; Ili il 11 111 il THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES GIFT THE WORKS OF HONOREDE BALZAC About Cathenn Medici .herine de GAM "Treason, Madame! ... Be sure that this fel- low does not escape !" (About Catherine de Medici, page /J/) TRANSLATED BY CLARA BELL M AN INTRODUCTION BY GEORGE SAINTSBURY FRED I.UKAU K ' S> PUBLISHERS WlftW VORK THE WORKS OF HONORE-DE-BALZAC About Catherine de Medici (Sur Catherine de Medicis) AND GAMBARA TRANSLATED BY CLARA BELL WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY GEORGE SAINTSBURY FRED DEFAU & COMPANY PUBLISHERS NEW YORK This Edition Limited to 1000 Copies 8i6 No. Copyrighted 1901 BY JOHN D. AVIL Sill Rights Rcser-vc/i College library VQ CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION ix ABOUT CATHERINE D> MEDICI: PREFACE 3 PART I. THE CAI.VINIST MARTYR - 44 " II. THE RUGGIERl'S SECRET - 233 " III. THE TWO DREAMS - - 308 GAMBARA - . . . -32? L053073 ILLUSTRATIONS PHOTOGRAVURES "TREASON, MADAME! BE SURE THAT THIS FEU.OW DOES NOT ESCAPE 1 ." (131) - - - - - Frontisfiiect PAOK CHRISTOPHE IN PRISON - 163 LORKNZO RUGGIERI .... 290 COUNT ANDREA MARCOSINI ... 328 INTRODUCTION THIS book (as to which it is important to remember the Surl if injustice is not to be done to the intentions of the author) 4 has plenty of interest of more kinds than one ; but it is per- haps more interesting because of the place it holds in Bal- zac's work than for itself. He had always considerable hankerings after the historical novel: his early and lifelong devotion to Scott would sufficiently account for that. More than one of the (Euvres de Jeunesse attempts the form in a more or less conscious way : the Chouans, the first successful book, definitely attempts it; but by far the most ambitious attempt is to be found in the book before us. It is most probable that it was of this, if of anything of his own, that Balzac was thinking when, in 1846, he wrote disdainfully to Madame Hanska about Dumas, and expressed himself to- wards Les Trois Mousquetaires (which had whiled bim through a day of cold and inability to work) nearly as un- gratefully as Carlyle did towards Captain Marryat. And though it is, let it be repeated, a mistake, and a rather un- fair mistake, to give such a title to the book as might induce readers to regard it as a single and definite novel, of which Catherine is the heroine, though it is made up of three parts written at very different times, it has a unity which the in- troduction shows to some extent, and which a rejected preface 1 given by M. de Lovenjoul shows still better. To understand this, we must remember that Balaae, though not exactly an historical scholar, was a considerable T INTRODUCTION student of history; and that, although rather an amateur politician, he was a constant thinker and writer on political subjects. We must add to these remembrances the fact of his intense interest in all such matters as Alchemy, the Elixir of Life, and so forth, to which the sixteenth century in general, and Catherine de' Medici in particular, were known to be devoted. All these interests of his met in the present book, the parts of which appeared in inverse order, and the genesis of which is important enough to make it desirable to incorporate some of the usual bibliographical matter in the substance of this preface. The third and shortest, Les Deux Reves, a piece partly suggestive of the famous Prophecy of Cazotte and other legends of the Eevolution (but with more retrospective than prospective view), is dated as early as 1828 (before the turning-point), and was actually pub- lished in a periodical in 1830. La Confidence des Ruggieri, written in 1836 (and, as I have noted in the general intro- duction, according to its author, in a single night) followed, and Le Martyr Calmniste, which had several titles, and was advertised as in preparation for a long time, did not come till 1841. It is unnecessary to say that all are interesting. The per- sonages, both imaginary and historical, appear at times in a manner worthy of Balzac; many separate scenes are ex- cellent; and, to those who care to perceive them, the various occupations of the author appear in the most interesting manner. Politically, his object was, at least by his own ac- count, to defend the maxim that private and public morality are different ; that the policy of a state cannot be, and ought not to be, governed by the same considerations of duty to its neighbors as those which ought to govern the conduct of an individual. The very best men those least liable to the INTRODUCTION Tl slightest imputation of corrupt morals and motives have endorsed this principle; though it has been screamed at by a few fanatics, a somewhat larger number of persons who found their account in so doing, and a great multitude of hasty, dense, or foolish folk. But it was something of a mark of that amateurishness which spoilt Balzac's dealing with the subject to choose the sixteenth century for his text. For every cool-headed student of history and ethics will admit that it was precisely the abuse of this principle at this time, and by persons of whom Catherine de' Medici, if not the most blamable, has had the most blame put on her, that brought the principle itself into discredit. Between the as- sertion that the strictest morality of the Sermon on the Mount must obtain between nation and nation, between governor and governed, and the maxim that in politics the end of public safety justifies any means whatever, there is a perfectly im- mense gulf fixed. If, however, we turn from this somewhat academic point, and do not dwell very much on the occult and magical sides of the matter, interesting as they are, we shall be brought at once face to face with the question, Is the handling of this book the right and proper one for an historical novel? Can we in virtue of it rank Balzac (this is the test which he would himself, beyond all question, have accepted) a long way above Dumas and near Scott? I must say that I can see no possibility of answer except, "Certainly not." For the historical novel depends almost more than any other division of the kind upon interest of gtory. Interest of story is not, as has been several times pointed out, at any time Balzac's main appeal, and he has succeeded in it here less than in most other places. He has discussed too much; he has brought in too many personages rll INTRODUCTION without sufficient interest of plot; but, above all, he exhibits throughout an incapacity to handle his materials in the pe- culiar way required. How long he was before he grasped "the way to do it," even on his own special lines, is the com- monplace and refrain of all writing about him. Now, to this special kind he gave comparatively little attention, and the result is that he mastered it less than any other. In the best stories of Dumas (and the best number some fifteen or twenty at least) the interest of narrative, of adventure, of what will happen to the personages, takes you by the throat at once, and never lets you go till the end. There is little or nothing of this sort here. The three stories are excellently well-in- formed studies, very curious and interesting in divers ways. The Ruggieri is perhaps something more; but it is, as its author no doubt honestly entitled it, much more an Etude Philosophique than an historical novelette. In short, this was not Balzac's way. We need not be sorry it is very rarely necessary to be that that he tried it; we may easily forgive him for not recognizing the ease and certainty with which Dumas trod the path. But we should be most of all thankful that he did not himself enter it frequently, or ever pursue it far. The most important part of the bibliography of the book has been given above. The rest is a little complicated, and for its ins and outs reference must be made to the usual au- thority. It should be enough to say that the Martyr, under the title of Les Lecamus, first appeared in the Siecle during the spring of 1841. Souverain published it as a book two years later with the other two, as Catherine de Medicis Ex- pliquee. The second part, entitled, not La Confidence, but Le Secret des Ruggieri, had appeared much earlier in the Chronique de Paris during the winter of 1836-37, and had INTRODUCTION xlll been published as a book in the latter year; it was joined to Catherine de Medicis Expliquee as above. The third part, after appearing in the Monde as early as May 1830, also ap- peared in the Deux Mondes for December of the same year, then became one of the Romans et Contes Philosophiques, then an Etude Philosophique, and in 1843 joined Catherine de Medicis Expliquee. The whole was inserted in the Comedie in 1846. G. S. Gambara exhibits a curious and, it must be admitted, a somewhat incoherent mixture of two of Balzac's chief out- side interests Italy and music. In his helter-skelter ram- blings, indulged in despite his enormous literary labors, he took many a peep at Italy ; and it is evident that for him the country exercised a powerful fascination. In his eyes it was ideal ideal in its music, in its painting, and in those who fanned the fires divine. His affection for Italy was, in fact, about as ardent and untutored as that for the arts. The story of Gambara is an illustration of these two sentiments; it can best be understood when the author's attitude is known. There is a little about the forceful character of Andrea Marcosini that reminds one of de Marsay. He has an inherent nobleness unknown to the latter, but unfortunately made sub- servient to a banality which even the genius of Balzac can- not efface. This marring clause of the Count and Marianna is hardly to be excused on the ground of dramatic necessity, since other themes of this nature are not cloyed by baser earth. The introductory scene in the restaurant is good, and stands out brightly contrasted with Gambara's music-ravings and the faint echo of Giardini's cookery conceits. Each is xiv INTRODUCTION but the quest of something unattained a note more grandly uttered in La Peau de Chagrin, or La Recherche de I'Absolu, or the wonderful sketch, Le Chef d'CEuvre Inconnu. But as a fresh embodiment of this thought, Gambara may be wel- comed, for in such themes as these the novelist is most dis- tinctly in his element. The first appearance of Gambara was in the Revue et Ga- zette Musicale de Paris during July and August 1837, in four chapters and a conclusion. In 1839 it was included in a book with the Cabinet des Antiques. Ten years later it was included as Le Livre des Douleurs with Seraphita, Les Proscrits, and Massimilla Doni. It took its place in the Comedie in 1846. ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI To Monsieur le Marquis de Pastoret, Member of the Academie des Beaux-Arts. When we consider the amazing number of volumes written to ascertain the spot where Hannibal crossed the Alps, without our knowing to this day whether it was, as Whitaker and Rivaz say, by Lyons, Geneva, the Saint-Bernard, and the Valley of Aosta; or, as we are told by Letronne, Follard, Saint-Simon, and Fortia d' Urban, by the Isere, Grenoble, Saint-Bonnet, Mont Genevre, Fenestrella, and the Pass of Susa, or, according to Larauza, by the Mont Cenis and Susa; or, as Strabo, Polybius and de Luc tell us, by the Rhone, Vienne, Yenne, and the Mont du Chat; or, as certain clever people opine, by Genoa, la Bochetta, and la Scrivia the view I hold, and which Napoleon had adopted to say nothing of the vinegar with which some learned men have dressed the Alpine rocks, can we wonder, Mon- sieur le Marquis, to find modern history so much neglected that some most important points remain obscure, and that the most odious calumnies still weigh on names which ought to be re- vered? And it may be noted incidentally that by dint of ex- planations it has become problematical whether Hannibal ever crossed the Alps at all. Father M6nestrier believes that the Scoras spoken of by Polybius was the Sa6me; Letronne, Larauza, .and Schweighauser believe it to be the Isere; Cochard, a learned man of Lyons, identifies it with the DrCme. But to any one who has eyes, are there not striking geographical and linguistic af- finities between Scoras and Scrivia, to say nothing of the almost 2 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI certain fact that the Carthaginian fleet lay at la Spezzia or in the Gulf of Genoa? I could understand all this patient research if the battle of Cannae could be doubted; but since its consequences are well known, what is the use of blackening so much paper with theories that are but the Arabesque of hypothesis, so to speak; while the most important history of later times, that of the Reformation, is so full of obscurities that the name remains un- known of the man* who was making a boat move by steam at Barcelona at the time when Luther and Calvin were inventing the revolt of mind? We, I believe, after having made, each in his own way, the same investigation as to the great and noble character of Catherine de' Medici, have come to the same opinion. So I thought that my historical studies on the subject might be suit- ably dedicated to a writer who has labored so long on the his- tory of the Reformation; and that I should thus do public homage, precious perhaps for its rarity, to the character and fidelity of a man true to the Monarchy. PAKIS, January 1842. *The inventor of this experiment was probably Salomon of Caux, not of Caus. This great man was always unlucky ; after his death even his name was misspelt. Salomon, whose original portrait, at the age of forty-six, was discovered by the author of the Human Comedy, was bom at Caux, in Normandy. ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI PREFACE WHEN men of learning are struck by a historical blunder, and try to correct it, "Paradox !" is generally the cry ; but to those who thoroughly examine the history of modern times, it is evident that historians are privileged liars, who lend their pen to popular beliefs, exactly as most of the newspapers of the day express nothing but the opinions of their readers. Historical independence of thought has been far less con- spicuous among lay writers than among the priesthood. The purest light thrown on history has come from the Benedic- tines, one of the glories of France so long, that is to say, as the interests of the monastic orders are not in question. Since the middle of the eighteenth century, some great and learned controversialists have arisen who, struck by the need for rectifying certain popular errors to which historians have lent credit, have published some remarkable works. Thus Mon- sieur Launoy, nicknamed the Bvicter of Saints, made ruth- less war on certain saints who have sneaked into the Church Calendar. Thus the rivals of the Benedictines, the two little known members of the Academie des Inscriptions et Belles- lettres, began their memoires, their studious notes, full of patience, erudition, and logic, on certain obscure passages of history. Thus Voltaire, with an unfortunate bias, and sadly perverted passions, often brought the light of his in- tellect to bear on historical prejudices. Diderot, with this end in view, began a book much too long on a period of the history of Imperial Rome. But for the French Revolu- tion, criticism, as applied to history, might perhaps have laid up the materials for a good and true history of France, for which evidence had long been amassed by the great French Benedictines. Louis XVI., a man of clear mind, himself 4 ABOUT CATHEKINE DE' MEDICI translated the English work, which so much agitated the last century, in which Walpole tried to explain the career of Eichard III. How is it that persons so famous as kings and queens, so important as generals of great armies, become objects of aversion or derision? Half the world hesitates between the song on Marlborough and the history of England, as they do between popular tradition and history as concerning Charles IX. At all periods when great battles are fought between the masses and the authorities, the populace creates an ogresque figure to coin a word for the sake of its exactitude. Thus in our own time, but for the Memorials of Saint-Helena, and the controversies of Eoyalists and Bonapartists, there was scarcely a chance but that Napoleon would have been mis- understood. Another Abbe de Pradt or two, a few more newspaper articles, and Napoleon from an Emperor would have become an Ogre. How is error propagated and accredited? The mystery is accomplished under our eyes without our discerning the process. No one suspects how greatly printing has helped to give body both to the envy which attends persons in high places, and to the popular irony which sums up the converse view of every great historical fact. For instance, every bad horse in France that needs flogging is called after the Prince de Polignac ; and so who knows what opinion the future may hold as to the Prince de Polignac's coup d'Etat? In conse- quence of a caprice of Shakespeare's a stroke of revenge perhaps, like that of Beaumarchais on Bergasse (Begearss) Falstaff, in England, is a type of the grotesque; his name raises a laugh, he is the King of Buffoons. Now, instead of .being enormously fat, ridiculously amorous, vain, old, drunken, and a corrupter of youth, Falstaff was one of the most important figures of his time, a Knight of the Garter, holding high command. At the date of Henry V.'s accession, Falstaff was at most four-and-thirty. This General, who dis- tinguished himself at the battle of Agincourt, where he took ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 5 the Due d'Alengon prisoner, in 1420 took the town of Monte- reau, which was stoutly defended. Finally, under Henry VI., he beat ten thousand Frenchmen with fifteen hundred men who were dropping with fatigue and hunger. So much for valor! If we turn to literature, Eabelais, among the French, a sober man who drank nothing but water, is thought of as a lover of good cheer and a persistent sot. Hundreds of ab- surd stories have been coined concerning the author of one of the finest books in French literature, Pantagruel. Aretino, Titian's friend, and the Voltaire of his day, is now credited with a reputation, in complete antagonism with his works and character, which he acquired by his over free wit, characteristic of the writings of an age when gross jests were held in honor, and queens and cardinals indited tales which are now considered licentious. Instances might be infinitely multiplied. In France, and at the most important period of our his- tory, Catherine de' Medici has suffered more from popular error than any other woman, unless it be Brunehaut or Frede- gonde ; while Marie de' Medici, whose every action was preju- dicial to France, has escaped the disgrace that should cover her name. Marie dissipated the treasure amassed by Henri IV. ; she never purged herself of the suspicion that she was cognizant of his murder; Epernon, who had long known Kavaillac, and who did not parry his blow, was intimate with the Queen ; she compelled her son to banish her from France, where she was fostering the rebellion of her other son, Gas- ton; and Richelieu's triumph over her on the Journee des Dupes was due solely to the Cardinal's revealing to Louis XIII. certain documents secreted after the death of Henri IV. , Catherine de' Medici, on the contrary, saved the throne of France, she maintained the Royal authority under circum- stances to which more than one great prince would have suc- cumbed. Face to face with such leaders of the factions and ambitions of the houses of Guise and of Bourbon as the two 6 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI Cardinals de Lorraine and the two "Balafres," the two Princes de Conde, Queen Jeanne d'Albret, Henri IV., the Connetable de Montmorency, Calvin, the Colignys, and Theo- dore de Beze, she was forced to put forth the rarest fine quali- ties, the most essential gifts of statesmanship, under the fire of the Calvinist press. These, at any rate, are indisputable facts. And to the student who digs deep into the history of the sixteenth century in France, the figure of Catherine de' Medici stands out as that of a great king. When once calumnies are undermined by facts laboriously brought to light from under the contradictions of pamphlets and false anecdotes, everything is explained to the glory of this wonderful woman, who had none of the weakness of her sex, who lived chaste in the midst of the gallantries of the most licentious Court in Europe, and who, notwithstanding her lack of money, erected noble buildings, as if to make good the losses caused by the destructive Calvinists, who in- jured Art as deeply as they did the body politic. Hemmed in between a race of princes who proclaimed themselves the heirs of Charlemagne, and a factious younger branch that was eager to bury the Connetable de Bourbon's treason under the throne ; obliged, too, to fight down a heresy on the verge of devouring the Monarchy, without friends, and aware of treachery in the chiefs of the Catholic party and of republicanism in the Calvinists, Catherine used the most dangerous but the surest of political weapons Craft. She determined to deceive by turns the party that was anxious to secure the downfall of the House of Valois, the Bourbons who aimed at the Crown, and the Keformers the Radicals of that day, who dreamed of an impossible republic, like those of our own day, who, however, have nothing to reform. In- deed, so long as she lived, the Valois sat on the throne. The great de Thou understood the worth of this woman when he exclaimed, on hearing of her death : "It is not a woman, it is Royalty that dies in her !" Catherine had, in fact, the sense of Royalty in the highest degree, and she defended it with admirable courage and per- ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 7 sistency. The reproaches flung at her by Calvinist writers are indeed her glory ; she earned them solely by her triumphs. And how was she to triumph but by cunning ? Here lies the whole question. As to violence that method bears on one of the most hotly disputed points of policy, which, in recent days, has been answered here, on the spot where a big stone from Egypt has been placed to wipe out the memory of regicide, and to stand as an emblem of the materialistic policy which now rules us; it was answered at les Carmes and at the Abbaye; it was answered on the steps of Saint Koch ; it was answered in front of the Louvre in 1830, and again by the people against the King, as it has since been answered once more by la Fayette's "best of all republics" against the republican rebellion, at Saint-Merri and the Eue Transnonnain. Every power, whether legitimate or illegitimate, must de- fend itself when it is attacked; but, strange to say, while the people is heroic when it triumphs over the nobility, the authorities are murderers when they oppose the people ! And, finally, if after their appeal to force they succumb, they are regarded as effete idiots. The present Government (1840) will try to save itself, by two laws, from the same evil as attacked Charles X., and which he tried to scotch by two decrees. Is not this a bitter mockery ? May those in power meet cunning with cunning? Ought they to kill those who try to kill them? The massacres of the Revolution are the reply to the massa- cre of Saint-Bartholomew. The People, being King, did by the nobility and the King as the King and the nobility did by the rebels in the sixteenth century. And popular writers, who know full well that, under similar conditions, the people would do the same again, are inexcusable when they blame Catherine de' Medici and Charles IX. "All power is a permanent conspiracy," said Casimir Perier, when teaching what power ought to be. We admire the anti-social maxims published by audacious writers; why, then, are social truths received in France with such disfavor 8 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI when they are boldly stated ? This question alone sufficiently accounts for historical mistakes. Apply the solution of this problem to the devastating doctrines which flatter popular passion, and to the conservative doctrines which would repress the ferocious or foolish attempts of the populace, and you will see the reason why certain personages are popular or unpopular. Laubardemont and Laffemas, like some people now living, were devoted to the maintenance of the power they believed in. Soldiers and judges, they obeyed a Royal authority. D'Orthez, in our day, would be discharged from office for misinterpreting orders from the Ministry, but Charles X. left him to govern his province. The power of the masses is accountable to no one; the power of one is obliged to account to its subjects, great and small alike. Catherine, like Philip II. and the Duke of Alva, like the Guises and Cardinal Granvelle, foresaw the future to which the Reformation was dooming Europe. They saw mon- archies, religion, and power all overthrown. Catherine, from the Cabinet of the French kings, forthwith issued sentence of death on that inquiring spirit which threatened modern society a sentence which Louis XIV. finally carried out. The revocation of the Edict of Nantes was a measure that proved unfortunate, simply in consequence of the irritation Louis XIV. had aroused in Europe. At any other time England, Holland, and the German Empire would not have encouraged on their territory French exiles and French rebels. Why, in these days, refuse to recognize the greatness which the majestic adversary of that most barren heresy derived from the struggle itself? Calvinists have written strongly against Charles IX.'s stratagems ; but travel through France : as you see the ruins of so many fine churches destroyed, and consider the vast breaches made by religious fanatics in the social body; when you learn the revenges they took, while deploring the mischief of individualism the plague of France to-day, of which the germ lay in the questions of liberty of conscience which they stirred up you will ask ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 9 yourself on which side were the barbarians. There are al- ways, as Catherine says in the third part of this Study, "un- luckily, in all ages, hypocritical writers ready to bewail two hundred scoundrels killed in due season." Caesar, who tried to incite the Senate to pity for Catiline's party, would very likely have conquered Cicero if he had had newspapers and an Opposition at his service. Another consideration accounts for Catherine's historical and popular disfavor. In France the Opposition has always been Protestant, because its policy has never been anything but negative; it has inherited the theories of the Lutherans, the Calvinists, and the Protestants on the terrible texts of liberty, tolerance, progress, and philanthropy. The oppo- nents of power spent two centuries in establishing the very doubtful doctrine of freewill. Two more were spent in work- ing out the first corollary of freewill liberty of conscience. Our age is striving to prove the second political liberty. Standing between the fields already traversed and the fields as yet untrodden, Catherine and the Church proclaimed the salutary principle of modern communities, Una fides, unus Dominus, but asserting their right of life and death over all innovators. Even if she had been conquered, succeeding times have shown that Catherine was right. The outcome of free- will, religious liberty, and political liberty (note, this does not mean civil liberty) is France as we now see it. And what is France in 1840? A country exclusively ab- sorbed in material interests, devoid of patriotism, devoid of conscience; where authority is powerless; where electoral rights, the fruit of freewill and political liberty, raise none but mediocrities ; where brute force is necessary to oppose the violence of the populace; where discussion, brought to bear on the smallest matter, checks every action of the body politic; and where individualism the odious result of the indefinite subdivision of property, which destroys family co- hesion will devour everything, even the nation, which sheer selfishness will some day lay open to invasion. Men will say, "Why not the Tzar?" as they now say, "Why not the Due 10 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI d'Orleans ?" We do not care for many things even now ; fifty years hence we shall care for nothing. Therefore, according to Catherine and according to all who wish to see Society soundly organized man as a social unit, as a subject, has no freewill, has no right to accept th dogma of liberty of conscience, or to have political liberty. Still, as no community can subsist without some guarantee given to the subject against the sovereign, the subject derives from that certain liberties under restrictions. Liberty no, but liberties yes; well defined and circumscribed liberties. This is in the nature of things. For instance, it is beyond human power to fetter freedom of thought ; and no sovereign may ever tamper with money. The great politicians who have failed in this long contest it has gone on for five centuries have allowed their subjects wide liberties; but they never recognize their liberty to pub- lish anti-social . opinions, nor the unlimited freedom of the subject. To them the words subject and free are, politically speaking, a contradiction in terms; and, in the same way, the statement that all citizens are equal is pure nonsense, and contradicted by Nature every hour. To acknowledge the need for religion, the need for authority, and at the same time to leave all men at liberty to deny religion, to attack its services, to oppose the exercise of authority by the public and published expression of opinion, is an impossibility such as the Catholics of the sixteenth century would have nothing to say to. Alas ! the triumph of Calvinism will cost France more yet than it has ever done; for the sects of to-day re- ligious, political, humanitarian, and leveling are the train of Calvinism; and when we see the blunders of those in power, their contempt for intelligence, their devotion to those ma- terial interests in which they seek support, and which are the most delusive of all props, unless by the special aid of Provi- dence the genius of destruction must certainly win the day from the genius of conservatism. The attacking forces, who have nothing to lose, and everything to win, are thoroughly in agreement; whereas their wealthy opponents refuse to ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 11 make any sacrifice of money or of self-conceit to secure de- fenders. Printing came to the aid of the resistance inaugurated by the Vaudois and the Albigenses. As soon as human thought no longer condensed, as it had necessarily been in order to preserve the most communicable form had assumed a multitude of garbs and become the very people, instead of remaining in some sense divinely axiomatic, there were two vast armies to contend with that of ideas and that of men. Uoyal power perished in the struggle, and we, in France, at this day are looking on at its last coalition with elements which make it difficult, not to say impossible. Power is action; the electoral principle is discussion. No political action is possible when discussion is permanently established. So we ought to regard the woman as truly great who foresaw that future, and fought it so bravely. The House of Bourbon was able to succeed to the House of Valois, and owed it to Catherine de' Medici that it found that crown to wear. If the second Balafre had been alive, it is very doubtful that the Bearnais, strong as he was, could have seized the throne, seeing how dearly it was sold by the Due de Mayenne and the remnant of the Guise faction. The neces- sary steps taken by Catherine, who had the deaths of Fran- cois II. and Charles IX. on her soul both dying opportunely for her safety are not, it must be noted, what the Calvinist and modern writers blame her for! Though there was no poisoning, as some serious authors have asserted, there were other not less criminal plots. It is beyond question that she hindered Pare from saving one, and murdered the other morally by inches. But the swift death of Frangois II. and the skilfully con- trived end of Charles IX. did no injury to Calvinist interests. The causes of these two events concerned only the uppermost sphere, and were never suspected by writers or by the lower orders at the time; they were guessed only by de Thou, by 1'Hopital, by men of the highest talents, or the chiefs of the two parties who coveted and clung to the Crown, and who thought such means indispensable. 12 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI Popular songs, strange to say, fell foul of Catherine's morality. The anecdote is known of a soldier who was roast- ing a goose in the guardroom of the Chateau of Tours while Catherine and Henri IV. were holding a conference there, and who sang a ballad in which the Queen was insultingly compared to the largest cannon in the hands of the Calvinists. Henri IV. drew his sword to go out and kill the man; Cath- erine stopped him, and only shouted out: "It is Catherine who provides the goose!" Though the executions at Amboise were attributed to Cath- erine, and the Calvinists made that able woman responsible for all the inevitable disasters of the struggle, she must be judged by posterity, like Eobespierre at a future date. And Catherine was cruelly punished for her preference for the Due d'Anjou, which made her hold her two elder sons so cheap. Henri III. having ceased, like all spoilt children, to care for his mother, rushed voluntarily into such debauch- ery as made him, what the mother had made Charles IX., a childless husband, a king without an heir. Unhappily, Catherine's youngest son, the Due d'Alengon, died a natural death. The Queen-mother made every effort to control her son's passions. History preserves the tradition of a supper to nude women given in the banqueting-hall at Chenonceaux on his return from Poland, but it did not cure Henri III. of his bad habits. This great Queen's last words summed up her policy, which was indeed so governed by good sense that we see the Cabinets of every country putting it into practice in similar circum- stances. "Well cut, my son," said she, when Henri III. came to her, on her deathbed, to announce that the enemy of the throne had been put to death. "Now you must sew up again." She thus expressed her opinion that the sovereign must make friends with the House of Lorraine, and make it useful, as the only way to hinder the effects of the Guises' hatred, by giving them a hope of circumventing the King. But this indefatigable cunning of the Italian and the woman was ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 13 incompatible with Henri III.'s life of debauchery. When once the Great Mother was dead, the Mother of Armies (Mater castrorum), the policy of the Valois died too. Before attempting to write this picture of manners in action, the author patiently and minutely studied the prin- cipal reigns of French history, the quarrels of the Burgun- dians and the Armagnacs, and those of the Guises and the Valois, each in the forefront of a century. His purpose was to write a picturesque history of France. Isabella of Bavaria, Catherine and Marie de' Medici, each fills a con- spicuous place, dominating from the fourteenth to the seven- teenth centuries, and leading up to Louis XIV. Of these three queens, Catherine was the most interesting and the most beautiful. Hers was a manly rule, not dis- graced by the terrible amours of Isabella, nor those, even more terrible though less known, of Marie de' Medici. Isa- bella brought the English into France to oppose her son, was in love with her brother-in-law, the Due d'Orleans, and with Boisbourdon. Marie de' Medici's account is still heavier. Neither of them had any political genius. In the course of these studies and comparisons, the author became convinced of Catherine's greatness; by initiating himself into the peculiar difficulties of her position, he dis- cerned how unjust historians, biased by Protestantism, had been to this queen; and the outcome was the three sketches here presented, in which some erroneous opinions of her, of those who were about her, and of the aspect of the times, are combated. The work is placed among my Philosophical Studies, be- cause it illustrates the spirit of a period, and plainly shows the influence of opinions. But before depicting the political arena on which Catherine comes into collision with the two great obstacles in her career, it is necessary to give a short account of her previous life from the point of view of an impartial critic, so that 14 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI the reader may form a general idea of this large and royal life up to the time when the first part of this narrative opens. Never at any period, in any country, or in any ruling family was there more contempt felt for legitimacy than by the famous race of the Medici (in French commonly written and pro- nounced Medicis). They held the same opinion of monarchy as is now professed in Kussia : The ruler on whom the crown devolves is the real and legitimate monarch. Mirabeau was justified in saying, "There has been but one mesalliance in my family that with the Medici;" for, notwithstanding the exertions of well-paid genealogists, it is certain that the Medici, till the time of Averardo de' Medici, gonfaloniere of Florence in 1314, were no more than Florentine merchants of great wealth. The first personage of the family who filled a conspicuous place in the history of the great Tuscan Re- public was Salvestro de' Medici, gonfaloniere in 1378. This Salvestro had two sons Cosmo and Lorenzo de' Medici. From Cosmo descended Lorenzo the Magnificent, the Due de Nemours, the Duke of Urbino, Catherine's father, Pope Leo X., Pope Clement VII., and Alessandro, not indeed Duke of Florence, as he is sometimes called, but Duke della cittd di Penna, a title created by Pope Clement VII. as a step towards that of Grand Duke of Tuscany. Lorenzo's descendants were Lorenzino the Brutus of Florence who killed Duke Alessandro; Cosmo, the first Grand Duke, and all the rulers of Florence till 1737, when the family became extinct. But neither of the two branches that of Cosmo or that of Lorenzo succeeded in a direct line, till the time when Marie de' Medici's father subjugated Tuscany, and the Grand Dukes inherited in regular succession. Thus Alessandro de' Medici, who assumed the title of Duke della cittd di Penna,\ and whom Lorenzino assassinated, was the son of the Duke of Urbino, Catherine's father, by a Moorish slave. Hence Lorenzino, the legitimate son of Lorenzo, had a double right to kill Alessandro, both as a usurper in the family and as an oppressor of the city. Some historians have indeed supposed ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 15 that Alessandro was the son of Clement VII. The event that led to the recognition of this bastard as head of the Republic was his marriage with Margaret of Austria, the natural daughter of Charles V. Francesco de' Medici, the husband of Bianca Capello, rec- ognized as his son a child of low birth bought by that notork ous Venetian lady ; and, strange to say, Fernando, succeeding Francesco, upheld the hypothetical rights of this boy. In- deed, this youth, known as Don Antonio de' Medici, was rec- ognized by the family during four ducal reigns; he won the affection of all, did them important service, and was uni- versally regretted. Almost all the early Medici had natural children, whose lot was in every case splendid. The Cardinal Giulio de' Medici, Pope Clement VII., was the illegitimate son of Giuliano I. Cardinal Ippolito de' Medici was also a bastard, and he was within an ace of being Pope and head of the family. Certain inventors of anecdote have a story that the Duke of Urbino, Catherine's father, told her: "A figlia d'inganno non manca mai figliuolanza" (A clever woman can always have children, a propos to some natural defect in Henri, the second son of Frangois I., to whom she was betrothed). This Lorenzo de' Medici, Catherine's father, had married, for the second time, in 1518, Madeleine de la Tour d'Auvergne, and died in 1519, a few days after his wife, who died in giving birth to Catherine. Catherine was thus fatherless and motherless as soon as she saw the light. Hence the strange events of her childhood, chequered by the violent struggles of the Florentines, in the attempt to recover their liberty, against the Medici who were determined to govern Florence, but who were so circumspect in their policy that Catherine's father took the title of Duke of Urbino. At his death, the legitimate head of the House of the Medici was Pope Leo X., who appointed Giuliano's illegitimate son, Giulio de' Medici, then Cardinal, Governor of Florence. Leo X. was Catherine's grand-uncle, and this Cardinal Giulio, 16 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI afterwards Clement VII., was her left-handed uncle only. This it was which made Brantome so wittily speak of that Pope as an "uncle in Our Lady." During the siege by the Medici to regain possession of Florence, the Republican party, not satisfied with having shut up Catherine, then nine years old, in a convent, after strip- ping her of all her possessions, proposed to expose her to the fire of the artillery, between two battlements the sug- gestion of a certain Battista Cei. Bernardo Castiglione went even further in a council held to determine on some conclu- sion to the business; he advised that, rather than surrender Catherine to the Pope who demanded it, she should be handed over to the tender mercies of the soldiers. All revolutions of the populace are alike. Catherine's policy, always in favor of royal authority, may have been fostered by such scenes, which an Italian girl of nine could not fail to understand. Alessandro's promotion, to which Clement VII., himself a bastard, largely contributed, was no doubt owing partly to the fact of his being illegitimate, and to Charles V.'s af- fection for his famous natural daughter Margaret. Thus the Pope and the Emperor were moved by similar feelings. At this period Venice was mistress of the commerce of the world ; Eome governed its morals; Italy was still supreme, by the poets, the generals, and the statesmen who were her sons. At no other time has any one country had so curious or so various a multitude of men of genius. There were so many, that the smallest princelings were superior men. Italy was over- flowing with talent, daring, science, poetry, wealth, and gal- lantry, though rent by constant internal; wars, and at all times the arena on which conquerors met to fight for her fair- est provinces. When men are so great, they are not afraid to confess their weakness; hence, no doubt, this golden age for bastards. And it is but justice to declare that these illegitimate sons of the Medici were ardent for the glory and the advancement of the family, alike in possessions and in power. And as soon as the Duke della citta di Penna, the Moorish slave's ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDIGI 17 son, was established as Tyrant of Florence, he took up the in- terest shown by Pope Clement VII. for Lorenzo II.'s daugh- ter, now eleven years of age. As we study the march of events and of men in that strange sixteenth century, we must never forget that the chief ele- ment of political conduct was unremitting craft, destroying in every nature the upright conduct, the squareness which imagination looks for in eminent men. In this, especially, lies Catherine's absolution. This observation, in fact, dis- poses of all the mean and foolish accusations brought against her by the writers of the reformed faith. It was indeed the golden age of this type of policy, of which Machiavelli and Spinoza formulated the code, and Hobbes and Montesquieu; for the Dialogue of "Sylla and Eucrates" expresses Montes- quieu's real mind, which he could not set forth in any other form in consequence of his connection with the Encyclo- pedists. These principles are to this day the unconfessed morality of every Cabinet where schemes of vast dominion are worked out. In France we were severe on Napoleon when he exerted this Italian genius which was in his blood, and its plots did not always succeed; but Charles V., Cath- erine, Philip II., Giulio II., would have done just as he did in the affairs of Spain. At the time when Catherine was born, history, if related from the point of view of honesty, would seem an impossible romance. Charles V., while forced to uphold the Catholic Church against the attacks of Luther, who by threatening the tiara threatened his throne, allowed Eome to be besieged, and kept Pope Clement VII. in prison. This same Pope, who had no more bitter foe than Charles V., cringed to him that he might place Alessandro de' Medici at Florence, and the Emperor gave his daughter in marriage to the bastard Duke. > No sooner was he firmly settled there than Alessandro, in concert with the Pope, attempted to injure Charles V. by an alliance, through Catherine de' Medici, with Francis I., and both promised to assist the French king to conquer Italy. Lorenzino de' Medici became Alessandro's boon companion, 18 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI and pandered to him to get an opportunity of killing him; and Filippo Strozzi, one of the loftiest spirits of that age, regarded this murder with such high esteem that he vowed that each of his sons should marry one of the assassin's daughters. The sons religiously fulfilled the father's pledge at a time when each of them, under Catherine's protection, could have made a splendid alliance; for one was Doria's rival, and the other Marshal of France. Cosmo de' Medici, Alessandro's successor, avenged the death of the Tyrant with great cruelty, and persistently for twelve years, during which his hatred never flagged against the people who had, after all, placed him in power. He was eighteen years of age when he succeeded to the government; his first act was to annul the rights of Alessandro's legitimate sons, at the time when he was avenging Alessandro ! Charles V. confirmed the dispossession of his grandson, and recog- nized Cosmo instead of Alessandro's son. Cosmo, raised to the throne by Cardinal Cibo, at once sent the prelate into exile. Then Cardinal Cibo accused his creature, Cosmo, the first Grand Duke, of having tried to poison Alessandro's son. The Grand Duke, as jealous of his authority as Charles V. was of his, abdicated, like the Emperor, in favor of his son Francesco, after ordering the death of Don Garcias, his other son, in revenge for that of Cardinal Giovanni de' Medici, whom Gareias had as- sassinated. Cosmo I. and his son Francesco, who ought to have been devoted, soul and body, to the Eoyal House of France, the only power able to lend them support, were the humble ser- vants of Charles Y. and Philip II., and consequently the secret, perfidious, and cowardly foes of Catherine de' Medici, one of the glories of their race. Such are the more important features contradictory and illogical indeed the dishonest acts, the dark intrigues of the House of the Medici alone. From this sketch some idea may be formed of the other princes of Italy and Europe. Every envoy from Cosmo I. to the Court of France had secret in- ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 19 structions to poison Strozzi, Queen Catherine's relation, when he should find him there. Charles V. had three ambassadors from Francis I. murdered. It was early in October 1533 that the Duke della citta di Penna left Florence for Leghorn, accompanied by Catherine de' Medici, sole heiress of Lorenzo II. The Duke and the Princess of Florence, for this was the title borne by the girl, now fourteen years of age, left the city with a large following of servants, officials, and secretaries, preceded by men-at- arms, and escorted by a mounted guard. The young Princess as yet knew nothing of her fate, excepting that the Pope and Duke Alessandro were to have an interview at Leghorn; but her uncle, Filippo Strozzi, soon told her of the future that lay before her. Filippo Strozzi had married Clarissa de' Medici, whole sister to Lorenzo de' Medici, Duke of Urbino, Catherine's father; but this union, arranged quite as much with a view to converting one of the stoutest champions of the popular cause to the support of Medici as to secure the recall of that then exiled family, never shook the tenets of the rough sol- dier who was persecuted by his party for having consented to it. In spite of some superficial change of conduct, somewhat overruled by this alliance, he remained faithful to the popular side, and declared against the Medici as soon as he perceived their scheme of subjugating Florence. This great man even refused the offer of a principality from Leo X. At that time Filippo Strozzi was a victim to the policy of the Medici, so shifty in its means, so unvarying in its aim. After sharing the Pope's misfortunes and captivity, when, surprised by Colonna, he took refuge in the castle of Saint- Angelo, he was given up by Clement VII. as a hostage and carried to Naples. As soon as the Pope was free, he fell upon his foes, and Strozzi was then near being killed; he was forced to pay an enormous bribe to get out of the prison, where he was closely guarded. As soon as he was at liberty, with the natural trustfulness of an honest man, he was 20 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI simple enough to appear before Clement VII., who perhaps had nattered himself that he was rid of him. The Pope had so much to be ashamed of that he received Strozzi very un- graciously. Thus Strozzi had very early begun his appren- ticeship to the life of disaster, which is that of a man who is honest in politics, and whose conscience will not lend itself to the caprices of opportunity, whose actions are pleas- ing only to virtue, which is persecuted by all by the popu- lace, because it withstands their blind passions ; by authority, because it resists its usurpations. The life of these great citizens is a martyrdom, through which they have nothing to support them but the strong voice of conscience, and the sense of social duty, which in all cases dictates their conduct. There were many such men in the Republic of Florence, all as great as Strozzi and as masterly as their adversaries on the Medici side, though beaten by Florentine cunning. In the conspiracy of the Pazzi, what can be finer than the attitude of the head of that house ? His trade was immense, and he settled all his accounts with Asia, the Levant, and Europe before carrying out that great plot, to she end that his correspondents should not be the losers if he should fail. And the history of the rise of the Medici family in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries is one of the finest that remains unwritten, though men of great genius have at- tempted it. It is not the history of a republic, or of any particular community or phase of civilization; it is the history of political man, and the eternal history of political developments, that of usurpers and conquerors. On his return to Florence, Filippo Strozzi restored the ancient form of government, and banished Ippolito de' Medici, another bastard, as well as Alessandro, with whom he was now acting. But he then was afraid of the incon- stancy of the populace; and as he dreaded Pope Clement's vengeance, he went to take charge of a large commercial house he had at Lyons in correspondence with his bankers at Venice and Rome, in France, and in Spain. A strange fact ! These ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 2l men, who bore the burden of public affairs as well as that of a perennial struggle with the Medici, to say nothing of their squabbles with their own party, could also endure the cares of commerce and speculation, of banking with all its complications, which the vast multiplicity of coinages and frequent forgeries made far more difficult then than now. The word banker is derived from the bench on which they eat, and which served also to ring the gold and silver pieces on. Strozzi found in his adored wife's death a pretext to offer to the Eepublican party, whose police is always all the more terrible because everybody is a voluntary spy in the name of Liberty, which justifies all things. Filippo's return to Florence happened just at the time when the city was compelled to bow to Alessandro's yoke; but he had previously been to see Pope Clement, with whom matters were so promising that his feelings towards Strozzi had changed. In the moment of triumph the Medici so badly needed such a man as Strozzi, were it only to lend a grace to Alessandro's assumption of dignity, that Clement persuaded him to sit on the bastard's council, which was about to take oppressive measures, and Filippo had accepted a diploma as senator. But for the last two years and a half like Seneca and Burrhus with Nero he had noted the be- ginnings of tyranny. He found himself the object of dis- trust to the populace, and so little in favor with the Medici, whom he opposed, that he foresaw a catastrophe. And as soon as he heard from Alessandro of the negotiations for the marriage of Catherine with a French Prince, which were perhaps to be concluded at Leghorn, where the contracting powers had agreed to meet, he resolved to go to France and follow the fortunes of his niece, who would need a guardian. Alessandro, delighted to be quit of a man so difficult to manage in what concerned Florence, applauded this decision, which spared him a murder, and advised Strozzi to place him self at the head of Catherine's household. In point of fact, to dazzle the French Court, the Medici had constituted a brilliant suite for the young girl whom -3 22 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDIGI they quite incorrectly styled the Princess of Florence, and who was also called the Duchess of Urhino. The procession, at the head of it Duke Alessandro, Catherine, and Strozzi, consisted of more than a thousand persons, exclusive of the escort and serving-men ; and when the last of them were still at the gate of Florence, the foremost had already got beyond the first village outside the town where straw plait for hats is now made. It was beginning to be generally known that Catherine ''was to marry a son of Francis the First, but as yet it was no more than a rumor which found confirmation in the country from this triumphant progress from Florence to Leghorn. From the preparations required, Catherine sus- pected that her marriage was in question, and her uncle revealed to her the abortive scheme of her ambitious family, who had aspired to the hand of the Dauphin. Duke Ales- sandro still hoped that the Duke of Albany might succeed in changing the determination of the French King, who, though anxious to secure the aid of the Medici in Italy, would only give them the Due d'Orleans. This narrowness lost Italy to France, and did not hinder Catherine from being Queen. This Duke of Albany, the son of Alexander Stuart, brother of James III. of Scotland, had married Anne de la Tour de Boulogne, sister to Madeleine, Catherine's mother ; he was thus her maternal uncle. It was through her mother that Catherine was so rich and connected with so many families ; for, strangely enough, Diane de Poitiers, her rival, was also her cousin. Jean de Poitiers, Diane's father, was son of Jeanne de la Tour de Boulogne, the Duchess of Urbino's aunt. Catherine was also related to Mary Stuart, 'her daughter-in-law. Catherine was now informed that her dower in money would amount to a hundred thousand ducats. The ducat was a gold piece as large as one of our old louis d'or, but only half as thick. Thus a hundred thousand ducats in those days represented, in consequence of the high value of gold, ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICl 23 six millions of francs at the present time, the ducat being worth about twelve francs. The importance of the banking- house of Strozzi, at Lyons, may be imagined from this, as it was his factor there who paid over the twelve hundred thousand livres in gold. The counties of Auvergne and Lauraguais also formed part of Catherine's portion, and the Pope Clement VII. made her a gift of a hundred thousand ducats more in jewels, precious stones, and other wedding gifts, to which Duke Alessandro contributed. On reaching Leghorn, Catherine, still so young, must have been flattered by the extraordinary magnificence displayed by Pope Clement VII., her "uncle in Our Lady," then the head of the House of Medici, to crush the Court of France. He had arrived at the port in one of his galleys hung with crimson satin trimmed with gold fringe, and covered with an awning of cloth of gold. This barge, of which the decorations had cost nearly twenty thousand ducats, contained several rooms for the use of Henri de France's future bride, furnished with the choicest curiosities the Medici had been able to collect. The oarsmen, magnificently dressed, and the seamen were under the captaincy of a Prior of the Order of the Knights of Ehodes. The Pope's household filled three more barges. The Duke of Albany's galleys, moored by the side of the Pope's, formed, with these, a considerable flotilla. Duke Alessandro presented the officers of Catherine's household to the Pope, with whom he held a secret confer- ence, introducing to him, as seems probable, Count Sebastian Montecuculi, who had just left the Emperor's service rather suddenly, it was said and the two Generals, Antonio de Leyva and Fernando Gonzaga. Was there a premeditated plan between these two bastards to make the Due d'Orleans the Dauphin? What was the reward promised to Count Sebastian Montecuculi, who, before entering the service of Charles V., had studied medicine ? History is silent on these points. We shall see indeed in what obscurity the subject is wrapped. It is so great that some serious and conscientious historians have recently recognized Montecuculi's innocence. 24 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI Catherine was now officially informed by the Pope himself of the alliance proposed for her. The Duke of Albany had had great difficulty in keeping the King of France to his promise of giving even his second son to Catherine de' Medici; and Clement's impatience was so great, he was so much afraid of seeing his schemes upset either by some in trigue on the part of the Emperor, or by the haughtiness of France, where the great nobles cast an evil eye on this union,; that he embarked forthwith and made for Marseilles. He arrived there at the end of October 1533. In spite of his splendor, the House of the Medici was eclipsed by the sovereign of France. To show to what a pitch these great bankers carried their magnificence, the dozen pieces given by the Pope in the bride's wedding purse consisted of gold medals of inestimable historical interest, for they were at that time unique. But Francis I., who loved festivity and display, distinguished himself on this occasion. The wedding feasts for Henri de Valois and Catherine went on for thirty-four days. It is useless to repeat here details which may be read in every history of Provence and Mar- seilles as to this famous meeting between the Pope and the King of France, which was the occasion of a jest of the Duke of Albany's as to the duty of fasting; a retort recorded by Brantome which vastly amused the Court, 'and shows the tone of manners at that time. Though Henri de Valois was but three weeks older than Catherine, the Pope insisted on the immediate consummation of the marriage between these two children, so greatly did he dread the subterfuges of diplomacy and the trickery commonly practised at that period. Clement, indeed, anxious for proof, remained thirty-four days at Marseilles, in the 1 hope, it is said, of some visible evidence in his young rela- tion, who at fourteen was marriageable. And it was, no doubt, when questioning Catherine before his departure, that he tried to console her by the famous speech ascribed to Catherine's father: "A. figlia d'inganno, non manca mai la figliuolanza." ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 25 The strangest conjectures have been given to the world as to the causes of Catherine's barrenness during ten years. Few persons nowadays are aware that various medical works contain suppositions as to this matter, so grossly indecent that they could not be repeated.* This gives some clue to the strange calumnies which still blacken this Queen, whose every action was distorted to her injury. The reason lay simply with her husband. It is sufficient evidence that at a time when no prince was shy of having natural children, Diane de Poitiers, far more highly favored than his wife, had no children ; and nothing is commoner in surgical experi- ence than such a malformation as this Prince's, which gave rise to a jest of the ladies of the Court, who would have made him Abbe de Saint- Victor, at a time when the French lan- guage was as free as the Latin tongue. After the Prince was operated on, Catherine had ten children. The delay was a happy thing for France. If Henri II. had had children by Diane de Poitiers, it would have caused serious political complications. At the time of his treatment, the Duchesse de Valentinois was in the second youth of wo- manhood. These facts alone show that the history of Cath- erine de' Medici remains to be entirely re-written; and that, as Napoleon very shrewdly remarked, the history of France should be in one volume only, or in a thousand. When we compare the conduct of Charles V. with that of the King of France during the Pope's stay at Marseilles, it is greatly to the advantage of Francis as indeed in every instance. Here is a brief report of this meeting as given by a contemporary : "His Holiness the Pope, having been conducted to the Palace prepared for him, as I have said, outside the port, each one withdrew to his chamber until the morrow, when his said Holiness prepared to make his entry. Which was done with great sumptuousness and magnificence, he being set on a throne borne on the shoulders of two men in his pontifical habit, saving only the tiara, while before him went *8eeayle. Ait. Fernet. 2 6 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI a white palfry bearing the Holy Sacrament, the said palfrey being led by two men on foot in very fine raiment holding a bridle of white silk. After him came all the cardinals in their habit, riding their pontifical mules, and Madame the Duches? of Urbino in great magnificence, with a goodly com- pany of ladies and gentlemen alike of France and of Italy. And the Pope, with all this company, being come to the place prepared where they should lodge, each one withdrew ; and all this was ordered and done without any disorder or tumult., Now, while as the Pope was maMng his entry, the King crossed the water in his frigate and went to lodge there whence the Pope had come, to the end that on the morrow he might come from thence to pay homage to the Holy Father, as beseemed a most Christian King. "The King being then ready, set forth to go to the Palace where the Pope was, accompanied by the Princes of his blood, Monseigneur the Due de Vendosmois (father of the Vidame de Chartres), the Comte de Saint-Pol, Monsieur de Montmorency, and Monsieur de la Eoche-sur-Yon, the Due de Nemours (brother to the Duke of Savoy who died at that place), the Duke of Albany, and many others, counts, barons, and nobles, the Due de Montmorency being at all times about the King's person. The King, being come to the Palace, was received by the Pope and all the College of Cardinals as- sembled in consistory, with much civility (fort kumaine- ment). This done, each one went to the place appointed to him, and the King took with him many cardinals to feast them, and among them Cardinal de' Medici, the Pope's nephew, a very magnificent lord with a fine escort. On the morrow, those deputed by his Holiness and by the King began to treat of those matters whereon they had met to agree. First of all, they treated of the question of faith, and a bull was read for the repression of heresy, and to hinder things from coming to a greater combustion (une plus grande com- bustion) than they are in already. Then, was performed the marriage ceremony between the Due d'Orleans, the King's second son, and Catherine de' Medici, Duchess of Urbino, ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 27 his Holiness' niece, under conditions the same, or nearly the same, as had been formerly proposed to the Duke of Albany. The said marriage was concluded with great magnificence, and our Holy Father married them.* This marriage being thus concluded, the Holy Father held a consistory, wherein he created four cardinals to wait on the King, to wit : Cardi- nal le Veneur, heretofore Bishop of Lisieux and High Al- moner; Cardinal de Boulogne, of the family of la Chambre^ half-brother on his mother's side to the Duke of Albany Cardinal de Chatillon of the family of Coligny, nephew to the Sire de Montmorency; and Cardinal de Givry." When Strozzi paid down the marriage portion in the pres- ence of the Court, he observed some surprise on the part of the French nobles ; they said pretty loudly that it was a small price for such a mesalliance what would they say to-day? Cardinal Ippolito replied : "Then you are not informed as to your King's secrets. His Holiness consents to bestow on France three pearls of in- estimable price Genoa, Milan, and Naples." The Pope left Count Sebastian Montecuculi to present himself at the French Court, where he made an offer of his services, complaining of Antonio de Leyva and Fernando Gonzaga, for which reason he was accepted. Montecuculi was not one of Catherine's household, which was composed en- tirely of French ladies and gentlemen; for, by a law of the realm which the Pope was rejoiced to see carried out, Cath- erine was naturalized by letters patent before her marriage. Montecuculi was at first attached to the household of the Queen, Charles V.'s sister. Then, not long after, he entered the Dauphin's service in the capacity of cupbearer. The Duchesse d' Orleans found herself entirely swamped at the Court of Francis I. Her young husband was in love! with Diane de Poitiers, who was certainly her equal in point' of birth, and a far greater lady. The daughter of the Medici *At that time in French, as in Italian, the words marry and espouse were used in a contrary sense to their present meaning. Marier was the fact of being married, tpouscr was the priestly function. 28 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI took rank below Queen Eleanor, Charles V.'s sister, and the Duchesse d'Etampes, whose marriage to the head of the family of de Brosse had given her one of the most powerful positions and highest titles in France. Her aunt, the Duchess of Albany, the Queen of Navarre, the Duchesse de Guise, the Duchesse de Vendome, the wife of the Connetable, and many other women, by their birth and privileges as well as by their influence in the most sumptuous Court ever held .by a French King not excepting Louis XIV. wholly eclipsed the daughter of the Florentine merchants, who was indeed more illustrious and richer through the Tour de Bou- logne family than through her descent from the Medici. Filippo Strozzi, a republican at heart, regarded his niece's position as so critical and difficult, that he felt himself inca- pable of directing her in the midst of conflicting interests, and deserted her at the end of a year, being indeed recalled to Italy by the death of Clement VII. Catherine's conduct, when we remember that she was but just fifteen, was a marvel of prudence. She very adroitly attached herself to the King, her father-in-law, leaving him as rarely as possible; she was with him on horseback, in hunting, and in war. Her adoration of Francis I. saved the House of Medici from all suspicion when the Dauphin died poisoned. At that time Catherine and the Due d'Orleans were at the King^s headquarters in Provence, for France had already been in- vaded by Charles V., the King's brother-in-law. The whole Court had remained on the scene of the wedding festivities, now the theatre of the most barbarous war. Just as Charles V., compelled to retreat, had fled, leaving the bones of his army in Provence, the Dauphin was returning to Lyons by the Ehone. Stopping at Tournon for the night, to amuse himself, he went through some athletic exercises, such as {formed almost the sole education he or his brother received, in consequence of their long detention as hostages. The Prince being very hot it was in the month of August was so rash as to ask for a glass of water, which was given to him, iced, by Montecuculi. The Dauphin died almost in- stantaneously. ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 29 The King idolized his son. The Dauphin was indeed, as . historians are agreed, a very accomplished Prince. His father, in despair, gave the utmost publicity to the proceed- ings against Montecuculi, and placed the matter in the hands of the most learned judges of the day. After heroically enduring the first tests of torture without confessing anything, the Count made an avowal by which he fully implicated the Emperor and his two generals, Antonio de Leyva and Fernando Gonzaga. This, however, did not satisfy Francis I. Never was a case more solemnly thrashed out than this. An eye-witness gives the following account of what the King did : "The King called all the Princes of the Blood, and all the Knights of his Order, and many other high personages of the realm, to meet at Lyons; the Pope's Legate and Nuncio, the cardinals who were of his Court, and the ambassadors of England, Scotland, Portugal, Venice, Ferrara, and others; together with all the princes and great nobles of foreign coun- tries, both of Italy and of Germany, who were at that time residing at his Court, to-wit: The Duke of Wittemberg, in Allemaigne ; the Dukes of Somma, of Arianna, and of Atria ; the Princes of Melphe [Malfi?] (who had desired to marry Catherine), and of Stilliano, Neapolitan; the Marquis di Vigevo, of the House of Trivulzio, Milanese ; the Signor Gio- vanni Paolo di Ceri, Eoman; the Signor Cesare Fregose, Genoese; the Signor Annibale Gonzaga, Mantuan, and many more. Who being assembled, he caused to be read in their presence, from the beginning to the end, the trial of that wretched man who had poisoned his late Highness the Dau- phin, with all the interrogations, confessions, confrontings, and other proceedings usual in criminal trials, not choosing that the sentence should be carried out until all those present had given their opinion on this monstrous and miserable matter." Count Montecuculi's fidelity and devotion may seem ex- traordinary in our day of universal indiscretion, when every- body, and even Ministers, talk over the most trivial incidents 30 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI in which they have put a finger; but in those times princes could command devoted servants, or knew how to choose them. There were monarchical Moreys then, because there was faith. Never look for great things from self-interest: interests may change; but look for anything from feeling, from religious faith, monarchical faith, patriotic faith. These three beliefs alone can produce a Berthereau of ^Geneva, a Sydney or a Strafford in England, assassins toj murder Thomas a Becket, or a Montecuculi; Jacques Cceur and Jeanne d'Arc, or Richelieu and Danton; a Bonchamp, a Talmont, or a Clement, a Chabot. Charles V. made use of the highest personages to carry out the murder of three ambassadors from Francis I. A year later Lorenzino, Catherine's cousin, assassinated Duke Alessandro after three years of dissimulation, and in circum- stances which gained him the surname of the Florentine Brutus. The rank of the victim was so little a check on such undertakings that neither Leo X. nor Clement VII. seems to have died a natural death. Mariana, the historian of Philip II., almost jests in speaking of the death of the Queen of Spain, a Princess of France, saying that "for the greater glory of, the Spanish throne God suffered the blindness of the doctors who treated the Queen for dropsy." When King Henri II. allowed himself to utter a scandal which deserved a sword-thrust, he could find la Chataignerie willing to take it. At that time royal personages had their meals served to them in padlocked boxes of which they had the key. Hence the droit de cadenas, the right of the padlock, an honor which ceased to exist in the reign of Louis XIV. The Dauphin died of poison, the same perhaps as caused the death of MADAME, under Louis XIV. Pope Clement had been dead two years; Duke Alessandro, steeped in de- bauchery, seemed to have no interest in the Due d'Orleans* elevation. Catherine, now seventeen years old, was with her father-in-law, whom she devotedly admired; Charles V. alone seemed to have an interest in the Dauphin's death, because Francis I. intended his son to form an alliance which ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 81 would have extended the power of France. Thus the Count's confession was very ingeniously based on the passions and policy of the day. Charles V. had fled after seeing his troops overwhelmed in Provence, and with them his good fortune, his reputation, and his hopes of aggrandizement. And note, that even if an innocent man had confessed under torture, the King afterwards gave him freedom of speech before an august assembly, and in the presence of men with whom innocence had a fair chance of a hearing. The King wanted the truth, and sought it in good faith. In spite of her now brilliant prospects, Catherine's position, at court was unchanged by the Dauphin's death; her child- lessness made a divorce seem probable when her husband should become king. The Dauphin was now enslaved by Diane de Poitiers, who had dared to be the rival of Madame d'Etampes. Catherine was therefore doubly attentive and insinuating to her father-in-law, understanding that he was her sole mainstay. Thus the first ten years of Catherine's married life were spent in the unceasing regrets caused by repeated disap- pointments when she hoped to have a child, and the vexations of her rivalry with Diane. Imagine what the life must be of a princess constantly spied on by a jealous mistress who was favored by the Catholic party, and by the strong support the Senechale had acquired through the marriage of her daughters one to Eobert de la Mark, Due de Bouillon, Prince de Sedan; the other to Claude de Lorraine, Due d'Aumale. L Swamped between the party of the Duchesse d'Etampes and that of the Senechale (the title borne by Diane de Poitiers during the reign of Francis L), who divided the Court and political feeling between the two mortal foes, Catherine tried to be the friend of both the Duchess and Diane de Poitiers. She, who was to become so great a queen, played the part of a subaltern. Thus she served her appren- ticeship to the double-faced policy which afterwards was the secret clue to her life. At a later date the queen found 82 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI herself between the Catholics and the Calvinists, aa the woman had been, for ten years, between Madame d'Etampes and Madame de Poitiers. She studied the contradictions of French policy. Francis upheld Calvin and the Lutherans, to annoy Charles V. Then, after having covertly and patiently fostered the Eeformation in Germany, after tolerating Calvin's presence at the Court of Navarre, he turned against it with undisguised severity.) So Catherine could see the Court and the women of the Court playing with the fire of heresy; Diane at the head of the Catholic party with the Guises, only because the Duchesse d'Etampes was on the side of Calvin and the Protestants. This was Catherine's political education ; and in the King's private circle she could study the mistakes made by the Medici. The Dauphin was antagonistic to his father on every point; he was a bad son. He forgot the hardest but the tiniest axiom of Royalty, namely, that the throne is a responsible entity, and that a son who may oppose his father during his lifetime must carry out his policy on succeeding to the throne. Spinoza, who was as deep a politician as he was a great philosopher, says, in treating of the case of a king who has succeeded to another by a revolution or by treason: "If the new King hopes to secure his throne and protect his life, he must display so much zeal in avenging his predecessor's death that no one shall feel tempted tc repent such a crime. But to avenge him worthily it is not enough that he should shed the blood of his subjects; he must con- firm the maxims of him whose place he fills, and walk in the same ways of government." It was the application of this principle which gave the Medici to Florence. Cosmo I., Alessandro's successor, eleven years later instigated the murder, at Venice, of the Florentine Brutus, and, as has been said, persecuted the Strozzi without mercy. It was the neglect of this principle that overthrew Louis XVI. That King was false to every principle of gov- ernment when he reinstated the Parlements suppressed by his grandfather. Louis XV. had been clear-sighted; the ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 33 Parlements, and especially that of Paris, were quite half to blame for the disorders that necessitated the assembling of the States-General. Louis XV.'s mistake was that when he threw down that barrier between the throne and the people, he did not erect a stronger one, that he did not substitute for the Parlements a strong constitutional rule in the prov- inces. There lay the remedy for the evils of the Monarchy, the voting power for taxation and the incidence of the taxes, with consent gradually won to the reforms needed in the monarchical rule. Henri II/s first act was to give all his confidence to the Connetable de Montmorency, whom his father had desired him to leave in banishment. The Connetable de Mont- morency, with Diane de Poitiers, to whom he was closely at- tached, was master of the kingdom. Hence Catherine was even less powerful and happy as Queen of France than she had been as the Dauphiness. At first, from the year 1543, she had a child every year for ten years, and was fully taken up by her maternal functions during that time, which included the last years of Francis I.'s reign, and almost the whole of her husband's. It is im- possible not to detect in this constant child-bearing the ma- licious influence of a rival who thus kept the legitimate wife out of the way. This feminine and barbarous policy was no doubt one of Catherine's grievances against Diane. Being thus kept out of the tide of affairs, this clever woman spent her time in observing all the interests of the persons at Court, and all the parties formed there. The Italians who had followed her excited violent suspicions. After the exe- cution of Montecuculi, the Connetable de Montmorency, Diane, and most of the crafty politicians at Court were racked with doubts of the Medici; but Francis I. always scouted them. Still the Gondi, the Biraguas, the Strozzi, the Kug- gieri, the Sardini, in short, all who were classed as the Italians who had arrived in Catherine's wake, were compelled to exercise every faculty of wit, policy, and courage to enable 34 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI them to remain at Court under the burden of disfavor that weighed on them. During the supremacy of Diane de Poitiers, Catherine's obligingness went so far that some clever folks have seen in it an evidence of the profound dissimula- tion to which she was compelled by men and circumstances, and by the conduct of Henri II. But it is going too far to say that she never asserted her rights as a wife and a queen. Her ten children (besides one miscarriage) were a sufficient explanation of the King's conduct, who was thus set free to spend his time with Diane de Poitiers. But the King certainly never fell short of what he owed to himself; he gave the Queen an entry worthy of any that had previously taken place, on the occasion of her coronation. The records of the Parlement and of the Exchequer prove that these two important bodies went to meet Catherine outside Paris, as far as Saint-Lazare. Here, indeed, is a passage from du Tillet's narrative : "A scaffolding had been erected at Saint-Lazare, whereon was a throne (which du Tillet calls a chair of state, chair e de parement). Catherine seated herself on this, dressed in a surcoat, or sort of cape of ermine, covered with jewels; beneath it a bodice, with a court train, and on her head a crown of pearls and diamonds; she was supported by the Marechale de la Mark, her lady of honor. Around her, stand- ing, were the princes of the Blood and other princes and noblemen richly dressed, with the Chancellor of France in a robe of cloth of gold in a pattern on a ground of red cramoisy.* In front of the Queen and on the same scaffold- ing were seated, in two rows, twelve duchesses and countesses, dressed in surcoats of ermine, stomachers, trains, and fillets, that is to say, coronets, whether duchesses or countesses. There were the Duchesse d'Estouteville, de Montpensier the elder and the younger the Princesse de la Roche-sur- Yon; the Duchesses de Guise, de Nivernois, d'Aumale, de Valentinois (Diane de Poitiers) ; Mademoiselle the legiti- * The old French word cramaisi did not mean merely a crimson red, but denoted a Special excellence of the dye. (See Rabelais. \ ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 35 mized bastard 'of France' (a title given to the King's daugh- ter Diane, who became Duchesse de Castro-Farnese, and afterwards Duchesse de Montmorency-Damville), Madame la Connetable, and Mademoiselle de Nemours, not to mention the other ladies who could find no room. The four capped Presidents (a mortier), with some other members of the Court and the chief clerk, du Tillet, went up on to the plat- form and did their service, and the First President Lizet, kneeling on one knee, addressed the Queen. The Chancellor, likewise on one knee, made response. She made her entrance into Paris at about three in the afternoon, riding in an open litter, Madame Marguerite de France sitting opposite to her, and by the side of the litter came the Cardinals d'Amboise, de Chatillon, de Boulogne, and de Lenoncourt, in their rochets. She got out at the Church of Notre-Dame, and was received by the clergy. After she had made her prayer, she was carried along the Eue de la Calandre to the Palace, where the royal supper was spread in the great hall. She sat there in the middle at a marble table, under a canopy of velvet powdered with gold fleurs de lys." It will here be fitting to controvert a popular error which some persons have perpetuated, following Sauval in the mis- take. It has been said that Henri II. carried his oblivion of decency so far as to place his mistress' initials even on the buildings which Catherine had advised him to undertake or to carry on at such lavish expense. But the cipher, which is to be seen at the Louvre, amply refutes those who have so little comprehension as to lend credit to such nonsense, a gratuitous slur on the honor of our kings and queens. The H for Henri and the two C's, face to face, for Catherine seem indeed to make two D's for Diane; and this coincidence was no doubt pleasing to the King. But it is not the less certain that the royal cipher was officially constructed of the initials of the King and the Queen. And this is so true, that the same cipher is still to be seen on the corn-market in Paris which Catherine herself had built. It may also be found in the crypt of Saint-Denis on Catherine's tomb, which she 36 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI caused to be constructed during her lifetime by the side ot that of Henri II., and on which she is represented from life by the sculptor to whom she sat. On a solemn occasion, when he was setting out on an expedition to Germany, Henri II. proclaimed Catherine Re- gent during his absence, as also in the event of his death on March 25, 1552. Catherine's bitterest enemy, the author of the Discours merveilleux sur les deportements de Catherine II., admits that she acquitted herself of these functions to the general approbation, and that the King was satisfied with her administration. Henri II. had men and money at the right moment. And after the disastrous day of Saint-Quen- tin, Catherine obtained from the Parisians considerable sums, which she forwarded to Compiegne, whither the King had come. In politics Catherine made immense efforts to acquire some little influence. She was clever enough to gain over to her interests the Connetable de Montmorency, who was all-powerful under Henri II. The King's terrible reply to Montmorency's insistency is well known. This answer was the result of the good advice given by Catherine in the rare moments when she was alone with the King, and could ex- plain to him the policy of the Florentines, which was to set the magnates of a kingdom by the ears and build up the sovereign authority on the ruins Louis XL's system, sub- sequently carried out by Richelieu. Henri II., who saw only through the eyes of Diane and the Connetable, was quite a feudal King, and on friendly terms with the great Houses of the realm. After an ineffectual effort in her favor made by the Con- netable, probably in the year 1556, Catherine paid great court to the Guises, and schemed to detach them from Diane's party so as to set them in opposition to Montmorency. But, unfortunately, Diane and the Connetable were as virulent against the Protestants as the Guises were. Hence their antagonism lacked the vims which religious feeling would have given it. Besides, Diane boldly defied the Queen's plans ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 37 by coquetting with the Guises and giving her daughter to the Due d'Aumale. She went so far that she has been accused by some writers of granting more than smiles to the gallant Cardinal de Lorraine.* The signs of grief and the ostentatious regret displayed by Catherine on the King's death cannot be regarded as genuine. The fact that Henri II. had been so passionately and faithfully attached to Diane de Poitiers made it incum- bent on Catherine that she should play the part of a ne- glected wife who idolized her husband; but, like every clever woman, she carried on her dissimulation, and never ceased to speak with tender regret of Henri II. Diane herself, it is well known, wore mourning all her life for her husband, Monsieur de Breze. Her colors were black and white, and the King was wearing them at the tournament when he was fatally wounded. Catherine, in imitation no doubt of her rival, wore mourning for the King to the end of her life. On the King's death, the Duchesse de Valentinois was shamelessly deserted and dishonored by the Connetable de Montmorency, a man in every respect beneath his reputation. Diane sent to offer her estate and Chateau of Chenonceaux to the Queen. Catherine then replied in the presence of witnesses, "I can never forget that she was all the joy of my dear Henri; I should be ashamed to accept, I will give her an estate in exchange. I would propose that of Chau- mont-on-the-Loire." The deed of exchange was, in fact, signed at Blois in 1559. Diane, whose sons-in-law were the Due d'Aumale and the Due de Bouillon, kept her whole for- tune and died peacefully in 1566 at the age of sixty-six. She was thus nineteen years older than Henri II. These dates,! copied from the epitaph on her tomb by an historian who ' *Some satirist of the time has left the following lines on Henri II. [in which tha pun on the words Sire and Cire (wax) would be lost in translation] : " Sire, si vous laissez, comme Charles desire, Comme Diane veut, par trop vous gouverner, Fondre, pfitrir, mollir, refondre, retourner, Sire, vous n'etes plus, vous n'etes plus que cire." Charles was the Cardinal de Lorraine. '4 38 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI studied the question at the end of the last century, clear up many historical difficulties; for many writers have said she was forty when her father was sentenced in 1523, while others have said she was but sixteen. She was, in fact, four-and- twenty. After reading everything both for and against her conduct with Francis I., at a time when the House of Poitiers was in the greatest danger, we can neither confirm nor deny any- thing. It is a passage of history that still remains obscure. We can see by what happens in our own day how history is falsified, as it were, in the making. Catherine, who founded great hopes on her rival's age, several times made an attempt to overthrow her. On one occasion she was very near the accomplishment of her hopes. In 1554, Madame Diane, being ill, begged the King to go to Saint-Germain pending her recovery. This sovereign coquette would not be seen in the midst of the paraphernalia of doctors, nor bereft of the adjuncts of dress. To receive the King on his return, Catherine arranged a splendid ballet, in which five or six young ladies were to address him in verse. She selected for the purpose Miss Fleming, related to her uncle, the Duke of Albany, and one of the loveliest girls imaginable, fair and golden-haired; then a young con- nection of her own, Clarissa Strozzi, with magnificent black hair and rarely fine hands; Miss Lewiston, maid of honor to Mary Stuart; Mary Stuart herself; Madame Elizabeth de France, the unhappy Queen of Spain ; and Madame Claude. Elizabeth was nine years old, Claude eight, and Mary Stuart twelve. Obviously, the Queen aimed at showing off Clarissa Strozzi and Miss Fleming without other rivals in the King's eyes. The King succumbed : he fell in love with Miss Flem- ing, and she bore him a son, Henri de Valois, Comte d'An- gouleme, Grand Prior of France. But Diane's influence and position remained unshaken. Like Madame de* Pompadour later with Louis XV., the Duchesse de Valentinois was forgiving. But to what sort of love are we to ascribe this scheme on Catherine's part ? Love of power or love of her husband ? Women must decide. ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 39 A great deal is said in these days as to the license of the press; but it is difficult to imagine to what a pitch it was carried when printing was a new thing. Aretino, the Vol- taire of his time, as is well known, made monarchs tremble, and foremost of them all Charles V. But few people know perhaps how far the audacity of pamphleteers could go. This Chateau of Chenonceaux had been given to Diane, nay, she was entreated to accept it, to induce her to overlook one of the most horrible publications ever hurled at a woman, one which shows how violent was the animosity between her and Madame d'Etampes. In 1537, when she was eight-and- thirty, a poet of Champagne, named Jean Voute, published a collection of Latin verses, and among them three epigrams aimed at her. We must conclude that the poet was under high patronage from the fact that his volume is introduced by an eulogium written by Simon Macrin, the King's First Gentleman of the Bed-chamber. Here is the only passage quotable to-day from these epigrams, which bear the title: In Pictaviam, anum aulicam. (Against la Poitiers, an old woman of the Court.) "Non trahit esca ficta prsedam." "A painted bait catches no game," says the poet, after telling her that she paints her face and buys her teeth and hair ; and he goes on : "Even if you could buy the finest es- sence that makes a woman, you would not get what you want of your lover, for you would need to be living, and you are dead." This volume, printed by Simon de Colines, was dedicated "To a Bishop !" To Frangois Bohier, the brother of the man who, to save his credit at Court and atone for his crime, made an offering on the accession of Henri II. of the chateau of Chenonceaux, built by his father, Thomas Bohier, Councillor o'f State under four Kings : Louis XL, Charles VIII., Louis XII., and Francis I. What were the pamphlets published against Madame de Pompadour and Marie Antoinette 40 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI in comparison with verses that might have been written by Martial! Voute must have come to a bad end. Thus the estate and chateau of Chenonceaux cost Diane nothing but the forgiveness of an offence a duty enjoined by the Gospel. Not being assessed by a jury, the penalties inflicted on the Press were rather severer then than they are now. The widowed Queens of France were required to remain for forty days in the King's bed-chamber, seeing no light ( but that of the tapers; they might not come out till after the funeral. This inviolable custom annoyed Catherine greatly ; she was afraid of cabals. She found a way to evade it. The Cardinal de Lorraine coming out one morning at such a time! at such a juncture! from the house of "the fair Roman," a famous courtesan of that day, who lived in the Eue Culture-Sainte-Catherine, was roughly handled by a party of roisterers. "Whereat his Holiness was much amazed," says Henri Estienne, "and gave it out that heretics were lying in wait for him." And on this account the Court moved from Paris to Saint-Germain. The Queen would not leave the King her son behind, but took him with her. The accession of Francis II., the moment when Catherine proposed to seize the reins of power, was a disappointment that formed a cruel climax to the twenty-six years of endur- ance she had already spent at the French Court. The Guises, with incredible audacity, at once usurped the sovereign power. The Due de Guise was placed in command of the army, and the Connetable de Montmorency was shelved. The Cardinal took the control of the finances and the clergy. Catherine's political career opened with one of those dramas which, though it was less notorious than some others, was notj the less horrible, and initiated her no doubt into the agitating shocks of her life. Whether it was that Catherine, after vainly trying the most violent remedies, had thought she might bring the King back to her through jealousy ; whether on coming to her second youth she had felt it hard never to have known love, she had shown a warm interest in a gen- tlemfcn of royal blood, Franqois de Vendome, son of Louis ABOUT CATHEKINE DE' MEDICI de Vendome the parent House of the Bourbons the Vidame de Chartres, the name by which he is known to his- tory. Catherine's covert hatred of Diane betrayed itself in many ways, which historians, studying only political devel- opments, have failed to note with due attention. Catherine's attachment to the Vidame arose from an insult offered by the young man to the favorite. Diane looked for the most splendid matches for her daughters, who were indeed of the best blood in the kingdom. Above all, she was ambitious of an alliance with the Koyal family. And her second daugh- ter, who became the Duchesse d'Aumale, was proposed in marriage to the Vidame, whom Francis I., with sage policy, kept in poverty. For, in fact, when the Vidame de Chartres and the Prince de Conde first came to Court, Francis I. gave them appointments! What? the office of chamberlains in ordinary, with twelve hundred crowns a year, as much as he bestowed on the humblest of his gentlemen. And yet, though Diane offered him immense wealth, some high office under the Crown, and the King's personal favor, the Vidame refused. And then this Bourbon, factious as he was, married Jeanne, daughter of the Baron d'Estissac, by whom he had no children. This proud demeanor naturally commended the Vidame to Catherine, who received him with marked favor, and made him her devoted friend. Historians have compared the last Due de Montmorency, who was beheaded at Toulouse, with the Vidame de Chartres for his power of charming, his merits, and his talents. Henri II. was not jealous; he did not apparently think it possible that a Queen of France could fail in her duty, or that a Medici could forget the honor done her by a Valois. When the Queen was said to be flirting with the Vidame de Chartres, she had been almost deserted by the King since the birth of her last child. So this attempt came to nothing as the King died wearing the colors of Diane de Poitiers. So, at the King's death, Catherine was on terms of gallant familiarity with the Vidame, a state of things in no way out 42 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI of harmony with the manners of the time, when love was at once so chivalrous and so licentious that the finest actions seemed as natural as the most blamable. But, as usual, his- torians have blundered by regarding exceptional cases as the rule. Henri II.'s four sons nullified every pretension of the Bourbons, who were all miserably poor, and crushed under the scorn brought upon them by the Connetable de Mont- morency's treason, in spite of the reasons which had led him to quit the country. The Vidame de Chartres, who was to the first Prince de Conde what Eichelieu was to Mazarin, a father in politics, a model, and yet more a master in gal- lantry, hid the vast ambition of his family under a semblance of levity. Being unable to contend with the Guises, the Montmorencys, the Princes of Scotland, the Cardinals, and the Bouillons, he aimed at distinction by his gracious man- ners, his elegance, and his wit, which won him the favors of the most charming women, and the heart of many he never thought about. He was a man privileged by nature, whose fascinations were irresistible, and who owed to his love affairs the means of keeping up his rank. The Bourbons would not have taken offence, like Jarnac, at la Chataignerie's scandal; they were very ready to accept lands and houses from their mistresses witness the Prince de Conde, who had the estate of Saint- Valery from Madame la Marechale de Saint-Andre. During the first twenty days of mourning for Henri II., a sudden change came over the Vidame's prospects. Courted by the Queen-mother, and courting her as a man may court a queen, in the utmost secrecy, he seemed fated to play an important part; and Catherine, in fact, resolved to make him useful. The Prince received letters from her to the Prince de Conde, in which she pointed out the necessity for a coalition against the Guises. The Guises, informed of this intrigue, made their way into the Queen's chamber to compel her to sign an order consigning the Vidame to the Bastille, and Catherine found herself under the cruel necessity of ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDIOf 43 submitting. The Vidame died after a few months' captivity, on the day when he came out of prison, a short time before the Amboise conspiracy. This was the end of Catherine de' Medici's first and only love affair. Protestant writers declared that the Queen had him poisoned to bury the secret of her gallantries in the tomb. , Such was this woman's apprenticeship to the exercise of royal power. 44 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI PART I THE CALVINIST MARTYR FEW persons in these days know how artless were the dwell- ings of the citizens of Paris in the sixteenth century, and how simple their lives. This very simplicity of habits and thought perhaps was the cause of the greatness of this primi- tive citizen class for they were certainly great, free and noble, more so perhaps than the citizens of our time. Their history remains to be written; it requires and awaits a man of genius. Inspired by an incident which, though little known, forms the basis of this narrative, and is one of the most re- markable in the history of the citizen class, this reflection will no doubt occur to every one who shall read it to the end. Is it the first time in history that the conclusion has come before the facts? In 1560, the houses of the Rue de la Vieille-Pelleterie lay close to the left bank of the Seine, between the Pont Notre- Dame and the Pont au Change. The public way and the houses occupied the ground now given up to the single path of the present quay. Each house, rising from the river, had a way down to it by stone or wooden steps, defended by strong iron gates, or doors of nail-studded timber. These houses, like those of Venice, had a door to the land and one to the water. At the moment of writing this sketch, only one house remains of this kind as a reminiscence of old Paris, and that is doomed soon to disappear; it stands at the corner of the Petit-Pent, the little bridge facing the guard-house of the Hotel-Dieii. Of old each dwelling presented, on the river side, the ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 45 peculiar physiognomy stamped on it either by the trade and the habits of its owners, or by the eccentricity of the con- structions devised by them for utilizing or defiling the Seine. The bridges being built, and almost all choked up by more mills than were convenient for the requirements of naviga- tion, the Seine in Paris was divided into as many pools as there were bridges. Some of these old Paris basins would have afforded delightful studies of color for the painter. jWhat a forest of timbers was built into the cross-beams that supported the mills, with their immense sails and wheels ! What curious effects were to be found in the joists that shored up the houses from the river. Genre painting as yet, un- fortunately, was not, and engraving in its infancy; so we have no record of the curious scenes which may still be found, on a small scale, in some provincial towns where the rivers are fringed with wooden houses, and where, as at Vendome, for instance, the pools, overgrown with tall grasses, are di- vided by railings to separate the various properties on each bank. The name of this street, which has now vanished from the map, sufficiently indicates the kind of business carried on there. At that time the merchants engaged in any particular trade, far from dispersing themselves about the city, gath- ered together for mutual protection. Being socially bound by the guild which limited their increase, they were also united into a brotherhood by the Church. This kept up prices. And then the masters were not at the mercy of their workmen, and did not yield, as they do now, to all their vagaries; on the contrary, they took charge of them, treated them as their children, and taught them the finer mysteries of their craft. A workman, to become a master, was required to produce a masterpiece always an offering to the patron saint of the guild. And will you venture to assert that the absence of competition diminished their sense of perfec- tion, or hindered beauty of workmanship, when your admira- tion of the work of the older craftsmen has created the new trade of dealers in 'bric-a-brac^ 46 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the fur trade was one of the most flourishing industries. The difficulty of obtaining furs, which, coming from the North, necessitated long and dangerous voyages, gave a high value to skins and furriers' work. Then, as now, high prices led to demand, for vanity knows no obstacles. In France, and in other kingdoms, not only was the use of furs restricted by law to the great nobility, as is proved by the part played by ermine in ancient coats-of-arms ; but certain rare furs, such as vair, which was beyond doubt im- perial sable, might be worn only by kings, dukes, and men of high rank holding certain offices. Vair (a name still used in heraldry, vair and counter vair) was sub-divided into grand vair and menu vair. The word has within the last hundred years fallen so completely into disuse, that in hundreds of editions of Perrault's fairy tales, Cinderella's famous slipper, probably of fur, menu vair, has become a glass slipper, pa/rir- toufle de verre. Not long since a distinguished French poet was obliged to restore and explain the original spelling of this word, for the edification of his brethren of the press, when giving an account of the "Cenerentola," in which a ring is substituted for the symbolical slipper an unmeaning change. The laws against the use of fur were, of course, perpetually transgressed, to the great advantage of the furriers. The high price of textiles and of furs made a garment in those days a durable thing, in keeping with the furni- ture, armor, and general details of the sturdy life of the time. A nobleman or lady, every rich man as well as every citizen, possessed at most two dresses for each season, and they lasted a lifetime or more. These articles were bequeathed to their children. Indeed, the clauses relating to weapons and rai- ment in marriage contracts, in these days unimportant by reason of the small value of clothes that are constantly re- newed, were at that period of great interest. High prices had led to durability. A lady's outfit represented a vast sum of money; it was ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 47 included in her fortune, and safely bestowed in those enor- mous chests which endanger the ceilings of modern houses. The full dress of a lady in 1840 would have been the deshabille of a fine lady of 1540. The discovery of America, the facility of transport, the destruction of social distinctions, which has led to the effacement of visible distinctions, have all contributed to reduce the furrier's craft to the low ebb at which it stands, almost to nothing. The article sold by af furrier at the same price as of old say twenty livres has) fallen in value with the money: the livre or franc was then worth twenty of our present money. The citizen's wife or the courtesan who, in our day, trims her cloak with sable, does not know that in 1440 a malignant constable of the watch would have taken her forthwith into custody, and haled her before the judge at le Chatelet. The English ladies who are so fond of ermine are unconscious of the fact that formerly none but queens, duchesses, and the Chancellor of France were permitted to wear this royal fur. There are at this day various ennobled families bearing the name of Pelletier or Lepelletier, whose forebears were obviously wealthy furriers; for most of our citizen names were origi- nally surnames of that kind. This digression not only explains the long squabbles as to precedence which the Drapers' Guild carried on for two centuries with the Mercers and the Furriers, each insisting on marching first, as being the most important, but also ac- counts for the consequence of one Master Lecamus, a furrier honored with the patronage of the two Queens, Catherine de' Medici and Mary Stuart, as well as that of the legal profession, who for twenty years had been the Syndic of his Corporation, and who lived in this street. The house oc-' cupied by Lecamus was one of the three forming the three corners of the cross-roads at the end of the Pont au Change, where only the tower now remains that formed the fourth corner. At the angle of this house, forming the corner of the bridge and of the quay, now called the Quai aux Fleurs, 48 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI the architect had placed a niche for a Madonna, before whom tapers constantly burned, with posies of real flowers in their season, and artificial flowers in the winter. On the side towards the Sue du Pont, as well as on that to the Rue de la Vieille-Pelleterie, the house was supported on wooden pillars. All the houses of the trading quarters were thus constructed, with an arcade beneath, where foot passengers walked under cover on a floor hardened by the fmud they brought in, which made it a rather rough pave- ment. In all the towns of France these arcades have been called piliers in England rows a general term to which the name of a trade is commonly added, as "Piliers des Halles," "Piliers de la Boucherie." These covered ways, required by the changeable and rainy climate of Paris, gave the town a highly characteristic feature, but they have en- tirely disappeared. Just as there now remains one house only on the river-bank, so no more than about a hundred feet are left of the old Piliers in the market, the last that have survived till now; and in a few days this remnant of the gloomy labyrinth of old Paris will also be destroyed. The existence of these relics of the Middle Ages is, no doubt, in- compatible with the splendor of modern Paris. And these remarks are not intended as a lament over those fragments of the old city, but as a verification of this picture by the last surviving examples now falling into dust, and to win forgiveness for such descriptions, which will be precious in the future which is following hard on the heels of this age. The walls were of timber covered with slates, The spaces between the timbers had been filled up with bricks, in a way that may still be seen in some provincial towns, laid in a zigzag pattern known as Point de Hongrie. The window- sills and lintels, also of wood, were handsomely carved, as ,were the corner tabernacle above the Madonna, and the pillars in front of the shop. Every window, every beam dividing the stories, was graced with arabesques of fantastic figures and animals wreathed in scrolls of foliage. On the street side, as on the river side, the house was crowned with a high- ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 49 pitched roof having a gable to the river and one to the street. This roof, like that of a Swiss chalet, projected far enough to cover a balcony on the second floor, with an orna- mental balustrade ; here the mistress might walk under shel- ter and command a view of the street, or of the pool shut in between two bridges and two rows of houses. Houses by the river were at that time highly valued. The system of drainage and water supply was not yet invented; the only main drain was one round Paris, constructed by Aubriot, the first man of genius and determination who in the time of Charles V. thought of sanitation for Paris. Houses, situated like this of the Sieur Lecamus found in the river a necessary water-supply, and a natural outlet for rain water and waste. The vast works of this kind under the direction of the Trade Provosts are only now disappear- ing. None but octogenarians can still remember having seen the pits which swallowed up the surface waters, in the Eue Montmartre, Eue du Temple, etc. These hideous yawn- ing culverts were in their day of inestimable utility. Their place will probably be for ever marked by the sudden rising of the roadway over what was their open channel another archaeological detail which, in a couple of centuries, the his- torian will find inexplicable. One day, in 1816, a little girl, who had been sent to an actress at the Ambigu with some diamonds for the part of a queen, was caught in a storm, and so irresistibly swept away by the waters to the opening of the drain in the Eue du Temple, that she would have been drowned in it but for the help of a passer-by, who was touched by her cries. But she had dropped the jewels, which were found in a man-hole. , This accident made a great commotion, and gave weight to the demands for the closing of these gulfs for swallowing water and little girls. These curious structures, five feet high, had more or less movable gratings, which led to the flooding of cellars when the stream produced by heavy rain was checked by the grating being choked with rubbish, which the residents often forgot to remove. 50 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI The front of Master Lecamus' shop was a large window, but filled in with small panes of leaded glass, which made the place very dark. The furs for wealthy purchasers were carried to them for inspection. To those who came to buy in the shop, the goods were displayed outside between the pillars, which, during the day, were always more or less blocked by tables and salesmen sitting on stools, as they could still be seen doing under the arcade of the Halles some 'fifteen years since. From these outposts the clerks, appren- tices, and sewing girls could chat, question, and answer each other, and hail the passer-by in a way which Walter Scott has depicted in the Fortunes of Nigel. The signboard, repre- senting an ermine, was hung out as we still see those of village inns, swinging from a handsome arm of pierced and gilt ironwork. Over the ermine were these words : LECAMUS Furrier To Her Majesty the Queen and the King our Sovereign Lord On one side, and on the other: "To Her Majesty the Queen Mother And to the Gentlemen of the Parlement." The words "To Her Majesty the Queen" had been lately added; the gilt letters were new. This addition was a con- sequence of the recent changes produced by Henri II. 's sudden i and violent death, which overthrew many fortunes at Court, and began that of the Guises. ,. The back shop looked over the river. In this room sat the worthy citizen and his wife, Mademoiselle Lecamus. The wife of a man who was not noble had not at any time any right to the title of Dame, or lady; but the wives of the citizens of Paris were allowed to call themselves Demoiselle ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 51 (as we might say Mistress), as part of the privileges granted and confirmed to their husbands by many kings to whom they had rendered great services. Between this back room and the front shop was a spiral ladder or staircase of wood, a sort of corkscrew leading up to the next story, where the furs were stored, to the old couple's bedroom, and again to the attics, lighted by dormer windows, where their children 'slept, the maid-servant, the clerks, and the apprentices. This herding of families, servants, and apprentices, and the small space allotted to each in the dwelling, where the apprentices all slept in one large room under the tiles, ac- counts for the enormous population at that time crowded together in Paris on a tenth of the ground now occupied by the city, and also for the many curious details of mediaeval life, and the cunning love affairs, though these, pace the grave historian, are nowhere recorded but by the story writers, and without them would have been lost. At this time a grand gentleman such as the Admiral de Coligny, for instance had three rooms for himself in Paris, and his people lived in a neighboring hostelry. There were not fifty mansions in all Paris, not fifty palaces, that is to say, belonging to the sovereign princes or great vassals, whose ex- istence was far superior to that of the greatest German rulers, such as the Duke of Bavaria or the Elector of Saxony. The kitchen in the Lecamus' house was on the river side below the back shop. It had a glass door opening on to an ironwork balcony, where the cook could stand to draw up water in a pail and to wash the household linen. Thus the back shop was at once the sitting-room, the dining-room, and the counting-house. It was in this important room always fitted with richly-carved wood, and adorned by some chest or artistic article of furniture that the merchant spent most of his life; there he had jolly suppers after his day's /work; there were held secret debates on the political interests of the citizens and the Royal family. The formidable guilds of Paris could at that time arm a hundred thousand men. Their resolutions were stoutly upheld by their serving-men, 52 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI their clerks, their apprentices, and their workmen. Their Provost was their commander-in-chief, and they had, in the Hotel de Ville, a palace where they had a right to assemble. In that famous "citizens' parlor" (parlouer aux bourgeois) very solemn decisions were taken. But for the continual sacrifices which had made war unendurable to the Guilds, 1 wearied out with losses and famine, Henri IV., a rebel-made 5 king, might never have entered Paris. Every reader may now imagine for himself the character- istic appearance of this corner of Paris where the bridge and the Quay now open out, where the trees rise from the Quai aux Fleurs, and where nothing is left of the past but the lofty and famous clock-tower whence the signal was tolled for the Massacre of Saint-Bartholomew. Strange coinci- dence ! One of the houses built round the foot of that tower at that time surrounded by wooden shops the house of the Lecamus, was to be the scene of one of the incidents that led to that night of horrors, which proved, unfortunately, propitious rather than fatal to Calvinism. At the moment when this story begins, the audacity of the new religious teaching was setting Paris by the ears. A Scotchman, named Stuart, had just assassinated President Minard, that member of the Parlement to whom public opinion attributed a principal share in the execution of Anne du Bourg, a councillor burnt on the Place de Greve after the tailor of the late King, who had been tortured in the presence of Henri II. and Diane de Poitiers. Paris was so closely watched, that the archers on guard compelled every passer-by to pray to the Virgin, in order to detect heretics, who yielded unwillingly, or even refused to perform an act opposed to their convictions. The two archers on guard at the corner of the Lecamus' house had just gone off duty; thus Christophe, the furrier's son, strongly suspected of deserting the Catholic faith, had been able to go out without fear of being compelled to adore the Virgin's image. At seven in the evening of an April day, ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 53 1560, night was falling, and the apprentices, seeing only a few persons walking along the arcades on each side of the street, were carrying in the goods laid out for inspection preparatory to closing the house and the shop. Christophe Lecamus, an ardent youth of two-and-twenty, was standing in the door, apparently engaged in looking after the appren- tices. "Monsieur," said one of these lads to Christophe, pointing, out a man who was pacing to and fro under the arcade with a doubtful expression, "that is probably a spy or a thief, but whatever he is, such a lean wretch cannot be an honest man. If he wanted to speak to us on business, he would come up boldly instead of creeping up and down as he is doing. And what a face!" he went on, mimicking the stranger, "with his nose hidden in his cloak ! What a jaundiced eye, and what a starved complexion !" As soon as the stranger thus described saw Christophe standing alone in the doorway, he hastily crossed from the opposite arcade where he was walking, came under the pillars of the Lecamus' house, and passing along by the shop before the apprentices had come out again to close the shutters, he went up to the young man. "I am Chaudieu !" he said in a low voice. On hearing the name of one of the most famous ministers, and one of the most heroic actors in the terrible drama called the Eeformation, Christophe felt such a thrill as a faithful peasant would have felt on recognizing his King under a disguise. "Would you like to see some furs?" said Christophe, to deceive the apprentices whom he heard behind him. "Though it is almost dark, I can show you some myself." He invited the minister to enter, but the man replied that he would rather speak to him out of doors. Christophe fetched his cap and followed the Calvinist. Chaudieu, though banished by an edict, as secret pleni- potentiary of Theodore de Beze and Calvin who directed the Reformation in France from Geneva went and came, s r 54 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI defying the risk of the horrible death inflicted by the Parle- ment, in concert with the Church and the Monarch, on a leading reformer, the famous Anne du Bourg. This man, whose brother was a captain in the army, and one of Admiral Coligny's best warriors, was the arm used by Calvin to stir up France at the* beginning of the twenty-two years of re- ;' ( ligious wars which were on the eve of an outbreak. This preacher of the reformed faith was one of those secret wheels 'which may best explain the immense spread of the Eeforma- tion. Chaudieu led Christophe down to the edge of the water by an underground passage like that of the Arche Marion, filled in some ten years since. This tunnel between the house of Lecamus and that next it ran under the Kue de la Vieille- Pelleterie, and was known as le Pont aux Fourreurs. It was used by the dyers of the Cit6 as a way down to the river to wash their thread, silk, and materials. A little boat lay there, held and rowed by one man. In the bows sat a stranger, a small man, and very simply dressed. In an instant the boat was in the middle of the river, and the boatman steered it under one of the wooden arches of the Pont au Change, where he quickly secured it to an iron ring. No one had said a word. "Here we may talk in safety, there are neither spies nor traitors," said Chaudieu to the two others. "Are you filled with the spirit of self-sacrifice that should animate a martyr ? Are you ready to suffer all things for our holy Cause? Do you fear the torments endured by the late King's tailor, and the Councillor du Bourg, which of a truth await us all?" He spoke to Christophe, looking at him with a radiant face. "I will testify to the Gospel," replied Christophe simply, looking up at the windows of the back shop. The familiar lamp standing on a table, where his father was no doubt balancing his books, reminded him by its mild beam of the peaceful life and family joys he was renouncing. It was a brief but complete vision. The young man's fancy took in the homely harmony of the whole scene the places ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 65 where he had spent his happy childhood, where Babette Lal- lier lived, his future wife, where everything promised him a calm and busy life ; he saw the past, he saw the future, and he sacrificed it all. At any rate, he staked it. Such were men in those days. "We need say no more," cried the impetuous boatman. "We know him for one of the saints. If the Scotchman had not dealt the blow, he would have killed the infamous Minard." "Yes," said Lecamus, "my life is in the hands of the brethren, and I devote it with joy for the success of the Eeformation. I have thought of it all seriously. I know what we are doing for the joy of the nations. In two words, the Papacy makes for celibacy, the Reformation makes foi the family. It is time to purge France of its monks, to restore their possessions to the Crown, which will sell them sooner or later to the middle classes. Let us show that we can die for our children, and to make our families free and happy 1" The young enthusiast's face, with Chaudieu's, the boat- man's, and that of the stranger seated in the bows, formed a picture that deserves to be described, all the more so be- cause such a description entails the whole history of that epoch, if it be true that it is given to some men to sum up in themselves the spirit of their age. Religious reform, attempted in Germany by Luther, in Scotland by John Knox, and in France by Calvin, found partisans chiefly among those of the lower classes who had begun to think. The great nobles encouraged the movement only to serve other interests quite foreign to the religious question. These parties were joined by adventurers, by gen- tlemen who had lost all, by youngsters to whom every form of excitement was acceptable. But among the artisans and men employed in trade, faith was genuine, and founded on intelligent interests. The poorer nations at once gave their adherence to a religion which brought the property of the Church back to the State, which suppressed the convents, 56 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI and deprived the dignitaries of the Church of their enormous revenues. Everybody in trade calculated the profits from this religious transaction, and devoted themselves to it body, soul, and purse; and among the youth of the French citizen class, the new preaching met that noble disposition for self- sacrifice of every kind which animates the young to whomj egoism is unknown. Eminent men, penetrating minds, such as are always to be found among the masses, foresaw the Republic in the Reformation, and hoped to establish throughout Europe a form of government like that of the United Netherlands, which at last triumphed over the greatest power of the time Spain, ruled by Philip II., and represented in the Low Coun- tries by the Duke of Alva. Jean Hotoman was at that time planning the famous book in which this scheme is set forth, which diffused through France the leaven of these ideas, stirred up once more by the League, subdued by Richelieu, and afterwards by Louis XIV., to reappear with the Econo- mists and the Encyclopedists under Louis XV., and burst into life under Louis XVI.; ideas which were always ap- proved by the younger branches, by the House of Orleans in 1789, as by the House of Bourbon in 1589. The questioning spirit is the rebellious spirit. A rebellion is always either a cloak to hide a prince, or the swaddling wrapper of a new rule. The House of Bourbon, a younger branch than the Valois, was busy at the bottom of the Reformation. At the moment when the little boat lay moored under the arch of the Pont au Change, the question was further complicated by the ambition of the Guises, the rivals of the Bourbons. Indeed, the Crown as represented by/ Catherine de' Medici could, for thirty years, hold its own in 1 the strife by setting these two factions against each other; whereas later, instead of being clutched at by many hands, the Crown stood face to face with the people without a barrier between ; for Richelieu and Louis XIV. had broken down the nobility, and Louis XV. had overthrown the Parlements. Now a king alone face to face with a nation, as Louis XVI. was, must inevitably succumb. ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 57 Christophe Lecamus was very typical of the ardent and devoted sons of the people. His pale complexion had that warm burnt hue which is seen in some fair people; his hair was of a coppery yellow; his eyes were bluish-gray, and sparkled brightly. In them alone was his noble soul visible, for his clumsy features did not disguise the somewhat tri- angular shape of a plain face by lending it the look of dignity which a man of rank can assume, and his forehead was low, and characteristic only of great energy. His vitality seemed to be seated no lower down than his chest, which was somewhat hollow. Sinewy, rather than muscular, Chris- tophe was of tough texture, lean but wiry. His sharp nose showed homely cunning, and his countenance revealed in- telligence of the kind that acts wisely on one point of a circle, but has not the power of commanding the whole circumfer- ence. His eyes, set under brows that projected like a pent- house, and faintly outlined with light down, were surrounded with broad light-blue circles, with a sheeny white patch at the root of the nose, almost always a sign of great excitability. Christophe was of the people the race that fights and allows itself to be deceived; intelligent enough to understand and to serve an idea, too noble to take advantage of it, too mag- nanimous to sell himself. By the side of old Lecamus' only son, Chaudieu, the ardent minister, lean from watchfulness, with brown hair, a yellow skin, a contumacious brow, an eloquent mouth, fiery hazel eyes, and a short rounded chin, symbolized that Christian zeal which gave the Reformation so many fanatical and earnest preachers, whose spirit and boldness fired whole com- munities. This aide-de-camp of Calvin and Theodore de Beze contrasted well with the furrier's son. He represented the living cause of which Christophe was the effect. You could not have conceived of the active firebrand of the popular machine under any other aspect. The boatman, an impetuous creature, tanned by the open air, the dews of night, and the heats of the day, with firmly set lips, quick motions, a hungry, tawny eye like a vulture's. 58 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI and crisp black hair, was the characteristic adventurer who risks his all in an undertaking as a. gambler stakes his whole fortune on a card. Everything in the man spoke of terrible passions and a daring that would flinch at nothing. His quivering muscles were as able to keep silence as to speak. His look was assertive rather than noble. His nose, upturned but narrow, scented battle. He seemed active and adroit. In any age you would have known him for a party leader. He might have been Pizarro, Hernando Cortez, or Morgan^ the Destroyer if there had been no Keformation a doer of violent deeds. The stranger who sat on a seat, wrapped in his cloak, evi- dently belonged to the highest social rank. The fineness of his linen, the cut, material, and perfume of his raiment, the make and texture of his gloves, showed a man of the Court, as his attitude, his haughtiness, his cool demeanor, and his flashing eye revealed a man of war. His appearance was at first somewhat alarming, and inspired respect. We respect a man who respects himself. Though short and hunchbacked, his manner made good all the defects of his figure. The ice once broken, he had the cheerfulness of decisiveness and an indescribable spirit of energy which made him attractive. He had the blue eyes and the hooked nose of the House of Navarre, and the Spanish look of the marked physiognomy that was characteristic of the Bourbon kings. With three words the scene became of the greatest in- terest. "Well, then," said Chaudieu, as Christophe Lecamus made his profession of faith, "this boatman is la Kenaudie ; and this is Monseigneur the Prince de Conde," he added, turning to the hunchback. Thus the four men were representative of the faith of the, people, the intellect of eloquence, the arm of the soldier, and Royalty cast into the shade. "You will hear what we require of you/' the minister went on, after allowing a pause for the young man's astonishment. "To the end that you may make no mistakes, we are com- ABOUT CATHERINE DE* MEDICI 59 pelled to initiate you into the most important secrets of the Reformation/' The Prince and la Eenaudie assented by a gesture, when the minister ceased speaking, to allow the Prince to say something if he should wish it. Like all men of rank en- gaged in conspiracies, who make it a principle not to appear before some critical moment, the Prince kept silence. Not from cowardice: at such junctures he was the soul of th^ scheme, 'shrank from no danger, and risked his head; bufi with a sort of royal dignity, he left the explanation of thfc enterprise to the preacher, and was content to study the new instrument he was compelled to make use of. "My son," said Chaudieu in Huguenot phraseology, "we are about to fight the first battle against the Roman whore. In a few days our soldiers must perish at the stake, or the Guises must be dead. So, ere long, the King and the two Queens will be in our power. This is the first appeal to arms by our religion in France, and France will not lay them down till she has conquered it is of the nation that I speak, and not of the kingdom. Most of the nobles of the kingdom see what the Cardinal de Lorraine and the Duke his brother are driving at. Under pretence of defending the Catholic faith, the House of Lorraine claims the Crown of France as its in- heritance. It leans on the Church, and has made it a for- midable ally; the monks are its supporters, its acolytes and spies. It asserts itself as a protector of the throne it hopes to usurp, of the Valois whom it hopes to destroy. "We have decided to rise up in arms, and it is because the liberties of the people are threatened as well as the interests of the nobility. We must stifle in its infancy a faction as atrocious as that of the Bourguignons, who of old put Paris and France to fire and sword. A Louis XI. was needed to end the quarrel between the Burgundians and the Crown, but now a Prince of Conde will prevent the Lorraines front going too far. This is not a civil war ; it is a duel between the Guises and the Reformation a duel to the death ! We will see their heads low, or they shall crush ours 1" 00 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI "Well spoken !" said the Prince. "In these circumstances, Christophe," la Renaudie put in, "we must neglect no means of strengthening our party for there is a party on the side of the Reformation, the party of offended rights, of the nobles who are sacrificed to the Guises, of the old army leaders so shamefully tricked at Fon- tainebleau, whence the Cardinal banished them by erecting gibbets to hang those who should ask the King for the price of their outfit and arrears of pay." "Yes, my son," said Chaudieu, seeing some signs of terror in Christophe, "that is what requires us to triumph by fight- ing instead of triumphing by conviction and martyrdom. The Queen-mother is ready to enter into our views ; not that she is prepared to abjure the Catholic faith she has not got so far as that, but she may perhaps be driven to it by our success. Be that as it may, humiliated and desperate as she is at seeing the power she had hoped to wield at the King's death in the grasp of the Guises, and alarmed by the influence exerted by the young Queen Marie, who is their niece and partisan, Queen Catherine will be inclined to lend her support to the princes and nobles who are about to strike a blow for her deliverance. At this moment, though apparently devoted to the Guises, she hates them, longs for their ruin, and will make use of us to oppose them; but Monseigneur can make use of her to oppose all the others. The Queen-mother will consent to all we propose. We have the Connetable on our side Monseigneur has just seen him at Chantilly, but he will not stir without orders from his superiors. Being Mon- seigneur's uncle, he will not leave us in the lurch, and our generous Prince will not hesitate to rush into danger to enlist Anne de Montmorency. "Everything is ready; and we have cast our eyes on you to communicate to Queen Catherine our treaty of alliance, our schemes for edicts, and the basis of the new rule. The Court is at Blois. Many of our friends are there; but those are our future chiefs and, like Monseigneur," and he bowed to the Prince, "they must never be suspected ; we must sacri- ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 61 fice ourselves for them. The Queen-mother and our friends are under such close espionage, that it is impossible to com- municate with them through any one who is known, or of any consequence. Such a person would at once be suspected, and would never be admitted to speak with Madame Catherine. God should indeed give us at this moment the shepherd David with his sling to attack Goliath de Guise. Your father a good Catholic, more's the pity is furrier to the two Queens; he always has some garment or trimming in hand for them ; persuade him to send you to the Court. You will arouse no suspicions, and will not compromise Queen Catherine. Any one of our leaders might lose his head for an imprudence which should give rise to a suspicion of the Queen-mother's connivance with us. But where a man of importance, once caught out, gives a clue to suspicions, a nobody like you escapes scot-free. You see ! The Guises have so many spies, that nowhere but in the middle of the river can we talk with- out fear. So you, my son, are like a man on guard, doomed to die at his post. Understand, if you are taken, you are abandoned by us all. If need be, we shall cast opprobrium and disgrace on you. If we shall be forced to it, we should declare that you were a creature of the Guises whom they sent to play a part to implicate us. So what we ask of you is entire self-sacrifice. "If you perish," said the Prince de Conde, "I pledge my word as a gentleman that your family shall be a sacred trust to the House of Navarre; I will bear it in my heart and serve it in every way." "That word, my Lord, is enough," replied Christophe, for- getting that this leader of faction was a Gascon. "We live in times when every man, prince or citizen, must do his duty." "That is a true Huguenot ! If all our men were like him," said la Renaudie, laying his hand on Christophe's shoulder, "we should have won by to-morrow." "Young man," said the Prince, "I meant to show you that while Chaudieu preaches and the gentleman bears arms, the prince fights. Thus, in so fierce a game every stake has its value." 62 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI "Listen," said la Eenaudie ; "I will not give you the paper* till we reach Beaugency, for we must run no risks on the road, You will find me on the quay there; my face, voice, and clothes will be so different, that you may not recognize me. But I will say to you, 'Are you a Guepin ?' and you must reply, 'At your service.' As to the manner of proceeding, I will tell you. You will find a horse at la Pinte fleurie, near Saint- Germain 1' Auxerrois. Ask there for Jean le Breton, who will ( take you to the stable and mount you on a nag of mine known to cover thirty leagues in eight hours. Leave Paris by the Bussy Gate. Breton has a pass for me; take it for yourself and be off, riding round outside the towns. You should reach Orleans by daybreak." "And the horse?" asked Lecamus. "He will hold out till you get to Orleans," replied la Kenaudie. "Leave him outside the suburb of Bannier, for the gates are well guarded ; we must not arouse suspicion. You, my friend, must play your part well. You must make up any story that may seem to you best to enable you to go to the third house on your left on entering Orleans; it is that of one Tourillon, a glover. Knock three raps on the door and call out, 'In the service of Messieurs de Guise !' The man affects to be a fanatical Guisard; we four only know that he is on our side. He will find you a boatman, such another as himself of course, but devoted to our cause. Go down to the river at once, get into a boat painted green with a white border. You ought to be at Beaugency by noonday to- morrow. There I will put you in the way of getting a boat to carry you down to Blois without running any danger. Our enemies the Guises do not command the Loire, only the river-ports. "You may thus see the Queen in the course of to-morrow or of the next day." "Your words are graven here," said Christophe, touching his forehead. Chaudieu embraced his son with religious fervency; he proud of him. ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 63 "The Lord protect you!" he said, pointing to the sunset which crimsoned the old roofs covered with shingles, and shot fiery gleams among the forest of beams round which the waters foamed. "You are of the stock of old Jacques Bonhomme," said la Eenaudie to Christophe, wringing his hand. "We shall meet again, Monsieur," said the Prince, with a gesture of infinite graciousness, almost of friendliness. With a stroke of the oar, la Eenaudie carried the young conspirator back to the steps leading up to the house, and the boat vanished at once under the arches of the Pont au Change. Christophe shook the iron gate that closed the entrance from the river-side and called out; Mademoiselle Lecamus heard him, opened one of the windows of the back-shop, and asked how he came there. Christophe replied that he was half-frozen, and that she must first let him in. "Young master/' said la Bourguignonne, "you went out by the street door and come in by the river-gate"? Your father will be in a pretty rage." Christophe, bewildered by the secret conference which had brought him into contact with the Prince de Conde, la Eenaudie, and Chaudieu, and even more agitated by the expected turmoil of an imminent civil war, made no reply; he hurried up from the kitchen to the back-shop. There, on seeing him, his mother, who was a bigoted old Catholic, could not contain herself. "I will wager," she broke out, "that the three men you were talking to were ref " "Silence, wife," said the prudent old man, whose white head was bent over a book. "Now, my lazy oafs," he went on to three boys who had long since finished supper, "what are you waiting for to take you to bed? It is eight o'clock. You must be up by five in the morning. And first you have the President de Thou's robes and cap to carry home. Go all three together, and carry sticks and rapiers. If you meet any more ne'er-do-weels of your own kidney, at any rate there will be three of you/' 64 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI "And are we to carry the ermine surcoat ordered by the young Queen, which is to be delivered at the Hotel de Sois- sons, from whence there is an express to Blois and to the Queen- mother ?" asked one of the lads. "No," said the Syndic; "Queen Catherine's account amounts to three thousand crowns, and I must get the money. I think I will go to Blois myself." "I should not think of allowing you, at your age, father, and in such times as these, to expose yourself on the high- roads. I am two-and-twenty ; you may send me on this er- rand," said Christophe, with an eye on a box which he had no doubt contained the surcoat. "Are you glued to the bench ?" cried the old man to the ap- prentices, who hastily took up their rapiers and capes, and Monsieur de Thou's fur gown. This illustrious man was to be received on the morrow by the Parlement as their President ; he had just signed the death-warrant of the Councillor du Bourg, and was fated, before the year was out, to sit in judgment on the Prince de Conde. "La Bourguignonne," said the old man, "go and ask my neighbor Lallier if he will sup with us this evening, furnish- ing the wine ; we will give the meal. And, above all, tell him to bring his daughter." The Syndic of the Guild of Furriers was a handsome old man of sixty, with white hair and a broad high forehead. As furrier to the Court for forty years past, he had witnessed all the revolutions in the reign of Francis I., and had re- tained his royal patent in spite of feminine rivalries. He had seen the arrival at Court of Catherine de' Medici, then but just fifteen; he had seen her succumb to the Duchesse d'Etampes, her father-in-law's mistress, and to the Duchesse de Valentinois, mistress to the late King, her husband. But through all these changes the furrier had got into no diffi- culties, though the Court purveyors often fell into disgrace with the ladies they served. His prudence was as great as ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 65 his wealth. He maintained an attitude of excessive hu- mility. Pride had never caught him in its snares. The man was so modest, so meek, so obliging, so poor at Court and in the presence of queens, princesses, and favorites that his servility had saved his shop-sign. Such a line of policy betrayed, of course, a cunning and clear-sighted man. Humble as he was to the outer world, at home he was a despot. He was the unquestioned master in his own house. He was highly respected by his fellow merchants and derived immense consideration from his long tenure of the first place in business. Indeed, he was gladly helpful to others; and among the services he had done, the most important perhaps was the support he had long afforded to the most famous surgeon of the sixteenth century Am- broise Pare, who owed it to Lecamus that he could pursue his studies. In all the disputes that arose between the merchants of the guild, Lecamus was for conciliatory measures. Thus general esteem had confirmed his supremacy among his equals, while his assumed character had preserved him the favor of the Court. Having, for political reasons, manreuvred in his parish for the glory of his trade, he did what was needful to keep him- self in a sufficient odor of sanctity with the priest of the Church of Saint-Pierre aux Bceufs, who regarded him as one of the men most devoted in all Paris to the Catholic faith. Consequently, when the States-General were convoked, Le- camus was unanimously elected to represent the third estate by the influence of the priests, which was at that time enor- mous in Paris. This old man was one of those deep and silent ambitious men who for fifty years are submissive to everybody in turn, creeping up from place to place, no one knowing how, till they -are seen peacefully seated in a position which no one, not even the boldest, would have dared to admit was the goal of his ambition at the beginning of his life so long was the climb, so many gulfs were there to leap, into which he might fall ! Lecamus, who had hidden awav a large fortune, would 66 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI run no risks, and was planning a splendid future for his son. Instead of that personal ambition which often sacrifices the future to the present, he had family ambition, a feeling that seems lost in these days, smothered by the stupid regulation of inheritance by law. Lecamus foresaw himself President ,oif the Paris Parlement in the person of his grandson. Christophe, the godson of the great historian de Thou, had received an excellent education, but it had led him to scepti- cism and inquiry, which indeed were increasing apace among the students and Faculties of the University. Christophe was at present studying for the bar, the first step to a judgeship. The old furrier pretended to be undecided as to his son's career; sometimes he would make Christophe his successor, and sometimes he would have him a pleader; but in his heart he longed to see this son in the seat of a Councillor of the Parlement. The furrier longed to place the house of Lecamus on a par with the old and honored families of Paris citizens which had produced a Pasquier, a Mole, a Miron, a Seguier, Lamoignon, du Tillet, Lecoigneux, Lesca- lopier, the Goix, the Arnaulds, all the famous sheriffs and high-provosts of corporations who had rallied to defend the throne. To the end that Christophe might in that day do credit to his rank, he wanted him to marry the daughter of the rich- est goldsmith in the Cite, his neighbor Lallier, whose nephew, at a later day, presented the keys of Paris to Henry TV. The most deeply rooted purpose in the good man's heart was to spend half his own fortune and half of Lallier's in the pur- chase of a lordly estate, a long and difficult matter in those days. ' But he was too deep a schemer, and knew the times too well, to overlook the great movements that were being hatched; he saw plainly, and saw truly, when he looked for- t ward to the division of the kingdom into two camps. The useless executions on the Place de 1'Estrapade, that of Henri II.'s tailor, and that, still more recent, of the Councillor Anne du Bourg, besides the connivance of the reigning ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 67 favorite in the time of Francis I., and of many nobles now, at the progress of reform, all were alarming indications. The furrier was determined, come what might, to remain faithful to the Church, the Monarchy, and the Parlement, but he was secretly well content that his son should join the Eeformation. He knew that he had wealth enough to ransom Christophe if the lad should ever compromise himself seriously; and then, if France should turn Calvinist, his son could save the family in any furious outbreaks in the capital such as the citizens could vividly remember, and as would recur again and again through four reigns. Like Louis XL, the old furrier never confessed these thoughts even to himself ; his cunning completely deceived his wife and his son. For many a day this solemn personage had been the recognized head of the most populous quarter of Paris the heart of the city bearing the title of Quartenier, which became notorious fifteen years later. Clothed in cloth, like every prudent citizen who obeyed the sumptuary laws, Master Lecamus the Sieur Lecamus, a title he held in virtue of an edict of Charles V. permitting the citizens of Paris to purchase Seigneuries, and their wives to assume the fine title of demoiselle or mistress wore no gold chain, no silk; only a stout doublet with large buttons of blackened silver, wrinkled hose drawn up above his knee, and leather shoes with buckles. His shirt, of fine linen, was pulled out, in the fashion of the time, into full puffs through his half- buttoned waistcoat and slashed trunks. Though the full light of the lamp fell on the old man's broad and handsome head, Christophe had no inkling of the thoughts hidden behind that rich Dutch-looking com- plexion ; still he understood that his old father meant to take some advantage of his affection for pretty Babette Lallier. And Christophe, as a man who had laid his own schemes, smiled sadly when he heard the invitation sent to his fair mistress. As soon as la Bourguignonne and the apprentices were gone, old Lecamus looked at his wife with an expression that fully showed his firm and resolute temper. C8 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI "You will never :est till you have got the boy hanged with your damned tongue !" said he in stern tones. "I would rather see him hanged, but saved, than alive and a Huguenot," was the gloomy reply. "To think that the child I bore within me for nine months should not be a good Catholic, but hanker after the heresies of Colas that he must spend all eternity in hell " and she began to cry, "You old fool !" said the furrier, "then give him a chance of life, if only to convert him! Why, you said a thing, oefore the apprentices, which might set our house on fire, and roast us all in it like fleas in straw." The mother crossed herself, but said nothing. "As for you," said the good man, with a scrutinizing look at his son, "tell me what you were doing out there on the water with Come close to me while I speak to you," he added, seizing his son by the arm, and drawing him close to him while he whispered in the lad's ear "with the Prince de Conde." Christophe started. "Do you suppose that the Court furrier does not know all their faces? And do you fancy that I am not aware of what is going on? Monseigneur the Grand Master has ordered out troops to Amboise. And when troops are removed from Paris to Am- boise while the Court is at Blois, when they are marched by way of Chartres and Vendome instead of by Orleans, the meaning is pretty clear, heh? Trouble is brewing. "If the Queens want their surcoats, they will send for them. The Prince de Conde may be intending to kill Mes- sieurs de Guise, who on their part mean to get rid of him perhaps. Of what use can a furrier's son be in such a broil ? When you are married, when you are a pleader in the Parle- -nent, you will be as cautious as your father. A furrier's son has no business to be of the new religion till all the rest of the world is. I say nothing against the Reformers; lit is no business of mine ; but the Court is Catholic, the two Queens are Catholics, the Parlement is Catholic; we serve them with furs, and we must be Catholic. "You do not stir from here, Christophe, or I will place ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 89 you with your godfather the President de Thou, who vrill keep you at it, blackening paper night and day, instead of leaving you to blacken your soul in the hell-broth of these damned Genevese." "Father," said Christophe, leaning on the back of the old man's chair, "send me off to Blois with Queen Marie's sur- coat, and to ask for the money, or I am a lost man. And you love me " "Lost!" echoed his father, without any sign of surprise. "If you stay here, you will not be lost. I shall know where to find you." "I shall be killed." "Why?" "The most zealous Huguenots have cast their eyes on me to serve them in a certain matter, and if I fail to do what I have just promised, they will kill me in the street, in the face of day, here, as Minard was killed. But if you send me to the Court on business of your own, I shall probably be able to justify my action to both parties. Either I shall succeed for them without running any risk, and so gain a good position jn the party ; or, if the danger is too great, I can do your business only." The old man started to his feet as if his seat were of red- hot iron. "Wife," said he, "leave us, and see that no one intrudes on Christophe and me." When Mistress Lecamus had left the room, the furrier took his son by a button and led him to the corner of the room which formed the angle towards the bridge. ''Christophe," said he, quite into his son's ear, as he had juet now spoken of the Prince de Conde, "be a Huguenot if that is your pet vice, but with prudence, in your secret heart, and not in such a way as to be pointed at by every one fin the neighborhood. What you have just now told me shows me what confidence the leaders have in you. What are you to do at the Court?" "I cannot tell you/' said Christophe; "I do not quite know that myself yet." 70 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI "H'm, h'm," said the old man, looking at the lad, "the young rascal wants to hoodwink his father. He will go far ! Well, well," he went on, in an undertone, "you are not going to Blois to make overtures to the Guises, nor to the little King our Sovereign, nor to little Queen Mary. All these are Catholics ; but I could swear that the Italian Queen owes the Scotch woman and the Lorraines some grudge: I know her. She has been dying to put a finger in the pie. The late King was so much afraid of her that, like the; jewelers, he used diamond to cut diamond, one woman against another. Hence Queen Catherine's hatred of the poor Duchesse de Valentinois, from whom she took the fine Chateau of Chenonceaux. But for Monsieur le Connetable, the Duchess would have had her neck wrung at least "Hands off, my boy ! Do not trust yourself within reach of the Italian woman, whose only passions are in her head; a bad sort that. Ay, the business you are sent to the Court to do will give you a bad headache, I fear," cried the father, seeing that Christophe was about to speak. "My boy, I have two schemes for your future life; you will not spoil them by being of service to Queen Catherine. But, for God's sake, keep your head on your shoulders! And the Guises would cut it off as la Bourguignonne cuts off a turnip, for the people who are employing you would throw you over at once." "I know that, father," said Christophe. "And you are so bold as that ! You know it, and you will risk it?" "Yes, father." "Why, the Devil's in it !" cried the old man, hugging his son, "we may understand each other; you are your father's son. My boy, you will be a credit to the family, and your, old father may be plain with you, I see. But do not be! more of a Huguenot than the Messieurs de Coligny; and do' not draw your sword. You are to be a man of the pen; stick to your part as a sucking lawyer. Well, tell me no more till you have succeeded. If I hear nothing of you for ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 71 four days after you reach Blois, that silence will tell me that you are in danger. Then the old man will follow to save the young one. I have not sold furs for thirty years without knowing the seamy side of a Court robe. I can find means of opening doors." Christophe stared with amazement at hearing his father speak thus ; but he feared some parental snare, and held his tongue. Then he said: "Very well, make up the account; write a letter to the Queen. I must be off this moment, or dreadful things will happen." "Be off? But how?" "I will buy a horse. Write, for God's sake!" "Here ! Mother ! Give your boy some money," the furrier called out to his wife. She came in, flew to her chest, and gave a purse to Chris- tophe, who excitedly kissed her. "The account was ready," said his father; "here it is. I will write the letter." Christophe took the bill and put it in his pocket. "But at any rate you will sup with us," said the goodman. "In this extremity you and the Lallier girl must exchange rings." "Well, I will go to fetch her," cried Christophe. The young man feared some indecision in his father, whose character he did not thoroughly appreciate ; he went up to his room, dressed, took out a small trunk, stole downstairs, and placed it with his cloak and rapier under a counter in the shop. "What the devil are you about ?" asked his father, hearing him there. "I do not want any one to see my preparations for leaving ; I have put everything under the counter/' he whispered in reply. "And here is the letter," said his father. Christophe took the paper, and went out as if to fetch their neighbor. 72 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI A few moments after Christophe had gone out, old Lallier and his daughter came in, preceded by a woman-servant carrying three bottles of old wine. "Well, and where is Christophe?" asked the furrier and his wife. "Christophe ?" said Babette ; "we have not seen him." "A pretty rogue is my son!" cried Lecamus. "He trickaj me as if I had no beard. Why, old gossip, what will come to us ? We live in times when the children are all too clever for their fathers !" "But he has long been regarded by all the neighbors as a mad follower of Colas," said Lallier. "Defend him stoutly on that score," said the furrier to the goldsmith. "Youth is foolish, and runs after anything new; but Babette will keep him quiet, she is even newer than Calvin/' Babette smiled. She truly loved Christophe, was affronted by everything that was ever said against him. She was a girl of the good old middle-class type, brought up under her mother's eye, for she had never left her; her demeanor was as gentle and precise as her features; she was dressed in stuff of harmonious tones of gray ; her ruff, plainly pleated, was a contrast by its whiteness to her sober gown; on her head was a black velvet cap, like a child's hood in shape, but trimmed, on each side of her face, with frills and ends of tan-colored gauze. Though she was fair-haired, with a white skin, she seemed cunning and crafty, though trying to hide her wiliness under the expression of a simple and honest girl. As long as the two women remained in the room, coming to and fro to lay the cloth, and place the jugs, the large pewter dishes, and the knives and forks, the goldsmith and his daughter, the furrier and his wife, sat in front of the high chimney-place, hung with red serge and black fringes, talking of nothing. It was in vain that Babette asked where Christophe could be; the young Huguenot's father and mother made ambiguous replies; but as soon as the 73 party had sat down to their meal, and the two maids were in the kitchen, Lecamus said to his future daughter-in-law: "Christophe is gone to the Court." "To Blois ! What a journey to take without saying good- bye to me !" said Babette. "He was in a great hurry," said his old mother. "Old friend," said the furrier to Lallier, taking up the thread of the conversation, "we are going to see hot work in France; the Eeformers are astir." "If they win the day, it will only be after long fighting, which will be very bad for trade," said Lallier, incapable of looking higher than the commercial point of view. "My father, who had seen the end of the wars between the Bourguignons and the Armagnacs, told me that our family would never have lived through them if one of his grand- fathers his mother's father had not been one of the Goix, the famous butchers at the Halle, who were attached to the Bourguignons, while the other, a Lecamus, was on the side of the Armagnacs; they pretended to be ready to flay each other before the outer world, but at home they were very good friends. So we will try to save Christophe. Perhaps a time may come when he will save us." "You are a cunning dog, neighbor," said the goldsmith. "No," replied Lecamus. "The citizen class must take care of itself, the populace and the nobility alike owe it a grudge. Everybody is afraid of the middle class in Paris excepting the King, who knows us to be his friends." "You who know so much, and who have seen so much," said Babette timidly, "pray tell me what it is that the Ke- formers want." "Ay, tell us that, neighbor!" cried the goldsmith. "1 knew the late King's tailor, and I always took him to be a simple soul, with no great genius ; he was much such another as you are, they would have given him the Host without re- quiring him to confess, and all the time he was up to his eyes in this new religion. He ! a man whose ears were worth many hundred thousand crowns. He must have known 74 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI some secrets worth "hearing for the King and Madame de Valentinois to be present when he was tortured." "Ay! and terrible secrets too," said the furrier. "The Keformation, my friends," he went on, in a low voice, "will give the Church lands back to the citizen class. When eccle- siastical privileges are annulled, the Eeformers mean to claim equality of taxation for the nobles and the middle class, and to have only the King above all alike if indeed they havey a king at all." "What, do away with the Throne ?" cried Lallier. "Well, neighbor," said Lecamus, "in the Low Countries the citizens govern themselves by provosts over them, who elect a temporary chief." "God bless me! Neighbor, we might do all these fine things, and still be Catholics," said the goldsmith. "We are too old to see the triumph of the middle class in Paris, but it will triumph, neighbor, all in good time ! Why, the King is bound to rely on us to hold his own, and we have always been well paid for our support. And the last time all the citizens were ennobled, and they had leave to buy manors, and take the names of their estates without any special letters patent from the King. You and I, for in- stance, grandsons of the Goix in the female line, are we not as good as many a nobleman?" This speech was so alarming to the goldsmith and the two women, that it was followed by a long silence. The leaven of 1789 was already germinating in the blood of Lecamus, who was not yet so old but that he lived to see the daring of his class under the Ligue. "Is business pretty firm in spite of all this turmoil?" Lallier asked the furrier's wife. "It always upsets trade a little," said she. "Yes, and so I have a great mind to make a lawyer of my son," added Lecamus. "People are always going to law." The conversation then dwelt on the commonplace, to the goldsmith's great satisfaction, for he did not like political disturbances or over-boldness of thought. ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 75 The banks of the Loire, from Blois as far as Angers, were always greatly favored by the two last branches of the Koyal Family who occupied the throne before the advent of the Bourbons. This beautiful valley so well deserves the prefer- ence of kings, that one of our most elegant writers describes it as follows : "There is a province in France which is never sufficiently admired. As fragrant as Italy, as flowery as the banks of the Guadalquivir, beautiful besides with its own peculiar beautj. Wholly French, it has always been French, unlike our Northern provinces, debased by Teutonic in- fluence, or our Southern provinces, which have been the con- cubines of the Moors, of the Spaniards, of every nation that has coveted them this pure, chaste, brave, and loyal tract is Touraine ! There is the seat of historic France. Auvergne is Auvergne, Languedoc is Languedoc and nothing more ; but Touraine is France, and the truly national river to us is the Loire which waters Touraine. We need not, therefore, be surprised to find such a quantity of monuments in the de- partments which have taken their names from that of the Loire and its derivations. At every step in that land of enchantment we come upon a picture of which the foreground is the river, or some calm reach, in whose liquid depths are mirrored a chateau, with its turrets, its woods, and its danc- ing springs. It was only natural that large fortunes should centre round spots where Eoyalty preferred to live, and where it so long held its Court, and that distinguished birth and merit should crowd thither and build palaces on a par with Royalty itself." Is it not strange, indeed, that our sovereigns should never have taken the advice indirectly given them by Louis XI., and have made Tours the capital of the kingdom ? Without any very great expenditure, the Loire might have been navi- gable so far for trading vessels and light ships of war. There 'the seat of Government would have been safe from surprise and high-handed invasion. There the strongholds of the north would not have needed such sums for their fortifica- tions, which alone have cost as much money as all the 78 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI dors of Versailles. If Louis XIV. had listened to Vauban's advice, and had his palace built at Mont-Louis, between the Loire and the Cher, perhaps the Revolution of 1789 would never have taken place. So these fair banks bear, at various spots, clear marks of royal favor. The chateaux of Chambord, Blois, Amboise, Chenonceaux, Chaumont, Plessis-les-Tours, all the residences built by kings' mistresses, by financiers, and noblemen, at Veretz, Azay-le-Rideau, Usse, Villandri, Valengay, Chante- loup, and Duretal, some of which have disappeared, though most are still standing, are splendid buildings, full of the wonders of the period that has been so little appreciated by the literary sect of Medievalists. Of all these chateaux, that of Blois, where the Court was then residing, is the one on which the magnificence of the Houses of Orleans and of Valois has most splendidly set its stamp ; and it is the most curious to historians, archaeologists, and Catholics. At that time it stood quite alone. The towa, enclosed in strong walls with towers, lay below the strong- hold, for at that time the chateau served both as a citadel and as a country residence. Overlooking the town, of which the houses, then as now, climb the hill on the right bank of the river, their blue slate roofs in close array, there is a triangular plateau, divided by a stream, now unimportant since it runs underground, but in the fifteenth century, as historians tell us, flowing at the bottom of a rather steep ravine, part of which remains as a deep hollow way, almost a precipice, be- tween the suburb and the chateau. It was on this plateau, with a slope to the north and south, that the Comtes de Blois built themselves a "castel" in the architecture of the twelfth century, where the notorious Thi- bault le Tricheur, Thibault le Vieux, and many more held a court that became famous. In those days of pure feudal rule, when the King was no more than inter pares primus (the first among equals), as a King of Poland finely ex- pressed it, the Counts of Champagne, of Blois, and of Anjou, the mere Barons of Normandy, and the Dukes of Brittany ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 77 lived in the style of sovereigns and gave kings to the proudest kingdoms. The Plantagenets of Anjou, the Lusignans of Poitou, the Koberts and Williams of Normandy, by their au- dacious courage mingled their blood with royal races, and sometimes a simple knight, like du Glaicquin (or du Gues- clin), refused royal purple and preferred the Constable's sword. When the Crown had secured Blois as a royal demesne, Louis XII., who took a fancy to the place, perhaps to get away from Plessis and its sinister associations, built on to the chateau, at an angle, so as to face east and west, a wing connecting the residence of the Counts of Blois with the older structure, of which nothing now remains but the immense hall where the States-General sat under Henri III. Francis I., before he fell in love with Chambord, intended to finish the chateau by building on the other two sides of a square; but he abandoned Blois for Chambord, and erected only one wing, which in his time and in that of his grandsons prac- tically constituted the chateau. This third building of Francis I.'s is much more extensive and more highly decorated than the Louvre de Henri II., as it ia called. It is one of the most fantastic efforts of the architecture of the Eenaissance. Indeed, at a time when a more reserved style of building prevailed, and no one cared for the Middle Ages, a time when literature was not so inti- mately allied with art as it now is, la Fontaine wrote of the Chateau of Blois in his characteristically artless language: "Looking at it from outside, the part done by order of Francis I. pleased me more than all the rest; there are a number of little windows, little balconies, little colonnades, little ornaments, not regularly ordered, which make up some- thing great which I found very pleasing." Thus the Chateau of Blois had the attraction of represent- ing three different kinds of architecture three periods, three systems, three dynasties. And there is not, perhaps, any other royal residence which in this respect can compare with it. The vast building shows, in one enclosure, in one court- 78 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI yard, a complete picture of that great product of national life and manners which Architecture always is. At the time when Christophe was bound for the Court, that portion of the precincts on which a fourth palace now stands the wing added seventy years later, during his exile, by Gaston, Louis XIII.'s rebellious brother was laid out in pastures and terraced gardens, picturesquely scattered among the foundation stones and unfinished towers begun byi Francis I. These gardens were joined by a bold flying bridge, which some old inhabitants still alive saw destroyed to a garden on the other side of the chateau, which by the slope of the ground lay on the same level. The gentlemen attached to Queen Anne de Bretagne, or those who approached her with petitions from her native province, to discuss, or to inform her of the state of affairs there, were wont to await her pleasure here, her lever, or the hour of her walking out. Hence history has handed down to us as the name of this pleasaunce Le Perchoir aux Bretons (the Breton's Perch) ; it now is an orchard belonging to some private citizen, pro- jecting beyond the Place des Jesuites. That square also was then included in the domain of this noble residence which had its upper and its lower gardens. At some distance from the Place des Jesuites, a summer-house may still be seen built by Catherine de' Medici, as local historians tell us, to accom- modate her hot baths. This statement enables us to trace the very irregular arrangement of the gardens which went up and down hill, following the undulations of the soil; the land about the chateau is indeed very uneven, a fact which added to its strength, and, as we shall see, caused the diffi- culties of the Due de Guise. The gardens were reached by corridors and terraces; the chief corridor was known as the Galerie des Cerfs (or stags), on account of its decorations. This passage led to a magnifi- cent staircase, which undoubtedly suggested the famous dou- ble staircase at Chambord, and which led to the apartments on each floor. Though la Fontaine preferred the chateau of Francis I. ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 79 to that of Louis XII., the simplicity of the Pere du Peuple may perhaps charm the genuine artist, much as he may admire the splendor of the more chivalrous king. The elegance of the two staircases which lie at the two extremi- ties of Louis XII. 's building, the quantity of fine and origi- nal carving, of which, though time has damaged them, the remains are still the delight of antiquaries; everything, to the almost cloister-like arrangement of the rooms, points to very simple habits. As yet the Court was evidently non-, existent, or had not attained such development as Francis I. and Catherine de' Medici subsequently gave it, to the great detriment of feudal manners. As we admire the brackets,, the capitals of some of the columns, and some little figures of exquisite delicacy, it is impossible not to fancy that Michel Colomb, the great sculptor, the Michael Angelo of Brittany, must have passed that way to do his Queen Anne a pleasure, before immortalizing her on her father's tomb the last Duke of Brittany. Whatever la Fontaine may say, nothing can be more stately than the residence of Francis, the magnificent King. Thanks to I know not what coarse indifference, perhaps to utter forgetfulness, the rooms occupied by Catherine de' Medici and her son Francis II. still remain almost in their original state. The historian may reanimate them with the tragical scenes of the Eeformation, of which the struggle of the Guises and the Bourbons against the House of Valois formed a complicated drama played out on this spot. The buildings of Francis I. quite crush the simpler resi- dence of Louis XII. by sheer mass. From the side of the lower gardens, that is to say, from the modern Place des Jesuites, the chateau is twice as lofty as from the side towards the inner court. The ground floor, in which are the famous corridors, is the second floor in the garden front. Thus the first floor, where Queen Catherine resided, is in fact the third, and the royal apartments are on the fourth above the lower garden, which at that time was divided from the foundations by a very deep moat. Thus the chateau, im- 80 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI posing as it is from the court, seems quite gigantic when seen from the Place as la Fontaine saw it, for he owns that he never had been into the court or the rooms. From the Place des Jesuites every detail looks small. The balconies you can walk along, the colonnades of exquisite workmanship, the sculptured windows their recesses within, as large as small rooms, and used, in fact, at that time as boudoirs have a general effect resembling the painted fancies of operatic scenery when the artist represents a fairy palace. But once inside the court, the infinite delicacy of this architectural ornamentation is displayed, to the joy of the amazed spectator, though the stories above the ground floor are, even there, as high as the Pavilion de 1'Horloge at the Tuileries. This part of the building, where Catherine and Mary Stuart held magnificent court, had in the middle of the facade a hexagonal hollow tower, up which winds a stair- case in stone, an arabesque device invented by giants and executed by dwarfs to give this front the effect of a dream. The balustrade of the stairs rises in a spiral of rectangular panels composing the five walls of the tower, and forming at regular intervals a transverse cornice, enriched outside and in with florid carvings in stone. This bewildering creation, full of delicate and ingenious details and marvels of workmanship, by which these stones speak to us, can only be compared to the overcharged and deeply cut ivory carvings that come from China, or are made at Dieppe. In short, the stone is like lace. Flowers and figures of men and animals creep down the ribs, multiply at every step, and crown the vault with a pendant, in which the chisels of sixteenth century sculptors have outdone the art- less stone-carvers who, fifty years before, had made the pend- ants for two staircases in Louis XII.'s building. Though we may be dazzled as we note these varied forms repeated with infinite prolixity, we nevertheless perceive that Francis I. lacked money for Blois, just as Louis XIV. did for Ver- sailles. In more than one instance a graceful head looks out from a block of stone almost in the rough. More than ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 81 one fanciful boss is but sketched with a few strokes of the chisel, and then abandoned to the damp, which has over- grown it with green mould. On the facade, by the side of one window carved like lace, another shows us the massive frame eaten into by time, which has carved it after a manner of its own. The least artistic, the least experienced eye finds here a delightful contrast between this front, rippling with marvels of design, and the inner front of Louis XII.'s chateau, con- sisting on the ground floor of arches of the airiest lightness, upheld by slender columns, resting on elegant balustrades, and two stories above with windows wrought with charming severity. Under the arches runs a gallery, of which the walls were painted in fresco; the vaulting too must have been painted, for some traces are still visible of that mag- nificence, imitated from Italian architecture a reminiscence of our Kings' journeys thither when the Milanese belonged to them. Opposite the residence of Francis I. there was at that time the chapel of the Counts of Blois, its fagade almost harmo- nizing with the architecture of Louis XII.'s building. No figure of speech can give an adequate idea of the solid dignity of these three masses of building. In spite of the varieties of style, a certain imposing royalty, showing the extent of its fear by the magnitude of its defences, held the three buildings together, different as they were; two of them flanking the immense hall of the States-General, as vast and lofty as a church. And certainly neither the simplicity nor the solidity of those citizen lives which were described at the beginning of this narrative lives in which Art was always represented was lacking to this royal residence. Blois was the fertile and brilliant example which found a living response from citizens and nobles, from money and rank, alike in towns and in the country. You could not have wished that the home of the King who ruled Paris as it was in the sixteenth century should be other than this. The splendid raiment 82 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI of the upper classes, the luxury of feminine attire, must have seemed singularly suited to the elaborate dress of the curi- ously wrought stones. From floor to floor, as he mounted the wonderful stairs of his castle of Blois, the King of France could see further and further over the beautiful Loire, which brought him ..news of all his realm, which it parts into two confronted and almost rival halves. If, instead of placing Chambord in a dead and gloomy plain two leagues away, Francis I. had built a Chambord to complete Blois on the site of the gar- dens, where Gaston subsequently erected his palace, Versailles would never have existed, and Blois would inevitably have become the capital of France. Four Valois and Catherine de' Medici lavished their wealth on the Chateau of Blois, but any one can guess how prodigal the sovereigns were, only from seeing the thick dividing wall, the spinal column of the building, with deep alcoves cut into its substance, secret stairs and closets contrived within it, surrounding such vast rooms as the council hall, the guard-room, and the royal apartments, in which a company of infantry now finds ample quarters. Even if the visitor should fail to understand at a first glance that the marvels of the interior are worthy of those of the exterior, the re- mains of Catherine de' Medici's room into which Chris- tophe was presently admitted are sufficient evidence of the elegant art which peopled these rooms with lively fancies, with salamanders sparkling among flowers, with all the most brilliant hues of the palette of the sixteenth century decorat- ing the darkest staircase. In that room the observer may still see the traces of that love of gilding which Catherine had brought from Italy, for the princesses of her country loved (as the author above quoted delightfully expresses it) io overlay the chateaux of France with the gold gained in 'trade by their ancestors, and to stamp the walls of royal rooms with the sign of their wealth. The Queen-mother occupied the rooms on the first floor that had formerly been those of Queen Claude de France, ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 83 Francis I/s wife ; and the delicate sculpture is still to be seen of double C's, with a device in pure white of swans and lilies, signifying Candidio" candidis, the whitest of the white, the badge of that Queen whose name, like Catherine's, began with C, and equally appropriate to Louis XII.'s daughter and to the mother of the Valois; for notwithstanding the violence of Calvinist slander, no doubt was ever thrown on Catherine de' Medici's enduring fidelity to Henri II. The Queen-mother, with two young children still on her hands a bcpr, afterwards the Due d'Alengon, and Margue- rite, who became the wife of Henri IV., and whom Charles IX. called Margot needed the whole of this first floor. King Francis II. and his Queen Mary Stuart had the royal apartments on the second floor that Francis I. had oc- cupied, and which were also those of Henri III. The royal apartments, and those of the Queen-mother, are divided from end to end of the chateau into two parts by the famous party wall, four feet thick, which supports the thrust of the im- mensely thick walls of the rooms. Thus on the lower as well as on the upper floor the rooms are in two distinct suites. That half which, facing the south, is lighted from the court, held the rooms for state receptions and public business; while, to escape the heat, the private rooms had a north aspect, where there is a splendid frontage with arcades and balconies, and a view over the county of the Vendomois, the Perchoir aux Bretons, and the moats of the town the only town mentioned by the great fable writer, the admirable la Fontaine. Francis I.'s chateau at that time ended at an enormous tower, only begun, but intended to mark the vast angle l'the palace would have formed in turning a flank; Gaston subsequently demolished part of its walls to attach his palace to the tower; but he never finished the work, and the tower remains a ruin. This royal keep was used as a prison, or, according to popular tradition, as oubliettes. What poet would not feel deep regret or weep for France as he wanders now through the hall of this magnificent chateau, and sees 84 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI the exquisite arabesques of Catherine de' Medici's room, whitewashed and almost smothered by order of the governor of the barracks at the time of the cholera for this royal residence is now a barrack. The paneling of Catherine de' Medici's closet, of which more particular mention will presently be made, is the last relic of the rich furnishing collected by five artistic kings. As we make our way through this labyrinth of rooms, halls, staircases, and turrets, we can say with horrible certainty, "Here Mary Stuart cajoled her husband in favor of the Guises. There those Guises insulted Catherine. Later, on this very spot, the younger Balafre fell under the swords of the avengers of the Crown. A century earlier Louis XII. signaled from that window to invite the advance of his friend the Cardinal d'Amboise. From this balcony d'Spernon, Kavaillac's accomplice, welcomed Queen Marie de' Medici, who, it is said, knew of the intended regicide and left things to take their course !" In the chapel where Henri IV. and Marguerite d.t Valois were betrothed the last remnant of the old chateau of the Counts of Blois the regimental boots are made. This won- derful structure, where so many styles are combined, where such great events have been accomplished, is in a state of ruin which is a disgrace to France. How grievous it is to those who love the memorial buildings of old France, to feel that ere long these eloquent stones will have gone the way of the house at the corner of the Eue de la Vieille-Pelleterie : they will survive, perhaps, only in these pages. It is necessary to observe that, in order to keep a keener' eye on the Court, the Guises, though they had a mansion in the town, which is still to be seen, had obtained permission to reside above the rooms of Louis XII. in the apartments since used by the Duchesse de Nemours, in the upper story on the second floor. Francis II. and his young Queen, Mary Stuart, in lore like two children of sixteen, ae they were, had been suddenly ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDI'CI 85 transferred, one cold winter's day, from Saint-Germain, which the Due de Guise thought too open to surprise, to the stronghold, as it then was, of Blois, isolated on three sides by precipitous slopes, while its gates were strictly guarded. The Guises, the Queen's uncles, had the strongest reasons for not living in Paris, and for detaining the Court in a place which could be easily guarded and defended. A struggle for the throne was being carried on, which' was not ended till twenty-eight years later, in 1588, when, in this same chateau of Blois, Henri III., bitterly humiliated by the House of Lorraine, under his mother's very eyes, planned the death of the boldest of the Guises, the second Balafre (or scarred), son of the first Balafre, by whom Catherine de' Medici was tricked, imprisoned, spied on, and threatened. Indeed, the fine Chateau of Blois was to Catherine the strictest prison. On the death of her husband, who had al- ways kept her in leading-strings, she had hoped to rule ; but, on the contrary, she found herself a slave to strangers, whose politeness was infinitely more cruel than the brutality of jailers. She could do nothing that was not known. Those of her ladies who were attached to her either had lovers devoted to the Guises, or Argus eyes watching over them. Indeed, at that time the conflict of passions had the capricious vagaries which they always derive from the powerful antagonism of two hostile interests in the State. Love-making, which served Catherine well, was also an instrument in the hands of the Guises. Thus the Prince de Conde, the, leader of the Keformed party, was attached to the Marechale de Saint- Andre, whose husband was the Grand Master's tool. The Cardinal, who had learned from the affair of the Vidame de Chartres that Catherine was unconquered rather than un- conquerable, was paying court to her. Thus the play of passions brought strange complications into that of politics, making a double game of chess, as it were, in which it was necessary to read both the heart and brain of a man, and to judgp. on occasion, whether oae would not belie the other. 86 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI Though she lived constantly under the eye of the Cardinal de Lorraine or of his brother, the Due Francois de Guise, who both distrusted her, Catherine's most immediate and shrewdest enemy was her daughter-in-law, Queen Mary, a little fair girl as mischievous as a waiting-maid, as proud as a Stuart might be who wore three crowns, as learned as an ancient scholar, as tricky as a school-girl, as much in love with her husband as a courtesan of her lover, devoted 'to her uncles, whom she admired, and delighted to find that King Francis, by her persuasion, shared her high opinion of them. A mother-in-law is always a person disliked by her daughter-in-law, especially when she has won the crown and would like to keep it as Catherine had imprudently too plainly shown. Her former position, when Diane de Poitiers ruled King Henri II., had been more endurable; at least she had enjoyed the homage due to a Queen, and the respect of the Court; whereas, now, the Duke and the Car- dinal, having none about them but their own creatures, seemed to take pleasure in humiliating her. Catherine, a prisoner among courtiers, was the object, not every day, but every hour, of blows offensive to. her dignity; for the Guises persisted in carrying on the same system as the late King had employed to thwart her. The six-and-thirty years of disaster which devastated France may be said to have begun with the scene in which the most perilous part had been allotted to the son of the Queen's furrier a part which makes him the leading figure in this narrative. The danger into which this zealous re- former was falling became evident in the course of the morn- ing when he set out from the river-port of Beaugency, carrying precious documents which compromised the loftiest heads of the nobility, and embarked for Blois in company with a crafty partisan, the indefatigable la Kenaudie, who had arrived on the quay before him. While the barque conveying Christophe was being wafted down the Loire before a light easterly breeze, the famous Cardinal de Lorraine, and the second Due de Guise, one of ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 87 the greatest war captains of the time, were considering their position, like two eagles on a rocky peak, and looking cau- tiously round before striking the first great blow by which they tried to kill the Keformation in France. This was to be struck at Amboise, and it was repeated in Paris twelve years later, on the 24th August 1572. In the course of the previous night, three gentlemen, who played an important part in the twelve years' drama that arose from this double plot by the Guises on one hand and the 'Keformers on the other, had arrived at the chateau at a furious gallop, leaving their horses half dead at the postern gate, held by captains and men who were wholly devoted to the Due de Guise, the idol of the soldiery. A word must be said as to this great man, and first of all a word to explain his present position. His mother was Antoinette de Bourbon, great-aunt of Henri IV. But of what account are alliances ! At this moment he aimed at nothing less than his cousin de Condi's head. Mary Stuart was his niece. His wife was Anne, daughter of the Duke of Ferrara. The Grand Conn6table Anne de Montmorency addressed the Due de Guise as "Mon- seigneur," as he wrote to the King, and signed himself "Your very humble servant." Guise, the Grand Master of the King's household, wrote in reply, "Monsieur le Connetable," and signed, as in writing to the Parlement, "Your faithful friend." As for the Cardinal, nicknamed the Transalpine Pope, and spoken of by Estienne as "His Holiness," the whole Monastic Church of France was on his side, and he treated with the Pope as his equal. He was vain of his eloquence, and one of the ablest theologians of his time, while he kept watch over France and Italy by the instrumentality of three religious Orders entirely devoted to him, who were on foot for him day and night, serving him as spies and reporters. These few words are enough to show to what a height of power the Cardinal and the Duke had risen. In spite of their wealth and the revenues of their officers, they were so 88 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI entirely disinterested, or so much carried away by the tide of politics, and so generous too, that both were in debt no doubt after the manner of Caesar. Hence, when Henri III. had seen his threatening foe murdered, the second Balafre, the House of Guise was inevitably ruined. Their vast outlay for above a century, in hope of seizing the Crown, accounts/ for the decay of this great House under Louis XIII. and' Louis XIV., when the sudden end of MADAME revealed to all Europe how low a Chevalier de Lorraine had fallen. So the Cardinal and the Duke, proclaiming themselves the heirs of the deposed Carlovingian kings, behaved very insolently to Catherine de' Medici, their niece's mother-in- law. The Duchesse de Guise spared Catherine no mortifica- tion; she was an Este, and Catherine de' Medici was the daughter of self-made Florentine merchants, whom the sov- ereigns of Europe had not yet admitted to their royal fra- ternity. Francis I. had regarded his son's marriage with a Medici as a mesalliance, and had only allowed it in the belief that this son would never be the Dauphin. Hence his fury when the Dauphin died, poisoned by the Florentine Montecuculi. The Estes refused to recognize the Medici as Italian princes. These time-honored merchants were, in fact, strug- gling with the impossible problem of maintaining a throne in the midst of Eepublican institutions. The title of Grand Duke was not bestowed on the Medici till much later by Philip II., King of Spain ; and they earned it by treason to France, their benefactress, and by a servile attachment to the Court of Spain, which was covertly thwarting them in Italy. f "Flatter none but your enemies!" This great axiom, ut- 1 tered by Catherine, would seem to have ruled all the policy of this merchant race, which never lacked great men till its destinies had grown great, and which broke down a little too soon under the degeneracy which is always the end of royal dynasties and great families. For three generations there was a prelate and a warrior ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 89 of the House of Lorraine ; but, which is perhaps not less re- markable, the Churchman had always shown as did the present Cardinal a singular likeness to Cardinal Ximenes, whom the Cardinal de Kichelieu also resembled. These five prelates all had faces that were at once mean and terrifying ; while the warrior's face was of that Basque and mountain ,type which reappears in the features of Henri IV. In both the father and the son it was seamed by a scar, which did not destroy the grace and affability that bewitched their sol- diers as much as their bravery. The way and the occasion of the Grand Master's being wounded is not without interest here, for it was healed by the daring of one of the personages of this drama, Ambroise Pare, who was under obligation to the Syndic of the fur- riers. At the siege of Calais the Duke's head was pierced by a lance which, entering below the right eye, went through to the neck below the left ear, the end broke off and remained in the wound. The Duke was lying in his tent in the midst of the general woe, and would have died but for the bold promptitude and devotion of Ambroise Pare. "The Duke is not dead, gentlemen," said Pare, turning to the bystanders, who were dissolved in tears. "But he soon will be/' he added, "unless I treat him as if he were, and I will try it at the risk of the worst that can befall me. . . . You see!" He set his left foot on the Duke's breast, took the stump of the lance with his nails, loosened it by degrees, and at last drew the spear-head out of the wound, as if it had been from some senseless object instead of a man's head. Though he cured the Prince he had handled so boldly, he could not hinder him from bearing to his grave the terrible scar from which he had his name. His son also had the same nickname for a similar reason. Having gained entire mastery over the King, who was ruled by his wife, as a result of the passionate and mutual affection which the Guises knew how to turn to account, the two great Princes of Lorraine reigned over France, and had 90 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI not an enemy at Court but Catherine de' Medici. And no great politician ever played a closer game. The respective attitudes of Henri II.'s ambitious widow, and of the no less ambitious House of Lorraine, was symbolized, as it were, by the positions they held on the terrace of the chateau on the very morning when Christophe was about to arrive there. The Queen-mother, feigning extreme affection for the Guises, had asked to be informed as to the news brought by the three gentlemen who had arrived from different partst cf the kingdom; but she had been mortified by a polite dis- missal from the Cardinal. She was walking at the further end of the pleasaunce above the Loire, where she was having an observatory erected for her astrologer, Kuggieri; the building may still be seen, and from it a wide view is to be had over the beautiful valley. The two Guises were on the opposite side overlooking the Vendomois, the upper part of the town, the Perchoir aux Bretons, and the postern gate of the chateau. Catherine had deceived the brothers, tricking them by an assumption of dissatisfaction ; for she was really very glad to be able to speak with one of the gentlemen who had come in hot haste, and who was in her secret confidence; who boldly played a double game, but who was, to be sure, well paid for it. This gentleman was Chiverni, who affected to be the mere tool of the Cardinal de Lorraine, but who was in reality in Catherine's service. Catherine had two other devoted allies in the two Gondis, creatures of her own; but they, as Florentines, were too open to the suspicions of the Guises to be sent into the country ; she kept them at the Court, where their every word and action was closely watched, but where they, on their side, watched the Guises and reported to Cath- erine. These two Italians kept a third adherent to the. Queen-mother's faction, Birague, a clever Piedmontese who,, iike Chiverni, pretended to have abandoned Catherine to attach himself to the Guises, and who encouraged them in their undertakings while spying for Catherine. Chiverni had arrived from ficouen and Paris. The last ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 91 to ride in was Saint-Andre, Marshal of France, who rose to be such an important personage that the Guises adopted him as the third of the triumvirate they formed against Catherine in the following year. But earlier than either of these, Vieilleville, the builder of the Chateau of Duretal, who had also by his devotion to the Guises earned the rank of Marshal, had secretly come and more secretly gone, without any one knowing what the mission might bef that the Grand Master had given him. Saint- Andre, it was', known, had been instructed to take military measures to en- tice all the reformers who were under arms to Amboise, as the result of a council held by the Cardinal de Lorraine, the Due de Guise, Birague, Chiverni, Vieilleville, and Saint- Andre. As the heads of the House of Lorraine thus em- ployed Birague, it is to be supposed that they trusted to their strength, for they knew that he was attached to the Queen- mother ; but it is possible that they kept him about them with a view to discovering their rival's secret designs, as she allowed him to attend them. In those strange times the double part played by some political intriguers was known to both the parties who employed them; they were like cards in the hands of players, and the craftiest won the game. All through this sitting the brothers had been impene- trably guarded. Catherine's conversation with her friends will, however, fully explain the purpose of this meeting, con- vened by the Guises in the open air, at break of day, in the terraced garden, as though every one feared to speak within the walls full of ears of the Chateau of Blois. The Queen-mother, who had been walking about all the morning with the two Gondis, under pretence of examining rhe observatory that was- being built, but, in fact, anxiously watching the hostile party, was presently joined by Chiverni. She was standing at the angle of the terrace opposite the Church of Saint-Nicholas, and there feared no listeners. The wall is as high as the church-towers, and the Guises always held council at the other corner of the terrace, below the dungeon then begun, walking to and from the Perchoir 92 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI des Bretons and the arcade by the bridge which joined the gardens to the Perchoir. There was nobody at the bottom of the ravine. Chiverni took the Queen's hand to kiss it, and slipped into her fingers a tiny letter without being seen by the Italians. Catherine quickly turned away, walked to the corner of the parapet, and read as follows : . "You are powerful enough to keep the balance true be- tween the great ones, and to make them contend as to which shall serve you best; you have your house full of kings, and need not fear either Lorraines or Bourbons so long as you set them against each other ; for both sides aim at snatching the crown from your children. Be your advisers' mistress, and not their slave ; keep up each side by the other ; otherwise the kingdom will go from bad to worse, and great wars may ensue. L'HOPITAL." The Queen placed this letter in the bosom of her stom- acher, reminding herself to burn it as soon as she should be alone. "When did you see him ?" she asked Chiverni. "On returning from seeing the Connetable at Melun; he was going though with the Duchesse de Berri, whom he was most anxious to convey in safety to Savoy, so as to return here and enlighten the Chancellor Olivier, who is, in fact, the dupe of the Lorraines. Monsieur de 1'Hopital is resolved to adhere to your cause, seeing the aims that Messieurs de Guise have in view. And he will hasten back as fast as pos- sible to give you his vote in the Council." "Is he sincere?" said Catherine. "For you know that when the Lorraines admitted him to the Council, it was to enable them to rule." : "L'Hopital is a Frenchman of too good a stock not to be honest," said Chiverni; "besides, that letter is a sufficient pledge." "And what answer does the Connetable send to these gen* tlemen?" ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 93 "He says the King is his master, and he awaits his orders, On this reply, the Cardinal, to prevent any resistance, will propose to appoint his brother Lieutenant-General of the realm." "So soon!" cried Catherine in dismay. y telling him the trivial details of his trade i ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 105 and he seemed so completely the craftsman, that the officer volunteered this opinion to the captain of the Scotch Guard, who came in to cross-question the lad while scrutinizing him closely out of the corner of his eye. Though Christophe Lecamus had had ample warning, he still did not understand the cold ferocity of the interested parties between whom Chaudieu had bid him stand. To an observer who should have mastered the secrets of the drama,, as the historian knows them now, it would have seemed terrible to see this young fellow, the hope of two families, risking his life between two such powerful and pitiless ma- chines as Catherine and the Guises. But how few brave hearts ever know the extent of their danger ! From the way in which the quays of the city and the chateau were guarded, Christophe had expected to find snares and spies at every step, so he determined to conceal the importance of his errand and the agitation of his mind under the stupid tradesman's stare, which he had put on before Pardaillan, the officer of the Guard, and the captain. The stir which in a royal residence attends the rising of the King began to be perceptible. The nobles, leaving their horses with their pages or grooms in the outer court, for no one but the King and Queen was allowed to enter the inner court on horseback, were mounting the splendid stairs in twos and threes and filling the guardroom, a large room with two fireplaces where the huge mantels are now bereft of adorn- ment, where squalid red tiles have taken the place of the fine mosaic flooring, where royal hangings covered the rough walls now daubed with whitewash, and where every art of aoi age unique in its splendor was displayed at its best. Catholics and Protestants poured in as much to hear the news and study each other's faces as to pay their court to the King. His passionate affection for Mary Stuart, which neither the Queen-mother nor the Guises attempted to check, and Mary's politic submissiveness in yielding to it, deprived the King of all power ; indeed, though he was now seventeen, he knew nothing of Eoyalty but its indulgences, and of mar- 106 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI riage nothing but the raptures of first love. In point of fact, everybody tried to ingratiate himself with Queen Mary and her uncles, the Cardinal de Lorraine and the Grand Master of the Household. All this bustle went on under the eyes of Christophe, who watched each fresh arrival with very natural excitement. A magnificent curtain, on each side of it a page and a yeoman of the Scotch Guard then on duty, showed him the entrance to that royal chamber, destined to be fatal to the son of the Grand Master, for the younger Balafre fell dead at the foot of the bed now occupied by Mary Stuart and Francis II. The Queen's ladies occupied the chimney-place opposite to that where Christophe was still chatting with the captain of the Guard. This fireplace, by its position, was the seat of honor, for it is built into the thick wall of the council-room, between the door into the royal chamber and that into the council-room, so that the ladies and gentlemen who had a right to sit there were close to where the King and the Queens must pass. The courtiers were certain to see Cath- erine; for her maids of honor, in mourning, like the rest of the Court, came up from her rooms conducted by the Count- ess Fieschi, and took their place on the side next the council- room, facing those of the young Queen, who, led by the Duch- esse de Guise, took the opposite angle next the royal bed- chamber. Between the courtiers and the young ladies, all belonging to the first families in the kingdom, a space was kept of some few paces, which none but the greatest nobles were permitted to cross. The Countess Fieschi and the Duchesse de Guise were allowed by right of office to be seated in the midst of their noble charges, who all remained standing. One of the first to mingle with these dangerous bevies was the Due de Orleans, the King's brother, who came down from his rooms above, attended by his tutor, Monsieur de Cypierre. This young Prince, who was destined to reign be- fore the end of the year, under the name of Charles IX., at the age of ten was excessively shy. The Due d'Anjou and ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 107 the Due d'Alengon, his two brothers, and the infant Princess Marguerite, who became the wife of Henri IV., were still too young to appear at Court, and remained in their mother's apartments. The Due d'Orleans, richly dressed in the fashion of the time, in silk trunk hose, a doublet of cloth of gold, brocaded with flowers in black, and a short cloak of em- broidered velvet, all black, for he was still in mourning for the late King his father, bowed to the two elder ladies, and .joined the group of his mother's maids of honor. Strongly ^disliking the Guisards (the adherents of the Guises), he re- plied coldly to the Duchess' greeting, and went to lean his elbow on the back of the Countess Fieschi's tall chair. His tutor, Monsieur de Cypierre, one of the finest char- acters of that age, stood behind him as a shield. Amyot, in a simple abbe's gown, also attended the Prince; he was his instructor as well as being the teacher of the three other royal children, whose favor was afterwards so advantageous to him. Between this chimney-place "of honor" and that at the further end of the hall where the Guards stood in groups with their captain, a few courtiers, and Christophe carrying his box the Chancellor Olivier, 1'Hopital's patron and prede- cessor, in the costume worn ever since by the Chancellors of France, was walking to and fro with Cardinal de Tour- non, who had just arrived from Eome, and with whom he exchanged a few phrases in murmurs. On them was centered the general attention of the gentlemen packed against the wall dividing the hall from the King's bedroom, standing like a living tapestry against the rich figured hangings. In spite of the serious state of affairs, the Court presented the same appearance as every Court must, in every country, at every time, and in the midst of the greatest perils. Cour- tiers always talk of the most trivial subjects while thinking of the gravest, jesting while watching every physiognomy, and considering questions of love and marriage with heiresses in the midst of the most sanguinary catastrophes. "What did you think of yesterday's fete?" asked Bour- 108 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI deilles, the Lord of Brantome, going up to Mademoiselle de Piennes, one of the elder Queen's maids of honor. "Monsieur du Baif and Monsieur du Bellay had had the most charming ideas," said she, pointing to the two gentle- men who had arranged everything, and who were standing close at hand. "I thought it in atrocious taste," she added in a whisper. "You had no part in it?" said Miss Lewiston from the other side. "What are you reading, madame ?" said Amyot to Madame Fieschi. "Amadis de Gaule, by the Seigneur des Essarts, purveyor- in-ordinary to the King's Artillery." "A delightful work," said the handsome girl, who became famous as la Fosseuse, when she was lady-in-waiting to Queen Margaret of Navarre. "The style is quite new," remarked Amyot. "Shall you adopt such barbarisms?" he asked, turning to Brantome. "The ladies like it! What is to be said?" cried Bran- tome, going forward to bow to Madame de Guise, who had in her hand Boccaccio's Famous Ladies. "There must be some ladies of your House there, madame," said he. "But Master Boccaccio's mistake was that he did not live in these days; he would have found ample matter to enlarge his volumes." "How clever Monsieur de Brantome is !" said the beautiful Mademoiselle de Limeuil to the Countess Fieschi. "He came first to us, but he will stay with the Guises." "Hush!" said Madame Fieschi, looking at the fair Limeuil. "Attend to what concerns you " The young lady turned to the door. She was expecting Sardini, an Italian nobleman, whom, subsequently, she made marry her after a little accident that overtook her in the Queen's dressing-room, and which procured her the honor of having a queen for her midwife. "By Saint Alipantin, Mademoiselle Davila seems to grow prettier every morning," said Monsieur de Eobertet, Secre- tary of State, as he bowed to the Queen-mother's ladies. ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 109 The advent of the Secretary of State, though he was ex- actly as important as a Cabinet Minister in these days, made no sensation whatever. "If you think that, monsieur, do lend me the epigram against Messieurs de Guise ; I know you have it," said Made- moiselle Davila to Robertet. "I have it no longer," replied the Secretary, going across to speak to Madame de Guise. ) "I have it," said the Comte de Grammont to Mademoiselle Davila; "but I will lend it you on only one condition." "On condition ? For shame !" said Madame Fieschi. "You do not know what I want," replied Grammont. "Oh, that is easy to guess," said la Limeuil. The Italian custom of calling ladies, as French peasants call their wives, la Such-an-one, was at that time the fashion at the Court of France. "You are mistaken," the Count replied eagerly; "what I ask is, that a letter should be delivered to Mademoiselle de Matha, one of the maids on the other side a letter from my cousin de Jarnac." "Do not compromise my maids ; I will give it her myself," said the Countess Fieschi. "Have you heard any news of what is going on in Flanders ?" she asked Cardinal de Tour- non. "Monsieur d'Egmont is at some new pranks, it would seem." "He and the Prince of Orange," said Cypierre, with a highly expressive shrug. "The Duke of Alva and Cardinal de Granvelle are going there, are they not, monsieur?" asked Amyot of Cardinal de Tournon, who stood, uneasy and gloomy, between the two groups after his conversation with the Chancellor. * "We, happily, are quiet, and have to defy heresy only on the stage," said the young Duke, alluding to the part he had played the day before, that of a Knight subduing a Hydra with the word "Reformation" on its brow. Catherine de' Medici, agreeing on this point with her daughter-in-law, had allowed a theatre to be constructed 110 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI in the great hall, which was subsequently used for the meet- ings of the States at Blois, the hall between the buildings of Louis XII. and those of Francis I. The Cardinal made no reply, and resumed his walk in the middle of the hall, talking in a low voice to Monsieur de Robertet and the Chancellor. Many persons know nothing of the difficulties that Secretaryships of State, now trans- formed into Cabinet Ministries, met with in the course of their establishment, and how hard the Kings of France found it to create them. At that period a Secretary like Robertet was merely a clerk, of hardly any account among the princes and magnates who settled the affairs of State. There were at that time no ministerial functionaries but the Superintendent of Finance, the Chancellor, and the Keeper of the King's Seals. The King granted a seat in the Council, by letters patent, to such of his subjects as might, in his opinion, give useful advice in the conduct of public affairs. A seat in the Council might be given to a president of a law court in the Parlement, to a bishop, to an untitled favorite. Once admitted to the Council, the subject strengthened his position by getting himself appointed to one of the Crown offices to which a salary was attached the government of a province, a constable's sword, a marshal's baton, the com- mand of the Artillery, the post of High Admiral, the colo- nelcy of some military corps, the captaincy of the galleys or often some function at Court, such as that of Grand Master of the Household, then held by the Due de Guise. "Do you believe that the Due de Nemours will marry Franchise?" asked Madame de Guise of the Due d'Orleans' instructor. "Indeed, madame, I know nothing but Latin," was the reply. This made those smile who were near enough to hear it. Just then the seduction of Franchise de Rohan by the Due de Nemours was the theme of every conversation ; but as the Due de Nemours was cousin to the King, and also allied to the House of Valois through his mother, the Guises re- ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 111 garded him as seduced rather than as a seducer. The in- fluence of the House of Eohan was, however, so great, that after Francis II.'s death the Due de Nemours was obliged to quit France in consequence of the lawsuit brought against him by the Eohans, which was compromised by the offices of the Guises. His marriage to the Duchesse de Guise, after Poltrot's assassination, may account for the Duchess' question to Amyot, by explaining some rivalry, no doubt,,, between her and Mademoiselle de Eohan. "Look, pray, at that party of malcontents," said the Comte" de Grammont, pointing to Messieurs de Coligny, Cardinal de Chatillon, Danville, Thore, Moret, and several other gentle- men suspected of meddling in the Eeformation, who were standing all together between two windows at the lower end of the hall. "The Huguenots are on the move," said Cypierre. "We know that Theodore de Beze is at Nerac to persuade the Queen of Navarre to declare herself on their side by publicly renouncing the Catholic faith," he added, with a glance at the Bailli d'Orleans, who was Chancellor to the Queen of Navarre, and a keen observer of the Court. "She will do it," said the Bailli d'Orleans drily. This personage, the Jacques Cceur of his day, and one of the richest middle-class men of his time, was named Groslot, and was envoy from Jeanne d'Albret to the French Court. "Do you think so?" said the Chancellor of France to the Chancellor of Navarre, quite understanding the full import of Groslot's remark. "Don't you know," said the rich provincial, "that the Queen of Navarre has nothing of the woman in her but her sex? She is devoted to none but manly things; her mind is strong in important matters, and her heart undaunted by< the greatest adversities." "Monsieur le Cardinal," said the Chancellor Olivier to Monsieur de Tournon, who had heard Groslot, "what do you think of such boldness ?" "The Queen of Navarre does well to choose for her Chan- 112 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI cellor a man from whom the House of Lorraine will need to borrow, and who offers the King his house when there is a talk of moving to Orleans/' replied the Cardinal. The Chancellor and the Cardinal looked at each other, not daring to speak their thoughts; but Kobertet expressed them, for he thought it necessary to make a greater display of devotion to the Guises than these great men, since he was so far beneath them. "It is most unfortunate that the House of Navarre, instead of abjuring the faith of their fathers, do not abjure the spirit of revenge and rebellion inspired by the Connetable de Bourbon. We shall see a repetition of the wars of the Armagnacs and the Bourguignons." "No," said Groslot, "for there is something of Louis XI. in the Cardinal de Lorraine." "And in Queen Catherine too," observed Eobertet. At this moment Madame Dayelle, Mary Stuart's favorite waiting-woman, crossed the room, and went to the Queen's chamber. The appearance of the waiting-woman made a little stir. "We shall be admitted directly," said Madame Fieschi. "I do not think so," said the Duchesse de Guise. "Their Majesties will come out, for a State Council is to be held." La Dayelle slipped into the royal chamber after scratching at the door, a deferential custom introduced by Catherine de' Medici, and adopted by the French Court. "What is the weather like, my dear Dayelle ?" asked Queen Mary, putting her fair fresh face out between the curtains. "Oh! madame " "What is the matter, Dayelle ? You might have the bow- men at your heels " "Oh! madame is the King still sleeping?" i "Yes." "We are to leave the castle, and Monsieur le Cardinal de- sired me to tell you so, that you might suggest it to the King." "Do you know why, my good Dayelle?" ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 113 "The Keformers mean to carry you off." "Oh, this new religion leaves me no peace ! I dreamed last night that I was in prison I who shall wear the united crowns of the three finest kingdoms in the world." "Indeed! but, madame, it was only a dream." "Carried off! That would be rather amusing. But for the sake of religion, and by heretics horrible!" The Queen sprang out of bed and seated herself in front of the fireplace in a large chair covered with red velvet, after wrapping herself in a loose black velvet gown handed to her by Dayelle, which she tied about the waist with a silken cord. Dayelle lighted the fire, for the early May mornings are cool on the banks of the Loire. "Then did my uncles get this news in the course of the night?" the Queen inquired of Dayelle, with whom she was on familiar terms. "Early this morning Messieurs de Guise were walking on the terrace to avoid being overheard, and received there some messengers arriving in hot haste from various parts of the kingdom where the Eeformers are busy. Her Highness the Queen-mother went out with her Italians hoping to be con- sulted, but she was not invited to join the council." "She must be furious." "All the more so because she had a little wrath left over from yesterday," replied Dayelle. "They say she was far from rejoiced by the sight of your Majesty in your dress of woven gold and your pretty veil of tan-colored crape " "Leave us now, my good Dayelle; the King is waking. Do not let any one in, not even those who have the entree. There are matters of State in hand, and my uncles will noti disturb us." "Why, my dear Mary, are you out of bed already? Is it daylight?" said the young King, rousing himself. "My dear love, while we were sleeping, malignants have been wide awake, and compel us to leave this pleasant home." "What do you mean by malignants, my sweetheart? Did we not have the most delightful festival last evening but for 114 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI the Latin which those gentlemen insisted on dropping into our good French ?" "Oh !" said Mary, "that is in the best taste, and Rabelais brought Latin into fashion." "Ah! you are so learned, and I am only sorry not to be able to do you honor in verse. If I were not King, I would take back Master Amyot from my brother, who is being made so wise " "You have nothing to envy your brother for; he writes verses and shows them to me, begging me to show him mine. Be content, you are by far the best of the four, and will be as good a king as you are a charming lover. Indeed, that perhaps is the reason your mother loves you so little. But be easy; I, dear heart, will love you for all the world." "It is no great merit in me to love such a perfect Queen," said the young King. "I do not know what hindered me from embracing you before the whole Court last night, when you danced the branle with tapers. I could see how all the women looked serving- wenches by you, my sweet Marie!" "For plain prose your language is charming, my dear heart : it is love that speaks, to be sure. And, you know, my dear, that if you were but a poor little page, I should still love you just as much as I now do, and yet it is a good thing to be able to say, 'My sweetheart is a King !' " "Such a pretty arm ! Why must we get dressed ? I like to push my fingers through your soft hair and tangle your golden curls. Listen, pretty one; I will not allow you to let your women kiss your fair neck and your pretty shoulders any more! I am jealous of the Scotch mists for having touched them." "Will you not come to see my beloved country ? The Scotch ,would love you, and there would be no rebellions, as there 'are here." "Who rebels in our kingdom?" said Frangois de Valois, wrapping himself in his gown, and drawing his wife on to his knee. "Yes, this is very pretty play," said she, withdrawing her ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI US cheek from his kiss. "But you have to reign, if you please, my liege." "Who talks of reigning ? This morning I want to " "Need you say 'I want to/ when you can do what you will ? That is the language of neither king nor lover. How- ever, that is not the matter on hand we have important business to attend to." "Oh !" said the King, "it is a long time since we have had any business to do. Is it amusing?" "Not at all," said Mary ; "we must make a move." "I will wager, my pretty one, that you have seen one of your uncles, who manage matters so well that, at seventeen, I am a King only in name. I really know not why, since the first Council, I have ever sat at one ; they could do everything quite as well by setting a crown on my chair ; I see everything through their eyes, and settle matters blindfold." "Indeed, monsieur," said the Queen, standing up and as- suming an air of annoyance, "you had agreed never again to give me the smallest trouble on that score, but to leave my uncles to exercise your royal power for the happiness of your people. A nice people they are! Why, if you tried to govern them unaided, they would swallow you whole like a strawberry. They need warriors to rule them a stern master gloved with iron ; while you you are a charmer whom I love just as you are, and should not love if you were different do you hear, my lord?" she added, bending down to kiss the boy, who seemed inclined to rebel against this speech, but who was mollified by the caress. "Oh, if only they were not your uncles!" cried Francis. "I cannot endure that Cardinal; and when he puts on his insinuating air and his submissive ways, and says to me with a bow, 'Sire, the honor of the Crown and the faith of your fathers is at stake, your Majesty will never allow ' and this and that I am certain he toils for nothing but his cursed House of Lorraine." "How well you mimic him !" cried the Queen. "But why do you not make these Guises inform you of what is going 116 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI forward, so as to govern by and by on your own. account when you are of full age ? I am your wife, and your honor is mine. We will reign, sweetheart never fear! But all will not be roses for us till we are free to please ourselves. There is nothing so hard for a King as to govern ! "Am I the Queen now, I ask you? Do you think that your mother ever fails to repay me in evil for what good my uncles may do for the glory of your throne? And mark the difference! My uncles are great princes, descendants of Charlemagne, full of goodwill, and ready to die for you; while this daughter of a leech, or a merchant, Queen of France by a mere chance, is as shrewish as a citizen's wife who is not mistress in her house. The Italian woman is provoked that she cannot set every one by the ears, and she is always coming to me with her pale, solemn face, and then with her pinched lips she begins: 'Daughter, you are the Queen; I am only the second lady in the kingdom' she is furious, you see, dear heart 'but if I were in your place, I would not wear crimson velvet while the Court is in mourn- ing, and I would appear in public with my hair plainly dressed and with no jewels, for what is unseemly in any lady is even more so in a queen. Nor would I dance myself; I would only see others dance !' That is the kind of thing she says to me." "Oh, dear Heaven!" cried the King, "I can hear her! Mercy, if she only knew " "Why, you still quake before her. She wearies you say so? We will send her away. By my faith, that she should deceive you might be endured, but to be so tedious " "In Heaven's name, be silent, Marie," said the King, at once alarmed and delighted. "I would not have you lose her favor." "Never fear that she will quarrel with me, with the three finest crowns in the world on my head, my little King," said Mary Stuart. "Even though she hates me for a thousand reasons, she flatters me, to win me from my uncles." "Hates you?" ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 117 "Yes, my angel ! And if I had not a thousand such proofs as women can give each other, and such as women only can understand, her persistent opposition to our happy love- making would be enough. Now, is it my fault if your father could never endure Mademoiselle de' Medici? In short, she likes me so little, that you had to be quite in a rage to pre- vent our having separate sets of rooms here and at Saint- Germain. She declared that it was customary for the Kings and Queens of France. Customary ! It was your father's custom; that is quite intelligible. As to your grandfather, Francis, the good man established the practice for the con- venience of his love affairs. So be on your guard; if we are obliged to leave this place, do not let the Grand Master divide us." "If we leave? But I do not intend to leave this pretty chateau, whence we see the Loire and all the country around a town at our feet, the brightest sky in the world above us, and these lovely gardens. Or if I go, it will be to travel with you in Italy and see Raphael's pictures and Saint- Peter's at Rome." "And the orange-trees. Ah, sweet little King, if you could know how your Mary longs to walk under orange-trees in flower and fruit ! Alas ! I may never see one ! Oh ! to hear an Italian song under those fragrant groves, on the shore of a blue sea, under a cloudless sky, and to clasp each other thus ! " "Let us be off," said the King. "Be off !" cried the Grand Master, coming in. "Yes, Sire, you must be off from Blois. Pardon my boldness; but cir- cumstances overrule etiquette, and I have come to beg you to call a Council." Mary and Francis had started apart on being thus taken by surprise, and they both wore the same expression of offended sovereign Majesty. "You are too much the Grand Master, Monsieur de Guise/' taid the young King, suppressing his wrath. 9 U8 ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI "Devil take lovers !" muttered the Cardinal in Catherine's ear. "My son," replied the Queen-mother, appearing behind the Cardinal, "the safety of your person is at stake as well as of your kingdom." "Heresy was awake while you slept, Sire," said the Car- dinal. "Withdraw into the hall," said the little King; "we will ,hold a Council." "Madame," said the Duke to the Queen, "your furrier's son has come with some furs which are seasonable for your journey, as we shall probably ride by the Loire. But he also wishes to speak with madame," he added, turning to the Queen-mother. "While the King is dressing, would you and Her Majesty dismiss him forthwith, so that this trifle may no further trouble us." "With pleasure," replied Catherine; adding to herself, "If he thinks to be rid of me by such tricks, he little knows me." The Cardinal and the Duke retired, leaving the two Queens with the King. As he went through the guardroom to go to the council-chamber, the Grand Master desired the usher to bring up the Queen's furrier. When Christophe saw this official coming towards him from one end of the room to the other, he took him, from his dress, to be some one of importance, and his heart sank within him; but this sensation, natural enough at the ap- proach of a critical moment, became sheer terror when the usher, whose advance had the effect of directing the eyes of the whole splendid assembly to Christophe with his bundles and his abject looks, said to him : "Their Highnesses the Cardinal de Lorraine and the Grand Master desire to speak to you in the council-room." "Has any one betrayed me ?" was the thought of this hap- less envoy of the Reformers. Christophe followed the usher, his eyes bent on the ground, and never looked up till he found himself in the spacious council-room as large almost as the guardroom. The two ABOUT CATHERINE DE' MEDICI 119 Guises were alone, standing in front of the splendid chimney- place that backed against that in the guardroom, where the maids of honor were grouped. "You have come from Paris ? Which road did you take ?" the Cardinal said to Christophe. "I came by water, monseigneur," replied the lad. "And how did you get into Blois ?" said the Grand Master. "By the river port, monseigneur/' "And no one interfered with you?" said the Duke, who was examining the young man closely. "No, monseigneur. I told the first soldier, who made as though he would stop me, that I had come on duty to wait on the two Queens, and that my father is furrier to their Majesties." "What is doing in Paris?" asked the Cardinal. "They are still trying to discover the murderer who killed President Minard." "Are not you the son of my surgeon's greatest friend?" asked the Due de Guise, deceived by Christophe's expression of candor, now that his fears were allayed. "Yes, monseigneur." The Grand Master went out, hastily lifted the curtain which screened the double doors of the council-chamber, and showed his face to the crowd, among whom he looked for the King's surgeon-in-chief. Ambroise Pare, standing in a corner, was aware of a glance shot at him by the Duke, and went to him. Ambroise, already inclined to the Eeformed religion, ended by adopting it; but the friendship of the Guises and of the French kings preserved him from the vari- ous disasters that befell the heretics. The Duke, who felt that he owed his life to Ambroise Pare, had appointed him surgeon-in-chief to the King within a few days past.