pdMOJJOq SBM )! ipiq/w LUOJJ 
 
 AjBjqn aq| o\ (BuaiBUJ stijj ujnjay 
 
 88EI--f Z006 VO 'sajaduv >n 'anuaAV pJeB||H SO* 
 
 Advdan ivNOioau 
 
 jo A)|&iaA|un
 
 LIFE OF THE 
 
 EAEL OF IDDESLEIGH
 
 'SIR STAFFORD H.NORTHCOTE BAR T (aed65) 
 
 ty-rtr 
 
 -u 
 
 
 ^/L
 
 LIFE, LETTERS, AND 
 DIARIES 
 
 OF 
 
 SIE STAFFOKD NOKTHCOTE 
 FIRST EAEL OF IDDESLEIGH 
 
 BY 
 
 ANDREW LANG 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES 
 VOL. II. 
 
 WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS 
 
 EDINBURGH AND LONDON 
 
 MDCCCXC 
 
 All Rights reserved
 

 
 CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME, 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE ALABAMA CLAIMS AND THE TREATY OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Asked to join the Commission in Washington Purpose of Com- 
 mission American political motives conjectured Sir Stafford 
 to Mr Disraeli Early meetings of Commission The indirect 
 claims Misunderstanding Speech at Exeter Letters to Lord 
 Derby and Mr Fish Diary of the Commission Interference by 
 Home Government The treaty signed Letter to Mr Disraeli 
 Social amusements, and trips near Washington Poem to a lady 
 Return home Friendly Societies Commission Objections to 
 the Bill Appreciation of it by members of societies, . . 1 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. . 
 
 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. 
 
 Charges of " frittering away " Mr Gladstone's surplus considered 
 Sir Stafford's financial principles How to use the surplus 
 Letter to Mr Disraeli Budget speech Scheme for reducing 
 National Debt Mr Gladstone's criticisms " Pitch-and-toss " 
 and " Neevie-nick-nack " Savings banks Mr PlimsolPs affair 
 The purchase of Suez Canal shares Letter to Mr Disraeli 
 Later Budgets Lean years Foreign troubles Mr Glad- 
 stone's criticisms The defeat of 1880, . . .52 
 
 332044
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS IN SECOND VOLUME. 
 
 PORTRAIT OP SIR STAFFORD H. NORTHCOTE, BART., 
 
 AT THE AGE OF SIXTY-FIVE, . . Frontispiece. 
 
 (From the Picture by Edwin Long, E.A.} 
 
 VIEW OF PYNES, FAMILY SEAT OF THE EARL OF 
 
 IDDESLEIGH, ..... Page 296
 
 LIFE OF THE EAEL OF IDDESLEIGH. 
 
 CHAPTEE XII. 
 
 THE ALABAMA CLAIMS AND THE TREATY OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 ASKED TO JOIN THE COMMISSION IN WASHINGTON PURPOSE OF 
 
 COMMISSION AMERICAN POLITICAL MOTIVES CONJECTURED 
 
 SIR STAFFORD TO MR DISRAELI EARLY MEETINGS OF COM- 
 MISSION THE INDIRECT CLAIMS MISUNDERSTANDING 
 
 SPEECH AT EXETER LETTERS TO LORD DERBY AND MR 
 
 FISH DIARY OF THE COMMISSION INTERFERENCE BY HOME 
 
 GOVERNMENT THE TREATY SIGNED LETTER TO MR DISRAELI 
 
 SOCIAL AMUSEMENTS, AND TRIPS NEAR WASHINGTON 
 
 POEM TO A LADY RETURN HOME FRIENDLY SOCIETIES 
 
 COMMISSION OBJECTIONS TO THE BILL APPRECIATION OF 
 
 IT BY MEMBERS OF SOCIETIES. 
 
 ON Monday, 13th February 1871, Lord John Manners met 
 Sir Stafford as he was leaving the House of Commons, 
 and told him that he was being looked for in the lobby 
 by Lord Granville. Sir Stafford went back, and was asked 
 whether he would join the Commission which had already 
 
 VOL. II. A
 
 2 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TREATY OF WASHINGTON. [l87l. 
 
 set sail for America to arrange the Treaty of Washington. 
 In five days Sir Stafford, with his sons Henry and John, 
 was on board the Eussia a Cunard steamer. On March 
 1 they reached New York, and were greeted by the usual 
 imaginative emissary of the 'New York Herald.' They 
 went straight on to Washington, where Sir Stafford joined 
 the other British Commissioners Lord de Grey, Lord 
 Tenterden, Sir E. Thornton our Ambassador, Mr Mon- 
 tague Bernard of All Souls, and the Canadian Commis- 
 sioner, Sir John A. Macdonald. 
 
 IThe purpose of the Commission was to settle terms of 
 agreement about the Alabama and similar claims, about 
 the Canadian fisherie'sTUbout San Juan, and other matters 
 terms which might be referred to a court of arbitration. 
 As to the whole subject of arbitration in national disputes, 
 Judge Hoar, one of the American Commissioners, told a 
 story which illustrates the general opinion. " A man came 
 
 into court and called the judge a d d fool. The judge 
 
 threatened to commit him for contempt of court. The 
 man begged to refer the question to the arbitrament of 
 the jury. The judge consented ; whereon the jury decided 
 
 that his referring to them proved he was a d d fool, and 
 
 gave their award accordingly." The Geneva arbitrators 
 also gave their award accordingly when the time came. 
 This being a foregone conclusion, it may be asked how 
 Englishmen could be induced to sit on such a Commis- 
 sion ? The answer is, I fear, that necessity knows no law. 
 England is a country which practically cannot fight on
 
 1871.] NO SUCH ALTEENATIVE AS WAK. 3 
 
 points of honour and delicacy. In regard to America, 
 especially, she would have to fight a most powerful people 
 which is at home, while she is at an immense distance 
 from her base. She has to fight with a vast undefended 
 and indefensible flank the whole frontier of Canada. She 
 has to fight the country by whose corn her own huge 
 and agriculturally unproductive population is nourished. 
 Though she might do the States a good deal of harm, she 
 could not cripple them nor dream of subduing them. 
 " We shall have to give you a beating," said an English- 
 man once to an American. " What ! again ? " said the 
 other. The question was an answer. With starvation 
 and probable rebellion at home, with certain loss abroad, 
 is it likely that England will fight America if she can 
 possibly evade the war? It is needless to add reflec- 
 tions on the horror of such a strife between peoples 
 of the same language, proud of the same literature, 
 and united by a thousand private ties of friendship and 
 kindliness. 
 
 As to there being no alternative at that moment but 
 war on one hand or apology and arbitration on the other, 
 Sir Stafford wrote to Mr Disraeli (January 24, 1873): 
 " Our work has not been made more palatable by persons 
 who have spoken as though the alternative had been war. 
 There was no such alternative ; and if it had been present 
 to the Government, they ought to have taken a totally 
 different tone, and doubtless would." The real alterna- 
 tive was an eternal hostility of feeling.
 
 4 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TREATY OF WASHINGTON. [1871. 
 
 Judging by Sir Stafford's letters and diary, the Presi- 
 dential election was the mainspring of the whole machine 
 of the Commission. Was General Grant to be re-elected ? 
 Much appeared to depend on the successful American 
 conduct of the Commission. I gather (these are private 
 inferences) that the American Government wanted as con- 
 siderable a triumph as possible, as conspicuous a defeat of 
 England, without the disturbance and discomfort of actual 
 hostilities. Mr Charles Sumner, who had just been re- 
 moved from the American Committee of Foreign Eelations, 
 was regarded as the great anti-Englishman. It is only 
 fair to say that, during the sitting of the Commission, his 
 attitude was friendly and genial. Foibles he had, caused 
 or increased by the long excitement of the war against 
 slavery ; and, it may be, by the cowardly assault on him 
 several years before, by a Southern planter and politician. 
 Despite these foibles, his relations with the Commissioners 
 were distinctly friendly. 
 
 Before entering on the social and diplomatic adventures 
 at Washington, it may be well to note what intentions and 
 ideas Sir Stafford, for his part, had in his mind. He con- 
 ceived, as he wrote to Lord Beaconsfield, that here was a 
 chance /for neutral, maritime, and commercial nations to 
 come to an understanding as to the rights and duties of 
 neutrals. I England and America might give the effect of 
 an international agreement to those parts of their muni- 
 cipal law which were common to both countries. They 
 might agree on a definition of contraband of war, and
 
 1871.] EARLY MEETINGS OF COMMISSION. 5 
 
 might sketch a tribunal to settle disputed points. Other 
 Powers might accede to the treaty, and be represented on 
 the tribunal. A mode of settling the claims and counter- 
 claims arising out of the late war might be devised " with- 
 out admitting any inconvenient pretensions." " These 
 ideas," he adds, "are rough-hewn." 
 
 The Commissioners of either side, at Washington, had 
 some private intercourse, and euchre, before business regu- 
 larly began. At this semi-official euchre they seem to 
 have played " for love." On March 8, Mr Fish, for the 
 Americans, opened the Alabama claims, proposing that 
 they should try to agree to certain principles of inter- 
 national law, to be applied by themselves, or by the 
 arbitrators. On March 9, the English produced their 
 counter-proposals ; " another long wrangle, and ex- 
 hibits great powers of twaddling." It may be said that 
 this Commissioner was not of our party. On the former 
 day (March 8) the Protocol XXXVI. sets forth, in the 
 words of the American Commissioners, how, owing to 
 the Alabama and other ships, " extensive direct losses had 
 arisen in the capture and destruction of a large number 
 of vessels with their cargoes, and in the heavy national 
 expenditure in pursuit of the cruisers ; and indirect injury " 
 (the italics are mine) in a transfer of a large part of the 
 American commercial marine to the British flag, in the 
 enhanced payment of insurances, in the prolongation of 
 the war, and in the addition of a large sum to the cost of 
 the war, and the suppression of the rebellion. And they
 
 6 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TREATY OF WASHINGTON. [1871. 
 
 also showed that Great Britain, " by reason of failure in 
 the proper observance of her duties as a neutral, had 
 become justly liable for the acts of these cruisers and of 
 their tenders ; that the claims for the loss and destruc- 
 tion of private property which -had thus far been presented 
 amounted to about fourteen millions of dollars, without 
 interest, which amount was liable to be greatly increased 
 by claims which had not been presented ; that the cost to 
 which the Government had been put in pursuit of cruisers 
 could be easily ascertained by certificates of Govern- 
 ment accounting officers ; that in the hope of an amicable 
 settlement, no estimate was made of the indirect losses, 
 without prejudice, however, to the right to indemnification 
 on their account, in the case of no such settlement being 
 made." x 
 
 All this passage is particularly important to the history 
 of Sir Stafford's own conduct in the mission. Without 
 entering into the long international controversy which 
 followed a matter for legists one may say that a person 
 of ordinary wjits could understand the text quoted in only 
 one way. In the hope of an amicable settlement, the 
 indirect claims were not estimated, nor, of course, pre- 
 sented to the arbitrators, though the right to present 
 them, failing an amicable settlement, was reserved. An 
 " amicable settlement " was made, as I understand (com- 
 pare, however, Sir Stafford's letter to Mr Fish, p. 10), 
 and yet the Americans revived the indirect claims. 
 
 1 The italics are mine throughout.
 
 1871.] MISUNDERSTANDING. 7 
 
 However, it is no part of our duty to discuss the rights 
 or wrongs of all this, nor to revive an ancient dispute. 
 As may be seen, all turned on an " understanding " differ- 
 ently understood, and doubtless blamelessly, by the persons 
 engaged. What we have to note is the conduct of Sir 
 Stafford Northcote in the matter. On May 19, 1872, he 
 delivered a speech at Exeter, in which he touched on the 
 question of the " indirect claims." " Two questions have 
 been raised," he said : " one the personal question as to 
 what was the understanding between the Commissioners 
 at all events, and perhaps between the two Governments, 
 at the time the treaty was concluded ; the other, as to the 
 general merits of the question which has been raised with 
 regard to what are called consequential damages, or the 
 indirect claims. Now, with regard to the personal question 
 I will only say this that we, the Commissioners, were dis- 
 tinctly responsible for having represented to the Government 
 that we understood a promise to be given that these claims 
 were not to lie put forward, and were not to be submitted to 
 arbitration. That being so, we are, of course, brought into 
 painful relations with, and painful questions arise between 
 ourselves and our American colleagues upon that Commis- 
 sion. It would have been most unjustifiable if, while the 
 matter was under discussion, we had allowed any desire 
 to make out our own case in this matter to interfere with 
 a great international settlement going on. Whether the 
 time will ever come for speaking fully upon the matter 
 I do not know, and I comparatively little care." Though
 
 8 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TKEATY OF WASHINGTON. [1871. 
 
 these events are distant, it seems needless to add to Sir 
 Stafford's statement. 
 
 In consequence of these remarks, made in a public 
 speech, one of the American Commissioners, Mr Fish, 
 complained that Sir Stafford was " seeking aliunde outside 
 of the treaty or of the protocol to establish a meaning, or 
 to explain its terms," and that this had the anticipated 
 effect of raising "a personal question." Mr Fish then 
 denied that " such a promise as Sir Stafford stated that 
 the British Commissioners represented to their Govern- 
 ment as having been understood by them to have been 
 made by the American Commissioners was in fact ever 
 made." * 
 
 Sir Stafford explained himself thus in a letter to Lord 
 
 Derby : 
 
 "86 HABLEY STREET, W., June 5, 1872. 
 
 "DEAR LORD DERBY, I observe that, in your speech 
 in the House of Lords last night, you referred to a recent 
 statement of mine with regard to the negotiations at 
 Washington in a manner which shows me that you, as 
 well as many other persons, have misunderstood my 
 meaning. 
 
 " It has been supposed, and you seem to have supposed, 
 that I said that an understanding existed between the 
 British and the American negotiators that the claims for 
 indirect losses should not be brought forward ; and it has 
 
 1 ' The American Commissioners,' &c. Washington Government Print- 
 ing Office. 1872. P. 11.
 
 1871.] LETTER TO LORD- DERBY. 9 
 
 been inferred from this that we, relying upon that under- 
 standing, were less careful in framing the treaty than we 
 should otherwise have been. 
 
 " This is incorrect. What I said was, that we had 
 represented to our Government that we understood a 
 promise to have been given that no claims for indirect 
 losses should be brought forward. In so saying, I referred 
 to the statement voluntarily and formally made ~by the, 
 American Commissioners at the opening of the conference 
 of the 8th of March, which I, for one, understood to amount 
 to an engagement that the claims in question should not 
 be put forward in the event of a treaty being agreed on. 
 
 " I will not enter into a discussion of the grounds 
 upon which I came to that conclusion, but will simply 
 say that we never for a moment thought of relying upon it, 
 or upon any other matter outside of the treaty itself. We 
 thought, as I still think, that the language of the treaty 
 was sufficient, according to the ordinary rules of inter- 
 pretation, to exclude the claims for indirect losses. At 
 all events, we certainly meant to make it so. I remain, 
 yours very faithfully, STAFFORD H. NORTHCOTE. 
 
 " The Earl of Derby. 
 
 " Perhaps you will kindly read this in the House of 
 Lords to-morrow." 
 
 The conclusion of the matter then, is, that neither Lord 
 de Grey nor the other Commissioners had the faintest
 
 10 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TREATY OF WASHINGTON. [1871. 
 
 intention of using language which admitted the indirect 
 claims. 1 But what Sir Stafford meant, in his Exeter 
 speech, by saying " whether the time will ever come for 
 speaking fully upon the matter, I do not know," is a 
 question which may still puzzle us. His letter refers 
 
 1 This letter to Mr Fish explains Sir Stafford's position : 
 
 "MY DEAR MB FISH, I had hoped that it would be unnecessary for 
 me to refer again to the vexed question of the understanding upon which 
 the Treaty of Washington was negotiated ; but the correspondence on the 
 subject of my ' statement ' before the Exeter Chamber of Commerce last 
 May, which has just been published by the United States Government, 
 appears to call for some notice on my part. I write now, as I spoke then, 
 solely on my own responsibility, and without communication with my 
 Government or my late colleagues on the Commission. 
 
 " When I said that we, the British Commissioners, were responsible for 
 having represented to our Government that we understood a promise to 
 have been given that what are called the indirect claims were not to be 
 put forward by the United States, I meant to convey to my audience that 
 I thought that our Government must have inferred from our communica- 
 tions with them that we understood such a promise to have been made 
 by the American Commissioners. I did not think it right at that time to 
 go further into particulars ; but subsequently, in my letter to Lord Derby 
 of the 5th June, which is included in your correspondence, I explained 
 that the occasion to which I referred, as that on which I supposed the 
 promise to have been made, was the conference of the 8th March 1871. 
 
 "You say, and all our American colleagues on the late Commission say 
 with you, that no such promise was made on that occasion. I of course 
 unhesitatingly accept your assurance that it was not your intention to 
 make one, and that you did not consider that you had made one. I can- 
 not, however, admit that there was anything unreasonable in the precisely 
 opposite inference which I, at all events, drew from what passed on that 
 day, confirmed as that inference was by our proceedings on several subse- 
 quent days. 
 
 " You will remember that it had been arranged that on the 8th March 
 the American Commissioners should state their case with respect to the 
 Alabama and the other vessels. This you did in a written paper, which 
 you read out to us, but which you did not hand in as part of the proceed- 
 ings. It was to the effect that, besides the direct losses occasioned by the
 
 1871.] LETTEK TO ME FISH. 11 
 
 to the protocol only to what did his speech refer ? 
 Apparently to some more " personal question," which 
 neither his diary nor his correspondence elucidates. He 
 says in a letter from Washington to Mr Disraeli, " I 
 wish I had some of your power of reading character 
 
 cruisers, and the cost incurred in their pursuit and capture, it was be- 
 lieved by the United States Government that they had also a good and 
 equitable claim for indirect or constructive losses. These latter, however, 
 you did not prefer ; and you stated that your not doing so must be re- 
 garded as a great concession. You then proceeded, still reading from the 
 paper, to propose that the Commissioners should endeavour to agree upon 
 a gross sum, to be paid by Great Britain in discharge of the claims of the 
 United States ; and you went on to say, still reading from the same paper, 
 that, should the Commissioners be unable to arrive at an understanding 
 for such a payment, the American Commissioners would be willing to 
 refer the liability of Great Britain to some competent tribunal which 
 should be empowered to assess damages. You added, however, that they 
 would at the same time expect that certain principles of international 
 law should be laid down, to be applied to the decision of the claims of the 
 United States, whether those claims were considered by the Commission 
 or by such a tribunal as had been mentioned ; and you propounded four 
 articles containing the principles which you desired us to adopt. Of those 
 four articles you gave us a copy, and we then retired for the purpose of 
 considering your proposal in both its branches. 
 
 " Whether I was technically right in speaking of the declaration thus 
 made as ' a promise ' is a question which I will not discuss. I can only 
 say that my impression at the time was, that you were proposing to us 
 two alternative methods of settling the direct claims, coupling your pro- 
 posal with the announcement that if either of the alternatives were adopt- 
 ed, the indirect claims would not be preferred. If this was not the mean- 
 ing of the statement, I am at a loss to understand why the expression 
 with regard to those claims was used at all. Of one thing I feel perfectly 
 confident, that there was nothing in your proposal which could lead us to 
 suppose that the indirect claims were to be waived in case of the adoption 
 of one of your alternatives, and not in case of the adoption of the other. 
 The proposal was made as a whole, without our interposing a word, and 
 the four rules, which you handed to us, were stated by you to be rules 
 which were to govern the decision equally, whichever mode of settlement
 
 12 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TREATY OF WASHINGTON. [1871. 
 
 just now." Perhaps in this case he read character or 
 circumstances wrongly, though his power of seeing what 
 was passing in people's minds was among his most useful 
 qualities. 
 
 In an enterprise like that of the British Commissioners, 
 political and social functions are so blended that it is diffi- 
 cult to keep their descriptions distinct. Dinner-parties, 
 dances, receptions, and a queer kind of fox-hunt, with 
 picnics and expeditions in the beautiful Virginia country, 
 alternated with serious business and grave discussion. 
 The Commissioners of either nation sat on opposite sides 
 of a long table, and had each their private room, where 
 they withdrew, on occasion, to deliberate among them- 
 selves. The English were fighting a triangular or even 
 
 was adopted. I do not think that it is correct to say that you first made 
 one proposal, and that, when that had been rejected by us, you made 
 another, to which the conditions of the first did not apply. Whether such 
 an inference can be drawn from the terms of the protocol is a question 
 upon which I will not enter ; but I am quite sure that it would not be a 
 correct account of what actually took place. Both the alternatives the 
 one which we rejected and the one which we in substance accepted were 
 laid before us at one and the same time, in one and the same proposal, 
 originating entirely with the American side of the Commission. It is 
 true that they were not discussed together. After we had taken them 
 into consideration, we declined altogether, under the instructions of our 
 Government, your proposal that a sum should be assessed by the Commis- 
 sioners, and we urged you to agree to a simple arbitration, unaccompanied 
 by any limitations. It was not till after the discussion had proceeded for 
 a considerable time that the question of your second alternative was taken 
 up and discussed in its turn. But I repeat that this alternative had 
 formed part of the original proposal ; and that neither was there anything 
 in the statement you read to us which showed that the declaration with 
 regard to the non-presentation of the indirect claims (whatever it meant) 
 was confined to the case of the acceptance of the first alternative alone,
 
 1871.] INTEKFERENCE BY HOME GOVERNMENT. 13 
 
 quadrilateral duel. They had to hold their own not 
 merely with the Americans, but with the Home Govern- 
 ment, and the representative of Canada. Of Lord de 
 Grey Sir Stafford wrote 
 
 " The U.S. Commissioners give him some trouble ; 
 
 He don't blame them for that it's their duty, you know ; 
 And his Cabinet colleagues, they give almost double, 
 They do it from love, and he likes it so, so ! " 
 
 The Home Government kept putting in their oar, and 
 once for which much may by literary persons be forgiven 
 them they telegraphed that, in the treaty, they would 
 not endure adverbs between " to " (the sign of the infini- 
 tive) and the verb. The purity of the English language 
 they nobly and courageously defended. 
 
 nor did you, after we had manifested our inclination to accept the second 
 alternative, give us any intimation that the declaration in question did 
 not apply to that case. 
 
 " I might go on to show, by reference to several portions of our subse- 
 quent conferences, that we acted throughout the negotiation on the as- 
 sumption that the indirect claims were not to be presented, that we used 
 arguments at certain stages of the discussion which rested entirely on that 
 assumption, and that you never gave us a hint that the assumption was 
 unfounded. This, and much more, I might say if I were writing for the 
 purpose of justifying the course of our British Commissioners in the 
 negotiation. But I think it better, now that the matter has been set at 
 rest for practical purposes, to confine myself to the explanation I have 
 given of my words at Exeter ; and I will conclude by expressing my earn- 
 est hope that the misunderstandings which have caused such painful 
 controversies as those of this last spring may not be allowed to mar the 
 good feeling which ought to subsist between our two nations, or to make 
 us personally forgetful of the many acts of kindness and courtesy for 
 which we had to be grateful to our American friends, and notably to 
 yourself, during our sojourn at Washington."
 
 14 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TREATY OF WASHINGTON. [1871. 
 
 " After having with much trouble brought the Ameri- 
 cans to agree to some form of words, and sent it home by 
 telegraph, we receive instructions that the Government 
 prefer a different form of words, and have to begin our 
 battle over again, often at a disadvantage. Still the 
 Americans keep their temper very well," Sir Stafford 
 wrote to Mr Disraeli. As to the rules which it was 
 finally determined to concede, while not admitting that 
 they were part of the law of nations during the war, he 
 held that they " are substantially the principles embodied 
 in our own Foreign Enlistment Act." As to the whole 
 conclusion, with its King of Sweden, Emperor of Brazil, 
 and all the other parade of arbitration, he says : " The 
 world will probably laugh ; but after all it will be a good 
 thing if we can get these troublesome matters out of the 
 way." Troublesome matters can usually be got out of the 
 way, for the moment, by yielding. But is there any 
 nation but England which would yield when arbitration 
 went against her ? Practically, arbitration is a farce ; and 
 we are like the French bourgeois in the play, who " always 
 apologised." As to details, there was a week's wrangle 
 over the choice of the word " constructed," or the phrase 
 "specially prepared for war"; "upon which they must 
 have seen that we did not mean to give way. We could 
 not admit that a neutral nation was responsible for the 
 ' construction ' of a ship not possessing a distinctly war- 
 like character, which is subsequently used as a ship of 
 war." On the San Juan question, Sir Stafford would have
 
 1871.] SLOW PROGRESS OF NEGOTIATIONS. 15 
 
 broken up the Conference. Perhaps it is better not to 
 state the circumstances and arguments which led him to 
 this conclusion : they had less force with Lord de Grey. 
 As a general rule, however, he writes: "We are on the' 
 best of terms with our colleagues, who are on their mettle, 
 and evidently anxious to do the work in a gentlemanly 
 way, and go straight to the point. ... I see that our 
 friend the ' Times ' is as usual trying to make mischief, 
 and swaggering in a most unnecessary way." On Good 
 Friday he was suffering from low spirits and telegrams 
 from the Home Government: "Our negotiations go on 
 slowly, and not quite in the line I like. We shall, I 
 suppose, come to a settlement, but I am not quite at ease 
 as to its nature ; and Bancroft Davis has just been telling 
 Tenterden, by way of good news, that he thinks we may 
 get the thing done in six weeks from this time ! I had 
 expected to be on the Atlantic by this time, when I left 
 England seven weeks ago. And as to having done in 
 another six (or sixteen) weeks, the only chance of it that 
 I can see lies in the possibility that the Trench cable also 
 may break some fine morning and leave us isolated. If 
 the other two cables get repaired before we go, Heaven 
 help us ! We shall not be able to respond to the Ameri- 
 can Commission's question ' How do you do ? ' without 
 telegraphing home for instructions, and being informed 
 that her Majesty's Government prefer our saying ' Pretty 
 well' to our saying 'Not at all well.' But, as old Sir 
 Stafford used to say, ' Don't you say I told you.' " 
 
 VOL. II. B
 
 16 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TREATY OF WASHINGTON. [1871. 
 
 On the 10th of April the Americans accepted the " ex- 
 pression of regret " for the escape of the Alabama, and the 
 rest of our misdeeds. On April 22, the Canadian Com- 
 missioner " seems to think that he has stood out long 
 enough ; certainly it has been longer than our idea of 
 long enough." On May 2, we read : " Telegram from 
 Home Government telling us to leave Washington as 
 soon as possible after the treaty was signed. Quam 
 parvuld sapientid ! And our bill for telegrams alone is 
 5000. Send strong remonstrance by telegram against 
 insanity of Government. It would simply upset the 
 treaty if we came away before the Senate met." 
 
 " May 3 ( Wednesday). This is a day big with fate. We 
 have this day finally settled the treaty, and have sent it 
 to be engrossed for our signature on Monday next. Our 
 part is now nearly done. Nothing remains but to settle 
 the protocols embodying in a presentable form the history 
 of the negotiation. These will give some trouble, and 
 their wording will be important as a commentary on the 
 treaty itself; but the great work is completed. Is it 
 destined to live ? or will the Senate smother it in its 
 cradle ? Anyhow it is matter for thankfulness that we 
 have brought it so far, and that we shall at least have the 
 satisfaction of thinking that we have won our spurs as 
 negotiators. De Grey deserves even more credit than he 
 is likely to receive. None but those who have worked 
 with him can appreciate his merits." 
 
 " May 6. Held our last conference to-day. Confirmed
 
 1871.] SEALING OF THE TREATY. 17 
 
 the protocol, and then made flattering speeches one to an- 
 other. Eead over the treaty, and saw the ribbons put in, 
 ready for sealing on Monday. Five ribbons drawn through 
 each copy (red and blue), so that one English and one 
 American Commissioner may seal upon each ribbon. 
 Something like the mode of assigning partners in the 
 cotillion. We all carried off some of the ribbon as a 
 memorial. Gave Mr Fish a copy of my Ode to the Fourth 
 Article. Signed a number of copies of our photographs, 
 the Americans signing theirs at the same time. A framed 
 copy of each is to be presented to us." 
 
 "May 8. A brilliant morning. Breakfasted at nine, 
 and walked up to the State Department at ten. The 
 American Commissioners had arrived, and we spent some 
 time in talk, and in exchanging a prodigious number of 
 autographs, while the seals were being affixed to the two 
 copies of the treaty, a slow process, as the unfortunate 
 clerk who prepared them was both awkward and nervous, 
 and Tenterden did not help to put him at his ease by drop- 
 ping quantities of burning sealing-wax on his fingers. The 
 poor man was so much excited that he burst into tears at 
 the conclusion of the affair. Howard, who did the gratuity 
 business for us, gave him forty dollars to buy a souvenir 
 for his wife, which he accepted with some reluctance. 
 The signing seemed to create great interest in the depart- 
 ment, and all, or most, of the employees were present. A 
 great quantity of flowers had been sent up by different 
 ladies, and we were abundantly supplied with strawberries
 
 18 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TREATY OF WASHINGTON. [1871. 
 
 and iced cream, with which we relieved our feelings after 
 shaking hands all round. And now the breaking -up 
 begins." 
 
 May 21 saw " our last day at Washington, and quite a 
 melancholy one. . . . It is curious to have made one's 
 self so much at home there, and to have picked up so 
 much interest in the small daily life of the place." They 
 departed under a final sneer from the Eussian Minister, 
 " Blessed are the peacemakers." Query " Blessed are the 
 humbugs ! " The settlement he considered, as he wrote to 
 Mr Disraeli, " a fair and just one, giving no triumph to 
 either party, containing nothing dishonourable to either, 
 and having the merit of laying down principles which may 
 be useful in the future. .1 . But I am not a fair judge." 
 
 The rest of this letter (May 9) may be quoted as show- 
 ing, if that were necessary, what in his opinion the treaty 
 meant as to the " Indirect Claims " : 
 
 " I suppose the points which will be particularly criti- 
 cised are, the insertion in the treaty of the expression of 
 regret, the retrospective effect given to the three rules, and 
 the Canadian arrangements. As regards the first point, I 
 suppose we shall be told that such an expression in such 
 an instrument is unprecedented. I believe it is, and I do 
 not think the Government originally intended us to insert 
 the words in the treaty itself. But we thought ourselves 
 that it was well to do handsomely what was to be done at 
 all ; and we felt, too, that the insertion of the words in the 
 place where they stand gave us a means of keeping out
 
 C 

 
 20 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TREATY OF WASHINGTON. [1871. 
 
 other words which the Americans were anxious to bring 
 in with a view to establish what they call their national 
 case. You will doubtless observe that there is significance 
 in every line of the preamble to the first article. ' Incedit 
 per ignes,' &c. The object is to remove and adjust 'all 
 complaints' as well as 'claims.' The 'complaints' in- 
 tended are those which bear on the 'animus' of Great 
 Britain, as evinced not only by her alleged negligence in 
 the matter of the vessels, but also by her alleged prema- 
 ture recognition of the belligerency of the South ; and the 
 word covers all the allegations as to our having been 
 responsible for the prolongation of the war, &c. The 
 same ideas are connected with the word ' differences ' in 
 the first line. You will remember that after the Claren- 
 don-Johnson Treaty was concluded, Mr Johnson told his 
 Government that the effect of the ' general terms ' which 
 had been used would be to allow the question of prema- 
 ture recognition to be raised before the arbitrator. On the 
 other hand, the Senate rejected that treaty, partly, at least, 
 on the ground that it took cognisance only of private 
 claims, and not of those put forward on the part of the 
 Government of the United States. Our object was to let 
 in the claims of the Government without letting in all 
 those wild demands. While therefore we refer to the 
 differences and complaints in general language, we submit 
 to arbitration only the claims 'growing out of the acts 
 committed' by certain vessels. This limitation was not 
 obtained without much difficulty, and could not have
 
 1871.] LETTER TO MR DISRAELI. 21 
 
 been obtained at all if we had not inserted the expression 
 of regret in its present place, and then pointed out to the 
 Americans that that expression in fact balanced, and 
 ought to be accepted as balancing, the complaints which 
 they had made on the score of national wrong, and that 
 they ought to be content with a provision which would 
 entitle them to bring forward claims founded on direct 
 losses (such as the sinking of the Hatteras) without 
 going further. Of course it is possible that they may put 
 forward claims of greater extent, as, for instance, claims on 
 account of the cost of pursuing and capturing the vessels ; 
 but there is nothing in the article to give direct colour to 
 such claims, and our counsel will of course be instructed 
 to argue that they are inadmissible if they should be pre- 
 sented. 
 
 " As regards the three rules, and the retrospective char- 
 acter which has been given to them, one can only say 
 that it is of the essence of the arrangement. The rules go 
 very little if at all beyond what we practically admitted 
 to be our duty by our Foreign Enlistment Act as it stood 
 in 1861-65, and what it may be said that foreign nations 
 cognisant of our municipal law had reasonable ground to 
 expect of us. I think it can hardly be doubted that it is 
 for our interest to have these rules embodied in interna- 
 tional law, while on the other hand it was not to be ex- 
 pected that the Americans should consent to be bound by 
 them for the future, if they were to derive no benefit from 
 them as regards the past. I do not altogether like the
 
 22 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TREATY OF WASHINGTON. [l87l. 
 
 shape the arrangement has taken. Personally I should 
 have preferred to come frankly forward, and while deny- 
 ing any liability or conscious neglect of duty on the part 
 of Great Britain, to tender a sum in order to enable the 
 Government of the United States to make compensation 
 for the losses sustained by American citizens, by the acts 
 of vessels escaping from British ports, and then to have 
 proceeded to argue upon rules for the future. But no 
 doubt there would have been difficulty in so wording an 
 arrangement of this kind as to make it acceptable ; and I 
 am not on the whole dissatisfied with the treaty as it 
 stands, though it exposes us to the risk of having it 
 declared by the arbitrators that we had failed in our 
 duty. 
 
 " As regards the Canadian arrangements, there is likely 
 to be a complaint on the part of the fishermen, which may 
 perhaps be taken up by some of the politicians ; and we 
 shall be told that we are sacrificing colonial to imperial 
 interests. The complaint is, I think, wholly unfounded. 
 I doubt whether even individual fishermen will not gain 
 more by the right of sending their fish into the American 
 markets duty-free than they will lose by the competition 
 of Americans in their waters. I think that the general 
 effect of Acts xviii. to xxxiii. is decidedly favourable to 
 Canada, and that the only thing she loses (and that for a 
 short term of years) is a whip which she liked to crack for 
 the purpose of driving Americans into bargains, but which 
 she would have been very foolish if she had attempted to
 
 1871.] LETTEK TO MR DISEAELI. 23 
 
 use, I mean the power of excluding American vessels 
 from her canals. But beyond this, I am convinced that 
 if it could truly be said that any local interests had been 
 sacrificed for the sake of a general settlement of imperial 
 questions, it could not be said that the interests sacrificed 
 were those of Canada, and that the party for whose bene- 
 fit the sacrifice was made was England ; for I believe that 
 no part of the empire has so direct and immediate an 
 interest in the maintenance of friendly relations between 
 us and the Americans as Canada herself. We remain here 
 another ten days, principally because the American Gov- 
 ernment wish us to pay the Senate the compliment of 
 awaiting their discussion of the treaty, and also because 
 they think we may be able to influence particular senators, 
 such as the Democrats and (still more) Sumner, over whom 
 they have no party control. I had a long talk with Sum- 
 ner yesterday, and De Grey is to see him to-day. He is 
 very cautious, but I do not think him unfriendly. He is 
 very anxious to stand well with England ; but, on the other 
 hand, he would dearly like to have a slap at Grant. We 
 have paid him a great deal of attention since he has been 
 deposed, and I think he is much pleased at being still re- 
 cognised as a power. He certainly is one, for, though I 
 think the Government could beat him in the Senate, he 
 could stir up a great deal of bad feeling in the country, 
 if he were so minded; while, on the other hand, if he 
 declares himself satisfied, I believe every one but the 
 Fenians and Catacazy (the Eussian Minister) will be very
 
 24 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TREATY OF WASHINGTON. [1871. 
 
 much pleased with the settlement. Catacazy tries to make 
 mischief, but I don't think his influence is very great now. 
 De Grey has done his work extremely well, and has shown 
 an amount of shrewdness, tact, and judgment, for which I 
 was not prepared. The Cabinet have been terribly vexa- 
 tious. We hope to sail on the 24th, and be in England by 
 the 4th June." 
 
 Socially speaking, many members of the British mission 
 " had a lovely time." " The goose hung high," as the young 
 lady from Ohio is reported to have said. " Her language," 
 like that of the Chicken when reproved by Mr Toots, 
 " was coarse," but her meaning was not obscure. The Com- 
 missioners and their young men must have felt like the 
 children in Grimm's fairy tale. If their hosts meant to end 
 by devouring them, at least they fattened them first. It 
 was proposed by a member of the Commission that they 
 should take three blue pills proper by way of scutcheon. 
 "I think I stand the feeding as well as any one," Sir 
 Stafford wrote ; but it is plain he began by having to eat 
 more dinners than he quite cared for. Singular to say, he 
 sent home no recipes for Transatlantic delicacies. He 
 throws no light on the mysteries of Gumbo, nor terrapin- 
 soup. A delicacy named "soft sawder" is alluded to 
 Perhaps nobody pleased Sir Stafford more than General 
 Sherman. This distinguished officer spoke in the most 
 friendly manner about the success of the Abyssinian ex- 
 pedition, which he attributed in great part to the manage- 
 ment of the Secretary for India, He thus found himself
 
 1871.] AN AMERICAN FOX-HUNT. 25 
 
 a prophet in the States, if not in his own country. The 
 President, General Grant, seemed to him somewhat un- 
 fortunately shy in manner. The famous fox-hunt he 
 describes thus in a letter to Lady Northcote : 
 
 "WASHINGTON, Ap. 3, 1871. 
 
 " The enclosed extracts will amuse you, I hope. The 
 reality would have amused you still more. I never 
 suffered so much from suppressed laughter as on Satur- 
 day. The day began most gloomily with pouring rain, 
 which, the experts told us, would last till evening. It 
 lightened a little while we were at our early breakfast, 
 and at about ten o'clock the carriage party started. We 
 started well waterproofed, and got to Suitland about 
 twelve, where we received the applause of the company 
 for our spirit. We had to come in, dirty as we were, 
 and were received by our host, his wife, and her father ; 
 Justice Miller and his wife ; our colleague Williams and 
 Mrs Williams; Judge Hoar, and a certain number of 
 Marylanders and Virginians whom we did not know. A 
 cold luncheon was set out, with lots of champagne, and 
 two newspaper reporters had already succumbed to its 
 influence before we arrived. There was a band and 
 music, and some of the party began to play euchre. 
 Presently the horses were brought round ; we started for 
 a wood about a quarter of a mile off the ladies ascend- 
 ing to the observatory, or standing at the front of the 
 house. The hounds were thrown in, and soon gave tongue.
 
 26 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TKEATY OF WASHINGTON. [1871. 
 
 I was in a horrid fright at finding myself galloping 
 through a 'clearing' with a lot of burnt stumps every- 
 where ; but our host presently called us out to the road, 
 and we went back past the house, watching the ' dogs ' 
 running in full view about two fields off. I luckily 
 judged their line better than most of the party, and found 
 myself and Sir E. Thornton just crossing them. His horse 
 ran away with him, but I pulled up to let them pass, and, 
 as I did so, up came Mr . We rode after them to- 
 gether, when suddenly we found them quietly mouthing 
 the fox. I jumped off and secured the brush, by which 
 time others came up ; and we returned in triumph to the 
 house, where the band and the ladies received us, and I 
 presented the brush to Mrs Williams. The odd thing is, 
 that nobody ever saw the fox alive. After this grand 
 triumph we set forth again, and made for some large 
 woods three or four miles off, where we rode about for 
 several hours looking vainly for sport, and going through 
 some queer places, in one of which my horse came down 
 with me, but without damage to either of us. Harry rode 
 
 capitally, and elicited Mr 's approval by sticking to 
 
 him to the last." 
 
 As to the injurious suggestion about the fox not being 
 viewed in life, Sir Stafford confesses that " one ought not to 
 suspect such gallant sportsmen of such practices." A prac- 
 tice much more fair and agreeable was that which permits 
 young ladies to see their friends en Ute-a-Ute. They are 
 said to have been " very nice young ladies," and were ad-
 
 1871.] POEM TO A LADY. 27 
 
 dressed in immortal verse by Sir Stafford. One Commis- 
 sioner only was accompanied by his wife ; " and having 
 seen how married High Commissioners behave, she never 
 means to let him go on a mission without herself." As an 
 example of married " behaviour," perhaps a poem to a fair 
 young lady of Washington may be quoted. 
 
 ADDRESSED TO Miss LORING ON BEING ASKED TO WRITE HER 
 
 A POEM PERSONAL TO HERSELF. 
 
 I had not thought that you could ask, 
 
 And I be guilty of denying ; 
 I dreamed not you should set a task, 
 
 And I should fail for want of trying. 
 
 Tell me to leap the horned moon, 
 
 Or Andes from his base to sever ; 
 I'd spoil a horn, or make a spoon, 
 
 Succeed, or perish in th' endeavour. 
 
 But ah ! that was a cruel jest, 
 
 To bid me dub myself a poet ; 
 What demon put it in your breast ? 
 
 How could you find the heart to do it ? 
 
 NOT did you name a common theme, 
 
 Such as might suit a dullard's rattle ; 
 
 A shepherd by a purling stream, 
 A soldier's or a lady's battle. 
 
 I might have sung some maiden's wrongs, 
 Some hopeless swain his fair adoring ; 
 
 I cannot sing the song of songs 
 I cannot sing of Mary Loring.
 
 28 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TREATY OF WASHINGTON. [1871. 
 
 Yet how the tribute to refuse 
 
 To one so bright, so full of kindness ? 
 
 Between two sins I have to choose 
 Ingratitude or stupid blindness. 
 
 Divine despair my courage nerves, 
 
 I'll quote yourself, fair dame, and brave it : 
 
 The best of poems she deserves ; 
 
 Deserves and therefore cannot have it. 
 
 Washington was thought to possess the pearls of Ameri- 
 can girlhood. " They say that at Boston people ask about 
 a young lady, What does she know? at New York, What 
 has she got ? at Philadelphia, Who is she ? and at Wash- 
 ington, Is she agreeable?" A few extracts from diaries, 
 containing descriptions of interesting American places 
 and institutions, are added here : 
 
 March 28. Started about nine for the expedition to 
 Mount Vernon. Reached Navy Yard and got on board 
 the Tallapoosa about ten. Large party got up by Mr 
 Robeson (Secretary of the Navy), including most of the 
 Ministers, General Schenck and two of his daughters, the 
 Chandlers, Edmunds, Williamses, Bancroft Davises, &c., &c. 
 There must have been about fifty of us. The Admiral 
 (Goldsborough), a very nice cheery old fellow, took charge 
 of us. The Tallapoosa is a Government vessel, chiefly used 
 for taking inspecting officers to visit the dockyards, run 
 up the rivers, &c., &c., a sort of Admiralty yacht. We 
 enjoyed our sail down the Potomac, though bored
 
 1871.] EXPEDITION TO MOUNT VEENON. 29 
 
 me by making me come and play euchre in the cabin with 
 a filthy old pack of cards instead of looking at the view. 
 Eeached Mount Vernon about twelve, and went on shore, 
 Mrs being the lady assigned to me. The posi- 
 tion is very pretty, and if the leaves had been out, the 
 view up and down the Potomac, which makes a bend at 
 this spot, would have been charming. We first reached 
 the mausoleum where Washington is buried, and looked 
 through the gratings at his coffin; then going further up 
 the hill reached the house. The place was bought some 
 years ago by a committee of ladies, who collect funds to 
 keep it in order. One of the regents, Mrs Emory or 
 Amory, was of our party, and did the honours. The 
 rooms have been recently painted and repapered, but in 
 almost every other respect the house is just what it was 
 in Washington's time, and many articles of old furniture 
 are preserved there. It is a quaint old place, with a com- 
 fortable home-like look. A great piazza in front of the 
 house, and the remarkable smallness of the windows, 
 make it dark. There is a fair entrance-hall, in one corner 
 of which photographs, &c., are sold ; in another is a book 
 for autographs of visitors ; the key of the Bastille (presented 
 to Washington by Lafayette) hangs near one of the doors. 
 There are several rooms on the ground-floor, in one of 
 which is a glass press in which some of the great man's 
 clothes are displayed, not in the most elegant way. We 
 went over the bedrooms, and up to the lantern on top of 
 the house, then out at the back past the offices, negro 
 cabins, pigeon-house, &c., to the garden, where were some
 
 30 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TREATY OF WASHINGTON. [1871. 
 
 fine old box hedges and the most glorious Pyrus japonica I 
 ever saw. Bought a hickory-stick, and a pod from the 
 coffee plant which Washington was planting (or sitting 
 under ? ) when he caught the cold that caused his death. 
 Eeturned to Tallapoosa, lunched on board, and reached 
 "Washington about five. Dined with the Catacazys. 
 
 March 29. De Grey, Bernard, Tenterden, Howard, 
 Cremer, and I, drove to the " Great Falls " of the Potomac, 
 which it took us about three hours to reach. Some of the 
 country was very pretty, and would have been more so 
 had the leaves been out. The bursting maples, and a few 
 Judas-trees which were just beginning to show colour, 
 mixed well with the great masses of pine-wood. These 
 pine-woods appear to be of natural growth, springing up 
 on the old racked-out tobacco and corn lands, which have 
 long since been abandoned as unprofitable. We stopped 
 to bait at " Captain John's bridge," a great viaduct with an 
 arch of enormous dimensions, carrying not only the road, 
 but the aqueduct which supplies Washington with water, 
 and on the top of which the road is made. The Great 
 Falls are not falls at all, but very fine rapids rushing 
 through the rocks. We spent an hour or two in scrambling 
 about the rocks and looking at different points of view, 
 and returned in time to dress for our dinner with Mr 
 Cresswell, the Postmaster-General, where we had a large 
 party, and varieties of ice in the shape of lions, unicorns, 
 fish, flowers, &c., which reminded one of the stories of the 
 fancy pastry in Queen Elizabeth's time. They were quite 
 uneatable. Sat between Mrs Fish and Mrs B. Davis, both
 
 1871.] VISIT TO CONGRESS AND SENATE. 31 
 
 very agreeable, and had a good deal of talk with General 
 Porter after dinner. 
 
 April 4. No meeting to-day. Wrote letters to Eng- 
 land. Went to Congress with Bernard, Tenterden, 
 Goderich, and Cremer, to hear General Butler speak on 
 the Ku-Klux bill. Our position in the diplomatic gallery 
 being behind Butler, and his voice being by no means 
 clear, it was difficult to hear him ; but we had the advan- 
 tage of seeing his speech, which had been printed in slips 
 and lay on his desk. He seemed to skip portions of it as 
 he read it, and at the close he delivered a few sentences 
 without book, though apparently from memory. The 
 speech, or address, was not a bad one, and was given with 
 a good deal of energy. It occupied nearly the whole of 
 the hour allotted to a speaker, and this without any inter- 
 ruptions. The way in which one member interrupts an- 
 other, and the first yields to the second if he pleases, is 
 very curious but not edifying to a Britisher. The total 
 absence of applause or disapprobation is very striking. 
 Went afterwards into the Senate, where a desultory dis- 
 cussion was going on between Senators Anthony, Morton, 
 Casserly, and others, as to the time of closing their own 
 Ku-Klux discussion, which they ultimately agreed to do 
 at three o'clock to-morrow. Senator West from Louisiana 
 then began to deliver a long harangue, to which nobody 
 listened. Mr Sumner came and talked to us, commenting 
 sarcastically on this practice of reading printed speeches 
 for the sake of distributing them to constituents. The 
 franking privilege enables a man, after having had his 
 
 VOL. II. C
 
 32 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TREATY OF WASHINGTON. [l87l. 
 
 speech printed at the public expense, to have it sent free 
 all over the country. We were much edified at his 
 tirade, and took care not to ask him for a copy of his own 
 San Domingo speech. One of the curious customs here 
 is, that members of either branch of Congress have a right 
 to go into the other, and sometimes seat themselves in a 
 member's chair if it happens to be vacant. The other day 
 
 came into the Senate while was speaking, took 
 
 Senator 's chair and stared hard in the face when 
 
 he spoke up for the South. asked him how he 
 
 dared try to browbeat him, and a regular altercation 
 ensued, in which twice called him a d d scoun- 
 drel. Some senators interfered to prevent a fight, 
 
 for which , however, would probably have had no 
 
 stomach. 
 
 April 20. Day of election of members for the terri- 
 tory. A territorial constitution has recently been granted 
 to this (formerly) district, and this was the day for elec- 
 ting a representative to Congress and a body of delegates. 
 General Chipman was the Eepublican, and Mr Merrick 
 the Democratic, candidate for the representation. The 
 voting took place for the representative and delegates 
 simultaneously in each of the districts. The Eepublican 
 ticket had the names of Chipman, and of A, B, or C, the 
 candidate for the delegacy of that district; the Demo- 
 cratic ticket had the names of Merrick, and of X, Y, or 
 Z. The Democratic ticket was white; the Republican 
 striped. Agents of either party stood at the windows of 
 the polling -offices and tendered their respective tickets
 
 1871.] ELECTION OF REPRESENTATIVE. 33 
 
 to the voters as they came up. As many of the voters 
 (especially the coloured men) could not read, they took 
 the ticket of their party colour without examination. 
 The agents therefore had tickets of their opponent's 
 colour with their own men's names printed on them, and 
 tried to pass these off, but apparently without much suc- 
 cess, as the opposite agent was always alive to the trick. 
 There was no attempt at secrecy, and the state of the poll 
 was pretty well known all through the day. Chipman 
 was elected by more than 4000 majority, and Eepublican 
 delegates were returned in fifteen out of the twenty-two 
 districts. The election was carried entirely by the col- 
 oured voters, of whom there were about 10,000, as against 
 17,000 whites. The blacks voted for Chipman almost to 
 a man. The election was quite orderly ; but from what 
 we heard of other elections, it seems this is not always the 
 case, especially in New York. Intimidation is said to be 
 practised sometimes, and cases were mentioned of masters 
 giving their workmen tickets with peculiar marks, and then 
 attending the opening of the ballot to see whether they 
 were all properly given in. Walked with De Grey, Ber- 
 nard, and Cremer to the observatory. Dined at home. 
 
 April 30 (Sunday). Went to early church, and after 
 breakfast drove with Mr and Mrs Eiggs, and Howard, to 
 Greenhill, their country place about seven miles north- 
 east of Washington. It was a lovely day, and the woods 
 were in beauty with their various shades of green, and 
 the masses of white dog-wood, azaleas, lupins, eyebright, 
 wild heart's-ease (called " Johnny jump-up-and-kiss-me "),
 
 34 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TREATY OF WASHINGTON. [l87l. 
 
 violets, May-apple (Podophyllum), Virginian thorn, peri- 
 winkles, and a flower they called calceolaria, which seems 
 more properly to be called Cypripedium or Venus's slipper. 
 We saw also some magnolias, and a sweet-scented shrub 
 calacanthus. The banks were covered with dewberries 
 and strawberries in flower. The Spiraea was in great 
 masses in some of the gardens by the roadside, as were 
 also the lilacs. In Mr Eiggs's garden there was a beau- 
 tiful tree called a fringe-tree ; and a splendidly flowering 
 crab-apple. I was much struck by the number of varieties 
 of oaks. There were also plenty of maples, sycamores, tulip- 
 trees, hickory, locust, red cedars, &c., and large masses of 
 the common pitch-pine, which comes up of itself, and is 
 good for nothing. The whole drive was a lovely one ; 
 but indeed one can hardly go wrong in the neighbourhood. 
 Mr Eiggs farms a good deal, and had some nice Alderney 
 calves. I did not see the cows, as they were in a different 
 direction from that of our walk, which was up a hill 
 called Eowe's Hill. He showed me how the corn (maize) 
 was planted. The field is cross-ploughed, and at each of 
 the intersections (or " hills " as they are called) the sower 
 drops in five grains, 
 
 " One for the cut- worm, one for the crow, 
 One for the hill, and two to grow." 
 
 The "hills" are about three feet apart, and when the 
 corn is about six inches high it is weeded, so as to leave 
 but one stem on each hill. The success of the crop 
 depends on constant cultivation, and it is regarded as the
 
 1871.] . CONDITION OF THE NEGROES. 35 
 
 cleaning crop. It is sown in spring, and harvested in 
 September or October, the heads being carefully garnered 
 in houses with thorough ventilation. Corn is followed 
 by wheat, and that by oats and clover. Turnips are 
 little grown. The negro labourers are paid about $12 
 a-month, besides being housed and fed. They looked 
 slovenly, even though it was Sunday. Mr Biggs believes 
 they do not lay by much money, but waste it in buying 
 trash, particularly sweets. They take very little care 
 of their children, and not nearly so many are raised as 
 under slavery. This corresponds with what Census Ken- 
 nedy tells us. Infanticide is now beginning. There is 
 not much family affection among the negroes ; but they 
 have a strong attachment to places. Education may do 
 something for them by - and - by ; meantime they are 
 generally well off, and now that they have the mastery 
 in the Southern States, owing to the exclusion of most 
 of the white owners of property from the right of voting 
 (by the " iron-clad oath ") they make the most of the 
 opportunity, and lay on heavy taxes, which do not fall 
 on themselves, but in the spending of which they have 
 an interest. Mr Fish admitted to me the other day 
 that the expenditure in the Southern States was enor- 
 mously increased, and in great part for jobbing purposes, 
 though he said part was for purposes of utility. Mr 
 Thurman speaks very strongly on this point, and looks 
 on the carpet-baggers as a regular set of swindlers. Mr 
 Eiggs said he thought the Southern States would pull 
 through financially, though he was gloomy as to their
 
 36 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TREATY OF WASHINGTON. [l87l. 
 
 political future. Cotton will best be cultivated by small 
 holders, white or coloured, aided by Northern capital, 
 advanced on condition of so many bales of cotton being 
 delivered to the capitalist. He is working an estate 
 in one of the Southern States on this principle. Drove 
 back through Mr Corcoran's park, where no house has 
 yet been built. Glad to hear that there is a possibility 
 of his recovery. Saw at Greenhill an ingenious little 
 machine for keeping off flies, wound up by clock-work. 
 Walsingham dined with us. In the evening we went 
 as usual to the Lorings Mr and Miss Brooks, Miss Susie 
 Lee, Miss Greenhow, John Davis, &c. 
 
 May 1. A regular good May -day. A picnic to the 
 Great Falls, under the auspices of Mrs Sprague, but really 
 promoted (I believe) by Miss Mary Lee. The main body 
 of the party started at 6.30 by the track-boat. They con- 
 sisted of seven gentlemen and eight ladies, Count Corti, 
 Senor Valles, Goderich, Cremer, Harry, Pakenham, and Cap- 
 tain Ward ; Mrs Sprague, Lady Macdonald, Misses Loring, 
 Miss Greenhow, Miss Nellie Motley, Miss Portalis, and 
 Miss M. Lee. De Grey, Bernard, and I drove over, start- 
 ing about ten o'clock to meet them, and found they had 
 been there some time when we arrived. We plunged into 
 the woods and got to the rocks over the Great Falls, 
 scattering a little. Masses of wild azaleas, lupins, pansies, 
 and a variety of unknown flowers were gathered, and a 
 grand crown woven for Mrs Sprague, which was passed 
 on in succession to De Grey, Goderich, myself, and finally 
 (so far as I know) Miss Loring. We had a splendid
 
 1871.] HOLLYWOOD CEMETERY. 37 
 
 luncheon, and a good time by the lock-side afterwards, 
 until it was time for us to drive home, as we had to dine 
 with Governor Cooke. We brought away Lady Macdonald, 
 who also was engaged to the Governor, leaving the rest of 
 the party to return by moonlight if they liked. Dinner 
 at Governor Cooke's; large party, 
 
 May 17. Started at 6.30 with Bernard and Pattison 
 for Eichmond (Va.) By steamboat down the Potomac to 
 Acquia Creek ; thence by train through Fredericksburg to 
 Eichmond, which we reached at 2.30, or soon after. Dined 
 at the table d'hdte (Exchange and Ballard's Hotel) ; took a 
 carriage and drove round good part of the town, and to 
 Hollywood Cemetery, a beautiful piece of ground, and on 
 this day crowded with people, as it was the day for de- 
 corating the graves especially the graves of the Con- 
 federate soldiers. Nothing can be more striking than the 
 difference in the tone of Eichmond and of Washington. 
 The memories of the war are fresh in both places ; but 
 while in Washington (whatever may be the under- 
 current of private feeling, and it is strong) every public 
 manifestation is of strictly Northern character, precisely 
 the reverse is the case at Eichmond. At Arlington the 
 word "Eebel" is conspicuously carved upon the tomb- 
 stone of every Confederate soldier, and the friends are 
 forbidden to decorate any rebel's grave. At Hollywood, 
 not only was every grave decorated, but a large cairn has 
 been erected in the most conspicuous position, inscribed 
 with " To the Confederate Dead," &c. Moreover, to-day 
 a fine bust of Lee was displayed, wrapped in the Confed-
 
 38 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TKEATY OF WASHINGTON. [1871. 
 
 erate colours, and profusely decorated with flowers. On it 
 were suspended some spirited and outspoken verses to the 
 Confederate dead. Two young ladies sat by it as guar- 
 dians. The private graves in the other parts of the cem- 
 etery were also decorated, but to me the great interest was 
 in the Confederate quarter. Perhaps as significant as any- 
 thing was a little paragraph which caught my eye in 
 a Republican paper, approving of the decoration of the 
 Confederate graves, but timidly putting in a plea for a 
 few flowers to two or three graves of Federals also. The 
 whole town is still " Secesh " to the heart's core. Jeff. 
 Davis was staying in the hotel where we dined and drank 
 tea, and was at a table near us. The waiter said he was 
 sure he would be glad to be introduced to us, but we 
 thought it imprudent in our position to accept the offer. 
 The town is very beautifully situated, and the view from 
 the Capitol Hill is fine. The falls or rapids of the James 
 river, though not equal to the Chaudiere at Ottawa, or 
 even to the Great Falls of the Potomac, give great life to 
 the scenery. The town, however, presents a painful 
 spectacle, so many large buildings, destroyed by the 
 great fire at the time of its capture, still remain in ruins, 
 and there is a melancholy air of sadness and poverty in 
 the streets. Virginia is, however, better off in one main 
 respect than such States as South Carolina. Though the 
 ex-Confederates are excluded from taking part in Federal 
 elections by the " iron-clad oath," they are not excluded 
 from the State elections, and consequently the men of 
 property keep their hold on the State Legislature, and
 
 1871.] NEGRO CHARACTER. 39 
 
 keep down the negroes and the carpet-baggers. In South 
 Carolina and some other States the ex-Confederates are 
 excluded from even the State Legislature, and the power 
 of taxation is consequently thrown into the hands of men 
 who have nothing themselves, and who can indulge them- 
 selves with a liberal public expenditure at the cost of their 
 richer neighbours. A gentleman whom we met in the 
 train gave us some not very agreeable accounts of negro 
 character, illustrated by some of their proceedings in the 
 time of the war, and some of their larcenies nowadays. 
 He was clearly of opinion that free labour was more 
 profitable than slave labour, and took us through an 
 elaborate calculation which we could not exactly follow, 
 but which went to show that, reckoning on one side the 
 interest on the value of a gang of slaves, and the cost of 
 keeping, raising, or replacing them, doctoring, clothing, 
 &c. all which expenses had to be borne in respect of the 
 useless as well as the useful and on the other side the 
 cost of wages and rations and lodging to the actual work- 
 ing men, leaving them to provide for their own families, 
 and to clothe themselves, the expenses of the slave system 
 were as $250, and those of the free-labour system, with 
 wages at $10 a-month, were as $120. Our friend was 
 certainly no nigger-worshipper ; but he had an object in 
 making out the present system to be profitable, for he 
 wanted to induce English capitalists to come and buy his 
 land, of which he seemed to have a large amount, but to 
 be without the capital to farm it with. He told us white 
 labour was worth double the coloured labour, and that
 
 40 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TREATY OF WASHINGTON. [1871. 
 
 they were gradually getting rid of the coloured men in 
 Virginia the best going North for domestic service, and 
 the worst to the cotton States and rice-fields, where white 
 men cannot work. Virginia should grow corn and fruit. 
 The country looked very desolate; a great deal of un- 
 cleared land all along the line, and what was farmed 
 seemed to be poorly managed. Eeturned to Washington 
 by next boat. 
 
 At the close of all these sights and junketings they 
 " felt rather flat," now that it was " high time to come 
 home." So the trip ended ; the juleps were drunk, the 
 strawberries eaten. Calypso consoled herself, or nepouvait 
 se consoler, and Ulysses came home in the Cuba, carrying 
 the pen that signed the treaty, and reflecting 
 
 " We may proudly say, 
 We too were there in that remembered May, 
 And shared the work of Fish, the laurels of De Grey." 
 
 After the Washington adventures, official work at home 
 reads rather tamely. 
 
 On his return from the visit to the States, Sir Staf- 
 ford was not allowed to be idle. Mr Bruce (Lord Aber- 
 dare) invited him to preside over the Commission which 
 was to inquire into the working of Friendly Societies. In 
 them he was naturally interested. As he said at Stroud 
 ten years later, " They are admirable, because they spring 
 from the people themselves ; the scheme originally struck 
 out by the people themselves, the difficulties faced by the
 
 1871.] FRIENDLY SOCIETIES COMMISSION. 41 
 
 people themselves, . . . and they solve problems which 
 are really problems of statesmen." 
 
 When the Commission began its journey ings, Friendly 
 Societies were in this position : They were certified by 
 registrars, and tables for granting annuities were certified 
 by an actuary. This, it was found, did not prevent the 
 societies from being, occasionally, either fraudulently or 
 incompetently managed. Mr Tidd Pratt, indeed, believed 
 that the proportion of incompetent or dishonest business 
 was terribly great. The questions arose, Could legislation 
 improve them ? or, Should the Government certificates be 
 dropped, as mere lures to ruin ? To answer these ques- 
 tions, local inquiries in towns were needed, the Friendly 
 Societies also were thought to require inspection. 
 
 In September, Sir Stafford, with his fellow-commission- 
 ers, left for Edinburgh. His domestic letters give a few 
 particulars about his tour : " We are doing useful work," 
 he writes from a most depressing hotel in Glasgow. " Our 
 work is very interesting, and we rake up some queer dis- 
 closures," " discover no end of jobs." Bread and cheese 
 were with difficulty procured on the voyage to Belfast. 
 Dublin provided "the most luxurious hotel you can 
 imagine." " There is a richer vein of rascality in Glasgow 
 than one could discover at Belfast, though ' promoters had 
 used the blessed name of St Patrick, Ireland's patron saint, 
 to delude poor Catholics into joining a swindle/ " Is it 
 safe to add that the Commissioners found the Liffey " a 
 beastly ditch " ? At Killarney the Commissioners learned 
 that celebrity has its taxes to pay :
 
 42 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TREATY OF WASHINGTON. [1871. 
 
 " The distinction of being mounted, and accompanied 
 not only by a gillie but by a bugler, drew upon us a ten- 
 fold share of attention, meaning solicitation, throughout 
 the journey. The favourite requests were, 1st, that we 
 would take a drop of mountain-dew, a compound of milk 
 and whisky ; and 2d, that we would exchange a shilling 
 for a lucky sixpence. We accepted the mountain-dew 
 twice once to see what it was like, and once (by way of 
 doch-an-dorroch) to 'make up' a young lady's 'marriage 
 money.' A very good-looking girl she was, and as merry 
 as possible, not badly dressed, though of course without 
 shoes or stockings, running laughing along by our side with 
 a bottle of milk in one hand and of whisky in the other. 
 ' Shure I only want seven shillings to my marriage 
 money. Shure ye'll take doch-an-dorroch. Shure the 
 last drop's the sweetest.' I need not say we were soft- 
 hearted. Since we came in, I have been rather troubled 
 by hearing a Canadian gentleman, who it seems is married 
 to an Irish wife, give an account of his having bestowed a 
 sixpence on the same Miss Bridget, and of her then fall- 
 ing back and conversing in Erse with her sister, not know- 
 ing that the lady understood them. She expressed her 
 opinion that her benefactor was a very soft gentleman 
 at least so his wife told him. What she must have said 
 of us, who gave a shilling each ! But perhaps the wife 
 was jealous. 
 
 "We have decidedly met with more fun in the last 
 three days than in the rest of our tour. Some of the 
 rules which the Friendly Societies at Cork ' condescended '
 
 18Y1.] RULES OF COEK SOCIETIES. 43 
 
 to were delicious. Think of this : ' If any member is in 
 the habit of striking and maltreating his wife (a most dis- 
 graceful and inexcusable practice, and one likely to lead 
 to the worst consequences as regards the wife's health), 
 he shall forfeit any benefit as respects the said wife.' In 
 order to preserve peace and harmony, any member refus- 
 ing to be silent when ordered, or any member challenging 
 another to fight, is to be fined ; and any member coming in 
 with his face and hands dirty, or with a beard of extra- 
 ordinary length, is to be excluded. ' If any member come 
 in intoxicated, yet so as to be able to conduct himself in 
 conformity with these rules, he shall be allowed to sit ; 
 but if otherwise, he shall be marked " troublesome," and if 
 any member be three times called " troublesome " by the 
 president and marked so by the secretary, he shall be ' 
 I forget whether it is fined or excluded." 
 
 At Liverpool " we are taking evidence showing the 
 rascality of a lot of scamps, but I have great doubts 
 whether it will lead to much good." The journeyings 
 ended safely, but a voyage from Pynes to town at the 
 end of the year was marked by a railway accident, else- 
 where described. 
 
 The results, the practical results of travelling much, and 
 suffering many things of many witnesses, were expressed 
 in the Friendly Societies Bill, which (to anticipate) Sir 
 Stafford brought in, and withdrew in 1874, and which 
 passed in 1875. A confidential minute of December 20, 
 1874, sets forth his ideas, his aims, means, and the possible 
 objections to them : " The principal object of the bill may
 
 44 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TREATY OF WASHINGTON. [1871. 
 
 be said to be the maintenance and improvement of the 
 Friendly Society system ; that is to say, of a system which 
 allows and encourages persons to form themselves into 
 societies to provide themselves with pay in sickness, at 
 death, or at other periodsjjwhich recognises such societies 
 on their registering their rules with a Government officer, 
 and gives them certain advantages, either in the courts of 
 law or otherwise, which without some special legislation 
 they would not possess." 
 
 One school said, the State had better leave the whole 
 affair alone ; the other school, that the State should make 
 its interference more effectual. 
 
 His own bill went with neither school : 
 " It aims in the main at these two objects : 
 " 1. The giving of information, which may be of use to 
 the founders and managers of societies, and may assist 
 them in framing proper rules and tables; and, 
 
 " 2. The requiring the managers of societies to give 
 such information to the public as may enable intelligent 
 persons to judge for themselves (and for those in whom 
 they may feel an interest) what the real position of any 
 particular society is, and whether it offers an eligible 
 means of investment or not. 
 
 " In order to accomplish the first object, the bill pro- 
 vides for the preparation of good model tables of contri- 
 butions and benefits, to be issued by the Government for 
 the use of such societies as choose to adopt them. It also 
 proposes to give additional facilities for the audit of ac- 
 counts and for the valuation of societies, by a proper
 
 1871.] FRIENDLY SOCIETIES BILL. 45 
 
 attention to which managers may ascertain from time to 
 time how their society stands, and whether any measures 
 for strengthening it are required. 
 
 " In order to accomplish the second object, the bill pro- 
 vides for the registration of societies, not only at head- 
 quarters in London, but in the various counties in which 
 they carry on their business, and for the registration, not 
 only of their names, places of business, and rules, but also 
 of the periodical valuations of their assets and liabilities, 
 which are henceforth to be made compulsory, and which 
 are to be made, or at all events abstracted, on a uniform 
 principle. It is hoped that these may by-and-by be made so 
 simple that any ordinary village schoolmaster or other fairly 
 educated person will be able to understand them, and 
 give useful advice to persons in humbler positions who 
 may think of joining any particular society. 
 
 " Subject to these two conditions the giving of sound 
 advice, and the requiring of correct information for general 
 use it is the general intention of the bill to leave the 
 managers of societies as free as possible to follow any 
 course they please with regard to their constitution and 
 management. There are, however, certain classes of 
 societies for which some particular regulations appear to 
 be needed. The principal of these are the great Burial 
 Societies. 
 
 " These Burial Societies, composed, as they are, of the 
 poorest and most ignorant part of the population/ and to 
 a large extent of mere infants, have for the most part a 
 central managing body in some great town, which directs
 
 46 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TEEATY OF WASHINGTON. [1871. 
 
 their operations all over the kingdom. The danger here 
 lies, not so much in their adopting unsound tables of con- 
 tributions and benefits, as in their spending too much on 
 the management, and in their oppressing the distant or 
 helpless members. The bill, therefore, contains some pro- 
 visions for meeting the principal evils connected with this 
 class of societies. These provisions will be found in the 
 30th clause of the amended bill of last session. They are, 
 to a great extent, founded on those contained in a bill 
 introduced by Lord Lichfield in 1868, which was defeated 
 mainly by the opposition of the great Burial Societies. 
 
 " The bill also contains some restrictions upon the in- 
 surance of infant lives. This is a subject which is sure 
 to evoke much popular interest on both sides of the 
 question. On the side of the Burial Societies it will be 
 urged that these restrictions will prevent parents from 
 fulfilling their natural desire to make provision for the 
 interment of their children. On the other side, it will be 
 contended that they are necessary to prevent much cul- 
 pable neglect, if not actual infanticide. It will be seen 
 that this part of the bill has been much modified. In the 
 first draft it was proposed absolutely to prohibit the in- 
 surance of children under three years of age. In the 
 revised draft (sec. 27) the provisions are, that no child 
 under three years of age shall be insured in more than 
 one society, nor for a larger sum than 30s. ; that none but 
 the parent or his personal representative shall receive the 
 payment ; and that greater strictness shall be observed in 
 the matter of certificates. These latter regulations apply
 
 1871.] FRIENDLY SOCIETIES BILL. 47 
 
 to children under ten years of age. They are to be en- 
 forced by making the breach of them ' offences ' under the 
 Act, and as such they will subject the offenders to penalties 
 of from 1 to 5. 
 
 " These, then, being the leading objects of the bill, we 
 have next to consider the machinery by which it is pro- 
 posed to attain them. This is partly old and partly new. 
 In the main, however, it may be described as machinery 
 constructed on the old lines, but strengthened and im- 
 proved in some material points. 
 
 " In the first place, the bill proposes to consolidate and 
 re-enact the bulk of the present Friendly Societies law ; 
 to continue a system of registration, though one which 
 will differ in some particulars from that now in force; 
 and to continue to registered societies the legal advan- 
 tages which they now possess. 1 It proposes to make it 
 easier for societies to register, and to place stricter limits 
 on the arbitrary power of the registrar to refuse his cer- 
 tificate, which is now a cause of complaint. 
 
 " With these objects in view, it purposes to consolidate 
 
 1 "These advantages are thus described in the Report of the Royal 
 Commissioners : 
 
 " They can hold property in the names of trustees : 
 " Can sue and be sued in representative names : 
 
 " Can proceed against their officers in case of any fraud or misconduct : 
 " Can recover property from their estates in certain cases : 
 " May make provision for the settlement of disputes among their mem- 
 bers by arbitration : 
 
 " Can invest their funds with the Commissioners for the Reduction of 
 National Debt : 
 
 " Are exempt, within certain limits, from stamp duties : 
 
 "And can be dissolved on cheap and easy terms when occasion arises." 
 
 VOL. II. D
 
 48 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TREATY OF WASHINGTON. [1871. 
 
 the registries of the three kingdoms, which are now very 
 inconveniently kept distinct, so that a society intending 
 to carry on business in more than one kingdom may 
 register for all alike at the central office. It proposes also 
 to allow societies which carry on their operations within 
 a single county, to register each with the clerk of the 
 peace of its own county. It proposes to remove the re- 
 strictions which, according to the construction placed on 
 the law by successive registrars, prevent the registration 
 of the ' dividing ' or ' sharing-out ' clubs which abound in 
 the rural parts of the country, and in some of the country 
 towns, and in fact to admit to the privileges of the law 
 almost any type of society. It proposes to give to the 
 promoters of societies a right of appeal to a court of law, 
 in case the registrar refuses them registration. 
 
 " But, in addition to these advantages, the bill proposes 
 to call upon the registrar's office (which is to be strength- 
 ened for the purpose), to render other services to the 
 societies. Tables of contributions and benefits, and model 
 forms of accounts, balance-sheets, and valuations, are to 
 be prepared there, and published for the use of societies, 
 though their use is to be entirely optional on the part of 
 the managers. These tables will afford a standard with 
 which to compare the tables in use by different societies. 
 The Institute of Actuaries are at the present moment 
 kindly giving their attention to the number and classes 
 of tables which should be prepared ; and I hope to 
 be in possession of their views before the meeting of 
 Parliament."
 
 1871.] OBJECTIONS TO BILL. 49 
 
 It was proposed to render these periodical valuations 
 compulsory upon all registered societies, and to record the 
 results, and place them where they could be studied by 
 hesitating investors. 
 
 He anticipated that many of the real objections would 
 be " kept in the background." Many astute persons had 
 a personal and pecuniary interest in " clipping the wings 
 of the bill." Many would be jealous of all Government 
 interference. Yet the moderation of the bill, on the other 
 hand, would "render many ardent reformers indifferent 
 to it. Its opponents would be bitter, its supporters luke- 
 warm." 
 
 Indeed the ' Times ' described the bill as modest, if not 
 timid. "The measure was a compromise, and its pro- 
 visions were mainly permissive." For, as it happened, 
 the societies were not subjected to compulsory supervision. 
 It had always been Sir Stafford's principle " to interfere 
 as little as possible with the voluntary action of those 
 who are managing Friendly Societies." " It is better that 
 the societies should not be governed as well as they might 
 be, than that Parliament should do anything in the way 
 of governing them beyond what was absolutely neces- 
 sary." What he thought they most wanted was " proper 
 facilities for action, and, above all, they want proper in- 
 formation," which his bill gave them. The ' Times ' justly 
 remarked that " a storm of unpopularity " would have been 
 the result of securing the members of Friendly Societies 
 too effectually against their managers. And it is, or was 
 then, a free country. Nolenti non fit beneficium !
 
 50 ALABAMA CLAIMS AND TEEATY OF WASHINGTON. [1871. 
 
 The Liberal historian of the period, 1 with his love of 
 intrepid enterprise, calls the bill "the mild and timid 
 result of the long inquiry which the previous Government 
 had carried on." At least one of the "inquirers" pro- 
 duced the bill. It was permissive, but the permission it 
 gives has been acted on which these sorts of permissions 
 rarely are. Sir Stafford, indeed, was "told continually 
 that the measure was inadequate and delusive." He 
 believed it was " nothing of the sort. In those respects 
 in which it was said to fall short, it was not from any 
 weakness or timidity that it so fell short, but from a 
 deliberate view that the only and true way of bringing 
 about a development of the virtue of providence amongst 
 the people was to make them work it out for themselves, 
 and that our great desire ought to be to give fair play, and 
 full play, to those institutions which have sprung from 
 the people themselves; but not on that account do we 
 mean to shirk our own duty in this matter." 2 
 
 The Friendly Societies were true to their name when 
 Lord Iddesleigh died. The Manchester Unity of Oddfellows 
 sent a letter of condolence to Lady Iddesleigh, " expressing 
 the sad and irreparable loss the Friendly Societies had 
 suffered by the Earl's death." The London members of 
 the Ancient Order of Foresters did the same. And the 
 Manchester Grand Master spoke for upwards of 600,000 
 members, when he said " that England has lost one of the 
 greatest supporters of voluntary thrift, as exemplified 
 
 1 Mr Clayden, in ' England under Lord Beaconsfield. ' 
 
 2 Speech at Manchester, December 8, 1875.
 
 1873.] CHANCELLORSHIP OF THE EXCHEQUEK. 51 
 
 in the working of Friendly Societies and of kindred 
 institutions." x 
 
 The years 1872-73 years of comparative peace and 
 rest at home and abroad did not contain any events 
 of much biographical note or interest. There were the 
 usual Sittings from Pynes to London and the House of 
 Commons, and in 1872 Sir Stafford went on a yachting 
 cruise with Lord Carnarvon among the Scilly Islands. A 
 riding tour in Devonshire occupied in the same way the 
 leisure of early autumn in 1873. The letters of this time 
 are of merely domestic interest, and the work done was 
 mainly on the Friendly Society Commission and at the 
 Hudson Bay Company. We may pass over the times 
 which, being happy, had no history of mark, and may 
 reach the days of Mr Disraeli's Conservative success at 
 the poll, and the appointment of Sir Stafford to the 
 Chancellorship of the Exchequer. With the single ex- 
 ception of Mr Gladstone, there was no living statesman 
 so fit for the tenure of that arduous and rather thankless 
 office the stewardship of English financial affairs. 
 
 1 Mr Stoddrell's letter in the 'Times,' January 20, 1887.
 
 52 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. 
 
 CHARGES OP " FRITTERING AWAY " MR GLADSTONE'S SURPLUS 
 
 CONSIDERED SIR STAFFORD'S FINANCIAL PRINCIPLES HOW 
 
 TO USE THE SURPLUS LETTER TO MR DISRAELI BUDGET 
 
 SPEECH SCHEME FOR REDUCING NATIONAL DEBT MR 
 
 GLADSTONE'S CRITICISMS " PITCH-AND-TOSS " AND "NEEVIE- 
 NICK-NACK" SAVINGS BANKS MR PLIMSOLL'S AFFAIR 
 
 THE PURCHASE OF SUEZ CANAL SHARES LETTER TO MR 
 
 DISRAELI LATER BUDGETS LEAN YEARS FOREIGN 
 
 TROUBLES MR GLADSTONE'S CRITICISMS THE DEFEAT OF 
 
 1880. 
 
 THE years of Sir Stafford's stewardship of English finance 
 are full of " lessons." No lesson among them is more 
 prominent than that of party criticism and its unkind- 
 ness. 1 The charges brought against his administration of 
 finance remind one of the stripes with which the Arcadians 
 
 1 In a letter to a friend (May 3, 1876), I find Sir Stafford saying : 
 " Case-hardened as I am myself, and accustomed to the injustices and the 
 discouragements which a public man has to undergo, I can recall many 
 occasions on which I have felt, as keenly perhaps as you now feel, the 
 bitterness of official life. It has been hard to learn the lesson, virtute 
 mea me involve." Perhaps the good-humour and self-restraint of public 
 men is the most engaging feature in public life.
 
 1874.] SIR STAFFORD'S FINANCIAL PRINCIPLES. 53 
 
 visited the statue of Pan, when he brought them no luck. 
 They whipped Pan with nettles, for matters of which he 
 was entirely guiltless. In the same way, Liberal critics 
 denounced Sir Stafford for having " frittered away " that 
 was the consecrated expression " a magnificent surplus," 
 and for having, in a spirit of Conservative malignity, 
 raised the expenditure, and lowered the income of England. 
 
 In opposition to this view, one may quote, from a 
 letter (April 1875) to Mr Welby (now Sir Eeginald 
 "Welby), Sir Stafford's principles of financial policy the 
 ideas to which he strove to be true. They are thus ex- 
 pressed : 
 
 " 1. Prudent but not deliberately under estimates. 
 
 " 2. The habitual retention of a substantial surplus. 
 
 " 3. The retention of the income-tax at a low fixed 
 rate, not to be disturbed for anything short of a national 
 emergency. 
 
 " 4. The appropriation of a fixed annual sum to the 
 charge for debt. 
 
 " 5. The avoidance of new taxes ; and, 
 
 " 6. As a corollary I must add, toleration of old ones. 
 
 " Parliament and the country ought really to make up 
 their minds to deal frankly and courageously with these 
 matters, to eschew sensationalism, and to act on steady 
 principles." 
 
 The truth was, of course, that Sir Stafford's Chancellor- 
 ship of the Exchequer fell in the lean years that followed 
 the fat years, and he was no more responsible for their 
 emaciation than was Pharaoh's chief butler or baker for
 
 54 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUEE. [1874. 
 
 the condition of the shadowy kine. When Mr Gladstone 
 appealed to the country in 1874, our prosperity had been 
 " advancing by leaps and bounds," and performing athletic 
 feats which it has ever since declined to repeat. A 
 Liberal Administration was not the cause of the good 
 times, though, when the Conservatives came in, working 
 men were heard to observe, " Now for bad times." The 
 arrival of bad times was an affair of coincidence, not of 
 causation ; just as the lack of rain in South Africa was not 
 due to the church-bell, the beard, nor the bag of salt of Dr 
 Moffat the missionary, though these theories were broached 
 by intelligent Basuto economists. What makes good 
 times ? what makes hard times ? are questions which 
 philosophers are unable to answer; but popular Liberal 
 speakers and writers argued as if Mr Gladstone were a 
 financial Mascotte, as if winged fortune were unwinged 
 for his sake, and abode with him, TV^ aTrrepos. On 
 the other hand, the years after his return in 1880 have 
 been years lean and plagued, yet rural patriarchs have 
 already been known to observe, " When old Beaconsfield 
 was gaffer, there were none of them bad times." How- 
 ever, Sir Stafford came into office with a noble surplus 
 bequeathed by Mr Gladstone, a surplus reckoned at more 
 than five millions. Ever since, ever since 1877, his oppon- 
 ents have been asking, Ubi est ille surplus? and their 
 answer, as in the famous case of ille stearins, has been 
 Non est inventus. " Where is our magnificent surplus ? " 
 they have cried, as if a surplus were usually put away 
 in an old stocking; and Sir Stafford kept telling them
 
 1874.] MR CHAMBERLAIN ON MR GLADSTONE. 55 
 
 where it was, and what he had done with it, but they 
 marked him not. 
 
 " Don't talk to me," says your lecturer, " of Conserva- 
 tive finance. The Tories came into office with a surplus 
 of six millions, bequeathed by Mr Gladstone, and they not 
 only spent it all in their six years of office, but left a 
 deficiency of six millions in its place." 1 
 
 Sir Stafford remarks that "it is too much to expect 
 that any one, who is not obliged to do it, should hunt 
 up old Budget speeches." The task is irksome indeed, 
 especially to " any poor child of Nature," as Mr Matthew 
 Arnold described himself ; but a little research in old 
 Budget speeches will show where the magnificent surplus 
 went, and how little the Chancellor of the Exchequer was 
 responsible for the " melancholy minus quantity." 
 
 Mr Gladstone not only left a surplus in 1874 : he had 
 also proposed to get rid of the income-tax, if but the 
 electors would restore him to power. Mr Chamberlain, 
 according to Mr Clay den, 2 was not far from the mark 
 when he described Mr Gladstone's address, containing 
 these proposals, as " the meanest public document which 
 has ever, in like circumstances, proceeded from a states- 
 man of the first rank." Without adopting this rather 
 rude estimate of Mr Gladstone's purposes, one may admit 
 that it is not easy to see how he meant to do all that he 
 intended to do. Sir Stafford, in his first Budget speech, 
 wished to 
 
 1 " Figures, Facts, and Fallacies." In ' National Review,' July 1883. 
 
 2 England under Lord Beaconsfield, p. 17.
 
 56 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. [1874. 
 
 " Call up him who left half told 
 The story of Cambuscan bold," 
 
 and make him reveal his mystery. But the secret will 
 never be revealed, at least in practice. In his letters to 
 Mr Disraeli we find Sir Stafford much perplexed by his 
 bequest. How was he to employ his surplus of over five 
 millions ? Deputations came all day suggesting this or 
 that method of giving themselves a slice. Even before 
 the elections, even before he knew that the cutting of 
 the cake would fall to himself, he wrote: 
 
 " Take Gladstone's surplus, however, at five millions, and 
 see what he has to do with it. He has, first, to relieve 
 rateable property from a substantial amount of taxation ; 
 secondly, to take off the income-tax ; and thirdly, I 
 suppose, to remit the remainder of the sugar duties. The 
 three operations together can hardly cost him less than 
 seven millions, probably more ; so there must be at least 
 two millions to be provided by fresh taxation. How is 
 this to be got ? Not, I presume, by another match-tax. 
 It must be by some kind of tax on realised property, and 
 perhaps by licences on trades. You will remember what 
 he said on this subject in 1853, when he pointed to the 
 possibility of replacing the income-tax by a conjunction 
 of three measures : one a tax upon land, houses, and 
 visible property, of perhaps sixpence in the pound;, 
 another, a system of licences on trade, made universal, 
 and averaging something like seven pounds; and the 
 third, a change in the system of legacy duties. He then
 
 1874.] LETTEK TO MR DISRAELI. 57 
 
 said that such a system would be, on the whole, more 
 unequal and annoying than the income-tax, and that it 
 would raise the difficult question of the taxation of the 
 public funds in the most inconvenient form. I cannot 
 help suspecting that if he were now to give us the details 
 of his plan on the eve, instead of on the morrow, of a 
 general election, he would find that a good many con- 
 stituencies would say with poor Lord Derby, ' We prefer 
 the gout.' What a funny view it is, after all, that Glad- 
 stone takes of the income-tax ! It is, according to him, 
 properly a temporary tax a war-tax, admitted, however, 
 into our financial system in time of peace for certain 
 purposes of commercial legislation requiring a temporary 
 impost for their attainment, just as a war does. The pur- 
 poses having been attained, one would expect him to say 
 that the tax might be taken off, as it would have been 
 at the end of a war. But no ! 'It is manifest that we 
 ought not to aid the rates and remove the income-tax 
 without giving to the general consumer, and giving him 
 simultaneously, some marked relief in the class of articles 
 of popular consumption.' In other words, you find that 
 the duties on articles of consumption are exceedingly high, 
 and you believe that by reducing them largely, you can 
 benefit the consumer without ultimately injuring the 
 revenue, and if to cover the operation you lay a temporary 
 tax upon property or income while the revenue is recover- 
 ing itself, and if it ultimately does recover itself so that 
 the temporary tax is no longer needed, still ' it is manifest ' 
 that you must not take off the temporary tax without still
 
 58 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. [1874. 
 
 further reducing or quite abolishing the duty oil the article 
 of consumption. What logic ! Logical or not, I am afraid 
 that it is true that the view is one which will so commend 
 itself to the masses as to make it impossible to extinguish 
 the income-tax without at the same time dealing with 
 some tax on articles of consumption. The truth is, that 
 the income-tax has lost its temporary character, and has 
 become a fixed element in our financial system, which now 
 includes a much larger proportion of direct taxation than 
 it did in 1842. So, then, whenever we reduce the income- 
 tax, we seem to be disturbing the balance between direct 
 and indirect taxation, and disturbing it in favour of the 
 wealthier classes, unless we reduce indirect taxes at the 
 same time. To this, perhaps, we might resign ourselves ; 
 but in the present case there seems an additional absurdity, 
 because it is not proposed simply to abolish the income- 
 tax, but to substitute for a portion of it some other impost 
 on property, while at the same time it is acknowledged 
 that the kinds of visible property which now bear local 
 taxation ought to be relieved of a portion of their burden. 
 In short, direct taxation is to be readjusted in order to 
 cure its inequalities, and to render it fairer. This is a 
 difficult task in itself, and why we should go out of our 
 way to make it more difficult by imposing on ourselves 
 the voluntary obligation to reduce some taxes on con- 
 sumption at the same time, I cannot (except with refer- 
 ence to electioneering necessities) conceive. Upon the 
 whole, I think we have a strong case for warning the 
 country not to be misled or dazzled by the vague promises
 
 1874.] TROUBLES WITH THE SUEPLUS. 59 
 
 of the address, and to distrust the great financial policy 
 till they see what it is." 
 
 In this letter, by the way (January 25, 1874), Sir 
 Stafford alludes to a paragraph in Mr Gladstone's address, 
 " which appears darkly to encourage the Home Eulers." 
 
 To return to his troubles with the surplus. " Could we 
 possibly expect to be allowed to retain such a surplus as 
 that ? " he asks, pathetically. " Supposing that you re- 
 duced the income-tax by one-half, and gave the 550,000 
 to local taxation, you would still have 1,000,000 surplus. 
 Would not even this be too large, and should we not have 
 an ugly rush at it ? " Should they sweep away some of 
 the Excise licences? Should they abandon the sugar 
 duty? 1 The alternatives appeared to be abolishing the 
 income-tax, or deciding against, or postponing, the aboli- 
 tion of the income-tax, reducing it to twopence, giving 
 large grants in aid of local taxation, and repealing the sugar 
 tax. But divers other schemes were selected and rejected. 
 Sir Stafford maintained that " for any of these measures 
 suggested, it is important that we should shake off that 
 absurd maxim as to the simultaneous decrease of direct 
 and indirect taxation." But he believed that, when adding 
 taxation, " you ought not to place it upon the income-tax 
 only ; but you ought to accompany it with some call upon 
 
 1 Sir Stafford was by no means of opinion that democratic taxation, re- 
 lieving the less wealthy classes, would lead to a readiness to make war. 
 " If there were to be a real war ferment at any time, I should be sorry to 
 trust to such a sedative as the threat of doubling the sugar duties would 
 be." The English democracy, at least, is by no means likely to be bellig- 
 erent and pugnacious, as far as foreign countries go.
 
 60 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. [1874. 
 
 indirect taxation." l Through this period of incubating his 
 first Budget, he " felt like a chess-player studying an im- 
 portant move, and seeing new combinations at every turn." 
 It is needless to fatigue the reader with all the combina- 
 tions. The result was made public in the Budget speech 
 of April 16, 1874. Sir Stafford congratulated the late 
 Government very heartily on their economical and satis- 
 factory management of the war in Ashantee. He defended 
 Mr Gladstone against the charge, brought, of course, by 
 the Tories, of having been too sanguine in his Estimates. 
 " Instead of being too sanguine, he has been within the 
 mark." The receipts from Customs and Excise had ex- 
 ceeded expectation. The public had been drinking enor- 
 mously, for these were " good times." But he very strongly 
 disliked this particular symptom of prosperity. If temper- 
 ance and abstinence were only to increase, though the 
 revenue from spirits would fall, " I venture to say that 
 the amount of wealth such a change would bring to the 
 nation would utterly throw into the shade the amount of 
 revenue that is now derived from the spirit duty." Un- 
 happily any fall in the tide of gin and whisky seems to be 
 due to poverty rather than happier dispositions. Pleasant 
 as it was to see the "consuming power" of the public 
 increased, he had already been obliged to listen to pro- 
 phecies of evil. The coming of the lean kine had already 
 been predicted the slackening of employment, the fall in 
 consumption, had been foreseen. Expenditure must still 
 be kept down. Still, there was the surplus of more than 
 
 1 Budget speech, April 3, 1879.
 
 1874.] THE SUEPLUS " FEITTERED AWAY." 61 
 
 five millions. Some might say that a country which had 
 a debt could never really have a surplus. He could not 
 agree with them, but the reduction of the debt was always 
 one of his main ideas. He proposed for this year to re- 
 duce it by terminable annuities with the 450,000 of 
 interest on advances at his disposal, using for this purpose 
 the balance of Post-office Savings Banks' money. As to 
 the whole surplus, apart from the 450,000 of interest, he 
 first touched on local taxation without approaching the 
 whole subject, as the Government was new in office. But, 
 having a surplus, he determined to relieve local taxation. 
 Lunatics were to receive a contribution from the Consoli- 
 dated Fund namely, four shillings a-week a-head to the 
 Unions for each lunatic in their asylums. Lunatics in 
 Ireland had already been selected by Mr Gladstone for 
 the receipt of benevolence out of the funds of the Irish 
 Church, so Mr Gladstone might be expected to approve 
 of this expenditure. To the police he assigned 600,000. 
 Then, advancing to the income-tax, he admitted, like one 
 of Shakespeare's clowns talking of his mistress, that " she 
 hath more faults than hairs," but also " more wealth than 
 faults." So he took one penny off the income-tax. More 
 than half the surplus was now " frittered away," exclusive 
 of what went to the reduction of the debt ; and he next 
 proposed to abolish the sugar duties. As a source of 
 revenue they " do more harm than good upon the whole." 
 As to the competition in sugar refining with France and 
 other Powers, he could not rely on treaties, but " upon the 
 sense of its own interest which a foreign nation has in not
 
 62 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. [1874. 
 
 wasting its money upon subsidies to its refiners." But 
 foreign nations do not understand " their own interest " as 
 England does ; England, it may be permitted to , inter- 
 polate, has quite peculiar ideas of her own interest. 
 
 The sugar duties went for 2,000,000. I think it was 
 on this occasion that a Liberal critic, in private talk, 
 quoted about Sir Stafford what Steerforth said when finan- 
 cing a certain entertainment, " You're going it, young Cop- 
 perfield." He " went it " still further, for he had still a 
 surplus of 942,000. He would not touch malt, beer, 
 nor railways, no, nor dogs, but he made a present to 
 horses, a present of 480,000. And that was how he 
 frittered away his surplus. 
 
 A Liberal critic remarks that this was " the Liberal 
 Budget watered down to the standard of Conservative 
 finance," and adds that Mr Gladstone's successor could 
 only " muddle it away," the surplus, that is. He says, 
 too, that Mr Gladstone " had proposed to abolish the 
 income-tax as well as the sugar duties." But this very 
 critic we have quoted as agreeing (more or less) with Mr 
 Chamberlain and with the Opposition, that Mr Gladstone's 
 proposal was a " huge bribe," his address " the meanest 
 public document which has ever, in like circumstances, 
 proceeded from a statesman of the first rank." x 
 
 He had agreed to the extent of saying that Mr Chamber- 
 lain's remarks were " a shrewd and on the whole a correct 
 summary of the Address, but not entirely fair to Mr Glad- 
 stone." The unfairness appears to have lain in supposing 
 1 Clay den's England under Lord Beaconsfield, pp. 17, 68, 69.
 
 1874.] "THE STORY OF CAMBUSCAN BOLD." 63 
 
 that the promises of Mr Gladstone were made for mere 
 electioneering purposes. That may answer the moral 
 charges of Mr Gladstone's critics, but it leaves the practi- 
 cal question untouched. Could Mr Gladstone have com- 
 pleted " the story of Cambuscan bold " ? And if not, 
 what was the harm in Sir Stafford's less romantic per- 
 formance? Was the "opportunity" really there, the 
 opportunity which was " muddled away " ? Even suppos- 
 ing that a heaven-born Minister could have escaped the 
 Eastern troubles and the Zulu affair, could he have re- 
 tained Fortune as his minion. " Fortune is Pistol's foe," 
 and the bad times, already looming, would have come, 
 whoever was at the helm, and the income-tax could not 
 have been slain except to rise again. 
 
 As to the frittering away of the magnificent surplus, 
 Sir Stafford spoke at Liverpool (January 25, 1877). He 
 said the magnificent surplus was "got up to a certain 
 extent by putting off a great many claims and charges 
 which would ultimately have had to be met." It was as 
 if a man should decline to spend money on his estate in 
 repairs, leaving them as Sir Pitt Crawley left his lodge- 
 keeper's roof, windows, and walls. The navy had been 
 treated by the late Government as Sir Pitt treated Mrs 
 Lock's cottage. " They had not only put off a great many 
 things which it was absolutely necessary to do the repair- 
 ing of ships, for instance, and many other matters of that 
 kind ; . . . but they had entered into large schemes and 
 made large promises with reference to the army and edu- 
 cational reform, and other things which necessarily en- 
 
 VOL. II. E
 
 64 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. [1875. 
 
 tailed further expense upon their successors; and there- 
 fore, when we are asked, What have you done with the 
 enormous surplus of five millions ? I say that you must 
 consider that a very considerable (sic) proportion of it 
 was necessary for the purpose of meeting the engagements 
 that you had undertaken for us." 
 
 But had the surplus been frittered away after all ? 
 He answered, again and again, "You cannot eat your 
 cake and have it." Each person in Liverpool, where he 
 spoke, had actually received Is. 3d. in remission of sugar 
 tax. But a vain people easily forgets a present of fifteen- 
 pence a -head. Owners of horses had been freed from 
 an "annoying" tax. Seventy-eight thousand pounds, in 
 Liverpool alone, had gone to lunatics and the police. 
 Meanwhile the Budget had, at least, not curried favour 
 with the friends of the Government. 
 
 The farmers, of course, were disgusted that no attempt 
 was made to reduce or repeal the malt-tax. But Mr Glad- 
 stone himself " expressed his general approval of a scheme 
 the main outlines of which were a faint reproduction of 
 his own." 
 
 So much for Sir Stafford's first Budget. 
 
 Continuing the history of his finance, we find him in 
 January of the following year saying to Mr Disraeli that 
 " the chance of getting through without any addition to 
 taxation appears very remote, though not quite visionary." 
 A good deal of money was wanted for the fleet, which 
 Mr Ward Hunt had found in a " phantom " estate like 
 youth that grows "spectre-thin, and dies." Excise was
 
 1875.] LETTER TO MR DISRAELI. 65 
 
 less profitable than common, because of the large and rich 
 potato -harvest in Germany. German potato-spirit had 
 " taken the place of British spirit, and paid us through the 
 Customs instead of through Excise. This was a mere shift- 
 ing of source of money ; but there was that horrid navy 
 excess of 160,000 in the background." The following 
 lines from a letter (March 31, 1875) to Mr Disraeli, put 
 in simple colloquial words the burden of his financial 
 policy, permanence of arrangements, reduction of debt : 
 
 " What I am now anxious for is the acceptance by the 
 Cabinet of my proposal to grant the income-tax (at 2d.) / 
 for three years. There is no chance of our getting rid of/ 
 it sooner, even if we wished to do so. But I don't wishj 
 to do so. I am anxious to keep the tax keep it as it is,l 
 keep it low, and keep it unaltered and unalterable except! 
 in the case of a real emergency. 
 
 " This will give a character and consistency to our 
 ancial policy. We ought to show that we know what we 
 are about. If we simply say, as we may be tempted to 
 say, that we will let everything alone, we shall be taunted 
 with having simply taken up Gladstone's surplus ; spent 
 it as he would have suggested, but without the finer 
 strokes of his genius ; been very lucky in just scraping 
 through our first year, and being now content to drift. 
 Then we shall be exposed to attacks of all kinds some 
 from those who will try to pledge us to get rid of the 
 tax, others who will want us to alter it and we may find 
 ourselves driven into a corner, if we have not some fixed 
 policy of our own.
 
 66 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. [1875. 
 
 " There is another matter on which I also wish to lay 
 down a policy the mode of dealing with the debt. I 
 believe we can introduce more stability into this part of 
 our system also, and lay down principles which will greatly 
 reduce fluctuations in taxation. But I will not go into 
 this matter now." 
 
 While occupied with his Budget, he had to consider and 
 reject the proposal of a Government guarantee to a 
 Euphrates Valley Eailway, though Government " would 
 gladly see the line constructed." His Budget speech 
 (April 15, 1875) showed a surplus of 496,873 for the 
 financial year just ended, which he thought would be " a 
 disappointment of course an agreeable disappointment" 
 to his Liberal critics. Had he not removed a penny 
 from income-tax, his position would of course have been 
 very much more pleasant. But he was the reverse of 
 Horace's miser, with his 
 
 " Me mihi plaudo 
 Quum nummos contemplor in area." 
 
 " I, on the other hand, console myself, whatever may be 
 the hisses of a few instructors of public opinion, with the 
 reflection that the money is not in my cash-box, but in 
 the pockets of the people." He explained the spirituous 
 consequences of Germany's great potato -harvest, which, 
 after all, was mainly used here " for purposes of methy- 
 lation" rather than of conviviality. Tea had produced 
 320,000 more than the year before; satisfactory, "as 
 showing that tea, to some extent perhaps, is taking the 
 place of spirits," and that the remission of the sugar duties
 
 1875.] SCHEME FOR REDUCING NATIONAL DEBT. 67 
 
 had benefited English tea-drinkers. There was a diminu- 
 tion in stamps; the telegraph service was not yet re- 
 munerative. He again justly applauded his predecessors 
 for their economical conduct of the Ashantee war. But 
 he could not see any signs of a revival in trade, for the ill 
 years were fairly begun naturally, too, as the Liberals 
 were out. Thus he could not treat the revenue as a thing 
 necessarily bound to keep on increasing. As to the income- 
 tax, he remarked : " We have been obliged to consider it ; 
 and whether it would be desirable to do that which it is 
 quite possible to do to make arrangements and readjust- 
 ments by which we may dispense with it, or materially 
 modify it." He admitted the objections to it, and to " the 
 inequality of its incidence." These inequalities he con- 
 sidered inherent in the nature of the tax ; inherent, too, 
 is " its inquisitorial character." All these objections were 
 gravest when the tax is high. He wished it to be " low, 
 uniform, and, as far as possible, steady." He proposed to 
 renew it at twopence in the pound. The most important 
 part of this speech dealt with a scheme for the reduction 
 of debt. Let us briefly state the matter in the words of 
 the Liberal historian : 
 
 Sir Stafford's great scheme, and that which distinguished the 
 Budget of the year, was that for beginning the paying off of the 
 National Debt. The interest on the debt for the year was 
 reckoned at 27,215,000. Sir Stafford proposed to fix it in 
 future at 28,000,000, and use the surplus in extinguishing the 
 principal of the debt. This was to be done by three steps : 
 27,400,000 was to be charged for the current year ; for the 
 year 1876-77, it was to be 27,700,000 ; and for all succeeding
 
 68 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. [1875. 
 
 years, 28,000,000. The scheme was severely criticised, but 
 it was popular and passed. It is clearly a prudent step, but 
 it reduced the surplus even of the current year by 1 85,000." : 
 
 Thus do measures which are prudent and popular 
 " fritter away the surplus," and such was criticism, which 
 regarded the surplus as a sacred thing, not to be reduced 
 even by prudence. 
 
 In his remarks on this arrangement, Sir Stafford said 
 that he was " no enthusiast " on the National Debt, " but 
 I think we ought to make continuous and steady efforts 
 for its reduction, and that our efforts ought not to be 
 violent and spasmodic." Ever since the Finance Com- 
 mittee of 1828, it had been admitted as an axiom that " we 
 can only redeem debt by the surplus of revenue over ex- 
 penditure." The application of " casual surpluses " was 
 insufficient. He stated the objections to terminable 
 annuities. They might not be taken up, or not satis- 
 factorily. You could invest savings banks' money in them, 
 and so cancel your stock. But then any one might say 
 that you were investing the public's savings "in what 
 would be in -the market an unprofitable security." Again, 
 terminable annuities "produce a kind of spasmodic action." 
 When they fell in, the relief might be reckoned " a wind- 
 fall," and treated as " windfalls " are usually treated. 
 Autant en emporte le vent. He then proposed his own 
 plan, which has already been given in a summary by a 
 Liberal critic. If that plan were allowed to work by grace 
 of " ordinary circumstances and the ordinary growth of the 
 1 England under Lord Beaconsfield, pp. 144, 145.
 
 1875.] SCHEME FOR EEDUCING NATIONAL DEBT. 69 
 
 revenue," by 1885 "you will have cancelled 21,000,000, 
 and in thirty years from this time you will have cancelled 
 213,000,000." He foresaw and admitted the force of the 
 criticism, " You will never be able to bind future Parlia- 
 ments, and the very first time that a Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer wants to raise an additional revenue without 
 increasing taxation, he will put an end to your Sinking 
 Fund." Et puis apres ? 
 
 " Under circumstances different from the present / say 
 that would be a very reasonable thing for a Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer to do. . . . But one thing is quite clear, that 
 if we do not put it on, it will certainly come to nothing ; 
 and we shall be in the position of the gentleman who 
 would not wind up his watch, because if he did not wind 
 it up, it would never stop." He himself " thought the 
 experiment worth making." He was not " binding future 
 Parliaments." Nobody who wished to destroy his Sinking 
 Fund (he did not use this illustration) would have to 
 make his proposal, as in old Athens concerning the gold 
 on the statue of Athene, with a rope round his neck. 
 
 In 1881, speaking at Edinburgh, he again described the 
 scope and meaning of his measure : " Some years ago the 
 practice of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was, in esti- 
 mating for the expenditure of the coming year, to make 
 provision, of course, for the payment of the interest of the 
 National Debt for the coming twelvemonth; and as the 
 National Debt was gradually diminished by the action of 
 terminable annuities which had been created by Mr Glad- 
 stone and other Ministers, the amount that was so required
 
 70 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. [1875. 
 
 for the payment of the annual interest from time to time 
 somewhat diminished. The proposal which I made was, 
 that we should fix a certain sum somewhat higher than 
 the amount that we were then paying for the interest of 
 the discharge of the debt, and that that amount should be 
 applied every year to the payment of the interest in the 
 first place, and with regard to the remainder, for the re- 
 duction of the principal. The object which I had in view 
 was this, to introduce something like steadiness into our 
 finance ; and that we should not from time to time, be- 
 cause there happened to be a little reduction here in our 
 charges, or a little reduction there, apply a smaller sum 
 than we were doing to the reduction of the debt ; and I 
 therefore called upon Parliament, and the House of Com- 
 mons was good enough to agree, to raise the amount that we 
 were paying at that time something like 27 millions 
 to a fixed amount of 28,000,000 a-year, which 28,000,000 
 was to continue permanently, and so to cover not only the 
 interest but the reduction of the debt. You will easily 
 understand the operation of such a proposal as I made in 
 the event of additions not being made to the debt that 
 is to say, if the 28,000,000 were enough in one year to 
 pay the whole interest of the debt, and to pay off besides 
 half a million or a million of the capital, the amount of the 
 interest to be paid in the next year would be less by the 
 amount of the interest on that half million or million ; and 
 as this process was continued, the amount of charge for in- 
 terest would every year become smaller, while the amount 
 applicable to the redemption of capital would every year
 
 1875.] ME GLADSTONE'S CRITICISMS. 71 
 
 become larger. When once these measures had been put 
 into an Act of Parliament, the reduction of the debt would 
 become a serious measure." Such an Act of Parliament 
 was his desire. 
 
 Mr Gladstone attacked the measure (May 7). 
 
 As to the scheme for reducing the National Debt, Mr 
 Gladstone admitted that it had " the approbation of the 
 most sagacious of all things inanimate namely, the three 
 per cents." But, on the whole, he (like Sir Stafford's 
 grandmother in an early page of this work) distrusted the 
 splendours of his friend's imagination. It had " taken a 
 flight into the empyrean," and ranged down to 1905, be- 
 holding a surplus of 500,000 for every year in that vista 
 of time. Even this year the surplus (if I may quote Dr 
 Johnson's remark about the ghost) was " something of a 
 shadowy being." As to appropriations to reduce the Na- 
 tional Debt, "annual appropriations arbitrarily fixed by 
 those who do not intend to find the money for them, but 
 who think it laudable and creditable to lay it down that 
 future Parliaments shall find that money, they have been 
 tried and tested by experience " Mr Gladstone gave in- 
 stances "and have failed again and again." Mr Glad- 
 stone had remarked that there were three ways of reduc- 
 ing the debt, the first, to maintain a surplus of revenue 
 over expenditure; the second, a system of terminable 
 annuities ; and the third, by fixed appropriations. In his 
 reply, after defending the existence of a surplus, Sir Staf- 
 ford maintained that there was really but one way. The 
 maintenance of revenue over expenditure could not be
 
 72 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. [1875. 
 
 put in contradistinction to any other plan. But one 
 legitimate way there was, the maintenance of revenue 
 over expenditure. No puzzle with terminable annuities 
 or anything else was of any avail, nor did Sir Stafford 
 suppose that Mr Gladstone meant anything of the sort. 
 As for binding the future, Mr Gladstone himself had left 
 his successors "to provide for the terminable annuities 
 which, at his suggestion, we have been paying for the 
 express purpose of extinguishing debt, and it is just as 
 fictitious and as unreal as any other system." l Mr Glad- 
 stone, "the most incredulous man I ever met," "keeps 
 on shaking his head whenever I refer to him." Sir Staf- 
 ford maintained that he had explained his scheme in 
 ten minutes, while Mr Gladstone, in 1865, occupied half 
 an hour, " gave every one a headache," and indeed divided 
 the person of the Chancellor of the Exchequer into two 
 the Chancellor as finance Minister, and the Chancellor 
 as banker. The difference between the two systems was 
 the difference (illustrated in a novel of Scott's) of gambling 
 away the half - crown at neevie - nick - nack instead of 
 at pitch-and-toss. The Liberals had reduced debt with 
 one hand while raising it with the other. Their right 
 hand paid off debt by terminable annuities, their left bor- 
 rowed for fortifications, and permitted the savings banks' 
 deficiency, which he proposed to extinguish, to go on 
 increasing. As to the terminable annuities, the Chancel- 
 
 1 By way of a financial curiosity, one may remark that the idea of buying 
 objects of art with surpluses, instead of diminishing the National Debt, 
 had been suggested from South Kensington !
 
 1875.] "THE EPIDAURIAN SERPENT." 73 
 
 lor of the Exchequer, dividing the person, as one may 
 say, making terms as banker with the Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer as finance Minister, had been both buyer and 
 seller of these annuities, and had fixed the price as he 
 thought fit. 
 
 " If you attempt to rest any scheme for the reduction 
 of debt on terminable annuities, . . . you will either 
 make a bargain too favourable, and add to the debt, or 
 you will make a bargain too unfavourable, and so rob 
 those for whom you are trustees the savings banks' de- 
 positors." He would retain terminable annuities to a 
 certain extent by provisions in the bill ; " but to say that 
 it is the only really sound and sensible principle to act 
 upon, and that the other which I propose is unsound and 
 visionary, seems to me to be nothing but gross and sheer 
 prejudice." He maintained, after alluding to Mr Glad- 
 stone's critical eye as worthy of " the Epidaurian serpent," 
 that his plan was sound and stable, because it established 
 a consistent policy of repaying debt, and yet could be set 
 aside whenever the necessities of the country required 
 that it should be put an end to. 
 
 Liberal critics have often alleged that Sir Stafford 
 " could never stand up to Mr Gladstone," but in this 
 little bout he does not seem to have been worsted by his 
 old friend. 
 
 There was a return match on June 8. Mr Gladstone 
 again objected to the real absence of a surplus. Sir Staf- 
 ford remarked that, when in Opposition, it had been his 
 business also to prove that there was no surplus, and " he
 
 74 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. [1875. 
 
 knew, therefore, how far it was usual to go in that way/' 
 a queer commentary on this queer game of party govern- 
 ment. The whole matter, he said, " had been thoroughly 
 threshed out," and we may agree with Odysseus 
 
 eX@pov Se fj.oi 
 AVTIS dpi?/Aa>s lprjp.fva 
 Hateful are twice-told tales. 
 
 In the long-run the Sinking Fund was carried by 189 
 votes against 122. 
 
 The subject of the savings banks' deficiency has already 
 been alluded to. Sir Stafford, in the course of the session 
 of 1875, introduced a bill dealing with the question, which, 
 as he remarked (May 27), was " rather a complicated one." 
 The bill was encountered with great hostility by the (for 
 once) united Opposition. Sir Stafford explained that he 
 did not, as Mr Fawcett seemed to think, propose to put 
 the money of depositors in savings banks and friendly 
 societies on security less stable than in the past. The 
 depositors had the security of the Consolidated Fund. 
 Tricks were not being played with the depositors' money. 
 " This, at all events, is out of the question and impossible." 
 I cannot give here the history of savings banks, the old 
 and the new. To be brief, there was an increasing de- 
 ficiency, which every one wished to stop in some way or 
 another. There were proposals to lower the rate of in- 
 terest, but Sir Stafford could not advocate this course. 
 " You would make the present depositors in the savings 
 banks pay for a deficiency which they had nothing to do
 
 1875.] SAVINGS BANKS. 75 
 
 with incurring " that is, capitalists in the new banks would 
 pay for a deficiency in the old banks. The dealings of 
 former Chancellors, too, had contributed to the deficiency. 
 The Post-office Savings Banks had made profits over and 
 above the stipulated interest. These profits belonged to 
 the State, and might be used to stop the leak in the old 
 savings banks. Local securities were to be invested in. 
 The depositors ran no risk. Local interests would be 
 served. Mr Gladstone was " unable to travel with him a 
 single step along the road on which he marches." He 
 differed from his historical statement. The deficits were 
 due "solely and simply to the fact that we have been 
 banking on principles which no banker would have 
 adopted." As a banker, to Mr Gladstone's thinking, Sir 
 Stafford had no reserve. He was starting two kinds of 
 banking, one not to pay, the other to pay, and to pay 
 for the other too. Business, becoming a matter of sham 
 banking and pseudo-benevolence, had made a sham vested 
 interest. Sir Stafford was maintaining absurd and vexa- 
 tious restrictions on the amount of deposits, which Mr 
 Gladstone was almost ashamed to say that he had been 
 compelled to introduce with the Post - office Savings 
 Banks, so as to conciliate the old savings banks. In a re- 
 forming measure this " gross absurdity " was perpetuated. 
 Mr Gladstone amusingly "took the case of an insane 
 banker" to illustrate his criticisms. I wonder any of 
 them are still in possession of their wits. The Imperial 
 Government could not wisely become the creditor of 
 small local authorities. Sir Stafford in his reply returned
 
 76 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. [1875. 
 
 to the deficiency. That was the question How were you 
 to stop it? His plan was "just to all parties." In a 
 later debate, when Sir Stafford contended that the savings 
 banks were secured against " runs " by various methods 
 and resources, Mr Gladstone again complained of his 
 ardent " imagination." Mr Disraeli repeated Sir Staf- 
 ford's remarks on the practical problem, the deficiency, 
 and how it was to be met. "How will you arrest the 
 course of compound interest, which has already produced 
 such terrible effects ? The right hon. member for Green- 
 wich threw not the slightest light upon that point. We 
 must deal with the circumstances." They must carry their 
 proposal, or reduce the interest on the deposits in the old 
 savings banks. 
 
 The whole discussion is one on which only the opinion 
 of specialists is valuable. Mr Gladstone appears to have 
 been ideally right ; perhaps his opponents were not prac- 
 tically wrong. Sir Stafford's position was that, " in deal- 
 ing with the deficiency question, we ought to take care in 
 no way to prejudice the question of reform." His attempt 
 was a mere filling up of a leak, not a reconstruction of a 
 vessel. The bill was ultimately withdrawn. 
 
 Apart from finance, Sir Stafford played a difficult and 
 important part in Parliament at this time, and was be- 
 coming marked out as Mr Disraeli's successor in the 
 leadership of the House of Commons. The question of 
 the risks of seamen and of overloading vessels was before 
 the House, and excited much emotion in England. Then 
 came (July 22) the celebrated appearance of Mr Plimsoll
 
 1875.] MR PLIMSOLL'S AFFAIR. 77 
 
 in the House of Commons as defender of the English sea- 
 men. The cause of Mr Plimsoll's indignation was the 
 proposed withdrawal of the Merchant Shipping Bill, which 
 was intended to give a very much needed security for 
 their lives to sailors. The affair is so vividly present to 
 most memories that it need not be described at length. 
 Let it suffice, by some letters of Sir Stafford's, to set forth 
 his position in the dispute : 
 
 "Private. 11 DOWNING STREET, WHITEHALL, 
 
 July 22, 1875. 
 
 " MY DEAR MR DISRAELI, May I offer the following 
 suggestions as to the process of massacre ? 
 
 " 1. Let the Attorney-General answer Dillwyn that the 
 Patents Bill will be given up for want of time, and let 
 him move then and there that the order be discharged. 
 
 " 2. When the orders of the day are called, you might 
 rise and say that, after carefully considering the state of 
 public business, you had come to the conclusion that it 
 would be impossible to find time for a full discussion of 
 the Merchant Shipping Bill ; that you thought it unde- 
 sirable to attempt to pass a mere fragment of so important 
 a measure ; and that you therefore moved to discharge the 
 order, promising, at the same time, that the bill should 
 have a first place among the measures of next session. 
 (This would be quite in order, but, of course, it might lead 
 to some debate both on merchant shipping in particular 
 and on the course of business in general ; but I do not see 
 how you can avoid this under any circumstances.)
 
 78 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. [1875. 
 
 " You might take the opportunity of saying that you 
 meant to proceed with Agricultural Holdings till it was 
 through Committee, then to take Supply, and the Judica- 
 ture and Land Transfer Bills ; that with regard to other 
 business it was premature to speak, but that you would 
 be in communication with the Ministers in charge of the 
 several bills ; and that you hoped to be able to make such 
 arrangements as would enable the House to rise by the 
 10th or 12th August, and possibly even at a somewhat 
 earlier date." 
 
 On this very day, July 22, Mr Disraeli announced that 
 he did not intend to go on with the bill which so justly 
 and deeply interested Mr Plimsoll. Then came Mr Plim- 
 soll's display of passionate resentment, followed by sympa- 
 thetic public meetings under Mr Chamberlain and other 
 philanthropists. Eeplying to Mr Sullivan on the same 
 night, Sir Stafford said that, even if the Agricultural 
 Holdings Bill had been out of the way, there was no 
 time to discuss properly the Merchant Shipping Bill. 
 The postponement of the bill " would forward the solu- 
 tion of the question rather than hinder it." Lord Hart- 
 ington objected that this was " totally at variance with 
 the statement which had been made by the Prime 
 Minister," in announcing the withdrawal of the Merchant 
 Shipping Bill. 
 
 On July 24, Sir Stafford wrote thus to Mr Disraeli -, 1 
 
 1 The conclusion of the letter is omitted, as bearing on personal matters 
 other than those of Sir Stafford, and not desirable to discuss.
 
 1875.] MERCHANT SHIPPING BILL. 79 
 
 "I see that the newspapers take up what Hartington 
 said the other night of a supposed divergence between 
 what I said in answer to Sullivan, and what you had pre- 
 viously said in announcing the withdrawal of the Mer- 
 chant Shipping Bill. I am not conscious of any such 
 divergence, but, as it may be made a topic in some attack, 
 I am anxious to tell you exactly what I had in my mind, 
 and what I now think of our position with regard to that 
 bill. 
 
 " The reason for my answering Sullivan was that several 
 speakers in succession had charged us with indifference to 
 the Merchant Shipping Bill, and with holding the Agri- 
 cultural Bill as one of superior importance. I thought it 
 would not do to let such charges go altogether unnoticed ; 
 and I therefore expressed again our great regret at having 
 to withdraw the bill, and added that it was not from in- 
 difference, but from a sense of the impossibility of dealing 
 satisfactorily with a measure of so much importance and 
 difficulty at this period of the session, that we had done 
 so. I said it would have been impossible to have dealt 
 with it satisfactorily, even had there been no question of 
 the Agricultural Holdings Bill. You had previously con- 
 demned the notion of passing a mutilated bill, and this is 
 all that could have been done if we had gone on with it in 
 a jaded House," and under other disadvantages which he 
 describes. 
 
 " It would, I am persuaded, be most injurious to our char- 
 acter if we allowed it to be supposed that, having a fair 
 choice between the two bills, we had deliberately preferred 
 
 VOL. II. F
 
 80 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER, [1875. 
 
 the Agricultural Holdings Bill. We may, or may not, 
 have made miscalculations in the earlier part of the session 
 as to the length of time which discussions on various meas- 
 ures would take ; but that is a more venial matter. What 
 really killed the Merchant Shipping Bill was the discus- 
 sion which its first clauses underwent in Committee, dis- 
 closing the difficulties under which it would have to be 
 fought. . . . Whether we could have got over these 
 difficulties had there been less other business may be a 
 question. But we were under imperative necessity as re- 
 garded the Judicature Bill, the Labour Laws Bill, and 
 Supply ; and we had not time to grapple effectually with 
 Merchant Shipping as it had by that time revealed itself 
 to us. 
 
 " And here let me call your attention to these points. 
 We were proceeding with a bill drawn on the lines of the 
 report of a Eoyal Commission. A Eoyal Commission does 
 not encounter the various forces which make their appear- 
 ance in a regular battle in a Committee of the whole House 
 of Commons. Our bill was therefore undergoing a first 
 sifting, and we were beginning for the first time to discover 
 its faults and its deficiencies. 
 
 " But further, it was not a bill for applying a direct and 
 simple remedy to an admitted evil. The direct and simple 
 remedy of authorising the Board of Trade to stop unsea- 
 worthy ships had already been applied by the Act of 1873; 
 and the other direct and simple remedy which Plimsoll 
 desired, of instituting a Government survey of all sea- 
 going ships, we were not prepared to adopt. The principle
 
 1875.] MEKCHANT SHIPPING BILL. 81 
 
 of our bill was to throw a more complete responsibility 
 upon shipowners; and the working out of this principle 
 involved very complicated procedure in order to attain the 
 object without doing injustice to any one. Mistakes in 
 legislation of this kind are easily made, and are apt to be 
 very mischievous. To have attempted to hurry the bill 
 through would have been a great error. What I hope is 
 that next year we shall be able to bring in a much better 
 bill, availing ourselves of the experience of this year, and 
 of the popular feeling which will support us if we act 
 vigorously." 
 
 " The Merchant Shipping Bill," he said to Mr Disraeli 
 (July 25, 1875), " has caused me more annoyances through- 
 out the session than all the other bills put together, and 
 perhaps I forgot myself a little in speaking my own mind 
 under the provocation of Mr Sullivan's attack. We have 
 a far better chance," he added, " of passing a really credit- 
 able bill, than we had with the deceased one." He made 
 to Mr Disraeli, at this moment, an offer most public-spirited 
 and disinterested, of which it may be improper to give a 
 fuller account. It is enough to say that he was ready 
 to " take a lower place," and subordinate his personal 
 ambitions to the needs of the Government. The offer 
 was not accepted. 
 
 His own private views on the Merchant Shipping affair 
 are contained in a letter to Mr Farrer (November 20). 
 He wants to say to the shipowners, " We mean to do our 
 part, and at the same time to insist on your doing your 
 part to prevent preventible evils. . . . We must insist
 
 82 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. [1875. 
 
 that you shall not evade your responsibilities under the 
 specious plea of freedom of contract, which is, or may be, a 
 good enough plea as between the contracting parties, but 
 is one to be very jealously scrutinised when it affects 
 the lives of other persons. I am anxious to develop some 
 such view as this at the very outset of our legislation next 
 session." 
 
 The great affair of the autumn of 1875, the purchase of 
 the Khedive's shares in the Suez Canal for four millions, 
 was necessarily a matter on which the Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer had his opinions. The full truth about that 
 very odd transaction may not be known at present, and it 
 was by no means possible to see how it could " secure our 
 water-way to the East." The best naval opinion does not 
 seem to bear out the theory popular at the time of the 
 purchase. Iron, not gold, is the metal for these ends. Our 
 whole policy in Egypt has ever been pretty much what 
 the French have always called it. Sir Stafford's public 
 remarks on this matter exactly correspond with his private 
 statements. He saw the affair with the eyes of a loyal 
 gentleman. Eirst, let us take his public speech at Man- 
 chester (7th December 1875.) The keynote of it is, that 
 " England must do nothing mean. At home or abroad 
 her policy must be noble and magnanimous." Now he 
 distinctly and decidedly held that we had not been " mag- 
 nanimous " in our dealings with France about the Canal. 
 Here is an extract from his speech, here he expresses 
 his hopes and wishes as to our conduct in the future : 
 
 " If we have become the possessors of a considerable
 
 1875.] THE PURCHASE OF SUEZ CANAL SHARES. 83 
 
 interest in that important highway of maritime communi- 
 cation, and if we have become the possessors of that in- 
 terest with a view to the maintenance of our own com- 
 munication with our Eastern empire, we have not done 
 so in a spirit of exclusive selfishness, but in the entirely 
 opposite spirit, of desiring to extend to all nations that 
 freedom of communication which we desire to secure for 
 ourselves. We honour and respect and admire the energy 
 and genius of those who planned, and who, against great 
 difficulties, carried through that great enterprise. We 
 desire in no degree to rob them of their fair share of 
 the honour, or in any way to mar the great work which 
 they contemplated. We fully believe that which they 
 always said, that they undertook that work not in the 
 interests of individuals, or in the interest of a single 
 nation, but in the spirit of those who wish to make a 
 name for themselves in the proud roll of the world's bene- 
 factors ; and if we associate ourselves with that enterprise 
 now, we do so, not in order to thwart, but to forward that 
 enterprise : it is with the hope that the Canal, which will 
 always remain the monument of the energy and of the 
 perseverance of M. de Lesseps, and of the great nation 
 which has borne so large a part in the work, may be main- 
 tained as a highroad for nations, and not exclusively for 
 the benefit of any one. No ; the spirit of English foreign 
 policy must be the spirit of peace, not merely of an in- 
 dolent or selfish peace, but of an active peace, and one 
 which will propagate its principles, our peace must be of 
 a kind which is consistent with national honour. It must
 
 84 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. [1875. 
 
 be the peace of the strong man armed, and not of the 
 timorous man who cries ' Peace ' to keep the hands of 
 others off him. It must be of a true, and not of a hol- 
 low character, and this pacific policy must be founded on 
 a conviction of our duty and of our interests. England 
 holds a high place amongst nations. We do not seek to 
 compare ourselves with others. We are satisfied to know 
 that our position is one which demands every exertion on 
 our part to maintain and to justify. England must do 
 nothing mean. At home or abroad her policy must be 
 noble and magnanimous : we have a great opening, and if 
 we are but true to ourselves, true to our fellow-citizens 
 throughout the whole of the British Empire, and true in 
 our dealings with foreign countries, I look never to see 
 the time when England shall fall in the scale of nations." 
 
 So he spoke in public; and this was his language in 
 private : 1 
 
 " Our policy, or our proceedings, with regard to the 
 Canal, has not been such as to gain us much credit for 
 magnanimity. We opposed it in its origin ; we re- 
 fused to help Lesseps in his difficulties ; we have used 
 it when it has succeeded ; we have fought the battle of 
 our shipowners very stiffly ; and now we avail ourselves 
 of our influence with Egypt to get a quiet slice of what 
 promises to be a good thing. 
 
 " Suspicion will be excited that we mean quietly to buy 
 ourselves into a preponderating position, and then turn 
 the whole thing into an English property. 
 
 1 Letter to Mr Disraeli, November 26, 1875.
 
 1875.] THE PURCHASE OF SUEZ CANAL SHARES. 85 
 
 " I don't like it." 
 
 He might well dislike it. Our dealings in Egypt have 
 been a cruel and crying scandal. The blood cries out 
 against us, from the blood of Hicks and of Gordon to the 
 latest drop that has stained the desert or the Mle. 
 
 Sir Stafford frankly remarks to Mr Disraeli at this 
 moment, " I know so little of the actual state of our 
 foreign relations." Who did know about it ? Lord Derby 
 was at the Foreign Office. " What would best suit us," 
 says Sir Stafford, " would be an international arrangement 
 by which the Canal could be placed under the guardian- 
 ship of all the Powers interested in maintaining the com- 
 munication." In this letter he suggests the sending of 
 Mr Cave to see how the land lay, as the Khedive was 
 requesting the assistance of two English men of affairs in 
 his finance. " I am more inclined to seek my leverage in 
 the acceptance of this mortgage by the Socie"te Ge'ne'rale 
 than in any attempt to get it for ourselves, which I fear 
 may set other countries against us. We ought boldly to 
 avow our legitimate interest in the question, and make a 
 frank proposal " (November 23). " We are in deep water. 
 ... I am much averse from holding the shares, and 
 greatly desirous to bring about an International Com- 
 mission" 1 (November 24). Exactly the same opinion 
 recurs in a letter to Lord Derby of the same date. And 
 writing to Lord Carnarvon (December 3), he says that he 
 and others " are decidedly against purchasing." The pur- 
 chase was made, however, and in the House Sir Stafford 
 
 1 See his Speeches in 1876. Hansard and Annual Eegister.
 
 86 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. [1876. 
 
 had to defend Mr Disraeli's policy against the attacks of 
 Mr Gladstone (February 21, 1876). "The question we 
 have to determine is, whether the difficulties which my 
 right hon. friend tells us are inevitable, would not have 
 been quite as formidable, or even more formidable, had we 
 not purchased these shares." He admitted that the whole 
 transaction was " unprecedented," but so is " the Suez Canal 
 itself." The Khedive had a purchaser for his shares, but 
 gave the English Government the refusal. " The matter 
 would not let itself alone." As usual, there was a choice 
 of difficulties, and Sir Stafford defended, without undue 
 emphasis, the conduct of the Government. 
 
 The spirit of these words animated his speech in the 
 House of Commons (February 14, 1876) after the shares 
 had been purchased. He admitted and regretted that 
 England, in the first place, had " to some extent impeded 
 the operations " of M. Lesseps in the first instance. " In- 
 credulity has its dupes," and England had been among 
 them. " The Canal has been made, has been opened, and 
 has proved to be of great advantage to England, while as 
 respects the political inconveniences that would result 
 from it, they are at all events as yet undeveloped." They 
 have developed well enough since the disastrous ditch was 
 dug. However, "the Canal at all events is a fact;" and 
 he paid a high compliment, and a deserved compliment, 
 to M. de Lesseps. " I am most anxious to speak with full 
 and entire admiration of that gentleman." As to the 
 purchase of the shares, there was another bidder in the 
 market " There are cases in which, after all, you must
 
 1876.] THE BUDGET OF 1876. 87 
 
 trust to the judgment of somebody." Apparently enough 
 it was not to Sir Stafford's judgment that the Govern- 
 ment trusted. He went with his chief. They had been 
 asked whether the purchase was made " with reference 
 to a state of war or of peace." " I, in answer to that 
 question, say that I look upon the transaction as one of 
 great importance for preventing complications, and for 
 preserving peace." We now combined the characters of 
 shareholders and customers. 
 
 The Budget of 1875 had been made without provision 
 for certain Supplementary Estimates, notably for the Irish 
 Education Vote. He had relied on an excess of revenue 
 over estimate, which was looked on as " rather a novel and 
 adventurous course." But the results justified his action, 
 and he maintained that in like circumstances he would 
 act again in the same way. What with the Navy, Irish 
 Education, the Prince of Wales's Indian tour, and so forth, 
 the Supplementary Estimates reached the stately figure of 
 a million and a half. His estimate of expenditure for 
 the new year showed a considerable increase, which was 
 exactly what critics expected from Conservative finance. 
 There was more than a million for Army and Navy. This 
 increase he did not discuss, admitting that, as Chancellor 
 of the Exchequer, he " looked very jealously " on it. 
 1,756,000 had been added for Army and Navy since the 
 Conservatives entered on office. As to the increased 
 charges for the Civil Service, the growth of population, 
 and such measures as the Merchant Shipping Bill, with 
 its staff of inspectors and officials, had made the increase
 
 88 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. [1876. 
 
 inevitable. Naturally, in a world that clamours to be 
 inspected, inspectors must be paid. Between 1873-74 
 and 1876, there had been an increase in Civil Service 
 expenditure amounting to over 2,000,000. Of this the 
 Education Estimates amounted to nearly one million ; 
 the increase in grants in aid of local taxation over 
 1,400,000. He deprecated partisan charges of extrava- 
 gance. The increase was due, not to extravagance, but to 
 " the increase of the charge for education, which I believe 
 everybody welcomes, and to local taxation, which both 
 our friends and our enemies tell us is a mere bagatelle." 
 The estimated revenue for the financial year 1876 fell 
 below his estimate of expenditure by 774,000. Was the 
 deficit to be covered by extra taxation, or by tampering 
 with his new method for reducing the National Debt ? 
 The latter course would at a blow destroy his system. 
 As the consumption of spirits was falling off, he had to 
 increase the income-tax, of course with reluctance. He 
 added a penny to the tax, but he would carry further the 
 exemption of small incomes. When he spoke, 100 a-year 
 was the limit for total exemption. This limit he raised 
 to 150. A deduction of 80 was allowed on incomes of 
 300. He extended this principle, and allowed a deduc- 
 tion of 120 on all incomes of 400 or less. Thus all 
 incomes below 150 were totally exempt from tax; and 
 incomes from 150 to 400 had 120 taken off. He 
 estimated that the result would be a net receipt of 
 1,168,000; and, deducting the deficit of 800,000, the 
 surplus would be 368,000.
 
 1877.] THE BUDGET OF 1877. 89 
 
 This Budget, of course, was the Budget of a lean year. 
 " The abounding surplus left by Mr Gladstone in 1874 
 had become a deficit," says the Liberal historian. What 
 it would have become if Mr Gladstone had stayed in office 
 and abolished the income-tax, doth not now appear. " Ex- 
 penditure had begun to rise as soon as the Conservative 
 Government came into power." Why it had risen has 
 already been shown. The historian speaks of " decreasing 
 trade," which affected the revenue of course. Is there any 
 human being so credulous as to believe that, with the 
 Liberals in office, trade would not have decreased ? That, 
 in the succeeding year, war expenses might not have been 
 incurred if Mr Gladstone had been in office, and had 
 managed Eastern affairs wisely, is a very different matter. 
 That belongs to the science of hypothetics, and any one 
 may sincerely believe that matters might have been kept 
 quiet by a sagacious and well-informed policy. But our 
 information came too late. 
 
 In 1877, Sir Stafford found his position fairly satisfac- 
 tory ; " not brilliant," but, considering the state of trade, 
 not undeserving of thankfulness. The Supplementary Esti- 
 mates were almost equalled (within 80,000) by the sav- 
 ings. " We may say that we have a Budget ready-made 
 to our hands." Taxation could not be remitted, but need 
 not be added to. The new Sinking Fund was working 
 satisfactorily : 175,628 more than had been expected was 
 applied to the reduction of the debt. He desired to keep 
 down naval and military expenditure. There was a reduc- 
 tion in the estimates for the Army and Navy. The storms
 
 90 CHANCELLOK OF THE EXCHEQUEE. [1878. 
 
 in the East soon called for more expenditure. It was 
 natural for Liberal critics to impute the Eastern dangers 
 to the Government ; but foreign affairs, and Sir Stafford's 
 opinions about them, must be reserved for another chapter. 
 In 1878 the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in his Budget 
 speech, had to consider both the ordinary and the extraor- 
 dinary expenditure. The vote of credit for 6,000,0000, 
 passed when Eussia was at the gates of Constantinople, 
 affected the finance of the year that had gone, and of the 
 year that was coming. The revenue had answered expec- 
 tations. There was a surplus of 859,803 as regarded 
 ordinary expenditure. The increase on expenditure was 
 778,268. And why was ordinary expenditure larger ? 
 The permanent charge of the debt was 300,000 more 
 than in the preceding year ; it had now reached the nor- 
 mal amount of 28,000,000. The Army charge was 
 186,000 more, the Civil Services were 648,000 more ; 
 but there was a reduction of 585,000 in the Navy, and of 
 170,000 in the Eevenue Departments. As to extraor- 
 dinary expenditure, of the 6,000,000, 3,500,000 had ac- 
 tually been expended. This, on the whole, left a deficit of 
 2,640,000. The Government had issued Exchequer bonds 
 for 2,750,000, " a debt of a temporary character." The 
 estimates of next year's expenditure and revenue showed a 
 deficiency of 1,560,000. To meet all charges, the income- 
 tax was raised to fivepence, fourpence a-pound was put 
 on tobacco, and the dog-tax was raised from five shillings 
 to seven and sixpence, sheep-dogs being now exempted. 
 Puppies over two months were to have been, but were
 
 1879.] THE BUDGET OF 1879. 91 
 
 not included, to meet the case of persons " whose dogs are 
 never more than six months old." " It is much easier to 
 know a puppy under two months than under six." 
 
 All this was " a necessarily unpleasant statement." 
 Mr Gladstone said it was " a painful Budget," and dis- 
 liked the distinction taken between ordinary and extra- 
 ordinary expenditure in this instance. Mr Parnell pro- 
 pounded a short way to Home Eule namely, by the 
 Irish boycotting whisky, and so making it not worth 
 while to keep them. The Irish members have it al- 
 ways in their power to set the example of this temperate 
 revolution. 
 
 In 1879, the Chancellor was more than commonly aided 
 in his calculations by amateur advisers. He received 
 eighty separate suggestions that cats, photographs, bicycles, 
 and, one may hope, pianos should be taxed. He could not 
 accept any of these suggestions. His estimate of the 
 revenue in the past year had " turned out, on the whole, 
 not far from correct." But no mortal could have foreseen 
 the Zulu war, and the extraordinary expenses which made 
 it impossible to pay off the Exchequer bills of the previous 
 year. The expenditure had exceeded the estimate by 
 nearly four millions and a half. According to the Liberal 
 historian, 1 the expenses of the armament at the time 
 when Russian armies were close to Constantinople, " were 
 regarded as the last war charges the generation would 
 have to endure." Optimists who thought this did not 
 foresee Isandhlwana, nor Afghanistan, nor Majuba (a 
 
 1 England under Lord Beaconsfield.
 
 92 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. [1879. 
 
 feather in the Liberal cap), nor Alexandria, nor the 
 Soudan, nor a number of other war charges not usually 
 shaded with laurels. But when a nation with a finger in 
 all the wide world's concerns expects to get rid of war 
 charges, the beatitude of " those who expect little " is 
 not likely to be its portion. Plenty of war charges most 
 countries have, and are likely to have, whoever is in office. 
 The year was also one of the gloomiest and most poverty 
 stricken of all lean years. There was a deficiency of 
 2,291,000 to be added to that of the previous year. Sir 
 Stafford denied that " we are going on entirely by borrow- 
 ing money, and not paying anything out of taxation." 
 The original 6,000,000 for preparation against Russia 
 would have been paid off in three years, as intended, but 
 for the Zulu war. " In point of fact we have paid off 
 one half, and have prospects of paying off the other half 
 rapidly." As for the deficiencies which actually existed, 
 they might be paid off in whole or part by taxation, or 
 be added to the permanent debt ; " or there is another 
 process, we can throw upon another year a portion of 
 the payment." Everything showed that times were hard, 
 even among the well-to-do class, and that additional taxa- 
 tion would be distressing. To add to the permanent debt 
 would be " mischievous and enervating." He preferred 
 the via media, " to extend payment of that debt over one 
 year more " (A laugh}. He thought honourable gentlemen 
 laughed because they at once escaped taxation and could 
 " enjoy the delightful amusement of abusing the Chan- 
 cellor of the Exchequer." He was not, at all events,
 
 1879.] MR GLADSTONE'S CRITICISMS. 93 
 
 putting the new debt out of sight in the bulk of the 
 National Debt. It was kept before our eyes, till we had 
 satisfied ourselves we could pay it. 
 
 The circumstances in which this Budget had to be pre- 
 pared the general distress and poverty of the country, 
 and the unexpected need of money for an inglorious war 
 naturally offered Mr Gladstone an opportunity for criti- 
 cism in the House and out of it. He spoke on April 28, 
 attacking the policy which had led to the expenditure. 
 " Errors of policy have led to a vast expenditure." The 
 nature of these errors and errors there had undoubtedly 
 been will be examined in a subsequent chapter. More 
 to the present point is Mr Gladstone's argument, that it 
 was an absolute and primary duty for the Government to 
 meet the expenditure by adequate taxation. The Govern- 
 ment had gone annexing about : "Thou hast multiplied the 
 nation, but not increased its joy." The Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer, however, was more concerned, not in wasting 
 the millions, but in the mode and principles on which our 
 finance was conducted. Mr Gladstone thought that, in 
 the last forty years, no man had taken the office of Chan- 
 cellor of the Exchequer " with as great a capacity for the 
 discharge of its duties on the whole, from his general 
 intelligence, his experience, knowledge, and assiduity 
 combined," as Sir Stafford. But he, in Mr Gladstone's 
 opinion, had wandered further than any " from the well- 
 known traditional and salutary principles of English 
 finance." Sir Stafford was informing the country, which 
 does not read speeches but summaries, that there is a
 
 94 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. [1879. 
 
 surplus of 1,904,000. Here one cannot but remark on 
 the method of our Government. We are governed by 
 " the country," and not more than one person in a thou- 
 sand, according to Mr Gladstone, reads more than half-a- 
 dozen lines of summary of speeches in the House. What 
 a brilliant system of political rule ! No exact estimate 
 of the expense of the Zulu war could of course be framed, 
 but " a large and a free estimate " should have been taken. 
 Sir Stafford must be the " organ," not the " author " of the 
 methods of the Government. Eeal financial control on 
 such methods was becoming impossible. As to the dis- 
 tress of the country, where did Sir Stafford learn to regard 
 that as a reason " why the public income shall not be made 
 adequate to meet the charge " ? As to the via media, Sir 
 Stafford had once called it " a financial nostrum." 
 
 Sir Stafford defended himself as best he could. He had 
 not shrunk from adding to the income-tax, nor from re- 
 taining that addition. His policy was to try to keep the 
 income-tax steady. Very few other sources of taxation 
 were left, it was wiser to spread large and temporary 
 expenditure over several years than to disturb taxation. 
 As to " financial nostrums," that remark of his referred to 
 another and very different condition of things. " I say, 
 then, that it is perfectly legitimate and reasonable for us 
 to take this course, instead of increasing the burdens of 
 the people at this moment, and putting on them the 
 weight of additional taxation. It would depress the com- 
 merce and trade of the country at the very moment when 
 we seek to enliven it." Mr Gladstone himself had spread
 
 1880.] THE BUDGET OF 1880. 95 
 
 his expenditure for fortifications over twenty- five years, 
 and had even postponed, in 1860, 1,000,000 of Exchequer 
 bonds. The position of England must be kept up, expen- 
 diture or no expenditure, or must be frankly withdrawn 
 from. " Let us close the chapter as I think the glorious 
 chapter in the history of England ; let us frankly say 
 that we can no longer afford to maintain the attitude 
 which we have hitherto endeavoured to maintain." Or 
 let us pay for it ! The attempt to find a via media in the 
 Transvaal, for example, has not been a brilliant success. 
 
 I have tried to give as brief and lucid an account as 
 possible of the main arguments on either side as to this 
 Budget of 1879. It is not to be denied that it was 
 far from an ideal arrangement, that Mr Gladstone had 
 fair grounds for his criticism. But, on the other hand, 
 the defence was not devoid of spirit and plausibility. The 
 attack can always occupy the ground of the ideals of what 
 might and should be, and so is always theoretically vic- 
 torious. Mr Gladstone returned to the charge in the 
 'Nineteenth Century' (August 1879). With a compli- 
 mentary reference to Mr Spurgeon, he remarked that 
 " the stain of blood may be effaced from our coming, but 
 not from our past, annals." Unluckily, our coming annals, 
 under Mr Gladstone, were to be stained with blood, chiefly 
 our own ; and some persons with archaic instincts will add, 
 still unavenged. 
 
 The Budget of 1880 was the last that Sir Stafford had 
 to prepare in that period of Conservative rule. It was ' 
 haunted by the influence of hard times. The estimate of 
 
 VOL. II. G
 
 96 CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. [i860. 
 
 revenue was disappointed by more than 2,000,000. The 
 Zulu war had cost more than 5,000,000, a prodigious 
 sum to expend in a war with a wild people, armed with 
 stabbing assegais, and muskets with which they could 
 not shoot straight. The votes of credit had covered the 
 expenses, and left a balance of 177,000. This was a 
 grain of comfort. The savings had more than covered 
 the Supplementary Estimates. " The result, therefore, al- 
 though it is bad enough, is not so bad as might at first 
 sight be thought." The Excise showed a huge deficiency 
 in the usual consumption of spirits and malt. There 
 was a floating debt of 8,000,000, 6,000,000 of which Sir 
 Stafford proposed to extinguish by the creation of a ter- 
 minable annuity, to last till 1885. He was compelled to 
 appropriate his New Sinking Fund of about 600,000 to 
 this annuity, and to add to the usual 28,000,000, 800,000 
 for the next five years, applying that 800,000, with the 
 other 600,000, to the discharge of these annuities. In 
 five years the 6,000,000 would thus be paid off. When 
 the arrangement was complete, he left the Budget with 
 a surplus of 1,841,000, and he hoped for better times 
 (March 10, 1880). Mr Gladstone naturally did not repine 
 over the "immolation of the New Sinking Eund." On 
 March 15, Sir Stafford denied that he was about to immo- 
 late his New Sinking Fund like a Carthaginian prince 
 sending his first-born through the fire to Moloch. He 
 only meant to use a portion of it for a particular pur- 
 pose for a certain number of years. " The Sinking Eund 
 would go on all the while." He was satisfied that the
 
 1880.] THE DEFEAT OF 1880. 97 
 
 arrangement was one of the most reasonable that could 
 be submitted, unless they increased taxation. He re- 
 peated that the increased expenditure of his administra- 
 tion was due in great part to the action of the preceding 
 Government, as in the Education Act, and other costly 
 " improvements." 
 
 The general election of 1880 ended, of course, Sir 
 Stafford's tenure of office. His apologies failed to satisfy 
 a suffering and ill -contented country, yearning for a 
 change. It is common among early peoples in a similar 
 strait, to kill the king, on a chance of better luck with a 
 new monarch. We changed our Ministry. As for the 
 heavily burdened Chancellor of the Exchequer, perhaps it 
 may be admitted that he made as good a business as 
 might be of an all but impossible task. How to make 
 England stand where she did, without burdening a people 
 which declines to be burdened, was the problem, a problem 
 beyond human adroitness to achieve with complete suc- 
 cess. The topic can scarcely be handled with good for- 
 tune, so embroiled it is in technical detail, and so lost in 
 wildernesses of figures.
 
 98 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE TROUBLES IN THE EAST. 
 
 FOREIGN POLITICS A NOTE OP SIR STAFFORD'S ON EASTERN 
 
 AFFAIRS THE MASSACRES IN BULGARIA MR DISRAELl'S 
 
 SPEECH " WHAT IS THERE TO LAUGH AT ? " BESIKA 
 
 BAY CONVERSATION WITH MR BRIGHT LORD DERBY'S 
 
 RESIGNATION SIR STAFFORD'S THEORY RUSSIAN PROMISES 
 
 RUSSIA AT CONSTANTINOPLE A BLUNDER IN A TELEGRAM 
 
 THE SECRET AGREEMENT ENGLISH SENTIMENT ANEC- 
 DOTE OF PIGS AND TRUFFLES SIR STAFFORD'S SPEECHES 
 
 BERLIN, RUSSIA, AND CABUL SIR STAFFORD'S DEFENCE 
 
 OF HIS CONSISTENCY THE TRANSVAAL. 
 
 THE whole business of the Chancellor of the Exchequer 
 had been thwarted by the course of foreign politics. Even 
 more than most men the steward of English economy has 
 need to pray for " peace in our time." But peace was not 
 granted to us, and Sir Stafford's own views of the famous 
 Eastern troubles of 1875-78, his own share in what was 
 done and said, are matters of high importance in his 
 biography. As it chances, he drew up " Some Notes on the 
 Foreign Policy of the late Government," chiefly referring 
 to the affairs of Turkey and Eussia, shortly after leaving
 
 1880.] NOTE ON EASTERN AFFAIRS. 99 
 
 office in 1880. Nothing can be more fair than to let him 
 tell his own story, with such omissions, where others still 
 living are concerned, and such notes as may be desirable 
 or necessary. It is unfortunate that the whole of the 
 piece cannot be given to the world. But every one knows 
 how impossible it is to produce a version of oral discus- 
 sions in which all persons concerned will agree ; and this 
 reason, not to mention the etiquette which protects, or 
 should protect, Cabinet Councils, must reduce a most valu- 
 able document to fragments. 
 
 In this Note, which we are reluctantly compelled to 
 mutilate, Sir Stafford writes: 
 
 " I have no thought of making an elaborate exposition 
 of the foreign policy of Lord Beaconsfield's Administra- 
 tion, but I wish to preserve a few things which were not 
 generally known, or which may easily be forgotten or 
 misrepresented. Writing without the various memoranda 
 before me, and after the lapse of three or four years, I 
 may easily myself have forgotten some points ; but I will 
 try to put my recollections into shape. 
 
 "The troubles in the east of Europe began with the 
 Herzegovinese insurrection in 1875. Little notice was 
 taken of this insurrection at the outset. We were abroad 
 for some weeks in the autumn, and the only reference to 
 the matter which I can recall was in a paragraph in t 
 'Figaro,' in which the writer describes the Parisians 
 wondering whether la Herzegovim was the name of 
 new ballet-dancer or of a musical instrument invented 
 Herz.
 
 100 THE TROUBLES IN THE EAST. [1880. 
 
 "As the autumn advanced, and the inability of the 
 Porte to suppress the disturbances became more and more 
 apparent, our attention was naturally aroused. At length 
 the Andrassy Note was drawn up, and our concurrence 
 was requested." 1 
 
 "We were unanimously in favour of adhering to the 
 Note. Parliament subsequently approved our course, 
 Lord Granville and Lord Hartington seeming a little 
 jealous of our following the lead of Austria, and putting 
 in a word on behalf of the 'independence of the Otto- 
 man Empire/ Gladstone, on the other hand, cordially 
 approving our acting with the other Powers, and ex- 
 pressing his hope that we were going seriously to press 
 for Turkish reforms. I remember Disraeli's wondering 
 what he meant by his rather curious speech, which at 
 the moment seemed somewhat uncalled for; but it is 
 worth looking back to as containing the germ of much 
 that he has said since." 2 
 
 " In the month of May the three Powers proceeded a 
 
 1 In the Andrassy Note of Dec. 30, 1875, Austria, Germany, and Russia 
 demanded that the Porte should grant promised reforms, hinted at further 
 complications in Servia and Montenegro, and urged collective European 
 action. 
 
 2 Mr Gladstone, in his speech of Feb. 8, 1876, had said, "Europe, the 
 Christian conscience, and the conscience of mankind, will expect some 
 other sort of security for great and dreadful grievance than mere words 
 can afford ; and however desirous we may be to maintain the integrity 
 and independence of the Turkish Empire, that integrity and independence 
 can never be maintained effectually unless it can be proved to the world, 
 and proved not by words but by acts, that the Government of Turkey 
 has the power to administer a fair measure of justice to all its subjects 
 alike, whether Christians or Mohammedan."
 
 1880.] NOTE ON EASTERN AFFAIRS. 101 
 
 step further, and drew up the celebrated Berlin Note, or, 
 as it was afterwards called, the Berlin Memorandum. It 
 was presented for acceptance to the Governments of Eng- 
 land, France, and Italy, and an answer was requested by 
 return of post. France and Italy agreed at once." 
 
 The Memorandum advocated a two months' armistice 
 in Herzegovina, negotiations for peace, a mixed Commis- 
 sion to distribute aid, Christians and Turks to keep their 
 arms, consuls and delegates of the Powers to watch over 
 the promised reforms and the return of refugees to their 
 homes. 
 
 Sir Stafford next states, at some length, the reasons 
 which induced the Government not to adhere to the 
 Berlin Memorandum : 
 
 " It seemed to demand impossibilities, and was not in 
 our judgment well qualified to attain its object. We 
 therefore declined to make ourselves responsible for it ; 
 but we intimated that we should not offer any objection 
 to the other Powers proceeding upon its lines without 
 us. We have been much blamed for contenting ourselves 
 with the rejection of the Note, without proposing any 
 alternative course of action. I remember feeling at the 
 time that we ought to make some alternative proposal." 
 
 Sir Stafford Northcote then describes his own scheme, 
 and the assent and dissent which it provoked ; but this is 
 not matter for publication. He goes on : 
 
 " But the revolution which soon after took place at 
 Constantinople l seemed to change the whole face of things, 
 
 1 It ended in the murder of the Sultan.
 
 102 THE TROUBLES IN THE EAST. [i860. 
 
 and we began to hope that all would go well. The action 
 of England had produced a good effect abroad, and it 
 seemed probable that our influence with the new Govern- 
 ment of Turkey might lead to considerable improvements 
 in her administration. The Berlin Memorandum was laid 
 aside, and, if peace could be maintained, time might bring 
 about a better state of things. 
 
 " The principal dangers to be guarded against were an 
 attack upon Turkey by Eussia alone, or by Eussia and 
 Austria conjointly, or a war between Turkey and Servia 
 and Montenegro. There seemed no real ground for appre- 
 hending the former contingency, after the stand which 
 England had shown her readiness to make. As to a war 
 with Servia, it was pretty sure to end in her defeat, if she 
 were not secretly supported by a stronger Power. The 
 great object was, therefore, to bring the influence of the 
 Powers to bear on Servia to induce her to keep the peace. 
 And this it seemed probable that we should have effected, 
 if it had not been for the lamentable ' Bulgarian atrocities,' 
 and their contre-coup in the English agitation." 
 
 The Bulgarian atrocities were committed throughout 
 May. The ' Daily News ' published a letter on them from 
 Constantinople, on June 23 ; Servia declared war on 
 July 1. 
 
 " It was undoubtedly most unfortunate that ... we 
 were kept in almost entire ignorance until the public 
 were startled by the horrible accounts given in the ' Daily 
 News ' ; and we were at first disposed to believe that 
 these accounts were monstrously exaggerated. The Prime
 
 1880.] "WHAT IS THERE TO LAUGH AT?" 103 
 
 Minister, when questioned about them, meant to say noth- 
 ing more than that he could not believe them ; but very 
 unfortunately the House caught up an expression which 
 he rather carelessly made use of, and laughed as if he had 
 said a good thing, thus giving the public an impression 
 that he treated these horrors lightly. I was sitting next 
 him at the time he spoke, and heard him say to himself 
 rather angrily, ' What is there to laugh at ? '" 
 
 The reference is probably to Mr Disraeli's reply on 
 June 28, or to that of July 10 : " Oriental people seldom 
 resort to torture, but generally terminate their connection 
 with culprits in a more expeditious way." The whole 
 speech is at variance with the flippancy of this one un- 
 happy expression, which, indeed, was tacitly apologised for 
 by what followed. 
 
 "Gladstone was not in the House, I think, when the 
 last discussion on this subject took place on Evelyn 
 Ashley's motion. It would have been better if he had 
 been, and if he had made his attack where it could have 
 
 been properly answered. TTpJhnnV f% ^nfnrhmgfa pmirap 
 
 of a violent pYt.ra.--ftTlia.Tn^te.ry ap.rigg of pamphlets and 
 t.hn nrmrlnpi-. of t,|ip. Gnvp.rnTnp.nt in.. 
 
 the most outrageous and aYg gg prgi '^ flnnftT r Answers 
 were given ; but they were of no avail, because they could 
 not be giypn fora to face, and it was easy to ignore them. 
 
 The mischief done in England, indeed, was not very great. 
 The public knew w^ Q t fV>1 's aorLpf party declaration was 
 worth ; and they were perfectly aware that the Conserv- 
 atives and the Government were just as indignant with
 
 104 THE TROUBLES IN THE EAST. [i860. 
 
 he Turkish Government as Mr Gladstone and the Eadi- 
 s. They understood, too, that the action of the Govern- 
 ment in sending the fleet to Besika Bay (June 1878) was 
 not an indication of our intention to support the Turks in 
 the commission of any barbarities, but was a step taken to 
 prevent the possible ' ugly rush ' which it was thought 
 that Eussia might make to Constantinople, and against 
 which no other Power could be relied on to make a stand 
 if England did not. But abroad a different effect was 
 produced. The Eussophil party believed, or professed to 
 believe, that Mr Gladstone and the Liberals had made up 
 their minds to join in, or to facilitate the overthrow of the 
 Turk, and that they were on the point of carrying Eng- 
 land with them, upsetting the Conservative Government, 
 and giving the hand to the Eussian emancipators of the 
 oppressed Christians. The Turks, on the other hand, were 
 undoubtedly led to believe that the Conservatives were 
 their friends in the sense in which Mr Gladstone and his 
 satellites declared them to be ; and that, deny it as we 
 might, lecture them as we pleased, it was certain that in 
 the last resort we should be found ready to fight for them. 
 Both parties, therefore, were for urging matters to ex- 
 tremity, the Eussophils hoping that, if a war broke out, 
 the Conservative Government would be overthrown, and 
 that England would come forward on the side of the in- 
 surgents; the Turkophils hoping that the Conservatives 
 would carry the day, and that, if they did so, England 
 would be found on the side of the Porte. Agents of the 
 English Liberal press were actively employed, I believe,
 
 1880.] CONVERSATION WITH MR BRIGHT. 105 
 
 in stirring up the Servians, just as the Eussian Slavophils 
 were doing ; and they succeeded but too well in precip- 
 itating the conflict, which the Cabinets of all the nations 
 concerned were most anxious to avert. 
 
 " I remember a curious little conversation which I had 
 this autumn with Mr Bright, whom I met in a railway 
 carriage. He argued that we had no business to mix 
 ourselves up in quarrels 3000 miles away, with which 
 we had no concern. There would be horrors and suffer- 
 ings, no doubt, if the struggle which we were endeavour- 
 ing to avert took place, but we should do no good by 
 interfering, and had better let the ' natural forces ' work 
 of themselves. I said, 'Yes; but what were we to call 
 the " natural forces " ? Was Austria, for instance, to be 
 regarded as a " natural force " ? ' ' Certainly not,' he said ; 
 ' if we do not interfere ourselves, we must not let others 
 interfere.' ' But how are we to prevent them ? ' said I. 
 ' Oh ! ' said he, ' I suppose Eussia is the greatest Power by 
 land, and you are the greatest Power by sea; so if you 
 came to an agreement with her, you could between you 
 warn off everybody else.' ' And keep the ring ? ' I said. 
 'Yes,' said he. This was rather a foreshadowing of the 
 'hands off' policy. 
 
 "It cannot be denied that there were real though 
 suppressed differences of opinion and feeling among the 
 members of the Cabinet with regard to our Eastern policy. 
 In private conversation Mr Disraeli gave a humorous 
 account of the six parties in the Cabinet. ' The first 
 party is that which is for immediate war with Eussia;
 
 106 THE TEOUBLES IN THE EAST. [i860. 
 
 the second party is for war to save Constantinople; 
 the third party is the party of Peace at any Price ; 
 the fourth party would let the Russians take Constanti- 
 nople, and would then turn them out ; the fifth party 
 desires to plant the cross on the dome of St Sophia; 
 and then there are the Prime Minister and the Chan- 
 cellor of the Exchequer, who desire to see something 
 done, but don't exactly know what.' 
 
 "We could not stand by," Sir Stafford goes on, "and 
 see Eussia take possession of Constantinople. But how 
 were we to prevent her ? We could not join Turkey, for 
 that would be to encourage her to persevere in her system 
 of misgovernment, and we should be left saddled with the 
 responsibility of either upholding what we most thoroughly 
 condemned and abhorred, or of compelling the Porte to 
 mend its ways, a task somewhat more than impossible for 
 us to perform. We had also before our eyes the con- 
 tinual fear that Turkey might, after all, throw herself 
 into the arms of Eussia, perhaps invite Eussian troops 
 to Constantinople, and adopt an ' Unkiar Skelessi ' policy." 
 
 Here Sir Stafford discusses the military position and 
 strength of England, in case, for example, Gallipoli should 
 be threatened. He expresses his regret that " Gladstone 
 gave up Corfu, which would have been invaluable," and 
 he hints at a pet plan of his own for buying an island 
 dear to archaeologists. Doubtless those desires led to 
 the purpose of acquiring Cyprus. 
 
 He now turns to the famous incident of Lord Derby's 
 resignation and revelations.
 
 1880.] LORD DERBY'S RESIGNATION. 107 
 
 " It will be remembered that Lord Derby stated in 
 the House of Lords that when he left the Government 
 we had decided on a buccaneering expedition for the 
 purpose of seizing some Turkish territory, and that Lord 
 Salisbury very pointedly contradicted him on the au- 
 thority not only of his own memory, but of the memories 
 of several of his colleagues." 
 
 Lord Derby announced his resignation in the House 
 of Lords, March 28, 1878. He " gave those with whom 
 he had acted entire credit for desiring as much as he 
 desired the maintenance of the peace of Europe, . . . but 
 in the measures which they propose I have not been 
 able to concur." On March 29, Sir Stafford, answering 
 Lord Hartington, said that " when the resolution to call 
 out the Eeserves had been taken, Lord Derby dissented 
 from it, and felt obliged to tender his resignation." On 
 April 8, Lord Derby told the House of Lords that this 
 calling out the Eeserves "was not the sole, nor indeed 
 the principal reason " for the difference between himself 
 and his late colleagues. "What the other reasons are 
 I cannot divulge, until the propositions of the Govern- 
 ment, from which I dissented, are made known." On 
 July 18, Lord Derby, in the House of Lords, said that 
 he had quitted the Cabinet because " the island of Cyprus, 
 together with a point on the Syrian coast, were to have 
 been seized by a secret naval expedition sent out from 
 England, with or without the consent of the Sultan." 1 
 Lord Salisbury denied that the account of this resolution 
 
 1 Hansard, ccxli. 1793.
 
 108 THE TROUBLES IN THE EAST. [1880. 
 
 of the Cabinet was " true," as far as his own memory 
 went, or " correct." Withdrawing the expression " true," 
 he solemnly repeated, in the name of his colleagues, that 
 Lord Derby's statement was not "correct," though, of 
 course, it was only the accuracy of Lord Derby's memory, 
 not his veracity, which Lord Salisbury impugned. 
 
 On this Sir Stafford writes : " Lord Salisbury was quite 
 justified in his contradiction; but I have no doubt that 
 Lord Derby gave correctly his own impression of what 
 had passed. The Cabinet to which he referred was the 
 last which he attended. It was at a moment of extreme 
 anxiety, when the Eussians appeared to be advancing on 
 Constantinople, and when we had some reason to appre- 
 hend a still more inconvenient advance to the coast of 
 Asia Minor, where they might seize points which would 
 threaten the Suez Canal and the Euphrates Valley, and 
 so intercept our communications with India." 
 
 Sir Stafford here gives his own version of what oc- 
 curred at the Cabinet Council after which Lord Derby 
 resigned. Certain proposals, concerning which his mem- 
 ory was rather indefinite, were made, he says, and "the 
 matter was then laid aside." The question of calling out 
 the Reserves was then mooted, as Lord Derby himself in- 
 formed the House of Lords. In Sir Stafford's opinion, 
 Lord Derby having made up his mind to resign, failed 
 perfectly to distinguish between a conversation about cer- 
 tain undecided points, and a decision about another point, 
 the Reserves. Perhaps this private and personal view of 
 Sir Stafford's may fairly be given for what it is worth.
 
 1880.] THE "HAPPY DESPATCH." 109 
 
 We now reach an explanation of his own conduct in 
 a matter where he incurred some blame, and where a 
 politician less transparently candid might have incurred 
 more. 
 
 "Salisbury had taken the Foreign Office, and his 
 'happy despatch,' as it was called, reviewing the situa- 
 tion of affairs as left by the Treaty of San Stefano, had 
 produced a great effect both at home and abroad. It 
 looked as though we might now hope to bring about a 
 fair and free conference without any more military dem- 
 onstrations. The Easter recess was approaching, and it 
 was becoming necessary to fix the length of the holidays. 
 As Parliament had met on the 18th January, and Easter 
 did not fall until the 21st April, it was reasonable that 
 we should have a longer recess than usual, and it had 
 been long understood that it should be so ; but there was 
 some uneasiness in the public mind, and many rumours 
 were afloat as to possible surprises, which caused some 
 of the Opposition to question me very closely as to its 
 being safe for the House to adjourn for so long a period. 
 I felt myself entitled to hold the most reassuring lan- 
 guage," for which he assigns excellent reasons. 1 
 
 "I gave my answer in the House in a tone which I 
 could not have adopted had I thought the Indian troops 
 were to be moved. Unfortunately, public arrangements 
 were being made for the immediate formation of a corps 
 d'armde for embarkation before the monsoon. These steps 
 were instantly telegraphed to England, and on the morn- 
 
 1 Hansard, vol. ccxxxix. 1391, 1392.
 
 110 THE TROUBLES IN THE EAST. [i860. 
 
 ing after the adjournment they appeared in all our news- 
 papers. The Duke of Kichmond and I were in the train 
 together, I going to Osborne and he to Goodwood; we 
 bought the 'Times' at the station, and there, to the 
 amazement of us both, we read what was going on. It 
 was a great annoyance to me, for I felt that I should be 
 accused of disingenuousness ; had the troops been sent 
 to any foreign country, which I daresay some would have 
 liked, I should have felt myself in a great difficulty." * 
 
 Sir Stafford now describes the internal difficulties and 
 dissensions of the Cabinet, which became sufficiently well 
 understood in the course of events. The position was 
 critical; Eussia was almost at the gates of Constanti- 
 nople. Her assurances about occupying Constantinople 
 only if absolutely necessary, and not for military honour, 
 were not exactly calculated to inspire confidence. In 
 war, as in love, 
 
 " The strongest oaths are straw 
 To the fire in the blood." 
 
 The nature of the terms of peace was not known, and 
 arrangements for armistice were delayed. As to the in- 
 demnity to be exacted by Eussia, Sir Stafford has been 
 accused of "strange forgetfulness." On the 30th July 
 the Czar had told Colonel Wellesley to tell the British 
 Government that he would annex nothing but a portion of 
 Bessarabia, and another of Armenia, and the same prom- 
 ise had been made by the Eussian Chancellor to our Min- 
 
 1 See Hansard, ccxxxix. 1421.
 
 1880.] RUSSIAN PROMISES. Ill 
 
 ister at St Petersburg. Sir Stafford was aware of all this, 
 and he is charged with " forgetfulness " because, on Jan- 
 uary 28, he had professed not to know what Russia's 
 exactions of territorial indemnity might turn out to be. 
 He is said to have " forgotten " these Russian promises. 
 But, in such summary of the intended terms of peace as 
 he had before him when he spoke, it was written, " Indem- 
 nity to Russia, in a pecuniary, territorial, or other form, 
 to be decided hereafter."* This was a clause which 
 donne furieusement b, penser. Could a statesman regard 
 its vagueness as a guarantee that circumstances had not 
 altered cases and old promises ? At all events, the sit- 
 uation of affairs was most anxious, and it was desired 
 to send the fleet to the Dardanelles. Then followed 
 the wonderful confusion which Sir Stafford thus de- 
 scribes : 
 
 " In the midst of these anxieties came the extraordinary 
 telegram in which Layard announced that the terms or 
 bases of peace had been agreed to, and that the last of 
 them was that the question of the Straits should be settled 
 between ' the Congress and the Emperor of Russia/ This 
 fell amongst us like a bombshell. Our justification for 
 sending up the fleet was, that we feared that a private 
 arrangement would be made about the Straits between 
 the Turks and the Russians, to the exclusion and the 
 detriment of other Powers, and here were the Russian 
 terms of peace, by which this question was to be reserved 
 to be settled by a Congress ! What could we say to justify 
 
 1 Hansard, ccxxxvii. 540. 
 VOL. II. H
 
 THE TKOUBLES IN THE EAST. [i860. 
 
 ourselves ? And how much would not the difficulty of 
 the situation be increased by the emphatic dissent and 
 resignation of Lord Derby ? After a little hasty consulta- 
 tion with those of our colleagues who were in the House 
 of Commons, I went up to Downing Street, taking Smith 
 with me. We found Lord Beaconsfield in bed, but quite 
 able to talk the matter over with us. The result was that 
 we agreed to stop Admiral Hornby before he entered the 
 Dardanelles, where he had been led to expect that he 
 might find orders. Smith despatched an Admiralty tele- 
 gram at once. It was not in time to stop the fleet, but it 
 brought it back again to the entrance of the Strait. Look- 
 ing back, I think this was the greatest mistake we made 
 in the whole business: but at the moment we were all 
 agreed on it. The next day came a correction of the tele- 
 gram : it was not between the Emperor and the Congress 
 that question of the Straits was to be settled, but be- 
 tween the Emperor and the Sultan ! How we gnashed 
 our teeth ! 
 
 "Lord Derby's first resignation was withdrawn, the 
 breach was patched up, but 'quod semel excidit' 1 does 
 not generally admit of . being replaced, and there was no 
 very real cordiality during the remainder of Derby's ad- 
 ministration. The Russians kept up the anxiety which 
 had led us to call for the vote of credit, and we found 
 ourselves obliged to make more use of the money than 
 we had intended. At length came the question of the 
 Reserves, and of the sending up the fleet to the Bosphorus, 
 
 1 Quotation from Horace, Odes, iii. 5. 30.
 
 .1880.] ' THE SECRET AGREEMENT. 113 
 
 and the movement of the Indian troops; and so Derby 
 finally departed from us. Salisbury sprang into the 
 saddle, and at once produced his celebrated despatch 
 (April 2, 1878). Nothing could be more successful, 
 and both at home and abroad it produced a marked 
 impression. 
 
 "Nothing could exceed the immediate success of the 
 new despatch, so far as applause went ; but after a little 
 while people began to ask what was to come of it. The 
 object of all parties was to bring about a Congress which 
 should establish a peace : the difficulty was to settle what 
 questions were to be submitted to it. England was anxious 
 that it should decide all matters that might be brought 
 forward touching, or growing out of, the new arrangements 
 that must be made for Turkey, excepting only such ques- 
 tions as were purely matter of concern for the two bellig- 
 erents alone such, for instance, as exchanges of prisoners 
 and the like. Eussia claimed the right of settling with 
 Turkey alone all questions whatever, except such as she 
 herself might allow to be of European concern. It was 
 difficult to find a mezzo termine between these conflicting 
 pretensions, and it still seemed doubtful whether a Con- 
 gress could be brought about ; while, if it should fail, the 
 prospect of maintaining peace was very cloudy." 
 
 Sir Stafford now describes the reasons which made 
 Lord Salisbury think it desirable to come to a separate 
 and secret understanding with Count Schouvaloff. With- 
 out such understanding the Congress would never have 
 taken place. " There was nothing discreditable in it ; but
 
 114 THE TROUBLES IN THE EAST. [i860. 
 
 there is no doubt that its disclosure, at the moment when 
 that disclosure took place, was extremely embarrassing, 
 the Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary having both 
 left England." 
 
 The fragments which have been quoted may serve to 
 explain Sir Stafford's own conduct and attitude on certain 
 occasions. As to the whole phase of the Eastern question, 
 which puzzled politicians and divided society in 1876-78, 
 Sir Stafford's opinions were calm, just, and statesmanlike. 
 Even the most excited friends of the oriental Christians 
 could scarcely accuse him of " sympathising with the op- 
 pressors." Like any English statesman in office, he was 
 compelled to see that the question was not simple, was not 
 to be settled off-hand by kindly sympathy and senti- 
 ment. The Turks had behaved abominably; the Chris- 
 tians had been mercilessly treated granted, but what was 
 to be done ? In the autumn of 1876 he had to speak on 
 the subject in Edinburgh, and he uttered the daring 
 truism (for in England a truism may be daring) that, as 
 to foreign policy, " the people of this country, as a rule, 
 do not understand it." They see a wrong done ; they cry 
 out to have it righted. How, by whom, and what next ? 
 These are questions too distant and refined. Our sym- 
 pathies in a foreign war may be summed up shortly some 
 of us cry, "Go it, the little 'un"; some of us, like the 
 landlord in ' Martin Chuzzlewit,' are on " the gentle- 
 manly side " the standard of " gentlemanliness " being 
 eccentric; some of us, more generously, are partisans of 
 the injured or the defeated. In his own words, Sir
 
 1880.] ENGLISH SENTIMENT. 115 
 
 Stafford told these truths to the people of Edinburgh, 
 assuring them that the policy of the Government was 
 the attainment of honourable peace. But at that hour 
 most of the people who now (1890) cry out against co- 
 ercing Ireland were crying out in favour of coercing 
 Turkey. Sir Stafford declared that his party desired 
 peace and the good government " of all nations." It was a 
 question of means, not of ends, how these results were to 
 be secured. At Nostell Priory (September 26) he tried 
 to make his audience understand the outlines of the East- 
 ern question, the complications. " You must study the 
 question carefully, and you must not take short cuts to 
 your ends, and think that by denouncing the Turks and 
 the Turkish power you have done all that has to be done." 
 At Bristol (13th November 1876), he denied that Ministers 
 only exist to do the bidding of the noisiest agitators, in 
 place of following the bidding of their consciences. " Let 
 that doctrine creep in, and good-bye to our liberty." In 
 his private correspondence he remarks, " We may escape 
 war, and I am anti-jingo enough to go strongly for any- 
 thing that will keep us out of it." " The Eastern ques- 
 tion," he writes to a private correspondent, " is not to be 
 solved by such simple phrases as turning the Turks out of 
 Europe. How are you going to make them go ? " Indeed, 
 this sort goeth not out pleasantly. " Have you estimated 
 the amount of human suffering that you must cause in 
 the process ? I say nothing as to the horrors of a general 
 war, which may very easily be provoked by a false step ; 
 but looking to the position of the Christians in Turkey
 
 116 THE .TROUBLES IN THE EAST. [i860. 
 
 itself, do you think nothing of the calamities you may 
 bring upon them, by arousing the fanaticism of the Mos- 
 lem, and that, too, a fanaticism of despair ? " 
 
 In another private letter to Sir Thomas Farrer (October 
 18, 1876), Sir Stafford remarks: "We are bound by every 
 consideration of honour and policy to do what we can, 
 whether it be little or much. Of the two courses between 
 which, broadly speaking, the choice lies, one is easy enough 
 the promoting a general unsettlement and conflict of 
 forces, in the hope of its resulting in some settlement of 
 some kind. I mean that if we decided on this course, we 
 should not have the smallest difficulty in bringing about 
 the conflict ; whether the settlement would come out of it 
 is another question. The other course is far more embar- 
 rassing, how to get a settlement without a conflict, and it 
 at once leads us to two divergent paths, one of which lies 
 in the direction of European constitution - making for 
 Turkey, and the other in that of calling on Turkey to 
 make a better constitution for herself. I am greatly 
 averse from the former alternative, believing that we shall 
 simply make a messier mess than the present, and involve 
 ourselves in great responsibilities without any adequate 
 corresponding advantages. The latter seems to me more 
 reasonable in itself. . . . We might criticise Turkey's pro- 
 posals, and even offer suggestions, but we must leave the 
 responsibility of making her constitution with herself. If 
 everybody was disposed to give everybody fair play, this 
 might answer. But our atrocitarians will denounce such 
 proposals here, and the intriguers would do their best to
 
 1880.] "THE ABOMINABLE TURK." 117 
 
 make every constitution unworkable, so that fair play 
 would be unattainable." 
 
 These selections from letters have been made to show 
 the attitude of Sir Stafford at that unhappy crisis when 
 England, as usual, was so divided. Many of us were in 
 that old Puritan frame of mind, which could be satisfied 
 with little less than the hewing piecemeal of the abomin- 
 able Turk before the Lord. Not only had every humane 
 feeling been hurt, but we felt a sense of national dishonour. 
 But for England, Turkey would long ago, in all probability, 
 have been free of pashas and Bashi-Bazouks. Mixed with 
 this not unnatural nor unworthy sentiment appeared more 
 party excitement than was creditable. In a letter from 
 a lady to Sir Stafford I find her saying, " " (a versa- 
 tile and prominent Liberal leader) "writes that he had 
 no idea the Bulgarian atrocities would turn out such a 
 clipper." Turn out such a dipper ! is this a generous or 
 a philanthropic sentiment ? We were hurried along then, 
 by feelings good and bad, and many did not pause on such 
 reflections as Sir Stafford suggests. If we had helped to 
 " coerce " Turkey, and if Turkey, declining to be coerced, 
 had preferred to go down with the Crescent flying, and to 
 blow up the magazine ! little would philanthropy have 
 gained by that, and the odds are long that, when Tur- 
 key sank, others would have been dragged down in the 
 vortex. On the other hand, there was an unintelligent 
 and braggadocio ferocity in the contemporary Turcophile, 
 which disgusted a sober mind with our old ally and with 
 his new partisans. It appears that Sir Stafford, who of
 
 118 THE TKOUBLES IN THE EAST. [1880. 
 
 all men could least be said to sympathise with atrocity, 
 had no private wish, and aimed at no policy but that 
 which would secure the maximum of reform with the 
 minimum of disturbance and conflict. But conflict be- 
 came inevitable. Whether a different policy on the part 
 of England would or would not have evaded it, can only 
 be called a problem in historical hypothetics. Russia 
 was victorious, and with her victory came new dangers, 
 not unforeseen. The present Sir Stafford Northcote tells 
 us that a Russian gentleman of distinction once dined 
 with Sir Stafford in the heat of the discussions about 
 Constantinople. Whether he had drunk " in Scythian 
 fashion " or not, he became very loud in abuse of Eng- 
 land. Sir Stafford listened in silence till he said, " You 
 English are like the pigs which hunt in dirt for truffles." 
 " Say rather, monsieur," remarked Sir Stafford, " the dogs 
 which drive the pigs away." The other filled his glass, 
 put it down untasted, and said, " I have spoken too much." 
 What Sir Stafford thought and said elsewhere exactly 
 corresponded to the line he took in Parliament. It is not 
 possible, of course, to publish again all his remarks in the 
 many debates of 1877-78. A very brief summary must 
 suffice. He constantly resisted the attempt to saddle his 
 party with a desire to make war for Turkey, or to encour- 
 age Turkey. 1 He reiterated that, from the beginning, the 
 Government had asked Turkey to show energy, not in 
 " stamping out " the insurrection, but by " manfully grap- 
 pling with its real causes." He denounced the habit of 
 
 1 February 8, 1877. Hansard, ccxxxiii. 97.
 
 i860.] SIR STAFFORD'S SPEECHES. 119 
 
 " emphasising everything that can tell against your own 
 country." The Government believed as thoroughly as Mr 
 Gladstone himself in the necessity for reform in Turkish 
 rule. They had used " the strongest pressure short of 
 coercion." He put no faith at all in Turkish promises 
 and paper constitutions. " Constitutions are the growth 
 of centuries : " " it is ridiculous to suppose that the mere 
 proclamation of a constitution, without guarantee that it will 
 be properly administered, could produce any sensible re- 
 sults." As to " British interests," he spoke of them " in the 
 broadest and highest sense," that of " honourable peace." 
 
 He denied that Lord Salisbury had pursued a private 
 policy, apart from his instructions, at Constantinople. 
 Again and again, later, he denied that the interests of Eng- 
 land were opposed to the interests of humanity ; that the 
 Government preached " a gospel of selfishness." Govern- 
 ment would go all lengths, short of threatening Turkey 
 with war. They would not threaten, and then refuse to 
 act. Such a policy would ruin any chance of what is 
 called moral coercion, and true coercion " was not very far 
 from meaning destruction." 1 His policy was strict neu- 
 trality. His conduct in the anxious weeks when Eussian 
 forces were almost within striking distance of Constan- 
 tinople, has already been described. He maintained, with 
 reference to our need of the vote for six millions, " that no 
 one will be listened to unless he is strong." 2 
 
 Eeduced to its briefest and plainest expression, this is 
 the sum of Sir Stafford's opinions and policy during a 
 
 1 Hansard, ccxxxiii. 468. 2 Hansard, ccxxxvii. 558.
 
 120 THE TKOUBLES IN THE EAST. [i860. 
 
 bewildering and exciting series of events. Even his 
 opponents could hardly reckon him among the amateurs 
 of oppression ; and the charges of want of candour, in his 
 answers in the House of Commons, which were brought 
 against him, have been dealt with by himself. 
 
 There was very much more trouble and anxiety to 
 follow. On the glorious advent of Peace with Honour 
 from Berlin, it might have been hoped, it was hoped, 
 that they would abide unwinged among us. But Eussia 
 had her revenge, and our Indian troops had scarcely gone 
 back from Malta, when her Mission set forth and was 
 received at Cabul. The whole tragedy of error that en- 
 sued cannot be unfolded here. We, too, must have our 
 Mission at Cabul : its advance was resisted ; we forced 
 our way by arms, and took the usual military steps to- 
 wards making Afghanistan friendly and independent. 
 Here we are only concerned with Sir Stafford Northcote's 
 part in the unhappy business. He was well known as a 
 believer in Lord Lawrence's policy, not a forward, but a 
 backward style of defence. When he, then, remained a 
 member of a Government whose style ,was emphatically 
 forward, he might be charged, and was charged, with 
 inconsistency. 
 
 On August 15, after questions as to the proposed 
 Mission to Cabul had been asked by Sir Charles Dilke 
 and others, Sir Stafford explained that the Ameer did not 
 invite the Mission, but that a communication about it 
 would be made to him by the Indian Government. He 
 added that we did not ask for what we had never pos-
 
 i860.] LORD LYTTON'S POLICY. 121 
 
 sessed, a European agent at Cabul. Parliament broke up ; 
 negotiations and delays occurred on the Indian frontier ; 
 Sir Neville Chamberlain, with a numerous armed Mission, 
 set out from Peshawur on September 21, and Major 
 Cavagnari was refused leave to pass the fort of All Mus- 
 jid. The Mission returned to Peshawur. The rebuff of the 
 barbarians excited many observers in India and at home. 
 There were explanations, demands for apology, talk about 
 a new scientific frontier, and India was reported to be in 
 the state of Mr Mantalini's countess : " She has no outline, 
 or if she has, it is a demmed outline." Afghanistan was 
 invaded, and Parliament met on December 5. 
 
 From a letter of September 30, to an official colleague, 
 it is clear that Sir Stafford, at that moment, had grave 
 doubts as to the policy of Lord Lytton in India. The 
 Ameer's conduct, he thought, " if not a breach of engage- 
 ment" (in receiving the Eussian embassy), "maybe a virtual 
 repudiation of the old state of our relations, and may justify 
 and require a new departure on our part, and this I think 
 it does. Only I think we should be well informed at the 
 outset what the new policy is to be." In a later letter 
 (October 2) he says : " The old policy used to be, to keep 
 Afghanistan strong and independent, not to interfere with 
 its internal affairs, not to annex or occupy any of its terri- 
 tories, but to cultivate friendly relations with its ex offido 
 ruler, . . . and to obviate the danger of internal conflicts." 
 As to the new policy, he says, " It may be right, or it may 
 be inevitable, but we ought to know how far it is to be 
 carried."
 
 122 THE TROUBLES IN THE EAST. [1880. 
 
 To a lay looker-on, it seems as if Russia had out-man- 
 oeuvred us. If Cabul accepted a Mission from her, not 
 from us, where was our prestige ? The word is unlucky, 
 but it does express that kind of influence of belief in her 
 by which England has governed India. Object as we may 
 to the word, or to what it implies, the fact is undeniable. 
 If, on the other hand, we bullied the Ameer, or put him 
 in such a position that he, too, must lose his prestige 
 among his own people, we were at once involved in all 
 that our enemies could desire for us. There may have 
 been a middle course ; it may have been possible to turn 
 on our own side, and to our own profit, the oriental system 
 of delays. Experts may discuss this. As things fell out, 
 we took the second course, by affronting the Ameer, of 
 which we soon felt all the disadvantages and discredits. 
 The Liberal party, when Parliament met, maintained that 
 the Ameer had been misrepresented and ill treated, while 
 our old policy as to Afghanistan had been reversed. The 
 details are vast and complicated, and it is no part of our 
 business to defend or arraign either the Government or 
 Lord Lytton. Sir Stafford Northcote's own speech mainly 
 concerns us where it offers a defence of his own conduct 
 (December 13, 1878). He maintained that, after the in- 
 cident of Ali Musjid, the Ameer had been given " ample 
 opportunity of recalling and apologising for his conduct," 
 and that, as he did not apologise, the Government had no 
 alternative. " We could not have remained inactive." He 
 defended himself against the charge of " having turned 
 round," and after being known as an advocate of one
 
 1880.] MASSACKE OF CAVAGNAEI. 123 
 
 policy, embracing another. He rested his case on letters 
 of Lord Lawrence, written to himself when he was Sec- 
 retary for India. These letters gave Lord Lawrence's 
 policy. He had agreed with it then, he agreed with it 
 still, for Lord Lawrence had said it was " one thing to 
 leave the Afghans to fight their own battles, and quite 
 another to stand by in the same attitude while others are 
 interfering." And Sir Stafford had, even then, recorded 
 his opinion that if Shere Ali tampered with the Persians 
 about Herat, we might give aid to his rival. Others were 
 now interfering, by the Eussian Mission, in Afghanistan. 
 Circumstances had altered, and his mind had changed 
 with them. 
 
 Again, Lord Lawrence thought we should await a Eus- 
 sian move on our own frontier. Yes ; but in 1866 Eussia 
 had been far more remote from Afghanistan than she 
 was in 1878. When a Eussian Mission went to Cabul, 
 avowedly because Eussia and England were unfriendly, 
 and Cabul was a vulnerable point, then, " the circum- 
 stances on which Lord Lawrence based his policy of not 
 advancing were completely revolutionised." Thus there 
 was, in his own conduct, " no inconsistency whatever." 
 We defeated the Ameer, he died, we appointed Yakoob as 
 Ameer, we got a new frontier, we were to be masters of 
 Afghan foreign policy, we were to support the Ameer 
 against foreign foes, and we were to have a British resi- 
 dent at Cabul. All this policy, Sir Stafford said, "was 
 forced on us" (August 14, 1879). In three weeks the 
 resident, Sir Louis Cavagnari, with the gallant Hamilton,
 
 124 THE TROUBLES IN THE EAST. [i860. 
 
 had been massacred. Cabul was recaptured, the mur- 
 derers were punished, but General Eoberts was forced into 
 the Sherpur cantonments, and Christmas came before he 
 was relieved. In all this affair the unhappy Ameer de- 
 served our regrets, the Russians, our disinterested con- 
 gratulations ; and as for the Government, it is easy to 
 blame them, or commiserate with them, but hard to say 
 what they should have done. It does seem as if, in these 
 three troubles the Bulgarian atrocities, the war with the 
 Ameer, and the Zulu war the Government was ill served 
 abroad, and had its hand forced into directions not ap- 
 proved of by its judgment. 
 
 They were not more fortunate in that grave of men and 
 of reputations, South Africa. In 1877 we had annexed 
 the Transvaal, which "was drifting into anarchy, was 
 bankrupt, and was about to be destroyed by native 
 tribes." l According to Sir T. Shepstone, " most thinking 
 men" were in favour of the annexation, but Sir Theo- 
 philus did not say that most Boers were. The annexation 
 appears at least to have prevented Cetywayo from wash- 
 ing his spears, or trying to wash them, in the blood of 
 Boers. It was in other blood that he performed this part 
 of Zulu coronation ritual. 2 We annexed the Transvaal, 
 its 40,000 white people, and its million of black people 
 unregarded dusky million whom we took " for ever," 
 and deserted in a few years. Cetywayo declared that 
 he viewed the annexation with pleasure, though he re- 
 
 1 Cetywayo and his White Neighbours. H. Rider Haggard, p. 117. 
 
 2 Op. cit., 119, 120.
 
 .1880.] THE TRANSVAAL. 125 
 
 gretted the neglect of that ceremony with the spears. 
 Then came a difficulty about the Boer and Zulu marches. 
 We took the side of the Boers. Sir Bartle Frere came 
 on the scene, and bade Cetywayo disband his army. He 
 refused. We invaded Zululand, and every one knows 
 what followed. 
 
 As to all these disasters, when Lord Hartington asked 
 who is to be held responsible, Sir Stafford replied, " Her 
 Majesty's Government " (March 31, 1879). " We do not 
 cast the responsibility upon our agents." They stood 
 between Sir Bartle Frere and the sentence of Parliament. 
 The Government itself censured Sir Bartle Frere, but did 
 not withdraw its confidence. He denied that Sir Bartle 
 had throughout, in his negotiations, been deliberately 
 working for a Zulu war. He gave a history of all that 
 led to the Zulu war, and really this history seems a very 
 strong condemnation of Sir Bartle's conduct, especially of 
 his extraordinary ultimatum to the Zulus. The history is 
 of most interest as expressing Sir Stafford's theory of the 
 Transvaal annexation, as a measure taken in the cause of 
 peace, and " to stop any future wars with the Zulus, and 
 other native tribes." If the Government censured and 
 dismissed Sir Bartle, what then ? What was their next 
 step to be ? Where was a Liberal policy, except Mr 
 Courtney's policy, " Abandon confederation, and withdraw 
 from the Transvaal " ? That, Sir Stafford thought, would, 
 or might, involve our withdrawing from South Africa as an 
 Imperial Power. The wish of the Government now was 
 to break up the Zulu military system, while leaving them
 
 126 THE TROUBLES IN THE EAST. [i860. 
 
 the power of protecting themselves against native tribes. 
 But, one fancies, the Amaboona (the Boers) were the only 
 " tribe " from whom they needed protection. 
 
 In all this miserable business it is easy to criticise. 
 Perhaps a really powerful nation would have simply 
 enlisted the Zulus as its gladiators, and held South Africa 
 with them. As it chances, we rescued the Boers from 
 their assegais, only to "perish by the people we have 
 made," only to ruin the finest natural soldiers in the 
 world, and to give the world a typical proof of our in- 
 ability to discharge imperial tasks. The Zulus were 
 hardly overthrown before the Boers, now safe on that 
 side, began to show their teeth. But the Boers were left 
 to be dealt with by Mr Gladstone's Government.
 
 127 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 SIR STAFFOED NORTIICOTE AS A PARLIAMENTARY LEADER. 
 
 ACCESSION TO LEADERSHIP STATE OF POLITICS HISTORY OF 
 
 OBSTRUCTION SIR STAFFORD AND THE CL$TURE MR BRAD- 
 
 LAUGH'S AFFAIR THE FOURTH PARTY GENERAL CRITICISM 
 OF SIR STAFFORD AS A LEADER. 
 
 THE two previous chapters, reviewing Sir Stafford's con- 
 duct as Chancellor of the Exchequer and in foreign 
 affairs, do not deal with his other work as leader of his 
 party in the House of Commons, both before and after the 
 Liberal victory of 1880. To that topic we now address 
 ourselves. 
 
 Sir Stafford Northcote entered upon his duties as 
 leader of the House of Commons on the 8th February 
 1877, when the Parliament of 1874 met for its fourth 
 session. On the 6th July 1885, he took his seat in the 
 House of Lords as Earl of Iddesleigh and Viscount St 
 Gyres. For eight sessions and a half he led the Con- 
 servative party continuously in the Lower House. 
 
 When Sir Stafford Northcote, at the end of the session 
 of 1876, quietly succeeded Mr Disraeli, who had been 
 
 VOL. II. I
 
 128 SIR STAFFORD AS A PARLIAMENTARY LEADER. [1877. 
 
 created Earl of Beaconsfield immediately after the proro- 
 gation, he undertook in 1877 a task of much difficulty. 
 A House of Commons elected in quiet times as a protest 
 against over-legislation had been guided and amused for 
 three years by a consummate master of tact and tactics. 
 Lord Beaconsfield was depicted in 1852 by a contempo- 
 rary poetaster as 
 
 " Astute, sagacious, wary, stern, 
 Making the puzzled Commons fear 
 The measured passion of his scorn, 
 The icy glitter of his sneer." 
 
 But from 1874 to 1876 general good-humour prevailed in 
 the political world, and Mr Disraeli had no occasion to be 
 stern or icy. He could afford to express sentimental 
 regret for the infrequent attendance and sudden resig- 
 nation of Mr Gladstone, to patronise the efforts of Lord 
 Hartington, and to pour a flood of delicious banter over 
 the luckless head of Dr Kenealy. It was in the summer 
 of 1876 that the first mutterings .of the great storm from 
 the East were heard ; and when Parliament met in 1877, 
 both sides of the House were swayed by the excitement 
 of a keen and bitter agitation, which grew more intense 
 during the next two years, and only ended, if end it ever 
 did, with the general election of 1880. 
 
 The period of Sir Stafford Northcote's leadership may 
 conveniently be divided into two parts. From 1877 to 
 1880 he led the House ; from 1880 to 1885 he led the 
 Opposition. During the first of these periods Sir Stafford 
 Northcote's principal duties were to defend the foreign
 
 1877.] HISTORY OF OBSTRUCTION. 129 
 
 policy of the Government in the House of Commons, and 
 to deal with the question of parliamentary obstruction. 
 For these duties Sir Stafford was well qualified, possessing, 
 as Lord Beaconsfield said to Mr Montagu Corry (Lord 
 Eowton), " the largest parliamentary knowledge of any 
 man he had met in his career." 
 
 The first of his duties was admirably discharged. 
 During the whole of the Bulgarian agitation' the Conser- 
 vative party under his leadership, in spite of tremendous 
 pressure from multitudes of their constituents, held firmly 
 together. They were constant in their support of the 
 Government ; the Irish party frequently lent their assist- 
 ance, and the Treaty of Berlin was the final result. But 
 questions of foreign policy have been already discussed, 
 and we may turn at once to the question of parliamentary 
 obstruction, with the beginnings of which it became Sir 
 Stafford Northcote's lot to deal, and which is illustrated 
 in the subsequent chapter of his diary. 
 
 Obstruction has indeed been traced to the dilatory pro- 
 ceedings of "the Colonels" on the bill for abolishing 
 purchase in the army (1871), to Mr Gladstone's innumer- 
 able speeches on the Divorce Bill (1857), and to Sir 
 Charles Wetherell's performances in opposition to the 
 great Eeform Bill. But organised obstruction in its true 
 sense, which Mr Gladstone called " resistance to the will 
 of the House otherwise than by argument," began with 
 the South African Confederation Bill of 1877. It was 
 initiated by Mr Parnell and Mr Biggar. The South 
 African Bill, first introduced in the House of Lords, was
 
 130 SIR STAFFORD AS A PARLIAMENTARY LEADER. [1877. 
 
 merely a permissive bill. It enabled the various com- 
 munities of South Africa, British colonies and others, to 
 confederate if they so pleased. Lord Carnarvon brought 
 it in, Lord Kimberley supported it, and there was no 
 division in the Lords. But before it came to be read a 
 second time in the House of Commons, Sir Theophilus 
 Shepstone had annexed the Transvaal. The annexation 
 was approved by the Crown, and did not require the 
 sanction of Parliament. It was on the whole a very 
 popular move, and Mr Forster expressed the warmest 
 approbation of it. But a few Kadicals strongly resented 
 it, among whom Mr Henry Fawcett and Mr Leonard 
 Courtney were prepared to go all legitimate lengths in 
 resisting the bill, because it would allow the Transvaal 
 to become part of the Federation. Sir Stafford Northcote 
 must have felt that the opinions of such men were not to 
 be lightly disregarded. Mr Fawcett's death was lamented 
 almost as much by Conservatives as by Liberals ; and Mr 
 Courtney's conduct in the chair has been praised alike 
 by his political opponents and his political friends. 
 
 But Mr Parnell and Mr Biggar were determined to 
 "resist the will of the majority otherwise than by argu- 
 ment." They had as coadjutors the late Mr Gray, 
 Captain (now Colonel) Nolan, Mr O'Donnell, whose name 
 is contained in the Special Commission Act, 1888, and 
 Mr Kirk, who has dropped out of history. On Wednes- 
 day, the 25th of July 1877, they prevented the House 
 from making any progress with the bill, and in the 
 course of the division, if so it can be called, Mr Parnell
 
 1877.] SIK STAFFOED AND ME PAENELL. 131 
 
 expressed his pleasure at having been able to thwart 
 the intentions of the Government. There was nothing, 
 as a Conservative member said at the time, particularly 
 criminal in this remark, but Sir Stafford Northcote had 
 been taunted with undue inactivity. His exemplary en- 
 durance gave way, and he moved that the words be 
 taken down. There was the usual unedifying wrangle 
 about what had been said and what had not been said, 
 what must have been and what could not have been 
 Mr Parnell's meaning; Mr Parnell was ordered to with- 
 draw, and a motion of suspension was for the first time 
 proposed. The debate was adjourned it was never 
 renewed and the motion dropped. The phrase itself, 
 or its equivalent, has often been used in the House 
 without drawing a reprimand from the Chair. It would 
 now be generally recognised as harmless in itself; but 
 there was undoubted evidence of a conspiracy to stop 
 the progress of public business, and everybody agreed 
 that something must be done. 
 
 Sir Stafford Nbrthcote was not eager to alter the rules 
 of the House. He was extremely industrious, and did 
 not mind sitting up. He was strongly of opinion that 
 the assembly which managed the affairs of the nation 
 should continue to manage its own, and that it should not 
 be conducted as a school with the leader as school- 
 master. He knew that politics were a rough pursuit, 
 and there was nothing effeminate in his character. 
 Nevertheless, on the 27th of July he moved two 
 resolutions. The first was to the effect that after a
 
 132 SIK STAFFORD AS A PARLIAMENTARY LEADER. [1877. 
 
 member had been twice called to order, the Speaker or 
 Chairman might " name " him to the House or Committee 
 as disregarding the authority of the Chair, and then, 
 after he had been heard in his own defence, a motion for 
 suspending him during the rest of the sitting should be 
 put without further debate. This motion was carried by 
 a majority of 250. It was only once enforced, but a 
 similar, though far more drastic resolution, which is now 
 in force, has been frequently used. The second resolution, 
 which was carried by 243, is now a standing order. It 
 restricts the right of making dilatory motions, but its 
 precise terms are too technical to be of general interest. 
 The obstructive minority soon proved the bluntness of 
 these weapons. The House again went into Committee 
 on the South African Bill at a quarter-past five in the 
 afternoon of Tuesday, the 31st July, and continued the 
 operation till ten minutes past two on the afternoon of 
 Wednesday, the 1st of August. This "record," as the 
 saying is, has since been beaten, but it was then unprece- 
 dented. Yet nobody was suspended, and neither of the 
 new resolutions was brought into play. Sir Stafford 
 Northcote only left the House for a brief interval ; Lord 
 Beaconsfield looked down from the Peers' gallery with a 
 sense of relief. Mr Forster was almost more ministerial 
 than the Ministerialists ; and Sir William Harcourt de- 
 nounced the conduct of the Parnellites in exceedingly 
 vigorous English. Mr Fawcett, however, protested against 
 the determination of the Government to force the bill 
 through, and Mr Courtney retired at four in the morning,
 
 1880.] COMMITTEE ON PROCEDURE. 133 
 
 feeling that legislation and deliberation had alike ceased. 
 However, the bill passed, and the session came to an end. 
 
 During the session of 1878, a Select Committee on the 
 procedure of the House was nominated, and took the evi- 
 dence of Lord Hampden, then Speaker, as well as of Mr 
 Eaikes, then Chairman of Ways and Means. 
 
 In 1879, an unsuccessful attempt was made to act upon 
 the recommendations of this Committee. The Army 
 Annual Bill of that year, the Mutiny Bill, as it used 
 to be called, was seriously obstructed by Mr Parnell and 
 his friends. It must, however, be remembered that their 
 object was the abolition of flogging in the army ; that this 
 object has been long since achieved ; that the Govern- 
 ment incurred the censure of their own supporters for not 
 knowing their own mind ; and that Mr Parnell was aided 
 if not abetted by no less a personage than Mr Chamberlain. 
 
 On the 24th of February 1879, Sir Stafford Northcote 
 carried, after a protracted debate, the now familiar rule, 
 then only applied to Monday, that there should be no pre- 
 liminary debate on Mondays and Thursdays upon going 
 into Committee of Supply unless the Army, Navy, or 
 Civil Service Estimates are first taken, and then only on 
 some question connected with the votes to be proposed. 
 No other resolution was passed in 1879. But on the 28th 
 of February 1880, a few weeks before Parliament was 
 dissolved, a very long and elaborate proviso was adopted, 
 according to which a member could be suspended by the 
 House, after being named from the chair, without being 
 heard in his own defence. This rule was made a stand-
 
 134 SIR STAFFORD AS A PARLIAMENTARY LEADER. [1880. 
 
 ing order, and still, in a shorter but more drastic form, 
 survives. 
 
 An impartial critic of Sir Stafford Northcote's policy in 
 leading the House would probably select as its weakest 
 point his failure to apply the true, only, and sufficient 
 remedy for obstruction. The cloture, or as Mr Gladstone 
 prefers to call it, the closing power, is the one weapon with 
 which the majority can at once terminate a factious and 
 dilatory resistance. That the House of Commons con- 
 tinued to do without it from the days of Simon de Mont- 
 fort to the days of Mr Parnell may be explained in a great 
 variety of ways. Before 1832, the House had very little to 
 do. Before 1867, it only represented the upper middle 
 classes. Before 1874, it contained no members openly 
 and avowedly hostile to the authority of the House as a 
 whole. That a legislative or administrative assembly 
 should have no right to stop debate and decide the matter 
 under discussion forthwith is theoretically absurd. It 
 becomes practically mischievous when the indirect in- 
 fluence of custom and opinion ceases, for whatever reason, 
 to operate upon a particular class of legislators or ad- 
 ministrators. In the year 1890, when Tories and Eadicals, 
 Unionists and Home Eulers, move, according as oppor- 
 tunity serves them, " that the question be now put," the 
 old prejudice against the cloture is difficult to understand, 
 and almost impossible to revive. But Sir Stafford North- 
 cote detested it, and in moving one of his resolutions on 
 procedure, he referred to it in the same tone of reluc- 
 tance not unmingled with disgust, with which he would
 
 1880.] SIR STAFFORD AND THE CLOTURE. 135 
 
 have spoken of the Eussian knout or the Turkish bas- 
 tinado. In the next Parliament, Mr Parnell had more 
 than thirty supporters instead of less than ten, and the 
 necessity for the cloture became urgent. But by that 
 time Sir Stafford Nbrthcote had ceased to be primarily 
 responsible for the conduct of affairs in the House of 
 Commons. 
 
 Sir Stafford Nbrthcote led the Opposition in the House 
 of Commons for five years. During the first year he 
 acted as Lord Beaconsfield's lieutenant; but after the 
 death of the latter in April 1881, the Conservatives were 
 left under a dual leadership. It was determined to invest 
 Lord Salisbury in the House of Lords and Sir Stafford 
 ISTorthcote in the House of Commons with independent 
 authority, and this arrangement continued in force until 
 the fall of Mr Gladstone's Ministry in 1885. 
 
 When the new Parliament assembled in the early 
 summer of 1880, the Liberals were in a majority of more 
 than a hundred, if the Irish Home Rulers were counted 
 neutral. If they were added to the Liberal ranks, the 
 majority became about 170. No one then thought of 
 adding them to the Conservatives, though half of them 
 that is, the Parnellites subsequently voted with the Con- 
 servatives in a vast number of divisions, and finally con- 
 tributed to Mr Gladstone's downfall 
 
 The most delicate and crucial incidents in Sir Stafford 
 Northcote's career in Opposition were, perhaps, the case 
 of Mr Bradlaugh, the debates on the cloture, and the rise 
 of the Fourth party.
 
 136 SIR STAFFORD AS A PARLIAMENTARY LEADER, [i860. 
 
 In dealing with Irish Obstruction otherwise than by the 
 doture, he gave a hearty support to the Government. In 
 questions of foreign affairs he undoubtedly behaved as a 
 good citizen rather than as a partisan, and declined to 
 make unnecessary attacks upon the Ministry. His most 
 serious attack, with which probably all members of the 
 House in their hearts sympathised, was upon the Egyptian 
 policy that led to the fall of Khartoum and the death of 
 Gordon. Upon this occasion the small majority of four- 
 teen was all that the Government could obtain. 
 
 An acute and well-informed critic has singled out Sir 
 Stafford Northcote's treatment of the questions raised by 
 Mr Bradlaugh as the best example of Sir Stafford North- 
 cote's tact and adroitness. It was certainly successful. 
 He defeated the Government in several divisions, owing to 
 the discontent of the Whigs, and the scruples of the Non- 
 conformists, while his adversaries exposed themselves to 
 certain religious imputations, which probably did them 
 more harm with the constituencies than anything else 
 which happened during their term of office, except the 
 fall of Khartoum. In the Parliament of 1885, the 
 present Speaker refused to allow any interference with 
 his taking the oath. In the Parliament of 1886, which 
 is still sitting, Mr Bradlaugh has himself carried an Act 
 which enables atheists to make an affirmation in Par- 
 liament, as elsewhere. But these subsequent triumphs, 
 which have nothing to do with Sir Stafford Northcote, 
 cannot blind a historian to the fact that Mr Bradlaugh 
 never took his seat in the Parliament of 1880, except for
 
 i860.] MR BRADLAUGH'S AFFAIR. 137 
 
 a few weeks under statutory liability, when he incurred 
 heavy penalties by law. 
 
 The story of Mr Bradlaugh's non- admission to the 
 House in 1880 may be briefly sketched. Mr Bradlaugh 
 made a claim to affirm instead of taking the oath in the 
 ordinary manner. A doubt arose as to the propriety of 
 this claim, and the question was referred to a Select Com- 
 mittee. The Committee reported against Mr Bradlaugh 
 by a majority of one. Mr Bradlaugh, not being a Quaker, 
 had no right to affirm in Parliament. He then demanded 
 to be sworn, but before he could reach the table Sir Henry 
 Wolff interposed. Mr Speaker Onslow, or Mr Speaker 
 Lefevre, might have directed Sir Henry to resume his 
 seat, and reminded him that there was no question before 
 the House. Lord Hampden declined to exercise his 
 authority, and left the matter to the judgment of the 
 House. Again was a Select Committee appointed, and 
 this time it reported that Mr Bradlaugh could not law- 
 fully take the oath. The Committee, however, recom- 
 mended that he should be permitted to make an affirma- 
 tion at his peril ; and after a special resolution enabling 
 him to do so had been rejected, a general resolution 
 enabling any one to do so was adopted. It would throw 
 no light on Sir Stafford Northcote's leadership to follow 
 the details of this tedious and protracted struggle. Mr 
 Bradlaugh was once expelled for administering the oath 
 to himself, and immediately re-elected at Northampton. 
 Twice his seat was " vacated as though he were dead." 
 and his constituents faithfully sent him back to West-
 
 138 SIR STAFFORD AS A PARLIAMENTARY LEADER, [i860. 
 
 minster as though he were alive. He was consigned to 
 the Clock Tower on the motion of Sir Stafford Northcote ; 
 and on the motion of Sir Stafford Northcote he was re- 
 leased from that dungeon the following day. He lost 
 actions, and won them. He was defeated in the Court 
 of Appeal, and was victorious in the House of Lords. He 
 was repeatedly placed at the bar, and at last told that he 
 could be heard no more from that classic spot. Twice he 
 administered the oath to himself. He sued the Deputy 
 Serjeant-at-Arms for assault, and caused some excusable 
 popular misconception by recovering damages from Mr 
 Newdegate for " maintenance." Meanwhile Sir Stafford 
 Northcote continued his course, in which the legal tribunals 
 supported him, by deciding, first, that an atheist could not 
 make an affirmation in Parliament ; secondly, that he could 
 not take an oath anywhere ; and thirdly, that the House 
 of Commons was omnipotent over its own members within 
 its own walls. Among the results of Sir Stafford North- 
 cote's conduct was the defeat of the Government on the 
 morning of the 4th of May 1883, when the second read- 
 ing of the Affirmation Bill was rejected by a majority of 
 three, although Mr Gladstone supported it in one of the 
 finest speeches of his life. Nothing more readily proves 
 the facility with which Sir Stafford H. Northcote was able 
 to deal with unexpected difficulties than the manner in 
 which he thus suddenly adopted the rdle of the House, 
 and carried his point against a strong Government in 
 their first session. So far as these issues can be set- 
 tled by the Legislature, they have been settled in Mr
 
 1881.] MR BKADLAUGH'S AFFAIK. 139 
 
 Bradlaugh's favour; and when an Affirmation Bill was 
 no longer the battle-ground of party, it passed with ease. 
 Sir Stafford's diaries, which follow, throw some light on 
 his views upon this difficult subject. There is an inter- 
 esting note in them to the effect that on the day of his final 
 appearance in the House of Commons in 1885, the Speaker 
 read a letter from Mr Bradlaugh, in which he threatened 
 to insist on taking his seat as soon as the new Ministers 
 were re-elected. Sir Stafford remarks in his journal that 
 he ought in strictness to have renewed his motion for 
 excluding Mr Bradlaugh from the precincts, but that he 
 did not wish to conclude his thirty years of membership 
 by proposing the exclusion of a brother member. 
 
 It is now generally, though tacitly, acknowledged that 
 the Conservatives were wropg in resisting the cldture. On 
 the other hand, few people would now contend that Mr 
 Gladstone's form of the cldture was a satisfactory one. 
 Both these statements may be tested by facts. Mr Glad- 
 stone's cldture Kesolution was introduced on the 20th 
 of February, and carried on the llth of November 1882. 
 It was debated for nineteen nights, and the House of 
 Commons had to sit specially in the autumn for the 
 purpose of passing it. It was only once enforced two 
 years and a half after it had become a standing order. 
 Its origin, its grandeur, and its decadence are interesting 
 and peculiar. On Monday, the 31st of January 1881, the 
 House of Commons began a sitting which lasted for 
 forty-one hours and a half. The occasion was the intro- 
 duction of Mr Forster's Bill for the Better Protection
 
 140 SIR STAFFORD AS A PARLIAMENTARY LEADER. [1885. 
 
 of Person and Property in Ireland. At nine o'clock on 
 the morning of Wednesday the 2d of February, the 
 Speaker refused to call upon any more members, and 
 peremptorily put the question. This was an extremely 
 high-handed proceeding, which could only be excused 
 by the tyrant's plea -of necessity, and which was total- 
 ly unwarranted by precedent or practice. The Speaker 
 was subsequently given power to frame in certain cir- 
 cumstances " rules of urgency," after thirty-six mem- 
 bers had, on the 3d of February, been suspended for 
 disorder. During the session of 1881, the House was 
 content with the "rules of urgency." But at the com- 
 mencement of the next session Mr Gladstone moved 
 that the Speaker or Chairman might announce what 
 appeared to him the evident sense of the House in fa- 
 vour of an immediate division, and thereupon put the 
 question from the chair. Sir Stafford Northcote's speech 
 against this resolution was a very mild one, but from 
 the benches behind him the destruction of parliamen- 
 tary freedom was copiously and repeatedly predicted. 
 The debate was interrupted by the horrible tragedy of 
 the Pho3nix Park, and the coercive legislation consequent 
 thereupon. But the acerbity of the resistance offered was 
 much diminished by the Speaker's announcement that 
 he should take the " evident sense of the House " from 
 both sides of the chair. Lord Hampden, in point of fact, 
 never applied the cloture at all. It was employed for 
 the first time by the present Speaker on the 28th February 
 1885, when he came within an ace of receiving a most
 
 1885.] THE FOURTH PARTY. 141 
 
 serious rebuff. The occasion was a motion giving .pre- 
 cedence to Sir Stafford Northcote's Egyptian vote of cen- 
 sure over the ordinary business of a Tuesday evening. 
 The rule provided that the cloture must be carried by 
 more than 200 members, unless the minority was under 
 40. Some Conservatives, including even occupants of the 
 front Opposition bench, voted with the Irish members, 
 against whom the cloture had really been invoked, with 
 the result that the Ayes were 207 and the Noes 46. The 
 deduction of seven from the majority would have in- 
 volved a severe reflection on Mr Speaker. Such was the 
 net, and indeed the gross, result of a resolution which 
 was under the cognisance of the House of Commons for 
 the whole of an unusually protracted parliamentary year. 
 In 1887, Mr Smith, as leader of the Conservative Minis- 
 terialists in the House of Commons, introduced a much 
 more stringent, and a much more business-like form of 
 the cldture, which is now in almost daily use. 
 . It would be undesirable to discuss the personal rela- 
 tions between Sir Stafford Northcote and the small group 
 of highly talented men who were known in the Parliament 
 of 1880 as the Fourth party, but it is easy to indicate 
 their different principles of action. 
 
 . The Fourth party, as every one knows, consisted of Lord 
 Eandolph Churchill, Mr Arthur Balfour, Sir John Gorst, 
 and Sir Henry Drummond Wolff. They apparently took 
 the view that the duty of an Opposition was to attack the 
 Government in season and out of season, and to pay no 
 heed to the constant defeats to which it thus exposed it-
 
 142 SIR STAFFORD AS A PARLIAMENTARY LEADER. [1885. 
 
 self. Sir Stafford Northcote, on the other hand, considered 
 that it was bad policy for the minority to be frequently 
 pitting itself against the majority. He held that such 
 a course of proceeding involved great waste of public 
 time, and that it placed the Opposition in a disadvan- 
 tageous position before the eyes of the country. In his 
 opinion it was best to give the Government full swing, 
 and to adopt the tactics of Fabius rather than those of 
 Minutius. 
 
 Events have rendered it impossible to decide as to 
 whether Sir Stafford Northcote or the Fourth party were 
 right. The partial defeat of the Liberals in 1885, and 
 their utter rout in 1886, were not due to any Conservative 
 policy. Mr Gladstone failed to secure an absolute major- 
 ity in 1885, partly because of the indignation aroused by 
 Gordon's death, and partly because the Irish, anxious to 
 hold the balance in their own hands, desired to equalise 
 as far as possible the numbers of the two great parties in 
 the State, and so cast their votes for the Conservatives. 
 In 1886, Mr Gladstone was defeated entirely in conse- 
 quence of his adoption of Home Eule. 
 
 Mr Gladstone's Ministry was beaten in June 1885 on 
 their Budget Bill, and at once resigned. It is probable 
 that no event of a similar kind was ever less expected. 
 It has been explained in a number of ways, but too little 
 attention has generally been paid to the unpopularity of 
 the Budget itself. It may be true that some Liberals, 
 and even some Liberal Ministers, may have had reasons of 
 their own for witnessing with complacency the resigna-
 
 1885.] GENERAL CRITICISM OF SIR STAFFORD. 143 
 
 tion of the Government ; but it is certain that the Budget, 
 which proposed to put additional taxes on beer, spirits, 
 and land, was open to severe condemnation. The revenue 
 derived from beer was stationary, that from spirits was 
 declining, while the condition of land seemed desperate ; 
 and the impolicy of imposing additional burdens upon 
 them at such a time was strongly urged and widely re- 
 cognised. 
 
 Such a Budget loudly challenged opposition, and Sir 
 Michael Hicks-Beach brought forward an amendment to 
 the Customs and Inland Eevenue Bill on the 8th of June, 
 which was carried by a majority of twelve. Sir Stafford 
 Northcote wound up the debate on the Conservative side, 
 and in doing so delivered his last speech of any import- 
 ance in the House of Commons. 
 
 Sir Stafford Northcote had many qualifications for a 
 leader of men. He was extremely quick of apprehension, 
 he never missed the point of an argument, his courage and 
 coolness never forsook him, his temper was almost perfect, 
 he never gave personal offence to any one, and he always 
 bore himself with simple dignity. He has been accused 
 of timidity, but such an accusation is too ridiculous to 
 notice. It has also been said that he lacked the sense 
 of humour, but such a criticism is thoroughly superficial. 
 Sir Stafford Northcote's sense of humour was often proved, 
 and always showed itself to be of the keenest and most 
 refined character. But he was chary of displaying it, and 
 once remarked that the speakers who moved laughter 
 were seldom respected. 
 
 VOL. II.
 
 144 SIR STAFFORD AS A PARLIAMENTARY LEADER. [1885. 
 
 Perhaps the two characteristics that were especially his 
 own were pis simplicity and his graciousness. A dis- 
 tinguished public servant wrote of him after his death, 
 with perfect truth, that his graciousness concealed his 
 greatness, and his simplicity tended to produce the same 
 effect. For exaggeration of all kinds he entertained a 
 profound contempt, and this habit of mind led him 
 generally to make the least of things, and particularly of 
 his own work. His simplicity also accounts for his utter 
 indifference to authority for the sake of authority. To 
 many minds it is a pleasure to issue commands, and to 
 see those commands obeyed : it seems a satisfactory proof 
 of power. But the exercise of authority gave Sir Stafford 
 Northcote no pleasure at all. He loved to excel, and no 
 doubt his political successes were sweet to him; but he 
 regarded them much as he regarded the successes of his 
 boyhood at Oxford. It was the victory itself, and not the 
 fruits it might bring to him, that he loved. 
 
 It must be admitted that in some respects Sir Stafford 
 Northcote's very virtues told against him in his character 
 of party leader, meinspired much affection, but perhaps 
 too little awe. He was certainly too candid and judicial 
 to be a thorough-going partisan, or to be able to make all 
 the sacrifices that the spirit of party demands ; but per- 
 haps his worst fault was a certain detachment of mind, 
 which made him see things at the moment as other people 
 would see them a week or a month afterwards. / Sir 
 Stafford Northcote was a man who knew himself, and he 
 quite recognised that he was not by nature a party man.
 
 1885.] GENERAL CEITICISM OF SIK STAFFORD. 145 
 
 He saw that this placed him at a certain disadvantage 
 which could not be entirely recovered, however warmly 
 he might throw himself into party business. No labour 
 and no thought can ever quite supply the absence of 
 natural instinct. If his conduct may at times have 
 appeared undecided, and if he ever allowed himself to be 
 over-persuaded by his adherents, the explanation is to be 
 found in the fact of his extreme anxiety to render to 
 party even more than its due in all cases when he could 
 do so conscientiously. He was well aware that there 
 were moments when advantages might have been snatched 
 from the enemy by a more reckless and less scrupulous 
 leader than himself; and to make up to the party for 
 what they lost in this manner was an object so dear to 
 his heart that it is possible that on some occasions he 
 yielded to counsels that his own judgment opposed, care- 
 less as to the effect upon his own reputation. 
 
 But when everything has been said about Sir Stafford 
 Northcote's merits and defects as a leader of the House 
 of Commons, the fact remains that it was his misfortune 
 to assume that office in immediate succession to Mr 
 Gladstone and Mr Disraeli, one of whom may perhaps be 
 described as the most powerful statesman, and the other 
 as the most interesting political personage, that have 
 appeared in England during the present century. Mr 
 Disraeli, not long after the death of Lord Palmerston, 
 once said to Sir Stafford Northcote that the coming 
 struggle between himself and Mr Gladstone would rival 
 the great conflict between Mr Pitt and Mr Fox, and it
 
 146 SIR STAFFORD AS A PARLIAMENTARY LEADER. [1885. 
 
 seems probable that his prediction will be fulfilled. j Since 
 the death of Mr Fox, no leader of the House of Commons 
 has awakened an enthusiasm equal to that inspired by 
 the two mighty party chieftains of the last twenty years, 
 nor is it likely that we shall soon look upon " their like 
 
 Sir Stafford Northcote once gracefully alluded to the 
 ultimate judgment that he expected to be formed as to his 
 career. In the spring of 1886, an extraordinary honour 
 was paid him, and he was presented by members of both 
 parties in the House of Commons with a testimonial in 
 token of their affection and esteem. The testimonial took 
 the form of plate, and on the various pieces were en- 
 graved the heads of some of the principal statesmen with 
 whom Sir Stafford Nbrthcote had been connected. Upon 
 one of the candelabra was impressed his own likeness 
 between those of Lord Beaconsfield and Mr Gladstone. 
 In returning thanks for the presentation, Sir Stafford 
 Nbrthcote / remarked upon this circumstance, and ob- 
 served : ;"Jf I feel like the mortal horse who ran third in 
 the chariot of Achilles with the two immortal steeds if 
 I feel that I am unworthy to be placed among such dis- 
 tinguished men, yet I cannot help being proud, when I 
 remember that it was in such company that I played my 
 part in the House of Commons to the best of my ability." * 
 
 But let the verdict of posterity be what it may, Sir 
 Stafford Northcote must have felt a sense of satisfaction 
 that it is given to few men to enjoy when he could record
 
 1885.] GENEKAL CRITICISM OF SIR STAFFORD. 147 
 
 in his diary that as he entered the House of Commons 
 for the last time it was difficult to say on which side the 
 cheering was more hearty or more general, and when he 
 could remember that a generation of fierce political con- 
 flict left his simplicity and kindness of heart exactly 
 where it found them.
 
 148 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 sm STAFFORD'S DIARY OF isso. 
 
 CAUSES OP CONSERVATIVE DEFEAT THE NEW GOVERNMENT 
 
 MR FORSTER MR GLADSTONE AT THE ROYAL ACADEMY 
 
 " HANGING TOGETHER " ORGANISATION IN SCOTLAND THE 
 
 BRADLAUGH QUESTION MINISTERS EATING LEEKS ORIEN- 
 TAL PROPHECIES BRADLAUGH COMMITTEE MR GLAD- 
 STONE'S " INCONSISTENCIES " RABBITS AND HARES BILL 
 
 MR BRADLAUGH'S CONDUCT THE IRISH BILL CONVERSA- 
 TIONS WITH LORD BEACONSFIELD AT HUGHENDEN LORD 
 
 BEACONSFIELD ON HOMER DEFEAT OF GENERAL BURROWS 
 
 AFFAIRS OF GREECE CONCERT OF EUROPE. 
 
 THE defeat of the Conservatives in 1880 left Sir Stafford 
 leisure enough for the keeping of a diary, which, with 
 some interruptions, he continued till his death. The story 
 of the latest years of his life may be somewhat briefly 
 condensed by the aid of these memoirs, but much that is 
 most interesting is inevitably suppressed. 
 
 The diary was begun on April 20, 1880, at Elmley 
 House, Wimbledon, lent to Sir Stafford by Lord Beau- 
 champ. It records "our last council at Windsor," and, 
 on April 12, "our last Cabinet."
 
 1880.] CAUSES OF CONSERVATIVE DEFEAT. 149 
 
 DIARY. 
 
 Lord B. reckons the Whigs in the new House at 237, 
 and the Conservatives at 240. There are, I think, 62 
 Home Rulers (of various shades), so there would remain 
 113 extreme or unclassed Radicals. Some disintegration 
 may soon be expected in the majority, but we have first 
 to see what the Ministry is like. 
 
 Our great defeat seems due to 
 
 1. "Want of suitable organisation, and some over-confi- 
 dence and apathy. 
 
 2. The bad times, and a desire of change in hopes of 
 better luck. 
 
 3. The effects of the unscrupulous assertions of our 
 opponents. 
 
 4. The very large expenditure of money by them. Our 
 chief losses were : A. Egerton, Lowther, Salt, Raikes, and 
 some of our county members. 
 
 There has been some doubt whether we ought not to 
 meet Parliament as a Ministry, and wait for a vote of 
 want of confidence before resigning. There are other 
 reasons, particularly in respect of Indian affairs, which 
 make the continuance of a practically condemned Admin- 
 istration undesirable and even dangerous. It is not safe 
 to leave it uncertain what policy is to be pursued in 
 Afghanistan or in the Transvaal. 
 
 April 26. The names of the new Government, so far 
 as they are yet given, do not seem to give much satisfac- 
 tion. The Radicals are much annoyed. Forster should
 
 150 DIARY. [1880. 
 
 do well in Ireland, though his manners are rough. The 
 Irish remember his mission in the time of the great 
 famine, when he came to distribute the contributions of 
 the Society of Friends; and they will also take the 
 appointment of so leading a politician to the Chief Secre- 
 taryship as a compliment. I think it is likely enough 
 that a Conservative cave may be formed on the Liberal 
 side, with perhaps Goschen as its centre, and that if we 
 manage our opposition discreetly, we may often join hands 
 with them, and perhaps ultimately bring some of them to 
 take part in a Conservative Cabinet. At the present 
 moment one thinks of such things only in the spirit in 
 which the Roman purchaser bid for the fields occupied by 
 the Carthaginian army. Still, it is necessary to lay our 
 foundations properly. 
 
 Dined at the Merchant Taylors' Hall, where the free- 
 dom was given to Cranbrook and myself. We kept our 
 spirits up pretty well, without committing ourselves to 
 anything in particular. Our tactics ought to be as re- 
 served as possible. Lord Egmont made a very good 
 speech in returning thanks for the House of Lords. He 
 may be worth looking after. 
 
 April 29. Attended meeting of the House and election 
 of Speaker. T. D. Acland proposed Brand, Sir Philip 
 Egerton seconded him. Mr Brand having submitted him- 
 self to the pleasure of the House, O'Donnell got up before 
 he could be inducted, and expressed "on behalf of the 
 Irish party" his approval of the choice that had been 
 made. This was meant simply to announce that the
 
 1880.] MR GLADSTONE AT THE ROYAL ACADEMY. 151 
 
 " Irish party " intend to make themselves heard and 
 attended to. Lord F. Cavendish and I then congratulated 
 the Speaker, and the House adjourned. Symptoms of dis- 
 satisfaction are already beginning to show themselves in 
 the Ministerial ranks. 
 
 May 1. At the Eoyal Academy dinner to-night, Glad- 
 stone said that if he had any strength left for his great 
 task, it was due to the kindness with which his dis- 
 tinguished friends (Granville and Hartington) had enabled 
 him to enjoy comparative repose during the last five 
 years ; and now, having borne the burden and heat of 
 the day, they had ceded to him the honour which they 
 might justly have claimed for themselves ! I wonder how 
 they liked his partition of the oyster. Hartington, later 
 in the evening, said to me, " I congratulate you on having 
 less work before you ; and I rather congratulate myself 
 on getting out of the hardest part of my own." I pre- 
 sume he does not mean to take much part in the work 
 of the House now. It is doubtful whether there is really 
 much love lost between the " three great statesmen," not- 
 withstanding the prayer of the Nonconformist minister 
 that they might "all hang together." "Amen," said a 
 voice in the congregation. "I mean," said the minister, 
 "that they may hang together in accord and concord." 
 " It doesn't matter what sort of a cord it is," replied the 
 voice. The news of the day is, that a change has taken 
 place in the proprietorship of the ' Pall Mall Gazette.' 
 
 I gave Smith a paper on the subject of the party 
 organisation, and Barrington lent me some good remarks
 
 152 DIARY. [1880. 
 
 on the defects of our party organisation in Scotland. 
 There is a great deal to be done. It is my notion that 
 we ought to have a small committee of parliamentary 
 leaders, who should keep themselves in constant com- 
 munication with the managers of the Central Association. 
 Much might be done, and many mistakes avoided, if we 
 were better informed as to the feelings of the party 
 throughout the country. The writer of the paper points 
 out very well the mischief resulting from the want of 
 communication between the Conservative landowners in 
 Scotland and their general unacquaintance with the feel- 
 ings of their tenantry. He also gives an interesting ac- 
 count of the ecclesiastical parties, and complains of the 
 mistakes made by us in passing the Church Patronage 
 Act. He attributes much of the recent Liberal success 
 to the efforts of Dr Rainy, Principal of the college 
 through which the Free Church clergy have passed for 
 now more than twenty-five years. The Episcopalian land- 
 owners stand apart from, and know little of the opinions 
 of, the ecclesiastical bodies. The Free Church will not 
 unite with Established, because they would lose the 
 buildings they have erected throughout the country, 
 which "would become the property of the proprietors 
 on whose lands they stand." (Is this so ? ) The U.P. r 
 who seceded in the last century, have always been 
 strongly political, and opposed to the connection of 
 Church and State. The leaders of the Free Church, in 
 1843, though seceding on the Veto and Patronage 
 questions, were not opposed to that connection ; but their
 
 1880.] ORGANISATION IN SCOTLAND. 153 
 
 successors (and notably Dr Eainy) have taken a more 
 political line, and the majority became keen for union 
 with the U.P. This has been resisted by the religious 
 minority of the Free Church; and the minority have 
 carried the day, because in case of a split they would 
 have remained the representatives of the true Free 
 Church, and would have retained all its buildings and 
 property. The majority have, however, carried a plan 
 constituting ministers of the two Churches (Free Kirk 
 and U.P.) reciprocally eligible for charges in the two 
 denominations ; and the by far larger section of the Free 
 Kirk are now in compact union with the Presbyterian 
 Nonconformists of Scotland and England, from whom 
 they had previously been separated by their refusal of 
 Voluntaryism. On the other hand, the minority of the 
 Free Kirk have not coalesced to the same degree with 
 the Establishment, partly because of the question of re- 
 tention of their special property, and partly from other 
 reasons (such as the liability of feuars to contribute to 
 the buildings of Established Churches) ; while the aboli- 
 tion of Patronage has rather alienated the Free Kirk, 
 who used to gain by secessions of discontented minorities 
 in individual cases, and has not done much to conciliate 
 the Established Church, which was contented with the 
 previous state. The Free Kirk now see in the Establish- 
 ment a body of men who have the same privileges as 
 themselves, so far as patronage goes, and have in addition 
 the endowments from which they themselves are ex- 
 cluded. The serious thing politically is, that the Eadicals
 
 154 DIARY. [1880. 
 
 have a close union, and a most able leader (Dr Eainy), 
 while the Establishment Conservatives have "no leader, 
 no cohesion, no defensive organisation." 
 
 May 3. Took my seat. Question as to Bradlaugh's right 
 to make an affirmation instead of an oath to be referred 
 to a committee. It seems strange to require an oath from 
 a Christian, and to dispense with it from an atheist. 
 "Would it not be better to do away with the members' 
 oath altogether, and make the affirmation general ? 
 
 May 8. Left Wimbledon, and came down to Pynes. 
 The papers are full of Fawcett's speech at Hackney, in 
 which he charges us with having suppressed the bad 
 reports as to the cost of the Afghan war until after the 
 elections. This is of course untrue ; but there has been 
 gross laxity somewhere, and the whole system of Indian 
 accounts must be overhauled. 
 
 May 10. Received news of Harcourt's defeat at Oxford. 
 It is important as a proof of the temporary and local 
 character of the causes which led to our great defeat. 
 Harcourt's success at the general election was mainly 
 due to the over-confidence and consequent supineness of 
 Hall's friends, who thought their man so safe that some 
 did not trouble themselves to go to the poll, while others 
 split their votes to bring in Harcourt rather than Chitty. 
 
 May 11. We have had two Ministerial apologies. 
 Fawcett has been compelled to withdraw his charge of 
 the concealment of the Indian deficit, but has done so 
 very ungraciously. Gladstone, on the other hand, has 
 made a most abject and undignified apology to Count
 
 1880.] THE BEADLAUGH QUESTION. 155 
 
 Karolyi for his abuse of Austria in his Mid-Lothian 
 speeches. 
 
 Our friends in the House of Commons continue ham- 
 mering at the Bradlaugh Committee, contending that 
 no such business as the appointment of a committee ought 
 to be done till after the Queen's Speech. They are 
 wrong. The House must be constituted, and for that 
 purpose members must be sworn. If in the process of 
 swearing them a difficulty should arise which the Speaker 
 declines to solve, and which he remits to the House, as 
 he has done in this case, it is clearly competent to the 
 House either to resolve it at once by a direct vote, or to 
 refer it to a committee. We shall not be bound by the 
 committee's report, and shall exercise our own judgment 
 upon it when it is made. 
 
 May 19. Auspicious news this morning ! We have 
 won two more seats. Mark Stewart has beaten the 
 Lord Advocate in the Wigtown Burghs, and Mr Cromp- 
 ton Eoberts has carried Sandwich (on Hugessen's be- 
 coming a peer) by a majority of about 440 against Sir 
 Julian Goldsmid. The Home Secretary and Lord Advo- 
 cate are now both without seats. The wildest rumours 
 are afloat as to the efforts being made to find an open- 
 ing for the former. We shall see. The party meeting 
 held at Bridge water House. About 450 were present, 
 including not only members of both Houses of the present 
 Parliament, but also members of the late House who have 
 lost their seats. There was an excellent and cheerful 
 tone: Lord B. spoke for an hour and three-quarters re-
 
 156 DIARY. [1880. 
 
 minding the party of former defeats, and of the great 
 rallying power it has shown in the worst times. 
 
 May 20. Parliament met for business. Grey moved 
 Address in remarkably good speech, modest and in good 
 taste, but independent in tone ; Mason, the seconder, 
 seems able, but very Kadical. I followed them at once, 
 notwithstanding a notice of amendment having been given 
 by the Irish, and ran briefly over the topics of the Speech ; 
 saying that we should support in Opposition the same 
 policy which we had promoted when in office ; that we 
 were glad to see that the general language of the Queen's 
 Speech was in accordance with that policy, and with the 
 recognition of established facts ; but that we wanted fuller 
 explanations, especially with regard to the meaning and 
 character of Goschen's mission. Gladstone followed, and 
 answered my speech, but did not throw much real light 
 on the proposed policy in Turkey. Some passages of his 
 speech were significant, and seemed to point to the aban- 
 donment or revision of the Anglo-Turkish Convention. 
 He spoke of the false impressions which it was necessary 
 to remove from the mind of Turkey one, that England 
 had some such separate and overpowering interest in the 
 maintenance of that empire, that her support might be 
 counted on under any circumstances whatever ; the other, 
 that England was aiming at acquiring for herself a direct 
 share in the government of Asiatic Turkey, and this latter 
 delusion was perhaps fostered by the provisions of the 
 Anglo-Turkish Convention. From what I hear, Le"on Say 
 is very much dissatisfied with the political prospect. He
 
 1880.] THE BRADLAUGH QUESTION. 157 
 
 thinks proposals will be made to France which she will 
 accept ; amongst other things, that she will be invited to 
 occupy Syria. He foretells the "joint occupation" of 
 
 Constantinople by January or February. spoke to 
 
 me most friendly in the lobby, and assured me that our 
 foreign policy had done us no harm in the northern towns. 
 Our defeat was mainly due to the distress and misrepre- 
 sentations. "We must notice that there had never been an 
 election in which we had lost so many seats by such small 
 majorities. He did not think the Government would last 
 
 long. also spoke to me after Gladstone's speech, 
 
 which he did not like. He commented on his saying 
 nothing about Eoumania and the Arab Tabia difficulty. 
 He said, " You are in a strong position in the country : I 
 have been down to Sandwich to help my friends, and I 
 could not but see unmistakable signs of opinion in your 
 favour. When an election like that is carried by 400 or 
 500 votes, it means something." 
 
 Went on to the House of Commons, where the Brad- 
 laugh case was resumed. The Government were anxious 
 to slur matters over by allowing him to take the oath 
 without remark ; but Wolff prevented this by raising his 
 objection the moment the Clerk tendered the book. Dill- 
 wyn rose to order, but the Speaker ruled in Wolffs favour. 
 Wolff made his case very fairly, but rather unwisely im- 
 ported quotations from some of Bradlaugh's writings 
 against the Eoyal Family, which did not really help his 
 argument, and gave a too heated turn to the discussion. 
 Gladstone then moved an amendment, which the Govern-
 
 158 DIARY. [1880. 
 
 ment had evidently prepared in anticipation of, and as a 
 bar to, Wolff s motion, proposing to refer to a committee 
 the question whether the House has a right to interfere 
 with a member's taking his seat, if he is willing to take 
 the prescribed oath. This form of reference obviously 
 ignores the special circumstances and real point of the 
 case, which is in short this, that a man offering to take an 
 oath, and at the same time declaring that he regards it as 
 an empty form, not binding on his conscience, does not 
 really offer to take it at all. Gibson, our late Attorney- 
 General for Ireland, made an admirable speech, to which 
 the reports hardly do justice. When he took up the Tes- 
 tament and put the imaginary case of a man proposing 
 to swear upon it, but at the same time saying, " I don't 
 believe the first words, and I don't believe the last words 
 of the book, nor any of its contents," he produced a great 
 effect. The discussion ran on for some time, and was then 
 adjourned till Monday, that we might see and consider the 
 terms of the proposed reference. 
 
 The debate on the report of the Address then came on. 
 Arthur Balfour raised some points as to the Goschen mis- 
 sion, and the intentions of the Government respecting the 
 Anglo-Turkish Convention. Gladstone denied any instruc- 
 tion having been given for its abrogation. There were 
 some unpleasant attacks made on the Government from 
 their own side, especially a very bitter complaint by 
 Leonard Courtney of their retaining Frere as Governor 
 of the Cape. They were, he said, doing the very thing 
 which they had been going up and down the country
 
 1880.] MINISTEKS EATING LEEKS. 159 
 
 and abusing us for doing. The Radicals feel this very 
 keenly. 
 
 May 22. , whom I met in the Eow, spoke very 
 
 angrily about the conduct of the Government in the 
 Frere case. I told him that he and his friends were 
 like Falstaff and Pistol when they found that Henry V. 
 threw over the associates of Prince Hal, He admitted 
 the justice of the comparison. 
 
 May 24. At Lady Mary Cecil's wedding in the morn- 
 ing. Afterwards walked down to Carlton Terrace with 
 Sandon. We agreed to stand firm for Wolff's motion. It 
 came on, and the debate was much in our favour. Ran- 
 dolph Churchill spoke very well and dexterously; Har- 
 dinge Giffard was excellent ; Herschell weak and embar- 
 rassed; Watkin Williams practically with us on the 
 main point, which is, that repeating the form of an oath, 
 with a protest from the person who does so that he re- 
 gards it as an idle and meaningless form, is not " taking 
 an oath " within the meaning of the statute. The Govern- 
 ment only got a majority of seventy -five in this their 
 first struggle ; and now we have got to see what the 
 Committee will do. The consumption of leeks by the 
 Government goes on merrily. To-night Cowen put a 
 question to Childers as to whether they intended to give 
 effect to the resolution which Hartington moved last year, 
 and abolish corporal punishment in the army. Childers 
 read an elaborate answer, amid roars of laughter from our 
 side, that they fully accepted the spirit of Hartington's 
 motion ; but that they had to consider how it could be 
 
 VOL, II. L
 
 160 DIAEY. [1880. 
 
 carried out, and what punishment could be substituted. 
 He observed that flogging was now only used when an 
 army was in the field, and that there might be " critical 
 moments," &c., &c. In short, the matter could not be 
 dealt with this year ! Later in the evening, on a motion 
 of Fowler's, Gladstone made an elaborate apology for not 
 recalling Sir Bartle Frere, arguing that it was necessary 
 to keep him at the Cape to carry confederation. I com- 
 mended his policy, which was exactly our own, and only 
 expressed a humble wish that he had thought of it a little 
 
 sooner. said to Smith afterwards, " Did you ever 
 
 follow in the tracks of a big animal through the snow, put- 
 ting down your feet in his footprints ? That's what the 
 Government are doing with your measures." Terms of 
 reference to Bradlaugh Committee agreed upon. Glad- 
 stone wants to nominate the late Committee, but I de- 
 manded some addition at all events, as Holker was our 
 only representative, while they had Bright and their two 
 law officers. We must have Cross and Gibson put on. 
 
 May 26. Dined at Nobody's. My first election to the 
 Club. Sat between Walpole and the Bishop of Hereford. 
 
 May 28. Nomination of the Bradlaugh Committee. 
 Gladstone's pretension to nominate on the principle of 
 proportioning the numbers on the Committee to the 
 strength of parties in the House. I protested at once 
 against this assumption. If he tries to give effect to it, 
 I must advise our friends to decline to serve. We are 
 rather in trouble on account of Dyke's knocking up. 
 He will not be able to take any more work as Whip
 
 1880.] NOMINATION OF COMMITTEES. 161 
 
 this session. It is very difficult to make a new arrange- 
 ment. 
 
 June 3. There has been a good deal of difficulty upon 
 the question of the nomination of Committees. The con- 
 tention of the Government is, that the proportions to be 
 allotted to different sections of the House in the arrange- 
 ment of a committee should be somewhat the same as 
 the proportions in which our parliamentary strength is 
 now divided ; and that a committee of twenty - three 
 should be composed of twelve Ministerialists, nine Con- 
 servatives, and two Home Eulers. As the Home Eulers 
 are commonly much more disposed to join the Govern- 
 ment than the Opposition, this would usually put us in a 
 minority of nine against fourteen. This is not at all in 
 accordance with the practice of giving the Government a 
 majority of one upon all the Committees, a practice which 
 has been found very convenient hitherto. If it were not 
 for the " Third party," our course would be clear ; we 
 should recommend our friends to refuse to serve upon 
 Committees unless they were struck according to the old 
 principle. But there is no doubt a real difficulty to be 
 encountered. The Government may fairly refuse to 
 reckon the Home Eulers as part of their forces, and might 
 claim to nominate a majority out of the body to whom 
 the Ministerialist Whip is sent. We may do the 
 same. Then the Home Eulers would have no represent- 
 atives on the Committee proposed by the two Whips. 
 They would not stand this, and there would be a fight 
 in the House, which would end in one of these ways
 
 162 DIAEY. [1880. 
 
 either one or two Irish members would be added to the 
 Committee, or they would be substituted for one or two 
 of the members proposed by the Whips. In the latter 
 case, we should probably arrive at the solution proposed 
 by the Government, and the result would be the crushing 
 of the Conservative minority ; because it may be assumed 
 that the Government, having a majority in the House, 
 would support their own nominees on the Committee, 
 and would give the Third party their seats at the expense 
 of the nominees of the minority. If the other course 
 that of adding two members to represent the Third party 
 were adopted, then the Third party would have the 
 balance in their hands, and would be masters of the situ- 
 ation. The object of the Government seems to be to 
 reduce the Conservative Opposition to the level of a 
 " sect," more numerous than the sect of the Home Eulers, 
 but having no more rights than they. The Government 
 are to hold the position of an establishment. We agreed 
 last night, after a protest, to the appointment of the 
 Merchant Shipping Commission on the new principle; 
 but we reserve our right to fight the battle again. The 
 speeches about Cyprus last night were suggestive and 
 amusing. The quiet way in which both Dilke and 
 Gladstone ignored all their old abuse of the island, and 
 their complete acceptance of it as almost a British pos- 
 session, to be administered through the Colonial Office, 
 was highly edifying. 
 
 June 4. The proceedings on the Employers Liability 
 Bill last night were highly edifying. The Government
 
 1880.] EMPLOYEES LIABILITY BILL. 163 
 
 have plunged into a thorny question without much con- 
 sideration ; and, as they naively tell us, have taken up the 
 most promising (as they thought) of the various bills 
 presented last session, and ask the House to adopt its 
 principle, explaining that by its " principle " they simply 
 mean that the law requires alteration. They then propose 
 to remodel it in accordance with all the hints and suggest- 
 ions they may pick up in debate. Many of their sup- 
 porters are furious with them, and the employers of labour 
 throughout the country are much alarmed. The second 
 reading we all allowed to pass last night, but the real 
 fight is to come. Gladstone's reply to my remarks on 
 the situation was curious. He had never said we were 
 incompetent for domestic legislation; on the contrary, I 
 must be well aware that he thought me highly competent 
 for it, and that his complaint was that we had allowed 
 the time of the House to be taken up with other mat- 
 ters, which prevented our giving the necessary time to 
 domestic affairs. 
 
 E. Grosvenor has agreed to form the Metropolis Water 
 Committee on the principle of eight Liberals, eight Con- 
 servatives, and a member chosen by the Home Eulers. 
 This arrangement is to be "without prejudice." It is 
 quite satisfactory for the present. 
 
 I did not stay late at the House last night, and there- 
 fore missed a good deal of fun. The Opium debate was 
 noteworthy, and Hartington caught it pretty heavily from 
 "moral" friends on his own side. Gladstone had been 
 dining out to meet the authoress of 'Sister Dora' (Miss
 
 164 DIAEY. [1880. 
 
 Lonsdale, who was very much alarmed by the rapidity 
 and variety of his questions), and only came back in time 
 to express his opinion that the House was too much in- 
 fluenced by feeling, and too little by judgment ! It must 
 be as good as a play to hear such sentiments from such 
 a quarter. After this came the question of O'Connor 
 Power's Land Bill, which is to give tenants "compen- 
 sation for disturbance," when they are evicted for non- 
 payment of rent. The Irish strongly pressed the Govern- 
 ment to give them a day, which Gladstone had refused 
 earlier in the evening; but it seems likely that they 
 will have to give way. Whenever we come to a review of 
 Gladstone's inconsistencies, we shall have to note (1) his 
 apology to Karolyi, which is now disguised by his admir- 
 ers as a virtual surrender of Austria; (2) his retention 
 of Frere, which is now described as a virtual dismissal of 
 that great man ; (3) his retention of Cyprus, which is to 
 be made more English than at present. 
 
 June 20. It is almost impossible to keep up a journal 
 when one is in the thick of the session, with all manner 
 of questions to look up, a great many people to see, no 
 books, papers, or secretaries at hand, and living at this 
 distance from the House and the clubs. I hope to do 
 better next year, when we have our house in St James's 
 Place ; meanwhile we are keeping up our spirits pretty well. 
 The number of blunders which the Government have 
 already committed is almost incredible, and there is a 
 promise of a good addition to their difficulties. Har- 
 court's blundering, Gladstone's impetuosity, and Forster's
 
 1880.] HARES AND RABBITS BILL. 165 
 
 vacillations have done much to disenchant the world, 
 and it does not seem as if they had anything in store 
 for us that will make up for the disappointment they 
 have caused, and the alarm they have occasioned among 
 their own friends. 
 
 It is possible that the Bill (Hares and Eabbits) may 
 not come on for a long time. When it does, I think 
 I must speak early, declaring myself personally ready 
 to vote for one of the Whig amendments, and enlarging 
 on the importance of upholding the doctrine of free con- 
 tract, in view especially of the formidable invasions of 
 the rights of property with which we are threatened in 
 other particulars as, e.g., in the matter of rent ; but I 
 must make comparatively light of the probable division 
 on the second reading, as we shall have the opportunity 
 of amending the bill in Committee, and I shall say that 
 we may regard the second reading in the light in which 
 Gladstone (or Dodson) asked us to regard the second 
 reading of their Employers Liability Bill merely as an 
 assumption that something ought to be done. 
 
 The course of the Government with regard to O'Connor 
 Power's bill has been thoroughly discreditable to them. 
 They began by refusing to give him a day for its dis- 
 cussion. Then, being pressed, they said they would think 
 about doing so. Then they named a day, but gave no 
 intimation as to their views as to the merits of the bill 
 itself. Then, being pressed, they said they should oppose 
 the bill ; but that they would introduce into the Eelief 
 of Distress Bill a clause which should do pretty much
 
 166 DIAKY. [1880. 
 
 what O'Connor Power proposes to do, but only for a 
 limited time, within limited area, and at the discretion 
 of the County Court Judges. Then, having given notice 
 of this clause before the second reading of the Eelief 
 of Distress Bill, they propose to pass the second reading, 
 but pretend that they can exclude discussion of the new 
 clause at that stage, because it is not yet in the bill. 
 The Speaker having ruled that they are wrong in this 
 pretension, and that by placing so important a clause 
 on the paper they have opened its principle to discussion, 
 and Chaplin having moved that the debate on the second 
 reading be adjourned, in order that the House may have 
 time to consider this very important proposal, they again 
 change front, and withdraw the clause, promising to make 
 a new bill of it. The result was that (the House having 
 agreed to the second reading on Thursday), when the 
 Committee was called on Friday morning, Parnell moved 
 the adjournment of the debate on the precisely converse 
 ground from that taken by Chaplin the day before viz., 
 the change caused by the Government not proceeding 
 with their proposed new clause. Gladstone, to get out of 
 the momentary difficulty, said he would agree to the 
 adjournment, and go to other business ; but the Irish 
 then started an irregular conversation, which lasted about 
 four hours, and stopped everything else. At length the 
 English members began to complain of the waste of time, 
 on which the Irish suggested that the best way of saving 
 time would be to refer the bill to a Select Committee 
 consisting of all the Irish members. This proposal of
 
 1880.] DISCUSSION ON BRADLAUGH CASE. 167 
 
 course came to nothing, but it shows what is likely to 
 be tried hereafter. The Eelief Bill now stands over for 
 the present, but O'Connor Power's bill comes on for 
 discussion on Tuesday. The whole tone of the Irish 
 speeches on the Eelief Bill is ominous. They insist on 
 representing the advances as being made for the benefits 
 of the landlords ; and there is an obvious determination 
 to depreciate the landlord's rights, and the value of the 
 land, which I fear the Government will rather favour than 
 repress. The Challemel-Lacour business has been an un- 
 pleasant one. 
 
 June, 21, 22, 23. Monday and Tuesday nights occupied 
 by the discussion on the Bradlaugh case. Labouchere 
 having given notice that he would move, as soon as the 
 Eeport of the Second Committee was received, that Mr 
 Bradlaugh should be allowed to affirm, we decided on 
 an amendment, which we placed in Giffard's hands, de- 
 claring, with reference to the Eeports of the two Com- 
 mittees, that he ought not to be allowed either to affirm 
 or to take the oath. The Government seemed much to 
 dislike their position, and looked as if they wished to 
 leave the discussion as much as possible to the House, 
 till towards the end of the evening, when Bright made 
 one of his characteristic speeches, vehement, intolerant, 
 and at times so offensive that I was very near rising 
 to call him to order. The debate would probably have 
 been adjourned in any case, but this speech made it 
 absolutely necessary. On Tuesday, Gladstone spoke early, 
 and evidently under great anxiety. His speech, especially
 
 168 DIARY. [1880. 
 
 in its earlier part, was a very fine one, and produced a 
 considerable impression. Towards the end, however, he 
 refined far too much, and seemed a little to lose his hold 
 of his audience. Gibson followed him with a very able 
 and telling reply ; but unfortunately the House had 
 greatly emptied for dinner when Gladstone sat down. 
 It is a favourite habit of his to speak into the dinner 
 hour, so that his opponent must speak either to empty 
 benches or forego the advantage of replying on the 
 instant. The division took place at nearly 12.30. "We 
 had a majority of forty-five a result wholly unexpected 
 on our side, the more sanguine having only hoped for 
 a close run, and being prepared to renew the fight by 
 moving the previous question, and adjourning the debate 
 on it. The excitement when the numbers were given 
 was greater than I ever remember. There was shouting, 
 cheering, clapping of hands, and other demonstrations, 
 both louder and longer than any 1 have heard in my 
 parliamentary life. 
 
 This morning (Wednesday) we have had a new act 
 in the drama. Immediately after prayers Mr Bradlaugh 
 came in, and proposed to take the oath. The Speaker 
 thereupon read the resolution adopted last night, and 
 added that he must retire in order that the House should 
 consider the application, which he did. Labouchere then 
 moved that he be heard, and Walpole added the words 
 " At the bar of the House," saying that was the precedent 
 in O'Connell's case. Gladstone meanwhile sent E. Gros- 
 venor round to ask what I meant to do. I replied by
 
 1880.] ME BRADLAUGH'S SPEECH. 169 
 
 asking what the Government meant to do. It was a 
 critical moment, for some of our men were in a state of 
 high excitement, and it was difficult to keep them quiet. 
 It might well have happened that some one would rise 
 and object to hearing Mr Bradlaugh ; and, had a debate 
 arisen, it was difficult to say what might have been its 
 results. Gladstone's and my own mutual caution not to 
 give the other a chance had the effect of keeping the 
 House comparatively quiet for the moment, and the 
 Speaker put the question, and it was agreed to. Brad- 
 laugh accordingly made his speech, and a very clever one 
 it was, and well delivered, with a good deal of dramatic 
 effect. With much difficulty we kept our men from inter- 
 rupting. "When he had finished and had withdrawn there 
 was a pause, and the Speaker asked whether the House 
 had any instructions for him. Gladstone sat silent, and, 
 after a moment of suspense, I thought it necessary to take 
 the initiative myself, observing that I supposed Gladstone 
 abstained from doing so on the ground that he did not 
 feel himself responsible for the situation which had arisen 
 from the proceedings of last night, which he had opposed. 
 I said I saw nothing for the House to do, as Bradlaugh's 
 speech did not seem to have introduced any new element 
 into the case. Gladstone concurred with me, saying that 
 he thought it better to leave the details of the proceedings 
 consequent on last night's resolution to be suggested by 
 those who were responsible for the resolution itself. A 
 motion was made by Mr Labouchere for rescinding the 
 resolution of last night; but it was obviously unfair to
 
 170 DIARY. [1880. 
 
 take such a step without notice, and on Gladstone's re- 
 commendation he withdrew it. I had previously chal- 
 lenged the regularity of making such a motion without 
 notice; but the Speaker had ruled that, though ordinary res- 
 olutions ought not to be rescinded except upon notice duly 
 given, this restriction did not apply to cases of " privilege." 
 There seems to be the same distinction between the rules 
 for " privilege " and those for ordinary proceedings that 
 there is between the rules for playing trumps and those 
 for playing common cards. "When Labouchere had with- 
 drawn his resolution, the Speaker called in Mr Bradlaugh, 
 and informed him that the House persisted in ordering 
 him to withdraw. Upon this he stated that he must re- 
 spectfully refuse to withdraw, holding that the House had 
 no legal power to order him to do so before he had taken 
 the oath. The Speaker then informed the House that he 
 required its authority to compel Mr Bradlaugh to obey its 
 directions. Gladstone still remaining silent, I made the 
 necessary motion, which being accepted, the Speaker or- 
 dered the Sergeant-at-Arms to remove Mr Bradlaugh. 
 Captain Gosset advanced, and for a moment there was an 
 idea that Bradlaugh would resist him, in which case the 
 physical force would not have been on the side of the con- 
 stituted authority. However, nothing unseemly took 
 place, and Mr Bradlaugh allowed himself to be conducted 
 below the bar, but immediately returned, and on being 
 removed again, returned again, and again came to the 
 table. The Speaker then appealed to the House for direc- 
 tions as to the steps which should be taken to vindicate
 
 1880.] MR BRADLATJGH COMMITTED FOR CONTEMPT. 171 
 
 its authority. There were loud cries for " Gladstone," but 
 he did not rise, and I therefore moved that Mr Bradlaugh 
 be committed to the custody of the Sergeant-at-Arms for 
 his contempt of the House. Gladstone concurred with 
 me that this was the only course we could take. Leonard 
 Courtney wished to insert words showing that Bradlaugh 
 resisted the authority of the House, because he disputed 
 the legality of its proceedings ; but the Attorney-General 
 held this to be an unnecessary and inconvenient addition, 
 and the motion was not made. The Irish moved the ad- 
 journment but were defeated; and ultimately Mr Brad- 
 laugh was committed. I don't see how we could have 
 avoided the difficulty in which we are placed; but un- 
 doubtedly it is a rather serious one. The Government 
 have done nothing to help the House out of it, and must 
 suffer in their prestige in consequence. 
 
 June 24. Meeting at Eidley's. Lord Beaconsfield, 
 Cranbrook, Cross, Smith, John Manners, Sandon, Beach, 
 Holker, Gibson, and Eidley. Talked over the situation, 
 and decided that I should move for Bradlaugh's discharge, 
 first, however, putting a question to Gladstone as to his 
 intentions. I wrote a note to Gladstone, telling him that 
 I meant to ask a question, to which he replied that he 
 had been so busy with the details of his Budget that he 
 had not had time to consider what he should do, and that 
 he must therefore ask me to give notice of my question. 
 I answered that I must persevere in putting it, and that, 
 if he did not purpose to make any motion himself, I 
 should take on me the responsibility of doing so. I put
 
 172 DIARY. [1880. 
 
 the question accordingly, and received from him a very 
 curt answer, that he had not yet consulted with his col- 
 leagues on the subject. I thereupon proposed my resolu- 
 tion, saying that I had only moved the committal the day 
 before in order to assert the authority of the House, which 
 Bradlaugh had disputed, and to enforce order, which was 
 being violated by his proceedings. Labouchere declared 
 that Bradlaugh would, if released, immediately present 
 himself in the House again. The motion was, however, 
 Adopted with very little discussion ; and though Harcourt 
 and one or two others tried to raise a laugh, they were not 
 very successful. There is much uneasiness as to what 
 may happen to-morrow, when Bradlaugh will probably 
 come to the fore again. 
 
 July 2. The Bradlaugh incident has terminated, at 
 least for the present. Gladstone found himself forced to 
 bring the question under the serious consideration of the 
 Cabinet on Saturday, and the result was that on Monday 
 he gave notice of a resolution, 'to be brought forward last 
 night, for admitting all persons who may claim a right to 
 affirm to do so without question, and subject to their 
 liability to penalties by statute. My first intention was 
 to meet this by an amendment, declaring that if the 
 House was of opinion that any steps were required to be 
 taken, they ought to be taken by way of legislation rather 
 than by way of resolution. Two or three of my colleagues 
 
 in the House of Commons agreed in this view ; but , 
 
 whom we found in the House of Lords, expressed himself 
 decidedly against any language which might be held to
 
 1880.] THE IRISH BILL. 173 
 
 pledge us to initiate or to support new legislation, and 
 I subsequently thought it safer to confine myself to a 
 declaration against the virtual rescinding of the recent 
 vote. I wrote to Lord Beaconsfield, telling him what I 
 proposed to do, and asking him to telegraph to me if he 
 had any objection. Not receiving any answer, I gave my 
 notice at two o'clock on Tuesday, and I subsequently 
 heard through Eowton that the chief entirely approved. 
 I had some difficulty in restraining Eandolph Churchill 
 from putting down an amendment of his own ; and I could 
 not prevent Gorst from giving notice that he would raise 
 the point of order on Gladstone's motion, as being an in- 
 fringement of the rule that matters once settled should 
 not be brought forward again in the same session. He was 
 technically wrong, though he argued his point with great 
 ingenuity, and though in substance his contention was 
 very much the same as my own. Gladstone's course was 
 very unpalatable to many of his own friends, and is under- 
 stood to have met with much opposition in the Cabinet. 
 
 July 3. The Saturday sitting has not been brilliantly 
 successful. The bill was not really through Committee at 
 12.30 Sunday morning. Our successors are beginning to 
 find that the House is not so easy to lead after all. 
 
 July 9. The Irish bill is becoming a very serious 
 matter for the Government. We made as good a fight 
 as we could upon the second reading on Monday, but were 
 beaten by seventy- eight. We ought to have had at least 
 twenty more of our own men. There was an unaccount- 
 able slackness among them, perhaps in part due to a
 
 174 DIARY. [1880. 
 
 feeling of hopelessness partly, too, to bad whipping. 
 However, we resolved to renew the fight on going into 
 Committee, and after much consultation came to the 
 conclusion that Pell should move an amendment limiting 
 the operation of the bill to properties on which there had 
 been ejectments during the period of distress. We had 
 reason to believe that we should get some Liberal support 
 to this. Meantime, and while our arrangements were 
 being made, Law had put down a notice of amendment 
 of his own, virtually providing for the extension of the 
 Ulster custom to the distressed districts. This came about 
 in the casual way in which the bill generally has been 
 handled by the Government. During Gibson's speech on 
 Monday he made a remark that the bill was so framed 
 that a landlord could not even escape giving compensation 
 for disturbance if he allowed the tenant to sell his inter- 
 est in the holding. Gladstone shook his head, and made 
 vigorous grimaces of dissent, declaring that he could ; and 
 then Law framed his amendment to give effect to his 
 chiefs interpellation. Anyhow this amendment came as 
 a great surprise on the House, and had the twofold effect 
 1st, of puzzling the Whigs, and leading some of them 
 to think that a great improvement was being made in the 
 bill, and that they might relax their opposition to it, 
 which was what the Government meant and hoped to do ; 
 and 2d, of irritating the Home Eulers, which was an 
 effect wholly unexpected and very unwelcome to them. 
 
 This being the state of things, we met last night 
 (Thursday) to proceed with the bill. The first thing we
 
 1880.] THE IRISH BILL. 175 
 
 learned was that Lansdowne had resigned. This was 
 startling and very significant. The Government were 
 clearly in a very sore condition, and Gladstone and Forster 
 had no temper to spare. Pell moved his amendment in a 
 very short speech. Albert Grey seconded it, in a longer 
 and a very able one ; but he confined himself to a general 
 attack on the bill, and said nothing about the particular 
 amendment, except that he did not like it, because it gave 
 too much colour to the bill itself. The Irish Solicitor- 
 General (Johnson) rose to answer, and the Government 
 probably expected a short speech and an immediate 
 division. If so, they reckoned without Parnell, who rose 
 with the Solicitor-General, and was called. He treated 
 the amendment with contempt, but said the question 
 really was, whether the bill was worth proceeding with, 
 now that its character was to be so wholly altered as it 
 would be by Law's amendment. For his part he should 
 not take the trouble of voting for its further progress ; but 
 if it were carried on he should consider that the whole 
 land question had been opened, and should move amend- 
 ments to give it a proper form. Forster was much taken 
 aback, and answered him with some irritation. Soon 
 afterwards the Home Ptulers retired to confer, and by-and- 
 by Eandolph Churchill came and told me that they had 
 decided that if the division were taken on Pell's amend- 
 ment, they should vote with the Government ; but if it 
 were taken on the main question, they would walk out. 
 It was rather awkward to change front at that moment, 
 but we contrived to ascertain from and that 
 
 VOL. II. M
 
 176 DIARY. [1880. 
 
 the Whigs would not vote with us then under any circum- 
 stances, though they would support us in moving amend- 
 ments in Committee, and, if necessary, in opposing the 
 bill on the third reading; so we got Pell to agree to 
 withdraw his amendment, and took our division on the 
 main question, on which we were beaten by 56, or 22 less 
 than on the second reading, though only two Whigs voted 
 with us instead of 21 as on Monday. 
 
 The Home Rulers seem to think that they have lured 
 the Government into a trap, and that they have got in so 
 far that they can't well get back. Then, if the bill is lost 
 this year, the Home Rulers will hold the Government next 
 year to the principles they have admitted now, and will 
 force them to carry them further. 
 
 July 11 (Sunday}. I went down to Hughenden in the 
 afternoon. Lord Beaconsfield sent his carriage to meet 
 me at Maidenhead, and I had a most charming drive of 
 twelve miles. The Sunday trains to Wycombe are in- 
 convenient. Found the chief very well, and delighted to 
 see me. He has been quite alone with his peacocks, and 
 revelling in the country, which he says he has never seen 
 in May or June before. I gave him an account of the 
 parliamentary situation. His general view was, that we 
 ought above all to avoid putting our Whig friends into 
 any difficulty by making them appear to be playing a 
 Tory game. We must keep as clear as possible of any 
 Home Rule alliance, and we had better not move amend- 
 ments upon the bill. He greatly doubted the propriety of 
 our supporting Law's amendment. We ought to make a
 
 1880.] WITH LOED BEACOXSFIELD AT HUGHENDEN. 177 
 
 strong effort to defeat the bill on the third reading. The 
 Lords, he said, were determined to throw it out, and he 
 hoped they would do so by a very large majority, a hun- 
 dred or so. The effect of the proceedings upon next year 
 would be salutary. After dinner we chiefly talked books. 
 The chief is always at his best in his library, and seemed 
 thoroughly to enjoy a good ramble over literature. He 
 was contemptuous over Browning (of whom, however, he 
 had read very little) and the other poetasters of the day, 
 none of whom he thought would live except Tennyson, 
 who he said was a poet, though not of a high order. He 
 was much interested in my story of Sir E. Peel's consult- 
 ing Monckton Milnes on the relative merits of Tennyson 
 and Sheridan Knowles, when he had a pension to dispose 
 of. He talked of Lord Derby's translation of Homer, and 
 said he had given his opinion against rendering him in 
 blank verse. It was ballad poetry. Pope's style was 
 better suited to it, but was not the right thing. Walter 
 Scott would have done it better than any one. I told 
 him of Tennyson's telling me that Burns originally wrote 
 "Ye banks and braes" with two syllables less in the 
 second, and fourth lines, and that he had spoilt it to fit a 
 particular tune. This was like, or rather the reverse of, 
 Scott's treatment of the heroic couplet. The chief was 
 warm against the Homeric unity, and considered that 
 everything Gladstone had written on Homer was wrong. 
 He agreed with my theory that no poet could be well 
 translated except by a superior (or at least an equal) poet. 
 I said Coleridge's " Wallenstein " was the most satisfactory
 
 178 DIAKY. [1880. 
 
 translation I knew, but then Coleridge was quite equal to 
 Schiller. "Yes," he said, "and better." He instanced 
 Moore's " Anacreon " as a success, and considered the 
 translator there quite equal to his original. He was very 
 laudatory of Theocritus, and quoted his line on Galatea 
 coquetting for the kiss as the most musical he knew in 
 any language. 1 He used to be fond of Sophocles, and to 
 carry him about, but did not much care for ^schylus. 
 Euripides had a good deal of fun in him. Lucian was a 
 great favourite, and he gave me the True History to read 
 in bed. He was very fond of Quinctilian, and said it was 
 strange that in the decadence of Eoman literature, as it 
 was called, we had three such authors as Tacitus, Juvenal, 
 and Quinctilian. Horace, of course, he delighted in, and 
 Virgil grew on one ; he was a great admirer of Scaliger 
 and of Bentley ; Porson he did not think much of. He 
 agreed with me in being unable to see the point of " Now 
 Hermann's a German." He mentioned Bentley's correction 
 of " rectis oculus " as a good piece of criticism. Ben Jonson 
 he did not care for. I did battle for him, and he promised 
 to read him again. He gave me a good deal of information 
 about editions, and as to which were rising in price. Gif- 
 fard's Ben Jonson was one which was going up wonderfully. 
 We lamented the disuse of classical quotations in the 
 House of Commons. He said he had at one time tried to 
 revert to them, but the Speaker (Denison) had asked him 
 not. " Why ? Do you think they don't like it ? " " Oh 
 no ! the House rather likes it ; but you are making John 
 
 1 Kal tpfvyei (f>i\ovTa Kal ou <j>i\fovra SuaKft.
 
 1880.] NUMBER OF IRISH EVICTIONS. 179 
 
 Russell restless, and I am afraid of his taking to it too. 
 He gave us six or seven lines of Virgil the other night, 
 which had not the smallest connection with his speech, 
 or with the subject." 
 
 July 12. Stayed at Hughenden till twelve, and had a 
 pleasant walk in the garden with the chief. 
 
 He talked over the state of the House, and asked me 
 many questions as to the progress of Harcourt, Chamber- 
 lain, Dilke, James, Herschell, &c., and also as to our own 
 bench. 
 
 July 15. The Irish Compensation Bill makes no pro- 
 gress. George Hamilton knocked a big hole in it on 
 Tuesday by statistics, showing that the real number of 
 evictions had been grossly exaggerated. In Donegal, out 
 of 156 as stated in the Government return, there had been 
 45 cases in which the tenants had been readmitted as 
 caretakers, and 93 in which they had signed acknowledg- 
 ments and had not been disturbed at all, so that there 
 had only been 18 cases of actual eviction, and of these, 
 about half were due to the action, not of landlords, but of 
 creditors. Gibson at the same time elicited a confession 
 from Forster that the 3000 constables, said to have been 
 employed in protecting process-servers in Galway, were 
 not 3000 separate individuals, but a few hundred men 
 employed several times over like a stage army, as Plun- 
 ket fairly said. 
 
 The oddest turn has been that of Parnell and his party, 
 who are now beginning to take up against the bill, and 
 are likely to join us in throwing it out on the third
 
 180 DIARY. [1880. 
 
 reading. The Government resemble Mr Pickwick going 
 about with a horrid horse which he could not get rid of. 
 Their floundering is quite pitiable. 
 
 July 28. The Whigs disappointed us a good deal in 
 the number they at last brought to the division on 
 Monday. We had only sixteen of them. They were also 
 afraid to take the lead in moving the rejection of the bill. 
 But Charles Fitzwilliam seconded the amendment in the 
 first speech I ever heard him make in the House of 
 Commons, and Eamsden spoke very well for us. The 
 majority was only sixty-six, though the great body of 
 Irish voted with the Government. There had been an 
 idea that they would stay away, and Parnell actually was 
 absent ; but T. P. O'Connor, while treating the bill with 
 great contempt, said he could not take the responsibility 
 of walking out, as he had intended to do when he came 
 into the House, and so he and those present gave their 
 votes for the Government. T. P. O'Connor speaks re- 
 markably well. 
 
 July 28. On going down to the House to-day I re- 
 ceived a letter from Bradlaugh, complaining of the 
 scurrilous language used about him at several contested 
 elections, and especially of Sir John Hay's speech at 
 Wigton, and of a card circulated at Scarborough. I re- 
 plied that I could not undertake any responsibility for 
 the proceedings of candidates, and still less for those of 
 their supporters, as by doing so I should seem to approve 
 everything which I did not distinctly repudiate, however 
 much I might disapprove it. He made a very temperate
 
 1880.] DEFEAT OF GENERAL BUEROWS. 181 
 
 reply, thanking me for my letter, and saying he did not 
 wish me to undertake any responsibility ; but that he 
 wished to point out to ine that, if the Conservatives did 
 not repudiate such language as was used about him, they 
 must be taken to approve it. I must say I think he has 
 ground for his complaint. Our friends want a lesson 
 from " Hamlet," how to use a man according to their 
 own nobleness. News of the disaster to General Burro ws's 
 force on the Helmund. I fear this will seriously affect 
 our position throughout Afghanistan. It comes most un- 
 fortunately, just as Abdur-Eahman was getting into the 
 saddle. 
 
 To August 9. We have passed a busy fortnight with 
 the stirring events of the debate in the House of Lords 
 on the Irish bill, and the scene of Gladstone's illness. 
 It may be hoped that in both cases we have seen the 
 worst of it, and shall be quittes pour la peur. The 
 majority in the House of Lords was a crushing one, and 
 the bill would have been defeated by the number of 
 Liberals voting against it, even had no Conservative been 
 in the division. Cairns's speech on the second night was 
 the great one of the debate, though it was of course less 
 lively and telling than Salisbury's. Lord Beaconsfield's 
 does not seem to have been one of his best. He told me 
 he was embarrassed by Gladstone's illness. There seems 
 to have been no question of resignation after the defeat. 
 Probably none of the Cabinet, except Bright and Cham- 
 berlain, liked the bill, or were otherwise than angry with 
 Gladstone and Forster for letting them into the scrape.
 
 182 DIARY. [1880. 
 
 Pynes, September 7. Note report of Gladstone's speech 
 on Cowen's interpellation (Saturday, September 4). He 
 misrepresents the action of the Powers in dissuading 
 Greece from joining Russia against Turkey. It was in 
 the interests of Greece herself that she was dissuaded 
 from taking a course which would have exposed Athens 
 to destruction by the Turkish fleet. Of course there 
 would have been great pressure then put on the Powers, 
 and especially on England, to interfere on her behalf ; 
 and Turkey might have been willing to attend to our 
 remonstrances, but only with the condition that, if we 
 held her back from striking at the ally of Russia, we 
 should assist her against Russia herself. We did the best 
 we could in obtaining for Greece a hearing at Berlin, and 
 in then obtaining for her, without war, a claim and (so 
 to speak) an international title to a revised frontier, 
 such as she very likely might not have obtained had 
 she gone to war. True, she is still left unsatisfied ; and 
 we are all ready to admit that Turkey may justly be 
 called on to fulfil her engagements. But I should dis- 
 pute the proposition that the action of the Powers in 
 restraining Greece from joining in the Russo-Turkish war 
 gave her a special moral claim on their consideration. 
 
 Mr Gladstone's remarks on the concert of Europe also 
 deserve attention. He hints that the late Government 
 broke up the concert and adopted a line of isolated action, 
 having for its end British interests alone, and pursued it 
 regardless of the rights and interests of others. He also 
 says that it is " almost a moral impossibility that the
 
 1880.] CONCERT OF EUROPE. 183 
 
 whole of the united Powers of Europe ever can consciously 
 act together in the pursuit of an object that is unjust. 
 Errors may be committed, but injustice is hardly conceiv- 
 able, whilst selfishness is totally impossible." Now it is 
 clear, at any rate, that two or more nations may easily 
 combine for unjust and selfish purposes, as Eussia, 
 Austria, and Prussia for the partition of Poland, or 
 Austria and Prussia for the dismemberment of Den- 
 mark, and that the other Powers may, through timidity, 
 indolence, or selfish indifference, allow them to act as 
 they please ; and so a virtual concert of the Powers may 
 easily commit injustice. And this it was that we desired 
 to guard against when we refused to join in the Berlin 
 Memorandum in 1876. That was a nominally concerted 
 action to be taken by all the Powers, but it would really 
 have been a concert of three Powers only, acquiesced in 
 through timidity or indifference by the rest, had not Eng- 
 land dared to have an opinion of her own. 
 
 His closing observations on the unreasonableness of 
 pledging the Government to summon Parliament before 
 adopting any measure which can lead to coercion are very 
 refreshing, and contrast curiously with his language in 
 opposition. 
 
 Lord Granville's apology for Forster's language about 
 the House of Lords is also well worth noticing. Clearly 
 the Irish Secretary had had a good thrashing in the 
 Cabinet. However he may explain away his words, there 
 can be no doubt of the animus with which they were 
 spoken.
 
 184 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 IN AND OUT OF PAKLIAMENT, 1880-85. 
 
 CRITICISM IN OPPOSITION SUMMARY OP POLITICAL EVENTS 
 
 LETTER TO LORD BEACONSFIELD ON THE DEFEAT OF 1880 
 
 PLAYING A LOSING GAME REMARKS ON IRELAND COERCION 
 
 THE KILMAINHAM AFFAIR THE PHO3NIX PARK MURDERS 
 
 IS AN IMPERIAL DEMOCRACY POSSIBLE? REMARKS ON THE 
 
 TRANSVAAL CANDAHAR THE BOMBARDMENT OF ALEXANDRIA 
 
 THE SOUDAN HICKS GORDON THE REFORM BILL OF 
 
 1884-85 PRIVATE INTERVIEW WITH MR GLADSTONE THE 
 
 BUDGET OF 1885 CONSERVATIVES TAKE OFFICE SIR STAF- 
 FORD GOES TO THE HOUSE OF LORDS AS EARL OF IDDES- 
 LEIGH EXTRACTS FROM DIARY TO BE " PRIVATE SECRE- 
 TARY TO LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL" SPEECHES OUT OF 
 
 PARLIAMENT THE NEW REVOLUTION FORESEEN THE CON- 
 DITION OF ENGLAND ADVICE TO ELECTORS AGRICULTURAL 
 
 HOLDINGS IRELAND FAIR TRADE THE NEW MOON AND 
 
 THE OLD STORMY WEATHER. 
 
 THE later years of Sir Stafford Northcote's life were 
 crowded with great and momentous events. As to most 
 of these, owing to the position of his party out of office, 
 he occupied the attitude of a critic and of a teacher. In 
 Parliament his business was to criticise, and his criticism
 
 1880.] CRITICISM IN OPPOSITION. 185 
 
 was ever fair, and even generous. But criticism in poli- 
 tics is seldom perfectly well informed, and is seldom effica- 
 cious. For these reasons his action was not of such in- 
 terest or importance as his conduct might well have been 
 had he possessed other opportunities. Again, he was 
 much occupied out of Parliament in journeys to distant 
 towns all over the country, where he did his best to 
 educate his listeners in politics as understood by him. 
 In the chapter on Sir Stafford as a parliamentary leader, 
 much of his activity has already been described. More 
 as to his private impressions will be learned from the 
 diaries which he kept at intervals from 1880 to 1886. 
 In this chapter we shall endeavour briefly to describe his 
 principal contributions to discussion in the House of 
 Commons and on the platform. The events which he had 
 to watch, the policy which he had to criticise, were extra- 
 ordinary. There were the relations of the Liberal Govern- 
 ment to Ireland in the first place. The Government, as 
 is usual with new English Governments, made an attempt 
 to govern without coercion, without renewing the Peace 
 Preservation Act. Then came disorders. The Act was 
 renewed, the Land Bill was also brought in "A bill of 
 Belial ; there is no ruin to which it may not lead," said 
 Lord Beaconsfield. Then came the " No Eent " manifesto ; 
 the imprisonment of Mr Parnell and many of his asso- 
 ciates. Next followed their release the "Kilinainham 
 Treaty," or arrangement, or whatever it should be called. 
 Mr Forster and Lord Cowper resigned on this, and 
 presently Lord Frederick Cavendish and Mr Burke
 
 186 IN AND OUT OF PARLIAMENT. [1880, 
 
 were murdered. A new period of repression or coercion 
 followed. 
 
 Abroad we were not more tranquil. There was the 
 rising in the Transvaal, the inglorious defeats, the con- 
 vention with the Boers, and the surrender of the Trans- 
 vaal. In Egypt there was Arabi's movement, the Alex- 
 andrian riots, the bombardment of the town, and Tel-el- 
 Kebir. Russia gave us anxiety on the Afghan frontier, 
 France in Madagascar. The Mahdi's propaganda threat- 
 ened the Soudan and Egypt. Hicks was permitted to go 
 to his doom ; Sinkat and Tokar fell ; Gordon was sent on 
 his ambiguous mission, failed, was too long neglected, and 
 the attempt to rescue him ended in the disaster of Khar- 
 toum. The Government accumulated unpopularity and 
 misfortunes. The Reform Bill was introduced and car- 
 ried ; but the combined troubles of the Government ended 
 in a defeat on the Budget. Lord Salisbury held a brief 
 tenure of office. Sir Stafford was raised to the House of 
 Lords, with the position of First Lord of the Treasury. 
 The Conservatives were defeated at the general election, 
 Mr Gladstone came in with his Home Rule Bill : it was 
 outvoted; and in the new Government Lord Iddesleigh 
 held the Foreign Office. In a very few months the re- 
 signation of Lord Randolph Churchill, the appointment 
 of Mr Goschen to the Chancellorship of the Exchequer, 
 and Lord Salisbury's choice of the Foreign department for 
 his own, left Lord Iddesleigh without place in the Govern- 
 ment. His death followed shortly afterwards his old 
 malady, an affection of the heart, suddenly declaring itself.
 
 1880.] LETTEE TO LORD BEACONSFIELD. 187 
 
 The record of these years, of these events, of this close 
 to a long career, is sad, and shall be brief. 
 
 Sir Stafford bore the heavy blow of the defeat in 1880 
 with his usual good-humoured and courageous stoicism, as 
 his diaries partly prove. To Lord Beaconsfield he wrote, 
 when all hope was ended : " There is no use writing about 
 the situation now. I suppose we made a mistake in dis- 
 solving ; but I doubt whether we should really have gained 
 much by waiting till the autumn, and we acted on advice 
 which seemed good, though it now turns out that our 
 advisers were greatly misled. ... I hope you are pretty 
 well. This great blow does not do any one any good ; but 
 I feel very little doubt that a reaction will come, and, 
 even if it should not replace us in office, it will take the 
 form of a juster recognition of your great services during 
 the critical period we have passed through. The new 
 Government will have some difficult nuts to crack, and 
 it is yet to be seen whether their teeth will not be broken. 
 I take for granted that, unless some external cause pre- 
 vents it, they must bring in a Eeform Bill either next year 
 or the year after, so the Parliament will hardly be a long 
 one." Later he speaks of hopes of further service " when 
 the nation comes to its senses." The Liberal Government 
 " seem to be finding out that they have heavier tasks than 
 they expected." 
 
 Sir Stafford was unrivalled in the rare skill of waging 
 a losing fight, playing a losing game, with courage and 
 with good temper. He has been called an optimist ; but it 
 would be more fair to say that he deemed pessimism to be
 
 188 IN AND OUT OF PAKLIAMENT. [i860. 
 
 allied with cowardice. " Tyne heart, tyne a' " (lose heart, 
 lose everything), says the Scottish proverb, with which he 
 agreed. He never lost heart; and while we keep that, 
 other losses may be reckoned, or would be reckoned in the 
 stoical philosophy, as relatively unimportant. He had 
 stated years before, in a speech at Exeter, when he assumed 
 the leadership of the House of Commons, the nature and 
 limits of his so-called optimism: "If the term optimist 
 means one who thinks that everything at the present 
 moment is as perfect as it can be, and that there is no 
 need for us either to endeavour to improve or to take care 
 lest damage should be done to that which we possess, then 
 I altogether repudiate the title as one which is incom- 
 patible with me in every sense. But if it is meant by the 
 use of that expression to describe one who is disposed rather 
 to look on the bright than on the gloomy side, one who is 
 disposed to give credit to his friends and opponents for the 
 best rather than the worst constructions that can be put 
 upon their deeds ; if it is meant for one who is prepared to 
 hold the view that though over-trustfulness is foolish and 
 may lead to mischief, that over-suspiciousness may also be 
 foolish and lead to harm ; if these are the ideas that are 
 associated with the word optimism, then I claim to be 
 an optimist. I believe it is only by going on with one's 
 work in a spirit of cheerfulness and hopefulness, in a spirit 
 of readiness to acknowledge good rather than to distress 
 ourselves by a possibility of evil, I believe it is only in 
 that way that the real work of statesmanship is to be done.
 
 1880.] PLAYING A LOSING GAME. 189 
 
 I believe, myself, that is the spirit in which English states- 
 men should endeavour to act." 
 
 There was in him a good deal of the British soldier's 
 feeling, who, outnumbered and outmanoeuvred, is said to 
 put his trust in " the luck of the British army." Pessim- 
 ism is always easy in human affairs, especially in an age 
 with so troubled a present, so dark a future, as our own. 
 It may be combated by taking long views, and by believ- 
 ing that as good times, and bad times, and all times end, 
 ours, too, may some day pass into a brighter tranquillity. 
 Or we may try the other plan, Sir Stafford's, and, taking 
 short views, live in the day and for each day's work. 
 
 His own work in Parliament, as we have said, was the 
 task of criticism. For this he was eminently well adapted, 
 if criticism be the effort " to see things as they are." But 
 it is not this intention, so much as the desire to prove 
 them to be of one given complexion or the other, that 
 usually animates parliamentary criticism. For this labour 
 he was not naturally gifted; he trusted to reason more 
 than to rhetoric, and disdained noble opportunities of de- 
 clamation. Where it would have been easy to appeal to 
 passion, he preferred argument. He often almost studi- 
 ously understated his case, as when, in regard to the 
 Kilmainham affair, he said that the occurrence seemed to 
 demand " a good deal of explanation." He was less anxious 
 to embarrass his opponents than to guide them. He kept 
 insisting on the need of a reasoned policy, which would 
 at least try to consider all possible results of this conduct
 
 190 IN AND OUT OF PAELIAMEKT. [1881. 
 
 or that situation. Such is the ideal policy of a leader of 
 Opposition in a state formed by rational men. 
 
 In England, unluckily, we cannot reverse Voltaire's 
 mot, and say that la raison a tu6 le raisonnement. Violent 
 attack is preferred to sober counsel, passion has the pref- 
 erence over reason, and the mild wisdom of Sir Stafford 
 was not to the taste of all his party. He remained true 
 to his conception of duty, of duty and of respect towards 
 himself and his political opponents. 
 
 When Parliament opened, in January 1881, even his 
 optimism did not enable him, as he said, to take a rose- 
 coloured view of affairs in Ireland. Later events made 
 this endeavour yet more difficult. People in England, he 
 complained, did not realise the condition of Ireland. They 
 saw the rights of property and of individual liberty over- 
 borne, they saw as if they saw it not. Mr Gladstone, 
 when aiming at office, had done what Sir Stafford could 
 not do, and had viewed the Green Isle through spectacles 
 of rosy tint. He had spoken of " an absence of crime, a 
 general sense of comfort and satisfaction." Consequently 
 he had not renewed the Peace Preservation Act. Mr 
 Childers had travelled in Ireland, and had described him- 
 self as " a passer-by." Sir Stafford was reminded of two 
 other notorious passers-by, the priest and the Levite, " on 
 the other side of the way." And now Ireland had two 
 Governments, that of the Queen and that of the Land 
 League. "Do not let us then be told that the Govern- 
 ment has not broken down. The Government has broken 
 down. They were now asking for larger powers. Why
 
 1881.] REMARKS ON IRELAND. 191 
 
 did you not do it before ? . . . You might have put out 
 the flame while it was small." The agitation in Ireland 
 was really directed against all holders of property, against 
 every class that opposed the Land League. More was 
 intended legislative separation was intended. The rev- 
 olution was political and social. Willing workers were 
 forbidden to work. The remedial legislation of 1870 was 
 mere " tinkering " did not reach the root of the evil. If 
 people were not shot, they regarded being boycotted as 
 something rather worse (January 6, 1881). On a later 
 day (January IV) he repeated that Mr Parnell occupied 
 the position of a rival power, and aimed at " the ultimate 
 separation of the Legislatures of the two countries." He 
 demanded the vindication of order as the first thing need- 
 ful. He was not opposed to a revision of the land laws. 
 " We are most anxious that the land laws of that country 
 should be of such a nature as really to suit the necessities 
 of the people, and to provide, as far as possible, for the 
 proper cultivation of the soil, and for the maintenance of 
 a happy and contented population upon it." In criticising 
 the new Land Bill (May 19, 1881), he kept asking for 
 clearness of statement, definition of such a term as " ten- 
 ancy." "We never know exactly where we are: when 
 we try to express a supposed meaning we are told we are 
 wrong, and when we try another we are told we are 
 equally at fault. Do not," he said, " apply a false remedy. 
 What is it, after all, that Ireland requires ? It requires 
 for its development the application of capital ; it requires 
 the confidence which produces capital; and it requires, 
 
 VOL. II. N
 
 192 IN AND OUT OF PARLIAMENT. [1882. 
 
 what is still more, energy and wisdom in the application 
 of that capital." "Moral restraint, enterprise, self-exer- 
 tion," were needed ; was the bill likely to bring these 
 virtues in the folds of its clauses ? If the changes did 
 not produce a total revolution, "a total destruction of 
 what is called landlordism," then the smaller changes 
 scarcely touched the fringes of the question. Only con- 
 fusion and quarrelling would be produced, he feared ; and 
 the fears have not been without justification. A revolu- 
 tion was to be intrusted to a Commission " of whose com- 
 position and powers we do not at present know anything." 
 Many of his opponents seemed " to hate landlords more 
 than they loved Ireland." The people of Ireland would 
 be taught their true lesson backwards, taught to rely on 
 Governments and Commissions rather .than on themselves. 
 They would be taught that " w r hen they are in difficulties 
 there is a simpler course than work that is, agitation." 
 An old-fashioned maxim maybe; Sir Stafford had not 
 moved with the times. Lord Hartington, however, thought 
 he was moving with them, and that he no longer de- 
 nounced "the three Fs" as "Force, Folly, and Fraud," 
 but was rather inclining to one of the three F's, "Fair 
 Kent." Sir Stafford, however, was immovable in his 
 opinion that they were passing " a bill which has never 
 been sufficiently explained" (June 13, 1881.) 
 
 In the following year (February 8, 1882) he gave his 
 views of coercion. If resorted to, it ought to be as a 
 policy, not as "a hateful incident." Government had 
 asked for powers, had obtained them : had failed at first
 
 1882.] THE KILMAIXHAM AFFAIR. 193 
 
 to employ them, hoping that the mere threat would suffice. 
 The Land Commission had not acted as it had been ex- 
 pected to act. " The interest of the landlords ought to be 
 regarded like the interests of other classes. If not, why 
 not ? " Yet the real root of the evil had not been reached. 
 Terrorism prevailed in Ireland: little result had come 
 from imprisoning the Irish leaders. Then, " What are our 
 prospects when we go back to the ordinary state of the 
 law ? " The Government could destroy, not reconstruct ; 
 and he quoted the words of Catherine de Medicis to her 
 son, after the murder of the Due de Guise : " Vous savez 
 tailler, il faut savoir coudre." They could slice, they could 
 not sew. The Irish were being led to expect something 
 more, was it a Parliament of their own ? 
 
 Probably no one knew exactly how much was intended, 
 or what doors were being kept open. All this was 
 opposed to Sir Stafford's constant appeal for a coherent 
 policy that might be avowed and carried through. The 
 release of the Kilmainham captives was another oppor- 
 tunity for similar criticism. What did it mean? On 
 what, if any, conditions were the prison gates opened? 
 On this topic it was often his duty to press questions 
 which perhaps have not yet been satisfactorily answered. 
 In their Kilmainham transaction, Sir Stafford admitted 
 that the Government were consistent at least. " They are 
 proceeding on the principles on which it seems to me that 
 they have all along proceeded. These principles are some- 
 what those of a pendulum, which swings sometimes to the 
 one side and sometimes to the other. . . . They are pur-
 
 194 IN AND OUT OF PARLIAMENT. [1882. 
 
 suing a policy which they have not thought out to its 
 ultimate issues. . . . They are without a policy which they 
 have themselves sought and decided on, and which they 
 are prepared to recommend on their own authority to the 
 House." 
 
 These remarks were made on May 2. On May 6, Lord 
 Frederick Cavendish and Mr Burke were murdered by men 
 who, in Mr Parnell's opinion, " must have absolutely de- 
 tested the cause with which I have been associated," and 
 who, in fact, must have done it to spite Mr Parnell and 
 his allies (May 9, 1882). Sir Stafford in the House merely 
 uttered a few words of sympathy with the victims of the 
 Invincibles, and of support to the Government. In a 
 debate on Irish policy (May 16), he returned to the sub- 
 ject of Kilmainham. The Prime Minister had said that 
 there had been nothing in the nature of a negotiation. The 
 Chief Secretary, Mr Forster, spoke of the strong objection 
 which he felt to govern Ireland by negotiations with per- 
 sons who had broken the law. It was now that Sir 
 Stafford " felt convinced that there is a good deal which re- 
 quires explanation. We know a great deal now that it is 
 important we should know ; but I do not even yet feel 
 sure that we know all." His efforts to have the subject 
 thoroughly examined were defeated. 1 He feared that sub- 
 mission had been made to the forces of dishonour. Hold- 
 ing these ideas, uttered out of Parliament as well as in it, 
 as will be shown, he naturally resented Mr John Bright's 
 speech at Birmingham, in which he said that the Con- 
 
 1 Hansard, cclxvi. 107, 703.
 
 1882.] SIR STAFFORD AND MR BRIGHT. 195 
 
 servatives were "found in alliance with an Irish rebel 
 party, the main portion of whose funds, for the pur- 
 poses of agitation, come from the avowed enemies of Eng- 
 land." Mr Bright had added that this unholy alliance 
 made the work of the House of Commons impossible. 
 These are charges which have too long been alternately 
 bandied by either faction in the State, and the persistence 
 with which they are urged may almost lead us to suspect 
 the morality of our politics. They were not charges that 
 could apply to Sir Stafford, who (June 18, 1883) made 
 them the subject of a speech on breach of privilege. 
 Mr Bright expressed his sense of Sir Stafford's courtesy 
 in making his motion. He admitted that the word 
 " alliance " was capable of being interpreted in a sense 
 which he did not intend it to carry. He did not mean 
 that there had been "any kind of arrangement." The 
 dispute ended in a cruel display of Irish ingratitude, 
 which he has doubtless forgiven, and even forgotten, 
 towards Mr Gladstone. He was accused, by Mr Callan, 
 of joining Mr Bright in hallooing " Mad dog " ! 
 
 The Irish question illustrates the old controversy as to 
 whether a democracy can be an imperial power whether 
 it can govern other States. History has still to show 
 whether or not, on a large scale, a democracy can govern 
 itself ; whether its proper place is not in something like 
 the Greek sytem of the TroXt?, with its natural advan- 
 tages and corresponding drawbacks. A democracy can 
 have no better opportunity for the wider governing func- 
 tions than under a really trusted leader, such as, in widely
 
 196 IN AND OUT OF PARLIAMENT. [1882. 
 
 different historical circumstances, and with aims and char- 
 acters leagues apart, Pericles was in Athens, and Mr 
 Gladstone in England. Yet it was under Mr Gladstone 
 that the constant lack of a stable, and far-sighted, and 
 consistent policy displayed itself. The affairs of the 
 Transvaal, of Egypt, of the Soudan, evoked from Sir 
 Stafford precisely the same sort of criticism as the affairs 
 of Ireland. The difficulties were, indeed, immense, and 
 not to be overrated. We showed, as Sir Stafford declared, 
 want of power, want of grip, want of consistency, in the 
 Transvaal. He could easily defend the Conservative 
 Government from the charge of having caused the 
 Transvaal troubles by the annexation. The annexation, 
 at the moment when it was made, probably saved 
 South Africa above all, the Dutch parts of South Africa 
 from being swept by the Zulus, and from what would 
 have made that calamity possible, internal anarchy. 
 It turned out that the Boers, after we destroyed the 
 Zulu military organisation, no longer needed nor wanted 
 our presence. The Conservatives, Sir Stafford argued 
 (June 25, 1881), had been anxious to give to the Boers 
 "that measure of representative institutions, and that 
 measure of local self-government, which might be reason- 
 ably desired by them." But his party was expelled from 
 office. The Liberals might then have peacefully reversed the 
 measure of annexation. Or they might have maintained 
 British authority at any cost, later. But they did talk of 
 the iniquity of shedding blood, almost all the blood shed 
 being that of gallant British soldiers, sacrificed by the most
 
 1882.] EEMAKKS ON THE TEANSVAAL. 197 
 
 insane leadership that ever courted disaster. " Arguments 
 of that sort," about bloodshed, " are among the arguments 
 that make one ashamed of .one's self. . . . We say your 
 policy was faulty as a whole." If the soldiers had only 
 been allowed to charge at Majuba when they wanted 
 to charge ; when Ian Hamilton repeatedly crossed the 
 line of fire to ask General Colley for a charge, Privates 
 Helmsley and Boyle actually charged alone, and fell, 
 then we might have held Majuba, and then it is probable 
 that the Transvaal would never have been given up. But 
 some blindness of fate overcame General Colley ; we were 
 defeated without fighting, and then it was that the Govern- 
 ment, which began the war, talked of "bloodshed," and 
 surrendered. Even afterwards to conquer the Boers was 
 not beyond our power. But the Government, as Sir 
 Stafford said, conducted the negotiations "with divided 
 minds." They ruined confidence in England. They did 
 not, as Sir Stafford told them, remember the advice of 
 Polonius : 
 
 " Beware 
 
 Of entrance to a quarrel ; but, being in, 
 Bear it that the opposer may beware of thee." 
 
 But, now that negotiations had gone so far, he "should 
 be sorry to say anything that would still further weaken 
 the hope of a satisfactory settlement of this matter." 
 
 In the affair of withdrawing from Candahar, Sir Stafford 
 had to defend his old agreement with Sir John Lawrence's 
 policy, as not inconsistent with his present disinclina- 
 tion to leave Candahar. Circumstances had altered, by
 
 198 IN AND OUT OF PAELIAMENT. [1882. 
 
 the nearer neighbourhood of Eussia to Afghanistan. We 
 were told that Eussia had been justified in her overtures 
 to the Ameer. "Well; but if she were justified, that 
 proves our case : it proves that though you are not afraid 
 of Eussia when you are at peace with her, . . . yet 
 that if you ever come into difficulties with Eussia, it is in 
 her power to interfere with you in a very inconvenient 
 way in Afghanistan." He was not to be accused of wish- 
 ing to enlarge our empire. "I can only say for myself 
 it is that which I most shrink from if it can in any way 
 be avoided." He appealed to the authority of Lord 
 Lawrence, who held that it would be our duty to interpose, 
 in case of Afghan dealings with Eussia. He did not believe 
 that the Government, in quitting Candahar, had thought 
 the question out any more than they usually did think 
 questions out. He asked if our Indian policy should be at 
 the mercy of every general election. " In adopting such a 
 course, you are attempting one of the rashest and maddest 
 feats that are possible." 
 
 Such, however, is the nature of a democracy that would 
 be imperial. He believed that if the Liberals were in 
 power for twenty years, " at the end of that period there 
 will be very little of the British empire left for them to 
 govern." That seems highly probable in any case, for 
 democracies have never yet succeeded in being imperial. 
 They have other aims, other ambitions, inconsistent with 
 empire. 
 
 On the Egyptian troubles, the wildly mismanaged bom- 
 bardment of Alexandria, Sir Stafford had to remark (June
 
 1882.] THE BOMBARDMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. 199 
 
 27, 1882), that " the Government are attempting to make 
 war upon peace principles, and such an attempt must al- 
 ways fail." As to our " military operations," which were 
 not war and were in self-defence, he examined that argu- 
 ment from the point of view of Arabi ; " was he not entitled 
 to defend himself against the ships which were coming 
 against him ? " These arguments of the Government weak- 
 ened their case, and reflected very severely on their ally, 
 the French. The Conservatives would support the Govern- 
 ment " on the ground of national interests " ; but retained 
 the right to criticise and disapprove of their policy, their 
 miscarriages and shortcomings, their wanton sacrifice of 
 the influence of the Porte. Government at once hampered 
 and isolated us, for example, by not being able to land troops 
 in the seething tumult of bombarded Alexandria. Mr 
 Gladstone found these charges " too vague and general." 
 
 Opportunities of criticism less vague were unfortunately 
 frequent in the miserable business which began with Gen- 
 eral Hicks's march against the Mahdi, and went on through 
 the series of disasters at Sinkat, Tokar, El Teb, Suakim, 
 and Khartoum. On February 12, 1884, Sir Stafford had 
 to move a vote of censure on Government. Their main 
 fault had been the shirking of responsibilities which could 
 not be shirked. England, like Pontius Pilate we may say, 
 was trying to wash her hands of guilt which clings to her. 
 If the Conservatives had been responsible, as they were 
 told, for the misdeeds of Turkey, much more were the 
 Liberals responsible for the misfortunes of Egypt and our 
 own. " I venture to think that the treatment which
 
 200 IN AND OUT OF PARLIAMENT. [1884. 
 
 General Hicks received, beginning from the time when he 
 was first brought into communication with Lord Dufferin, 
 to the time when his life was sacrificed, was of the most 
 extraordinary character, and amounted to the sacrifice of 
 General Hicks." " The Government would seem to have 
 more regard for their responsibility than for their honour." 
 Why continue this criticism, so unfortunately obvious, 
 so undeniable, as one is reluctantly compelled to feel, and 
 yet so impotent at the time, so unavailing now ? Gordon 
 had been sent alone, unaided, on his dubious effort, and Sir 
 Stafford could only hope that Gordon was not to be treated 
 like Hicks ; that his position was not to be " confused." 
 Sir Stafford had never felt any confidence in Gordon's mis- 
 sion. He wanted to know (April 3, 1884) whose servant 
 Gordon was to be. " No man can serve two masters." The 
 " plans," doubtfully attributed to General Gordon, " had 
 always seemed to him rather vague and extravagant." Mr 
 John Morley, when Gordon had fallen, turned this phrase 
 of Sir Stafford's against him. He had a perfect right to 
 entertain these opinions, nor do they at all clash with our 
 admiration of the best, the bravest, the purest of men. 
 Gordon's mission was not of Sir Stafford's sending. In 
 various points Gordon was, if not "extravagant," at all 
 events too much outside the common course of mankind 
 to be a cautious cold negotiator. Every one who knew 
 him at all, knew that he loved honour more than any 
 earthly reward ; that once sent, unsupported, to do his best, 
 he would relinquish anything sooner than honour. Those 
 who knew this should either not have sent him out, or
 
 1885.] GENERAL GORDON. 201 
 
 should have trusted and supported him. He was not the 
 man to make a cat's-paw of : it was by no means safe to 
 imagine that he would take measures first for his own 
 safety. He carried the honour of England, as he under- 
 stood it, a stainless shield without which he would never 
 return from any fray. In vain Sir Stafford kept asking 
 the Government for their policy. " Is it their policy to 
 let things drift entirely, or are they going to stir ? " Mr 
 Gladstone resented the occupation of many nights (seven- 
 teen) with this question. " They will have made a 
 precedent of pushing a question of this kind in a meas- 
 ure and to a degree to which I declare, so far as my 
 knowledge goes, there is nothing approaching a resem- 
 blance in the whole history of the House of Commons." 
 Mr Gladstone thought Sir Stafford's assertion that General 
 Gordon's plans had failed (he had been refused Zebehr, 
 with Sir Stafford's approval) was not " beneficial." "Was 
 it premature ? Had he " anticipated the fact " ? History 
 knows, and knows, too, that if aid was sent too late to 
 Gordon, if the blood and labour of our bravest men was 
 spent in vain, the fault did not lie with Sir Stafford North- 
 cote. Speaking at Barnstaple, as a candidate for that 
 division of North Devon in 1885, when Khartoum had 
 fallen, when Gordon's body lay on the sands or tossed on 
 the Nile, Sir Stafford said : " This nation has exerted 
 itself to prevent, and to crush in its cradle, the slave traffic 
 in the interior of Africa. It was for this purpose that 
 that gallant hero whose name will always be a household 
 word in England great and good General Gordon it was
 
 202 IN AND OUT OF PARLIAMENT. [1885. 
 
 to crush that traffic in its cradle that he sacrificed his time, 
 his energy, and in the end life itself. It was because he 
 loved those nations who were suffering as he knew from 
 the great evils which civilisation and religion alone could 
 cure it was because he sympathised with these nations, 
 that he placed his services at the command of the British 
 Government, and that he undertook a mission which few 
 others, or none, would have dared to think possible. He 
 undertook that mission in a spirit of reliance upon God 
 and of trust in His providence, and in reliance upon the 
 hearty support of his countrymen, which carried him 
 through the greatest dangers and difficulties, and which, 
 as I firmly believe, would have enabled him to accomplish 
 his object, had the expected succour been in time. I said 
 just now that his was a name which we should always 
 regard as a household word, and to which we should point 
 with gratitude and pride ; but at the same time I fear we 
 must add that it is a name which will call a blush to our 
 countenances when we think how that great and good man 
 was abandoned, when we think of the last months of his 
 life, struggling against desperate odds, and always hoping 
 against hope that England would in due time come for- 
 ward and rescue him." 
 
 This is a theme from which one turns with an inextin- 
 guishable shame and regret. Years have passed, feelings 
 have lost their edge : it scarcely becomes us now to use 
 Gordon's name it never became us to use it as a party 
 watchword as a reproach to this individual or that. We 
 were all to blame. He asked for Zebehr, and we refused
 
 1885.] THE EEFORM BILL. 203 
 
 him. The country, too, might have done more to save him 
 and his charge, but for party. Gordon is our common 
 shame and our common glory ; his glory alone is shared 
 by the gallant men who, to save him, gave their lives too 
 late, suffered all extremes of labour and of distress, and 
 were vanquished only by space and time. The names of 
 our soldiers are untarnished by this dishonour. Gordon 
 lives yet in our hearts, a light to lighten our conduct, and 
 aid those who lack his courage and his force, to try at 
 least to imitate in their lives his purity, his piety, his 
 goodness, his contempt of wealth and fame and death. 
 He deserves better than to be the hero or the reproach of 
 a party. "A man," said Sir Stafford, "of whom it has 
 been truly said that he was of a heroic character ; a man 
 who was above all things loyal, unselfish, earnest, fearless, 
 devoted to the duties which he undertook, and ready to 
 spend and be spent in the honour of God and his country " 
 (February 23, 1885). 
 
 In the affair of the Eeform BUI of 1884-85, Sir Stafford's 
 most interesting part has been recorded by himself in a 
 note, a portion of which may be published for its curious 
 interest : 
 
 " The main lines of the discussions on the Franchise 
 Bill of 1884 and the Eedistribution of Seats Bill (1884-85) 
 are sufficiently known. The autumn agitation was directed 
 by the Liberals, not so much to the passing of the Franchise 
 Bill, as to which there was at least a profession of agree- 
 ment on all sides, as to the exciting public feeling against 
 the House of Lords. The results of the meetings held
 
 204 IN AND OUT OF PAKLIAMENT. [1885. 
 
 throughout the country seemed to be these : 1. That the 
 passing of the Franchise Bill was adequately desired 
 (though there cannot be said to have been any ardent 
 demand for it), on the part of a large number of persons, 
 especially in the north of England and in Scotland. 
 2. That it was generally admitted that the extension of 
 the franchise ought to be accompanied, or immediately 
 followed, by a redistribution of seats. 3. That the 
 animosity of the fight was directed against the action of 
 the House of Lords. 
 
 " It seemed probable, when Parliament reassembled in 
 October, that the House of Lords would again receive the 
 Franchise Bill in the same spirit as that which they 
 received it with in July ; but they had pretty well agreed 
 to give it a second reading, and then to fix the next stage 
 for a distant day (in March or April), so as to give time 
 for the Government to introduce their Redistribution Bill 
 and pass it through the House of Commons before the 
 Peers proceeded further with the first bill. What course 
 the Government might take upon this was of course 
 uncertain ; but it was hoped by some, and feared by 
 others, that they would throw up the bill, dissolve, and 
 set on foot a more violent agitation against the House 
 of Lords. 
 
 " I never shared the extreme anxiety which was felt by 
 so many on both sides ; but it was obvious that the alarm 
 was of itself likely to cause danger, as the cry of ' Fire ' 
 does in a crowded building. . . . 
 
 " Already in the early autumn some communications
 
 1885.] THE SCHEME OF REDISTRIBUTION. 205 
 
 had been opened with the Opposition leaders through the 
 Duke of Eichmond ; hut these had led to little more than 
 a conference between the Duke, Lord Salisbury, and Lord 
 Cairns, and to a substantial agreement between them as to 
 the course to be taken in the House of Lords. When we 
 reassembled (October 23), and when I opened the debate 
 on the Address in terms of studied moderation, Mr Glad- 
 stone replied to me in a speech of no compromise, and of 
 menace to the House of Lords. 
 
 " On Sunday, October 26, Lord Norton came to me with 
 a letter which he had received from Gladstone, referring 
 to a conversation they had had at Grillion's in July or 
 August, when Gladstone had asked him what it was that 
 the Conservatives wanted, if it was that the urban ele- 
 ment should be kept as much as possible out of the coun- 
 ties, he (Gladstone) agreed with us. Gladstone had now 
 noticed some expressions of Carnarvon's at some public 
 meeting, and taking a hint from them, he suggested some 
 kind of intermediaries who might draw the scheme of 
 redistribution. This had brought Adderley [Lord Norton] 
 to town in a hurry, and it was obvious that Mr Gladstone 
 expected him, for we were all three in the Chapel Eoyal, 
 and I observed some significant glances as he saw Norton 
 come up to speak to me. We called in Arlington Street, 
 and had a talk with Salisbury ; but the whole matter was 
 very vague. Eeference was made to Sir Erskine May, who 
 had been staying at Highclere, and who had been in com- 
 munication with Gladstone. Norton went to see him, and 
 on subsequent days I also saw hinj ; but everything was
 
 206 IN AND OUT OF PARLIAMENT. [1885. 
 
 vaguer and vaguer. I have a memorandum, dated Octo- 
 ber 28, giving the substance of my first conversation with 
 him, and another, without date, of a further conversation 
 after he had seen Sir C. Dilke. It may be observed that 
 various communications had been proceeding between Sir 
 M. H. Beach and Lord Hartington, of which I was only 
 partially cognisant, as we did not wish them to commit 
 us as leaders of the party. The advantage we anticipated 
 from these communications was, that we might disabuse 
 the Government of the idea that we only wanted the Re- 
 distribution Bill produced in order that we might break 
 up the whole Reform scheme by means of it. That this 
 idea existed among them was evident from some conversa- 
 tions which I had with Lord Tollemache, who, while a 
 staunch Conservative, was in close personal relations with 
 
 Mr Gladstone and . He showed me a ridiculously 
 
 alarmist letter from the latter, to which I wrote a soothing 
 reply." 
 
 A private meeting with Mr Gladstone himself was 
 finally arranged. 
 
 " On the 13th November my eldest son came to see me, 
 and gave me to understand that Algernon West and he 
 had been speculating about my views of the position. 
 I said to him what I had been saying all along to 
 Lord Tollemache, to Mr Peel, and others by some of 
 whom it must have been communicated to the Ministers 
 viz., that in my opinion if the Government would 
 introduce the Redistribution Bill all would go right. He 
 asked me whether this might be communicated to Mr
 
 1885.] PKIVATE MEETING WITH MR GLADSTONE. 207 
 
 Gladstone as my personal opinion ? I said, ' Yes.' He 
 then went away ; but in the course of the afternoon he 
 came down to the House of Commons and told me that, 
 as soon as West had mentioned this to Lord Granville, 
 Lord Granville had gone over to see Mr Gladstone, and 
 then desired West to acquaint me that Mr G. would like 
 an hour or two to consider so important a communication, 
 and in the meantime Lord G. and Mr G. would think it 
 most desirable if, on the grounds of old private friendship, 
 I would meet Mr Gladstone for a short conversation either 
 at West's house or Lord Granville's, or elsewhere. I said 
 I must take a little time to consider this request, and I 
 went into the House of Lords and consulted Salisbury. 
 We agreed that I had better hear what G. had to say. I 
 told Walter of this, and he went away, and came back 
 with a message that ' Mr G. is nervous about meeting in 
 the daytime, as so many people watch him. He dines with 
 West to-night (in St James's Palace). Could I meet him 
 there about eleven o'clock, when the guests will have gone?' 
 
 " I went accordingly at eleven o'clock, and was let in by 
 Mr West. I found Gladstone alone, and remained with 
 him about half an hour. The substance of our conversa- 
 tion is in my letter to Lord Salisbury (November 13), of 
 which I have kept a copy." 
 
 The result of this and other negotiations was the an- 
 nouncement of the Government's willingness to communi- 
 cate with the leaders of the Opposition on the details of 
 the Redistribution Bill. The proposed conference was 
 accepted, and comparative peace was restored. 
 
 VOL. II.
 
 208 IN AND OUT OF PARLIAMENT. [1885. 
 
 The main lines of Sir Stafford's conduct as a critic of 
 Government during his last years in the House of Com- 
 mons have now been traced. On June 8, 1885, Govern- 
 ment were defeated, on the second reading of the Customs 
 and Inland Eevenue Bill. In his speech Sir Stafford 
 objected chiefly to taxing a falling revenue in beer and 
 spirits, and to confusing a moral and a fiscal tax. Taxes 
 should be fiscal ; but the Government seemed to think that 
 beery and spirituous men were their opponents' chief 
 supporters, and therefore meant to hit them in their 
 pleasant failings. He did not know that there was any- 
 thing very novel or magnificent in his own principles of 
 taxation, which were that you should raise money in the 
 form most to the advantage and least to the disadvantage 
 of the community, and that you ought, as far as possible, to 
 keep your taxation steady. Mr Gladstone spoke of those 
 principles as possibly deserving to be called truisms and 
 platitudes. He also fell back on the celebrated surplus 
 which was frittered away, and styled Sir Stafford " the 
 author of habitual deficit." In opposition to Sir Stafford, 
 he himself laid down the duty of " Pay your way," and 
 found the real cause of opposition to the Government's pro- 
 posals, not in compassion for the beer- drinker, but in dis- 
 like of the death duties. These arguments and amenities 
 ended in the defeat of the Government by twelve votes. 
 
 On the following day, rumours already prevailed that 
 Sir Stafford was to go to the Upper House as First Lord of 
 the Treasury. Of the influences and motives for this 
 change enough will be learned from the following diary,
 
 1885.] SIR STAFFORD CREATED LORD IDDESLEIGH. 209 
 
 or at least as much as is deemed desirable. On July 6, 
 Sir Stafford took his seat in the House of Lords as Earl 
 of Iddesleigh, the name derived from a family estate in 
 Devon. This was a sacrifice of himself to his party. His 
 career had been in the Commons : in the Lords he occu- 
 pied, for a few months in 1885, the position of First Lord 
 of the Treasury, and in 1886 held the important post of 
 Foreign Minister. On all these matters extracts from the 
 diary of 1885 may now be given. 
 
 June 6, 1885 {Saturday), Came up from Pynes this 
 evening with Amyas. Very tired. 
 
 June 7. Prepared scheme of speech for Budget debate 
 to-morrow. 
 
 June 8. The great debate came off to-night. Beach 
 made a good speech; but was unlucky in what he said 
 about a tax on tea. His words were greedily caught up 
 by Sir C. Dilke, and I had, later, to do my best to explain 
 them away. The result (a majority of twelve against 
 the Government) took the House generally by sur- 
 prise, though we ourselves had reckoned on a victory 
 by three or four votes. About forty of the Parnellites 
 voted with us. The excitement on the declaration of 
 the numbers was very great, and displayed itself rather 
 indecorously. Randolph Churchill jumped upon his seat, 
 and stood waving his pocket-handkerchief, and shouting. 
 Walter [his eldest son] left the House with Algernon 
 West, and said something about this being a curious 
 end of Gladstone's career. West said, "Ah, this can't
 
 210 IN AND OUT OF PARLIAMENT. [1885. 
 
 be the end now ; you will see him come out more ener- 
 getic than ever." 
 
 June 9. Went to see Salisbury. I was strongly in 
 favour of accepting office, considering that, with all its dis- 
 advantages, it was the only honourable course open to us 
 after our action in turning out the present Government. 
 I thought if we declined the responsibility now, we should 
 be held to have justified the taunt that we have no policy 
 and no men. 
 
 Had a good deal of talk with friends at the Carlton and 
 elsewhere: opinions as to our taking office a good deal 
 divided ; but preponderance in favour. The real crux is in 
 
 the question of Ireland. strongly urges the duty of 
 
 proposing a continuance of the present Crimes Act for one 
 year. If the proposal is defeated, we can't help it, and 
 must go on as best we can ; but if we don't make it, we 
 shall be held guilty by the whole of North Ireland. 
 
 June 10. Report that Gladstone had gone to Balmoral, 
 but this is incorrect. He was going, but is stopped by his 
 doctor. The " dutiful communication " has been sent by 
 messenger. Dined with the Middle Temple, to meet 
 Prince of Wales and Prince Albert Victor on the latter 
 being admitted to the Bench. Large party, and the hall 
 full of barristers and students, who cheered several of us 
 as we drank the loving cup, especially R. Churchill and 
 myself. 
 
 June 11. On coming home from a drive about seven, 
 I found Cranborne waiting for me with a message that 
 his father wished to see me, as he had been summoned to
 
 1885.] RESIGNATION OF MR GLADSTONE'S GOVERNMENT. 211 
 
 Balmoral. I found Beach with him. He asked me what 
 I thought about taking office ; and I replied that I still 
 held that we were bound to make the attempt. Beach 
 urged the importance of making it quite clear to the world 
 that we had no alternative. This is, of course, quite true, 
 and it bears on the question which may arise as to dis- 
 solving on the old franchise, in case we are unfairly 
 thwarted in necessary measures, after having been forced 
 to take office. The more I think of the heads of Salis- 
 bury's scheme, the less I like it. 1 The point on which it 
 will be necessary for me to insist is, that I should see all 
 the Foreign Office despatches as if I were Prime Minister, 
 otherwise we may be exposed to serious trouble. 
 
 June 12. Telegraphed to Salisbury that the cardinal 
 point of the constitution of the Cabinet seemed to me to 
 require more consideration, and that I must ask him not 
 to pledge me till I had seen him. Several visitors to-day, 
 
 among them Sir , warmly thanking me for my 
 
 services to the party, and hoping I would not desert them, 
 at the same time offering his own if required. To House 
 of Commons, where Gladstone stated that he and his 
 Government had tendered their resignation on account of 
 the defeat on the Budget, and for no other reason, laying 
 some stress on the last words, whether as an answer to 
 the charge of " riding for a fall," or whether to hint that 
 the ground of the resignation was not a vital one, had they 
 
 1 This scheme was, that Lord Salisbury should be Prime Minister and 
 take the Foreign Office, and Sir Stafford Northcote be First Lord of the 
 Treasury and leader of the House of Commons.
 
 212 IN AND OUT OF PAKLIAMENT. [1885. 
 
 been pressed to withdraw their tender. The House re- 
 mained sitting till the House of Lords sent down their 
 amendments on the Seats Bill. Gladstone would have 
 liked us to go through them at once, and I should 
 not have objected ; but some of our friends thought it 
 better to wait till the amendments were printed. Com- 
 ing home to dinner, found a telegram from Salisbury 
 asking me to state in detail my difficulties as to the 
 construction of the Cabinet. Wrote memorandum that 
 the separation of Premiership from office of First Lord of 
 Treasury being novel, there would be no precedents to 
 guide us in distinguishing the functions of the one and of 
 the other e.g., was the First Lord to be in distinct per- 
 sonal communication with the sovereign ? Was he to be 
 entitled to see all the Foreign Office despatches, as the 
 Prime Minister is under the settlement of 1851 (Russell, 
 Palmerston) ? What appointments were to be at his dis- 
 posal ? I pointed out that in present state of affairs it 
 was essential that the leader of House of Commons should 
 be fully in possession of the foreign policy of the Govern- 
 ment. Other matters, such as the personnel of the Treas- 
 ury and offices connected with it, might be settled here- 
 after. A " scientific frontier " wanted. 
 
 June 1 3. this evening told me of the wish of the 
 
 Carlton that I should go to the Upper House. With some 
 of them it is a wish to get rid of me ; with others it is 
 anxiety for my health. 
 
 June 15. Meeting in Arlington Street. Salisbury, Eich- 
 mond, Carnarvon, Harrowby, Cranbrook, Cross, Smith,
 
 1885.] CONSTRUCTION OF CABINET. 213 
 
 Beach, Manners, G. Hamilton, and myself. Stanley had 
 gone to Lancashire. Question whether we should take office 
 
 put by , and answered affirmatively by all, except 
 
 and (in part) . House met, and Gladstone announced 
 
 that he had authentic information that Lord Salisbury 
 was engaged in forming a Cabinet, and that he wished 
 the House to adjourn till Friday ; Gladstone, however, 
 thought that we might go through with the Lords' amend- 
 ments on the Seats Bill, and might read the Princess 
 Beatrice's annuity a third time. To this I assented, and 
 the question that the Lords' amendments should be taken 
 into consideration was put, Dilke explaining that the 
 principal additions were for the purpose of expediting 
 the dissolution, and that they had been inserted on the 
 suggestion of Lord Salisbury. I confirmed this state- 
 ment ; but Gorst and the Fourth party objected to the 
 House being hurried into the discussion, and moved the 
 adjournment of the debate, which was, however, defeated 
 by 333 against 36. Salisbury's present idea is, that I 
 should take the post of First Lord of the Treasury, and 
 lead the Commons, with F. Stanley for my Chancellor of 
 the Exchequer. I have offered either to do this or go to 
 the Upper House, taking the India Office. I have offered 
 to do whatever he thinks best. I have not much heart 
 in the matter. This has apparently been my last night 
 in the House of Commons. I have sat in it rather more 
 than thirty years, and it has become part of my life. 
 
 June 19. To the House at four o'clock. A most re- 
 markable reception when I entered : it was difficult to say
 
 214 IN AND OUT OF PARLIAMENT. [1885. 
 
 which side cheered me most. Speaker read Bradlaugh's 
 letter. I asked Gladstone what counsel he meant to give 
 on it. He replied, " None at least none at present." 
 I might then have moved the renewal of the order ex- 
 cluding Bradlaugh from the precincts of the House ; but 
 I did not like to mark my last appearance by the exclu- 
 sion of another member. Great dinner at the Mansion- 
 House to Conservative candidates. We had no reporters. 
 Cranborne spoke very well, responding to toast of his 
 father's health. 
 
 June, 20. The hitch still continues, and it seems to me 
 likely to prove very injurious to our cause. 
 
 We are pestered by reporters, who cross-question the 
 servants. Smith (the butler) was asked the other day 
 what office I was to have ? " After much consideration 
 the Cabinet had offered me the private secretaryship to 
 Lord Randolph Churchill." 
 
 June 24 Went to Windsor by special train at 3.15. 
 All the Cabinet except Eichmond, who had hurt his 
 foot ; also Balfour (Local Government Board), Chaplin 
 (Duchy), Dyke (Irish Secretary), Wolff (to go to Cairo), 
 Selwin Ibbetson (a complimentary Privy Councillor). 
 Eeturned by six. 
 
 June, 25. Began work in Downing Street. Appointed 
 A. Saumarez and J. F. Daly private secretaries. Glad- 
 stone, whom I met on the stairs, was very civil, and 
 presented me with three of his books on Homer. 
 
 Party meeting of both Houses at Carlton. Salisbury 
 explained his reasons for taking office. I said a few
 
 1885.] RECEPTION IN EXETEE. 215 
 
 words, and so did Beach. Several of our friends ex- 
 pressed regret at my leaving the House of Commons, 
 while the Duke of Northumberland and others warmly 
 welcomed me to the House of Lords. 
 
 These extracts are, of necessity, most fragmentary. 
 Among the passages omitted, is one in which, there can 
 be no harm in quoting it, and it is perhaps a proof 
 of Lord Iddesleigh's personal fairness, Lord Randolph 
 Churchill is described as " certainly the shrewdest mem- 
 ber of the Cabinet " which was presently evicted by the 
 general election. 
 
 We have followed Sir Stafford's critical work in the 
 House, from 1880-1885, the House which he left in the 
 latter year. A few words may be said of his reception in 
 Exeter and at Pynes, after he was raised to an earldom. 
 Lord Iddesleigh's new honours were welcomed by his neigh- 
 bours near Pynes and in Exeter. He arrived from London 
 on the 13th of August : his tenantry and the people 
 in the neighbourhood were bent on congratulating him, 
 and the Conservative working men in Exeter were not 
 backward in the same resolve. The local Liberals, also, 
 were not displeased, and, with bunting and music, a very 
 pretty display was made on the railway platform. A feu- 
 de-joie of fog-signals was arranged as the train came in, 
 and a happily phrased address was delivered. Lord Iddes- 
 leigh, in reply, feared that he could scarcely make himself 
 heard by so large a gathering, and preferred to look on 
 his welcome as personal rather than political. Speaking
 
 216 IN AND OUT OF PARLIAMENT. [1885. 
 
 of Lady Iddesleigh, he remarked that she had shared the 
 labours of his life, having received from her not only " com- 
 fort, support, and sympathy," but often having had " re- 
 course to her pen " in order to ease him of the work that 
 was more than a single hand could accomplish. As to the 
 political situation, he remarked that the Government, like 
 most Governments, had fallen, not under the attacks of the 
 Opposition, but self-destroyed. The Conservatives would 
 do their best. " You ought not to think so much of who 
 is to have the honour of doing the thing, as to see that 
 that which is necessary and right for the country is 
 done : " a counsel of perfection this, which, if acted on, 
 would introduce something better than that most imper- 
 fect institution, party government. Eesisting the temp- 
 tation of cries to " Go on," he spoke a few last words in 
 acknowledgment of the general kindness. There was a 
 long procession to Pynes, passing under arches lit with 
 coloured lanterns, and the people took out the horses and 
 drew the carriage near neighbours succeeding to admirers 
 from Exeter, an attention which a recipient of it once 
 described as " perhaps most grateful to the horses." So 
 the procession reached home at last, among showers of 
 flowers, and with singing, a happy example of a stainless 
 popularity, honestly gained, and never lost. " If I felt I 
 could command myself," Lord Iddesleigh said, in replying 
 to an address from his neighbours of Upton Pyne and 
 Bramford Speke, " I would like to say a few words of 
 Lady Iddesleigh, and for her; but I know that I could 
 not. I know you all know her and love her so well, that
 
 1885.] SPEECHES OUT OF PAELIAMENT. 217 
 
 it is quite unnecessary for me to try to put into language 
 that which is in all your hearts. She does thank you most 
 sincerely and cordially for this, the latest act of kindness 
 I will not call it the last in coming to meet us on a 
 day which must always remain in our memories." 
 
 To every man, however indifferent to fame, the dearest 
 honours he can receive are those which come to him in 
 his own country, from his own people, and Lord Iddes- 
 leigh was rich in this kind of honour, proverbially rare. 
 
 But he was almost as busy in the country. He spoke 
 in many distant places, Aberdeen, Edinburgh, the north 
 of Ireland, Birmingham, and elsewhere. He was endeav- 
 ouring to teach the new electors his confirmed doctrine, 
 the doctrine of improvement on old lines, of honesty, 
 steadiness, industry, all that could give confidence in 
 England. He called himself an optimist, but in those 
 speeches he faced facts, and a future that even to him 
 seemed gloomy. To these tasks he devoted his last years, 
 and did not spare his health, which was no longer what it 
 had been. He never had Mr Gladstone's robustness, but 
 he had great energy, and he expended it. (jHe was not an 
 eloquent orator, though his voice was clear and pleasant in 
 conversation or in reading aloud. He was, by instinct, taste, 
 and habit, no dealer in perorations ; even before a popular 
 audience he did not appeal much to sentiment, nor at all 
 to passion. /Yet he was popular on the platform. He had 
 a telling knaclTof anecdote, and humour never divorced 
 from good-humour. He did not hide his apprehensions, 
 with all his courage and buoyancyT
 
 218 IN AND OUT OF PARLIAMENT. [1885. 
 
 He ventured to say what he saw, and to forecast things 
 that, perhaps, may come to pass, as they have often come 
 to pass before in history. Speaking in Edinburgh, in 
 1884, he said: "I am afraid that the Government will 
 take far too much to the numerical principle, and if you 
 take to the principle of mere numbers, depend upon it 
 you will be introducing the most dangerous change into 
 the Constitution. The first effect of an appeal to the 
 masses would probably be an agitation and then dis- 
 appointment, and then what would flow from that? 
 Personal rule. Then follows a system under which an 
 individual would obtain a position in which he had, or in 
 which he would exercise, personal authority which there 
 would be no power of resisting. There is a curious say- 
 ing I was reading the other day in a clever play written 
 some years ago, describing the peculiarities of a govern- 
 ment in which there was a constitutional monarch who 
 found himself ultimately in the hands of a man who had 
 begun with the most extreme doctrines of exaggerated 
 Eadicalism till, seeming likely to become the Minister of 
 the Prince, he startles him with the following claim, 
 ' Why, if you refuse me absolute power, how in the 
 world can you expect me to establish freedom ? ' That 
 is the language that has been used and is being used now 
 with regard to our great Prime Minister. They say, ' This 
 is the man, and we are content to support him whatever 
 he may say or do.' If you come to that, it will not be 
 very long before the system produces a reaction, and you 
 will find that there will be agitation meetings of trades-
 
 1885.] THE NEW KEVOLUTION FORESEEN. 219 
 
 unions, and after that there will come a bureaucratic 
 despotism ; that is to say, the permanent officials will 
 take the management of affairs into their hands, and 
 Parliament will have little to do, and the great mass of 
 the people will have little to do, and you will have all the 
 evils of a bureaucratic Government ; that is a very danger- 
 ous state of things, and one which we do not like to con- 
 template. I admit that I am travelling into the region 
 of the future, and am giving you opinions which have yet 
 to be verified. But depend upon it that is the course 
 which things are likelyJ^o take if you throw up the power 
 of the Constitution^ If you destroy or neutralise or turn 
 into a mere sham the independent existence of the House 
 of Lords, and if you proceed, as you would have to pro- 
 ceed, and as you have had plenty of suggestions you would 
 have to proceed, to deal with the House of Commons upon 
 equally stringent principles, we shall find that the power 
 will pass away from our old parliamentary institutions, 
 and that it will fall into the hands of personal Government 
 
 
 
 This may be, no doubt, but it seems likely that much 
 will be suffered before we suffer anything like a personal 
 despotism. More certain is another prophecy of his, that 
 we shall have " a second chamber in the streets." That 
 we have already, indeed ; and, of all governments, govern- 
 ment not by the people but by the mob is the least de- 
 sirable. This is how he stated an obvious view: "You 
 will have the trades-unions developing their power, carry- 
 ing on not only that which is legitimate and desirable
 
 220 IN AND OUT OF PARLIAMENT. [1885. 
 
 namely, the consideration of the proper interests of their 
 own trades but carrying on political business, and also 
 interfering to overrule the elected representatives of the 
 people. That is a danger which those who read history, 
 and especially who read the history of that great revolu- 
 tion in France which took place now about a hundred 
 years ago, will very easily appreciate and understand." 
 
 From these modes of popular sway, Sir Stafford ex- 
 pected, or feared, the overthrow of the English character 
 for steadiness and honesty, the flight of capital. But 
 where is poor capital to find a refuge ? International 
 disturbances will leave no land where capital can find 
 security, and this was, perhaps, an element of the future 
 which he did not foresee. Talking on this topic at West 
 Calder, in November 1885, he spoke as follows : 
 
 " There are some people in this country who are always 
 prophets of evil. There are some who think the greatness 
 of Great Britain, of the United Kingdom, has now cul- 
 minated, and that we have before us a terrible period of 
 decline. I don't believe a word of it : I believe myself 
 that our fate lies in our own hands. I believe, under 
 Providence, that the energies of the people, if they are 
 rightly directed, if they are allowed fair play, will pull us 
 through all the difficulties of our situation, and will im- 
 prove, instead of diminishing, the position of this country. 
 Don't allow yourselves to be led away by the sort of 
 teaching you hear from some quarters, that the great 
 imperial questions don't concern the mass of the people 
 that what the masses of the people have to look to is the
 
 1885.] SPEECH AT WEST CALDEK. 221 
 
 improvement of their houses, of their food, of their wages, 
 and of their employment, and perhaps of the education 
 of their children. These are all matters of the highest 
 importance, I admit. But you must not separate them 
 and set them against the other calls upon the energies of 
 the empire, because you may depend upon it if you do 
 you will find you are only injuring and ruining the very 
 classes in which you are interested, by bringing about the 
 ruin and fall of the empire. Remember what a peculiar 
 position this country stands in. "We are not in the posi- 
 tion of the United States of America, which our friends 
 are pointing to and urging us to take as an example. We 
 rejoice to see the prosperity which is to be found in these 
 countries, but we are in a different position. We have 
 not all that expanse of land at least not within the four 
 seas. We have not that unlimited power of disposing 
 of the population ; we have not the growth of the materials 
 of manufacture which some countries enjoy. If every- 
 thing were to begin again, you would only have one or 
 two points on which you would be able to trade and hold 
 your own in the intercourse with nations. But you have 
 and this is your great advantage an established 
 character; you have established the character for this 
 country, that it does its work honestly and well, that it 
 is to be trusted in all that it turns to, that it is to 
 be trusted in all its relations. You have this advan- 
 tage. It has already established such a large connection 
 that it has become the centre of credit, that it has become 
 a sort of depot for the trade of the large population of the
 
 222 IN AND OUT OF PAKLIAMENT. [1885. 
 
 world ; and that as long as it fulfils these conditions, which 
 have given it these advantages as long as it takes full 
 measure of that great accumulation of trade and credit 
 which was set up by our forefathers so long there will be 
 in this country a state of things in which working men 
 will be able to obtain employment, and the various classes 
 of society will find that they share in the general pros- 
 perity. 
 
 " It must be taken into account that we have accumu- 
 lated in this little island so enormous a proportion of the 
 population of the world, and in that way have gathered 
 together much energy, which is displayed in our numerous 
 industrial establishments. Think what it would be if that 
 were taken from us ; if the great mass of the people here 
 were left without employment without that which has 
 been created and maintained by our system of credit, and 
 our system of commerce, and above all, by the character 
 you have obtained for honesty. Remember that, and do 
 not be short-sighted enough I put it only upon that 
 ground I do not speak of honesty or dishonesty ; but who 
 will be short-sighted enough to risk and jeopardise the 
 general interests of the empire for the sake of these class 
 interests ? "_ 
 
 The end of all these things is not to be foreseen. The 
 current runs ever swifter to the fall ; and how the vessel 
 is to bear herself in the gulf below, whether she is to 
 be swamped, or to sail into smoother waters, no man can 
 foretell. We are to have a new morality. Sir Stafford 
 spoke for the old beliefs.
 
 1885.] SMALL AGRICULTURAL HOLDINGS. 223 
 
 We have indicated the sentiments of Sir Stafford as to 
 the Social question, the great question. He did not look 
 forward to any vast change in human affairs, any complete 
 reconstruction of society on a new and untried principle. 
 To him it was a choice between bettering the world on 
 the old lines of capital and employment, or, apparently, of 
 mere chaos, without any escape save through autocracy. 
 For example, he does not discuss the idea of " nationalising " 
 land and capital, the aim of extreme reformers. On the 
 matter of small agricultural holdings, a scheme which 
 would be rejected by the extreme Left, he spoke thus, at 
 Lynton, in May 1885 : 
 
 " I have no doubt that a great deal might be made out 
 of a movement, wise and judicious, for creating small 
 holdings when the country is capable of supplying them, 
 and when you have those who will be able to cultivate 
 them well. But let me ask any good and sensible 
 labourer what size the holdings should be, supposing it 
 was decided to give them ? I was told some time ago 
 that there were thirty millions of people and sixty millions 
 of acres of land, and that therefore everybody ought to 
 have two acres apiece. I should like very much to have 
 two acres in the heart of London, I think it would pay 
 very much better than on Dartmoor or elsewhere ; but we 
 cannot all have our two acres in London, and let us 
 suppose that some honest labourer were to have two acres 
 of his own on Exmoor, what is he to do with it ? 
 
 " It is not the possession of land but the possession of 
 the power of working the land that you have to consider. 
 
 VOL. n. p
 
 224 IN AND OUT OF PAELIAMENT. [1885. 
 
 A man must expend a good deal of capital in order to get 
 the means of working even two acres of land. If he has 
 to buy a spade and hoe there is capital required, and if he 
 has to get credit in order to supply himself with necessaries, 
 and if he has got to wait in order to sell his produce, he 
 is in great trouble and difficulty; but when he has got 
 the property, is he to be more secure in his property than 
 anybody else? Depend upon it, if you diminish the 
 security of property the people who will feel it most will 
 not be the rich, but the poor. The great support of sound 
 agriculture is the capital which is expended upon it ; and 
 if there is no security for expending the capital it will 
 not be expended ; and if the capital is not expended, 
 England will not be as productive as America or many 
 other countries that could be named." 
 
 These remarks would be an answer to a scheme for 
 giving everybody two acres of land of his own, but are not 
 an answer to a scheme for making the State the owner of 
 all land and of all capital. On Irish questions, too, he 
 could merely say, in his own words, and with his own 
 illustrations, what has been said so very many weary 
 times. (_Thus at Paisley, in May 1886, he admitted that, 
 in matters of commerce, Ireland had been very badly 
 treated. England had behaved " in a most unworthy 
 and selfish manner in crushing and keeping down the 
 industries of Ireland." But he saw " no compensation in 
 Home Eule/Q He thought Mr Gladstone would grant the 
 demand of the Irish to their ruin, as the gods ruinously 
 answer men's prayers, poscentibus ipsis. |The. sketch of
 
 1885.] IRELAND FAIR TRADE. 225 
 
 Home Eule was a pretty sketch, not a practicable 
 architect's plan : " I remember quite well seeing once a 
 very beautiful design an elevation for a front of a house 
 that was going to be built. It was the west front, and it 
 was a very beautiful elevation ; but when the house came 
 to be built, it appeared that the east front showed in a 
 remarkable way behind the west front that the whole 
 did not fit together and the result was that the whole 
 thing was unsatisfactory indeed. The architect's defence 
 was, ' I had nothing to guide me in drawing the east front. 
 I drew it from my view of the west front, and therefore I 
 saw nothing of the inconvenience that aros^ 
 
 The old system of life, more justly and liberally worked, 
 was his idea of a remedy for Ireland. ^Ireland requires 
 many things; but one thing she requires certainly she 
 
 requires to know she is governed." l /This, it must be 
 
 , f 
 repeated, this and no revolutionary change, nor in finance 
 
 any attempt at bringing back the mastodon of protection, 
 whether under the name of Fair Trade or otherwise, was 
 all his policy. " I do not believe in some of the sugges- 
 tions" (as to reciprocity and fair trade) "that are put 
 forward by friends on my own side." He knew that Mr 
 Cobden's ideal future of universal free trade had not 
 arrived. It is very long on the road. " That which Mr 
 Cobden asserted was bad for England and bad for the 
 world, we say is bad for the foreigner and bad for the 
 world also ; but the difficulty lies in this how are you 
 to gain your end? When they were agitating they 
 
 1 Hansard, May 16, 1882.
 
 226 IN AND OUT OF PARLIAMENT. [1885. 
 
 had an easy task comparatively they had to convince 
 the Parliament and the Government of England that it 
 was desirable to put down the protection that then 
 existed, and the thing was done. But how are you 
 going to operate on the minds of the foreign countries 
 and get them to do the same thing ? That is the 
 problem. Let us just look back for a moment at the 
 history of the manner in which our free-traders have 
 dealt with the question. When first they got the pro- 
 tective duties taken off, and the productions of England 
 thrown open, they believed that all other nations would 
 abandon their protective duties and that their hostile 
 tariffs would fall down, as the walls of Jericho fell at the 
 sound of the trumpet. The prevailing belief that was in 
 the minds of those men at the time was this that Eng- 
 land was the great obstacle to the free trade of the whole 
 world, and that the landlords of England were the obstacles 
 to that difficulty being removed in England. That was 
 the view they took ; but somehow or other the walls of 
 Jericho did not fall down, and for some years, although 
 we had very great prosperity, owing to the great reduction 
 of our own tariffs, we did not find that the foreign markets 
 were opened in the way that was expected." 
 
 Much worse than the evils we know, he thought, were 
 those we fly to in " false remedies." This, in regard to 
 all the new difficulties, which are only the world's old dif- 
 ficulties, far more widely felt by a more educated people, 
 far more violently resented, was Sir Stafford's attitude in 
 these late years of his life. He indulged in no dreams and
 
 1885.] THE NEW MOON AND THE OLD. 227 
 
 no delusions. Fair trade, a specific of the moment, was 
 " a pious opinion," not a practicable policy. The newer 
 remedies meant national ruin. He disliked the signs 
 in the heaven of politics, the strange conjunction of 
 planets in the sky above England. At Aberdeen, in 
 1885, he happily and appropriately illustrated these 
 from the ballad of "Sir Patrick Spens": "Mr Cham- 
 berlain is not the leader of the party. The leader of 
 the party is a much abler, much greater, and much 
 more dignified person than Mr Chamberlain. I am pre- 
 pared, from a long acquaintance with him, both as a 
 friend and as an opponent in Parliament, to bear the 
 highest testimony to the great abilities of the late Premier 
 Mr Gladstone ; at the same time, I think he is about the 
 most dangerous statesman I know. What signs of danger 
 are there ? What signs of bad weather are there which 
 you sometimes notice when storms are coming on ? It 
 always seems to me that the worst sign of bad weather is 
 when you see what is called the new moon with the old 
 moon in its arms. I have no doubt that many of you 
 Aberdeen men have read the fine old ballad of Sir Patrick 
 Spens, who was drowned some twenty or thirty miles off 
 the coast of Aberdeen. In that ballad he was cautioned 
 not to go to sea because his faithful and weather-wise 
 attendant had noticed the new moon with the old moon 
 in its lap. 1 I think myself that that is a very dangerous 
 
 1 "I saw the new moon late yestreen, 
 Wi' the auld moon in her arm ; 
 And if we gang to sea, master, 
 I fear we'll come to harm."
 
 228 IN AND OUT OF PARLIAMENT. [1885. 
 
 sign ; and when I see Mr Chamberlain with Mr Gladstone, 
 the old moon in his arms, I think it is time to look out 
 for squally weather." Many a threatening new moon has 
 held Mr Gladstone in her arms since his alliance with Mr 
 Chamberlain went where the old moons go. But, 
 
 " Be it wind, be it weet, be it snaw, be it sleet, 
 Our ship maun sail the faem." 
 
 Such, and of such tenor, were his popular addresses. The 
 following chapter will contain extracts from his diaries, 
 and other accounts of his Irish journey, and his expedi- 
 tion, in a non-political character, to Edinburgh, at the 
 Tercentenary of the University.
 
 229 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. 
 
 CRUISE IN THE PANDORA BAD WEATHER SHAVING ON BOARD 
 
 SHIP SOTOMAYOR GIBRALTAR " EXCEPTIONAL WEATHER " 
 
 MALAGA PORT MAHON SARDINIA SORRENTO CAR- 
 THAGE SYRACUSE SNIPE ON THE ANAPUS NAPLES 
 
 MENTONE HOME POLITICAL REFLECTIONS DIARY VISIT 
 
 TO IRELAND BELFAST FRIENDLY MOB SPEECHES IN 
 
 WALES RECTORSHIP IN EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY SPEECHES 
 
 TERCENTENARY THE WEST COAST BALMORAL. 
 
 EVEN the weariest statesman is allowed a few holidays, 
 especially when out of office. Sir Stafford's holiday-time 
 was occasionally occupied by holiday tasks, as when he 
 visited the north of Ireland in the autumn of 1883, and 
 made political speeches. But his voyage to the Mediter- 
 ranean in the Pandora, Mr W. H. Smith's yacht, in 
 1882, was purely unpolitical. Of both the Irish and the 
 southern trips he kept diaries. Unluckily the brief notes 
 on the Mediterranean cruise tell us little of what he 
 thought and felt in Sicily, at Pompeii, in Carthage, and 
 other scenes whose interest can only die with human
 
 230 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1882. 
 
 memory of the past. The cruise was ill served by weather, 
 and the diary once more makes us marvel at the courage 
 of ladies, who are " not good sailors," and yet go down 
 into the deep. Lady Northcote, Mrs Shelley (Lady Mar- 
 garet Shelley), Mr Henry Northcote, Miss Smith, Mr John 
 Northcote, and others, were the party which started from 
 Portsmouth in the Pandora, on November 27, in stormy 
 circumstances. The early part of the voyage was a series 
 of puttings into havens, out of the rage of perilous seas. 
 They began to think that they would never reach the 
 " tideless dolorous Midland sea," and the shores where 
 Carthage lies forlorn. Quoits on deck cheered the leisure 
 of the vigorous. The less vigorous possessed their souls 
 and kept their berths in patience. On December 2, the 
 diary announces better things : 
 
 "Dec. 2. We were cheered by the first news of the 
 morning (about 7 A.M.) that C. Finisterre was in sight. 
 As the day advanced the sea became much calmer, and 
 we had a beautiful run to Vigo, which we reached before 
 4 P.M. A quite magical change took place in our two 
 invalids as soon as we got into smoother water. They got 
 up and were half dressed before we cast anchor. We 
 had a very lively dinner and evening. The health officers 
 came on board, to give us pratique and to be entertained 
 with champagne. They were very courteous and dignified. 
 
 " Dec. 3. A quiet Sunday, for which all very thankful. 
 Careful shaving of the crew in the forecastle, and scruples 
 as to the use of the blunt side of the razor. Service on 
 board. Short walk on shore in the afternoon. Not much
 
 1882.] SOTOMAYOK. 231 
 
 struck with the town. The commandant of the fort 
 (Senor Llorentes) called on us, reminding me that I had 
 given him permission to accompany the Abyssinian Ex- 
 pedition in 1868. He was very friendly, and recommended 
 us to take a drive either towards Bargona (which would 
 be nearly in the direction we shall take in sailing to 
 Lisbon) or to Sotomayor, lying inland about fourteen 
 kilometres. Senor Sagasta's house is in that neighbourhood. 
 Quiet evening. The roll in the harbour indicates a good 
 deal of wind outside. Voted that we would stay here 
 another day before going on to Lisbon. 
 
 " Dec. 4. Ordered two carriages to take us to Eedondela, 
 the station two or three miles short of Sotomayor. The 
 steward found us a smart young man to go with us as 
 guide and interpreter. He combines this calling with that 
 of a butcher or a purveyor of meat. We did not exactly 
 make out his name : it was something like ' Thomas.' He 
 had been in England, and received part of his education 
 at the Brighton College. His father is said to have been 
 a purveyor of meat to the British navy. It was a rather 
 showery stormy day at times, but mild, and beautiful 
 between whiles. Lady Northcote, Helen, and I went in 
 one carriage with the guide on the box ; the others went 
 in the other carriage, Harry acting as conversation-master. 
 We took our lunch with us, and found a very clean, tidy 
 sort of posada at Eedondela, where we got a room and re- 
 freshed ourselves. The younger members of the party 
 went out for a walk, while Lady Northcote and I amused 
 ourselves looking out at the window. It is a queer little
 
 232 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1882. 
 
 place, but has a thriving air. We observed a great many 
 houses in which the lower storey was devoted to cattle and 
 pigs, while the upper one was neatly got up and formed 
 the habitation of the family. There is an air of politeness 
 and even of dignity about the people. We were much 
 struck with their quiet manner, not staring at our party, 
 although we must have imported a good deal of strange 
 life into the place. We got back in the afternoon, and 
 spent the rest of the day on board. The wind still very 
 high." 
 
 The weather continued to be most unruly ; but on 
 December 9 they found themselves at Gibraltar, where 
 Lord and Lady Napier showed them no little kindness. 
 The diary runs on : 
 
 " The weather is now what Gibraltar calls cold. We 
 should call it fresh. Erom the telegrams we learn that 
 there is severe frost and fog in London. Mr Fender has 
 been very kind in directing the agents of the Eastern 
 Telegraph Company to furnish me with the summary of 
 English news every day at all the stations in the Mediter- 
 ranean which we may visit. This is a very great boon. 
 He also gives me the privilege of sending messages free 
 of charge, as 'service messages.' Had service on board. 
 After luncheon the younger members went on shore for a 
 walk. Weather very ' catchy ' ; and several sharp showers. 
 Eead aloud the fourth book of ' Paradise Lost ' in the 
 evening. 
 
 "Dec. 11. A rainy day. We all went on shore and got 
 safely to the Convent, where Lord Napier showed us over
 
 1882.] GIBRALTAR. 233 
 
 the house and tried to show the garden ; but weather did 
 not permit. So Margaret and I settled ourselves to a game 
 of billiards, and the others looked over photographs, and 
 otherwise amused themselves with the A.D.C.'s, Major 
 Napier, Major Gilbard, and Mr Napier. After luncheon 
 the younger members attempted a walk and donkey-ride, 
 and succeeded in seeing the galleries, and in getting wet. 
 Lady Northcote and I took a drive in a close carriage to the 
 North Front, and afterwards to the Governor's Cottage at 
 Europa Point, so as to get a general idea of the place ; but 
 the rain greatly marred our enjoyment. The ' West Indian 
 Aloes ' or ' Socotras,' and the ' Bougainvilleas ' were most 
 beautiful. The exceptional character of the weather was 
 strongly impressed upon us. I remembered that it was 
 exceptional when I was here in 1869, and am inclined to 
 suspect that it generally is so. Perhaps the rule proves 
 the exception, just as the tail sometimes wags the dog. 
 Lord Napier told me he always insisted on tanks being put 
 up at every house which the Government let to any one, as 
 he seemed to think the supply of water very precarious." 
 On this occasion the supply of water was vastly in ex- 
 cess of the demand. They gleaned the impression of 
 Gibraltar, which Charles II. derived from Taunton, that 
 it is always raining there. Indeed, if the weather was 
 exceptional, it persevered in being "still more excep- 
 tional " day by day, and, as in another case of bad years 
 in finance, "not to be exceptional was the exception." 
 They were told that Tangiers would prove a haven hard 
 to win, and were warned as to the strength of
 
 234 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1882. 
 
 " The running seas 
 Between the Pillars called of Heracles." 
 
 " Dec. 13. No Tangiers to-day. The rain has taken 
 courage, and the wind is following its lead. We spent all 
 the morning on board ; but were able to go on shore in 
 the afternoon, and to pay a very long visit to Mrs Eam- 
 aggee, the great lace-dealer, who delighted our ladies with 
 a great many beautiful specimens, giving me a Newfound- 
 land puppy to play with meanwhile, that I might not 
 become impatient and carry off her customers too quickly. 
 They made several purchases, and then Jack and Helen 
 started for a walk up the Eock, while Lady Northcote, 
 Harry, and I went to Benoliel's shop, where, however, we 
 were rather disappointed with the much- vaunted collec- 
 tion of Moorish ornaments. We made a few purchases, 
 and returned to the yacht. 
 
 " Dec. 14. Started at 4 A.M., but were not energetic 
 enough to get up to see the last of Gibraltar. When we 
 did come on deck we found ourselves approaching Malaga, 
 with a brilliant sun and fresh breeze in our favour. The 
 Sierra Nevada and Sierra Eonda are great features in the 
 scene ; and Malaga itself is picturesquely situated, though 
 a dirty and unattractive town when you are in it. The 
 old line of fortifications looks well, and the cathedral is 
 well placed. The officials were rather troublesome, and 
 the doctor who came with them was anxious to put us in 
 quarantine because our captain had gone on shore with 
 the ship's papers. They asked us pointedly whether any- 
 body on board was ill. Our ladies are now such good
 
 1882.] MALAGA PORT MAHON. 235 
 
 sailors that there was no scruple in answering for them ; 
 and I judiciously suppressed the fact that I was ' travel- 
 ling for my health/ as it would have given our friends a 
 grand opportunity for displaying their authority. The 
 British consul, Mr Bidwell, came on board, and was very 
 useful to us. He accompanied us to shore and to the 
 Protestant cemetery, where we visited his poor brother 
 Mowbray's grave. The cemetery is beautifully kept, 
 and there is an air of peace about it, with its lovely 
 flowers and beautiful sea- view. We came back to the 
 yacht at twelve, and hastily wrote a few letters, as the 
 post goes at one. Off again about 1.15, and had by far the 
 pleasantest day's sail we have yet experienced. It seemed 
 as if all our troubles were over, and that we were really 
 going to have a good time. The coast very fine, and the 
 sunset most beautiful. In the evening began to read aloud 
 the ' Bride of Lammermoor.' 
 
 " Dec. 15. ' Varium et mutabile semper.' All our hopes 
 dashed by a storm in the night, and a high sea all day. 
 Found ourselves abreast of C. Palos when we got up to 
 breakfast. Kept along the Spanish coast as far as C. Nao, 
 and then began to strike for Iviza and so to Port Mahon. 
 
 " Dec. 17 (Sunday). In Port Mahon. A splendid rest- 
 ing-place. We appreciated Andrea Doria's saying that 
 there were four good harbours in the Mediterranean, June, 
 July, August, and Port Mahon. After service the guide 
 (Francis Prieto) came on board, and we desired him to 
 order a carriage. After luncheon, Lady Northcote, Mar- 
 garet, and I went for a drive in an open carriage drawn
 
 236 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1882. 
 
 by two mules, with the guide on the box. The rest of the 
 party went for a walk. We drove through the curiously 
 paved town at a very rapid rate, so that we were more 
 shaken than if we had been in the Gulf of Lyons. Our 
 guide made us first go and call on the consul, M. Segui, 
 a gentlemanly man, with whom I sat for a short time, and 
 who, coming down to see me off, and finding I had ladies 
 with me, insisted on sending for his baby, of whom he was 
 enormously proud, he having been married for eight years 
 before attaining to the honour of parentage. The baby 
 was a nice little girl of eight months old, wearing already 
 a pretty little pair of earrings. After paying this visit we 
 took a drive into the country. We were struck with the 
 apparent comfort of both town and neighbourhood, though 
 there was no very striking beauty in the scenery. The 
 fields are very small, not more than from half an acre to 
 two acres in size, and separated by enormous stone walls, 
 the materials for which were not far to seek, for the whole 
 ground is a mass of rock, with little interstices of earth, 
 which in some places have been enlarged by grubbing up 
 the stone. There was a good deal of young wheat making 
 its appearance in some of these little patches. Others had 
 a little vestige of grass, on which cows, sheep, and donkeys 
 were feeding. There was a good deal of the prickly pear, 
 and a quantity of ilex, olive, orange, and other trees. The 
 guide stopped the carriage for a moment as we passed a 
 nice-looking house ; and saying something about gather- 
 ing flowers, ran into the garden. Our driver, who I sup- 
 pose would not even have understood Castilian Spanish,
 
 1882.] SARDINIA. 237 
 
 only the Minorcan patois, went slowly on, and we began to 
 feel ourselves at his mercy ; but at length the guide came 
 up with two really beautiful nosegays of geraniums, car- 
 nations, and other flowers, and a branch of orange with 
 four young oranges on it for me. We drove on till we 
 came to an ilex, hanging over the road ; when our guide, 
 exclaiming ' Oak ! ' jumped up on the box-seat, and seemed 
 likely to share the fate of Absalom among the branches. 
 He was looking for some edible acorns, but did not find 
 any, and murmured that somebody must have been ran- 
 sacking the tree already. We came back to the yacht 
 much pleased with our excursion. There are some Spanish 
 men-of-war lying in the harbour. One of them sent this 
 morning to inquire whether the Pandora was not an 
 English gun-boat with an admiral on board. 
 
 " Dec. 18. Started after breakfast, and made our way 
 out of harbour, dipping to four Spanish men-of-war as we 
 went out ; but only three returned the compliment. A 
 tolerably good day, but not exactly suited to our ladies. 
 Wind got up in the night, and on 
 
 " Dec. 1 9 we woke to find that we were to stop at 
 Cagliari, as the captain thought we should find the pas- 
 sage to Naples rather disagreeable. The coast of Sardinia 
 is very beautiful about Cape Spartivento, and thence to 
 Cagliari, which is itself a striking town. Having sent a 
 note to the consul (M. Pernis) asking him for a guide, we 
 prepared to go on shore after luncheon and see the place. 
 At this conjuncture a brilliant thought occurred to Lady 
 Northcote. With the intuition which pointed out to Co-
 
 238 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1882. 
 
 lumbus the great truths which lay beyond the Atlantic 
 Ocean, she seized the fact that Palermo, the promised land 
 to which we have so long been looking forward, was now 
 actually nearer to us than Naples itself, and she sug- 
 gested that we exchange the roundabout course for a 
 straight one, and make direct for the great Sicilian har- 
 bour. The idea was received with acclamation by the 
 whole party, including our commodore (Helen), and we 
 felt like Tennyson's crew, when some one proposed that 
 they should put. an end to their voyages in the happy 
 Lotos-eaters' land. 
 
 ' We have had enough of action and of motion we, 
 Kolled to starboard, rolled to larboard, with the surges seething 
 free.' 
 
 So we telegraphed home, and to the Stanhopes, and to 
 the consul at Naples, to say ' Palermo direct,' and to ask 
 that our letters might be sent on there. Having taken 
 this great resolution, we prepared to go on shore ; but 
 as Lady Northcote did not much care for stepping into 
 the boat in the then rolling condition of the sea, we left 
 her behind. The rest of us found a carriage which Mr 
 Antonio Cugurullo (one of the clerks of the consulate) 
 had got for us, and some in it, some on foot, we visited the 
 public garden (from which there is a magnificent view), 
 the old Eoman amphitheatre, and the cathedral. A quiet 
 night, though with a good deal of rain." 
 
 Indeed, the voyage, so far, was like Lord Tennyson's 
 tour in northern Italy :
 
 1882.] SOKRENTO. 239 
 
 " Eemember what a plague of rain 
 Beset us on the Lombard plain. 
 
 Of rain at Genoa, rain at Parma, 
 At Padua rain, Piacenza rain ! " 
 
 On December 22, still fleeing from the cloud Harpies 
 like the sons of the North Wind, they reached Palermo, 
 and " kept Christmas there very properly." On the 28th 
 they were in a position to appreciate Saint Beuve's line 
 
 " Sorrento m'a rendu mon doux reve infini." 
 
 " Dec. 28. (Helen's birthday.) We made our excursion 
 to Sorrento, driving all the way, as a pleasanter manner 
 of going than by the train, which would have taken us to 
 Bagaria. Visited the curious Villa Butera, where there 
 is a sort of sham convent, built in the seventeenth century, 
 with wax- work figures of monks and other personages. The 
 old lady who showed it gave us an account of two of the 
 figures, representing a monk and a nun, who had retired 
 into the convent for the purpose of being next door to 
 one another, and had contrived an access to their rooms 
 through the partition wall. This afforded our show- 
 woman great amusement. Lunched on the hill going up 
 to the old city, and then Lady Northcote, Margaret, Helen, 
 and I seated ourselves on a beautiful point of the moun- 
 tain, while the rest went to the top. The shepherd girl 
 who had lost her kerchief, her brother with the newly 
 born lamb, and suchlike sights, entertained us till the 
 return of our party. Visited the palace of Prince de Villa 
 Franca ; beautiful terrace and gardens. Got home about 
 
 VOL. n. Q
 
 240 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1882. 
 
 5.30. This was a most enjoyable day. Sicily is a charm- 
 ing country, but the people have an appearance of great 
 poverty, strongly contrasting with the well-to-do, hand- 
 some Minorcans whom we saw in our drive through the 
 rocky country about Port Mahon. For natural fertility 
 Sicily has an advantage of ten to one, but the popula- 
 tions are in quite an inverse ratio so far as comfort goes. 
 The heavy taxes on food, &c., tell very severely on the 
 Palermitans." 
 
 On the 30th they reached Goletta: 
 
 " Dec. 30. Having got pratique, we went ashore (all 
 except Lady Northcote) in time for the twelve o'clock 
 train from Goletta to Tunis, which is ten miles off. Our 
 guide, who repeatedly impressed upon us that he had 
 lived here twenty-seven years, accompanied us. We went 
 to the. Hotel de Paris, or Bertrand, where we had an ex- 
 cellent luncheon, and then went on to the bazaar quarter ; 
 but the time when it should be visited is from nine to 
 twelve, when what is called the bazaar i.e., the open 
 buying and selling goes on. This being Saturday was also 
 a bad day for a visit, as many of the Jewish shops were 
 closed. "We were, however, taken by our guide through a 
 courtyard, filled with palms and other plants, and up to 
 a long room, where we were courteously received by the 
 proprietor, who shook hands with us, made us sit down on 
 some handsome mother-of-pearl seats, and offered us a 
 cup of coffee apiece. I thought it very good, though too 
 sweet. Meanwhile we had every sort, of burnous, shawl, 
 scarf, &c., to choose from, and we made several purchases,
 
 1882.] CARTHAGE. 241 
 
 on which we presumed that our guide got his commission. 
 On our return we had the honour of travelling in the same 
 train as the Prime Minister of Tunis. 
 
 "Dec. 31 (Sunday). The consul came to lunch, and 
 afterwards took the gentlemen of the party to Carthage, 
 none of the ladies caring to go. We drove first to the 
 College of St Louis, which occupies a site on the Citadel 
 (the ancient Byrsa), and where all the best things found 
 in the ruins are said to be deposited. Unfortunately the 
 priests who attend to them were absent, and we could not 
 (or at least did not) get in, though Stanhope showed his 
 agility by climbing in at an open window, and would 
 have opened the doors from within if we had not feared 
 a scandal. The French call this site that of the Temple 
 of ^Esculapius ; but the consul says that is not the gen- 
 eral opinion of antiquarians. We went on to the great 
 cisterns, which supplied this part of the city with water. 
 There are some still larger ones on the side near the 
 Goletta, which we afterwards visited; and many of the 
 houses had cisterns of their own. The cisterns were 
 supplied by an aqueduct of some 50 miles in length, of 
 which there are many traces, and which is said to be 
 quite perfect for several miles of its course; but in 
 Carthage itself the remains are very shattered. The great 
 features of the place are: 1. The much larger extent of 
 the city than I had in the least expected ; 2. The great 
 beauty of the situation ; 3. The utterness of the destruc- 
 tion of every building of any sort or kind, except the 
 remains of the cisterns and some traces of an amphi-
 
 242 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1883. 
 
 theatre. The ground for miles is covered with stones, 
 the debris of the ruins but it is but the shadow of a 
 shade that remains of Carthage itself. 
 
 " The consul took us to see his own country-house very 
 charming ; and showed us some of the palaces of magnates, 
 including that of the Bey himself. He praised the Tunis- 
 ians ; but he is such an Arab himself that he was sure to 
 do this. He said there had been great sympathy with 
 Arabi, and that if he had escaped from Egypt and reached 
 Ben Ghazi, the whole of the north of Africa would have 
 been in flames. The game is now considered to be up ; 
 but the English are less popular here than they used to 
 be. The French, he thought, were not likely to attempt 
 the annexation of Tunis, but they were trying in every 
 possible way to extend their influence and to exclude 
 other countries. It would suit them very well that there 
 should be occasional troubles, which would demonstrate 
 the feebleness of the Bey's government. 
 
 " Jan. 1. We all wished one another a happy New Year. 
 It opens with a most lovely day, very bright and rather 
 fresh. The consul says rain is much wanted, and the 
 season is exceptionally dry. We cannot bring ourselves 
 to regret this as we ought. 
 
 " The younger members went on shore and had rather 
 a tiring day. They brought back the news of Gambetta's 
 death. Lady Northcote and I remained quietly on board, 
 and read Chaucer and a little Italian collection of popular 
 stories which we got at Palermo, and which is curious as 
 showing the bitter anti-aristocratic feeling of the Sicilians.
 
 1883.] SYRACUSE. 243 
 
 "Jan. 2. Started for Malta after breakfast. Lost a 
 couple of hours by a mishap to the engine, and did not 
 reach Malta till about ten next morning. Good passage. 
 
 " Jem. 5. The weather having prevented our sailing last 
 night as we had intended, we spent the day in a charming 
 expedition to San Antonio and Verdalla, the two country 
 residences of the Governor ; and were much struck with 
 the beauty of the gardens at the first, and that of the situ- 
 ation of the second. We dined and went to bed in good 
 time, having to start for Syracuse in the night. We did 
 start accordingly about 11.30, and after a fairly quiet pas- 
 sage found ourselves 
 
 " Jan. 6 at Syracuse about 8.30. Just as we had fin- 
 ished breakfast came the health officer and doctor, who 
 would not give us pratique till the whole of our party had 
 been paraded before them. Lady ISTorthcote had to put 
 hasty finishing touches to her toilet, in order to display 
 herself. They departed satisfied. The vice-consul (M. 
 Pisani) then came on board, having already sent my let- 
 ters, but none for any other of our party. In the course 
 of conversation I mentioned Stanhope, when he immedi- 
 ately remembered that a packet had come for him ; and 
 then I mentioned Mr Smith, when it appeared that he 
 had letters for him which had been waiting eight or nine 
 months ! 
 
 " After luncheon we took a couple of carriages, and, de- 
 clining the assistance of a guide, started for Epipolse and 
 Euryalus, where we were rewarded by a magnificent view 
 of Etna, Hybla, and the northern part of the island, and
 
 244 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1883. 
 
 of the great harbour, Ortycia, Achiadina, and other well- 
 known scenes of the great Athenian siege. Harry, Stan- 
 hope, and Helen made a short cut on foot, rejoining the 
 road near Timoleon's Villa, where we had left one of the 
 carriages to wait for them. We were struck with the 
 more flourishing appearance which the people here present 
 than that of the Palermitans. 
 
 " Jan. 7 (Sunday). Service on board. After luncheon 
 went on shore, and saw the fountain Arethusa (either 
 a natural spring of fresh water within 9 or 10 feet of the 
 sea, or a basin supplied by a submarine shaft connected 
 with the aqueducts of Achiadina), the cathedral (with 
 some traces of the old temple of Minerva), and the 
 museum. 
 
 " Jan. 8. Most of the party went on shore after 
 luncheon, leaving Lady Nbrthcote and Mrs Stanhope on 
 board. Drove first to the Latomice di Paradiso, and the 
 cavern called Dionysius' Ear. Then saw the Teatro 
 Greco, and then the Amphiteatro Eomano both very 
 interesting. Then drove to the Catacombs, and went 
 through a portion of them ; and ended by visiting the 
 Latomice di Capuccini, where the 7000 unfortunate 
 Athenian soldiers, captured after the great siege, were 
 imprisoned, and underwent such terrible suffering. The 
 place is now a lovely spot, thickly planted with oranges 
 and lemons, some of which our guide gathered and 
 presented to us. 
 
 "Jan. 9. Stanhope, Harry, and Fred went off after 
 breakfast to explore the Anapus and to shoot snipe, of
 
 1883.] DIONYSIUS' EAE. 245 
 
 which, however, they only got one. The ladies went 
 ashore with me after luncheon, and we went over the 
 theatre and amphitheatre, and Dionysius' Ear, which 
 they had not seen yesterday. 
 
 " Jan. 10. Left Syracuse soon after 10 A.M. A perfect 
 day for our sail to Catania, which we are now approaching 
 (12.30). Etna is rather lost in the clouds. It showed 
 very well an hour ago. 
 
 "Jan. 11. Started at 10.30 for a drive in the country, 
 with the original intention of going to Nicolosi; but, 
 being anxious to get back in time to sail at three, we cut 
 short our expedition, and lunched in a field near Punta 
 San Giovanni, having first seen and declined a 'back 
 garden' in the town, which was kindly offered for our 
 accommodation, but which was not tempting. The spot 
 actually selected commanded a most lovely view of Etna, 
 and we lay under some trees on a knoll in the corner of 
 the field, enjoying the shade, for the sun was very hot. 
 We got back by three, much charmed by our day, but not 
 so much so with our guide, who was rather, stupid and 
 very extortionate in his charges, though he had good 
 manners, and thought himself a smart fellow. At three 
 we set sail for Taormina, which we reached in about two 
 and a half hours of lovely coast scenery. The day was 
 delicious; but we noticed ominous signs in the 'glassy' 
 look of the sea (Lady Northcote's comment), the 'old 
 moon in the new moon's arms ' (mine), and the wild look 
 of the sky at sunset (Mrs Stanhope's). The night was a 
 rather rolling one."
 
 246 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1883. 
 
 On the 12th they visited Messina, and some of the 
 party viewed the ancient theatre at Taorrnina. Earn now 
 gave place to the fine dust of the sirocco. 
 
 " Jan. 15. We had planned an excursion to Castanea ; 
 but the rain was so teasing, with fierce showers occasion- 
 ally, and the sky so overcast that we gave it up. Lady 
 Northcote, Harry, and I, stayed on board all . day. The 
 rest went for a short walk in the afternoon. 
 
 " Jan. 16. Took a drive this morning, and went first to 
 the Capuccini, where we had a beautiful view, and then 
 to the Villa Guelfonia, also beautiful. Vice-consul Eain- 
 ford came to call after lunch, and told us the people were 
 very much worse off now than before the days of Italian 
 unity, the taxation being enormous. Started for Naples 
 about 420. Not very good views. Eain. 
 
 " Jan. 17. Eeached Naples about eleven. Had a beau- 
 tiful view as we passed Capri early in the "morn ing, but 
 the clouds had settled down again before we cast anchor. 
 Got our letters, and had luncheon; after which we all 
 went on shore. Helen and I went to the museum, where 
 we spent the whole of our time ; the rest went shopping 
 in the direction of the Chiaja. 
 
 "Jan. 22. After breakfast started for Castellamare, 
 which we reached at eleven, and immediately went on 
 shore and took carriages to Pompeii. Had a most charm- 
 ing day, and a picnic near the house of Sallust. De- 
 velopment of a new crater on Vesuvius, which presents a 
 grand appearance in the evening." 
 
 The rest of the cruise was in familiar waters to Men-
 
 1883.] CANNES NICE. 247 
 
 tone, without even stopping at Elba, They did not try 
 fortune at Monte Carlo. 
 
 "Jan. 30. On our way back we came across a French 
 cavalry drill, and were much struck by a new method of 
 dismounting. Each trooper threw his left leg forwards 
 over the saddle, turned so as to sit sideways on the off 
 side of the horse, then threw up his legs, turned a somer- 
 sault backwards, and alighted on his feet on the near side. 
 Lady Northcote holds that all this drilling means that 
 France is preparing for war. All of us went on shore for 
 a walk after luncheon. 
 
 " Feb. 1. Started after breakfast for Cannes ; a most 
 beautiful sail along the coast, with grand views of the 
 Alpes Maritimes. Quite understood the French idea 
 of the revendication, for which they made the war of 
 1859. Found Cannes harbour so crowded that we turned 
 back from it, and ran into Antibes, where there is a 
 delightful little haven, with hardly any vessel of any 
 kind in it. We preferred it to Ville Franche. Its situa- 
 tion is certainly much more beautiful. Walked on the 
 ramparts. 
 
 "Feb. 2. After breakfast sailed for Nice, where we 
 landed the younger members of our party to go to lunch 
 with Dr Eollit, and to see the Carnival procession from 
 his windows. Remained ourselves on board till after 
 luncheon, and then strolled to the promenade, where the 
 procession was forming, and where we saw a good deal 
 more of it than our friends did from their window. 
 Returned to Antibes in the evening.
 
 248 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1883. 
 
 " Feb. 3. Sailed to St Eaphael, where we landed, and 
 went to lunch with the Salisburys at Villa Marguerite 
 (Valesclusa), situated in very pretty country, which will 
 probably ere long become covered with villas. After 
 lunch, Lord and Lady Salisbury, and some of their party, 
 walked down to the harbour with us, Lady Galloway 
 going down in the carriage with Lady Northcote and 
 visiting the yacht. Eeturned to our favourite harbour, 
 Antibes." 
 
 Friday the 5th was their last day on board, and they 
 were at home on the 10th, after a rather unlucky cruise > 
 as far as weather was concerned. 
 
 The next diary is the story of a trip less pleasant and 
 stormy in its way, a political tour in North Ireland, in 
 the autumn of 1883. Sir Stafford's own version may be 
 given first as it appears in his journal, with additions 
 from his speeches, and from other accounts. 
 
 " Aug. 24, 1883. Came home to Pynes after the practical 
 close of a very tame and unsatisfactory session. We have 
 not found much benefit from the new Eules of Procedure, 
 except possibly in the working of the Grand Committees 
 or at least of one of them, for the Law Committee was 
 rather a failure. The Bankruptcy Bill has been well dis- 
 cussed, and the House have accepted the work of the 
 Grand Committee with little debate except on the ques- 
 tion of the extension of the bill to Ireland. It remains 
 to be seen what other measures can be dealt with in the 
 same way ; probably not many. As regards the behaviour 
 of members in the House itself, the less said the better.
 
 1883.] POLITICAL REFLECTIONS. 249 
 
 The Government have not distinguished themselves much. 
 The Agricultural Holdings Bill is rather a sham, which 
 will do little good or harm. What will come out of the 
 Corrupt Practices Bill is a question. It will render it 
 necessary for us to develop voluntary action much more 
 than has yet been done, for there will be little money to 
 spare for paid agents. 
 
 " The foreign and colonial questions left in a state of con- 
 fusion are (1) Egypt ; (2) Suez Canal ; (3) South Africa, 
 comprising the Transvaal and Bechuanaland, the Basutos 
 and the Zululand difficulties ; (4) Madagascar, the treat- 
 ment of Consul Pakenham, the arrest and detention of 
 Mr Shaw the missionary, and the insult offered to Captain 
 Johnstone and the Dryad ; (5) the Congo ; (6) Afghan- 
 istan, and the subsidy to the Ameer Abdul-Eahman ; (7) 
 the New Guinea annexation. 
 
 "Aug. 31. Letters from Lord A. Hill and Lord Rossmore, 
 who want me to visit and speak at Monaghan. I must not, 
 however, undertake any more Irish work. Dublin will be 
 affronted as it is. Note Parnell's speech, reported in papers 
 of yesterday. His moderation is ominous, and prepares 
 one for some fresh ' transaction ' on the part of the Gov- 
 ernment. It would be unpolite to say that it points to a 
 new treaty of Kilmainham. But the Gladstonian legis- 
 lation for Ireland is Danaidal. Note Bright's speech at 
 opening coffee-house at Birmingham, and his suggestion 
 that the excise duties collected within the municipality 
 should be handed over to its management. 
 
 " Sept. 1. News of young Lowther's victory in Rutland.
 
 250 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1883. 
 
 Very satisfactory, as showing the temper of the farmers, 
 and administering a snub to Mr James Howard and the 
 
 Farmers' Alliance. Letter from , deprecating my visit 
 
 to Belfast as likely to affront and alienate the Catholics, 
 by indicating an exclusive alliance with Orangeism. Told 
 him I hoped he would find himself mistaken ; that I 
 wanted to infuse a rather more imperial spirit into the 
 party, and to draw them a little away from the disputes 
 among themselves to the great questions which affect the 
 whole empire. Undeveloped Conservatism needs to be 
 fostered into life. Great interests at stake, equally dear 
 to Catholics and Protestants. Parnellites the common 
 enemy, and manner in which present Government has 
 dealt with them makes me very suspicious of further 
 concessions. 
 
 " Sept. 4 Eead Fawcett's pamphlet on State Socialism 
 and Nationalisation of the Land. Very good and sug- 
 gestive. Perhaps a little too adverse to the principle of 
 State aid ; but that is necessarily so in an attempt to 
 check the spread of dangerous doctrines. He is champion, 
 7rl TO ttapvov. 
 
 " Sept. 5. Wet day. Went to meet of the stag-hounds. 
 But it was too wet to make a ride on the hills pleasant ; 
 so Fortescue and I rode home again, leaving the huntsmen 
 to enjoy themselves as they might. They did little ; and 
 Ebrington is growing impatient to kill a few more stags, 
 as they are increasing too much, and doing damage to the 
 farmers. As we got near home, my horse came down 
 with me, and broke her knee rather badly. We were on
 
 1883.] STAKT FOR BELFAST. 251 
 
 level ground, and going quite gently. I was not hurt, 
 except for a little sprain of the back. 
 
 " Note Hartington's speech at Sheffield, and good article 
 upon it in this day's ' Standard.' Note also Chamberlain's 
 short letter to the Battersea Radical Association. ' I have 
 always assumed that the first step in the direction of 
 reform would be an assimilation of the county and 
 borough franchise. Public opinion must ripen consider- 
 ably before it would be possible for any Government to 
 go further, and the final settlement of the franchise ques- 
 tion must of necessity be postponed until there is evidence 
 of a general agreement on the subject.' Compare this 
 with the ' daring duckling's ' speech at the Cobden Club 
 dinner, and contrast with Hartington's. 
 
 "Sept. 20. Started for cruise in Pandora [to Ireland 
 ultimately]. J. S. N. and Hilda, Fred and Margaret 
 Shelley, Frank Farrer, and Lady Susan Fortescue went 
 with me to Dartmouth, or rather to King's Wear, where 
 we found the boat waiting to take us on board. 
 
 " Tuesday, Oct. 2. A deputation from the County and 
 City Conservative Association came on board before break- 
 fast and presented an address. I express my regret at not 
 being able to visit Dublin on this occasion. Hope to do so 
 another time. A few words of encouragement. Start for 
 Belfast by two o'clock train, Tottenham with me. Ladies, 
 with Fred and Frank, remain on board. Jack is on his 
 way, vid Greenore, to Belfast. At Portadown, and again 
 at Lisburn, there are deputations with addresses, to which 
 I make brief replies. Eeach Belfast about 6. 30, and find
 
 252 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1883. 
 
 ourselves in a whirlpool of excitement. Fearful crush at 
 the station, through which Sir T. Bateson and Lord Arthur 
 Hill with difficulty get me to the carriage. 
 
 " Everybody, however, is disappointed at my not having 
 come by sea and landed at Carrickfergus, where thousands 
 of people had assembled to meet me, and to make a trium- 
 phal entry into Belfast. We drove round some of the 
 streets of Belfast to see the decorations, and then out to 
 Belvoir, where a deputation met us at the gates of the park 
 and brought us to the house. 
 
 " Oct. 5. Began by receiving deputations from the Odd- 
 fellows, and from the advocates of Women's Suffrage. 
 Then drove to Carrickfergus, the road by which we ought 
 to have come on our arrival. Lunched with Mr Greer, 
 M.P., were photographed, visited the Castle, and stone on 
 which King William landed. Came r back to Belfast in 
 the Pandora, which had taken a certain number of the 
 party down to Carrick. This evening was the unlucky 
 torchlight procession, which was organised in spite of re- 
 monstrance from Sir T. Bateson and myself. It was gen- 
 erally well conducted as far as its members went; but 
 some of the lower people and boys attracted by it were 
 rather riotous, and some windows were broken, both at the 
 newspaper offices (both sides) and at a convent where the 
 Lady Superior was actually dying. There is no reason to 
 suppose that her death was in any degree accelerated by 
 the disturbance, or that she was even conscious of it. But 
 the circumstance will be much magnified by our opponents ; 
 and it is an illustration of the mischief .of these processions.
 
 1883.] MEETING IN BOTANIC GARDENS. 253 
 
 " Oct. 6 (Saturday). Most of our party went in after 
 breakfast to attend the laying of the first stone of the new 
 Orange Lodge by Lady Crichton. It had been suggested 
 that I should be asked to do this ; but I had prevented 
 the request from being made, as I was most anxious to 
 avoid giving an Orange character to my visit. It has, 
 however, been impossible to keep clear of that character. 
 Orangemen have crowded round me everywhere. Their 
 bands and scarves have been conspicuous in all the meet- 
 ings. It would have been impossible to repel them, and 
 serious injury might have been done had I attempted it. 
 Waterford, Jack, and I started late from Belvoir, and 
 drove to the Botanic Gardens, where an enormous crowd 
 had assembled. There were probably about 40,000 people 
 present and within sight of the hustings. As to the hear- 
 ing our speeches, the less said the better ; for in addition to 
 the difficulty of the numbers, we had to contend with the 
 various Orange bands and their music. After the meeting 
 we went with the Duke of Abercorn, the young Hamiltons, 
 Crichtons, Tottenham, Macartney, Ion Hamilton, King 
 Harman, Somerset Maxwell, and the Batesons, to Baron's 
 Court. Several addresses were presented at different sta- 
 tions. Bet ween Dungannon and Pomeroy a stone was thrown 
 at the train, which broke the window of the compartment 
 next our own, and struck Lady Crichton sharply on the 
 back. She was a good deal hurt, though not seriously in- 
 jured. We arrived at Newtown Stewart, and were escorted 
 from the station through the town by a torchlight proces- 
 sion and band, organised by Captain Maturin. We reached
 
 254 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1883. 
 
 Baron's Court late, and found the Duchess, Lady Lans- 
 downe, Lady Blandford, Lord and Lady Winterton, Lady 
 G. Hamilton waiting dinner. Hasty toilet. Pleasant, 
 reposeful evening. 
 
 " Oct. 7 (Sunday). Drove to church in the morning. 
 Jack assisted rector (Mr Winn) in the service. Walked 
 back, and after luncheon took a walk with the Duke and 
 Duchess round the garden and up to the home -farm. 
 Very much charmed by the whole family. 
 
 " Oct. 8. Drove with the Duke to see some of the 
 neighbouring farms. Eeturned to late luncheon. Went 
 out to play at salmon-fishing, but without result. On the 
 following day there was an enthusiastic meeting at New- 
 town Stewart. Coleraine was visited on the 10th, and the 
 Giant's Causeway on the llth. On the two following 
 days there were more orations, the 14th was Sunday, and 
 a blessed day of rest. 
 
 "Oct. 15. A wet wild morning. It cleared a little 
 before the time came for our landing, but was still so 
 bad as to make us abandon the attempt to land at the 
 outer steps of the pier, where great preparations had been 
 made for our reception. We rowed to the inner steps, 
 and hastened to 'the hotel (Olderfleet), where I first 
 received, and replied to, several addresses, then lunched 
 with a large party and made them a speech, and then 
 ' said a few words ' to the people outside. I believe all 
 this failed to satisfy them for my not having landed on 
 the red cloth under their arch, and listened to the ad- 
 dresses given from a sort of pulpit erected for their
 
 1883.] DKIVE ACROSS THE MOUENE MOUNTAINS. 255 
 
 better delivery. Drove out to Magheramorne (Sir J. M. 
 Hogg's) where again a band, an address, and some more 
 ' few words/ In the house, besides the family, including 
 A. Saumarez and wife, were Mr and Lady Mary Cooke 
 and Mr Des Graz. 
 
 " Oct. 16. Tullymore is certainly one of the most beauti- 
 ful places I have seen. We had first a charming walk by 
 the river-side, and then a drive among the woods, before 
 luncheon. Afterwards we drove to Castle Wellan (Lord 
 Annesley's) where we were to have stayed, but had found 
 it necessary to give up our engagement. Lord Annesley 
 met us at his garden gate, showed us some of his planting, 
 and made me put in a tree. Then he drove us round 
 his beautiful lake, and brought us back to tea. Back 
 to Tullymore to dinner. 
 
 " Oct. 17- Started about eleven to drive across the 
 Mourne Mountains to Eosstrevor, where the yacht had been 
 sent to wait for us. It was a striking drive through a wild 
 country. The chief properties through which we passed 
 were Lord Eoclen's, Lord Annesley's, Lord Downshire's, 
 and Lord Kilmorey's. The houses on Lord Eoden's and 
 Lord Downshire's estate seemed superior to the others. 
 We noticed a large number of unroofed and deserted 
 cottages, which the driver told us had belonged to men 
 who had sold their tenant-right and emigrated. Lord 
 Eoden afterwards told me that this was a beneficial 
 process, so long as the landlord had a voice in the 
 matter, for he could put two or three evacuated hold- 
 ings together, and make adequately large ones of them. 
 
 VOL. II. R
 
 256 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1883. 
 
 But under the new Land Act he can do nothing, and 
 what happens is that the more energetic man sells his 
 tenant-right to the less energetic, emigrates much to his 
 own advantage, but leaves Ireland all the worse off for 
 the exchange." 
 
 The rest of the Irish diary merely records movements 
 in the direction of Wales, where he had to attend meet- 
 ings. A more complete view of the Irish tour, and of Sir 
 Stafford's speeches there, may be gleaned from the follow- 
 ing incidents. 
 
 I wish [writes Mr John Northcote to Lady Northcote, on 
 October 4] you could have seen the greeting which my father 
 received. They yelled and screamed with delight, and rushed 
 at him the moment he got out of the train, and pushed and 
 crowded and fought to get near him, until I really began to be 
 afraid he would be hurt in the crowd ; but Lord Arthur Hill 
 got behind him, and kept them off, and we slowly struggled 
 through to the carriage, one man patting him vigorously on 
 the shoulder, and crying, " Hurrah ! you're the boy." Then 
 we drove about amidst a continuous crowd of shouting, enthusi- 
 astic working men, and finally came out here just in time for 
 dinner. 
 
 Sir Thomas Bateson had made a mistake, for he had invited 
 enormous crowds to meet my father at Carrickfergus, and in 
 the city, in tbe morning, and bad not told my father, and so 
 they all missed seeing him. Many had come from great dis- 
 tances, and many workshops had a whole holiday and so 
 people were very angry, and inclined to blame my father for 
 not coming ; but I am happy to say I have put a considerable 
 number of tbem right about the matter. The town is much 
 decorated, and among the placards there is one I particularly
 
 1883.] "MARVELLOUS EECEPTION " AT 'DERRY. 257 
 
 like, which is " Our Leaders Northcote and Salisbury." 
 Father was in very low spirits the first evening, but he is more 
 cheerful now, and keeps very well, although they keep him hard 
 at it. He made a capital speech yesterday. 
 
 "They say I did well yesterday. I was only moder- 
 ately satisfied," says Sir Stafford. From Belfast, as we 
 have seen, he went to the Duke of Abercorn's, at Baron's 
 Court, Newtown Stewart. He received deputations of 
 Oddfellows. " You are the best British baronet that 
 ever crossed the Channel," their spokesman said. A 
 deputation of " strong-minded women " was also received 
 a trying encounter for any man. A big blue banner 
 was raised in welcome, with the legend, " Long live Sir 
 Stafford ISTorthcote, the Opponent of Atheism " a rather 
 unexpected theological testimony. 
 
 At 'Derry their " marvellous reception " was tempered 
 very much by regret for some local window-breaking by 
 roughs at Belfast, which had a melancholy sequel. The 
 Lady Superior of the convent assaulted by the mob died : 
 she was dying when the disturbance began, and may 
 never even have been aware of the riot. But the event 
 was terribly painful. Such are the doings of mobs, how- 
 ever loyal. "The window -breaking," says Sir Stafford, 
 "was not done by any of the procession; but of course 
 the procession led to the crowd of idlers who actually .did 
 it, and I am very unhappy about it." This led to the low 
 spirits which made him at one time doubtful of his 
 own success. The enthusiasm of Coleraine and Larne
 
 258 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1883. 
 
 failed to cheer him much. " However, I believe I have 
 done some good," he adds, on mature reflection. 
 
 In his speech at Belfast (October 4), he made the fol- 
 lowing remarks on the policy of Mr Parnell and Mr 
 Gladstone, with a humorous and too appropriate illustra- 
 tion : " There is a tendency on the part of Mr Parnell's 
 party to draw towards Mr Gladstone's party and the 
 Liberal Government, and to endeavour by association 
 with them to gain something which will forward their 
 object. I can well believe that between the skill and 
 patience of Mr Parnell and his readiness to accommodate 
 himself to the peculiar weakness and characteristics of 
 the Prime Minister, the Government may be led into 
 concessions which may be enlarged into measures of a 
 fatal character; but remember this, whatever blows Mr 
 Parnell strikes, he strikes not a particular institution, but 
 at the English connection altogether. I do not know that 
 it would be fair to claim for Mr Parnell community with 
 the great leaders of the Irish people centuries ago. There 
 is a story told of the Earl of Kildare, who, in the reign 
 of Henry VII. or VIII., was in arms against the British 
 power, and who was particularly at enmity with the 
 bishop of his diocese. The Earl burned down a church 
 in the diocese, and when questioned afterwards, and asked 
 how he could have done so horrid a thing as burn a 
 church, he said he never would have done it if he had 
 not thought the bishop was inside. I believe the same 
 is the case with Mr Parnell, and there are many institu- 
 tions which he only attacks because he thinks that the
 
 1883.] SPEECH AT BELFAST. 259 
 
 British power is inside them. I hope that he may be 
 frustrated in his attempts." 
 
 As to the trop de zele which breaks the windows of quiet 
 religious ladies, he had uttered his warning : " I believe 
 the time is coming and is not far distant when we shall 
 be called upon to fight, not with our hands as Irishmen 
 are perhaps sometimes a little too ready to do but with 
 our voices, and our energy and our organisation at the 
 poll, to which we shall have to go, and where that contest 
 will be waged. Gentlemen, I hope you will keep your 
 powder dry for the occasion ; and when I say that, I do 
 not speak literally with regard to powder, for I am told 
 that I expose myself to being brought up under the 
 Crimes Act for having used such a word. I speak meta- 
 phorically, and I say you must keep yourselves ready. 
 Your oratory, your eloquence, your zeal in fighting your 
 battle, you must keep ready to use when the moment for 
 action comes, as come it will. . . . But remember, no 
 offence against those who differ from you, no offence that 
 can give them an opportunity of complaining that you are 
 yourselves breaking the law and the order which you pro- 
 fess to support ; and don't forget that, though the great 
 strength of our party may be amongst the northern Irish- 
 men, and amongst those of whom I have been speaking, 
 do not forget that they are by no means the whole strength 
 of the Conservative and Union party throughout Ireland. 
 Do not forget that there are others who, differing from 
 you in not immaterial particulars, yet will be ready at the 
 right time, ready to stand by the old cause. Do not forget
 
 260 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1883. 
 
 to recognise all that is earnest and good in them. Do not 
 forget, too, that they are the allies you must have if you 
 wish to maintain that which is your true character, that 
 which is the character of the true National party in this 
 country. Do not allow yourselves to be lowered into a 
 section, do not allow yourselves to be carried away by 
 regard for mere sectional individual interests, but stand 
 by the great cause, and stand by the old banner, and stand 
 by it in company with those who are prepared to stand 
 with you." 
 
 At Larne his remarks on the Land Act were assuredly 
 not violent nor incendiary : " But I am quite prepared to 
 say that I consider the great principles upon which all 
 legislation should be founded are the principles of justice 
 and fair treatment ; and with regard to the Land Act in 
 particular, I say that in so far as that Act was intended 
 and framed for the purposes of giving proper security to 
 the capital invested in. the cultivation of land now that 
 I have seen something of the agriculture of this country, 
 and what the conditions are under which that agriculture 
 is conducted I say that is a sound and right principle, 
 and that everything should be done that can give fair en- 
 couragement and confidence to the tenant-farmers. At 
 the same time that can only be done by doing justice to 
 them, and doing it in such a way that you do no injustice 
 to others. If it is to be in the nature of a boon to one 
 class of those who are engaged in agricultural pursuits at 
 the expense or with injustice to other classes I care not 
 whether those other classes be the owners of the land or
 
 1883.] TOUR IN WALES. 261 
 
 the labourers on the land if it is to be a measure pressed 
 in that spirit, it will not succeed in the object aimed at, 
 and there will not be the result which is desired from it. 
 If there is a feeling that justice is being done to all, and 
 done impartially, then I venture to think that we may 
 expect better results from this sort of legislation. But 
 here again is just one of those questions on which so much 
 turns upon the administration. The value and importance 
 of such legislation as contained in the Land Act does now 
 greatly depend upon the method of its administration. It 
 sometimes reminds me of the figure which was seen by 
 the king in his dream, and which was expounded by the 
 prophet the figure which had feet partly of iron and 
 partly of clay. The Land Act seems to me to rest on 
 such a foundation, the question being whether you have 
 got an iron and permanent footing, or a clay footing 
 which will be carried away. So far as it is a measure 
 of justice and equity, it rests upon iron ; so far as it rests 
 on injustice, it is a foot of clay, which will in time be 
 carried away." 
 
 When once the Irish expedition was over, Sir Stafford's 
 next task, following almost without a break, was a tour in 
 gallant little Wales. 
 
 "Oct. 22 (Monday). Evening meeting at Carnarvon. 
 Drove there. Enthusiastic reception ; but of course tame 
 after Ireland. Spoke in the Pavilion to about 5000 or 
 6000. Thought to have done well and to have avoided 
 treading on the toes of the moderate Liberals and Dis- 
 senters. There is a very up-hill battle to fight in Wales, -
 
 262 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1883. 
 
 but something to be done by showing the people what 
 Conservatism is. No Conservative of Cabinet rank had 
 ever spoken in North Wales before, nor any one (except 
 myself at Brecon) in South Wales. My own good recep- 
 tion was of course largely due to civility to a stranger; 
 but Mr Douglas Pennant was warmly welcomed too, not- 
 withstanding his having been told that no Welsh audience 
 should ever listen to him again, on account of some re- 
 marks of his reflecting on the national character. 
 
 " Oct. 28-30. Keflected on my expedition. I think it 
 may fairly be called a successful one, though I do not 
 share the enthusiasm with which some of our friends re- 
 gard it. The amount of loyal feeling displayed in the 
 north of Ireland was mainly due to causes unconnected 
 with my visit, such as the growing irritation of the 
 Orangemen, who thought themselves abandoned by the 
 country to which they wished to remain united, the boast- 
 ful language of the Parnellites, the Monaghan election 
 (Healy), and the ' invasion of Ulster ' at Dungannon and 
 elsewhere. My presence was of the sort of use that a 
 lightning-conductor is. It gave a comparatively safe 
 means of escape to the electric fluid with which the air 
 was heavily charged. I did what I could to direct the 
 energies of our friends to the registration courts and the 
 organisation committees! How far I have succeeded 
 time must show. As regards other matters, it is possible 
 that my visit may have added a little to the excitement, 
 but it let off more steam than it generated ; and a good 
 deal of zeal was expended in cheering me which would
 
 1883.] LORD RECTOR OF EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY. 263 
 
 otherwise have gone to breaking heads and discharging 
 revolvers. On the whole a good stroke of work has been 
 done, in showing England and the world that there is a 
 party in Ireland heartily loyal to the Union. 
 
 " Nov. 3. Elected Lord Rector of Edinburgh University, 
 against G. O. Trevelyan and Professor Blackie. This 
 seems to excite our friends very much, and I suppose 
 it has a good appearance, which is a good thing for the 
 party." 
 
 Whether the appointment was or was not a good thing 
 for the party, for the University of Edinburgh it was a 
 good thing. The rectors of the Scottish universities have 
 not, as a rule, very much to do. They are represented by 
 an assessor in the councils of the College, and their chief 
 functions are to give a prize, to utter a speech and, above 
 all, to be elected. The constituency is the students, and 
 they get an extraordinary amount of entertainment from 
 the struggle. There is usually a Liberal party, a Conser- 
 vative party, and an Independent party among them, but 
 the latter seldom carries its man. The others select some 
 celebrated persons, often not unconnected with letters, 
 and they canvass, and intrigue, and expend their wealth 
 on printing pamphlets and squibs. Many meetings are 
 held, much young rhetoric bubbles over, and not infre- 
 quent peas and other missiles are thrown about. But 
 the essence of the election is usually political, though it 
 would be difficult to name the party which Mr Carlyle, 
 for example, represented. The rectorship gives eminent 
 men a title not to be disdained, and brings them pleas-
 
 264 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1884. 
 
 antly into contact with the young. During Sir Stafford's 
 tenure of this office he had far more work to do than 
 commonly falls to Lord Eectors, for the Tercentenary of 
 Edinburgh University was celebrated in the spring of 
 1884 with much festivity, and in the presence of many 
 distinguished aliens. The Principal, at that time, was the 
 late Sir Alexander Grant, editor of the 'Ethics of Aris- 
 totle.' He had just written a history of the University, 
 the youngest in Scotland. In the Eector and the .Prin- 
 cipal this Alma Mater was peculiarly lucky, for no two 
 men could have been found better qualified to grace the 
 ceremony and to please and charm the visitors from 
 abroad. But this is anticipating. Sir Stafford went to 
 Edinburgh on January 29, 1884, and it is understood that 
 he grumbled less than Mr Carlyle did of the discomforts 
 attending the journey. The collar of his shirt may have 
 been blackened in the train, as Mr Carlyle complained in 
 his own case with much vigour of invective. The new 
 Lord Eector did not think it necessary to mention this 
 detail ; but he did " expect fun from the symposium to- 
 morrow." He was warmly welcomed by the students, on 
 this or another occasion, at a social gathering, where he 
 told some of his Devonshire stories. In his rectorial ad- 
 dress he discouraged the tendency of literary persons to 
 abstain, from political life. The students in Scotland do 
 not carry to that pitch their exclusive devotion to letters. 
 " With us the object of the University is not merely to 
 protect scholars, but to form citizens." Turning to the 
 studies of the place, he denied that the time spent on the
 
 1884.] RECTOEIAL ADDRESS. 265 
 
 classics was time wasted: "No doubt there have been 
 many young men who, when they came to compete in 
 the examination halls, or still more in the actual walks 
 of life, with contemporaries prepared upon a different 
 system, have felt an inferiority in practical and directly, 
 useful knowledge, which has placed them at a consider- 
 able disadvantage. But for all that, there is in the old 
 learning a charm which carries us away from the bonds 
 and fetters of the workaday world, refreshes us when 
 we are weary, elevates us when our aims are sinking, 
 cheers us when we are despondent, calms us when we 
 are agitated, moderates our minds and thoughts, alike 
 when we are in prosperity and in adversity, sets before 
 us high examples of courage and patience and wisdom 
 and unselfishness, and does us, too, the inestimable ser- 
 vice of renewing in our own hearts the memories of our 
 nobler though probably less practical selves such as we 
 were when we began to look eagerly forward to the race 
 in which we had not yet engaged, and which we have 
 since found so absorbing of our energies." 
 
 He ventured on a defence of Greek literature ; not un- 
 necessary, for apparently universities will soon need to 
 be told that screws, iron plates, chemistry, and the devel- 
 opment of the electric light of the streets, are not the only 
 things worth study that the best words and thoughts of 
 an age which cared for none of those things are also worth 
 attending to. Greek is in a tottering condition, not for 
 lack of the best of teachers at Edinburgh, but because 
 Greek is thought, here, as in America, not to be "prac-
 
 266 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1884. 
 
 tical," not actual enough. It was thus that Sir Stafford 
 commended a kind of learning which, if not practical, is 
 disinterested, and if not actual, forces us to say, " So 
 much the worse for minds to which it seems lacking in 
 actuality " : 
 
 " It might be said of the best period of Athenian history, 
 that it was a democracy tempered by comedies ; and what 
 comedies they are ! It is not easy to convey to you young 
 men any adequate idea of the delight with which, when 
 one is wearied with long sittings in the House of Commons, 
 one takes up the ' Knights ' or the ' Clouds ' ; and then 
 there is the more serious tragic poetry, which, while it tells 
 the tale of Grecian thought and breathes the spirit of the 
 Grecian muse, opens to us from time to time the depths 
 of the universal poetry of mankind, and startles us at 
 moments with its religious, its almost Christian sentiments. 
 When we listen to the noble pleading of Antigone, her 
 piety towards her brother, her resolution to obey the 
 higher law of God rather than the law which condemns 
 her to die for the discharge of a sister's duty, and her 
 somewhat haughty refusal to allow her younger sister to 
 involve herself in her fate, we feel as if we had before us 
 one who might fitly take rank with Shakespeare's Isabella, 
 nay, whom I would not hesitate to place above her for 
 dignity and greatness of character, even though there are 
 wanting in the older play those more distinctly Christian 
 touches like the celebrated passage that 'all the souls 
 that are, were forfeit once,' which gives to ' Measure for 
 Measure ' its chief flavour of superiority."
 
 1884] LETTER TO LADY NORTHCOTE. 267 
 
 The Rectorial address was very much liked, but the 
 Lord Rector's hardest holiday work had to come. On 
 April 16 he was again in Edinburgh, at the assembly 
 which gathered to celebrate the Three Hundred Years' 
 life of " The Town's College," for Edinburgh University 
 is civic, and owes nothing to popes and saints. 
 
 Sir Stafford briefly described the scene to Lady North- 
 cote : " Just a line to say it is hopeless to think of writing. 
 Yesterday was a very striking though tiring day. I wish 
 you could have seen the congregation of all manner of 
 gowns and hoods which assembled in the old Parliament 
 House and formed the procession to the old Cathedral of 
 St Giles, which has now been very well restored. I have 
 ordered a ' Scotsman ' for each day, so you will get the 
 account. I struck work after the evening reception, and 
 
 declined to go to the ball. The M 's are most kind 
 
 and considerate and don't ignore the ' cravings of youth.' 
 But it is an advantage to be with people who can sym- 
 pathise with the infirmities of age. ' Si jeunesse savait/ 
 they wouldn't overwork me, and 'si vieillesse pouvait,' 
 they could not ; for I am very anxious to do all they ask. 
 I hope to be of some use in the matter of their meeting 
 the foreign delegates on Friday, which they could not 
 well have managed without me. I went to their dra- 
 matic performance for part of the time. They had taken 
 too heavy a piece in the version of ' Nigel,' but had got 
 it up well, and the man who acted Trapbois was really 
 clever." 
 
 Though he talked lightly of la vieillesse, he really was be-
 
 268 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1884. 
 
 ginning to feel hard work of this kind as a strain. He 
 had almost given up shooting, for which, perhaps, he never 
 greatly cared ; and his Irish tour, though it did not actually 
 harm his health, had warned him that he might be over- 
 wearied. This is recognised in the following letter of 
 April 18, describing a beautiful and interesting ceremony. 
 When collegiate people do dress in their academic best, 
 and when the variegated hoods of a hundred colleges 
 are displayed, the scene proves that men of peace can be 
 almost as gorgeous, and " in their attire do show their wit " 
 as magnificently, as men of the sword. This was the most 
 magnificent academic festival which has been held for 
 very many years ; and with the old grey Grassmarket and 
 St Giles' for a background to the reds and blues and 
 greens of the robes, Edinburgh needed not to fear rivalry 
 with Bologna. 
 
 " The best thing is that I hope to be with you on the 
 same day with this letter. Look out for me (or my ex- 
 hausted carcass) by the train reaching King's Cross at 
 seven. 
 
 "Yesterday was a very remarkable day. I wish you 
 could have seen the sight in the great hall where the 
 degrees were conferred. The masses of colour were quite 
 like a flower-bed, and the ladies in the gallery must have 
 been much exercised between admiration and jealousy. 
 Some of the French robes were the most striking. The 
 banquet was less gay, as gowns were not worn ; but it 
 was a most striking sight. To-day is my day. I am just 
 going to hold an assembly of the students, to give them
 
 1884.] TERCENTENARY SPEECH. 269 
 
 their turn of the great gathering. They are very much 
 pleased, and I hope will forgive my not going to the ball 
 on Wednesday. There is their symposium in the evening. 
 Altogether it will be as hard as any day we have had. 
 
 " Now I must go. The M 's are very kind, though 
 
 the 1ST 's think they keep me away from the festivi- 
 ties too much. I should die under the energetic system ; 
 as it is, I can only just get along." 
 
 In his speech at the Tercentenary he made one of the 
 classical allusions in which he excelled: "I feel assured 
 that this University is destined to exhibit in its future 
 career the same high qualities which it has exhibited 
 hitherto. I was staying a very short time ago in an old 
 house in the country that belonged to the family of the 
 Mores. There were badges upon the walls, and the badge 
 was the mulberry-tree the morus ; and this was the in- 
 scription : ' Morus tarde moriens, morum cito moritur ' 
 The mulberry-tree is slow in death, the mulberry fruits die 
 quickly ; and so it may be with us and all of this Univer- 
 sity. The individuals may pass away, but the stock will 
 remain. It is a consolation which all who are connected 
 with such a body as this may take to themselves, that 
 though the work they do in this life may be short, and 
 the art may seem to be long in comparison, though their 
 life is short, the life of the body to which they belong is 
 not short; and we may fully trust and believe that the 
 future of this University will be connected, and will be 
 proudly connected, with the history of our country and 
 the prosperity of the English nation."
 
 270 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1884. 
 
 Edinburgh never in the illustrious roll of her Lord 
 Rectors had one more popular, one who better graced a 
 graceful office, than Sir Stafford. He visited Scotland 
 again in the autumn of 1884. He voyaged along the 
 beautiful west coast in Mr Smith's yacht, the Pandora, 
 which had frequently, and with great benefit to his health, 
 been placed at his service. His best holidays were due 
 to the kindness of Mr Smith. At Glasgow he had rather 
 more publicity than he liked. He writes from Oban : 
 " One enthusiastic gentleman came and talked to me at 
 the station, expressing his great disappointment that there 
 were not more people there to see me off. I had a news- 
 paper correspondent who came and seated himself by my 
 side at breakfast, and interviewed me so energetically that 
 I cut short my meal." 
 
 Such are the holidays of the conspicuous : and even at 
 a Scotch breakfast the interviewer comes with the porridge 
 and stays till the marmalade. They saw lona in the 
 wet (there are English people who complain that the west 
 coast is wet ; it is not nearly wet enough for salmon and 
 sea-trout), and they beguiled time at Tobermory with 
 readings from "The Lord of the Isles," and, less ap- 
 propriately, from Mr Mallock. In Glencoe, too, it 
 rained; but the glories of the Sunbeam, Lord Brassey's 
 gorgeous yacht, were viewed and admired at Oban. On 
 beholding this portent the muse awoke as well she might ; 
 for, since the Sicilian tyrant's days, or the seafaring of 
 Cleopatra, never was there a barque like the Sunbeam 
 and Sir Stafford's hand touched the lyre of Ingoldsby.
 
 1884.] "THE SUNBEAM." 271 
 
 It had poured at Oban, it streamed at Strome ; 
 When we tried to go out the rain drove us home ; 
 At Tobermory it was still the same story, 
 And at Ballachulish it made us feel foolish ; 
 But when we had reached the magnificent Strome 
 Ferry, 
 
 "We saw a sight 
 
 "Which made us quite 
 Merry ; 
 Very. 
 
 We saw a vessel of brilliant whiteness, 
 And a company bowing with great politeness, 
 
 And we shaded our eyes 
 
 In glad surprise, 
 And said to one another, " Now what's to be done 1 
 
 That's the Sun- 
 Beam. 
 
 How bright it doth seem ! 
 
 And who's on board 1 
 
 Why, upon my word, 
 When I look again, how silly I am 
 Not to have known Sir Willy am 
 
 Harcourt, 
 Pride of the Home Office and the Bar Court ; 
 
 And there as I reckon, 
 
 Beginning to beckon, 
 
 Is Mr Gwynne Holford, late member for Brecon." 
 But oh ! what an outburst of welcome broke from us, 
 When there came to our gangway a boat with Sir Thomas 
 
 Brassey, 
 
 With many a lady and laddie and lassie ! 
 It was quite " too too " with " How d'ye do 1 " 
 And in such a blare of universality, 
 We seem to lose individuality, 
 While never was known such hospitality. 
 
 VOL. II. S
 
 272 HOLIDAYS AND HOLIDAY TASKS. [1884. 
 
 They asked us to dinner, they asked us to tea. 
 
 " But nothing of that sort will do," said we ; 
 
 " This night we have marked for a musical swarry, 
 
 And to disappoint our crew we'd be sorry. 
 
 We've the Well of St Keyne, and the Nancy Brig, 
 
 And Miss Mabel is ready to play us a jig ; 
 
 But if you'll allow us, your sails being furled, 
 
 We will visit the vessel that went round the world." 
 
 But oh ! how Columbus and Francis Drake 
 
 With envy in their graves must shake ! 
 
 And sure the ship Argo had ne'er such a cargo ; 
 
 Nor that which was built in Sicilian waters 
 
 For the ancient tyrant, his sons and his daughters, 
 
 Which had gardens and bowers, and goldfish and flowers. 
 
 No ; nothing can match the Sunbeam gay, 
 
 Or the motes that people its brilliant ray. 
 
 There are schoolrooms and smoking-rooms, bedrooms and baths, 
 
 With hot and cold, water turned on ; 
 And we wander through passages, doorways, and paths, 
 
 Till we can't make out where we are gone. 
 Through dining-room, drawing-room, boudoir, and study, 
 I pass till my brain is quite mixed up and muddy; 
 With silk and with satin and velvet arrayed, 
 And china and shell-work and ivory displayed 
 Gifts from this Royal Prince, or that Maori chief, 
 And from Japs and Chinese : it was quite a relief 
 To escape from such splendour, and, wiping my pen, 
 To sit down in the dear snug Pandora again. 
 
 From Oban they sailed north, by the cliffs and moul- 
 dering castles 
 
 " Each on its own dark cape reclined, 
 And listening to its own wild wind "- 
 
 and they stayed at Dunvegan. Here they were on familiar
 
 1885.] VISIT TO BALMORAL. 273 
 
 ground, and saw familiar sights, Flora Macdonald's stays, 
 the sword of Eory More, and the mysterious Fairy Flag, 
 which brings victory to the Macleods. 
 
 Early in September they sailed south, and, after a few 
 brief visits to Stobo, Pitlour, and other houses, Sir Stafford 
 went to Hopetoun and made Conservative speeches at a 
 Conservative gathering. The Provost of Edinburgh, al- 
 though a Liberal, met him at luncheon at the Conservative 
 Club, and took him to view Heriot's Hospital, the founda- 
 tion of " Jingling Geordie." Sir Stafford visited Dalkeith, 
 stayed at Birnam, at St Mary's Tower, and then crossed 
 the Tweed. 
 
 He had a great deal of political work in Scotland, late 
 in 1885, after an official visit to Balmoral. Staying at 
 Blythswood he spoke at Glasgow : " It was an enthusiastic 
 lively audience, sometimes a little noisy, but very good- 
 humoured. The most striking thing was the way they 
 cheered Lord Beaconsfield's name. It was an interruption 
 of quite, two minutes." He was nervous at having to 
 speak in a hall built specially for Mr Gladstone, whose 
 voice fills a very considerable amount of hall. Next year, 
 in June, he spoke on the Union with Ireland, at Paisley. 
 In September he visited Balmoral, and this was the last 
 time he crossed the Border, or saw the heather, of which 
 Sir Walter Scott said that if he did not see it every year 
 he thought he should die. For Sir Stafford, holidays and 
 work were very nearly over : he had one last trial to bear, 
 and then his earthly task was done.
 
 274 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 LAST DAYS AND DEATH. 
 
 TESTIMONIAL PROM HOUSE OF COMMONS COMMISSION ON DE- 
 
 PEESSION IN TRADE LORD RANDOLPH'S RESIGNATION 
 
 LORD SALISBURY AT THE FOREIGN OFFICE NEWS OF THIS 
 
 CHANGE LORD IDDESLEIGH'g HEALTH HIS DEATH. 
 
 IT has been seen that, on the defeat of Mr Gladstone's 
 Government in 1885, and the accession of Lord Salis- 
 bury's short-lived Cabinet, Sir Stafford Northcote went 
 to the House of Lords with the title of Earl of Iddesleigh, 
 and with the office of First Lord of the Treasury. As he 
 said later, when a splendid testimonial was offered him by 
 members of both parties, in March 1886, "For thirty 
 years the House of Commons was his home." Thirty 
 years see, in most cases, the life's work of a man; for 
 him little more was left of life and work. " The House of 
 Commons was his love, that was the place his heart went 
 out to, and he could not get rid of his feelings. He 
 always knew that he should greatly feel leaving the 
 House of Commons, and he could only say that he had 
 felt the separation a great deal more than he had thought
 
 1886.] COMMISSION ON DEPRESSION OF TRADE. 275 
 
 he should." His departure was not, one may venture to 
 say, of benefit to his party, nor to the House. An admi- 
 rable example of patriotic conduct and courtesy was lost, 
 where it could ill be spared. One of the last barriers to 
 partisan rancour was removed. Even the official journals 
 of his party felt and deplored the loss and the change. 
 For his own part, Lord Iddesleigh was at once engaged in 
 the kind of work which he had often done so well; he 
 presided over the Commission which examined into the 
 Depression in Trade. This Commission was appointed by 
 the Conservatives as soon as they came into office, in 
 1885. Its report, or rather its reports, were not issued 
 till a few days after its President's death in 1887. Lord 
 Iddesleigh's unrivalled financial experience, and the sa- 
 gacity of his views on trade, naturally marked him out 
 as the President. 
 
 The Commission was doubtless appointed for a political 
 reason. The "bad times" since 1875 had, as we have 
 seen, been pretty freely attributed to the Tories. The 
 justice of these charges we have examined: they were 
 partly superstitious, an affair of belief in luck, partly they 
 rested on the foreign policy of Mr Disraeli's Government. 
 It has been said that another foreign policy might have 
 avoided certain expenses ; but no policy could have altered 
 the general conditions which depress business. There 
 were Conservatives, however, who believed in " fair 
 trade," in a commercial league between England and 
 her colonies, and in other specifics. It was well, at least, 
 to hear what they had to say, and to collect information.
 
 276 LAST DAYS AND DEATH. [1886. 
 
 " One-sided free trade " was being denounced, not un- 
 naturally ; but Lord Iddesleigh had never any confidence 
 in the talk about reciprocity. The reciprocity that was 
 wanted was what could not be got, he said, and what 
 could be got was not reciprocity. Still, the Conservatives 
 were expected to do something, and they could, and did, 
 appoint a Commission. Lord Iddesleigh was not ill 
 pleased to be at its head. He saw that all the remedies 
 put forward were more or less modified forms of protec- 
 tion. He foresaw that the Commission, or the majority 
 of it, would find that the depression had been exagger- 
 ated, and that the results of the inquiry would, in the 
 long-run, be favourable to free trade. He did the work 
 with his usual energy and conscientiousness. It was 
 long and even laborious, ending much as he had ex- 
 pected. The report of the majority, drawn up by Lord 
 Iddesleigh but issued after his death, found that trade, 
 since 1875, might fairly be called depressed. There 
 was a diminution of profit and of employment. This 
 was caused by over-production, by "appreciation" of 
 gold, by restrictive foreign tariffs, by foreign competition 
 in all markets, and, among other things, by our defective 
 education, both technical and financial. The civilised 
 nations, in short, are now engaged, as never before, in a 
 struggle for existence. England was the first earnestly 
 industrial people : for long we had a kind of monopoly of 
 trade. But in the last forty years most of Europe has 
 taken to making things to sell. It is not so much that 
 we make things worse than we did, as that every one
 
 1886.] REPORT OF COMMISSION. 277 
 
 can make them as well, and often more cheaply. The 
 struggle for the cheap produces cheapness, and that is de- 
 pression, or part of it. There is, to be sure, the consola- 
 tion that the poor can get more for their money ; no great 
 comfort when, for want of employment, they have no 
 money. The state of agriculture is notorious. " Sir 
 James Caird estimates the loss in the purchasing power 
 of the classes engaged in agriculture at 42,800,000 dur- 
 ing the year 1885," a calculation which means incalcula- 
 ble misery and peril. The majority did not think that 
 legislative restrictions on labour, and that strikes, had " ma- 
 terially affected the general prosperity of the country." 
 They did not believe in longer hours of work as a remedy, 
 and "feel satisfied that public opinion in this country 
 would not accept any legislative measure tending to an 
 increase in the present hours of labour." Legislation is 
 likely to be in the contrary direction. They believed that 
 the condition of the working classes had been immensely 
 improved in the last twenty years : the share of labour in 
 wealth was greater than it had been. But there would 
 come a time, as profits fell and wages rose, when capital 
 would be driven out of the field. What would happen 
 then, the Commission did not prophesy. They did not 
 blame, but rather praised, the trades-unions. They ad- 
 mitted, as well they might, that "the number of the 
 unemployed is a matter of serious importance." They 
 thought agriculture must be depressed "until the com- 
 petition of soils superior to our own has been worked 
 out." Profits would fall, till there was some correspond-
 
 278 LAST DAYS AND DEATH. [1886. 
 
 ing expansion of trade, or "some destruction of wealth, 
 such as is caused by a great war." We might seek new 
 markets, and adapt our wares more to wants, and educate 
 more, both technically and in the knowledge of foreign 
 languages. They thought they were " encouraging a more 
 hopeful view " ; indeed, a minority of the Commission 
 regarded theirs as too optimistic, and yet one thinks they 
 had 
 
 " Close-lipped Patience for their only friend, 
 Sad Patience, too near neighbour of despair." 
 
 " If our position is to be maintained, it must be by the 
 exercise of the same energy, perseverance, self-restraint, 
 and readiness of resource by which it was originally 
 created." Professor Bonamy Price, in the name of free 
 trade, protested that " shorter hours of labour tax the 
 community with dearer goods in order to confer special 
 advantages on the working man. They protect him, and 
 that is a direct repudiation of free trade." The class in 
 power has usually managed to protect itself. The Com- 
 mission, as was to be expected, did little to lighten the 
 burden of the world, and produced no scheme for giving 
 all profits to labour. We have still to see how that plan 
 will work. Meanwhile, this was the last heavy piece of 
 official work which Lord Iddesleigh did, except at the 
 Foreign Office, which he held from the end of July 
 1886 till Lord Salisbury took it. Among the "panto- 
 mimic changes" of his brief tenure of office, the most 
 amazing was the kidnapping (August 21) of Prince Alex- 
 ander of Bulgaria. But a brief reply to questions in the
 
 1886.] LOED RANDOLPH'S RESIGNATION. 279 
 
 House of Lords was Lord Iddesleigh's only public remark 
 on this occasion. His heavy work, on which, of course, 
 it is not possible to comment here, was deeply interesting 
 and even refreshing to him. He went up to town from 
 Pynes at the very end of December 1886. Lord Eandolph 
 Churchill had resigned the Chancellorship of the Ex- 
 chequer on December 23, from " a little temper on both 
 sides," Lord Iddesleigh supposed (letter to Lady Iddes- 
 leigh, December 28, 1886). His own resignation followed 
 shortly, in circumstances which shall be stated as shortly 
 as possible. 
 
 On the sudden and unexpected withdrawal of Lord 
 Eandolph Churchill, Lord Salisbury entered into negotia- 
 tions with Lord Hartington and the Liberal Unionists. 
 Lord Iddesleigh, with his wonted unselfishness, placed his 
 seat in the Cabinet at the Premier's disposal. On Tues- 
 day morning the 4th of January he learned from an 
 announcement in the newspapers that his offer had been 
 accepted, and a telegram in cipher from Lord Salisbury 
 reached Pynes in the afternoon of the same day. Mr 
 Goschen had joined the Government, and in the course of 
 the new combination Lord Salisbury found it desirable to 
 go to the Foreign Office, Mr Smith giving up the War 
 Office to become First Lord of the Treasury and Leader of 
 the House of Commons. A letter to the same effect was 
 received on the next morning. Lord Iddesleigh replied 
 that he cheerfully accepted Lord Salisbury's decision. 
 No proposal of another post had been made to him, 
 and he regarded the transaction as completed. He then
 
 280 LAST DAYS AND DEATH. 
 
 received a telegram, offering, him the Presidency of the 
 Council. Not being anxious " to have more political 
 bother," immediately after resigning duties in which he 
 was interested, he declined, and continued to decline 
 after receiving " a kind letter from Lord Salisbury." To 
 have accepted would have been to suggest various ob- 
 vious misconstructions of his position, powers, and char- 
 acter. He hoped to be better able to serve his party 
 outside than in a new office. 
 
 It is not correct to state, as was stated at the time, 
 that Lord Iddesleigh's resignation was due to a conscious- 
 ness of failing health. His old enemy, an affection of 
 the heart, of thirty-six years' standing, was present with 
 him ; but the work he had done in the last two years 
 had not brought it, as yet, prominently into his own 
 notice. We have seen how busy he had been with 
 speaking in many distant places, and in his canvassing 
 tour in 1885 he often addressed large audiences in the 
 open air and even in the rain. His work at the Com- 
 mission on Trade kept him in town in 1885, till his visit 
 to Balmoral, whence he went to speak at Aberdeen. He 
 spoke later at various places, and his lecture at Edinburgh 
 on Desultory Heading (November 3) certainly gave no 
 sign of failing power in body or mind. The year 1886 
 found him speaking at many public meeetings, and a brief 
 visit to Balmoral was almost his only holiday. He wound 
 up the Trade Commission on December 8, and, as we saw, 
 was busy in town at the end of that month. It was not
 
 1887.] SPEECH ON IMPERIAL INSTITUTE. 281 
 
 till January 4, 1887, that he had a feeling of faintness 
 on climbing the Castle Hill, when he was attending 
 sessions at Exeter ; but this attack seemed so unimport- 
 ant that, in the afternoon, he attended an oratorio in 
 a village near Pynes. All this distinctly shows that 
 he had been in his usual health, and even more than 
 usually active. Nor did the passing illness of January 
 4 at all give him cause for serious thought about his 
 condition. After his resignation, on January 7, he pre- 
 sided over a large county meeting in Exeter, and spoke 
 on the Prince of Wales's scheme of an Imperial 
 Institute, in commemoration of the Queen's Jubilee. 
 He occupied this position as Lord Lieutenant of Devon- 
 shire, a post which he had held since January 1886. At 
 the meeting which the Prince of Wales was to preside 
 over in the following week, he was not destined to attend, 
 though he set out for it. His work had ended ere he 
 reached it. To be brief, his days were numbered ; but 
 he was unwarned of this, and felt full of power and 
 readiness to work. All this is mentioned merely in 
 contradiction of a report published in the ' Standard ' of 
 January 7, that Lord Iddesleigh was extremely ill and 
 dejected, and suffered from the work of the Foreign Office. 
 That he first heard of the change at the Foreign Office 
 from the newspapers was a circumstance to be explained, 
 no doubt, by clumsiness or haste, but it was a circumstance 
 deeply to be regretted. 
 
 The sudden close of the life of Lord Iddesleigh is too
 
 282 LAST DAYS AND DEATH. [1887. 
 
 familiar to need a long repetition. On January 11, he 
 went up from Pynes to London, where he was to speak at 
 the Mansion House on the Prince of Wales's scheme of 
 an Imperial Institute. On the forenoon of the 12th of 
 January, he went to the Foreign Office, and had a long 
 talk with Sir James Fergusson, the Under-Secretary, to 
 whom he said that he hoped his separation from his old 
 colleagues would not be permanent. He was to call again 
 at 6 P.M., and see Mr H. M. Stanley about the expedition 
 to relieve Emin Bey, in which he was much interested. 
 He then walked to Downing Street, to see Lord Salisbury. 
 On reaching the anteroom, he sank into a chair, where 
 Mr Henry Manners and Lord Walter Gordon Lennox 
 found him very ill, and breathing with difficulty. He 
 never spoke again, and died at five minutes past three, in 
 the presence of two doctors, of Lord Salisbury, and of 
 Mr Henry Manners. 
 
 It was a death-scene brief and painless, " a sleep and a 
 forgetting." He died at peace, but with his mind still busy 
 with national affairs. The notes of the speech which he 
 was never to deliver were found in his pocket, and among 
 the notes a brief classical quotation, India, mittit ebur ; 
 a trace of his old and dear studies. About such a death 
 a euthanasia to himself, a shock intolerable to his nearest 
 survivors, a sorrow to the whole country eloquence were 
 impertinent. The day before he had said, about his official 
 work, " I shall leave no arrears." His work was done, and 
 well done.
 
 1887.] FUNERAL SERVICES. 283 
 
 '"A very perfect, gentle knight,' 
 
 In fields whence Chivalry has fled : 
 He lived in honour's clearest light, 
 He lies with England's noblest dead." 1 
 
 The regret for Lord Iddesleigh's death was universally 
 felt, was universally expressed : hy the Queen, with her 
 usual warm sympathy ; by his countrymen of almost all 
 ranks and creeds. At the same moment as the funeral 
 rites were paid amongst those who had been most dear 
 to him at his own village of Upton Pyne, services were 
 held at Westminster Abbey, Exeter Cathedral, and St 
 Giles' Cathedral, Edinburgh, at which public men of all 
 parties and professions paid their last tribute to the hon- 
 oured statesman. He rests in the place he had chosen, 
 by the church in which he had worshipped from the 
 happy days of his boyhood, and which he loved as a part 
 of his home. 
 
 1 ' Daily News.'
 
 284 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 
 
 LITERARY PURSUITS DOMESTIC LIFE. 
 
 TASTE FOR LITERATURE REFUGE IN A TREE DESULTORY READ- 
 ING FAVOURITE BOOKS THE ANCIENT CLASSICS SIR 
 
 WALTER SCOTT DICKENS DANTE MOLIERE CHAUCER 
 
 LADY NORTHCOTE'S CONTROVERSY WITH MR GLADSTONE ON 
 HOMER AND TASSO LORD IDDESLEIGH's WRITINGS LITER- 
 ARY DIVERSIONS HIS " HAMLET " PLAYS POEMS ART 
 
 DOMESTIC LIFE SPORTS HOME LOVE OF DEVONSHIRE 
 
 DEVONSHIRE STORIES EXAMPLES CHILDREN RAILWAY 
 
 ACCIDENT MOBS MEETING WITH MR GLADSTONE CON- 
 CLUSION. 
 
 LORD IDDESLEIGH was one of those men of affairs, or of 
 action, whom Nature has half intended to make book- 
 worms or men of letters. As a boy, his relations remem- 
 ber that he had a favourite retreat under a tree, where 
 he would take refuge when strangers came, happy, like 
 Thomas a Kempis, in angulo cum, libdlo. His father and 
 grandfather would even implore one of his sisters to 
 rout him from his " nook and his book," l and make him 
 
 1 In omnibus requiem quaesivi sed non inveni nisi in noexkins ond 
 boexkins. A Kempis.
 
 DESULTORY READING. 285 
 
 play, or ride, or shoot. It was only in later life that he 
 who had been famous as a rowing man attained respect- 
 able skill as a shot or a rider to hounds. In boyhood, 
 field-sports came seldom between him and his books, and 
 he practised with pleasure what he praised without paradox 
 the art of desultory reading. For the rector of a Scot- 
 tish university to tell his undergraduates that they might 
 read (as the Scotch laird swore) " at lairge," was rather a 
 bold act. He likened himself to the Matinian bee, which 
 in a desultory fashion " employs each shining hour," rather 
 than to the soaring, and possibly singing, swan of Dirce. 
 Neither in precept nor in practice did he " confound de- 
 sultory work with idleness." He read much and in many 
 directions, and in part perhaps, like Emerson and Dr 
 Johnson, " with his fingers," because his active mind found 
 repose as well as enjoyment in variety of study. The 
 very word " desultory," as he mentioned in his address to 
 the Edinburgh students, implies etymologically the leap- 
 ing from one horse to another. 
 
 The steeds he rode in this light Numidian fashion were 
 many. Theology, History, Poetry, the Drama, Eomance, 
 and Science were all in his stable. Like a true friend of 
 books, he was no great lover of epitomes and " cribs." If he 
 had not read the league-long Mahabharata and Eamayana, 
 still less, if possible, had he improved his mind, as Sir 
 John Lubbock recommended, with Wheeler's condensa- 
 tions of these gigantic epics. It is odd to find him telling 
 Sir John Lubbock, in a discussion of the " Hundred Best 
 Books," that he has never read Marcus Aurelius. But the
 
 286 LITERARY PURSUITS. 
 
 reason of this probably was that the Greek of the Stoic 
 Emperor is crabbed and corrupt, and that Lord Iddesleigh 
 had a scholarly dislike of translations. Now there is a 
 medium between Emerson's belief that Plato is sufficiently 
 Attic in the prose of Bohn, on one side, and a total rejec- 
 tion of "cribs" on the other. The New Testament we 
 are mostly content to read in English, and probably there 
 is no disgrace in preferring for everyday use the Eng- 
 lish of Mr Long and the anonymous translators of the 
 eighteenth century to the Greek of Marcus Aurelius. 
 But Lord Iddesleigh appears to have been of another 
 mind, and scholars will be the last to condemn him unless 
 they have written translations. 
 
 In the spirit of his own Edinburgh lecture, he re- 
 nounced the idea of being a bookman like " our old giants 
 of learning, of whose powers of reading we hear so much, 
 and of whose powers of writing we see remaining so many 
 substantial proofs." Only while reading ten or twelve 
 hours a -day for his class, could he emulate the toil of 
 Buchanan or Casaubon. But in that very period of solid 
 study he read more novels than at any other time in his 
 life. The man who worked through the 'Arabian Nights ' 
 during the evenings of the week when he was " in the 
 Schools," gave proof of that mental activity which finds 
 repose in variety of interest. But this is not desultory 
 reading in any invidious sense. 
 
 There are people who will and must read, who, as Scott 
 when a child defined the dilettanti, " will and must know 
 everything." There are others to whom all reading is a
 
 THE ANCIENT CLASSICS, 287 
 
 task and a weariness. These two classes will never under- 
 stand each other. Lord Iddesleigh was an excellent speci- 
 men of the first class, He read all round him ; and his 
 memory, which nearly equalled Macaulay's, enabled him 
 to remember most of what he read. His reading was not, 
 and could not be, " indolent reading " : it flowed not idly 
 and wastefully through his mind, but left a golden deposit 
 of knowledge, and of bright and apt illustrations. He 
 could amuse and instruct his Edinburgh undergraduates 
 with ancient instances from Seneca and Lucian, as easily 
 as with anecdotes from Mr Pepys his Diary. He shared 
 Mr Lowell's and Mr Matthew Arnold's distrust of new 
 books, " which, like new bread, bring one to mental 
 dyspepsia." Probably Lord Iddesleigh will remain one 
 of the last of English statesmen who knew the literature 
 of Greece and Eome widely and well. New times, new 
 manners. Soon there will be no scholars but scholars by 
 profession. The ancients, it seemed to our fathers, keep 
 a school of taste and knowledge, because they reached the 
 heights and depths of human wisdom by paths not ours, 
 and in lives lived under very different conditions. To 
 know the literature of Greece and Rome is to be wise 
 with a threefold experience, the experience of many ages, 
 of varying civilisations. This knowledge, too, should teach 
 discretion and limit in style. Lord Iddesleigh usually 
 kept in his pocket a small volume of one of the Greek or 
 Eoman writers. Like Cicero or Macaulay, he might have 
 said that they were his companions by night, by day, in 
 town and in the country. Perhaps from this constant 
 
 VOL. II, T
 
 288 LITEKARY PURSUITS. 
 
 companionship with the best minds and the best styles 
 (the more impressive because foreign and old), he learned 
 to shun fine writing, fine speaking, eloquence for the sake 
 of sound, and parliamentary wit, which is apt to turn to 
 waggery. It was his opinion that " funny speeches are 
 not difficult to make, but it is difficult to make them and 
 retain the respect of the hearers." The plain manner of 
 Lord Jddesleigh, in writing and in speaking, seems to have 
 been derived, then, from that sense of appropriateness 
 which the classics ought to teach, though often they fail 
 to teach it. , In all his many letters he never makes a 
 needless point; he never aims at literary brilliance; he 
 never attempts display ; he is never fantastic. They are 
 often more like a woman's letters, in their fulness of 
 domestic news, than like the compositions of a wit at 
 rest, and yet constrained by habit or inclination to be 
 diverting. This unusual sobriety may be partly due to 
 a perpetual familiarity with what the classics teach, and 
 what many of their assiduous readers fail to learn. Some 
 of the most florid and " Asiatic " writers of our age are 
 those to whom Greek is most familiar. They miss, with 
 all their ornament, what Lord Iddesleigh did not miss, the 
 great and difficult lessons of Greece, the lessons of appro- 
 priateness, of moderation, and of dignity. Nor is it easy 
 to see whence, save from the classics of the world, these 
 lessons are to be learned by politicians in our age, which 
 neglects the past, and is deafened, like the Black Knight 
 at the siege of Front de Bceuf's castle, by the noise of the 
 blows it deals at every bulwark of antique renown. To be
 
 SIR WALTER SCOTT DICKENS. -289 
 
 sure it might be replied that moderation and dignity were 
 not exactly the merits of Cicero, nor often of Demosthenes 
 and ^Eschines, in their political harangues. We need not 
 all be politicians ; and those who are or who are not may 
 still retire on Lord Iddesleigh's favourites, Sophocles and 
 Shakespeare, Moliere and Lucian, Eabelais and Sir Walter 
 Scott. 
 
 In fiction, Lord Iddesleigh knew Sir Walter above all 
 others. Perhaps he too, like a living critic, thought 
 ' Count Eobert of Paris ' better than any novel that has 
 been written since. Almost the last exercise of his pen, 
 in the days which preceded his death, was to jot down 
 the heads of an Edinburgh lecture on the parallel char- 
 acters in Sir Walter Scott. Almost the last book, perhaps 
 the very last book, which he read with pleasure, was a 
 volume that contains more of the spirit of Scott than any 
 other in English fiction, Mr E. L. Stevenson's ' Kidnapped.' 
 Lord Iddesleigh was a very warm admirer of Mr Dickens, 
 and he did his best, but unavailingly, to make Mr Dis- 
 raeli appreciate the fun of 'Pickwick.' On the other 
 hand, Lord Iddesleigh had no sympathy with the works 
 of Mr Thackeray. Nature has made many people Dick- 
 ensites or Thackerayans, as we are all born either Aristo- 
 telians or Platonists, and they are few to whom our two 
 great humorists shine like double stars, Gemini in the 
 skies of literature. 
 
 It is no inconsiderable pleasure to a biographer, separ- 
 ated from the topic of his study by so many differences 
 of life, interest, and habit, to find that in literature, at
 
 290 LITERARY PURSUITS. 
 
 least, he and his hero are at one. If Scott was Lord 
 Iddesleigh's favourite novelist, Moliere was his favourite 
 comedian. By " favourite " one means the comedian whom 
 he .chose out of all the world for his own delight, because 
 Shakespeare is imposed upon all of us, no less by patriot- 
 ism than by natural bent of taste. But in Shakespeare's 
 comedies, the poetry, after all, outshines the humour and 
 the wit. Moliere's wit, let his most ardent English friends 
 confess, has little to dread from the competition of his 
 poetry. As Lord Iddesleigh said, " Comedy has been de- 
 nned as the biensdance of society," or rather as the humor- 
 ous representation of that biensdance. Of the world's 
 three chief comedians this narrow definition almost ex- 
 cludes Shakespeare, quite excludes Aristophanes, and is 
 only filled by Moliere. 
 
 A very fair idea of Lord Iddesleigh's literary taste and 
 of his humour may be gathered from a correspondence 
 between him and Sir John Lubbock in 1885. Sir John 
 Lubbock was preparing his famed list of one hundred 
 books, though why any one should select the best hun- 
 dred, more than the best eleven, or the best thirty books, 
 it is hard to conjecture. His list, at all events, he sub- 
 mitted to the criticism of Lord Iddesleigh, who decided- 
 ly preferred Theocritus (omitted) to Wake's ' Apostolic 
 Fathers/ which was included by Sir John Lubbock. He 
 confessed, as we have seen, his ignorance of Marcus Aure- 
 lius, of Wake, of Confucius, of the Indian epics, and of the 
 ' Shahnameh.' He complained, on the other hand, that 
 Livy, Tacitus, Lucretius, Ovid, Juvenal, and Chaucer
 
 LOED IDDESLEIGH'S FAVOUKITE AUTHORS. 291 
 
 were left out. Of Chaucer he says, " I really don't know 
 a writer with so many charms, or one who so brings home 
 to you the life of his day, or who touches the tender feel- 
 ings so effectively, or who has such an eye for the beau- 
 ties of nature." Perhaps it would be impossible to sum 
 up Chaucer's merits more briefly. Of Lord Iddesleigh's 
 own favourite things in literature, a list has been com- 
 piled by Lady Iddesleigh. If it be true that when one 
 knows a man's literary friends the bookish company he 
 keeps one knows the man, Lord Iddesleigh's character 
 will stand high enough. Like Mr Gladstone, he was de- 
 voted to the " Divina Commedia " of Dante ; unlike him, he 
 thoroughly appreciated the creator of " Tartuffe." As he 
 had a love of reading aloud, he perhaps took more pleas- 
 ure than most people who are not poets in the Elizabethan 
 drama, above all in Ford's " Broken Heart," which was an 
 especial favourite, and which he could scarcely read with- 
 out tears. He was devoted to Ben Jonson's " Volpone " 
 and "Alchemist." Marlowe and Shakespeare did not, 
 in his mind, oust Sheridan and Goldsmith, and he knew 
 by heart "Chrononhotonthologos," a great admiration of Sir 
 Walter Scott's. Of Scott's novels he preferred the 'Anti- 
 quary,' where all were dear ; and of Miss Austen, ' Pride 
 and Prejudice.' Lamb and Crabbe were often in his 
 hands ; he was one of the last readers of Southey's " Thai- 
 aba," and he was familiar with the plays of Goethe, with 
 Jean Paul Eichter, Swift, and Sterne. I do not find that 
 French literature attracted him much, except in the 
 works of the most English-natured of Frenchmen, Moliere
 
 292 LITERARY PURSUITS. 
 
 and Eabelais, and in Sardou and Voltaire. His opinion 
 of Tasso, of Homer, and of Pope's version of Homer, may 
 be gathered from an interesting letter to Lady Nbrthcote. 
 Much as Scott, when, in his boyhood, he was called " the 
 Greek dunce " at Edinburgh University, wrote an essay to 
 prove that Ariosto was a greater poet than Homer, so Lady 
 Northcote had challenged Mr Gladstone to a comparison 
 of Homer with Tasso. Concerning this her husband 
 wrote, February 23, 1857 : " I like your criticism on Tasso 
 very much, and hope you will complete it for Gladstone's 
 benefit, as you are sure of a characteristic reply from him. 
 You must bear in mind that the subject of the Iliad is not 
 the siege of Troy, and that in point of fact Troy is not 
 taken in it. Homer concentrates your interest on the 
 individual Hector among the Trojans, just as Tasso does 
 upon the individuals Clorinda, Armida, and others among 
 the Pagans. Again when you speak of the beauty of 
 particular passages in Tasso, you must recollect that you 
 have not the means of comparing them with particular 
 passages in Homer, and at least you must compare Hook's 
 or Hunt's translation (and not the original Italian) with 
 Pope's miserable version of Homer. Subject to these 
 cautions, I think you may make something of a case for 
 Tasso. A strict comparison is not admissible, because 
 the subjects are different, the wrath of Achilles is not 
 the same kind of subject as the siege of Jerusalem. 
 Einaldo is a poor creature, and you must give him up ; 
 but in Tancred you have a fine character of a Christian 
 warrior and a chivalrous knight to set against the pagan
 
 COMPARISON OF HOMER WITH TASSO. 293 
 
 heroism of Achilles. In so far as the Gerusalemme is the 
 development of character, Tancred is by far the most 
 important personage in it, and there are many points in 
 which he contrasts favourably with Achilles. Of course 
 the question is not which of two heroes one likes best, 
 but which of the two poets describes best. The char- 
 acter of Achilles, whether you like him or not, is won- 
 derfully drawn. Is that of Tancred equally so ? As 
 regards Helen and Armida, Gladstone disputes Helen's 
 being a consenting party to her original abduction, but 
 she appears to have acquiesced in it by the time the poem 
 commences, and does not, I think, show any desire to 
 return to Menelaus. She is, however, very skilfully 
 treated, and kept in subordination to the plot; and no 
 attempt is made to create any interest in her beyond a 
 gentle pity, not wholly unmixed with a feeling that she is 
 partly to be blamed, while Paris is always held up as con- 
 temptible. Armida, on the other hand, is thrust upon our 
 notice, and all the blots in her character are patent." 
 
 To call Pope's Homer "miserable" is, no doubt, to 
 speak hastily, as in a private note, not in a public essay. 
 The rhetoric of Homer's speeches has always an incom- 
 parable rendering in the famous English version. But in 
 the many passages where Homer is not rhetorical, doubt- 
 less we feel in Pope a lack of the magic, the simplicity, 
 the truth of the " Ionian father of the rest," the first and 
 greatest of all poets. In comparison with him, what 
 translation is not " miserable " ? Mr Gladstone, in his 
 apology for Helen, has omitted, I think, the curious tradi-
 
 294 LITERARY PURSUITS. 
 
 tion in Eustathius which tells us that Paris deceived her, 
 as Uther, Arthur's father, deceived Ygerne, by magically 
 putting on the shape and semblance of her husband. Per- 
 haps Homer knew this tradition, and alludes to it, where 
 Penelope, after the slaughter of the wooers, still declines 
 to recognise Odysseus. 
 
 What manner of writer Lord Iddesleigh might have been 
 if literature had conquered in his mind the attractions of 
 politics, it is impossible to say. His position made it 
 wholly needless for him to adopt literature either as 
 crutch or staff. He had not that studious fervour which 
 compelled Gibbon, Mr Grote, and other men like them, 
 to live laborious days of learned application. When he 
 wrote it was either on some political or social question in 
 the ' Quarterly Eeview,' for example, or for the purpose of 
 pleasing his friends at Exeter, or his undergraduates at 
 Edinburgh, or, finally, for his own diversion and the 
 diversion of his children at home. 1 His lecture at Exeter 
 on " Nothing " was a most successful and playful tour de 
 force, and the more original, as he doubtless knew nothing 
 of a rare work on the same topic by " Nobody," a book 
 of the early part of the century. Nobody could have 
 spoken better on "Nothing," a topic which might even 
 have taxed the practised ingenuity of Swift. Lord Iddes- 
 leigh's genial "activity found scope in producing articles, 
 
 1 It was no doubt to oblige a friend and former secretary of his own, Mr 
 Marwood Tucker, that he wrote at one time in the 'Globe.' Mr Tucker 
 mentions that Lord Iddesleigh asked him to cut about his articles as freely 
 as if they were those of the youngest contributor.
 
 LORD IDDESLEIGH'S "HAMLET." 295 
 
 verses, parodies, charades, fireside plays, and often pieces 
 of pure nonsense indeed in the difficult field of nonsense 
 he had very considerable skill. It was the custom at 
 Pynes for the family to act plays during Christmas-tide, 
 and to enjoy a mild feast of Unreason. For these games 
 Lord Iddesleigh used to contrive dramas sufficiently un- 
 reasonable. In 1878, his play (written in collaboration 
 with Mr John Nbrthcote) was " Hamlet, with Hamlet 
 Omitted." Among the " properties " one finds " skates for 
 Ophelia." It seems that Ophelia has been affrighted by 
 the Ghost, who " is mad for her love," and the stage 
 manager seizes this opportunity to " place " a " real ghost- 
 story." Polonius, most naturally, inquires of Ophelia what 
 her shadowy wooer was like, and receives the no less 
 natural answer, " Why, very like a whale." It appears that 
 the Ghost is also mad, Ophelia having repelled his addresses. 
 The spectre carries his infatuation so far as to stab Po- 
 lonius, whereon Laertes threatens to kill the Ghost, who re- 
 plies with candour, " I wish you would, for killing a ghost 
 would make him come alive again." Yet this is rather 
 the inference of a ghost new to his business than a sound 
 spiritual theory, as any one may learn from " Grettir v. 
 Glam " in the saga. Nothing can be more proper than 
 the precaution taken by the King, who habitually wears 
 great quantities of .cotton-wool in his ears. " Tis conscience 
 that makes cowards of us all," and as the King says 
 
 " They'll poison me in the garden for my estate. They'll 
 pour it into my ears. That's what happened to the Ghost. I'll 
 take care it shan't happen to me.
 
 296 LITERARY PURSUITS. 
 
 Enter OPHELIA (with a pair of skates). 
 QUEEN : How now, Ophelia ; are you come to sing to us ] 
 OPHELIA declines to sing, says she is going to skate. 
 QUEEN says she must be mad, as it's thaioing. 
 OPHELIA admits that she is mad, but that is of no consequence, 
 as everybody else is." 
 
 The drama concludes (happily) in conformity with the Aris- 
 totelian unities. Finally Laertes kills the Ghost, Ophelia 
 comes alive again, and Hamlet, making a tardy appear- 
 ance, leads her to the altar. 
 
 " The Senior Wrangler " (1870) was a play with more of 
 a plot, and was cast for three chief characters, Sir Marma- 
 duke Mouldcastle (Sir Stafford Northcote), Lizzie Mould- 
 castle (Miss Northcote), Tom Mouldcastle (Mr John North- 
 cote). The scene is Newmarket, where Sir Marmaduke is 
 staying at a hotel with Lizzie, and threatening to disin- 
 herit Tom if ever he has visited " headquarters." At this 
 moment enter Tom, who adopts the old plan of pretending 
 not to know his relatives, and to be some other person. 
 Tom gives himself a splendid character for industry, and 
 this, it appears, he deserves, for he has fled to New- 
 market, not to bet, but to avoid congratulations on being 
 Senior Wrangler. This denouement is not reached without 
 many excursions and alarms. The drama has the peculi- 
 arity of being a Cambridge play by an Oxford man. 
 
 The latest of all Lord Iddesleigh's essays in pure liter- 
 ature was interrupted by his death. It was of a character 
 not familiar to him, the editing for the Eoxburghe Club of
 
 "THE TRIUMPHS OF PETRARCH." 297 
 
 " The Triumphs of Petrarch," a reprint of the translation 
 by Henry Parker, Lord Morley, of 1554. The Eoxburghe 
 Club is an association of bibliophiles, and was founded in 
 memory of the great collector immortalised by "Froggy 
 Dibdin." Lord Iddesleigh was elected in 1885 : though 
 a lover of books, he could not be called a bibliophile, still 
 less a bibliomaniac. His library was that of a reader, a 
 student, not of a collector. It contains hardly any rari- 
 ties, and might perhaps be ransacked in vain for scarce 
 examples " on large paper," for first editions, and bindings 
 by Derome, Le Gascon, Padeloup. But, having been 
 elected to the Eoxburghe Club, he determined to do his 
 duty therein, and set to work on his edition of Morley's 
 " Triumphs of Petrarch " from a transcript once in the pos- 
 session of the late Mr Payne Collier, the well-known Shake- 
 spearian. Two days before his death, when on the point of 
 leaving Pynes for London, he said to Lady Iddesleigh, 
 " When these few days are over, I shall take up my preface 
 to " The Triumphs of Petrarch.' " 
 
 In a note by Mr Berkley, Vice-President of the Eox- 
 burghe Club, he says that Lord Iddesleigh probably chose 
 Lord Morley's old work under the influence of his " strong 
 Devonshire feeling, he being apparently under the im- 
 pression that the Parker, Lord Morley of the Tudor period, 
 was in some way connected with the noble Devonshire 
 family now bearing the same name and title." The pres- 
 ent Lord Morley, however, disclaims any traceable con- 
 nection between his name and that of the old translator
 
 298 LITERARY PURSUITS. 
 
 of the " Triumphs of Petrarch," who remarks, " I thoughte 
 in my mynde howe I, beynge an Englishe man, myght 
 do as well as the Frenche man," the author of an earlier 
 version. And yet this Englishman could call the tale 
 of Eobin Hood "some dongehyll matter" in comparison 
 with Petrarch. From this view Lord Morley's editor 
 would probably have dissented, but, unfortunately, a few 
 notes on the influence of Petrarch on European literature 
 are all that Lord Iddesleigh has left. The "Triumphs" 
 were presented by his son, the present Earl of Iddesleigh, 
 to the Boxburghe Club. 
 
 Lord Iddesleigh, like most people, wrote verse at times. 
 His themes were usually either light political skits, or 
 matters of domestic interest, a narrative in rhyme of some 
 pleasant adventure, as in the encounter with the glories of 
 the Sunbeam, already quoted. 
 
 Of " Skye Castle " he also rhymed, and of Dun vegan, 
 
 A Viking here, a Chieftain there, 
 
 Seems rising o'er each crag ; 
 An ensign bold floats on the air, 
 
 But where's the fairy flag 1 
 
 More serious and very charming verses were written 
 by Lord Iddesleigh early in life ; but they were meant for 
 the eyes of few, and need not be given to the world. 
 This brief review of his Trapepja in literature may in- 
 clude his lines on Marly, where among the beauties of the 
 South he longed for home, and for Devonshire, which was 
 so dear to him.
 
 LINES ON MAELY. 299 
 
 MAELY. 
 
 As Marly's bright green leaves give place 
 
 To tints of rich and mellow glow ; 
 As close the shortening autumn days, 
 
 Whilst summer lingers, loath to go ; 
 Quick rises each familiar scene, 
 
 And fancy homewards turns her gaze ; 
 Such are the hues in Oakford seen, 
 
 And such a light o'er Iddesleigh plays 
 Methinks the oaks of dear old Pynes 
 
 With richer brown delight the eye, 
 Nor would I take those reddening vines 
 
 For our wild cherry's crimson dye. 
 
 A particularly pretty set of lines were those which he 
 wrote to Lady Iddesleigh, enclosed in a bottle, and threw 
 into the Exe at Exford, on the chance that the water 
 might carry them to Pynes. This was done at an open- 
 air luncheon, during a riding tour in 1873. When the 
 party reached Knightshayes, some of them caused another 
 bottle, with the same poem, to be brought in, as if it had 
 just been found in the Exe. Sir Stafford was delighted 
 at the chance, but had to be undeceived. This was the 
 poem : 
 
 " Go, lovely rose," so runs the ancient song, 
 But humbler themes to my poor Muse belong : 
 Go, lovely bottle, down the stream of Exe, 
 To her, the gentlest, dearest of her sex, 
 These lines, a tribute of affection bear, 
 And tell her what we do, and how we fare. 
 Tell her, where Lynton looks upon the sea 
 Where over Exmoor heights the deer run free,
 
 300 LITERARY PURSUITS. 
 
 AVhere in the vale the meeting waters flow, 
 Where the great beacon towers o'er all below, 
 By fair Glenthorne, and Porlock's lovely bay, 
 By the Doone valley, where the phantoms stray, 
 And wake the memories of an older time 
 With many a tale of love, and many of crime, 
 Where'er we roam, o'er hill, or vale, or plain, 
 One image fills my heart and rules my brain ; 
 And say, " Each beauty pleases, for to me 
 The sight of beauty ever calls back thee." 
 
 The days at Washington, during the arrangement of 
 the treaty, were filled with poetry, chiefly on the diplo- 
 matic arrangements. The lost Fourth Article had an ode 
 to itself, and there was a capital parody of Mr Lowell's 
 
 J. P. 
 
 Robinson he 
 Says they didn't know everything down in Judee." 
 
 In much earlier days, when he first came to London, 
 Sir Stafford versified on the Duke's statue opposite Ashley 
 House. The gods decree the ugly image 
 
 Bear it to Hyde Park Corner straight, 
 And set it up before his gate, 
 That so the thought may often strike, 
 "That's what the people think I'm like." 
 
 Sir Stafford was a great victim of the Album : 
 
 Eemember, ye poets, its marvellous virtue, 
 Since ye cannot avoid it, submit to your fate ; 
 The sooner you write in't, the less it will hurt you, 
 And be sure you must write in it sooner or late.
 
 ROYAL ACADEMY EXHIBITION OF 1865. 301 
 
 Thus literature, on the whole, was his pleasure, his 
 diversion, his consolation. But it never could well have 
 been his business. "To live in ease and tranquillity 
 may be man's wish," he says in an early essay (1840), 
 " but it can never be the legitimate object of his life ; nay, 
 if he aim at it as an end, he will in all probability miser- 
 ably fail." He certainly never made the "passionless 
 bride, divine tranquillity," his choice ; but took his part 
 in the fray, declining " that which is too often the object 
 of the purely literary man, individual and selfish pleas- 
 ure." Nor was Art a matter of great moment to him. 
 
 Though he had much to do with fostering schools of art, 
 and had devoted attention to them since his tour of in- 
 spection in 1849, Lord Iddesleigh, in his correspondence, 
 seldom says much about pictures as they affected himself. 
 I extract the following description of the Eoyal Academy 
 in 1865, from a letter to Lady Iddesleigh, written after the 
 private view. 
 
 " Mary and I have been to the Exhibition this morning, 
 and thought it a good one. There is an excellent portrait 
 of Sir E. Landseer by himself, with two dogs looking over 
 his shoulder and criticising his painting. Also there is 
 a good Marks of ' Beggars are coming to town.' There 
 are some Millais which I like pretty well. I think the 
 best is a Joan of Arc; and there is a striking but dis- 
 agreeable one of the enemy sowing tares, with a sky some- 
 thing like that in the gravedigging nuns. It is a wonderful 
 contrast to a beautiful, sunny, simple, but expressionless 
 picture by Herbert of the man sowing the good seed.
 
 302 DOMESTIC LIFE. 
 
 They are not in the same room. I almost wish they were. 
 Then there is a dear little thing by O'Neill, called the 
 'Anxious Mother,' representing Peg sitting by a bed in 
 which she has put four dolls to sleep (with their eyes wide 
 open), and holding up her finger to enjoin silence. There 
 are some wonderful pieces of colour by Leighton one of 
 Helen of Troy, which I should admire if it were intended 
 to represent a statue of her, for the effect is as of marble 
 flesh, marble drapery, &c., well coloured and very lifelike, 
 for marble. There is a bull-fight scene by Burgess, not 
 representing the fight, but the people looking on at a 
 critical point, which I thought very clever ; but Lady 
 Eastlake was disgusted with me, and said that was not 
 art. There is a delicious Hook, ' The Seaweed-Gatherer ' ; 
 and there is a picture called the ' Marble Seat,' by that 
 young Moore, which I thought very good indeed, in point 
 of drawing, though the absurd effect of pre-Eaphaelite 
 daisies and checkered lights spoils it." 
 
 It is when he tries to describe the manners and daily life 
 of Lord Iddesleigh that a biographer feels most the lack 
 of personal acquaintance with the subject. The following 
 remarks are based chiefly on notes furnished by Lady 
 Iddesleigh, and by other members and friends of the 
 family. The personal appearance of Lord Iddesleigh was 
 for many years familiar to most people from his portraits, 
 and from the excellent drawings of Mr Tenniel and Mr 
 Sambourne, in ' Punch.' He was of rather more than 
 middle height, of complexion extremely fair, with blue 
 eyes, and with a beard, worn after a bumping ball from
 
 RESEMBLANCE TO SIR WALTER SCOTT. 303 
 
 a bowler on a rural wicket cut open his lip. Phrenologists 
 and artists are said to have seen in his head some resem- 
 blance (which I confess that I cannot discover) to the 
 head of Sir Walter Scott. The brow, the " peak " of old 
 Sir Peveril, was of a commanding altitude, and a shape 
 which survives in one of his descendants, though seldom 
 met with among men. But, if this resemblance was fanci- 
 ful, it may be a less arbitrary imagination which detects 
 in Lord Iddesleigh's character and ways certain likenesses 
 to those of the author of 'Waverley.' What these two 
 men, so unlike in genius and in career, possessed in com- 
 mon were the characteristics of the best sort of country 
 gentlemen, the love of books, and " desultory " reading ; 
 the retentive memory ; the liking for country anecdotes, 
 and the art of telling them well ; the fondness for sports, 
 and for military exercises ; old-world loyalty, generosity, 
 a certain large way of living; and a singular goodness, 
 kindness, and loyalty of disposition. It is perhaps this 
 last and most important note of character which has most 
 frequently brought back, to a reader of Lord Iddesleigh's 
 domestic letters, the character of Scott. But in many 
 ways I have seemed to see, in the younger man, the 
 Devonian, with Border blood in his veins, traces, as it 
 were, of a family likeness to the great Borderer. Both 
 were undeniably akin in this, that they loved their 
 country well, and their own country-side, if possible, 
 better. This local patriotism was not less strong in the 
 owner of Pynes than in the scion of Harden's line. But 
 VOL. H. u
 
 304 DOMESTIC LIFE. 
 
 Lord Iddesleigh, unlike Scott, was little of an antiquary. 
 The house of Pynes, built under William and Mary or 
 Anne, has nothing romantic. Here is no Border keep, 
 frowning over the dark and narrow glen where Harden 
 kept the cattle of his Southern neighbours, or even of 
 Elibank. There is little to foster archaeological tastes ; 
 there are few or no legends, no memories of feud and 
 fray. The neighbourhood boasts some Roman remains of 
 a summer camp ; but has by no means that richness in 
 tradition and in relics of every age which inspired Scott 
 beside the Catrail, or near Newark, or Smailholme Tower. 
 A taste for heraldry was almost the only archaeological 
 taste of Lord Iddesleigh's. The traditions of his family 
 had also their interest, and we have extracted a passage 
 from a letter about that curious old card-table which is 
 thought to record an ancestral victory at cards. 
 
 Even if the old Justice North cote of the story was a 
 gambler, " a plunger.," Sir Stafford did not inherit the 
 passion with the farm. He was very fond of almost 
 all games, but he speaks disparagingly about his own 
 performances at .whist. He may not have been a worse 
 player than Mr Forster, but he played in much less exact- 
 ing company. He mentions having won a good many 
 points from Lord Houghton, and " hopes he will be paid " ; 
 but the points were probably the domestic sixpences. He 
 was also attached to piquet, and to the oracles of Patience, 
 which he was rather addicted to consulting. Once Patience 
 foretold that the poor Prince who fell in Zululand would
 
 LOVE OF SPORTS. 305 
 
 inherit the throne of France a very unlucky guess. 
 Charades and acrostics were also favourite diversions of 
 Lord Iddesleigh's leisure; they are amusements almost 
 too active for intelligences easily fatigued, but he was as 
 skilled in making as in solving acrostics. As to athletic 
 sports, he was fond of all of them, but distinguished in 
 none. He once showed Lady Iddesleigh the place in 
 Windsor Forest where he and Colonel Anstruther Thom- 
 son of the Fifeshire Hounds used to set springes for 
 pheasants. All boys, all natural people, are sportsmen, 
 and born poachers. He did not take to shooting much till 
 he was thirty, and as his eye was never very good, he was 
 not a crack shot. The same defect was inconvenient, as 
 it made him slow to recognise faces, and, as hath already 
 been mentioned, prevented him from excelling as a 
 cricketer, though he encouraged the village club, played 
 in country matches, and commemorated the feats of Mr 
 Webbe and Mr Alfred Lyttleton in verse. He was an 
 excellent runner in his youth, and it seems not unlikely 
 that the beginning of a weakness of the heart was 
 caused by his running swiftly down. a steep descent in 
 the Lake Country, with his oldest boy on his shoulder 
 (1849). 
 
 As becomes a country gentleman, he was interested in 
 farming : he wrote a short treatise on " the Draining of 
 Catch Meadows"; he was on the council of the Royal 
 Agricultural Society, and steward of cattle (1855, 1856) at 
 Carlisle and Chelmsford.
 
 306 DOMESTIC LIFE. 
 
 Hunting was his chief winter pastime. He was not a 
 scientific pursuer, but he delighted in the perils of the 
 chase, and he might even be described as a reckless rider. 
 His plan was "to throw his heart over first," and his 
 favourite horse, an extremely accomplished fencer named 
 Nimrod, usually managed the rest. Nimrod was his 
 favourite mount in 1860, when one finds careful injunc- 
 tions as to warming his loose-box : " Perhaps it would be 
 a good plan, if he does go into the box on the first night, 
 to let White Eook stand by the stall by its side, in 
 the same stable, so as to warm the air a bit." He was 
 master of the Pynes Harriers, the Hunt wore a green 
 coat with brass buttons, marked P.H., and a writer in 
 the ' Sporting Times ' (February 5, 1887) remarks that 
 "few rode straighter to hounds than the master in his 
 spectacles." The same writer mentions how his own horse, 
 " a big powerful brute," once cannoned against Sir Staf- 
 ford, and knocked old Mmrod against a gate. " Of course I 
 expected to be greeted with some such remark as, ' Where 
 the devil are you riding to ? ' but no ; Sir Stafford never 
 lost his self-control. He simply said ' Take care,' though 
 most masters would have 'sworn at large.'" After old 
 Mmrod died, and was honourably buried, his master 
 hunted but little. The description of his recklessness in 
 his saddle once more reminds one of him to whom Archi- 
 bald Park said : " Shirra, ye'll never rest till they bring 
 you hame feet foremost ! " 
 
 In the life at Pynes, as of old at Ashestiel or Abbots-
 
 LOVE OF DEVONSHIRE. 307 
 
 ford, there was a happy tenacity of old traditional usages, 
 a friendly and feudal hospitality to tenants as well as 
 to friends. The mummers still came round at Christmas 
 with their play, and the Yule-log was lighted, with an 
 accompaniment of " wishes," as at the Scottish sports of 
 Hallowe'en. The master of the house, the children, and 
 the guests took part in writing and acting charades, ex- 
 amples of these diversions have been given. Sir Stafford 
 would occasionally patronise the Exeter Theatre for a 
 night, when a speech from his box was part of the pleasure 
 of the evening. We have already seen that he was an 
 officer in the local Yeomanry; and he encouraged the 
 Volunteers. From his days with the Yeomen he picked 
 up the excellent anecdote, already quoted, of going straight 
 in politics. 
 
 As a good Devonian, Sir Stafford was a great believer 
 in the county of Drake and Ealeigh. " I had it from 
 my childhood, from my ancestors ; the love of this place, 
 the love of this country, the love of this county, and the 
 love of all my Devonshire friends," he said, when he was 
 welcomed at Exeter, after being raised to the House of 
 Lords. It is recorded of him that he once met a young 
 lady out of Yorkshire, the daughter of a contemporary 
 politician, who challenged him to number eminent Devon- 
 shire men against those of her own county. Sir Stafford 
 went through a list of worthies, and asked the lady to 
 cap them. " Well," she said, reflectively, " well, there's 
 my father," nor could she add to the list. As a Devon-
 
 308 DOMESTIC LIFE. 
 
 shire man, Sir Stafford was rich in Devonshire stories, 
 which he told with a great deal of humour, and with the 
 accent of the county, so disliked by Herrick and Keats. 
 They lose a great deal when taken out of their oral form 
 and set forth in print, but as almost everybody who has 
 heard of Sir Stafford has heard that he was famous for 
 Devonshire stories, I offer two or three of them. 
 
 A CASE OF HORSE-STEALING. 
 
 A man of the name of J. B. was accused of having stolen a 
 horse, and one of his neighbours had been summoned to attend 
 the trial as a witness. The lawyer, after having asked him a 
 few preliminary questions, proceeded thus in cross-examina- 
 tion :- 
 
 Laicyer. You know J. B. ? 
 
 Witness. Yes, your Honner. 
 
 Law. Did he ever say anything to you about the horse ? 
 
 Wit. Well, I'll tell your Honner just how 'twas. The other 
 day I said to him, " How about the horse 1 " and he said to me, 
 " He didn't know nothing about the horse." 
 
 Law. Stop now, witness, that's very important ; tell me what 
 he really did say ? 
 
 Wit. It was just tbat, yer Honner. I said to him, " How 
 about the horse 1 " And lie said to me, " He didn't know noth- 
 ing about the horse." 
 
 Law. He didn't say he did not know anything about the horse. 
 
 Wit. Yes, he did. D'ye think I'd tell yer Honner a lie ? 
 
 Laic. You don't understand what I mean ; he did not speak 
 to you in the third person. 
 
 Wit. There weren't no third person there, there was only him 
 and me. 
 
 Law. l$o, no ; but I mean, I suppose that he spoke to you in 
 the first person. '
 
 THE CORNISH JURY. 309 
 
 Wit. No, a didn't ; I was the first person spoke to he, and I 
 says to he, " How about the horse 1 " And a says to me, " A 
 didn't know nothing about the horse." 
 
 Here the judge thought it time to interfere and clear up the 
 difficulty, and he said, " Stop. Now, witness, attend to me ; 
 this is what I suppose took place. You said to him How 
 about the horse?" 
 
 Wit. Yes, yer Honner, I did. 
 
 Judge. Well, then he said to you, " / don't know anything 
 about the horse. 
 
 Wit. 'No, yer Honner, he didn't; he never once mentioned 
 yer Worship at all 
 
 THE CORNISH JURY. 
 
 One day as Mr Hicks was going into Bodmin he met Mr 
 , a farmer who lived near Launceston. "Marnin', Mr 
 
 Hicks." "Good morning, Mr ; why, I thought you 
 
 always kept Launceston market 1 " " Well, so I did till Vicky 
 Donnell's trial." Now Mr Vincent Donnell was a veterinary 
 surgeon who had been tried on the accusation of having poisoned 
 his mother-in-law, an old lady who had died rather suddenly 
 after a hearty supper on rabbit and onions. Vicky Donnell 
 was acquitted, to the great astonishment of the world at large. 
 " Ah, that's another question," said Mr Hicks ; " you were fore- 
 man of the jury, how came you to let Vicky Donnell off 1 " 
 " Now, Mr Hicks, you'me so bad as the rest of them ; they're 
 always asking why we let'en off, but I'll tell you how 'twas. 
 We were shut up in a dark room without food, fire, or candle, 
 and told we must find a verdict; so when we'd talked some 
 time, 'Genelmen,' I says, 'we can't sit here all night, that's 
 certain, so we'll take opinions. What do you say, Mister 
 
 1' We was sitting all roun' a long table, you know, 
 
 and I spoke to the nearest. ' Why I think the man's had very 
 hard measure ; I don't think he did it at all. She died of the
 
 310 DOMESTIC LIFE. 
 
 rabbit and inions : what bizness had an old 'ooman like her to 
 be ating rabbit and inions at that time of night 1 ' 
 
 " ' "Well,' says Mr Pengelly, who sat next, ' I think 'twas the 
 arsenic did it ; they doctors be so frolicsome with their arsenic, 
 always trying things on ; still as 'twas to be experimental' like, 
 I think 'twas much to his credit that he took an old woman to 
 try it on ; he might 'a took a young one.' 
 
 " ' So I think,' says Mr Boase ; ' I should not like to hang 
 Vicky Donnell for the likes of her ; I reckon she was a very 
 tadious sort of old 'ooman. She's not the first tadious sort of 
 old 'ooman that's been put out of the way, not by many a wan. 
 I shouldn't like to hang Vicky Donnell for the likes of her.' 
 ' No more shouldn't I,' says the next, ' for Vicky Donnell he 
 saved my wife's life in the scarlet fever ; she'd 'a died else.' 
 
 " ' Yes, and he saved my pig in the measles,' says the fifth, 
 * so there's two lives for one, take it how you will.' ' Well,' 
 says the next, ' I do not think us ought to let him off altogether; 
 I think us ought to give him six months on the debtor's side.' 
 
 " ' Oh, you can't do that, mister,' says I ; ' it must be neck or 
 nothing.' 
 
 " ' Well then,' says he, ' I'm for nothing, I'm sure.' 
 
 " Well, Mr Hicks, I thought there was a good deal in it, Mr 
 Hicks a good deal; but I didn't like quite to make up my 
 mind, so I called down the table for 'twas grown so dark you 
 couldn't see your hand to Abraham Smith of Granipound, 
 him with the squeaky voice, you know us calls him Winnick, 
 for short ; ' Mr Smith,' says I, ' for you know, Mr Hicks, being 
 foreman of jury, I could not call him by his short name, ' Mr 
 Smith,' says I ' Winnick,' I adds, that he might know who I 
 was a-speaking to ' what do you say to it ? I've as good an 
 opinion for your judgment as of any man at the table, and you 
 live over against the man opposite side the water as 'twere, so 
 you must know ; what do you think 1 ' 
 
 '"Well, mister,' says he, 'what you zay, I zay tu.'
 
 THE ELOPEMENT. 311 
 
 " ' Sir,' says I, ' Winnick,' says I, ' I shall respect your judg- 
 ment the longest day I have to live.' Then I asks the next 
 two, and they said they'd go ' with the majolity.' ' Well,' says I, 
 ' you go with us and you'll be the majolity.' So they went with 
 us and we were the majolity. And that's how Vicky Donnell 
 got off." 
 
 THE ELOPEMENT. 
 
 When the late Alderman of Exeter married for the 
 
 second time a Miss Mary Glendinning, a friend of the bride's 
 mother gave the following graphic account of the elopement, for 
 such it was, which had taken place after the Friday market in 
 Exeter : 
 
 " Now, I'll tell you how 'twas, sir. About a month before, 
 Mrs Glendinning gave Mary a new gown ; 'twas an innocent- 
 looking pattern 'twas silk 'twas a blue. Now Mary was that 
 cunning she meant to be married in it, but that her mother 
 might not suspect anything, she took to wearing it mornings ; 
 and Mrs Glendinning she says to her, ' Mary, my dear, why do 
 you wear your best gown, mornings 1 ' But Mary, she was that 
 artful like, she says, 'Mother, I've took a fancy to it.' And 
 Mrs Glendinning her says, ' Oh, very well, my dear, if you've 
 took a fancy to it.' Now on Friday Mrs Glendinning was going 
 to market, and she says, 'Now, what shall I bring home for 
 dinner, Mary, my dear 1 " she says ; ' you shall choose, for it's 
 your turn : " and Mary, she says, " Well, mother, if you ask me, 
 I should say a fore-quarter of lamb.' Now, mark the artfulness, 
 sir, for she knew she wouldn't be at home to eat it ; for as soon 
 as Mrs Glendinning turned down the street to the right, Mary 
 she popped on her bonnet and went down the street to the left, 
 
 and there was Mr C waiting for her in a post-chaise round 
 
 the corner, and so they went off and were married." 
 
 In addition to his Devonshire tales, Sir Stafford was 
 a great raconteur of fairy stories to children. Of them
 
 312 DOMESTIC LIFE. 
 
 he was unaffectedly fond, and they knew it, and would 
 severely tax his memory or invention. From babies 
 upwards he had a tender heart for all young people. 
 At the close of his life, on a wet day, he was amusing 
 some children with stories. The rain ceased. "The 
 clouds have stopped to hear grandpapa," said one of the 
 little audience. 
 
 He had a very unusual understanding and tolerance of 
 the characters of boys. This showed itself even when he 
 had just ceased to be a boy himself, in his advice as to 
 the studies and treatment of a younger brother at Eton. 
 Several of his letters to his sisters, when they were all 
 young, to his sons in his later life, were intended to make 
 easy and plain some difficult points in French grammar 
 and French history. Thus, on September 20, 1860, we 
 find him encouraging his son Harry to try for a French 
 prize at school, and giving intelligible rules for the declen- 
 sion of the past participle, and the use of the definite 
 article, also for de and du, the despair of Englishmen. 
 No lessons could be more lucid and helpful. Girls found 
 him as good company and as sympathetic as boys. He 
 was reading bits of ' Pickwick ' to children when he re- 
 ceived the telegram which asked if he would accept a 
 minor office, after leaving the control of foreign affairs. 
 He glanced at the message, answered, " No, I think not, 
 and went on reading ' Pickwick ' aloud. 
 
 The stories he told children were sometimes traditional, 
 sometimes were adapted to infant minds from the ' Arab-
 
 KINDNESS TO CHILDKEN. 313 
 
 ian Nights,' the ' Iliad,' and the ' Odyssey.' The last 
 poem he knew almost by heart, for he had the memory of 
 a Rhapsode. 
 
 Of his kindness to children, which was extended even 
 to babies, it is told that when one of his elder children 
 was an infant, and in bad health, the nurse who attended 
 the child had brought with her a baby of her own. This 
 was a most pessimistic and wailing baby, whom nobody 
 could soothe. Lord Iddesleigh took it in his arms and 
 walked up and down with it for many weary hours in 
 the night, and after a hard day's work, so anxious was 
 he that his own child should have the necessary quiet, 
 and that the other should not suffer from neglect. It 
 would be endless to repeat similar traits of kindness, 
 which was so universal that Lord Iddesleigh, when suf- 
 fering from a cold, once made a long speech, chiefly, 
 because one of the reporters had incurred a good deal 
 of expense in preparations for telegraphing it to town. 
 
 This kindness and gentleness became even prejudicial 
 to Lord Iddesleigh in politics. " The meaning of ' gentle ' 
 is equivocal at best," wrote Charles Lamb to Coleridge 
 once, "and almost always means poor-spirited." No 
 charge could be less true of Lord Iddesleigh than the 
 charge of poor-spiritedness. But some men, like the 
 Dandie Dinmonts defended by Dr John Brown, are too 
 full of goodness of heart to enjoy fighting for its own 
 sake, and Lord Iddesleigh was not combative enough for 
 some members of his party. As an example of his calm-
 
 314 DOMESTIC LIFE. 
 
 ness in personal danger, we may quote a letter in which 
 he describes to Lady Iddesleigh his sensations during a 
 railway accident: "I hope you got my telegram from 
 Swindon before you heard of the accident. I was afraid 
 it would appear in this morning's paper, and that you 
 would be alarmed. I am really not hurt ; but it was 
 a considerable shake, and I am a little stiff and headachy. 
 We ran into a goods train about two and a half miles 
 from Swindon, and our engine crashed into it at almost 
 full speed (the goods train was stationary), and rose like a 
 horse at a fence, falling over on its side into the field. 
 Wonderful to relate, the men on the engine escaped with 
 some bruises and a great shake ; they clung to the engine 
 and fell with it. The rest of the train was dragged off 
 the rails, but not off the embankment, and we were all 
 jerked violently forward. A great many of the passengers 
 were cut and bruised, and one was very seriously hurt, 
 having several of his ribs broken, as we believe, and 
 perhaps his thigh also. The guard was a good deal hurt. 
 I was half asleep when the shock came, and was woke up 
 by finding myself flying forward, and hearing a great 
 crash behind me. Happily for the gentleman opposite 
 me I had a soft cap, and as I only grazed his face I did 
 not hurt him much. Major Kirk, who was sitting next 
 me, went straight into his opposite neighbour's face and 
 cut his lip through, but was not hurt himself. The 
 accident happened at 8.15 P.M., and it was 12.15 A.M. be- 
 fore we were got away, and more than 3.30 before we
 
 RAILWAY ACCIDENT. 315 
 
 reached London, when I got a bed at the Paddington 
 Hotel and slept till 8, and then made my way to Harley 
 Street and got breakfast. It was a merciful escape ; and 
 really when one wandered about among those masses of 
 (Ubris covering the line, and saw the engine lying on its 
 side in the field, and people going about tying up their 
 heads and asking for wine and brandy, and all looking 
 scared, one could not but feel how good God had been in 
 averting more mischief. It was happily fine, that is, it 
 did not rain ; but it was very dark, and we poked about 
 with lanterns at first, and afterwards lighted great bonfires 
 of the broken carriages. A train was sent from Swindon 
 to take us on board, and we got there pretty well tired, 
 and so much done that I actually swallowed a basin of 
 Swindon soup. It was (to me) the worst part of the 
 accident. There ought to be a row about the affair. The 
 goods train was allowed to leave Wotton Bassett Station 
 25 minutes after its time, and with an engine too weak to 
 draw the load, and which broke down at the place where 
 we ran into it. My first feeling was, 'Well, here's my 
 accident at last.' I have always felt sure I should meet 
 with one, and now I hope it is over." 
 
 This was one of the many accidents of his life, attrib- 
 utable, no doubt, to the evil influence of Saturn in his 
 horoscope ! 
 
 He was not to be intimidated by mobs: one suspects 
 that he was more at ease with an unfriendly rabble at 
 Birmingham, than with a friendly one at Belfast. He
 
 316 DOMESTIC LIFE. 
 
 was present at the Aston Hall disturbances in Birming- 
 ham in October 1884. On his journey, some one at 
 Cheltenham station prophesied " Rough times at Birming- 
 ham." On arriving, with Lady Iddesleigh, at the hotel 
 next Aston Park, they learned that a Liberal crowd had 
 broken down the wall of the park, and was breaking up 
 the meeting. Lord Randolph Churchill came in and said 
 that it was vain to try to speak. Sir Stafford went into 
 the hall, however, where Lord Randolph joined him ; but 
 the ladies thought discretion the better part, and attended 
 another meeting in the hotel. The windows of the room 
 where they had been were broken by the Liberal multi- 
 tude, and presently the ladies were joined by Sir Stafford. 
 He had found a great uproar in the larger assembly, the 
 furniture in ruins, and the audience singing "Rule 
 Britannia." In this musical exercise he joined, and then 
 Sir Stafford tried to speak. The uproar could not be com- 
 bated though he thought it was mainly horse-play, and 
 not very malicious and his friends hurried him from the 
 hall. He only felt nervous about catching his feet in 
 the wires that protected the flower-beds, as he went 
 through the garden in the dark. The crowd was rather 
 offensive as they drove away ; but Colonel Burnaby drew 
 off its attention by smoking a cigar under a lamp-post. 
 "His attitude," says Lady Iddesleigh, "standing quietly 
 smoking and 'chaffing' while the crowd around were 
 hooting, was calculated to reassure the most timid." 
 The whole story is more to the credit of Sir Stafford
 
 CONCLUSION. 317 
 
 and his friends than flattering to the chivalry of their 
 opponents. 
 
 Such was Lord Iddesleigh in his private life, and in his 
 studies. In a country " tired of squires," he gave one 
 an example of what a squire might be. A man of letters, 
 of affairs, a man of courage and of courtesy, a lover of 
 his own country, and of his own country-side, he was 
 tolerant, candid, no seeker of his own interest, ambitious 
 only in the lines of duty and rectitude. The age for 
 which he was fitted ended ere he died, but he did not 
 live to see the new tumult at its worst. It is pleasant to 
 remember that one of the very latest entries in his last 
 diary mentions a meeting with Mr Gladstone, who was 
 friendly, and gave him some of his books on Homer. It 
 was only in that ancient and imperishable fairy world of 
 the past that the old friendship of these two men could 
 live on, in the old Homeric custom of presenting gifts. 
 In the world of to-day they were divided ; but we may 
 say, in the words of Lord Iddesleigh's old fellow-scholar 
 at Balliol 
 
 " One port, methought, alike they sought, 
 One purpose hold, where'er they fare ; 
 bounding breeze, rushing seas, 
 At last, at last, unite them there ! " 
 
 One who knew Lord Iddesleigh his whole life long has 
 chosen, as singularly true of him, the words in which 
 Marcus Aurelius the Emperor describes the character of 
 Antoninus :
 
 318 DOMESTIC LIFE. 
 
 Remember his constancy in every act which was conformable 
 to reason, and his evenness in all things, and his piety, and the 
 serenity of his countenance, and his sweetness, and his dis- 
 regard of empty fame, and his efforts to understand things, and 
 how he would never let anything pass without having first most 
 carefully examined it and clearly understood it ; and how he 
 bore with those who blamed him unjustly, without blaming 
 them in return ; how he did nothing in a hurry, and how he 
 listened not to calumnies ; not given to reproach people, nor 
 timid, nor suspicious, nor a sophist ; with how little he was 
 satisfied, such as lodging, bed, dress, food, servants ; how 
 laborious and patient ; how sparing he was in his diet ; his 
 firmness and uniformity in his friendships; how he tolerated 
 freedom of speech in those who opposed his opinions ; the 
 pleasure that he had when any man showed him anything 
 better ; and how pious he was without superstition.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Abercorn, Duke of, Northcote entertained by (Diary), ii. 253 
 Abyssinian expedition, the, i. 275, 307, 316 
 
 Northcote on expenses of, i. 316 
 
 Acland, Sir Thomas, i. 319, 320 
 Acropolis, the (Diary), i. 371 
 Adderley, Mr, on the franchise (Diary), i. 234 
 Afghanistan, remarks on, i. 197 
 
 troubles in, i. 274, 306 
 
 Agricultural holdings, Northcote on, ii. 223 
 
 Alabama claims, the, ii. 1 
 
 Albert, Prince, and Northcote, i. 82 
 
 congratulates Northcote on his entering Parliament, i. 117 
 
 Ameer, the, ii. 120, 122 
 
 American Congress, a curious custom (Diary), ii. 32 
 
 American war, Xortlicote's views on, i. 183 
 
 Andrassy Note, the, ii. 100 
 
 Anecdote, singular, in letter from Mrs Northcote, i. 29 
 
 Annesley, Lord (Diary), ii. 255 
 
 Anstruther Thomson, Colonel, notes on Northcote, i. 1 1 
 
 Antoninus, Northcote compared with, ii. 317 
 
 Arab encampment, an (Diary), i. 362 
 
 VOL. II. X
 
 320 INDEX. 
 
 Archaeological Association, Northcote president of, i. 182 
 
 Arethusa, the fountain (Diary), ii. 244 
 
 Argyll, Duke of, Secretary for India, i. 319 
 
 Army Annual Bill, the, ii. 133 
 
 "Arrow," the lorcha, i. 149 
 
 Aston Hall riots, the, ii. 316 
 
 Athens, in (Diary), i. 372 
 
 Balfour, Mr (Diary), ii. 141, 214 
 Balliol, goes into residence at, i. 23 
 
 elected to a scholarship of, i. 26 
 
 rooms at, i 24 
 
 Balmoral, at, i 265, 318 
 
 accident to gamekeeper at (Diary), L 266 
 
 Barlow, Mr, and the Orissa famine, i. 296, 297 
 
 Baron's Court, Xorthcote at (Diary), ii. 253 
 
 Bath, Lord, advice to Lord Derby (Diary), i. 259 
 
 Beaconsfield, Lord. See Disraeli 
 
 Beadon, Sir Cecil, i. 299 
 
 Belfast, at (Diary), ii. 252 
 
 Bengal Government, question of, i. 278, 288 
 
 Bengough, Mr, i. 131 
 
 Benjamin's mess, story of, i. 91 
 
 Berkeley, Mr, note on Northcote, ii. 297 
 
 Birmingham, riots at, ii. 316 
 
 Board of Trade, N~orthcote secretary to Gladstone in, i. 60 
 
 Northcote resigns office in, i. 92 
 
 Boating, i. 18, 19, 39, 40 
 
 Bouverie, Mr, bill on Fellows of Colleges (Diary), i. 243 
 
 Bradlaugh case, the, ii. 136, 137 
 
 (Diary), ii. 154, 155, 157, 160, 167, 168, 180, 214 
 
 Brampford Wood Reformatory, i. 128 
 
 Brand, Mr, elected as Speaker, ii. 150 
 
 Brenton, Captain, the Children's Friend Society, i. 123 
 
 Bridge water House, Party meeting at (Diary), ii. 155
 
 INDEX. 321 
 
 Bright, Mr, conversation with, ii. 105 
 
 and Northcote, ii. 194 
 
 - (Diary), i. 229, 230, 233, 236 
 
 Buckingham, Duke of, Lord President of Privy Council, i. 262 
 Budget, the, ii. 53, 87, 89, 90, 91, 95, 206, 209 
 Bulgarian atrocities, ii. 102 
 Burghley, Northcote at, i. 221 
 Burnaby, Colonel, and Birmingham riots, ii. 316 
 Burrows, General, defeat of (Diary), ii. 181 
 
 Cabinet, changes in the, ii. 279 
 
 construction of the (Diary), ii. 212 
 
 dissensions in the, ii. 110 
 
 Northcote accepts seat in the (Diary), L 261 
 
 Uorthcote's first attendance (Diary), i. 268 
 
 Cabul, the mission to, ii. 120 
 
 Cagliari, at (Diary), ii. 237 
 
 Cairns, Lord, suggestions for an administration (Diary), i. 246 
 
 Cairo, at (Diary), i. 366 
 
 Cambridge, the Duke of, examined before the Schools Inquiry 
 
 Commission (Diary), i 239 
 Canada, North cote goes to, i 329 
 Cannes, at (Diary), ii. 247 
 Card-table, the decorated, i. 2 
 Carnarvon, Earl of, at Windsor, Member of Privy Council 
 
 (Diary), i. 262 
 Carthage, at (Diary), ii. 241 
 Carter, Sir G., on Canadian Government, i. 330 
 Case of horse-stealing, story of, ii. 308 
 Cavagnari, massacre of, ii. 123 
 Cavalry drill, a new French (Diary), ii. 247 
 Cavendish, Sir Frederick, ISTorthcote meets, i. 220 
 
 murder of, ii. 194 
 
 Ceos, island of (Diary), i. 369 
 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer, Northcote appointed, ii. 51
 
 322 INDEX. 
 
 Chaplin, Mr H. (Diary), ii. 214 
 
 Children, Northcote's love of, ii. 310 
 
 Children's Friend Society, the, i. 123 
 <^hinese question, the, i. 149, 212 
 ( Church and State question, the (Diary), i. 232 
 
 Churchill, Lord E. the Fourth Party, ii. 141 
 
 resigns Chancellorship of the Exchequer, ii. 279 
 
 Civil Service, report on organisation of, i. 103 
 
 Clay, Mr, bill for the franchise (Diary), i. 238 
 
 Cloture, the, i. 134, 139 
 
 Clough, Arthur, i. 26 
 
 Cobbett, Mr, Northcote on, i. 114 
 
 Cockburn, William, of Henderland, i. 5 
 
 Cockburns, the, Northcote's descent from, i. 5 
 
 Coercion, Northcote's views on, ii. 192 
 
 Coleridge, Lord, on Northcote and the American War, i. 184 
 
 Coleridge, Mr, Korthcote's tutor at Eton, i. 9 
 
 Commercial Treaty with France, Northcote on the, i. 163, 165 
 
 Commission on Alabama claims, ii. 1 
 
 on Working of Friendly Societies, ii. 40 
 
 on Depression in Trade, Northcote president of, ii. 275 
 
 Committees, nomination of (Diary), ii. 161 
 
 on Procedure, the, ii. 133 
 
 Companion of the Order of the Bath, Northcote appointed, i. 93 
 
 Conservative organisation in Scotland (Diary), ii. 152 
 
 Conservatives, on defeat of the (Diary), ii. 149 
 
 Cork Friendly Societies, rules of, ii. 43 
 
 Cornewall Lewis, Sir George, Chancellor of the Exchequer, i. 
 113 
 
 Cornish jury, story of a, ii. 309 
 
 Corry, H., on the condition of Ireland (Diary), i. 237 
 
 Cranborne, Lord, i. 234, 249, 252, 262 
 
 Customs and Inland Ee venue Bill, the, ii. 208 
 
 Cyprus, ii. 107, 108 
 
 Czarina, the yacht, i. 168
 
 INDEX. 323 
 
 Daly, J. E., appointed private secretary to Northcote (Diary), 
 
 ii. 214 
 
 Danish War, the, i. 207 
 Death, Northcote's, ii. 282 
 Debate, a Budget (Diary), ii. 203 
 Declaration of Paris, Northcote's speech on, i. 187 
 Deerhound, the yacht, i. 342 
 Deer-stalking, i. 318 
 De Grey, Lord, Commissioner on Alabama claims, ii. 2 
 
 Northcote's lines on, ii. 13 
 
 Derby, Lord, comes in with a Ministry, i. 94 
 
 Northcote congratulated on a speech by, i. 177 
 
 and Disraeli, i. 229 
 
 the Third Party, i. 241 
 
 the Oaths Bill, i. 243, 249 
 
 rumours of resignation, i. 246 
 
 Eeform and Oaths Bills, speeches on, i. 250 
 
 resignation of, ii. 107 
 
 Northcote on resignation of, ii. 108 
 Derby's, Lord, meetings at, i. 243, 249, 258 
 Devonshire stories, ii. 208 
 
 Diary, Northcote's, i. 228, 336 ; ii. 28, 149, 209, 230, 248, 343 
 Dickens, Northcote's admiration for, ii. 289 
 Dillon, Alderman (Diary), i 236 
 Dionysia, the (Diary), i. 373 
 Disraeli, Mr, at St Margaret's, i. 115 
 
 offers seat and office to Northcote, i. 152 
 
 Northcote's first impressions of, i. 153 
 
 and the Eeform Bill, i. 229, 230, 231, 237, 240, 253 
 
 Northcote congratulated on a speech by, i. 177 
 
 on affairs in United States, i. 181 
 
 interview with, on formation of Cabinet (Diary), i. 231 
 
 Northcote dines with, i 233 
 
 the Reform Bill and Gladstone (Diary), i. 237 
 
 on the " Third Party " (Diary), i. 240
 
 324 INDEX. 
 
 Disraeli, Mr continued 
 
 meetings at Lord Derby's, i. 243, 249, 258 
 
 General Peel's challenge, i. 251 
 
 on Mr Lowe, i. 255 
 
 on Mr Gladstone, i. 256 
 
 speech "by, on Eeform Bill (Diary), i. 253 
 
 talk with Northcote on the Ministry (Diary), i. 260 
 
 the Abyssinian expedition, i. 313 
 
 the Shipping Bill, ii. 78 
 
 receives Northcote at Hughenden (Diary), ii. 176 
 Disraeli, Mrs, Northcote's opinion of, i. 160 
 Domestic life, ii. 302 
 Double, Northcote's, i. 222 
 Douglas Pennant, Mr (Diary), ii. 262 
 " Draining of Catch Meadows," treatise on, ii. 305 
 Drama, a, written at school, i 9 
 Dudley, election at, i. 108 
 Dyke, Sir "W. H., Irish Secretary (Diary), ii. 214 
 
 Eastern affairs, Northcote's notes on, ii. 98 
 
 Edinburgh University, Northcote Lord Eector of (Diary), ii. 263 
 
 Eectorial address (Diary), ii. 264 
 
 Tercentenary celebration (Diary), ii. 268 
 
 Egypt, in (Diary), i. 351 
 
 the Viceroy of (Diary), i. 353, 364 
 
 Egyptian troubles, remarks on, ii. 198 
 Elcho, Lord, on Clay's Franchise Bill, i. 238 
 Elder, Mr, i. 39, 41 
 Election, an American (Diary), ii. 32 
 Elections, Dudley, i. 109 
 
 . North Devon, i. 151, 319 
 
 Stamford, i. 153, 154 
 
 Elmley House, Northcote at, ii. 148 
 Elocution, lessons in, i. 106 
 Elopement, the, story of, ii. 311
 
 INDEX. 325 
 
 Employers Liability Bill, the (Diary), ii. 162 
 Endowed Schools Commission, ISTorthcote on the, i. 222 
 English Churchman's Union, Northcote withdraws from, i. 102 
 Epigram on Mr Bernal Osborne, i. 204 
 Eton, Northcote goes to, i. 9 
 
 his nickname at, i. 1 1 
 
 review of his course at, i. 18 
 
 Eugenie, the Empress (Diary), 352, 353, 364 
 Exeter, reception in, ii 215 
 Exhibition, the Great, i. 81, 92 
 
 Facility, Northcote's wonderful, i. 40 
 
 Falls of the Potomac, picnic to (Diary), ii. 36 
 
 False nurse, story of the, i 221 
 
 Farrer, Miss Cecilia, engagement to, i. 63 
 
 Farrer (Sir Thomas), Northcote's friend, i. 17, 38 
 
 on Gladstone, i. 71 
 
 on Navigation Laws, i. 76 
 
 Favourite authors, Northcote's, ii. 290 
 Fawcett, Mr, the South African BUI, ii. 132 
 
 speech by (Diary), ii. 154 
 
 Feldenberg, M. de, founder of Hofwyl labour school, i. 124 
 Fenians, the (Diary), i 236, 237, 244, 245 
 
 in Canada, i. 337, 338 
 
 Fete in the grounds of Pynes, i. 102 
 
 Financial principles, iSTorthcote's, ii. 53 
 
 Financial Secretary to the Treasury, Northcote appointed, i. 154 
 
 Fish, Mr, and Alabama claims, ii. 5, 6 
 
 Foreign Office, Northcote in the, ii. 278 
 
 Forster, Mr (Diary), i. 252 
 
 Fortifications, on financial aspect of, i. 203 
 
 Fourth Party, the, ii. 141 
 
 Fox-hunt, an American, ii. 25 
 
 France, Northcote goes to, i. 151 
 
 Franchise, the (Diary), i. 238, 257
 
 326 INDEX. 
 
 Free tiade, i. 94 
 
 French Commercial Treaty, the, i. 163 
 
 French Empress, the (Diary), i. 352, 353, 364 
 
 Frere, Sir Bartle, ii. 125, 158, 160 
 
 Friendly Societies, Commission on working of, ii. 40 
 
 in Cork, rules of, ii. 43 
 
 Bill, Northcote's, ii. 44 
 
 condolences on Northcote's death, ii. 50 
 
 Funeral services for Northcote, ii. 283 
 
 Garibaldi procession, the, i. 211 
 Gibraltar, at (Diary), i. 344 ; ii. 232 
 
 Gibson, Mr, in Cabinet Committee on Reform Bill (Diary) i. 
 238 
 
 Bradlaugh case (Diary), ii. 158 
 
 Gisborne, Northcote's friend at Eton, i. 11 
 Gladstone, Mr, offer from, of secretaryship, i. 53 
 
 President of the Board of Trade, i 60 
 
 letter from Northcote on, i. 65 
 
 stands for Oxford, i. 69 
 
 appoints North cote an executor to his will, i. 96 
 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer, i. 100 
 
 requests Northcote to aid in revision of Packet Contracts, 
 i. 102 
 
 requests Northcote to stand for Dudley, i. 108 
 
 resigns Chancellorship of the Exchequer, i. 113 
 
 shakes his head, i. 160 
 
 Northcote on calculations of, i. 164 
 
 debate on Ways and Means with Northcote, i. 172 
 
 taxation of tea and sugar, i. 173 
 
 modern languages and classical culture, i. 182 
 
 and the Irish Church, Northcote on, i. 223, 320 
 
 elected for Oxford, i. 224 
 
 entertains Northcote at Hawarden, i. 225 
 
 the Reform Bill, i. 229, 246, 254 ; ii. 205, 206 
 
 on Abyssinian expedition, i. 313
 
 INDEX. 327 
 
 Gladstone, Mr continued 
 
 the surplus, ii. 54 
 
 approval of Northcote's Budget, ii. 64 
 
 on Northcote's scheme for National Debt, ii. 71 
 
 on Northcote's Bill for savings banks, ii. 75 
 
 criticisms on Northcote's Budget, ii. 93, 95 
 
 speech on Turkish reforms, ii. 100 
 
 defeat of, ii. 142 
 
 at Eoyal Academy dinner, ii. 151 
 
 apology to Count Karolyi, ii. 154 
 
 Bradlaugh case, ii 157, 169, 170 
 
 Northcote on inconsistencies of, ii. 164 
 
 illness of, ii. 181 
 
 speech on Cowen's interpellation, ii. 182 
 
 the concert of Europe, ii. 182 
 
 private interview with Northcote, ii. 206 
 
 resignation of, ii. 211 
 
 Northcote's opinion of, ii. 227 
 
 speech by Northcote on policy of, ii. 258 
 
 comparison of Homer with Tasso, ii. 292 
 
 in Northcote's diary, i. 229, 246, 254, 260; ii. 151, 154, 
 
 157, 164, 169, 170, 181, 182, 211 
 Gladstonian rhyme, an electioneering, i. 71 
 Goletta, at (Diary), ii. 240 
 Gordon, General, remarks on, ii. 200 
 Gorst, Sir John, ii. 141 
 
 Goschen, Mr, Chancellor of the Exchequer, ii. 186 
 Goschen mission, the (Diary), ii. 158 
 Gosford, Lord, and his Irish tenants (Diary), i. 244 
 Grant, Sir Alexander, Principal of Edinburgh University, ii. 264 
 Granville, Lord, appointment to Foreign Office, i. 94 
 
 letter to Northcote on Hudson Bay Company, i. 324 
 
 Gray, Sir John (Diary), i. 237 
 Great Exhibition, the, i. 81, 92 
 Greece, in (Diary), i. 370 
 Greek literature, Northcote on, ii. 265
 
 328 INDEX. 
 
 Grosvenor, Lord, amendment on Eeform Bill (Diary), i. 254 
 Grumpus, the Highclere bogy, i. 220 
 Gurney, Eev. Archer, i. 36 
 
 Habeas Corpus Act suspended for Ireland (Diary), i. 236 
 " Hamlet," Northcote's, ii. 295 
 
 Hardy, Mr Gathorne, meetings at Lord Derby's (Diary), i. 243, 
 258 
 
 at Windsor, member of Privy Council (Diary), i. 262 
 
 Hawarden, Northcote at, i. 225 
 
 Hawarden, Lord, and Irish tenants (Diary), i. 245 
 
 Hay ward, Mr, his appointment on Poor Law Board, i. 108 
 
 Health, state of ISTorthcote's, i. 92, 95, 107 ; ii. 280 
 
 Henley, Eight Hon. J. "W., Meeting at Lord Derby's (Diary), 
 
 i. 243 
 
 Herzegovinese insurrection, the, ii. 99 
 
 Hicks-Beach, Sir Michael, opposition to Gladstonian Budget, 
 ii. 143 
 
 speech on the Budget (Diary), ii. 209 
 
 Highclere, ISTorthcote at, i 220 
 
 bogy, the, i. 220 
 
 Hoar, Judge, story told by, ii. 2 
 
 Hobhouse, A. (Diary), i. 233 
 
 Holidays and holiday tasks, ii. 229 
 
 Hollywood Cemetery (Diary), ii. 37 
 
 Home Government, interference by, on American Treaty, ii. 13, 15 
 
 Home Eule, Northcote on, ii. 225 
 
 Honours, Xorthcote takes double, at Oxford, i. 45 
 
 Horoscope, Northcote's, i. 5 
 
 Horsfall, Mr, debate on his resolution as to privateering, &c., 
 
 i. 185 
 
 Horsman, Mr (Diary), i 230, 236, 238 
 House of Lords, Northcote takes his seat in, ii. 127 
 Houssaye, M. Arsene, i. 151 
 Hudson Bay Company, Xorthcote chairman of, i. 322
 
 INDEX. 329 
 
 Hughenden, Northcote at (Diary), ii. 176 
 Hunting, Northcote's love of, ii. 306 
 Hyde Park riots, i. 263 
 
 Ibbetson, Selwin (Diary), ii. 214 
 Iddesleigh, Lord, ISTorthcote created, ii. 209 
 
 illness and death of, ii. 282 
 
 India, the Budget, i. 289 
 
 Civil Service, the, i. 300 
 
 Council, the, i. 270 
 
 Government of Bengal, i. 278, 283 
 
 local government in, i. 277, 278, 284 
 
 income-tax in, i. 289 
 
 irrigation in, i. 287, 290 
 
 Northcote's despatches criticised, i. 299 
 
 Northcote Secretary for, i. 268, 269, 315 
 
 Orissa famine, the, i. 291, 296 
 
 taxation in, i. 273 
 
 India Office, ball given to the Sultan at, i. 315 
 Ireland, political tour in, ii. 248, 251 
 reflections upon toux in (Diary), ii. 262 
 
 remarks on, L 321 ; ii. 190, 224 
 Irish Bill, the (Diary), ii. 173, 179, 180, 181 
 
 Church question (Diary), i. 257 
 
 evictions (Diary), ii. 179 
 
 suggestion for a Eeform Bill (Diary), i. 247 
 Irving, Edward, i. 28 
 Ismailia, at (Diary), i. 359, 361 
 
 Jofflffe, Sir W. (Diary), i. 240, 241, 243, 249 
 Jowett, Mr, i. 211 
 
 Keate, Northcote's head-master at Eton, i. 10 
 
 Kelly, F., talk with, on malt-tax agitation (Diary), i. 239 
 
 Kennerleigh Manor, winning of, i. 2
 
 330 INDEX. 
 
 Khedive's Suez Canal shares, the, ii. 82 
 Kildare, Earl of, story of an, ii. 258 
 Kilmainhani affair, the, ii. 189, 193, 194 
 Kindness of heart, Northcote's, ii. 313 
 Knight, F. W. (Diary), i. 229 
 Ku-Klux Bill, the (Diary), ii. 31 
 
 Labouchere, Mr, Bradlaugh case (Diary), i. 168, 169 
 
 Lampson, Sir Curtis, i. 326, 327 
 
 Land Bill, O'Connor Power's (Diary), i. 164, 165 
 
 Lawrence, Lord, Northcote on policy of, i. 123 
 
 Lawrence, Sir John, i. 273, 274, 277, 289, 290, 300, 309 
 
 Lecture on "Nothing" by Northcote, i. 294 
 
 LETTERS 
 
 Coleridge, from Mr, to Northcote's father, i. 16 
 Gladstone, from Mr, to Northcote His own views on the 
 Church, i 70 
 
 to Northcote Advice on his political position, i. 147 
 
 Granville, from Lord, to Northcote Northcote's appointment 
 
 at Foreign Office. His health, i. 96 
 Le Marchant, from Sir Denis, to Northcote Advice against 
 
 his retirement from office, i. 87 
 
 Napier, from Lord, to Northcote Indian irrigation, i. 291 
 Northcote, from John, to Lady Northcote The Irish tour, 
 
 ii. 256 
 Northcote, from Sir Stafford 
 
 Coleridge, to the late Judge The Brampf ord Wood Kef or- 
 
 matory, i. 128, 130 
 
 Cranborne, to Lord The Mysore succession, i. 303 
 Daughter, to his The decorated card-table, i. 2 
 Derby, to Lord Alabama claims, ii. 8 
 Disraeli, to Mr American negotiations, ii. 15 
 American Treaty, ii. 14, 16 
 Assurances of friendship, i. 267 
 Chinese war, i. 213
 
 INDEX. 331 
 
 LETTERS continued 
 
 Defences of the country, i. 157 
 
 Financial policy, ii. 65 
 
 Income-tax, i. 199 
 
 Merchant Shipping Bill, ii. 77, 79 
 
 Political situation, ii. 187 
 
 Bed Eiver expedition, i. 338 
 
 Situation in Europe, i. 161 
 
 Suez Canal, ii. 84 : 
 
 Taxation, i. 189 
 
 'Twenty Years of Financial Policy,' i. 178 
 Farrer, to Sir T. H. Advice wanted, i. 83 
 
 Eastern question, ii. 116 
 
 Merchant Shipping Bill, ii. 81 
 
 Politics, i. 6.6 
 
 Farrer, to Mrs Religious opinions, i. 63 
 Father, to his Free trade ; Irish famine, i. 69 
 
 Irvingite troubles, i. 46 
 
 Marriage, i. 60 
 
 Secretaryship to Mr Gladstone, i. 53 
 
 Theological differences, i. 30, 31 
 
 Fish, to Mr Treaty of Washington, i. 10 
 
 Fitzgerald, to Sir Seymour Indian local government, i. 277 
 
 Gladstone and the Irish Church, i. 223 
 
 Gladstone, to Mr Reply concerning Commission on Board 
 
 of Trade, i. 100 
 
 Grandfather, to his Chartist meeting, i. 79 
 Halifax, to Lord Mysore succession, i. 305 
 Kellie, to Earl of Indian Civil Service, i 301 
 Lady, to a on Mr Gladstone, i. 65 ; free trade, i. 77 
 Lawrence, to Sir John Abyssinian question, i. 309 
 
 Indian Civil Service, i 300 
 
 Indian income-tax, i. 290 
 
 Indian local government, i. 278 
 
 North-west frontier, i. 306
 
 332 INDEX. 
 
 LETTERS continued 
 
 Lawrence, to Sir John Orissa famine, i. 296 
 Massey, to Mr Indian income-tax, i. 290 
 
 Indian local government, i. 284 
 
 Mother, to his, from Eton, i. 14 
 
 from Oxford, i. 39 
 
 Murder of President Lincoln, i. 224 
 
 Napier, to Lord Abyssinian expedition, i. 312 
 
 Indian irrigation, i. 292 
 
 Northcote, to Lady Academy, the, i. 144 
 
 American fox-hunt, an, ii. 25 
 
 Appointment as Financial Secretary to the Treasury, 
 i. 154 
 
 Budget, and Disraeli, i. 170 
 
 Coalition, the, i. 120 
 
 Dissolution; Mr Whiteside's speech, i. 141 
 
 Dudley, vacant seat at, i. 109 
 
 Dudley, election at, i. 110, 111 
 
 Facsimile of a letter to, ii. 19 
 
 First experiences in House of Commons, i. 115 
 
 French Exhibition, the, i. 145 
 
 Friendly Societies, ii. 41 
 
 Gladstone, on Mr, i. 88 
 
 Government, the, i. 113 
 
 Life at Balmoral, i. 266 
 
 His maiden speech, i. 116 
 
 Hyde Park riots, i. 264 
 
 Lessons in elocution, i. 106 
 
 Letter from Thomas Henry, a ; Sir E. Peel's death, 
 i. 89 
 
 Lord John Russell, i. 119 
 
 Lord Palmerston, i. 113 
 
 Mrs Disraeli, i. 160 
 
 Offer from Disraeli of seat and office, i 152 
 
 Oxford conferences, the, i. 113 
 
 Peace or war ; the Jowett vote, i. 207
 
 INDEX. 333 
 
 LETTERS continued 
 
 Peelites, the, i. 146 
 
 Political and personal hopes and fears, i. 100 
 
 Political position, his, i. 95 
 
 Private letters to, i. 91, 92 
 
 Kail way accident, a, ii. 314 
 
 Eeformatory Bill, his, i. 138 
 
 Eeformatory school, his, i. 137 
 
 Eoyal Academy Exhibition, ii. 301 
 
 Robert Peel, Sir, accident to, i. 89 
 
 Speech, a; the Coalition, i. 120 
 
 Sunday Bill, the, i. 117 
 
 Tercentenary of Edinburgh University, ii. 267, 268 
 
 Whiteside's, Mr, motion of censure on the Govern- 
 ment, i 142 
 
 JTorthcote, to Miss Cecilia Boating at Oxford, i. 40 
 Xorthcote, to Miss Henrietta Religious aspect of marriage, 
 
 i. 62 
 
 Phillimore, to Sir Robert A letter of Mr Gladstone's, i. 70 
 Official colleague, to an Lord Lytton's Indian policy, ii 
 
 121 
 
 Russian war, on the, i. 107 
 Shirley, to Mr Health of his mother, i 41 
 
 Secretaryship to Mr Gladstone, i. 56 
 
 State of politics, i. 52 
 
 Welby, to Sir Reginald Financial policy, i. 53 
 Lincoln, President, murder of, i. 224 
 Lines by Xorthcote, i. 9 ; ii. 13, 27, 271, 298, 299 
 Lismore, Lord Story of Shanbally Castle (Diary), i. 245 
 Literary pursuits, ii. 284 
 Littus, discussion on the word, i. 51 
 Liverpool, at, the Atlantic Cable, i. 265 
 
 Lord Rector of Edinburgh University, ]S"orthcote elected, ii. 263 
 Loring, Miss, poem addressed to, ii. 27 
 Lowe, Mr, Disraeli on (Diary), i 255 
 the Reform Bill, i. 230
 
 334 INDEX. 
 
 Lowe, Mr, Keformatory schools, i. 181 
 
 the franchise, i. 234, 238 
 
 in Northcote's diary, i. 231, 233, 234, 235, 238, 251, 255 
 
 Lubbock, Sir John, i. 290 
 
 Lyme Regis, reading at, i. 41 
 
 Lytton, Lord, policy of, in India, ii. 121 
 
 Macdonald, Sir J., Canadian Commissioner on Alabama claims, 
 ii. 2 
 
 speech on North- West Bill, i. 331 
 
 Maine, Sir Henry, Northcote on, i. 286 
 
 Malaga, at (Diary), ii. 234 
 
 Malta, at (Diary), i. 349 
 
 Manitoba, i 331 
 
 Manning, Cardinal, and the Oaths Bill (Diary), i. 250 
 
 Marriage, Northcote's, i. 64 
 
 his views on, i 60 
 
 Memory, extraordinary proof of Northcote's, i. 26 
 
 Merchant Shipping Bill, the, ii. 77 
 
 Merton College, Northcote visits his son Henry at, i. 221 
 
 Mettray, reformatory school of, i. 125 
 
 Middle Temple, reading in the, i. 46 
 
 Northcote dines with the (Diary), ii. 210 
 
 MiU, J. S. (Diary), i. 236 
 
 Milne, Sir A. (Diary), i. 352, 364 
 
 Montague Bernard, Mr, Commissioner on Alabama claims, ii. 2 
 
 Mount Vernon, expedition to (Diary), ii. 28 
 
 Mourne Mountains, across the (Diary), ii. 255 
 
 Murray, Hon. Amelia, and Children's Friend Society, i. 123 
 
 Mutiny Bill, the, ii. 133 
 
 Mysore succession, the, i. 275, 303 
 
 Napier, Lord, on irrigation in India, i. 291 
 
 at Gibraltar (Diary), ii. 232 
 
 Naples, at (Diary), ii. 246
 
 INDEX. 335 
 
 Napoleon, anecdote of, i. 248 
 
 National Debt, Northcote's scheme for reducing, ii. 67 
 
 Navigation Laws, Northcote on, i. 73 
 
 Sir Thomas Farrer on, i. 76 
 
 Negroes in the States, condition of (Diary), ii. 35, 39 
 Newtown Stewart, at (Diary), ii. 253 
 New York, balloting at, i. 335 
 
 at, i. 334 ; ii. 2 
 
 Niagara, at, i. 336 
 
 Nice, at (Diary), ii. 247 
 
 Nimrod, Northcote's favourite hunter, ii. 306 
 
 Noel, Mr E., the Third Party ; the franchise (Diary), i. 238 
 
 Northcote family, ancestry of, i. 1 
 
 Northcote, Sir John, first Baronet, i. 3 
 
 Northcote, Justice, i. 2 
 
 Northcote, Lady, goes to America, i. 329 
 
 goes to France, i. 151 
 
 to the Mediterranean, ii. 230 
 
 letters to. See Letters 
 
 Northcote, Mr, death of, i. 46 
 Northcote, Mrs, senior, death of, i. 87 
 
 religious opinions of, i. 25 
 
 strange anecdote told by, i. 29 
 
 Northcote, Sir Stafford, the elder, death of, i. 87 
 Northcote, Sir Stafford (Lord Iddesleigh), birth of, i. 3 
 
 Sir Stafford, death of, ii. 282 
 
 " Nothing," a lecture on, ii. 294 
 Nubar Pasha (Diary), i. 352 
 
 Oaths Bill, the (Diary), i. 243, 244, 249, 250 
 
 Oban, at, ii. 270 
 
 Obstruction, the history of, ii. 129 
 
 O'Donoghue, the (Diary), i. 237 
 
 Official life, Northcote's entrance into, i. 58 
 
 Opinions, religious, Northcote's, i. 30 
 
 VOL. II. Y
 
 336 INDEX. 
 
 Orangemen, the (Diary), ii. 253 
 
 Orissa famine, the, i. 290, 296 
 
 "Omnibus" Bill, the, i. 135, 138 
 
 Osborne, Northcote at, i. 318 
 
 Osborne, Mr Bernal, Northcote's epigram on, i. 204 
 
 Ottawa, in, i. 329 
 
 Oxford, at, i. 18 
 
 boating at, i. 19, 39, 40 
 
 leaves, i. 46 
 
 Pakington, Sir J. S., at meeting at Lord Derby's, L 242 
 Palermo, at (Diary), ii. 238, 239 
 Palmerston, Lord, i. 160, 162, 163, 226 
 Pandora, cruise in the, ii. 229, 251, 270 
 /E&per Duties, Northcote on the, i. 165, 169 
 Parentage, Northcote's, i. 5 
 Parliament, Northcote takes his seat in, i. 114 
 
 Northcote in and out of, ii 184 
 
 Parliamentary leadership, Northcote's, ii. 127, 129, 135, 143 
 
 Parnell, Mr, ii. 129, 133, 179, 194, 249, 258 
 
 Patience, the game of, i. 149, 169, 304 
 
 Peel, General, i. 233, 239, 242, 243, 246, 251, 259 
 
 challenge to Disraeli, i. 252 
 
 Peel, Sir Eobert, i 64, 68, 173, 226 
 
 Percy, Lord, on value of land, i. 240 
 
 Personal appearance of Northcote, ii 302 
 
 Pictures, remarks by Northcote on, i. 144 ; ii. 301 
 
 Plimsoll, Mr, i. 76 
 
 Poets, a discussion on, ii. 177 
 
 Political events, a summary of, ii. 184 
 
 Political life, Northcote's entry on, i. 70 
 
 Pompeii, at (Diary), ii. 246 
 
 Port Mahon, in (Diary), ii. 235 
 
 Port Said, at (Diary), i. 352 
 
 Position as private secretary, Northcote's, i. 64
 
 INDEX. 337 
 
 Potomac, the (Diary), ii. 28, 30 
 Presentation by House of Commons, ii. 146 
 Presidency of the Council, Northcote declines, ii. 280 
 President of the Board of Trade, Northcote, i. 226, 261 
 Privateering, Northcote on Mr Horsf all's resolution, i. 185 
 Privy Council, Northcote member of (Diary), i. 262 
 Programme of lectures for Mr Vaux, a, i. 37 
 Public Schools Commission, Northcote on the, i. 205 
 Pynes, description of, ii. 304 
 
 fete in the grounds of, i. 102 
 
 Harriers, Northcote master of, ii. 306 
 
 life at, ii. 306 
 
 return to, ii. 215, 248 
 
 schools at, i. 129 
 
 Pyramids, at the (Diary), i. 367 
 
 ' Quarterly,' article in, by Northcote on Reformatory Schools, 
 
 i. 133 
 
 Quebec, at, i 333 
 
 Queen, the, opening of Parliament (Diary), i. 235 
 Queen's speech, criticism on the, i. 209 
 
 read at Disraeli's after dinner, i. 233 
 
 Quotation, on Gladstone and Northcote, on the occasion of a 
 
 speech by the latter, i 178 
 
 Eailway accident, a, ii. 314 
 
 Ravenshaw, Mr, i. 298 
 
 Recke, Count von der, founder of reformatory schools at Diis- 
 
 seldorf, i 124 
 
 Rectorial address at Edinburgh, ii. 264 
 Red River Expedition, i 338 
 Reform Bill, the, i. 226, 229, 237, 238, 245, 246, 252, 253; 
 
 ii. 186, 203 
 
 Reformatory school for boys, Northcote' s, i. 122 
 Northcote moves for Committee on, i. 180
 
 338 INDEX. 
 
 Reformatory Union, the, i. 133 
 Religious habits, Northcote's, i. 8, 20 
 
 opinions, Northcote's, i. 30 
 
 Resigns office at the Board of Trade, i. 92 
 
 Resigns seat in the Cabinet, ii. 279 
 
 Riel, Louis, i. 326, 327, 329, 339 
 
 Riggs, Mr, a visit to (Diary), ii. 33 
 
 Riots at Birmingham, ii. 316 
 
 Roden, Lord, his Irish estate (Diary), ii. 235 
 
 Romance composed at an early age, i. 7 
 
 Rosstrevor, at (Diary), ii. 255 
 
 Rowing at Oxford, i. 19, 39, 40 
 
 Roxburghe Club, the, ii. 297 
 
 Royal Academy Exhibition, Northcote at, ii. 301 
 
 Rumour of Northcote's death, a false (Diary), i. 376 
 
 Russell, Lord, in Cabinet Council on Reform Bill, i. 231, 246 
 
 health of, i 246, 247 
 
 Northcote dines with, i. 247 
 
 Russell, Lord John, plan for reformatory schools, i. 136 
 Russian promises, ii. 110 
 Ryan, C., i. 229 
 
 Salisbury, Lord, the Cabinet, ii. 210, 211, 279 
 
 seizing of Cyprus, ii. 107 
 
 Salisbury's, Lord, meetings at, i. 250, 253 
 
 Sardinia (Diary), ii. 237 
 
 Saumarez, A., appointed private secretary to Northcote, ii. 214 
 
 Savings Banks, Korthcote's Bill for, ii. 74 
 
 Scilly Islands, yachting among the, ii. 51 
 
 School, Northcote's first, i. 7 
 
 Schools Commission, the (Diary), i. 236, 239 
 
 Schouvaloff, Count, and Lord Salisbury, ii. 113 
 
 Scotland, ecclesiastical parties in (Diary), ii. 152 
 
 Northcote's tour in, ii. 264 
 
 Scott, Sir Walter, Northcote's admiration of, ii. 289
 
 INDEX. 339 
 
 Scott, Sir Walter, resemblance to, Northcote's, ii, 303 
 
 sketch of Edward Irving by, i. 28 
 
 Sculling at Eton, i. 18 
 
 article on Northcote, in 'Temple Bar,' i. 19 
 
 Seats Bill, the (Diary), ii. 212, 213 
 
 Secretary for India, Northcote appointed, i. 268 
 
 difficulties of the position, i. 269 
 
 end of Northcote's tenure of office, i. 315 
 
 Segui, M., Consul at Port Mahon (Diary), ii 236 
 
 " Senior Wrangler, The," play of, ii. 296 
 
 Shepstone, Sir Theophilus The Transvaal, ii. 124, 130 
 
 Sherman, General, ii. 24 
 
 Smith, Mr W. H. The cloture, ii. 141 
 
 in the Mediterranean, ii. 229 
 
 SPEECHES 
 
 Derby, Lord Eeform and Oaths Bills, i. 250 
 
 Disraeli, Mr Eeform BiU, i. 253 
 
 Gladstone, Mr On Cowen's interpellation, ii. 182 
 
 on Turkish Eeforms, ii. 100 
 
 Hicks-Beach, Sir M. The Budget, ii. 209 
 Macdonald, Sir J. North-West BiU, i. 331 
 Northcote, Sir Stafford Alabama claims, ii. 7 
 Budget, the, ii. 66 
 
 Commercial Treaty with France, i. 163, 165 
 Declaration of Paris, i. 187 
 Eastern question, ii. 114 
 Election addresses 
 Exeter, i 96, 97 
 N. Devon, i. 320 
 Finance, i. 225 
 
 Gladstone and Parnell ; a warning, ii. 258 
 Government of India Act Amendment Bill, i. 302 
 Hudson Bay Company, i. 339 
 Imperial Institute, the, ii. 281 
 Indian irrigation, i. 294
 
 340 INDEX. 
 
 SPEECHES continued. 
 
 International disturbances, ii. 220 
 
 Irish question, the, at Paisley, ii. 224 
 
 Land Act, the, at Larne, ii. 260 
 
 National Debt, the, ii. 68, 69 
 
 Optimism, at Exeter, ii 188 
 
 Paper Duties, the, i. 165 
 
 Prophecy, a, in Edinburgh, ii. 218, 219 
 
 Reception at Exeter, on his, ii. 215 
 
 Small agricultural holdings, at Lynton, ii. 223 
 
 Suez Canal, the, ii. 82 
 
 Surplus, the, in Liverpool, ii. 63 
 
 Tercentenary, Edinburgh, ii. 269 
 
 Turkey, ii. 118 
 
 His maiden speech, i. 116 
 
 Speeches out of Parliament, ii. 215, 217, 218, 220, 
 
 223, 224, 227 
 Queen's, the, i. 209, 233 
 Sports, Northcote's love of, ii. 305 
 Squib, a, on the Russian war, i. 114 
 Sorrento, at (Diary), ii. 239 
 South African Bill, the, ii. 129, 132 
 Stamford, Northcote elected for, i. 154, 225 
 Stanley, Lord, Northcote congratulated on speech by, i. 177 
 St Margaret's, a sermon at, i 115 
 Stories, Devonshire, ii. 308 
 Story, told by Judge Hoar, ii. 2 
 
 of an Earl of Kildare, ii. 258 
 
 of Shanbally Castle, i. 245 
 
 yeomanry leader, the, i. 80 
 
 Strachy, General, and 
 
 Sir John Finances and public works of India, i. 276 
 
 St Raphael, at (Diary), i. 248 
 
 Stucley, Sir George, i. 342 
 
 Suez Canal, illuminations on the (Diary), i. 355 
 
 opening of the (Diary), i. 342, 352
 
 INDEX. 341 
 
 Suez Canal shares, the, ii. 82 
 Sultan's ball, affair of the, i. 315 
 Sunbeam, lines on the yacht, ii. 271 
 Sunday mobs, the, i. 120 
 
 Surplus, ISTorthcote charged with "frittering away" Mr Glad- 
 stone's, ii. 52, 59 
 Syracuse, at (Diary), ii. 243 
 
 Taxation, in India, i 273, 289 
 
 permanent system, urged by ISTorthcote, i. 171 
 
 sugar and tea, i. 172, 173 
 
 'Temple Bar,' article in, on Northcote's sculling, i. 19 
 Tenterden, Lord, Commissioner on Alabama claims, ii. 2 
 Testimonial to Northcote from House of Commons, ii. 146 
 Theological opinions, Northcote's, i. 30, 31, 36, 63 
 Theological testimony, a remarkable, ii. 257 
 Thomson, Col. Anstruther, notes on Northcote, i. 11 
 Thornton, Sir E., Commissioner on Alabama claims, ii. 2 
 Torchlight procession, the, in Belfast, ii. 252, 257 
 Trade, Commission on Depression in, ii. 275 
 Transvaal, annexation of the, ii. 124, 130 
 
 remarks on the, ii. 196 
 
 Treasury, Northcote's work at the, i. 155 
 
 Northcote First Lord of the, ii. 186 
 
 Treaty of Washington, the, ii. 2, 17 
 
 Trevelyan, Sir Charles, Report on Civil Service, i. 103 
 
 ' Triumphs of Petrarch,' edited by Northcote, ii. 297 
 
 Tunis, at (Diary), ii. 240 
 
 'Twenty Years of Financial Policy,' i. 178, 204 
 
 Valetta, at (Diary), i. 349 
 
 Verses by Northcote, i. 9 ; ii. 13, 27, 271, 298, 299, 300 
 Villa Butera, ii. 239 
 
 Villiers, Right Hon. C. On Cabinet Reform Bill Committee, 
 i. 238
 
 342 INDEX. 
 
 Wales, political tour in (Diary), ii. 261. 
 
 Walpole, Mr S. H., i. 231, 243 
 
 Walrond, Sir John, i. 319 
 
 Ward, Lord, i. 109, 149 
 
 Ward, Mr, Northcote's tutor at Balliol, i. 24, 27 
 
 Washington, sealing of the Treaty of, ii. 17 
 
 Washington's house (Diary), ii. 29 
 
 Ways and Means, i. 171 
 
 Wellesley, Marquis Discussion on the word littus, i. 51 
 
 Whiteside, Mr, i. 141, 143. 
 
 Wichern, Dr, founder of Eauhe Haus Keforinatory School, 
 
 i. 124. 
 
 Windsor, Northcote at (Diary), i 262. 
 Wolfe, Sir Henry Drummond, ii. 141, 157, 159, 214 
 Wolseley, Lord The Red Eiver Expedition, i. 339 
 Wood, Sir C. On the Franchise (Diary), i. 234 
 
 X. congratulates Northcote on success of "Omnibus" Bill 
 (Diary), i. 138 
 
 encounter with the speaker (Diary), i. 244 
 
 on Gladstone's position (Diary), i. 248 
 
 speculations on the Cabinet (Diary), i. 256. 
 
 Yacht life, on (Diary), i. 343. 
 Yachting, i. 343; ii. 51, 168, 229. 
 Yeomanry, Northcote in the, i. 80 
 Yeomanry leader, tale of the, i. 80 
 
 PRINTED BY WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS-
 
 CATALOGUE 
 
 OF 
 
 MESSES BLACIWOOD & SONS' 
 
 PUBLICATIONS.
 
 PHILOSOPHICAL CLASSICS FOR ENGLISH READERS. 
 
 EDITED BY WILLIAM KNIGHT, LL.D., 
 
 Professor of Moral Philosophy in the University of St Andrews. 
 In crown 8vo Volumes, with Portraits, price 33. 6d. 
 
 Now ready 
 
 Vico, by Professor Flint, Edinburgh. 
 HOBBES, by Professor Croom Robertson, 
 London. HUME, by the Editor. SPINOZA, 
 by the Very Rev. Principal Caird, Glasgow. 
 BACON : Part I. The Life, by Professor 
 Nichol, Glasgow. BACON : Part II. Philo- 
 sophy, by the same Author. LOCKE, by 
 Professor Campbell Fraser, Edinburgh. 
 
 DESCARTES, by Professor Mahaify, Dub- 
 lin. BUTLER, by Rev. W. Lucas Collins, 
 M.A. BERKELEY, by Professor Campbell 
 Fraser, Edinburgh. FICHTE, by Professor 
 Adamson, Owens College, Manchester. 
 KANT, by Professor Wallace, Oxford. 
 HAMILTON, by Professor Veitch, Glasgow. 
 HEGEL, by Professor Edward Caird, 
 
 Glasgow. LEIBNIZ, by J. Theodore Merz. 
 
 In preparation. 
 MILL, by the Right Hon. A. J. Balfour. 
 
 FOREIGN CLASSICS FOR ENGLISH READERS, 
 
 EDITED BY MRS OLIPHANT. 
 
 In crown. 8vo, 28. 6d. 
 Contents of the Series. 
 
 DANTE, by the Editor. VOLTAIRE, by 
 Lieut-General Sir E. B. Hamley, K.C.B. 
 PASCAL, by Principal Tulloch. PET- 
 RARCH, by Henry Reeve, C.B. GOETHE, 
 By A. Hayward, Q.C. MOLIERE, by the 
 Editor and F.Tarver, M. A. MONTAIGNE, 
 by Rev. W. L. Collins, M.A. RABELAIS, 
 by Walter Besant, M.A. CALDERON, by 
 E. J. Hasell. SAINT SIMON, by Clifton 
 W. Collins, M.A. CERVANTES, by the 
 
 Editor. CORNEILLE AND RACINE, by 
 Henry M. Trollope. MADAME DE 
 SEVIGNE, by Miss Thackeray. LA FON- 
 TAINE, AND OTHER FRENCH FABULISTS, 
 
 by Rev. W. Lucas Collins, M.A. SCHIL- 
 LER, by James Sime, M.A., Author of 
 ' Lessing, his Life and Writings. ' TASSO, 
 by E. J. Hasell. ROUSSEAU, by Henry 
 Grey Graham. ALFRED DE MUSSET, by 
 C. F. Oliphant. Immediately. 
 
 In preparation. 
 LEOPARDI. By the Editor. 
 
 Now COMPLETE. 
 
 ANCIENT CLASSICS FOR ENGLISH READERS, 
 
 EDITED BY THE REV. W. LUCAS COLLINS, M.A. 
 
 Complete in 28 Vols. crown 8vo, cloth, price 28. 6d. each. And may also be had in 
 14 Volumes, strongly and neatly bound, with calf or vellum back, 3, ios. 
 
 Contents of the Series. 
 
 HOMER: THE ILIAD, by the Editor. 
 HOMER : THE ODYSSEY, by the Editor. 
 HERODOTUS, by George C. Swayne, M.A. 
 XENOPHON, by Sir Alexander Grant, Bart. , 
 LL.D. EURIPIDES, by W. B. Donne. 
 ARISTOPHANES, by the Editor. PLATO, by 
 Clifton W. Collins, M.A. LUCIAN, by the 
 Editor. 53SCHYLUS, by the Right Rev. 
 the Bishop of Colombo. SOPHOCLES, by 
 Clifton W. Collins, M.A. HESIOD AND 
 THEOGNIS, by the Rev. J. Davies, M.A. 
 GREEK ANTHOLOGY, by Lord Neaves. 
 VIRGIL, by the Editor. HORACE, by Sir 
 Theodore Martin, K.C.B. JUVENAL, by 
 Edward Walford, M.A. PLAUTUS AND 
 
 TERENCE, by the Editor. THE COMMEN- 
 TARIES OF CAESAR, by Anthony Trollope. 
 TACITUS, by W. B. Donne. CICERO, by 
 the Editor. PLINY'S LETTERS, by the 
 Rev. Alfred Church, M.A., and the Rev. 
 W J. Brodribb, M.A. LIVY, by the 
 Editor. OVID, by the Rev. A. Church, 
 M.A. CATULLUS, TIBULLUS, AND PRO- 
 PERTIUS, by the Rev. Jas. Davies, M.A. 
 DEMOSTHENES, by the Rev. W. J. 
 Brodribb, M.A. ARISTOTLE, by Sir Alex- 
 ander Grant, Bart., LL.D. THUCYDIDES, 
 by the Editor. LUCRETIUS, by W. H. 
 Mallock, M.A. PINDAR, by the Rev. F. 
 D. Morice, M.A. 
 
 Saturday Review. "It is difficult to estimate too highly the value of such a series 
 as this in giving ' English readers ' an insight, exact as far as it goes, into those 
 olden times which are so remote and yet to many of us so close."
 
 CATALOGUE 
 
 OF 
 
 MESSRS BLACKWOOD & SONS' 
 P UB LIC A TIONS. 
 
 ALISON. History of Europe. By Sir ARCHIBALD ALISON, Bart., 
 
 D.C.L. 
 
 1. From the Commencement of the French Eevolution to the 
 
 Battle of Waterloo. 
 
 LIBRARY EDITION, 14 vols., with Portraits. Demy 8vo, 10, 108. 
 ANOTHER EDITION, in 20 vols. crown 8vo, 6. 
 PEOPLE'S EDITION, 13 vols. crown 8vo, 2, us. 
 
 2. Continuation to the Accession of Louis Napoleon. 
 
 LIBRARY EDITION, 8 vols. 8vo, 6, 78. 6d. 
 PEOPLE'S EDITION, 8 vols. crown 8vo, 348. 
 
 3. Epitome of Alison's History of Europe. Twenty -ninth 
 
 Thousand, 73. 6d. 
 
 4. Atlas to Alison's History of Europe. By A. Keith Johnston. 
 
 LIBRARY EDITION, demy 4to, 3, 33. 
 
 PEOPLE'S EDITION, 318. 6d. 
 
 Life of John Duke of Marlborough. "With some Account 
 
 of his Contemporaries, and of the War of the Succession. Third Edition, 
 2 vols. 8vo. Portraits and Maps, 308. 
 
 Essays : Historical, Political, and Miscellaneous. 3 vols. 
 
 demy 8vo, 453. 
 
 ACTA SANCTORUM HIBERNLE ; Ex Codice Salmanticensi. 
 
 Nunc primum integre edita opera CAROLI DE SMEDT et JOSEPHI DE BACKER, 
 e Soc. Jesu, Hagiographorum Bollandianorum ; Auctore et Sumptus Largiente 
 JOANNE PATRICIO MARCHIONE BOTHAE. In One handsome 4to Volume, bound 
 in half roxburghe, 2, 28. ; in paper wrapper, 313. 6d. 
 
 AIRD. Poetical Works of Thomas Aird. Fifth Edition, with 
 
 Memoir of the Author by the Bev. JARDINE WALLACE, and Portrait. 
 Crown 8vo, 78. 6d. 
 
 ALLARDYCE. The City of Sunshine. By ALEXANDEB ALLAB- 
 
 DYCE. Three vols. post 8vo, i, 53. 6d. 
 
 Memoir of the Honourable George Keith Elphinstone, 
 
 K.B., Viscount Keith of Stonehaven, Marischal, Admiral of the Bed. 8vo, 
 with Portrait, Illustrations, and Maps, 218. 
 
 ALMOND. Sermons by a Lay Head-master. By HELT HUTCHIN- 
 SON ALMOND, M.A. Oxon. , Head-master of Loretto School. Crown 8vo, 53.
 
 LIST OF BOOKS PUBLISHED BY 
 
 ANCIENT CLASSICS FOR ENGLISH READERS. Edited by 
 
 Rev. W. LUCAS COLLINS, M. A. Price 23. 6d. each. For list of Vols., see page 2. 
 AYTOUN. Lays of the Scottish Cavaliers, and other Poems. By 
 W. EDMONDSTOUNE AYTODN, D.C.L., Professor of Rhetoric and Belles-Lettres 
 in the University of Edinburgh. New Edition. Fcap. 8vo, 33. 6d. 
 Another Edition, being the Thirtieth. Fcap. 8vo, cloth extra, 78. 6d. 
 Cheap Edition. Fcap. 8vo. Illustrated Cover. Price is. 
 
 An Illustrated Edition of the Lays of the Scottish Cavaliers. 
 
 From designs by Sir NOEL PATON. Small 4to, in gilt cloth, 218. 
 
 - Bothwell : a Poem. Third Edition. Fcap., 73. 6d. 
 
 . Poems and Ballads of Goethe. Translated by Professor 
 AYTOUN and Sir THEODORE MARTIN, K.C.B. Third Edition. Fcap., 6s. 
 . Bon Gaultier's Book of Ballads. By the SAME. Fifteenth 
 
 Edition. With Illustrations by Doyle, Leech, and CrowquilL Fcap. 8vo, 53. 
 
 The Ballads of Scotland. Edited by Professor AYTOUN. 
 
 Fourth Edition. 2 vols. fcap. 8vo, 128. 
 
 Memoir of William E. Aytoun, D.C.L. By Sir THEODORE 
 
 MARTIN. K.C.B. With Portrait. Post 8vo. 128. 
 
 BACH. On Musical Education and Vocal Culture. By ALBERT 
 
 B. BACH. Fourth Edition. 8vo, 73. 6d. 
 
 The Principles of Singing. A Practical Guide for Vocalists 
 
 and Teachers. With Course of Vocal Exercises. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 " The Art of Singing. With Musical Exercises for Young 
 
 People. Crown 8vo, 33. 
 
 The Art Ballad : Loewe and Schubert. With Miisic Illus- 
 trations. With a Portrait of LOEWE. Second Edition. Small 4to. 6s. 
 
 BALLADS AND POEMS. By MEMBERS OF THE GLASGOW 
 
 BALLAD CLUB. Crown 8vo, 73. 6d 
 
 BANNATYNE. Handbook of Republican Institutions in the 
 United States of America. Based upon Federal and State Laws, and other 
 reliable sources of information. By DUOALD J. BANNATYNE, Scotch Solicitor, 
 New York ; Member of the Faculty of Procurators, Glasgow. Cr. 8vo, 78. 6d. 
 
 BELLAIRS. The Transvaal War, 1880-81. Edited by Lady BEL- 
 LAIRS. With a Frontispiece and Map. 8vo, 153. 
 
 Gossips with Girls and Maidens, Betrothed and Free. 
 
 New Edition. Crown 8vo, 38. 6d. Cloth, extra gilt edges, 53. 
 
 BESANT. The Revolt of Man. By WALTER BESANT, M.A. 
 
 Ninth Edition. Crown 8vo, 33. 6d. 
 Readings in Rabelais. Crown 8vo, 73. 6d. 
 
 BEVERIDGE. Culross and Tulliallan ; or Perthshire on Forth. Its 
 
 History and Antiquities. With Elucidations of Scottish Life and Character 
 from the Burgh and Kirk-Session Records of that District. By DAVID 
 BEVERIDOE. 2 vols. 8vo, with Illustrations, 423. 
 
 Between the Ochils and the Forth ; or, From Stirling 
 
 Bridge to Aberdour. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 BLACK. Heligoland and the Islands of the North Sea. By 
 WILLIAM GEORGE BLACK. Crown 8vo, 43. 
 
 BLACKIE. Lays and Legends of Ancient Greece. By JOHN 
 STUART BLACKIE, Emeritus Professor of Greek in the University of Edin- 
 burgh. Second Edition. Fcap. 8vo. 5s. 
 
 The Wisdom of Goethe. Fcap. 8vo. Cloth, extra gilt, 6s. 
 
 Scottish Song : Its Wealth, Wisdom, and Social Signifi- 
 cance. Crown 8vo. With Music. 73. 6d. 
 
 A Song of Heroes. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 BLACKWOOD'S MAGAZINE, from Commencement in 1817 to 
 
 September 1890. Nos. i to 899, forming 147 Volumes. 
 
 Index to Blackwood's Magazine. Vois. I to 50. 8vo, 1 58.
 
 WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS. 
 
 BLACK WOOD. Tales from Blackwood. Price One Shilling each, 
 
 in Paper Cover. Sold separately at all Railway Bookstalls. 
 They may also be had bound in cloth, i8s., and in hall calf, richly gilt, 308. 
 
 Or 12 volumes in 6, roxburghe, 218., and half red morocco, z8s. 
 Tales from Blackwood. New Series. Complete in Twenty- 
 four Shilling Parts. Handsomely bound in 12 vols., cloth, 308. In leather 
 back, roxburghe style, 378. 6d. In half calf, gilt. 528. 6d. In half morocco, 558. 
 
 Tales from Blackwood. Third Series. In Parts. Each 
 price is. [Nos. I. to X. now ready. 
 Travel, Adventure, and Sport. From ' Blackwood's Maga- 
 zine.' In Parts. Uniform with ' Tales from Blackwood.' Each price is. 
 
 [Nos. I. to X. now ready. 
 Standard Novels. Uniform in size and legibly Printed. 
 
 Each Novel complete in one volume. 
 FLORIN SERIES, Illustrated Boards. Or in New Cloth Binding, 28. 6d. 
 
 TOM CRINGLE'S Loo. By Michael Scott. 
 THE CRUISE OF THE MIDGE. By the Same. 
 CYRIL THORNTON. By Captain Hamilton. 
 ANNALS OF THE PARISH. By John Gait. 
 THE PROVOST, &c. By John Gait. 
 SIR ANDREW WYLIE. By John Gait. 
 THE ENTAIL. By John Gait. 
 Miss MOLLY. By Beatrice May Butt. 
 REGINALD DALTON. By J. G. Lockhart. 
 
 PEN OWEN. By Dean Hook. 
 
 ADAM BLAIR. By J. G. Lockhart. 
 
 LADY LEE'S WIDOWHOOD. By General 
 Sir E. B. Hamley. 
 
 SALEM CHAPEL. By Mrs Oliphant. 
 
 THE PERPETUAL CURATE. By Mrs Oli- 
 phant. 
 
 Miss MARJORIBANKS. By Mrs Oliphant. 
 
 JOHN : A Love Story. By Mrs Oliphant. 
 
 SHILLING SERIES, Illustrated Cover. Or in New Cloth Binding, is. 6d. 
 
 THE RECTOR, and THE DOCTOR'S FAMILY. 
 
 By Mrs Oliphant. 
 THE LIFE OF MANSIE WAUCH. By D. M. 
 
 SIR FRIZZLE PUMPKIN, NIGHTS AT MESS, 
 
 &c. 
 THE SUBALTERN. 
 
 Moir. LIFE IN THE FAR WEST. By G. F. Ruxton. 
 
 PENINSULAR SCENES AND SKETCHES. By VALERIUS : A Roman Story. By J. G. 
 
 F. Hardman. 
 
 Lockhart. 
 
 BLACKMORE. The Maid of Sker. By R. D. BLACKMORE, Author 
 
 of ' Lorna Doone,' &c. New Edition. Cro'wn 8vo, 6s. 
 
 BLAIR. History of the Catholic Church of Scotland. From the 
 Introduction of Christianity to the Present Day. By ALPHONS BELLESHEIM, 
 D.D., Canon of Aix-la-Chapelle. Translated, with Notes and Additions, by 
 D. OSWALD HUNTER BLAIR, O.S.B., Monk of Fort Augustus. To be com- 
 pleted in 4 vols. 8vo. Vols. I. and II. 258. Vol. III. 128. 6d. 
 
 BOSCOBEL TRACTS. Relating to the Escape of Charles the 
 
 Second after the Battle of Worcester, and his subsequent Adventures. Edited 
 by J. HUGHES, Esq., A.M. A New Edition, with additional Notes and Illus- 
 trations, including Communications from the Rev. R. H. BARHAM, Author of 
 the ' Ingoldsby Legends.' 8vo, with Engravings, i6s. 
 
 BROUGHAM. Memoirs of the Life and Times of Henry Lord 
 Brougham. Written by HIMSELF. 3 vols. 8vo, 2, 8s. The Volumes are sold 
 separately, price i6s. each. 
 
 BROWN. The Forester : A Practical Treatise on the Planting, 
 Rearing, and General Management of Forest-trees. By JAMES BROWN, LL.D., 
 Inspector of and Reporter on Woods and Forests. Fifth Edition, revised and 
 enlarged. Royal 8vo, with Engravings, 368. 
 
 BROWN. The Ethics of George Eliot's Works. By JOHN CROMBIE 
 
 BROWN. Fourth Edition. Crown 8vo. 28. 6d. 
 
 BROWN. A Manual of Botany, Anatomical and Physiological. 
 For the Use of Students. By ROBERT BROWN, M. A., Ph.D. Crown 8vo, with 
 numerous Illustrations, 128. 6d. 
 
 BRUCE. In Clover and Heather. Poems by WALLACE BRUCE. 
 
 Crown 8vo, 43. 6d. 
 
 A limited number of Copies on large hand-made paper, 128. 6d. 
 
 BRYDALL. Art in Scotland ; its Origin and Progress. By ROBERT 
 
 BRYDALL, Master of St George's Art School of Glasgow. 8vo, 128. 6d.
 
 LIST OF BOOKS PUBLISHED BY 
 
 BUCHAN. Introductory Text-Book of Meteorology. By ALEX- 
 ANDER BUCHAN, M.A., P.R.S.E., Secretary of the Scottish Meteorological 
 Society, &c. Crown 8vo, with 8 Coloured Charts and Engravings, 43. 6d. 
 
 BUCHANAN. The Shire Highlands (East Central Africa). By 
 
 JOHN BUCHANAN, Planter at Zomba. Crown 8vo, 53. 
 
 BURBIDGE. Domestic Floriculture, Window Gardening, and 
 Floral Decorations. Being practical directions for the Propagation, Culture, 
 and Arrangement of Plants and Flowers as Domestic Ornaments. By F. W. 
 BURBIDGE. Second Edition. Crown 8vo, with numerous Illustrations, 78. 6d. 
 
 Cultivated Plants : Their Propagation and Improvement. 
 
 Including Natural and Artificial Hybridisation, Raising from Seed, Cuttings, 
 and Layers, Grafting and Budding, as applied to the Families and Genera in 
 Cultivation. Crown 8vo, with numerous Illustrations, 128. 6d. 
 
 BURTON. The History of Scotland : From Agricola's Invasion to 
 
 the Extinction of the last Jacobite Insurrection. By JOHN HILL BURTON, 
 D.C.L., Historiographer-Royal for Scotland. New and Enlarged Edition, 
 8 vols., and Index. Crown 8vo, 3, 33. 
 
 History of the British Empire during the Reign of Queen 
 
 Anne. In 3 vols. 8vo. 363. 
 
 The Scot Abroad. Third Edition. Crown 8vo, IDS. 6d. 
 
 The Book-Hunter. New Edition. With Portrait. Crown 
 
 8vo, 78. 6d. 
 
 BUTE. The Roman Breviary : Reformed by Order of the Holy 
 
 (Ecumenical Council of Trent ; Published by Order of Pope St Pius V. ; and 
 Revised by Clement VIII. and Urban VIII.; together with the Offices since 
 granted. Translated out of Latin into English by JOHN, Marquess of Bute, 
 K.T. In 2 vols, crown 8vo. cloth boards, edges uncut. ^2,28. 
 
 The Altus of St Columba. With a Prose Paraphrase and 
 
 Notes. In paper cover, 28. 6d. 
 
 BUTLER. Pompeii : Descriptive and Picturesque. By W. 
 
 BUTLER. Post 8vo, 53. 
 
 BUTT. Miss Molly. By BEATRICE MAT BUTT. Cheap Edition, 2s. 
 
 Eugenie. Crown 8vo, 6s. 6d. 
 
 Elizabeth, and Other Sketches. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 Novels. New and Uniform Edition. Crown 8vo, each 2S. 6d. 
 
 Delicia. Now ready. 
 
 CAIRD. Sermons. By JOHN CAIRO, D.D., Principal of the Uni- 
 versity of Glasgow. Sixteenth Thousand. Fcap. 8vo, 53. 
 
 Religion in Common Life. A Sermon preached in Crathie 
 
 Church, October 14, 1855, before Her Majesty the Queen and Prince Albert. 
 Published by Her Majesty's Command. Cheap Edition, sd. 
 
 CAMPBELL. Sermons Preached before the Queen at Balmoral. 
 
 By the Rev. A. A. CAMPBELL, Minister of Crathie. Published by Command 
 of Her Majesty. Crown 8vo, 48. 6d. 
 
 CAMPBELL. Records of Argyll. Legends, Traditions, and Re- 
 collections of Argyllshire Highlanders, collected chiefly from the Gaelic. 
 With Notes on the Antiquity of the Dress, Clan Colours or Tartans of the 
 Highlanders. By LORD ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL. Illustrated with Nineteen 
 full-page Etchings. 4to, printed on hand-made paper, 3, 33. 
 
 CANTON. A Lost Epic, and other Poems. By WILLIAM CANTON. 
 
 Crown 8vo, 58. 
 
 CARR. Margaret Maliphant. A Novel. By Mrs COMYNS CARR, 
 
 Author of 'La Fortunina,' ' North Italian Folk.'&c. 3 vols. post 8vo, 253. 6d. 
 CARRICK. Koumiss ; or, Fermented Mare's Milk : and its Uses 
 in the Treatment and Cure of Pulmonary Consumption, and other Wasting 
 Diseases. With an Appendix on the best Methods of Fermenting Cow's Milk. 
 By GEORGE L. CARRICK, M.D., L.R.C.S.E. and L.R.C.P.E., Physician to the 
 British Embassy, St Petersburg, &c. Crown 8vo, xos. 6d.
 
 WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS. 
 
 CAUVIN. A Treasury of the English and German Languages. 
 Compiled from the best Authors and Lexicographers in both Languages. 
 By JOSEPH CAUVIN, LL.D. and Ph.D., of the University of Gottingen, &c. 
 Crown 8vo, 73. 6d. 
 
 CAVE-BROWN. Lambeth Palace and its Associations. By J. 
 
 CAVE-BROWN, M.A., Vicar of Betting, Kent, and for many years Curate of Lam- 
 beth Parish Church. With an Introduction by the Archbishop of Canterbury. 
 Second Edition, containing an additional Chapter on Medieval Life in the 
 Old Palaces. 8vo, with Illustrations, 218. 
 
 CHARTERIS. Canonicity ; or, Early Testimonies to the Existence 
 and Use of the Books of the New Testament. Based on Kirchhoffer's ' Quel- 
 lensammlung. ' Edited by A. H. CHARTERIS, D.D., Professor of Biblical 
 Criticism in the University of Edinburgh. 8vo, i8s. 
 
 CHRISTISON. Life of Sir Robert Christison, Bart., M.D., D.C.L. 
 
 Oxpn., Professor of Medical Jurisprudence in the University of Edinburgh. 
 Edited by his SONS. In two vols. 8vo. Vol. I. Autobiography. i6s. Vol.11. 
 Memoirs. i6s. 
 
 CHURCH SERVICE SOCIETY. A Book of Common Order : 
 
 Being Forms of Worship issued by the Church Service Society. Sixth Edi- 
 tion. Crown, 8vo, 6s. Also in 2 vols, crown 8vo, 6s. 6d. 
 
 CLELAND. Barbara Allan, the Provost's Daughter. By ROBERT 
 
 CLELAND, Author of ' Inchbracken,' ' True to a Type,' &c. 2 vols." 173. 
 CLOUSTON. Popular Tales and Fictions : their Migrations and 
 Transformations. By W. A. CLOUSTON, Editor of ' Arabian Poetry for Eng- 
 lish Readers,' ' The Book of Sindibad,' &c. 2 vols. post Svo, roxburghe bind- 
 ing, 253. 
 
 COBBAN. Master of his Fate. By J. MACLAREN COBBAN, Author 
 
 of 'The Cure of Souls,' 'Tinted Vapours,' &c. Crown Svo, 33. 6d. 
 
 COCHRAN. A Handy Text-Book of Military Law. Compiled 
 
 chiefly to assist Officers preparing for Examination ; also for all Officers of 
 the Regular and Auxiliary Forces. Comprising also a Synopsis of part of 
 the Army Act. By Major F. COCHRAN, Hampshire Regiment Garrison In- 
 structor, North British District. Crown Svo, js. 6d. 
 
 COLQUHOUN. The Moor and the Loch. Containing Minute 
 Instructions in all Highland Sports, with Wanderings over Crag and Corrie, 
 Flood and FeU. By JOHN COLQUHOUN. Seventh Edition. With Illustra- 
 tions. Svo, 2is. 
 
 COTTERILL. Suggested Reforms in Public Schools. By C. C. 
 
 COTTERILL, M.A. Crown Svo, 33. 6d. 
 
 CRANSTOUN. The Elegies of Albius Tibullus. Translated into 
 
 English Verse, with Life of the Poet, and Illustrative Notes. By JAMES CRAN- 
 STOUN, LL.D., Author of a Translation of ' Catullus.' Crown 8yo, 6s. 6d. 
 
 The Elegies of Sextus Propertius. Translated into English 
 
 Verse, with Life of the Poet, and Illustrative Notes. Crown Svo, 73. 6d. 
 
 CRAWFORD. Saracinesca. By F. MARION CRAWFORD, Author of 
 
 ' Mr Isaacs," Dr Claudius," Zoroaster,' &c. &c. Fifth Ed. Crown Svo, 6s. 
 CRAWFORD. The Doctrine of Holy Scripture respecting the 
 Atonement. By the late THOMAS J. CRAWFORD, D.D. , Professor of Divinity in 
 the University of Edinburgh. Fifth Edition. Svo, 128. 
 
 The Fatherhood of God, Considered in its General 
 
 and Special Aspects, and particularly in relation to the Atonement, with a 
 Review of Recent Speculations on the Subject By the late THOMAS J. 
 CRAWFORD, D.D., Professor of Divinity in the University of Edinburgh. 
 Third Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Svo, 98. 
 
 The Preaching of the Cross, and other Sermons. Svo, 73. 6d. 
 
 The Mysteries of Christianity. Crown Svo, 73. 6d. 
 
 CRAWFORD. An Atonement of East London, and other Poems. 
 
 By HOWARD CRAWFORD, M.A. Crown Svo, 53. 
 
 CUSHING. The Bull i' th' Thorn. A Romance. By PAUL 
 
 CUSHINO. 3 vols. Crown Svo, 258. 6d.
 
 LIST OF BOOKS PUBLISHED BY 
 
 GUSHING. The Blacksmith of Voe. Cheap Edition. Crown 8vo, 
 
 33. 6d. 
 
 DAVIES. Norfolk Broads and Rivers ; or, The Waterways, Lagoons, 
 and Decoys of East Anglia. By G. CHRISTOPHER DAVIES, Author of ' The 
 Swan and her Crew.' Illustrated with Seven full-page Plates. New and 
 Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 Our Home in Aveyron. Sketches of Peasant Life in 
 
 Aveyron and the Lot. By G. CHRISTOPHER DAVIES and Mrs BRODGHALL. 
 Illustrated with full- page Illustrations. 8vo, iss. 
 
 DAYNE. In the Name of the Tzar. A Novel. By J. BELFORD 
 
 DAYNE. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 Tribute to Satan. A Novel. Crown 8vo, 2s. 6d. 
 
 DE LA WARE. An Eastern Cruise in the 'Edeline.' By the 
 
 Countess DE LA WARR. In Illustrated Cover. 23. 
 
 DESCARTES. The Method, Meditations, and Principles of Philo- 
 sophy of Descartes. Translated from the Original French and Latin. With a 
 New Introductory Essay, Historical and Critical, on the Cartesian Philosophy. 
 By JOHN VEITCH, LL.D., Professor of Logic and Rhetoric in the University of 
 Glasgow. A New Edition, being the Ninth. Price 6s. 6d. 
 
 DICKSON. Gleanings from Japan. By W. G. DICKSON, Author 
 
 of ' Japan : Being a Sketch of its History, Government, and Officers of the 
 Empire.' With Illustrations. 8vo, i6s. 
 
 DOGS, OUR DOMESTICATED : Their Treatment in reference 
 
 to Food, Diseases, Habits, Punishment, Accomplishments. By 'MAGENTA.' 
 Crown 8vo, as. 6d. 
 
 DR HERMIONE. By the Author of 'Lady Bluebeard/ 'Zit and 
 
 Xoe.' Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 DU CANE. The Odyssey of Homer, Books I. -XII. Translated into 
 
 English Verse. By Sir CHARLES Du CANE, K.C.M.G. 8vo, IDS. 6d. 
 DUDGEON. History of the Edinburgh or Queen's Regiment 
 
 Light Infantry Militia, now 3rd Battalion The Royal Scots; with an 
 
 Account of the Origin and Progress of the Militia, and a Brief Sketch of the 
 
 old Royal Scots. By Major R. C. DUDGEON, Adjutant srd Battalion The Royal 
 
 Scots. Post 8vo, with Illustrations, IDS. 6d. 
 DUNCAN. Manual of the General Acts of Parliament relating to 
 
 the Salmon Fisheries of Scotland from 1828 to 1882. By J. BARKER DUNCAN. 
 
 Crown 8vo, 53. 
 
 DUNSMORE. Manual of the Law of Scotland as to the Relations 
 
 between Agricultural Tenants and their Landlords, Servants, Merchants, and 
 powers. By W. DUNSMORE. 8vo, 78. 6d. 
 
 DUPRE. Thoughts on Art, and Autobiographical Memoirs of 
 Giovanni Dupre. Translated from the Italian by E. M. PERUZZI, with the 
 permission of the Author. New Edition. With an Introduction by W. W. 
 STORY. Crown 8vo, ios. 6d. 
 
 ELIOT. George Eliot's Life, Related in her Letters and Journals. 
 Arranged and Edited by her husband, J. W. CROSS. With Portrait and other 
 Illustrations. Third Edition. 3 vols. post 8vo, 428. 
 
 George Eliot's Life. (Cabinet Edition.) With Portrait 
 
 and other Illustrations. 3 vols. crown Svo, 158. 
 
 George Eliot's Life. With Portrait and other Illustrations. 
 
 New Edition, in one volume. Crown Svo, 78. 6d. 
 
 Works of George Eliot (Cabinet Edition). Handsomely 
 
 printed in a new type, 21 volumes, crown Svo, price .5, 58. The Volumes 
 are also sold separately, price 53. each, viz. : 
 
 Bomola. 2 vols. Silas Marner, The Lifted Veil, Brother Jacob, i vol. 
 Adam Bede. 2 vols. Scenes of Clerical Life. 2 vols. The Mill on 
 the Floss. 2 vols. Felix Holt. 2 vols. Middlemarch. 3 vols. 
 Daniel Deronda. 3 vols. The Spanish Gypsy, i vol. Jubal, and 
 other Poems, Old and New. i vol. Theophrastus Such, i vol. 
 Essays, i vol.
 
 WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS. 
 
 ELIOT. Novels by GEORGE ELIOT. Cheap Edition. Adam Bede. Il- 
 lustrated. 33. 6d., cloth. The Mill on the Floss. Illus- 
 trated. 33. 6d., cloth. Scenes of Clerical Life. Illustrated. 
 33., cloth. Silas Marner : the Weaver of Eaveloe. Illus- 
 trated. 28. 6d., cloth. Felix Holt, the Radical. Illustrated. 
 33. 6d., cloth. Romola. With Vignette. 33. 6d. , cloth. 
 Middlemarch. Crown Svo, 78. 6d. 
 
 Daniel Deronda. Crown 8vo, 73. 6d. 
 
 . Essays. New Edition. Crown 8vo, 58. 
 
 Impressions of Theophrastus Such. New Edition. Crown 
 
 Svo, ss. 
 
 The Spanish Gypsy. New Edition. Crown Svo, 53. 
 
 The Legend of Jubal, and other Poems, Old and New. 
 
 New Edition. Crown Svo, 53. 
 Wise, Witty, and Tender Sayings, in Prose and Verse. 
 
 Selected from the Works of GEORGE ELIOT. Eighth Edition. Fcap. Svo, 66. 
 The George Eliot Birthday Book. Printed on fine paper, 
 
 with red border, and handsomely bound in cloth, gilt. Fcap. Svo, cloth, 33. 6d. 
 And in French morocco or Russia, 58. 
 
 ESSAYS ON SOCIAL SUBJECTS. Originally published in 
 
 the ' Saturday Review.' A New Edition. First and Second Series. 2 vols. 
 crown Svo, 6s. each. 
 
 EWALD. The Crown and its Advisers ; or, Queen, Ministers, 
 Lords and Commons. By ALEXANDER CHARLES EWALD.F.S. A. Crown Svo, 53. 
 
 FAITHS OF THE WORLD, The. A Concise History of the 
 
 Great Religious Systems of the World. By various Authors. Being the St 
 Giles' Lectures Second Series. Crown Svo, 53. 
 
 FARRER. A Tour in Greece in 1880. By RICHARD RIDLEY 
 
 FARRER. With Twenty -seven full -page Illustrations by LORD WINDSOR. 
 Royal Svo, with a Map, 2is. 
 
 FERRIER. Philosophical Works of the late James F. Ferrier, 
 B.A. Oxon., Professor of Moral Philosophy and Political Economy, St Andrews. 
 New Edition. Edited by Sir ALEX. GRANT, Bart., D.C.L., and Professor 
 LUSHINGTON. 3 vols. crown Svo, 343. 6d. 
 
 Institutes of Metaphysic. Third Edition. ios. 6d. 
 
 Lectures on the Early Greek Philosophy. Third Edition, 
 
 ios. 6d. 
 
 Philosophical Remains, including the Lectures on Early 
 
 Greek Philosophy. 2 vols., 243. 
 FLETCHER. Lectures on the Opening Clauses of the Litany 
 delivered in St Paul's Church, Edinburgh. By JOHN B. FLETCHER, M.A. 
 Crown Svo, 4s. 
 
 FLINT.. The Philosophy of History in Europe. By ROBERT 
 FLINT, D.D., LL.D., Professor of Divinity, University of Edinburgh. 2 vols. 
 Svo. [New Edition in preparation. 
 
 Theism. Being the Baird Lecture for 1876. Seventh Edi- 
 tion. Crown Svo, 78. 6d. 
 
 Anti-Theistic Theories. Being the Baird Lecture for 1877. 
 
 Fourth Edition. Crown Svo, ios. 6d. 
 
 Agnosticism. Being the Croall Lectures for 1887-88. 
 
 \In the press. 
 
 FORBES. Insulinde : Experiences of a Naturalist's Wife in the 
 Eastern Archipelago. By Mrs H. O. FORBES. Crown Svo, with a Map. 43. 6d. 
 
 FOREIGN CLASSICS FOR ENGLISH READERS. Edited 
 
 by Mrs OLIPHANT. Price 28. 6d. For List of Volumes published, see page 2. 
 
 FULLARTON. Merlin : A Dramatic Poem. By RALPH MACLEOD 
 
 FULLARTON. Crown Svo, 58.
 
 10 LIST OF BOOKS PUBLISHED BY 
 
 GALT. Annals of the Parish. By JOHN GALT. Fcap. 8vo, 2s. 
 
 The Provost. Fcap. 8vo, 2s. 
 
 Sir Andrew Wylie. Fcap. 8vo, 2s. 
 
 The Entail ; or, The Laird of Grippy. Fcap. 8vo, 2s. 
 
 GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. 
 
 Prayers for Social and Family Worship. Prepared by a 
 
 Special Committee of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland. En- 
 tirely New Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Fcap. 8vo, red edges, 28. 
 
 Prayers for Family Worship. A Selection from the com- 
 plete book. Fcap. 8vo, red edges, price is. 
 
 Scottish Hymnal, with Appendix Incorporated. Pub- 
 lished for Use in Churches by Authority of the General Assembly, i. Large 
 type, cloth, red edges, as. 6d. ; French morocco, 48. 2. Bourgeois type, limp 
 cloth, is.; French morocco, 28. 3. Nonpareil type, cloth, red edges, 6d. ; 
 French morocco, is. 4d. 4. Paper covers, 3d. 5. Sunday - School Edition, 
 paper covers, id. No. i, bound with the Psalms and Paraphrases, French 
 morocco, 8s. No. 2, bound with the Psalms and Paraphrases, cloth, 28. ; 
 French morocco, 33. 
 
 GERARD. Reata: What's in a Name. By E. D. GERARD. 
 
 New Edition. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 Beggar my Neighbour. New Edition. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 The Waters of Hercules. New Edition. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 GERARD. The Land beyond the Forest. Facts, Figures, and 
 Fancies from Transylvania. By E. GERARD. In Two Volumes. With Maps 
 and Illustrations. 253. 
 
 GERARD. Lady Baby. By DOROTHEA GERARD, Author of 
 
 ' Orthodox." New Edition. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 Recha. Second Edition. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 GERARD. Stony hurst Latin Grammar. By Rev. JOHN GERARD. 
 
 Fcap. 8vo, 35. 
 
 GILL. Free Trade : an Inquiry into the Nature of its Operation. 
 
 By RICHARD GILL. Crown 8vo, 73. 6d. 
 Free Trade under Protection. Crown 8vo, ys. 6d. 
 
 GOETHE'S FAUST. Translated into English Verse by Sir THEO- 
 DORE MARTIN, K.C.B. Part I. Second Edition, post 8vo, 6s. Ninth Edi- 
 tion, fcap., 38. 6d. Part II. Second Edition, revised. Fcap. 8 vo, 6s. 
 
 GOETHE. Poems and Ballads of Goethe. Translated by Professor 
 AYTOUN and Sir THEODORE MARTIN, K.C.B. Third Edition, fcap. 8vo, 6s. 
 
 GOODALL. Juxta Crucem. Studies of the Love that is over us. 
 By the late Rev. CHARLES GOODALL, B.D., Minister ofBarr. With a Memoir 
 by Rev. Dr Strong, Glasgow, and Portrait. Crown Svo, 6s. 
 
 GORDON GUMMING. At Home in Fiji. By C. F. GORDON 
 
 GUMMING, Author of ' From the Hebrides to the Himalayas. ' Fourth Edition, 
 post Svo. With Illustrations and Map. 73. 6d. 
 
 A Lady's Cruise in a French Man-of-War. New and 
 
 Cheaper Edition. Svo. With Illustrations and Map. 128. 6d. 
 
 Fire-Fountains. The Kingdom of Hawaii : Its Volcanoes, 
 
 and the History of its Missions. With Map and Illustrations. 2 vols. Svo, 258. 
 
 Wanderings in China. New and Cheaper Edition. Svo, 
 
 with Illustrations, ios. 
 
 Granite Crags : The Y5-semit Region of California. Il- 
 lustrated with 8 Engravings. New and Cheaper Edition. Svo, 8s. 6d 
 
 GRAHAM. The Life and Work of Syed Ahmed Khan, C.S.I. 
 
 By Lieut. -Colonel G. F. I. GRAHAM, B.S.C. Svo, 143. 
 
 GRANT. Bush-Life in Queensland. By A. C. GRANT. New 
 
 Edition. Crown 8vo, 6s.
 
 WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS. 11 
 
 GRIFFITHS. Locked Up. By Major ARTHUR GRIFFITHS, 
 
 Author of ' The Wrong Road,' ' Chronicles of Newgate,' <fec. With Illustrations 
 by C. J. STANILAND, R.I. Crown 8vo, 28. 6d. 
 
 HAGGAED. Dodo and I. A Novel. By Captain ANDREW HAGGARD, 
 
 D.S.O. Second Edition. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 HALDANE. Subtropical Cultivations and Climates. A Handy 
 Book for Planters, Colonists, and Settlers. By R. C. HALDANE. PostSvo, 98. 
 
 HALLETT. A Thousand Miles on an Elephant in the Shan States. 
 By HOLT S. HALLETT, M. Inst. C.E., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., Hon. Member Man- 
 chester and Tyneside Geographical Societies. 8vo, with Maps and numerous 
 Illustrations, 218. 
 
 HAMEETON. Wenderholme : A Story of Lancashire and York- 
 shire Life. By PHILIP GILBERT HAMERTON, Author of 'A Painter's Camp.' A 
 New Edition. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 HAMILTON. Lectures on Metaphysics. By Sir WILLIAM HAMIL- 
 TON, Bart., Professor of Logic and Metaphysics in the University of Edinburgh. 
 Edited by the Rev. H. L. MANSEL, B.D., LL.D., Dean of St Paul's ; and JOHN 
 VEITCH, M.A., LL.D., Professor of Logic and Rhetoric, Glasgow. Seventh 
 Edition. 2 vols. 8vo, 243. 
 
 Lectures on Logic. Edited by the SAME. Third Edition. 
 
 2 VOlS., 248. 
 
 Discussions on Philosophy and Literature, Education and 
 
 University Reform. Third Edition, 8vo, 218. 
 
 Memoir of Sir William Hamilton, Bart., Professor of Logic 
 
 and Metaphysics in the University of Edinburgh. By Professor VEITCH, of the 
 University of Glasgow. 8vo, with Portrait, i8s. 
 
 Sir William Hamilton : The Man and his Philosophy. 
 
 Two Lectures delivered before the Edinburgh Philosophical Institution, 
 January and February 1883. By the SAME. Crown 8vo, 28. 
 
 HAMLEY. The Operations of War Explained and Illustrated. By 
 General Sir EDWARD BRUCE HAMLEY, K. C.B., K.C.M.G., M.P. Fifth Edition, 
 revised throughout. 4to, with numerous Illustrations, 308. 
 
 National Defence ; Articles and Speeches. Post 8vo, 6s. 
 
 Shakespeare's Funeral, and other Papers. Post 8vo, 73. 6d. 
 
 Thomas Carlyle : An Essay. Second Edition. Crown 
 
 8vo. 28. 6d. 
 
 On Outposts. Second Edition. 8vo, 28. 
 
 Wellington's Career ; A Military and Political Summary. 
 
 Crown 8vo, 28. 
 
 Lady Lee's Widowhood. Crown 8vo, 28. 6d. 
 
 Our Poor Eelations. A Philozoic Essay. With Illus- 
 
 trations, chiefly by Ernest Griset. Crown 8vo, cloth gilt, 33. 6d. 
 HAMLEY. Guilty, or Not Guilty ? A Tale. By Major-General 
 
 W. G. HAMLEY, late of the Royal Engineers. New Edition. Crown 8vo, 33. 6d. 
 HAEEISON. The Scot in Ulster. The Story of the Scottish 
 Settlement in Ulster. By JOHN HARRISON, Author of ' Oure Tounis Col- 
 ledge.' Crown 8vo, 28. 6d. 
 
 HASELL. Bible Partings. By E. J. HASELL. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 Short Family Prayers. Cloth, is. 
 
 HAY. The Works of the Eight Eev. Dr George Hay, Bishop of 
 
 Edinburgh. Edited under the Supervision of the Right Rev. Bishop STRAIN. 
 With Memoir and Portrait of the Author. 5 vols. crown 8vo, bound in extra 
 cloth, i, is. The following Volumes may be had separately viz. : 
 The Devout Christian Instructed in the Law of Christ from the Written Word. 2 
 
 vols., 8s. The Pious Christian Instructed in the Nature and Practice of the Principal 
 
 Exercises of Piety, i vol., 33.
 
 12 LIST OF BOOKS PUBLISHED BY 
 
 HEATLEY. The Horse-Owner's Safeguard. A Handy Medical 
 Guide for every Man who owns a Horse. By G. S. HEATLEY, M.R.C.V.8. 
 Crown 8vo, 53. 
 
 The Stock-Owner's Guide. A Handy Medical Treatise for 
 
 every Man who owns an Ox or a Cow. Crown 8vo, 48. 6d. 
 
 HEDDERWICK. Lays of Middle Age ; and other Poems. By 
 JAMES HEDDERWICK, LL.D. Price 33. 6d. 
 
 HEMANS. The Poetical Works of Mrs Hemans. Copyright Edi- 
 tions. Eoyal 8vo, 53. The Same, with Engravings, cloth, gilt edges, 73. 6d. 
 Six Vols. in Three, fcap., izs. 6d. 
 SELECT POEMS OF MRS HEMANS. Fcap., cloth, gilt edges, 33. 
 
 HOME PRAYERS. By Ministers of the Church of Scotland and 
 Members of the Church Service Society. Second Edition. Fcap. 8vo, 33. 
 
 HOMER. The Odyssey. Translated into English Verse in the 
 Spenserian Stanza. By PHILIP STANHOPE WORSLEY. Third Edition, 2 vols. 
 fcap., IBS. 
 
 The Iliad. Translated by P. S. WORSLEY and Professor 
 
 CONINOTON. 2 VOlS. CrOWU 8VO, 213. 
 
 HUTCHINSON. Hints on the Game of Golf. By HORACE G. 
 
 HUTCHINSON. Fifth Edition. Fcap. 8vo, cloth, is. 6d. 
 
 IDDESLEIGH. Lectures and Essays. By the late EARL OF 
 IDDESLEIGH, G.C.B., D.C.L., &c. 8vo, i6s. 
 
 Life, Letters, and Diaries of Sir Stafford Northcote, First 
 
 Earl of Iddesleigh. By ANDREW LANG. With Three Portraits and a View of 
 Pynes. 2 vols. Post 8vo, 313. 6d. 
 
 INDEX GEOGRAPHICUS : Being a List, alphabetically arranged, 
 
 of the Principal Places on the Globe, with the Countries and Subdivisions of 
 the Countries in which they are situated, and their Latitudes and Longitudes. 
 Imperial 8vo, pp. 676, 2is. 
 
 JAMIESON. Discussions on the Atonement : Is it Vicarious ? 
 By the Rev. GEORGE JAMIESON, A.M., B.D., D.D., Author of 'Profound Pro- 
 blems in Philosophy and Theology.' 8vo, i6s. 
 
 JEAN J AMBON. Our Trip to Blunderland ; or, Grand Excursion 
 to Bluiidertown and Back. By JEAN JAMBON. With Sixty Illustrations 
 designed by CHARLES DOYLE, engraved by DALZIEL. Fourth Thousand. 
 Cloth, gilt edges, 6s. 6d. Cheap Edition, cloth, 33. 6d. Boards, 28. 6d. 
 
 JENNINGS. Mr Gladstone : A Study. By Louis J. JENNINGS, 
 
 M.P., Author of ' Republican Government in the United States,' ' The Croker 
 Memoirs,' &c. Popular Edition. Crown 8vo, is. 
 
 JERNINGHAM. Reminiscences of an Attache. By HUBERT 
 E. H. JERNINGHAM. Second Edition. Crown 8vo, 53. 
 
 Diane de Breteuille. A Love Story. Crown 8vo, 28. 6d. 
 
 JOHNSTON. The Chemistry of Common Life. By Professor 
 J. F. W. JOHNSTON. New Edition, Revised, and brought down to date. By 
 ARTHUR HERBERT CHURCH, M.A. Oxon. ; Author of 'Food: its Sources, 
 Constituents, and Uses,' &c., &c. Illustrated with Maps and 102 Engravings 
 on Wood. Complete in one volume, crown 8vo, 73. 6d. 
 
 Elements of Agricultural Chemistry and Geology. Re- 
 vised, and brought down to date. By Sir CHARLES A. CAMERON, M.D., 
 F.R. C.S.I., &c. Fifteenth Edition. Fcap. 8vo, 6s. 6d. 
 
 Catechism of Agricultural Chemistry and Geology. New 
 
 Edition, revised and enlarged, by Sir C. A. CAMERON. Eighty-sixth Thousand, 
 with numerous Illustrations, is. 
 
 JOHNSTON. Patrick Hamilton : a Tragedy of the Reformation 
 
 in Scotland, 1528. By T. P. JOHNSTON. Crown 8vo, with Two Etchings. 53. 
 KER. Short Studies on St Paul's Letter to the Philippians. By 
 Rev. WILLIAM LEE KER, Minister of Kilwinning. Crown 8vo, 53.
 
 WILLIAM BLACK WOOD AND SONS. 13 
 
 KING. The Metamorphoses of Ovid. Translated in English Blank 
 Verse. By HENRY KINO, M.A., Fellow of Wadham College, Oxford, and of 
 the Inner Temple, Barrister-at-Law. Crown 8vo 108. 6d. 
 
 KINGLAKE. History of the Invasion of the Crimea. By A. W. 
 KINGLAKE. Cabinet Edition, revised. Illustrated with Maps and Plans. Com- 
 plete in 9 Vols., crown 8vo, at 6s. each. The Vols. respectively contain: 
 I. THE ORIGIN OF THE WAR. II. RUSSIA MET AND INVADED. III. THE 
 BATTLE OF THE ALMA. IV. SEBASTOPOL AT BAT. V. THE BATTLE OF 
 BALACLAVA. VI. THE BATTLE OF INKERMAN. VII. WINTER TROUBLES. 
 VIII. and IX. FROM THE MORROW OF INKERMAN TO THE DEATH OF LORD 
 RAGLAN. With an Index to the Complete Work. 
 
 History of the Invasion of the Crimea. Demy 8vo. Vol. 
 
 VI. Winter Troubles. With a Map, i6s. Vols. VII. and VIII. From the 
 Morrow of Inkerman to the Death of Lord Raglan. With an Index to the 
 Whole Work. With Maps and Plans. 28s. 
 
 Eothen. A New Edition, uniform with the Cabinet Edition 
 
 of the ' History of the Invasion of the Crimea,' price 6s. 
 KNOLL YS. The Elements of Field- Artillery. Designed for the 
 Use of Infantry and Cavalry Officers. By HENRY KNOLLYS, Captain Royal 
 Artillery; Author of 'From Sedan to Saarbrtick,' Editor of 'Incidents in the 
 Sepoy War,' &c. With Engravings. Crown 8vo, 78. 6d. 
 
 LAMINGTON. In the Days of the Dandies. By the late Lord 
 
 LAMINGTON. Crown 8vo. Illustrated cover, is. ; cloth, is. 6d. 
 
 LAWLESS. Hurrish : a Study. By the Hon. EMILY LAWLESS, 
 
 Author of 'A Chelsea Householder,' &c. Fifth Edition, crown 8vo, 6s. 
 LAWSON. Spain of To-day : A Descriptive, Industrial, and Finan- 
 cial Survey of the Peninsula, with a full account of the Rio Tinto Mines. By 
 W. R. LAWSON Crown 8vo, 38 6d. 
 
 LEES. A Handbook of Sheriff Court Styles. By J. M. LEES, 
 M.A., LL.B., Advocate, Sheriff-Substitute of Lanarkshire. New Ed. , 8vo, 218. 
 
 A Handbook of the Sheriff and Justice of Peace Small 
 
 Debt Courts. 8vo, 78. 6d. 
 
 LETTERS FROM THE HIGHLANDS. Reprinted from 'The 
 
 Times.' Fcap. 8vo, 43. 6d. 
 
 LIGHTFOOT. Studies in Philosophy. By the Rev. J. LIGHTFOOT, 
 
 M.A.,D.Sc., Vicar of Cross Stone, Todmorden. Crown 8vo, 48. 6d. 
 
 LITTLE HAND AND MUCKLE GOLD. A Study of To-day. 
 
 In 3 vols. post 8vo, 253. 6d. 
 
 LOCKHART. Doubles and Quits. By LAURENCE W. M. LOCK- 
 HART. New Edition. Crown 8vo, 33. 6d. 
 
 Fair to See : a Novel. New Edition. Crown 8vo, 33. 6d. 
 
 Mine is Thine : a Novel. New Edition. Crown 8vo, 33. 6d. 
 
 LORIMER. The Institutes of Law : A Treatise of the Principles 
 
 of Jurisprudence as determined by Nature. By the late JAMES LORIMER, 
 Professor of Public Law and of the Law of Nature and Nations in the Uni- 
 versity of Edinburgh. New Edition, revised and much enlarged. 8vo, i8s. 
 
 The Institutes of the Law of Nations. A Treatise of the 
 
 Jural Relation of Separate Political Communities. In 2 vols. 8vo. Volume 
 
 I., price i6s. Volume II., price 208. 
 
 M'COMBIE. Cattle and Cattle-Breeders. By WILLIAM M'CoMBiE, 
 
 Tillyfour. New Edition, enlarged, with Memoir of the Author. By JAMES 
 MACDONALD, of the ' Farming World.' Crown 8vo, 38. 6d. 
 
 MACRAE. A Handbook of Deer -Stalking. By ALEXANDER 
 
 MACRAE, late Forester to Lord Henry Bentinck. With Introduction by 
 HORATIO Ross, Esq. Fcap. 8vo, with two Photographs from Life. 33. 6d. 
 
 M'CRIE. Works of the Rev. Thomas M'Crie, D.D. Uniform Edi- 
 tion. Four vols. crown 8vo, 248.
 
 14 LIST OF BOOKS PUBLISHED BY 
 
 M'CRIE. Life of John Knox. Containing Illustrations of the His- 
 tory of the Reformation in Scotland. Crown 8vo, 6s. Another Edition, 33. 6d. 
 
 Life of Andrew Melville. Containing Illustrations of the 
 
 Ecclesiastical and Literary History of Scotland in the Sixteenth and Seven- 
 teenth Centuries. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 History of the Progress and Suppression of the Reforma- 
 tion in Italy in the Sixteenth Century. Crown 8vo, 43. 
 
 History of the Progress and Suppression of the Reforma- 
 
 tion in Spain in the Sixteenth Century. Crown 8vo, 33. 6d. 
 Lectures on the Book of Esther. Fcap. 8vo, 53. 
 
 MACDONALD. A Manual of the Criminal Law (Scotland) Pro- 
 cedure Act, 1887. By NORMAN DORAN MACDONALD. Revised by the LORD 
 JUSTICE-CLERK. 8vo, cloth. ios. 6d. 
 
 MACGREGOR. Life and Opinions of Major-General Sir Charles 
 MacGregor, K.C.B., C.S.I., C.I.E , Quartermaster-General of India. From 
 his Letters and Diaries. Edited by LADY MACGREGOR. With Portraits and 
 Maps to illustrate Campaigns in which he was engaged. 2 vols. 8vo, 353. 
 
 M'INTOSH. The Book of the Garden. By CHARLES M'!NTOSH, 
 
 formerly Curator of the Royal Gardens of his Majesty the King of the Belgians, 
 and lately of those of his Grace the Duke of Buccleuch, K.G., at Dalkeith Pal- 
 ace. 2 vols. royal 8vo, with 1350 Engravings. 4, 73. 6d. Vol. I. On the 
 Formation of Gardens and Construction of Garden Edifices. 2, ios. 
 Vol. II. Practical Gardening. i, 173. 6d. 
 
 MACINTYRE. Hindu-Koh : Wanderings and Wild Sports on and 
 beyond the Himalayas. By Major-General DONALD MACINTYRE, V.C., late 
 Prince of Wales' Own Goorkhas, F.R.G.S. Dedicated to H.R.H. The Priiice 0} 
 Wales. 8vo, with numerous Illustrations, 218. 
 
 MACKAY. A Sketch of the History of Fife and Kinross. A 
 
 Study of Scottish History and Character. By JE. 3. G. MACKAY, Sheriff of 
 these Counties. Crown Svo, 6s. 
 
 MACKAY. A Manual of Modern Geography ; Mathematical, Phys- 
 ical, and Political. By the Rev. ALEXANDER MACKAY, LL.D., F.R.G.S. nth 
 Thousand, revised to the present time. Crown Svo, pp. 688. 78. 6d. 
 
 Elements of Modern Geography. 53d Thousand, re- 
 vised to the present time. Crown 8vo, pp. 300, 33. 
 
 The Intermediate Geography. Intended as an Intermediate 
 
 Book between the Author's ' Outlines of Geography ' and ' Elements of Geo- 
 graphy.' Fifteenth Edition, revised. Crown Svo, pp. 238, 28. 
 
 Outlines of Modern Geography. i85th Thousand, revised 
 
 to the present time. i8mo, pp. 118, is. 
 
 First Steps in Geography. io5th Thousand. i8mo, pp. 
 
 56. Sewed, 4d. ; cloth, 6d. 
 
 Elements of Physiography and Physical Geography. 
 
 With Express Reference to the Instructions issued by the Science and Art 
 Department, soth Thousand, revised. Crown Svo, is. 6d. 
 
 Facts and Dates ; or, the Leading Events in Sacred and 
 
 Profane History, and the Principal Facts in the various Physical Sciences. 
 The Memory being aided throughout by a Simple and Natural Method. For 
 Schools and Private Reference. New Edition. Crown Svo, 38. 6d. 
 
 MACKAY. An Old Scots Brigade. Being the History of Mackay's 
 
 Regiment, now incorporated with the Royal Scots. With an Appendix con- 
 taining many Original Documents connected with the History of the Regi- 
 ment. By JOHN MACKAY (late) OF HERRIESDALE. Crown 8vo, 58. 
 
 MACKENZIE. Studies in Roman Law. With Comparative Views 
 of the Laws of France, England, and Scotland. By LORD MACKENZIE, one of 
 the Judges of the Court of Session in Scotland. Sixth Edition, Edited by 
 JOHN KIRKPATRICK, Esq., M.A., LL.B., Advocate, Professor of History in 
 the University of Edinburgh. Svo, 128.
 
 WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS. 15 
 
 M'PHERSON. Summer Sundays in a Strathmore Parish. By J. 
 
 GORDON M'PHERSON, Ph.D., F.R.S.E., Minister of Ruthven. Crown 8vo, 58. 
 MAIN. Three Hundred English Sonnets. Chosen and Edited by 
 
 DAVID M. MAIN. Fcap. 8vo, 6s. 
 MAIR. A Digest of Laws and Decisions, Ecclesiastical and Civil, 
 
 relating to the Constitution, Practice, and Affairs of the Church of Scotland. 
 
 With Notes and Forms of Procedure. By the Rev. WILLIAM MAIR, D.D., 
 
 Minister of the Parish of Earlston. Crown 8vo. With Supplements, 8s. 
 
 MAEMOENE. The Story is told by ADOLPHUS SEGRAVE, the 
 
 youngest of three Brothers. Third Edition. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 MARSHALL. French Home Life. By FREDERIC MARSHALL. 
 
 Second Edition. 58. 
 
 Claire Brandon. A Novel. 3 vols. crown 8vo, 253. 6d. 
 
 MAESHMAN. History of India. From the Earliest Period to the 
 
 Close of the India Company's Government ; with an Epitome of Subsequent 
 Events. By JOHN CLARK MARSHMAN, C.S.I. Abridged from the Author's 
 larger work. Second Edition, revised. Crown 8vo, with Map, 6s. 6d. 
 
 MAETIN. Goethe's Faust. Part I. Translated by Sir THEODORE 
 
 MARTIN, K.C.B. Second Ed., crown 8vo, 6s. Ninth Ed., fcap.'Svo, jjs. 6d. 
 
 Goethe's Faust. Part II. Translated into English verse. 
 
 Second Edition, revised. Fcap. 8vo, 6s. 
 
 The Works of Horace. Translated into English Verse, 
 
 with Life and Notes. 2 vols. New Edition, crown 8vo, 218. 
 
 Poems and Ballads of Heinrich Heine. Done into Eng- 
 lish Verse. Second Edition. Printed on papier vergtj, crown 8vo, 8s . 
 
 The Song of the Bell, and other Translations from Schiller, 
 
 Goethe, Uhland, and Others. Crown 8vo, 78. 6d. 
 
 Catullus. With Life and Notes. Second Ed., post 8vo, 73. 6d. 
 
 Aladdin : A Dramatic Poem. By ADAM OEHLENSCHLAE- 
 
 QER. Fcap. 8vo, 53. 
 
 Correggio : A Tragedy. By OEHLENSCHLAEGER. With 
 
 Notes. Fcap. 8vo, 38. 
 
 King Eene's Daughter : A Danish Lyrical Drama. By 
 
 HENRIK HERTZ. Second Edition, fcap., as. 6d. 
 
 MAETIN. On some of Shakespeare's Female Characters. In a 
 
 Series of Letters. By HELENA FATJCIT, LADY MARTIN. Dedicated by per- 
 mission to Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen. Third Edition. 8vo, with 
 Portrait, 78. 6d. 
 
 MATHESON. Can the Old Faith Live with the New? or the 
 
 Problem of Evolution and Revelation. By the Rev. GEORGE MATHESON, D.D. 
 Third Edition. Crown 8vo, 78. 6d. 
 
 The Psalmist and the Scientist ; or, Modern Value of the 
 
 Religious Sentiment. Crown 8vo, 73. 6d. 
 
 Sacred Songs. Crown 8vo, 43. 
 
 MAUEICE. The Balance of Military Power in Europe. An 
 Examination of the War Resources of Great Britain and the Continental States. 
 By Colonel MAURICE, R. A., Professor of Military Art and History at the Royal 
 Staff College. Crown 8vo, with a Map. 6s 
 
 MEEEDYTH. The Brief for the Government, 1886-90. A Hand- 
 book for Conservative and Unionist Writers, Speakers, &c. By W. H. MEHE- 
 DYTH. Crown 8vo, is. 6d. 
 
 MICHEL. A Critical Inquiry into the Scottish Language. With 
 the view of Illustrating the Rise and Progress of Civilisation in Scotland. By 
 FRANCISQUE-MICHEL, F.S.A. Lond. and Scot., Correspondant de 1'Institut de 
 France, &c. 4to, printed on hand-made paper, and bound in Roxburgh e, 66s. 
 
 MICHIE. The Larch : Being a Practical Treatise on its Culture 
 
 and General Management. By CHRISTOPHER Y. MICHIE, Forester, Cull en House. 
 Crown 8vo, with Illustrations. New and Cheaper Edition, enlarged, 53. 
 
 The Practice of Forestry. Cr. 8vo, with Illustrations. 6s.
 
 16 LIST OF BOOKS PUBLISHED BY 
 
 MIDDLETON. The Story of Alastair Bhan Comyn ; or, The 
 Tragedy of Dunphail. A Tale of Tradition and Romance. By the Lady 
 MIDDLETON. Square 8vo, ios. Cheaper Edition, 58. 
 
 MILNE. The Problem of the Churchless and Poor in our Large 
 Towns. With special reference to the Home Mission Work of the Church of 
 Scotland. By the Rev. ROBT. MILNE, M.A..D.D., Ardler. Crown 8vo, 35. 6d. 
 
 MILNE- HOME. Mamma's Black Nurse Stories. West Indian 
 Folk-lore. By MARY PAMELA MILNE-HOME. With six full-page tinted Illus- 
 trations. Small 4to, 53. 
 
 MINTO. A Manual of English Prose Literature, Biographical 
 
 and Critical : designed mainly to show Characteristics of Style. By W. MINTO, 
 M.A., Professor of Logic in the University of Aberdeen. Third Edition, 
 revised. Crown 8vo, 73. 6d. 
 
 Characteristics of English Poets, from Chaucer to Shirley. 
 
 New Edition, revised. Crown 8vo, 73. 6d. 
 MOIR. Life of Mansie Wauch, Tailor in Dalkeith. With 8 
 
 Illustrations on Steel, by the late GEORGE CRUIKSHANK. Crown 8vo, 33. 6d. 
 
 Another Edition, fcap. 8vo, is. 6d. 
 
 MOMERIE. Defects of Modern Christianity, and other Sermons. 
 By ALFRED WILLIAMS MOMERIE, M.A., D.Sc., LL.D., Professor of Logic and 
 Metaphysics in King's College, London. Fourth Edition. Crown 8vo, 58. 
 
 The Basis of Religion. Being an Examination of Natural 
 
 Religion. Third Edition. Crown 8vo, 28. 6d. 
 
 The Origin of Evil, and other Sermons. Sixth Edition, 
 
 enlarged. Crown 8vo, 53. 
 
 Personality. The Beginning and End of Metaphysics, and 
 
 a Necessary Assumption in all Positive Philosophy. Fourth Ed. Cr. 8vo, 33. 
 
 Agnosticism. Second Edition, Revised. Crown 8vo, 55. 
 
 Preaching and Hearing; and other Sermons. Third 
 
 Edition. Crown 8vo, 58. 
 
 Belief in God. Second Edition. Crown 8vo, 33. 
 
 Inspiration ; and other Sermons. Second Edition. Crown 
 
 8vo, 5s. 
 
 Church and Creed. Second Edition. Crown 8vo, 4$. 6d. 
 
 MONTAGUE. Campaigning in South Africa. Reminiscences of 
 an Officer in 1879. By Captain W. E. MONTAGUE, 94th Regiment, Author of 
 ' Claude Meadowleigh,' &c. 8vo, ios. 6d. 
 
 MONTALEMBERT. Memoir of Count de Montalemhert. A 
 Chapter of Recent French History. By Mrs OLIPHANT, Author of the 'Life 
 of Edward Irving,' &c. 2 vols. crown 8vo, i, 43. 
 
 MORISON. Sordello. An Outline Analysis of Mr Browning's 
 Poem. By JEANIE MORISON, Author of 'The Purpose of the Ages,' 'Ane 
 Booke of Ballades,' <fec. Crown 8vo, 38. 
 
 MUNRO. On Valuation of Property. By WILLIAM MUNRO, M.A., 
 
 Her Majesty's Assessor of Railways and Canals for Scotland. Second Edition. 
 Revised and enlarged. 8vo, 38. 6d. 
 
 MURDOCH. Manual of the Law of Insolvency and Bankruptcy : 
 
 Comprehending a Summary of the Law of Insolvency, Notour Bankruptcy, 
 Composition - contracts, Trust-deeds, Cessios, and Sequestrations; and the 
 Winding-up of Joint-Stock Companies in Scotland ; with Annotations on the 
 various Insolvency and Bankruptcy Statutes ; and with Forms of Procedure 
 applicable to these Subjects. By JAMES MURDOCH, Member of the Faculty of 
 Procurators in Glasgow. Fifth Edition, Revised and Enlarged, 8vo, 1, ios. 
 
 MY TRIVIAL LIFE AND MISFORTUNE : A Gossip with 
 
 no Plot in Particular. By A PLAIN WOMAN. New Edition, crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 By the SAME AUTHOR. 
 POOR NELLIE. New and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo, 6s.
 
 WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS. 17 
 
 NAPIER. The Construction of the Wonderful Canon of Logar- 
 ithms (Mirifici Logarithmorum Canonis Construetio). By JOHN NAPIER of 
 Merchiston. Translated for the first time, with Notes, and a Catalogue of 
 Napier's Works, by WILLIAM BAE MACDONALD. Small 4to, 153. A few large 
 paper copies inay be had, printed on Whatman paper, price 308. 
 
 NEAVES. Songs and Verses, Social and Scientific. By an Old 
 
 Contributor to ' Maga.' By the Hon. Lord NEAVES. Fifth Ed., fcap. 8vo, 43. 
 
 The Greek Anthology. Being Vol. XX. of ' Ancient Clas- 
 sics for English Readers. 1 Crown 8vo, zs. 6d. 
 
 NICHOLSON. A Manual of Zoology, for the Use of Students. 
 
 With a General Introduction on the Principles of Zoology. By HENRY AL- 
 LEYNE NICHOLSON, M.D., D.Sc., F.L.8., F.G.S., Regius Professor of Natural 
 History in the University of Aberdeen. Seventh Edition, rewritten and 
 enlarged. Post 8vo, pp. 956, with 555 Engravings on Wood, i8s. 
 
 Text-Book of Zoology, for the Use of Schools. Fourth Edi- 
 tion, enlarged. Crown 8vo, with 188 Engravings on Wood, 73. 6d. 
 
 Introductory Text-Book of Zoology, for the Use of Junior 
 
 Classes. Sixth Edition, revised and enlarged, with 166 Engravings, 38. 
 
 Outlines of Natural History, for Beginners ; being Descrip- 
 
 tions of a Progressive Series of Zoological Types. Third Edition, with 
 Engravings, is. 6d. 
 
 A Manual of Palaeontology, for the Use of Students. 
 
 With a General Introduction on the Principles of Palaeontology. By Professor 
 H. ALLEYNE NICHOLSON and RICHARD LYDEKKER, B.A. Third Edition. Re- 
 written and greatly enlarged. 2 vols. 8vo, with Engravings, 3, 38. 
 
 The Ancient Life-History of the Earth. An Outline of 
 
 the Principles and Leading Facts of Palaeontological Science. Crown 8vo, 
 with 276 Engravings, IDS. 6d. 
 
 On the "Tabulate Corals " of the Palaeozoic Period, with 
 
 Critical Descriptions of Illustrative Species. Illustrated with 15 Litho- 
 graph Plates and numerous Engravings. Super-royal 8vo,2is. 
 
 Synopsis of the Classification of the Animal King- 
 dom. 8vo , with 106 Illustrations, 6s. 
 
 On the Structure and Affinities of the Genus Monticuli- 
 
 pora and its Sub-Genera, with Critical Descriptions of Illustrative Species. 
 Illustrated with numerous Engravings on wood and lithographed Plates. 
 Super-royal 8vo, i8s. 
 
 NICHOLSON. Communion with Heaven, and other Sermons. 
 By the late MAXWELL NICHOLSON, D.D., Minister of St Stephen's, Edinburgh. 
 Crown 8vo, 53. 6d. 
 
 Rest in Jesus. Sixth Edition. Fcap. 8vo, 43 . 6d. 
 
 NICHOLSON. A Treatise on Money, and Essays on Present 
 
 Monetary Problems. By JOSEPH SHIELD NICHOLSON, M. A., D.Sc., Professor 
 of Commercial and Political Economy and Mercantile Law in the University 
 of Edinburgh. 8vo, ios. 6d. 
 
 Thoth. A Romance. Third Edition. Crown 8vo, 43. 6d. 
 
 A Dreamer of Dreams. A Modern Romance. Second 
 
 Edition. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 NICOLSON AND MURE. A Handbook to the Local Govern- 
 ment (Scotland) Act, 1889. With Introduction, Explanatory Notes, and 
 Index. By J. BADENACH NICOLSON, Advocate, Counsel to the Scotch Educa- 
 tion Department, and W. J. MURE, Advocate, Legal Secretary to the Lord 
 Advocate for Scotland. Ninth Reprint. 8vo, 53. 
 
 OLIPHANT. Masollam : a Problem of the Period. A Novel. 
 
 By LAURENCE OLIPHANT. 3 vols. post 8vo, 258. 6d. 
 
 Scientific Religion ; or, Higher Possibilities of Life and 
 
 Practice through the Operation of Natural Forces. Second Edition. 8vo, i6s.
 
 18 LIST OF BOOKS PUBLISHED BY 
 
 OLIPHANT. Altiora Peto. By LAURENCE OLIPHANT. New and 
 
 Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo, boards, 28. 6d. ; cloth, 38. 6d. Illustrated 
 Edition. Crown 8vo, cloth, 6s. 
 
 Piccadilly: A Fragment of Contemporary Biography. 
 
 With Eight Illustrations by Richard Doyle. Eighth Edition, 43. 6d. Cheap 
 Edition, in paper cover, 28. 6d. 
 
 Traits and Travesties ; Social and Political. Post 8vo, los. 6d. 
 
 The Land of Gilead. With Excursions in the Lebanon. 
 
 With Illustrations and Maps. Demy 8vo, 218. 
 
 Haifa : Life in Modern Palestine. 2d Edition. 8vo, ys. 6d. 
 
 Episodes in a Life of Adventure ; or, Moss from a Rolling 
 
 Stone. Fifth Edition. Post 8vo, 6s. 
 
 Fashionable Philosophy, and other Sketches, is. 
 
 OLIPHANT. Katie Stewart. By Mrs Oliphant. 2s. 6d. 
 
 The Duke's Daughter, and The Fugitives. A Novel. 3 vols. 
 
 crown 8vo, 258. 6d. 
 
 Two Stories of the Seen and the Unseen. The Open Door 
 
 Old Lady Mary. Paper Covers, is. 
 
 Sons and Daughters. Crown 8vo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 OSBORN. Narratives of Voyage and Adventure. By Admiral 
 
 SHBRAED OSBORN, C.B. 3 vols. crown 8vo, 128. 
 
 OSSIAN. The Poems of Ossian in the Original Gaelic. With a 
 
 Literal Translation into English, and a Dissertation on the Authenticity of the 
 Poems. By the Rev. ARCHIBALD CLERK. 2 vols. imperial 8vo, i, us. 6d. 
 
 OSWALD. By Fell and Fjord ; or, Scenes and Studies in Iceland. 
 
 By E. J. OSWALD. Post 8vo, with Illustrations. 78. 6d. 
 
 PAGE. Introductory Text-Book of Geology. By DAVID PAGE, 
 
 LL.D. , Professor of Geology in the Durham University of Physical Science, 
 Newcastle, and Professor LAPWORTH of Mason Science College, Birmingham. 
 With Engravings and Glossarial Index. Twelfth Edition. Revised and En- 
 larged. 38. 6d. 
 
 Advanced Text-Book of Geology, Descriptive and Indus- 
 trial. With Engravings, and Glossary of Scientific Terms. Sixth Edition, re- 
 vised and enlarged, 78. 6d. 
 
 Introductory Text-Book of Physical Geography. With 
 
 Sketch-Maps and Illustrations. Editedby CHARLES LAPWORTH, LL.D.,F.G.S., 
 &c., Professor of Geology and Mineralogy in the Mason Science College, Bir- 
 mingham. i2th Edition. 28. 6d. 
 
 Advanced Text -Book of Physical Geography. Third 
 
 Edition, Revised and Enlarged by Prof. LAPWORTH. With Engravings. 58. 
 
 PATON. Spindrift. By Sir J. NOEL PATON. Fcap., cloth, 58. 
 
 Poems by a Painter. Fcap., cloth, 5s. 
 
 PATON. Body and Soul. A Romance in Transcendental Path- 
 ology. By FREDERICK NOEL PATON. Third Edition. Crown 8vo, is. 
 
 PATTERSON. Essays in History and Art. By R. HOGARTH 
 
 PATTERSON. 8vo, us. 
 
 The New Golden Age, and Influence of the Precious 
 
 Metals upon the World. 2 vols. 8vo, 318. 6d. 
 
 PAUL. History of the Royal Company of Archers, the Queen's 
 Body-Guard for Scotland. By JAMES BALFOUR PAUL, Advocate of the Scottish 
 Bar. Crown 4to, with Portraits and other Illustrations. a, 28. 
 
 PEILE. Lawn Tennis as a Game of Skill. With latest revised 
 
 Laws as played by the Best Clubs. By Captain S. C. F. PEILE, B.S.C. Fifth 
 Edition, fcap. cloth, is. 6d.
 
 WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS. 19 
 
 PETTIGREW. The Handy Book of Bees, and their Profitable 
 
 Management. By A. PETTIOEEW. Fifth Edition, Enlarged, with Engrav- 
 ings. Crown 8vo, 38. 6d. 
 
 PHILIP. The Function of Labour in the Production of Wealth. 
 
 By ALEXANDER PHILIP, LL.B., Edinburgh. Crown Svo, 33. 6d. 
 
 PHILOSOPHICAL CLASSICS FOR ENGLISH READERS. 
 
 Companion Series to Ancient and Foreign Classics for English Readers. 
 Edited by WILLIAM KNIGHT, LL.D., Professor of Moral Philosophy, Uni- 
 versity of St Andrews. In crown Svo volumes, with portraits, price 38. 6d. 
 
 [For list of Volumes publisTied, see page 2. 
 
 POLLOK. The Course of Time : A Poem. By ROBERT POLLOK, 
 
 A.M. Small fcap. Svo, cloth gilt, 28. 6d. Cottage Edition, 32mo, 8d. The 
 Same, cloth, gilt edges, is. 6d. Another Edition, with Illustrations by Birket 
 Foster and others, fcap., cloth, 33. 6d., or with edges gilt, 43. 
 PORT ROYAL LOGIC. Translated from the French ; with Intro- 
 duction, Notes, and Appendix. By THOMAS SPENCER BAYNES, LL.D. , Pro- 
 fessor in the University of St Andrews. Tenth Edition, i2ino, 48. 
 
 POTTS AND DARNELL. Aditus Faciliores : An easy Latin Con- 
 
 struing Book, with Complete Vocabulary. By the late A. W. POTTS, M.A., 
 LL.D., and the Rev. C. DARNELL, M.A., Head-Master of Cargilfleld Prepara- 
 tory School, Edinburgh. Tenth Edition, fcap. Svo. 33. 6d. 
 
 Aditus Faciliores Graeci. An easy Greek Construing Book, 
 
 with Complete Vocabulary. Fourth Edition, fcap. Svo, 33. 
 
 PRINGLE. The Live-Stock of the Farm. By ROBERT 0. PRINGLE. 
 
 Third Edition. Revised and Edited by JAMES MACDONALD. Cr. Svo, 73. 6d. 
 
 PUBLIC GENERAL STATUTES AFFECTING SCOTLAND 
 
 from 1707 to 1847, with Chronological Table and Index. 3 vola. large Svo, ,3, 38. 
 
 PUBLIC GENERAL STATUTES AFFECTING SCOTLAND, 
 
 COLLECTION OF. Published Annually with General Index. 
 
 RADICAL CURE FOR IRELAND, The. A Letter to the People 
 
 of England and Scotland concerning a new Plantation. With 2 Maps. Svo, 78. 6d. 
 RAMSAY. Rough Recollections of Military Service and Society. 
 
 By Lieut.-Col. BALCARRES D. WARDLAW RAMSAY. Two vols. post Svo, 218. 
 RAMSAY. Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century. 
 
 Edited from the MSS. of JOHN RAMSAY, Esq. of Ochtertyre, by ALEXANDER 
 . ALLARDYCE, Author of 'Memoir of Admiral Lord Keith, K.B.,' &c. 2 vols. 
 
 Svo, 318. 6d. 
 
 RANKIN. A Handbook of the Church of Scotland. By JAMES 
 
 RANKIN, D.D., Minister of Muthill ; Author of 'Character Studies in the 
 Old Testament,' &c. An entirely New and much Enlarged Edition. Crown 
 Svo, with 2 Maps, 73. 6d. 
 
 RANKINE. A Treatise on the Rights and Burdens incident to 
 
 the Ownership of Lands and other Heritages in Scotland. By JOHN RANKINE, 
 M.A. , Advocate, Professor of Scots Law in the University of Edinburgh. 
 Svo. [New Edition in preparation. 
 
 RECORDS OF THE TERCENTENARY FESTIVAL OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH. Celebrated in April 1884. Published 
 under the Sanction of the Senatus Academicus. Large 4to, 2, 128. 6d. 
 
 RICE. Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln. By Distinguished 
 Men of his Time. Collected and Edited by ALLEN THORNDIKE RICE, Editor 
 of the ' North American Review.' Large Svo, with Portraits, 218. 
 
 ROBERTSON. Orellana, and other Poems. By J. LOGIE ROBERT- 
 SON. M.A. Fcap. Svo. Printed on hand-made paper. 6s. 
 ROBERTSON. Our Holiday Among the Hills. By JAMES and 
 
 JANET LOOIE ROBERTSON. Fcap. Svo, 33. 6d. 
 
 ROSCOE. Rambles with a Fishing-rod. By E. S. ROSCOE. Crown 
 
 Svo, 43. 6d. 
 
 ROSS. Old Scottish Regimental Colours. By ANDREW Ross, 
 
 8.S.C., Hon. Secretary Old Scottish Regimental Colo'urs Committee. Dedi- 
 cated by Special Permission to Her Majesty the Queen. Folio. 2, 128. 6d.
 
 20 LIST OF BOOKS PUBLISHED BY 
 
 RUSSELL. The Haigs of Bemersyde. A Family History. By 
 
 JOHN RUSSELL. Large 8vo, with Illustrations. 218. 
 
 RUSSELL. Fragments from Many Tables. Being the Recollections of 
 some Wise and Witty Men and Women. By GEO. RUSSELL. Cr. 8vo, 43. 6d. 
 
 RUSSELL. Essays on Sacred Subjects for General Readers. By 
 
 the Rev. WILLIAM RUSSELL, M.A. 8vo, ios. 6d. 
 
 RUTLAND. Notes of an Irish Tour in 1846. By the DUKE OF 
 
 RUTLAND, G.C.B. (Lord JOHN MANNERS). New Edition. Crown 8vo, as. 6d. 
 
 Correspondence between the Right Honble. William Pitt 
 
 and Charles Duke of Rutland, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 1781-1787. With In- 
 troductory Note by John Duke of Rutland. 8vo, 73. 6d. 
 
 RUTLAND. Gems of German Poetry. Translated by the DUCHESS 
 
 OF RUTLAND (Lady JOHN MANNERS). f New Edition in preparation. 
 
 Impressions of Bad-Homburg. Comprising a Short Ac- 
 count of the Women's Associations of Germany under the Red Cross. Crown 
 8vo, is. 6d. 
 
 Some Personal Recollections of the Later Years of the Earl 
 
 of Beaeonsfleld, KG. Sixth Edition, 6d. 
 
 Employment of Women in the Public Service. 6d. 
 
 Some of the Advantages of Easily Accessible Reading and 
 
 Recreation Rooms, and Free Libraries. With Remarks on Starting and 
 Maintaining Them. Second Edition, crown 8vo, is. 
 
 A Sequel to Rich Men's Dwellings, and other Occasional 
 
 Papers. Crown 8vo, 28. 6d. 
 
 Encouraging Experiences of Reading and Recreation Rooms, 
 
 Aims of Guilds, Nottingham Social Guild, Existing Institutions, &c., &c. 
 Crown 8vo, is. 
 
 SCHILLER. Wallenstein. A Dramatic Poem. By FREDERICK 
 
 VON SCHILLER. Translated by C. G. A. LOCKHART. Fcap. 8vo, 78. 6d. 
 
 SCOTCH LOCH FISHING. By "Black Palmer." Crown 8vo, 
 
 interleaved with blank pages, 43. 
 
 SCOUGAL. Scenes from a Silent World ; or, Prisons and their 
 Inmates. By FRANCIS SCOUGAL. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 SELLAR. Manual of the Education Acts for Scotland. By the 
 
 late ALEXANDER CRAIG SELLAR, M.P. Eighth Edition. Revised and in 
 great part rewritten by J. EDWARD GRAHAM, B.A. Oxon., Advocate. 
 With Rules for the conduct of Elections, with Notes and Cases. With a 
 Supplement, being the Acts of 1889 in so far as affecting the Education Acts. 
 8vo, i2S. 6d. 
 
 [SUPPLEMENT TO SELLAR'S MANUAL OF THE EDUCATION ACTS FOR SCOTLAND. 
 8vo, 2S.] 
 
 SETH. Scottish Philosophy. A Comparison of the Scottish and 
 
 German Answers to Hume. Balfour Philosophical Lectures, University of 
 Edinburgh. By ANDREW SETH, M.A., Professor of Logic, Rhetoric, and 
 Metaphysics in St Andrews University. Second Edition. Crown 8vo, 5s. 
 
 Hegelianism and Personality. Balfour Philosophical Lec- 
 tures. Second Series. Crown 8vo, 53. 
 
 SHADWELL. The Life of Colin Campbell, Lord Clyde. Illus- 
 trated by Extracts from his Diary and Correspondence. By Lieutenant- 
 General SHADWELL, G.B. 2 vols. 8vo. With Portrait, Maps, and Plans. 363. 
 
 SHAND. Half a Century; or, Changes in Men and Manners. By 
 ALEX. INNES SHAND, Author of 'Against Time,' &c. Second Ed., 8vo, 128. 6d. 
 
 Letters from the West of Ireland. Reprinted from the 
 
 'Times.' Crown 8vo, 58. 
 
 SHARPE. Letters from and to Charles Kirkpatrick Sharpe. 
 
 Edited by ALEXANDER ALLARDYCE, Author of 'Memoir of Admiral Lord 
 Keith, K.B.,' &c. With a Memoir by the Rev. W. K. R. BEDFORD. In two 
 vols. 8vo. Illustrated with Etchings and other Engravings. -2, 128. 6d. 
 SIM. Margaret Sim's Cookery. With an Introduction by L. B. 
 WALFOKD, Author of ' Mr Smith : A Part of His Life,' &c. Crown 8vo, 53.
 
 WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS. 21 
 
 SKELTON. Maitland of Lethington ; and the Scotland of Mary 
 
 Stuart. A History. By JOHN SKELTON, C.B., LL.D., Author of ' The Essays 
 of Shirley.' Demy 8vo. 2 vols., 288. 
 
 The Handbook of Public Health. A Complete Edition of 
 
 the Public Health and other Sanitary Acts relating to Scotland. Annotated, 
 and with the Rules, Instructions, and Decisions of the Board of Supervision 
 brought up to date with relative forms. 8vo, js. 6d. 
 
 The Local Government (Scotland) Act in Kelation to Public 
 Health. A Handy Guide for County and District Councillors, Medical Offi- 
 cers, Sanitary Inspectors, and Members of Parochial Boards. Second Edition. 
 With a new Preface on appointment of Sanitary Officers. Crown 3vo, zs. 
 
 SMITH. Thorndale ; or, The Conflict of Opinions. By WILLIAM 
 
 SMITH, Author of 'A Discourse on Ethics.'&c. New Edition. Cr. 8vo, IDS. 6d. 
 
 Gravenhurst ; or, Thoughts on Good and Evil. Second 
 
 Edition, with Memoir of the Author. Crown 8vo, 8s. 
 
 The Story of William and Lucy Smith. Edited by 
 
 GEORGE MERRIAM. Large post 8vo, 128. 6d. 
 
 SMITH. Memoir of the Families of M'Combie and Thorns, 
 originally M'Intosh and M'Thomas. Compiled from History and Tradition. 
 By WILLIAM M'COMBIE SMITH. With Illustrations. 8vo, 78. 6d. 
 
 SMITH. Greek Testament Lessons for Colleges, Schools, and 
 
 Private Students, consisting chiefly of the Sermon on the Mount and the 
 Parables of our Lord. With Notes and Essays. By the Rev. J. HUNTER 
 SMITH, M. A., King Edward's School, Birmingham. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 SMITH. Writings by the Way. By JOHN CAMPBELL SMITH, 
 
 M.A., Sheriff-Substitute. Crown 8vo, 98. 
 
 SMITH. The Secretary for Scotland. Being a Statement of the 
 
 Powers and Duties of the new Scottish Office. With a Short Historical 
 Introduction and numerous references to important Administrative Docu- 
 ments. By W. C. SMITH, LL.B., Advocate. 8vo, 6s. 
 
 SOELEY. The Ethics of Naturalism. Being the Shaw Fellowship 
 
 Lectures, 1884. By W. R. SORLEY, M.A., Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, 
 Professor of Logic and Philosophy in University College of South Wales. 
 Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 SPEEDY. Sport in the Highlands and Lowlands of Scotland with 
 
 Rod and Gun. By TOM SPEEDY. Second Edition, Revised and Enlarged. With 
 Illustrations by Lieut.-Gen. HopeCrealocke,C.B.,C.M.G., and others. 8vo,i5S. 
 
 SPROTT. The Worship and Offices of the Church of Scotland. 
 
 By GEORGE W. SPROTT, D.D., Minister of North Berwick. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 STAFFORD. How I Spent my Twentieth Year. Being a Record 
 
 of a Tour Round the World, 1886-87. By the MARCHIONESS OF STAFFORD. 
 With Illustrations. Third Edition, crown 8vo, 8s. 6d. 
 
 STARFORTH. Villa Residences and Farm Architecture : A Series 
 
 of Designs. By JOHN STARFORTH, Architect. 102 Engravings. Second Edi- 
 tion, medium 4to, 2, 173. 6d. 
 
 STATISTICAL ACCOUNT OF SCOTLAND. Complete, with 
 
 Index, 15 vols. 8vo, 16, i6s. 
 
 Each County sold separately, with Title, Index, and Map, neatly bound in cloth, 
 forming a very valuable Manual to the Landowner, the Tenant, the Manufac- 
 turer, the Naturalist, the Tourist, &c 
 
 In course of publication. 
 
 STEPHENS' BOOK OF THE FARM ; detailing the Labours of 
 
 the Farmer, Farm-Steward, Ploughman, Shepherd, Hedger, Farm-Labourer, 
 Field-Worker, and Cattleman. Illustrated with numerous Portraits of Ani- 
 mals and Engravings of Implements. Fourth Edition. Revised, and in great 
 part rewritten by JAMES MACDONALD, of the ' Farming World,' &c., &c. As- 
 sisted by many of the leading agricultural authorities of the day. To be com- 
 pleted in Six Divisional Volumes. 
 
 [Divisions I. to V., price IDS. 6d. each, now ready.
 
 22 LIST OF BOOKS PUBLISHED BY 
 
 STEPHENS. The Book of Farm Buildings ; their Arrangement and 
 
 Construction. By HENRY STEPHENS, F.R.S.E., and ROBERT SCOTT BURN. 
 Illustrated with 1045 Plates and Engravings. Large 8vo. 1, us. 6d. 
 
 The Book of Farm Implements and Machines. By J. 
 
 SLIGHT and R. SCOTT BURN, Engineers. Edited by HENRY STEPHENS. Large 
 8vo, 2, 28. 
 
 STEVENSON. British Fungi. (Hymenomycetes.) By Kev. JOHN 
 
 STEVENSON, Author of Mycologia Scotia," Hon. Sec. Cryptogamic Society of 
 Scotland. 2 vols. post 8vo, with Illustrations, price 128. 6d. each. 
 Vol. I. AQARICUS BOLBITIUS. Vol. II. CORTINARIUS DACRYMYCES. 
 
 STEWART. Advice to Purchasers of Horses. By JOHN STEWART, 
 
 V.S. New Edition. 23. 6d. 
 
 Stable Economy. A Treatise on the Management of 
 
 Horses in relation to Stabling, Grooming, Feeding, Watering, and Working. 
 Seventh Edition, fcap. 8vo, 6s. 6d. 
 
 STODDART. Angling Songs. By THOMAS TOD STODDART. New 
 
 Edition, with a Memoir by ANNA M. STODDART. Crown 8vo, ys. 6d. 
 STORMONTH. Etymological and Pronouncing Dictionary of the 
 
 English Language. Including a very Copious Selection of Scientific Terms. 
 
 For Use in Schools and Colleges, and as a Book of General Reference. By the 
 
 Rev. JAMES STORMONTH. The Pronunciation carefully Revised by the Rev. 
 
 P. H. PHELP, M.A. Cantab. Tenth Edition, Revised throughout. Crown 
 
 8vo, pp. 800. 78. 6d. 
 Dictionary of the English Language, Pronouncing, 
 
 Etymological, and Explanatory. Revised by the Rev. P. H. PHELP. Library 
 
 Edition. Imperial 8vo, handsomely bound in half morocco, 318. 6d. 
 
 The School Etymological Dictionary and Word-Book. 
 
 Fourth Edition. Fcap. 8vo, pp. 254. as. 
 
 STORY. Nero ; A Historical Play. By W. W. STORY, Author of 
 
 ' Roba di Roma.' Fcap. 8vo, 6s. 
 
 Vallombrosa. Post 8vo, 53. 
 
 Poems. 2 vols. fcap., 73. 6d. 
 
 Fiammetta. A Summer Idyl. Crown 8vo, ys. 6d. 
 
 Conversations in a Studio. 2 vols. crown 8vo, I2s. 6d. 
 
 STRICKLAND. Life of Agnes Strickland. By her SISTER. 
 
 Post 8vo, with Portrait engraved on Steel, 128. 6d. 
 
 STURGIS. John- a -Dreams. A Tale. By JULIAN STUROIS. 
 
 New Edition, crown 8vo, 38. 6d. 
 
 Little Comedies, Old and New. Crown 8vo, 78. 6d. 
 
 SUTHERLAND. Handbook of Hardy Herbaceous and Alpine 
 
 Flowers, for general Garden Decoration. Containing Descriptions of up- 
 wards of 1000 Species of Ornamental Hardy Perennial and Alpine Plants; 
 along with Concise and Plain Instructions for their Propagation and Culture. 
 By WILLIAM SUTHERLAND, Landscape Gardener ; formerly Manager of the 
 Herbaceous Department at Kew. Crown 8vo, 73. 6d. 
 
 TAYLOR. The Story of My Life. By the late Colonel MEADOWS 
 
 TAYLOR, Author of 'The Confessions of a Thug,' &c. &c. Edited by his 
 Daughter. New and cheaper Edition, being the Fourth. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 THOLUCK. Hours of Christian Devotion. Translated from the 
 
 German of A. Tholuck, D.D., Professor of Theology in the University of Halle. 
 By the Rev. ROBERT MENZIES, D. D. With a Preface written for this Transla- 
 tion by the Author. Second Edition, crown 8vo, 78. 6d. 
 
 THOMSON. Handy Book of the Flower-Garden : being Practical 
 
 Directions for the Propagation, Culture, and Arrangement of Plants in Flower- 
 Gardens all the year round. With Engraved Plans. By DAVID THOMSON, 
 Gardener to his Grace the Duke of Buccleuch, K.T., at Drumlanrig. Fourth 
 and Cheaper Edition, crown 8vo, 53.
 
 WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS. 23 
 
 THOMSON. The Handy Book of Fruit- Culture underGlass: being 
 
 a series of Elaborate Practical Treatises on the Cultivation and Forcing of 
 Pines, Vines, Peaches, Figs, Melons, Strawberries, and Cucumbers. With En- 
 gravings of Hothouses, &c., most suitable for the Cultivation and Forcing of 
 these Fruits. By DAVID THOMSON, Gardener to his Grace the Duke of Bnc- 
 cleuch, K.T., at Drumlanrig. Second Ed. Cr. 8vo, with Engravings, 78. 6d. 
 
 THOMSON A Practical Treatise on the Cultivation of the Grape 
 
 Vine. By WILLIAM THOMSON, Tweed Vineyards. Tenth Edition, 8vo, 58. 
 THOMSON. Cookery for the Sick and Convalescent. With 
 Directions for the Preparation of Poultices, Fomentations, &c. By BARBARA 
 THOMSON. Fcap. 8vo, is. 6d. 
 
 THORNTON. Opposites. A Series of Essays on the Unpopular 
 
 Sides of Popular Questions. By LEWIS THORNTON. 8vo, 128. 6d. 
 
 TOM CRINGLE'S LOG. A New Edition, with Illustrations. 
 
 Crown 8vo, cloth gilt, 58. Cheap Edition, 28. 
 
 TRANSACTIONS OF THE HIGHLAND AND AGRICUL- 
 TURAL SOCIETY OF SCOTLAND. Published annually, price 53. 
 
 TULLOCH. Rational Theology and Christian Philosophy in Eng- 
 land in the Seventeenth Century. By JOHN TULLOCH, D.D., Principal of St 
 Mary's College in the University of St Andrews ; and one of her Majesty's 
 Chaplains in Ordinary in Scotland. Second Edition. 2 vols. 8vo, i6s. 
 
 Modern Theories in Philosophy and Religion. 8vo, 153. 
 
 Luther, and other Leaders of the Reformation. Third 
 
 Edition, enlarged. Crown 8vo, 38. 6d. 
 
 Memoir of Principal Tulloch, D.D., LL.D. By Mrs 
 
 OLIPHANT, Author of 'Life of Edward Irving.' Third and Cheaper Edition. 
 8vo, with Portrait. 78. 6d. 
 
 VEITCH. Institutes of Logic. By JOHN VEITCH, LL.D., Pro- 
 
 fessor of Logic and Rhetoric in the University of Glasgow. Post 8vo, 128. 6d. 
 The Feeling for Nature in Scottish Poetry. From the Ear- 
 liest Times to the Present Day. 2 vols. fcap. 8vo, in roxburghe binding. 153. 
 Merlin and Other Poems. Fcap. 8vo. 4s. 6d. 
 
 Knowing and Being. Essays in Philosophy. First Series. 
 
 Crown 8vo, 5s. 
 
 VIRGIL. The JSneid of Virgil. Translated in English Blank 
 
 Verse by G. K. RICKARDS, M. A. ,and Lord RAVENSWORTH. 2 vols . fcap. 8vo, IDS. 
 
 WALFORD. A Stiff-Necked Generation. By L. B. WALFORD, 
 
 Author of ' Mr Smith,' &c. Cheap Edition. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 Four Biographies from ' Blackwood ' : Jane Taylor, Han- 
 nah More, Elizabeth Fry, Mary Somerville. Crown 8vo, 58. 
 
 WARREN'S (SAMUEL) WORKS: 
 
 Diary of a Late Physician. Cloth, 2s. 6d. ; boards, 2s. 
 
 Ten Thousand A- Year. Cloth, 33. 6d. ; boards, 2s. 6d. 
 
 Now and Then. The Lily and the Bee. Intellectual and Moral 
 
 Development of the Present Age. 43. 6d. 
 
 Essays : Critical, Imaginative, and Juridical. 58. 
 WARREN. The Five Books of the Psalms. With Marginal 
 
 Notes. By Rev. SAMUEL L. WARREN, Rector of Esher, Surrey ; late Fellow, 
 Dean, and Divinity Lecturer, Wadham College, Oxford. Crown 8vo, 5s. 
 
 WEBSTER. The Angler and the Loop-Rod. By DAVID WEBSTEB. 
 
 Crown 8vo, with Illustrations, 78. 6d. 
 
 WELLINGTON. Wellington Prize Essays on "the System of Field 
 
 Manoeuvres best adapted for enabling our Troops to meet a Continental Army." 
 Edited by Lieut.-General Sir EDWARD BRUCE HAMLEY, K.C.B. 8vo, 128. 6d. 
 WENLEY. Socrates and Christ : A Study in the Philosophy of 
 Religion. By R. M. WENLEY, M.A., Lecturer on Mental and Moral Philoso- 
 phy in Queen Margaret College, Glasgow; Examiner in Philosophy in the 
 University of Glasgow. Crown 8vo, 6s.
 
 24 LIST OF BOOKS, ETC. 
 
 WERNER. A Visit to Stanley's Rear-Guard at Major Bartte- 
 
 lot's Camp on the Aruhwimi. With an Account of River-Life on the Congo. 
 By J. R- WERNER, F.R.G.S., Engineer, late in the Service of the Etat Indc- 
 pendant du Congo. With Maps, Portraits, and other Illustrations. 8vo. 16s. 
 
 WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY. Minutes of the Westminster As- 
 sembly, while engaged in preparing their Directory for Church Government, 
 Confession of Faith, and Catechisms (November 1644 to March 1649). Edited 
 by the Rev. Professor ALEX. T. MITCHELL, of St Andrews, and the Rev. JOHN 
 STRUTHERS, LL.D. With a Historical and Critical Introduction by Professor 
 Mitchell. 8vo, 158. 
 
 WHITE. The Eighteen Christian Centuries. By the Rev. JAMES 
 
 WHITE. Seventh Edition, post 8vo, with Index, 6s. 
 
 History of France, from the Earliest Times. Sixth Thou- 
 sand, post 8vo, with Index, 6s. 
 
 WHITE. Archaeological Sketches in Scotland Kintyre and Knap- 
 dale. By Colonel T. P. WHITE, R.E., of the Ordnance Survey. With numerous 
 Illustrations. 2 vols. folio, 4, 43. Vol. I., Kintyre, sold separately, 2, as. 
 
 The Ordnance Survey of the United Kingdom. A Popular 
 
 Account. Crown 8vo, 53. 
 
 WILLIAMSON. Poems of Nature and Life. By DAVID R. 
 
 WILLIAMSON, Minister of Kirkmaiden. Fcap. 8vo, 38. 
 
 WILLS AND GREENE. Drawing-room Dramas for Children. By 
 
 W. G. WILLS and the Hon. Mrs GREENE. Crown 8vo, 6s. 
 
 WILSON. Works of Professor Wilson. Edited by his Son-in-Law 
 
 Professor FERRIEB. 12 vols. crown 8vo, 2, 8s. 
 
 Christopher in his Sporting- Jacket. 2 vols., 8s. 
 
 Isle of Palms, City of the Plague, and other Poems. 43. 
 
 Lights and Shadows of Scottish Life, and other Tales. 4?. 
 
 Essays, Critical and Imaginative. 4 vols., i6s. 
 
 The Noctes Ambrosianae. 4 vols., i6s. 
 
 Homer and his Translators, and the Greek Drama. Crown 
 
 8vo, 48. 
 
 WINGATE. Lily Neil. A Poem. By DAVID WINGATE. Crown 
 
 8vo, 43. 6d. 
 
 WORDSWORTH. The Historical Plays of Shakspeare. With 
 
 Introductions and Notes. By CHARLES WORDSWORTH, D.C.L., Bishop of S. 
 Andrews. 3 vols. post 8vo, each price 78. 6d. 
 
 WORSLEY. Poems and Translations. By PHILIP STANHOPE 
 
 WORSLEY, M.A. Edited by EDWARD WORSLEY. Second Edition, enlarged. 
 Fcap. 8vo, 6s. 
 
 YATE. England and Russia Face to Face in Asia. A Record of 
 
 Travel with the Afghan Boundary Commission. By Captain A. C. YATE, 
 Bombay Staff Corps. 8vo, with Maps and Illustrations, 218. 
 
 YATE. Northern Afghanistan ; or, Letters from the Afghan 
 
 Boundary Commission. By Major C. E. YATE, C.S.I., C.M.G. Bombay Staff 
 Corps, F.R.G.S. 8vo, with Maps. i8s. 
 
 YOUNG. A Story of Active Service in Foreign Lands. Compiled 
 from letters sent home from South Africa, India, and China, 1856-1882. By 
 Surgeon-General A. GRAHAM YOUNG, Author of 'Crimean Cracks.' Crown 
 8vo, Illustrated, js. 6d. 
 
 YULE. Fortification : for the Use of Officers in the Army, and 
 
 Readers of Military History. By Col. YULE, Bengal Engineers. 8vo, with 
 numerous Illustrations, ios. 6d. 
 
 9/90.
 
 SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 
 
 A
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES 
 THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
 
 24 
 
 WERNER A 
 
 lot's Camp oi, 
 By J. R "'' 
 
 University of California Library 
 Los Angeles 
 
 This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 
 
 31 
 
 2 , -5 P 
 
 ,. 

 
 UC SOUTHERN REGIOI 
 
 000 953 631 9