liW II OF CALIFORNIA SAN DIEGO SIR JOHN VANBRUGH. VOL. I. Seven hundred and fifty copies printed for England and America. No. SIR JOHN VANBRUGH EDITED BY W. C. WARD IN TWO VOLUMES VOLUME I. LONDON LAWRENCE & BULLEN 16 HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, W.C. 1893 London ; Henderson 6 s Spalding, Limited, Marylebone Lane, If. CONTENTS OF VOL. I. Page INTRODUCTION ix THE RELAPSE ; OR VIRTUE IN DANGER i >Esop 151 THE PROVOK'D WIFE 269 INTRODUCTION. WHAT authentic intelligence we possess of the birth and parentage of Sir John Vanbrugh is derived mainly from three sources : the first, an account furnished by himself, in 1714, to the Earl of Suffolk and Bindon, Deputy Earl Marshal, on the occasion of his claiming the right to bear the arms of his family ; the second, the scanty information collected by his colleague in the College of Arms, Peter Le Neve ;* the third, certain parish registers in London and Chester. Of the last two sources of information, unexplored by previous biographers of the dramatist, I have made considerable use in the following pages. The first, already familiar to students of Vanbrugh, supplied Mark Noble with the particulars published in his History of the College of Arms, London, 1804. From Vanbrugh's own account it appears that he was of Flemish extraction, and "that before the persecution of the Flemish by the Duke of Alva, Governor of the Spanish Nether- lands, his family lived near Ghent, in Flanders ; that Giles Vanbrug, quitting his native country for the enjoyment of the reformed religion, retired to England, and having been bred a merchant, settled as such in London, in the parish of St. *See Le Neve's Pedigrees of the Knights made by King Charles II., &c. Harleian Society's Publications, 1873. Le Neve was created Norroy King of Arms in 1704, in which year Vanbrugh was made Clarenceux. b x INTRODUCTION. Stephen, Walbrook, where he continued until his death in 1646, and having purchased a vault in the church, was buried in it."* The Vanbrugh family seems to have been both ancient and honourable. " John Baptist Gramay in his Antiquitys of West Flanders, in his discourse of the City of Ipres, Chapter 2d, says that the praetorship of that town was possest by severall eminent knights, amongst whom he names John Van Brugghe in the year 1383.'^ Le Neve states explicitly what Noble implies, that Giles Vanbrugh fled from Flanders during Alva's persecu- tion ; that is, between 1567 and 1573. It is difficult to reconcile this statement with the fact that a son was born to him some sixty years later. We may suppose, on the one hand, that he was carried into England when a mere infant ; or, on the other, that the actual date of his emigration was much later than that assigned. The latter conjecture seems to be supported by Le Neve's assertion, that Giles Vanbrugh was " made denison by King James ist by letters patent." Whatever, then, may have been the date of his migration, Giles Vanbrugh resided in the parish of St. Stephen, Walbrook, and followed the occupation of a merchant. In 1628 he was churchwarden of St. Stephen's : " Gillis Van Brugg Churt- warden," he writes himself in the parish register. In September of the same year was born his eldest son, William. A second son was born in April, 1631, who was baptized by his father's name, Giles, and who became the father of John Vanbrugh, the dramatist. * History of the College of Arms, p. 355. The family vault of the Vanbrughs was under the north aisle of St. Stephen's : no vestige of it now remains. Giles Vanbrugh was there buried, according to the entry in the parish register, on the zist of June, 1646. fLe Neve. I have copied the following entries from the register of St. Stephen's : " 1628. 25 September, was Baptized Willem the sonn of Gillis Van Brug and Mary his wyffi" " Gyles the sonn of Gyles Vanbrugh marchaunt & INTRODUCTION. xi Of Giles Vanbrugh the elder I find no farther record. Giles the younger married, not later than the winter of 1659-60, Elizabeth, fifth and youngest daughter and co-heiress of Sir Dudley Carleton. Dorothy Carleton, the second daughter of Sir Dudley, was already the wife of William Vanbrugh, who had, it appears, succeeded to his father's business in Walbrook.* The name and arms of this William Vanbrugh are engraved in the frontispiece to Thomas Fuller's Pisgah-Sight of Palestine (1650), together with the names and arms of the other Maecenases, whose " benevolent hands " had contributed to the safe delivery of that work to the public. The inscription in Fuller is " Gulielmo Van Brugs t Mercatori." The arms " Gules, on a fess, Or, three barulets, vert, a Lyon issuant arg. Crest, demy Lyon arg. issuant from a bridge composed of three arches reversed Or"J were subsequently (in 1714) claimed and borne by Sir John Vanbrugh as those of his family. The family into which the sons of the Walbrook merchant married was of some note in the diplomatic circle. Their father-in-law was nephew to a more famous Sir Dudley Carleton, who had filled with distinction, under Charles I., the Margarett his wyfe was Baptyzed the 27th apryll 1631." The discrepancy in the wife's name I cannot account for: possibly Giles Vanbrugh was twice married. * In Burke's Landed Gentry, Le Neve, and elsewhere, Dorothy Carleton is mentioned as the wife of William Vanbrugh. On the other hand, the register of St Stephen's contains two entries (of January i, 1657-8, and July 6, 1659) recording the baptisms respectively of William and Dudley, sons of "William Vanbrugg merchant and Mary his wife." The fourth daughter of Sir Dudley Carleton was named Mary. The name of Dorothy occurs in the Vanbrugh family, the brothers, William and Giles, each having a daughter of that name. t The name was very variously spelt. We find Van Brug, Vanbrug, Vanbrugg, Vanbrugh, Vanburgh, Vanbrough, Vamburg, Vanbrook, Vanbroge, &c. Sir John himself, in such autographs as I have seen, spelt his name "Vanbrugh." JLeNeve. b 2 xii INTRODUCTION. posts of Ambassador to Holland, and principal Secretary of State. His faithful services, and advocacy of the King's cause in Parliament, were rewarded by Charles with a peerage. In May, 1626, Sir Dudley was created Baron Carleton of Imber- court, near Esher, in Surrey; and in July, 1628, Viscount Dorchester. But he did not live to assist his master in the time of his greatest need. He died in February, 1632, and if we may credit Cowley, among whose juvenile compositions may be found an elegy on his death, " The Muses lost a Patron by his Fate, Vertue a Husband, and a Prop the State." Dorchester left but a small estate, of the value of not more than ,700 a year ; and the heir, a posthumous child, dying an infant, the manor and residence of Imbercourt, which, together with the title, had been bestowed upon the deceased statesman, became the property of his nephew, the Sir Dudley Carleton whose daughters, Dorothy and Elizabeth, were married to William and Giles Vanbrugh. This Carleton, also, figured in public life. He acted as substitute for his uncle during the ambassador's absences from his post at the Hague, discharging that trust with diligence and capacity.* He was knighted in 1626 ; was the King's Resident in Holland in 1630, as appears by Dorchester's will ; and was appointed Clerk of the Council in 1637. Thenceforward, history knows no more of Sir Dudley Carleton, except that, in 1649, he conveyed the property of Imbercourt to one Mr. Knipe.t For some years after his marriage Giles Vanbrugh resided in the parish of St. Nicholas Aeons, in the city of London. In this parish was born, in the month of January, 1664, his son * Kippis's Biographia Britannica. Manning and Bray's History of Surrey, voL L, p. 459*. INTRODUCTION. xiii John, the future dramatist, and the subject of this memoir. The following are the exact words of the entry, copied by myself from the register of St. Nicholas Aeons : "John Vanbrugh the sonn of Giles Vanbrugh and Elizabeth his wife was Christned the 24 of January in the house by Mr. John Meriton. 1663" i.e., 1664, N.s. "The house" is, of course, Giles Vanbrugh's : two of John Vanbrugh's sisters, Dorothy and Lucy, were similarly christened in their father's house. Mr. John Meriton was the rector of St. Nicholas Aeons.* The youngest child of Giles Vanbrugh, whose name appears in the register of St. Nicholas, is a daughter Elizabeth who was born on the 7th of January, 1665, Between this date and the autumn of 1667, when entries respecting the family begin to appear in the register of Holy Trinity, Chester, there is a blank which we are left to supply as well as we can, by inference. It is tolerably certain, however, that in this interim Giles Van- brugh was made the father of two more children. No other period can well be assigned for the births of Anna Maria and Carleton, to say nothing of the strong presumption afforded by Mrs. Vanbrugh's extreme punctuality in these matters. Meanwhile, from the absence of farther entries in the register of St. Nicholas, we gather that Giles had quitted that parish ; and it seems but a reasonable conjecture, that dread of the plague had driven him, with his young family, altogether from London in the spring of 1665. He ultimately settled in *I am indebted to Mr. J. P. Earwaker, F.S.A., for the important information that the records of the births of John Vanbrugh, and others of the family, were to be found in the register of St. Nicholas Aeons. The church of St. Nicholas Aeons no longer exists, not having been rebuilt after its destruction by the fire of 1666. It stood on the west side of Nicholas Lane, near Lombard Street, where the little churchyard yet remains. The parish registers were transferred, after the fire, to the church of St. Edmund, in Lombard Street. xiv INTRODUCTION. Chester, but it is not likely that he was resident there before 1667, or the birth of one of his children, which must have occurred during that year, or, at the earliest, about the end of 1666, would have been recorded in a Chester register. Giles Vanbrugh, then, settled in Chester in the year 1667, and established himself in business as a sugar-baker in Weaver Street. Here, there is no doubt, he passed the remainder of his life, and here were born the rest of his numerous family.* The following list of Giles Vanbrugh's children is compiled from the registers of St. Nicholas Aeons, St. Stephen's, Walbrook, and Holy Trinity, Chester. The two London registers I have myself examined : the particulars from Chester were long since communicated to Notes and Queries (Second Series, vol. i, pp. 116-7) by Mr. T. Hughes, of that city. The years are given according to New Style. i. Giles, born Oct. 6, 1660 : St. Nicholas. Buried at St. Stephen's, Mar. 31, 1661. His Christian name is not given in the register of St. Stephen's, where he is entered as "a yongue Childe of Mr. Giles Van Bruggs" : the entry, moreover, appears under the year 1660, but the dates of preceding and succeeding entries show that it belongs to 1661. 2. Dorothy, born Feb. 14, 1662 : St. Nicholas. Buried at St. Stephen's, where she is described only as "a young Child of Mr. Giles Vanbroge," Sept 27, 1663. 3. Lucy, born Feb. n, 1663 : St. Nicholas. 4. John, bapt. Jan. 24, 1664 : St. Nicholas. 5. Elizabeth, born Jan. 7, 1665 : St Nicholas. Buried at Holy Trinity, Chester, Nov. 27, 1667. 6 and 7. Carleton and Anna Maria, I have found no record of their births, and cannot tell which was the elder ; but they come between Elizabeth and Mary. Carleton was buried at Holy Trinity, Chester, Oct. 13, 1667. Anna Maria is named in her father's will, and is mentioned by Le Neve as the second daughter, Lucy being the first in his table. The remainder of the list is from the Register of Holy Trinity, Chester. 8. Mary, born Nov. 3, 1668. 9. Victoria, bapt. Jan. 25, 1670. 10. Elizabeth, bapt. May 4, 1671. n. Robina, bapt. Sept. 22, 1672. 12. Carleton, bapt. Sept. 18, 1673. 13. An infant son, buried Aug. 31, 1674. 14. Giles, bapt Sept 3, 1675. 15. Catherina, bapt. Oct. 9, 1676. Buried Mar. 22, 1677. 16. Dudley, born Oct 21, 1677. 17. Kendrick, bapt. Nov. 21, 1678. 18. Charles, bapt Feb. 27, 1680. 19. Philip, bapt. Jan. 31, 1681. The thirteen, whose burials are not recorded above, were living at the date of Giles Vanbrugh's will, 1683. INTRODUCTION. xv The story of his returning to London, and obtaining the appoint- ment of " Comptroller of the Treasury Chamber " (whatever that may mean), is without foundation, and may be dismissed as a pure fiction. He is said to have acquired a competent fortune, and it is beyond question that he was a highly respect- able citizen, and a person of consideration in Chester. In Blome's Britannia (1673) he figures in the list of " Nobility and Gentry related unto Cheshire," as "Giles Vanbrough of Chester, Gent." But here is an actual glimpse of him, not uninteresting, in his habit as he lived. In June, 1687, the famous dissenting minister, Matthew Henry, went to reside in Chester ; which city, writes his biographer, " was then very happy in several worthy Gentlemen that had their Habitations there ; they were not altogether Strangers to Mr. Henry before he came to live among them, but now they came to be his very intimate Acquaintance ; some of these, as Alderman Main- waring and Mr. Vanbrugh, Father to Sir John Vandrugh, were in Communion with the Church of England, but they heard Mr. Henry on the Week-day Lectures, and always treated him with great and sincere Respect."* We picture to ourselves Mr. Vanbrugh as a staid, serious man, of a religious turn, and wonder whether John took after his mother? In the summer of 1689 Giles Vanbrugh died, and was buried in Holy Trinity Church, Chester, on the iQth of July. His will, which is dated October 25, 1683, is preserved in the Episcopal Registry at Chester. The following abstract of it appeared in Notes and Queries^ : " Giles Vanbrugh, of the City of Chester, by his will of this date, gave to his wife Elizabeth the whole of his household furniture, &c., (plate excepted), and what was due to her by marriage contract ; and directed the whole of his real estate, &c., to be sold by his executor, and the Tong's Life of Mr. Matthew Henry, pp. 98-99. London, 1716. t Second Series, voL i., p. 117. Communicated by T. Hughes, Chester. xvi INTRODUCTION. proceeds to be divided into fourteen parts, two of which he gave to his eldest son John, one part to Lucy, one to Anna Maria, one to Mary, one to Victoria, and one each to Elizabeth, Robina, Carleton, Giles, Dudley, Kendrick, Charles, and Philip. Appoints his wife sole executrix. Will proved by her, July 24, 1689." The widow, Elizabeth Vanbrugh, lived to enjoy the successes of her famous son. She died at Chargate, in the parish of Esher, on the I3th of August, 1711, and was buried, on the I5th, in the church at Thames Ditton.* The register of that church being, unfortunately, defective about this date, I have been unable to discover the entry of her burial. Of John Vanbrugh's education we know nothing but that it was " probably liberal." Mr. T. Hughes supposes him to have been educated at the King's School, Chester, " then a seminary of the highest repute " ; t which is likely enough, but lacks con- firmation. At an early age at nineteen, one account has it he was sent into France, where he continued several years. During this period, it may be presumed, he laid the foundation of that skill in architecture which he afterwards so eminently displayed : at least, there is no subsequent period of his life to which we can, with equal probability, ascribe his studies in that art. It is in France that we get our first authentic glimpse of Vanbrugh, in the enviable position of a prisoner in the Bastile. The story has been pronounced a myth by D Israeli, J but it is confirmed by the following passages from Narcissus Luttrell's Diary : " Thursday, i ith February [1691-2]. Last letters from France say, three English gentlemen, Mr. Vanbrook, Mr. Goddard, and * Noble, p. 355. f Notes and Queries, Second Series, voL i., p. 117. % Curiosities of Literature ; Secret History of the Building of Blenheim. INTRODUCTION. xvii Mr. North, were clapt up in the Bastile, suspected to be spyes." France and England were then at war, and reprisals ensued. On Tuesday, 1 5th March, Luttrell writes : " French merchants were the other day sent to the Tower, to be used as Mr. North and Mr. Vanbroke are in the Bastile." Vanbrugh remained some time in the Bastile, says Voltaire,* without ever learning what had procured him this attention on the part of the French ministry. But the gaiety and good humour for which he was afterwards noted, and to which his writings so strongly testify, did not desert him. He employed this period of leisure in sketching the scenes of a comedy, which he some years later completed, and brought upon the stage, under the title of The Pro-voKd Wife. It is generally added that his liberation was due to the good offices of certain French gentlemen, who visited him in prison, and, being charmed with his wit and talent, represented the affair to the King in a favour- able light. We know not whether it was before or after his confinement in the Bastile that Vanbrugh entered the army as an ensign ; it is likely, however, to have been before, as he was twenty-eight years of age at the date of his arrest. His military adventures have never been recorded, but he was long known about town as " Captain Vanbrugh." I find in Luttrell another little story, of which there is a bare possibility that our Vanbrugh may be the hero. "Tuesday, 22nd November, 1692. Ostend letters say, collonel Beveredge of the Scotts regiment being at dinner with captain Vanbrook of the same, words arose and swords were after drawn, and the collonel was killed, having given abusive language to the captain first and shook him." The " Mr. Vanbrugh," whom Evelyn mentions as secretary' to the Greenwich Commission in 1695, appears not to have been John Vanbrugh, but a certain William Vanbrugh, who * Letters on the English People. xviii INTRODUCTION. died November 20, 1716 ; possibly the son of Giles Vanbrugh's elder brother.* II. IN the year 1696 Vanbrugh commenced, under the most favourable auspices, the career in which his genius fitted him chiefly to excel, and in which he was destined to outstrip all his contemporaries, Congreve alone excepted, the career of comic dramatist. The fortunes of the theatre had been for some time in a declining way. Ill-management, resulting in pecuniary difficulties and disputes between the patentees and the actors, had nullified the advantages which had been so confidently anticipated from the union of the two companies at Drury Lane in 1682 ; and when Betterton, the greatest actor of the day, seceded from the Theatre Royal, he drew after him to his new theatre in Lincoln's Inn Fields most of the best performers in the service of the patentees. Fortune, as well as merit, was on the side of the malcontents. They opened, on the 3oth of April, 1695, with the most successful new play which had been produced for many years Congreve's Love for Love; and day after day crowded audiences assembled at Lincoln's Inn Fields to laugh and applaud, while at Drury Lane the dispirited patentees were paying double salaries to inexperienced actors from the profits of a half-filled house. But this sudden flood of popular favour presently subsided. The negligence consequent upon fancied security, aided by internal jealousies, brought about a result which a little prudence and forbearance might easily have obviated, and the new management found itself before long obliged to follow the example already set by the "provident patentees" of the Theatre Royal, and to withhold the wages of the actors except * Sec Notes and Queries, Fourth Series, vol. ix, p. 499. INTRODUCTION. xix at such times as the financial condition of the house made it convenient to pay them. The fortunes of the Theatre Royal were now at low water, and those of the rival company, though not yet so far reduced, a little on the ebb, when the patentees resolved, on the recommendation of Southern, to bring forward, in January, 1696, a new play, the first production of a young actor of their house. Colley Gibber, the young actor in question, was then rising in his profession somewhat more slowly than, in his own estima- tion, his merits warranted. The applause which had rewarded his happy mimicry of Dogget's manner in Alderman Fondle- wife,* some months before, had failed to convince the managing patentee, Christopher Rich, and Gibber's fellow-actors at Drury Lane, that he was fitted equally to shine in other characters of importance. " There were few or no Parts, of the same kind, to be had," he himself tells us. " If I sollicited for any thing of a different Nature, I was answered, That was not in my Way. And what zvasin my Way, it seems, was not,asyet,resolv > dupon."+ Under these circumstances, what remained for an aspiring young comedian but to write a part for himself? The play was in due course completed, submitted to Southern's judgment, and, on his recommendation, accepted by the patentees. Its success was such as completely to vindicate Southern's discern- ment Without one stroke of inspiration, LovJs Last Shift; or^ The Fool in Fashion, displayed unquestionable talent : a well- constructed and effective comedy, it deserved the favour with which it was received. The plot turns upon the reclamation of a dissolute husband by the wife from whom he has been eight years parted. But the most diverting character in the piece is that of Sir Novelty Fashion, an affected fop, whose soul is everlastingly in pawn to his tailor ; and this part was imper- * In Congreve's Old Bachelor. + Gibber's Apology for his Life, chap. vi. xx INTRODUCTION. sonated, with great applause, by the author himself. Nor was the applause that of the general public alone. The Earl of Dorset " Dorset, the grace of courts, the Muses' pride " pro- nounced Love's Last Shift " the best first play that any author, in his memory, had produced " ; but either Dorset's memory was very defective, or the "judge of Nature," as Pope called him, was not equally a judge of art ; for the Old Bachelor had been produced but three years previously, and between Congreve's genius and Gibber's ingenuity no comparison can be admitted. Congreve himself, the wittiest of a witty school, showed more penetration when he averred that the new play " had only in it a great many things that were like wit, that in reality were not wit." Yet even Congreve seems to have been indebted to Love's Last Shift for the hint of the famous couplet which concludes the third act of the Mourning Bride. There is surely a nearer connection than that of mere casual coincidence between Mrs. Flareit's " He shall find no Fiend in Hell can match the fury of a disappointed Woman," and Zara's often quoted lines " Heaven has no Rage, like Love to Hatred turn'd, Nor Hell a fury, like a Woman scorn' d." But a greater honour yet was in store for Gibber. Among the thousands who saw and approved Love's Last Shift was Captain Vanbrugh. The gallant captain had long since, as we have seen, made his private addresses to the Muse of Comedy, and although his early attachment had for a time lain dormant, it was ready to be revived now that he was at leisure to indulge it. Gibber's play proved the breath which re-kindled into flame the smouldering fire. Vanbrugh was struck by the situation with which the piece closed. The characters appeared to him capable of farther development. He flung himself into the task with the ardour of a lover : the short space of six weeks sufficed for its completion, and, in the beginning of April, 1696, he presented to the management at INTRODUCTION. xxi Drury Lane a sequel to Love's Last Shift^ under the title of The Relapse ; or, Virtue in Danger. From Gibber's comedy he had borrowed three characters, and the name of a fourth. The characters were those of Loveless, the libertine husband, his virtuous wife Amanda, and Sir Novelty Fashion, whom Vanbrugh created a peer by the style of Lord Foppington ; the name was that of Worthy, the "fine gentleman" of The Relapse^ who is, however, in other respects, like the remaining dramatis personcz, a new character. The season being now too far advanced to afford time for the preparation and production of the new play, The Relapse was not acted until the succeeding winter.* Every measure had been taken to ensure the success of the piece, and its success was complete. There was scarce an actor of any eminence at Mr. Rich's disposal who had not some part in it. The three characters borrowed from Love's Last Shift were represented by the actors who had played the correspond- ing parts in Gibber's comedy. Jack Verbruggen, " that rough Diamond, who shone more bright than all the artful, polish'd Brilliants that ever sparkled on our Stage," t appeared in the part of Loveless ; Mrs. Rogers in that of Amanda ; while Colley Gibber, as Lord Foppington, drew from the crowded audiences applause yet louder and more prolonged than that which had formerly rewarded his exertions in the character of Sir Novelty. * There is no doubt that The Relapse was first produced in December, 1696. Plays, at this period, were commonly published within about a fortnight of their production, and so successful a piece as The Relapse would certainly not be an exception to the rule. The first edition bears the date of 1697 on the title-page, but it was actually issued before the end of 1696. The following announcement of its publication appeared in the Post Boy of December 26-29, 1696: "The Relapse : or, Vertue in Danger, being the Sequel of the Fool in Fashion. A Comedy. Acted at the Theatre-Royal in Drury-Lane. Printed for Sam. Briscoe at the corner of Charles Street, Covent Garden. 1697. " t Tony Aston's Brief Supplement to Gibber's Lives of the Actors and Actresses, p. 16. xxii INTRODUCTION. Berinthia was played by the most finished comic actress of the day, the inimitable Mrs. Verbruggen ; and Powell, the leading gentleman of the Drury Lane company, imparted, on the first evening at least, more than necessary vigour to the part of Worthy, having been " drinking his Mistress's Health in Nants Brandy, from six in the Morning to the time he waddled on upon the Stage."* Two of the minor parts were filled by actors whose posthumous fame has been greater than that of any of the above, except Gibber. The few sentences allotted to the quack surgeon, Sirringe, were, no doubt, made the most of by that witty scape- grace, Joe Haines ; and, at the first performance, the part of Lory, Young Fashion's servant, was taken by the already renowned Irish comedian, Thomas Dogget. Dogget had held a distinguished position among the mutineers who, under Betterton's lead, had defied Manager Rich, and shaken from their feet the dust of Drury Lane. At Lincoln's Inn Fields he had gained fresh laurels by his creation of the part of Ben, in Love for Love, but his pragmatical and dogged disposition rendered it impossible for him to remain long content in any situation. He quarrelled with Betterton upon the management of the theatre, mutinied again, and returned to the Theatre Royal, where, as we have said, he accepted the part of Lory, in The Relapse. Still, however, he was not suited. The part agreed "so ill with Dogget's dry and closely natural Manner of acting, that upon the second Day he desired it might be disposed of to another ; which the Author complying with, gave it to Penkethman; who tho', in other Lights, much his Inferior, yet this Part he seem'd better to become." f Penkethman had acted a similar part that of Loveless's man, Snap in Love's Last Shift. * Preface to The Relapse. t Gibber's Apology, chap. vii. INTRODUCTION. xxiii With characteristic generosity, Vanbrugh resigned to the patentees his own rights in the performance of the successful play.* Sir Thomas Skipwith, who owned a large share in the theatrical patent, had known Vanbrugh in early days, " when he was but an Ensign, and had a Heart above his Income ;"t and had conferred a particular obligation upon him, which the poet was now desirous to repay. The recent languishing condition of the Drury Lane exchequer had, of course, reduced the profits of the patentees, and, as Vanbrugh thought, a successful new piece would at once bring prosperity to the house, and raise the value of his friend's share. After all, Sir Thomas does not appear to have benefited greatly by Vanbrugh's generous endeavour to serve him. Utterly careless of his own interest, he left the management of the theatre entirely in the hands of his colleague, Rich ; than whom, if we may believe Gibber, "no Creature ever seem'd more fond of Power, that so little knew how to use it to his Profit and Reputation." The result was, that about ten years later, Sir Thomas, having, as he said, made nothing of it for years, fairly made a present of his whole right in the patent to Colonel Brett, whose exertions brought the stage, for a time, to a more prosperous condition. III. The Relapse, like its author's later productions, belongs to that school of comedy, called artificial, which was introduced into the English theatre by Sir George Etherege, and which, after a career of unexampled brilliancy, was slowly flogged to death by that " awful cat-a-nine-tails to the Stage," + the Puritan inquisi- * By the custom of the time, the poet was entitled to the profits of the third and sixth nights' performances of a new play. f Gibber's Apology. % Vanbrugh's Prologue to The False Friend. xxiv INTRODUCTION. tion of the times of William III. and Anne. Fostered by the favour of a Court of which the manners and tastes were inevit- ably influenced by the habits of a long exile, the Artificial Comedy, or, as it is better denominated, the Comedy of Manners, was naturally, in some of its features, an exotic. Its dominant idea at least, as regards the works of its greatest masters was Satire : its most indispensable attribute was Wit. The traditions of the Shakespearean comedy, the comedy of human life, as one might term it, were forgotten ; and it was now held ' ' the intent and business of the Stage, To copy out the Follies of the Age ; To hold to every man a faithful Glass, And show him of what Species he's an Ass."* In these particulars we recognize the practice of the French theatre, of which the influence is strongly attested by the fre- quency with which, during the fifty years succeeding the Restoration, English comic poets of all grades, from Dryden down to Ravenscroft, translated, adapted, or borrowed from the works of Moliere. Vanbrugh, indeed, has left us only two finished plays which are not directly founded upon French originals. In a less degree, the Spanish theatre, and especially the comedies of Calderon, with their scenes of complicated intrigue, may claim some share in the formation of the new English school. But with all these alien influences the Comedy of Manners retained many characteristics of true British growth. Essentially, it owed more to Ben Jonson and The Silent Woman, than to all the dramatists of France and Spain united. In fact, it may even be said, that wide as was the impression made at this period by the French drama upon our own, it was also, for the most part, superficial. Even where they copied * Prologue to The Provok'd Wife. INTRODUCTION. xxv most directly, our playwrights generally managed to disguise their appropriations in a garb of unmistakable homespun. Moliere was faithfully followed in his wit and satire, Calderon in his intrigue ; but the specifically national characteristics of these authors, the classic refinement of the Frenchman and the poetic dignity of the Spaniard, are commonly conspicuous by their absence from the English adaptations of their works ; and their place is but too often supplied by an extravagant and peculiarly English grossness of language and sentiment. In fine, if the body were French, not only the garb which clothed it, but the spirit which animated it, for better or for, worse, was usually altogether English. Like most of his contemporaries and immediate predecessors, Vanbrugh has not escaped the charge of licentiousness of language and sentiment. It is a charge which has been, I believe, frequently overstated against the post-Restoration poets as a body ; though, of course, it cannot be denied that most of them, and even the most eminent among them, condescended at times to pander to the depraved taste of their audience, by the employment of language and incidents past the possibility of extenuation. But, on the other hand, it should be remembered, that much of the apparent licentiousness of these plays had a purpose expressly satirical, and was intended not to counten- ance, but to expose, the vices of the age. The times permitted plain speaking, and the poets availed themselves of the liberty, sometimes with a bad, but frequently also with a good motive ; in which case, I conceive, the charge of immorality belongs not to the poet, but the society which he portrayed. This observation, it may be remarked in passing, will be found particularly applicable to one of the best abused of Restoration dramatists, William Wycherley. I cannot regard Vanbrugh as a great culprit in this respect. In two of his comedies The Relapse and The Provotfd Wife we may at once admit that there are occasional passages which c xxvi INTRODUCTION. transgress the bounds of decorum, but it can hardly be contended that, in either of these pieces, the poet proves himself a deliber- ate advocate of immorality. The intrigue between Loveless and Berinthia, for example, is painted in colours perhaps too glowing, yet it is certain that the author's design was not to engage the sympathy of the audience on behalf of the criminals, but rather to enhance, by a lively contrast, their admiration for the pure- minded, though cruelly tempted, Amanda. As to the remaining plays of Vanbrugh, the criticism which can find anything in them worthy of serious condemnation on the score of licentiousness, must be captious indeed. The chief defect of The Relapse lies in its construction. It comprises two distinct plots, of almost equal importance, and very slightly connected. But this, perhaps its only consider- able blemish, appears a trifle beside the beauties which out- weigh it a thousandfold. The characters are delineated with so masterly a hand, the scenes are so happily contrived, the dialogue is so brimful of wit, the action proceeds, from beginning to end, with such unflagging animation, that the faults of the piece are forgotten in generous admiration of the author's genius. In the character of Lord Foppington, Vanbrugh has followed, to some extent, the design of his predecessor; but to say only that he has vastly improved upon Gibber, were to allow him far less than his due of honour. Sir Novelty Fashion is an amusing portrait of the beau of the period : Lord Foppington is one of the most inimitably drawn characters within the entire range of English comic drama. Vanbrugh has not merely remodelled the figure, he has endowed it with life, and is entitled to the full credit of the creation. The name of Lord Foppington recalls that of Etherege's Man of Mode, Sir Fopling Flutter, but there is no real resemblance between the two characters farther than the inevitable likeness of one fop to another. The Man of Mode is merely a " brisk blockhead," as Medley calls him in the play : Lord Foppington is not so much a fool by nature, as a coxcomb INTRODUCTION. xxvii by caprice ; and his conversation, though affected to the last degree, displays occasional symptoms of wit and observation. In quick succession to The Relapse followed the comedy of AZsop, which was produced at Drury Lane in the month of January, 1697,* with Colley Gibber in the title-role. It is a free translation, with considerable additions and alterations, of a French comedy by Boursault, entitled Les Fables cTEsope. Like The Relapse, though in a different way, sEsop is somewhat faulty in construction. If, as it is said in Tristram Shandy, digressions are " the sunshine, the life, the soul of reading," the play needs no farther recommendation ; for it consists largely of digressions. The plot is of the simplest description, and is, in fact, little more than a thread upon which the author has strung together a series of independent episodes. Upon the whole, it must be allowed that Vanbrugh's comedy is greatly superior to Boursault's. In the more serious scenes, it is true, the French poet displays more pathos and dignity than his English adapter ; but in the comic episodes, which, after all, are the most vital portions of the play, Vanbrugh far surpasses him. The fables, moreover, which with Boursault are little more than outlines, destitute of life and colour, are enriched by Vanbrugh with strokes of wit and fancy which raise them to a respectable rank among compositions of this kind. The morality of ^Esop is unimpeachable, which probably accounts for the comparative coolness of its reception by English audiences of that day. It ran, however, for eight or nine nights, and was revived, both at Drury Lane and Lincoln's * The date of &sop is fixed by the following advertisement of its publica- tion, from the London Gazette of January 18-21, 1697 : " ^Esop. A Comedy. As it is acted at the Theatre Royal in Drury Lane. Printed for Tho. Bennet at the Half Moon in St. Paul's Church-Yard. " The produc- tion of sEsop probably preceded its publication by a very brief interval, as the author remarks in the preface, "'tis now but the second day of acting." C 2 xxviii INTRODUCTION. Inn Fields, on several occasions during the author's lifetime.* As in the case of The Relapse, the poet assigned to the patentees his rights in the performance. Having thus presented the Theatre Royal with two master- pieces in order to oblige Sir Thomas Skipwith, Vanbrugh next proceeded to gratify another of his friends, by conferring a similar favour upon the company in Lincoln's Inn Fields. This friend was the Right Honourable Charles Montague, Chancellor of the Exchequer, afterwards Earl of Halifax ; a statesman of ability and repute, as well as a maker of mediocre verses ; but best remembered as the great patron of poetry, the Maecenas of the age, although, if we may believe Pope, "rather a pretender to taste than really possessed of it."t Montague was " a great Favourer of Bettertorfs Company, Gibber tells us ; and, " having formerly, by way of Family- Amusement, heard the Provo&d Wife read to him, in its looser Sheets, engag'd Sir John Vanbrugh to revise it, and give it to the Theatre in Lincolris-Inn Fields. This was a Request not to be refus'd to so eminent a Patron of the Muses as the Lord Hallifax, who was equally a Friend and Admirer of Sir John * There is a passage in the prologue to The ProvoKd Wife which can be interpreted only, I think, as an allusion to the partial failure of sEsop. The success of The Relapse, so recent and so complete, had probably encouraged the author to anticipate an equally pronounced triumph for his second essay, and his expectations were, no doubt, in a measure disappointed. Yet ssop appears to have been fairly successful. Gibber writes " I was equally approv'd in &sop, as the Lord Foppington, allowing the Difference to be no less than as Wisdom, in a Person deform" d, may be less enter- taining to the general Taste, than Folly and Foppery, finely drest" And in Gildon's Comparison between the Two Stages we read " Oroonoko, &sop, and Relapse are Master-pieces, and subsisted Drury-lane House, the first two or three years." t Spence's Anecdotes, where a story is told of Lord Halifax which con- firms Pope's judgment of him. INTRODUCTION. xxix himself."* Accordingly, The Provok'd Wife, begun, as we have seen, in the Bastile, some years previously, was now completed, handed over to Betterton, and produced by his company about the end of April, or beginning of May, 1697.1 The cast was unexceptionable. Betterton himself " an Actor, as Shakespear was an Author, both without Competitors " took the part of Sir John Brute. Verbruggen, who had recently migrated from the rival house, appeared as Constant. Lady Brute was played by the famous Mrs. Barry ; Belinda by the not less famous, and still more fascinating, Mrs. Bracegirdle. With such actors, and such a comedy, success followed as a matter of course. The ProvoKd Wife is, upon the whole, superior in construc- tion to either of its predecessors ; at least, the unity of action is better preserved. Its moral tone, however, is looser, nor does it contain a single character which even pretends to evoke, in the smallest degree, the reader's sympathy. For all this, it is a true masterpiece of wit and humour, and can hardly with justice be pronounced, in general, an immoral play. There is nothing in it of the earnestness of purpose which distinguishes the story of Loveless and Amanda, yet where the author does occasionally deviate into seriousness, the moral is good enough ; as, for example, when Constant exclaims "Though Marriage be a Lottery, yet there is one inestimable Lot, in which the only Heaven on Earth is written" ; and Heartfree responds " To be * Gibber's Apology, chap. vi. Montague was not Lord Halifax until 1700 he was created Baron Halifax in that year, and Earl in 1714. In the latter year Vanbrugh was knighted. t The publication of The Provok'd Wife is thus announced in the Post Man of May 11-13, l6 97 : " This day is published The Provok'd Wife, a Comedy, as it is Acted at the New Theatre in Little Lincolns Inn Fields, by the Author of a new Comedy of the Relapse, or Virtue in Danger, and .(Ezop. Printed for Rich. Wellington at the Lute in St. Paul's Church- yard." xxx INTRODUCTION. capable of loving one, doubtless is better than to possess a Thousand." Briefly, The ProvoVd Wife is a gay, lively satire upon the manners of a certain section of society, and is conducted exactly on the principle laid down by the author himself in the first four lines, already quoted, of the prologue. IV. WE are now approaching a turning point in the history of the English stage. The witty licentiousness of the comic drama, still flourishing in unabated luxuriance, was no longer so openly in accord with popular sentiment as in the days when the rage of revolt against Puritan intolerance led naturally into the opposite excess. Indeed, it can hardly be maintained that at any period since the Restoration the immorality of the drama had really reflected the feeling of the nation at large. Even in London, the play-going public formed but a small minority of the population. The stage was chiefly upheld by the "quality" ; the poets, as Dryden wrote, " must live by Courts, or starve " ; and the history of the London theatres, from 1660 to the time at which we have now arrived, is a record of continual struggles, on the part of the managers, to maintain two houses, for the entire metropolis, in a state of tolerable prosperity. We have but to read the plays themselves to find convincing proofs as to the class to which they were intended to appeal. Beaux, it is true, were ridiculed and scoffed at with the utmost freedom of language,* yet the hero of the piece was always a man of fashion and of pleasure ; much the kind of man, in short, which the beau himself would have been, if he had had but the wit. Thus the beaux in the audience were under no necessity of applying to themselves the satire which the poet lavished upon * See, for example, the prologues and epilogue to The Relapse. INTRODUCTION. xxxi their kind : when Dorimant went as fine as Sir Fopling, what was to hinder each admiring beau from taking Dorimant to himself, and writing his fellow down the ass ? For the citizens, on the other hand, there were no such opportunities of escape. A " citizen,'' in the dialect of the playhouse, was but another term for a cuckold ; nor was it to be supposed that the sober citizens of London would themselves frequent, or allow their wives and daughters to frequent, entertainments in which they were invariably held up to contempt and derision. But, as yet, no accumulated force of public reprobation had been directed against the licence of the theatres. They had been protected by the Stuart monarchs, uncensured by the Church ; and the bulk of the nation was too loyal openly to con- demn that which found favour in the eyes of its rulers. With the Revolution the situation of affairs was altered. Decorum prevailed at Court, and although the drama was as frankly licentious as ever, the temper of the people was no longer so tolerant Decency was not now synonymous with disloyalty : a storm was brewing which, before long, was to overspread the whole sky, and to sweep away, in indiscriminate ruin, all that was reprehensible, and nearly all that was valuable, in the drama of the day. The first low mutterings of the thunder were audible when, in 1695, ^e " everlasting Blackmore " published his preface to Prince Arthur. Three years later the tempest descended in full fury. In March, 1698, Jeremy Collier, a non-juring clergy- man, put forth his Short View of the Immorality and Profane- ness of the English Stage a book written with some ingenuity > considerable learning, and an abundance of bitterness and pedantry. Its success was stupendous. Three editions appeared within the year ; a fourth was issued in 1699 ; and in its train pamphlet succeeded pamphlet, directed to the same end, by writers who rivalled Collier in bitterness, however far they fell short of him in ability. Public opinion was thoroughly xxxii INTRODUCTION. aroused, and strong on the side of the assailants. The attack upon the playwrights was presently followed up by prosecutions of the players. On the loth of May, 1698, Luttrell notes in his Diary that " the justices of Middlesex have presented the play- houses to be nurseries of debauchery and blasphemy." Two days later he writes : " The justices did not only present the playhouses, but also Mr. Congreve, for writing the Double Dealer j Durfey for Don Quixot; and Tonson and Brisco, book- sellers, for printing them : and that women frequenting the playhouses in masks tended much to debauchery and immorality." An Act of James I., against profane swearing, was put in force : informers were stationed in the theatres to take notes of any objectionable words which might be used upon the stage ; and although Queen Anne's intervention at length put a stop to these vexatious and absurd proceedings, it was not until several of the players, including Betterton and Mrs. Bracegirdle, had been convicted under the Act. Threatened dramas, however, like threatened men, live long. Even the great storm of the 2;th of November, 1703, did not entirely empty the playhouses, although carefully "improved," as a judgment, by the zealots. The anonymous author of a pamphlet published two or three years later, under the edifying title of Hell upon Earth; or the Language of the Playhouse, makes the mournful admission that "the horrid Comedies of Love for Love, The Provok'd Wife, and The Spanish Fryar, are frequently acted in all places to which the Players come. The more they have been expos'd by Mr. Collier and others, the more they seem to be admir'd ! " But the victory, after all, remained with the reformers, though less complete than the more violent among them had desired. The chief defendants themselves, Congreve and Vanbrugh (for Dryden's dramatic career was already closed), became more guarded in their writings after Collier's attack, and an era of decorum commenced for the stage. Not decorum alone, however, was the result of INTRODUCTION. xxxiii the popular outcry. By long association, wit and licence had become, as it seemed, inseparable, and the younger school of dramatists wrought uneasily in their newly imposed fetters. At a later period, indeed, it was shown by Goldsmith and Sheridan, that the most charming humour and the most brilliant wit could consist in comedy with perfect purity of thought and language ; but for the time the case seemed hopeless, and side by side with decorum, dulness fixed her seat in the deserted temple of wit and satire. To return to the Short View. Collier opens his attack with temper and moderation. His purpose is the reformation, not the abolition, of the theatres. "The business of Plays," he writes, " is to recommend Virtue, and discountenance Vice ; To shew the Uncertainty of Humane Greatness, the suddain Turns of Fate, and the Unhappy Conclusions of Violence and Injustice : 'Tis to expose the Singularities of Pride and Fancy, to make Folly and Falsehood contemptible, and to bring every thing that is 111 under Infamy and Neglect. This Design," adds Collier, " has been oddly pursued by the English Stage ! " We will waive the exceptions which might easily be made against Mr. Collier's view of the "business of plays." 'Tis indubitable that part, at least, of his design was pursued, however oddly, by some of the very poets whom he proceeds to condemn with so much acrimony. Those who imagine they perceive in the plays of Wycherley, Congreve, or Vanbrugh, only scenes of debauchery rendered more dangerously seductive by wit and fancy, are blind to their real purpose. These authors were essentially satirists. Even that bete noire of the Puritans, Wycherley's Country Wife, is in reality a powerful and scathing satire upon those very vices of which it has been popularly supposed a hot-bed. Indeed, Collier himself seems to have been dimly conscious that in assailing Wycherley he was upon dangerous ground. His references to the " Plain Dealer " are few, and singularly temperate, and on more than xxxiv INTRODUCTION. one occasion he pauses to conciliate the great dramatist by a well-deserved compliment. Perhaps Collier may have felt the force of that satire which is more unmistakable in the produc- tions of this Hogarth of the drama than in those of most of his contemporaries, but it is difficult to reconcile such a supposition with his usual obtuseness in regard to irony. Because Vanbrugh and Congreve fail to conduct their fops and libertines to the gallows at the conclusion of the piece, he gravely charges them with intending these creatures as models for the imitation of the admiring spectators. At the same time there is no denying that Collier's complaints of the immodesty of the stage were, in general, only too well founded. The audience at least, the noisier section of the audience delighted in obscenity ; and even the greatest poets, Dryden in particular, would sometimes sink to the level of those whose humour was all-powerful to save or to condemn. Yet there is need of discrimination. The plain language, permitted by the manners of the age, is not necessarily a proof of immorality. We may even go farther, and admit that in many of the comical passages of these old plays " happy breathing- places from the burthen of a perpetual moral questioning "* the wit and humour go far to redeem the indecorum ; that it were not amiss occasionally to lay aside our nineteenth-century prudishness, and to own ourselves diverted by a brilliant repartee or a ludicrous situation, though introduced with bolder licence than the manners of our own strictly moral time allow. Many instances, however, are to be found, which it is im- possible to palliate. Such are the grossly indecent lines often to be met with in the prologues and epilogues of seventeeth century plays, when the poet, addressing his audience directly, stoops thus to bid for the applause of the looser sort among them ; while, to make matters worse, the offending passages were * Charles Lamb. INTRODUCTION. xxxv frequently 'placed in the mouths of women. In reprobating such practices as these Collier stood upon his strongest ground, and was sure of the sympathy of all decent persons. Unfor- tunately, his zeal could not rest here. The just censure which, in his first chapter, he bestows upon that which was repre- hensible in the poets of his day, is weakened by a tendency to exaggeration and to the introduction of trivial or irrelevant instances ; and these tendencies grow upon him as the work progresses, until, before its close, he shows himself a mere fanatic, devoid alike of judgment and of discrimination. He cites the dramatists of past ages as evidence against his con- temporaries, commending the morality of Terence and Plautus, the modesty of Ben Jonson, and (oddly enough) of Beaumont and Fletcher. Aristophanes and Shakespeare he puts conveniently out of court ; for the former " discovers himself a downright Atheist," while, "as for Shakespeare, he is too guilty to make an Evidence." So far, however, Collier has remained cool, if not always discreet. But both discretion and coolness are flung to the winds when he proceeds to deal with the profanity of the dramatists, their " Cursing and Swearing," their abuse of religion and the clergy. Every thoughtless ejaculation my Lord Foppington's " Gad," or poor Miss Hoyden's " Icod ! " good Mr. Collier resents as a deliberate insult to the majesty of the Deity. " They swear in Solitude and cool Blood," he exclaims, " under Thought and Deliberation, for Business and for Exercise ! This is a terrible Circumstance ! " When Amanda, smarting under the discovery of her husband's repeated infidelity, very innocently cries "What slippery Stuff are Men compos'd of! Sure the Account of their Creation's false, And 'twas the Woman's Rib that they were form'd of " the irate clergyman declares that she " makes no Scruple to charge the Bible with Untruths." Again, Sir John Brute's xxxvi INTRODUCTION. masquerading in the garb of a parson is an affront to the cloth never to be forgiven. On this point, indeed, the reverend controvertist, with a fine sense of what is due to his profession, is particularly sore. He revives, in favour of the priesthood, the old theory of divine right, and claims for every minister of religion, not, indeed, exemption from the failings and follies of humanity, but entire immunity from the satire and ridicule for which, in the case of persons less sacred, such follies and failings would be admitted a proper subject. In fact, the contemptible figure which clergymen occasionally make upon the stage of the seventeenth century, was not without abundant warrant. " I by no means design this," writes Dennis, " as a reflection upon the Church of England, who I am satisfy'd may more justly boast of its Clergy, than any other Church whatsoever; yet may I venture to affirm that there are some among them, who can never be suppos'd to have been corrupted by Play- houses, who yet turn up a Bottle oft'ner than they do an Hour- glass, who box about a pair of Tables with more fervour than they do their cushions, contemplate a pair of Dice more frequently than the Fathers or Councils, and meditate and depend upon Hazard, more than they do upon Providence." * Against men of this stamp the satire of the stage was surely not ill-directed, although Mr. Collier, confounding their character with their cloth, prefers to regard them as the ambassadors of Heaven. But not content with throwing his protecting aegis over the clergy, our Tory parson must needs extend its shelter to persons of quality among the laity. The Plain Dealer's sturdy assertion that " he would call a Rascal by no other Title, tho' his Father had left him a Duke's," Mr. Collier quotes, under the evident impression that a sentiment so abhorrent to good manners carries its own condemnation. He reverts to this * The Usefulness of the Stage, London, 1698, p. 26. INTRODUCTION. xxxvii subject later, in his Defence of the Short View, where he maintains that "all Satire ought to have regard to Quality and Condition," and that to expose a lord is to represent nobility and folly as inseparable, forgetting, or, more probably, disregarding, the fact that this argument would apply with equal force to every condition of men. Congreve's stern rebuke had evidently failed to penetrate his antagonist. "When Vice," the poet wrote, " shall be allowed as an Indication of Quality and good Breeding, then it may also pass for a piece of good Breeding to compliment Vice in Quality : But till then, I humbly conceive, that to expose and ridicule it will altogether do as well." * Collier criticizes plays as he would criticize sermons, and makes no distinction of persons. If Lord Foppington speak irreverently of the church, or my Lady Brute lightly of virtue, this acute critic is as indignant as if the words had been placed in the mouths of characters intended as models of serious excel- lence ; although in the former instance it must be clear, as Vanbrugh pointed out, " even to the meanest capacity," that what his lordship says of his church-behaviour is designed for the contempt, and not for the imitation of the audience ; while as to Lady Brute's words " Virtue's an Ass, and a Gallant's worth forty on't " 'tis equally obvious that it is " not Virtue she exposes, but herself, when she says 'em : nor is it me he exposes," adds the poet, " but himself, when he quotes 'em."t I will oblige the reader with one more chosen flower from the Reverend Mr. Collier's garland of amenities. After a few short excerpts from The Relapse (Tom Fashion's " Providence, thou seest at last, takes care of men of merit " Berinthia's " Mr. Worthy used you like a text, he took you all to pieces " and the same lady's " Heaven give you grace to put it in practice ! "), * Amendments to Mr. Collier's False and Imperfect Citations, p. 21. t A Short Vindication of The Relapse and The Provok'd Wife, p. 48. xxxviii INTRODUCTION. of which the worst is spoken in thoughtless levity, perfectly consistent with the character of the speaker, he bursts out : " There are few of these last Quotations, but what are plain Blasphemy, and within the Law. They look reeking as it were from Pandcemonium, and almost smell of Fire and Brimstone. This is an Eruption of Hell with a Witness ! I almost wonder the Smoak of it has not darken'd the Sun, and turn'd the Air to Plague and Poyson ! These are outrageous Provocations ; enough to arm all Nature in Revenge ; to exhaust the Judg- ments of Heaven, and sink the Island 'in the Sea !"* Vanbrugh's recent and brilliant successes in the theatre, to say nothing of his delightful witticism, in the preface to The Relapse, upon the Saints " who make debauches in piety, as Sinners do in wine," had given him a special claim upon the attention of the reverend reformer. References to The Relapse and The ProvoKd Wife are, accordingly, scattered thickly throughout the Short View, and the former play is additionally favoured by the devotion of a long section of the fifth chapter to its examination. In this section Collier criticizes the construc- tion as well as the morality of the play, with the evident determination to see no good in either. He sets up for a pedantic observance of the unities of time, place, and action, and, of course, has no difficulty in proving Vanbrugh guilty of great irregularities in respect to these. By his violation of the unity of action, in founding his drama upon two nearly unconnected plots, Vanbrugh had, indeed, laid himself fairly open to the attack of critics to whom the laws of the French theatre were as those of the Medes and Persians ; and Collier takes full advantage of the opportunity thus afforded him to treat Tom Fashion as the hero of the piece, and to ignore the more seri- ous purpose of the poet in the story of Loveless and Amanda. Candour and discernment are equally conspicuous in his con- * Short View, p. 85. INTRODUCTION. xxxix elusion. The Relapse " appears a Heap of Irregularities. There is neither Propriety in the Name, nor Contrivance in the Plot, nor Decorum in the Characters. 'Tis a thorough Con- tradiction to Nature, and impossible in Time and Place. Its Shining Graces, as the Author calls them, are Blasphemy and Baudy, together with a Mixture of Oaths and Cursing" The extraordinary popularity of the Short View rendered it impossible to pass it over in silence. Of the poets particularly attacked by Collier, Dryden was, incomparably, the best fitted to reply. But Dryden was an old man, who had ceased to write for the stage, and was wiling to devote the few years that might remain to him, to worthier work than that of engaging in a controversy with an antagonist behind whom was ranked the unreasoning fanaticism of a nation which, twenty years before, had gone mad over the Popish Plot, and whose sovereign had, but a few months previously, bestowed a handsome pension upon the infamous Titus Gates.* In Dryden's subsequent publications a few passing references to Collier may be found. The poet admitted, to some extent, the justice of his charge of immorality, and frankly avowed his penitence for his own transgressions. At the same time, he deprecated the reckless extravagance of much that Collier had advanced, and observed, with perfect truth, that "if the zeal for God's house had not eaten him up, it had at least devoured some part of his good manners and civility."t But if Dryden declined the contest, there was no lack of younger authors ready to measure swords with the assailant. The summer of 1698 witnessed the publication of replies to the Short View by Vanbrugh, Congreve, Dennis, Wycherley, and "Tuesday, 28 Dec. 1697. His majestic has given Dr. Gates i.oool. to pay his debts, and 300!. per aim. during his life, in consideration of his former sufferings. " Luttrell. t Preface to the Fables. xl INTRODUCTION. others of less note. In nearly all the replies, however, one common fault is observable ; they partake too much of the nature of special pleading, and fail to argue the question on sufficiently broad grounds. Dennis's interesting little volume on the Usefulness of the Stage is the one considerable excep- tion to this rule. The parts taken in the controversy by Congreve and Vanbrugh were scarcely commensurate with the expectations warranted by their high reputation and exceptional ability. They attempted little more than a bare reply to the charges which Collier had preferred against themselves ; and so far, they were both, in some measure, successful, although Congreve, with strange indiscretion, seriously damaged his own cause by the ill-temper and scurrility which he vented upon his antagonist ; and even, on one or two occasions, by his eagerness to prove too much, managed to place himself decidedly in the wrong, where he had before been as decidedly in the right.* On the 8th of June appeared A Short Vindication of the Relapse and the Provotfd Wife from Immorality and Profane- ness. By the Author. It is a pamphlet of seventy-nine pages, anonymous, like all Vanbrugh's previous publications. The tone is by no means apologetic. " What I have done," writes the Author, " is in general a Discouragement to Vice and Folly ; I am sure I intended it, and I hope I have performed it." The words " in general " require a little emphasis, but, this granted, I believe we shall find no very solid reason for quarrelling with Vanbrugh's estimate of his performances. He then proceeds to examine the particular passages quoted by Collier from his works, and clearly shows that the latter's objections are, for the most part, in their nature frivolous, or based upon misapprehension. Collier's claim, on behalf of the clergy, to temporal honours and distinction, is treated by Vanbrugh * It is probably unnecessary to remind the reader that he will find an admirable account of the entire controversy in Mr. Gosse's Life of Congreve. INTRODUCTION. xli in a spirit certainly more in accordance with the teaching of Christ than that which inspired the churchman to put it forth. " He is of Opinion," the poet writes, " that Riches and Plenty, Title, State and Dominion, give a Majesty to Precept, and cry Place for it wherever it comes ; That Christ and his Apostles took the thing by the wrong Handle ; and that the Pope and his Cardinals have much refin'd upon 'em in the Policy of Instruction." And he shrewdly adds, " I'm afraid those very Instances Mr. Collier gives us of the Grandeur of the Clergy ) are the things that have destroy'd both them and their Flocks." Upon another argument he writes : " I cou'd say a great deal against the too exact observance of what's call'd the Rules of the Stage, and the crowding a Comedy with a great deal of Intricate Plot. I believe I cou'd shew, that the chief entertain- ment, as well as the Moral, lies much more in the Characters and the Dialogue, than in the Business and the Event." The latter sentence contains the expression of a principle uniformly pursued by writers of the school to which Vanbrugh belonged, and entirely opposed to the usual practice of playwrights at the present day. With especial reference to The Relapse, the author observes : " Whether it be right to have two distinct Designs in one Play ; I'll only say, I think when there are so, if they are both entertaining, then 'tis right ; if they are not, 'tis wrong." Finally, Vanbrugh defends the general tendency of the aspersed comedies. Of The Provo&d Wife he submits that that is surely " a good End, which puts the Governor in mind, let his Soldiers be ever so good, 'tis possible he may provoke 'em to a Mutiny " ; while in The Relapse he declares his purpose was to present "a natural Instance of the Frailty of Mankind, without that necessary Guard of keeping out of Temptation." He claims a useful moral in this, and is, not unreasonably, indignant that Collier refuses to recognize it. He concludes a xlii INTRODUCTION. his Vindication with a touch of characteristic humour. In commenting upon The Relapse, Collier had, rather unfortunately ridiculed Worthy's sudden reformation in his scene with Amanda. " He is refin'd into a Platonick Admirer," sneered the divine, "and goes off as like a Town Spark as you would wish. And so much for the Poet's fine Gentleman ! " Vanbrugh turns upon him, not quite fairly it must be owned; but the temptation was irresistible. " The World may see by this what a Contempt the Doctor has for a Spark that can make no better use of his Mistress than to admire her for her Virtue. This methinks is something so very extraordinary in a Clergyman, that I almost fancy when He and I are fast asleep in our Graves, those who shall read what we both have produc'd, will be apt to conclude there's a Mistake in the Tradition about the Authors ; and that 'twas the Reforming Divine writ the Play, and the Scandalous Poet the Remarks upon't." There is a curious passage in the Vindication, in which Vanbrugh makes mention of a gentleman who, he says, had assisted him in writing The Relapse, and who had since " gone away with the Czar, who has made him Poet Laureate of Muscovy." I am unable to explain this assertion. It bears the stamp of improbability upon its face, although what could have induced the poet to invent such a story, if he did invent it, is beyond conjecture. Peter the Great arrived in England in the month of January, 1698, and remained here until late in the following April. On his departure he was accompanied by a number of Englishmen whom he had enlisted in his service mathematicians, shipbuilders, and other artificers. But a Poet Laureate ! and, apparently, an English Poet Laureate, for the Muscovites ! Que diable allait-il faire dans cette galore ? Collier did not improve his position by the Defence of the Short View, which he published in November, 1698, as a rejoinder to the replies of Congreve and Vanbrugh. He scores a few points, it is true ; but much that he urges, is INTRODUCTION. xliii merely feeble and frivolous. To Vanbrugh's remarks upon the grandeur of the 'clergy, his opponent has no better answer than that the Apostles possessed the power of working miracles, and that, this power being withdrawn, it was necessary to have recourse to worldly expedients to supply its place. " Appearance," he naively observes, " goes a great way in the Expediting of Affairs." With Collier's Defence, the interest of the controversy, so far as Vanbrugh is concerned, comes to an end. Unless we reckon an ironical touch or two in the prologues to The False Friend and The Confederacy, the poet was henceforth silent on the subject. He probably felt that he had said enough for his own vin- dication ; and, indeed, an impartial judgment must needs pronounce, that if he had not come wholly unscathed from the encounter, his wounds were little more than skin-deep. But from the fury of popular fanaticism, of which Collier had made himself the mouthpiece, no impartial judgment was to be expected. The fierce satire of Wycherley, the polished sarcasm of Congreve, the broadly humorous raillery of Vanbrugh, were, in the eyes of their infatuated opponents, offences against public morality equally obnoxious with the bold indecencies of the brilliant Mrs. Behn, or the deliberate foulness of the low-minded Ravenscroft. A reform in the the theatres was certainly needed, a reform in the audiences yet more incontestably. But popular uprisings, of whatever nature, are enemies to moderation. The tree needed pruning, and the axe was laid to its roots. For some years the poets maintained the unequal struggle. Their party was influential and enthusiastic, and in the year following that of Collier's attack, a new recruit to the theatre, George Farquhar, produced a first play which promised a career of exceptional brilliancy. But the death-blow had been struck, and if English comedy was long a-dying, the end came none the less surely. A di xliv INTRODUCTION. generation passed away, and the walls which had so often re-echoed the laughter and applause which greeted the master- pieces of Wycherley and Congreve, of Vanbrugh and Farquhar, now looked down on reformed audiences weeping for the sentimental sorrows of the Conscious Lovers, or glutting their political spite with the partisan scenes of The Nonjuror, V. VANBRUGH'S next contribution to the theatre, inconsiderable on his own account, was made for ever memorable by its connection with the last published words of Dryden. The piece itself was an alteration by Vanbrugh of Fletcher's fine comedy, The Pilgrim; the alterations, which can hardly be said to improve the play, consisting in the reduction of Fletcher's blank verse to prose, and a few trivial additions to the dialogue. Thus transformed, The Pilgrim was produced at Drury Lane on New Year's Day, the 2$th of March, 1700.* The third night was assigned to Dryden's benefit, and the great poet contributed to the performance a prologue and epilogue, a " Song of a Scholar and his Mistress," introduced in the mad-house scene, and a " Secular Masque," set to music and tacked to the end of the comedy. Age and infirmity had not impaired Dryden's literary powers, and the prologue and epilogue, which were both spoken by Colley Gibber, are perhaps unsurpassed, in their kind, for vigorous thought and trenchant satire. * There is some uncertainty as to the exact date of this production, but it was most probably as given above. The " Secular Masque," contributed by Dryden, bears internal evidence of having been designed to celebrate the beginning of a new century (the year 1700 being taken as the first of the century.) As to the reference to Dryden as "the late great Poet of our Age," which appears in the printed copy, there is no difficulty in supposing that to have been inserted after the production of the play. Dryden died on the ist of May, 1700, and The Pilgrim, in its new dress, was not published until the following June. INTRODUCTION. xlv The Pilgrim enjoyed a long run. Its success was largely due to the impression made by a young and hitherto unknown actress, who, in the character of Alinda, " charm'd the Play into a Run of many succeeding Nights."* Anne Oldfield, who subsequently became the most celebrated actress of her time, had been discovered, about a year previously, by Farquhar, who chanced to overhear her reading a comedy to herself, in a room behind the bar of a tavern kept by a relative of hers. Struck by the girl's beauty and intelligence, Farquhar " took some Pains to acquaint Sir John Vanbrugh with the Jewel he had found thus by Accident," and upon Vanbrugh's recommenda- tion Mrs. Oldfield obtained an engagement at the Theatre Royal. There, however, she remained about a twelvemonth " almost a Mute, and unheeded,"t until Vanbrugh gave her, with the part of Alinda, the opportunity, which was all she required, of recommending herself to the public. She played this part on the occasion of her benefit, July 6, 1700. Early in 1702 a new comedy by Vanbrugh, entitled The False Friend, was produced at Drury Lane.J The prologue is an ironical appeal to the reformers of the stage, whose good-will the poet hopes to gain by presenting them, on this occasion, with a moral piece " so moral, we're afraid 'twill damn the Play ! " he slyly adds. This line, as it proved, was prophetic, but there were other sufficient reasons for the failure of The False Friend. Vanbrugh's genius was little adapted to deal with subjects of so sombre a cast. The * Chetwood's History of the Stage, 1749, p. 201. + Gibber. % It was produced about the end of January, or beginning of February, 1702. The following announcement of its publication appeared in the Post Man of Feb. 7-10, 1702 : "This day is published The False Friend : a Comedy, as it is Acted at the Theatre Royal in Drury-lane. By his Majesties Servants. Printed for Jacob Tonson, within Gray's Inn Gate, next Gray's Inn Lane." A nearly similar announcement in the Flying Post of the same date, reads "as 'twas acted," instead of " as it is acted." xlvi INTRODUCTION. plot, moreover, is ill contrived in several important respects. Even the most powerful part of the play, the really fine scene which concludes the third act, loses something of its effectiveness by reason of the utter improbability of Don Pedro's sudden re-appearance. In the catastrophe, the prin- cipal character meets with a violent end, which, however deserved, is hardly of the nature of comedy ; the lovers are parted for ever, and Don Pedro is left in possession of a wife, whose heart, as he well knows, is wholly occupied by his rival : in fine, the piece is so far from justifying its title of comedy, that Gildon (a friendly critic) actually suggested that it had been so called by a mistake of the printer. The same critic takes notice of a mishap which befell The False Friend on the fourth night, when Gibber, who played Don John, was accidentally hurt, and could not continue his part.* We may here mention a rather trivial farce, called The Country House, which Vanbrugh translated from d'Ancourt's La Maison de Campagne. The first performance of this p-ece recorded by Genest took place at Drury Lane on the i6th of June, 1705, but it appears to have been produced earlier Genest supposes, at some date between 1697 and 1703. The year 1702 presents our author in a new character. Of his architectural studies we know absolutely nothing, unless we may accept Swift's account, who pretends that Vanbrugh acquired the rudiments of the art by watching children building houses of cards or clay.t But this was probably ironical. However he came by his skill, in 1702 he stepped into sudden fame as the architect of Castle * A Comparison between the two Stages, London, 1702, p. 178. This lively and entertaining little dialogue upon plays and players is generally attributed to Charles Gildon. t Miscellaneous Poems : The History of Vanbrugh' s House. Written in 1708. INTRODUCTION. xlvii Howard, the Earl of Carlisle's seat in Yorkshire. I borrow from Allan Cunningham the following description of the building. " The design is at once simple and grand. A lofty portico with six columns, rising two stories, occupies the centre ; on either side are long galleries, terminating in advancing wings with pavilions ; while a cupola, rising to the height of a hundred feet, and proportioned, in every respect, to the body of the building, is seen far and wide. The whole is of the Corinthian order, and though very lofty, there are no double stories of columns, as in Whitehall. The interior is every way worthy of the exterior. The hall, thirty-five feet square, and sixty feet high, adorned with columns of the Corinthian and Composite orders, is surmounted by a spacious dome. The whole house is upon the same magnificent scale, and is filled with statues and paintings. For picturesque splendour, we know of no English mansion to compare with it nor is it more splendid than solid. The number of roofs, cupolas, statues, vases, and massy-clustered chimneys, give to the horizontal profile of the structure a richness of effect, which is nowhere surpassed in British art." * * Lives of British Architects: VANBRUGH. The first volume of Campbell's Vitruvius Britannicus, published in 1717, contains plans and elevations of Castle Howard and Blenheim, executed from Vanbrugh's own drawings. The author states that Castle Howard was built in 1714 ; meaning, of course, that it was completed in that year. An obelisk in the park at Castle Howard bears an inscription to the effect that the Earl of Carlisle began those works in the year 1702 not 1712, as it has been wrongly printed elsewhere. The date is confirmed by a manuscript book in the possession of the present Earl, which I have been kindly permitted to examine. This book, which is in the autograph of the third Earl of Carlisle, contains an exact account of the expenditure upon Castle Howard, made up half-yearly, from the commencement of the building until Lady- day, 1713. The first entry in the book is as follows: "Disbursed upon account of ye building from ye 3151 of March, 1701, til ye 2Qth of Sept., 1702, ^3032 : 15 : 6." The disbursements in the year 1701 were, no doubt, for preliminary work, such as quarrying. xlviii INTRODUCTION. To the fame of this important undertaking were doubtless in great measure due the reputation, honours, and employment which now fell to the share of the successful architect. The Earl of Carlisle, then deputy Earl-Marshal, testified his satis- faction by procuring for Vanbrugh a place in the College of Arms : on the 26th of June, 1703, he was appointed " Carlisle Herald Extraordinary," * and on the 3oth of March following, a warrant was passed for creating him Clarenceux King of Arms, and the ceremony was performed at the College by the Earl of Essex, substitute to the Earl of Carlisle, t It was an odd appointment, for Vanbrugh not only knew nothing of heraldry, but had openly ridiculed that grave science in his comedy of ^Esop. But the indignant College protested in vain, and the poet stuck to his post. We know not at what period he received the appointment of Comptroller of her Majesty's Works : it was possibly before the year 1702, for Le Neve styles him " Comptroller of the Works, Surveyor of the Gardens to King William, Queen Anne, and King George." % It is certain, however, that he held this office when he undertook the building of Blenheim, in the summer of 1705. A list of some of the mansions erected by Vanbrugh during these years may be found in Allan Cunningham's Life of the poet-architect They were none of them, according to the biographer, equal to his first essay. A small house, which he built for himself at Whitehall, was immortalized by Swift in two witty pieces of satirical verse, written in 1706 and 1708. In the earlier of these pieces Swift recounts the building of the house, which, it seems, Vanbrugh, like another Amphion, raised entirely by the magical power of his poetry. Noble's History of the College of Arms, p. 346. t Ibid, p. 356. ^.Pedigrees of the Knights, &c., p. 512. Harleian Soc. Pub. 1873. INTRODUCTION, xlix " ' Great Jove ! ' he cry'd, ' the art restore To build by verse as heretofore, And make my Muse the architect ; What palaces shall we erect ! No longer shall forsaken Thames Lament his old Whitehall in flames ; * A pile shall from its ashes rise Fit to invade or prop the skies. ' Jove smil'd, and like a gentle god, Consenting with the usual nod, Told Van he knew his talent best, And left the choice to his own breast : So Van resolv'd to write a farce ; But, well perceiving wit was scarce, With cunning that defect supplies, Takes a French play as lawful prize, Steals thence his plot and every joke, Not once suspecting Jove would smoke. Jove saw the cheat, but thought it best To turn the matter to a jest ; Down from Olympus' top he slides, Laughing as if he'd burst his sides. ' Ay,' thought the god, ' are these your tricks ? Why, then old plays deserve old bricks ; And since you're sparing of your stuff, Your building shall be small enough.' " As the farce proceeds, the house rises in proportion, and both are at length completed. ' ' Now Poets from all quarters ran To see the House of Brother Van ; Look'd high and low, walk'd often round, But no such House was to be found. One asks the waterman hard by, Where may the poet's palace lie ? Another of the Thames inquires If he has seen its gilded spires? At length they in the rubbish spy A thing resembling a goose-pie " which turns out, upon closer investigation, to be the edifice in question. * Whitehall was destroyed by fire in January, 1698. 1 INTRODUCTION. This lively banter set all the world in a roar, except the unfortunate butt, who was not allowed to forget it, had he been ever so willing. In the Journal to Stella, Swift writes (Nov. 7, 1710) : "I dined to-day at Sir Richard Temple's with Congreve, Vanbrugh, Lieutenant-General Farrington, &c. Vanbrugh, I believe I told you, had a long quarrel with me about those verses on his house ; but we were very civil and cold. Lady Marlborough used to tease him with them, which had made him angry, though he be a good-natured fellow." The year after Vanbrugh's death, Swift publicly expressed his regret for having satirized " a man of wit and of honour."* After all, it was not a poet, but a doctor of divinity, who wrote the most famous satire on Vanbrugh's architecture. Dr. Abel Evans is now remembered only as a name in the Dunciad^ where Pope, who seems to have been his friend, has placed him in the company of Swift and Young; and as the author (or reputed author) of the following ingenious lines : " Under this stone, reader, survey Dead Sir John Vanbrugh's house of clay : Lie heavy on him, earth ! for he Laid many heavy loads on thee ! " f In the year 1704, Vanbrugh was a collaborator with Congreve and Walsh in a translation of Moliere's come'die-ballet of Monsieur de Pourceaugnac, which, under the title of Squire Trelooby, was produced at Lincoln's Inn Fields with great applause, on the 3Oth of March of that year. It does not appear that this piece was ever published. Within a month, however, of the performance, there was issued an anonymous translation of Moliere's play, entitled Monsieur de Pourceaugnac, * In the Preface to the Miscellanies, published by Swift and Pope, 1727. t These lines may be found in Nichols's Select Collection of Poems, 1780, vol. iii, p. 161. The same volume contains some further specimens of Dr. Evans's muse, including two or three short pieces on Vanbrugh, not worth quoting. INTRODUCTION. li or, Squire Trelooby. Acted at the Subscription Mustek at the Theatre Royal in LincoMs-lnn- Fields, March 30, 1704. By select Comedians from both Houses. The scene is changed from Paris to London, and the advocate of Limoges becomes a Cornish squire : in other respects the translation is pretty faithful so faithful indeed, that one of the characters, of the very English name of Wimble, who answers to Moliere's Sbrigani, is made to describe himself as a Neapolitan ! With this translation were printed, not only the prologue by Garth, and the epilogue by Congreve, which were spoken at Lincoln's Inn Fields, but the names of the actors who took part in the performance. Nevertheless, it was put forth expressly as an independent version, which the author " design'd for the English Stage, had he not been prevented by a Translation of the same Play, done by other Hands, and presented at the New Play-house the 3oth of last Month." * "I was assured," he writes further, " (after due Inquiry made) that their Transla- tion was not likely to be printed, tho' there have been great Demands made for it, by the whole Town, who have taken up with wrong Conceptions cf it as it was acted ; some thinking it was a Party-Play made on purpose to ridicule the whole Body of West-Country Gentlemen, others averring that it was wrote to expose some eminent Doctors of Physick in this Town." This seems sufficiently explicit, and it is corroborated by Congreve's positive declaration that the published Squire Trelooby was "none of ours," alluding, of course, to himself and his two collaborators, t At the same time it is remarkable, as Mr. Gosse has pointed out, that the translations were both entitled Squire Trelooby, and one does not see why Pour- ceaugnac and Limoges should "suggest to two independent minds Trelooby and Cornwall." J Mr. Gosse thinks it "not at * Preface to Squire Trelooby. The preface is dated April the igth, 1704. t Gosse's Life of Congreve, p. 148. % Life of Congreve, p. 149. lii INTRODUCTION. all certain that this Squire Trelooby of 1704 does not virtually represent the play which the joint authors thought it wise to disown." At all events, it is a rather poor translation of a play which, in the original, is by no means one of its great author's masterpieces ; nor is there anything in the piece, as it stands, which very strongly recalls the style of either Vanbrugh or Congreve, or which is worthy of the pen of either of those accomplished dramatists. We have not quite done with Squire Trelooby. In 1734 a translation of Monsieur de Pourceaugnac was published under the title of The Cornish Squire. This piece directly claims to be the production of Vanbrugh. The title-page bears the words : " Done from the French by the late Sir John Vanbrugh " ; and the editor, J. Ralph, in his preface declares "that, tho' Sir John Vanbrugh was by many reputed the sole Author of it, yet it was currently reported at the Time of its Representation, that he wrote it in conjunction with Mr. Walsh and Mr. Congreve : Each of them being suppos'd to have done an Act a piece." Ralph admits his inability to explain " how the Publication of this Piece came to be delay'd so long, or the Piece itself to be so little known." Indeed, his account of it is altogether unsatisfactory. The book had disappeared in some mysterious way from the play-house, after the run was over, and an imperfect copy had been sent to Ralph by a gentleman who had had it several years in his library : Ralph, having himself supplied the omissions and altered certain passages, caused the play to be published and brought upon the stage. A comparison of the two versions puts it beyond doubt that The Cornish Squire of 1734 is simply the anonymous Squire Trelooby of 1704, revised, altered, as to the dialogue, in many trivial instances, and with the very needless addition of some three or four pages of new matter at the end of the last act. INTRODUCTION. liii To Vanbrugh hitherto fortune had been prodigal of her favours : he was soon to taste the uses of adversity in the fruit of his own rash enterprise. Betterton's star was no longer in the ascendant, and the popular applause which had once been almost a monopoly of the players in Lincoln's Inn Fields, was now lavished on the younger actors of the Theatre Royal. "To this Decline of the Old Company," says Gibber, " many accidents might contribute " : in the meantime, the smallness and inconvenience of their theatre was an obvious disadvantage, which it were perhaps possible to remedy. " To recover them, therefore, to their due Estimation, a new Project was form'd, of building them a stately Theatre, in the Hay-Market* by Sir John Vanbrugh, for which he raised a Subscription of thirty Persons of Quality, at one Hundred Pounds each, in Considera- tion whereof every Subscriber, for his own Life, was to be admitted to whatever Entertainments should be publickly perform'd there, without farther Payment for his Entrance. Of this Theatre I saw the first Stone laid, on which was inscrib'd, The little Whig, in Honour to a Ladyt of extraordinary Beauty, then the celebrated Toast, and Pride of that Party." The building being completed, Betterton and his co-partners at Lincoln's Inn Fields dissolved their own agreement, and engaged themselves to act at the Hay market, under the direction of Vanbrugh and Congreve. On the 9th of April 1705, the new theatre was opened with a translated Italian opera, entitled The Triumph of Love. It was an inauspicious beginning, for the Triumph of Love proved anything but a triumph on the stage, being "perform'd but three Days and those not crowded." No new piece of importance was produced during the remainder of the season, which closed at * On the site of the present opera-house. t Marlborough's daughter, the Countess of Sunderland. J Gibber's Apology, ch. ix. liv INTRODUCTION. the end of June, when Congreve, whose single contribution to the company had been an epilogue spoken by Mrs. Bracegirdle on the opening night, resigned his connection with the theatre, and Vanbrugh was left sole proprietor. But if Congreve had disappointed the players' hopes, Vanbrugh worked with a will to bring success to the house, and before the year expired, two new plays by his hand were produced at the Haymarket. The first of these to appear was The Confederacy, translated from d'Ancourt's comedy, Les Bourgeoises a la Mode. This delightful comedy is not only by far the happiest of Vanbrugh's translations from the French, but ranks indisputably among the most brilliant of his performances. It is a pure comedy of manners, alive with wit and instinct with satire. The subject was entirely suited to Vanbrugh's taste, and, although he has followed closely the general plan of the original, there is not a scene in the play which he has left unimproved, and the improvements are uniformly conceived in his most felicitous vein. The Confederacy was produced on the 3Oth of October, 1705, with an excellent cast, including Mrs. Barry and Mrs. Bracegirdle, Dogget, and a young actor of great promise and future celebrity, Barton Booth. Betterton, however, took no part in the performance, perhaps from infirmity ; for the great actor, though still without a rival in his profession, was now seventy years of age, and a martyr to the gout. Had the success of the piece been proportioned to its deserts, Vanbrugh would have added one more to the list of his theatrical triumphs ; but, although it ran for tn nights, it was played under circumstances which precluded the possibility of enthusiasm on the part of the audience. The fact was, Vanbrugh, in building his theatre, had indulged his architec- tuial tastes to the serious detriment of his prospects as a manager. His lofty columns, his gilded cornices, and spacious dome, made, doubtless, a very splendid appearance, but the acoustic INTRODUCTION. lv requirements of the house had been totally neglected. Scarcely one word in ten which were spoken on the stage, could be heard distinctly by the audience : the voices of the actors " sounded like the Gabbling of so many People, in the lofty Aisles in a Cathedral." * This was not the only drawback. The theatre was situated at an inconvenient distance from the town, for as yet the Hay- market was surrounded by green meadows, from whence, as Gibber facetiously observes, the actors " could draw little or no Sustenance, unless it were that of a Milk-Diet." And lastly, by the death of some of the actors, and the advanced age of others, the effective strength of the company had been gradually declining during the ten years which had elapsed since they achieved their independence of the patentees of Drury Lane. Such were the disadvantages against which Vanbrugh struggled for some months to make head. On the 27th of December, 1705, he produced his translation of Moliere's Ddpit Amoureux, under the ominous title of The Mistake, with Betterton in the part of Don Alvarez. This ran for nine nights. On the 1 9th of January was revived one of his most popular plays, The ProvoKd Wife, with a new masquerade scene for Sir John Brute, who was now made to swagger in female attire, by way, it would seem, of a sop to the reformers, who were less sensitive to the exposure of a drunken woman than to that of a drunken parson. The ProvoKd Wife was withdrawn after three performances only. A few days later (January 28) Squire Trelooby was revived. But the old successes were not repeated ; for, in Gibber's words, " what few could plainly hear, it was not likely a great many could applaud." This unfortunate speculation appears to have proved a heavy drain upon Vanbrugh's resources. As long afterwards as July, Cibber. Ivi INTRODUCTION. 1708, Maynwaring wrote with reference to Vanbrugh, in a letter to the Duchess of Maryborough, " I am sorry for him, because I believe he is unhappy through his own folly, and I can see no reasonable way to help him. What I mean by his folly, is his building the playhouse, which certainly cost him a great deal more than was subscribed ; and his troubles arise from the workmen that built it, and the trades- men that furnished the cloaths, &c., for the actors."* In the autumn of 1706, about a year after Congreve's retirement, Vanbrugh also withdrew from the management of the theatre, handing over house, actors, and licence, to Mr. Owen Swiney, who undertook to pay him a rental of ^5 for every acting day, the whole not to exceed ,700 in the year. Swiney was a kind of unofficial agent and right-hand man of Rich, the patentee of Drury Lane, with whose consent he reinforced the company at the Haymarket with all the best actors of the Theatre Royal ; Mr. Rich, at this time, depending chiefly upon singers and dancers for the delectation of his supporters. Under the new management the Haymarket Theatre was re-opened on the 1 5th of October, 1706, with improved prospects. Despite the unfitness of the building, the strengthened company drew larger audiences, and the actors " were all paid their full Sallaries, a Blessing they had not felt, in some Years, in either House before." t To finish at once with Vanbrugh's theatrical record, it may be added that on the 22nd of March, 1707, there was produced at the Haymarket a translation of Moliere's Cocu Imaginaire, entitled The Cuckold in Conceit ', which Gibber attributes to our poet. It was never printed, and Vanbrugh's claim to the author- ship is considered doubtful by Genest ; but, if Gibber's statement * Private Correspondence of Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough : Vol. i. , . 140. f Gibber. INTRODUCTION. Ivii be correct, The Cuckold in Conceit was the last of his completed plays. In the summer of 1706 Vanbrugh was charged with the execution of an important duty in his capacity of herald. Lord Halifax was dispatched to Hanover in the spring of that year, to convey the Naturalization and Regency Acts to the Princess Sophia, and the order of the Garter to her grandson, the Electoral Prince, afterwards George II. The young prince was invested with the order at Hanover, on the I3th of June, by Halifax and Vanbrugh ; the latter acting as substitute for Garter, Sir Henry St. George, whom extreme old age prevented from fulfilling the duties of his office.* VI. ALLUSION has been already made to the palace of Blenheim, which Vanbrugh erected for the Duke of Marlborough. It is time to give a particular account of this great work, the most considerable and the most famous of his performances as an architect. When, in December, 1704, at the close of the campaign immortalized by the victory of Blenheim, the Duke of Marl- borough returned to England, he was received by the people with enthusiasm, and with unbounded favourby the Queen. Early in the following year the House of Commons " presented an address, soliciting her majesty to consider of proper means for perpetuating the memory of the great services performed by the Duke of Marlborough." On the I7th of February the Queen * Beltz's Memorials of the Order of the Garter, 1841, p. cxxiii. In the same work may be found an account of a more memorable ceremony, in which Vanbrugh took part, on the occasion of the degradation of the gallant Duke of Ormond, who had been attainted for high treason. The ceremony was performed at Windsor, on the isth of July, 1716, "after morning prayers," Clarenceux King of Arms (Sir John Vanbrugh) exercising the office of Garter, which was then vacant, pending the dispute between the two claimants, Vanbrugh and Anstis. See later, p. Ixvii., note. e Iviii INTRODUCTION. " informed the House, that in conformity with their application, she purposed to convey to the Duke and his heirs the interest of the Crown in the manor and honour of Woodstock, with the hundred of Wootton, and requested supplies for clearing off the incumbrances on that domain. A bill for the purpose was immediately introduced ; passed both houses without opposition ; and received the royal sanction on the i4th of March Not satisfied that the nation alone should testify its gratitude, the Queen accompanied the grant with an order to the board of works to erect, at the royal expense, a splendid palace, which, in memory of the victory, was to be called the Castle of Blen- heim."* A design was accordingly prepared by John Vanbrugh, Comptroller of her Majesty's Works, and, being approved, the building was presently commenced. Vanbrugh's position in the undertaking was made perfectly clear by a warrant, empower- ing him to act on behalf of the Duke, and signed by the Lord High Treasurer, Godolphin.t It is true, at the date of this warrant, the Duke was prosecuting the war on the Continent ; but it is absurd to pretend (as it was afterwards pretended) that Godolphin, his intimate friend, placed in Vanbrugh's hands an instrument of such importance, grounded so unequivocally upon * Coxe's Memoirs of John, Duke of Marlborough : vol i. , pp. 363-4. f This document is so important to a right understanding of the case, that I quote it in full, as it is printed in Vanbrugh's Justification, a paper which I shall hereafter have occasion to refer. "To all to whom these Presents shall come, The Right Honourable Sidney, Lord Godolphin, Lord High Treasurer of England, sendeth greet- ing. Whereas his Grace, John, Duke of Marlborough, hath resolv'd to erect a large Fabrick, for a Mansion House, at Woodstock, in the County of Oxon. Know ye, that I the said Sidney, Lord Godolphin, At the request and desire of the said Duke of Marlborough, have constituted and appointed, and do hereby, for and on the behalf of the said Duke, constitute and appoint John Vanbrugh, Esq ; to be Surveyor of all the Works and Buildings so intended to be erected or made at Woodstock aforesaid ; And do hereby Authorize and Impower him, the said John Vanbrugh, to make INTRODUCTION. lix the Duke's authority, without his knowledge or consent. And further, although the Crown was indeed responsible to the Duke for the outlay upon Blenheim, yet if the warrant have any meaning at all, it certainly implies that the Duke himself was responsible to Vanbrugh for his own expenses and the charges ofhis workmen. The great work was begun with festivities and rejoicings. A contemporary journal supplies the following interesting account of the opening ceremony. "Woodstock, June iQth [1705]. Yesterday being Monday, about six o'clock in the evening, was laid the first stone of the Duke of Marlborough's House, by Mr. Vanbrugge, and then seven gentlemen gave it a stroke with a hammer, and threw down each of them a guinea ; Sir Thomas Wheate was the first, Dr. Bouchell the second, Mr. Vanbrugge the third ; I know not the rest. There were several sorts of musick ; three morris dances ; one of young fellows, one of maidens, and one of old beldames. There were about a hundred buckets, bowls, and pans, filled with wine, punch, cakes, and ale. From my lord's house all went to the Town- hall, where plenty of sack, claret, cakes, &c., were prepared for the gentry and better sort ; and under the Cross eight barrels of ale, with abundance of cakes, were placed for the common people. The stone laid by Mr. Vanbrugge was eight square, finely and sign Contracts with any Persons for Materials, And also with any Artificers or Workmen to be employ'd about the said Buildings, in such manner as he shall judge proper for carrying on the said Work, in the best and most advantageous manner that may be, And likewise to employ such day Labourers and Carryages from time to time, as he shall find necessary for the said Service, and to do all other matters and things, as may be any ways conducive to the effectual Performance of what is directed by the said Duke of Marlborough in relation to the said Works, And I do hereby authorize and require the said John Vanbrugh to lay before me from time to time (in the absence of the said Duke) an Account of his proceedings herein, together with what he shall think necessary to be observ'd, or wherein any further Instructions may be wanting. To the end the same may be given accord- ingly. Dated June the gth, 1705. " (Signed) GODOLPHIN." e 2 Ix INTRODUCTION. polished, about eighteen inches over, and upon it were these words inlayed in pewter In memory of the battel of Blenheim, June 8, 1705, Anna Regina." * For some years supplies, which were charged upon the civil list, came in with regularity, and the work steadily proceeded. But the wind was changing, that had fanned the fortunes of the great Duke : intrigues of Court and State threatened him on all sides ; with the Queen's favour the payments from the Treasury also diminished; and when, in 1710, the Whig ministry, including his friend Godolphin, was thrown out of office, a considerable amount of arrears was already due to the workmen and the unfortunate architect. Nor were difficulties such as these the only hardships with which Vanbrugh had to contend. Almost from the commencement of the building, he had been, from time to time, engaged in disputes with the Duchess, who was ever on the watch to restrain what she regarded as Vanbrugh's extravagance in the matter of expenditure. The colossal splendour of the design involved an outlay proportionately colossal. The original estimate of the cost had proved inadequate, and by the month of October, 1710, not less than ,200,000 had already been received from the Treasury, while the work was yet far from completion. Vanbrugh's relations with the Duchess had been further strained by a circumstance which befell in the year 1709. Her Grace had resolved upon levelling the ancient manor-house of Woodstock, which Vanbrugh was anxious to preserve, equally on account of its picturesqueness and its interesting historical associations. His remonstrances, however, were of no avail, and only induced the Duchess to surmise that he entertained the project of fitting up the old house for his own Quoted in Mrs. Thomson's Memoirs of Sarah, Duchess of Marl- borough, vol. ii. , p. 443, note. June 8 is doubtless a misprint for June 18, the date of the ceremony. INTRODUCTION. Ixi residence. This imputation he, of course, denied, in terms which show him to have been stung to the quick : " I am much discouraged," he wrote to Godolphin, "to find I can be suspected of so poor a contrivance." But the charms with which antiquity and association had invested the old manor- house in the eyes of the poet and artist, appealed in vain to the sternly practical mind of the Duchess. She remained inflexible, and the act of Vandalism was accomplished. In the autumn of 1710 a fresh blow, severe as unexpected, fell upon Vanbrugh from the same quarter. The story is best told in his own words, in a letter to the Duke of Marlborough, dated "Oxford, Oct. 3, 1710." " By last post I gave your Grace an account from Blenheim, in what condition the building was, how near a close of this year's work, and how happy it was that after being carried up in so very dry a season, it was like to be covered before any wet fell upon it to soak the walls. My intention was to stay there till I saw it effectually done ; the great arch of the bridge like- wise compleated and safe covered, and the centers struck from under it. But this morning Joynes and Bobart* told me they had reed, a letter from the Duchess of Marlborough to put a stop at once to all sorts of work till your Grace came over, not suffering one man to be employed a day longer. I told them there was nothing more now to do in effect but just what was necessary towards covering and securing the work, which would be done in a week or ten days, and that there was so absolute a necessity for it, that to leave off without it would expose the whole summer's work to unspeakable mischiefs : that there was likewise another reason not to discharge all the people thus at one stroke together, which was, that though the principal work- men that work by the great, such as masons, carpenters, &c., * Joynes and Bobart were joint ' ' comptrollers " of the works at Blenheim, Vanbrugh being "surveyor." Ixii INTRODUCTION. would perhaps have regard to the promises made them that they should lose nothing, and so not be disorderly ; yet the labourers, carters, and other country people, who used to be regularly paid, but were now in arrear, finding themselves disbanded in so surprising a manner without a farthing, would certainly conclude their money lost, and finding themselves distressed by what they owed to the people where they lodged, &c., and numbers of them having their familys and homes at great distances in other countys, 'twas very much to be feared such a general meeting might happen, that the building might feel the effects of it ; which I told them I the more apprehended, knowing there were people not far off who would be glad to put 'em upon it ; and that they themselves, as well as I, had for some days past observed 'em grown very insolent, and in appearance kept from meeting only by the assurances we gave them from one day to another that money was coming. But all I had to say was cut short by Mr. Joynes's shewing me a post- script my Lady Duchess had added to her letter, forbidding any regard to whatever I might say or do. "Your Grace wont blame me if, ashamed to continue there any longer on such a foot, as well as seeing it was not in my power to do your Grace any farther service, I immediately came away."* It is not to be doubted that the ill-temper consequent upon her disgrace with the Queen had some share in occasioning this sudden outbreak on the part of the Duchess. But it is equally certain that she was alarmed at the ever-increasing cost of the building, and apprehensive (not without reason, as matters were going at Court,) of the failure of supplies from the Treasury. Vanbrugh, it may well be supposed, had been throughout more intent upon giving full play to his architectural genius, than * Quoted in Mrs. Thomson's Memoirs of Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough : vol. ii. , appendix. INTRODUCTION. Ixiii upon reducing expenses to a minimum ; but we have no reason to discredit his own express declaration, that he did nothing without the Duke's approval. The breach, though violent, proved not irreparable. A fresh instalment was presently obtained from the Treasury, and, on the strength of this, Vanbrugh induced his men to resume work in the following spring. But a more serious calamity was in store. On the last day of 1711, the hero of Blenheim was dismissed from all his appointments : in the summer of 1712, the building, intended to commemorate his great victory, was abandoned by the Queen's command. With the new reign, new hopes sprang into life. King George landed at Greenwich on the i8th of September, 1714, and the next day Vanbrugh was knighted at Greenwich House, being introduced to his majesty by the Duke of Marlborough.* On the loth of January 7 following, he was re-appointed Comptroller of his majesty's Works, from which office he had been dismissed by the late Queen ; t and (to finish at once with these Court appointments) on the I7th of August, 1716, he was made Surveyor of the Works at Greenwich Hospital. In pursuance of an act of Parliament, providing that the arrears of the debt incurred at Blenheim, before the discontinuance of the works in 1712, should be "liquidated out of the sum of ^500,000, which had previously been granted for the payment of the debts on the civil list, and the arrears of the revenues belonging to her late majesty,"* a commission was appointed to investigate the Le Neve's Pedigrees of the Knights, &c., p. 511. f A letter from Vanbrugh to the Mayor of Woodstock, dated January 25, 1713, and copied from the Post Boy of March 24, 1713, may be found in the Gentleman's Magazine of May, 1804. This letter, in which he refers, with generous indignation, to the persecution suffered by the Duke of Marlborough, appears to have been, at least in part, the cause of his dismissal from the place of Comptroller of the Works. J Coxe's Memoirs of John, Duke of Marlborough : vol. til, p. 636. Ixiv INTRODUCTION. claims, and the creditors received, in January, 1715, about . 1 6,000 in all, being one third part of the sum actually due. This was the last grant made by the Treasury for the work at Blenheim. The vast undertaking was now resumed, under altered con- ditions, of which we possess a relation in Vanbrugh's own words. He writes : " As soon as the Duke of Maryborough arrived in England,* I received his commands to attend him at Blenheim, where he was pleased to tell me, that when the government took care to discharge him from the claim of the workmen for the debt in the Queen's time, he intended to finish the building at his own expense. And, accordingly, from that time forwards, he was pleased to give me his orders as occasion required, in things preparatory to it ; till, at last, the affair of the debt being adjusted with the Treasury and owned to be the Queen's, he gave me directions to set people actually to work, after having considered an estimate he ordered me to prepare of the charge, to finish the house, offices, bridges, and out-walls of courts and gardens, which amounted to fifty-four thousand pounds I made no step without the Duke's knowledge while he was well ; and I made none without the Duchess's after he fell ill ; and was so far, I thought, from being in her ill opinion, that even the last time I waited on her and my Lord Duke at Blenheim, she showed no sort of dissatisfaction on anything I had done."t Vanbrugh had little reason to complain of the Duchess's want of interest in the work : " she was pleas'd," he writes, subse- quently, " to value no trouble she gave herself (or other people) in what related to that building." During the two years preced- ing the Duke's illness (a paralytic stroke, in May, 1716) she had * August i, 1714, the day of Queen Anne's death. f From a paper written by Vanbrugh, and printed in Mrs. Thomson's Memoirs of the Duchess of Marldorough : vol. ii., appendix. INTRODUCTION. Ixv been on terms of civility, at least, with Vanbrugh, who was employed, on her behalf, in conducting the negociations which eventually led to the marriage of her grand-daughter, Lady Harriet Godolphin, with the Duke of Newcastle. This favour- able turn had been due, possibly, to the Duke's influence. At all events, his malady had not long removed him from active life, before she threw off, now finally, the mask of friendship. Suddenly, and without, apparently, the smallest provocation, she discarded Vanbrugh's services in the affair of the marriage, entrusting the conduct of that business to a new agent, one Mr. Walters. Upon this indignity Vanbrugh sent her a respectful remonstrance, to which he had not yet received an answer, when he learned that to insult she was preparing to add injury, and that of the most grievous nature, in consigning to another person the completion of Blenheim. Irritated now beyond endurance, he wrote to the Duchess a curt and angry letter, commenting in strong terms upon her behaviour to him, and assur- ing her that he " would never trouble her more, unless the Duke of Marlborough recovered so far as to shelter him from such intolerable treatment." This letter, which is dated " Whitehall, Nov. 8, 1716," may be taken as marking the termination of Vanbrugh's services at Blenheim, though not of the annoyances to which those services had subjected him. We have already seen that the final payment from the Treasury left two thirds of the old arrears still undischarged. The creditors applied, from time to time, to the Duke for a settlement, but to no purpose. At length, in Easter term, 1718, a suit was instituted by two of the contractors, in the Court of Exchequer, against John, Duke of Marlborough, and Sir John Vanbrugh, for the sum of ,7314 : 16 : 4, due to them for stone supplied and for masons' work, together with the interest on that amount since the year 1710. The Duchess (for, owing to the Duke's infirmity, Vanbrugh regarded her as the real defendant) endeavoured, with a nice sense of honour, to turn ixvi INTRODUCTION. upon the architect the entire burden of the debt ; and Godolphin's warrant, produced by him, was disallowed by the Duke, or by those who acted on his behalf. Godolphin was no longer living, but it is satisfactory to find that the warrant was upheld by the Court. A decree was pronounced, absolving Vanbrugh, and rendering the Duke of Marlborough solely responsible for the debt ; and this judgment was confirmed, on appeal, by the House of Lords. Vanbrugh writes, about this time, to his friend Tonson, the publisher : " I have the misfortune of losing, for I now see little hopes of ever getting it, near two thousand pounds, due to me for many years' service, plague, and trouble at Blenheim, which that wicked woman of Marlborough is so far from paying me, that, the Duke being sued by some of the workmen for work done there, she has tried to turn the due to them upon me, for which, I think, she ought to be hanged." Foiled in her attempt upon the architect's purse, the angry Duchess now directed her attack against his reputation. She privately circulated an anonymous statement, entitled The Case of the Duke of Marlborough and Sir John Vanbrugh, by which it was endeavoured to discredit his evidence, and to malign his character. In the meantime, Vanbrugh had written, and was about printing, a Justification of what he deposed in the Duchess of MarlborougKs late Tryal, when the Case was put into his hands. To his Justification he accordingly appended a reply to the Case, which, he observes, contained " so much decent Language, fair stating of Facts, and right sound Reasoning from them, that one would almost swear it had been writ by a woman." He recapitulates the circumstances of the dispute, and prints letters from the Duchess to himself, proving that the Duke had given assurances that the payments should be continued. The Case concluded with a bitter taunt : " And if, at last, the Charge run into by Order of the Crown, must lie upon him [the Duke] ; yet the Infamy of it must lie upon another, who was perhaps the only Architect in the World INTRODUCTION. Ixvii capable of building such a House, and the only Friend in the World capable of contriving to lay the Debt upon one to whom he was so highly oblig'd." Upon this Vanbrugh retorts by enumerating his obligations to the Duke. His recompense for twelve years' service has been many professions of obligation and of resolution to reward him " the Misfortune of being turn'd out of his Place of Comptroller of the Works, and losing that of Garter * by offending the Queen, on the Duke's account " not one Court favour obtained for him by the Duke, " or any allowance or Present from his Grace ever made him (except a Trifle, I believe he would not have him name)." " He has been left," he continues, " to work upon his own Bottom, at the tedious Treasury, for a Recompense for his Services ; where through a tiresome Application of many Years, he has to this Hour prevail'd for very little more than his necessary Expenses, and instead of any Reward from the Duke, finds his Authority for acting in his Service disclaim'd, and himself thrown among the Workmen to be torn to pieces, for what his Grace possesses and enjoys, in the midst of an immense Fortune. These," he concludes, "these, and no other, are the Friendships and the Obligations laid by the Duke of Marlborough upon his Faithful and Zealous Servant, John Vanbrugh." The next step was an application on the part of the Duke to Queen Anne gave a reversionary grant of the office of Garter, principal King of Arms, to John Anstis, on the 2nd of April, 1714. Garter, at that date, was Sir Henry St. George, who died in August of the following year, aged ninety. Anstis thereupon claimed the appointment, but, being in prison on suspicion of Jacobitism, his claim was disregarded, and the appointment was given to Vanbrugh, Oct. 26, 1715. Anstis, having established his innocence, contested Vanbrugh's right, and the controversy lasted until the aoth of April, 1718, when it was decided in favour of Anstis, who was created Garter. (See Noble.) Vanbrugh continued to hold the place of Clarenceux until Feb 9, 1726, when he disposed of it to Knox Ward, Esq. , for the sum of 2,000. Ixviii INTRODUCTION. the Court of Chancery, "to compel the several creditors to submit to an examination of their claims."* A speedy settle- ment was now hardly to be hoped for. On the i6th of June, 1722, the Duke was acquitted of further responsibility by death ; but still the suit dragged its slow length along. He left .50,000 to be expended by the Duchess, at the rate of ; 1 0,000 a year for five years, in completing the building. Writing again to Tonson, Vanbrugh states particulars of the Duke's enormous wealth ; " and yet this man could neither pay his workmen their bills, nor his architect his salary. He has given his widow may a Scotch ensign get her ! ten thousand pounds a year to spoil Blenheim in her own way, and twelve thousand a year to keep herself clean and go to law." Under the management of the Duchess the work was again resumed, and the building was finished within the stipulated period, and for half the allotted sum.f Her vindictiveness towards the architect did not hinder her from following his design, at the same time that, not content with denying him his due, she jealously excluded him from the scene of his long and thankless labour. A petty piece of insolent malice worthily capped the climax of indignities to which he had been subjected. He visited Woodstock in the company of his wife and the Countess of Carlisle, with some ladies of her family. " We staid," he writes, " two nights in Woodstock, but there was an order to the servants, under her Grace's own hand, not to let me enter Blenheim ; and, lest that should not mortify me enough, she having somehow learned that my wife was of the * Coxe; vol. iii., p. 637. t Archdeacon Coxe estimates roughly, that Blenheim cost the nation ,240,000, and the Duke and Duchess 60,000. The representatives of the Duke were finally made responsible for the arrears, " but we have not the means of tracing the progress of the investigation, or^ascertaining the exact sums with which his estate was finally charged" (Coxe, voL iii., p. 638). INTRODUCTION. Ixix company, sent an express the night before we came there, with orders that if she came with the Castle Howard ladies, the servants should not suffer her to see either house, gardens, or even to enter the park ; so she was forced to sit all day long, and keep me company at the inn." A settlement was ultimately made in Vanbrugh's favour. In 1725 he writes, with more emphasis than elegance : " I have been forced into Chancery by that B. B. B. the Duchess of Marlborough, where she has got an injunction upon me by her friend the late good Chancellor [the Earl of Macclesfield], who declared that I was never employed by the Duke, and therefore had no demand upon his estate for my services at Blenheim. Since my hands were thus tied up from trying by law to recover my arrear, I have prevailed with Sir Robert Walpole to help me in a scheme which I proposed to him, by which I got my money in spite of the hussey's teeth. My carrying this point enrages her much, and the more because it is of considerable weight in my small fortune, which she has heartily endeavoured so to destroy as to throw me into an English Bastile, there to finish my days as I began them in a French one." * The nature of the scheme referred to we have no means of ascertaining, but it is some small satisfaction to find that, even at the eleventh hour, Vanbrugh was relieved from this miserable aggravation of greater hardships of disappointed hopes and the memory of services embittered by insult and ingratitude. It is no part of our present plan to enter upon an investiga- tion of the merits or defects of Vanbrugh's architectural works. They have been frequently censured, but frequently, also, applauded : no worse a judge than Sir Joshua Reynolds has spoken in terms of warm commendation of the design and * Alluding to his imprisonment in the Bastile when a young man. Ixx INTRODUCTION. picturesque effect of Blenheim.* I shall conclude this section with the ensuing apt remarks upon some of the principal features of that famous building. "It appears to me that at Blenheim Vanbrugh conceived and executed a very bold and difficult design ; that of uniting in one building the beauty and magnificence of Grecian architecture, the picturesqueness of the Gothic, and the massive grandeur of a castle ; and that in spite of the many faults with which he is very justly reproached, he has formed, in a style truly his own, a well-combined whole, a mansion worthy of a great prince and warrior. His first point seems to have been massiveness, as the foundation of grandeur. Then, to prevent that mass from being a lump, he has made various bold projections of various heights, which from different points serve as foregrounds to the main building. And lastly, having probably been struck with the variety of outline against the sky in many Gothic and other ancient buildings, he has raised, on the top of that part where the slanting roof begins in many houses of the Italian style, a number of decorations of various characters. These, if not new in themselves, have at least been applied and combined by him in a new and peculiar manner ; and the union of them gives a surprising splendour and magnificence, as well as variety, to the summit of that princely edifice." t VII. THE last years of Vanbrugh's life were devoted mainly to architectural employments, and the performance of his official duties as Comptroller of the Works. For himself he built two or three houses, besides the " goose-pie " house at Whitehall. * In his thirteenth Discourse to the students of the Royal Academy. + Sir Uvedale Price : Essays on the Picturesque, 1798 : An Essay on Architecture and Buildings as connected with Scenery. INTRODUCTION. Ixxi " His country residence," says Noble, '' was Vanbrugh-Fields at Greenwich, where he built two seats, one called the Bastile, standing on Maize, or Maze Hill, on the east side of the Park. Lady Vanbrug, his relict, sold it to Lord Trelawny, who made it his residence : the name was taken from the French prison of which it was a model. His other house, built in the same kind of style, is called the Mince-pie house, now [1804] possessed and occupied by Edward Vanbrugh, Esq."* Moreover, on a piece of ground which he purchased at Esher, in Surrey, he erected a low brick house. This property, how- ever, he sold to Thomas Pelham, Earl of Clare (created Duke of Newcastle in 1718), who added largely to the estate, and raised thereon a mansion, which he called, from his title, Claremont.t Vanbrugh's correspondence with the Duke of Newcastle, which is preserved in the British Museum, shows him to have been frequently employed by that nobleman : building at Claremont, altering Nottingham Castle for his Grace's residence, or otherwise engaged in his service. Occasionally we find him at Castle Howard, on a visit to his old friend and patron, the Earl of Carlisle. From Castle Howard is dated, the 25th of December, 1718, the letter which contains the first hint of his approaching marriage. " Your Grace's Letter to meet you at Nottingham to-morrow," he writes, " I found here yesterday. And had been three days getting from thence to York, through such difficulty as the Stage Coach cou'd not pass, which I left overset and quite disabled upon the way. There has now fallen a Snow up to one's neck, to mend it, wch may possibly fix me here as long as it did at the Bath this time two years : wch was no less than five Weeks. In short, 'tis so bloody Cold, I have almost a mind to marry to keep myself warm, And if I do, I'm sure it will be a Wiser * History of the College of Arms, p. 356. t Manning and Bray's History of Surrey, voL iL, p. 742. Ixxii INTRODUCTION. thing than your Grace has done, if you have been at Notting- ham."* The last sentence needs a few words of explanation. Vanbrugh had been anxious that the Duke should not visit Nottingham until the alterations at the castle had been carried out, lest, by seeing it in its unfinished condition, and, especially, under the gloom of a winter aspect, he should conceive some disgust at the place. The Duke paid his visit, nevertheless, as we learn by a subsequent letter, but without the ill consequences apprehended by the architect. I have already mentioned Vanbrugh's wife. This lady was Henrietta Maria, eldest child of Lieutenant-colonel James Yarburgh, of Snaith Hall, near York. The family was of some consideration. Henrietta's grandfather, Sir Thomas Yarburgh, of Snaith Hall, was Member of Parliament for Pontefract in 1685 and 1688. His eldest son, James, who was born in 1664, wasgodson to the Duke of York, and one of the royal pages. He entered the army, where he rose to the rank of lieutenant-colonel of horse, and aide-de-camp to the Duke of Marlborough. This James married, on the 3ist of October, 1692, Ann, daughter and co-heir of Thomas Hesketh of Heslington : their first child, Henrietta Maria, was baptized, on the I3th of October of the following year, at the church of St. Lawrence, in York.t Vanbrugh appears to have been acquainted with the Yarburgh family for some years before his marriage. A letter written from York, about November, 1713, by that very lively young woman, Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, contains an amusing picture of his love-making. * British Museum. Add. MSS. 33,064. t These details respecting the Yarburgh family are taken from C. B. Robinson's History of the Priory and Peculiar ef Snaith : London and York, 1861. INTRODUCTION. Ixxiii " I can't forbear entertaining you with our York lovers. (Strange monsters, you'll think, love being as much forced up here as melons.) In the first form of these creatures is even Mr. Vanbrugh. Heaven, no doubt, compassionating our dulness, has inspired him with a passion that makes us all ready to die with laughing : 'tis credibly reported that he is endeavouring at the honourable state of matrimony, and vows to lead a sinful life no more. Whether pure holiness inspires his mind, or dotage turns his brain, is hard to find. 'Tis certainhe keeps Mondays and Thursdays market (assembly-day) constant ; and for those that don't regard worldly muck, there's extraordinary good choice indeed. I believe last Monday there were two hundred pieces of woman's flesh (fat and lean) : but you know Van's taste was always odd : his inclination to ruins* has given him a fancy for Mrs. Yarborough : he sighs and ogles that it would do your heart good to see him ; and she is not a little pleased, in so small a proportion of men amongst such a number of women, a whole man should fall to her share. My dear, adieu. My service to Mr. Congreve." t The marriage took place at the church of St. Lawrence, York, on the I4th of January, 1719. J The honeymoon was of brief duration, for within a week of the marriage we find Vanbrugh back at Nottingham on the Duke of Newcastle's business. In a letter to the Duke, dated " Nottingham, January the 24th," after recounting what order he has taken with regard to the fitting up of the castle, he continues, in the The reader must put his own construction upon this expression. At the date of this letter, Henrietta Yarburgh was twenty years of age. t Letters and Works of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, voL i, pp. 83-4. Bohn's edition, 1887. J Robinson's History of Snaith, p. 77. Ixxiv INTRODUCTION. strain of exaggerated compliment which was then a matter of course in addressing persons of quality : " I have no care now left, but to see the Duchess of Newcastle* as well pleas'd with it as your Grace is. I hope she won't have the less expectation from my judgment in chusing a Seat, from my having chosen a Wife, whose principal merit in my Eye, has been some small distant Shadow of those valuable Qualifications in her, your Grace has formerly with so much pleasure heard me talk of. The honour she likewise has, of being pretty nearly related to the Duchess, gives me the more hopes I may not have been mistaken. If I am, 'tis better however to make a Blunder towards the end of one's Life, than at the beginning of it. But I hope all will be well ; it can't at least be worse than most of my neighbours, which every modest man ought to be content with : And so I'm easy." f An amusing reference to Tonson, the publisher, occurs in a postscript : " Jacob will be fright'ned out of his Witts and his Religion too, when he hears I'm gone at last. If he is still in France, he'll certainly give himself to God, for fear he shou'd now be ravish'd by a Gentlewoman. I was the last man left between him and Ruin." In spite of the great disparity of age between husband and wife, the marriage appears to have been a happy one. Three children were born to them,! of whom two, however, lived not to be baptized. I find in one of Vanbrugh's letters to the Duke of Newcastle, a brief reference to his first-born child. In 1719, building was still going on at Claremont under his direction, and he mentions, in a letter of August the 6th, his intention of * The Duchess was Lady Harriet Godolphin, whose marriage Vanbrugh had been instrumental in promoting. See ante, p. Ixv. t Add. MSS., 33,064. J Le Neve, p. 512. INTRODUCTION. Ixxv taking his wife down to Claremont for two or three days. But on the eleventh of August he writes : " I have been two days at Claremount, but not en Famille, a Bit of a Girle popping into the world three months before its time." Besides this girl, and a son named Charles, Le Neve mentions a second son, who died without baptism. Of Charles Vanbrugh, the poet's son and heir, all that is told is, that he joined the army as an ensign in the second regiment of footguards, served in Flanders, and got his death-wound in the battle of Fontenoy, April the 3oth, 1745.* The British Museum possesses an autograph letter of his, addressed to the Duke of Newcastle, and dated, " From the Head Quarters at Avelgem, Oct. 3, 1744, JV.S."^ The young man was about purchasing a lieutenancy, when an older ensign, the brother of Lord Cathcart, made offers for the same appointment, and, by his superior interest, seemed likely to carry it Young Vanbrugh thereupon writes to the Duke to solicit his support in the matter. In the same volume is preserved a letter of Lady Vanbrugh's to the Duke, dated Greenwich, September the 3oth, on the same business. How the matter ended, we know not, but the letters, at least, are a proof that the Duke's kindness was continued to the widow and son of his friend. Sir John Vanbrugh died, of quinsy, it is said, at his house at Whitehall, on the 26th of March, 1726, and was buried in the family vault beneath the church of St. Stephen. By his will, which is dated August the 3oth, 1725, he left small legacies to his unmarried sisters, Mary, Victoria, and Robina ; to his brothers, Charles and Philip ; his nieces, Elizabeth and Robina Vanbrugh ; a married sister, and her daughter. To his * Noble's words are, "a battle fought near Tournay, in 1745." The " Captain Charles Vanbrugh," whose burial at St Stephen's was registered on the gth of November, 1740, was possibly Sir John Vanbrugh's brother. t Add. MSS. 32,703. Ixxvi INTRODUCTION. son Charles he bequeathed all his houses at Greenwich, together with the lease of the ground on which they stood, the tenement and vaults under and adjoining the Opera House in the Hay- market, and one thousand pounds in money. This bequest was to take effect upon Charles Vanbrugh's coming of age : in the meantime, the income accruing from the property was to be applied to the boy's education, at the discretion of his mother, who was appointed sole executrix. There is one codicil to the will, dated August the 3ist, 1725. By this codicil, Charles Vanbrugh was empowered, on attaining the age of fifteen, to bequeath by will the sum of one thousand pounds ; but in the event of his death before coming of age, the property bequeathed him was to go to his mother, with the exception of the house at Greenwich then occupied by Sir John Vanbrugh's brother Philip, and the two " white towers " adjoining it. The house, in this event, was to become the property of Philip, while the two towers passed to the testator's sisters, Victoria and Robina. From the fact that no provision is made by the will for Lady Vanbrugh, it must be inferred that an independency had already been secured to her by the marriage-settlements. Her own will, which is dated June the I5th, 1769, shows her to have been in very comfortable circumstances ; and the house at Whitehall, which is not mentioned in Sir John Vanbrugh's will, formed part of the property bequeathed by her. She died, in the eighty-third year of her age, on the a6th of April, 1776, and was interred in the vault which, half a century before, had received the remains of her distinguished husband.* * 1 copy here the exact words of the entries, in the register of St Stephen's, Walbrook, which record the burial of Sir John Vanbrugh and his wife. "March 31 [1726] was buried Sr. John Vanbrough in ye North Isle." "May 3d. [1776] Was Buried Dame Henrietta Maria Vanbrugh in the Vanbrugh's Familey Vault in the North He. brought from Whitehall aged 84 years." INTRODUCTION. Ixxvii Of Vanbrugh's character, all that we are able to gather from stray remarks, and the hints furnished by his own writings, gives us an agreeable impression. That he was generous and good- natured is beyond dispute, nor does he seem to have had an enemy, except the Duchess of Marlborough. He was a Whig in politics, and a member of the famous Kit-cat club : " Garth, Vanbrugh, and Congreve, were the three most honest- hearted, real good men of the poetical members of the Kit-cat club," said Pope.* As to his wit in conversation, nothing can be more striking than the testimony of Gibber, who declares that the most entertaining scenes of his plays " seem'd to be no more than his common Conversation committed to Paper." He left an unfinished comedy A Journey to London which, had it been completed by the hand which began it, would certainly have ranked high among his masterpieces. Besides the works already mentioned, he published but one piece the following short copy of verses, which originally appeared in the Fifth Part of Miscellany Poems, published by Tonson in 1704. To a LADY more Cruel than Fair. By Mr. VANBROOK. Why d'ye with such Disdain refuse An humble Lover's Plea ? Since Heav'n denies you Pow'r to chuse, You ought to value me. Ungrateful Mistress of a Heart, Which I so freely gave ; Tho' weak your Bow, tho' blunt your Dart, I soon resign'd your Slave. Nor was I weary of your Reign, Till you a Tyrant grew, And seem'd regardless of my Pain, As Nature seem'd of you. * Spence's Ancedotes. Ixxviii INTRODUCTION. When thousands with unerring Eyes Your Beauty would decry, What Graces did my Love devise, To give their Truths the Lie ? To ev'ry Grove I told your Charms, In you my Heav'n I plac'd, Proposing Pleasures in your Arms, Which none but I cou'd taste. For me t' admire, at such a rate, So damn'd a Face, will prove You have as little Cause to hate, As I had Cause to Love. NOTE. THE text of Vanbrugh's plays has remained substantially unaltered throughout the editions. Such variations as occur are, almost without exception, either differences of punctuation, often due to mere carelessness, or verbal changes of the slight- est importance. In such cases, I have usually relied upon the text of the first editions, amending the punctuation where necessary, and correcting occasional misprints. I have partly followed Leigh Hunt in supplying, here and there, the omissions of the original text in regard to the headings of scenes, and, in a few instances, the indications of exits or entrances. The names of the actors who took part in the first performance of each play, are here given, facing the dramatis persons, as in the original editions. THE RELAPSE. INTRODUCTION TO "THE RELAPSE." The Relapse, the first in order of performance of Vanbrugh's comedies, was written in the spring of 1696, as a sequel to Colley Gibber's play of Love's Last Shift ; or, The Fool in Fashion. It was produced at the Theatre Royal, Drury Lane, in December, 1696, and published the same month, with the date 1697 on the title-page. Yet it was entered at Stationers' Hall by Richard Wellington, the bookseller, on the 2ist of September, 1697.* The first edition is in 4to, and has the following title-page : " The Relapse ; or, Virtue in Danger: Being the Sequel of The Fool in Fashion, a Comedy. Acted at the Theatre- Royal in Drury-lane ; Printed for Samuel Briscoe at the corner of Charles- street in Russel-streei Covent-garden. 1697." The circumstances connected with the production of this play have already been recounted in the general introduction : a few details may be added concerning the relation between Vanbrugh's comedy and Love's Last Shift. Gibber's Loveless is a dissolute scamp, who deserts his * Wellington's name appears on the title-page of The Relapse, in the 4to edition of 1698 : " London, Printed for S. B. and Sold by R. Wellington, at the Lute, in St. Paul's Church-yard, 1698." The Relapse is the only play of Vanbrugh's which I find entered at Stationers' Hall. The British Museum does not possess copies of the first editions of The Relapse, &sop, and The Mistake. For the loan of these plays, as well as for many other kindnesses, I am indebted to Mr. Edmund Gosse. B 2 4 Introduction. innocent wife, and wanders for eight years in pursuit of pleasure ; returning at last, penniless, to receive her for- giveness, and to enjoy the treasure of her unshaken con- stancy. The play ends conventionally, with Amanda's happiness, and the supposed reformation of the prodigal ; but, in point of fact, a character such as Loveless would be incapable of true reformation, and, in depicting his relapse, Vanbrugh has given but a natural sequel to the fable of his predecessor. In both comedies the capital part is that of the fop. In Gibber's, Sir Novelty Fashion is described as " One that Heaven intended for a man ; but the whole business of his Life is, to make the World believe he is of another species. A Thing that affects mightily to ridicule himself, only to give others a kind of Necessity of praising him." The following fragment is extracted from one of the best scenes of The Fool in Fashion, that the reader may, with entire justice to Gibber, compare the character of Sir Novelty with that of Lord Foppington. The persons introduced are Narcissa, Hillaria, and Sir Novelty. It should be premised that Worthy is suitor to Hillaria, to whom Sir Novelty makes love at the beginning of the scene. He now turns to her sister. Sir Nov. Pray, Madam, how do I look to-day? What, cursedly ? I'll warrant ; with a more hellish Com- plexion than a stale Actress in a Morning. I don't know, Madam, 'tis true the Town does talk of me, indeed ; but the Dev'l take me, in my mind, I am a very ugly Fellow ! Nar. Now you are too severe, Sir Novelty ! Introduction. 5 Sir Nov. Not I, burn me : For Heaven's sake deal freely with me, Madam ; and if you can, tell me one tolerable thing about me ! HiL (Aside.} 'Twould pose me, I'm sure. Nar. Oh ! Sir Novelty, this is unanswerable ; 'tis hard to know the brightest part of a diamond. Sir Nov. You'll make me blush, stop my Vitals, Madam. (Aside.} I 'gad, I always said she was a Woman of Sense. Strike me dumb, I am in Love with her ! I'll try her farther. But, Madam, is it possible I may vie with Mr. Worthy ? Not that he is any Rival of mine, Madam ; for, I can assure you, my Inclinations lie where, perhaps, your Ladyship little thinks. Hil. (Aside} So ! now I am rid of him. Sir Nov. But pray tell me, Madam ; for I really love a severe Critick : I am sure you must believe he has a more happy Genius in Dress : For my part, I am but a Sloven. Nar. He a Genius ! insufferable ! Why, he dresses worse than a Captain of the Militia ! . . . . He's a mere Valet de Chambre to all Fashion ; and never is in any, till his betters have left them off. Sir Nov. Nay, Ged, now I must laugh ; for the DevT take me, if I did not meet him, not above a Fortnight ago, in a Coat with Buttons no bigger than Nutmegs. Hil. There, I must confess, you out-do him, Sir Novelty. Sir Nov. Oh, dear Madam, why mine are not above three Inches diameter ! . THE PREFACE. To go about to excuse half the defects this abortive brat is come into the world with, would be to provoke the town with a long useless preface, when 'tis, I doubt, sufficiently soured already by a tedious play. I do therefore (with all the humility of a repenting sinner) confess, it wants everything but length ; and in that, I hope, the severest critic will be pleased to acknowledge I have not been wanting. But my modesty will sure atone for everything, when the world shall know it is so great, I am even to this day insensible of those two shining graces in the play (which some part of the town is pleased to com- pliment me with) blasphemy and bawdy. For my part, I cannot find 'em out. If there were any obscene expressions upon the stage, here they are in the print ; for I have dealt fairly, I have not sunk a syllable that could (though by racking of mysteries) be ranged under that head j and yet I believe with a steady faith, there is not one woman of a real reputation in town, but when she has read it impartially over in her closet, will find it so innocent, she'll think it no affront to her prayer-book, to lay it upon the same shelf. So to them (with all manner of deference) I entirely refer my cause ; and I'm confident they'll justify me against those pretenders to good manners, who, at the same time, have so little respect for the ladies, they would 8 Preface. extract a bawdy jest from an ejaculation, to put 'em out of countenance. But I expect to have these well-bred persons always my enemies, since I'm sure I shall never write any- thing lewd enough to make 'em my friends. As for the saints (your thorough-paced ones, I mean, with screwed faces and wry mouths) I despair of them, for they are friends to nobody. They love nothing but their altars and themselves. They have too much zeal to have any charity : they make debauches in piety, as sinners do in wine; and are as quarrelsome in their religion, as other people are in their drink ; so I hope nobody will mind what they say. But if any man (with flat plod shoes, a little band, greasy hair, and a dirty face, who is wiser than I, at the expense of being forty years older) happens to be offended at a story of a cock and a bull, and a priest and a bull-dog, I beg his pardon with all my heart; which, I hope, I shall obtain, by eating my words, and making this public recantation. I do therefore, for his satisfaction, acknowledge I lied, when I said, they never quit their hold ; for in that little time I have lived in the world, I thank God I have seen 'em forced to it more than once; but next time I'll speak with more caution and truth, and only say, they have very good teeth. If I have offended any honest gentlemen of the town, whose friendship or good word is worth the having, I am very sorry for it ; I hope they'll correct me as gently as they can, when they consider I have had no other design, in running a very great risk, than to divert (if possible) some part of their spleen, in spite of their wives and their taxes. One word more about the bawdy, and I have done. I Preface. 9 own the first night this thing was acted, some indecencies had like to have happened, but 'twas not my fault. The fine gentleman of the play,* drinking his mistress's health in Nantes brandy, from six in the morning to the time he waddled on upon the stage in the evening, had toasted himself up to such a pitch of vigour, I confess I once gave Amanda for gone, and I am since (with all due respect to Mrs. Rogers) very sorry she scaped ; for I am confident a certain lady (let no one take it to herself that's handsome) who highly blames the play, for the barrenness of the conclusion, would then have allowed it a very natural close. * Powell, who acted the part of Worthy. IO DRAMATIS PERSONS. MEN. Sir Novelty Fashion, newly created Lord Foppington Mr. Gibber. Young Fashion, his Brother Mrs. Kent.* Loveless, Husband to Amanda Mr. Verbruggm. Worthy, a Gentleman of the Town Mr. Powell. Sir Tunbelly Clumsey, a Country Gentleman Mr. Bullock. Sir John Friendly, his Neighbour Mr. Mills. Coupler, a Match-maker Mr. Johnson. Bull, Chaplain to Sir Tunbelly Mr. Simson. Syringe, a Surgeon... ... ... ... ... ... ... Mr. Haynes. Lory, Servant to young Fashion Mr. Do%get. Shoemaker, Tailor, Periwig-maker, &c. WOMEN. Amanda, Wife to Loveless Mrs. Rogers. Berinthia, her Cousin, a young Widow ... ... Mrs. Verbruggen. Miss Hoyden, a great Fortune, Daughter to Sir Tunbelly ... Mrs. Cross. Nurse, her Governante Mrs. Powell. [SCENE. Sometimes in London, sometimes in the Country.] * "Mrs. Kent " is the reading of the earliest editions those of 1697, 1698, and 1708 : her name also stands to the part of young Fashion in the_ Drury-lane play-bill for October 26, 1708, as Genest informs us. In some later editions of The Relapse the name is altered to " Mr. Kent," but there is no doubt that the original reading is the correct one. An actress performing the part of a young man was by no means so rare a spectacle at this time that we need hesitate to accept it. Of Mrs. Mountfort by her second marriage, Mrs. Verbruggen, the Berinthia of The Relapse Gibber writes : " People were so fond of seeing her a Man, that when the part of Bays, in the Rehearsal, had, for some time, lain dormant, she was desired to take it up, which I have seen her act with all the true, coxcombly Spirit, and Humour, that the Sufficiency of the Character required." Mrs. Kent, though not a leading lady, habitually played good parts : Mr. Kent, for there -was such an actor, appeared in such characters as " one of the Ruffians in King Lear," and was not at all likely to be entrusted with such a part as that of young Fashion. See Genest, II., p. 408. II FIRST PROLOGUE. SPOKEN BY MISS CROSS.* LADIES, this Play in too much haste was writ, To be o'ercharg'd with either plot or wit ; 'Twos got, conceiv'd, and born in six weeks' space, And wit, you know, 's as slow in growth as grace. Sure it can ne'er be ripen'd to your taste ; I doubt 'twill prove, our author bred too fast : For mark 'em well, who with the Muses marry, They rarely do conceive, but they miscarry. 'Tis the hard fate of those who are big with rhyme, Still to be brought to bed before their time. 10 Of our late poets Nature few has made ; The greatest part are only so by trade. Still want of something brings the scribbling fit ; For want of money some of 'em have writ, And others do't, you see for want of wit. Honour, they fancy, summons 'em to write, So out they lug in wresty Nature's spite, As some of you spruce beaux do when you fight. Yet let the ebb of wit be ne'er so low, Some glimpse of it a man may hope to show, 20 * The actress who performed the part of Miss Hoyden. The " Miss " prefixed to her name, instead of the customary " Mrs.," implies that she was a very young girl. Her first appearance, recorded by Genest, was in the part of Altesidora, in Durfey's Don Quixote, Part III., early in 1696. 12 Upon a theme so ample as a beau. So, howsoe'er true courage may decay, Perhaps there's not one smock-face here to-day, But's bold as Caesar to attack a play. Nay, what's yet more, with an undaunted face, To do the thing with more heroic grace, Tis six to four y' attack the strongest place. You are such Hotspurs in this kind of venture, Where there's no breach, just there you needs must enter : But be advised 30 E'en give the hero and the critic o'er, For Nature sent you on another score ; She form'd her beau, for nothing but her whore. PROLOGUE ON THE THIRD DAY. SPOKEN BY MRS. VERBRUGGEN. APOLOGIES for Plays, experience shows, Are things almost as useless as the beaux. Whate'er we say (like them) we neither move Your friendship, pity, anger, nor your love. 'Tis interest turns the globe : let us but find The way to please you, and you'll soon be kind : But to expect, you'd for our sakes approve, Is just as though you for their sakes should love ; And that, we do confess, we think a task, Which (though they may impose) we never ought to ask. 10 This is an age, where all things we improve, But, most of all, the art of making love. In former days, women were only won By merit, truth, and constant service done ; But lovers now are much more expert grown ; They seldom wait, t' approach by tedious form ; They're for dispatch, for taking you by storm : Quick are their sieges, furious are their fires, Fierce their attacks, and boundless their desires. Before the Play's half ended, I'll engage 20 To show you beaux come crowding on the stage, Who with so little pains have always sped, They'll undertake to look a lady dead. 14 How have I shook, and trembling stood with awe, When here, behind the scenes, I've seen 'em draw A comb ; that dead-doing weapon to the heart, And turn each powder'd hair into a dart ! * When I have seen 'em sally on the stage, Dress'd to the war, and ready to engage, I've mourn'd your destiny yet more their fate, 30 To think, that after victories so great, It should so often prove their hard mishap To sneak into a lane and get a clap. But, hush ! they're here already ; I'll retire, And leave 'em to you ladies to admire. They'll show you twenty thousand airs and graces, They'll entertain you with their soft grimaces, Their snuff-box, awkward bows, and ugly faces. In short, they're after all so much your friends, That lest the Play should fail the author's ends, 40 They have resolv'd to make you some amends. Between each act (perform'd by nicest rules) They'll treat you with an Interlude of fools : Of which, that you may have the deeper sense, The entertainment's at their own expense. * To comb their wigs in public was a common practice of gentlemen in the seventeenth century. We find occasional allusions to this odd custom in the dramatists of the time. Thus in The Parson's Wedding, by Thomas Killegrew (Act I, Scene 3) : " Enter Jack Constant, Will Sad, Jolly, and a Footman : they comb their heads and talk." And in the prologue to the second part of Dryden's Conquest of Granada : " But, as when Vizard-Mask appears in Pit, Straight ev'ry Man, who thinks himself a Wit, Perks up ; and, managing his Comb with Grace, With his white Wigg sets off his Nut-brown Face." THE RELAPSE; OR, VIRTUE IN DANGER. ACT I. SCENE I. A Room in LOVELESS'S Country House. Enter LOVELESS reading. Love. How true is that philosophy, which says Our heaven is seated in our minds ! Through all the roving pleasures of my youth, (Where nights and days seem'd all consum'd in joy, Where the false face of luxury Display'd such charms, As might have shaken the most holy hermit, And made him totter at his altar,) I never knew one moment's peace like this. Here, in this little soft retreat, 10 My thoughts unbent from all the cares of life, Content with fortune, Eas'd from the grating duties of dependence, From envy free, ambition under foot, The raging flame of wild destructive lust Reduc'd to a warm pleasing fire of lawful love, 1 6 The RELAPSE; [Acn. My life glides on, and all is well within. Enter AMANDA. How does the happy cause of my content, [Meeting her kindly. My dear Amanda ? You find me musing on my happy state, 20 And full of grateful thoughts to Heaven, and you. Aman. Those grateful offerings Heaven can't receive With more delight than I do : Would I could share with it as well The dispensations of its bliss ! That I might search its choicest favours out, And shower 'em on your head for ever. Love. The largest boons that Heaven thinks fit to grant, To things it has decreed shall crawl on earth, Are in the gift of women form'd like you. 30 Perhaps, when time shall be no more, When the aspiring soul shall take its flight, And drop this pond'rous lump of clay behind it, It may have appetites we know not of, And pleasures as refin'd as its desires But till that day of knowledge shall instruct me, The utmost blessing that my thought can reach, {Taking her in his arms. Is folded in my arms, and rooted in my heart. Aman. There let it grow for ever ! Love. Well said, Amanda let it be for ever 40 Would Heaven grant that Aman. 'Twere all the heaven I'd ask. But we are clad in black mortality, SCENE I.] QR, VlRTUE IN DANGER. I / And the dark curtain of eternal night At last must drop between us. Love. It must : That mournful separation we must see. A bitter pill it is to all ; but doubles its ungrateful taste, When lovers are to swallow it. Aman. Perhaps that pain may only be my lot, You possibly may be exempted from it. Men find out softer ways to quench their fires. 50 Love. Can you then doubt my constancy, Amanda ? You'll find 'tis built upon a steady basis The rock of reason now supports my love, On which it stands so fix'd, The rudest hurricane of wild desire Would, like the breath of a soft slumbering babe, Pass by, and never shake it Aman. Yet still 'tis safer to avoid the storm ; The strongest vessels, if they put to sea, May possibly be lost. 60 Would I could keep you here, in this calm port, for ever ! Forgive the weakness of a woman, I am uneasy at your going to stay so long in town ; I know its false insinuating pleasures ; I know the force of its delusions ; I know the strength of its attacks ; I know the weak defence of nature ; I know you are a man and I a wife. Love. You know then all that needs to give you rest, For wife's the strongest claim that you can urge. 70 When you would plead your title to my heart, On this you may depend. Therefore be calm, c 1 8 The RELAPSE ; [ACT i. Banish your fears, for they Are traitors to your peace : beware of 'em, They are insinuating busy things That gossip to and fro, And do a world of mischief where they come. But you shall soon be mistress of 'em all ; I'll aid you with such arms for their destruction, They never shall erect their heads again. 80 You know the business is indispensable, that obliges me to go for London ; and you have no reason, that I know of, to believe I'm glad of the occasion. For my honest conscience is my witness, I have found a due succession of such charms In my retirement here with you, I have never thrown one roving thought that way ; But since, against my will, I'm dragg'd once more To that uneasy theatre of noise, I am resolv'd to make such use on't, 90 As shall convince you 'tis an old cast mistress, Who has been so lavish of her favours, She's now grown bankrupt of her charms, And has not one allurement left to move me. Aman. Her bow, I do believe, is grown so weak, Her arrows (at this distance) cannot hurt you ; But in approaching 'em, you give 'em strength. The dart that has not far to fly, will put The best of armour to a dangerous trial. Love. That trial past, and y'are at ease for ever ; 100 When you have seen the helmet prov'd, You'll apprehend no more for him that wears it. Therefore to put a lasting period to your fears, SCENE I.] QR, VlRTUE IN DANGER. 1 9 I am resolv'd, this once, to launch into temptation : I'll give you an essay of all my virtues ; My former boon companions of the bottle Shall fairly try what charms are left in wine : I'll take my place amongst 'em, They shall hem me in, Sing praises to their god, and drink his glory : no Turn wild enthusiasts for his sake, And beasts to do him honour : Whilst I, a stubborn atheist, Sullenly look on, Without one reverend glass to his divinity. That for my temperance, Then for my constancy Aman. Ay, there take heed. Love. Indeed the danger's small. Aman. And yet my fears are great. Love. Why are you so timorous ? Aman. Because you are so bold. Love My courage should disperseyourapprehensions. 120 Aman. My apprehensions should alarm your courage. Love. Fy, fy, Amanda ! it is not kind thus to distrust me Aman. And yet my fears are founded on my love. Love. Your love then is not founded as it ought ; For if you can believe 'tis possible I should again relapse to my past follies, I must appear to you a thing Of such an undigested composition, That but to think of me with inclination, Would be a weakness in your taste, 130 Your virtue scarce could answer. c 2 2o The RELAPSE; CACTI. Atnan. 'Twould be a weakness in my tongue, My prudence could not answer, If I should press you farther with my fears ; I'll therefore trouble you no longer with 'em. Love. Nor shall they trouble you much longer, A little time shall show you they were groundless : This winter shall be the fiery trial of my virtue ; Which, when it once has pass'd, You'll be convinc'd 'twas of no false allay, 140 There all your cares will end. Aman. Pray Heaven they may. [JSxeunt, hand in hand. SCENE II. Whitehall. Enter Young FASHION, LORY, and Waterman. Fash. Come, pay the waterman, and take the port- mantle. Lory. Faith, sir, I think the waterman had as good take the portmantle, and pay himself. Fash. Why, sure there's something left in't ! Lorj. But a solitary old waistcoat, upon honour, sir. Fash. Why, what's become of the blue coat, sirrah ? Lory. Sir, 'twas eaten at Gravesend ; the reckoning came to thirty shillings, and your privy purse was worth but two half-crowns. 10 Fash. 'Tis very well. Wat. Pray, master, will you please to dispatch me ? Fash. Ay, here, a canst thou change me a guinea ? Lory. [Aside.] Good ! SCENE II.] OR, VlRTUE IN DANGER. 21 Wat. Change a guinea, master ! Ha ! ha ! your honour's pleased to compliment. Fash. Egad, I don't know how I shall pay thee then, for I have nothing but gold about me. Lory. \Aside^\ Hum, hum ! Fash. What dost thou expect, friend ? 20 Wat. Why, master, so far against wind and tide is richly worth half a piece.* Fash. Why, faith, I think thou art a good conscionable fellow. Egad, I begin to have so good an opinion of thy honesty, I care not if I leave my portmantle with thee, till I send thee thy money. Wat. Ha! God bless your honour; I should be as willing to trust you, master, but that you are, as a man may say, a stranger to me, and these are nimble times ; there are a great many sharpers stirring. [Taking up the portmantle J\ Well, master, when your worship sends the money, your portmantle shall be forthcoming ; my name's Tug ; my wife keeps a brandy-shop in Drab-Alley, at Wapping, Fash. Very well ; I'll send for't to-morrow. 34 [Exit Waterman. Lory. So. Now, sir, I hope you'll own yourself a happy man, you have outlived all your cares. Fash. How so, sir ? Lory. Why, you have nothing left to take care of. Fash. Yes, sirrah, I have myself and you to take care of still. Lory. Sir, if you could but prevail with somebody else to do that for you, I fancy we might both fare the better for't. " Piece. A coin worth twenty-two shillings." Wright. 22 The RELAPSE; CACTI. Fash. Why, if thou canst tell me where to apply myself, I have at present so little money and so much humility about me, I don't know but I may follow a fool's advice. Lory. Why then, sir, your fool advises you to lay aside all animosity, and apply to sir Novelty, your elder brother. Fash. Damn my elder brother ! Lory. With all my heart ; but get him to redeem your annuity, however. 50 Fash. My annuity ! 'Sdeath, he's such a dog, he would not give his powder-puff to redeem my soul. Lory. Look you, sir, you must wheedle him, or you must starve. Fash. Look you, sir, I will neither wheedle him, nor starve. Lory. Why, what will you do then ? fash. I'll go into the army. Lory. You can't take the oaths ; you are a Jacobite. Fash. Thou may'st as well say I can't take orders because I'm an atheist. 61 Lory. Sir, I ask your pardon ; I find I did not know the strength of your conscience so well as I did the weakness of your purse. Fash. Methinks, sir, a person of your experience should have known that the strength of the conscience proceeds from the weakness of the purse. Lory. Sir, I am very glad to find you have a conscience able to take care of us, let it proceed from what it will ; but I desire you'll please to consider, that the army alone will be but a scanty maintenance for a person of your generosity (at least as rents now are paid). I shall see you stand in damnable need of some auxiliary guineas for your menus SCENE III.] QR, VlRTUE IN DANGER. 2 3 plaisirs ; I will therefore turn fool once more for your service, and advise you to go directly to your brother. 75 fash. Art thou then so impregnable a blockhead, to believe he'll help me with a farthing ? Lory. Not if you treat him de haut en bas, as you use to do. Fash. Why, how wouldst have me treat him? Lory. Like a trout tickle him. Fash. I can't flatter. Lory. Can you starve ? Fash. Yes. Lory. I can't. Good-by t'ye, sir \Going. Fash. Stay ; thou wilt distract me ! What wouldst thou have me say to him ? 87 Lory. Say nothing to him, apply yourself to his favour- ites, speak to his periwig, his cravat, his feather, his snuff- box, and when you are well with them desire him to lend you a thousand pounds. I'll engage you prosper. Fash. 'Sdeath and furies ! why was that coxcomb thrust into the world before me? O Fortune! Fortune ! thou art a bitch, by Gad. [Exeunt. SCENE III. A Dressing-room. Enter Lord FOPPINGTON in his nightgown. Lord Fop. Page ! Enter Page. Page. Sir ! 24 The RELAPSE ; [ACT i. Lord Fop, Sir ! Pray, sir, do me the favour to teach your tongue the title the king has thought fit to honour me with. Page. I ask your lordship's pardon, my lord. Lord Fop. O, you can pronounce the word then? I thought it would have choked you. D'ye hear ? Page. My lord ! 8 Lord Fop. Call La Vdrole: I would dress. [Exit Page.] Well, 'tis an unspeakable pleasure to be a man of quality, strike me dumb ! My lord. Your lordship ! My lord Foppington ! Ah ! test quelque chose de beau, que le diable nfemporte ! Why, the ladies were ready to puke at me whilst I had nothing but sir Navelty to recommend me to 'em. Sure, whilst I was but a knight, I was a very nauseous fellow. Well, 'tis ten thousand pawnd well given, stap my vitals ! Enter LA VROLE. La Ver. Me Lord, de shoemaker, de tailor, de hosier, de sempstress, de barber, be all ready, if your lordship please to be dress. 20 Lord Fop. 'Tis well, admit 'em. La Ver. Hey, messieurs, entrez. Enter Tailor, &c. Lord Fop. So, gentlemen, I hope you have all taken pains to show yourselves masters in your professions. Tailor. I think I may presume to say, sir La Ver. My lord you clawn, you ! Tailor. Why, is he made a lord ? My lord, I ask your lordship's pardon, my lord ; I hope, my lord, your lordship will please to own I have brought your lordship as accom- plished a suit of clothes as ever peer of England trod the SCENE III.] OR, VlRTUE IN DANGER. 25 stage in, my lord. Will your lordship please to try 'em now? 32 Lord Fop. Ay ; but let my people dispose the glasses so that I may see myself before and behind, for I love to see myself all raund. Whilst he puts on his clothes, enter Young FASHION and LORY. Fash. Heyday, what the devil have we here ? Sure my gentleman's grown a favourite at court, he has got so many people at his levee. Lory. Sir, these people come in order to make him a fa- vourite at court; they are to establish him with the ladies. 40 Fash. Good God ! to what an ebb of taste are women fallen, that it should be in the power of a laced coat to recommend a gallant to 'em ! Lory. Sir, tailors and periwig-makers are now become the bawds of the nation ; 'tis they debauch all the women. Fash. Thou sayest true ; for there's that fop now has not by nature wherewithal to move a cook-maid, and by that time these fellows have done with him, egad he shall melt down a countess ! But now for my reception ; I'll engage it shall be as cold a one as a courtier's to his friend, who comes to put him in mind of his promise. 5 1 Lord Fop. \To his Tailor.] Death and eternal tartures ! Sir, I say the packet's too high by a foot. Tailor. My lord, if it had been an inch lower, it would not have held your lordship's pocket-handkerchief. Lord Fop. Rat my pocket-handkerchief ! have not I a page to carry it ? You may make him a packet up to his chin a purpose for it; but I will not have mine come so near my face. 26 The RELAPSE; Tailor. 'Tis not for me to dispute your lordship's fancy. Fash. [To LORY.] His lordship ! Lory, did you observe that? 61 Lory. Yes, sir; I always thought 'twould end there. Now, I hope, you'll have a little more respect for him. Fash. Respect ! Damn him for a coxcomb ! now has he ruined his estate to buy a title, that he may be a fool of the first rate; but let's accost him. [To Lord FOPPING- TON.] Brother, I'm your humble servant. Lord Fop. O Lard, Tarn ! I did not expect you in England. Brother, I am glad to see you. [Turning to his Tailor.] Look you, sir ; I shall never be reconciled to this nauseous packet ; therefore pray get me another suit with all manner of expedition, for this is my eternal aversion. Mrs. Calico, are not you of my mind? 73 Sempstress. O, directly, my lord ! it can never be too low. Lord Fop. You are pasitively in the right on't, for the packet becomes no part of the body but the knee. [Exit Tailor. Semps. I hope your lordship is pleased with your steenkirk.* Lord Fop. In love with it, stap my vitals ! Bring your bill, you shall be paid to-marrow. 80 Semps. I humbly thank your honour. [Exit. Lord Fop. Hark thee, shoemaker ! these shoes an't ugly, but they don't fit me. Shoemaker. My lord, my thinks they fit you very well. * Cravat. The word " steenkirk " was brought from Paris, where it had come into fashion as a name for cravats, and other small articles of apparel, during the excitement which followed the battle of Steenkirk, where William III. was defeated by the French, July 24, 1692. SCENE III.] OR, VlRTUE IN DANGER. 27 Lord Fop. They hurt me just below the instep. Shoe. \Feeling hisfootJ] My lord, they don't hurt you there.* Lord Fop. I tell thee, they pinch me execrably. Shoe. My lord, if they pinch you, I'll be bound to be hanged, that's all. 90 Lord Fop. Why, wilt thou undertake to persuade me I cannot feel ? Shoe. Your lordship may please to feel what you think fit ; but that shoe does not hurt you ; I think I understand my trade. Lord Fop. Now by all that's great and powerful, thou art an incomprehensible coxcomb ! but thou makest good shoes and so I'll bear with thee. Shoe. My lord, I have worked for half the people of quality in town these twenty years ; and 'twere very hard I should not know when a shoe hurts, and when it don't. 101 Lord Fop. Well, prithee be gone about thy business. \Exit Shoemaker. [To the Hosier.] Mr. Mendlegs, a word with you : the calves of these stockings are thickened a little too much. They make my legs look like a chairman's. Mend. My lord, my thinks they look mighty well. Lord Fop. Ay, but you are not so good a judge of these things as I am, I have studied 'em all my life ; therefore pray let the next be the thickness of a crawn-piece less. [Aside.] If the town takes notice my legs are fallen away, 'twill be attributed to the violence of some new intrigue. \Exit Mendlegs. [in * This little dispute with the shoemaker appears to have been suggested by Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme, Act II., Scene VIII. 28 The RELAPSE ; [ACT i. [To the Periwig-maker.] Come, Mr. Foretop, let me seewhat you have done, and then the fatigue of the marning will be over. Fore. My lord, I have done what I defy any prince in Europe to outdo ; I have made you a periwig so long, and so full of hair, it will serve you for hat and cloak in all weathers. Lord Fop, Then thou hast made me thy friend to eternity. Come, comb it out. Fash. [Aside to LORY.] Well, Lory, what dost think on't ? A very friendly reception from a brother after three years' absence ! 122 Lory. Why, sir, it's your own fault ; we seldom care for those that don't love what we love : if you would creep into his heart, you must enter into his pleasures. Here have you stood ever since you came in, and have not commended any one thing that belongs to him. Fash. Nor never shall, whilst they belong to a coxcomb. Lory. Then, sir, you must be content to pick a hungry bone. 130 Fash. No, sir, I'll crack it, and get to the marrow before I have done. Lord Fop. Gad's curse, Mr. Foretop ! you don't intend to put this upon me for a full periwig ? Fore. Not a full one, my lord ? I don't know what your lordship may please to call a full one, but I have crammed twenty ounces of hair into it. Lord Fop. What it may be by weight, sir, I shall not dispute ; but by tale, there are not nine hairs of a side. Fore. O lord ! O lord ! O lord ! Why, as Gad shall judge me, your honour's side-face is reduced to the tip of your nose ! 142 SCENE III.] QR, VlRTUE IN DANGER. 2Q Lord Fop. My side- face may be in eclipse for aught I know; but I'm sure my full-face is like the full- moon. Fore. Heavens bless my eye-sight [ J ff#r. Sure there's divinity about her ! And sh'as dispens'd some portion on't to me. For what but now was the wild flame of love, Or (to dissect that specious term) the vile, The gross desires of flesh and blood, Is in a moment turned to adoration. The coarser appetite of nature's gone, and 'tis, Methinks, the food of angels I require. 1 80 How long this influence may last, Heaven knows ; But in this moment of my purity, I could on her own terms accept her heart. Yes, lovely woman ! I can accept it. For now 'tis doubly worth my care. Your charms are much increas'd, since thus adorn'd. When truth's extorted from us, then we own The robe of virtue is a graceful habit. Could women but our secret counsels scan, Could they but reach the deep reserves of man, 190 They'd wear it on, that that of love might last ; For when they throw off one, we soon the other cast. Their sympathy is such The fate of one, the other scarce can fly ; They live together, and together die. \Exit. * Bargain ; agree. 138 The RELAPSE; [ACT v. SCENE V. A Room in Lord FOPPINGTON'S House. Enter Miss HOYDEN and Nurse. Hoyd. But is it sure and certain, say you, he's my lord's own brother ? Nurse. As sure as he's your lawful husband. Hoyd. Ecod, if I had known that in time, I don't know but I might have kept him : for, between you and I, nurse, he'd have made a husband worth two of this I have. But which do you think you should fancy most, nurse ? Nurse. Why, truly, in my poor fancy, madam, your first husband is the prettier gentleman. Hoyd. I don't like my lord's shapes, nurse. 10 Nurse. Why, in good truly, as a body may say, he is but a slam. Hoyd. What do you think now he puts me in mind of? Don't you remember a long, loose, shambling sort of a horse my father called Washy ? Nurse. As like as two twin-brothers ! Hoyd. Ecod, I have thought so a hundred times : faith, I'm tired of him. Nurse. Indeed, madam, I think you had e'en as good stand to your first bargain. 20 Hoyd. Oh, but, nurse, we han't considered the main thing yet. If I leave my lord, I must leave my lady too; and when I rattle about the streets in my coach, they'll only say, There goes mistress mistress mistress what ? What's this man's name I have married, nurse ? Nurse. 'Squire Fashion. Hoyd. 'Squire Fashion is it ? Well, 'Squire, that's better SCENE V.] OR, VlRTUE IN DANGER. 139 than nothing. Do you think one could not get him made a knight, nurse? Nurse. I don't know but one might, madam, when the king's in a good humour. 31 Hoyd. Ecod, that would do rarely. For then he'd be as good a man as my father, you know. Nurse. By'r Lady, and that's as good as the best of 'em. Hoyd. So 'tis, faith ; for then I shall be my lady, and your ladyship at every word, and that's all I have to care for. Ha, nurse, but hark you me ; one thing more, and then I have done. I'm afraid, if I change my husband again, I shan't have so much money to throw about, nurse. 39 Nurse. Oh, enough's as good as a feast. Besides, madam, one don't know but as much may fall to your share with the younger brother as with the elder. For though these lords have a power of wealth indeed, yet, as I have heard say, they give it all to their sluts and their trulls, who joggle it about in their coaches, with a murrain to 'em ! whilst poor madam sits sighing, and wishing, and knotting, and crying, and has not a spare half-crown to buy her a Practice of Piety.* 48 Hoyd. Oh, but for that don't deceive yourself, nurse. For this I must say for my lord, and a {Snapping her fingers'} for him ; he's as free as an open house at Christmas. For this very morning he told me I should have two hundred a year to buy pins. Now, nurse, if he gives me two hundred a year to buy pins, what do you think he'll give me to buy fine petticoats ? * A manual of devotion. 140 The RELAPSE; [A CT V. Nurse. Ah, my dearest, he deceives thee faully, and he's no better than a rogue for his pains ! These Londoners have got a gibberidge with 'em would confound a gipsy. That which they call pin-money is to buy their wives every- thing in the 'varsal world, down to their very shoe-ties. Nay, I have heard folks say, that some ladies, if they will have gallants, as they call 'em, are forced to find them out of their pin-money too. 63 Hoyd. Has he served me so, say ye ? Then I'll be his wife no longer, so that's fixed. Look, here he comes, with all the fine folk at's heels. Ecod, nurse, these London ladies will laugh till they crack again, to see me slip my collar, and run away from my husband. But, d'ye hear ? Pray, take care of one thing : when the business comes to break out, be sure you get between me and my father, for you know his tricks ; he'll knock me down. Nurse. I'll mind him, ne'er fear, madam. 72 Enter Lord FOPPINGTON, LOVELESS, WORTHY, AMANDA, and BERINTHIA. Lord Fop. Ladies and gentlemen, you are all welcome. Loveless, that's my wife ; prithee do me the favour to salute her; and dost hear, [Aside to hint] if thau hast a mind to try thy fartune, to be revenged of me, I won't take it ill, stap my vitals ! Love. You need not fear, sir ; I'm too fond of my own wife to have the least inclination to yours. \All salute Miss HOYDEN. Lord Fop. [Aside.] I'd give a thousand paund he would make love to her, that he may see she has sense enough to prefer me to him, though his own wife SCENE V.] OR, ViRTUE IN DANGER. has not. [Viewing him.'] He's a very beastly fellow, in my opinion. 84 Hoyd. [Aside.] What a power of fine men there are in this London ! He that kissed me first is a goodly gentle- man, I promise you. Sure those wives have a rare time on't that live here always. Enter Sir TUNBELLY CLUMSEY, with Musicians, Dancers, Grc. Sir Tun. Come, come in, good people, come in ! Come, tune your fiddles, tune your fiddles ! [To the hautboys. ,] Bagpipes, make ready there. Come, strike up. [Sings. For this is Hoyden's wedding-day, And therefore we keep holiday, And come to be merry. Ha ! there's my wench, i'faith. Touch and take, I'll warrant her ; she'll breed like a tame rabbit. 96 Hoyd. [Aside.] Ecod, I think my father's gotten drunk before supper. Sir Tun. [To LOVELESS and WORTHY.] Gentlemen, you are welcome. [Saluting AMANDA and BERINTHIA.] Ladies, by your leave. [Aside.'] Ha ! they bill like turtles. Udsookers, they set my old blood a-fire ; I shall cuckold somebody before morning. Lord Fop. [To Sir TUNBELLY.] Sir, you being master of the entertainment, will you desire the company to sit ? Sir Tun. Oons, sir, I'm the happiest man on this side the Ganges ! Lord Fop. [Aside.'] This is a mighty unaccountable old fellow. [To Sir TUNBELLY.] I said, sir, it would be con- venient to ask the company to sit. no 142 The RELAPSE; [ACT v. Sir Tun. Sit? with all my heart. Come, take your places, ladies; take your places, gentlemen. Come, sit down, sit down; a pox of ceremony ! take your places. [ They sit, and the masque begins. Dialogtie between CUPID and HYMEN. Cup. Thou bane to my empire, thou spring of contest, Thou source of all discord, thou period to rest, Instruct me, what wretches in bondage can see, That the aim of their life is still pointed to thee. Hym. Instruct me, thou little, impertinent god, From whence all thy subjects have taken the mode To grow fond of a change, to whatever it be, 120 And I'll tell thee why those would be bound who are free. Chorus. For change, we're for change, to whatever it be, We are neither contented with freedom nor thee. Constancy's an empty sound, Heaven, and earth, and all go round, All the works of Nature move, And the joys of life and love Are in variety. Cup. Were love the reward of a painstaking life, Had a husband the art to be fond of his wife, 130 Were virtue so plenty, a, wife could afford, These very hard times, to be true to her lord, Some specious account might be given of those Who are tied by the tail, to be led by the nose. SCENE V] OR, VlRTUE IN DANGER. 143 But since 'tis the fate of a man and his wife, To consume all their days in contention and strife ; Since, whatever the bounty of Heaven may create her, He's morally sure he shall heartily hate her, I think 'twere much wiser to ramble at large, And the volleys of love on the herd to discharge. 140 Hym. Some colour of reason thy counsel might bear, Could a man have no more than his wife to his share : Or were I a monarch so cruelly just, To oblige a poor wife to be true to her trust ; But I have not pretended, for many years past, By marrying of people, to make 'em grow chaste. I therefore advise thee to let me go on, Thou'lt find I'm the strength and support of thy throne ; Forhadst thou but eyes, thou wouldst quickly perceive it, How smoothly the dart 1 50 Slips into the heart Of a woman that's wed ; Whilst the shivering maid Stands trembling, and wishing, but dare not receive it. Chorus. For change, we're for change, to whatever it be, We are neither contented with freedom nor thee. Constancy's an empty sound, Heaven, and earth, and all go round, All the works of Nature move, And the joys of life and love 160 Are in variety. {End of the masque. 144 The RELAPSE ; [ACT v. Sir Tun. So ; very fine, very fine, i'faith ! this is some- thing like a wedding. Now, if supper were but ready, I'd say a short grace ; and if I had such a bedfellow as Hoyden to-night I'd say as short prayers. Enter Young FASHION, COUPLER, and BULL. How now ! what have we got here ? a ghost ? Nay, it must be so, for his flesh and blood could never have dared to appear before me. {To Young FASHION.] Ah, rogue ! Lord Fop. Stap my vitals, Tam again ? 170 Sir Tun. My lord, will you cut his throat ? or shall I ? Lord Fop. Leave him to me, sir, if you please. Prithee, Tam, be so ingenuous now as to tell me what thy business is here? Fash. 'Tis with your bride. Lord Fop. Thau art the impudentest fellow that Nature has yet spawned into the warld, strike me speechless ! Fash. Why, you know my modesty would have starved me ; I sent it a-begging to you, and you would not give it a groat. 1 80 Lord Fop. And dost thau expect by an excess of assurance to extart a maintenance fram me ? Fash. {Taking Miss HOYDEN by the hand.~\ I do intend to extort your mistress from you, and that I hope will prove one. Lord Fop. I ever thaught Newgate or Bedlam would be his fartune, and naw his fate's decided. Prithee, Loveless, dost know of ever a mad doctor hard by ? Fash. There's one at your elbow will cure you presently. {To BULL.] Prithee, doctor, take him in hand quickly. 190 SCENE V.] OR, VlRTUE IN DANGER. 145 Lord Fop. Shall I beg the favour of you, sir, to pull your fingers out of my wife's hand ? Fash. His wife ! Look you there ; now I hope you are all satisfied he's mad. Lord Fop. Naw is it nat passible far me to penetrate what species of fally it is thau art driving at ! Sir Tun. Here, here, here, let me beat out his brains, and that will decide all. Lord Fop. No; pray, sir, hold, we'll destray him pre- sently accarding to law. 200 Fash. \To BULL.] Nay, then advance, doctor : come, you are a man of conscience, answer boldly to the questions I shall ask. Did not you marry me to this young lady before ever that gentleman there saw her face ? Bull. Since the truth must out I did. Fash. Nurse, sweet nurse, were not you a witness to it ? Nurse. Since my conscience bids me speak I was. Fash. [To Miss HOYDEN.] Madam, am not I your lawful husband ? Hoyd. Truly I can't tell, but you married me first. 210 Fash. Now I hope you are all satisfied ? Sir Tun. {Offering to strike him, is held by LOVELESS and WORTHY.] Oons and thunder, you lie ! Lord Fop. Pray, sir, be calm ; the battle is in disarder, but requires more canduct than courage to rally our forces. Pray, dactor, one word with you. {Aside to BULL.] Look you, sir, though I will not presume to calculate your notions of damnation fram the description you give us of hell, yet since there is at least a passibility you may have a pitchfark thrust in your backside, methinks it should not be worth your while to risk your saul in the next warld, for the L 1 46 The RELAPSE ; [ACT v. sake of a beggarly yaunger brather, who is nat able to make your bady happy in this. 222 Bull. Alas ! my lord, I have no worldly ends ; I speak the truth, Heaven knows. Lord Fop. Nay, prithee, never engage Heaven in the matter, for by all I can see, 'tis like to prove a business for the devil. Fash. Come, pray, sir, all above-board; no corrupting of evidences, if you please. This young lady is my lawful wife, and I'll justify it in all the courts of England ; so your lord- ship (who always had a passion for variety) may go seek a new mistress if you think fit. 232 Lord Fop. I am struck dumb with his impudence, and cannot pasitively tell whether ever I shall speak again or nat. Sir Tun. Then let me come and examine the business a little, I'll jerk the truth out of 'em presently. Here, give me my dog-whip. Fash. Look you, old gentleman, 'tis in vain to make a noise ; if you grow mutinous, I have some friends within call, have swords by their sides above four foot long ; there- fore be calm, hear the evidence patiently, and when the jury have given their verdict, pass sentence according to law. Here's honest Coupler shall be foreman, and ask as many questions as he pleases. 245 Coup. All I have to ask is, whether nurse persists in her evidence ? The parson, I dare swear, will never flinch from his. Nurse. [To Sir TUNBELLY, kneeling.'] I hope in Heaven y our worship will pardon me : I have served you long and faithfully, but in this thing I was overreached ; your wor- SCENE V.] OR, VlRTUE IN DANGER. 147 ship, however, was deceived as well as I, and if the wedding- dinner had been ready, you had put madam to bed to him with your own hands. Sir Tun. But how durst you do this, without acquainting of me? 256 Nurse. Alas ! if your worship had seen how the poor thing begged, and prayed, and clung, and twined about me, like ivy to an old wall, you would say, I who had suckled it and swaddled it, and nursed it both wet and dry, must have had a heart of adamant to refuse it. Sir Tun. Very well ! Fash. Foreman, I expect your verdict. Coup. Ladies and gentlemen, what's your opinions ? All. A clear case ! a clear case ! Coup. Then, my young folks, I wish you joy. Sir Tun. [To Young FASHION.] Come hither, stripling ; if it be true then, that thou hast married my daughter, prithee tell me who thou art ? 269 Fash. Sir, the best of my condition is, I am your son-in- law ; and the worst of it is, I am brother to that noble peer there. Sir Tun. Art thou brother to that noble peer ? Why, then, that noble peer, and thee, and thy wife, and the nurse, and the priest may all go and be damned together ! [Exit. Lord Fop. [Aside.'] Now, for my part, I think the wisest thing a man can do with an aching heart is to put on a serene countenance; for a philosophical air is the most becoming thing in the world to the face of a person of quality. I will therefore bear my disgrace like a great man, and let the people see I am above an affront. [Aloud.'] Dear Tarn, since things are thus fallen aut, prithee give me leave to wish 148 The RELAPSE; [A CT V. thee jay ; I do it de bon axur, strike me dumb ! You have married a woman beautiful in her person, charming in her airs, prudent in her canduct, canstant in her inclinations, and of a nice marality, split my windpipe ! 286 Fash. Your lordship may keep up your spirits with your grimace if you please ; I shall support mine with this lady, and two thousand pound a-year. [Taking Miss HOYDEN'S handJ] Come, madam : We once again, you see, are man and wife, And now, perhaps, the bargain's struck for life. If I mistake, and we should part again, At least you see you may have choice of men : Nay, should the war at length such havoc make, That lovers should grow scarce, yet for your sake, Kind Heaven always will preserve a beau : [Pointing to Lord FOPPINGTON. You'll find his lordship ready to come to. Lord Fop. Her ladyship shall stap my vitals, if I do. \Exeunt omnes. 149 EPILOGUE. SPOKEN BY LORD FOPPINGTON. Gentlemen and Ladies, THESE people have regal'd you here to-day (In ray opinion) with a saucy play ; In which the author does presume to show, That coxcomb, ab origine was beau. Truly, I think the thing of so much weight, That if some sharp chastisement ben't his fate, Gad's curse ! it may in time destroy the state. I hold no one its friend, I must confess, Who would discauntenance your men of dress. 10 Far, give me leave t' abserve, good clothes are things Have ever been of great support to kings ; All treasons come from slovens, it is nat Within the reach of gentle beaux to plat ; They have no gall, no spleen, no teeth, no stings, Of all Gad's creatures, the most harmless things. Through all recard, no prince was ever slain By one who had a feather in his brain. They're men of too refin'd an education, To squabble with a court for a vile dirty nation. 20 I'm very pasitive you never saw A through republican a finish'd beau. Nor, truly, shall you very often see A Jacobite much better dress'd than he. 150 In shart, through all the courts that I have been in, Your men of mischief still are in faul linen. Did ever one yet dance the Tyburn jig,* With a free air, or a well-pawder'd wig ? Did ever highwayman yet bid you stand, With a sweet bawdy snuff-baxt in his hand ? 30 Ar do you ever find they ask your purse As men of breeding do ? Ladies, Gad's curse ! This author is a dag, and 'tis not fit You should allow him ev'n one grain of wit : To which, that his pretence may ne'er be nam'd, My humble motion is, he may be damn'd. * I.e., ascend the gallows. f I.e., a snuff-box with a bawdy picture on the lid. /ESOP. INTRODUCTION TO "^ESOP." was produced at Drury Lane about the middle of January, 1697, and published anonymously, in 4to, the same month. The title-page of the first edition reads as follows : c. Lear. How now ! what have we got here ? Mus. Sir, we are a troop of trifling fellows, fiddlers and dancers, come to celebrate the wedding of your fair daughter, if your honour pleases to give us leave. Lear. With all my heart. But who do you take me for, sir; ha? Mus. I take your honour for our noble governor of Cyzicus. 301 Lear. Governor of Cyzicus ! Governor of a cheese-cake ! I'm father-in-law to the great ^Esop, sirrah. [All bow to him.'] \_Aside.~] I shall be a great man. [Aloud.] Come, tune your fiddles : shake your legs ; get all things ready. * The famous ballad of Lilliburlero, attributed, on rather weak grounds, to Lord Wharton, is said to have played no inconsiderable part in the Revolution of 1688. " A foolish ballad was made at that time, treating the Papists, and chiefly the Irish, in a very ridiculous manner, which had a burden said to be Irish words, ' Lero, lero, liliburlero,' that made an impression on the army (King William's) that cannot be imagined by those that saw it not. The whole army, and at last the people, both in city and country, were singing it perpetually. And perhaps never had so slight a thing so great an effect." Burnet, quoted in Percy's Reliqites, where the ballad may be read. Percy's version, however, contains not the lines sung by Learchus : possibly different versions were extant. The old tune of Lilliburlero will always be remembered for the sake of my Uncle Toby. 234 ^Esop. [ACT v. My son-in-law will be here presently. I shall be a great man. [Exit. ist Mus. A great marriage, brother. What dost think will be the end on't ? 309 2nd Mus. Why, I believe we shall see three turns upon't. This old fellow here will turn fool ; his daughter will turn strumpet ; and his son-in-law will turn 'em both out of doors. But that's nothing to thee nor me, as long as we are paid for our fiddling. So tune away, gentlemen. \st Mus. D'ye hear, trumpets ? When the bride appears, salute her with a melancholy waft. 'Twill suit her humour ; for I guess she mayn't be over well pleased. 319 Enter LEARCHUS with several Friends, and a Priest. Lear. Gentlemen and friends, y'are all welcome. I have sent to as many of you as our short time would give me leave, to desire you would be witnesses of the honour the great JEsop designs ourself and family. Hey ; who attends there ? Enter Servant. Go, let my daughter know I wait for her. {Exit Servant.] Tis a vast honour that is done me, gentlemen. Gent. It is indeed, my lord. Lear. \_Aside.~\ Look you there : if they don't call me my lord already. I shall be a great man. 329 Re-enter EUPHRONIA weeping, and leaning upon DORIS, both in deep mourning. ACT V.] ^SOP, 235 Lear. How now ! what's here ? all in deep mourning ! Here's a provoking baggage for you ! {The trumpets sound a melancholy air till ^LSOP appears ; and then the violins and hautboys strike up a Lancashire hornpipe. Enter .^Esop in a gay foppish dress, long peruke, &c., a gaudy equipage of Pages and Footmen, all enter in an airy, brisk manner. {In an affected tone to EUPHRONIA.] Gad take my soul, mame, I hope I shall please you now ! Gentle- men all, I'm your humble servant. I'm going to be a very happy man, you see. {To EUPHRONIA.] When the heat of the ceremony's over, if your ladyship pleases, mame, I'll wait upon you to take the air in the Park. Hey, page ; let there be a coach and six horses ready instantly. {Observing her dress.~\ I vow to Gad, mame, I was so taken up with my good fortune, I did not observe the extreme fancy of your ladyship's wedding clothes ! Infinitely pretty, as I hope to be saved ! a world of variety, and not at all gaudy ! {To LEARCHUS.] My dear father-in-law, embrace me. 344 Lear. Your lordship does me too much honour. {Aside.'} I shall be a great man. ALsop. Come, gentlemen, are all things ready ? Where's the priest ? Priest. Here, my noble lord. ALsop. Most reverend, will you please to say grace that I may fall to ; for I'm very hungry, and here's very good meat. But where's my rival all this while? The least we can do, is to invite him to the wedding. 353 236 Lear. My lord, he's in prison. &sop. In prison ! how so ? Lear. He would have murdered me. &sop. A bloody fellow ! But let's see him, however. Send for him quickly. Ha, governor that handsome daughter of yours, I will so mumble her ! Lear. I shall be a great man. 360 Enter ORONCES, pinioned and guarded. &sop. O ho, here's my rival ! Then we have all we want. Advance, sir, if you please. I desire you'll do me the favour to be a witness to my marriage, lest one of these days you should take a fancy to dispute my wife with me. Oron. Do you then send for me to insult me? 'Tis base in you. ALsop. I have no time now to throw away upon points of generosity ; I have hotter work upon my hands. Come, priest, advance. 370 Lear. Pray hold him fast there ; he has the devil and all of mischief in's eye. ssop. {To EUPHRONIA.] Will your ladyship please, mame, to give me your fair hand Heyday ! [She refuses her hand. Lear. I'll give it you, my noble lord, if she won't. [Aside.~\ A stubborn, self-willed, stiff-necked strumpet ! [LEARCHUS holds out her hand to ^Esop, who takes it; ORONCES stands on ^Esop's left hand, and the Priest before 'em. jEsop. Let my rival stand next me : of all men I'd have him be satisfied. ACT V.] /ESOP. 237 Oron. Barbarous inhuman monster ! dEsop. Now, priest, do thy office. 380 [Flourish with the trumpets. Priest. Since the eternal laws of fate decree, That he, thy husband ; she, thy wife should be, May Heaven take you to its care. May Jupiter look kindly down, Place on your heads contentment's crown ; And may his godhead never frown Upon this happy pair. [Flourish again of trumpets. As the Priest pro- nounces the last line, .^Esop joins ORONCES and EUPHRONIA'S hands. Oron. O happy change ! Blessings on blessings wait on the generous ^Esop. ^Esop. Happy, thrice happy may you ever be. 390 And if you think there's something due to me, Pay it in mutual love and constancy. Euph. \To ^SOP.] You'll pardon me, most generous man, If in the present transports of my soul, Which you yourself have by your bounty caus'd, My willing tongue is tied from uttering The thoughts that flow from a most grateful heart. &sop. For what I've done I merit little thanks, Since what I've done, my duty bound me to. I would your father had acquitted his : 400 But he who's such a tyrant o'er his children, To sacrifice their peace to his ambition, Is fit to govern nothing but himself. And therefore, sir, at my return to court, [To LEARCHUS. 238 ^ESOP. [Ac-TV. I shall take care this city may be sway'd By more humanity than dwells in you. Lear. \Aside^\ I shall be a great man. Euph. \To yEsop.] Had I not reason, from your constant goodness, To judge your bounty, sir, is infinite, I should not dare to sue for farther favours. 410 But pardon me, if imitating Heaven and you, I easily forgive my aged father, And beg that ysop would forgive him too. \Kneeling to him. ALsop. The injury he would have done to you, was great indeed : but 'twas a blessing he designed for me ; if therefore you can pardon him, I may. [To LEARCHUS.] Your injured daughter, sir, has on her knees entreated for her cruel, barbarous father ; and by her goodness has obtained her suit. If in the remnant of your days, you can find out some way to recompense her, do it, that men and gods may pardon you, as she and I have done. But let me see, I have one quarrel still to make up. Where's my old friend Doris ? 423 Dor. She's here, sir, at your service ; and as much your friend as ever : true to her principles, and firm to her mistress. But she has a much better opinion of you now than she had half an hour ago. ^Esop. She has reason : for my soul appeared then as deformed as my body. But I hope now, one may so far mediate for t'other, that provided I don't make love, the women won't quarrel with me ; for they are worse enemies even than they are friends. Come, gentlemen, I'll humour my dress a little longer, and share with you in the diver- ACT V.I /t,SOP. 239 sions these boon companions have prepared us. Let's take our places, and see how they can divert us. 435 [^Esop leads the Bride to her place. All being seated, there's a short concert of hautboys, trumpets, (5rv. After which a dance between an Old Man and a Young Woman, who shuns him still as he comes near her. At last he stops, and begins this dialogue ; which they sing together. Old Man. Why so cold, and why so coy ? What I want in youth and fire, I have in love and in desire : To my arms, my love, my joy ! Why so cold, and why so coy ? Woman. 'Tis sympathy perhaps with you ; You are cold, and I'm so too. Old Man. My years alone have froze my blood ; Youthful heat in female charms, Glowing in my aged arms, 445 Would melt it down once more into a flood. Woman. Women, alas, like flints, ne'er burn alone ; To make a virgin know 240 yEsop. [ACT v. There's fire within the stone, Some manly steel must boldly strike the blow. Old Man. Assist me only with your charms, You'll find I'm man, and still am bold ; You'll find I still can strike, though old : I only want your aid to raise my arm. Enter a Youth, who seizes on the Young Woman. Youth. Who talks of charms, who talks of aid ? 455 I bring an arm That wants no charm, To rouse the fire that's in a flinty maid. Retire, old age ! Woman. Winter, begone ! Behold, the youthful spring comes gaily on. Here, here's a torch to light a virgin's fire. To my arms, my love, my joy ! When women have what they desire, They're neither cold nor coy. 465 \Slie takes him in her arms. The song and dance ended, ^Esop takes EUPHRONIA and ORONCES by the hands, leading them forwards. sEsop. By this time, my young eager couple, 'tis probable you would be glad to be alone; perhaps you'll have a mind to go to bed even without your supper ; for ACT V.) SOP. 241 brides and bridegrooms eat little on their wedding-night But since, if matrimony were worn as it ought to be, it would perhaps sit easier about us than usually it does, I'll give you one word of counsel, and so I shall release you. When one is out of humour, let the other be dumb. Let your diversions be such as both may have a share in 'em. 475 Never let familiarity exclude respect Be clean in your clothes, but nicely so in your persons. Eat at one table, lie in one room, but sleep in two beds : 111 tell the ladies why. [Turning to the boxes. In the sprightly month of May, When males and females sport and play, And kiss and toy away the day ; An eager sparrow, and his mate, Chirping on a tree were sate Full of love and full of prate. 485 They talk'd of nothing but their fires, Of raging heats, and strong desires, Of eternal constancy ; How true and faithful they would be ; Of this and that, and endless joys, And a thousand more such toys. The only thing they apprehended, Was that their lives would be so short, They could not finish half their sport Before their days were ended. 495 But as from bough to bough they rove, They chanc'd at last, In furious haste, 242 ALSOP. [ACT V. On a twig with birdlime spread, (Want of a more downy bed) To act a scene of love. Fatal it prov'd to both their fires. For though at length they broke away, And balk'd the schoolboy of his prey, Which made him weep the livelong day, 505 The bridegroom, in the hasty strife, Was stuck so fast to his dear wife, That though he us'd his utmost art, He quickly found it was in vain, To put himself to farther pain, They never more must part. A gloomy shade o'ercast his brow ; He found himself I know not how : He look'd as husbands often do. Where'er he mov'd, he felt her still, 515 She kiss'd him oft against his will : Abroad, at home, at bed and board, With favours she o'erwhelm'd her lord. Oft he turn'd his head away, And seldom had a word to say, Which absolutely spoil'd her play, For she was better stor'd. Howe'er, at length her stock was spent, (For female fires sometimes may be Subject to mortality ;) 525 So back to back they sit and sullenly repent. But the mute scene was quickly ended : The lady, for her share, pretended The want of love lay at his door ; ACT V.] SOP. 243 For her part, she had still in store Enough for him, and twenty more, Which could not be contended. He answer'd her in homely words, (For sparrows are but ill-bred birds,) That he already had enjoy 'd 535 So much, that truly he was cloy'd. Which so provok'd her spleen, That after some good hearty prayers, A jostle, and some spiteful tears, They fell together by the ears, And ne'er were fond again. [Exeunt omnes. R 2 244 ^Esop. [PART ii. PART II. SCENE I. Enter Players. sEsop. Well, good people, who are all you ? AIL Sir, we are players. ^sop. Players ! what players ? Play. Why, sir, we are stage-players, that's our calling : though we play upon other things too ; some of us play upon the fiddle ; some play upon the flute ; we play upon one another ; we play upon the town ; and we play upon the patentees.* *The whole of this scene relates to the quarrel between the patentees of the Theatre Royal and the actors, already referred to (see ante, p. 155). Charles II. issued letters patent to Thomas Killigrew and Sir William Davenant separately, granting to these gentlemen, their heirs, &c., the monopoly of theatrical representations in London. In 1682, Killigrew and Davenant being dead, and the affairs of both theatres in a very languishing condition, the patents were united, and the companies amalgamated : they remained as one com- pany at Drury Lane until 1695, when the disgust between the leading actors and the managing patentee, Rich, who had purchased a share in the patent some years previously, resulted in the withdrawal of the better part of the company from the Theatre Royal, and their establishment, by royal licence, as a separate company, under Betterton's management, in a new theatre in Lincoln's Inn Fields. This disagreement between the patentees and the actors was due to more SCENE I.] SOP. 245 ssop. Patentees ! prithee, what are they ? 9 Play. Why, they are, sir sir, they are ecod, I don't know what they are ! fish or flesh masters or servants sometimes one sometimes t'other, I think just as we are in the mood. sEsop. Why, I thought they had a lawful authority over you. Play. Lawful authority, sir ! sir, we are freeborn Englishmen, we care not for law nor authority neither, when we are out of humour. sEsop. But I think they pretended at least to an authority over you ; pray upon what foundation was it built ? 21 Play. Upon a rotten one if you'll believe us. Sir, I'll tell you what these projectors did : they embarked twenty thousand pound upon a leaky vessel. She was built at Whitehall ; I think they called her the Patent ay, the than one cause ; but what brought matters to a head was the attempt of the patentees to balance the falling-off in the receipts of the theatre by reducing the salaries of the principal actors. " To bring this about with a better Grace," writes Gibber, "they, under Pretence of bringing younger Actors forwards, order'd several otBetterton's and Mrs. Barry's chief Parts to be given to young Poivel and Mrs. Braeegirdle" But the scheme did not succeed. Although " the giddy head of Powel " was not averse to competition with Betterton, Mrs. Bracegirdle, more wisely, declined to attempt any of Mrs. Barry's parts ; while Mrs. Barry showed her resentment of such treatment by actively co-operating with Betterton in opposition to the patentees. To this incident, as I take it, Vanbrugh alludes in the words " a rock that lay hid under a petticoat," in the above scene. It must be noted that Vanbrugh writes here as a strong partisan of the patentees, who had produced two of his plays, and one of whom (Sir Thomas Skipwith) was his particular friend. His account of the affair is a mere caricature. 246 yESOP. [PART II. Patent : her keel was made of a broad seal and the king gave 'em a white staff for their mainmast. She was a pretty tight frigate to look upon, indeed : they spared nothing to set her off; they gilded her, and painted her, and rigged and gunned her ; and so sent her a-privateering. But the first storm that blew, down went the mast ! ashore went the ship ! Crack ! says the keel : Mercy ! cried the pilot ; but the wind was so high, his prayers could not be heard so they split upon a rock that lay hid under a petticoat. ALsop. A very sad story, this : but what became of the ship's company ? 36 Play. Why, sir, your humble servants here, who were the officers, and the best of the sailors (little Ben* amongst the rest), seized on a small bark that lay to our hand, and away we put to sea again. To say the truth, we were better manned than rigged, and ammunition was plaguy scarce amongst us. However, a-cruising we went, and some petty small prizes we have made ; but the blessing of heaven not being among us or how the devil 'tis, I can't tell ; but we are not rich. 45 dSsop. Well, but what became of the rest of the crew? Play. Why, sir, as for the scoundrels, they, poor dogs, stuck by the wreck. The captain gave them bread and cheese, and good words. He told them if they would patch her up, and venture t'other cruise, he'd prefer 'em all ; so to work they went, and to sea they got her. JEsop. I hope he kept his word with 'em. Play. That he did; he made the boatswain's mate * " Little Ben " is, of course, Betterton, the leader of the seceding actors. SCENE I.] ^SOP. 247 lieutenant ; he made the cook doctor ; he was forced to be purser, and pilot, and gunner himself; and the swabber took orders to be chaplain.* 56 JEsop. But with such unskilful officers, I'm afraid, they'll hardly keep above water long. Play. Why, truly, sir, we care not how soon they are under : but cursed folks thrive, I think. I know nothing else that makes 'em swim. I'm sure, by the rules of navigation, they ought to have overset long since ; for they carry a great deal of sail, and have very little ballast. ALsop. I'm afraid you ruin one another. I fancy if you were all in a ship together again, you'd have less work and more profit. 66 Play. Ah, sir we are resolved we'll never sail under captain Patentee again. ALsop. Prithee, why so? Play. Sir, he has used us like dogs. Worn. And bitches too, sir. ^Esop. I'm sorry to hear that ; pray how was't he treated you ? Play. Sir, 'tis impossible to tell; he used us like the English at Amboyna.f 75 * After the secession of Betterton and his party, the patentees found themselves obliged, in order to make sure of a company, to increase the salaries of those actors who remained, "/ira^/and Verbruggen, who had then but forty Shillings a Week, were now raised each of them to four Pounds, and others in Proportion." Gibber. \ Amboyna is one of the Molucca, or Spice Islands. In the i6th century it belonged to the Portuguese, from whom it was taken by the Dutch about the beginning of the 1 7th century. The English East India Company, the rival of the Dutch merchants in the spice trade, some years later formed a settlement and established a factory on the 248 ^ESOP. [PART II. But I would know some particulars ; tell me what 'twas he did to you. Play. What he did, sir ! why, he did in the first place, sir in the first place, sir, he did ecod, I don't know what he did. Can you tell, wife ? Worn. Yes, marry can I ; and a burning shame it was too. Play. Oh, I remember now, sir, he would not give us plums enough in our pudding. sEsop. That indeed was very hard ; but did he give you as many as he promised you ? 86 Play. Yes, and more ; but what of all that ? we had not as many as we had a mind to. isf Worn. Sir, my husband tells you truth. ^Esop. I believe he may. But what other wrongs did he do you ? ist Worn. Why, sir, he did not treat me with respect ; 'twas not one day in three he would so much as bid me good-morrow. znd Worn. Sir, he invited me to dinner, and never drank my health. 96 island ; and the jealousy thus excited gave rise to continual dis- turbances. In 1619 a treat}' was signed in London, by which matters were supposed to be accommodated between the Company and the Dutch. But the contention still went on, and at length, in February, 1623, Captain Towerson and nine other Englishmen, with nine Japanese and a Portuguese sailor, were seized on the island, upon a charge of conspiring to expel the Dutch ; condemned, tortured (it is said), and executed. No satisfaction was obtained for this outrage, until, in 1654, Cromwell obliged the States of Holland to pay a considerable sum to the representatives of the murdered Englishmen. The " massacre of Amboyna " forms the subject of a very poor tragedy by Dryden. SCENE I.] ALsov. 249 ist Worn. Then he cocked his hat at Mrs. Pert. znd Worn. Yes, and told Mrs. Slippery he had as good a face as she had. ^Esop. Why, these were insufferable abuses ! 2nd Play. Then, sir, I did but come to him one day, and tell him I wanted fifty pound, and what do you think he did by me, sir ? sir, he turned round upon his heel like a top ist Play. But that was nothing to the affront he put upon me, sir. I came to him, and in very civil words, as I thought, desired him to double my pay: sir, would you believe it ? he had the barbarity to ask me if I intended to double my work ; and because I told him no, sir he did use me good Lord, how he did use me ! 109 jEsop. Prithee how ? \st Play. Why, he walked off, and answered me never a word. ALsop. How had you patience ? ist Play. Sir, I had not patience. I sent him a challenge ; and what do you think his answer was ? he sent me word I was a scoundrel son of a whore, and he would only fight me by proxy ! jEsop. Very fine! 118 ist Play. At this rate, sir, were we poor dogs used till one frosty morning down he comes amongst us and very roundly tells us that for the future, no purchase no pay. They that would not work should not eat. Sir, we at first asked him coolly and civilly, Why? His answer was, because the town wanted diversion, and he wanted money. Our reply to this, sir, was very short ; but I think to the purpose. sEsop. What was it ? 250 /ESOP. [PART II. ist Play. It was, sir, that so we wallowed in plenty and ease the town and he might be damned ! This, sir, is the true history of separation and we hope you'll stand our friend. I'll tell you what, sirs 131 I once a pack of beagles knew That much resembled I know who ; With a good huntsman at their tail, In full command, With whip in hand, They'd run apace The cheerful chace, And of their game were seldom known to fail. But, being at length their chance to find 140 A huntsman of a gentler kind, They soon perceiv'd the rein was slack, The word went quickly through the pack They one and all cried " Liberty ! This happy moment we are free. We'll range the woods, Like nymphs and gods, And spend our mouths in praise of mutiny." With that old Jowler trots away, And Bowman singles out his prey ; 150 Thunder bellow'd through the wood, And swore he'd burst his guts with blood. Venus tripp'd it o'er the plain, With boundless hopes of boundless gain. Juno, she slipp'd down the hedge, But left her sacred word for pledge, That all she pick'd up by the by SCBNE I.] Should to the public treasury. And well they might rely upon her ; For Juno was a bitch of honour. 160 In short, they all had hopes to see A heavenly crop of mutiny, And so to reaping fell : But in a little time they found, It was the devil had till'd the ground, And brought the seed from hell. The pack divided, nothing throve : Discord seiz'd the throne of love. Want and misery all endure, All take pains, and all grow poor. 170 When they had toil'd the livelong day, And came at night to view their prey, Oft, alas ! so ill they'd sped, That half went supperless to bed. At length, they all in council sate, Where at a very fair debate, It was agreed at last, That slavery with ease and plenty, When hounds were something turn'd of twenty, Was much a better fate, 180 Than 'twas to work and fast. ist Play. Well, sir and what did they do then ? sEsop. Why, they all went home to their kennel again. If you think they did wisely, you'll do well to follow their example. [Exit. ist Play. Well, beagles, what think you of the little gentleman's advice ? 252 ,/ESOP. [PART II. znd Wont. I think he's a little ugly philosopher, and talks like a fool. 189 \stPlay. Ah, why, there's it now! If he had been a tall, handsome blockhead, he had talked like a wise man. 2nd Worn. Why, do you think, Mr. Jowler, that we'll ever join again ? isf Play. I do think, sweet Mrs. Juno, that if we do not join again, you must be a little freer of your carcass than you are, or you must bring down your pride to a serge petticoat. isf Worn. And do you think, sir, after the affronts I have received, the patent and I can ever be friends ? ist Play. I do think, madam, that if my interest had not been more affronted than your face, the patent and you had never been foes. 201 ist Worn. And so, sir, then you have serious thoughts of a reconciliation ? i st Play. Madam, I do believe I may. ist Worn. Why then, sir, give me leave to tell you, that make it my interest, and I'll have serious thoughts on't too. 2nd Worn. Nay, if you are thereabouts, I desire to come into the treaty. yd Play. And I. ^th Play. And I. 210 2nd Play. And I. No separate peace; none of your Turin play,* I beseech you. *In 1696, Victor Amadeus II., Duke of Savoy, one of the allied powers at war with France, was induced by the threats and promises of Louis XIV. to break his engagements, and to conclude a separate peace with France. The treaty of peace was signed first, privately, at Loretto, and afterwards, publicly, at Turin, August 29, 1696. SCENB II.] SQP. 253 ist Play. Why then, since you are all so christianly disposed, I think we had best adjourn immediately to our council-chamber ; choose some potent prince for mediator and guarantee ; fix upon the place of treaty, dispatch our plenipos, and whip up the peace like an oyster. For under the rose, my confederates, here is such a damned discount upon our bills, I'm afraid, if we stand it out another cam- paign, we must live upon slender subsistence. * {Exeunt. SCENE II. Enter a Country Gentleman, who walks to and fro, looking angrily upon