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THE GERMANY OF ASIA 
 
 Japan's Policy in the Far East 
 
 Her "Peaceful Penetration" of the 
 United States 
 
 How American Commercial and 
 
 National Interests 
 
 are Affected 
 
 By V. S. McCLATCHY 
 
 Publisher The Sacramento Bee 
 
 D -LIBRARY EDITION 1-JEO 
 
 ii M i ■ ■ 11 iW i W* 
 
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An Attack by Japan's Publicity Agent 
 
 J. Russell Kennedy, who acted as 
 publicity agent for Japan at the Paris 
 
 :e Conference, is Manager of 
 Kokusai, the government-controlled 
 news agency of Japan, which handles 
 the incoming and outgoing news of 
 the Empire. He is also Manager in 
 j a p a „ for Renter, the British News 
 Agency which surrendered the Japan 
 news field some years ago to Koku- 
 sai He is also publisher of the Japan 
 Times and Mail, a daily newspaper 
 issued from the Kokusai building in 
 Tokyo, and used by the Japanese Gov 
 ernment to present to EngUsh-reading 
 people points of view as to math rs 
 Japanese, which might not otherwise 
 secure their attention. 
 
 Mr Kennedy has been engaged for a 
 few months past in an active cam- 
 paign to convince the people of the 
 Far East that certain articles which 
 have appeared in The Sacramento 
 Bee, written by its Publisher, and 
 outlining the policy and acts of Japa- 
 nese in the Far East and in this coun- 
 try, are unreliable, and with no foun- 
 dation .save malice. 
 
 In this campaign he has enlisted ac- 
 tively the various agencies with which 
 he is associated. 
 
 The newspapers of the Far East 
 have been asked, as a matter of cour- 
 tesy to a fellow journalist, to reprint 
 the matter. The Kobe (Japan) Chron- 
 icle of January 15, 1920, for instance, 
 comments on the fact that Kennedy 
 was indignant because the Chronicle 
 failed to use a two-column article of 
 this description. 
 
 The Kokusai has included in its 
 
 (From the Sacramento Bee, Feb. 26.192 
 regular service matter of the kind 
 which has been published by the 
 newspaper subscribers to that service; 
 and Reuter has lent its facilities to 
 Kennedy's purpose by including simi- 
 lar matter in the news report dis- 
 tributed in China and elsewhere. 
 
 Much of the matter has also been 
 printed in pamphlet form, and given 
 extensive circulation. 
 
 While much good white paper has 
 been used in this way. most of the 
 space is devoted to vituperative per- 
 sonal abuse of the writer of The 
 Bee's articles, and the balance to de- 
 nying certain statements as to the 
 Kokusai and Reuter services. The 
 really important statements which 
 d.al with Japan's acts and policy are 
 dismissed by Kennedy with a wave 
 of the hand, and the assertion that 
 they constitute "a web of mendacity." 
 The elaborate efforts thus made to 
 discredit these articles by personal 
 attacks on the writer, and by at- 
 tempting to show that they are in- 
 accurate in minor issues, is suffi- 
 cient indication that some one on the 
 otner side of the Pacific is being 
 hurt by an exposition of the facts. 
 
 0.) 
 
 pedient of claiming they contain a 
 charge which does not appear therein 
 and then disproving that fictitious 
 charge. He says that Kokusai was 
 charged with suppressing news of the 
 armistice AFTER the armistice had 
 been signed. The extract from the 
 articles quoted by him disprove his 
 complaint. It was plainly stated that 
 Kokusai had failed to publish in 
 .Japan PRIOR to the armistice the 
 news received by the balance of the 
 world indicating that the defeat of 
 the Germans was inevitable and an 
 armistice was about to be asked for. 
 
 The Peking Daily News in com- 
 menting on the denials promulgated 
 by Kokusai, said in its issue of Janu- 
 ary 12th: 
 
 "But it is well known in this coun- 
 try that the Kokusai News Agency 
 does suppress news when it is unfav- 
 orable to Japan." 
 
 The Bee's articles were published 
 nearly a year ago, and have had gen- 
 eral circulation, through republica- 
 tion in prominent newspapers of the 
 United States. Each month since has 
 brought corroboration and proof of 
 some of the statements therein made. 
 No important matter has met dis- 
 proof or authoritative denial. 
 
 The Manager of Kokusai, in assail- 
 ing the articles, is forced to the ex- 
 
 Under the circumstances the Ken- 
 nedy attack and the methods used in 
 circulating it are complimentary to 
 The Bee, and to the writer of the 
 articles. They constitute also a tacti- 
 cal mistake, tor they call attention 
 in the Far East to certain activities 
 of the Kokusai's Manager which 
 might otherwise have attracted lit- 
 tle notice; and they will induce more 
 careful investigation of the subject 
 matter of The Bee's articles. This 
 phase has suggested itself to the Edi- 
 tor of the Kobe Chronicle, who says 
 that "it seems unlikely that Mr. Mc- 
 Clatchy's pamphlet is worth the two- 
 column advertisement which Mr. Ken- 
 nedy wishes us to give it." 
 
PART ONE 
 
 Japan's Aims and Acts in the Far East — How 
 
 She Threatens the Cause of Justice, the 
 
 Interests of the United States and 
 
 the Peace of the World. 
 
 In Eight Articles 
 
 >licate of this booklet will be sent to 
 ddress.on receipt of 10c in stamps, 
 jss The Bee, Sacramento, Calif.. 
 
These articles on the Far East sit- 
 uation were written immediately on 
 return to California after three months' 
 absence and published in the Sacra- 
 mento Bee between the 5th and 18th 
 of April, 1919. The entire time, aside 
 from that portion consumed in sea 
 travel and a few days each in Ma- 
 nila and Korea, was spent in China 
 and Japan, sightseeing being neglected 
 at all times when information of 
 value could be secured. 
 
 While, as a Californian and news- 
 paperman, I was familiar with the 
 local phases of Asiatic immigration, 
 I had made no study of the Far East 
 problem and had not even read the 
 books of Thomas F. Millard. The 
 study made on the ground was, there- 
 fore, somewhat in the nature of an 
 original investigation, with the ad- 
 vantages and disadvantages that at- 
 tend such character of investigation. 
 
 Exceptional opportunities for se- 
 curing reliable and confidential in- 
 formation offered themselves, how- 
 ever, in meeting prominent officials, 
 business representatives and news- 
 paper men^-Chinese, Japanese, Eng- 
 lish and American — most of them long 
 resident in the Far East and intimate- 
 ly familiar with conditions there. 
 These men represented not one, but 
 all sides of the vexed problem. 
 
 It is believed that the picture pre- 
 sented in the articles, while neces- 
 sarily deficient in detail and artistic 
 niceties, is substantially true in con- 
 ception, outline and color. Read in 
 the light of subsequent events, the 
 articles present an added interest, 
 and have been reprinted in this form 
 in response to request. 
 
 Our Asset In China. 
 
 Article III explains the wonderful 
 commercial asset which the United 
 States possessed in the early part of 
 this year in the good-will of China. 
 How much of that asset remains to- 
 day, since the Paris conference en- 
 dorsed Japan's claims on the Shan- 
 tung Peninsula, it would be difficult 
 to say. Letters from China politely 
 excuse us on the theory that President 
 Wilson, while unwilling to consent to 
 inflicting injury on China, was com- 
 
 AN EXPLANATION. 
 
 pelled by the strength of the combi- 
 nation against him. It is probable 
 that the real judgment of China is to 
 the effect that while we refused to 
 despoil China ourselves we have 
 placed, through President Wilson's ac- 
 tion, our official seal of approval on 
 her spoliation by Japan. It is true 
 President Wilson's action has been 
 repudiated by the U. S. Senate reser- 
 vation as to Shantung. If this reser- 
 vation shall stand as the final action 
 of the Nation we will have retrieved, 
 in small part only, the grave injustice 
 we have done China. 
 
 Astonishing Propaganda. 
 
 Various methods of propaganda, 
 followed by Japan in securing her ob- 
 jects in the Far East and concealing 
 them from the world, are referred to 
 in the articles. The most remarkable 
 piece of propaganda work done by her 
 has been exposed since they were 
 written. It is referred to here be- 
 cause it offers striking corroboration 
 of statements made in them. Refer- 
 ence is had to the accomplishment of 
 Sidney L. Gulick, who, during five 
 years' stay in the United States, has 
 essayed to convert us to his "New 
 Oriental policy" of admitting Asiatics 
 to this country as immigrants and 
 citizens on the same plane as Euro- 
 peans; who secured the endorse- 
 ment and financial assistance in this 
 campaign of a powerful church feder- 
 ation representing 100,000 churches; 
 who has embodied his plan in a "re- 
 stricted immigration" bill, and, with 
 the names of one thousand prominent 
 American citizens as sponsors there- 
 for, presented the bill to Congress. 
 
 Under the operation of the bill the 
 Japanese population in the United 
 States would reach over 100,000,000 
 in 160 years, long before which time 
 the country would have become a Jap- 
 anese province. The thousand good 
 Americans whose names are used in 
 connection with this work of the 
 League for Constructive Immigration 
 Legislation did not know that the 
 bill was "loaded." The scheme was 
 fully exposed in a series of articles in 
 the Sacramento Bee published in June 
 
 and reproduced in the second part of 
 this booklet. 
 
 Trans-Pacific News Service. 
 
 In Article TV attention is called to 
 the manner in which Japan controls 
 the incoming and outgoing news of 
 Japan; how she is attempting to ac- 
 complish similar results in China, and 
 the grave menace to the interests of 
 the United States and the peace of the 
 world which would attend the suc- 
 cess of her efforts in this direction. 
 
 Following publication of these ar- 
 ticles in April, 1919, the writer urged 
 upon the Departments in Washington, 
 and subsequently, in September and 
 October, upon the two sub-committees 
 of Congress having charge of radio 
 legislation, the utilization of the navy 
 radio facilities on the Pacific for news 
 transmission to keep the people of the 
 Far East in close touch with us, and 
 thus prevent misunderstandings, de- 
 feat vicious propaganda, and avert 
 war. 
 
 With the cessation of war activities 
 the news report of the Committee on 
 Public Information had to cease, and 
 the Far East, including our own 
 Philippines, would become again de- 
 pendent upon unsympathetic and un- 
 friendly, or inimical, news agencies 
 for its daily information as to the 
 United States, our sentiments and 
 actions. 
 
 Interchange of news across the Pa- 
 cific by American news agencies or 
 newspapers under existing conditions 
 was impracticable. The single Ameri- 
 can cable when operating was so con- 
 gested that ten to fifteen days was re- 
 quired for transmission of a message, 
 while the rates, either by cable or by 
 radio, were prohibitive. 
 
 It was urged therefore that the 
 navy be authorized to transmit news 
 messages across the Pacific at a word 
 rate so low — a maximum of 6 cents 
 per word was suggested — that Ameri- 
 can news associations would be en- 
 couraged to inaugurate a reliable and 
 adequate daily trans-Pacific news 
 service, self-supporting and free from 
 Government control or censorship. 
 
 The sub-committees were sympa- 
 thetic, and bills looking to the tem- 
 
porary authorization urged, pending 
 permanent solution of the problem, 
 were introduced in both houses. Prob- 
 ably encouraged thereby Vice Admir- 
 al W. H. Bullard, Director of Com- 
 munications of the Navy, issued an or- 
 der effective December 20, 1919, un- 
 der which news messages would be 
 received at San Francisco for trans- 
 mission to Manila by naval radio at 
 6 cents per word. 
 
 As an immediate result steps are 
 now in progress under which the 
 Manila newspapers will receive every 
 day a very full report of world's news 
 from San Francisco. If Congress shall 
 approve the principle involved in Ad- 
 miral Bullard's order, a similar report 
 will go to China, and eventually to 
 Japan; and there will be sent back to 
 us daily a report covering events and 
 sentiments in the Far East. 
 
 With a plan of this character suc- 
 cessfully operating on the Pacific, the 
 same plan will be tried elsewhere; and 
 in time the peoples of the earth may 
 find, through daily interchange of re- 
 liable news reports in independent 
 hands, free from Government sugges- 
 tion or censorship, a safeguard against 
 secret diplomacy and the ambitions of 
 rulers for which the common people 
 must always pay. 
 
 Chinese Awakening. 
 
 Since the articles were published, 
 patriotic Chinese mobs have treated 
 severely the persons and the property 
 of three of the five traitorous Chinese 
 officials named in Article V. The 
 boycott against Japan and Japanese 
 goods inaugurated by China in the 
 early part of the year has grown in 
 strength and determination, and has 
 not been affected apparently, so far 
 as the Chinese people are concerned, 
 by Japan's threat to the Chinese Gov- 
 ernment that it might be compelled 
 to resort to force to stop it. That 
 boycott has been extended to our three 
 Pacific Coast States — more particu- 
 larly California — where the resident 
 Chinese have declined to do business 
 in any way with the Japanese. 
 
 Korea's Plight. 
 
 The estimate of the Korean situa- 
 tion, in a special article made before 
 reliable information could be se- 
 cured as to repressive measures 
 
 adopted by the Japanese, has been 
 fully confirmed by news since given 
 to the world. I have myself received 
 a mass of testimony and a large num- 
 ber of photographs bearing witness to 
 the terrible atrocities committed upon 
 the persons of the defenseless Koreans 
 — men, women and children — appar- 
 ently with the same object which the 
 Germans had in committing atrocities 
 in Belgium, to subordinate by terror a 
 subject people. 
 
 The copy of the Korean manifesto 
 or declaration of independence, 
 brought out from Seoul on March 
 6th in my money belt, is the daddy 
 of all the copies which have since been 
 
 given to the world, and now rests in 
 the archives of the President of the 
 Provisional Korean Republic — Dr. 
 Syngman Rhee, at Washington. 
 
 The story of the Philippine inde- 
 pendence intrigue, as told in the last 
 article, has since found confirmation 
 in the records of Congressional Com- 
 mittees and committeemen at Wash- 
 ington, to whom requests were made 
 in 1916 by cable and letter that inde- 
 pendence be not granted to the islands 
 unless the United States would guar- 
 antee that independence against the 
 world. 
 
 V. S. McCLATCHY. 
 
 Sacramento, January 15, 1920. 
 
 A RTICLE I. 
 
 Japan's Problems and How She Attempts To 
 
 Solve Them 
 
 Her Government and Her Methods Copied After Germany— » 
 Room Required for Her Growing Population — The Character 
 of Her People — How Her Intentions Have Been Concealed. 
 
 The man who, in a strange land, 
 finds more interest in observing the 
 customs of the people and investi- 
 gating economic and political condi- 
 tions than in ordinary sightseeing 
 cannot fail to conceive admiration 
 for the Japanese people after even a 
 short stay in Japan. 
 
 He finds them possessed of a num- 
 ber of admirable traits which might 
 well be emulated in America, and 
 which will account in part for the 
 wonderful progress made by the Jap- 
 anese Nation in two generations in 
 modeling herself on the lines of 
 Western civilization and taking posi- 
 tion as one of the world powers. 
 
 The people are industrious anu 
 thrifty to the last degree. They are 
 disciplined from childhood, and have 
 inbred in them a deference for 
 superiors, a respect for law and au- 
 thority, which never leaves them. 
 There are no tramps and no vicious 
 idle. 
 
 Every Child Goes to School. 
 
 Their percentage of literacy is 100 
 — greater than that of the United 
 
 States, which prides herself on pub- 
 lic schools, and newspapers, and 
 general intelligence. The coolie who 
 draws your rickshaw, or who labors 
 at the docks, can read and write 
 his language — and his language is 
 one of the most difficult on earth 
 to learn. And the Japanese news- 
 papers have large circulations. 
 
 The Japanese are ambitious, 
 trained to utilize each moment, and 
 eager to improve themselves. 
 A Courteous People. 
 
 They are courteous. The stranger 
 traveling in Japan and unused to 
 the customs of the country and un- 
 familiar with the language will al- 
 ways find some Japanese, not of 
 the official class, who speaks 
 enough English, who will put him- 
 self out to serve the stranger. In 
 Kyoto, the ancient capital, thor- 
 oughly Japanese and not spoiled, as 
 are the ports, by contact with West- 
 ern civilization, we had a card of 
 introduction by means of which we 
 hoped to see the interior of the 
 house of a wealthy Japanese. The 
 
 414911 
 
lady of the house received us, our 
 jinrickshaw coolie, with the card in 
 his hand, acting as our introducer 
 and interpreter. And he did it with 
 all the confidence and readiness of 
 a Sir Walter Raleigh, with the 
 strict observance of bows and com- 
 pliments called for by Japanese 
 etiquette, and, what was most sur- 
 prising to us, with a natural grace 
 of manner. 
 
 Modeled After Germans. 
 It is true that in a railroad train 
 in Korea Mrs. McClatchy had to re- 
 quest a Japanese Sergeant to re- 
 move his stockinged feet from the 
 seat opposite so that she might sit 
 down, but it is to be remembered, 
 against this, that in Berlin German 
 officers before the war would shove 
 ladies off the narrow sidewalks — 
 and the Japanese have modeled 
 themselves in many ways after the 
 Germans, and small officials are in- 
 clined to be self-important and ar- 
 bitrary. The high-class Japanese 
 are commencing to observe more 
 and more, however, the deference 
 towards women which they find in 
 Americans. 
 
 The Japanese impressed me as be- 
 ing generally superior in physical 
 fitness to other peoples, due, in part, 
 perhaps, to their outdoor life and 
 their simple food, but above all to 
 physical training which is compul- 
 sory in all schools. In two weeks 
 in Japan, circulating freely among 
 the crowds.. I saw only two spindle- 
 shanked children. Babes and youths 
 alike seemed sturdily built, happy 
 and healthy. 
 
 The Germany of Asia. 
 But, the same man who freely ad- 
 mires these qualities in the Japanese 
 cannot travel through other portions 
 of the Far East, and particularly 
 Korea, Manchuria and China, with 
 opportunities for observation and in- 
 vestigation, without realizing that 
 Japan is the Germany of Asia, with 
 an ambition somewhat similar to that 
 of her model, but limited possibly to 
 Eastern Asia, instead of the world, 
 while her methods are just as relent- 
 less and unscrupulous. 
 
 The great war gave her an oppor- 
 tunity of which she took full ad- 
 vantage, and the armistice came to 
 
 her as a sickening shock, for she 
 thought Germany could not be beaten. 
 The world which had its hands so 
 full in Europe that it was forced to 
 ignore the progress of events in Asia 
 is now checking up on Japan and her 
 plans, with the probability that those 
 plans will have to be materially modi- 
 fied. 
 
 A Public Duty to Tell FoctB. 
 The United States particularly Is 
 entitled to a knowledge of the facts, 
 and he who has acquired them owes 
 a public duty to make them known. 
 
 The three Pacific. Coast States, hav- 
 ing had some experience with the 
 Japanese and some knowledge of 
 Japanese character, will be prepared 
 to accept these facts. The remaining 
 portions of the United States, outside 
 of some officials at Washington, stie 
 not yet prepared to believe them, 
 their only sources of information up 
 to this time having been such as are 
 skillfully provided through Japanese 
 propaganda, which convey innocuous 
 generalities and friendly assurances 
 calculated to encourage ignorance 
 and to lull suspicion. 
 
 These sources comprise not only 
 professional Japanese propagandists 
 and a number of Japanese-American 
 societies organized, in instances, 
 by Americans with good intent, 
 but skillfully used to deceive by 
 the Japanese, but also Americans 
 of national prominence who have un- 
 wittingly permitted themselves to be 
 used. 
 
 How Propaganda Is Spread. 
 There are men like Gary, the steel 
 man, who with his wife, was royally 
 entertained in Japan, and in inter- 
 views on his return gave as the cor- 
 rect index to the Far Eastern situa- 
 tion the point of view furnished by 
 his entertainers, which was quite at 
 variance with the facts: men like 
 Jacob Schiff, the New York banker, 
 who recently declared at a ban- 
 quet that Americans should be 
 very glad to' see Japan in control 
 of the Far East, as they would then 
 know that their interests would be 
 well cared for — and Schiff's infor- 
 mation, according to his statement, 
 was acquired in a visit to Japan 
 thirteen . years ago;, men in various 
 
 professions and lines of business 
 who permitted themselves to be en- 
 tertained and perhaps decorated by 
 the Japanese Government and of- 
 ficials, and accepted their explana- 
 tion of the situation at its face 
 value, without attempt at investiga- 
 tion. 
 
 Such men, in view of the story 
 which I have to tell, and which is 
 only what any business firm or dip- 
 lomat closely in touch with Far 
 Eastern matters knows, are commit- 
 ting — unknowingly of course — a na- 
 tional crime in thus misleading the 
 public that trusts them, in an im- 
 portant matter and at a critical 
 time. 
 
 Made Close Study. 
 The Californian is supposed by his 
 Eastern friends to be prejudiced 
 against the Japanese; but a news- 
 paperman is more or less of a 
 trained investigator. In this matter, 
 in order to be sure of the facts, 
 after going through China and Ko- 
 rea, on my return to Japan, I put 
 myself in touch with Japanese au- 
 thorities and with Americans who 
 had absorbed the Japanese point of 
 view in order that misinformation 
 received by me might be detected. 
 In addition, I confess, as is indicated 
 in the introduction to this article, 
 to admiration of the Japanese peo- 
 ple for certain traits and national 
 accomplishments. 
 
 Among other prominent Japanese I 
 met Zumoto, one of the big men of 
 Japan, a journalist without official 
 position, but who occupies with the 
 present Japanese administration a 
 standing similar to that filled by 
 Colonel House in President Wilson's 
 entourage. Zumoto speaks perfect 
 English, has met many of the promi- 
 nent men of the world, and is a man 
 of views. In a two-hour interview at 
 the Tokyo Club he discussed in the 
 frankest manner the policies and 
 mistakes of Japan, answering with- 
 out hesitation the questions which I 
 put to him, the understanding being 
 that much of the interview was not 
 for publication but for my informa- 
 tion only. 
 
 Confident of Facts. 
 
 I have discussed various phases of 
 the Eastern problem in the same way 
 
with resident managers of the great 
 American corporations doing business 
 in the Far East and intimately fa- 
 miliar with the conditions. So that 
 I am confident my facts are right; 
 and the story which I have to tell 
 must stand, or fall, in the minds of 
 those who read it, by the facts rather 
 than by opinions of mine. 
 
 Always the excuse is made for 
 Japan in doing the things she has 
 done and in following the present ap- 
 parent policy that she has her own 
 vital problem and is driven by stern 
 national necessity. There is force in 
 that ple.a and it is given place here 
 before the story is told. 
 
 Rapid Increase In Population. 
 
 Japan's population increases more 
 rapidly than that of any people on 
 the earth except the Koreans. The 
 records of the past show that she may 
 be expected to double her population 
 in fifty years. I assume that rate 
 would be increased by more general 
 adoption of modern sanitary methods 
 (there is not yet in Japan, even in 
 Tokyo with its 2,000,000 people, a 
 sewer system) and that it might be 
 decreased by improved standards of 
 living and by progress of woman's 
 rights and possible adoption in the 
 future of woman suffrage. 
 
 At all events the population in- 
 creasfis every year by 700,000 or more , 
 and the problem is where to put 
 ther m for Japan's population is al- 
 re ady dense. Sixty thousand or 70,000 
 a year are going to Hakaido, the 
 northern of the island group, where 
 the climate is colder, but it is found 
 the Japanese can adapt themselves to 
 conditions there. Some are going to 
 Manchuria and some to Siberia. Some 
 are going to South America, where a 
 satisfactory understanding has been 
 had with several of the countries that 
 find Japanese labor desirable. 
 
 Wants More Elbow Room. 
 T_hese__putle ts. it is cla imed, ara in - 
 
 sufficient, and Japan must have _the 
 right of "peaceful penetration" into 
 China in order to provide for her ex- 
 cess population. .She insists, however, 
 through those who talkeu with me, 
 that she does not demand exceptional 
 rights in China, but is willing to share 
 with all other Nations the privileges 
 granted her there. 
 
 That sounds fair enough; but the 
 facts will show that Japan has de - 
 
 manded a " d soug ht to secure eTCAD- 
 tional and exclusive rights in China; 
 
 that she is even now wonting along 
 that line; that in districts where she 
 has been able to carry out her plans 
 other nationalities could not now se- 
 cure a footing without giving excuse 
 for war between China and Japan; and 
 that if Japan insists on carrying out 
 the plans which are now plainly out- 
 lined the interests of the United States 
 will be seriously menaced and possibly 
 the peace of the world again jeopar- 
 dized. 
 
 Unfaithful to Allies. 
 In following her established policy 
 in the Far East, Japan has not only 
 shown herself an apt pupil of Ger- 
 many, her arch instructor, but she has 
 also proved herself an unfaithful part- 
 ner to her allies, deliberately taking 
 advantage of their necessities to 
 feather her own nest and to take from 
 them the very things which she in- 
 sisted she had no intention of taking. 
 It is not impossible that when the 
 facts arj laid before the world and 
 her allies find time to look after their 
 own interests. Japan will undertake 
 with their aid to find some solution 
 of hei congested population problem 
 that does not involve possession or 
 control of the entire Far East. 
 
 Two Sophistical Pleas. 
 
 Careful consideration of the facts 
 offered in these articles will furnish, 
 also, conclusive answers to two sug- 
 gestions that have been made as to 
 the policy of the United States in the 
 Far East. 
 
 One of these suggestions is tnat we 
 accept the proposition made by Japan 
 and "peacefully penetrate" or exploit 
 China in partnership with Japan. 
 That would effectually destroy our 
 prestige in China, where we are now 
 regarded as the one powerful and 
 disinterested friend she has, while 
 Japan is regarded as an enemy who 
 seeks her destruction. In this sug- 
 gestion Jr.pan aims either at destroy- 
 ing our stand in China, or if it sur- 
 vives the partnership, then she will 
 share in the benefits. 
 
 The other suggestion is to the ef- 
 fect that we can save future worry 
 and trouble by turning the Far East 
 
 over to Japan and permitting her to 
 work her will on it. That Is the plan 
 adopted in the melodrama to save the 
 adult occupants in the sleigh from 
 the Russian wolves by dropping one 
 baby after another. In that case 
 safety is secured if the supply of 
 babies holds out. In the case of the 
 Far East the way is endless, reach- 
 ing onward through the generations 
 of future history, and a victim 
 offered at this time, even if it secured 
 temporary relief, would only 
 strengthen the Germany of Asia so 
 that it -could in the future more 
 easily exact its demands of us. Be- 
 sides the United States would lose 
 too much, even at this time, by such 
 a surrender. 
 
 Publicity, the Enemy of Intrigue. 
 
 President Wilson, who has said 
 many erood things and done some bad 
 ones, said in his speech at the League 
 of Nations meeting at New York 
 March 5th concerning publicity and 
 intrigue: 
 
 "One of the things the League of 
 Nations is intended to watch is the 
 course of intrigues. Intrigue cannot 
 stand publicity, and if the League of 
 Nations were nothing but a great 
 Democratic Society it would kill in- 
 trigue. It is one of the agreements 
 of this covenant that It is the friendly 
 right of every nation a member of 
 the League to call attention to any- 
 thing that it thinks will disturb the 
 peace of the world, no matter where 
 the thing Is occurring." 
 
 It is a pleasure to have in this way 
 the commendation of the President 
 for telling this story and to realize 
 that the war censorship powers, if 
 still in force, will not be invoked to 
 stop it. For, in the absence of a 
 League of Nations, it might be con- 
 sidered an unfriendly act for the 
 United States to give these facts to 
 the public, though Washington doubt- 
 less knows them; and it is important 
 and necessary that the American pub- 
 lic should learn them since the Presi- 
 dent has shown on several notable 
 occasions an indisposition to take 
 a stand on important international 
 questions until assured of public sen- 
 timent; and public sentiment to be 
 lasting must be based on a knowledge 
 of the facts. 
 
A RTICLE I I 
 
 Japan's Intention to Control the Far East 
 
 A Military Nation, Governed By a Military Party — Her Methods 
 for Securing Control of China — An Unfaithful Ally and a 
 Dangerous Friend. 
 
 / 
 
 Japan's course as the Germany of 
 Asia will be better understood when 
 it is remembered that she has always 
 been a military nation. The Samurai 
 who saved and held Japan by the 
 sword are the heroes of Japan's his- 
 tory, and to her army she unquestion- 
 ably owes her existence and the place 
 which she has recently attained 
 
 N among the great powers of the world. 
 "» Then, too, when Japan, about to 
 emerge from her long Eastern seclu- 
 sion into the light of "Western civili- 
 zation, looked about for a model gov- 
 ernment to copy, she chose that of 
 Germany as best fitted to her needs 
 and conditions. German ideas were 
 adopted and German methods fol- 
 lowed; the army was German taught 
 and German organized; police surveil- 
 lance and espionage systems were 
 modeled on the German plan; most 
 public officials speak German, and 
 but few speak English; German 
 methods of efficiency and detail were 
 copied; martial order was cultivated 
 in the school children who are drilled 
 and whose school caps of military 
 form indicate the class to which each 
 belongs. 
 
 Yes, Japan was made in the Far 
 East, but she was made over in Ger- 
 many. She has been continuously 
 ruled by the military, is ruled by it 
 now and will be perhaps for some 
 time. For while the voices of indi- 
 viduals are being raised in question 
 as to the wisdom of retaining the 
 military in the saddle save in times 
 of war, in view of a number of recent 
 blunders with which the rulers are 
 charged, still the military spirit is 
 too great and the military party too 
 strongly entrenched to be easily dis- 
 placed. 
 jf Japan in her planned conquest for 
 control of the Far East has closely 
 followed the methods pursued by Ger- 
 
 many up to 1914. It is not unlikely, 
 however, that the fate of Germany 
 in consistently following up those 
 methods through the world's war will 
 give Japan cause to pause; and that 
 if the glare of publicity be cast upon 
 her own course in the Far East she 
 will find in the world's comment and 
 in diplomatic suggestions sufficient 
 inducement for a material change of 
 policy. y 
 
 Admired Germany Even In War. 
 
 It is known now that Japan's course 
 throughout the war was not that of 
 a whole-hearted enemy of Germany's 
 methods and ambitions, but rather 
 that of one who, while friendly to and 
 admiring Germany, felt tied by cer- 
 tain treaty obligations, and saw in 
 the war a golden opportunity to ad- 
 vance her own ambitions. 
 
 Japan did not treat harshly enemy 
 aliens; they were asked to drop out 
 of open business, but they do not 
 appear to have been otherwise dis- 
 turbed. I learned of but one action 
 against an enemy alien — an aggra- 
 vated case — and the German after be- 
 ing found guilty was fined 300 yen, 
 but the fine was not collected and he 
 was permitted to depart. It is well 
 known in Japan that the Government 
 believed Germany could not be beaten 
 and that the end of the war stunned 
 the nation. This belief will explain 
 much of Japan's policy. 
 
 Not Faithful to Allies. 
 
 The facts show, too, that Japan was 
 not in all things a faithful partner of 
 the Allies. She took advantage of 
 the predicament of her partners to 
 advance her own interests in the Far 
 East, often to the injury of theirs. 
 The unexpected — to her — close of the 
 war has left her in an embarrassing 
 situation, for her objects have not 
 been finally accomplished, and yet 
 
 her intentions are plainly evidenced 
 and she is called upon to offer some 
 explanations and some amends. This 
 language is undiplomatic, but it rep- 
 resents the cold facts. 
 
 In this, as in other matters, the 
 war will prove a distinct benefit to 
 mankind, notwithstanding its great 
 cost, for without evidence of the kind 
 the world, and particularly the trust- 
 ing United States, might have ac- 
 cepted Japan's assurances until too 
 late for preventing action. 
 
 Publicity Will Help. 
 
 The Japanese merchants and busi- 
 ness men are only commencing to ap- 
 preciate the value of commercial 
 honesty, and the military powers that 
 rule Japan have sadly soiled her rep- 
 utation before the world for diplo- 
 matic honesty and national honor. If 
 she had won control of the Far East 
 by these German methods she could 
 have disregarded the world's criti- 
 cism. As it is, publicity, even without 
 public pressure from her allies, will 
 doubtless do much towards inducing 
 a change in her policy. 
 
 Since the war opened in 1914 Japan 
 has consistently endeavored to force 
 China by threat and by bribery and 
 by force to accord her special rights 
 and concessions which would be to 
 the injury of her allies, and has 
 sought by force and threat to have 
 these concessions kept secret. And in 
 the case of the twenty-one demands 
 in 1915 she was guilty of the un- 
 paralleled piece of bad faith of hav- 
 ing her Ambassadors deny categoric- 
 ally to her allies and friends, whose 
 interests were involved — notably the 
 United States and Great Britain — that 
 such demands had been made or 
 granted. 
 
 Japanese Methods. 
 
 In the case of Tsing-tau which she 
 wrested from Germany in order, as 
 she publicly declared, to return it to 
 China, she first showed a disposition 
 to retain it as her just share of the 
 spoils, then declared a willingness to 
 turn it back to China if paid there- 
 for in railroad and other exclusive 
 concessions; and now it appears that 
 she has utilized her four years' pos- 
 session of the place to so change 
 local conditions and supplant other 
 
nationals with Japanese that it will 
 be practically Japanese territory no 
 matter who holds the nominal title. 
 
 Japan endeavored to force the 
 Chinese Government by bribe and 
 threat to have Japan appear as 
 spokesman for China at the Paris 
 Conference; tried to have Koo and 
 Wong withdrawn when they faith- 
 fully presented China's cause; threat- 
 ened the Chinese Government through 
 Obata if it disclosed any of the se- 
 cret treaties and concessions which 
 had been wrung from China during 
 the war, which were inimical to the 
 interests of the other Allies and 
 which the Paris Peace Conference 
 had shown a desire to see. 
 
 These are only a few of the counts 
 against Japan as a bad partner; 
 some of the others perhaps will not 
 become public, but they are all placed 
 and indexed in the foreign offices of 
 the great powers; and a knowledge 
 of them on the part of the world will 
 undoubtedly secure a change of 
 policy on the part of Japan, and per- 
 haps assist in dethroning the military 
 power in Japan that is responsible for 
 them. They are briefly referred to 
 now, as they help to make easy an 
 understanding of matters to follow. 
 
 Control of China. 
 
 Japan's main efforts for the past 
 four or five years have been directed 
 at securing control of China. Dr. 
 Kengiro Yamakawa, President of the 
 Imperial University of Tokyo, re- 
 cently said in the Nichi-Nichi, one 
 of the prominent Japanese dailies: 
 
 "If Japan would ab andon the policy 
 of ^ expansion it would no flgubt ju^, 
 an end to Chinese susp icion o f us . 
 B ut such cannot and couid not be 
 d one.,, it woul'd exfloBB Japan to* 
 
 d anger to her national existence 1 . 
 Japanese expansion in China has al- 
 ways been economic, and there is no 
 reason why it should not continue to 
 be so." 
 
 Dr. Yamakawa might have added 
 with equal truth that if Japan were 
 permitted to take what she wishes 
 in China her penetration of that 
 country would be entirely peaceful. 
 Standing China Up With Gun. 
 
 It has been stated often, too, that 
 Japan wishes no exclusive privileges 
 or rights in China, but is only anxious 
 
 to have an equal chance with all 
 other nations. Nothing could be 
 fairer in sound — but the facts show 
 that Japan has been standing China 
 up with a gun and demanding exclu- 
 sive concessions and the right to dic- 
 tate the financial, military and com- 
 mercial future of the country; to con- 
 trol its revenues; to command its 
 army; to manage its mines — pointing 
 unerringly to the undoing of China 
 and the elimination of the interests 
 of all other countries therein. She 
 has done this in cool disregard of the 
 fact that she was acting as an un- 
 faithful partner, robbing her allies of 
 their commercial assets in the Far 
 East, while they were fighting for 
 National existence and the liberty of 
 the world in Europe. She has done it 
 in the belief that Germany would 
 win with this kind of policy in Eu- 
 rope and that she could win with It 
 in Asia. 
 
 In pursuance of her policy of secur- 
 ing control of the Far East, and par- 
 ticularly of China, Japan has attempt- 
 ed a number of things as enumerated 
 below, some of which will be dis- 
 cussed in future articles. 
 
 Things Japan Has Attempted. 
 
 1. Her plans for propaganda have 
 been elaborate, including the use of 
 newspapers in America and the Far 
 East, the making of opinion by en- 
 tertainment of prominent visitors, 
 speeches and interviews by her diplo- 
 mats, use of Japan-American socie- 
 ties. She has secured some of *he 
 best results from prominent men sus- 
 ceptible to social tlattery, who ac- 
 cepted what they saw without inves- 
 tigation. 
 
 2. She has controlled for years the 
 incoming and outgoing news of Japan 
 and it is sterilized and colored so as 
 to best serve the purpose of propa- 
 ganda. 
 
 3. She is attempting to secure simi- 
 lar control of the incoming and out- 
 going news of China. 
 
 4. She is attempting to secure by 
 loans and otherwise control of news 
 communication in China — telephone 
 and telegraph lines. 
 
 5. She is attempting to secure rail 
 communication by loans for roads 
 building, or in grant for new roads; 
 
 and to obtain exclusive control of 
 minerals and raw material. 
 
 6. She has insisted that China 
 should not borrow from others or 
 make grants to others, save with 
 Japan's consent, and that the Chinese 
 army should be, in effect, controlled 
 by Japanese. 
 
 Promote* Strife, Then Sends Army. 
 
 7. She has sought to promote civic 
 strife in China as an excuse for en- 
 tering with her army. The trouble 
 between the North and South is kept 
 alive largely by Japanese influence. 
 She has loaned the money to support 
 the army of the North, whose exist- 
 ence threatens natural peace. The 
 Peace Conference at Peking between 
 the two sections failed, it is said, be- 
 cause of Japanese influence. 
 
 8. She maintains under salary in of- 
 ficial position in China provocateurs 
 — peace disturbers — to prevent the 
 creation of a unified government or 
 the adoption of effective opposition 
 to her plans. These are usually, 
 though not always, Chinese who have 
 been educated in Japan, and are for 
 that reason more amenable to Japa- 
 nese influence. 
 
 9. She has sought through these 
 various avenues to keep the outside 
 world in ignorance as to the real 
 facts in the Far East, to cause dis- 
 ruption among forces that might op- 
 pose her, to cause distrust in China, 
 and the Far East generally, of the 
 United States. 
 
 The War's End Causes Embarrass- 
 ment. 
 
 During the war Japan found It 
 easy to take what she wanted. Since 
 the armistice she has encountered un- 
 expected obstacles. She expected to 
 secure control of the Siberian rail- 
 road; she hoped for an expression 
 from the Paris Peace Conference on 
 "racial discrimination" which would 
 open the United States, Canada and 
 Australia to her emigrants on equal 
 terms with other Nations. She de- 
 sired as a reward for her participa- 
 tion in the war possession of Tsing- 
 tau and a free hand in China. 
 
 Instead, she finds a growing dis- 
 trust of her throughout the world as 
 the facts come to light, and a warn- 
 ing from a few of her thinking and 
 independent statesmen — Osaki for one 
 
s 
 
 —that her present militaristic meth- 
 ods are carrying her to a fall; and 
 that, unless she mends her ways, the 
 world, including those whom she 
 counts on as friends, will be allied 
 against her. 
 
 In her operations in Siberia she has 
 succeeded in losing the good will of 
 all her allies — first by breaking her 
 pledge and sending in 73,000 Japanese 
 soldiers when the understanding 
 called for 12,000 only, with 7,000 from 
 the United States and a small number 
 
 from England and France; and next 
 by the uncontrolled and autocratic 
 actions of three independent military 
 units, each acting on its own author- 
 ity, and indulging in such byplay as 
 the arrest, of English Generals and 
 the inquisition of French Colonels. 
 These things are not spoken of pub- 
 licly — and the real statesmen of 
 Japan deplore them; but they stand as 
 Japan's acts so long as she is ruled 
 by the military party. 
 
 ARTICLE III 
 
 Our Commercial Asset in China 
 
 A Good Will and Confidence Unique in the Relations of Nations 
 — How It Is Threatened By Japanese Propaganda in Japanese 
 Interests — The Partnership Japan Offers Us. 
 
 To understand the effect on the 
 integrity of China, upon the inter- 
 ests of the United States, and upon 
 the peace of the world, of the policy 
 of Japan in the Far East — and refer- 
 ence is had to the policy inexorably 
 pointed out by her acts and not to 
 that innocent substitute which she 
 courteously acknowledges to the 
 world — it is necessary to refer to some 
 incidents which are not generally 
 borne in mind by the American pub- 
 lic, though they are readily ascer- 
 tained through inquiry. 
 
 The Sentiment of China. 
 
 First as to the sentiment of China 
 towards the United States. I had 
 opportunity to learn it by intercourse 
 with representatives of all classes of 
 Chinamen in Hong Kong, Canton, 
 Shanghai and PeKing, sometimes 
 speaking in English and sometimes 
 where necessary communicating 
 through an interpreter. Whether it 
 was a building contractor in charge 
 of construction of a million dollar 
 modern department store in Canton, a 
 wealthy abbot and patriot entertain- 
 ing me in his garden beside a bronze 
 Buddha 1,500 years old, and in the 
 shade of an immense pagoda hoary 
 with age; a wealthy merchant; a 
 student; a coolie; tne plague expert 
 
 of China; a Justice of the Supreme 
 Court; the physician in charge of 
 sanitation on the Government rail- 
 ways; a Chinese editor; a newspaper 
 business manager with up-to-uate 
 Western ideas and a wonderful plant; 
 whether he had been educated in 
 America, in England, at Oxford Col- 
 lege, Hong Kong, or even in Japan — 
 there was always one message for 
 Americans spoken with touching en- 
 thusiasm and feeling. It was a mes- 
 sage of love and appreciation for 
 what Americans had done in the past, 
 absolute confidence in their disinter- 
 ested friendship as demonstrated by 
 their acts, and a hope that the same 
 kindly leading hand would help 
 China to preserve her nationality and 
 survive the dangers by which she is 
 threatened. 
 
 \ No Nation Ever Before So Favored. 
 
 It is a feeling such as no nation, 
 so far as I know, has ever before in 
 the world's history entertained for an 
 alien people. 
 
 It is a sentiment which unfor- 
 tunately permits the Chinese at times 
 to be victimized by some sharper tak- 
 ing advantage of his American stand- 
 ing to add to his bank roll. There 
 was the man who proposed to sell 
 to the Chinese Government several 
 million dollars' worth of locomotives, 
 
 and who secured a large advance in 
 cash on the order, but who was lounu 
 on later investigation to have no 
 connection with the Baldwin Locomo- 
 tive Works, which he claimed to 
 represent. The police of the United 
 States, I understand, are still looking 
 for him. 
 
 A more satisfactory manifestation 
 of the sentiment was found in the 
 spontaneous contributions from Chi- 
 nese to the American Kea Cross, i 
 heard of one man, a small farmer in 
 the interior, who walked ten miles in 
 order to be able to send in by post- 
 office messenger a contribution of a 
 dollar — all he could afford — with a 
 note expressing his gratitude as a 
 Chinaman for what America had done. 
 
 Feeling Is Unanimous. 
 
 I was told by Americans long resi- 
 dent in China — newspaper men and 
 others — that this feeling is practically 
 unanimous among the Chinese; and 
 that it extends far back into the 
 interior, where presumably knowledge 
 of world happenings does not pene- 
 trate. 
 
 Consider this sentiment as a com- 
 mercial asset and see what it means. 
 China has a population of 400,000,000, 
 and its purchasing power already 
 great, will become enormous when 
 under intelligent and kindly aid its 
 resources are developed, education 
 made general, the status and wages 
 of the laborer increased and standards 
 of living raised. Its purchasing 
 power then will be greater than that 
 of any other nation on the face of 
 the earth. 
 
 Bnslness Ours for Asking. 
 
 The foreign business of this Nation 
 is ours for the asking, ana assuming 
 only intelligent handling and fair 
 treatment, and involving no violation 
 of national rights, or commercial 
 ethics, and no unfairness to any other 
 Nation, whether ally or not. Do w© 
 want that business, and will we take 
 steps to protect it? mis entirely 
 apart from the consideration of jus- 
 tice in preventing the further sub- 
 jugation of Asia by a Nation that 
 might be induced in the future to use 
 its augmented power against the bal- 
 ance of the world, and particularly 
 against the United States. 
 
 It becomes evident, too, why Japan, 
 
•VA 
 
 aside from her desire to absorb China, 
 or to so control it as to lead in time 
 to its absorption, and possibly as an 
 aid to attainment of that ambition, 
 seeks to cause such distrust of the 
 United States in the Far East as will 
 minimize our influence there and in- 
 duce the Chinese to look elsewhere 
 for friendly counsel and aid. 
 
 Must Nullify Japanese Propaganda. 
 
 If the United States only takes the 
 necessary steps to nullify the vicious 
 propaganda undertaken by Japan lor 
 this purpose and to insure and main- 
 tain between us and the Far East 
 that intimate knowledge of each other 
 that will prevent future misunder- 
 standing, Japan will be powerless to 
 accomplish her purposes. For in this, 
 as in some other matters, this great 
 war, terrible as has been the misery 
 and the toll, has served a wise and a 
 beneficent purpose, giving the Far 
 East a warning that need only be 
 heeded to insure protection and peace 
 in that part of the world. 
 
 Japan, confident that Germany 
 could not be beaten, certain that the 
 war would drag on for some time, and 
 seeing in the preoccupation of her 
 allies her opportunity to work her 
 plans in the Far East, abandoned all 
 semblance of guile and persuasion 
 with her intended victims and plainly 
 demanded with the necessary threats, 
 the things she wanted immediately 
 with reservations for the future. The 
 armistice came like a thunderbolt be- 
 fore her plans had been fully consum- 
 mated, and now as the facts become 
 known she stands forth as the Ger- 
 many of the Pacific, relentless and 
 implacable, willing to use any means 
 to secure her ends. 
 
 Her Intentions Toward China. 
 
 What she has done in Korea and 
 in Manchuria she intended to do in 
 China, and her protestations at this 
 time are sufficiently contradicted by 
 her acts. 
 
 In 1894, when Japan made war upon 
 China, it was, she claimed, partly to 
 insure the independence of Korea, 
 and the peace of Shimonoseki recog- 
 nized that Independence. In 1904 
 Japan warred with Russia because 
 
 that Power threatened the independ- 
 ence of Korea; and in 1910 Japan 
 calmly annexed Korea, on the as- 
 sumption, presumably, that it would 
 be easier thus to maintain its 
 independence! 
 
 In Manchuria Japan sought osten- 
 sibly only peaceful penetration, a 
 railroad franchise and some mining 
 rights. She gradually assumed con- 
 trol through her army, and now she 
 rules it, with the relentless methods 
 of a Prussian-taught army. The 
 stories told by American engineers of 
 the present "peaceful penetration" of 
 Manchuria have placed the Far East, 
 which has heard them, upon sufficient 
 notice as to Japan's methods. 
 
 The Japanese Defense. 
 
 4 f Japan's defense in this matter, as 
 made by Baron Making at Paris in 
 February, and published throughout 
 the country, consists partly of rever- 
 berating silence on some issues, and 
 the plea ingenuously made between 
 the lines t hat ftvftn if guilty — as 
 
 what the Europ ean Nations have 
 .done . Makino. sails attention to the. 
 fact that when Japan, as spoils _ gf 
 victory in the. WP r " Tiritv> f *<""'', "'"'"""^ 
 
 a nd received tit le a nd lease to th e 
 Liaotung ir'eninSUia (in Manchuria)^ 
 
 with the naval base an jjjj fori reaa oJL 
 
 Port A rth ur, and the port of Daireru 
 she wa^Tohheri thereof hv the Euro- 
 
 pean lowers, Russia taking the pen - 
 insula, while England got Wei-Hqi - 
 Wei7 This peninsula under lease and 
 title Japan recovered as spoil after 
 
 There is no reference in Makings 
 statement to the fact that in 1909, 
 after her rights as to the Antung- 
 Mukden Railroad had expired, Japan, 
 by force of arms and against China'3 
 protest, completed that road and is 
 now operating it; and in 1915, while 
 Europe was at war, forced China to 
 extend to the year* 2002, instead of 
 1923, the year when she would secure 
 control of this road. 
 
 What Japan has done in Tsingtao 
 and its hinterland, Kiaochau, in order 
 to force territory which she took from 
 
 Why Japan Wants Us In. 
 
 The situation as indicated in this 
 article will explain also why Japan 
 is eager to go into partnership with 
 the United States in the exploitation 
 of China. 
 
 There exists throughout China at 
 this time the most bitter hatred of 
 Japan since her intentions have be- 
 come so evident. If the United States 
 becomes the partner of Japan In 
 working her pleasure in China, the 
 good will of the Chinese which we 
 now enjoy will disappear and Japan 
 will no longer be under any handicap 
 in securing Chinese trade. If any of 
 that good will survives the partner- 
 ship then Japan will share equally in 
 the profits. And incidentally all hopes 
 of China saving herself from the 
 destiny intended for her as a subject 
 of Japan will disappear, while the 
 United States will find the fruits of 
 partnership turn to ashes, for Japan 
 has continually shown a clever inge- 
 nuity in taking the spoils and leaving 
 her partners with an empty bag. 
 
 In such a partnership the United 
 States would secure no profit, and 
 she would lose all the prestige and 
 honor which has come to her through 
 generations of fair dealing. 
 
 We Would Lose All. 
 
 In the situation as described 
 
 is 
 
 
 found answer, also, to the suggestion 
 that the United States has no concern 
 n the Far East, and that she can save 
 herself future trouble by permitting 
 Japan to work her will there. 
 
 The United States can no longer 
 live within herself. She must have 
 trade relations with the balance of 
 the world; and she cannot afford to 
 throw away the opportunity to secure 
 the trade of China now offered her. 
 Aside from that, consideration for her 
 own future safety and for the peace 
 of the world would forbid allowing 
 Japan to carry out her plans, which 
 
 Germany in trust for China, to revert . 
 
 to Japanese control will be explained have been Prematurely exposed by 
 
 in another article. I the close of the war. 
 
10 
 
 A RTICLE I V 
 
 Japan's Control of Far East News 
 
 How She Utilizes It To Further Her Interests; Defensive Meas- 
 ures Adopted By the United States — Necessity for an Adequate 
 American-Controlled Trans-Pacific News Service — Cable Service 
 Inadequate. 
 
 For years Japan has pursued a 
 shrewd and well-organized system of 
 propaganda designed to conceal from 
 the Western World a general knowl- 
 edge of her real purposes in the Far 
 East, to maintain friendly relations 
 with nations whose interests she was 
 steadily undermining, and to create 
 among the powers concerned in the 
 Far East a mutual distrust of each 
 other which would prevent concert of 
 action against her. Because of the 
 disinterested position of the United 
 States and its consequent influence, 
 particularly in China, this propa- 
 ganda has been used within the past 
 few years to injure the American 
 prestige in the Far East. 
 
 How Propaganda Is Spread. 
 
 A previous article referred to va- 
 rious means utilized in spreading this 
 propaganda, including prominent 
 Americans who had been entertained 
 in Japan and carefully coached on one 
 side of the question and who became 
 earnest and innocent propagandists; 
 Japan-American societies for the os- 
 tensible promotion of friendly feeling 
 and commercial business, entered into 
 by Americans and by some Japanese 
 perhaps in perfect good faith; hired 
 propagandists of various types who 
 traveled in America, and control of 
 the news of the Far East. 
 
 Students of the news have wondered 
 why we know so little of the Far 
 East; why there seldom comes any- 
 thing prejudicial to Japan; why when 
 a short special of that character does 
 get through, it is promptly denied or 
 lengthily explained away until the 
 original charge sinks out of sight. 
 The traveler in the Far East is sur- 
 prised to find practically no news of 
 America, but considerable of London, 
 In the newspapers on the Eastern 
 Asiatic Coast, and rarely anything of 
 importance from America that is dis- 
 
 tasteful to prominent Far Eastern in- 
 terests. 
 
 How Xews Is Controlled. 
 
 The explanation is that the news 
 of the Far East is controlled practi- 
 cally by Reuter, a British news agen- 
 cy, and by Japan, and the two have 
 formed a combination. Before the 
 war Germany presented her interests 
 to the people of the Far East through 
 the Wolff agency and the Ostasi- 
 atische Lloyd, a ramification of 
 Wolff. 
 
 Except during a few months this 
 year and last year, when the Com- 
 mittee on Public Information sent 
 American news across the Pacific, the 
 Far East for many years has received 
 Its news of the United States through 
 Reuter, the report being prepared at 
 New York for British tastes, blue pen- 
 ciled by British hands at London, ex- 
 purgated, clarified and interpreted by 
 British hands at Shanghai, where 
 British feeling against Americans has 
 been most marked, and thence dis- 
 tributed. 
 
 Renter's Advantages. 
 
 During the first years of the great 
 war, when the United States was neu- 
 tral, this Reuter service was very 
 effectively used to so misinterpret 
 American sentiment and acts as to 
 create a strong prejudice against us. 
 
 Reuter has discriminatory rates 
 over the Far Eastern cables, which 
 are generally under British control, 
 which would have made it imprac- 
 tical for an American news report 
 to go over in competition. And 
 again, the Associated Press has until 
 recently regarded its proper sphere as 
 within the United States. Last Jan- 
 uary, however, it commenced a com- 
 plete leased wire daily report by 
 cable to the leading newspapers of 
 South America, at their request. 
 
 Trades With Japanese Agency. 
 
 Some years ago Reuter retired from 
 Japan in favor of the Kokusai, the 
 Japan National News Agency, a 
 Government-controlled organization. 
 Under that arrangement the Kokusai 
 receives from Reuter the world news 
 and distributes it through Japan af- 
 ter it has been properly sterilized 
 according to Japanese standards. The 
 news of Japan, which Reuter distrib- 
 utes over the world under the Reu- 
 ter label, is that which the Kokusai 
 determines should go out of Japan. 
 
 One result of this news control 
 was observed at the time of the ar- 
 mistice. The world knew for a week 
 or ten days that things were leading 
 inevitably to the signing of the 
 armistice — it knew for thirty days or 
 more that the defeat of the Germans 
 was rapidly approaching. This news 
 was suppressed by Kokusai, and 
 Japan knew nothing of it until the 
 announcement of the signing of the 
 armistice came like a thunderbolt; 
 and in one week there are said to 
 have been failures in Japan amount- 
 ing to $50,000,000. Some favored cor- 
 porations which are said to be close 
 to the Government had the tip and 
 shoved off on an unsuspecting mar- 
 ket as much of doubtful securities as 
 the market could take. 
 
 Cable Delays 10 to 14 Days. 
 
 While the Associated Press and a 
 few American dailies have special 
 correspondents in the Far East, the 
 cable facilities across the Pacific 
 are so inadequate and the rates so 
 high that a satisfactory news serv- 
 ice cannot be maintained. During 
 the years of the war it took from 
 ten to fourteen days to get a cable 
 message across the Pacific. 
 Japan's Control of Chinese Papers. 
 
 As Japan has control of the news 
 of Japan, so is she attempting to con- 
 trol the news of China, both incoming 
 and outgoing. 
 
 In pursuance of that policy, she has 
 secured ownership or control of a 
 number of the Chinese vernacular 
 newspapers located in the larger 
 cities, and controls also some English 
 language newspapers, including two 
 in Shanghai. In Canton, where no 
 Chinese newspaper could be pur- 
 chased, a new one was started by 
 Japanese interests. 
 
11 
 
 The vernacular newspapers con- 
 trolled by Japan are registered with 
 the Japanese Consulate and claim ex- 
 tra-territorial rights, including trial 
 by the Japanese Consul, so that they 
 are practically immune from Chinese 
 laws or courts, or official displeasure. 
 In consequence they can villify, and 
 blackmail without check or redress, 
 and this power is freely used to si- 
 lence or coerce Chinese officials and 
 patriots who do not bend themselves 
 to the Japanese will. The Chinese 
 newspapers conducted on a business 
 basis and responsible to the courts 
 for debts and utterances face in this 
 situation an unfair and very trying 
 competition. 
 
 A News Agency In China. 
 
 Japan has also organized in China 
 a news collecting and distributing 
 agency called the Far Eastern News 
 Agency, which has the aid of Japan- 
 ese Consular Agents in the various 
 cities in collecting news and the as- 
 sistance of the Japanese code books 
 in transmitting it. This agency of- 
 fers its service of world and China 
 news to the vernacular newspapers 
 at a price which would not pay for 
 office rent. As an added inducement 
 it offers registration at the Japanese 
 Consulate and the protection afford- 
 ed thereby so long as the editor is 
 "good." 
 
 This service is devoted largely to 
 Japanese propaganda, and is even 
 more dangerous to the newspapers 
 that rely on it for a complete service 
 because of what it suppresses. It is 
 carefully designed to keep from the 
 Chinese the local and foreign news 
 which it is not in Japan's interests 
 to have known, or to so color and 
 modify it as to make it serve the 
 purpose. 
 
 The "Compub" News Service. 
 
 The control of the news has been 
 used of late years deliberately for 
 creating prejudice against America 
 and injury to American interests, 
 either by what it failed to tell or by 
 what it told only partly or incor- 
 rectly, to such an extent that the 
 United States last year, through its 
 Committee on Public Information, es- 
 sayed to keep the Far East advised 
 of America's aims and acts in the war 
 by establishing a daily service of its 
 own. 
 
 The "compub" report, as it was 
 called, was wirelessed each day from 
 San Diego (afterwards from San 
 Francisco) and caught at Cavite 
 (Philippine Islands), from which 
 point it was relayed to China, being 
 caught at Shanghai by the French 
 wireless and at Peking by the United 
 States wireless in the American con- 
 cession. 
 
 Given to Newspapers. 
 
 At Manila it was used by the three 
 American newspapers, and (after 
 translation) by the five vernacular 
 newspapers. It was briefed also, and 
 transmitted to the various islands of 
 the Philippine group for publication 
 or posting. 
 
 In Shanghai, Peking and Tien Tsin 
 it was available at once for English 
 or American newspapers, and else- 
 where could be received by mail or 
 by wire. In addition, it was briefed 
 and translated into Chinese, under di- 
 rection of Carl Crow, representing 
 the Committee on Public Informa- 
 tion, and mailed to all the Chinese 
 newspapers that cared to receive and 
 use it — between 200 and 300. 
 
 Offered Also to Japanese. 
 
 From Guam the report was cabled, 
 at expense of the committee, to Japan, 
 where it was used by the few Ameri- 
 can newspapers, and a part of it — 
 particularly the speeches of Presi- 
 dent Wilson — translated into Japan- 
 ese, and offered to the Japanese dai- 
 lies, which quoted freely therefrom. 
 
 Later the report was caught at 
 Vladivostok, wired to Irkutsk and 
 Omsk, and distributed by mail to 
 other points. 
 
 In addition, after the Paris Confer- 
 ence commenced, an excellent report 
 thereof was sent by wireless from 
 Lyons in France, caught at Vladivo- 
 stok, Peking, Shanghai and Cavite, 
 and distributed therefrom. 
 
 In this way the Far East was kept 
 advised of the position of the United 
 States and the vicious propaganda of 
 Japan lost most of its effect. The re- 
 port, however, was not an adequate 
 news report of world's affairs, was 
 only a .war measure operated under 
 war authority, has already been dis- 
 continued in some places, and must 
 soon cease in others if it has not al- 
 ready ceased everywhere. 
 
 Exchange of News Necessary. 
 
 All American interests in the Far 
 East, diplomatic and commercial, are 
 unanimous in expressing the opinion 
 that the United States cannot retain 
 the good will of the Far East and 
 cannot protect her interests there in 
 the absence of the exchange of news 
 reports across the Pacific which will 
 keep the United States and the Far 
 East fully advised as to the acts and 
 sentiments of each other respectively. 
 
 In China, Chinese newspaper men, 
 statesmen and business men now 
 recognize the necessity for securing 
 through an adequate news service, 
 such knowledge of world affairs that 
 Japan's vicious propaganda may b< 
 offset and her purposes uncovered. 
 In Canton the Chinese have even 
 started an English language news- 
 paper in order to keep before Ameri- 
 cans and English the things which 
 they should know as to the policy of 
 Japan. 
 
 A RTICLE V 
 
 Japan's Designs on China 
 
 The Sudden Termination of the War Exposes Them — Her Meth- 
 ods of Creating- Dissension That She May Have an Excuse for 
 Interfering By Force — The Panorama of Events in China in 
 February. 
 
 In February of this year I was in 
 Hongkong, Canton. Shanghai aim 
 Peking, engaged rather in investiga- 
 tions of conditions than In sight- 
 seeing. What I learned then — which 
 
 is only what every one in the Far 
 East who follows the march of events 
 knows — constitutes a complete answer 
 to the suave assurances made to the 
 world at that same time as to the 
 
12 
 
 pacific intentions and benevolent acts 
 of Japan in China. I shall outline 
 here only the conditions as they were 
 in February — equally interesting and 
 convincing is the history of Japan's 
 policy for the past four years, inci- 
 dents of which have been referred to 
 in previous articles and more of which 
 will be told later. 
 
 Incidentally it should be borne in 
 mind that the ignorance of the gen- 
 eral American public as to these mat- 
 ters of vital concern to them — as 
 shown in a recent article on the com- 
 mercial asset which we have in 
 China's good will — is due partly to 
 the difficulties in securing news com- 
 munication, but more to the elaborate 
 propaganda of Japan and to her con- 
 trol of the outgoing news of the Far 
 East. 
 
 A Panorama of Events. 
 In February there was in session at 
 Canton the old Chinese Parliament of 
 the new Republic, which had been 
 forcibly dissolved some time before 
 by the former Premier with a Chinese 
 army at his back ( paid by Japanese 
 gold. This Parliament had reconvened 
 as a protest against the existing con- 
 ditions and with the patriotic desire 
 to do what it could to save China. 
 
 At Peking the new Parliament was 
 in session, divided in its councils by 
 the intrigues of Japan, by the de- 
 mands of the Japanese paid army and 
 by the loyal efforts of the faithful 
 guard to serve the country. 
 
 At Shanghai the Commissioners 
 from North China anu from Soutn 
 China deliberated in the large build- 
 ing built by the Germans for a club, 
 but confiscated by China at the dec- 
 laration of war. They had come 
 together at the urgent solicitation of 
 the United States and Great Britain 
 to heal their differences if possible, 
 to put an end to civil strife, and to 
 present a united China to the outside 
 world. 
 
 In one of the adjoining Provinces 
 the Chinese army under the orders of 
 its commander, General Hsu Shu 
 Cheng — "Little Hsu," as he is called 
 to distinguish him from the elder 
 Hsu- — was practicing the art of war- 
 fare on a defenseless people, and as a 
 suggestion that its demands for more 
 Japanese money be favorably consid- 
 
 ered. The army was with the North — 
 it had been instructed by Germans 
 and Japanese, and its commanders are 
 under Japanese influence. 
 
 On the Wampu, near Canton, the 
 Chinese navy of a few ships was 
 mobilized. It is British-taught, and it 
 had thrown in its fortunes with the 
 South, whose policy seems to the for- 
 eigners to be more actuated by real 
 love for China. 
 
 At Paris the Chinese Peace Com- 
 missioners, Wellington Koo, Ambas- 
 sador at Washington, and Wong, also 
 a distinguished Chinese statesman, 
 endeavored to protect China against 
 the intimidation of Japan and the 
 traitorous acts of some of her own 
 people. 
 
 Japan as Trouble Breeder. 
 
 Bear in mind that all the trouble 
 and disruption which form the sub- 
 ject matter of this article was direct- 
 ly and deliberately caused by Japan 
 In furtherance of her own ends, to 
 make the conquest or control of China 
 more easy and to accomplish it as 
 speedily as possible and before Europe 
 and America could find time to look 
 after their interests in the Far East. 
 
 The disruption between the North 
 and the South of China was brought 
 about through the intrigues of Japan, 
 by direct suggestion and aid, and 
 through means of Chinese officials, 
 many of them educated in Japan, and 
 all well paid for their treachery. 
 
 The South was assured it was not 
 receiving proper treatment from the 
 North and that it had the sympathy 
 of the majority of the Japanese peo- 
 ple. The North was told that differ- 
 ences between the people of a Nation 
 can only be settled by military opera- 
 tions and the complete defeat of one 
 side. Japan, therefore, loaned large 
 sums of money to the new Chinese 
 Government, controlled by the North, 
 with the express understanding that 
 certain portions thereof were to be 
 used for military operations against 
 the South. In thus instigating civil 
 war and then insuring the victory of 
 the North, Japan felt she was aiding 
 the element which would be most 
 amenable to Japanese influence and 
 would care least for the integrity of 
 China. 
 
 Chinese Traitors. 
 
 The President of China has the con- 
 fidence of the patriotic element 
 among his countrymen, who say that, 
 while he makes apparently no open or 
 aggressive stand against Japan, he is 
 fully alive to her intentions and pro- 
 poses to thwart them if possible, but 
 is opposing cunning with cunning. 
 His official family, however, is honey- 
 combed with treachery. The follow- 
 ing five individuals, all educated in 
 Japan and all comparatively young 
 men, are notoriously paid tools of 
 Japan who have profited well by their 
 employment: Tsao Ju Lin, Minister of 
 Communications; Lu Chung Yu, head 
 of the Sino-Japanese Bank; General 
 Hsu Shu-cheng, head of the army; 
 Chung, Chinese Minister in Japan, 
 and Sze Li Pen, Councillor in the 
 Foreign Office. The latter acts as 
 interpreter when Chinese and Jap- 
 anese commissions or officials discuss 
 important matters, and honest Chi- 
 nese officials, I am told, have been 
 horrified to find that the official 
 record bore testimony that they had 
 made statements and acceded to con- 
 ditions quite different, from what 
 was in their minds. 
 
 The Governors of some of the Prov- 
 inces are also Japanese agents. This 
 is openly charged, and apparently 
 proved by his official acts, against the 
 Governor of the Shantung Province, 
 who is married to a Japanese woman. 
 
 The effort to secure through the 
 Shanghai Conference a working 
 agreement between the North ana 
 the South was a failure, though an- 
 other conference is spoken of. The 
 South insisted that the North should 
 come in with clean hands and cease 
 active military operations against 
 unorganized and unarmed people. 
 Japanese influence was too great, 
 however, and while there was some 
 Oriental sidestepping there was no 
 cessation of hostilities; and the con- 
 ference adjourned. 
 
 In Parliament a measure was intro- 
 duced for the demobilization of the 
 army, both in the interests of economy 
 and because China had no need of 
 an army at this time. This was 
 promptly met by an ultimatum from 
 the army that the Government at once 
 secure from Japan more of the $20,- 
 000,000 loan offered and ensure future 
 
13 
 
 payments to the army for some time. 
 
 The President and Chinese loyal 
 statesmen are trying: to prevent the 
 taking of more money from Japan 
 because derelict Government officials 
 have pledged for the loan some of 
 the Government railways and certain 
 additional concessions: and Japan is 
 anxious to force the loan on China 
 as one means of securing possession 
 of the railroads. The end had not 
 come when I left China and 1 nave 
 seen no statement covering; the mat- 
 ter since then. 
 
 An agent of American financial in- 
 terests went to China in March, and 
 it is possible that a readjustment of 
 Chinese financial affairs may be made 
 by a loan participated in by all the 
 powers but in which the United 
 States will predominate. If this hap- 
 pens China may be saved from the 
 clutches of Japan. 
 
 Japan's Demand at Paris. 
 
 At Paris Japan asserted the right 
 to speak for China, and when Koo ana 
 Wong combated this, Japan tried to 
 have them silenced or recalled, mak- 
 ing use of various threats to secure 
 the purpose. 
 
 Under the Lansing-Ishii agreement 
 between the United States and Japan 
 quasi recognition is given to some 
 indefinite interests of Japan in China. 
 President Wilson has not seen fit as 
 yet to make a public explanation of 
 this remarkable document, though he 
 has had sufficient inquiries. I can 
 therefore only refer to it. But Japan 
 claims that under this agreement we 
 have conceded her full control over 
 Chinese affairs, and this is the claim 
 she attempted to make good at Paris. 
 
 In fact, when President Wilson sent 
 a congratulatory telegram to the 
 President of the Chinese Republic on 
 the occasion of that Republic's birtn- 
 day, the Japanese papers declared his 
 act to be a clear violation of the 
 Lansing-Ishii agreement and that the 
 United States had no right to com- 
 municate with China save through 
 Japan. That same claim was made 
 by an English language newspaper in 
 Shanghai, the Mercury, controlled by 
 Japanese. 
 
 The issue was forced in connection 
 with submission to the Peace Confer- 
 ence of the secret twenty-one condi- 
 
 tions forced upon China by Japan in 
 1915, existence of which was denied to 
 the world by Japan, which threatened 
 China and her officials with severe 
 penalties if she even mentioned that 
 such conditions had been exacted. 
 The Peace Conference had shown a 
 desire to see these conditions and 
 other secret treaties, and the Chinese 
 Commissioners had indicated their 
 willingness to produce them. Their 
 copies had been stolen from them as 
 they passed through Japan on their 
 way to Paris, but duplicates could be 
 secured by wireless if necessary. 
 
 Japan used all her power and In- 
 fluence, first to have Koo and Wong 
 silenced and Japan recognized as 
 China's spokesman at Paris, and 
 failing that, to have Koo and Wong 
 instructed that the secret treaties 
 forced at the point of the sword by 
 Japan since August, 1914, should not 
 be produced. Obata, on behalf of 
 Japan, made at Peking the most ser- 
 ious threats against China and the 
 officials of her Government if Japan's 
 wishes were not complied with ( and 
 it looked for a while as if China must 
 yield. 
 
 Publicity May Save China. 
 
 In this case publicity defeated 
 Japan and saved China, just as pub- 
 licity now, promptly and properly ap- 
 
 plied, will prevent attainment of 
 Japan's ultimate ends in the Par East 
 and save the world much tribulation. 
 The old Parliament at Canton cabled 
 Koo and Wong to stand by their 
 guns; the commercial bodies and 
 guilds of the leading cities, commenc- 
 ing in the South and gradually 
 spreading through the North, did the 
 same; and such public sentiment was 
 speedily created throughout China 
 that the new Parliament at Peking, 
 notwithstanding the influence of 
 Japan, did not dare recall Koo and 
 Wong, or withdraw their authority, 
 and they were permitted to go ahead 
 on their own discretion. Fortunate, 
 indeed, for China that she was repre- 
 sented by such men. 
 
 It is little wonder that China was 
 stirred by these matters into active 
 hatred of Japan and a boycott of her 
 goods, and that she was impelled to 
 seriously consider the advice of her 
 friend, the United States, and en- 
 deavor to adjust her internal differ- 
 ences, that she might present a united 
 front to the enemy. With the aid of 
 her friends on the outside, and with 
 full exploitation in China of the trait- 
 orous acts of Japanese paid officials 
 of China, she may yet accomplish a 
 workable union of the Chinese Prov- 
 inces. 
 
 A RTICLE V I 
 
 Japan's Record in China. 
 
 What She Has Done in Korea, Manchuria and Shantung — How 
 She Counted On Enriching Herself Through the War — Her 
 Contemptuous Treatment of Americans 
 
 Japan persistently insists, through 
 diplomatic channels and by her var- 
 ious clever methods of propaganda, 
 including American societies and Am- 
 erican business men, that she has no 
 designs on securing the territory of 
 China or any part of it, or any wish 
 for concessions or privileges which 
 are not open to all other Nations. 
 
 Japan's record is sufficient dis- 
 proof of her claims of good faith in 
 this matter, and fortunately pernaps 
 for the world that record during the 
 war and because of Japanese belief 
 that It was her great opportunity has 
 
 been so plainly written that it needs 
 only publicity — the publicity which 
 Japan is desperately striving to 
 prevent. 
 
 Hon Korea Was Protected. 
 Korea was under the suzerainty o f 
 China. Japa n fought two wars— one, 
 with China and one w ith Russia — 
 
 ostensibly to insure the lndepe n d e nc e 
 of Korea; and then appropriated the 
 count ry nefselt. The excuse she made 
 was tnat~ Korea is jcontiguous ts> 
 Japan — and" therefore offered oppor- 
 tunity for Japan's enemies to m enace 
 he r. Sh e afterwards claimed a spe- 
 
14 
 
 c ial sphe re of influence and control. 
 
 of South Manchuria on the plea 
 
 that an enemy mi^ght occupy it to the 
 Injury of Korea . That control of 
 South Manchuria has since been 
 changed into the most despotic pos- 
 session under Prussian methods. 
 
 She subse quentl y i nsisted that It 
 was necessary for her to have con- 
 trol in Inner Manchuria lest her 
 rights in South Manchuria should be 
 threatened. 
 
 Under that system of reasoning 
 Japan, if unchecked, might claim all 
 of China, and eventually all of Asia. 
 Japan's Peaceful Methods. 
 
 South Manchuria is occupied in a 
 military way by the Japanese. Brit- 
 ish and other nationalities were sub- 
 jected to the greatest indignities and 
 the excuse therefor offered by a 
 Japanese Vice Consul in a particular- 
 ly aggravated case was "In the view 
 and contention of the Japanese Gov- 
 ernment you are in Japanese territory 
 and must submit to the Japanese who 
 are the ruling authority in the East 
 and must be obeyed." 
 
 Italian troops passing through Man- 
 churia on their way to Siberia were 
 hampered in their progress after leav- 
 ing the South Manchurian railroad by 
 the demand of the Japanese that 
 their authority and not that of Rus- 
 sia be recognized. The Chinese who 
 presumably have some little claim on 
 the territory were not even permitted 
 to entertain the Italians. 
 
 Japanese subjects made attacks on 
 the American Consuls at Dalny and 
 Newchang and on the wife of the 
 American Consul at Mukden. At 
 Mukden in April, 1915, when Japan 
 was insisting on acceptance by China 
 of the twenty-one demands, a body of 
 Japanese troops marched through the 
 "Walled City into which they had no 
 right to enter and maneuvered for 
 fifteen minutes in front of the Ameri- 
 can Consulate General. 
 
 Japan's Wireless Stations. 
 
 Japan has put up a wireless sta- 
 tion without any authority and in 
 violation of China's sovereignty at 
 Tsinan Fu, on the railway from 
 Peking to Mukden. She has installed 
 another in the center of China at 
 Hankow, 500 miles up the Yangtze 
 River, and maintains a garrison 
 there, both against China's protests. 
 
 The wireless is powerful and pre- 
 vents the American and British gun- 
 boats patrolling the river from com- 
 municating with each other. 
 
 Japan has installed another wire- 
 less at Tsingtau, which place she 
 took from Germany to return to 
 China but is still holding. At Dairen, 
 the Japanese wireless station in the 
 Kwangtung leasehold is apparently 
 used to prevent communication be- 
 tween or with ships for a distance 
 of 1,500 miles. The Pacific Mail 
 frequently cannot communicate with 
 her ships coming into Shanghai. 
 The Story of Tsingtau. 
 
 The history of Tsingtau and its 
 hinterland, Kiaochou, very aptly il- 
 lustrates the methods of Japan, and 
 indicates how much sincerity there 
 Is in her protestations of good 
 faith. Germany secured possession 
 of this port and the hinterland in 
 consideration for the massacre of two 
 German missionaries. She probably 
 would have been willing to trade 
 more missionaries on similar terms. 
 She made elaborate improvements in 
 town and port on modern lines. 
 
 When Germany in 1914 was called 
 on by Japan to surrender the ter- 
 ritory, she agreed to give it back 
 to China if compensated for im- 
 provements made. Japan would not 
 consent to this. 
 
 Japan in her ultimatum declared 
 to Germany that Tsingtau was to 
 be turned over to China. She made 
 the same statement in response to an 
 inquiry from the United States as to 
 her intentions. 
 
 Regards Tsingtau as Spoils. 
 
 She has, however, regarded Tsing- 
 tau as a spoil of war which should 
 be given to her in recognition of 
 her services to the Allies.- She 
 forced on China secret treaties which 
 would extend indefinitely her rights 
 there and would give her practical 
 possession of the town and the port. 
 
 She imposed a condition in one 
 secret treaty by which in event 
 of restoration of Tsingtau to China a 
 concession under the exclusive juris- 
 diction of Japan was to be established 
 at a place to be designated by the 
 Japanese Government; if the Foreign 
 Powers desired an international con- 
 
 cession it might be chosen afterwards; 
 and the disposal of buildings and 
 property formerly held by Germany 
 was to be a matter of "mutual" agree- 
 ment between the Chinese and Japan- 
 ese Government. The mutuality of an 
 agreement of that sort as shown by 
 China's history would be something 
 like that between the German Mili- 
 tary Governor of Belgium and an 
 honest and patriotic Belgian Mayor 
 in 1917. 
 
 Has Already Selected Site. 
 
 Japan has already selected the site 
 of the concession which is to be un- 
 der her exclusive jurisdiction. "It 
 constitutes the most important part of 
 Tsingtau, including the port, the prin- 
 cipal railway station and practically 
 all the revenue-producing utilities" 
 as explained by the Japan Chronicle 
 of Kobe. 
 
 Through discriminatory regulations 
 and taxes the Chinese and other Na- 
 tionals were forced out of Tsingtau 
 to a great extent and Japanese took 
 their places. The Government lands, 
 revenues from which had been devoted 
 to improvement of the city by the 
 Germans, were sold at nominal prices 
 to Japanese syndicates which pro- 
 ceeded to install manufacturing en- 
 terprises thereon. The French were 
 asked to give up the land on which 
 their tennis courts were located and 
 refused. They were about to be 
 forced when Great Britain and France 
 protested. Japan desisted. The war 
 came on and Japan through discrimi- 
 natory taxes forced confiscation of 
 the land. 
 
 Demands Concessions First. 
 
 In response to various suggestions 
 as to turning over Tsingtau to the 
 Chinese, for over four years Japan 
 said nothing publicly. A few months 
 ago, the war having closed, she inti- 
 mated her willingness to consider 
 turning it back if China would pay 
 therefor by valuable railroad and 
 other concessions. It transpires now 
 that secret treaties forced on China 
 had provided for such an adjustment. 
 
 Now it is said that even if Tsmgtau 
 he turned back to China it still will 
 he controlled by the Japanese, and if 
 China attempts to restore former con- 
 ditions Japan will seize upon it as a 
 pretext for war. She has used her 
 
15 
 
 four years of possession so that the 
 interests of China and of Japan's 
 partners and allies will be effectually 
 wiped out. It remains to be seen 
 whether the Peace Conference and 
 the Allies and the United States will 
 stand for this arrangement. 
 
 Already Reaching: Farther. 
 
 With her power thus established in 
 Tsingtau and its hinterland of Kiao- 
 chou, Japan, following her estab- 
 lished principle, Sought control of the 
 entire Province of Shantung, the plea 
 being that such control was necessary 
 to protect her rights in Tsingtau. The 
 Chinese Government was forced by 
 the same secret treaty method "to 
 give full assent to all matters upon 
 which the Japanese Government may 
 hereafter agree with the German Gov- 
 ernment relating to the disposition of 
 all rights, interests and concessions 
 which Germany, by virtue of treaties 
 01 otherwise possesses in relation to 
 the Province of Shantung." 
 
 Under another secret agreement, 
 this time made with the Chinese Min- 
 ister to Tokyo in 1918, but never rati- 
 fied by the Chinese Government, the 
 control of the Shantung Railway, run- 
 ning through the province, and of the 
 entire railway zone, becomes Japanese 
 without qualification and without time 
 limit. Article 6 of that agreement 
 guards against any disturbance of 
 Japan's position by the Peace Confer- 
 ence, for it provides that, regardless 
 of what disposition shall be made as 
 to ownership of the railway, it shall 
 be placed under joint management of 
 China and Japan. Japan, through 
 Obata, insisted that this agreement 
 did not need ratification by the Chi- 
 nese Government, being purely a 
 "commercial agreement." 
 
 How It Was Done. 
 
 The Japanese Government last 
 Autumn advanced $10,000,000 to China, 
 through her trusted representatives, 
 in return for the transfer to Japan 
 of the options allowed Germany In 
 1913 on an extension of the line to 
 the Peking-Hankow Railway, with an 
 option on construction of a branch 
 from Kaomi to Hsuchow, at which 
 point it would make connection with 
 the Belgian trans-continental line 
 from the sea coast to Turkestan. 
 China has not yet learned what oe- 
 
 came of all the money. Some of it, ap- 
 parently, was used for fostering trou- 
 ble between North and South China, 
 by supplying arms and pay for an 
 army for the north. Clearly there 
 was something crooked about this 
 agreement on the part of some one 
 in China, for, when China offered to 
 expose the secret treaties to the Paris 
 Conference, Japan threatened to pub- 
 lish, and did publish, this Shantung 
 Railway agreement. 
 
 Baron Makino, in February, made 
 a defense of Japan's acts in China 
 for the Paris Conference, in the 
 course of which he said that the de- 
 tails of this agreement as to Tsingtau 
 and Shantung had not been made pub- 
 lic under a mutual understanding, 
 and because they were preliminary to 
 certain business matters, as yet in an 
 incomplete stage. He stated posi- 
 tively, however, that "the agreement 
 is in no sense oppressive, nor does 
 
 it provide for illegitimate or arbi- 
 trary control by Japan of any. terri- 
 tory or China's territorial rights." 
 "The Germany of Asia." 
 
 It is true that some conditions of 
 some of these secret agreements do 
 not seem onerous to an outsider, if in 
 force between two Nations of equal 
 strength and good faith. The best 
 information as to what they mean for 
 China, and other Nations, is to read 
 in the record made by Japan's acts 
 hei interpretation of the powers 
 which these agreements confer. The 
 record is conclusive. Nothing else is 
 necessary to establish the justice of 
 thr title of these articles — "The Ger- 
 many of Asia." In Shantung, with a 
 military controlled railway zone and 
 Chinese officials bribed to compla- 
 cency, Japan has been running things 
 very much as in Manchuria. The 
 methods were made in Germany, but 
 the Japanese are apt pupils. 
 
 ARTICLE VII 
 
 The Korean Independence Movement 
 
 A Remarkable Instance of Passive Resistance By a Nation of 
 20,000,000 People — The Germanlike Repressive Measures of 
 Japan — She Aims to Deprive the Koreans of Language, Re- 
 corded History and National Identity. 
 
 No man may know, until under ex- 
 ceptional advantages he has investi- 
 gated the facts on the ground, how 
 the march of events in the Par East 
 has been concealed from Western eyes 
 for years past by a thick veil, devised 
 partly by Japanese cunning, and ow- 
 ing its effectiveness largely to the 
 world's absorption in other matters. 
 Material aid, too, was had from inad- 
 equate and congested cable facilities, 
 which did not transmit ordinary busi- 
 ness or personal messages — no mat- 
 ter how pressing — across the ocean 
 in less than ten to fourteen days. 
 War put the wireless in Government 
 hands, barring private messages and 
 news service, and made excuse for a 
 censorship which has been used to the 
 limit; so that, even since the armis- 
 tice, we see things through that veil 
 in such indistinct or distorted fash- 
 
 ion that we know really nothing, and 
 what we think we know we must 
 some day unlearn. 
 
 So it is that the Western world 
 has not learned yet the genesis, the 
 meaning and the real facts concern- 
 ing the Korean independence demon- 
 stration, commencing on March 1st — 
 perhaps the most wonderful instance 
 of national self-control and organ- 
 ized passive resistance for accom- 
 plishment of an ideal that the world 
 has ever known. It is too early to 
 prophesy, but it seems not unlikely 
 that this Korean demonstration ulti- 
 mately will have an effect on the 
 Japanese policy and the future his- 
 tory of the Far East, which a revolu- 
 tion could not have accomplished. 
 Suppressing: the Facts. 
 
 Japan attempted, and I think un- 
 wisely, to suppress the facts as to 
 
16 
 
 this demonstration and permitted the 
 publication in the Japanese vernacu- 
 lar papers of expurgated, exaggerated 
 and colored accounts calculated to 
 prejudice the world as to the motives 
 and the acts of the Koreans. 
 
 For instance, every effort was made 
 to suppress and prevent outside 
 knowledge of the original proclama- 
 tion, published all over Korea at the 
 opening of the demonstration — a tem- 
 perate, dignified, eloquent statement, 
 which declined to deal in recrimina- 
 tion, whch blamed tihe Koreans them- 
 selves, partly, for their troubles, but 
 which insisted that they were enti- 
 tled to national existence, of which 
 ttiey had been forcibly and unfairly 
 .eprived. It suggested that Japan, 
 *» restoring Korean independence, 
 _,ould do more towards regaining 
 'onfidence of the world and insuring 
 permanent peace in the Far East 
 than could be done in any other way. 
 
 Every effort was made to prevent 
 copies of this document getting out 
 of Korea. Houses and individuals 
 were searched — even while I was in 
 Seoul two Americans connected with 
 the Y. M. C. A. were arrested and 
 searched in the belief they had copies 
 of the document. 
 
 How the Proclamation Came Out. 
 
 So far as I know, the first accurate 
 translation of that document was 
 brought out by myself, and offered to 
 the Japan Advertiser at Tokyo for 
 publication and to the Associated 
 Press. The Government forbade its 
 publication. And so far as I can 
 learn, the first copy to reach the 
 United States is that which I brought 
 to San Francisco and which was given 
 out by the Associated Press there. 
 
 In Honolulu I was informed that 
 the newspapers there could not re- 
 ceive reliable accounts of the Korean 
 trouble through letters from their 
 Tokio correspondents sent by special 
 messengers, because no steamer pas- 
 senger from the Orient was permitted 
 to land on the Honolulu dock carry- 
 ing letters for delivery, or mailing, 
 unless such letters were turned over 
 to postal officials, by whom they 
 would be submittted to censorship. 
 
 It is within my own knowledge that 
 fellow passengers on the Shinyo Maru 
 who had with them correspondence 
 concerning the Korean troubles tor 
 
 delivery to Honolulu newspapers, 
 were asked to surrender them to the 
 Customs and Post Office officials at 
 the gate, and when they refused, were 
 ordered to take them back to the ship 
 and threatened with $1,000 fine if 
 they attempted to deliver the letters. 
 In my own case I was not permitted 
 to carry off the Honolulu dock for 
 mailing, a letter plainly addressed 
 to the American minister at Peking, 
 but, at order of the customs official, 
 turned it over, with a nickel for post- 
 age, to the uniformed postal employe 
 at his side. 
 
 How the Facts Were Learned. 
 
 With Mrs. McClatchy, I was in 
 Seoul, the capital of Korea, for two 
 days and a half during the demon- 
 stration, and secured a fair knowl- 
 edge of the matter through inter- 
 course with a number of Americans 
 and Europeans, long resident in Ko- 
 rea, thoroughly familiar with the sit- 
 uation, and enjoying the confidence of 
 Koreans, and, in several cases, eye- 
 witnesses of leading incidents. 
 
 During these two days and a half 
 we were permitted to go about freely 
 in our rickishaws through the crowd- 
 ed streets, taking snap pictures; but 
 we attempted no conversation with 
 Koreans, lest we get them into trou- 
 ble. We were early warned that we 
 were being followed by two detec- 
 tives in plain clothes, who made in- 
 quiries wherever we stopped as to 
 our business and conversation, and 
 particularly as to whether we talked 
 to Koreans. 
 
 We traveled by rail through the 
 length of Korea from Antung to 
 Seoul and from Seoul to the south- 
 ern end of the peninsula at Fusan, 
 a journey of two daylights, and met 
 on the train a number of Americans, 
 long resident in the country, some of 
 them Californians, and even Sacra- 
 mentans, interested or employed in 
 the American quartz-mining and 
 gold dredging operations below Se- 
 oul. The first half of this journey 
 was made on March 3d, the second on 
 March 6th. 
 
 From sources in Japan, after our 
 arrival there, I learned more. And 
 this, then, is the story of the Korean 
 independence demonstration, as I un- 
 derstand it. 
 
 Gathering: for the Emperor's Funeral. 
 
 On Monday, March 3rd, the funeral 
 of the former Korean Emperor Yi 
 was to take place. Yi was not enti- 
 tled to particular consideration at the 
 hands of his people, and up to the 
 time of his death did not enjoy their 
 affection. But his death transformed 
 him into a National hero, for it was 
 reported, and generally believed, by 
 the Koreans that he had committed 
 suicide in order to force a postpone- 
 ment for three years, under Korean 
 custom, of the marriage of young 
 Prince Yi, a boy, to a Japanese Prin- 
 cess. The Prince, nominally a guest 
 of the Japanese Nation, is really a 
 prisoner in his palace, permitted no 
 intercourse with the Koreans, and 
 never leaving the palace grounds un- 
 less in charge of Japanese guards. 
 The marriage was dictated by Japan 
 as one means of sinking Korean na- 
 tionalism and aiding in assimilation 
 of her people, and was corresponding- 
 ly resented by the Koreans. 
 
 And so the worthless old Emperor 
 suddenly became a hero to his former 
 subject, 20,000,000 people, a captive 
 Nation under Japan's iron rule. They 
 desire to give him burial according 
 to the ancient Korean rites, but this 
 was refused them by the military 
 government which rules Korea, and 
 arrangements for a great Japanese 
 military funeral with Shinto cere- 
 monies went on apace. 
 
 From all parts of the Korean pen- 
 insula the Koreans flocked to Seoul, 
 the capital, for ten days preceding 
 the funeral, coming at tne rate of 
 5,000 a day. Even on Monday, March 
 3d, as we traveled by train down the 
 peninsula, we saw almost a steady 
 procession of white-robed and curi- 
 ously hatted Koreans walking on the 
 highway toward the nearest railway 
 station, that they might take train 
 for the Capital. There had never been 
 before in the history of the country 
 such a crowd in Seoul. 
 
 A Well-Timed Demonstration. 
 
 Suddenly, on the Saturday preceding 
 the funeral, March 1st, at 2 o'clock 
 p. m., without warning or hint to tne 
 foreign population and without sus- 
 picion evidently on the part of the 
 Japanese rulers, there was inaugu- 
 rated in every large city of Korea 
 
17 
 
 on behalf of its 20,000,000 subject 
 people, a peaceful demonstration ana 
 demand for National independence. 
 This demonstration continued in va- 
 rious forms throughout the Korean 
 peninsula up to the date of our de- 
 parture from Yokohama on March 
 17th. Since that time the veil whicn 
 conceals or distorts happenings in the 
 Far East has dropped for us, as it has 
 for all Westerners. 
 
 In Seoul the demonstration con- 
 sisted of a reading of the proclama- 
 tion in a public park; of the rushing 
 of many thousands of the white- 
 robed Koreans down the wide main 
 street shouting "Mansei," the Korean 
 equivalent of the Japanese "Banzai;" 
 of exhortation to students of the va- 
 rious schools to join in the demon- 
 stration, and to maintain a peaceful 
 agitation until they secured national 
 freedom; of an attempt to enter the 
 palace gates and present a petition to 
 the young Prince Yi, etc. 
 
 The police and gendarmes could not 
 stop the crowd at first, but soldiers 
 were called out, and clubbed muskets 
 and swords were usea effectively, 
 over 150 prisoners being taken to jail 
 that afternoon, some of them rather 
 severely injured. 
 
 Somewhat similar demonstrations 
 were made on Monday and on vvea- 
 nesday, but they did not last long, 
 the Japanese being prepared and sev- 
 eral hundred demonstrators being 
 made prisoners, among them some 
 girl students. The demonstrations in 
 other cities took on similar character. 
 Wonderful National Passive Resist- 
 ance. 
 
 There was more or less severity at- 
 tached to the arrest of the Koreans. 
 Eye-witnesses have told me of girl 
 students being set upon by Japanese 
 coolies with clubs and stamped upon, 
 and being marched off by the gen- 
 darmes and tied together in couples 
 by their thumbs. Up to the time we 
 left Seoul, March 6tn, firearms had 
 not been used by the Japanese in 
 that city as far as I could learn, and 
 while there were numerous injuries 
 from clubs, clubbed muskets and 
 swords, no Koreans had been killed. 
 
 The astonishing thing about the 
 demonstration was, that under the 
 terms of the proclamation and exhor- 
 tation of the leaders, no injury was 
 
 done to property, and no violence at- 
 tempted by the Koreans, even in re- 
 taliation for what seemed unneces- 
 sary brutality on the part of gen- 
 darmes and soldiers in making ar- 
 rests. This is the more astonishing 
 when the temperamental character of 
 the Koreans is had in mind, and their 
 inclination to frenzy in mob forma- 
 tion, wnlch in the early days of the 
 Hermit Kingdom caused the death of 
 several missionaries, who were torn 
 to pieces by Korean hands and teeth. 
 
 The vernacular press of Japan dur- 
 ing the first week of the demonstra- 
 tion was filled with accounts from 
 special correspondents, declaring that 
 in Seoul, and elsewhere throughout 
 the peninsula, tne Koreans had at- 
 tacked, Injured, and even killed gen- 
 darmes, police and soldiers and in- 
 jured property. 
 
 Up to the morning of March 6th, 
 when we left Seoul, I am confident 
 no such thing occurred in that city; 
 and I have reason to believe it dia 
 not occur elsewhere. The most con- 
 clusive evidence on this point is the 
 interview published in the Japan Ad- 
 vertiser by the Japanese Minister of 
 Communications, Noda, who with 
 other high officials of the Govern- 
 ment went to Seoul to attend the 
 funeral of former Emperor Yi. Noda 
 did not leave Seoul until March 5th, 
 and his interview, published on nis 
 return to Tokio, declared that the 
 Koreans had not committed acts of 
 violence or injured property, either 
 in Seoul or anywhere else in Korea. 
 
 Further Organized Efforts. 
 
 On the morning on which we left 
 Seoul, five days after the demonstra- 
 tion commenced, there appeared on 
 posts and walls, a second proclama- 
 tion from the Korean leaders, though 
 unsigned, in which the people were 
 congratulated on the manner in which 
 they had testified to Japan and to 
 tne world their desire to be free, and 
 on the self-control and forbearance 
 with which they had endured injury 
 and arrest. They were reminded that 
 as Koreans they must stand up for 
 the sacred cause to the last man, and 
 they were cautioned again to do no 
 violence and no injury to property. 
 "He who does this," the proclama- 
 tion said, "is an enemy to his coun- 
 try, and will most seriously injure 
 
 the cause." A free translation of the 
 document was given me, while wait- 
 ing for the train, by a missionary 
 who had seen a copy of it. 
 
 It is not unlikely that in country 
 districts the Koreans later may have 
 been incited to retaliation by tne 
 methods of their rulers. The ver- 
 nacular press of Japan for a few 
 days gave increased circumstantial 
 accounts of death or injury to single 
 members of local gendarmerie, coup- 
 led usually with the significant state- 
 ment in each case, that "casualties" 
 among the Koreans amounted to 
 forty, or sixty, as the case might be. 
 According to these accounts the Jap- 
 anese in the outside districts were, 
 in instances, using firearms. The Ko- 
 reans could secure no weapons unless 
 clubs or stones. But these accounts 
 had practically ceased when we sailed 
 for California. 
 
 Meanwhile, the Koreans had car- 
 ried on the policy of passive resist- 
 ance, by closing up all the schools — 
 the Korean children having ceased to 
 attend, and by ceasing work in vari- 
 ous public utility and manufacturing 
 enterprises. 
 
 "Preliminary Examinations." 
 
 The Government had made arrests 
 of about 4,000 agitators, and the trials 
 of these Koreans, it was officially de- 
 clared, would be commenced toward 
 the end of March, after the "examina- 
 tion" had been completed. Prelim- 
 inary examinations preceding trial at 
 the time of the Korean conspiracy 
 cases some years ago meant inquiry 
 by torture, under which the helpless 
 victim confessed to anything with 
 which he was charged. In those con- 
 spiracy cases 106 prisoners tnus con- 
 fessed full guilt, and were sentenced 
 en trial to punishment accordingly. 
 The world having received an ink- 
 ling of the facts, and the American 
 and British Minister, it is whispered 
 having suggested to the Japanese 
 Government the propriety of further 
 investigation, a secona triai was ui- 
 dered and ninety-eight of the 106 
 were adjudged innocent and dis- 
 charged. Among them was one who 
 was in prison at the time the offense 
 with which he was charged was com- 
 mitted. I met in Korea Americans 
 who had seen the scars inflicted by 
 torture on some of these Koreans. 
 
18 
 
 Some apprehend that the prominent 
 leaders of the independence demon- 
 stration will be similarly induced 
 during the "examinations" to make 
 confession as to their pernicious ac- 
 tivities, and what was oehind them. 
 But it is doubtful if Japan, with ner 
 past experience, and with the eyes of 
 the world upon her now, will resort 
 to torture. There is a growing senti- 
 ment in Japan against the despotic 
 rule of the military in Japanese col- 
 onies, and that sentiment is quite 
 sensitive to the world's opinion. 
 The Chundokyo. 
 
 The original proclamation was 
 signed by thirty-three prominent Ko- 
 reans, religious leaders and teachers, 
 carefully selected so as to represent 
 the Chundokyo, the Buddhists and the 
 three Christian religions most promi- 
 nent in Korea — the Methodist-Epis- 
 copal, the Presbyterian and the Cath- 
 olic. It was intended thus to demon- 
 strate to the world that the move- 
 ment for independence was not fac- 
 tional. These leaders were, of course, 
 at once arrested. 
 
 The first signature to the procla- 
 mation was that of the head of the 
 Chundokyo; and here again the Jap- 
 anese rulers received a distinct shock, 
 for on the Chundokyo and on Its 
 head they had confidently relied for 
 effective assistance in so subjugating 
 the Koreans that there would be no 
 trace left of their nationality in the 
 coming generations. 
 
 The Chundokyo is a cult whose 
 teachings are said to be a combina- 
 tion of Buddhism and Taiism, and 
 ancestral worship and Korean super- 
 stition. The cult was encouraged by 
 the Japanese on the theory, it is said, 
 that it would stop the spread of 
 Christianity, whose teachings, with 
 the flavor of democracy which ac- 
 companied them, were believed to be 
 bad for the political digestion of the 
 Koreans. Once the cult had sup- 
 planted Christianity it could be made 
 to serve the purpose of the Japanese 
 by eliminating from its teachings 
 those features which reminded the 
 Koreans of their wonderful history as 
 a Nation, and it would thus assist in 
 their racial absorption by the Japa- 
 nese. 
 
 However this may be, it is certain 
 
 that the Chundokyo and its leader 
 were playing the Japanese game, ap- 
 parently, for years by inducing the 
 Koreans to submit quietly to Japa- 
 nese rule; that the Japanese encour- 
 aged its growth — it is said to have 
 now about 3,000,000 members; and 
 that, notwithstanding the Japanese 
 espionage system and the spies who 
 were doubtless located in various 
 branches of the cult, Korean intrigue 
 was a match for Japanese intrigue, 
 and a Nation kept the secret until the 
 time was ripe. 
 
 A Korean Manifesto in Japan. 
 
 In Japan a number of Korean stu- 
 dents shortly before issued a procla- 
 mation for Korean independence, 
 which was in effect a declaration of 
 war. These students were arrested, 
 tried and convicted, and are already 
 serving terms in prison. That situ- 
 ation was easy to handle. The Ko- 
 rean National movement under lead- 
 ership of the Chundokyo will prove 
 a more difficult problem for Japan. 
 
 A Movement in World Democracy. 
 
 As to the inception of this Korean 
 movement there is of course much of 
 which I know nothing. I have reason 
 to believe, however, that it was in- 
 spired in a way by the war and its 
 assumed influence in making the 
 world safe for Democracy; by a mis- 
 taken belief on the part of the Ko- 
 reans that the principle of self deter- 
 mination of peoples, as enunciated by 
 President Wilson, and as made the 
 basis for certain decisions of the 
 Paris Peace Conference, could be ap- 
 plied at this time to Korea; and that 
 it was only necessary for Korea to 
 declare her wish to be free, and Japan 
 would be compelled to give her inde- 
 pendence. I know personally some 
 of the Koreans had that idea, and it 
 would explain in part their carefully 
 planned demonstration, indicating 
 unanimity of sentiment, and their de- 
 termined abstention from violence or 
 retaliation, in order that the world 
 might not be prejudiced. 
 
 The forcing of the young Prince Yi 
 into a Japanese marriage, the belief 
 that the old Emperor killed himself 
 to frustrate that plan, the refusal to 
 allow him burial by Korean rites — 
 all these, doubtless, helped to fan the 
 sentiment of the impressionable peo- 
 ple into flame and make it easy to set 
 
 the stage for the demonstration. 
 
 Then Japan has steadily made en- 
 emies of the Koreans, when she might 
 have made friends. After another 
 year, for instance, they will not be 
 permitted to learn their own lan- 
 guage in the schools — they must use 
 Japanese exclusively. At present they 
 are taught both languages. In count- 
 less other ways, following the Ger- 
 man system of treating a conquered 
 people, the Japanese have outraged 
 the pride and sentiment of the Kor- 
 eans, when the action would not seem 
 necessary for the maintenance of 
 Japanese sovereignty. 
 
 Koreans are gradually being de- 
 prived of all offices, even the patri- 
 archal heads of villages being sup- 
 planted by Japanese with an increase 
 of salary. It is made impracticable 
 for Koreans to attend the high school. 
 A Korean rickishaw man in Seoul is 
 not permitted to earn his living in 
 that occupation, unless he discards 
 his national costume and adopts the 
 Japanese. And I myself saw Japan- 
 ese railroad officials and civilians 
 treat inoffensive Korean passengers 
 like dogs. 
 
 What Japan Has Done for Korea. 
 
 The Koreans Impress most observ- 
 ers who have studied them as a kind- 
 ly people who could be readily as- 
 similated by the Japanese, if, after 
 the first forcible acts of repression, 
 military methods and control had 
 given way to civil government; if 
 Korean superstitition had been wiped 
 out by education, but their language 
 and their pride of race respected, and 
 ambition created in them by confer- 
 ring public positions on some of those 
 who qualified for it. 
 
 It is claimed, with truth, that Japan 
 has done many excellent things for 
 development of Korea and improve- 
 ment of sanitary and other conditions; 
 and some insist that the Korean peo- 
 ple as individuals are in a better way 
 to progress under Japanese rule, 
 rough and unkind and unfair as it is, 
 than would have been possible as an 
 independent Nation under the misrule 
 of their Emperors, and the grafting 
 official class. 
 
 The Korean woman, who was a 
 slave, subject to the pleasure of her 
 master, her husband, to work as he 
 

 ordered, and to be discarded when he 
 wished, has now certain rights, and 
 may secure a divorce on proper show- 
 ing. Under the old system, the 
 Korean man or woman, because of 
 official graft and social conditions, 
 had every incentive to develop into a 
 bully or a coward, and withal a liar 
 and a thief. The Japanese rule, not- 
 withstanding the Iron hand of the 
 conqueror, is helping to improve some 
 of these conditions. And this, not- 
 withstanding that the Koreans, who 
 claim they were originally free from 
 venereal disease, and who had no 
 prostitutes, have been introduced to 
 the one by the Chinese, while the 
 Japanese have forced on them the 
 Yoshawara system, under which a 
 woman may be sold or pledged to a 
 brothel keeper for five years, though 
 she may claim cancellation of the con- 
 tract by appeal to Court. 
 
 The Japanese have built a good 
 railroad running the entire length of 
 Korea; are pushing forward the con- 
 struction of excellent highways; have 
 done remarkably good work in for- 
 estation of the barren hills; have 
 made property and life safe; have in- 
 augurated compulsory education — and 
 even a common grade course for 
 everyone is better than ignorance 
 for the multitude. But they have 
 wiped out any semblance of liberty; 
 and liberty, with all peoples, is now 
 the first consideration. 
 
 The Korean pays for all these im- 
 provements, and for the profit of his 
 conqueror, in very high taxes; but he 
 knows what those taxes are, and 
 though they may amount to as much 
 as 40 per cent, they still do not handi- 
 cap him as did the confiscation which 
 faced the old Korean who was found 
 by an envious official to be acquiring 
 a surplus. 
 
 Hovr Japan Faces the Problem. 
 
 One of the interesting phases of the 
 situation is the manner in which 
 Japan faces the problem. Quite evi- 
 dently she is nonplussed by the 
 passive resistance of 20,000,000 people 
 who offer no possible excuse, accord- 
 ing to the world's standards, for acts 
 of brutal repression, and who simply 
 ask in a dignified and temperate dec- 
 laration, or petition, for the exercise 
 of that self-determination which their 
 
 good friend, "Mister Weel-aon," has 
 assured them is the right of every 
 people. 
 
 The stories of the vernacular press 
 of Japan that acts of violence were 
 committed from the start by the agi- 
 tators was frankly and publicly de- 
 nied by two of Japan's nigh admin- 
 istrative officials. The efforts to 
 make ill-will by declaring that Amer- 
 ican missionaries had instigated the 
 movement have been defeated by the 
 result of an official Japanese investi- 
 gation, which acquits those accused 
 even of knowledge of the matter. 
 
 Apparently the Japanese Adminis- 
 tration cannot save its face by mak- 
 ing outside agencies responsible. A 
 few Japanese journalists and pub- 
 licists, who hold that the government 
 of Japanese colonies by military au- 
 thorities is a mistake certain to make 
 trouble for Japan, have not failed to 
 take advantage of this situation. 
 
 In the Japanese Parliament the Ad- 
 ministration has been asked some 
 very pointed questions looking to the 
 merit of military repression in 
 securing results in Korea and else- 
 where, and indicating a desire, if not 
 an intention, on the part of some to 
 call for an investigation and to de- 
 mand that civil commissions instead 
 of military Governors shall hereafter 
 
 19 
 
 control Korea and other outside trib- 
 utary territory. j 
 
 From statements made to me by 
 Japanese of standing, I gather that 4 
 the Korean movement has made such 
 an impression on thinking Japanese 
 that something will be done, prob- 
 ably. Not immediately, of course — • 
 the Administration must save its face; 
 and it would not do to yield to a de- ', 
 mand of this kind from a subject peo- 
 ple, and thus acknowledge a blunder; 
 but later, and gradually, when the 
 action need not occasion international 
 comments. '.Of course, independence 
 will not be granted. If anything is 
 done, it will be in the way of reforms 
 in governing the Koreans, and in an 
 attempt to make them feel less a sub- <f*f' 
 ject people. 
 
 If I read aright between the lines 
 of certain published statements, an 
 effort will be made to have the 
 Koreans modify their declaration or 
 petition, and ask rather for reform in 
 government and some voice in public 
 affairs in place of the independence 
 upon which they have set their hearts. 
 
 This Korean declaration, with the 
 comment it causes, is only one or 
 many evidences of a change that is 
 taking place in Japan, which may be- 
 fore long treat its military rulers to a 
 disagreeable surprise. 
 
 AR TICLE V III 
 
 The Philippine Independence Movement 
 
 The Story of Intrigue Behind the Movement — The Danger of 
 Independence Without Protection — How Votes Are Made for 
 Independence and Who Is Likely to Profit Thereby. 
 
 Occasional reference is made in the 
 telegrams from Washington to tne 
 presence there of Manuel Quezon, 
 President of the Philippine Senate, 
 and of a commission from t-e islands, 
 asking Congress to grant independ- 
 ence to the Philippines. There have 
 been recommendations favoring this 
 petition from Burto"n Harrison, Gov- 
 ernor General of the Islands (who has 
 done more to discridit the American 
 Vation in the Far East than any other 
 official who has been there), and 
 kindly messages from President Wil- 
 son and some of his Cabinet. 
 
 There is a very interesting story 
 concerning this matter which any 
 visitor to Manila will hear, much of 
 which I know to be true and none 
 of which I have any reason to doubt. 
 The Political Leaders. 
 
 The great political leaders in the 
 islands at present are Quezon and 
 Sergio Osmena, who is Speaker of 
 the lower House of the Philippine 
 Congress. Quezon is said to have 
 more magnetism, Osmena to have the 
 better balance. Aguinaldo commands 
 the admiration of the natives and 
 could easily become a political leader 
 
20 
 
 
 if he would. Up to this time he has 
 busied himself with farming and 
 commercial pursuits, and has ab- 
 stained from making a cry for in- 
 dependence the excuse for securing 
 political position. 
 
 Quezon and Osmena were elected 
 on the independence issue, on their 
 impassioned insistence that the 
 islands should be independent and 
 the assurance if they and their fol- 
 lowers were elected the end would 
 be attained. 
 ' ""'" 'Whaf Natives T*«s» Told. 
 
 I met in Manila an Arh^ncan who 
 attended some of the polinaaJ meet- 
 ings in the various islarfes^tnd who, 
 unknown to the leaders, Understood 
 the three principal dtfaVectBT He told 
 e that he heard soi ke r yy these lead- 
 ers assure the ignorant\jiatives that 
 if they secured^ndependence they 
 would be free <n^^^ull taxes and ob- 
 noxious laws anO^ restraint imposed 
 by the Am^ricans.Tmnd would be in 
 a positionT tJUdoSS^hat they pleassd 
 and to be\oWie\r^ch while doing it. 
 They were Y^J d V 1 ** steady agitation 
 for independence' would bring it; and 
 quite naturalTfc they cast their fran- 
 chises for the men who promised 
 them all these things. 
 
 Given Autonomy. 
 As time progressed the United 
 States gave a steadily increasing 
 measure of autonomy to the islands, 
 but there was no indication of imme- 
 diate grant of# independence. As a 
 matter of fact, the intelligent leaders 
 among the Filipinos became con- 
 vinced that independence would bring 
 destruction instead of prosperity to 
 the islands. 
 
 They satisfied themselves that the 
 United States could not afford to 
 make them independent and at the 
 same time guarantee that independ- 
 ence, thus becoming sponsor for the 
 international policy and acts of a 
 people who are not yet fitted to steer 
 their state bark unaided; and if they 
 were left entirely without the pro- 
 tection of the great Powers they 
 would fall prey almost at once to 
 Japan, which could easily find a pre- 
 text for hostile action. 
 
 Mental Reservation*. 
 So while the leaders still talked In- 
 dependence, they did it with decided 
 mental reservations. In 1916 the 
 
 Jones bill for government of the Phil- 
 ippines was before Congress, and the 
 Senate unexpectedly passed the 
 Clarke amendment providing for ab- 
 solute independence in four years 
 from that date. 
 
 The Philippine leaders were strick- 
 en with consternation, and catile- 
 jrams and messages from the islands 
 asked that the bill do not pass. 
 
 "Yes, of course, we are all talking 
 independence — as a matter of fact, 
 you see, we cannot talk anything else 
 —political exigency — but for God's 
 sake don't give it to us." 
 
 Their prayer was heeded and they 
 did not get what they were publicly 
 clamoring for. 
 
 Wanted Subject Ignored. 
 
 It is also reported and quite gen- 
 erally believed in Manila's political 
 circles that Quezon, before the Paris 
 Peace Conference commenced its la- 
 bors requested President Wilson to 
 Instruct the delegates from the United 
 States not to bring up the subject of 
 Philippine independence. Certainly, 
 so far as the public knows, the sud- 
 ject was not brought up. 
 
 Meanwhile the opposition party, 
 meaning, of course, the "outs," was 
 making it extremely uncomfortable 
 for the Government, meaning the 
 Quezon-Osme'na contingent, which is 
 
 In. .. 
 
 The opposition claimed that the 
 Government leaders had been elected 
 on the independence issue, had 
 pledged themselves to secure it, and 
 yet had accomplished nothing in that 
 line, and apparently had no intention 
 of doing so. 
 
 Natives Betrayed. 
 
 As a result the native voters were 
 being betrayed; they were not to en- 
 joy all the beautiful things promised 
 with independence. Was it to be tol- 
 erated? Of a certainty, no. Then 
 rise, my friends, valiant members of 
 a puissant race! Throw out these men 
 and elect us, the opposition, in their 
 place! We will be faithful to the 
 
 trust! . s-t»* 
 
 There is nothing the matter with 
 that argument, for it provides just 
 the sort of molasses necessary to 
 catch this particular kind of fly at 
 this particular season: — And marK 
 you the elections are approaching. 
 
 There was produced what Messrs. 
 Quezon and Osmena would perhaps 
 acknowledge in private to be an em- 
 barrassing situation. 
 
 There was but one way to solve it, 
 apparently. The opposition was put 
 in the same boat by the appointment 
 of a non-partisan commission whose 
 members were named from both par- 
 ties; and this committee was en- 
 trusted with the duty of approaching 
 Congress at Washington with a de- 
 mand for independence. 
 
 Must Share Blame. 
 Now, if that demand fails, the op- 
 position must share the blame with 
 the Government, and the Quezon- 
 Osmena party will be safe. If it suc- 
 ceeds — and Manila insists that the 
 I knowing ones are praying it will not 
 — then they can only hope for long 
 postponement of the day when Japan 
 will find the foreign policy of the 
 Independent Philippine Republic ob- 
 jectionable and take steps according- 
 ly What is to be, will be, and at 
 least they did what they could to 
 avert the fatal day. Kismet. Also 
 Manana. 
 
 And then again, should the RepuD- 
 lic of the Philippines be established 
 as an entirely independent govern- 
 ment, it would be necessary to hava 
 a President. Now, I ask who could 
 discharge the duties of the position 
 with greater dignity and credit than 
 Quezon— or let us say, Osmena? And 
 to secure enjoyment of that honor for 
 a few years by either one of those 
 patriots, is it not worth while to risk 
 having the young Republic Korean- 
 ized by the voracious Japanese? For 
 look you, my friends, Nations, like 
 men, must take chances sometimes! 
 
 If this story be all true the lack of 
 backbone and political honesty which 
 could not frankly say, "We want in- 
 dependence with protection. We can- 
 not afford to accept it at this time 
 without," will be equally in evidence 
 in governing an independent but help- 
 less nation. And then the conse- 
 quences will be more serious. 
 
 It is the general opinion of those 
 familiar with conditions in the Far 
 East and with the development of the 
 Philippines in self-government that 
 it would be no kindness on the part 
 of the United States to remove its 
 protecting hand for some time yet. 
 
PART TWO 
 
 The United States destined to become a Japanese 
 Province unless Japanese immigration is for- 
 bidden absolutely — The "Gentleman's Agree- 
 ment" and Gulick's percentage plan 
 only traps 
 
 In Five Articles 
 
COMMENCING on June 12, 1919, the House Committe 
 Chairman, held at Washington, D. C, an extended 
 the "League for Constructive Immigration Legislation." 
 League, and originator of the plan, explained it in detail. 
 Subsequently there were read into the record of the 
 tions. certain articles from The Sacramento Bee, written 
 June 9th, 11th and 13th. Subsequently, on September 25 
 later, on October 10th, before the Senate Immigration Co 
 have stood since without disproval; and they covered 
 its passage, but also the existing conditions in connect 
 In response to many requests, the articles (slightly 
 It developed during the June hearing, in the testim 
 Council of Churches of Christ of America, that the organ 
 Gulick's work, and that he was being financed, partly at 
 Peace and Arbitration. 
 
 EXPLANATORY. 
 
 e on Immigration, Hon. Albert Johnson of Washington, 
 
 hearing in connection with the proposed bill offered by 
 
 Dr. Sidney Gulick, the founder and Secretary of the 
 
 hearing, in refutation of Dr. Gulick's theories and asser- 
 by the Publisher thereof, V. S. McClatchy, and published 
 th, Mr. McClatchy appeared before this committee, and 
 mmittee. The facts and figures thus presented by him 
 not only the features of the bill and probable results of 
 ion with Asiatic immigration. 
 
 revised), are published in this form for general distribution, 
 ony of Dr. Charles McFarland, Secretary of the Federal 
 ization named was not then furnishing funds for Dr. 
 least, by Andrew Carnegie, through the Commission on 
 
 THE FUTURE OF THE REPUBLIC AT STAKE 
 
 (Edi 
 The experience of the past four 
 years has convinced most Americans 
 that our immigration and naturali- 
 sation laws are entirely too liberal, 
 and that if we are to preserve the 
 high standards of American citizen- 
 ship we must be more careful in the 
 selection of material from which 
 that citizenship is moulded. The 
 sentiment is general that immigra- 
 tion if it be not stopped for seme 
 years, should be restricted and care- 
 fully selected. 
 
 With the prevalence of that senti- 
 ment it has boon an easy matter dur- 
 ing the past year to organize what 
 is called the League for Constructive 
 Immigration Legislation, and to se- 
 cure for it endorsement and .subscrip- 
 tions from a long list — one thousand, 
 it is said — of representative and loyal 
 Americans from all walks of life and 
 entertaining many shades of politi- 
 cal opinion. In that list are found 
 Governors, public officials and poli- 
 ticians, University presidents, Lank 
 presidents, prominent editors, law- 
 yers and physicians. National labor 
 leaders and heads of Chambers of 
 Commerce. 
 
 It now develops that the main ob- 
 ject of the promoters of the enter- 
 prise is not the same as the intent of 
 this long list of endorsers; that the 
 "constructive immigration legisla- 
 tion" suggested is intended by those 
 promoters simply as a means for 
 opening our gates to Asiatic immi- 
 grants and making them eligible for 
 naturalization; and that this purpose 
 was not generally apparent to the one 
 thousand National Committeemen of 
 the League when their endorse- 
 ment and their subscriptions for a 
 movement ostensibly to restrict for- 
 eign immigration in the interests of 
 American citizenship were solicited. 
 
 The whole story, with an over- 
 whelming array of facts and figures, 
 largely from the promoters them- 
 selves, was told in three articles 
 
 torial from Sacramento Bee, June 17, 
 written by the Publisher of The Bee. 
 
 Under the "Gentlemen's Agreement," 
 whose spirit called for a restriction of 
 Japanese immigration similar to that 
 enforced against the Chinese by law, 
 Japan is sending us 10,000 to 12,000 
 of her subjects a year openly and 
 more across the border clandestinely. 
 Our Japanese population, instead of 
 decreasing, has multiplied six-fold 
 since 1900. The Chinese population 
 has decreased to between one-half 
 and one-third of the original number. 
 And the Japanese birth rate per thou- 
 sand in California communities where 
 they have concentrated is five times 
 the white birth rate and increasing. 
 
 Nearly half the population of Ha- 
 waii and more than half the annual 
 births are Japanese; and that terri- 
 tory will be governed in a few years, 
 under present conditions, as a Japan- 
 ese province though under the Ameri- 
 can flag. What has happened there 
 is an indication of what has already 
 commenced in California. 
 
 It has been conclusively proved 
 that the two civilizations will not 
 exist together; that under economic 
 competition, and because of difference 
 in standards of living and in racial 
 characteristics, the Anglo Saxon is 
 displaced by the Japanese. 
 
 1919.) 
 loyal but misled American citizens. 
 
 The facts presented in The Bee's 
 articles seem to demand at once such 
 protective measures as can be applied 
 to diminish the consequences of our 
 blunder and Japan's bad faith. 
 
 The "Gentlemen's Agreement" should 
 be at once canceled, and all Japanese 
 immigration, including picture brides, 
 forbidden by law, as is done in Can- 
 ada and Australia — such a law as 
 Japan herself imposes against China 
 and Korea; Japanese should be pre- 
 vented, if possible, leaving Hawaii 
 for the mainland; and laws forbid- 
 ding ownership of land by aliens not 
 eligible to citizenship should be made 
 effective. 
 
 The "constructive immigration" 
 plan and the proposed legislation will 
 increase the evil and hasten the end. I 
 They are shown to be the work of 
 Sidney Gulick, who has spent his time 
 in this country, since his arrival from 
 Japan five years ago, in the effort to 
 secure adoption of his "new Oriental 
 policy," which would open our gates 
 to Asiatics as immigrants and citi- 
 zens. 
 
 The chief value of plan and bill at 
 this time is to offer proof of The 
 Bee's charge that Japanese propa- 
 ganda is carried on as systematically 
 in this country now as was German 
 propaganda before the War; and that 
 the most efficient propagandists are 
 
 It is pertinent at this time to ask 
 why this country should adopt, at 
 the request of Japan or any other 
 Nation, a principle under which races 
 are to be admitted in the future, not 
 on the basis of their value to us as 
 citizens but in proportion to the num- 
 ber of their fellows who are already 
 here; why we should admit as immi- 
 grants, much less as citizens, the 
 various peoples of Asia in the face 
 of present knowledge and the experi- 
 ence of Hawaii and California; why 
 if it be desirable to restrict immigra- 
 tion, we do not fix the number we 
 are willing to admit, and select, on 
 merit and because of their value to us 
 in upbuilding a homogeneous people, 
 the most likely individuals from 
 those offering? 
 
 Shall we hereafter conduct this 
 Nation so as best to preserve its in- 
 stitutions and insure its perpetuity? 
 Or shall we, as in the past, open our 
 doors on request or demand, to the 
 elements that will make for disunion 
 in a national crisis, and inv'te a yel- 
 low flood that will eventually dis- 
 possess the white race? 
 
 These are questions which must be 
 decided now; and on a wise decision 
 may depend the future salvation of 
 the world's great Republic. 
 
23 
 
 (From The Sacramento Bee, June 9, 1919.) 
 
 ARTICLE I. 
 
 Sidney Gulick's Mission to America— His "New Oriental Policy" 
 — Securing Endorsement of a Great Church Federation — 
 Organization of the League for "Constructive Immigration" — 
 Why the Japanese Is Undesirable as Immigrant and Citizen 
 
 Japanese propaganda Is being carried on in this country as deter- 
 minedly and as successfully as was German propaganda before we entered 
 the war. The end sought is the same — the conquest of the United States. 
 The means are different. Conquest by arms was shown within the past 
 two years to be impracticable. Conquest by "peaceful penetration" is now 
 the plan. 
 
 There is now openly operating In the United States an organization 
 whose work, If successful, will make the country In a comparatively few 
 generations a province of Japan. 
 
 The promoter and manager of the organization Is a professor of the 
 Imperial University of Kyoto, Japan, who has been In this country on 
 furlough for five years and engaged during that time In this work. The 
 President of the organization is «ne of the organizers of the Japan Society 
 of America. 
 
 So cleverly has the plan of organization been carried out under the 
 guise of protection to American citizenship and restriction of Immigration 
 generally, that 1.000 representative American citizens in various States 
 of the Union have given it Innocently their endorsement and financial 
 support. 
 
 The organization has prepared a bill for presentation to Congress 
 which will let down the bars and pave the way for future contributory 
 legislation to hasten the end. 
 
 The first work of the promoter, five years ago, was to secure the en- 
 dorsement and financial assistance of a combination of Protestant 
 churches representing over 100,000 ministers and over 17,000,000 members, 
 which organization pledged itself to the scheme and efficiently aided It 
 — also undoubtedly in ignorance of its full significance. 
 
 Hawaii is already hopelessly Japanese, that race now comprising 
 one-half the total population of the territory, and having more than four 
 times the number of Caucasian or any other race. 
 
 In a few years the Hawaiian-born Japanese will rule the territory by 
 their votes, and rule it not as Americans, but as Japanese, while under 
 the proposed legislation tike Japanese vote would be given immediate 
 preponderance. 
 
 What has already happened in Hawaii Is now rapidly progressing In 
 California, and it Is only a question of time under existing conditions— 
 and even without aid of the proposed legislation — when all the fertile spots 
 of the State will be peopled by Japanese to the exclusion of whites. 
 
 Our civilization cannot exist beside theirs in the face of economic com- 
 petition and a birth rate per 1,000 five times or more as great as ours. 
 
 AVhat is happening in California will be brought about In all spots 
 of the United States sufficiently fertile and advantageously located to 
 attract the settlement of the Japanese, provided conditions permit their 
 steady and rapid increase within our borders, as contemplated by the 
 promoters of the plan. 
 
 If the plan now urged upon Congress be adopted this year the Japanese 
 population of the United States will be 100,000,000 in one hundred and 
 forty years from now, on the basis of a ratio of natural increase about half 
 of that now shown by the Japanese in California. 
 
 Under the Gentlemen's Agreement, as now operated by Japan, the pro- 
 cess would be slower, but equally effective. In either event this country 
 would become a province of Japan. 
 
 This article is opened with the 
 several remarkable statements above. 
 By the great ' mass of Americans 
 who do not know the writer, these 
 
 statements will be classed as the 
 vaporings' of an inspired lunatic. 
 They will appear particularly ridicu- 
 lous to citizens east of the Missis- 
 
 sippi River who have no point of 
 contact with the peoples of the Far 
 East. 
 
 There are many thousands, how- 
 ever, confined almost entirely to the 
 Pacific Slope, who know the gen- 
 eral situation, but most of these 
 will be astounded at the details. 
 
 The statements are not only true 
 in all particulars, but conclusive 
 proof will be furnished in this and 
 the succeeding articles. * 
 
 Japanese Propaganda In America. 
 
 In previously published articles I 
 have called attention to some of the 
 methods of propaganda pursued by 
 Japan for lulling this country into 
 fancied security and keeping her 
 eyes closed so that Japan's objects 
 could be the more readily and the 
 more quickly accomplished. 
 
 There are the various Japan- 
 American Societies, organized osten- 
 sibly to promote friendly relations, 
 but used generally to secure the 
 active but innocent assistance of 
 prominent Americans in propaganda 
 work; the commercial and trade or- 
 ganizations used in the same way; 
 the entertainment in Japan of prom- 
 inent Americans, who come back 
 with a dazzling picture of one side 
 of the shield, and who apparently do 
 not know that the shield has a re- 
 verse side; men like Gary of the 
 Steel Corporation, Jacob Schiff, the 
 banker, and others who in public 
 speeches and interviews make asser- 
 tions and give assurances which 
 any one familiar with Far Eastern 
 conditions knows are entirely wrong; 
 banquets and speeches where most 
 publicity can be secured; special an- 
 nual Japanese numbers of American 
 newspapers; public lectures and inter- 
 views with hired propagandists, both 
 Japanese and American; Japanese 
 news bureaus and magazines. Gener- 
 ally, these means are resorted to along 
 the Atlantic seaboard and east of 
 the Mississippi, where there is no 
 Oriental question, where the public, 
 being ignorant, will not question 
 statements made, ' and where the 
 greatest number of Americans can 
 be reached with least effort and 
 least expense. 
 
24 
 
 It is thus that Japan has created 
 a public sentiment in this country 
 which must be corrected if the. Na- 
 tion is to be saved. 
 
 As will be seen from these arti- 
 cles, the propaganda has now taken 
 on the form of enlisting the Churches 
 in a demand based on the brother- 
 hood of man and an assumed will- 
 ingness to risk National interests in 
 order to promote evangelization; and 
 enlisting the intelligent classes of 
 the community in so-called ''con- 
 structive immigration" legislation 
 saddled with conditions which will 
 give Japan what she wants. 
 The Instrument of "Peaceful Penetra- 
 tion." 
 
 The organization referred to, whose 
 promoters aim to secure in this, the 
 most favored land of the world, homes 
 for the surplus population of Japan, 
 is known as the League for Construct- 
 ive Immigration Legislation, with of- 
 fices at No. 105 East Twenty-second 
 Street, New York City. 
 
 The President is Hamilton Holt of 
 New York City, editor of the Inde- 
 pendent, one of the organizers of the 
 Japan Society of America and the re- 
 cipient from the Mikado of the Japa- 
 nese Order of the Sacred Treasure. 
 
 In its published list of one thousand 
 sponsors and subscribers will be found 
 the names of men of State and Na- 
 tional reputation from every section 
 of the country — ministers, lawyers, 
 doctors, college presidents, newspaper 
 editors, captains of industry, National 
 labor leaders, heads of Chambers of 
 Commerce, merchants Governors and 
 capitalists. The great majority of 
 these sponsors are men who would 
 not knowingly associate themselvel 
 for a moment with a movement whos« 
 result would be such as here charged 
 as the intent of the promoters of th« 
 league. 
 
 The organization is a remarkable 
 tribute to the cleverness of the Japa- 
 nese in the work of propaganda in 
 this country. And in this case, as in 
 the case of German propaganda be- 
 fore we entered the war, most of the 
 effective work is being done by ear- 
 nest and well-intentioned American 
 citizens cleverly deceived and skill- 
 fully led. 
 
 The plan proposes to restrict all 
 
 annual immigration from each race to 
 a fixed percentage of the number 
 of people of that race who are 
 American citizens, whether natural- 
 ized or born here. The promoter ex- 
 plains that, so far as Chinese and 
 Japanese are concerned, the number 
 admitted under such a plan will be 
 negligible and easily assimilated; and 
 that a policy of the sort will salve 
 the wounded pride of Japan by giving 
 her nationals the same treatment as 
 is accorded Europeans, and thus obvi- 
 ate chance of international complica- 
 tions. 
 
 Any measure for restricting immi- 
 gration appeals to the average think- 
 ing American since the war, and, un- 
 der such an explanation, it is not 
 remarkable that prominent men 
 throughout the country who know 
 nothing of the experience of Hawaii 
 and California with the Japanese and 
 who had no time for investigation, 
 gave endorsement and support to 
 the movement. 
 
 Dr. Gulick and His New Policy. 
 
 The moving spirit in this enterprise, 
 the promoter and manager, who bears 
 the modest title of "Secretary," is Dr. 
 Sidney L>. Gulick, who describes him- 
 self on the title pages of some of 
 his writings as "Professor in Doshisha 
 University and Lecturer in the Im- 
 perial University of Kyoto, Japan." 
 
 Dr. Gulick was born of mission- 
 ary parents in the Far East and 
 reared there with adopted Oriental 
 children. He was educated in 
 America and returned to Japan as a 
 missionary about thirty years ago 
 and has made his home there since. 
 He is an able man, speaks Japanese, 
 and has written books on the Jap- 
 anese. 
 
 In 1913 he left Japan on a fur- 
 lough and has been in America 
 since, at work in promoting his 
 "new Oriental policy." This policy, 
 briefly stated, contemplates "grant- 
 ing to Asiatics in this land the 
 same privileges which we grant to 
 citizens of the most favored Na- 
 tions," and "placing in the Federal 
 Government, instead of in the State, 
 responsibility in all legal and legis- 
 lative matters involving aliens." 
 This policy would necessitate 
 changes in the immigration and nat- 
 
 uralization laws, and probably in 
 the Constitution as well. 
 
 The Churches Take a Hand. 
 
 Dr. Gulick's first work on coming 
 to this country was to secure endorse- 
 ment of his "new Oriental policy" by 
 the Federal Council of the Churches 
 of Christ of America, and he was 
 employed, under salary, by the 
 Council to promote the plan. 
 
 The Federal Council of the Churches 
 of Christ comprises constituent 
 churches of thirty Protestant denomi- 
 nations, with 103,023 ministers and a 
 membership of 17,438,826. The list of 
 denominations includes Baptist, Evan- 
 gelical, Lutheran, Mennonite, Meth- 
 odist (all branches), African (all 
 branches), Presbyterian, Episcopal, 
 Reformed, United Brethren and oth- 
 ers. (Flowers.) 
 
 The Federal Council has a "Com- 
 mittee on Relations With Japan," 
 and in 1914 one-fifth of all the 
 Council's revenues were used by this 
 committee. The Council had then no 
 committee on relations with any other 
 Asiatic Nation. (Flowers.) 
 
 The Council has endorsed the 
 "new Oriental- policy" of Dr. Gulick, 
 probably in the belief that an ad- 
 justment of international and race 
 relationship along lines satisfactory 
 to Japan would render more easy 
 the promotion of the Christian Gos- 
 pel among the Japanese. 
 
 It is unlikely that the ministers 
 of the 100,000 American churches 
 who have been committed thus to 
 this movement have much knowledge 
 of the facts which appear in these 
 articles; it is certain that they do not 
 realize the gravity of the sit- 
 uation. The 17,000,000 church mem- 
 bers, with few exceptions, probably 
 have little knowledge of the matter, 
 but the action of the Council gives 
 them a definite interest therein. 
 
 Constructive Immigration Legislation 
 
 The measure proposed by the 
 League for Constructive Immigra- 
 tion Legislation and endorsed at a 
 called meeting in Washington of 
 persons interested in immigration 
 problems — presumably members of 
 the League — is apparently the same 
 as suggested tentatively by Dr. 
 Gulick. It proposes to so amend 
 the immigration and naturalization 
 
25 
 
 laws as to conform to his "new 
 Oriental policy," and incidentally It 
 imposes certain restrictions on gen- 
 eral immigration. 
 
 The measure limits the maxi- 
 mum number of immigrants in a 
 single year from any Nation, race or 
 group having a single mother 
 tongue, to 3 to 10 per cent of those 
 from the same land who are already 
 naturalized American citizens, and 
 of the native born, according to the 
 United States census. 
 
 There are other features, however, 
 which are important, to be considered 
 in connection with this declared prin- 
 ciple, because they affect materially 
 its practical operation. 
 
 First — Originally the ten per cent 
 limit did not include aliens coming to 
 join a husband, wife, father, mother, 
 son, daughter, grandfather, grand- 
 mother, grandson or granddaughter. 
 Later this exception was limited to 
 father or grandfather, wife, mother, 
 grandmother, or unmarried or widow- 
 ed daughter coming to join relatives 
 already here. 
 
 Second — All laws and understand- 
 ings as to exclusion of Chinese and 
 Japanese are to be canceled, and all 
 such nationals now here, or such as 
 may come hereafter, are to become 
 eligible for citizenship. 
 
 Third — Any alien who seeks admis- 
 sion to the United States because of 
 religious persecution in his own 
 country, either in overt act or 
 through law or regulation, is to be 
 admitted and become at once eligible 
 for citizenship. 
 
 Fourth — Any number of aliens may 
 be admitted if they come as "stu- 
 dents," and no provision is made 
 for their return to their own coun- 
 try. 
 
 Further study may disclose other 
 features having equally vital bear- 
 ing on the operation of the pro- 
 posed measure. 
 Japanese Undesirable Immigrants. 
 
 Criticism of this proposed legisla- 
 tion In these articles Is confined gen- 
 erally to consideration of Its effect 
 upon our Japanese problem, and Is 
 based on the postulate that the Jap- 
 anese Is for us an undesirable Immi- 
 grant, and an undesirable citizen. 
 
 He is an undesirable immigrant 
 for economic rather than for racial 
 
 reasons, and the strongest of these 
 reasons are creditable rather than 
 discreditable to him. 
 
 His standards of living are lower 
 than ours; he will work longer 
 hours for less money; he is thrifty, 
 industrious and ambitious; he is a 
 competent farmer, truck gardener 
 and orchardist; he can and does un- 
 derbid American labor whenever 
 necessary in any community, until 
 he has driven it out; then his wages 
 rise to American standards; ulti- 
 mately he declines to work for 
 wages, insisting on leasing where 
 he cannot buy the farm or orchard. 
 The white owner finds it more 
 profitable to lease on shares to the 
 Japanese, who will work, under the 
 co-operative plan, twelve, fifteen or 
 eighteen hours a day, than to oper- 
 ate the place himself with white or 
 Japanese labor, at high wages, for 
 eight or nine hours' work. The 
 whites will not mix with the Japa- 
 nese, and gradually leave the com- 
 munity. 
 
 It is not in one Industry, but In 
 many, that the Japanese displace us. 
 It has been repeatedly proven that 
 our civilization does not survive in 
 open competition with theirs — it 
 cannot, unless we accept their stand- 
 ards of living. 
 
 An Undesirable Citizen. 
 
 The Japanese is an undesirable 
 citizen because he does not assim- 
 ilate. He does not intermarry, nor 
 Is it desirable that he should. He 
 does not become an American, save 
 In very rare instances, always re- 
 maining a Japanese. Even when 
 born in this country, and educated 
 in our common schools, he is still 
 compelled to attend Japanese school 
 before and after the public school 
 hours. He is taught by Japanese 
 teachers, who usually speak no Eng- 
 lish, and who have neither knowl- 
 edge of nor sympathy with the prin- 
 ciples of American government and 
 citizenship. He absorbs Japanese 
 ideals and patriotism, and that con- 
 tempt for all other Nations which 
 is the spirit of every Japanese school 
 text book. 
 
 Our School Teaching: Nullified. 
 
 The testimony of Dr. Gulick on this 
 point, as given on pages 19 and 20 of 
 his pamphlet, "Hawaii's American- 
 
 Japanese Problem," will perhaps be 
 considered conclusive. He says: 
 
 "It is not to be assumed that the 
 education they (Japanese children) 
 receive in the public schools, which 
 they leave at 14 or 16 years of age 
 is adequate to prepare them for citi- 
 zenship during the six or seven years 
 after they get out from under the 
 influence of their American teachers. 
 Most of these boys will be isolated 
 from English-speaking Americans; 
 they will be associated chiefly with 
 men of their own race, imbibing, 
 therefore, the Oriental ideas as they 
 approach manhood. The metre fact ac- 
 cordingly, of American birth, public 
 school education, and the requisite 
 age, should not be regarded as ade- 
 quate qualification for the suffrage; 
 for it is to be remembered that dur- 
 ing the entire period of schooling, 
 not only have they been in Oriental 
 homes, but the Japanese at heart have 
 been diligently drilled in Japanese 
 schools by Japanese teachers, many 
 of whom have little acquaintance, and 
 no sympathy with American institu- 
 tions or a Christian civilization." 
 
 Again Dr. Gulick says on page 14: 
 "If, as Asiatics, they maintain their 
 traditional conceptions of God, nature 
 and man; of male and female; of hus- 
 band and wife; of parent and child; 
 of ruler and ruled; of the State and 
 the Individual; the permanent main- 
 tenance in Hawaii of American dem- 
 ocracy, American homes and Ameri- 
 can liberty is impossible." 
 Japan Retains Control of Her People. 
 The theory of the Japanese Govern- 
 ment has always been that once a 
 Japanese, always a Japanese, and that 
 the children of Japanese, wherever 
 born, and under whatever circum- 
 stances, are Japanese, subject to the 
 power of the Japanese Government. 
 Even where an individual Japanese 
 claims the right to expatriate himself, 
 he is subject to the requirement that 
 though he might be naturalized by 
 another Nation, if he had not already 
 served his term in the Japanese army, 
 he must respond, no matter where he 
 might be. In the same way, all chil- 
 dren born of Japanese anywhere are 
 considered subjects of Japan; and she 
 exercises in California and in Hawaii 
 the same rigid discipline over them 
 
26 
 
 as to schooling and other matters, as 
 would be exercised in Japan itself. 
 
 Dr. Gulick says, in the pamphlet 
 already quoted, at page 38: 
 
 "The Japanese alone, of all immi- 
 grants, educate their children most 
 earnestly in their National language 
 and customs." 
 
 The Japanese Parliament, some two 
 years ago, passed what was called 
 the Nationality Option Bill, under 
 which foreign born Japanese children 
 might declare at the age of fifteen 
 whether they wish to remain Japan- 
 ese, or become citizens of the land 
 
 in which they were born; but Japan 
 reserves the right to grant or. with- 
 hold permission. So that even In this 
 bill Japan specifically calls attention 
 to the fundamental principle that a 
 child born of Japanese parents any- 
 where is a Japanese subject, with the 
 duties and obligations thereof, and 
 may not renounce those obligations 
 save with permission. It should be 
 noted, too, that this bill, like all bill's 
 passed by the Japanese parliament, 
 does not become operative unless and 
 until promulgated by the Emperor; 
 and so far as my knowledge goes, It 
 has not yet been promulgated. 
 
 (From The Sacramento Bee, June 11, 1919.) 
 
 ARTICLE II. 
 
 Present Conditions as to Asiatic Immigration — Hawaii Half Jap- 
 anese — Japanese Votes Will Soon Rule Where Japanese Influ- 
 ence Now Dominates — Japanese in United States Multiplying — 
 "Picture Brides" — White Industries and White Communities 
 Displaced — California's Experience 
 
 Explanation has been made of the 
 endorsed plan of the Federal Council 
 of the Churches of America and of 
 the League for Constructive Immigra- 
 tion Legislation, as proposed and pro- 
 moted by Sidney L. Gulick, "professor 
 in Doshisha University and Lecturer 
 in the Imperial University of Kyoto, 
 Japan," and as now presented by him 
 on behalf of the organizations named, 
 to the American public and to the 
 Congress of the United States; the 
 organization of the two associations 
 has been gone into and some hint 
 given as to the probable interest 
 which their chief promoters have in 
 the subject of "constructive immigra- 
 tion" legislation, so formulated as to 
 carry out the "new Oriental policy" ot 
 Dr. Gulick; the probability of making 
 good American citizens out of Japan- 
 ese, even if born here and educated 
 in our public schools, has been con- 
 sidered; and, on the authority of Dr. 
 Gulick, himself, that probability ap- 
 pears to be so remote that, unless the 
 Japanese change their present charac- 
 teristics and customs, "the permanent 
 maintenance in Hawaii of American 
 democracy, American homes and 
 American liberty is impossible." 
 
 The White Race or the Yellow. 
 
 The admission of Japanese to this 
 country under such conditions as 
 would permit their increase means the 
 ultimate surrender of the country to 
 them, as Hawaii has already been 
 surrendered, and as California will be 
 unless protective measures are at once 
 adopted. It would then be only a 
 question of time before the desirable 
 sections of the United States, one aft- 
 er another, are peopled and controlled 
 by the Japanese, and the land of the 
 free and the home of the brave be- 
 comes a province of Japan. 
 
 Dr. Gulick insists that his plan will 
 effectually limit the influx of Japan- 
 ese and other nationals to a number 
 which can be readily assimilated, l 
 do not attempt to discuss the applica- 
 tion of the measure to European na- 
 tionals whom we may invite to come. 
 
 But so far as concerns Asiatics 
 generally, and particularly Japanese, 
 it is certain that this Nation cannot 
 with safety assume that any num- 
 ber, however small as compared to 
 our population, can be admitted with 
 hope of assimilation or without 
 grave danger to some or many 
 American communities. 
 
 It must be remembered that the 
 Japanese are the most prolific Nation 
 with which we have to deal in im- 
 migration; that their births exceed 
 their deaths annually by 700,000 or 
 more, and that they are driven by 
 necessity to find place for that ex- 
 cess population. No European Na- 
 tion faces any such condition. The 
 Japanese naturally are looking for 
 the most desirable location for their 
 people. But do we wish to surrender 
 this country to them? Or shall we 
 insist that this country shall be pre- 
 served for the white race? The issue 
 is squarely before us, and we can not 
 afford to evade or compromise with it. 
 
 An Economic, Not a Racial Question. 
 
 In this connection it must be re- 
 membered that the opposition to Jap- 
 anese immigration on the p:irt ol 
 those who have studied it is not based 
 on racial prejudice, Dut on unanswer- 
 able economic grounds. Because of 
 different standards of living, differ- 
 ent tastes and different discipline, the 
 Japanese easily drive the whites out 
 of any community in which the two 
 civilizations meet in economic com- 
 petition. It is for this reason that the 
 Japanese is an undesirable immi- 
 grant, for it is assumed that the 
 American Nation desires to retain this 
 country for the white race. 
 
 The economic factor referred to is 
 recognized by the Japanese in their 
 own environment. They forbid under 
 Imperial Ordinance No. 352 the immi- 
 gration into Japan of Chinese and 
 Korean labor. The reason which they 
 assign for this policy is precisely that 
 offered by the Pacific Coast, and by 
 Canada and by Australia for exclud- 
 ing the Japanese. They say that the 
 standards of living of Chinese and 
 Koreans are very much lower than 
 the Japanese, and they cannot, there- 
 fore, in fairness to their own people, 
 permit this cheap labor to come into 
 Japan in competition. And because 
 of the greater differences in various 
 ways the American Nation needs 
 more protection against Japanese im- 
 migration than Japan needs against 
 Chinese or Koreans. 
 
 In December, 1918, 200 Chinese 
 coolies were imported into the Pre- 
 fecture of Hiroshima, Japan, to work 
 
27 
 
 in a charcoal factory under contract 
 for two years at one yen (50 cents) 
 per day. Under instructions from 
 the Government in Tokio the Japa- 
 nese Provincial Governor refused to 
 sanction their stay. Early in Janu- 
 ary, 1919, the coolies were shipped 
 home from Shimonseki, and the en- 
 tire expense of the enterprise 
 ($25,000) had to be paid by the Chu- 
 goku Iron Works of Hiroshima, which 
 imported the coolies. 
 
 The Herald of Asia of Tokyo, in 
 commenting on the facts, said, in its 
 issue of December 28, 1918: 
 
 "This is the first importation of 
 Chinese labor into J:vpan. We hope 
 that it will be the last experiment 
 ever to be made. If it is brought into 
 this country in any large force the 
 welfare of our laborers will be seri- 
 ously affected." 
 
 Japan's demand before the Paria 
 Conference for "racial equality" was 
 simply for the purpose of establish- 
 ing a principle under which she 
 might force her excess population 
 into the United States, Canada, Aus- 
 tralia and elsewhere on the same 
 terms as might be accorded other 
 Nationals. That demand was made in 
 charming disregard of her own stand 
 against the Chinese and Koreans; but 
 Japan has learned that it is not 
 necessary for her to be consistent in 
 her dealings with America. She has 
 thus far been conceded what she de- 
 manded, regardless of its absurdity 
 or impropriety. 
 
 Conditions Under Existing Laws. 
 
 Before consideration is given to the 
 changes which will be made by the 
 operation of the proposed legislation, 
 it is worth while to examine condi- 
 tions as maintained under existing 
 laws and regulations, and consider 
 the inevitable results therefrom if 
 the present policy is continued. After- 
 wards it will be shown how this con- 
 dition will be made wor^e and the 
 end hastened by the so-called "con- 
 structive immigration" legislation. 
 
 Hawaii and California afford at 
 present the most Illuminating ex- 
 ample of what Japan seeks for her 
 people under the Stars and Stripes, 
 and what will be left for the white 
 American if she succeeds. Remember, 
 
 too, that the conditions to which at- 
 tention will be called, have been and 
 are being brought about under a so- 
 called "Gentlemen's Agreement," the 
 theory of which, as carefully ex- 
 plained to the Pacific Coast at the 
 time, was that Japan was to re- 
 strict under her own regulations 
 Japanese immigration to this country 
 as effectually as Chinese immigration 
 was restricted by our prohibitive 
 
 laws. mt . . „ 
 
 The Lesson of Hawaii. 
 
 We commence with Hawaii; and in 
 this matter we shall make Dr. Gulick 
 our principal witness. In March, 1915, 
 he made certain investigations in the 
 Hawaiian Islands, the results of 
 which were embodied in the pamphlet 
 herein before quoted, "Hawaii's Amer- 
 ican-Japanese Problem," published 
 in Honolulu by the Star-Bulletin. Un- 
 less otherwise stated, quotations 
 credited to Dr. Gulick are from that 
 publication. 
 
 Therein (page 8) Dr. Gulick states 
 that for the preceding seven years 
 (1908-1915) under the "Gentlemen's 
 Agreement" no fresh labor immi- 
 grants had come from Japan. In 1910, 
 he says, out of a total population in 
 the islands of 191,909, the Japanese 
 numbered 79,674, of which 24,891 were 
 females. In 1914 the total popula- 
 tion was 213,000, of whom 89,715 were 
 Japanese, 24,550 Hawaiian, 24,450 
 Caucasian, 23,299 Portuguese, 21,631 
 Chinese. 14,992 Filipinos, and 14,518 
 all other races. In that year the Jap- 
 anese school enrollment in the terri- 
 torial schools was 30 per cent of the 
 total. 
 
 In 1918 (according to a statement 
 of the Superintendent of Schools of 
 Hawaii — S. F. Examiner, May IS, 
 1919), the Japanese population had 
 increased to 103,000, "nearly one-half 
 the total population," while Japanese 
 school children comprised 40 per cent 
 of the entire enrollment, and of the 
 increase in school children In 1917 
 and 1918, more than one-half was 
 Japanese. 
 
 The 1918 report of Secretary of the 
 Interior Franklin K. Lane places the 
 Japanese population of Hawaii in 
 1917 at 106,000, while the United 
 States Bureau of Commerce estimates 
 the total population at 219,000. 
 
 The American Year Book for 1917 
 says, as of June 30th of that year: 
 "The estimated population (Hawaii) 
 was 250,627. The Japanese contrib- 
 uted more than half the increase." 
 
 Japanese newspapers in Honolulu 
 to-day have a large circulation, and 
 one prints an English section. 
 
 In 1915 in Honolulu out of a total 
 of 107 prostitutes, eighty-two were 
 Japanese (Gulick). In 1914 the of- 
 ficial register of Hawaii shows that 
 out of 3,149 marriages, 1,806 were 
 Japanese. In 1915 a large majority 
 of the Japanese men — perhaps two- 
 thirds — were married, women having 
 been permitted to come from Japan 
 to marry them (Gulick). The propor- 
 tion has doubtless been increased 
 since. 
 
 So in eight years the Japanese pop- 
 ulation of Hawaii has increased 24,000, 
 or about 30 per cent, and now the 
 total annual increase in population 
 in this territory is more than half 
 Japanese; while in four years past 
 the Japanese school children have in- 
 creased 30 per cent, and they already 
 comprise more than 50 per cent of the 
 yearly increase of school enrollment. 
 
 In the absence of immigration from 
 Japan, as claimed by Dr. Gulick, the 
 increase in Japanese population **f 
 Hawaii can be accounted for only by 
 the great birth rate, stimulated by 
 the importation of "picture brides." 
 In 1907, when the "Gentlemen's Agree- 
 ment" went into effect, the Japanese 
 in California were nearly all n ales; 
 in Hawaii, while I have not the fig- 
 ures, there were probably nearly four 
 males to one female. The "picture 
 brides" have been coming from Japan 
 in a steady stream since. The census 
 of school children shows the result. 
 
 The "Picture Brides." 
 
 The "picture bride" plan was doubt- 
 less originated to get around the in- 
 tent of the "Gentlemen's Agreement;" 
 to increase as rapidly as possible the 
 number of Japanese under our flag; 
 and particularly to defeat the opera- 
 tion of the alien land laws passed 
 by several States, including California. 
 Apparently the plan could have had 
 no value in Japan itself, where the 
 the average density of population is 
 389 per sobafe mile, the highest in 
 
28 
 
 the world for a similar stretch of ter- 
 ritory, and where, if all the avail- 
 able women were staked out at equal 
 distances throughout the Empire they 
 would be only 300 feet apart in any 
 direction. 
 
 This is the plan: A Japanese male 
 who has secured admission to the 
 United States sends his photograph 
 back to Japan; and his friends, or the 
 officials, secure for him a complaisant 
 bride who weds the picture. For pur- 
 poses of emigration to the United 
 States, Japan recognizes this pro- 
 cedure as a marriage, and our Gov- 
 ernment, on request, has so recog- 
 nized it. The bride, with the photo- 
 graph she has wedded, sails for the 
 American port and there on the dock, 
 with the aid of the photograph, she 
 selects her husband from the pros- 
 pective bridegrooms waiting, and is 
 admitted as an immigrant under 
 agreement had subsequent to adop- 
 tion of the Gentlemen's Agreement. 
 
 That woman promptly fulfills her 
 duty by bearing children, as many as 
 one a year, and each child is carefully 
 registered as an American citizen, en- 
 titled to all privileges as such, includ- 
 ing the claimed right of possessing 
 land through a guardian. 
 
 Incidentally the woman swells the 
 labor market, for she works continu- 
 ally in the shop or store, or field, with 
 her child near her. She does the work 
 of a man wherever she may be placed. 
 
 The accusation has been made that 
 the "picture bride" does not always 
 confine her usefulness to one hus- 
 band, or even to one State, but is 
 available where her services will have 
 most value; and that is in the States 
 which have passed anti-alien land 
 laws. 
 
 The official figures by fiscal year* 
 obtained at Washington nhow that 
 the total number of picture brides 
 sent from Japan to the United States 
 and Hawaii in less than five years 
 past (July 1, 1914 to April 30, 1919) is 
 20,323, of whom 6,864 landed In 
 
 Japan Controls Hawaii. 
 
 Dr. Gullck says (page 15): "With- 
 in a score of years the majority of 
 voters In the Territory of Hawaii will 
 be of Japanese and Chinese ancestry." 
 As a matter of fact, the Chinese cut 
 
 very little figure, and the Japanese 
 already outnumber the Caucasian, or 
 any other race in the Islands, in the 
 proportion of at least four to one. 
 
 In the English section of the Hono- 
 lulu Japanese newspaper, the Daily 
 Nippu Jiji, May 26, 1919, appears the 
 statement that "ten or fifteen years 
 hence there will be a great hope for 
 a dominating influence of the Japa- 
 nese." That "hope" receives ample 
 justification in these figures offered 
 by the Nippu Jiji. The number of 
 Japanese electors in Hawaii in 1910 
 was only 13; in 1912, 48; in 1914, 112; 
 in 1916, 179. In 1919 there were 207 
 Japanese electors on the Island of 
 Oahu alone (Honolulu is on this 
 island), and many oh the other isl- 
 ands. The Japanese children in the 
 schools as they come of age will fur- 
 nish in 1923, 897 male electors and 
 558 and 682 additional in the two 
 years following. The total number of 
 Japanese male electors in 1933 will be 
 7,934. If the vote be extended to 
 women the number will be about 
 doubled. 
 
 This situation induces the Japanese 
 newspaper to proudly announce that 
 in 1933 the Japanese vote in Hawaii 
 will decide whether Republicans or 
 Democrats shall win. 
 
 In Hawaii, therefore, it is only a 
 question of a few years when, under 
 existing laws and regulations, the 
 Japanese born under the American 
 Flag will outvote any other race; and 
 In a generation they will probably 
 out-vote all other races combined. 
 
 The Gullck plan, which makes every 
 resident Japanese eligible for citizen- 
 ship, would give the Japanese at once 
 almost as large a voting strength as 
 all other races combined. 
 
 A Lost Territory. 
 
 The situation as outlined induces 
 the belief on the part of many that 
 Hawaii is already practically lost to 
 Americans and to the United States, 
 and that there is not any feasible 
 plan by which she can be reclaimed. 
 
 Indeed the Nippu Jiji In the Issue 
 above quoted declares that the Jap- 
 anese now, to-day, "are in the position 
 to exert dominant influence In the po- 
 litical and social affairs of Hawaii/' 
 
 That this is no idle boast on the 
 part of the leading Japanese daily 
 
 of Honolulu is sufficiently attested by 
 the following news item: 
 
 "Honolulu, May 31. 1919. 
 
 "The foreign-language school bill, 
 requiring teachers desiring certifi- 
 cates to show a knowledge of the 
 English language, American history 
 and American civics, has been tabled 
 by the Upper House of the Territorial 
 Legislature. The bill was strongly 
 opposed by Japanese educators and 
 editors on the ground that It would 
 force Japanese schools to close." 
 
 Consider in connection with this 
 item the facts which have been stated 
 before, as to the control of her people 
 exercised by Japan in this country, 
 the manner in which children are 
 forced to attend Japanese schools, 
 and imbibe Japanese principles and 
 ideals. If a territory of the United 
 States may not refuse a teacher's 
 certificate to one who cannot speak 
 English, and who knows nothing of 
 American government and American 
 ideals; if a territorial Legislature 
 is subject to Japan's views as 
 to American principles before the 
 resident Japanese have secured the 
 necessary voting strength, what will 
 be the result after they exercise the 
 franchise in sufficient number? 
 Control of Industry. 
 
 The dominance of the Japanese in 
 Hawaii Has naturally given them ex- 
 clusive control of various industries, 
 such as shoe making, which in years 
 gone by employed only white labor. 
 The Japanese is very adaptable and 
 he reaches out, as soon as possible, 
 for position and control in the most 
 favorable localities, and in such oc- 
 cupations as offer least toil, shortest 
 hours and most compensation. While 
 he came to Hawaii as a sugar plan- 
 tation laborer, he gets away from 
 that toil when he can. The young 
 generation particularly seek town 
 occupations and most of them wish 
 to go to the mainland because of the 
 greater opportunities there. 
 
 California, the Nation's Outpost. 
 
 What has happened already in Ha- 
 waii is simply an indication of what 
 is now happening in California. The 
 Japanese does not waste his time on 
 poor prospects when he can command 
 good ones. California is to him the 
 favored spot of the world, and in 
 California he is carefully picking out 
 the richest lands and choicest sur- 
 
29 
 
 foundings, and systematically driving 
 the white race from them. His pre- 
 dilection for California is sufficiently 
 attested by the fact that two-thirds, 
 perhaps more, of all the Japanese in 
 Continental United States are living 
 in California. California therefore of- 
 fers the best and really the only op- 
 portunity for studying the problem 
 and correctly estimating the results 
 likely to follow the continued and in- 
 creased immigration of Japanese into 
 this country. 
 
 California is the outpost of Amer- 
 ican civilization, fighting against the 
 "peaceful penetration" of the Japa- 
 nese, and thus far she has had only 
 abuse therefor from the States east 
 of the Rockies, which she is defend- 
 ing. The present policy of the United 
 States Government in permitting ad- 
 missions under the "Gentlemen's 
 Agreement," in opening the gates to 
 "picture brides" and in discouraging 
 — and preventing, when it can — the 
 passage of State laws limiting the 
 effects of the evil, has created a 
 critical situation which makes reme- 
 dial measures the more difficult. 
 Our Japanese Population. 
 
 It is very difficult to ascertain the 
 number of Japanese now in the 
 United States. There are no official 
 Government figures since the census 
 of 1910. The only figures available 
 are those furnished by the six Japan- 
 ese Consulates in Continental United 
 States for their respective districts. 
 According to these reports, the total 
 Japanese population in Continental 
 United States in 1916 was 94,370 of 
 which only 2,381 were in the Chicago 
 District, and 2,781 in the New York 
 District. All the balance are credited 
 to the four Pacific Coast Districts, 
 and of these San Francisco and Los 
 Angeles Districts have 74,556, Seattle 
 District 9,232, and Portland District 
 5,403. San Francisco and Los Angeles 
 Districts cover six States, but the 
 greater portion of the population 
 credited to those two districts is in 
 California, to-wit — 55,095. 
 
 In 1916, 1917 and 1918, the Japanese 
 population must have been largely in- 
 creased. Dr. Gulick says that Japan- 
 ese immigration in 1918 alone 
 amounted to 10,213 and that for 1919 
 it will probably be 12,000. In Califor- 
 nia alone in the three years named 
 
 there were 12,000 Japanese births. It 
 is not unreasonable to say that, on 
 the basis of these estimates, the Jap- 
 anese population of Continental 
 United States is not far short of 
 150,000. 
 
 Again, the United States census of 
 1910 gives the number of Japanese 
 in the United States as 72,157, of 
 which 41,356 were in California. The 
 Japanese births in California alone 
 from 1910 to 1918 have been over 
 23,000. The official reports of the 
 United States as quoted by the New 
 York Evening Post in its Japanese 
 number, March 16, 1918, show that 
 the number of Japanese entering the 
 United States, 1910 to 1917, exceeded 
 the number departing by 54,317. Al- 
 lowing for births elsewhere than in 
 California and for immigration in 
 1918 as estimated by Dr. Gulick, and 
 for deaths, the present Japanese pop- 
 ulation would be well over 150,000. 
 California the Test Ground. 
 It Is safe to sny that not lea* than 
 two-third* of the total, or 100,000, 
 live In California. In California, too, 
 the Japanese have concentrated to a 
 Rreat extent in the Sacramento and 
 San Joaquin Valleys where rich lands 
 and agricultural advantages attract 
 them.. For instance It is noted that 
 •f 4,108 Japanese births in the State 
 in 1017 over 3,000 are credited to 
 •even of the fifty-eight counties. 
 This concentration is one of the 
 phases of their "peaceful penetra- 
 tion," and it enables us the Letter 
 to judge of results when their Lum- 
 ber will hjave become sufficiently 
 large to take possession of all the 
 favored locations in the State instead 
 cf the few they now hold. It fur- 
 nishes sufficient answer, too, to the 
 argument that 150,000 Japanese dis- 
 tributed among 100,000,000 Americans 
 can work no harm. The 150,000 ar^ 
 not distributed so as to make the 
 weak solution referred to. They 
 throw their entire force into a few 
 communities where they can make 
 their numbers, with their economic 
 advantages, tell, and they choose 
 those communities, those industries 
 and those conditions which will yield 
 them most return for least effort. 
 The Increase of Japanese. 
 As to the increase in Japanese pop- 
 ulation in this country which niay be 
 
 looked for under present conditions, 
 and without any contributory legis- 
 lation of the "constructive" character 
 suggested by Dr. Gulick, these facts 
 are significant: 
 
 The United States Census showed 
 that in 1900 there were in the 
 United States 24,326 Japanese, of 
 which 985 were females — a propor- 
 tion of about 25 to 1. In 1910 the 
 Japanese population had trebled, the 
 figures showing 72,157, of which 
 9,087 were females — a proportion of 
 7 to 1. The estimates already made 
 above indicate that since 1910 the 
 Japanese population has more than 
 doubled, and it is known the pro- 
 portion of females to males has 
 very largely increased. 
 Increase of Japanese in California. 
 
 In 1910, three years after the 
 "Gentlemen's Agreement" went into 
 effect, there were in this State 
 about six Japanese males to one 
 female. With the introduction of 
 the "picture bride" plan, the pro- 
 portion of females has very rapidly 
 increased. JLt is now perhaps one to 
 four or less. The result is sufficiently 
 attested by the fact that Japanese 
 births In California In 1017 numbered 
 twenty times as many as in 1007, 
 though the Japanese official reports 
 claim that the total Japanese popula- 
 tion of the State had increased in that 
 time only about 40 per cent. 
 
 The biennial report of the Cali- 
 fornia State Board of Health, July, 
 1916, to July, 1918, shows the fol- 
 lowing as the registered number of 
 Japanese births for the respective 
 years, from 1906 to 1918, inclusive: 
 134, 331, 455, 682, 719. 995. 1,467, 
 2,215, 2,874, 3,342, 3,721, 4,108 and 
 4,365. Total for thirteen years, 25,298. 
 
 Due to the increase in Japanese 
 births above indicated, the percent- 
 age of white births to the total in 
 the State has steadily decreased 
 from 98.4 in 1906 to 90.6 in 1917. 
 
 In Sacramento City Japanese au- 
 thorities claim to-day a Japanese 
 population of 2,580. The United 
 States Census for 1910 showed 1,437 
 Japanese in the city. The total 
 white population of the city now is 
 about 75,000. The report of the 
 State Board of Health for the year 
 1918 shows within the city 177 Jap- 
 anese births and 1,073 white births. 
 
30 
 
 That is to say, the Japanese birth 
 rate per 1,000 in Sacramento City is 
 already five times as great as the 
 white birth rate. As the Influx of 
 "picture brides" raises the proportion 
 of females in the Japanese colony, the 
 birth rate will steadily increase with- 
 out a doubt. The average Japanese 
 births per month in Sacramento City 
 have doubled since 1914— that is from 
 10 to 20. 
 
 The report of the State Board of 
 Health above quoted shows that in 
 the rural portion of Sacramento 
 County, outside of Sacramento City, 
 in 1918 there were 236 Japanese 
 births and only 221 white births, 
 although the white population is 
 many times as great as the Japa- 
 nese. There are no population sta- 
 tistics available for this year, but 
 in 1910 the census shows 2,437 Jap- 
 anese and 19,335 whites in the 
 county outside the city. 
 
 According to the Los Angeles 
 Times of June 30, 1919, the Japanese 
 births in the County of Los Angeles, 
 outside the incorporated cities, for 
 the month of May, 1919, were one- 
 third as numerous as the white 
 births. Los Angeles County is the 
 most populous county in the State, 
 with a large suburban and country 
 population. The Japanese population 
 of the districts referred to is a small 
 fraction only of the white population 
 in those districts. 
 
 The Increase In Japanese popula- 
 tion in the Pacific Coast States will 
 receive additional impetus under the 
 Gulick plan from the fact that all 
 Japanese in Hawaii, whether born 
 there or born in Japan, will be 
 free to come to the mainland, and 
 that most of them will wish to do so 
 because of the attractions it offers 
 to them. See Dr. Gullck's statement 
 in his Hawaiian pamphlet before re- 
 ferred to. 
 
 The Chinese Problem. 
 
 The Chinese and the Japanese have 
 been mentioned in the same category 
 by the proponents of the "construct- 
 ive immigration" legislation in such 
 a way as to give the impression that 
 the conditions affecting both and the 
 Nation's problem as to both are the 
 same. That is an entirely erroneous 
 
 impression. The Chinese, under the 
 operation of the Exclusion Act have 
 steadily decreased in number. The, 
 Japanese, under the "Gentlemen's 
 Agreement," which was supposed to 
 secure the same result without hurt- 
 ing Japan's pride, have steadily and 
 rapidly increased. 
 
 In Hawaii in 1900 the Chinese num- 
 bered 15,301; in 1910 there were 
 21,674, but there has apparently been 
 no increase since then, Dr. Gulick's 
 figures for 1914 being 21,631. 
 
 In the United States there were in 
 1900 89,863 Chinese; in 1910 the num- 
 ber was 71,531. There are no avail- 
 able figures since then. 
 
 In California the Chinese numbered 
 In 1890, 72,472; in 1900 45,753; in 1910 
 36,248 — a decrease of 50 per cent in 
 twenty years, and there has been a 
 steady decrease since. 
 
 Sacramento County shows the same 
 decrease— 1890, 4,371; 1900, 3,254; 1910, 
 2,143. These are all U. S. Census 
 figures. 
 
 The Chinese births at present are 
 only about one-tenth the number of 
 the Japanese births. In the entire 
 State the total births for 1917 were: 
 Japanese 4,107, Chinese 419. 
 
 The Chinese, in addition to having 
 no increase from immigration, are 
 steadily decreasing from departures 
 to China and from a death rate which 
 is now about twice the birth rate. 
 The State totals for 1917 were: deaths 
 818, births 419; and for the twelve 
 years, 1906-1917 — deaths 8,547, births 
 3,683. 
 
 In contrast therewith not only do 
 the Japanese receive large accessions 
 from immigration, but their birth rate 
 is now between four and five times 
 ns great as their death rate, while 
 in 1906 their death rate was several 
 rimes their birth rate. The steady 
 Increase of birth percentages has 
 been due, of course, to the importa- 
 tion of "picture brides." In 1917 the 
 births were 4,108, deaths 910» in 
 1906, births 134, deaths 384; and for 
 the twelve years, 1906-1917, births 
 20,933, deaths 6,775. 
 
 The Chinese therefore do not pre- 
 sent a National problem because of 
 probable increase under existing con- 
 ditions and laws, while the Japanese 
 do present a very serious problem. 
 
 Wiping Out American Communities. 
 
 Now for another phase of the prob- 
 lem: The destruction of home and 
 family life and the wiping out of 
 American communities under stress of 
 Japanese competition and methods. 
 
 The town of Florin in Sacramento 
 County, eight miles southeast of Sac- 
 ramento City, in the heart of the 
 strawberry district, has a Japa- 
 nese population of 1,050, supple- 
 mented in picking season by about 
 500 more. The Japanese proudly point 
 to it as a monument to their methods 
 and enterprise. It is all that they 
 claim for it. It is more. It is a 
 gravestone to the hopes of the former 
 American population of Florin, al- 
 most entirely wiped out by contact 
 with Far Eastern civilization. It is 
 a warning finger post to California 
 and to the American Nation as to the 
 inevitable end in all favored spots 
 in this country if the "peaceful pene- 
 tration" of the Japanese is not ar- 
 rested. 
 
 The Japanese did not create Florin 
 or the strawberry business. The 
 Japanese do not create. They imitate, 
 improve, appropriate. In the memory 
 of young people of to-day, Florin 
 was an exclusively American settle- 
 ment of five, ten, twenty-acre farms, 
 devoted largely to strawberry and 
 grape culture, on each farm a happy 
 home, the Sacramento daily news- 
 paper delivered at each doorstep. The 
 town was the center of the district 
 and from it were shipped berries and 
 grapes in carload lots as far east as 
 the Missouri River. 
 
 The Japanese saw and coveted. 
 They secured a few farms in the cen- 
 ter of the district and gradually added 
 more, and they improved the culture. 
 The economic and social pressure 
 gradually drove the white families 
 away, and in time even the town and 
 its business passed into the hands of 
 the Japanese. To-day there is no 
 American newspaper distributed in 
 that district, and it is in effect a part 
 of Japan transplanted into the heart 
 of California. The school for the en- 
 tire district has a total attendance of 
 147 and 101 are Japanese. In one 
 class there are forty-one Japanese 
 and six white children. 
 
 Walnut Grove, on the Sacramento 
 River in Sacramento County, is now a 
 
31 
 
 Japanese settlement. Most of the rich 
 river ranches in the delta of the Sac- 
 ramento River are now managed by 
 Japanese under lease, where they 
 could not secure ownership under 
 law, and the white resident and his 
 family have melted away. 
 
 The Economic Pressure. 
 
 On the American River, about 
 twelve miles east of Sacramento 
 City, is the little station of Mayhew, 
 the shipping point for the productive 
 orchards and vineyards for miles 
 around. In years past white labor 
 was employed in these orchards, and 
 many families resided in the dis- 
 trict, the women and children assist- 
 ing in the work of picking and pack- 
 ing the crop, while the little red 
 school house did its work in con- 
 structive American citizenship. 
 
 To-day, while the orchards are still 
 owned by the whites, they are leased 
 to Japanese, the help is all Japanese, 
 and most of the white families have 
 disappeared. There is only one own- 
 er who still manages his own prop- 
 erty, and with white help; but to do 
 it he must send out during the busy 
 season for transient labor, working 
 short hours at high wages. And he 
 is in competition with the surround- 
 ing Japanese-managed orchards, op- 
 erated under the co-operative system, 
 with ambitious, interested labor, 
 working sometimes fifteen and eigh- 
 teen hours a day. And he must send 
 his young children by stage to Sac- 
 ramento City every day for schooling. 
 For the district school Is attended by 
 Japanese, interested in learning Eng- 
 lish for business purposes, and no 
 American mother will permit her 
 little girl to remain in school with 
 grown Japanese youths. When it is 
 said that this orchardist could make 
 more money from his holding by leas- 
 ing to Japanese than by operating 
 himself, with white labor, or even 
 with Japanese labor, the great eco- 
 nomic pressure will be better com- 
 prehended. 
 
 There are similar instances in the 
 adjoining County of Placer, where, it 
 is said, 80 per cent of the orchards 
 are leased to Japanese, and some 
 schools show as many as five Jap- 
 anese children to one white. Through 
 the San Joaquin Valley will be found 
 
 similar settlements of Japanese, and 
 similar results as to displacement of 
 whites. 
 
 Japanese authorities claim— and It 
 Is probably true — that the Japanese 
 produce In California 90 per cent of 
 the strawberry and cantaloupe crop; 
 SO per cent of onions, asparagus, 
 tomatoes, celery, lettuce and cut 
 flowers; 55 per cent of cabbage and 
 seeds; 40 per cent of potatoes; 20 per 
 cent of beans, and 10 per cent of the 
 grapes, fruit and rice. 
 
 This estimate was made early in 
 1918, probably based on 1917 statis- 
 tics. In the items of rice and fruit 
 it Is certain that the percentage is 
 now much greater than quoted. 
 
 In June, 1919, the consumers and 
 dealers in San Francisco were forced 
 to protect themselves by boycotting 
 strawberries, because the Japanese 
 growers in combination were forcing 
 dealers to pay as high as $17 per 
 chest, while the canneries were given 
 a price of $9.10. 
 
 California's Efforts at Protection. 
 
 California passed in 1913, notwith- 
 standing the earnest protests of the 
 Federal Administration, an Alien 
 Land Law bill similar to that al- 
 ready passed in certain other States. 
 In those other States the same 
 measure had met no opposition from 
 the Administration, the reason be- 
 ing that the Japanese are more so- 
 licitous as to securing privileges in 
 California, where for the present 
 they are centralizing their efforts, 
 and had made no protests as to 
 such legislation in the other States. 
 
 The California act forbids the 
 selling or leasing for more than 
 three years of land to any person 
 not eligible for American citizen- 
 ship. Some good resulted, but re- 
 cently the Japanese have evaded the 
 provisions of the act by placing title 
 to land in the names of Japanese 
 babies born in California, and by or- 
 ganizing corporations with dummy 
 directors and purchasing land in the 
 name of the corporations. The Secre- 
 tary of State reports seventy-two such 
 corporations formed between January 
 1, 1918 and March 1, 1919. One such 
 corporation took over a 171-acre Fres- 
 no county orchard in May, 1919, at a 
 price of $171,000. In Tulare County 
 
 it is declared that the Japanese 
 bought last year over 5,000 acres of 
 bearing orchards. 
 
 The session of the California 
 Legislature in March, 1919, at- 
 tempted to remedy the matter 
 through a bill amending the act by 
 forbidding leasing entirely, and by 
 preventing the use of incorporations 
 for the purpose named. The bill 
 was killed at the request of the 
 Federal Administration lest there 
 be complications with Japan. 
 
 At the same session a bill was 
 introduced limiting the age of ad- 
 mission to the lower grades of the 
 public schools, the association of 
 little girls with grown Japanese 
 youths having been found objec- 
 tionable. The bill was killed at 
 the request of the Federal Admin- 
 istration lest there be complications 
 with Japan. 
 
 At the same session a measure 
 was introduced looking to stopping 
 the further admission of "picture 
 brides" into the State. The measure 
 was killed at the instance of the 
 Federal Administration lest there 
 be complications with Japan. 
 
 At the same session a bill was in- 
 troduced to segregate the Japanese 
 and other Asiatics into separate 
 schools. Killed at the request of 
 the Administration lest there be 
 complications with Japan. 
 
 In Collier's for June 7, 1913, will 
 be found an article by Peter Clark 
 MacFarlane, describing conditions of 
 Japanese settlement in California as 
 he found them. He was sent out by 
 Collier's to investigate the matter 
 because of the general opinion in. 
 Eastern States that California was 
 unduly prejudiced. 
 
 At the Border and In 'Washington. 
 The rich Imperial Valley lies 
 astride our National border, partly 
 in California and principally in 
 Mexico. It is already peopled largely 
 by Japanese, who find it an easy 
 matter to evade custom officials 
 and enter the United States here. 
 The Japanese are displacing whites 
 In the valley, not only in agricul- 
 tural pursuits, but also in business, 
 by cleverly concerted economic pres- 
 sure. 
 
 In this valley is located a large 
 tract of land, nearly 1,000,000 acres, 
 
32 
 
 owned by Americans of Los Angeles 
 and elsewhere, which a Japanese 
 syndicate some time since endeavored 
 to purchase. Public attention was 
 called to the matter through the 
 press at the time, and the plan frus- 
 trated. 
 
 In Seattle, in the State of Wash- 
 ington, the Japanese have com- 
 menced to displace the whites in 
 general lines of business to an ex- 
 tent thus far not seen in any other 
 large city. This condition is un- 
 doubtedly due to the encouragement 
 offered by the people of Seattle in 
 the belief that the city's trade with 
 Japan would be thereby materially 
 increased. It is now a question 
 with the Seattle people, as ex- 
 pressed in published interviews. 
 
 whether they are not already paying 
 dearly for their whistle and whether 
 the price to be paid in the future 
 will not be alarming. 
 
 It is important to study these and 
 similar phases of the problem, for. 
 they demonstrate witn certainty what 
 will happen in every desirable agri- 
 cultural section of California as soon 
 as there are here enough Japanese 
 to accomplish the result. 
 
 The figures already given prove 
 conclusively that, even without 
 more favorable immigration legisla- 
 tion, the Japanese only needs time 
 to take possession of what he finds 
 desirable in California. 
 
 And what he will do in Califor- 
 nia he will do later in other States 
 that offer attractive advantages. 
 
 (From The Sacramento Bee June 13, 1919.) 
 
 A RTICLE II I. 
 
 Points and Effects of Constructive Immigration Bill — Admits 
 Sixty Germans to One Frenchman or Hollander— Will Give the 
 United States 2,000,000 Japanese Population in Forty Years 
 and Over 100,000,000 in One Hundred and Forty Years— Safe- 
 guards Which Should Be Adopted 
 
 mercial honesty. He is less aggres- 
 
 In the two articles preceding an 
 outline has been presented of our 
 present Asiatic immigration problem, 
 more particularly with regard to the 
 Japanese. Following is a brief of the 
 points thus far made: 
 
 The Chinese. 
 
 So far as the Chinese are concerned, 
 there is at present no problem. The 
 statistics show that under the opera- 
 tions of the Exclusion Act, and be- 
 cause of the scarcity of women and 
 great excess of deaths over births, 
 the Chinese population is very rapidly 
 decreasing. In twenty years it de- 
 creased 50 per cent. In Hawaii there 
 are now about one-fifth as many Chi- 
 nese as Japanese; in Continental Unit- 
 ed States perhaps about one-third. 
 
 Again, the Chinese is more valuable 
 and less undesirable as immigrant 
 and born citizen than the Japanese. 
 That is the general opinion on the Pa- 
 cific Coast, where there is the best 
 opportunity for judging. The China- 
 man is reliable and honest — no other 
 countryman, not excepting the Ameri- 
 can, has so high a standard of com- 
 
 sive than the Japanese, less inclined 
 to take offense, and with a higher 
 sense of humor. He is more inclined 
 to remain in fixed occupation and less 
 dangerous to American labor and to 
 American institutions. The American- 
 born Chinaman makes a better citizen 
 because China has not the hold on him 
 that Japan has on the Japanese. 
 
 The Japanese as a people — as their 
 statesmen and high-class merchants 
 regretfully admit — are at present 
 neither honest nor reliable. 
 
 The Japanese Problem. 
 
 The Japanese problem, on the other 
 hand, is a very serious one. While 
 the introduction to these articles as- 
 sumed as a postulate that the Japa- 
 nese is an undesirable immigrant 
 and an undesirable citizen, that as- 
 sumption was later reasonably well 
 established by the record of his ac- 
 complishments in Hawaii and Cali- 
 fornia, and by the published testi- 
 mony of his present champion, Dr. 
 Sidney Gulick. 
 
 The declared purpose and promised 
 
 effect of the "Gentlemen's Agree- 
 ment" when it was adopted in 1907, 
 in deference to Japan's representa- 
 tions, was that it would accomplish 
 through Japan's action a restriction 
 on Japanese immigration similar to 
 that secured by our Exclusion Act on 
 Chinese immigration. 
 
 The agreement has been grossly 
 violated in letter and in spirit. At 
 present 10,000 to 12,000 Japanese are 
 being sent through our continental 
 ports each year openly, and unnum- 
 bered others are secretly crossing the 
 Mexican border. United States Sena- 
 tor Phelan charges that this border 
 immigration is promoted with the 
 knowledge, if not assistance, of Jap- 
 anese authorities, including Consular 
 officials, and any one conversantwith 
 the manner in which the Japanese 
 Government retains authority and 
 control over Japanese in this coun- 
 try even over those born here, knows 
 that this secret immigration could not 
 continue without knowledge thereof 
 in Consular offices. 
 
 In order to increase the resident 
 Japanese population as rapidly as 
 possible over 20,000 "picture brides" 
 have been admitted in five years 
 past, and they have performed 
 their allotted task of bearing 
 Japanese children as rapidly as 
 possible — frequently, if not usually, at 
 the rate of one per year. In Cali- 
 fornia the Japanese birth rate per 
 thousand is already five times as 
 great as the white birth rate, and in- 
 creasing. 
 
 Under the understanding, the Japa- 
 nese population of Continental United 
 States should have decreased since 
 1900, as has the Chinese. Instead it 
 has multiplied six fold. There are al- 
 ready 150,000 Japanese in this coun- 
 try, about two-thirds of them in Cali- 
 fornia, and three-quarters of that al- 
 lotment have settled in seven of the 
 State's fifty-eight counties, where 
 they are concentrated generally in a 
 few communities. 
 
 The manner in which the Japanese 
 displace white labor in industries and 
 entire communities has been ex- 
 plained and concrete examples fur- 
 nished. It is evident therefrom that 
 Japanese to the number of a small 
 fraction of the whites in any State 
 
33 
 
 can take absolute economic control 
 of the most favored sections of that 
 State if they once secure entrance. 
 
 Hawaii's situation under existing 
 conditions is hopeless. The Japanese 
 already comprise almost half the en- 
 tire population and four times as 
 many as the Caucasian or any other 
 race. More than half the yearly in- 
 crease in births and school enroll- 
 ment is now Japanese. In a few 
 years the native-born Japanese vote 
 will hold the balance of power, and 
 in a generation can defy a combina- 
 tion of all other races in the Terri- 
 tory. The proposed "Constructive 
 immigration" legislation would bring 
 about that result immediately by 
 making Japanese eligible to citizen- 
 ship; and the power thus obtained 
 will be used by them as Japanese, not 
 as Americans. Nothing could be more 
 conclusive on this point than the tes- 
 timony of Dr. Sidney Gulick himself. 
 
 Dr. Gulick explains how the Japa- 
 nese, even when born under the 
 American flag and taught in our pub- 
 lic schools, is drilled in loyalty to 
 Japan and her ideals by compulsory 
 attendance in Japanese schools and 
 by association with his own race. He 
 says that if the Japanese in Hawaii 
 maintain their traditional conception 
 of themselves, their neighbors and 
 their duties "the permanent mainte- 
 nance in Hawaii of America Democ- 
 racy, American homes and American 
 liberty is impossible." 
 
 The leading Japanese newspaper of 
 Honolulu has been quoted in its boast 
 — well founded — that the Japanese 
 soon will control the territory of Ha- 
 waii by their votes. It adds that they 
 are even now in position to exert 
 dominant influence in the political 
 and social affairs of the territory; 
 and that statement was fully confirm- 
 ed when the Territorial Legislature 
 in May, 1919, on the demand of the 
 Japanese, killed a bill which provided 
 that the territory should not issue 
 teacher's certificates to those who 
 did not have some knowledge of the 
 English language, and of American 
 history and civics. 
 
 What has happened in Hawaii is 
 happening in localities in California 
 and wll be extended if protective 
 measures are not adopted over this 
 
 Coast, and ultimately throughout the 
 Nation. 
 
 Conditions, Now Bad, Would Become 
 Worse. 
 
 To one who has studied the situa- 
 tion, it is evident that our immigra- 
 tion and naturalization laws should be 
 amended at once so as to minimize 
 as far as possible the evils existing 
 and the greater ones which threaten 
 in the future from the maintenance 
 in our midst of an alien, unassimilable 
 and rapidly Increasing Asiatic popu- 
 lation. It would be suicidal to in- 
 augurate a policy which will inevita- 
 bly increase that evil and lead in time 
 to the conquest of the white race by 
 economic elimination. 
 
 It is the purpose of this article to 
 show how the passage of the proposed 
 "constructive immigration" legisla- 
 tion, formulated by Dr. Sidney Gulick 
 and endorsed by the league he has or- 
 ganized, or the adoption of the policy 
 therein outlined, would increase the 
 evil rather than alleviate it. 
 
 An outline of the bill which Con- 
 gress is to be asked to pass was pre- 
 sented in the first of these articles. 
 It proposes to make effective Dr. 
 Gulick's "new Oriental policy" of 
 opening our gates to all Orientals on 
 the same basis as accorded to tne 
 most favored Nations. Incidentally it 
 limits immigration in any year from 
 any race to a fixed percentage — three 
 to ten — of the members of that race 
 citizens of the United States, either 
 by birth, as per the census of 1920, 
 or by naturalization in any year, and 
 has several minor provisions. The 
 outline of the bill as used in these 
 articles was secured from the printed 
 matter issued by the New York head- 
 quarters of the League for Construct- 
 ive Immigration Legislation. 
 Criticism of Bill's General Principles. 
 
 First there are offered for consid- 
 eration a few suggestions as to the 
 general principles embodied in the 
 bill. 
 
 1. Why establish at this time a 
 principle under which we shall obli- 
 gate ourselves in a measure to ac- 
 cept any percentage at all of the na- ; 
 tions of the earth as immigrants and 
 citizens? 
 
 Even if such policy is wise now it 
 mav not be a few years hence, and 
 
 the precedent established may cause 
 awkward complications. 
 
 2. Why include all nations in the 
 category? The mere fact that one 
 race has been permitted to secure 
 citizenship for some of its nationals 
 in the past is not proof that the ac- 
 tion admitting them was wise, or 
 that others of the same race may be 
 accepted as immigrants and citizens 
 with advantage. 
 
 3. Why place all nations on an as- 
 sumed basis ot equality when it is 
 clear that some nations will gener- 
 ally furnish much more desirable 
 citizens and immigrants than others? 
 And is it not possible that certain 
 nationalities may be regarded favor- 
 ably as immigrants and citizens now 
 and unfavorably some years hence? 
 
 4. Why base the number of admis- 
 sion from each race in the future on 
 the number of those already here? 
 If we have made mistakes in the past 
 are we not to be permitted to correct 
 them? In the past, with the excep- 
 tion of Orientals, those came to our 
 shores who desired to come, not those 
 whom we selected. Under such cir- 
 cumstances are we to bind ourselves 
 to exclude desirable immigrants and 
 citizens because undesirable ones 
 have more racial brothers already 
 here? 
 
 Proportions Imposed by Bill. 
 
 Let us see to what the bill of the 
 j League for Constructive Immigration 
 Legislation would commit us in the 
 ! way of selective immigration. Con- 
 ; suiting the tables of the Census Ab- 
 stract for 1910, so far as they can as- 
 sist in the matter, to ascertain the 
 number of citizens naturalized and 
 born, of the different races, which 
 must serve as the basis of our ad- 
 missions annually, we get the follow- 
 ing astonishing result: 
 
 For every single Immigrant that we 
 are willing to accept under the Gulick 
 plan from France, Holland, Wales or 
 Mexico, after the first thousand to 
 which any Nation is entitled, we are 
 committed to accept the follow- 
 ing number from each of the re- 
 spective countries named: Ger- 
 many 60. Ireland 30, England 15, Can- 
 ada 15, Russia 10, Austria 8. Sweden 
 7, Italy 7, Norway 6, Scotland 4, Den- 
 mark, Hungary and Switzerland each 
 
34 
 
 2. From Belgium, Portugal and Spain 
 we could not admit a single immi- 
 grant unless we admitted from 100 to 
 600 Germans, and a corresponding 
 number of other nationalities as 
 enumerated. As between Chinese and 
 Japanese we would be called on in a 
 short time to admit ten of the latter 
 to one of the former. 
 
 Slightly different results in esti- 
 mates of this character will be ob- 
 tained according to the sources of 
 basic information as to citizens, born 
 and naturalized, and according to in- 
 cidental assumptions indulged in. Dr. 
 Gulick furnishes an estimate accord- 
 ing to which we would have to admit 
 only thirty Germans for every French- 
 man, Hollander, or Mexican. 
 
 Estimates of this character, no mat- 
 ter by whom prepared, if based on 
 any reliable statistics will furnish 
 results demonstrating the utter ab- 
 surdity, from an American point of 
 view, of the percentage plan of re- 
 striction. 
 
 If we are to amend our immigration 
 laws so as to maintain or raise the 
 standard of American citizenship and 
 insure the perpetuity of the Ameri- 
 can Nation, we should not commit our- 
 selves to admit the peoples of the 
 earth in any such proportions as 
 called for by this plan. 
 How Japanese Immigration Would 
 Increase. 
 
 In estimates of this kind it must 
 be borne in mind that the basic fac- 
 tor of native born under the Gulick 
 plan will be taken from the 1920 
 census, which will be first available 
 in 1922. There is an incentive for a 
 large birth record prior to that date. 
 It may, or may not, have any signif- 
 icance that during the five years of 
 Dr. Gulick's activity in the interests 
 of this matter, 1914 to 1919, Japan 
 sent over 20,232 picture brides who 
 have faithfully performed their al- 
 lotted task of increasing the Japa- 
 nese birth record. 
 
 If there be an undesirable element 
 in our immigration, which will not 
 intermarry or assimilate, it may not 
 therefore, be so much the actual 
 number admitted as their future in- 
 crease which should give us most 
 pause. It should be remembered 
 that in California the official records 
 show that in certain localities where 
 
 they have concentrated the Japanese 
 have a birth rate five times as great 
 as the whites, although their females, 
 in proportion to males are only per- 
 haps one-fourth as numerous as 
 among the whites! Under such condi- 
 tions it would be only a question of 
 time when the Japanese in this coun- 
 try would exceed in numbers another 
 race which at this time might be 
 twenty times as numerous here. Even 
 the advantage which the other race 
 might have at the start in allotment 
 because of its number of naturalized 
 citizens, would not prevent it being 
 overtaken in time. 
 Evangelizing Japanese for Citizen- 
 ship. 
 
 The proposed measure makes all 
 Asiatics here or to come eligible to 
 citizenship, and encourages their 
 coming inasmuch as it fixes a pro- 
 portion within which they may be 
 admitted, while under existing under- 
 standing they are classed as unde- 
 sirable. 
 
 Dr. Gulick says in his pamphlet 
 published in 1915, "Hawaii's Ameri- 
 can-Japanese Problem," as quoted in 
 the first article: 
 
 "If as Asiatics they (the Japanese) 
 maintain their traditional conception 
 of God, nature and man; of male and 
 female; of husband and wife; of 
 parent and child; of ruler and ruled; 
 of the State and the individual; the 
 permanent maintenance in Hawaii of 
 American democracy, American homes 
 and American liberty is impossible." 
 The Japanese born and educated in 
 Japan, with very rare exceptions, cer- 
 tainly do retain these conceptions 
 even while living in the United 
 States. 
 
 Dr. Gulick again says that the 
 Japanese born here and taught in our 
 public schools, are not thereby pre- 
 pared for American citizenship since 
 they are drilled before and after 
 public school hours at home and by 
 Japanese teachers, most of whom do 
 not speak English and "many of 
 whom have little acquaintance, and 
 no sympathy with American institu- 
 tions or a Christian civilization." 
 
 Why then is Dr. Gulick so solici- 
 tous to have the United States estab- 
 lish a principle by which the Japan- 
 ese will be formally recognized as 
 desirable immigrants and citizens and 
 
 encourage conditions which will 
 greatly increase the number of native 
 born Japanese? The answer appears 
 in the same pamphlet, and is quoted 
 below: 
 
 Gulick's Experimental Plan. 
 
 "Is it not axiomatic that the suc- 
 cessful welding together of the many 
 races now in Hawaii in such wise as 
 to make possible the maintenance of 
 genuine democracy, with progressive 
 victory over graft, lust, venereal dis- 
 ease, and alcohol, depends upon the 
 substantial Christianization of the 
 rising generation of Asiatics?" * • • 
 
 "American and Asiatic civilizations 
 rest on postulates fundamentally dif- 
 ferent and antagonistic. The two 
 civilizations cannot be assimilated, 
 but this does not prevent an Asiatic 
 under proper social conditions from 
 giving up his inherited civilization 
 and adopting the American. Exactly 
 because Hawaii is the meeting place 
 of so many diverse races is the pro- 
 paganda and practice of vital Chris- 
 tianity the more pressing." 
 
 Evidently Dr. Gulick is satisfied, 
 notwithstanding all the difficulties, 
 he points out, that a Japanese may be 
 turned into a valuable American citi- 
 zen by acceptance of Christianity, 
 assisted doubtless by other minor 
 agencies. 
 
 It would appear, therefore, that 
 Dr. Gulick in promoting his •'New 
 Oriental Policy" and urging the 
 adoption of his proposed "Construc- 
 tive Immigration" legislation is 
 willing to risk a grave menace to 
 American citizenship and the safety 
 of the American Republic in order 
 to promote a doubtful experiment in 
 evangelization. 
 
 But should we permit Dr. Gulick's 
 optimistic enthusiasm in evangeliza- 
 tion to lead the Nation into serious 
 difficulties? And will the Japanese 
 Government encourage or permit the 
 Christianizing of its people in return 
 for our endorsement of Dr. Gulick's 
 "New Oriental Policy?" And if the 
 Japanese are unanimously or gen- 
 erally evangelized under this arrange- 
 ment, may we safely assume that they 
 will at once lose all those character- 
 istics which have made them, in Dr. 
 Gulick's opinion, poor material for 
 American citizenship? 
 
 I do not wish to be considered a 
 
35 
 
 pessimist, but it would be untruth- 
 ful to say that I do not entertain 
 grave doubts in the matter. 
 A Question of Poller. 
 
 Dr. Gulick insists, too, that the 
 United States will benefit by the 
 proposed law, as the number of 
 Japanese immigrants admitted will 
 be less than under existing condi- 
 tions. He declares that in 1918 
 10,213 Japanese were admitted, and 
 that in 1919 the number will be 
 12,000; and that the number ad- 
 mitted under his plan, even on a 
 10 per cent basis, will be much 
 less. As shown later, he is clearly 
 mistaken on this point, but concede 
 for the moment that he is right. 
 
 Dr. Gulick frankly allows that 
 the adult Japanese, when he ar- 
 rives here, is an undesirable Ameri- 
 can citizen, and that even the 
 American-born Japanese, under ex- 
 isting conditions, is not likely to 
 make a good citizen. His figures 
 prove that the Japanese Govern- 
 ment is steadily violating the 
 spirit of the "Gentlemen's Agree- 
 ment," under which the Japa- 
 nese were to be kept out; and yet 
 he recommends urgently that we 
 formally recognize the Japanese as 
 eligible to citizenship and encour- 
 age them to come in by establish- 
 ing an annual Japanese immigration 
 quota. 
 
 Dr. Gulick claims American cit- 
 izenship, but I am at a loss to un- 
 derstand his reasoning. It would 
 seem to me, under such circum- 
 stances, since the Japanese make 
 poor citizens and the Japanese Gov- 
 ernment is deliberately violating 
 the intent of the agreement, a 
 staunch American citizen would 
 urge our Government to cancel at 
 once the "Gentlemen's Agreement," 
 to stop the importaion of "picture 
 brides," to bar further Japanese im- 
 migration and to encourage the in- 
 dividual States to pass alien land 
 laws. 
 
 In other words, the first care of 
 an American citizen would natur- 
 ally be for the protection of Ameri- 
 can Institutions and the American 
 franchise, rather than solicitude to 
 meet the demands, Inconsistent and 
 probably harmful to us, of a for- 
 eign Nation, however friendly we 
 might be with that Nation. 
 
 THE PLAN INCREASES JAPANESE 
 IMMIGRATION. 
 
 It has been suggested already that 
 the bad faith of Japan in shipping 
 to us each year 10,000 or more Japa- 
 nese in violation of the letter and 
 spirit of the Gentlemen's Agreement 
 is not a good reason for formal rec- 
 ognition by us of the Japanese as 
 immigrants and citizens, even if 
 thereby we receive annually a small- 
 er influx legally than is now forced 
 on us illegally. While Dr. Gulick 
 claims the admissions will be smaller, 
 the facts contradict him. He has 
 published tables showing the high- 
 est allotment to Japan annually un- 
 der the percentage plan as 5,800. But 
 this estimate is for 1918 and preced- 
 ing years based on the assumption 
 that the plan had been put into ef- 
 fect in 1910. He offers no figures 
 for the future in which we are really 
 concerned, so far as I have read, ex- 
 cept in an article published in the 
 New York Independent in May, 1919, 
 wherein he declares that the Japan- 
 ese immigration under this plan in 
 1935 will not exceed 5,400. 
 
 I have carried Dr. Gulick's tables 
 beyond 1918, where he stops them, 
 and far into the future — two hundred 
 years — which is short enough time to 
 consider in the life of a great nation 
 like this. The details of those tables 
 will be reserved for another article. 
 This summary will suffice for pres- 
 ent purposes. 
 
 If the Gulick plan were in force on 
 July 1st, 1919, and no immigrants 
 were admitted in excess of the "al- 
 lotment" to each race, the Japanese 
 immigration for each of the years 
 1919, 1920 and 1921 would be cut 
 down to 2,500. In 1922 it would be 
 7,500 — the census for 1920 being then 
 available with the record of native- 
 born. In 1923 or 1924 the allotment 
 would be increased by 10 per cent of 
 the number of present residents, who 
 would have become naturalized, say 
 less than 25 per cent, 50,000; and each 
 year thereafter it would be increased 
 by 10 per cent of the number of those 
 immigrants coming in five years be- 
 fore, who had become citizens. 
 
 The annual immigration in either 
 1923 or 1924 would therefore jump to 
 a figure in excess of 12,500, and 
 would steadily increase thereafter, 
 
 reaching 16,000 in 1933 and 23,000 in 
 1943. 
 
 Increase In Japanese Population. 
 
 The increase in total Japanese pop- 
 ulation is, however, the important and 
 the alarming feature. At present the 
 records in California show a net an- 
 nual increase of Japanese popula- 
 tion, due to excess of births over 
 deaths, of between 3% and 4 per cent. 
 Assuming that this increase will be 
 only 2 per cent in the future, and 
 that the total Japanese population in 
 1923 will be 300,000 (the present 
 population is estimated at 250,000), 
 the population including immigration 
 would double in less than twenty 
 years. In 1943 it would be 875,000. 
 + At the same rate, In forty ♦ 
 + years from 1923, the Japanese ♦ 
 + population of the United States ♦ 
 
 ♦ under operation of the Gulick ♦ 
 + plan, would be, in round fig- ♦ 
 
 ♦ ures, 2,000,000; in eighty years, + 
 + 10,000,000; In 140 years, 100,000,- ♦ 
 
 + ooo. ♦ 
 
 Long before then the white race 
 would have succumbed in the eco- 
 nomic competition and the world's 
 glorious Republic would have be- 
 come a province of Japan! 
 
 Results under the Gentlemen's 
 Agreement as now operated by 
 Japan will be slower of attainment, 
 but equally certain in the end! 
 All Asiatics Eligible. 
 
 The bill makes all Asiatics on ad- 
 mission to the United States eligible 
 for citizenship. The effect of this 
 in the territory of Hawaii would 
 be to create at once a citizenry 
 of Japanese almost equal In num- 
 ber to the voters of all other races 
 combined and four times as numer- 
 ous as those of the Caucasian or any 
 other race. 
 
 These Japanese would manage 
 Hawaii — not as a territory of the 
 United States but as a province of 
 Japan. The testimony offered on this 
 score in these articles is convincing. 
 
 Another effect of this provision 
 would be to permit the newly made 
 citizens in Hawaii to come to the 
 mainland and swell the number of 
 their race in California. They would 
 come, as they are eager to settle in 
 California because of its superior ad- 
 vantages in many ways. They could 
 come many thousands strong and 
 still leave enough of their race in 
 
36 
 
 Hawaii to control it. They are not 
 supposed to come to the mainland 
 now under the "Gentlemen's Agree- 
 ment." 
 
 There are many Asiatics who are 
 less desirable as citizens and Immi- 
 grants than the Japanese. Our objec- 
 tions to the Japanese are based on 
 grounds which are in a measure cred- 
 itable to them; but certain other Asi- 
 atics, while not offering the danger in 
 economic competition which we find 
 in the Japanese, are objectionable on 
 other grounds — sanitary, physical and 
 mental. 
 
 The Student Pro-vision. 
 
 The student provision permits any 
 number of "students" to come in, and 
 no provision is made as to their oc- 
 cupation while here, or as to their 
 return. Under, this provision many 
 thousands of Japanese could come 
 Into the United States, attend school 
 for a few months and then distribute 
 themselves through the country as 
 laborers. This is so patent that it 
 seems strange it would have escaped 
 the attention of the framers of the 
 bill. 
 
 An Asylum for the Persecuted. 
 
 Again, it is proposed that any alien 
 claiming religious persecution in his 
 own country, either in overt act or 
 through law or regulation, shall be 
 admitted into this country on applica- 
 tion and become at once eligible for 
 citizenship. 
 
 This country cannot longer afford 
 to serve as an asylum for every one 
 claiming persecution elsewhere, how- 
 ever unfitted he may be for American 
 citizenship, if we are to maintain a 
 standard of citizenship which will in- 
 sure the perpetuity of the Nation. 
 
 Under the provision named we 
 would have to admit without ques- 
 tion every Russian Jew, every Ar- 
 menian and every Christian Asiatic 
 who might be persecuted in his own 
 country. There would be in all of 
 these classes individuals who would 
 make desirable citizens, but it would 
 be unwise to pledge ourselves to ad- 
 mit every one who applied. 
 
 It cannot be doubted that the re- 
 sponsible heads of the Federal Coun- 
 cil of Churches of Christ of America, 
 and nearly all — possibly all — of the 
 one thousand National Committee- 
 men who stood sponsors for the "new 
 Oriental Policy" and the percentage 
 plan for restriction of immigration 
 put forth in the name of the League 
 of Constructive Immigration Legisla- 
 tion had no knowledge of the facts 
 given to the public in these articles 
 and no conception of the results 
 which may be feared from any en- 
 couragement of Asiatic immigration. 
 SUGGESTED SAFEGUARDS. 
 
 Consideration of the facts presented 
 in these articles naturally suggests 
 the following as points worthy at 
 least of careful thought on the part 
 of Uncle Sam in connection with the 
 immigration problem: 
 
 Why not decide now and for all 
 time that our immigration policy, our 
 naturalisation policy and all our Na- 
 tional policies shall be based, not on 
 what someone else desires or de- 
 mands, but on what is best for the 
 comfort and happiness of the loyal 
 American citizen, for the mainte- 
 nance of the American home and for 
 the preservation of the American Na- 
 tion? 
 
 If it be wise to restrict immigra- 
 tion, and our experience indicates 
 that it is wise to do so, why not de- 
 cide on the number we care to admit 
 each year, and select them from the 
 most desirable who present them- 
 selves, regardless of the number of 
 their respective races who are already 
 here? Let each applicant be judged 
 on individual merit. 
 
 So far as the Japanese are con- 
 cerned, since the facts conclusively 
 demonstrate that their continued Im- 
 migration threaten our labor, our in- 
 dustries, our economic life, and event- 
 ually our existence as a Nation, why 
 hesitate to adopt at once the only 
 remedial measures which can save us. 
 These remedies, as originally sug- 
 gested by me are: 
 
 First — Cancellation of the "Gentle- 
 men's Agreement." 
 
 Second — Exclusion of "Picture 
 Brides." 
 
 Third — Absolute exclusion of Jap- 
 anese as immigrants, as other Asiatics 
 are excluded. 
 
 Fourth — Confirmation and legaliza- 
 tion of the principle that Asiatics 
 shall be forever barred from Ameri- 
 can citizenship. 
 
 Fifth — Amendment of Section 1 of 
 Article XIV of the Federal Constitu- 
 tion so as to provide that no child 
 born in the United States of foreign 
 parents shall be eligible to Ameri- 
 can citizenship unless both parents 
 are eligible to such citizenship. 
 OUR INTERESTS OR JAPAN'S? 
 Against these suggestions there will 
 be raised at once the objection that 
 all or any part of the measures pro- 
 posed will hurt Japan's pride, and 
 must not be attempted. There does 
 not occur to me any other objection 
 that might be offered. 
 
 They should not hurt Japan's pride, 
 for they are based on economic and 
 not on racial grounds. They are in 
 effect the same measures -which she 
 enforces against the Chinese and 
 Kereans, who are, too, of the yellow 
 race, and for precisely similar rea- 
 sons. They are measures enforced 
 against Japan by Canada and Aus- 
 tralia, notwithstanding that Great 
 Britain is Japan's ally. And the Paris 
 Conference declined to consider Jap- 
 an's demand for recognition of the 
 question under the head of "Racial 
 Discrimination," because Australia 
 most vigorously protested, and be- 
 cause Japan's claim was Inconsistent 
 and untenable. 
 
 And If, notwithstanding all this, 
 Japan shall Insist that her pride will 
 be hurt if we protect ourselves in the 
 manner indicated, and Oat we must 
 not do it, then it would seem to be 
 up to the American Nation to say, 
 very politely, that, much as it pains 
 us to run ceunter to the susceptibili- 
 ties of our good friends in Japan, our 
 first care must be for the perpetuity 
 of American Institutions, and the free- 
 dom and happiness of our people, as 
 the first consideration of Japan must 
 be for her own people and their ideals. 
 
37 
 
 (From The Sacramento Bee, July 29, 1919.) 
 
 ARTICLE IV. 
 
 Our Japanese Problem, the "Gentlemen's Agreement" and the 
 Percentage Restriction Plan — Gross Violations of the Agree- 
 ment — The Proposed Plan Will Largely Increase the Present 
 Illegal Immigration — Either Plan in Time Will Make a 
 Japanese Province of This Country — A Mathematical Demon- 
 stration. 
 
 T 
 
 HE! Saturday Evening Pout is tar firat American magazine of large cir- 
 culation published In an Atlantic environment to give a fair. Intelligent, 
 statesmanlike and American presentation of the vexed subject of Jap- 
 anese Immigration. 
 
 This is done In a lengthy article by Herbert Quick under the title 
 "Seventeen Year People," published in the issue of June 28th, and devoted to 
 a consideration of the undesirable, damaging and locust-like elements which 
 descend upon American citizenship through the open Immigration gates, and 
 from which we must be protected if American institutions are to be preserved. 
 
 OUR COUNTRY. 
 
 Mr. Quick puts the matter fairly 
 + when he says in effect that this ♦ 
 + is our country and we are under ♦ 
 + no obligations to admit any for- ♦ 
 + elgner; that we should tactfully ♦ 
 + but firmly let the world know ♦ 
 + that we claim the right to ex- ♦ 
 + elude anyone we wish to exclude; ♦ 
 + that the life of this democracy ♦ 
 + depends upon the sort of Immi- ♦ 
 + grants admitted: that the discus- ♦ 
 + sion of the Japanese lmmigra- ♦ 
 + tion problem should be encour- ♦ 
 <► aged and not frowned upon; that ♦ 
 
 ♦ there is nothing discreditable to ♦ 
 
 ♦ the Japanese In our attitude on ♦ 
 
 ♦ this question; that we will not ♦ 
 
 ♦ admit them because they do not ♦ 
 
 ♦ and cannot assimilate, and be- ♦ 
 
 ♦ cause, in economic competition, ♦ 
 
 ♦ they drive our people to the wall; ♦ 
 
 ♦ that we -will not admit lmmigra- ♦ 
 
 ♦ tion freely under such conditions ♦ 
 + from any country, no matter ♦ 
 
 ♦ what the consideration offered ♦ 
 
 ♦ or the consequences involved; ♦ 
 < and that we have the right to ♦ 
 
 ♦ make such a decision and the ♦ 
 
 ♦ power to enforce It. ♦ 
 WHY WE SHOULD NOT ADMIT 
 
 JAPANESE. 
 He says: "We have become un- 
 fitted for competition with such a 
 race as the Japanese. It is because 
 they know their superiority to us in 
 industrial competition that they desire 
 
 to come, such of them as do so de- 
 sire. 
 
 They come to underlive us and 
 drive us to the wall unless we adjust 
 ourselves to their competition. They 
 can pay more for land than an Ameri- 
 can can pay, and prosper at the hijrhcr 
 prices; and this means that they have 
 the power to establish a lower scale 
 of actual wages." 
 
 NEVER AGAIN. 
 
 And agndn he says: "One of our 
 most insoluble troubles as a Nation 
 rises from the existence among us of 
 a colored race; and, make no mistake, 
 we shall never allow another similar 
 problem to grow up among us." 
 
 MAY THE EAST SEE THE LIGHT. 
 
 The principles outlined by the 
 Saturday Evening Post author are 
 precisely the principles for which the 
 Pacific Coast has contended for many 
 years; they are the principles for 
 which California contended when she 
 attempted to protect her little girls 
 by compelling grown Japanese youths 
 to attend separate schools, and when 
 she attempted to protect her agricul- 
 tural population by passing an Alien 
 Land Law; they are the principles 
 which up to this time it has been diffi- 
 cult for a man east of the Rockies to ap- 
 preciate or understand, while he in- 
 sisted that the Pacific Coast attitude 
 is simply a manifestation of racial 
 prejudice against a friendly Nation. 
 
 AN ECONOMIC ONE. 
 + The question is an economic ♦ 
 
 ♦ rather than a racial one, and ♦ 
 
 ♦ where the element of race enters ♦ 
 
 ♦ ns a factor there is no question ♦ 
 + of Inferiority involved. It h.-is ♦ 
 + been sufficiently demonstrated + 
 + that the Japanese can not be ♦ 
 + transformed in the melting pot + 
 + into desirable material for cltl- + 
 + zenship, as can most Europeans; + 
 
 ♦ and that In the attempt to so ♦ 
 + transform him the white people + 
 + of this Republic must go to the ♦ 
 + wall. + 
 
 ENOUGH REASON. 
 
 That is sufficient reason for refus- 
 ing to permit the entrance of Jap- 
 anese; and when Japan insists that 
 such refusal is humiliating to her 
 pride she is indulging in diplomatic 
 camouflage in order to win her point. 
 She will follow that policy as long as 
 it promises success. 
 
 Quick Misled. 
 
 While the author of the Saturday 
 Evening Post article has admirably 
 outlined the principles upon which 
 the great problem must be solved 
 for the permanent protection of the 
 American Republic, he has been mis- 
 led in two important matters con- 
 cerning existing conditions and the 
 imminence of the danger. 
 Gentlemen's Agreement and Gulick 
 Plan. 
 
 He says, for instance, concerning 
 the present arrangement, that "Japan 
 and the United States are working 
 under a gentlemen's agreement under 
 which Japanese laborers do not come 
 to the United States. It is a gentle- 
 men's agreement, which is kept in a 
 gentlemanly manner;" and again that 
 "Japan keeps her agreement faith- 
 fully, but she is not satisfied." 
 
 VIOLATES IT. 
 + The fact is that there could ♦ 
 
 ♦ not be more, flagrant violation ♦ 
 
 ♦ of a gentlemen's agreement than ♦ 
 + Japan has been guilty of in this ♦ 
 
 ♦ case. ♦ 
 
 ♦ She boasts that she always + 
 
 ♦ keeps her agreements, and ♦ 
 
 ♦ through skillful propaganda some ♦ 
 
 ♦ Americans have commenced to ♦ 
 
 ♦ believe so. Her bad faith is ♦ 
 + boldly placarded on her record in ♦ 
 + China, in Korea, in Manchuria, ♦ 
 
38 
 
 ♦ In Siberia, in Shantung, where ♦ 
 
 ♦ those who have had relations ♦ 
 
 ♦ with her have experienced it, and ♦ 
 + where the student and Investisra- ♦ 
 
 ♦ tor may readily read it. In this ♦ 
 
 ♦ immigration matter the record, ♦ 
 + as will be shown, is unmistak- + 
 
 ♦ able. ♦ 
 
 MISLED BY GULICK. 
 Herbert Quick has been misled 
 again into believing 1 , on the authority 
 of Sidney L. Gulick, that the bill pro- 
 posed by Gulick in the name of the 
 League for Constructive Immigration 
 Legislation, restricting immigraton to 
 a percentage basis, would permanent- 
 ly "confine Oriental immigration to 
 limits of absolute harmlessness," and 
 that it would therefore satisfactorily 
 solve the Japanese problem. 
 
 ♦ On the contrary, the Gulick ♦ 
 
 ♦ plan would insure a greater im- ♦ 
 
 ♦ migration from Japan than is ♦ 
 
 ♦ now coming to us, and by which ♦ 
 + in time the Pacific Coast, and ♦ 
 
 ♦ ultimately the nation, would be ♦ 
 
 ♦ submerged. ♦ 
 Japan's Violation of Agreement. 
 
 The Gentlemen's Agreement pro- 
 vides a guarantee on Japan's part 
 that she will not permit Japanese 
 laborers to come to this country. But 
 every year a number of Japanese, 
 guaranteed by Japan under the agree- 
 ment, are turned back at our entry 
 ports by United States Customs of- 
 ficials, because of indisputable evi- 
 dence that these men are laborers. 
 Her Explanation a Joke. 
 
 Japan's explanation is that it is not 
 practicable for her to avoid being 
 made the victim of deception at times 
 by those seeking to come to the 
 United States. 
 
 ♦ The statement that the Gov- ♦ 
 
 ♦ ernment of Japan would not ♦ 
 
 ♦ know, or could not readily ascer- ♦ 
 
 ♦ tain, the occupation and intimate ♦ 
 
 ♦ personal history of any one of ♦ 
 
 ♦ her subjects will be hailed as a ♦ 
 
 ♦ joke by anyone familiar with the ♦ 
 + German-like intelligence system + 
 + maintained by that Government. ♦ 
 
 12,000 COMING. 
 Japan sent us last year over 10.000 
 immigrants. This year there will be 
 12,000, according to Dr. Gulick. Each 
 
 immigrant comes bearing Japan's 
 passport and her word as a gentle- 
 man that the newcomer is not a la- 
 borer. 
 + Most of them will be found at ♦ 
 
 ♦ labor, skilled and unskilled, ♦ 
 + within a few weeks after they ♦ 
 + step ashore. ♦ 
 
 Japan may class them as dilettanti 
 for passport purposes, but they are 
 laborers in fact or in intent before 
 they start, because of the chance of 
 earning here from five to ten times 
 what they can in Japan. Our officials 
 admit them presumably because there 
 is no evidence to disprove Japan's 
 assurance. 
 
 50,000 "Non-Laborers.'* 
 
 Since Japan passed her word as a 
 gentleman in this matter in 1907 there 
 have settled in California alone 
 about 50,000 Japanese, duly certified 
 as non-laborers. 
 
 The number is ascertained by com- 
 paring California's Japanese popula- 
 tion in 1907 and 1918, and making al- 
 lowance for the recorded births and 
 deaths in that interval. 
 
 It is comparatively easy for any in- 
 vestigator to satisfy himself that 
 most of these immigrants secured 
 places at once as laborers, and, with 
 exception of those who graduated 
 into bosses, have been laborers since. 
 + Of those who did not labor the ♦ 
 
 ♦ greater part went into gainful ♦ 
 
 ♦ occupations that, directly or in- ♦ 
 
 ♦ directly, displaced white rest- ♦ 
 
 ♦ dents and American citizens. ♦ 
 
 ♦ PICTURE BRIDES. ♦ 
 
 ♦ In less than five years past ♦ 
 
 ♦ Japan has sent over 20,323 "pic- ♦ 
 
 ♦ ture brides," of which number ♦ 
 
 ♦ all but 6,804 came to the main- ♦ 
 
 ♦ land. Most of these picture ♦ 
 
 ♦ brides are laborers, doing a ♦ 
 
 ♦ man's work in field or shop, and ♦ 
 
 ♦ incidentally bearing children, ♦ 
 
 ♦ frequently at the rate of one per ♦ 
 
 ♦ year. ♦ 
 
 ♦ ALL VIOLATIONS. ♦ 
 
 ♦ Every Japanese who came to ♦ 
 
 ♦ this country since the date of ♦ 
 
 ♦ the agreement in 1907, and who ♦ 
 
 ♦ has earned his livelihood by la- ♦ 
 
 ♦ bor since, scores a violation of ♦ 
 
 ♦ the agreement and of Japan's ♦ 
 
 ♦ word; and any one familiar with ♦ 
 
 ♦ the situation knows that these ♦ 
 
 ♦ violations are already numbered ♦ 
 
 ♦ by the tens of thousands. ♦ 
 
 ♦ No; Japan's bad faith and ♦ 
 
 ♦ Uncle Sam's blind complaisance ♦ 
 
 ♦ have made a scrap of paper of ♦ 
 
 ♦ the Gentlemen's Agreement. ♦ 
 
 If Japan is to be permitted to con- 
 tinue sending these people in at the 
 rate of 12,000 a year through the im- 
 migration office, and unnumbered 
 others across the border, let us at 
 least cease to fool ourselves as to 
 what is occurring, and who is respon- 
 sible therefor. 
 
 Gulick Plan Worse Still. 
 Now as to the remedy, enticingly 
 offered by Sidney Gulick and his 
 League for Constructive Immigration 
 Legislation in his proposed percent- 
 age plan for restricting immigration. 
 Dr. Gulick explains — and Herbert 
 Quick accepts the explanation — tnat 
 as Japan is faithfully keeping the 
 Gentlemen's Agreement, the percent- 
 age immigration pian is a desirable 
 thing, because che Japanese immi- 
 gration under it will De less than un- 
 der the present agreement. 
 
 A Parallel, 
 
 Assuming — for the moment only — 
 that Japanese immigration under tne 
 Gulick plan would be les^ — tie plea 
 to adopt the plan is a piece ot quiet, 
 and of course unintentional, humor. 
 The case is parallel with that of the 
 highway robber who. naving exacted 
 annual tribute of $10,000 to $12,000 
 in violation of his woru "as a gen- 
 tleman," makes a proposition to his 
 victim that for certain valuable con- 
 cessions and considerations he will 
 inaugurate a plan under which he 
 claims the tribute shall be much less, 
 though it will really be more in a 
 short while. 
 
 ♦ WILL JAPANIZE US. + 
 
 ♦ In the present case the consid- ♦ 
 
 ♦ eration demanded is the perma- ♦ 
 
 ♦ nent acceptance of the Japanese ♦ 
 
 ♦ as immigrants and citizens. ♦ 
 
 ♦ The plan proposed, too, while ♦ 
 
 ♦ it is guaranteed to decrease v 
 
 ♦ Japanese Immigration, as now ♦ 
 + sent in violation of the Gentle- ♦ 
 + men's Agreement, will really ♦ 
 
 ♦ increase it. ♦ 
 
THE GULICK TABLE OF RESULTS. 
 
 The Gulick plan proposes to re- 
 strict the immigration from any race 
 in any year to a percentage, say 10, 
 of (a) the American-born children 
 of that race, according to the census 
 of 1920 when the figures are avail- 
 able, and, until then, according to 
 the census of 1910; plus (b) the nat- 
 uralized members of the race accord- 
 ing to the last census; plus (c) the 
 members naturalized since such cen- 
 sus (and the Bureau of Naturaliza- 
 tion is instructed to compile and 
 furnish such data annually). 
 
 Tables are offered in support of 
 the contention that the percentage 
 plan would permit less Japanese im- 
 migration than the present arrange- 
 ment with Japan. But these tables 
 deal only with the past, showing that 
 if the proposed measure had been 
 adopted in 1910 the highest annual 
 "allotment" to Japan between 1910 
 and 1918 would have been 5,800, while 
 the average immigration was greater, 
 being 10,000 in 1918. 
 
 In addition, Dr. Gulick in the New 
 York Independent of May 10, 1919, 
 claimed that the Japanese immigra- 
 tion under his plan would be 40 per 
 cent less in 1935 than had entered 
 the United States in 1917, i. e., 40 per 
 cent less than 8,991, say 5,400. 
 
 ♦ Gulick's tables, however, avoid ♦ 
 
 ♦ showing results under the plan ♦ 
 
 ♦ In future years; and no mention + 
 
 ♦ Is made of the fact that the bill 4 
 
 ♦ provides for admissions outside ♦ 
 
 ♦ the "allotment" which would ♦ 
 
 ♦ multiple that allotment several ♦ 
 
 ♦ fold. * 
 WHAT WILL REALLY HAPPEN. 
 
 Let us assume that the bill will be 
 passed by Congress this year, and 
 see what the future would have in 
 store for us. The Japanese allotment 
 for each of the years 1919, 1920 and 
 1921 would be, in rough numbers 
 2,500, being 10 per cent of the native- 
 born Japanese, according to the cen- 
 sus of 1910. 
 
 In 1922 the figures for the census 
 of 1920 would be available, and based 
 on a native born population in 1920 
 of 75,000 (easily demonstrable by sta- 
 tistics and the birth rate), the Jap- 
 anese allotment would jump at once 
 to 7,500. 
 
 + In 1923 the allotment would ♦ 
 
 ♦ receive Its first addition from ♦ 
 
 ♦ the naturalized element, as it ♦ 
 
 ♦ would take five years for aliens to ♦ 
 + receive final papers. If it be as- ♦ 
 
 ♦ sumed that 50 per cent of the ♦ 
 + adult Japanese now under the ♦ 
 
 ♦ American flag could and would ♦ 
 
 ♦ qualify for citizenship, this fac- ♦ 
 
 ♦ tor would be 100,000, and 10,000 ♦ 
 
 ♦ would be added to the annual ♦ 
 + allotment, making it 17,500. ♦ 
 
 If It be assumed that only 20 to 25 
 per cent would qualify, the factor 
 would be 50,000, and 5,000 would be 
 added to the allotment, making the 
 total 12,500! Even in this case the 
 allotment would be in excess of the 
 high mark of actual immigration for 
 1918, or of that estimated for 1919. 
 
 ♦ It may be said in passing, ♦ 
 
 ♦ however, that a race demand- ♦ 
 
 ♦ ing American citizenship, which ♦ 
 
 ♦ falls to qualify at least 50 per ♦ 
 + cent of those h«re, after five ♦ 
 
 ♦ years' residence, is not good ma- ♦ 
 
 ♦ terial for citizenship; they are ♦ 
 
 ♦ here for their profit, and not ♦ 
 
 ♦ for our benefit; and if they will ♦ 
 + not make good citizens, they are ♦ 
 
 ♦ undesirable as immigrants and ♦ 
 
 ♦ permanent residents. ♦ 
 ''ALLOTMENT" ONLY A PART OF 
 
 IMMIGRATION. 
 But the allotment is only a small 
 measure of the immigration which 
 must be admitted under the provi- 
 sions of the Gulick bill. Every Im- 
 migrant who comes in and every one 
 now here is entitled to bring, or send 
 for, a wife (and "picture brides" are 
 wives under Japan's procedure) and 
 certain relatives; and "students," who 
 may turn at once to labor, and those 
 who claim to be objects of religious 
 persecution must be admitted, with- 
 out limit or restriction. 
 + So that the "allotment" may ♦ 
 
 ♦ be only one-half, or one-quar- ♦ 
 
 ♦ ter, or even a smaller propor- ♦ 
 
 ♦ tion of the actual immigration ♦ 
 
 ♦ for the year, and the Japanese ♦ 
 
 ♦ immigration in 1023 might be ♦ 
 
 ♦ anywhere between 30,000 and ♦ 
 + 75.000. + 
 
 These misleading tables and state- 
 ments claiming less immigration un- 
 der the percentage plan than under 
 
 39 
 
 the present agreement, have been 
 published for two years or more 
 past, while the authorized versions of 
 the proposed bill given out at the 
 same time contained the provisions 
 above noted and others. Within the 
 past few weeks, under public crit- 
 icism, modification of some of these 
 provisions has been made, but their 
 presence in the original bill suffi- 
 ciently indicates the intent of the 
 authors thereof. 
 
 The Great Menace — Non-Assimilation 
 and Birth Rate. 
 The real menace in Japanese immi- 
 gration is found in three elements. 
 The Japanese do not intermarry with 
 the whites and are never assimilated; 
 they have a birth '■ate greatly in 
 excess of the average in this country; 
 and the white race cannot face them 
 in economic competition. 
 + The Japanese birth rate per ♦ 
 + thousand in Sacramento City ♦ 
 + and elsewhere in California + 
 + where opportunity for compari- ♦ 
 
 ♦ son exists is five times as great + 
 
 ♦ as that of the white population, ♦ 
 + as shown by State Board of ♦ 
 
 ♦ Health records. ♦ 
 + In Los Angeles County, the ♦ 
 
 ♦ most populous county In the ♦ 
 
 ♦ State, the Japanese births for ♦ 
 + the month of May, 1919, outside ♦ 
 + of the Incorporated cities, were ♦ 
 + one-third as many as the white + 
 
 ♦ births in those districts. (Los ♦ 
 
 ♦ Angeles Times June 30, 1919). ♦ 
 
 ♦ The suburban and county pop- ♦ 
 + ulation of Los Angeles County is ♦ 
 
 ♦ large. ♦ 
 In San Joaquin County during the 
 
 six months ending July 1, 1919, there 
 were 282 births. Of this number 113 
 were to native-born American par- 
 ents, 104 were to Japanese, and the 
 remaining 65 to European foreign- 
 ers. There were 178 white births and 
 245 deaths; and 104 Japanese births 
 and only 17 deaths, i. e., the deaths 
 among the whites exceeded the births 
 by 40 per cent; the deaths among 
 the Japanese were only one-sixth of 
 the births. (Stockton Record, July 
 19, 1919). 
 
 The actual number of Japanese im- 
 migrants therefore does not afford 
 an adequate idea of the danger that 
 
40 
 
 their coming creaces for this country. 
 The number, however small, concen- 
 trates in a few chosen localities, thus 
 making their numbers and their ra- 
 cial characteristics tell so that in 
 economic competition they displace 
 the whites. As more of their race 
 come in, other localities are selected 
 and the same plan followed. 
 
 Europeans, even of objectionable 
 peoples, would intermarry and in time 
 be assimilated, but the Japanese, 
 never. 
 
 It is evident with these racial 
 characteristics and economic advan- 
 tages, and their overwhelming birth 
 rate, it would require only time for a 
 few hundred thousand Japanese to 
 displace millions of Americans. Even 
 the handicap of a small naturalized 
 population at first would only delay 
 the inevitable result under the per- 
 centage immigration plan, while 
 the advocates of that plan insist it 
 would keep the Japanese proportion 
 down permanently. 
 
 + Make a table showing the "al- ♦ 
 
 ♦ lotments" and birth and popula- ♦ 
 + tion statistics for twenty years ♦ 
 
 ♦ under the percentage plan, for ♦ 
 
 ♦ the Japanese and any other race, ♦ 
 
 ♦ conceding that the Japanese at ♦ 
 
 ♦ the stnrt have only one-twen- + 
 
 ♦ tieth as many naturalized cit- ♦ 
 
 ♦ izens as the other race, but their ♦ 
 
 ♦ birth rate is five times as great. + 
 
 ♦ In twenty years, the Japanese ♦ 
 
 ♦ annual births will equal their ♦ 
 + annual immigration allotment, ♦ 
 
 ♦ and that twenty-to-one propor- ♦ 
 
 ♦ tion, notwithstanding the com- ♦ 
 
 ♦ paratively small Japanese allot- ♦ 
 + men, will show each five years 4> 
 + a slow decrease as to immigrants, ♦ 
 
 ♦ and a rapid decrease as to total ♦ 
 
 ♦ population. ♦ 
 WHAT WILL HAPPEN IN 25 YEARS? 
 
 Under the Gulick plan the Japanese 
 will steadily gain on any and all 
 races which send over immigrants, 
 first, because the allotment factor of 
 their native born under the 1920 cen- 
 sus will represent a greater propor- 
 tion of their naturalized citizens than 
 will be the case with any other race; 
 and second, because those who find 
 admission will reproduce much more 
 
 rapidly than the immigrants of any 
 other race. 
 
 To demonstrate mathematically that 
 the percentage plan will materially 
 increase even the present Japanese 
 immigration unfairly sent to us un- 
 der violation of the "Gentlemen's 
 Agreement," I have prepared a table 
 along the lines followed by Dr. Gu- 
 lick, but showing what he does not 
 show — the results of the next twenty- 
 five years, if Congress should adopt 
 the plan this year. 
 
 That the plan might have every 
 reasonable chance consistent with the 
 facts, to make a good showing, the 
 table is based on the following as- 
 sumptions: — that all provisions allow- 
 ing immigration in excess of the an- 
 nual ''allotment," will be stricken 
 from the bill; that only 50,000 Japa- 
 nese will qualify for citizenship five 
 years hence; that of the new immi- 
 grants coming in each year, two- 
 fifths only will qualify at the end of 
 five years' residence; that the native 
 born Japanese under the census of 
 1920 will number 75,000; that the total 
 Japanese population in the United 
 States in 1923 will be only 300,000, 
 and that the annual increase in popu- 
 lation due to excess of births over 
 deaths, will be two per cent (the 
 present record in California is nearly 
 four per cent.) 
 
 And this is what the table shows. 
 The total Japanese immigration ad- 
 mitted under the allotment for each 
 of the years 1919, 1920 and 1921, will 
 be only 2500. In 1922 there will be 
 7500; in 1923, 12,600 (7500 plus 5100); 
 in 1933, 16,316 (7500 plus 8816); in 
 1943, 22,987 (7500 plus 15,487). 
 
 The partial increase of population 
 measured by births less deaths will 
 be, in 1923, 6000; in 1933, 9800; in 
 1943, 16,100. 
 
 The total annual net increase in 
 population, measured by the last two 
 factors, will be 18,600 in 1923, and 
 39,000 in 1943. 
 
 ♦ The total Japanese population ♦ 
 
 ♦ of the United States will be — at ♦ 
 + the end of 1023 — 318,600; at the ♦ 
 + end of 1033—542,000; at the end + 
 + of 1943 — 875,000! ♦ 
 
 ♦ Present conditions justify the ♦ 
 
 ♦ prediction that most of this pop- ♦ 
 
 ♦ illation will be centered in the ♦ 
 
 I ♦ Pacific Coast States, and that ♦ 
 + one-half to two-thirds will be ♦ 
 + In California. That number of ♦ 
 
 ♦ Japanese will go far towards ♦ 
 
 ♦ owning those States, economi- ♦ 
 + rally speaking, and Japanese + 
 + immigration in the years follow- ♦ 
 + ing can take possesion in turn ♦ 
 
 ♦ of the more favored of the re- 
 
 + maining States, until all that 4 
 
 ♦ seem worth while to discrimi- ♦ 
 
 ♦ nating Japanese taste have been ♦ 
 
 ♦ fully colonized. ♦ 
 Looking Ahead One Hundred Years. 
 
 But let us look still further ahead 
 into the future. Twenty-five years 
 should be but as a month in the life 
 of a great nation like ours. Under 
 the percentage plan for restricting 
 immigration, our Japanese population 
 will have increased nearly three-fold 
 in twenty years from 1923. To be ex- 
 act, the increase is 266 per cent, the 
 native-born under the 1920 census, a 
 fixed annual amount, contributing 50 
 per cent, and the other 216 per cent 
 being composed of the naturalized 
 element of the annual allotment, plus 
 the annual births, and less the deaths 
 — a constantly increasing amount. 
 
 ♦ At that same rate in 40 years ♦ 
 
 ♦ from 1923, the Japanese popula- ♦ 
 
 ♦ tion of the United States under ♦ 
 
 ♦ operation of the Gulick plan ♦ 
 
 ♦ would be, in round figures. ♦ 
 + 2,000,000; in 80 years, 10,000- ♦ 
 
 ♦ O00; in 140 years, 100,000,000; In ♦ 
 4 160 years, 216,000,000. ♦ 
 
 Long before then the white race 
 would have succumbed in the eco- 
 nomic competition and the world's 
 glorious Republic would have be- 
 come a province of Japan. 
 
 The objection will be made to these 
 tables that the ratio of increase used 
 in preparing them will not be main- 
 tained; that if it were, the Japanese 
 population of the United States in a 
 few hundred years would run into 
 billions. 
 
 It is undoubtedly true that the 
 ratio used will not permanently 
 maintain. Those who have made 
 close study of this subject say that 
 the birth rate of a race decreases 
 with higher standards of living and 
 adaptation to western civilization; 
 but they also say that in a case of 
 
the kind under consideration the in- 
 vading race maintains a superior 
 birth rate at least until the invaded 
 race has succumbed through eco- 
 nomic competition, or force of arms. 
 
 In my tables there has been used 
 a ratio which is only one-half of the 
 present ratio of natural increase of 
 the Japanese in California. The ratio 
 in Hawaii is about the same as in 
 California. That half ratio, aug- 
 mented by immigration, doubles the 
 population in twenty years. In Japan 
 at present the population without im- 
 migration doubles in about fifty 
 years, it is said. 
 
 If the Japanese continue to come 
 into the United States the rate of in- 
 crease here will not drop to the 
 present standard of Japan for many 
 generations, in all probability. 
 
 The reasons are that ninety per 
 cent of those admitted here in the 
 past twenty years were between 14 
 and 44 years of age. They were in 
 the vigor of life, and, with imported 
 "picture brides," and with the in- 
 centive of citizenship for native-born 
 children established a high birth rate. 
 The clearly defined policy of Japan 
 in "peaceful penetration" of this 
 country will continue to send over 
 the same class of immigrants who 
 will rapidly reproduce, and condi- 
 tions here as to land ownership and 
 control will encourage such in- 
 crease. The continued influx of this 
 vigorous element alone would main- 
 tain here a higher birthrate than in 
 Japan; and when the Japanese birth 
 rate here drops to the standard in 
 Japan, or even lower, it will still be 
 far above the average white birth 
 rate here. 
 
 So that at best all that critics of 
 these figures can hope for is that 
 the final collapse of the American 
 Republic under the proposed percent- 
 age immigration plan may be post- 
 poned a generation or two. 
 
 Results under the Gentlemen's 
 Agreement as now operated by Japan 
 will be slower of attainment, but 
 equally certain in the end! 
 
 That is the situation which we 
 face. What is the remedy? 
 
 We Have Three Alternatives, 
 
 Herbert Quick has properly sensed 
 the importance of the Japanese prob- 
 
 lem to the American people. But he 
 did not, apparently, have the infor- 
 mation which would have shown him 
 the extreme gravity of the existing 
 situation and the danger that lies 
 either in a continuance of present 
 conditions or in the adoption of the 
 plan proposed by the League for 
 Constructive Immigration Legisla- 
 tion. 
 
 Those things are made plain by the 
 facts and iigures contained in this 
 article and the three preceding ones 
 published last month. 
 
 At present, apparently, there are 
 three alternative courses open to the 
 United States in this matter. It may 
 either: 
 
 1. Continue the present arrange- 
 ment and permit Japan to send us a 
 steady and increasing stream of Jap- 
 anese labor under cover of the gen- 
 tlemen's agreement, though in fla- 
 grant violation of its express terms; 
 or, 
 
 2. Replace the gentlemen's agree- 
 ment by the Gulick League plan for 
 restricting immigration upon a per- 
 centage basis, and incidentally in- 
 suring Asiatics admission to the 
 country as immigrants and citizens 
 in a guaranteed proportion; or, 
 
 3. Cancel the gentlemen's agree- 
 ment, and join Canada and Australia 
 in barring Japanese and all unde- 
 sirable Asiatics from citizenship or 
 permanent residence in tne country, 
 as a measure of protection for the 
 white race and American institutions. 
 
 CONSEQUENCE OF THE PRESENT 
 PLAN. 
 It has been shown that under the 
 present plan the Japanese population 
 in this country has multiplied six- 
 fold since 1900, while the Chinese 
 population has decreased over one- 
 half; that the Japanese births in Cal- 
 ifornia multiplied twenty-fold in the 
 past twelve years; that the Japanese 
 birth rat^ per thousand in communi- 
 ties In that State Is five times as 
 prreat as that of the whites; thnt In 
 Industries and entire communities 
 whites have been displaced by Japan- 
 ese, who by concentration make 
 their numbers count; that California 
 sees ahead of her the fate of Hawaii, 
 which already is hopelessly Japan- 
 
 41 
 
 ese; that the Japanese In Hawaii 
 comprise half the total Jopulatlon 
 and more than four times that of any 
 other race, and now dominate social 
 and political matters, while in a com- 
 paratively few years they will rule 
 the territory by the votes of native- 
 born Japanese, who are not Ameri- 
 cans, but Japanese in sympathies, 
 Ideals and loyalty; that what has 
 happened In Hawaii and is steadily 
 progressing in California will be 
 brought about inevitably In time In 
 other favored portions of the United 
 States under continuance of existing 
 conditions nntll eventually this 
 country becomes a province of Japan. 
 CONSEQUENCES UNDER GULICK 
 
 LEAGUE PLANS. 
 
 So far as concerns the second alter- 
 native the Gulick League Plan, the 
 facts presented show that it promises 
 much but performs little; that ♦ 
 4 under it the tide of Japanese + 
 + immigration coming in in gross ♦ 
 + violation of the Gentlmen's ♦ 
 + Agreement would not be lessened ♦ 
 + but would be steadily Increased; ♦ 
 + that It formnlly endorses, as de- ♦ 
 + sirable immigrants and citizens, ♦ 
 + members of a race which experi- ♦ 
 + ence has shown cannot be asslm- ♦ 
 + Hated into our Nation, and which ♦ 
 + in economic competition has ♦ 
 + driven the white race to the wall ♦ 
 + wherever the two have met; and + 
 + that any endorsement of the plan ♦ 
 + by intelligent and loyal Amerl- ♦ 
 + cans must have been given in + 
 + Ignorance of these facts neces- ♦ 
 + sarlly. ♦ 
 
 THE EXCLUSION PLAN 
 
 The plain statement of the case 
 should remove either the first or sec- 
 ond alernative course from further 
 serious consideration by the country. 
 There remains, then, the third course 
 + —cancellation of the Gentlemen's ♦ 
 + Agreement and absolute exclu- ♦ 
 + sion for the future of Japanese ♦ 
 + and other undesirable or econom- + 
 ♦ ically dangerous Asiatics, either ♦ 
 + as immigrants or citizens. ♦ 
 
 That course certainly would pre- 
 vent spread of the evil, so far as 
 spread thereof may be legally or 
 justly prevented; and it is obviously, 
 
42 
 
 as shown by careful consideration of 
 the situation, the only method by 
 which any adequate remedy may be 
 applied. 
 
 Even that remedy will fail to effect 
 a cure in Hawaii for many genera- 
 tions, if it ever can be done, and dis- 
 tricts of the Pacific Coast must bear 
 for years the burden placed upon 
 them by the bad faith of Japan, and 
 the blind complaisance of Washington. 
 
 As Herbert Quick says, this Nation 
 has the right and the power to protect 
 itself in this way. There are only two 
 arguments that have been or can be 
 offered against it; and both have been 
 gently urged by Dr. Gulick in his 
 campaign, and would have been 
 pressed, doubtless, upon the House 
 Committee on Immigration had it, 
 in compliance with the request made, 
 held executive sessions on the sub- 
 ject. 
 
 The Hurt to Japan's Pride. 
 
 One argument is that such a course 
 would be hurtful to the pride of 
 Japan, a friendly nation. 
 
 Japan's pride can be hurt only if 
 it insists on being hurt when she de- 
 mands and is refused an unfair and 
 unjust thing, and a thing which she 
 in turn has fairly and justly refused 
 to other nations of her own color — 
 to wit, Korea and China. 
 
 And if she does insist on feeling 
 humiliated, or so declares, Shall we 
 be governed in our conduct of this 
 nation by the false pride, even of a 
 friendly power, or by the unmistaker 
 able requirements of our own safety? 
 
 The Mailed Fist. 
 
 The other argument is that if 
 Japan resents our action in the mat- 
 ter the peace of the world may be 
 disturbed, meaning that the United 
 States may have to go to war. 
 
 ♦ Is it not about time that the 4 
 
 ♦ world, and particularly the ♦ 
 
 ♦ United States, ceased to accord ♦ 
 
 ♦ to Japan everything she de- ♦ 
 + mands, just or unjust, under the ♦ 
 
 ♦ threat, sometimes veiled and ♦ 
 
 ♦ sometimes outspoken, that oth- ♦ 
 
 ♦ erwlse she will not play In our + 
 
 ♦ back yard, and may even throw ♦ 
 
 ♦ bricks through our exposed ♦ 
 
 ♦ windows? + 
 
 ♦ What kind of Americanism is ♦ 
 
 + it that demands, or suggests, ♦ 
 + such a humiliating national pol- ♦ 
 
 ♦ icy when we are plainly in the ♦ 
 
 ♦ right, and when our compliance ♦ 
 + with demands, or even accept- ♦ 
 
 ♦ ance of existing conditions, ♦ 
 
 ♦ shells certain danger and possi- ♦ 
 + ble disaster to the American + 
 + home and American institutions? ♦ 
 
 Herbert Quick says, referring to 
 the countries of Asia,, "We simply 
 will not admit immigration from 
 those countries freely, no matter 
 what the consequences." 
 
 To which might be added: "If there 
 
 be any American who, after careful 
 consideration of the facts as now of- 
 fered to the public, favors yielding 
 to the demands or desires of Japan, 
 whether presented formally through 
 her own representatives or in a 
 roundabout way through some of our 
 misguided or misinformed citizens, 
 let him stand up and be counted." 
 
 + The situation calls for ac- ♦ 
 
 ♦ tion — action deliberate and tact- ♦ 
 + ful, so far as tact does not mean ♦ 
 
 ♦ delay or diversion from the ♦ 
 4 main purpose— but, above all, ♦ 
 + action prompt and decisive. ♦ 
 
 JAPANESE OR AMERICANS 
 
 Which Shall Rule and Occupy the United States in Years 
 
 to Come? 
 
 A compendium of facts already published. 
 
 ^DER the title of "Indisputable Facts and Figures Proving California 
 will become Japanized Unless Yellow Peril Stamped Out," the December 
 number of the Grizzly Bear, official organ of the Native Sons and Native 
 Daughters of the Golden West, publishes the following article by V. S. 
 McClatchy, publisher of The Bee: 
 
 u 
 
 Position and privilege carry with 
 them obligation and responsibility. 
 We, who were born under the sunny 
 skies of California, who feel and pro- 
 fess a love for the glorious State, cer- 
 tainly owe her support and protection 
 in her hour of need and danger. 
 
 The Native Sons and Native Daugh- 
 ters of the Golden West, who have 
 sought through their organization to 
 make public profession of the love 
 and fealty that is in them cannot strive 
 in a better cause than in safeguard- 
 guarding the State's future freedom 
 from foreign enslavement, and in in- 
 suring to their children and to their 
 children's children the enjoyment of 
 California's hills and valleys in the 
 glorious years to come. 
 
 And when the same danger that 
 threatens the State threatens equally, 
 in time, the entire Nation, then is their 
 duty as Californians reinforced by 
 their greater duty as Americans, to 
 meet and overcome the impending 
 peril. 
 
 The State and the Nation are faced 
 now by such a danger! It has already 
 
 developed within our State, and, un- 
 less opposed and conquered, will de- 
 stroy the State for white occupation 
 within a comparatively short time, 
 and then rapidly extend until other 
 States, and all States, eventually, suc- 
 cumb. 
 
 Not a Matter of Opinion. 
 
 Even under existing conditions it 
 will be a matter of a few generations 
 only before the Japanese will have so 
 increased in this State that, with the 
 advantages possessed by them in eco- 
 nomic competition, they will have 
 successfully ousted the white races 
 from desirable industries and from all 
 desirable localities, as has been done 
 already in a few locations. The result 
 will be hastened if legislation now 
 urged in Congress shall be passed. 
 
 This is not simply the expression of 
 an individual opinion, open to criti- 
 cism and possessing no weight in the 
 face of opposing opinion; it is the 
 statement of an incontrovertible fact, 
 mathematically demonstrated by ac- 
 knowledged conditions, and by statis- 
 
43 
 
 tics which have not yet been contra- 
 dicted or met, though they were first 
 presented by me in opposition to the 
 proposed bill of Sidney L. Gulick be- 
 fore the Congressional House Immi- 
 gration Committee in June of this 
 year. 
 
 It is a source of gratification, there- 
 fore, to know that the Native Sons 
 and Native Daughters have risen al- 
 ready to the occasion and launched in 
 Los Angeles an organization — the Los 
 Angeles County Anti-Asiatic Associa- 
 tion — in favor of Asiatic exclusion, 
 and that individual Parlors of these 
 Orders throughout the State have 
 adopted ringing resolutions asking 
 their Congressional representatives to 
 commence remedial measures. 
 
 The Real Ihhuc 
 
 The brotherhood of man and the 
 Golden Rule are appealed to by those 
 who would inundate us gradually with 
 the yellow tide from Japan; but 
 neither principle calls for the surren- 
 der by the white race of their favored 
 land to a yellow race which covets it 
 because it offers advantages superior 
 to those which can be found else- 
 where. Remember, always, that this 
 problem in its final analysis is simply, 
 ''Shall this country of ours be held for 
 our white descendants, or shall it be 
 turned over to the Japanese, that they 
 may rule those descendants as they 
 rule in Korea to-day?" 
 
 Remember, again, that there is in- 
 volved in the subject no question as 
 to racial equality, no reflection upon 
 the Japanese. In fact, our stand upon 
 this matter includes a frank admis- 
 sion that the Japanese are so much 
 our superiors in certain admirable 
 qualities, such as economy, industry 
 and discipline, that, coupled with 
 their lower standards of living, they 
 would drive the white race to the wall 
 in open economic competition, and 
 that this disaster will inevitably fol- 
 low if the Japanese are admitted to 
 the country, or to certain portions 
 thereof, in sufficient numbers to make 
 their economic advantages count. 
 
 Japan Makes Precedent. 
 
 And remember, too, that the right 
 which we claim of protecting our 
 people and our institutions against 
 the importation of cheap labor with 
 
 lower standards of living Is precisely 
 the right claimed and exercised by 
 Japan herself, notwithstanding her 
 vociferous protestations against our 
 attitude and her demand for "racial 
 equality," as a basis for free admis- 
 sion for her immigrants to the United 
 States, Canada and Australia; that 
 under Imperial Ordinance No. 352, 
 Japan does not admit, and never has 
 admitted, the cheap labor of Korea 
 and China, notwithstanding it is also 
 yellow in color, and says publicly that 
 she excludes these people because 
 their lower standards of living would 
 make -their competition unfair to the 
 Japanese. 
 
 It is assumed that no one will ques- 
 tion the propriety of the principles 
 outlined above, provided the facts are 
 as represented. It remains only to 
 present those facts. Incidentally, it 
 should be said that in the space of a 
 magazine article, the matter can be 
 presented in outline only, and those 
 who desire fuller explanations and de- 
 tails and the statistics are referred to 
 statements made by me before the 
 House Immigration Committee, Sep- 
 tember 25th, and before the Senate 
 Immigration Committee, October 10th. 
 of this year, and now in print; or tc 
 my published articles which have 
 since been issued in booklet form. 
 "The Gentlemen's Agreement." 
 The established policy of the United 
 States is against Asiatic immigration, 
 because the lower standards of living 
 of these immigrants and their pos- 
 sible number would seriously endan- 
 ger the happiness and prosperity of 
 our people, and the perpetuity of our 
 institutions. The Chinese are kept 
 out under the Exclusion Act. Japan 
 was touched in her pride, or said she 
 was, by having her laborers excluded 
 by law, and offered to exclude them 
 voluntarily, if sho- was not placed in 
 the same category with China. Hence 
 the "Gentlemen's Agreement," which 
 has been in operation since 1907, and 
 under which Japan, it was understood, 
 would restrict immigration of Jap- 
 anese to this country as immigration 
 of Chinese was restricted by law. 
 The declared object of the agreement 
 was to prevent Japanese laborers, 
 skilled and unskilled, coming into 
 continental United States. No Jap- 
 
 anese, unless born under the Amer- 
 ican Flag in Hawaii, and therefore a 
 citizen, may enter any port of conti- 
 nental United States unless he carries 
 Japan's passport, which is in effect 
 Japan's word as a "gentleman" that 
 the immigrant is not a laborer, and 
 does not come to labor. 
 
 The agreement has been grossly 
 violated by Japan. It is only neces- 
 sary to say that the Japanese popula- 
 tion of the United States since 1900 
 has increased six-fold, while the Chi- 
 nese population has decreased over 
 one-half; and Japan was to have se- 
 cured under the agreement results as 
 to the Japanese similar to those se- 
 cured as to the Chinese by the Exclu- 
 sion Act. 
 
 So that, even if the agreement had 
 been kept in good faith, it has failed 
 entirely to accomplish the clearly- 
 declared purpose for which it was en- 
 tered into, and should therefore be 
 abrogated. As a matter of fact, it 
 could have accomplished that purpose 
 had Japan acted up to its letter and 
 its spirit. Under that agreement as 
 now operating, it would require only 
 a few generations to make of Califor- 
 nia an economic principality of Japan, 
 and drive Californians to other States, 
 where, in time, they would have to 
 succumb to the ever-increasing yellow 
 tide from Japan. 
 
 Many Japanese Coming. 
 
 From 10,000 to 12,000 Japanese im- 
 migrants are coming in each year 
 under this agreement; and most of 
 them are at labor within a few weeks 
 after their arrival, while others go 
 into gainful occupations which dis- 
 place whites. 
 
 The Japanese population of Califor- 
 nia by immigration has increased 
 about 50,000 since 1907, when the 
 agreement was made, and most of 
 these immigrants are laborers. Each 
 laborer forms a separate violation of 
 the "Gentlemen's Agreement." 
 
 "Picture Brides" have been im- 
 ported at the rate of over 4,000 a year 
 for the past five years, most of them 
 being laborers and performing the 
 work of men in field or shop, in addi- 
 tion to bearing children, at the rate 
 usually of one a year. In 1918, the 
 total Japanese immigration was 10,- 
 168, of which over one-half, 5,347, were 
 
44 
 
 females. In 1900 in the United States 
 there were twenty-five male Japanese 
 to one female. In 1910 there were 
 seven males to one female. At pres- 
 ent, it is estimated that the proportion 
 is about three to one. 
 
 "Picture Brides" as Laborers. 
 The "Picture Bride," when she Is a 
 laborer, Is a direct violation of the 
 "Gentlemen's Agreement." As a 
 
 mother, she is a cunning- subterfuge 
 for evading the intent of the agree- 
 ment and increasing the Japanese 
 population of the United States. Not- 
 withstanding the fact that the Jap- 
 anese females are outnumbered by 
 the males in this country about three 
 to one, while among the white races 
 the sexes are about equal in number, 
 the birth rate per thousand among 
 the Japaneces in Sacramento and 
 other cities in California is five times 
 as great as among the white popula- 
 tion. 
 
 In the ten years following the adop- 
 tion of the agreement, Japanese births 
 in this State multiplied twenty-fold. 
 Last year they numbered 4,365. The 
 Chinese births in California are less 
 than one-tenth of the Japanese, and 
 their death rate is twice as large as 
 the birth rate. The Japanese birth 
 rate is between four and five times 
 as great as their death rate. 
 
 MANY JAPANESE ARE NATIVES. 
 
 There are In California about 25,000 
 Japanese native sons and daughters, 
 each one claiming: the right to hold 
 land through a guardian, and many 
 of them utilized for that purpose. 
 
 Los Angeles is the most populous 
 county in the State, and in that 
 county in May, 1919, outside of incor- 
 porated cities, the number of Japanese 
 births was one-third of the aggregate 
 births among all white races, as noted 
 in the Los Angeles Times of June 
 30, 1919. 
 
 In Sacramento County, outside of 
 Sacramento City, in 1918 the Japanese 
 births exceeded the white births. The 
 1910 census showed eight times as 
 many whites as Japanese in that dis- 
 trict. , 
 
 What Japanese Press Urges. 
 
 Since my articles have called atten- 
 tion to these matters there has been 
 
 continuous comment in the Japanese 
 newspapers of the State. One 1 of them 
 published in San Francisco urged the 
 Japanese to import as many "picture 
 brides" and secure as much California 
 land as possible before restrictive 
 measures are adopted by the State or 
 the Nation. 
 
 increase of Japanese Under Existing 
 Conditions. 
 
 The official figures presented 
 above will prepare the reader to con- 
 sider seriously and to credit the 
 astounding statement that tables 
 carefully compiled show that under 
 existing conditions the Japanese pop- 
 ulation of this country will increase 
 so rapidly that in a few generations 
 they will drive the whites out of Cali- 
 fornia, and in much less than 200 
 years can annex the United States as 
 a principality of Japan, the Americans 
 and their descendants outnumbered, 
 driven to the wall through economic 
 competition, and Koreanized. 
 
 Gullck Plan Means Great Influx. 
 
 Under the Gulick plan, as urged 
 upon Congress, the Japanese immi- 
 gration would be increased in a few 
 years beyond the present figures. 
 Careful tables of increase of Japanese 
 population in the United States under 
 that plan, and assuming that the ex- 
 cess of births over deaths will be only 
 one-half of that now shown, place the 
 total in 1923 at 318,600; in 1933 at 
 542,000; in 1943 at 875,000; in 1963 at 
 2,000,000; in 2003 at 10,000,000; in 2063 
 at 100,000,000! 
 
 Examination of results secured by 
 Japanese colonization in Hawaii and 
 California will convince any one that 
 long before the last date named the 
 whites would have been driven to the 
 wall either by economic competition 
 or by force of arms, and that the 
 world's glorious Republic would have 
 become an appendage of Japan. Un- 
 der operation of the "Gentlemen's 
 Agreement," as now working, the re- 
 sult would be equally certain, but it 
 might take a little longer. 
 
 A year ago this statement would 
 have been laughed at. Remember, to- 
 day, that the facts and figures upon 
 which it is based have been before 
 the American public and before the 
 House Committee on Immigration 
 
 since June of this year and neither 
 Sidney L. Gulick nor any other cham- 
 pion of the Japanese, or of the policy 
 of opening our ports to them, has 
 attempted to disprove their correct- 
 ness. 
 
 A Non-Assimilable Race. 
 
 The numbers of the Japanese and 
 the manner in which they will inevi- 
 tably increase in this country form 
 but one factor, however, in the men- 
 ace which they offer. 
 
 They do not assimilate! The melt- 
 ing pot does not affect them as it 
 does in time the most refractory of 
 the European races. They remain al- 
 ways Japanese. They maintain their 
 racial purity more jealously than any 
 other race which comes to our shores. 
 They preserve their ideals, their cus- 
 toms, their language, their loyalty 
 to Japan, even when "born here, partly 
 because Japan never ceases to hold 
 them as Japanese citizens, and partly 
 because they are taught in Japanese 
 schools by Japanese teachers who fre- 
 quently speak no English, and have 
 no sympathy with American ideals. 
 It is a dangerous experiment to at- 
 tempt to make good American citizens 
 of such material! 
 
 Illustrated In Hawaii. 
 
 The nature of this problem is well 
 illustrated in Hawaii,. Concerning 
 the lesson taught there, Sidney L. 
 Gulick himself declared in 1914, in his 
 pamphlet "Hawaii's American-Japa- 
 nese Problem": 
 
 ''If, as Asiatics, they maintain their 
 traditional conceptions of God, nature 
 and man; of male and female; of hus- 
 band and wife; of parent and child; 
 of ruler and ruled; of the state and 
 the individual, the permanent mainte- 
 nance in Hawaii of American democ- 
 racy, American homes and American 
 liberty is impossible." 
 
 The standards of living of the Jap- 
 anese are much lower than ours. Un- 
 less we are willing to work twelve, 
 fifteen or eighteen hours a day, to 
 forego recreation and pleasure, and 
 the comforts of American homes; and 
 to have our women slave in the fields, 
 and incidentally bear a child a year, 
 then it is hopeless for us to attempt 
 economic competition with the Japa- 
 nese. In such a competition in this 
 
45 
 
 country, the white race, even the in- 
 dustrious, hard-working immigrants 
 from Europe, must inevitably go to 
 the wall. 
 
 Concentrate Their Number*. 
 The Japanese do not distribute 
 themselves throughout the country so 
 as to make a weak solution of Japa- 
 nese in a great reservoir of Ameri- 
 cans. They concentrate their num- 
 bers in those localities and industries 
 where most profit can be secured with 
 least effort and least discomftfft, and 
 have a co-operation which is more 
 effective than that shown by arty 
 American labor union. In this State, 
 for instance, there are say 100,000 
 Japanese in a total population of 
 3,600,000, but three-quarters $>f that 
 100,000 are found in seven of our 
 fifty-eight counties, and concentrated 
 generally in a few favored localities 
 in those counties. 
 
 Under such policy, and with their 
 economic advantages and thej assist- 
 ance received from their government 
 through banks and commissions, it is 
 comparatively easy to conquer one 
 district, drive the whites therefrom, 
 and let newcomers concentrate in 
 other localities. So, in time, the fa- 
 vored spots of the State must suc- 
 cumb — and, unless the remedy is ap- 
 plied, the favored spots of other 
 states. 
 
 Three Elements of Menace. 
 Here are before us, then, the three 
 elements which make Japanese immi- 
 gration such a grave danger to the 
 country: 
 
 First — They do not, and perhaps 
 never will, assimilate. 
 
 Second — They have a birth rate so 
 much greater than the whites that 
 time only would be necessary for 
 them to outnumber the whites in 
 communities to which they are ad- 
 mitted. 
 
 Third — Their low standards of liv- 
 ing, co-operation and thrift give 
 them advantages in economic compe- 
 tition against which it is hopeless for 
 whites to compete. 
 
 Hawaii Controlled by Japanese. 
 
 Let us glance, now, at what the 
 Japanese, because of the factors 
 
 named, have already accomplished un- 
 der the American Flag. A brief out- 
 line of the facts, coupled with the 
 undisputed figures as to the rate at 
 which their numbers will increase 
 under existing conditions, furnishes 
 conclusive reply to those who insist 
 that the danger is a fancied and not 
 a real one, and that we can afford to 
 wait until it matures further. 
 
 Hawaii is under the American Flag, 
 but it has been practically conquered 
 by the Japanese. Half the entire pop- 
 ulation of the territory is now Japa- 
 nese, and they number four times 
 as many as those of any other race. 
 They boast in their newspapers that 
 by the votes of native-born Japanese 
 they will hold the balance of power as 
 between Republicans and Democrats 
 before 1933, and it is equally certain 
 that within a generation they will 
 outvote a combination of all other 
 races in the territory. Their influence 
 is already so great, in advance of the 
 actual voting strength, that they de- 
 feated a bill before the territorial 
 legislature in June of this year which 
 would have forced teachers in Japa- 
 nese and other foreign-language 
 schools to know enough of the Eng- 
 lish language and American civics and 
 history to teach the young American 
 citizens some of their duties and obli- 
 gations. The Japanese teachers do 
 not fulfill these requirements. 
 
 The Japanese naturally control a 
 number of industries in Hawaii, in 
 which white or native labor was for- 
 merly employed. 
 
 California Following: Hawaii. 
 
 What has already happened in j 
 Hawaii is now in progress in Cali- ! 
 fornia. Look at Florin and Walnut ! 
 Grove, in Sacramento County, and j 
 various communities in the Sacra- 
 mento and San Joaquin valleys, where 
 the white population has already been 
 displaced. Look at the orchard dis- 
 tricts now largely dominated by Japa- 
 nese, at blocks of thousands of acres 
 now being colonized by them; note 
 their increased ownership of land 
 through dummy corporations and 
 native-born Japanese under guard- 
 ians; see their ■ increased control of 
 the rice fields; consider the Imperial 
 Valley; recall entire districts in the 
 fine residence portion of San Fran- 
 
 cisco and other cities from which the 
 whites have been driven. Will we 
 heed the lesson? 
 
 In Oregon, a large tract of 11,000 
 acres has just been purchased by 
 Japanese, on which these people will 
 concentrate for growth of garden 
 truck, largely potatoes. 
 
 A National Problem. 
 
 In Seattle, forty-seven per cent of 
 all hotels and lodging-houses, in- 
 cluding the big, pretentious hotels, 
 are owned by the Japanese, and a 
 corresponding number of restaurants, 
 garages, commission houses and small 
 business enterprises. 
 
 In the Hood River apple district of 
 Oregon they have already secured 
 control of a large percentage of the 
 orchards. In Colorado they own prac- 
 tically the Rocky Ford melon busi- 
 ness, with control of 85 per cent of 
 the district and the crop. 
 
 It should be apparent to the intelli- 
 gent investigator that what has al- 
 ready happened in Hawaii is now 
 taking place in California; that un- 
 less drastic remedies are at once 
 applied, existing conditions will in a 
 comparatively short time produce 
 here such results as are noted there; 
 that other favored sections of the 
 Pacific Coast states will suffer in 
 turn; and gradually, as the incoming 
 yellow tide increases, first the most 
 favored districts of other states must 
 succumb, and ultimately all desirable 
 portions of all states. 
 
 The problem, therefore, is not a 
 California problem, or even a Pacific 
 Coast problem, but a National prob- 
 lem. Adequate relief can come only 
 from the Federal Government, which 
 has, unwittingly, imposed the burden 
 upon us and blindly permitted it to 
 grow. 
 
 Propaganda for Increase of the Evil. 
 As proof of the necessity for imme- 
 diate action and continued vigilance 
 in the matter, it should be remem- 
 bered that for over five years Japan 
 conducted a wonderful propaganda 
 in the United States, through Sidney 
 L. Gulick, for the purpose of securing 
 admission of all Asiatics to this coun- 
 try as immigrants and citizens on the 
 same plane as Europeans, and taking 
 away from the states any authority 
 
46 
 
 in handling matters in connection 
 with the rights of aliens. 
 
 Gulick secured endorsement of that 
 policy from the Federal Council of 
 the Churches of Christ in America, the 
 most powerful church federation in 
 the country, comprising over 100,000 
 churches and 17,000,000 members, and 
 was employed by the council under 
 salary while he conducted his propa- 
 ganda. 
 
 He organized, a year or more ago, 
 the League for Constructive Immi- 
 gration Legislation, for the ostensible 
 purpose of proticting American citi- 
 zenship by restricting undesirable 
 immigration, and secured the names 
 of nearly one thousand prominent 
 Americans in the various states of 
 the Union as sponsors for the league. 
 He formulated a bill which he pre- 
 sented in the name of the league to 
 the House Committee on Immigration 
 in June of this year, which bill pro- 
 posed to safeguard immigration by 
 limiting it to a percentage of those 
 various races who now claim, or may 
 hereafter claim, American citizen- 
 ship. 
 
 How Scheme Would Work. 
 
 Incidentally, however, that bill was 
 a framework in which reposed his 
 main objective — throwing open our 
 ports to the admission of Asiatics as 
 immigrants and citizens. As before 
 stated, the bill would permit the ad- 
 mission of more Japanese than now 
 come in under the violations of the 
 "Gentlemen's Agreement." And un- 
 der its provisions, too, we could not 
 admit one Belgian, Spaniard or Por- 
 tuguese unless we admitted from 100 
 to 600 Germans; nor one Chinaman 
 unless we admitted ten Japanese. 
 
 It is gratifying to know that most 
 of Gulick's Committee of One Thou- 
 sand, on learning the facts, have repu- 
 diated the League; and that his 
 measure is dead in Congress because 
 he could not make reply to those 
 facts, a few of which are herein 
 quoted. 
 
 But Senator Dillingham of Vermont 
 has introduced in the Senate, and 
 had referred to the Senate Committee 
 on Immigration, a similar bill, which, 
 while it does not admit Asiatics to 
 citizenship, would enormously in- 
 crease the number of Japanese who 
 
 could come in as immigrants, not 
 only above the number now coming, 
 but even above the number which 
 could come under the Gulick plan. 
 The Obvious Remedies. 
 
 Through lack of understanding of 
 the subject, and the impression that 
 the Californians are influenced in this 
 matter simply by race prejudice, Con- 
 gress and the East have been dis- 
 inclined in years past to consider 
 the menace of Japanese immigra- 
 tion seriously. Shantung and Siberia 
 have given these doubters cause for 
 thought as to Japan, and they are 
 now in a receptive mood. It is the 
 psychological moment for spreading 
 the light of facts throughout the Na- 
 tion, and creating a mental impres- 
 sion' which will stand against Japa- 
 nese propaganda in the future, and 
 afford substantial basis for remedial 
 action by Congress. 
 
 It is through the weak complais- 
 ance and the blindness of our Fed- 
 eral Government, and the bad faith of 
 Japan, that the burden has been 
 placed upon us. It is only through 
 Federal action that adequate reme- 
 dies can be applied. And concerted 
 effort should be made to secure reme- 
 dial legislation before the menace 
 has become too deeply intrenched. 
 The remedies which I have suggested 
 are: 
 
 First — Cancellation of the "Gentle- 
 men's Agreement." 
 
 Second — Exclusion of "picture 
 brides." 
 
 Third — Absolute exclusion of Japa- 
 nese, with other Asiatics, as immi- 
 grants. 
 
 Fourth — Confirmation and legaliza- 
 tion of the principle that Asiatics 
 shall be forever barred from citizen- 
 ship. 
 
 Fifth — Amendment of Section 1 of 
 Article XIV of the Federal Constitu- 
 tion, providing that no child born in 
 the United States of foreign parents 
 shall be eligible to American citizen- 
 ship unless both parents are eligible 
 to such citizenship. 
 Time to Fight "Peaceful Penetration." 
 
 The facts properly marshaled and 
 considered in their relation to each 
 other furnish striking evidence of the 
 undoubted policy of Japan to secure, 
 by ''peaceful penetration," a place in 
 
 this favored land for an unlimited 
 number of her people, and, ultimately, 
 to obtain through them absolute con- 
 trol of the country. In this matter 
 economic conquest would be quite as 
 effective as conquest by force of 
 arms. 
 
 The facts, too, show that we have 
 to deal with a cunning, persistent and 
 implacable antagonist, much our su- 
 perior in adroitness and in the use 
 of diplomatic subterfuges; and that 
 the Nation can not be saved without 
 the creation of a public sentiment 
 which will put backbone into the 
 Federal Administration, which in the 
 past has permitted Japan to cajole 
 and bluff it on any and all issues. 
 
 Japan and her friends have inti- 
 mated that there will be a serious 
 break, and possibly war, between the 
 two nations if we insist on protect- 
 ing our people and the future of the 
 Republic by any such restrictive 
 measures as are herein suggested — 
 the only ones which will prove effec- 
 tive. That has ever been the insid- 
 ious suggestion from Japan, supple- 
 menting her plea that the pride of 
 her people must be respected. 
 If Japan Fair, No War. 
 
 If Japan is fair in this matter, there 
 will be no war, for our position is 
 not only just and similar to that of 
 Japan in Asia, but is necessary for 
 our future welfare. If Japan insists 
 on being unreasonable, is it not about 
 time that Americans should demand 
 that the Federal Administration gov- 
 ern this country for the benefit, pres- 
 ent and future, of Americans, and not 
 in accordance with the request or 
 threat of a foreign nation? 
 
 Our present problem has been cre- 
 ated by our weak yielding to such 
 demands, or threats, in the past. 
 Japan does not attempt such tactics 
 with Canada or Australia, which 
 rigorously exclude Japanese under 
 the same laws as govern the immigra- 
 tion into those countries of other 
 Asiatics. 
 
 This is our country! It rests with 
 us to say whether we shall share it 
 with the yellow races or not. It is 
 time that we spoke in unmistakable 
 terms to the world on this subject, 
 and that we back up our announced 
 policy in any way necessary for its 
 maintenance. 
 

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