 Manucci, 78, 79, 80, 81 
 
 Rustam Khan, Dakhinl, ad- 
 vances with Dara's army, 61 
 gives prudent advice to Dara 
 62, 63 ; reinforces Dara, 64 
 killed, 66 
 
 Rustam Rao, second in command 
 of Gulkandah forces, 195 ; im- 
 prisoned for allowing Manucci 
 to escape, 196 
 
 Saa, Domingo de, assists Ma- 
 nucci to demonstrate European 
 mode of fighting, 128, 129 
 
 Sa'adatullah Khan, writes to 
 Manucci, 256 ; his letter to 
 Fr. Martin, 257 
 
 Safar, Khwajah, Armenian of 
 Agrah, story of his bank- 
 ruptcy at Patnah, 115, 116 
 
 Sakkar, town of, 86 
 
 Salih, Mirza, son of Fida.e Khan, 
 Manucci visits, 148 ; presents 
 Manucci to Fida.e Khan, 149 
 
 Salsette, taken possession of by 
 Sambha Ji, 170, 174 
 
 Salt River (Ryo Salgado), 26 
 
 Sambha Ji, Manucci negotiates 
 with, vi ; 166 ; lays plans to 
 seize Goa, 167, 168 ; takes pos- 
 session of Salsette and Bardes, 
 170 ; his designs on Goa, 172, 
 173 ; Manucci sent as envoy to, 
 171, 172 ; he sends an envoy in 
 return, 172, 173 ; Manucci sent 
 as envoy to, for the second time, 
 175 ; reference, 190 
 
 Sampayo, Diogo de Mello de, re- 
 fuses to pay his debt to Ma- 
 nucci, 163, 164 
 
 Sanganes. See Sanjanls 
 
 Sanjanis (West Coast pirates), 162 
 
 San Marco, Library of, volume of 
 portraits in, ix ; Manucci's MS. 
 entered in catalogue, ix 
 
 San Thome, Manucci at, 217, 218, 
 219, 220 ; Bishop Caspar 
 Alfon9oat,229,23o, 231 ; Da,ud 
 Khan. Panni, at, 246 ; Manucci 
 sent to receive Da.ud Khan. 
 Panni, at, 248; Da.ud Khan, 
 Panni, returns to, 250 ; Da.ud 
 Khan, Panni, at, 251, 252, 253, 
 254, 265 ; Fr. Martin sends Mon- 
 sieur Desprez as envoy to 
 Da,ud Khan, Panni, at, 255 ; 
 
INDEX 
 
 Mulla Murad, Mahomedan 
 Governor of, 276 
 
 Santiago, fortress of, at Goa, 178 
 
 Sant' lago, Manucci made a 
 Knight of, vi, 184, 185, 186 
 
 Santo Estevao.the island of, taken 
 by Sambha JI, 175 ; Sambha JI, 
 obliged to leave, 177 
 
 Santo Pinto, Manoel de, Portu- 
 guese envoy to Shah 'Alam, 183, 
 184 
 
 Saraes, account of, 34 
 
 Saraiva, Manoel, sent as envoy to 
 Sambha JI, 175 
 
 Sati, at Rajmahal, story of, 123 ; a 
 rescue from, nearAgrah, 124,125 
 
 Sennento, Ignacio, at Bassain, 
 warned by Manucci of trouble, 
 133 ; signs certificate testifying 
 to Manucci's service to Portu- 
 guese, 133, 134; tardy pay- 
 ment of a debt to Manucci, 136 
 
 Shafi' Khan, Governor of S. 
 Thome, 219 
 
 Shah 'Abbas. See 'Abbas II., 
 Shah_of Persia 
 
 Shah 'Alam, Manucci negotiates 
 with, vi ; Manucci appointed 
 physician to, vi ; Jai Singh 
 joins, at Aurangabad, 129 ; 
 Manucci enters service of, 165, 
 1 66 ; Manucci obtains leave of 
 absence from, 166 ; approaches 
 Goa, 175 ; takes several of 
 Sambha JI's forts, 176 ; arrives 
 at Goa, 177 ; sends envoy to 
 Viceroy of Goa, 177, 178 ; visit 
 from Manucci, 179, 180, 181, 
 182 ; grants Manucci leave of 
 absence to visit Goa, 188 ; al- 
 lows him to take a cargo of 
 wheat with him, 189 ; Manucci 
 escapes from, 191, 192 ; re- 
 quests King of Gulkandah to 
 send Manucci back to him, 194 ; 
 complains to King of Gulkandah 
 of his failure to arrest Manucci, 
 196 ; sends in search of Ma- 
 nucci, 197 ; Manucci attends 
 the mother of, 199 ; quarrels 
 with his son Sultan Mu'izz-ud- 
 din, 200 ; play's a trick on 
 Manucci, 201, 202 ; tries to 
 persuade Manucci to change 
 his religion, 204 ; and Bhao 
 Singh, 205 ; his tests for 
 Manucci, 206, 207 ; orders Ma- 
 
 nucci to attend Muhammad 
 Muqlm, 208 ; orders Manucci 
 to attend the wife of Mubarix 
 Khan, 209 ; orders Manucci to 
 attend Fath-ullah-Khan, 210 ; 
 annoyed to hear that Manucci 
 has been sent for by Diler Khan, 
 212, 213 ; Manucci sent as en- 
 voy to, 222, 223, 224 ; and 
 Manucci, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 
 282 ; references, 141, 185 
 
 Shahbaz, the eunuch, advises 
 Murad Bajt^sh not to accom- 
 pany Aurangzeb, 74 
 
 Shahjahan, gives revenues of 
 Surat to Begam Sahib, 31 ; at 
 Dihll, 37 ; Manucci presented 
 to, 42 ; his audience-hall, 42, 
 43 ; illness of, 51 ; and Dara 
 51, 52 ; writes to Dara, 58 ; 
 message from Dara to, 69, 70 ; 
 answer to Dara's message, 70 ; 
 communications with Aurang- 
 zeb, 73 ; made prisoner by 
 Aurangzeb, 73, 74 ; in prison, 
 harsh treatment of, in, 112; 
 in prison at Agrah, 1 24 ; and 
 Qandahar, 159 ; references, 29, 
 56 
 
 Shah Shuja', son of Shahjahan, 
 prepares to seize the throne, 5 1 ; 
 66, 87, 104, 117, 119, 274 
 
 Shaistah Khan, appointed 
 Governor of Agrah, 74 ; refer- 
 ences, 51, 249 
 
 Sharif-ul-mulk, brother-in-law of 
 King of Gulkandah, 193 
 
 Sharzah Khan. 134 
 
 Shekh Mir, leads a division of 
 Aurangzeb's army, 64 ; refer- 
 ence, 104 
 
 Shlraz, the bridge of, at Isfahan, 
 22 ; 23 ; Bellomont ill at, 24 ; 
 description of, 24; Armenians at, 
 24 ; Bellomontleaves,25 ; and its 
 mumiyai, 25 
 
 Shiva JI, has many conversations 
 with Manucci, 132 ; references, 
 129, 130, 138, 141 
 
 Siam, King of, 267 
 
 Sihrind, Manucci at, 97, 163 ; 
 reference, 285 
 
 Silva, Francisco da, chief surgeon 
 at S. Thome, 221 
 
 Sind, the river of, 84 
 
 Sindl, Manucci and Bellomont at, 
 28 ; Dara at, 85 
 
INDEX 
 
 309 
 
 Sipihr Shukoh (son of Dara) goes 
 
 to Dihli with Data, 71 
 Sironj, Manucci and Bellomont at, 
 
 33, 34 
 
 Smith, Reuben, seizes Bellomont's 
 property, 38 ; shares spoil with 
 T. Roach, 40 ; pardoned by 
 Manucci, 44 
 
 Smyrna, Manucci hides on board 
 a vessel bound for, 1653, v ; 
 arrives with Lord Bellomont 
 at, 2 ; English, French, Dutch 
 Italians, and Armenians at, 2 ; 
 9, ii, 12 
 
 Souza, Joao de, Portuguese, helps 
 Manucci to prescribe, 100 
 
 Srlnagar, the Rajah of, helps Su- 
 laiman Shukoh, 87 ; receives 
 letter from Aurangzeb, 87 ; the 
 mountains of, 85 ; reference, 98 
 
 " Storia do Mogor," account of 
 MSS. of the, viii, ix 
 
 Sua, Joad da Costa de, of San 
 Thome, 217 
 
 Sulaiman Beg Mirza, brother-in- 
 law of Shah 'Alam, 207, 208 
 
 Sulaiman Khan. 240 
 
 Sulaiman Shukoh, 53 ; 54, 55, 56; 
 58 ; 70 ; 74 ; 76 ; 85 ; and the 
 Rajah of Srinagar, 87 ; in Srlna- 
 gar, 98 
 
 Sundarbans, the, 118 
 
 Surat, Manucci and Bellomont at, 
 29, 30, 31 ; Henry Young at, 29, 
 45, 46, 50 ; revenues of, given to 
 Begam Sahib, 31 ; Manucci at, 
 1 6 3 , 1 66 ; fleet from , with supplies 
 for Shah 'Alam, 176 ; Father 
 Ivo, Capuchin, of, 287 ; refer- 
 ences, 27, 129, 158, 165, 191, 196, 
 225,252,271 , 
 
 Syrians, musical instruments em- 
 ployed by, 107 
 
 Tabriz, Manucci and Bellomont 
 at, 7, 8 
 
 Taide, Ignacio de, embezzles Ma- 
 nucci's ship and cargo, 163 
 
 Taimur-i-lang, 53 
 
 Tanjor, persecutions at, refer- 
 ences, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 
 251 ; Manucci sends some of his 
 servants to, 235 
 
 Tavora, Francisco de, Count of 
 Alvor, Viceroy of Goa, protects 
 Manucci from jealous physi- 
 cians, 221 ; engages in war 
 
 against Sambha JI, 166 ; 
 gives Prince Akbar permis- 
 sion to build a ship at Goa, 
 167 ; attacks Ponda, 168 ; 
 retreats to Goa, 168 ; sends 
 Manucci to negotiate with Sam- 
 bha JI, 171 ; Manucci's report 
 to, 173 ; receives Sambha Jfs 
 envoy, 173 ; sends Manucci as 
 envoy to the Mogul fleet, 174, 
 175 ; sends Manucci to speak 
 with envoy of Shah 'Alam, 1 77 ; 
 receives envoy of Shah 'Alam, 
 1 78 ; hears Manucci's report of 
 his interview with Shah 'Alam, 
 182 ; offers Manucci Knight- 
 hood of Sant' lago, 184 ; his 
 signature to the Patent of 
 Knighthood, 185 
 
 Tedesqui, Dom Joseph, Theatine, 
 222 
 
 Tevenapatam, Manucci visits G. 
 Roberts, Governor of, 266, 267 
 
 Texeira, Manoel, 231 
 
 Thika, Arain, a corpulent Ma- 
 hoir edan, story of, 153, 154, 155 
 
 Tiepolo, Lorenzo and the MS. of 
 Manucci's " Storia," ix 
 
 Tirth, the stream called, at Al- 
 lahabad, 113; course of, 113, 
 114 
 
 Tokat, Manucci and Bellomont 
 at, 3 
 
 Tranquebar, the Danes at, asked 
 by Da.ud Khan to help him 
 against the English, 254 
 
 Turkey, 2 ; travel in, 4, 5 ; water 
 supply in, 8 
 
 Turks, manners and customs of, 
 4, 5, 6 ; musical instruments 
 employed by, 107 
 
 Uchh, city of, 83 
 
 Ujung Salang, land belonging to 
 Siam, 267, 268 
 
 Uzbak nobles from Balkh, man- 
 ners and customs of, 100, 101, 102 
 
 Vehu. See Uchh 
 
 Vejlore, Ghulam 'AH Khan, 
 Governor of, invites Manucci 
 to visit him, 259, 260 ; croco- 
 diles at, 260, 261 
 
 Velur. See Vellore 
 
 Venice, Manucci runs away from, 
 1653, v, i ; 31 ; ancient chairs 
 of, 108 
 
 21 
 
INDEX 
 
 Vieira, Father Damiao, with the 
 army of Jai Singh, 132, 133 ; 
 Father DamiaC, his enmity 
 towards Manucci, 228, 229 
 
 Vingorla, Akbar sends a ship to, 
 1 68 ; a watch set to prevent 
 Akbar leaving, 169 ; Manucci 
 sent to the Mogul fleet off, 1 74, 
 175; Akbar at, 175^ town of, 
 captured by Shah 'Alam, 182 ; 
 187 
 
 Wazir Khan, secretary of Shah- 
 jahan, Manucci applies for help 
 to, 40, 41 ; takes Manucci to 
 the palace of Shahjahan, 41 , 42 ; 
 and Manucci, 44, 45, 46 
 
 White Pagoda, or Pagoda of the 
 Virgins, 187, 189 
 
 Yale, Elihu. See Hayel, Alexandre 
 Young, Henry, head of English 
 factory at Isfahan, 21, 23 ; at 
 Surat, 29, 45, 46, 50 ; supplies 
 Bellomont with money and 
 goods, 31 ; Manucci writes to, 
 So 
 
 Z t afarabad, a garden near Agrah, 
 73 
 
 Zanetti, enters volume of portraits 
 in catalogue of Library of San 
 Marco, ix 
 
 Zenon, Father, Capuchin mis- 
 sionary at Fort St. George, 197 
 
 Zindah-rud, the river, 21 
 
 Zulfah, 21 
 
 Zu.lfiqar Khan, sends a present to 
 Manucci, 266 ; references, 225, 
 247,249,257 
 
 Printed by Haxell, Watson 6- Viney, Ld., London and Aylesbury. 
 
 
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