ASS 1 PART L PUBLICATIONS PRINTED BY SPECIAL ORDER OF THE SOCIETY FOR PRESERVING LIBERTY AND PROPERTY AC AINST^ REPUBLICANS AND LE- VELLERS, AT THE CROWN AND ANCHOR, IN THE STRAND. PART II. A COLLECTION OF TRACTS, PRINTED AT THE EXPENCE OF THAT SOCIETY. TO WHICH ARE PREFIXED, A PREFACE, AND THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE SOCIETY. ADDRESSED TO ALL THE LOYAL ASSOCIATIONS, Urbem Incendiis, Cade Gives, Italian Bella liberaffent. CICERO IN CATILIXAM, L ON D ON; PRINTED FOR J. SEWELL, IN CORNHILL ; J. DEBfiETT? PICCADILLY ; J. DOWNES, NO. 240, STRAND ', HOOKHAM AND CARPENTER, BOND-STREET { T. N. LONGMAN, PATERNOSTER-ROW i AND W, LANE, LEADENHALL-STREET. f T J 1 3 fel? THE PREFACE, THE prefent Volume contains the feveral Papers that have been publifhed by the ASSOCIATION at the CROWN AND ANCHOR ir* feparate Numbers. The occafion of thefe little Publications is in every one's remembrance ; they have had their ufe for the time ; and they are now collected into a, volume, as a library- book for fuch as have any curiofity to preferve the productions of the day. When they were fold for a penny, they were defigned for a different clafs of readers and pur- chafers from thofe into whofe hands the prefent volume may chance to come. Such as may con- defcend to turn over this Collection mould re- member, that the times are happily changed fince the months of November and December laft ; and we muft travel back to that period of anxiety and public alarm, in order to feel the fentiments, and to relim the ftyle, of many of thefe papers. If any perfons mould be fo fevere as to think all this aid from times and circumftances ought not to refcue fome of thefe performances from the fentence of criticifm, neither thepubliihersnor authors will, we believe, feel, much pain in conligning them to a z fuch ( a. ) fuch a fate. And yet, if fuccefs be the teft of good writing, (bme of thefe are intided to a better place than much abler compofitions. Thomas Bull's One "Pennyworth of Truth was, in the public opinion, worth all the fine fpeeches that were made againft it. The popular favour attending this piece gave rife to, and it is hoped will now be an excufe for, the letters and other pieces of the Bull Family to be found in this Collection. Thefe papers confift of two claries. The firft are fuch Publications as the Society ordered to be printed, after they had been perufed and approved by the Committee. The fecond confifts of Trails that were put to the prefs, without the fpecial direc- tion or approbation of the Committee, by a perfon in whom the Committee confided. This perfon directed his attention principally to provide for the lower clafs of readers. The ftyle and manner of fome of thcfe papers are, therefore, of a particular fort ; and, that there might not be wanting fome- thing for every tafte, there is added, at the end of each Number, a Ballad. However, among thefe Tracts there are many papers that might very well be placed in the firft clafs. It was endeavoured, by fuch Publications as the preient, to counteract the poifon that had been dif- (eminated, and to reftore the minds of the People to that tone of good fenfe, which had ever been the characteriilic of this country. The fuccefs fully anfwered the expectation ; by thefe means falfehood was refuted, ibphiftryexpofed, and fedition repelled ; the peculiar happinefs of our Conftitution was dif- played ; defigns of pretended Reforms were exa- mined ; and the principles of Civil Society were fully opened and explained. The difcuffions upon thefe fubjects not only convinced the deluded and confirmed the wavering, but prefemed new lights iuggeiled additional arguments to thofe who thought thought they had already ample reafon for fupport- ing the Eftablifh merit under which we live. The value of our Conftitution,and the attachment of the People to it, were never before made fo manifeft; and it is trufted, the influence of fo plain a decifioa will fecure us, at lead for the prefem, not only againft attacks from the feditious, but againft the vifionary fpeculations of well-meaning men, who may do as much harm with their virtues, as the former with all their vices and crimes. The Society at whole expence thcife papers were thus printed, have been the object of much public obfervation. They have been applauded, and their example followed, by thofe who fupport the laws and Conftitution ; and they have been loaded with imputations by the factious and difaffected. They have feen reafons to be perfectly fatisfied with the notice taken of them by thefe two defcrip- tions of perfons. It is a very general opinion, that the declaration of fentiment which refulted from the forming of Aflb- ciations throughout the kingdom, faved this Nation at a time when nothing elfe could have faved it. The Society may be proud of the part they took in fo fortunate a meafure. The fuccefs that has at- tended their endeavours has not been tarnjmed by any thing unworthy or unequal in their fubfequent conduct. Astheyoppofed themfelves to the madnefs of fedition with fpirit, fo they proceeded in their career with firmnefs ; and they have borne their fuccefs with moderation. They affociated on a fpecial occafion, and for a defined purpofe; and when that occafion was palled, and that purpofe was ferved, they fufpended their proceedings. They combined for no private or partial views ; not to extol or deprefs any party or any individual ; their object was general, and they a 3 puiiued ( iv ) purfued it on general principles. It was neither to fet np nor pull down ; it was only to preferve ; an employment free from the heat and malice of perfonal animofities they could have no enemies but iuch as the law would term offenders. When a Society has been formed for preferving That which the whole Nation have followed them in declaring they will preferve with their lives, it feems of little moment to afcertain from what perfons fuch a Society originated, unlefs, indeed, it may be from an honourable defire of doing juftice to its authors. But the origin of this Society has been fcrutinized with a very different view. The prefent opportunity may fairly be taken to lay this fpeculation at reft, if reft can be obtained from the unceaung importunity of faction and party. It is due to the Society, to the Miniftry, and to the Public, to make this declaration That none of the King's Minifters knew or heard of this Afibcia- tion, till they law the firft advertifement in the public prints. It was planned without their know- ledge, and has been conducted to the prefent moment without their aid. It has received no money but fuch as is noticed in the fubfcription- books, which are open to inflection ; and there it will be feen, that the Officers of Government con- tributed little to an undertaking, where they were, however, interefted as individuals, not lefs than others of his Majefty's fubjects. So intirely inde- pendent has this Society .been of Minifterial fup x port ! The truth is, there never was a time when all perfons were ib completely independent of the exifting Adminiflration, as that anxious moment. A nfcich more ferious ftruggle prefented itfelf than .whether this or that man (hould be Minifter ; it was u queftion a quedion of Government or no Government. Licentioufnefs and fedition had got tofucha head^ that treafon and rebellion feemed to be the ftrongcr fide, where the ambitious might find promotion, and- the bafe find flicker ; thofe only who were above mean and perfonal confiderations had the fortitude to ftand on the fide of the Miniftry ; they did this^ becaufe the Miniftry and the Conftitution were at that moment the fame. Moft certainly, the Miniiter had no more to do in the formation of this Aflbciation, than of the two thoufand and more, that were formed in other parts of the kingdom. They were all of them the voluntary movements of perfons, who thought itacrifis in which the Country mould declare itfelf, and fcrengthen the hands of Govern- ment., for the prefervation of the King and the Con- ftitution. When the Nation had thus plainly de- clared its apprehenfion for our Laws and Liberty,- the Government could not do otherwife than concert meafures for their prefervation. Hence the calling out of the Militia the affembling of Parliament the proceedings againft feditious per- fons and writings. All thefe meafures have been called for or approved by the Nation, as neceflary for its fafety, both public and private. It has been alledged, that the alarm in the month of November was raifed by the Government, and that there was no juft caufe for it. But every one knows, on the contrary, that the alarm was felt by the People long before it openly appeared to have made any impreflion on the Government ; and when the alarm had once prevailed, it feemed clear to everyone, that the alarm itfelf of a whole Nation was caufe abundant for meafures that were to difpel the apprehenfions of danger. But the caufe of the alarm was well known. It was known, that-perfonsof a certain defcription had conceived ( VI ) conceived hopes of introducing into this country- French principles of Liberty and Equality ; that Clubs were formed for propagating thefe princi- ples ; that Addreffes were prefented to the National Convention, announcing the profpect of a fimilar Revolution in this kingdom ; that the perfons prelenting thefe Addreifes were applauded and encouraged in their treafonable projects by the Convention ; that Emiffaries were paid by France to ftir up fedkion, and Engineers fent to aflift in military operations ; that a revolt was planned for the beginning of December, when the Tower was to have been feized : the agents in thefe defigns, whether French or Englifh, were likewife known. While rebellion v/as thus plotted in concert with France, it is well known what arts were practifed to- foment it at home. The prefs daily produced malevolent writings, in which the Constitution was calumniated, and every fan ct ion of Society was attacked ; all ranks, but more efpecially the lower, were inflamed by infmuations of grievances ; the foldiers and feamen were tempted from their duty ; the artifans and labourers were made dif- fatisfied with their {late of honeft induftry ; all were inftructed to regard the prefent Eftablifhment as an oppreflion, and excited to follow the example of France in fetting up Equality of Ranks, and Liberty without any bounds. The promoters of thefe fedi- tious doctrines took courage from the fuccefsful en- terprizes of the Ufurpers in France, and boldly threatened us with the fupport and co-operation of the natural enemy to this country, which had now become the declared enemy to all Governments not formed like its own. All this was well known ; and will any one fay it was not caufe for alarm, when it had actually produced fuch an alarm as had never before been felt in this country ? The general notoriety of a fact, ( vii ) tact, which all men knew, was ground enough for doing that which all men wiihed. The Govern- ment had fufficient teiliniony on which to found their proceedings, if no other had offered ; but the united voice of the Arlbciations conftituted x a body of evidence, which fuperfeded all need of proof. The Government did not move till the crifis was complete, and the Country was prepared tojuftify them in all they did ; and the fuccefs with which they were enabled to reftore quiet to the Country on that occaiion, will add a fplendid pafTagetothc hiftory of the prefent Adminiftration, which has had the fmgular felicity of uniting good fortune to unwearied endeavours for the public welfare. It may be permitted to remark, that the late events have produced a decompofition of party that has ended in a new divilion of public men. There is now a fort of line by which the friends of the Conftitution may be diilinguifhed from its enemies ; and thofe who engage in public bufmefs upon public principle, from thofe who take it up as a traffic for private ends : a like diftinction be- tween the well- affected and the ill-affected may alfo be traced in all parts of the kingdom, through all ranks of life. People have fet themfelves to make this obferva- tion upon the characters of men, whether public or private, and to keep a fuitable watch upon their conduct, fince the efcape they had in the month of November. The vigilance infpired by the dan- ger of that time, it is hoped, will not foon relax. No doubt, Government will continue its exertions ; individuals will not remit from the habitual at- tention they have lately paid to the prefervation of peace and order ; the Aubciations, it is certain, will renew all their vigour, whenever the public lafety ifcall require it. With ( viii ) With thefe fecurities, it is trufted the kingdom will not again be threatened, as it was lad year from, the month of Auguft to that of November. So reduced in number, and fo difappointed in all their projects, are the difaffected, that, it is generally be- lieved, they could not be encouraged to undertake any thing even by the fuccefsjof the French arms, on which they laft year founded fa much hope, Unlefs they difregard their own fafety as much as that of others, they will now remain quiet. Let them liften to the admonition given them by the public juftice of their country ; " Illos, quanquam funt hojles, tanien quia nail funt <& cives, monitos etiam atque etiam volo. Me a lenitas " adhuc Jt cui folv.tior vifa eft, hoc expeftavit, ut id, $ o c i E r r, CONTENTS. No. I. Mr. Juftice Aflihurft's Charge to the Grand Jury of Middlefex. A Word in Seafon to the Traders and Ma- nufk&urers of Great Britain. No. II. Dr. Vincent's Short Hints upon Levelling. A Charge to the Grand Jury of Middlefex, by William Mainwaring, Efq. No. ill. Bowles's Proteft againft Paine's Rights of Man. No. IV. Bowles's Anfwer to the Declaration of the "Friends of the Liberty of thePrefs." Speech of the Lord Prefident of the Seffcon, addrefled to the Lord Provoft of Edinburgh, No. V. The Fatal Effects of Republican Principles, ex- emplified in the Hiftory of England from the Death of Charles I. to the Reftoratkm of Charles II. No. VI. Paley's Reafons for Contentment. Lord Lough- borough's Speech on ehe Alien BH1. No. VII. The Second Charge of Mr. Juftice Afhhurft to the Gear/if Jury in the Court of Kind's Bench. Appen- dix to the Bifhop of LandafF's Sermon. Refle&ions on. the Prefent Crilis. No. VIII. The Advantages peculiar to a Monarchy, and the English Conilitutiou. By M. De Lolme. Mr. Juflice Bulicr'-s Charge to the Grand Jury of the County of York, at ihe Lent Affixes 1793. K\. IX. The Earl of Radnor's Charge to the Grand Jury of the County of Berks. Thoughts on a Parliamentary Reform. By Soame Jenyns, Efq. Additional Proof of the Excellence of the Englifh Conftitution. By W. Mitford Kfq .Cautions againft Reformers. By Lord Bcling- brolce. PROCEEDINGS OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR PRESERVING LIBERTY AND PROPERTY A O A I V S T REPUBLICANS AND LEVELLERS. NUMBER I. LONDON: Printed and Sold by J. SEW ELL, at the European Magazine Warehoufe, Cowper's Court, Cornhill ; J. DEBRETT, Picca- dilly ; and HOOKAMand CARPENTER, Bond-Street. Price only ONE HALFPENNY; Or y. per Hundred to fab as givt tbtm away. At a MEETING of GENTLEMEN at the CROWN AND ANCHOR TAVERN, in the Strand^ November 20, 1792, JOHN REEVES, ESQ. in the Chair. The following CONSIDERATIONS and RESOLUTIONS iurt entered into and agreed upon : CONSIDERING the danger to which the Publick Peace and Order are expofed by the circulating of mifchiev- ous Opinions, founded upon plaufible but falfe reafoning; and that this circulation is principally carried on by the in- duftry of Clubs and Societies of various denominations in many parts of the Kingdom : It appears to us, That it is now become the duty of all Ferfons, who wifti well to their Native Country, to endea- vour, in their feveral neighbourhood.*, to prevent the fad B tffi-ag t * 3 effe&s of fuch mifchievous induftry; and that it would greatly tend to promote thefe good, endeavours, if Societies were formed in different parts of the Kingdom, whofe object fhould be to fupport the Laws, to fupprefs feditious Pub- lications, and to defend our Perfons and Property againft the innovations and depredations that feem to be threatened by thofe who maintain the mifchievous opinions before alluded to. Thefe opinions are conveyed in the terms the Rights of Man Liberty and Equality No King No Parliament and others of the like import; all of them, in trjefenfeimpofed on them, exprefling fentiments in direct oppofition to the Laws of this Land, and fome of them fuch as are inconfiftent with the well-being of Society under any laws whatfoever. Jt appears to us, the tendency of thefe Opinions is, that we are voluntarily to furrender every thing we now poflefs ; our Religion and our Laws; our civil Government and Civil Society; and that we are to truft to the formationof fomething New, upon the principles of Equality, and under the aufpices of fpeculative men, who have conceived ideas of perfection that never yet were known in the World : And it appears, that the Miilionaries of this Seel: are aiming at effecting the Overthrow of the prefent S'yftem of Govern- ment and Society, by infufing into the minds of ignorant men caufes of difcontent adapted to their various ftations : fome of which caufes are wholly imaginary, and the reft are fuch as infeparably belong to civil life; have exifted, and ever will exift, under all Forms of Government ; cannot be removed by any change^ and will be aggravated and multi- plied, a hundred fold, by the change propofed. It appears from Hiftory and Obfervation, that the inequa- lity of rank and fortune in this happy Country, is more the refult of every man's own exertions, than of any controuling inftitution bf the State. Men become great, who have greatly diftinguiflied themfelves by the application of talents natural or acquired. Men become rich, who have perfevered with induftry in the application to Trade and Commerce, to Manufactures, and other ufcful employments. How many perfons now of great rank and fortune, who were born without either ! How many rich Merchants and Traders who begun their career in the lovveft employments of the fbop and counting-houfe ! Jn the progrefs to this advancement they have all, in their ftations, contributed their {hare towards the ihow of opu- lence, both publick and private, which is to be feen in every part f this LQand. It is by the effefts of this induftry, that tut C 3 3 the Gentleman is enabled to fupport his rank and ftation ; and the Merchant and Tradefman to employ his Clerks, Journeymen, and Apprentices. Hence comes the pric of the Farmer's corn, and the wages of Servants of every de- fcriptiort, By this happv Inequality^ and dependence of one man on another, employment: is found for all, in their fe- veral vocations, to which they have been called by defign or accident. This Inequality and dependence is lo infinitely diveriified in this country, that there is no place upon earth where there are fomany ways, in which a man by his talents and induftry may raife himfelf above his equals. This has hitherto been thought a pre-eminent happinefs that was pe- culiar to ourfelves, and ought to be chcrifhed : it has been afcribed to the prote&ing influence which Property has always enjoyed under equal Laws ; and it has encreafed of late years in a wonderful degree, by the profperity which was caufed, and can only be continued by the fame influence. We are, upon the fulleft deliberation, of opinion, that propofing to pull down this goodly fabrick, which has been gradually reared by the fuccefiive virtue and induftry of all the great and good men who have lived in this ifland for centuries, and to fubmit to begin atre!;: upon a new fyfrern of Equality^ as it is called, ieems a proportion that can be fuggefted only by the moft undifguifed wickednefs, and entertained by the grofleft folly. Becaufe, if fo wild a plan was to be carried into execution^ and all men were made equal, they would from that moment begin to ftrugsle, who fliould firft rife above his equals j and it is beyond all queftion, if there was any induflry, or any virtue; if there was peace, and publick profperity; if there was private happinefs and publicii, in fuch new-formed Society, there would gradually arife an Inequality of Rank and Fortune. We forefee, from recent experiment in a neighbouring country, that in the operation of bringing to pils fuch a tranfition, the lives and properties of all pcrfons in this Ifland would be expofed to the arbitrary difpof.il of ielf- opinionated Philofophers, and a wild and needy Mob, tielu- ded and indicated by them ; that with the incroduclion of Equality in Rank and Fortune, an expectation would be railed in the Lower Orders, which muft firft be gratified with plunder, and afterwards would fink into a ftate of dif- appointment and object poverty. When all wcr- equalized, there- would no longer be a fuperfluity to pay the hire of Servants, or purchafe the productions of Art or Manufac- ture; no Commerce, no Credit; no refource fur the active, B 2 but C 4 I- but in robbery, and in all thofe publick diforder* whicfif make life miferable. Thus would the prefent generation be certainly ruined ; that which is to follow could not pro~ r-ofe to itfelf a remedy, but in purfuing the fame Arts of Peace which had been fo capricioufly abandoned ; and the more they profpercd in that purfuit, the more they would contribute to reproduce the Inequality which had been before condemned and exploded. WJiere then are the Bleffing$ of this Reform, and to what purpofe is mifery to be brought on the prefent Generation ? It is with grief we fee that in a neighbouring country the carrying into practice of this wild doclrine of Equality and the Rights of Afan, has already produced thefe evils, and others ten thoufand times greater. It is not yet publickly known, nor can it enter into the gentle heart of a BRITON to conceive, the number of atrocious crimes againft God and Man, that have been commited in fupport of thefe opinions. Murders and aflaffinations have been deliberately planned, and juftified by fome of thefe pretended philofo- phers, as the means to attain their ends of reform. With all their pretences and promifes, they have proceeded to vio- late every right, Civil and Natural, that fnould have been obferved towards their Equals ; the people, who have only changed their mafters-, groan under new tyrannies of which they never heard or dreamed ; and are fubjedled to the chaf- tifement of one defperate leader after another. The excefles of thefe ruffian Demagogues have no bounds ; they have already furpafled the wiideft phrenzies of Fanaticifm, Su- perftition, and Enthufiafm ; plundering and murdering at home, and propagating their opinions by the fword in foreign countries ; impofture, fallacy, falfehood, and bloodfhed ; their philofophy is the idle talk of Schoolboys ; and their actions are the favage ferocioufnefs of wild beafts. Such are the new lights and the falfe philofopJyy of our pre- tended Reformers, and fuch the effecls they have produced, where, alone, they have unfortunately been tried. But, however thefe poor pretences may have impofed on the un- derftimdings of men, in a neighbouring country, bred in ignorance, oppreffcon, and poverty, they can have no influ- ence on the good fenfe and gravity of Tritons, who have been ufed to the enjoyment of true Liberty, and every day feel the bleflings of abundance derived from a productive induftry, protected by Equal Laws, and a free Government. It is well known, that thofe who are virtuous and honeft have many more means of acquiring eafe and comfort, wealth and diftincYion, and in a fuperior degree, in this 2 country [ S 1 country than in any other ; it is well known, that we al- ready poflfefs, and have long poflefied, really and truly That which the pretended Reformers would pcrfuade ignorant people they alone can beftow. It has been the pride of BRITONS to boaft of their Liberty and Property ; aod although thefevifionary Reformers have chofen to fubftitute the notion of Equality in the place of the latter, it is trufted there are enough who know too well the value of their Property, acquired under the influence of true Liberty, to furrender it in exchange for an empty name. It is well known, and we feel it daily, that we have as much of thefe pretended new inventions, as is neceflary and convenient for a well- ordered Society. Every one has all the Rights of Man that leave him at liberty to do good to himfelf and his neighbour, and (what is worth confidering) to protect his perfon and property againft open or fecret plunderers. He has as much ef Equality as one man can poflefs without diminifliing the Equality of his neighbour. We are told by our Religion (for We have a Religion,) that we are to do unto all men as we would that menjhould do unto us ; and this is realized to us by the firm adminiftration of the Lav/ ; which fufters no injury to go without a remedy, and affords a remedy equally to the proudeftand the pooreft. Such are The Rights of Man j fuch The Liberty and Equality which we have long enjoyed ; under thefe we have lived and profpered, both in publiclc and private, beyond the exam- ple of any country: and to maintain them, as they are, un- impaired by the fancies of Pedant-Politicians, or the rude hands of Ruffian Levellers, every TRUE BRITON ought to (hd his blood. Imprefled with thefe fentiments in favour of our happy Lftablifhment, and alarmed by the mifchievous endeavours, {hat are now uftng by wicked men, to miflead the unin- formed, and to fpirit up the difcontenced by furnifhing them with plaufible topicks, tending to the fubverfion of the State, and incompatible with all Government whatfo- ever : We do, as private men, unconnected with any Party or defcription of perfons at home, taking no concern in the ftruggles at this moment making abroad, but moft' ferioufly anxious to preferve the true Liberty, and unexampled prof- pcrity we happily enjoy in this kingdom, think it expedient and neceflary to form ourfclves into an ASSOCIATION for the purpofeof difcouraging, in every way that lies in our power, the progrefs of fuch nefarious defigns as are me.litated by the wicked and fenfelefs Reformers of the prefent time } jind we d hereby refolve, and declare as follows ; B 3 FIRST t 6 3 FIRST That the perfons prefent at this Meeting do be- come a Society for difcouraging and fupprefling Seditious Publications, tending to difturb the Peace of this Kingdom, and for fupporting a due execution of the Laws made for the: protection of perfons and property. SECONDLY That this Society do ufe its beft endeavours occafionally to explain thofe topicks of publick difcuflion which have been fo perverted by evil-defigning men, and to fliev/, by irrefragable proof, that they are not applicable to the State of this Country, that they can produce no good, and certainly muft produce great evil. THIRDLY That this Society will receive with great thanks all communications that fliall be made to it for the above purpofes. FOURTHLY That it be recommended to all thofe, who are friends to the Eftablifhed Law, and to peaceable Society, to form themfelves, in their different neighbourhoods, into fimilar Societies for promoting the fame laudable purpofes. FIFTHLY That this Society do meet at this place or elfewhere, every TUESDAY, THURSDAY, and SATURDAY* SIXTHLY That *hefe Confiderations and Refolutions be printed in all the publick Papers, and otherwife circulated in,to all parts of the Kingdom. By Order of the SOCIETY, J. MOORE, Secretary N. B. All Letters and Communications are requefted |q b addrefled to the Secretary at this place. At. a MEETING of the SOCIETY at the CROWN and ANCHOR TAVERN, November 24, 1792, JOHN REEyESj ESQ^ in the Chair. UPON reading the CHARGE delivered by Mr. JUSTICE ASHURST to the Grand Jury in the Court of King's Bench this Term, it was refolved, That the fame be immediately printed and diftributed in various ways for the petter inltrudtion of all ranks of people in the value they pugh? C 7 1 ought to fet upon the good laws and government delivered down to us by our ancestors. The letters daily received from perfons who are defirous of aflifting the views of this Society, are very numerous, and contain many ufeful communications. The writers of them are entitled to every acknowledgement ; fuch as require private anfwers fhall receive them from the Secre- tary, and it will foon be feen what ufe is made of fome of the communications. The Gentlemen of this Society cannot refrain from an- nouncing once more how happy they are to find the numbers of thole increafe, who come forward to fupport the defign of their Inftitution, In confequence of a wifli exprefied by many, .that an opening fhould be given for perions of all forts to declare their defire of fupporting fo good a caufe, a book has been opened at the Crown and Anchor for names to be fet down, and it is now earneftly wifhed that all perfons favourable to the prefent defign, will fignify it by inferting their names in fuch book. One of the duties this Society has impofed on itfelf is to encourage perfons to form fimiliar Societies in different parts of the town, it is much to be wifhed that a Society were formed in the City of London, another in Weftmin- fter, and another in the Borough. When thofe great So- cieties were formed, it might be confidered, and would be jeen by the effedtof them, whether it would be necefiary to make fmaller Societies around them, to alTift and co ope- rate. It fhould feem, that the bufmefs of fuch Societies fhould be conducted by a Committee, and that the Committee fhould be fmall, as better adapted for difpatch of bufmefs ; for it fhould be remembered, that thefe are not open So- cieties for talk and debate, but for private confultation and real bufmefs. The fociety at large need not meet more than once a month, oronce in two or three months, to audit the accounts, and fee to the application of the money. The object of fuch Societies fhould be to check the circulation of feditious publications of all kinds, whether newfpapers or pamphlets, or the invitations to club-meetings, by difco- vering and bringing to juftice not only the authors and prin- ters of them, but thofe wh keep them in (hops, or hawk them in the ftreets for fale ; or, what is much worfe, are em- ployed in circulating them from houfe to houfe in any manner whatever. SECONDLY, They fhould by reafoning, and by circulating theap books and papers, endeavour to undeceive thofe poor 4 people r s 3 people who have been miflead by the infufion of opinioni dangerous to their own welfare and that of the State. THIRDLY, 1 hey (hould hold themfelves in readinefs to preventer fupprefs tumults or riots, if neceflary. LASTLY, It ftiould be a part of the original compaft of every fuch Society, that in what they mean to do, they (hall always aft in fubordination to the Magiftrate and the Ex- ecutive Government, and in their aid and fupport, and not otherwife. The Society, after full confideration of tbe nature f private meetings, formed with a defign to take cogniiance of what is tranfkfted by the Executive and Legiflative Powers of the country, are of opinion, that all fuch meetings are irregular. Such diftin6l and unharmoni- xed centers have the efFect of intercepting and drawing around themfelves fome of that force, and confidence of the people, which fhould pafs on to their only trae center, theconttituted Executive and Legiflative Authorities of the State. But when fuch an irregularity has been once per- mitted, and the balance of the fyftem feems to be affected by it, the equilibrium perhaps cannot be mo:e naturally re- ftored, than by placing a counterpoife of the fame fort on the other fide. Wicked men, by the means of Clubs and aflbciations, have been fpreading among the fimple and ignorant, fedi- tious opinions, deftrudtive of good government, and the happinefs of us all. Good men aflbciate to counteract thofe evil defigns, to fupport god government, and to continue to us our prefent happinefs. To aflbciate in the forms in which they do (as appears by their printed papers exhibited to this Society) is always feditious, and very often treafonable ; they all appear to be offenders againft the law. To meet, as is now propofed, for fuppreffing fedition, for propagating peaceable opinions, and for aiding the rriagiftracy in fubor- tlination to the direction of the Magiftrates the law allows jt, and the time requires it. 3y Order of the Society, JOHN MOORE, Secretary, C 9 3 At a MEETING of the SOCIETY at the CROWN ANCHOR TAVERN in the STRANB, November 29, 1792, JOHN REEVES, ESQ.. in the Chair. t |"^HE following Gentlemen are of the Committee for con- JL dudting the BuGnefs f this Society; JOHN REEVES, Efq. JOHN TOPHAM, Efq. JOHN BOWLES, Efq. JOHN ROBERTS, Efq. ALEXANDER MAXWELL BENNET,Efq, Mr. JOHN SEWELL. PETER NOUAILLE, Efq. THO. LAW, Efq. . Mr. JOHN SARGEAUNT, JOHN THO. BATT, Efq. Mr. GK). POTTER. CHA. TO.WNSHEND, Efq. Dr. HALIFAX. Mr. ALEXANDER BRODIE, Hon. G. HOBART. 1HO. PLUMER, Efq. C. YORKE, Efq. GEORGE WARD, Efq. W. DEVAYNES, Efq. . Refolved, That this Committee do meet to-morrow, at twelvq p'clock, for the difpatch of bufmefs. By Order of the Society, JOHN MOORE, Secretary, // the CROW.N and ANCHOR TAVERN in tht STRAND, November 30, 1792, jf\,T a Meeting of the Committee of this SOCIETY, JOHN REEVES, ESQ.. in the Chair. Upon a view of the Confiderations and Refolutions pub- iiftiecj by this Society, and in conformity to the Opinions ajri [ 3 and Declarations therein contained, x This Committee do hereby declare, that they will endeavour, by the circulation of cheap Publications, or otherwife, to caufe thofe topicks ef publick difcuffion, which have been lately perverted by evil-defigning men, to be explained, for undeceiving and informing thofe perfons who have been mifled and deluded by fpecious reafonings and falfe reprefentations ; and that they will ufe their beft endeavours, in aid and fupport of the Civil Magistrates, to difcourage and counteract all feditious Publications and attempts to difturb the Peace of the Kingdom. in doing this, and in making the prefent declaration of their intention, they hope they (hall induce others, who have the fame wifh with themfelves to fupport the good Laws and Conftitution of this Kingdom, and the Peace and flappinefs f Society, to make fimilar exertions in their refpe&ive neighbourhoods for the like purpofes. And it is further hoped, that by thefe means the Members of this Afibciation will be better enabled, as it will become more particularly their duty, to aflift in preferving publick order and tranquillity, in cafe of any attempt being made to difturb them. Refolved, That as a confiderable pecuniary Fund will be neceflary for carrying into effect the purpofes of this Inftitution, the Committee will thankfully receive the voluntary Contribu- tions o Jail thofe who are inclined to give their aid on the prefent occafion. Refolved, That Subfcriptions be received by JOHN TOPHAM, the Treafurer, at his Chambers, jn Grays inn- At the CROWN and ANCHOR, Strand ; and at the following Bankers : Meffrs. DRUMMOND and Co. Charing- Crofs. Meffrs. CHILD and Co. Temble-Bar. MITH, PAINE and SMITH, Manfion-Houfe-ftreet, CROP TS, DEVAYNES, and Co. Pall-mall. RANSOM, MORELAND and HAMMERSLEY, Pall-mall. VERE, LUCADOU, and Co. Lombard-ftreet. EDWARDS, SMITH, MiDDLETON and Co- Stratford-place. NIBLETT and JELFE, Gloucefter. Meflrs. OGDEN, Salifbury. CAM, WH1TEHEAD, and Co. Bath. Sir W. FORBLS and Co. Edinburgh. Refolved, Refolved, That the Thanks of this Committee be given to JOHN REEVES, Efq. for the Zeal and Exertion which he has fhewn jn beginning and promoting this ufefui and well-timed Aflbciation. JOHN REEVES, Chairrnaa. At the CROWN and ANCHOR TAVERN, in tb STRAND, December i, 1792. AT a MEETING of the COMMITTEE, JOHN REEVES, Eso^ in the Chair. Refolved, That the Thanks of this Society be given to the Right lion, the LORD MAYOR of LONDON, for his well- timed Activity and Exertion in Support of the Laws and Conflitution. This Society having been informed by S.W. Clayton, Efq. that an Inftitution upon the fame Principles with this Aflb- ciation has been formed at Peckham, of which he i; Chairman ; Refolved, That the Thanks of this Society be given him for this Communication, and that he be requeued to continue hif Coirefpondence. JOHN REEVES, Chairman. 4t a MEETING of the COMMITTEE at the CROWN ANCHOR TAVERN, December 4, 1792. JOHN REEVES, ESQ., in the Chair. '"pHE following Addrefs to the Publick on the prefent 4 alarming crifis having been read, moved, and feconded f Refolved, That the fame be publiflied in all the newfpapers. ct At a time when the recent exertions of Government ' confirm K 12 ] confirm the reality of thofe dangerous defigns formed in <" concert with perfons in Foreign Parts, with a view to fubvert the Laws and 'Conftitution of this Realm, and to " deftroy all order and quiet therein when there is every c< reafun to believe, that among the confiderable numbers of * French latejy arrived in this Metropolis, many of them hold regular correfpondence and communication with " various. Hl-difpofed perfons, in Clubs and other Meetings, < inftituted for the exprefs purpofe of overturning the laws c and liberties of this Country ; the Committee feel it to *' be their duty to warn all good Citizens to be watchfuj, <* and upon their guard, in order to detect and bring to .-,; JOHN REEVES, Efq. Chairman, A Crown and Anchor^ December 6, 1792* T a SPECIAL MEETING of the COMMITTEE of this SOCIETY, JOHN REEVES, Efq. in the Chair. This Committee confidering that the great mifchief pro- duced by feditious and treafonable Libels is chiefly effected by felling them in (hops, hawking them in the ftreets, and giving them away ; and confidering that the venders and carriers of fuch publications are generally acquainted with their contents, and evil defign and tendency ; Refolved, That a caution be hereby given to all fellers of Newf- fapers, Newfcarriers, perfons delivering hand-bills for club- meetings and the like, that if fuch papers are feditious or treafonable, they are alfo guilty, equally with the original publifher, printer, or author ; and that it becomes them ferioufly to confider what are the Newfpapers, papers of in- vitation to clubs and other meetings, which they fell, carry, or diftribute, and whether they are of a nature to bring upon them the penalties of the law. It appearing to this Committee, that evil-defigning men, induftrioufly and malicioufly ufing means and inftruments never before reforted to in this Country for fpreading per- nicious opinions, have addrefled themfelves principally to the manufacturing and labouring claffes of people, and by pamphlets, hand-bills, and various other devices, have en- deavoured to prejudice the minds of thofe perfons againft the King and Conftitution, deluding them with falfe expecta- tions that their condition will be bettered, by the fubverfiori of all diitindtions of rank and property, and the introduc- tion of Equality in their Head : It is Refolved, That it be recommended to all Matters of Families, all Mafter-Manufaciurers, Traders and Others, to ufe their beft endeavours to undeceive and inform their fervants, their journeymen, their apprentices, their neighbours, and all perfons whom they find mifled and corrupted by fuch inflam- 'matory and feditious writings or language; warning 'them, that if they maintain by word or by action treafonable and feditious principles, they will incur the penalties of the law ; and further inftru&ing them, that none of the hopes fo fajidy r u 1 falfely and infidioufly held out to them can be realized ; but that, on the contrary, fuch wicked attempts will tend to the deftrudion of all trade and manufactures, by which they are fupported, when induftrious; and will deftroy all the pro- vifion made for the poor, which they now enjoy, when they become unfit for labour. Refolved, That the following Opinions from the Commentaries of the excellent Mr. juftice Blackftone, vol. iv. chap. 9. be publiihed for the information of the ignorant, and as a caution to the unwary. " If a party apprifed of any treafon does not, as foon as l conveniently may be, reveal it to fome judge of affize, " or juftice of the peace, he is guilty of mifprifion of treafon ; " which is puniflied by the lofs of the profits of land* " during life, forfeiture of goods, and imprifonment during life. " But if there be any probable circumftances of aflent>. " as if one goes to a treafonable meeting, knowing before- *' hand that a eonfpiracy is intended againfr the king ; of '* being in fuch company once by accident, and having " heard fuch treafonable eonfpiracy, meets the fame com- TO JUNE 21, NUMBER II. CROWN AND ANCHOR TAVERN, STRAND, JANUARY* u, 1793. AT a GENERAL MEETING of the COMMIT- TEE of this SOCIETY, JOHN REEVES, Efq. in the Chair, RESOLVED, I. That the public Declaration of a whole People in favour of their Eftublifhed Government, and the particular expreflions of Zeal, Loyalty, and Attachment to our excellent ( a ) wceelient Gonftitution, under King, Lords f and Com- mons, published by the various loyal Aflbciations and other Meetings throughout this Kingdom, are too honourable to them, and to the caufe which they fupport, to be left in, Scattered papers to the djfpofal of time and chance. II. That in conformity to a former Refolution of the 1 4th of December 1792, thefe Declarations ought to be collected, as a Memorial to the prefent Generation, an. Example and. Inftruction to Pofterity. III. That for thefe purpofes this Committee having di- rected a Collection of fuch Declarations to be made, and regularly continued, will caufe the whole to be immediately prepared for Publication. IV. That Mr. DEBRETT, Bookfellerin Piccadilly, having, on the 31 ft of December laft, fubmitted to the Committee Propofajs ibr publifhing fuch Collection as foon as the fame fhall be completed j He be furnifhed with the materials, collected for that purpofe, V. That though the nature and limits of our truft do not authorize us to employ any part of the fund committed to our care in fuch a work, yet we will individually give it every fupport in our power, and we have therefore ordered for our own private ufe, and atoyr own expence, ONE HUNDRED. COPIES. VI. That in order to render this Collection as perfect as poffible, the Committee earneftly requeft of fuch Chairmen of the feveYaJ Afibciationf, Societies, and other Meetings for the lupport of the King and Conftitution throughout the Kingdom as have not already done them that honour, to tnmfinit copies of their refpcdtive Refolutions to this So- ciety. . CROW>J ' OltOWN AND ANCHOR TAVERN, STRAND* FEBRUARY 8, 1793. A T a MEETING of the COMMITTEE of this SOCIETY, JOHN REEVES, Efq. in the Chair, RESOLVED UNANIMOUSLY, That circumftances have arifen which make it expe- dient to publiih the following Refolution arid Minute from among the Proceedings entered February I, 1793. A Letter was read from THOMAS LAW, Efq. avow- *' ing that the Letter figned T. Law, in the Morning Chro- u nicle of the 24th of January 1793, was Inferted with his " confent. RESOLVED UNANIMOUSLY; That the Name of Thomas Law, Efq. be ftrticfc out of K the Lift of this Committee. " The Committee are forry they are Under the neceffity *' of coming to fuch a Refolution with regard to one of ic their Members ; but it appears to them that the harmony u which fhould be preferved in arty Society^ can never fubfilt u without an entire confidence in every one of its Members, " and this they think can no longer be repofed in a Perfon, ** who publifhes in a common Newfpaper any thing that t c relates to wh; 4 .t pafles at their Meetings. With refpecl to that Gentleman's Propofal (in which he flood fmgle) to burn all Letters from anonymous Cor- " refpondents, merely becaufe they were fuch, the Com- " mittee continue to hold the fame Opinion they then didj * and which they believe is the Opinion held by moft " Perfons who ever thought upon the fubjeft. They have " always n* > " always treated anonymous information as an individual " would treat it ; if it appeared probable, and of a nature te that deferved notice, they have thought it might be made a a ground of enquiry ; if otherwife, that it fhould be dif- " regarded entirely. In a&ing thus, they believe they have " discharged the duty of good Citizens, as well as that of Per- " fons who have aflbc/iated for the exprefs purpofe of de,- " fending the Laws and Conftitution of their Country." CROWN AND ANCHOR TAVERN, STRAND, ." ;.>** I * T ' " "" MARCH 8, 1793. A T a GENERAL MEETING *f the COMMIT- TEE of this SOCIETY, JOHN REEVES, Efq. in the Chair, RESOLVED, That as this Aflociation has now fubfifted for more than three months, the Committee think it their duty to lay before ^he Public the following Declaration. At the time when this AfTociation was formed, the minds of men were agitated, univerfally, by a juft alarm, arifing from the obfervation that, contrary to all imaginable poflibi- Jiry, there exifted in this happy country Societies of Men capable of admiring the horrors of French anarchy, and of defirinsz; to plunge us into equal wretchednefs ; that the Kmil- faries of France were very numerous, and active to feducc the people and excite them to infurre&ion. It was thought, however, and particularly by the perfons who formed this Afibciation, that if men of good and fteady principles would boldly (hew themfelves determined to fupport the Rights, the Laws, and Liberties of Britons, the true num.- ( 5 ) numbers of our domeftic Enemies would quickly be cx- pofed, and the terror of uncertainty removed, by the ge- neral approbation with which fuch efforts would be received, and the zeal with which they would be imitated. This fup- pofition the event has juftified fo happily, that in every diftri& of the Country, and in every pariih of the Capital, good and loyal fubjects have united on fimilar principles. Towards producing this effect, the Members of this Aflbciation will remember with fatisfaction, that they ftood forth the foremoft, and have perfevered among the moft zealous. But, in performing this duty towards their country, they had, of courfe, to expect, that they mutt incur the enmity and attract the malignity of thofe who were defirous of dif- turbing the public peace; of thofe, whofe plots and machina- tions would be thus confounded. It has therefore been with- out the fmalleft degree of furprife that the Committee have feen, in prints devoted to the caufe of mifchief, their defigns mifreprefented, their proceedings cavilled at, and their cha- racters traduced. Such cenfure, and fuch mifreprefentation, being always aimed at thofe who moft fuccefsfully refift the ill deligning, arc rather marks of honourable diftinction, than any fubject of regret. The cry attempted to be raifed concerning the Liberty of the Prefs, as if that ineftimable privilege could be endan- gered by the enforcement of wholefome laws againft the grofs abufes of it, is as irrelevant to the purpefes of fuch Aflbcia- tions as injurious to the perfons that compofe them; who, uniting for the purpofe of preferving the conftitutional Rights of Britons, would be the laft to take a ftep that could endan- ger one of the moft important of thofe Rights. Anxious in all their principles, and in the moft minute particulars, to conform themfelves exactly to thofe laws, in aid of which and for the love of which they have alone dehred to a6t, the Committee have with the moft cordial fatisfaction perceived, that in their favour have been given the moft clear and unequivocal opinions of perfonages the moft eminent for profeifional knowledge, for wiidom, and integrity. The difference of afiemblinCO preferve the public peace, or to difturb it, has been recognized by every voice put that of faction. Endeavours ( 6 ) fcndeaVours have been ufed, among other arts, to raift Aifpicions againft this Gommittee, as if trtey had taken fteps dangerous to private chara&ers. To thefe infmuationsj however, they can reply with fincerity, that though they have efteemed it their duty to receive all materials offered to their aid, they have always entertained as fcrupulous a caution with refpedl to anonymous communications as was confident with the important objects they had in view. The truth is, they have confined their chief exertions to the publication and diftribution of fuch writings as appeared to them moft fit to counteract the poifon of ieditious and in- flammatory papers, long circulated with fuch pernicious diligence : and though it has been attempted, moft pre- pofteroufly, to reprefent the circulation of works recom- mending peace, good order, obedience to the laws, and attachment to the Conftitution, as no lefs iniquitous than the diftribution of feditious papers, yet in this, as well as iri every other neceflary exertion, they intend to perfevere. JOHN REEVES, Chairman. CROWN AND ANCHOR TAVERN, STRAND, MARCH 15, 1793. A IT a MEETING of the COMMITTEE of this SOCIETY, JOHN REEVES, Efq. in the Chair; RESOLVED, That the Thanks of this Committee be given to ARTHUR YOUNG, Efq. for his Pamphlet entitled, THE ( 7 ) < THE EXAMPLE OF FRANCE A WARNING to BRITAIN ;" in which he has fuccefsfully oppofed the Teftimony of Farts and Experience to the hazardous Speculations of vifionary Theorifts in Matters of Govern-. jnenp. CROWN AND ANCHOR TAVERN, STRAND, JUNE 21, 1793, A T a MEETING of the COMMITTEE of this SQCIETY, JOHN BEEVES, Efq. in the Chair, RESOLVED, That the fingle Numbers of PUBLICATIONS, an4 of TRACTS, which have been printed from Time to Time at the Expence of this Society, be collected into a Volume; and that the Paper now propofed to this Committee for a PREFACE, together with the printed PROCEEDINGS of this SOCIETY, be prefixed thereto, and that the Whole he publifhed without Delay. Crlr All COMMUNICATIONS to this SOCIETY are defired o be addrefled to the CHAIRMAN at this Place. Printed at the expence of THE SOCIETY FOR PR ES ERYI N G LIBERTY AND PROPERTY AGAINST REPUBLICANS AND LEVELLERS. NUMBER I. CONTAINING, Mr. Jufllce d/hhur/Fs Charge to the Grand Jury, for tie County of Middlesex : A Word in Seafon to the Traders and Manufacturers of Great-Britain. LONDON: Printed and Sold by J. SEWELL, at the European Magazine Warthonfe, Cowper's Court, Cornhill; J. DEBRETT, Picca- dilly ; and HOOKAM and CARPENTER, Bond-Street. PRICE, ONE PENNY. STICE ASHHURST'S CHARGE T O GRAND JURY for the County of Middlefcx. THE following CHARGE delivered by Judge ASH- HURST to the GRAND JURY for the County of Middle/ex, aflembled in the Court of KINO'S BENCH, on Monday the i^th of JtfatavJW, 1792, breathes fo much the SPIRIT of the ENGLISH LAW, and is fo well fuited to CURB the LICENTIOUS SPIRIT of the TIMES, that it muft be read with Heart-felt Satisfa&ion by every true ENGLISHMAN to whofe Perufal ic is ftrongly re- commended. " Gentlemen of the Grand Jury , ' T HAVE the honour to meet you upon the dated return * of this folemnity for putting in execution the Criminal Law, and bringing fuch offenders to jufticc, as by their crimes have fubjedted themfelves to the punimment which the Law ordains. Gentlemen There is no Nation in the world that can beaft of a more perfect Syftem of Govern- B ment meat than that under which we have the happinefs to Hvc\ where no man is fo high as to be above the reach of the Law, and no man fo low as not to be within its protection ;. where the Power of the Crown (on the one' hand) and the Liberty of the Subject (on the other) are both effec- tually fecured, and at the fame time kept wkhin their proper limits. " The Law of this Country only lays fuch reftraints on the actions of individuals as are neceflary for the fafety and good order of the Community at large; and fuch reftrafnts are fo far from being infringements on Civil Liberty, that Civil Liberty could net fubfift without them : for if every ir.an was left 'to the free and uncontrouled cxercife our own will (as in a flate of Nature,) no man could be fecure in- his perfon or property, and the weak would be a prey K> the ftronger hand ; but in a ftate of Civil Government^ each individual grows ftrong in the ftrength of the Com- munity. " Gentlemen, It is Civil Liberty that is the parent of Jnduftrv, and confequently of Wealth-; for in a flate of Nature, as there was no fecurity to property, no- man thought of appropriation, further than for the momentary fupply of his immediate neceffities: but when men have formed themfelves into a ftate of civil fociety, the confci- oufnefs which every man feels that his property is fecure, induces to habits of induftry ; he does not bound his pur- fults to the mere fupply of his prefent wants, but looks forward to future ages j mutual wants put men upon find- ing out the means of mutual fupply ; this gives rife to trade and commerce, and extends men's connections beyond the narrow circles of their own immediate families and friends ; and thus from mutual wants fpring mutual happinefs. " But, Gentlemen, as a preliminary flep to procuring thefe enjoyments, it was neceflary that mankind (on enter- ing into Society) fliould give up into the hands of the governing power of the State, that Species of Liberty which rfefulted from a perfect equality in all men, and wheie no man had a right to impofe upon another a rule of condudt, but each man (as far as his ftrength would carry him through) followed the dictates of his own will, A itate of fociety cannot fubfift without fubordination. There muft be gene- ral rules laid down by the governing power of the State (wherever it refides) as the ftandard by which men's actions are to be meafured and regulated* fo as to prevent them from being injurious to the rights and happinefs of their fellow- citizens : And there muft be a coercive power frefiding in iuch hands as the ConftituJwa has thought fit to place it) to enforce t 3 I enforce fuch laws and rules of aflion as the wifdoro of the State has thought fit to prefcribe. Happily for us, we are not bound by any laws but fuch as are ordained by the virtual confent of the whole Kingdom, and which every man has the means of knowing: If men judged rightly, they would be perfuaded that their happinefs, as well as their fecurity, depends upon a due obfervance and fupport of the laws. There will however (even in the beft formed fyftems of Govern- ment) always be found men of felfifh and corrupt principle*, who forfake the paths of honeft induftry, and prefer the ihorter road of fupplying their wants and extravagancies by rapine and fpoil j when that is the cafe, it becomes neceffary for the coercive power of the State to lend its reftraining hand, and to punifh the offender ; and if the offence is of fo flagrant a nature, that there is no hope of the reformation of the offender, there it is neceffary that the corrupted member fhould be cut off, to prevent others from being contamina- ted by his example. " But (though crimes muft not go unpunifhed) we may venture to boaft, that (in the administration of the Criminal Law) no Nation has ever been fo careful of the Lives and Liberty of the Subject, or has made fuch humane pro- vifions to infure the moft careful inveftigation of the im- puted Crime, as that in which we live. The ordaining a preliminary Inqueft of Inquiry (by means of a Grand Jury compofed of men of the firft rank and figure in th* county), is a guard and caution unknown in any other country. And when they have fo far given their fan&ion to the proceeding:, as to pronounce it a matter fit for further inquiry, the privilege which the party accufed enjoys, of having the matter tried before a Jury of his equal?, with liberty to except to any of them that he may think likely to be prejudiced againft him, is the moft valuable birth-right of an Englishman. The law is no lefs careful in protecting men's civil rights and properties; and I hope I naay add, that there is no Nation where the Law is more uprightly and impartially adminiflered, than in ours. For thefe bleffings we are indebted to the wife and prudent form of our Conflitution : and that fecurity (which na- turally refults from well regulated laws) has been a fpur to induftry, and has occafioned our commerce to be ex- tended beyond the example of former ages. And whoever will take the trouble of making the enquiry, will find, that in every manufacturing county in the Kingdom, the demand for their manufa&ures is greater than they are able to fupply. Such is the flourifhing ftate of the Kingdom, and fucb the happy fruits of Liberty and Peace. Jj 2 " One f-4 I " One fhould fuppofe there was not a man in the King-, dom who did not feel this, and who did not feel it with a grateful heart. And yet there are men of dark and gloomy hearts (men who have themfelves neither fortune nor character to lofe), who would wiih to overturn the venera- ble fabrick of our Conftitution (which has been the work and pride of Ages, which has been revered at home, and been the envy of furrounding Nations,), and to give in return a ftate of univerfal Anarchy and Confulion. " There have been publications in which the Author difclaims all ideas of Subordination, as contrary to the na- tural rights and equality of mankind, and recommends the example of a neighbouring Nation as a model for our imita- tion. " Alas ! Humanity is called upon to pity the deplorable Situation of that country ; but it is a very ill chofen example to hold forth to a Nation in the molt flourifhing ftate of happinefs ; and it is a pretty extraordinary requeft, that we would (with our eyes open) plunge ourfelves into the fame abyfs of mifery. " One might naturally have expected, that doctrines fo mqnftrous and nonfenfical, would have been treated with the contempt they deferved, and would have funk into ob* livion. '* But when one finds that tenets fo wild and extrava- gant are taken up by formed Societies of men, who meet for the exprefs purpofe of difleminating fuch doctrines, that they fhould hold regular correfpondence with other limilar Societies at home (as well as in a neighbouring Nation), it is time for every foberminded man, and every well-wifher to the fafety and profperity of the Country (as much as in him lies), to endeavour to crufh fuch unconftitutional and per- nicious do&rines. ** Gentlemen, His Majefty (who is always anxious for and watchful over the fafety and profperity of his country, did fome time ago ifiue hi.s Royal Proclamation, which well deferves the attention of every good Subject ; and I fear the circumftances which gave rile to the Proclamation are not yet fo totally at an end, as to make it unfeafonable for me to recal it to your recollection. Gentlemen, Hi* Majefty in that Proclamation ftates, That, &c. (Here the Tudge recited the principal Heads of the Proclama- tion). * Gentlemen, I cannot help expreffing the ha^pinefs I feel, that his Majefty's Proclamation has been received by bis Subjects with all due marks of refpect and attention ; and there are fcarge any parts of the Kingdom that have not (in r 5 i (in their AddrefTes to His Majefty) exprelfeJ their hatred and abhorrence of fucli pernicious doctrines, and foewn that they are not to be duped out of their happinefs by the fhaliow artifices of fuch men, who (having nothing to lofe) would wifh to enrich themfelves by the deftru&ion of all Government, and the fubftituting anarchy and confufion in the place of it. " Gentlemen, The Officers of the Crown have taken all -s projected. As for the bleffings which the people of England would derive from following the example of France, let us for a moment confider, by way of recommendation, the actual < blefiings which the French themfeJves enjoy, in confequence of their boafted Revolution. Their King ishimfelf a captive in whatfis called a land of liberty. Their National Aflembly is a mob. Their arrets, their decrees, and their laws, are changed every hour, as the caprice of the moment or the violence of the pop. luce directs. Their revenue is fo inadequate to their expenditure, as to demand the ruinous expedient of millions of paper money, which is already forty per cent, beneath its original value; Tvhilc their new coin vanifhes in its paflage to circulation, becaufe every one hoards what he can get of it in a time of fuch univerfal diftruft. Their army (if an armed rabble can be called fo) is de- ferted by the flower of its officers, and their navy incapable of exertion. Their ancient nobility is degraded their clergy pillaged- their commerce almoft annihilated and their colonies in a rapid progrefs to ruin. Property, perfonal fecurity, liberty, and life, are equally endangered ; as neither their laws or their magiftrates have fufficient flrength or power to punifh theft, robbery, or nurder. The empire at large is convulfed and torn to pieces by contending factions, and daily ftained with blood from riots, infurrections, and mafTacres. To fupply the deficiency of taxes, the church has been robbed of its poflefilotis, and the very altars pillaged of their ornaments. . Religion, which is formed to fupport us amidft the forrow ct time, and to qualify us for the happinefs of eternity; Religion, that fublime principle, which more immediately connects man with his Maker, is now fubdued in France by the influence of an infidel philofophy, under the name of bniverfal Toleration, while perjury is the only road to ecclefiaftical preferment, and confcience and piety the cer- tain conductors to poverty, to derifion, and to contempt. r. But [ 9 ] But thefe, it is faid, are only petty evils when compared With the bleffings which accompany them, and that, after all, the fubje&s of France are a free people. Yes, the gentleman of landed property may call himfelf free, but, at the very moment he is boafting of his freedom, his caftle may be feized by the banditti of his neighbourhood, and the walls of it {rained with his blood. The merchant may boaft of the fulnefs of liberty j but his warehoufes are empty, his correfpondents are filent, his ca- pital is loft, and his credit is gone. The tradefman may fit in his fhop and delight himfelf with the idea that he is a free man but he fells nothing. The artift may exclaim liberty is the friend of genius^ theencourager of the arts but alas ! it has not left him a fmgle patron. The manufacturer may be elated that his country isblefied with freedom; but the fire blazes no more on his forge, and the ufelefs loom is occupied by the fpider's web. The pious man is grateful for the et joyment of liberty but fcarce knows where to find an altar before which he can offer his thankfgiving according to the religion of his fa- thers. It is true, indeed, that a great part of the National Af- fembly may juftly fay, this liberty is an ineftimable bleffing, for we were poor and it has made us rich we were almoft without bread, and it has given us fumptuous tables we were forced to obey laws which the authority of Government had made for us, and we are now empowered to difobey thofe laws which we make for others we were compelkd to fubmit to every officer of the ftate, we now make them obedient to our commands, and tread upon the necks of Kings. Such are the comforts of a Revolution which Mr. Paine and his adherents recommend to your imitation ; a Revolu- tion which, while it has plunged France into every diftrefs that can befal a nation, gives a few uncertain, ruinous, and Ihort-lived privileges to a fmall band of the moft worthlefs people in it. Thefe are the confequences of a Revolution brought on by mad, tumultuous, unreflecting, popular in- furrections, excited and fomented by factious clubs and focieties ; and who alone, of twenty-five millions of people, are in any degree the gainers, if gainers they can, with truth, be called, by this general calamity. If any thing were wanting to enforce thefe confiderations, it would be the contraft formed by your own condition. You cannot open your eyes but you muft fee it ; you cannot lifkjn but you muft hear it j you cannot reflect a moment 6 but but you muft feel it. Equally free from theoppofite extreme* of mifery which France has fucceffively experienced, you neither groan under the oppreffion of arbitrary power, nor tremble at the madnefs and fury of popular confufion. Your King is neither himfelf in chains, nor does he hold his fub- je&s in bondage. With dignity fufficient to command re- ipedt, with power fufficient to enforce obedience, his au- thority is limited by the law, which is equally binding upon him and upon the meaneft of his fubje&s. The fupreme legiflative power he holds only in conjunction with the two Houfes of Parliament, and each of the three branches of our Government forms an ufeful and falutary check on the other. The Houfe of Lords is compofed either of an ancient no- bility, qualified by rank, education, and property, and in- heriting from their anceftors an attachment to the conftitu- tton ; or of thofe fele&ed, from time to time, from the orders of the church and the law, from the profeffions of the navy and army, or from the reft of the laity, and advanced by the Crown by their piety, their learning, their valour, or their fervices. The Houfe of Commons is chofen by the great bulk of the freeholders in counties, and by different cities and bo- roughs in the kingdom, according to the feveral forms which charters or ancient cuftom has eftabliflied. It, therefore, not only reprefents the great mafs of landed property, but it has an immediate connexion with property of every defcrip- tion. It confiftsofa mixture of perfons chofen by the monied and mercantile interefts by the manufacturer and mechanic of thofe whofe fortunes have been originally acquired, or are ftill embarked in trade. From the manner in which the right of ele&ion is distributed, an opening is offered to every man who rifes to eminence in his own line, whofe fituation makes hkn refpe&able, or whofe talents render him ufeful to the publick. Hence it is, that even the places which have no immediate and feparate reprefentative, can never be at a lofs to find thofe who have a common intereft with thcmfelves. No part of the country, no corner of the kingdom, feels itfelf negle&ed or forgotten j a communi- cation is eftabliflied through all the clafles of fociety, and not only every defcription of men, but every individual in this country, who feels himfelf aggrieved, may find his way to parliament, and is lure of an advocate and a friend. In queflions of general concern, not only the intereft of the people is confulted, but their prevailing wifhes and fentiments have a due weight, when tempered and cor- rected by calm and fober refledion, Parliament will be guided, ( * 1 guided, as it ought, by the fteaay current of publick opi- nion. But it will neither yield to the cry of a mifguided po- pulace, nor fhift and turn with every guft of the varying paflions of the day. This it is which diftingui(hes the gravity, the confiftency, the wifdom, of deliberative bodies, from the levity and inconfiftency of republican afiemblies. This forms the great excellence of our conftitution, and eftabli(hes the difference between the confufion and anarch/ of wild and turbulent democracies, and the fettled courfe and order of a free, bat .veil regulated government. If ws proceed to examine the details of our fituation, we trace every where the natural effects of a fteady and regular fyftem. Look firfl at the means of national defence, one of the primary ends of all political fociety. Our navy, the natural bulwark of a commercial country, and to which we chiefly owe our pre-eminence among the nations of Europe, was never in fo flourifliing or formidable a condition ; our military eftablifhment, fmall in time of peace, contain<=, neverthelefs, the foundation of a force fuf- rtcient, in cafe of emergency, to repei and refent the attacks of our enemies : our officers and foldiers are equally diftin- guiihed-for their valour, their fidelity, and their discipline ; they have a common intereft with ourfelves, and feel no attachment but to their fovereign and the law. Confider the ftate of the Eftablifhed Church, and you will find it to be maintained and fupported on principles of moderation: power and truft are confined, as they muft necefiarily be, to thofe who join in the national religion ; but, at the fame time, a free toleration is granted, to every different fet of Chriftians, and the rights of private opinion and liberty of confcience are held as facred and inviolate. Obferve the progrefs of national wealth ; the load of publick debt, by 3 wife and ceconomical fyftern, is continually decreafing; the revenue is augmented, not by new taxes, but by the effedls of general profperity; forne of the heavieft burthens, which irrefiftible neceffity had impofed upon us, are already dimi- nifhed, and every year of tranquillity will afford us an in- creafing relief; even at prefent, how little have the publick taxes interfered with induftry or trade : within a few years our commerce is nearly doubled, and is ftill rapidly in- creafing ; while our (hips convey the produce of our united fkill and labour to every part of the globe, where the winds can waft and the waves can bear them. The confirmed and advancing ftate of our credit, the increafing facility of cir- culation, the extent, the variety, and the perfection of our manufactures, are the aftoniftiment, the admiration, and the envy of the world. In this happy fituation, the mild 4 fyftem ( I* ) fyftem- of our Ia*v?, and the impartial adminiftration of Jwf- tice, fecure to every man, according to the ftation he occu- pies, his full fhare in the general profperity, and equally prote&s the rights, the fortunes, and the interefts of the higheft and the lovveft among us. If this is a true picture of our actual fituatton : if thefe are the effects of our exi (ting conftiturion and form of govern- ment, fupported as it is by a general love of order, a juft fenfe of our prefent advantage, and an habitual fubmifliort to our eftablifhed laws, what will you think of thofe men who, in the form of ibber reafoning, with the appearance of difpaflionate inquiry, and in the language of temperate pa- triotifm, endeavour to undermine thofe principles of fubor- dination which at once form and fecure the national happi- nefs * Thefe men are far more dangerous than thofe I have before mentioned, bccaufe they make their approaches in the feducing form of publick virtue; their aflociations are made without tumult, and their addreflcs to the people recommend moderation ; and contain, for the purpofe of difguifing their intentions, fome maxims of found political do&rine, and breathe a patriotick attachment to the conftitution of their country : they profefs to amend, and not to deftroy ; to re- novate, and not to injure. Their publick refolutions, which are difieminated by newfpapers, hand-bills, and pamphlets through every part of the kingdom, are always formed upon certain general principles and abftradt propofitions, o,f which fame may be true, and others may have a fpecious appear- ance; but it will bedifcovered, on examination, that when the principles are well founded their application is erroneous, and that the refult is neither confident with any practical notion of government, nor with the peace and order of fociety. As their opinions point to the redrefs of evils which will arife in the beft constituted governments, and thofe po- litical defects which, from the incidental imperfection of ail human inftitutions, muft be found in the beft regulated ftates, they are fek by all, though under flood by few ; and therefore, by reprefenting thefe evils as produced by the ac- quired defects of government, and not by its inevitable im- perfections arifing out of the general nature of human affairs, an undiftinguifhed fpiri^of difcontent may be raifed, and, be- ing artfully fomented, may prove a powerful engine to pro- mote the views of thefe factious aflociations. To the whole courfe of reafoning, of which I have now been fpeaking, I anfwer at once, that theory is one thing, and that practice is another; that many things which appear excellent in theory, cannot be reduced to pradice j and that it it requires a confiderable fhare of underftsnding, and th< habits of experience, to determine between the one and the ether. There is no doubt but a perfect fyftem of laws and government may be conceived ; but to be perfect in their ap- plication and effects, they muft be put in execution by br- ings of a Superior nature to man. We are very fallible creatures, as the firft and beft of us know ; and the fociety which we compofe, muft partake of our imperfections : and therefore, before we venture to become discontented with th government under which we live, becaufe it is not abfoluteiy pure and perfect, it would be a proof of our wifdom tocon- lider, how far we ourfeives, who propofe to correct its errors and improve its energies, are in poffeirjon of purity and per- fection. While u en are men, the inftitutions they form will be liable to error and perverfion. You have, no dcubt, heard much of late about the Rights of Man, and are, perhaps, acquainted whh the arguments promulgated, with no common art, to pervade Englishmen thut they do not enjoy any of them. This dodlrine of the Rights of Man is fupported on the principle that all men are equal by nature, and that no one clafs has a real claim to privileges which arc not the common poffeflion of all. That all men are, in fume refpecls, equal by nature, cannot fce denied ; they all come into the world natced and hel^lcfs ; they all cling to the breaft tor fuftenance, and, after pafiing through the portion of life which the Univerfal Parent has allotted them, they retire to the common home whiih Na- ture has prepared for ail her children. But in the interval from the cradle to the grave, facial life forbids this equality. The ftrong and the feeble are not equal the wife and the ignorant are not equal. The difference is in corporeal flrength and intellectual faculties, which are inequalities produced by Nature her- klf,*are as ablblute exceptions to this principle, as the artifirial variations which neceflarily arife from a ftate of fociety. We cannot be all matters or all fervants ; wealth will be the lot of tome, and labour and poverty of others. Thole diftinclions will arife from the unconquerable na- ture of things, which promote the union, and form the fecujity of focial life. The f rft and primitive relations from which thofc forms and eftablifhrnents are derived by which fociety is prc- ferved, that of parent and child, produce at or.ce the power of command and the duty of obedience. That a fociety could be formed where all rights and all privileges fhould be reciprocal, is not within the reach of nny re-Jon to comprehend, at leaft of this I am fure, that, if C H ] If thefe preachers of the levelling doftrine of equality had the power to reduce their equalizing principles to pra&ice, they muft follow up their deftru&ion of all the old forms of government, by profcribing from their political fyftem not only the arts and fciences, but all trade, manufactures and commerce. Whatever promotes an exertion of the intellectual faculties, whatever encourages a fpirit of enterprize, whatever tends to the acquifttion of fortune or of fame, muft be forbidden by their confined legiflation. Thofe who live under fuch a governmenr muft be all rulers and fubjects, teachers and pupils, mafters and fcr- vants, judges and executioners, in their turn. If thefe are the Rights of Man, I am ready to admit that our conftitution is formed 1 on no fuch bafis j but I may ventore to aflert, what indeed, it appears to me, I have already proved, that there is no one right which a eafonable man would wifli to enjoy, that you do not pof- fefs under the exifting government of your country. You have every right but the right of doing wrong. I fpeak, always, with the referve of human imperfe&ion, but, ap- pealing to the defcription which I have before given of your fituation, and which I call on yourfelves to witnefs; let me aflc you, If you are not governed by wife laws Jf you do not enjoy the property tranfmitted to you from your anceftors, or acquired by your own fkill and induftry, in per reft fecurity ? Have you not the privilege of a trial by jury? Is there any power that can rightfully opprets you, and againft which the laws do not provide an effectual remedy? Do you not fit beneath your own vines and your own figtrees, and enjoy yourfelves and your pofle/Tions in peace? Do you not worihip God in your own way, and according to the forms which the fpirit of your devotiun fhall prefcribe? It is by lofins; fight of thefe bleflings, and hy aiming at the chimerical objects which are now heJd out by our wild reformers, that the French nation have brought themfelves to a condition which excites the wonder and the pity of Europe. Such are the general rights v/hich every Britifti fubjefl poJTefles 5, every man, be he a duke or a peafant, equally feels the influence of the laws and the protection of govern- ment. But fociety 'requires different degrees and claffes of men, and each of them poflefles the individual right of his refpe&ive fituation in it, and by a coalition of the feveral parts, in their van fubordi nations, that o;der and harmony is produce which forms the happinefs of the whole* The E ' 5 1 The different members of the body are made for different functions, but it is the co-operation of all, in the refpedive difcharge of them, that gives energy, effe&, and indeed, life to the fyftem. It really aftonimes me, who have lived all my life among manufacturers, that any thing like a levelling and equali- zing fpirit, (hould have got the leaft footing in any of our manufacturing towns ; becaufe I conceive it to be eflential to their progrefs and exigence, that the rich inhabitants {hould be few, and the laborious many ; and that the fub- ordination of the different clafles to each other, is the life and foul of every fpecies of manufactory. By way of example, let me fuppofe, for a moment, that the working manufacturers of Manchefter or Birmingham (hould be fo far inflamed by thefe new-fangled doctrines of the Rights of Man, as to fay to their mafters, " We have toiled for you long enough, you fhall now toil for us : It is by our (kill and induftry that you are become rich, %ve will, therefore, have our rightful fhare of the wealth acquired by our means." Of fuch an operation of the Rights of Man, what would be the confequence ? Ruin to all to the rich, who would be defpoiled of their property ; and to the poor, who would, thereby, lofe every means of future maintenance and fupport. Indeed, ^t appears to me, that, in places particularly devoted to trade, manufactures, and commerce, there can be no evil fo much to be dreaded as popular commotions. A foreign enemy would repay fubmifiion with clemency : fire may be checked in its progrefs but who (hall fay to the*mad fpirit of popular tumult; Thus far (halt thou go and no farther. We live, it is true, in an age of luxury but luxury is the certain aflbciate of wealth ; and however, in a moral or a religious view, it may be an object of ferious concern^ the trader and manufacturer, at leaft, will be difpofed to confider with complacency the fcource of fo much advan- tage to themfelves. Whatever, therefore, may be the pretexts ufed to make you diflatisfied with your condition, your own experience tells you every day, that the Constitution you live under is, in its prefent ftate, a glorious Conftitution. You are now, my countrymen, the mod profperous peo- ple in the world and it becomes you to be proud of your allotment. You muft, furely, confult your reafon as little as your piety, if you look, in this world, for bleffings pure and unmixed. It is not in thr nature of things it is not [ i6 3 Hot in the order of Providence, for man to poflefs them. Be thankful, therefore, for the fuperior good you enjoy repine not at the evils which human wifdom cannot pre- vent? and be aflured that thofe reformers, who tell you that your government is not perfect, have, in fa&, any views rather than thofe of making it fo. Be not fo weak, or fo ungrateful, as to fuffer wicked and defigning men to inflame you into difcontent and fpare not your beft exertions to check the fpirit of it in others. Treat the bufy, meddling, feditious zeal of reforming aflbciations with the contempt they deferve ; purfue the honeft and induftrious occupations from which you, and your families, have derived fuch conftant advantage, and avail yourfelves of the prefent tranquillity to improve your own and the public profperity. In a word recollect the well-known ftory, as it is given in the Spectator, of a man who, though he was in a ftate of perfeft health, fuffered himfelf to be perfuaded by empirics and mountebanks, that he would be better if he dofed him- felf with their noftrums: the confequence was, as might naturally be expected, that he foon ruined his health, and brought on a decline, which carried him to the grave. As an acknowledgement of folly, and as a Warning to others, he ordered the following epitaph to be infcribed on his tomb : " I was well 1 endeavoured to be better and " here I lie." That you may all of you poflefs the wifdom to avoid a fimi- lar conduct, that your trade, manufactures, and commerce may Continue to flourifh, that the free conftitution and fuperior happinefs of our country may remain undifturbed by foreign foes, or domeftic enemies, is the ardent wifh of Tour fmcere FRIEND, A TRUE BORN ENGLISHMAN, PUBLICATIONS Printed by Order of THE SOCIETY FOR PRESERVING LIBERTY AND PROPERTY AGAINST REPUBLICANS AND LEVELLERS. NUMBER II. CON'TAINING Short Hints upon Levelling A Charge to the Grand Jury of Middlesex , by Wi ilium Mainwaring, Efq. Chairman. LONDON: Printed and Sold by J. DOWNES, No. 240, Strand, near Temple-Bar ; where the Bookfellers in Town and Country may be ferved with any Quantity. PRICE ONE PENNY* SHORT HINTS upon LEVELLING, EXTRACTED FROM Dr. VINCENT'* DISCOURSE, on MAY 13, 1792. ADVERTISEMENT. tT will probably occur to the Reader, uponperufal of the * following pages, that when poverty is ftated as an evil of neceflity, the remedy of the evil ought to be found, not in the will of man, but in the ordinance of law* The Author is aware of the objection, and begs leave to obviate it, by remarking, that the moral part of the argument was hisfole concern ; it was for this reafon that he has confi- dered even the poor laws not as a legal injunction, but as an inftitution derived from the difpofition of the people. There is no political cure for poverty but the encourage- ment of induftry. This is a point thoroughly underftood by the Legifluture, and provided for by the law. In this view, every drawback and bounty, every protecting duty, every regulation of the corn trade, and every affiftance given to the fi/heries, ought to be regarded as foliticulcba- n'/y," tending to promote induftry, and to find employment A for. I * ] for the people. The principles on which this fyftem is founded, may be traced in the following pages; the fyftem itfelf is left to he developed by thofe, whofe bufinefs is po- litical refearch. A plain argument may pioduce its effedl by due atten- tion to arrangement and perfpicuity ; and if, among the numerous publications of the prefent da)j, directed to the fame object, thefe HINTS fhall in any degree contribute to promote peace, fubordination, brotherly love, and Chriftian charity, no apology is requidte for obtruding on the Pub- lic the fentiments of an individual. A 1 LL Hiftory and all experience prove, that wherever So- L ciety exifts, there muft exift a clafs of poor. Thofe who deny the neceffary exiftence of fuch a clafs, who aflert that the gifts of Nature and the bounties of Providence ire common to all, intend no good to the poor themfelves, tut mean to excite difcontent and tumult, and ufe the poor as an inftrument in an attack meditated upon the rich. Now whatever produces convulfion in a State, tends not to diminish, but to increafe the number of the poor. But if the poor confider poverty as an evil, it will be both a moral and a focial duty to teach the poor themfelves, that it is an evil they fuffer not from the nature of the Government they live under not from any fyflem of op- preflion planned by their fuperiors not from want of good laws or regulations, but from the conftitution of fo- ciety ; and that however it is the object and the intereft of every good Government to alleviate poverty, all attempts to eradicate it, tend finally to the diflolution of fociety, and not to the removal of the evil. And if the evil is without remedy, fome philofophers, perhaps, may be rafli enough to aiTert that fociety ought to l?e diflblved. But to this we cannot afTent, bccaufe a ftate of nature, for one evil it removes, induces athoufand more noxious and more deftructive ; it does not better*the condition of the poor, but deftroys all the other cLfles in the community ; it does not relieve the poor from oppref* fion, but deprives them of protection and fupporr. There is in fac"r no fuch thing as a ftate of nature, nor ever was. The paflions of man, his wants, defires, hopes, nd fears, all reclaim againft it: favage life is only one ftep indeed removed from ir. and that ftate which ap- proaches towards it, is miferabie exactly in proportion to rts approach. The very beggar in fociety, if he has no property, .,_ , _ property, has a life to lofe, and that is protected; but if focirty is diflblved, there is no law but force. A ftate otf nature is a ftate of war*. It is in vain to argue this, becaufe it is what ruo rational rmn will difallow ; but if it is once granted that fociety is neceflary for man, we mufl take it with all the evils that attend it; and if thofe evils are of necejjlty^ they ought to occafion no more repining at the courfe of the moral and political world, than ftorms and tempefts, difeafe and pcftilence, caufe in the ordinary courfe of nature. It is not my intention to pronounce, that poverty is not an evil ; for though it is a good when compared with the miferies of favage life, it is an evil at leaft by comparifcn, when put in competition with the bleffings thofe enjoy who are polTefled of rank, dignity, and fortune. I. Granting, however, that it is an evil, let us next confider the means of alleviating it; and this has employed the minds of the wifeft and beft men in all ages. . Philofo- phy and Religion exhort us to reftrain our wants within the limits or our circumftances ; and in truth, wherever this can be effected, it produces a real happinefs which even the rich feldom enjoy. But as the great body of man- kind is not actuated by motives of this fort, and few in any rank are capable of refinement fo exalted, we muft come to the practice of mankind inftead of fentiment, and examine the plans which have been propofed to remedy the evil. i. One of the moft fpecious fchemes produced for this purpofe, is an equal divifion of land ; and there is nothing that at firft fight appears fo pleafing to the people, fo juft, and rational. It is, however, in fad delufive to the higheft degree ; for at the fame time it excites envy, malevolence, and all the worft paflions of the human breaft, it is a rob- bery on the rich, and no real relief to the poor. This experiment has been tried in more inftances than one, but has conftantly failed in the execution, or event: nor can it ever anAver, till you can make every portion of land equal in value as well as extent, and every pofTeflbr equal in talents, induftry, and virtue. if we can fuppofe a whole people entering upon a new- difcovered country without inhabitants, it is the only in- * The nations which approach neareft to a ftate of nature, are the Ame- rican Indians and New Zeahnders, and of both it may be faid, thir h.n's h-.nd n^ainrt them. They no: only flsf their enemi?*, but eat them ; ^nd hiitory inform* ui this always was th ale in'fi aiW cirfumftances. A 2 ftance fiance we can find, in which fuch an allotment could take place, confidently with juftice; and this inftance has not yet occurred in the hiftory of mankind. : 2. A fecond inftance, which has occurred too frequent- ly^ is, where a conquering nation has divided the lands of the conquered : the injuftice heie is to the conquered only; among the conquerors, all is equal, fair, and juft. In this fituation were thelfraelites, when they divided the land of Canaan. But if we fuppofe that after this divifion was once made, it continued to prevent, or ferved to eradicate poverty, we have read our Bible very imperfeclly j for Mofes declares in expiefs words, that the poor fhould never ceafe out of the land. 3. A third inltance is, where, in a country long efta- blilhed, and where all the inequalities of property have al- ready taken place, an attempt has been made to appoint a new divifion, to ftrip the rich, and give an equal portion to every individual of the community. This attempt has* been made in feveral countries, but except in one inftance was never carried into execution : in that inftance indeed the event correfponded to the de- fign of the legiflator who effected it j but the defign itfelf was faulty, and the plan of government it produced could not ferve as a model for any other nation upon earth. Fi- gure to yourfelves a nation of warriors without agriculture, arts, commerce, or manufacture, and you will fee that fuch a people could not exift without flaves to till the foil. Figure to yourfelves a military clafsof citizens ruling over a populace of flaves*, and thofe flaves f feven times the number of their matters, and you may then form fome conception of that State which hiftory holds up to us as a pattern of equality, as the pride of Greece, and the admi- ration of mankind. In. this cafe the equality of the free citizens generated of neceflity a clafs of flaves; and if the experiment were tried at this day in any nation of Europe, though flavery might not be the confrquence, there is no raftinefs in affirming that fomething worfe would follow than poverty with all its evils. * The Helct3 of L-icedzmcn were not, properly fpeaklpg, the flave? of individual, bur of the public, though doubtlefs many of them Vere domeftU cated. But the juft idea of Helotifm is a nation of flavss under a nation of warriors. The Pcnefla of Thtffcly were in the fame condition. f I take this efi-.mate from the number of Helots who attended the Lace- i'zinonian army at the battle of Plataea. There is much reafon to believe *J the difproportion was far greater. The t 5 3 The poor, perhaps, ofour own country, when they look up to the immoderate wealth of fome individuals, and fee the manner in which that wc-alth is too frequently mifufed, naturally conceive that a more equal diftributioo of pro- perty would be more confiftent with juftice, and the cer- tain means of relieving their own wants ; but if the expe- riment were tried, either by a new divifionof land, or mo- ney, the refult would not be relief, but difappnintment. For if we were to eftimate the inhabitants of England at ten * millions, and divide the land equally among them, it amounts by a very eafy computation to lefs than four acres a man. Suppofe then every individual poflefled of fuch an eftate, how is he to cultivate it ? If he has been an artifan, he is ignorant of the means : if he has been an hufband- man before, he knows it will not fupport the oxen for his plough : he cannot hire afliftants, for all are mafters ; he cannot hire or borrow cattle, for all are as unable to main- tain them as himfelf. He muft dig and fow and reap with his own hands ; he muft fubmit to the primeval curie of Adam ; all the remedies of this curfe. which the experience of fix thoufand years has difcovered, muft be thrown away, and he muft fit down juft where Adam began. In the mean time if all are hufbandmen, where is . the manufacturer to clothe him? where is the mariner to export his produce, or bring him the produce of other countries ? But let us try this queftion again, by dividing all the money and moveable property of the nation ; and fuppofe the {hare of each individual to amount to twenty pounds or forty, or any indefinite fum, how are the poor to be bet- tered by this ? Why they would live till the fum was ex- pended without labour. That is happinefs in truth ; but when it was expended, they muft return to labour again, and where are they to find an employer ? All would be * I ftate the number of inhabitants at ten millions, and the number of acres at between thirty and forty millions. The number of inhabitantafcvill be thought too large, but the argument will be equally valid whether you ;ive every man four acres or fix. 1 do not think, however, that I rate the inhabitants too high : for * hen we recollect that our political arithmeticians calculated the fyecieof the nation at about ten er twelve millions, which upon the gold coinage proved to be between thirty and forty, we have fome reafcn to douht their exactnefs in regard to popu lation. Sir William Petty eftimates twenty-eight or twenty-nine millions of acres. Dr. Davenant reckons five millions and a half for the number of inhabi- tants, and gives feven acres and a half a man. Major Grant allow* four acres a man. , ' gee Chambers'* Dt&. art. Acre, and Pol. Aritb. A 3 mafters matters without fervants, or fervants without mailers, and the fyftem would be complete if they could have a natiort of Kings, and an army of Generals. But let us fuppofe that the induftrious man has improved his talents, while the profligate has fquande'ed his fhare ; what is the con-< fequence ? but that the frugal and provident muft fubmit to a new divifion, and the idle and abandoned plunder him ever again. "We may illuftrate this by a familiar inftance, which the poor will feel as forcibly as the rich; for if it fhould ever become illegal for one man to be richer than another, the favings of the poor are as liable to plunder, as the hoards of the rich. If a labourer has faved twenty (hillings at the end of the year, four vagabonds (hall tell him, that he has no right to be richer than themfelves ; that they have no- thing, and therefore he muft furrender four parts of his gain to them, and confole himfelf with the fifth. I wifli to fpeak a language which the meaneft individual may undefftand ; I wi(h to teach the poor that every plan pf this fort is delufive, that even their own intereft is con-? cerned in the vyell-being of their fuperiors, and that what- ever tends to diflblve the tie, inftead of relieving their wants, would add tenfold to their mifery. One confederation has been referved purpofely for this place, and that is the injuftice of {tripping the rich, to add to the poor. .In the firft place, then, there are more honourable ways open for acquiring wealth in our own country, than ufu- ally occur in others j and if wealth has been acquired by patient induftry, by fuperior talents or abilities, by hazards 6f/life or health in a foreign country, by public ftrvices at home, what viler fpecies of robbery can b* conceived than to ftrip the pofleflbr of the fruit of his labours, and reduce him to his original condition ? Jnjuftice of this kind muft put a flop to all induftry in the Jower orders, to every exertion of talents, knowledge, or abilities in the higher. We fow in hope that we may reap, we feek knowledge in hope that it may profit us: take away that hope, and you banifh all knowledge out of the world, and reduce the earth to be a wildernefs again. It may be faid, however, that wealth is fometimes ob- tained by unjuft, fraudulent, or difhonourable means ; and this undoubtedly is true. But againft fraud and injuftice the law provides a remedy in every well-regulated commu- nity ; and againft difhonourable means j we muft fet the ppiniori of mankind, Laws cannot be framed againft every . improper ' C 7 ] improper acquifition of wealth, without encroaching at the fame time on the fecurity of legal property ; and the fe- curity of property is the full incitement to exertion, tHe firft band and object of fociety. 4. But there is another plan for reducing immoderate riches, and leflening the inequality of mankind, which is, by abolishing the right of primogeniture, and dividing property into equal (hares upon the deceafe of the pofleflbr. In this, the poor have little concern, as no fhare of the div iiion would devolve on them ; and unlefs we can fuppofe them actuated from mere envy with the defire of humiliating thofe above them, we can find no immediate intereft they have in contributing to promote fuch a defign. But in the defign itfelf, if there is no robbery, there is ftill the g'reateft injuftce, and the moft evident impolicy. The laws call upon us all to be induftrious ; the laws pro- tect that property which is the effect of our induftry ; but if frefh laws {hall afterwards deprive us of the difpofal of our property, law is no longer confident with itfelf, but contradictory ; for on the one hand it cherifhes in- duftry, and on the other rep rifles it. The firft grand fpur to induftry is the fecurity of property; the fecond is liberty of ufing it at the will of the pofleflbr : if either of thefe be checked, induftry is nipped in the bud ; and in our own country, if induftry were once difcouraged, the poor, in- ftead of finding bread, would be annihilated. It is a political qucftion, How far a rich nobility, a wealthy gentry, a fubftantial yeomanry, contribute to the fupport of liberty, and the well-being of the community? D.ifmifling this therefore as a confiJeration foreign to our purpofe, let us confider the wealth of individuals as the produce of induftry, or the means of promoting it. I fay then, that extenfive commerce implies extenfive capitals j that capitals are employed in the commerce* of our own country equal to the property of Princes; that if the merchant was compelled to divide his fubftance by any law whatever, exclufive of the check it would be on his own induftry, it would deftroy the poflibiluy of con- ducting any extenfive commerce ; and that if the merchant is driven from his profeflion, the manufacturer muft fail, the loom muft ftand ftill, and the ploughfliare ruft in the furrow. To remove delufions of this kind from the minds of the people, is not merely a moral, but a civil and a focial duty; for whatever tends to difTolve the bands, or difturb the order of fociety, is the fource of envy, A 4 malevolence, r s ] malevolence, jeeloufy, hatred, and all the fouleft paffion* of the human heart. Whatever tends to hold men toge^ ther by ties of common inttreft, produces mutual affection, good-will, and charity, makes us better men, better Citit zens, and Chriftians j and ferves to. promote the object of ail fociety, that is, PEACE. II. All remedies of this kind therefore which have been propofed are nugatory and delufive ; but let us now confir der thofe which Society itfelf holds forth, which are ufually efteemed falutary and practicable, which are in fome fenfe efficacious, becaufe, though they do not eradicate the evil, they affuage the pain, and moderate the effects. The poor, perhaps, would think it mockery, after what has been faid, if they were told that the moft certain re- lief was to be found in patience and content ; and yet the poet and the moral ift paint content in the cottage, and anxiety as the conftant attendant on the palace and the throne. But the truih is, that content belongs no more to the one than the other; men are equally diflatisfied in high ftations as in low, and thofe only in both have the greateft chance for happinefs, who are moll virtuous and beft employed. But if content is not to be found, the next object is in- duftry, and in'duftry in fome degree implies difcontent; for all that labour earneftly endeavour to better their prefent fituacion. If we trace up the confequences of 'this in higher life, it relieves the great from that liftlefsnefs arjfing from facility of enjoyment which riches prefent to them too profufely ; and if we examine it among the lower or- ders, it is the fource of order, decency, and fobriety ; it begets habits which, if they are not virtuous, are allied to virtue, which render men uieful to each other, and pro- fitable to Tociety. , But if induftry is propofed to man by nature as an ad- vantage and a blefling~if every form of fociety tends to forward and promote it, let us reflect with pleafure that our own Constitution goes beyond all others in the means it has taken to perfect this defign. For whatever fecurity other Governments may hold out, if there is a country in the world where property is more fecure than in another, it is our own. But there is like- wife an additional fpur, which, though it a(ing any benefit to our country ; but in every other inftance, when we relieve the poor, our only object is to encourage iudufrry, and place them in a Situation to exert it. We neither pretend to feed or clothe them, or gr. e them houfes; for thefe, we tell them, it is their duty to labour ; that it is a duty enjoined them by God, by tre bw of Society, by their n nk as Men and Citizens 2 if any will not work, neither (hould he eat (this is a maxim not only of Religion but of Nature, Morality , and Society) ; but in every cafualty of life, which either the narrownds * * * DrJtgncJ I fay, and I hope executed ; for in every charity where atten- tion .is paid to economy, each fuMci iber can do more good by his fubfcripticn, than by expending tht fame fum on the fame objefts hinnfclf . Of [ Ifc ] of means or the improvidence of the carelefs hat negle&ed to provide againft, the generofity of the rich has almoft taken the whole burthen upon itfelf. The fuperior orders of this Country might walk through the Streets of this Metropolis, and challenge the poor with having nothing: to complain of except a life of labour ; ^* and that," they might fay, " is not allotted you by the " ordinance of Man, but by the will of God." But to the fick, to the lame, to the impotent, thejr might fay, " There is a houfe to receive you, to feed you, *' to cure you, and reftore you to your family and friends. " A>e your difeafcs the effects of vice, dill you are not *' abandoned : there is relief held out to you. Go, be * l cured, and fin no more. " And you, wretched proftitutes, who have been be- *' trayed yourfelves, and now fupport a wretched exiftenca *' by betraying others, if you can yet repent, there is a ** home open to receive you ; there is forgivenefs held out '* to you in this life, which you thought was loft; there ** are means of reftoring you to the world, if you will ac- '* cept them. " Where is the malefactor juft delivered from imprifon-* *' ment and bonds, who is now reduced by defpair tore-. *' turn to fraud, robbery, or rapine ? If he will labour, " there is labour for him ; if he will not, mifery and de-. *' flruclion are only the juft meafure of his iniquity. " Where is the youth brought up in profligacy, perverted *' by ill example, or abandoned to a life of fordid floth, " who is not now receiyed, clothed, protected, and pro- " vided with the means of life and occupation ? Is there " any calamity, any fpecies of diftrefs, which is not ami- ** cipated hy the liberality of the benevolent ?" Such is the language which the Rich in this Country- might hold fo the Poor. And the Poor themfelves may learn, that if the ties tyhich bind all orders together in this country were once dilTblved, whatever calamities the wealthy might be in- volved in, would fall with double weight upon themfelves, when th^re would be no rcfource to look to no friend, no protector, no henefaclor. A CHARGE A CHARGE TO THE GRAND JURY of MIDDLESEX, 1792, By WILLIAM' MAIN WAP S ING, Efy. CHAIRMAN. GENTLEMEN, BEFORE you retire from the Court to proceed to your bufmefs., I muft requtft you will permit me to call your attention to Tome mrafures of great importance to us all, in which the Tranquillity and Happinefs of theC'oun-. try are moil materially concerned, and which it is your particular province at this time, as the Grand Jury for this great and populous County, to enquire into and prefent. His Majefty has found it necefiary to ifTue a fccond Proclamation, in which it is fet forth, that the utm'Jl in- dujlry is ftill employed by tvil-diftofid perfons within this king~> dom, t>fyng in concert with perfons in foreign parts, with a view to jubvert the Laws and tftablijhed Conftitutiin of this Realm, and to ('eft> oy all Order and Government therein \ and that a fpirit of tumult and difirder, thereby excited^ has lately jbtivn iijelf in afis of riot and infurreftton. The methods which have lately been purfued by evil- ciifpofcd perfons to difturb the peace and good order of the kingdom, to introduce anarchy and confufton among us, to ali nate the minds of the people from a due regard to the Laws and our happy Conftitution, are of fo alarming 9 naiure, as to call upon all good men, upon all who have property to defend, or who wifli to tranfmit to their porte- rity the blifUngs they enjf y under a mild and free govern- nient, to aid and alfift in bringing fuch offenders to judice, Gcntiemen, the Conllitution of this Country hath long been the envy f-nd admiration of other nations. The \\~. bercy, thr ftcurity, the protection which every one enjoys in his perft n and prnp-rty, by the wifJom or our laws and the purity of their execution, have made this country the tk-lired alylum of the wretched and opprefied. Here all ranks are alike protedtd, all are alike amenable to the laws, all fubjscl: to ihe fame punifhments, and tqual'y co:r.pel- Jible to make retribution for injuries committed. Jn this country the law is no refpedier of perfons. Jn our Courts f Juftice all are equal ; high and Ipw, lich and poor, z\\ arc t 13 ] are alike the care of our laws. This is the happy Equality which every one. is entitled to, and enjoys, in this coun- try and it is the only Equality confident with any form of government, with any fyftein of fuciety. Equality, in . the fenfe in which it is now attempted to be inculcated in- to the minds of the people, by crafcy and defigning men^ is, in the nature of things, impoflible. The wildeft Savages, in the rudeft ftate of nature, look up to fome one as their chief or head, to lead and to pro- tect them. The Author of our Being has not made us equal we cannot make ourfelves fo. We were meant for 4 fociety, and endowed with different powers and faculties to aflift each other j the ftrong mult protect the weak, the weak will contribute to the convenience and accom- modation of the ftrong. It is the fuperior blefling which God has beftowcd on the human race, to unite us together by mutual dependance on each 'other: from this arife all the comforts and endearments of human life. Of all crea- tures upon earth, Man would be the moft wretched out of a ftate of fociety ; no fociety can exift without Laws and Regulations for the fupport of it ; and thofe eftabliftied here are confefled by all nations to be the beft adapted to give fecurity, comfort, and happinefs. You however, Gentlemen, are no ftrangers to the fal (for it is too notorious), that doctrines have of late been maintained and propagated, and writings moft induftri- oufly difperfed, with a view to create in men's minds dif- content with our Conftitution and prefent Form of Govern- ment. Attempts are daily making to perfuade men they have not thofe rights to which they are entitled -to delude and impofe upon weak minds, and excite them to proceed- ings, which, if not put a flop to, may be of very ferious confequence to us all. The Liberty of the Prefs is one of the glorious privileges of Englishmen it is eflential to the liberty of the fubject, to the exiftence of a free ftate, while exercifed for lawful and juft purpofcs ; but when it is made ufe of as the inftru- ment of flander and detraction, to deftroy the comfort and happinefs of individuals, or todifturb the harmony and good order of the ftate, tomiflead and impofe upon the weak and ignorant, it becomes the moll mifchievous and deftructive engine that can be put into the hands of wicked and ill-de- figning men. A man may injure his country and violate the law by the publication of fcditious and inflammatory Writings more than by any other method, inifmuch as the poifon which fuch writings contain is more extenfively dif- ftminated, I H } leminated, more effectually and fecretly infufed into men's minds than it could be by any other mode of proceeding. Gentlemen, many well-difpofed perfons who would fhudder at the thought of committing an act of treafon, will innocently take a book to their clofet, and read it ; fome from mere curiofity, fome from a defire of informa- tion ; and if they have not judgment to detect, and ftrength of mind to refift, the fallacious arguments and falfe rea- fonings made ufe of by artful and evil-minded men to im- pofe upon and miflead, they infenfibly fall into the (hare prepared for them ; and though they may not perhaps, at firft, be worked up to adts of outrage and violence, are gradually lulled into a ftateof indifference for thepreferva- tion of that Constitution which they are taught to believe is opprefiive, and withholds from men their juft rights. Thefe, and a long train o evils, are the confequences of feditious publications. That we may examine our Con* ftitution the principles on which jt is founded may point out inconveniences may fuggeft improve- ments may examine the conduct of the Minifters of Government all thefe, Gentlemen, are privileges which every Britifh fubjedt enjoys. But the publica- tion of libellous and feditious pamphlets and papers having a direct tendency to fubvert and deftroy the Con- ftitution, to irritate men's minds, to fill them with ground- lefs jealoufies and difcontents, and to bring together a de- luded populace for the purpofe of altering the Conftitu- tion, or coming to refolutions contrary to the eftablifhed Laws of the Country alj this is at once founding the trumpet of Rebellion, and inviting evil-difpofed or mif- guided men, whofe minds have been poifoned by the pro- moters of fedition, to commit ats of violence and outrage, by which the life and property of every good fubjecl will be in danger, and at the mercy of a lawlefs mob, pufhed on to defperate meafures by the hope of plunder, and efta- blifliing an imaginary Equality. When writings of this fort appear, it is the duty of every one to ufe his endeavours to fupprefs them, and bring the offenders to juftice. But you, Gentlemen, in the fituation in which you ftand, are more' immediately called upon to bring forward offences of this fort. If it is within your own knowledge who the writers or publifliers are, you are to prefent them. If charges againft fuch perfons are brought before you by in- ditment, you will confider them ferioufly ; and if, upon the evidence you hear, you find them proper for further inquiry, you will declare them TRUE BILLS, that thepauy actui'ed t '5 ] atcufed may be made amenable to the law, and, if guilty, may be brought to punifhment. You are not to try -not to hear and determine the offence, but only to fay whether the party accufed ought to be put upon his trial. Such is the caution and humanity of our Conftitution in favour of the Liberty of the Subject, that without your aflent pro- fecutions for the higheft crimes which can be committed inuft flop. This is a great and important truft committed to you ; in the wife and juft exercife of which, the Safety of the State, the Rights of the People, and the Preferva- tion of the Conftitution, are deeply concerned. However great and heinous offences may be, the even- handed juftice of this country proceeds by known, regular, and ftated rules. You muft firft declare that the accufed ought to be tried ; another Jury muft hear the accufation and defence, and pronounce whether he be guilty or not : fb that two Juries muft give fan&ion to the proceeding,, before punifhment can be inflicled. Such is the fecurity which every one has in an Englifh Court of Criminal Judicature. One would have thought the melancholy fate of thofe unfortunate and deluded perfons who fuffcred the dreadful fentence of the law in confequence of the aclive part they took in the riots which difgraccd this metropolis in 1780, would have been a warning, at le^ft as long as that fcene of confufion and mifchief was recent in every one's mind but, alas ! thofe examples do not feem to have had the defired effect. Efforts are making by the enemies to our profperity and happinefs to check our career of glory, and to deftroy this beautiful fabric, THE ENGLISH CON- STITUTION, reared and perfected by the wifdom and experience of many ages. That Meetings convened, and AfTociations formed, for the purpofe of forcing an alteration in our Laws, and changing the Confttturion, are highly criminal, cannot but be obvious to every one of common und -rflanding, who will give himfelf a moment's time for reflexion. Where three or more perfons ;>flemble together to do an al not justifiable by the form of our Conftitution, fuch a meeting is an unlawful affembly and it is the duty of all magif- trates and others to fupprefs and prevent fuch meetings. The purpofe of the meeting make? the afTembly unlawful, though the purpofe is net carried in proper for your enquiry and prefentment. I cannot difmifs you without adding one word more, on a matter which it is fit that all flaould know, if there are any that are ignorant of it: That every one redding here, and enjoying the protec- tion of the law, is bound to allegiance and obedience to it. Obedience to the law neceflarily follows protection under it. Therefore it is, that foreigners dwelling among us, and enjoying our protection, from whatever country they come* are equally amenable to the laws, and equally liable to be punifhed as traitors^ for adts of treafon committed by them, or for any other crime they may be guilty of, as if they were natural -born fubjedb. I will detain you, Gentlemen, no longer. I have thought it proper fhortly to mention thefe feveral matters to you, with a view of bringing them to your recollection at this particular time not doubting, however, but that you are well acquainted with this, and every other parti- cular of your duty, and that you are come hither well dif- pofed to exercife the power with which the Conftitution has inverted you, with prudent firmnefs, with juftice, and With mercy. PUBLICATIONS PRINTED BY ORDER OF THE SOCIETY FOR PRESERVING LIBERTY AND PROPERTY AGAINST REPUBLICANS AND LEVELLERS. NUMBER III. CONTAINING d Proteft agalnfl T. Paine' s Rights of Man / addreffed to the Members of a Book Society, in confluence of the Vote of their Committee for including the above work in a lift of new publications refolved to be pur- chafed for the ufe of the Society. '" HAVOCK AND SPOIL AND RUIN ARE MY GAIN.'* MILTON* LONDON: Printed and Sold by J. DOWNES, No. 240, Strand* near Temple-Bar ; where theBookfellers in Town and Country may be fupplied with any quantity. PRICE TWO PENCE. ADVERTISEMENT. TN a populous Village in this Kingdom a confiderable -* number of the Inhabitants have formed themfelves inta a BOOK SOCIETY, whereof a Committee fs annually chofen for the purpofe of felefting fuch Books as they may think proper to be circulated among the Society at large. At a Meetintr of this Committee one of the Members thereof propofed the pnbjicattofl entitled " RIGHTS OF MAN." An- A other ether Member refitted ftrtfnuoufly the choice of a Book, which he confidered as an infidious addrefs, under a ficli- tious and enfnaring title, to weak heads and to bad hearts ; as replete with indecency and fcurrility, and as dictated by a defire of involving a free and happy Country in confufion and ruin. Being, however, unfuccefsful in his oppofition, and being alfo unwilling that the Society ftiould fuppofe him to have concurred in fubmitting'fuch a Book to their perufal, he felt it due to himfeif to PROTEST againft the Vote which he had in vain endeavoured to prevent, and to affign at large the reafons on which fuch PROTEST was founded. Thefe reafons, deduced from the obvious de- fign and tendency of the work in queftion, are detailed in the following fheets, and appear in their original and genuine form-ot an Addrefs to the Society. And he flatters himfeif, that his conduct on this occafion will be found to contain an ufeful moral, deferving the attention of thofe v Who in fimilar fituations, and with fimilar fentiments and difpofitions, juffer their regard for the public welfare to It furprifed into tnafiivity and fupincnefs, or vanqutjhed by a dread of appearing fmgular. It is but juftice to add, that nothing is further from the defign of the Writer of this PROTEST than to iniinuate, that the reft of the Committee were induced to vote for the Book in queftion from any approbation of its contents. He knows that they held the docirines and the defigns of MR. PAINE in abhorrence j but zealoufly, and indeed lau- dably attached to a principle of free difcuffion, and fearful of even appearing hoftile to the exercife of a right fo eflen- tial to the exiftence of focial Liberty, they fuffered them- felves (perhaps incautioufly, but with the belt intentions) to* promote the circulation of a work which endeavours to convert the invaluable privilege of a free Prefs into an in- frrumentof deftrudtion to the State. In the Advertifement to the Second Part of ** The Rights of iMan," the vain Author makes his boaft of the extenfive and numerous diftribution of the copies of the Firft Part, and he feems to infer from thence that the fenfe of the Public , is in his favour. How erroneous is fuch an inference f A book (o remarkably diftinguiflied for wild extravagance, confummate audacity, and daring infolence, as " The* " Rights of Man,*' could not fail to engage a certain degree of public attention, upon the fame principle that the ex- . hibition of a monftrous animal production will excite iwtice and attract ga^&ers in proportion to the hideous de- formity C 3 3 Formityofthe fpe&aclc. But thofe who judge of the merit of a book from its progrefs into notoriety, will frequently find themfelves miftalcen. Indeed it is not unufual for the merit and the circulation to be in an inverfe proportion to each other. The " PARADISE Losr J 'rofe by very flow degrees into notice j but publications that inflame the pailicns, the lafcivious accountof a Trial forCrim.Con.or an incendiary production exciting to public diforder, are almoft lure to throng the Bookfeller's fhop with eager enquirers. At length, however, diftribufive Jufticeisfure to prevail. Tha work of Merit, rifmg by degrees into eitimation, furvives the age in which it firft appears, and conveys the author's fame to thelateftpofterity ; while the coarfc, malignant, and in- flammatory fluff, defpifed from ths firft by the wife and gooJ, finks much more rapidly into oblivion, which, -with regard to fuch productions, is happily " A bourn from which np traveller returns." MR. PAINE, however, moft ungratefully omits to ac- knowledge the patronage of thofe benevolent coadjutors in the fame caufe, whole liberality and exertions have chiefly contributed to the boafted multipl cation of his copies, and who, by generous and prefiing donations, have procured the acceptance thereof by numbers who could never have been. perfuadedto make the acquifition on any other terms. Un- fortunately, this gratuitous mode of diftribution is apt to fuggeft an idea, that what is fo difpenfed is of very infignifi- eant value (like the benediction in the Fable, which was beftowed after the fmalleft pecuniary donation had been withheld) ; and an idea of this fort is a prodigious check to the perufal of a book fo acquired : the generous circulation, therefore of the far greater part of our Author's copies is probably of immediate convenience in divers retail branches of trade. But although for thefcreafons the diftribution of Mr. PAINE'S writings be a very fallacious criterion of the number of his readers, one thing is clear, that, be that num- ber great or final!, the generality of them would be highly gratified by feeing his pamphlet? lighted into proper notice, and the Author himfelf elevated to a {ration of diltinguiflied eminence, in the midft of furrounding and exulting mul- titudes. There feems to be but very little occafion to travel out of the " Rights of Man" in order to afccrtain the real motives of the Author; and an Englishman niufl A 2 ruv &ave a wonderful propensity to confound his friends anef fcis foes, who does not difcover in that work a fteadyand deliberate plan to fap and undermine the happinefs and profperity of Great Britain. But in order to be thoroughly acquainted with a man's fentitnents and views, it is ufe- ful to trace his language and his conduct through dif- ferent periods, and to render hrm thereby explanatory of himfelf. If we apply this" rute to Mr. PAINE, it will ap- pear, that he has not bjily been long actuated by, but that he formerly gloried in avowing, an implacable animofity and rooted hatred to this country ; and that not merely to its Government, but to its interefts, its welfare, its national character, its national honour^ its commercial and naval greatnefs. It is well known, that, born a Bri- tifli fubje&, but d'eftirute of thofe qualities which are cal- culated to attract efteem and command fuccefs in this country, he conveyed himfelf, without the affiftance of legal inrerpofition, to America, about the commencement of our difpute with the Colonies. The character he took with him was not calculated to advance him above a very low ftation, in which he riYft appeared ; but the marked malevolence he teftirTed agarnftr hrs iratrve land could not fail to be grateful to his new connections, who were then in that fituation which renders the Treafon accept- able, even though the Traitor be detefted. Thus, inr vio- lation of his natural allegiance, he {trained every nerve to increafe the animofity then fubfifting between the Mo- ther-country and her Colonies, and to prevent any ac- commodation from taking place. His pen was conftantly employed during the warm widening the breach which all good EngUfhmen frncerely deplored, and in promoting that final feparation between England and America, which' was then confidered as an event tbe moft fatal that could poffibly happen to the former Country *. Had Experience realized * By a pamphlet entitled, " COMMON SENSE," and by an occafional paper ilyled " THE CRISIS," he laboured during the war to fan ihe ikmis of difcord, and to indifyofe the Americans from again recoeni- iing Englishmen as brethren \ ad in " A Letter to the AbbeRaynal,'' written after the Independence of America had been acknowledged, he-dill difplayed the fame deep-rooted and invincible enmity (oGrent Britain. A few extracts from thefe writings will ferve materially so explain his motives in wifhig ib-anxioufly to meddle with our oon- cerns. In his COMMON SENSE he fays, " Men of pafllve tempers look ** fomewhat lightly over the offences of Britain, dill hoping for the> --" beft 1 ^ -ad art apt to all out, CORW, come/we Aali be friids -*- : - realized this apprehenfion, had the lofs of America been attended with ruin to the greatnefs and profperity of Eng- land had the Sun of Britain's Glory then indeed " let for ever," we (hould probably have feen no more of Mr. THOMAS PA IKE, except he had paid us a curfory viiit to infulr. our diftrefs, and to glut his malice with a view of our calamity ; and findmg us Ajfficiently miserable, his fa- tisfa&ion had been complete, and the u Rights of Man" ** for all this. But let us eotamine the pafiions and feelings of mankind ; " bring the doctrine of reconciliation to the touchftone of nature, and ' then tell me, whether you .can hereafter love, honour, and faithfully " fei ve the power that hath carried fire and fword intp your land." Page *8. " To -talk, of -friend (hip with thofe in -whom our reafon forbids us to ' have faith, and our affections, wounded through a thoufand pores, inftrucl us to deteft, is madnels and .fully,. The laft cord is now bro- ken, the people of England are Defeating addrefles againft us. There are injuries which nature cannot forgive ; fhe would ceafe to be naturt if flie did. As well can the lover -forgive the ravifher of his miftrels, as the Continent of America forgive THE MURDERERS of BRI- TAIN. The Almighty hath implanted in us theic unextinguimable feeliogs to good and wife purpoies." Page 51. So feveral years after, in his ' Letter to the Abbe Raynal," he /hews that the fame enmity to Great Britain ftill rankled in his bread j and that it was founded nqt in any lenfe of injury, but in a deteftation of the quali- ties of the Englifh people. Thus he fays, " If we take a review of wha " part Britain has ailed, we (hall find every thing which ought to " make a nation blum; the moft vulgar abtife accompanied by that fpecieg *' of haughtinefs which dijlinguijbcs the hero of a mcb from the cba- " rq&e r .of a. gentleman. It was-equally from her manners as from her *' iiijutijce thatfjie loll her colonies." Page 8. So after. expatiating upon *' that greatnels of character, and that fu- *' periority of heart vlhich had marked thecondi:c> of France in her con- '* quclts," upon " the rival eminence of the confederates, and the Jenity M .of America," heXiys, " It is England .only who has been iniolmt v and cruel.". And again, ** A mind habituated to meannefs andin- " jullice comn.its them without .reflection." Page 5* And again, ** From Holland, (lie (Britain) expected duplicity and 1'ubmiiTion, and *' this miltake arofe fieim her having afled in a ruipberof inihiices during t{ tlie pi efcnt war in the i?me charscler hei ielf.To be allied TO, -or connecled ** with Britain, (ten s to bean unlafe /and impolitic fituaiioi,. M;>ke Ho}- " land and A met ica her own allies, ard (he will inli-.h a:ui plunder thent." P. 54.. " A to'.nl i efor:nat on is wanted in Erglund. She wants an " txpandeti mind." P;^e 56 "Itmay bv clcaily feen, that the lire ngth *' ct France ha-* never V t "-.cr, rrtei on \> n-'w; an-; th.: SHK IS AHLR w TO BE AS SUPERIOR TV) ENGLAND IN THE EXTENT " OF A NAVY, AS bHr, is IN 1'KE i Xl'i N '. uF HER RE- _" VENUES AND HER POPULATION i aj.o Ei^iantl may lament ' " th'-; clay, when by htr infolnice and ir-uiltice H.e t .r- vck-J : hiance t" a ntaihime c! fpr.Iition." Prgc 64. He '.hen throws cut fomc hin.f fqr the demolition of tbr Btitilli Kavy. A 3 would ['6 ] would have been unknown forever, unlefs, in purfuit of the only repofe congenial to his difpofition, the Author had accommodated that work to difturb the felicity of Ibme happier clime, or to lefien, if pofiible, the general turn of human happinefs. But the unexpected, the unexampled, the daily-increafing profperity of Great Britain, the har- mony, the loy.ilty, and the happinefs of 'its inhabitants, furuifned a difappointment too fevere to be endured with, any degree of comp >fure. The fe were fcem j s which har- rowed up the foul of the envious and malignant Fiend, who, like his progenif-r, bent his courfe to this Paradile of the globe, eager to di-ftroy that felicity which it was not in his nature either to partake 6f or endure. It is difficult, under any circumftances, to find pity for thofe, whofe character, conducl, and ilefrgns, merit only execration; and yet one can hardly refufr to commife- rate the extreme feverity of their difappointmenr, who built their hopes upon thefuccefsof thefe fictitious "Rights of Man" in this country. That fuccefs has been exactly fuch as was merited, and as might reafonably have been expeted. Indignation at the dciign, delegation of the Author's character, and contempt for his performance, conftitute the public fentiment upon this occafion. And at length JUSTICE, with flow but fready pace, feems ad- vancing to gratify the univerfal wifh, by vindicatii:g the infulted dignity of the country. The good fenfe of the Englifh People is no more to be deluded by artifice than their vigour is to be vanquished by force. They are not to he perfuadrd to part with the fubftance for the (hadow. They can diflinguiih between the fincere and hcnell advice of rational friends, and the wily enfnaring addrefTes of inlidious f^es. They can detecl: treachery, and .defeat malice. They are not fo fhort-fighted as to believe, that in 1792 the man would counfel them to thtir good, who a few years before was labouring at their deftrudtion. And fenlible that unc'er the friendly influence of their mofr. excellent Conftitution, and of the happieft pofiible form of Government, they not only enjoy the great eft degree of perfonal freedom, as well as of perfonal fccurity, that can exift in fociety, but havealfo riien, withiji the fhort fpace of tight years, from ptnury to affluence, and from deep and accumulated diftreis to great and unexampltrJ* profperity ; rejoiced alfo tha; the fruits of thefe great and n-.anifo'd advantages have begun to appear in, an alleviation uf their burthens, they t 7 1. they are not to be induced to flop the "career of their greatnefs, and to replunge into a ftate of confufion and calamity worfe even than that from which they have fo happily emerged. A P R O T E S T, &c. AddrelTed to the Members of a Book Society. 'AVING been unfuccefsful in my endeavours, as a Member of your Committee, t> pre.ent the intro- luction of Mr. Paine's '* Rights of Marx" into the bociety, I consider it as du^ to myfejf, as well as a proper mark of refpe to the Society at large, thus to enter my Proteft againft the Vote by which it was reioJved to preknt that book to your infpe&ion. My wifh is, to ohviatr the iup. pofition that I concurred in fuch a reloiutkm ; but, left I fhould be thought toobjedt on trivial grounds, I feel it in- cumbent upon me to affign at large the reafons upon which my Proteft is founded. In thehrft place, I cannot reconcile it to ay own feelings to contribute in any degree to the circulation of a work., the palpable defign of which is to difturb the tranquillity and invade the happinefs of the State ; and which appears to be folely intended to excite tiifaffection towards Govein- ment, to ftimuhte the people to fedition and rebellion, and to involve this free apd happy country in fcenes of con* fuflon and anarchy. I fliould alfo confider myfelf as guilty of an infult upon jour feelings, were I to put into your hands a work con- taining a mod indecent and maiignanr attack upon that CONSTITUTION which >s defervedly your pride and boaft is Britons, and which prefcrves inviolate your rights and privileges as free citizens; a Constitution obtained by the glorious rtruegles ot your anctftors founded upon ex- perience matured by time which has flood the teft of ages the efience of which is iociul liberty the icope of which is facial happiness; in fhort, a Constitution which you enjoy as your ineftimable birth- right, which calls for your gratitude to its venerable founders, and whtcn it i your hour-den duty to tranfmit unimpaired to pofterity. A 4 J* r s 3 If a book of which the tendency is generally admitted to be immoral and diflblute, were proposed in your Society, every Member of it would fpurn at the idea of its being fubmitted to your notice. And can any publication be iu effect uiore grofsly or deftru&ively vicious and immoral, than one which tempts to a violation of the important duties -of fubjeds which tends to difturb the public order to weaken or diffblve the bands which, by connecting Go- vernment and People, keep Society together to withdraw that refpeft to the ruling powers which is prefcribed both by reafon and religion to ciiminifh the authority of the laws, and thereby to remove the reftraints which are ne- ce'flary to controul the paflions of mankind arid finally, to facrifice domeftic tranquillity and national profperity (or inteftine commotions and civil difcord ? If a plan were published for the purpofe of inftrufting and encouraging evil-difpofed perfons to fet fire to the habitations of individuals, who would affift in the pro- pagation of fo deteftable a fcheme ? Snail we favour then the attempts, fhall we patronize or encourage the efforts o an incendiary, who aims at the conflagration of that noble and valuable edifice the common and comfortable dwelling of us all, while under its friendly and hofpitable roof we participate with harmony and affection the tranfcend^nt enjoyments of a firmly-united and a well regulated family ? While, however, t decline to take a part in dilFeminat- ing fedition and treafon, I am a real friend to fair and can- did difcuffion, which, inftead of being hoftilc, mult always prove favourable to the Britifh Conftitution. But the difquifitions of Mr. Paine are by no means of this ciefcrip- tion. Under the mafk of difculEon, they really point to adtion, and that of the moil pernicious and criminal na- ture they lead not to any practicable good,- but to turbu- lence and general commotion. If they were to have tht-ir. tlefired eff'tdt, the Coniiitution wculcl be annihilated ; our lives, our liberties, and our property, would be deprived of legal protection ; Government woulJ be overturned ; and i" vain might we look into the ckrkfnrne void of futu- rity to catch even a faint and dubious glimpfe of fecti- rity againft unbridled Jicentioufnefs and unreftrained vio- lence, Jt may be faid, perhaps, that if Mr. Pafne's doctrines be not founded in realon, their being propagated will but' expofe them to refutation ; but who would tiiitribute poifoii, for the fake of the antidote f Such ooctrines, although. fallacious arid foptyftical in the extreme, nay, althoogh in a great meafure they carry their own refutation along with them, may, nevtj thelefs, among perfons of particular de- fcriptions, and on whom they are chiefly defigned to ope- rate, produce the mod mifchievous impreffions. They are not, indeed, calculated to produce this efFedt upon ftrong, experienced, and well-informed minds; they are framed for the meridian of thofe underftandings which are not accuflomed to weigh and to difcriminate ; and which are ever ready, from indolence, weaknefs, or inexperience, to receive fuch impreffions. Thefe difquifitions are alfo adapted to operate upon the fefrleflhefs inherent in man ; and they proceed upon the ungenerous principle, that human nature is a fertile foil for the cultivation of difcontent : but more efpecially do they feem to be prompted by the bafe confideration, that it is eafy to infufe difTatisfaftion into the minds of thofe who occupy the lower ftations in Society, and that it requires but little addrefsor ingenuity to infpire fuch perfons with difguft and envy, and to convince them that the gradation of rank, which is indifpenfable to order, and founded in- deed in nature, is an infringement on their rights. Schemes of unattainable equality cannot fail to be grateful to thofe who have but a very fmall portion of the goods of fortune* who areeafilv led to believe that the difparity which is in- feparable from the nature of Society, is an evil and an inju- ftice to which they ought not to fubmit. Inftead of pro- moting contentment and cheerful induftry, fo beneficial to the individual and the community inftead of pointing out the advantages which are peculiar to each ftation, and which prove, that, notwithftanding an apparent inequality, the balance is poifed with impartial juftice inftead of dif- playing virtue as the only fource of real felicity, it is the object of the modern " Rights of Man" to create reftleflncfs and diffatisfaflion, and to perfu?.de mankind, that they fuffer injuries which they do not perceive, that they fuftain hard- fhips which they do not feel, that their comforts areyfiionary and their happinefs mere delufion ; in fhort, / thefe Doc- trines find men happy, prevail on them to believe that they are not fo, and in the end render them miferable. Such attempts are, indeed, not more pernicious than abfurd not more deftruftive of the general good than un- friendly to the real mterefts of thofe whofe welfare they artfully profefs to have in view 1- for by endeavouring tore- move a due fubordina:iort, and to create contention between A the C 10 J the feveral Orders of which Society is compofed, they tend to deftroy the harmony and co-operation of the whole, and to produce evils which would fallheavieft on the loweft daffes, which have the feweft refources, and are unavoid- ably the moft dependant. It would^ be juft as rational to attempt to perfuade the Feet, that, confidering their impor- tance and utility, they ought not to fubmit to thofe offices which are afligned them that it is a hardftiip and an in- juftice for them to be obliged to wade through the dirt, and to bear the weight of the whole body that they are entitled to fome nobler capacity, fome more elevated fta- tion that having nerves as well as the Head (the pre- tended feat of intelligence), their opinions ought to be taken, their will confulted, and themfelves admitted into the council ; and that they ought, in maintenance of their right?, to rebel ag^inft the fubfifting inequality of arrange- ment, and refufe to perform their accuftomed works of drudgery. But abfurd as thefe doctrines really are, that abfurdity is, for the reafon I have mentioned, no fufficient fecurity -againft their progrefs. It is therefore rendering Society a fcrvice to detect and expofe their fallacy to point out the wicked intent from which they proceed, and the mifchiev- cms, nay ruinous confequences to which they tend. To do this, is to confult not merely the welfare of the prefent age, but that alfo of pofterity. For it is a favourite objec~t with the abettors of thefe dclufive fyftems of pretended rights, to poifon the tender minds 'of generous and unfuf- pe&ing youth to take the judgment by furprifc to warp the reafon while it is in its progrefs towards maturity and to imprint injurious impreflions at a period when they are moft likely to be rendered indelible. By fuch means it is endeavoured to lay a foundation for difturbances in future generations, in cafe the prefent age, under the in- fluence of good education and good habits, fhould be fo fortunate as to defeat the machinations of fedition. But, in addition to all thefe confiderations, it is to be remembered, that the doctrines I allude to are particularly intended to unite and call into adtion the unprincipled and turbulent part of mankind, the common pefts of Society, who are ever ready to fecond any attempts which lead to tumult and diforder. Dtfperate, ambitious, and malig- nant, their views are promoted, or their feelings gratified, by fcenes of riot and confufion, and they depend for their 'harveil upon the convulfrons of kingdoms and empires, Men of of this defcription diflike nothing fo much as the reuVairtts of law and decorum. Their wifhes are thwarted by the controiil of any Government which has vigour enough to protect the good from the attacks of the bad, to repel the incurfions of violence and licentioufnefs, and to keep So- ciety together in a firm and compaft band of union. Such perfons, who from the nature of their difpofitions and purfuits are abundantly more watchful and aftive than the friends of Order, are obliged to any body who will furnifll them with a fhadow of a pretext for raifing a. clamour againft imaginary defects in any part of the exifting Go- vernment : they flock to a Declaration of abfurd, fictitious, and impracticable Rights, as to a Manifefto of Rebellion er a Standard of Revolt- happy in an occafion to blow the flame which may cat^ch all that is combuftible in a State thrice happy to find a head, whether 1 a TYLER, a CADE, or a CATILINE, who may lead them to the attack, or may give confiftence and effect to their confpiracies. Thus, upon the whole, are the modern " Rights of Man" intended to take advantage of all that is weak and of all that is wicked in Society; of the failings and the vices, of the vvorft paflions and the bafeft propenfities of mankind : thus are they defigned to collect into a focus the turbulent and the difaffetted : they tend to embitter the labourer's toil, and to infufe the poifon of difcontent into his invigorating draughts, which were wont to fupport him cheerfully under his fatigues: and, adapted by their coarfe and fuperficial reafonings to minds entirely uncul- tivated, which are unufed to the detection of fallacy, and unable to trace caufes to effects, they form a catechifm of /edition and difloyalty for the lower orders of the people. Thefe are the confederations which have made me fo eagerly oppofe the circulation of a work which in fo many Ways tends to produce the moft pernicious effects. I admit indeed that its impreflion is not likely to be general, becaufe, fortunately, it is not fo eafy a matter as thefe incendiaries vainly fuppofe, to induce a Nation to part with fubftantial felicity and rational freedom : their nefarious attempts, however, keep Society in a ftate of ferment and agitation, give uneafiriefs to the virtuous and weU-difpofed, and tend to weaken the beneficial energies of Government. Inftead, therefore, of being encouraged in any degree, they ought, by all poflible means, to be difcountenanced by all real friends to their country ; and if we cannot wholly prevent the mifchievous induftry with which fuch doctrines ;ire A 6 propagated, [ I* J propagated, we ought at leaft, on our part, to be equally diligent in endeavouring to counteract its effe&s. Why jbould a good caufe injpire /efs vigour cr Itfs cflivity than a bad one ? Whyjhoula the adherents of the Conftitntion be lefs zealout than its foes ? IVby Jhould the welldifpofed be left vigilant , or lefs animated^ than thofe of a contrary definition ? Thejlrongejlfor- trcfs mujl fall, if the garrifon^ fupinely depending upon the Jlrength of the walls ^ neglett 10 repel the ajjailants. It ou^ht not to fatisfy the minds of good citizens, to leave to Go- vernment the whole tafkof preferving the public tranquil- lity. It is on every account to be defired, that the extra- ordinary interpofition of the public force for the main- tenance of order (hould be but feldom reforted to. The neceSity of fuch interference would be generally prevented, if individuals were to exert themfelves within the fphere of their influence, and endeavour to check caufes inftead of waiting for effects j if they would overawe and difcourage the common difturbers of fociety by a marked deteftation of their characters, and by a fteady and unremitting watch- fulnefs of their meafures and defigns. The odium at- tached to vice furniflies perhaps a more general check to its progrefs than even the penalties of the law. To explain more particularly the general reafoning which I have already urged, we need only appeal fhortly to fome few paflages of Mr. Paine's work. Mr. Paine, in both the Firft and Second Parts of his RIGHTS OF MAN, begins, very judicioufly r with prepa- ring the way for that fyftem of deftrudtion which it is the object of both to introduce. The grand obftacles in the way of his defigns are LAWS and GOVERNMENT : it was therefore very neceflary, as a preparatory ftep, to weaken thefe'impediments, by withdrawing or diminifhing as much as poffible the refpect which mankind ufually pof- fcfs fcr fuch inftitutions. Accordingly, in the commence- ment of his Firft Part, our Author endeavours to eftabliflj, as a fundamental principle, that the prefent age or genera- tion is not at all bound by any aft of preceding times, and that all laws and inftitutions heretofore made and eftablifhed are now deftituteof all binding authority. Thir, it muft be owned, is :io injudicious ftep in purfuit of his grand object j for if he couKi but get rid of the authority of all focial regulations which have not been actually introduced in the prefent day, ve-yl ittle would remain to check the progrefs of his wifb.es and undertakings. Such reafoning is., however, the moliadfu:b and nonfeafical that ever came rofm f 13 ) from the pen of any writer. Mankind is not really fuf- ceptible of any fuch divifionas that of ages and generations. The tranfaftions of the world are, indeed, for the fake of convenience and hiftorical precifion, clafled under certain periodical denominations of time ; but the race of men, jike a ftream, is perpetually running off and perpetually fupplied afrefh ; its continuity is prefei ved unbroken from year to year, and from century to century. There is no point, line, or boundary, at which one generation can be /aid to terminate and another commence : at every moment fome are commencing the career of exiftence, while others are going off the courfe. This unintenupted chain of human exiftence preferves a correfpondent connexion in human affairs, Society is thus held conftantly together, and knows nothing, in its aggregate capacity, of that mortality which is the attribute of the individuals who compofe it. Of courfe the obligation of the laivs by which Society is regulated, is neceflarily as uniform as the exiftence of Society itfelf : neither the death of the Legiflator nor of his contemporaries can diflolve or weaken their force. The Laws are not made to bind any parti- cular fet of individuals, but the community at large, of whomfoever it may be compofej. We are born under fubje&ion to them, as well as under their protection. The legiflative authority exercifed a hundred years ago is of precifely the fame force with regard to ourfelves as that exercifed yefterday j and the Laws made in our own time are in no fenfe more compulfory than the fubfifting Laws enadted by our forefathers. The latter are even rendered more venerable by their antiquity. No Legiflature can indeed infringe upon the powers of a fubfequentone. There always exifts the fame right to repeal, as well as the fame obligation to obey, till that right be properly exercifed. Society is at every period of time poflefied of the fame powers, and its right to annul a law of the laft year, or of the laft century, ftands exactly upon the fame ground. Thus while the continued obligation of the Laws, till regularly repealed by the fupreme authority, is neceflary to the order, the harmony, and indeed the exiftence of a State ; the right exifting equally at all times to abrogate and to alter as well as to enad:, preferves the conftant indepen- dence of Society, and renders it at all times equally free. It is therefore the grofleft fophiftry in Mr. Paine to con- tend, that the authority of the Parliament of 1688, or of any prior Parliament is fuperfeded by lapfe of time. A 7 Wt C H J We continue to recognize fuch authority ; we continue thereby to reap the fruits of the wifdom then exercifed ; and we are, neverthelefs, as free and as independent as the people of that age. So the authority of modern Parlias- ments will, in like manner, be binding upon Pofterity, without encroaching upon its freedom. So much for Mr. Paine's endeavour to undermine the authority of the I/aws. A fecond grand object of this Writer is to petfuade man- kind, that Government itfelf is almoft ufelefs and unne- ceflary. Accordingly he tells us, in Part II. page 8, that *' Government is no farther neceflary than to fupply the " few cafcs to which fociety and civilization are not con- " venientiy competent :" that " The abolition of any " formal Government, far from being the diflMution of ( f fociety, brings it cjofer together : that " Formal Go- vernment makes but a fmall part of civilized life; tc and, whenever the beft that human wifdom can devife * c iseftablifhed, it is a thing more in name and idea than " in fat :" and page 10, that ^ It is but few general laws * c that civilized life requires, and thofe of fuch common " ufefulnefs, that whether they are enforced by the form *' of Government or not, the effect will be the fame *." But furely it is not poffible that fuch trafh (which I have only quoted in order to point out the cloven foot, and ex-? ppfe the defign and the extent of our author's doctrines) can raife a film before the underftanding, and obfcure ihe real, the efficient, the univerfal operation of Government, as maintaining the union of Society, and affording to each individual the only poffible fource of protection, in all the relations and in ail the fituations in which he can be fup- pofed to exift. Society is a ftate where the compulfory obligation of laws is interpofed to guard the enjoyment of thofe rights which are properly recognized and defined, from paffion, violence, and injuftice. It is plain, that thefe laws cannot be made find enforced without forne adequate authority. And what ;s that authority but government ? which, as it fuperin- * The example of the American States, during the war, is quoted, in order to proye that Society can exill without Government. But in a time of civil war, when a country is covered with armies, though it$ government be in a manner fulpended, for inter araia Jilent leges, yet the very ftate of hoftilities compreffes the people into compaftnefs and Subordination, and th? civil government is only merged in the neceffarily ilKirp vigorous and more unlimited contyoul oi military power. C '5 ] lends the whole, and every part, iVnecefTarily fupreme. Jn what condition, in what occupation, in what retire- ment, is not the agency of this power to be traced ? And what can poflibly be fubftituted in its place? It is the only fource of all protection and of all fecurity, and alone enables us to enjoy the gifts of fortune and the fruits of induftry. It does not indeed furnifh the vegetative principle by which the corn grows, nor does it beftow the genial warmth that matures the fruit of the vineyard ; but it extends its guar- dian care over the fwelling ear and the ripening clufter; it protects the labours of the hufbandman, and defends the harveft and the vintage from rapine and depredation. The doctrine of Mr. Paine, that Government is of very limited importance and utility, is confuted not only by the plaineft dictates of common fenfe, but alfo by the daily experience of common life. Do we not find that every inferior aflbciation of mankind calls of neceflity for fome connecting and controuling authority ? By what other means are the domeftic concerns of a private family (the moft natural type, and perhaps the original foundation of fociety at large) to be preferved from confufion and ruin ? What a fcene would the application of equalizing principles produce in. a domeftic eftnblimment ? Do not the common interefts of every parifh require the management, direction, and control, of a government within irfelf .' Nay (to defcend to inftances almoft below the gravity and importance of th fubjedt), will our author affect, that in the higheft ftate of exhilaration which he ever experienced in thofe fafhionable convivial meetings (commonly denominated Clubs), h ever propofed to his free and animated aflbciates to re- lieve themfelves from the irkfome authority of the chair? Ten or twenty equals, affimilated by their difpofitions and habits, cannot afiemble for any particular purpofe, and fcarcely to eat and drink together, without a Prefidenr, Chairman, or Head, to preferve order and decorum. But, if we are to credit the wonderful difcoveries of Modern Philofophy, ten or twenty millions of all ranks, habits, and difpofitions, affociated for the protection of unnum- bered complex interefts, and for the prefervation of rnulti-* farious rights, have but little occafion for fuch afliftance j and with diem the beft Government " that human wifdorh ' can devife, is a thing more in name and idea than in faa ! ! !" Mr. Paine himfelf, however, feeqis to confider this ground as fo defperate that he foon quits it, and commences his at- A8 tack I 16 3 tack In a different manner. He feerm to recolleft that the world in general are not only convinced of the neceflity of fome Government, but that it is eflential to the happinefs of any country, that the functions of Government (hould be exercifed according to certain eftablifhed forms and rules; which, without crippling its operation, and depriving it of its eflential energy, may furnifli powerful checks againft the exertion of its powers for the purpofes of oppreflion. Thefe checks have hitherto been fuppofed to exitt in the greateft perfection in that reparation of office, in thatdiftri- bution of privilege and function, which haye rendered the Britifh Conftitution the fource of freedom, of felicity, and of glory, to this country^ the envy of the reft of the world, and the mafter-piece to which all rational friends of Li- berty throughout the globe look up, as to a matchlefs model for imitation. Mr. Paine, however, endeavours to avail himfelf of the moft oppofite fentiments for the purpofe of exciting difcontent. He firft reprefents Government asun- neceflary, in order, ifpoffible, to make fome of his readers indifferent to the prefervation of that which actually exifts j but left he fhould fail in this attempt, he next appears the advocate for a regular conftitution, and in this character, in order to take another chance of raifing diflY isfaftion, he gravely aflerts, that in this country, notwithftanding all we lee and feel, we have at this hour no Conftitution at all ! Why. did he not at the fame time tell us, that we have no fhowers and nofun-fhine? Such an aflertion would not be more contradiclory to common fenfe and daily expe- rience. Mr. Paine vainly endeavours to fix an odium upon fub- fifting Governments by recalling to mind the temporary deviations from firft principles which occurred in eaily pe- riods of our hiftory. But the recolleclion of the Norman Tyranny? of the Foreft Cruelties, and the Curfew Bell, ferves, by way of contraft, to attach us the more firmly to )the fyftem of fecurity we now enjoy againft the repetition of fuch grievous oppreffions. Our Conftitutiop is not (as this writer would fain infinuate) founded on fuch a bafis. We can trace \\.sjlamina much higher. The Norman Con- queft did but retard its growth, and for a time check its principles from expanding j but did not deftroy, or even ultimately weaken, the beneficial energy of thofe prin- ciples. Through the rapacity and oppreflive defpotilm of the firft Monarchs of that line, we can connedt fome of 0ar dcareft privileges jvith the names of an AIFRED and an i? ] EDWARD. Having by its native vigour recovered from a malady which feemtd for a while to threaten its exiftence, the Conftitution has fmce, from time to time, been de- riving new acceffions of ftrength ; and we hardly know whether to admire moft the beautiful fimplicity it dif- played in its infant ftate, or the value and importance of thofe advantages which it gradually obtained and fecured, as circumftances pointed out their nectffity. Even perfect as it may now appear the time may come, when further improvements may be fuggefted by further experience. For who will fay, that any human inltitution can be at any time at the nc plus ultra of perfection ? Let us not, how- ever, be inienfible of the advantage, that, inftead of hav- ing to fubvert, abolifh, or expunge, our pleafing tafk is to fccure, to guard, to polilh, and to beautify ; and let us cautioufly refrain from tampering with a fyftem fo ad- mirable in theory, fo excellent in practice. There is no thing, however valuable, that the injudicious meddler may not fpoil ; but what madnefs would it be to lacrifice, in one raft moment, all the advantages which have been obtained during a fucceffion of ages ; and, as our author advifes, to " begin anew:" that is to fay, to lofe all the ground we have gained to give up our hold of all that we poffefs to part with the fubftance for the fhadow - and to plunge from the happy ftate of Law and Liberty jnto the chaotic abyfs of anarchy and confufion. After his fijft aifault on Government in general, and his abfurd complaint of the entire want of a Conftitution in Great Britain, our author proceeds to attack the exift- jng Governments in the detail. And it ftems that the Monarchical form excites his keened vengeance. Nor is this much to be wondered at. For, befides that it is the moft vigorous form in which Government can appear, and perhaps the only one which can effectually reprels violence and outrage in any extenfive community, Mo- narchy in this country is the principle which gives activity and energy to the whole fyflem ; and it is perhaps pe- culiarly obnoxious to fuch writers as thefe, becaufe it is a part of the regal prerogative to be the fountain of juftice, and the fpring which puts the laws into execution. '1 his is an unpardonable offence and no pains are fpared to re- prefent Royalty as an odious and an ufelefs inftitution, confiding merely or outward pomp and unneceffary pa- fade, and attended with grievous and unprofitable expence. ndlefs changes are rung upon the abfurdity pf bellowing a Million [ z8 ] a Million a-year upon a fingle individual. Mr. Paine mult have a very contemptible opinion of the understand ings of Englishmen, if he thinks they can be impofed upon by fuch fallacious fuggeftions (ref their fubjects, than the caprice, tumult, aud diforder of popular election, where the conteft is fre- quently decided by violence in favour of unprincipled ambition, or where thofe who are unable to fucceed in their own perfons unite in fupporting fome nominal Sovereign, whom, from his weaknefs and incapacity, they think them- felves likely to govern. Mr. Paine having laboured, though I truft very unfuc* cefsfully, to create a prejudice againrt the Crown of this kingdom, he next endeavours, with much malignant fcur- rility, to ieduce the affections of a loyal people from the Sovereign on the throne. He wifhes to weaken the attach- rnent fubfifting between this Prince and his people, by rt-pre- ienting the royal lineage as connected by very flender ties the country and as proceeding from a foreign ftock, recently C ai ] recently imported, by an injudicious choice, to govern a country to which it was before a ftranger. How falfe, hovr infolent to Britons, arefuch infinuations ! Does this vain and malevolent writer fancy it to be in his power to make us forget, that the Sovereign who is dear to our hearts, both for his perfonal virtues and for the attachment he has always {hewn to the Conftitution, is alfo the defcendant of the Original Founder of the Britilh Monarchy ? The various channels through which the royal blood has flowed for nearly one thoufand years, are at length happily united in an illuftrious Proteftant line ; and the ancient Crown of this kingdom is now worn, with hereditary right, by a Prince, who, while he fits on the throne of his anceftors, reigns with more unlimited fway in the affections of his fubjets. Neither can it be in the power of wanton and licentious indecency to ftifle our attachment to perfons and families whofe memory ought ever to be dear to En jlifhmen. It is not, furely, for malice and mifreprefentation to make us forget, that the Houfes of ORANGE and BRUNSWICK have rendered us ciiential fervicts ac critical times, and that to them, under Providence, we are indebted for the con- tinued enjoyment of privileges which diftinguifli us from the reft of the world. Such names have been hitherto mentioned with veneration by cur moft ardent and enlight- ened patriots : fiich names will continue to be venerated by all who, being rationally as well as fervently attached to the Conftitutiou itfelf, cannot remember with indifference thofe perfons and families which have been the inftrumcnts of its prefervation. . It may not be inapplicable here to obferve, that nothing can be more different fro, n a pure and generous fpiritofreal patriotifm, than that coarfe and illiberal d'.fpofition which delights in abufe and invective againlt all perfons inverted with power and authority. The former can even oppofe with relpecl:, and will render fcrious and determined re- fiftance (ihouid that ever become neceffary for good pur- pofes) more weighty and efficacious, by the dignified decency from which it never departs : the latter appears to place its principal gratification in railing againft t;je higher powers : it fcems to depend for perfonal coniequence upon attacking the dignity of fuperiors : and wishes it to becon- fidered as a proof of magnanimity and independent fpirit, boldly to treat with grofs fcurrility crurac^trs and fituations which the reft of the world look up to with refpect : ar.'i, like the unblufning profligate, it delights to wound ar d to to torture the feelings of thofe who retain a feflfe of pro* priety. What can be more bafe and ungenerous than the difpo- fltion I allude to ? The order of civil fociety (partaking of the invariable principle of nature itfelf) requires a pro- greffive gradation : but the higheft ranks, expofed as they are by their elevation to the fhaftsof malice and envy, are Jittle coveted by the unprejudiced philofophical mind, that juftly appreciates the advantages and difadvantaues of refpe&ive fituations. The ftation of Royalty itfelf, with all the dazzling glare which furrounds it, is far from being enviable : arduous as it is elevated- 1 the fymbol of power, but clogged with reflraints unknown to inferior rank impeded in the enjoyment of numberlefs individual comforts debarred even of fome of the moft common, and at the fame time the moft valuable privileges of na- ture (hackled with forms and ceremonies confpicuous always by the blaze of its own ray?, and precluded from the delicious gratifications that belong to feclufion and privacy befet with anxious cares, and eminently expofed to calumny, to plots, and confpiracies while the hi^h and important office of King, for the fake of the public good, calls for fuch facrifices from the Man, how unworthy and ungenerous muft it be to delight in wounding his perfonal feelings, and in planting his Crown with additional thorns ! How much, more confident with the duty as well as the intereft of fubje&s, to alleviate his cares, and to fmooth his rugged path by demonftrations of fidelity, Royalty, and affection ! It is not by indulging fuch fen- timents under a mild and a juft Government, that we (hall be either pledged or difpofed to fubmit to oppreffion. The feeling, the generous, and the loyal character would be the moft ftrenuous, and the moft manly, in defence of its rights, and of thofe of the country at large. A nation fo compofed would be the laft to be attacked, but would never beenflaved ; for the rational loyalty of a free people is itfelf a bulwark of their freedom, and by uniting them clofely together in one common fentiment, as well as one common intereft, preferves concord and happinefs at home, while it creates conlequence and refpeclability abroad *. * In the year 1771, (he Rev. Mr. HORNK exprefled himfelf as follows: " I would offend the Sovereign with as much reluctance as the parent. "-. " Whoever or whatever is Sovereign, demands the refpecl and fupport of " the people. The union ic formed for their happinefs, which cannot ba " had without mutual refpecl ; and he counfels malicioufly who would *' perfuade either to a vranton breach of it." It is to he hoped, that in 179* JOHN HoRh- E TCC&E, tij. is iwidir the isfluence ef the famcfenthnems, It It is one of the bleflings of this country to have a mo- narch who reigns not only the King but the fond father of his people ; while their cheerful and affectionate loyalty conftitutes the happinefs of his life, the chief glory of his Crown, and the ftrength, profperity, and fplendour of the nation. And {hall we, while the gloom, the difmay, and the univerfal ftagnation, occafioned by the yet recent malady of our common Father are frefti in our recollection while our hearts ftill vibrate with the tranfports of joy which afTailed us on his welcome and almoft unexpeded recovery fhall we countenance- the moft audacious infults on his perfon, and the moft malignant attacks upon his Crown ? Or fhall we demonftrate our attachment to himfelf and bis family, by configning the authors of fuch attempts to their proper ftation of contempt and infamy ? As the direct way to demolifh any building is, Sarnpfon- like, to pull down the pillars by which it is fupported; in order to abolifh Monarchy, it is found expedient to at- tack the ariftocratical branch of government *. Hence a violent outcry agair.it orders of Nobility naturally forms a part of the fyftem to the introduction of which Mr. Paine's writings are directed. He feems very defirous that his readers fhould confider the rank of Nobility as confifting merely in a frivolous exterior diftinction, in " ribband*, garters, and nick-names f ;" another infult on the under- ftandiny; and experience of Englishmen ; who know, br the aid of both, that a mixed Government and limited Monarchy require not only a gradation of rank, but alfo an intermediate legiflative order, interpofed between the Monarch and the popular representative, which, depend- ing for its own preservation on that of the other two branches, is rendered thereby the natural guardian of botK, and an infuperable barrier againft the encroachment of either,/ * Thus, in rhe laft century, when a fmall portion of the Commons, V the aid of military force, had ufu-ped the fuprenu- power, covering their defigns under the flale, and generally fnlfe pretext of the authority of rh People, they ftill found that the exiftence of a Houfe of Peers,, difhrartened and almoft deferted as that aflembly ihen was, formed neverthelef> a barviec to the completion of their crimes;- -and accordingly they thought it neccffjr* to annul, hv a vote, the airhority of thai Houfe, before they could snoceed wpon the d-vftahle and infair.ous plan of n-.urdering their Sovereign under mock forms of law. f .Mr. Paige's irgnioui definition for tht term *^TidB The . C *4 3 The people of th r s country are by no means fuch fuper- ficial obfervers as Mr. Pa : ne fuppofcs or wifties them to be. Far from confining their attention to externals, they can fee that the pomp and fplendour annexed to the rank of English Nobility, are but appendages to a high fuuation and to important publ.c duties both of the legiflative and judicial ki.id. Such a fituation and fuch duiies fliould furely be ever accompanied with fomething to imprefs the fenfes : for it is not in the nature of man to be always en- gaged in abftradt operations^ Nor is this Order, with us, pofleffid of any peculiar privileges, but fuch as are requifite for the free and beneficial exercife of thofe functions whLh it poflefles for the good of the whole, In every other refpedt, the Peer and the Peafant are under the equal adminiftration of equal l.iws, which know not any difference between them in regard to thofe impottant rights which are founded in nature, and to fecure which is the grand object of fociety. From fuch a community of intereft with perfons of this elevated ftation, who would be equally injured with our- felves by any infringement on the rights of the fubject, we derive an important additional fecurity for the prelervation of our liberties. And thus the Peers of Great Britain, though not actually deputed, do virtually poflefs a repre- fentative character, obliging them cautioufly and firmly to protect thofe rights which they enjoy in common, and which they can enjoy only in common with the People at large ; while the exiftence of fuch a rank in the State, beudes its other advantages, is conducive to the promotion of a fpirit of virtuous enterprize and of honourable emula- tion ; and its hereditary nature is neceflary both ro render it independent of the Crown, and toinfure its (lability and its permanence. Mr. Paine, in his endeavours to create a prejudice againft Monarchy and Ariftocracy, retails very artfully the com- mon-place topics of objection to which each is liable in its fimple form j and he as artfully avoids all mention of the difadvantages attending a Government confifting folely of a Democratic reprefentation. But it might not be unfair to aflc him, Whether in that beverage of which perhaps his libations are fometimes compofed, he finds that the fpirit- and the limpid element, the fweet and the acid . ingre- dients, do each retain the fame precife properties when combined together, which they feverally poflefled in their Separate and independent ftate ? or, Whether they are not blended that each (nay modify and correct two other, and that f 25 J id agreeable effect may be produced fror0 the u:ijon ? The r.llulion vs a very familiar on'-, but I hope ex- cufable if found to be appofite. Tlie Government of this- country is compounded of thofe three forms in which alone. Cxovernment has ever appeared, and which have ever provuf highly objectionable in their feparate exercife ; but by blinding them together in wife proportions, it fccuris the advant ^es of each, while it efcapes the inconveniences which they are calculated Jto produce. It is this union which has caufed the happinefs and fp'cndour of Great Britain, and which affords a folid and permanent bafis for the freedom of its inhabitants : it is this aflemblage which has attracted the admiration of the world, and called forth the applaufcs of thofe who have been moft diftinguiftied for th?ir talents and powers of difcriminaijion. One of the greateft Political Characters of the prefent age, whofe talents at lead nobody will, difpute, and who from his recent conduct leems inclined to pufh his notions of Liberty at Je.ift fufficiently far, thought it nevertheless neceffary to vindicate himfelf from the fufpicion of not affording his entire approbation to that mixture of forms which conftitutes the Britifh Government : and in a dif- cuflion on the Quebec Bill, in the courfe of the laft Sef- fipn, he ftated it to be his decided opinion, that every fimple form cf Government, whether Monarchy, Ariftocracy, or Democracy, was iffentialiy bad ; and that ther& could be no good or complete fyftem of Government without a propet mixture of all thrte. Such, he obferved, had al- ways been his icntirnents; and whoever thought otherwife ef him, had been millaken -, efpecially if they thought he was an enemy to Ariftocracy : the direct contrary was the fat ; and there was no man in that Houfe who confi- dert-d a proper and well-regulated Ariftocracy, fuch as formed apart of the Britijh Gwflitutwn, more efiential to the formation of a good Government than he did ; that a certain degree of Ariftocracy was abfolutely neceflaiy as a poife between tho prerogative of theCrown afting againft the rights of the People, and the influence and liberty of the People acting againft the Monarchical power ; and that therefore a mixture fo conftitutc-d that each was a check upon the other, he conceived to be theConftitution of this uy, and the beft Conftitution in the world *. f See Mr. Fcx'i Speech on the Quebec BiH. [26 J Nor vrss the te&imeny of the moft enlightened of the Aiicients wanting in favour of fiich- a fyftem of Govern- ment, in point of principle, 'ong before re ,was ever reduced j:ito practice* Tnus Tacitus regarded the triple form as highly defer v ing of adrnbation j but as he could only vievr it n> theory, it app-jartd to him rather to be coveted antl admired than likely to he effected j and as a degree of per- fection in Government not likely to be either attained or pre- iervcd >a practice *.- Our long experience has, however, proved that his appreheniions in thefe refpe&s were un- founded, and in all other refpects has confirmed his opi- nion, Cicero alfo expreily defer ibes a Constitution fimilar to ours, though he- had never feen k realized, as the moil perfect that could be fuppoll-d tocxift ; and he beftows upon it bis unqualiedr.ppiauf(r in terms reih-arlcably appofite and defcriptive f. i might aifo aJduce other tcftimonies from aucicnt wiftJom to the feme purport, vitje it at all ne-- celXiry. it is unnecefTary f o dwell longer on particular objec- tious, which, when thoroghly underfiood, are wot pointed l~o much to the abftradi nature of particular forms of Go- wcrnmenf, as fo the exiilence of any Government at all; 7o that whatever form might be fubftituled, if h were effi- caeiou?, rxl e:ipaL!e of anfwering the purpofts for whichi ail Governments are eitahlifhed, the f*me tiiffatisfadtion and the fame cavil would ent'ite : all the old, that is, all tht fub- fiUing and long-efla-bliflied Governments are condemned? i the lump - f and what is caiied '* the new reprcfentative ** iy item engrafted on Democracy" is ftated to he the only gooi plan of Gorernwent. But where upon the whole fur- feceot the Globe is this plan redwctd- into practice ? Where does it now exrft, except in out authoT"* biam ? for, ac- co-rdiwg to him, it " rejects Monarchy both ele&ive and hereditary. " It oiuft aito, I prtfunae, reject Arifioci'acy, p which h afcribes in fubftance ' fc the fame vices and **. defects 5 ' as so Monarchy. Therefore, upon Mr. Pained principles^ even tlie fwn &t Govetnroent traced out .i? natfanrsi et nrhe^, ponies, am js-iorc^, aut G^w!f regtmt ; e* h> e: c.)->ft::uja lltipii-hl'cac forma lAtJD&Rl {'dciiras quaia? enir: ; ve) ft evr n f Fiuut (ihttnrna tfa ix>teft. f Statno efic c}x'H-,^conftj;tfamrcmp%rblicam, qware* tyrbas geceylbR* by t 27 3 liy the New ConTitution of France *, as well as that now exiftHg in America, muft be radically bad, as being inconiiftent' wiih his " n-w (tangled) " reprefentauve fyft. in." For in the former, hereditary Monarchy is (till profiled to be interwoven, though, for want of an ariiro- cr.tL-a! branch, it has been already fo much encroached upon, as to be ufelefs to any falutary purpofe ; and the latter country, after a trial for :everal years of the pure democra- tical reprefcntrvtive fyflem, has found it neceflhry to adopt both Monarchy and Ariftocracy : for the Prciident, under that denomination, is inverted with monarchical preroga- tives; and the Senate conftitutes a Middle Chamber : fo that even American experience contradicts all Mr. Faine's notions of Government f. Nor is it probable, that the NewConftitution of Poland * With refpecl to the French Revolution, whSch, wrh all its traim of calamities, Mr. Paine would, douhtlefs, he glad to Pe imitated ill this country, the People of Great Britain, happy, luccefstul, -and flourifhinsj in their own concerns, have nothing more to '! er ne i .- fiie w<-uld fit fiiil" h'il that otfitc by election; and the Gtr.vi::i '..;}uor wnoie conduct fuccefs had crowned a long and bloody war, w:?s, ;icc i : hyman experience, the natural object of unites (ai and peaceful choice. Eut vhen no :uch lource cf general a^reeiiient mail ex It, rn' power, by precept and by ex- ample, to inculcate ami recommend a fpirit of order, ceconc- my, temperance, and induftry, and the practice of' thole duties which are prefcribed by morality and religion. Ltc him refift as much as he can the increafe of luxury and diflipation, which enervate the mind, degrade the cha- racter, disqualify for manly and noble exertions, and opert all the fourccs of corruption. Let him, in fhort, exett himfelf in aid of magistracy and the police to check th,' Baneful contagion of v;ce >nd immorality, t 3* J that an independence of mind, fo congenial to freedom, is aUb nearly allied to purity and fimplicity of manners. While the Throne exhibits fo excellent a pattern of all the virtues which ornament humanity and benefit man- kind, how fhould the influence of the bright and ufeful example be communicated from rank to rank, till it pervade the utmoft receffes of fociety ! Then, indeed, would civil liberty be invigorated and adorned by private virtue and domeftic happinefs. I am not now affecting to fermonize, or even tomoraliafr ! am viewing the matter in a political light only.-*- The moral and religious difplay of thefe topics is the peculiar province of the pulpit. But their civil importance calls for the attention of the ftatefman, the philanthropift, and the citizen. It is poffible that the depraved manners of a people may not only endanger their freedom, but render it a curfe inftead of a blefling and liberty, by degenerating into licentioufnefs, becomes its own certain deftroyer. But without carrying our apprehenfions fo far, it is a truth which concerns us moft nearly, and which cannot be too ofien repeated, that the benefits derived from our CONSTITUTION will exift in greater or lefs p- rfe&ion, in proportion to the prevalence of a virtuous principle among ourfelves : thofe, therefore, who wifh tor the continued and complete enjoyment of that great and invaluable blefling will neglect nothing that can tend to pref.rve it in purity and vigour, to enforce its true Ipiric, or to promote the genuine operation of its falutary influence. They will venerate it themfelves, and recom- mend it by their own example to the veneration of orhcrs. They will inculcate in their children an early and habitual acquaintance with its hiftory, its nature, and jts excellencies, together with a (ready and a rational attchmmt to its principles. ^-They will fupport it, at all times, by a firm and refolute, though a decent and orderly adherence; knowing that irregularity and violence would involve a direct violation of its fpirit : and they will, if occaiion fhould require, be ready with cheerfulnefs to n(k tht-ir lives in its defence. So (hnll the BRITISH CONSTITUTION, the fuitablc and happy portion of thofe who delerve to be free, rtmain firm, imnioveable, and unimpaired for fuc- ceeiHng ages ; fecure againlt the attacks of" vifionary theo- rifts and of wicked incendiaries ; and uniting within itfejf the fecurity and energy of a well-regulated Govern- "*-nt, and the utmoft attainable decree of real politics! JL,Ur,ilTY. T.HE ELND. PUBLICATIONS Printed by Order of THE SOCIETY FOR PRESERVING LIBERTY AND PROPERTY AGAINST REPUBLICANS AND LEVELLERS. NUMBER IV. COttTAIN'ING An Anfwer to the Declaration of the " Friends of the Liberty of the Prefs." Speech of the Lord Prefident of the SeJJton t addrejjed to the Lord Provoji of Edinburgh, LONDON: Printed and Sold by J. DOWNES, No. 240, 'Temlpe bar, Strand ; where the Bodkfellers in Town and Country may be fervcd with any Quantity. PRICE, ONE PENNY. AN ANSWER TO THE DECLARATION OF THE PERSONS CALLING THEMSELVES, FRIENDS OJF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS. AT a critical moment, when Britons from one corner of the kingdom to the other, lir.ve judged it necellary to form themfelves into aflbciations, for the maintenance of the confutation* which had been mod daringly infulted and menaced, the public fee \yith furprize, but not without in- dignation, a counter atfoeiatioa rifing up, protefting againft the other allbciations, and endeavouring to GQlihteiad their effect. The gentlemen thus affembling themfelves in fo lingular and extraordinary a manner > have thought fit to af- fume the appellation of Friends to the Freedom of the Prels, But thofe who obferve the licentious excels to which the Freedom of the Prefs is (till daily carried, will be of opinion that the prels (lands in no great need of the proffered protection of this new formed Phalanx of defenders. A At > - t * 3 At the fecond meeting of thcfe gentlemen they their formal proteft, byway of declaration, agjaintt thofe af- fociatioris which had been formed for the preiervation of the public tranquillity, and for the continuance of the profpe- rity, and of the constitutional rights of this free and happy country. There is but little danger that this proteft fhbulc! miflead any one who is at all acquainted with the princi- ples and practice of the Britifh constitution, particularly in that important part of it which relates to the adminiftralion of criminal jufUce. But as the work in queftion affumes the form of argument, it may not be amifs to fugged a few obfervations (though perhaps fufficiently obvious in them- felves) tending to point out the fallacy of the principles on which it is founded; . The fundamental principle of this performance, that the power of a'ccufation againft offenders who have violated the laws is confined to the fupreme executive magiftrafe, is in direct contradiction both to the principles and the daily practice of the judicial polity of this country in criminal cafes. In point of fcct, every individual has been, from time immemorial j admitted, in his private capacity, a"fu1 in the character oraprofecutor, though in the name of the King, to call for the execution of the laws upon thofe who have violated them. In point of law, it is the undoubted conftitutional privilege of every individual, to exercife that right. In point of principle, fiich a right is infeparable from a free ftate, where the laws are the birth- right of every one, and the violation of the laws is an in- jury to the people at large, of which every one has a right to complain. The maxim of thefe pretended friends to' liberty might be admitted under a dcfpotic govern- ment, where it is convenient, and perhaps necciFary, that the executive power may either adminiflcr or withhold juftice at its difcretion. But in a free country; the execution of the laws, according to prefcribed forms, jiuift be ever at the call of the people ; and it would be de- ftructive of all liberty and fecurity, if the crown, or its agents, could, either by defign or negleft, refufe, prevent^ or retard, the administration of juftice. }t is therefore one of the greateft advantages derived from the Britifh Conltitu- tion, that while the admirable inflitutions of Grand and Petit juries atford the moft abfolute fecurity that juftice ihall be faithfully and impartially adminiitered, the execu- tive power is bound to lend iis agency to every one who demands it in the purfuit of fo important an object. Nor can [ 3 ] Can any juSt caufe of complaint arife from hence ; fince every one {landing forward in the character of a profecutor, is refponfible to the .accufed perfon, and to the public at large, for the purity of his motives, and the regularity of his conduct. It never yet, I believe, occurred to any one, to object to a profecution becaufe it was fet on foot by pri- vate individuals : fuch a ground of objection was referved for the difcovery of the Friends of the Liberty of the Prefs. But if, at their Suggestion, it mould occur to any culprit to avail himfelf of fuch a mode of defence, he will only find himfelf deceived, and his objection will certainly be over-ruled, unlefs the whole frame and fyftem of crimi- nal juftice in this country mould be fubvert.ed. . Particular care is taken in the proteSl alluded to, to deny the right of accufation to uninjured indivi- duals, fuggefling thereby a distinction with which the criminal law is unacquainted ; for that branch of our laws knows nothing of the private and feparate injuries of individuals, but denounces puniShment only upon offences sgainft the community ; therefore it is totally immaterial in the character and (ituation of a profecutor, whether he lias fuSlained any private injury or not : but as every one is fuppofed to be injured by a violation of the laws; every one is intitled to call for juftice. And private wrongs are merged in the more important conlideration of the public welfare. In fhort, the fundamental principle of the proteft, ne- gativing the right of individual accufation is fo glaringly fallacious', that it is impoffible to account for its being adopted by intelligent men, on any other fuppofition, than, that they confidered it as a necelfary ground on which to cavil at thofe Affociations which are now formed in every quarter of the kingdom for the prefervation of the public lecurity, and of the constitution itfelf. It is undoubtedly a principal object of thefe affociations to unite, and engage to lend ailiftance to the civil magistrate, in discovering and bringing to juftice offenders of the moll dangerous defcrip- tion; thofe who endeavour to fubvert the very bafis of our civil rights, and of our focial happinefs. But the right of individual accufation againft public offenders being once eflablifhed, it follows as a neceSTary confequencc, that pri- vate perfons may act either Separately or jointly in pro- moting, by regular means, the due execution of the violated laws. And on particular occafions, it is a duty they owe to themfelves, and to Society, to co-operate and afiiSt each other in detecting and denouncing offenders to the civil A 2 magistrate, [ 4 ] magiftrafe, that he may put into exercife the grand con- ititutional fpring of jufticc, Trial by Jury. Here alfo daily and general practice confirms the right which feems obnoxi- ous to thefe gentlemen who appear ib anxious for what they choofe to call the Freedom of the Prefs. For befides that af- fociations have repeatedly been formed for the purpose of check- ing by profecution the growth of particular offences, the fup- preflion of which feemed to- call for remarkable vigilance and activity (of which the cafe of fwindling affords an in- ftance) there is fcarcely a parifh in the kingdom where the inhabitants are not united upon a fimilar principle, to prevent the perpetration of thofe ordinary crimes which tend more immediately to invade their common fecurity. It is really furprifing, that the zeal of thefe protecting gen- tlemen never difcovered any deviation from constitutional principles in fuch inftances. But while by their long and uninterrupted filence they have recognized the legality of the principle on which thefe ordinary aflbciations have been formed, affording thereby their own fantion to that principle, they are now driven to the miferable (hift ot denying it altogether,, in order to prevent its application to an extraordinary cafe, in which they choofe to take a par- ticular intereft. It is true, left all other ground's fhould fail them, they particulaity allude to what they call State Accufations. But furely it is not poffible by technical or formal diftin&ions, to confound the plain fcnfe of EnglUh- men fo as to .make them beliex'e that they have not the fame conftkutional rights and means of fecurity againft thofe offences which aim at the total fubverficn, of fociety itfelf, as they poflefs in thofe cafes where the tendency and the confequences of the crime are much more limited and attended with infinitely lefs danger to the community. In the difcuffion of general principles, no good" can be derived from perfonal allufions ; otherwifc, the particular tender- uefs of the gentlemen in to fwear all the cooks, that they would fcrve nothing but whole- fotne food to them. The parliament judged it neceffary to enlarge the laws of high-treafon beyond thofe narrow bounds, within which they had been confined during the monarchy. They even compre- hended verbal offences, nay intentions, tho' they had never appeared in any overt-a<5l againtt the ftate. To affirm the pre- fent government to be an ufurpation, to aflert that the parlia- ment or council of Hate were tyrannical or illegal, to endea- vour the fubverting their authority or llirring up fedition againlt them ; thefe offences were declared to be high-treafon. The power of imprifonment, of which the petition of right had be- reaved the King, it was now found requifite to reltore to the council of ftate ; and all the jails of England were filled with men whom the jealoufies and fears of the ruling party had re- prefented as dangerous. The taxes continued by the new go- vernment, and which, being unufua!, were efteemed heavy, encreafed the general ill will under which it laboured. Befides the cnlloms and excife, ninety thoufand pounds a month were levied on land for the fubfiftence of the army. The fequeftra-^ tions and compofitions of the royalills, the fale of the crown lands, and of the dean and chapter lands, tho' they yielded im- menfe Aims, were not fufticicnt to fupply the vaft expences, and, as was fufpe&ed, the great depredations, of the parlia- ment and ol their creatures. In April, 1653, Cromwel encouraged the army in their oppofition to the parliament, and a council of officers voted a remonltrance, in which they require the parliament to dif- folve themfelves; but Cromwel and the army not liking dc- J'ay, proceeded to do this themfelves- which is thus related by Mr. Hume. The 'parliament took this remonftrance in very ill part, and made a marp reply to the council of officers. The officers infilled on their advice ; and by fnnttial altercation and oppo- fition, the breach became 'ftill wider between the army and the Commonwealth. Cromwel finding matters right for his pur- pofe, called a council of officers, in order to come to a deter- mination with regard to the public fettlement. As he had here many friends, fo had he alfo fome opponents. Harrifor; having aflured the council, that the General fought only to pave the ( 5 ) the way ior the government of Jefus and his faints, Major Strcatcr, bnlkiy replied, that Jefus ought then to come quickly : for if he delayed it till after Chriftmas, he would come too late ; he would find his place occupied. While the officers were in dchate, Colonel Ingoldfby informs Cromwel, that the parliament were fitting, and had come to a refolution not to diifolve themfelves, but to fill up the houfe by new elections ; and were at that very time engaged in deliberations with regard to this expedient. Cromwel in a rage immediately haftens to the houfe, and carries a body of 300 (bldiers along with, him. Some of them he placed at the door, fome in the lobby, fome on the Hairs. He tirlt addreUed himfelf to his friend St. John, and told him, that he had come with a purpofe of doing what grieved him to the very foul, and what he had earneftly with tears prayed the Lord not to impofe upon him : But there was a neceffity in order to the glory of God and good of the ration. He fat down for fome time, and heard the debates. He beckoned Harrifon, and told him, that he now judged the parliament ripe for a cliiTolution. " Sir," faid Harrifon, " the " work is very great and dangerous: I defire you ferioufly to " confider, before you engage in it." You fay well," replied the General ; and thereupon fat ftill about a quarter of an hour, When thequeftion was ready to be put, he faid again to Har- rifon, " This is the time: I mutt do it." And fuddenly ihirting up, he loaded the parliament with the vileft reproaches, for their tyranny, ambition, oppreflion, and robbery of the public. Then (tamping with his foot, which was the fignal ior the foldiers to enter, " For fhame," faid he to the parlia- ment, " get you gone : Give place to honefler men ; to thofe " who will more faithfully difcharge their truft. You are " no longer a parliament : I tell yon, you are no k)nger a " parliament. The Lord has done with you: He has chofen " othur initruments for carrying on his work." Sir Harry Vane exclaiming .againft this procedure, he cried with a loud voice, " O! Sir Harry Vane, Sir Harry Vanel The Lord " deliver me from Sir Harry Vane !' J Taking hold of Mar- tin by the cloke, " Thou art a whore mafter," faid he. To another, " Thou art an adulterer. To a third, Thou art a " drunkard and a glutton : * And thou an extortioner," to a fourth. He commanded afoldier to feize the mace. " What " lhall we do to this bauble ? Here take it away. It is you," faid he, addreffing himfelf to the houfe, " that have forced ' me upon this. I have fought the Lord, night and day, that " he would rather Hay me than put me upon this work." Having commanded the foldiers to clear the hall, he himfelf went out the lad, and ordering the doors to be locked, de- parted to his lodgings in Whitehall. AS In In this furious manner, which fo well denotes his genuine character, did Cromwel, without the lead oppofirioi, or even murmur, annihilate that famous afiembly, which had filled all Europe with the renown of its actions, and with aftonifhment at its crimes, and whofe commencement was not more ardently defired by the people than was its final difTolution. All parties now reaped fucceifively the difmal pleafure of feeing the inju- ries, which they had fuffered, revenged on their enemies ; and that too by the fame arts which had been praclifed againft them. The King had ftretched his prerogative beyond its juft bounds ; and aided by the church, had well nigh put an end to all the liberties and privileges of the nation. The preubyterians checked the progrefs of the court and clergy, and excited by cant and hypocrify, the populace firft to tumults, then to war, againft the King, the peers, and all the royalifts. No fooner had they reached the pinnacle of grandeur, than the indepen- dants, under the appearance of ftill greater fanctity, inftigated the army againft them, and reduced them to fubjedlion. The independants, amidft their empty dreams of liberty, or rather of dominion, were opprefled by the rebellion of their own fer-> vants, and found themfelves at once expofed to the infults of power and hatred of the people. By recent, as well as antient example, it was become evident, that illegal violence, with whatever pretences it may be covered, and whatever object it may ptirfue, mull inevitably end at laft in the arbitrary and def- potic government of a fir.gle perfon. Thus the Republicans, who had violently driven away the Prefbyterians, were themfelves as violently difpoflefTed by their own army. After the parliament was diflblved, the fovereign power fell into the hands of Cromwel. But he was obliged to comply with the ruling inclination for republican ifm; and to fatisfy the nation, he let up a parliament of his o\vn, con- fifting of his own creatures, who he intended, fhould bear the femblance of an independent legiflature, while they were go- verned wholly by him. This curious paflage is thus related by Mr. Hume. The deifts were perfectly hated by Cromwel, becaufe he had no hold of enthufiafm, by which he could govern or over-reach them ; he therefore treated them with great rigor and difdain, and ufually denominated them the heathens. As the millenarians had a great intereft in the army, it was stuch more important for him to gain their confidence ; and their fize of underftanding afforded him great facility in> deceiving them. Of late years, it had been Ib ufual a topic of conver- ( 7 ) tation to difcourfe of parliaments, and councils, and fenates, and the foldiers themfelves had been fo much accuftomed to enter into that fpirit, that Cromwel thought it requifite to ef- tablilh fomething which might bear the face of a common- wealth. He fuppofed, that God, in his providence, had thrown the whole right, as well as power, of government in- to his hands ; and without any more ceremony, by the ad- vice of his council of officers, hefent fummons to a hundred and twenty-tight perfons of different towns and counties of England, to Hve of Scotland, to fix of Ireland. He pre- tended by his fole act and deed, to devolve upon thefe perfons the whole authority of the (late. This legislative power they were to exercife during fifteen months ; and they were after- wards to choofe the fame number of perfons, who might fuo ceed them in that high and important office. There were great numbers at that time, always difpofed to adhere to the power which was uppermoft, and to fupport the eltabliflied government. This maxim is not peculiar to the people of that age; but what may be efteemed peculiar to them, is, that there prevailed an hypocritical phrafe for expref- fmg fo prudential a conducl : It was called a waiting upon providence. When providence, therefore, was fo kind as to bellow on thefe men, now aflembled together, the fupreme authority, they muft have been very ungrateful, if, in their turn, they had been wanting in complaifance towards it They immediately voted themfelves a parliament ; and having their own confent, as well as that of Oliver Cromwel, for their legiflative authority, they now proceeded very gravely to the exercife of it. In this notable afTembly were fome perfons of the rank of gentlemen ; but the far greatefl part were low mechanics ; fifth monarchy men, anabaptifts, antinomians, independants ; the very dregs of the fanatics. They began with feeking God by prayer : This office was performed by eight or ten gifted men of the aflembly ; and with fo much fuccefs, that accord- ing to the confellion of all, they had never before, in any of their devout exercifes, enjoyed fo much of the holy fpirit as was then communicated to them. Their hearts were, no doubt, dilated, when they confidered the high dignity, to which they fuppofed themfelves exalted. They had been told by Cromwel in his firft difcourfe, that he never looked to fee fuch a day, when Chrift mould be fo owned. They thought it, therefore, their duty to proceed to a thorough reformation, and to pave the way for the reign of the Redeemer, and for that great work, which it was expeded the Lord was to bring forth among them. All fanatics, being confecrated by their A 4 own ( 8 ) own fond imaginations, naturally bear an antipathy to the ec- clefiaftics, who claim a peculiar fan&ity, derived merely from their office and prieftly character. This parliament took into confideration the abolition of the clerical function, as favour- ing of popery ; and the taking away of tythes, which they called a relict of Judaiim. Learning alfo and the univerfities were deemed heathenifh and unneceifory : The common law was denominated a badge of theconqueft and of Norman ila- very ; and they threatened the lawyers with a total abrogation of their profeffion. Some fleps were even taken towards an abolition of the chancery, the higheft court of judicature in the kingdom ; and the Mofaical law was intended to be efta- blifhed as the fole fyftem of Englifh jurifprudence. Of all the extraordinary fchemes, adopted by thcfe legifla- tors, they had not leifure to finifh any, except that which ef- tablifhed the legal folemnization of marriage by the civil ma* giftrate alone, without the interpofition of the clergy. They iound themfelves expofed to the derifion of the public. Among the fanatics of the houfe, there was an active member, much rioted for his long prayers, fermons, and harangues. He was a leather- feller in London ; His name Praife God Barebone. This ridiculous name, which feems to have been chofen by fbme poet or allegorift to fuit fo ridiculous a perfonage, (truck the fancy of the people ; and they commonly affixed to this affembly the denomination of Barebone's parliament *. * It was ufual for the pretended faints at that time to change their names fiom Henry, Edward, Anthony, William, which they regarded as heathenifh, into others more fanctified and godly ; Even the New Teftament names, James, Andiew, John, Peter, were not held in fuch regard as thofe which were borrowed from the Old Teftament, Hezekiah, Habbakuk, Jofhua, Zerobabel. Sometimes a whole godly fentcnce was adopted as a name. Here are the names of a jury faid to be cndofed in the county of Sufiwc about that time. Accepted, Trevor of Norfham., Return, Spelman of Watling. Redeemed, Compton cf Battle, Ee Faithful, Joiner of Britling. ?aint not, Hewit of Heathfield, Fly Debate, Roberts of the fame. Make Peace, Heatop of Hare, Fight the good Fight of Faith, White God Reward, Smart of Fjvehurft. of Emer. Standfaft on High, Stringer of Crow*. More Fruit, Fowler of Eaft Hadley, hurft. Hope for, Bending of the fame. Earth, Adams of Warbleton. Graceful, Harding of Lewes. Called, Lower of the fame. Weep not, Billing of the fame. Kill Sin, Pimple of Witham. Meek, Erewer of Okeham. See Brome's Travels into England, p. 179. " Cromwel," fays Cleveland, " hath beat up his drums clean through the Old Teftament. You may learn " the genealogy of our Saviour by the names of his. regiment. The mufter- ' matter has no other lift, than the fir/t chapter of St. Matthew." The brother of this Hraife-god Barebone had for name. If Chrift had not died for you, you had been damned Barebone. But the people tired of this long name, retained only the laft word, and gave him comnjonly the appellation, of Damn'd Barebcne. This ( 9 ) This mtferable expedient of a parliament fatisfyjng Cron> v. tl, as little as it did the nation ; and being convinced that the prejudice of the Englifh people was in favour of monarchy, be rcfolved to gratify them as well as he could confidently with his own views, and he accordingly procured himfelf to be made Protector, in December, 1653, which tranfition is thus related by Mr. Hume. Cromwel began to be aihamed of his legiilature. If he ever had any other defign in fummoning fo prepofterous an ailembly beyond amufmg the populace and the army, he had intended to alarm the clergy and lawyers ; and he had fo far fucceeded as to make them defireany other government, which might fecure their profeftions, now brought in danger by thels defperate fanatics. Cromwel himfelf was diiFatisfied, that the parliament, though they had received all their authority from him, began to pretend power from the Lord, and to in- fill, already on their divine commiffion. He had been careful to fummonin his writs feveral perfons entirely devoted to him. By concert, thefe met early ; and it was mentioned by fomc among them, that the fitting of this parliament any longer would be of no fervice to the nation. They haltened there- fore, to Cromwel, along with Roufe, their fpeaker; and by a formal deed or alignment, reiigned back into his hands that fupreme authority, which they had fo lately received from him. General Harrifon and about twenty more remained in the houfe ; and that they might prevent the reign of the faints from coming to an untimely end, they placed one Moyer in the chair, and began to draw up protefts. They were foon interrupted by colonel White, with a party of foldiers. He ailced them what they did there? " We are feeking the Lord," faid they.. Then you may go elfewhere," replied he : " For " to my certain knowledge he has not been here thefe many " years.'" The military being now, in appearance, as well as in real- ity, the fole power which prevailed in the nation, Cromwel thought fit to indulge a new fancy : For he fcems not to have had any deliberate plan in all thefe alterations. Lambert, his HO, who, under the appearance of obfequioufnefs to him, indulged an unbounded ambition, propofed in a council of offi- cers to adopt another fcheme of government, and to temjx.T the liberty of a commonwealth by the authority of a (ingle per fon, who fhould be known by the appellation oi pro- tector. Without delay, he prepared what was called the ihitrument of government, containing the plan of this new legislature ; and as it was fuppofed to be agreeable to the ge- neral, neral, it was immediately voted by the council of officer*. Cromvvd was declared protected ; and with great folemnity irtfblled in that high office. So little were thefe men endowed with the fpirit of legiflatiorr, that they coufciTed or rather boalled, that they had employed only four days in drawing this in- ftrument, by which the whole government of the three kingdoms was pretended f(5 be regulated and adj tilled for a!l fucceeding generations. There appears no difficulty in believing them ; when it is confidered how crude and undi- gefted a fyfterri of civil polity rhey endeavoured to effcabliih. The chief articles of the instrument are thefe : A council was appointed, which was riot to exceed twenty-one, nor be lefs than thirteen perfons. Thefe were to enjoy their office during life or good behaviour; and in cafe of a vacancy, the remaining members named t'hree, of whom the protector chofe one. The protector was appointed the fupreme magiltrate of the commonwealth : In his name was all juiiice to be admi- tiHlered; from him were all magiflracy and honours derived; he had the power of pardoning all crimes, excepting murder and treafon ; to him the benefit of all forfeitures devolved. The right of peace, War, and alliance, refted in him ; but in thefe pr*rticuhrs he was to act entirely by the advice and with the con lent of his council. The power of the fvvord was veil- ed m the protector, jointly with the parliament, while it was fitting, or with the council of ftate in the intervals. He was obliged to fummon a parliament every three years, and allow them to fit fwe month--, without adjournment, prorogation, or diflblurion. The bills which they had parted, were to be prefented to the protestor for his conlent ; but if within twen- ty days it was not obtained, they wtre to become laws by the authority alone of the parliament. A (landing army for Bri- taJn and Ireland was eftablilhed, of 20,000 foot and 10,000 horfe ; and funds were afligned for their fupport. Thefe were jiot to be diminished without conlent of the protector ; and in this article alone heafTumed a negative. During the inter- vals of parliament, the protector and council had the power of enacting laws, which were to be valid till the next meeting of parliament. The chancellor, treafurer, admiral, chief go- vernors of Ireland and Scotland, and the chief juftices of both the benches, muft be chofen with the approbation of parlia- ment ; and in the intervals, with the approbation of the coun- cil, to be afterwards ratified by parliament. The protector was to enjoy his office during life ; and on his death, the place was immediately to be fupplied by the council. This was the inftrument inftrument of government enacted by the council of officers, and folemnly fworn to by Oliver Crom we!. The council of ilate, named by the inltrument, were fifteen ; men entirely devoted to the protector, and by reafon of the oppofition among themfelves in party and principles, not likely ever to combine againlt him. Cromwel fuid, that he accepted the dignity of protector, merely that he might exert the duty of a conltable, and pre- ferve peace in the nation. Affairs indeed were brought to that pafs, by the furious animofhies of the feveral factions, that the extenfive authority and even arbitrary power of fome firft magiftrate was become a neceiTary evil in order to keep the people from relapfing into blood and confufion. The in- depcndants were too fniall a party ever to eftablilh a popular government, or entruft the nation, where they had fo little in- tereft, with the free choice of its reprefentatives. The pref- byterians had adopted the violent maxims of perfecntion ; in- compatible at all times with the peace of focicty, much more with the wild zeal of thofe numerous fects, which prevailed among the people. The royalills were fo much enraged by the injuries, which they had fuffered, that the other prevailing parties would never fubmit to them, who, they knew, were enabled, merely by the execution of the ancient laws, to take ievere vengeance upon them. Had Cromwel been guilty of no crime but this temporary ufurpation, the plea of neceflny and public good, which he alledged, might be allowed, in every view, a reafonable excufc for his conduct. During the variety of ridiculous and diffracted fcene?, which the civil government prefented in England, the military force was exerted with vigour, conduct, and unanimity ; and never did the kingdom appear more formidable to all foreign na- tions. Cromwel died in 1658. The feeble and fhort govern- ment of his fon, gave encouragement, and an afcendancy to cabals of various fort?, among partifans in politics, and fecta- ries in religion. Thofe who were neareft to the fcene of ac- tion, took advantage of this criiis to revive their favourite re- public; but this mifcrable attempt had fo often jailed, that it could not fupport itfe!f between the contempt and violence ta which it was expofed. The rump parliament was indeed re- flored, but in a few months was again expelled by an armed force, in October, 1659, Every thing now was at the mercy of the army. Fortunately for the nation, a very con fiderable part of the army was under the command of a man, who was difpofed towards monarchy. General Monk availed himfelf of f I* ) of his fituation : he over-awed the male-contents who were in the army; and, under his protection a new parliament was fummoned, in which it was trufted the real fenfe of the na- tion might be exprefTed. Mr. Hume thus goes on. The ele&ions for the new parliament went every where in favour of the King's party. This was one of thofe popular torrents, where the mod indifferent, or even the moft averfe, are tranfported with the general pafTion, and zealoufly adopt the fentiments of the fociety, to which they belong. The entliu- fiafts themfelves feemed to be difarmed of their fury ; and be- tween defpair and aftonimment gave way to thofe meafures which, they found it would be impoflible for them, by their utmolt efforts to with ft and. The prefbyterians, the royalifts, being united, formed the voice of the nation, which, without noife, but with infinite ardour, called for the King's reftora- tion. The kingdom was almofl entirely in the hands of the for^ mer party : and fome zealous leaders among them began to re- new the demand of thofe conditions, which had been required of the late King in the treaty of Newport : But the general opinion feemed to condemn all thofe rigorous and jealous capi~ tulations with their fovereign. Harrafled with convulfions and diforders, men ardently longed for repofe, and were terri- fied with the mention of negotiations or delay, which might afford opportunity to the feiljtious army (till to breed new con- lufion. The paflion too for liberty, having been carried to fuch violent extremes, and having produced Tuch bloody com- motions, began by a natural movement to give place to a fpirit of loyalty and obedience ; and the public were lefs zealous in a caufe, which was become odious, on account of the calami- ties which had fo long attended it. After the conceifions made by the late King, the conftitution feemed to be fufricientjy fecured; and the additional conditions infifted on, as they had been framed during the greateft ardour of the conteft, amounted lather to an annihilation than a limitation of monarchy, Above all the General was averfe to the mention of conditi- ons; and refolved, that the crown, which he intended to re- ftoie, fhould be conferred on the King entirely free and unin- cumbered. Without farther fcruplc, therefore, or jealoufy, the people gave their voice in elections for fuch as they knew to entertain fentiments favourable to monarchy ; and all payed court to a party, which, they ibrefavv, was foon to govern the pation- Though the parliament had voted, that no one ihould be eleclcd, who had himfelf, or whofe father had borne arms for the late King \ very little regard was any where paid to this ordinance. The leaders of the prefbyterians, the Earl of ( 13 ) of Manchefter, Lord Fairfax, Lord Roberts, Hollis, Sir An- thorty Alhley Cooper, Annelley, Lewis, were determined to atdne for pail tranfgreifions by their prefent zeal for the royal interests ; and from former merits, fucceiFes, and fufferings, they had acquired with their party the higheft credit and au- thority. , Thus ended the ftory of revolutions and republics in the laft century. The moral of this is the bed monitor a Briton can liiten to. The pen of hiitory, the memorials of our anceitors atford us IclTons of experience which may make us wife; and thofe who read them, will be better enabled to fee through the defigns of artful men, however they may be veiled with the lalfe pretences of liberty, philofophy, and univerfal peace. The fcenes of corruption and iniquity that were praclifed during this period of revolutions, are pictured in a very lively manner in {talkers Hlftory of Independency ; a work that was pv.blilhed in parts, at feveral different times, while thofe tranfattions were really palling, and which ought to be read by every one who would be rightly informed of the dangers to he apprehended from republicanifm, and any changes in the le<^al government of this country. It appears from this writer, that the parliament felt a pri- vate intereit in deitroying the king, and perfecutir.g his follow- ers as delinquents, becaule they thereby kept in their own hands all the lucrative orh'ccs that exifted under the old go- vernment, with many more they had created ; and becaufe they divided amongit them the citates of the peers and great land- holders, as v.xll as thofe of the bifhops and other churchmen. The nation at large derived no benefit from the change; they only fuw great offices and great property transfered from men of worth and character to men without either ; from the right owners to public plunderers. In the mean time, the people paid the fame taxes, and others, of a new fort, more heavy than ever were known in this country. The cxcij'e was fir It introduced by thefe frientfs to liberty, and was levied on bread and flefh meat, as well as beer and other liquors. So much were the taxes of the kingdom increafed, that from being at the beginning of the Long Parliament in 1640 only 900,000!. they became in Cromwel s time Two Millions. So miltaken are thofe who fuppofe that a republic is cheaper than a mo- narchy ! The republicans indeed took a ready way, at once, to make their government much more expenfive thao it had ever before been under any king ; for they allowed themfelves 4]. a week each, \vhich for 516 members made i,ioo,oool. per an nun, In In Walker's Hiftory therels a curious lift of the members, with the offices, and large bribes that had been beftowed upon them. It would be too long to infert this at length. But I will venture to give a few extracts as fpecimens : " Thomas Scot, a brewer's clerk formerly, hath the Arch- " bifliop's Houfeat Lambeth. " Edward Harvy, late a poorfilkman, now colonel, and hath " got the Bifhop of London's Houfe, and Manor of Fulham. " John Moore, colonel of the guards, and for fome time " had the benefit of palTes out of London. " Oliver Cromwel, Lieutenant General, hath 2,500!. per " annum given him out of the Marquis of Worcefter's eftate, " for which 4000!. per annum is let out at the rate of 2,500!. " Sir William Brereton, Colonel General for the Che (hire " Forces, has Cafhiobery, and other lands of the Lord Capel, * worth aoool. per annum, and the Archbifhop's Houfe and " Lands at Croydon, where he has turned the chapel into " a kitchen a goodly reformation. Benjamin Valentine had given him 5000!. Francis Rous, Proved of Eton, in Dr. Steward's place, worth 6ool. per annum, and has got a College Leafe worth " 6ool. per annum." Thefe are fome of the inftances of pillage and peculation. This writer makes the following general reflexion, which is ap- plied to the time, jutt preceding the King's death. It is thought this faftion, their under-agents and factors, have coft this Common-wealth above 20 millions never laid forth in any publick fervice: nay, the treafurers and publicans of this faction have clipped and vvafhed moft of the money that comes into their fingers before they pay it forth, knowing that any money, that comes out of their fingers will be accepted : two goldfmiths are thought to be dealers this way, yet they lay the blame on the Scottifh army, as the cuckow lays her brood in other nefls. Having thus imped their wings for flight, they have pro- vided themfclves of places of retreat in cafe they cannot make good their Handing in England ; Ireland is kept unprovided for, that they may find room in it when neceffity drives them thither. If their hopes fail in Ireland, they have New-Eng- land, Bermudas, Barbadas, the Carybi Ifles, the Ifle of Provi- dence, Eleutheria, Lygonia, and other places to retreat to, and ky up the fpoils of England in: nay, they ufually fend chefts and ( '5 ) and veflels with money, plate, and goods beyond fea, with pa fcs from the two fpeaktrs, to let them pafs without fearclung: the navy is in their power to accommodate their flight, and by their initruments called fpirits, they have taken up many chil- dren and fent them before to be Haves and drudges to the godly in their fchifmatical plantations as the Turk takes up tribute- children from the chriltians to furnifh his nurfery of janifaries; and fo they have their agents that buy up all the gold they can get; Cromwel not long fince, offered 110,000!. in filver, for loo.ool. in gold ; befides, he is well furniflied with the King's jewels taken in his cabinet at Nazeby ; many of them known jewels, as the Harry, and the Elizabeth. After giving a lift cf the member?, with the places they held, and the bribes they had had, he concludes in this way By the ordinance for fequeftring delinquents [i April 1643.] it was declared, that their eilates Ihould go for maintenance of the publick affairs, and feveral ordinances defigned bifhop's lands for pay of 200,000!. publick debt: yet by this, and the following lilt, * thou (halt lee how both delinquents eftates and bifhop's ianJs, are by members of parliament fharedamc ngft themfelvcs, whilfl the 200,000!. is unpaid, the publick affairs fupported by unfupportable taxes, and that Dutch devil ex*- ctfe t that infenfibly devours the poor, and will impoverish the rich. Thefe are they that with Hananiah, break the wooden yoke from our necks, (28 Jeremiah) and put on one of iron ; free us from a little fhip-money paid thrice in an age, and impofe as much at once for a monthly tax ; quit us of the monopo- lies of tobacco, and let up excife on bread and beer. The firft eafeth the wanton rich man, and the latter grindeth the needy and poor. Yet thefe are thy gods, O London ! thefe are the idol calves the people have fet up and do worfhip : thefe be the Molec to whom ye facrifice fons and fervants by troops, regiments, and armies, to maintain their fovereignty, rebel lipn, and profit. And that thefe and other their aflions may never be queflion- ed, they, his MajeUy's loyal and obedient fubjedls, will always imprifon their King, continue their army, perpetuate their parliament, and intail their membtrfhips (as the prielthood on Levi) upon confiding families, to furnifh them with votes. And that our ecclefialticks may comply with our temporal governors, the houfe abolilh (as fuperditious becaufe legal) the * He had given one lift, and he adds another. Convoca- ( 16 ) Convocation of learned divines, (regularly fummoned by the King's writ, and duly elected by the clergy) and the Houfe of Commons nominates an aflembly of gifted divines (indeed wicked Simons) that (lander the godly Onias, (2 Mac. 4.) to out him of his prieft's place ; fo that at this day there is not one airembly-man but is illegally thruft into another's benefice, a catalogue of whofe names and preferments expeft fhortly,- and with them a view of the militia and common council-men of London, obferving what places, offices and falaries they have from the Houfes of Parliament, and then thou wilt know the reafons of their votes and actions in the city.* You fee in part what the grandees have done for themfelves Confider after eight years fitting, what they have done for the fcoph: when amongft all their propofitions to the King for peace, hardly any one refpedl:s the good of the people, but their own grandeur and profit. They demand a militia to keep up this army upon us, which is not the King's to give. No Kinsj of England ever governed by a (landing army. They demand likewife power to raife what forces for land and fea, confiding of what perfons, they pleafe to prefs ; and to raife what money to maintain them, out of all mens' eftates, to be laid on at their difcretion, and as partially as they pleafe, fo that they may favour one faction, and opprefs the other at pleafure ; for, 6) much the al for the militia, as it is penned, imports: and this is more than his Majefty hath power to grant. The late militia of trained bands, and the pofTe comitatus under fheriffs (being the only legal militia of England) will not ferve their turns. It hath always been the policy of England to truft the militia and fword in one hand (viz. the King's) and the purfe that (hould pay them in another (viz. the Parliament's} where- by one power might 'bound and limit the other. For to put the fword and the purfe into one hand, is to make that hand abfolute mafter of our perfons and eftates, and fo reduce us ta abfolute flavery under the arbitrary power of one man, without appeal or redrefs. Awake and look about you good people. Such was the corruption of a government, which refided in a public aflembly, and fuch would be a Republican govern- ment, in the prefent days, if fubftituted inftead of the Mo- narchy. It is fo, and ten times worfe in France, at this mo- ment. Thefe things are known to the Republicans in this country, and they know for what they are ftruggling. * This catalogue is really given by the author, and is very curious. PUBLICATIONS Printed by Order of THE SOCIETY FOR PRESERVING LIBERTY AND PROPERTY AGAINST REPUBLICANS AND LEVELLERS. NUMBER VI. CONTAINING Reafons for Contentment. Lord Loitghlorougb's Speech on the Allen Bill LONDON: Printed and Sold by J. DOWNES, No. 240-, Temple-bar* Strand; where the Bbokfellers in Town and Country may be fervcd with any Quantity. PRICE, ONE PENNY. Reafons for Contentment ; addreffed to the labouring Part of the Britijh Public. By William Paley, M. A. Archdeacon uf Carlijle. HUMAN life lias been faid to refemble the fituation of fpe&ators in a theatre, where, whilit each perfon is engaged by the fcene which pailes before him, no one thinks about the place in which he is feated. It is only when the bufmefs is interrupted, or when the fpeclator's attention to if grows idle and remifs, that he begins to conftder at all, who is before him, or who is behind him, whether others are bet- ter accommodated than himfelf, or whether many be not much worfe. It is thus with the various ranks and ftationsof fociety. So long as a man is intent upon the duties and con- cerns of his own condition, he never thinks of comparing it with any other ; he is never troubled with reflections upon the different claifes and orders of mankind, the advantages or dif- advantages of each, the neceflity or non-neeeflity of civil dif- A tin&ions, f * ) finctions, much lefs o'oes he feel within himfelf a difpofition to covet or envy any of them. He is too much taken up with the occupations of his calling, its purfuits, cares, and bufmefs, to heftow unprofitable meditations upon the circum- flances in which he fees others placed. And by this means a man of a found and active mind, has, in his very constitution, a remedy againft the disturbance of envy and di (content. Thefe paffions gain no admittance into his breatt, becaufe there is no leifure there or vacancy for the trains of thought which generate them. He enjoys therefore cafe in this re- fpet, and eafe refulting from the belt caufe, the power of keeping his imagination at home ; of confining it to what belongs to himfelf, initead of "fending it forth to wander amongft fpeculations which have neither limits nor ufc, amidft views of unattainable grandenr, fancied happinefs, ot extolled, becaufe unexperienced, privileges and delights. The wifdt advice that can be given is, never to aftow our attention to dwell upon comparifons between our own condi- tion and that of others, but to keep it fixed upon the duties and concerns of the condition itfelf. But fince every man has not this power; fince the minds of fome men will be bufy in contemplating the advantages which they fee others poflefs, and fince perfons in laborious ftations of life are wont to view the higher ranks of fociety with fentiments which not only tend to make thernfelves unhappy, but which are very diffe- rent from the truth, it may be an ufeful office to point out to them fome of thefe considerations, which,, if they will turn their thoughts to the fubject, they fhouid endeavour to take- fairly ir.to the account, And fir(t r we are moft of us apt to murmur, when we fee exorbitant fortunes placed in the hands of fmgle perfons ; larger, we are fure, than they can want, or, as we think, than they can ufc. This is fo common a reflection that I will riot fay it is not natural. But whenever the complaint comes int-< our minds, we ought to recollect, that the thing happens in confequence of thofc very rules and laws which fecure to otirfslves our, property, be it ever fo finall. The laws which accidentally ealt enormous eltates into one great man's pofleffion, are after all, the fclf fame laws which protect and guard the poor man. Fixed rules of property are eth- blifhed, for one as well as another, without knowing, before hand, whom they may alfecr. It thefe rules fometimes thsovv an exceffive or difptoportionate lhare to one man's lot, who can help it ? It is much better that it (hou'.d be fo, than that the rules therrxfolvcs fhouid be broken up: and you can only have ( 3 ) have one fide of the alternative or the other. To abolifh riches would not be to abuliih poverty : but, on the contrary, to leave it without protection or rcTonrce. It is not for the poor man to repine at the effects of laws and ruks by which he himfdf is benefited every hour of* his exigence; which fe- cure to him his earnings, his habitation, his bread, his life ; without which he, no more than the rich man, could either eat his meal in quietnefs, cr go to bed in fafety. Of the two, it is rather more the concern of the poor to Itand up for the laws than the rich ; for it is the law which defends the weak againfl the flrong, the humble againfl: the powerful, the little againft the great ; and weak and ftrong, humble and powerful, little and great there would be, even were there no laws whatever. Beficlc ; what after all is the raifchief? The owner of a great eftate does not eat cr drink more than the owner of a fmall one. His fields do not produce worfe crops, nor does the produce maintain fewer mouths. If eftates were more equally divided, would greater numbers be fed, or clothed, or employed r Either therefore large for- tunes are not a public evil, or, if they be in any degree an evil, it is to be borne with for the fake of thofe fixed and ge- neral rules concerning property, in the prefervation and Itea- dinefs of which all are interelted. Fortunes however of any kind, from the nature of the thing, can only fall to the lot of a few. I fay, " from the nature of the thing " The very utmoft that can be done by laws and government, is to enable every man, who hath health, to procure a healthy fnbliUence for himfelf and a fa- mily. Where this is the cafe, things are at their perfection. They have reached their limit. Were the princes and nobi- lity, the legiflators and councilors of the land, all of them, the belt and wifeit men that ever lived, their united virtue and wifdom could do no more than this.- They, if any fuch there be, who would teach you to expeit more, give you no initance where more has ever been attained. But Providence, which fore law, which appointed indeed, the necelfity to which human affairs are fubjected, and againft which it were impious to complain, hath contrived that, whillt fortunes are only for a few, the reft of mankind may be happy without them. And this leads us to confider the comparative advantages and comforts which belong to the con- dition of thofe who fubfilr, as the great mafs of every people do and mtifl fubfift, by perfonal labour, and the folid reafons .they have for contentment in their ftations, I do not now ufe the term? poor and rich, bccaufs that man is to be ac- A 2 counted counted poor, of whatever rank he be, and fuffers the of poverty, whofe exptnces exceed his rcfources ; and no man is, properly fpeaking, poor but he. But I at prefent con- flder the advantages ot thofe laborious conditions of life, which compofe the great portion of every human com- munity. And, firfl, it is an ineftimable bleffing of fuch fituations, that they fupply a conftant train of employment both to body and mind. A hufbandman, or a manufacturer, or a tradesman, never goes to bed at night without having his bufmefs to rife up to in the morning. He would underitand the value of this advantage, did he know that the want of it compofes one of the greateft plagues of the human foul ; a plague by which the rich, efpecially thofe who inherit riches, are exceedingly op- prefled. Indeed it is to get rid of \( T that is to fay, it is to have fomething to do, that they are driven upon thofe ftrange and unaccountable w^ays of pafling their time, in which wo fometimes fee them, to our furprife, engaged. A poor man's condition fupplies him with that, which no- man can do without, and which a rich man, with all his op- portunities and all his contrivance, can hardly fupply himfelf,. regular engagement, bufintfs to look forward to, fomething to be done for every day, fome employment preparing fo* every morning. A few of better judgment can feck out for themfelves conftant and ufeful occupation. There is not one of you takes the pains in his calling, which fome of the molt independent men in the nation have taken, and are taking, to promote what they deem to be a point of great concern to the interefts of humanity, by which neither they nor theirs can ever gain a frilling, and which, fhould they fuccecd, thofe who are to, be benefited by their fervice, will never know nor thank them for it. I only mention this to fhow, in conjunc- tion with what has been ob ft rved above, that of thote who are at liberty to aft as they plcafe, the wife prove, and the foohfh contefs, by tlieir conduit, that a life of employment is the only life worth leading; and that the chief d.rrcix nee be- tween their manner of pafling their time and yours, is, that they can chufe the objcds of their adivity, which you cannot. This privilege may be an advantage to fome, but tor nine out of ten it is fortunate, that occupation is provided to their hands, that they have it not to feek, that it is impofed upon them by their neccflities and occafions ; for the confequencc of liberty in this refpecl would be, that, lo(t in the perplexity of chooiing, they would fink into irrecoverable indolence, in- action, and unconcern v into that vacancy and twefoHvcnefs of ( s ) c'F time and thought which are infeparable from fueh afitua- tion. A man's thoughts muft be going. Whilft he is awaie, .the working of his mind is as conflant as the beating of his .pulfe. He can no more ftop the one than the other. Hence it our thoughts have nothing to a<5l upon, they act upon our- il-lvcs. They acquire a corroiive quality. They become in the lall degree irkfome and tormenting. Wherefore that fort of eovublc engagement, which takes up the thoughts fuf- licicni.y, yjt i'o as to leave them capable of turning to any thii'g more important, as occafions offer or require, is a molt invaluable bleliing. And if the indullrious be not ieniible of the bleliing, it is for no other reafon than becaufe they have never experienced, or rather fufFered, the want of it. Again j fome of the necellities which poverty (if ihe condi- tion of the labouring part of mankind mult be fo called) im- pofes, are not hardlhips but pleafures. Frugajity itfelf is a pleaftire. It is an exercife of attention and contrivance, which, whenever it is fuccefsful, produces fatisfaclion. Tlie very care aixl forecalt that are necellary to keep expcnces and earnings upon a level form., when not embarrafled by too great difficulties, is an agreeable engagement of the thoughts. This is loll amidft ab.un jance. There is no pleafure in taking eut of a large unmeafured fund. They who do that, and only that, are the mere conveyors of raoney from one hand to another. A yet more ferious advantage which pcrfons in inferior ftatiorrs pollefs, is the eafe with whicli they provide for their children. All the provifion which a poor man's child re- quires is contained in two words, " indultry and innocence." With thcfc qualities, though without a Ihilling to fet him forwards, he goes into the work! prepared to become a ufeful, virtuous, and happy man. Nor will he fail to meet with a maintenance adequate to the habits with whicli he has been brought un, and to the expectations which he has formed ; a degree of Ajccefs fufficient for a pcrfon of any condition what- ever. Thefe qualities of induftry and innocence, which, I repeat again, are all that are abfolutely neceflary, every parent can give to his children without expence, becaufe he can give them by his o\vn authority and example ; and they are to be communicated, I believe, and preferved in no other way. I call this a ferious advantage of humble Nations, becaufe in what we reckon fuperior ranks of life, there is a real difficulty in placing children in lituations, which mcy in any degree fupport them in the clafs and in the habits in ivhich they have been brought up with their parents : from which great, and A 3 oftentimei f 6 ) oftentimes diftreflmg perplexity, the poor are free. With health of body, innocency of mind, and habits of induftry, a poor man's child has nothing to be afraid of; nor his father or his mother any thing to be afraid of for him. The labour of the world is carried on byfervict, that is, by one man working under another man's direction. I take it for granted, that this is the belt way of conducting buiincfs, becaufe all nations and ages have adopted it. Consequently fervice is the relation which, of all others, affedls the greatett number of individuals, and in the mod fenfible manner. In whatever country therefore this relation is well and equitably regulated, in that country the poor will be happy. Now how is the matter managed with us.r Except apprenticelhips, the neceflity of which, everyone, at lead every father and mother, will acknowledge, as the bed, if not the only practicable way of gaining inttrudlion and {kill, and which have their founda- tion in nature^ becaufe they have their foundation in the natu- tural ignorance and imbecility of youth : except thefe, fervice in England is, as it ought to be, voluntary and by contradl ; a fair exchange of work for wages ; an equal bargain, in which each party has his rights and his redrefs,; wherein every fervant chufes his mailer. Can this be mended? I will add, that a continuance of this connection is frequently the founda- tion of fo much mutual kindnefs and attachment, that very few fricndfhips are more cordial, or more fincere; that it leaves oftentimes nothing in fervitude, except the name ; nor any diftinclion, but what one party is as much pleafed with, and fometimes alfo, as proud of as the other. \Vhat then (for this is the fair way of calculating) is there in higher .ftations to place againft thefe advantages P What does the poor man fee in the life or condition of th.e rich that ihould render him diflatisfied with his own ? Was there as much in fenfual plea fu res, I mean in the luxuries of eating and drinking, and other gratifkat>ns of that fort, as fome mens' imaginations would reprefent thereto be, but which no man's experience finds in them, I contend, that, even in thefe refpcfts, the advantage is on the fide of the poor. The rich who addict thcmfelves to indulgence lofe their re- lif!. Their deiires are d.ad. Their fenfibilities are worn and tired. Hence they lead a languid, fatiated exiftence. Hardly any thing can amufe, or roufe, or gratify them. Whereas the poor man, if fomething extraordinary fall in his way, ccmes to the repaft with appetite ; is pleafed and re- frelhed ; derives from his ufual courfe of moderation and temperance a "quicknefs of perception and delight, which the unreftrained f 7 5 uwreflrained voluptuary knows nothing of. Habits of all kinds are much the lame. Whatever is habitual becomes fmooth, arid 'indifferent, and nothing more. The luxurious rex cive no greater p lea fu res from their dainties, than the pca- fant does from his homely fare. But here is the difference. The peafant, when ever he goes abroad, finds a feaft, where- as the epicure mult be fumptuouily entertained to efcape dif- guft. They who fpend every day in diverfions, and thev who go every day about their ufual bulinefs, pais their time much alike. Attending to what they are about, wanting nothing, regretting nothing, they are both, v\hiUt engaged, in a ftate of eafe; but then whatever fufpends the piirfuits of the man of diveriion diitreifel him, whereas to the labourer or the man oi bufinefs every paufe is a recreation. And this is a vaft ad- vantage which they po'iefs who are trained and inured to a life of occupation, above the man who fets up for a life of plea- fure. Variety is foon exhauiled. Novelty itfelf is no longer new. Amufements are become too familiar to delight, and he is in a iituation in which he can never change but for the worfe. Another article, which the poor arc apt to envy in the rich, is their tujf' Now here thcv miftake the matter totally. They call inaction eafe, whereas nothing is farther from it. Red is eafe. That is true. But no man can reft who has not woiked. Reft is the cellation of labour. It cannot there- fore be enjoyed, or even tailed, except by thofe who have known fatigue. The rich fee, and not without envy, the refrefhment and pleafure which reft affords to the poor, and chufe to wonder that they cannot rind the fame enjoyment in being tree from the neceffity of working at all. They do not obferve that this enjoyment muft be piirchafed by previous la- bour, and that he who will not pay the price, cannot have the gratification. Being without work is one thing ; rcpofing from work is another. The one is as tirefome and infipid, as the other is fvveet and foothing. The one in general is the (ate of the rich man, the other is the fortune oi the poor. I have heard it faid, that if the face of happinefs can any where be feen, it is in the funimer evening of a country village. Where, after the labours of the day, each man, at his door, with his children, amongft his neighbours, feels his frame and his heart at reft, every thing about him pleafed and pleafing, and a delight and complacency in his fenfat ions far beyond what either luxury or diverfion can afford. The ricli want thi? ; and they want what they muft never have. As to fome other things which the poor are difpoied to envy A 4 in in the condition of the rich, fuch as their (late, their appcaiv ance, the grandeur of their houfes, drefs, equipage, and at- tendance, they only envy the rich thefe things, becaufe they do not know the rich. They have not opportunities of ob- ferving with what neglect and infenfibility the rich poifefs and regard thefe things themfeives. If they could fee the great man in his retirement, and in his actual manner of life, they would find him, if pleafed at all, taking pleafurc in fome of thofefimple enjoyments which they can command as well as he. They would find him amoiigrt his children, in his hufbandry, in his garden, purfuing (bme rural diverfion, or occupied with fome trifling exercife, which are all gratifications, as much within the power and reach of the poor man, as of the rich ; or rather more fo. To learn the art of contentment, is only to learn what hap- pinefs actually confifts in. Senfual pleafures add little to its fubftance. Eafe, if by that be meant exemptions from la- bour, contributes nothing. One, however, conftant fpring pf fatisfaclion, and almoft infallible fupport of cliearfulnefs and fpirits, is the exercife of domeftic affections ; the prefence of objects of tendernefs and endearment in our farni lies, our kindred, our friends. Now have the poor any thing to com- plain of here? Are they not furrounded by their relatives as generally as others. The poor man has his wife and children about him ; and what has the rich man more r He has the fame enjoyment of their fociety, the fame folicitude for their welfare, the fame pleafure in their good qualities, improve- ment and fucccfs : their connection with him is as flridl and intimate, their attachment as ftrong, their gratitude as warm. J have no propenfuy to envy any one, leaft of all the rich and great; but if I were difpofcd to this weaknefs, the fubjedl of jny envy would be, a healthy young man, in full pofleifion of itrength and faculties, going forth in a morning to work for his wife and children, or bringing them home his earnings at night. But was ditferengc of rank or fortune of more importance to perfpnal happinefs than it is it would be ill purchafcd by any fiidden or violent change of condition. An alteration of circumftances, which break? up a man's habits of life, de- prives him of his occupation, removes him from his acquain- tance, may be called an elevation of fortune, but hardly ever brings with it an.addition of enjoyment. Yiiey to whom accidents of this fort nave happened, never found them to an- )/, cr their expectations. After the firft hurry of the change - -r, they arc fmprifed to feel in themfeives, Ijitldlnefs ?.nd ( 9 ) and dejection, a confcioufnefs of folitude, vacancy and re- ftraint, in the place of cheerfulnefs, liberty, and eafc. They try to make up for what they have lo(t, fometimes by a beaftly fottifhnefs, fometimes by a foolifh diflipation, fome- times by a ftupid (loth ; all which effets are only fo many confeifions, that changes of this fort were not made for man. If any public ditlurbance fhould produce, not an equality, (for that is not the proper name to give it) but a jumble of ranks and profeflions amongft us, it is not only evident what the rich would lofe, but there is alfo this further misfortune, that what the rich loft, the poor would not gain. I (God knows) could not get my livelihood by labour, nor would the labourer find any folace or enjoyment in my ftudies. If we were to exchange conditions to-morrow, all the effect would be, that we both fhould be more miferable, and the work of both be worfe done. Without debating therefore, what might be very difficult to decide, which of our two conditions was better to begin with, one point is certain, that it is beft for each to remain in his own. The change, and the only change, to be defired, is that gradual and progreffive im- provement of our circumftances, which is the natural fruit of fucceilive induftry ; when each year is fomething better than the laft ; when we are enabled to add to our little houfehold one article after another of new comfort or conveniency, as our profits increafe, or our burthen becomes lefs j and, what is beft of all, when we can afford, as our itrcngth declines, to relax our labours, or divide our cares. This may be looked forward to, and is practicable, by great numbers, in a ftate of public order and quiet ; it is absolutely impollible in any other. If in comparing the different conditions of focial life we bring religion into the account, the argument is ftill eafier. Religion fmooths al! inequalities, becaufe it unfolds a profpe<5t which makes all earthly diftinclions nothing. And I do allow that there are many cafes of ficknefs, afRiclion, and diftrefs, which Chriftianity alone can comfort. But in eftimating the mere diverfities of ftation and civil condition, I have not thought it neceiTary to introduce religion into the enquiry at all, becaufe I contend, that the man who murmurs and repines, when he has nothing to murmur and repine about, but the mere want of independent property, is not only irreligious, but ill founded and unreafonablc in his complaint ; and that he would find, did he know the truth, and confider his cafe fairly, that a life of labour, fuch I mean as is led by the la- bouring part of mankind in this country, has advantages in it, whicft which compenfate all its inconveniencie*. When compared with the life of the rich, it is better in theie important refpc&s. It fupplies employment, it promotes activity. It keeps the body in better health, the mind more engaged, and, of courfe, nwre quiet. It .is more fenfible of eafe, more fufceptible of pleafure. It is attended with greater alacrity of fpirits, a more conftant chearfulnefs and ferenity of temper. It affords eafier and more certain methods of fending children into the \vorld in fituations fuitcd to their habits and expectations. It is free from many heavy anxieties which rich men feel ; it is fraught with many fources of delight which they want. If to thefe reafons for contentment the re fie .5i ing hr. {band- roan or artificer adds another very material one, that changes of condition, which are attended with a breaking up and Sa- crifice of our ancient courfe and habit of living, never can be proriu&ive of happinefs, he will perceive, I truft, that to co- vet the ftations or fortunes of the rich, or fo however to covet them, as to wifh to feize them by force, or through the medium of public uproar and confuii'on, is riot only wickednefs, but folly ; as miitaken in the end, as in the means ; that it is n r ,t enly /* venture out tofea in a farm, but 10 venture fir nothing. Sulftance cf the Speed of the Right Honourable Lcrd L^ugb- borough in the Houfe of Lords , on the- third reading of the Bill for efiablijbing certain Regulations refyefting Aliens, December 26, 1792. HIS Lordfhip, in a mod animated, eloquent, and argu- mentative Speech, took a view of the Bill as it then itood before the Houfe. He faid, that he had not hitherto interrupted their Lordfhips' deliberations upon it, and had hoped it would have palled with an unanimity that would have required no more than his filent alfent : but he felt himfelf under the painful necedity of delivering the reafons of his opinion, becaufe it differed totally from that of the Noble arl (of GuiLFORDy for whom he entertained the warmed friendfhip, founded on an affecYion that had com- menced at a very early period of the Noble Lord's life ; which, as his virtues ripened into manhood, had grown into refpeft and edeem, and was increafed by the pious regard he mud ever bear to the memory of thofe incomparable talents, and that excellent difpofition, the lofs of which had been fo recently recently felt, and would be fo long and fo juftly regretted, in that Houfe: That he felt, however, fume confolation from the Noble Lord's having very candidly dated his own uneafi- nefs in differing from a Noble Duke, (the Duke of PORT- LAND) in whole fentiments he was always happy to concur; the difference of opinion muft, on that account, give him lefs pain, and he milted would be no interruption oi a friendship which on his part would ever continue, and go as far as any friendfhip could or ought to do it would extend ujque ad aras To that term it had now reached; for the Altar and the Throne, in his judgment, were both engaged in 'the iflfue of the prefent queltion. The duty of a fubject, his regard for the laws of the country, to which, as a Magistrate he was more particularly bound, the obligations of religion, and the allegi- ance which ht owed to the Crown for he protection he received from it, called for his fupport to Government on the prefent occafion. It had been objected, that this Bill was a new and extra- ordinary ir.eafure. The principle was not new. By the Common Law, Aliens were here by the permiifion and pro- tection of the King, which might be withdrawn. Black- itone and other Authors prove this: and the Act of Henry V. quoted again!! it, was not an Act to enable the King to lend away the Bretons, but oblige them to go under pain oi" death. The Bill was indeed an extraordinary meafure ; but was not the lituation in which we (tood, equally fo: There might be fome cafes bearing a little affinity to the prefent, found ia hiitory, but none exactly parallel. The pound which pro- duced circumtlances the moit limilar, was the reign of Queen Elizabeth. At that time the great und overgrown power of Philip II. agitated and alarmed every (unrounding nation. Actuated not only by ambition, but by a religious fanaticifm ; intent upon the propagation of its own doctrines ; its greateft efforts were exerted againif this llland. Money, forces, fedi- tious writings, einiiTaries, were employed to excite plots in England, infurreclions in 1 1 eland, and attacks fio.u Scotland, againft the Queen ; but they \vere employed in vain, owing to the wife regulations adopted by that Princefi and her Councils. At prefent, a great and powerful people, actu- ated by a new fantaticifm of infidelity, were endeavouring to propagate over all Europe, principles as inconliltcnt with all ettabhlhed Governments as they were with the happincfs of mankind. However \\ilcl ai.d extravagant their doctrines might be, they had indifputably made fome profclytes in this country ; and though the numbers were comparatively trilling and and infignificant, they were ftirring and active in their mif- chicvous purpofes, deeply enraged againfl ail eftablifhmcnts, harbouring the moft dangerous defigns, and confident of foreign aid. The Proclamation which his Majetty's Minif- ters thought it expedient to iflue during the laft fpring, and which his Lorfhip entirely approved of, had for a time the tkfiredeffecl. Men who before had been loud in their com- mendations of the meafures of France, became more mode- rate and referred.; and in proportion as the foccefs of the combined armies againft France became more probable, that voice became (till more faint. After the horrid maifacres of the tenth of Auguft and fecond of September, all their parti- sans had abandoned them : the language then was, that after fuch flagitious [conduct they could not find a friend in any quarter of the globe : but as a melancholy proof how much, in the eyes of mankind fuccefs conftitutes the juflice, and misfortune the guilt of any meafure, the moment the tide of war turned in favour of the French, that moment their parti- sans refumed their courage ; thofe who before hung down their heads filent and abalhed, now became more audacious than ever ; (edition again broke out with incrcafecl force ; Clubs and SDcieties for fpreading their doclrines were formed all over the kingdom, and their numbers fbted with exulta- tion and boaft ; and means of communication were eitablifh- ed between theie different Societies. Embaflies were lent to France to congratulate the National AfTembly of that country on their fuccefs, and even to pro- mife the afiiftance of numbers here who would rife up in their caufe, and who in return expected their fraternal aid to overturn this Conititution. In France, anarchy and confufion triumphed over all order and regularity they had long villified and defpifed the Chrif- tian religion ; but now, incredible as it might appear, public profedions ofAtheifm have been made in full Convention, and received with much applaufe: publicly was it declared that there exiiled no God 'Atheifm was the balls of their j.nftitutions, which ftudioufly contradicted every command- ment of God. The fan&ity of the feventh day they had very early abolifhed ; and the relation of parent and child they had deltroyed. Their falfe prophet had taught, that no honour was due to the parent, who in his turn might abandon the <-hild. Robbery, murder, and licentioufnefs, not only were vmpunifhed, but encouraged as meritorious a6ls. Falfe tef- oth, whp, alas ! of the A 3 fon s fons of men, is To confident in the ftrength of his own virtue, fo allured of his own integrity and intrepidity of character, as to be certain, that under fimilar temptations he would not have been guilty of fimilar offences? Surely it would have been no diminution of the iternnefs of new republican virtue, no difgrace to the magnanimity of a great nation, if it had pardoned the perfidy which its own oppreflion had oecafioned if it hud remitted the pnniflimcnt of the perjury of the king, to the tribunal of Him, by whom kings reign and princes decree juftice. And are there any men in this kingdom, except fuch as find their account in public confufion, who would hazard the introduction of fuch fcenes of rapine, barbarity, and blood- fhecl, as have difgraced France, and outraged humanity, for the fake of obtaining What? Liberty and Equality. I fufpect, that the meaning of thefe terms is not clearly and ge- nerally underftood : it may be of life to explain them. The liberty of a man in a (rate of nature, coniifts in hi* being fubjcct to no law but the law of nature and the liberty of a man in a fhte of fociety confifts in his being 'ubjcct to no la v w but to the law enacted by the general will of the fo- ciety to which he belongs. -And to what other law is any man in Great Britain fubject ? The king, we are all juftly pcrtuaded, has not the inclination ; and we all know that, it he had the inclination, he has not the power, to fubfHtute jriis will in the place of the law. The houfe of Lords has no fuch power ; the houfe of commons has no fuch power ; the church has no fuch power ; the rich men of the country have no fuch pov/er. Thepooreft man amongft us, the beggar at our door, is governed not by the uncertain, pafTionaJe, arbitrary will of an individual not by the felfilh infolence of an arif- ^ucratic faction not by the madnefs of democratic violence but by the fixed, impartial, deliberate voice of law, enacted by the general fuffrage of a tree people. Is your property in- jured r Law, indeed, does not give you property ; but it af- *:ertains it. Property is acquired by rnduiiry and probity ; by t,heexerci(e of talcnrs*and ingenuity ; and the poiFefTk'n of it is fecured by the laws of the community. Againit whom think you is it fecured r It is ietwed againft. thieves and rob- bers \ againfl idlo ur.d profligate men, who, however low your condition may be, would be glad to deprive you of the little von polfefs. It is fcrurcd, not only againft fuch difturbers of the public peace, but agaiuft the oppreifion of the noble, the rapacity of the powerful, and the avarice of the rich. The courts of. Bridfh juftice are impartial and incorrupt ; they re- fpcb ( 1 } fpe6t not the peffons of men ; the poor man's lamb is, in- their eflimation, as facred as the monarch's crown ; with in- flexible integrity they adjudge to every man his own. Your property under their protection is fecure. If your pcrfonal li- berty beunjuftly retrained, though but fcr an hour, and that by the higheft fervants of the crown the crown cannot fcreen them ; the throne cannot hide them ; the law, with an undaunted arm, feizcrs them, and drags, them with irrefiftible might to the judgment of whom ? of your equals of twelve of your neighbours. In inch a conftitution as this, what is there to complain oi on the /core of liberty r The greateft freedom that can be enjoyed by man in a -ftate of civil fociety ; the greeted fecurity that can be given him with refpect to the protection of his character, property, per- ional liberty, limb, and life, is afforded to every individual by our prcfent conltitution. The equality of man in a (late of nature, does notconfi(t in an equality of bodily ftrength, or intelledtual ability, but in their being equally free from the dominion of each other. The equality of man in a ftate of civil fociety, does not con- fift in an equality of wifdom, honefty, ingenuity, induftry, nor in an equality of property refiilting from a due exertion of thefe talents ; but in being equally fubje6t to, equally pro- tected by the fame laws And who knows not that every indi- vidual in this great nation, is, in this refpecl, equal to every other ? There is not one law for the nobles, another for the commons of the land :-one for the clergy, another tor the laity ^,nc for the rich, another for the poor. The nobi- lity it is true, have fomc privileges annexed to their birth ; the judges, and other magifiratcs, have fome annexed to their office ; and proflffional men have annexed to their pro- fefllons but thefe privileges are neither injurious to the li- berty or property of other men: And you might as rcafonably contend, that the bramble ought to be equal to the oak ; the 5amb to the lion ; as that no difti notions Ihould take place be- tween the members of the fame fociety. The burthens of the (bte are diftributed through the whole community, with as mtich impartiality as the complex nature of taxation will admit ; every man fuilains a part in proportion to his ftrength ; ho order is exempted from the payment of taxes. Nor is any order of men exclufively entitled to the enjoyment of the lu- crative offices of the Itate. All cannot enjoy them, but all enjoy a capacity of acquiring them. The fon of the mcanefl man in the nation may become a general or an admiral, a lord chancellor or an archbifhop. .If any perfon have been fo fimple as to fuppofe, that even the French ever intended by A 4 die - the term equality, an equality of property, they have been quite miftaken in their ideas. The French never underitood by it, any thing materially different from what we and our anceflors have been in full poflTcflion of {or many ages. Other nations may deluge their land with blood in ftrug- gling for liberty and equality ; but let it never be forgotten by our felves, and let us imprefs the obfervation upon the hearts of our children, that we are in porTeilion of both ; of as much of both, as can be confident with the end for which civil fociety was introduced amongfl mankind. The provifion which is made for the poor in this kingdom is fo liberal, as, in the opinion of fome, to difcourage indultry. The rental of the lands in England and Wales does not, I conjecture, amount to more than eighteen millions a year ; and the poor rates amount to two millions. The poor then, at prefent, polfcfs a ninth ; ;rt of the landed rental of the country ; and, reckoning ten pounds for the annual maintenance of each pauper, it may be inferred, that thofe who are maintained by the community do not conftitutc a fortieth part of the people. An equal divifion of land would be to the poor a great misfor- tune ; they would podefs far Itfs than by the laws of the land they are at prefent entitled to. When we add to this confide- ration, an account of the immenfe fums annually fubfcribed by the rich for the fupport of hofpitals, infirmaries, difpenfaries for the relief of fufferers by fire, tempelb, famines, lofs of cattk, great ficknefs and other misfortunes ; all of which cha- rities muft ceafe were all men on a level, for all men would then be equally poor ; it cannot but excite one's aflonifhmcnt, that fo foolifli a fyftem fhould have ever been fo much as men- tioned by any man of common fenfe. It is a fyftem not prac- ticable ; and was it practicable, it would not be ufeful ; and was it ufeful, it would not be juft. But fome one may think, and indeed, it has been ftudioufly inculcated into the minds of the multitude, that a monarchy, even a limited one, is a far more expenfive mode of civil go- vernment than a republic ; that a civil lift of a million a year, is an enormous fum which might be favedto the nation. Sup- poling that every fhilling of this fum could be laved, and that every fhilling of it was expended in fupporting the dignity of the crown both which fuppofitions are entirely falfe ftill ihould I think the liberty, tlie profperity, the tranquillity, the happinefs of this great nation cheaply purchafed by fuch a fum ; flill fhould I think that he would be a madman in politics vrho would, by a change in the conflitution, rifk thcfe bleflings (and Frar.ce fupplics us with a proof that infinite rifle, would be run) ( 9 ) run) for a paltry faving of expence. I am not, nor have ever been, the patron of corruption. So far as the civil lift has a tendency to corrupt thejudgment of any member of either houfe of parliament, it has had a bad tendency which I wim it had not ; but I cannot vvifh to fee the fplendour of the crown re- duced to nothing, left its proper weight in the fcale of the con- ftitution fhould be thereby deftroyed. A great portion of this million is expended in paying the falaries of the judges, the in- terpreters of our law, the guardians of our lives and properties! Another portion is expended in maintaining ambaiTadors at different courts, to protect the general concerns of the nation from foreign aggrellion ; another portion is expended in penfi- ous and donations to men of letters and ingenuity ; to men who have by naval, military, or civil fervices, juft claims to the attention of their country ; to perfons of refpectuble families and connexions, who have been humbled and broken down by misfortunes. I do not fpeak with accuracy, nor on fuch a fubject is accuracy requifite ; but I am not far wide of truth in faying that a fifth part of the million is more than fufficient to defray the expences of the Royal houfeholcl What a mighty matter is it to complain of, that each individual con- tributes lefs than fixpence a year towards the fupport of the monarchy ? That the conftitution of this country is fo perfect as neither to require, or admit of any improvement, is a proportion to which 1 nevcrdid, or ever can allent; but I think it far too ex- cellent to be amended by pealants or mechanics. 1 do not mean to fpeak of pealants and mechanics with any de- gree of difrefpccl ; I am not fo ignorant oi" the importance, either of the natural or focial chain by which all the individu- als of the human race are connected together, as to think difre- fpe6tfully of any link of it ; pealants and mechanics are as ufefnl to the ftate as any other order of men ; but their utility confifts in their difcharging wc-11 the duties of their refpeclive ftations ; it ceaies when they aifec'b to become legislators ; when they intrude ihemfelves inio concern?, for which their educa- tion has not fitted them. The liberty of the prefs is a main fupport of the liberty of the r.ation ; it is a Welling which it is our duty to tranfmit to poftcrity ; but a bad ufe is fometimes made of it : and its ufe is never mure pernicious, than when it is employed to infufe into the minds of the loweft orders of the community, difparas;ing ideas concerning the con- iHtution of their country. No danger need be apprehended from a candid examination of our own conflitution, or from a difplay of the advantages of any other ; it will bear to be con- trafted with the belt ; but all men are not qualified to make the the comparifon ; and there are fo many men, m every com- munity, who wifh to have no government at all, that an ap- peal to them on fuch a point, ought never to be made. There are, probably, in every government upon earth, cir- cumftances which a man, unaccuftomed to the abftracl: invefti- gation of truth, may eafily prove to be deviations from the rigid rule of drift political juftice ; but whilft thefe deviations are either generally not known, or, though known, gene- rally acquiefced in, as matters of little moment to the general felicity, I cannot think it to be the part, either of a good man or of a good citizen, to be zealous in recommending fuch mat- ters to the difcufllon of ignorant and uneducated men. I am far from infmuating, that the fcienceof politics is in- volved in myftery ; or that men of plain underftandings mould be debarred from examining the principles of the government, to which they yield obedience. All that I contend for is this that the foundations of our government ought not to be over- turned, nor the edifice ere&ed thereon tumbled into ruins, bc- caufean acute politician may pretend, that he has difcovered a flaw in the building, or that he could have laid the foundation after a better model. What would you fay to a ftranger, who fhould defire y^u to pull down your houfe, becaufe, iorfooth, he had built one in France or America after, what he thought, a better plan ? You would fay to him No, fir my anceitors have lived in this manfion comfortably and honourably for many genera- tions ; all its walls are ftrong, and all its timbers found ; if I ihould obferve a decay in any of its parts, I know how to .make the reparation without the afllRaace of ftrangers ; and I know too, that the reparation, when made by myfelf, may be made without injury either to the ftrength or beauty of the building. It has been buffeted, in the courfe of ages, by a thoufand ftorms ; yet (till it (lands unihaken as a rock, the wonder of all my neighbours, each of whom fighs for one of a iimilar conftru6lion. Your houfe may be fuited to your cli- mate and temper; this is fuited to mine. Permit me, however^ to obferve to you, that you have not yet lived long enough in your new houfe, to be fenfible of all the inconveniences to which it may be liable ; nor have you yet had any expe- rience of its ftrength ; it has yet fuftained no fhocks ; the firft whirlwind may fcatter its component members in the air ; the fifft earthquake may (hake its foundation ; the firft inundation fnay fweep the fuperftruclure from the furface of the earth. I hope no accident will happen to your houfe, but I am fatisfied with mine own. Great Great calamities of every kind attend the breaking np of fftabliihed governments yet there are feme forms of govern- ment, efpecially when they happen to be badly admimltrred, fo exceedingly definitive of the happinefs of mankind, that a change of them is not improvidently purchafed, at the expcncc of the mtfchief accompanying their tnbverfion. Our govern- ment is not of that kind : look round the globe, and fee if you can clifcovera fmgle nation on all its fur face, fo powerful, fo rich, fo beneficent, fo free and happy as our own ? ' May Hea- ven avert from the minds of my countrymen the flighted wifli to abolifh their conftitution ! " Kingdoms," obferves Mr. Locke, " have been overturned by the pride, ambition, and turbulency of private men ; "by the people's wantonnefs and dcfire to call off the lawful autho- rity of their rulers, as well as by the rulers' infolence, and en- deavours to get and exercife an arbitrary power over the peo- ple." The recent danger to our conftitution was in my opi- aiion fmall ; for I confidered its excellence to be fo obvious to men even of the moll IIP improved uncleiitandings, that I looked upon it as an idle and fruitlefs effort, either in foreign or domc'Uc incendiaries, to endeavour to perluade the bulk of thf people to confcnt to an alteration of it in favour of a re- public. I knew, indeed, that in every country the flagitious dregs of a nation were always ripe for revolutions ; but I was fenlible, at the fame time, that it was the intereft, not only of the opulent and powerful; not only of the mercantile and middle chiles of life; but even of honefl labourers and ma- nufaclurers, of every iober and induftrious man, to refift ihe li- centious principles of fuch peftilent members, fliall I call them, or outcalb of foeiety. Men better informed and wifer than ir:y'<:lf, thought that the conftitution was in great danger. Vv'hcther in tact the danger was great or fmall, it is not necef- fary now to inquire ; it may be more ufcful to declare, that, in my humble opinion, the danger, of whatever magnitude k may have been, did not originate in any encroachments of tithtr the leg'ilative or executive power on the liberties or properties of the people; but in the wild fancies, and ttirbu-* lent tempers of difcontented or ill informed individuals. fincerely rejoice that, through the vigilance of adminiflr.ition, this turhulency has received a check. The hopes of bad men have been difappointed, and the understandings of iniltaker* men have been enlightened, by the general and unequivocal judgment of a whole nation ; a nation not more renowned for its bravery and its hurnanuy, though jnftly celebrated for both, ' - for its loyalty to its princes, and, what is perfectly con- iiftent fiftent with loyalty, for its love of liberty, and attachment to the confutation. Wife men have formed it, brave men have bled for it, it is our part to prefcrve it. R. LANDAFF. London, Jan. 25, '793- Reflections on the prefent Crifis. Dii Partii, quorum temper fub numine Troja eft, Non tamen omnino Teucros delere paratis, Cum tales animos juvenum, tam certa tuliftis Pedora. VIRC. Ev'n yet, ye Guardian Gods, your pow'rs divine Will fix the fortunes of your favourite Hue, Since you the bofoms of your youths infpire With full high courage, fuch cet(tial fire. IT is an obfervation of a noble author, and celebrated ftates- man, that " National corruptions can only be purg'd by National calamities;" i. e. remov'd or corrected by the feve- rity of the evils refulting from them. When fuch abufes have fpread to a certain extent, and have arifen to a certain mea- fure, the truth of the aflertion can admit of no doubt ; though the application of it to any particular nation would be unbe- coming andprefumptuous. For mere events, how ftriking fo- cver, unlefs they are direct accompli foments of fome plain prediction, cannot, of themfelves, interpret the councils of the Deity. They may, however, in themfelves, be of fuch a cad and complexion, and may alfo be attended with fuch circum- itances, as to intimate in no obfcure manner, that fome grand fcheme of Providence is preparing, in which, when fully un- folded, it will be manifeft to the world, that Nations, as fuch, are accountable for their conduct ; and that their fortunes will be ultimately fix'd by their moral and religious character. It is fcarce poflible, that any ferious andconfiderate perfonfhould contemplate without aftonifhment and awe, either the occur- jfences of a few years paft, or the incidents of the prefent juncture. By fome law of our nature, improvement and re- covery are flow and gradual. But, alas! how fhort is the paf- fage, how eafy the defcent to diforder and depravation ? Na- tions may tremble at this reflection, no lefs than individuals. For fureiy, whatever caufes may have occurred in producing ( '3 ) it, fbfudden, and fo violent a change as that which has hap- p n'd in tlie fentiments, manners, and character of a whole people; of a great, a powerful, and molt polilh'd Nation, was nc\er yet experienc'd. In the omfet of their Revolution, Itrong fy floras are fecn of rational enthufiafm, I im-an, an ar- dor for liberty fo call'd. The conduct and progrefs of it has been mark'd throughout by a political Mania \ by a wild and fettled licentioufneis of thinking and acling, worfe than any tyranny either of ancient or of modern times. The whole courfe of their proceedings is lull of wonder. But that a people who had (hewn themf Ives unable to difcern any medium between the condition of lluves, ::nd rebels, Ihou'.d fet v.p for instructors and reformers of mankind ; Ihould invite, admo- r.ilh, and endeavor to compel the nations around them to fol- low their example, and throw orF their allegiance ; (hjuic their afliflance in this way, to the Englilh, of al! ->?:icrs ; i Ihould find in this free and ha;;py country, admir-rs and pa- trons, in men of the highcft birth, an;! moll fp lend id talents thefe are particulars, which hiii'Ty naill record, though, poderity \\ill hardly believe them. How long it is or- dain'd that the Britilh Conftitution fhall continue, the wifetl know jult as much as the mofl ignorant. But every one, who is at all acquainted with hillory, knows, that the factious proceedings of ambitious, difappointed demagogues, falling in with the treacherous deiigns of foreign enemies, have frcn been fufficient of themfclves to ruin the moil prof- perous and rlounfhing ilates. That they have not fuc- ceeded in the prefent crili < =, is owing, under Providence, to the good fenle and virtuous indignation of a brave and generous PEOPLE, who difdain to defert their duty, and \vt-.o now gladly join, as in one grand chorus, to exprefs their feelings in that fublime hymn of gratitude, " Nonnobis Do- mine, fed tuo Nomini gloria." Not unto us, O Lord, not unto us, but unto thy name be the glory. For, as feciireas iome men affected to be, the fit nation was truly perilous. Who would have thought beforehand, that the extreme abufes of the prefs, which portended fuch fatal rniichief to Society, would operate at laft, in a manner dircftly contrary to their natural tendency ? Who would have conceiv'd, that the boldnefs of bad men, encourag'd by the tamencfs and ti- midity, as they fuppofed, but, as it now appears, by the dif- creet filence and wife forbearance of thofe in authority, would have overleap'd all bounds of prudnce, and betray 'd their de- figns before it was too late to defeat them '. that the very means employed to excite difcontent, would add lollre to lo) . ( 14 ) loyalty, an,d vigour to the Conftitotion. By this happy unron of hearts and minds, the ftrongeft arguments afledged ugainft it by the (brewed ft of its Oppofers, are turn'd agaii>it him- felf. For if, according to bis aiTumption, the fenfe of the people At large is the only firm bafts of a legitimate Conflitu- tion, then is OURS the firmed that can bs found in exigence, or form'd in imagination. The people of this country have declar'd their regard and reverence for it in every poiiible manner of exprellion, proper, or improper. That their zeal for its fafety has not always been difcreet and temperate, is but another proof of their attachment to it. All hopes of overturning it being now at an end, it would be well, if thofe, who th'nk fo well of it, that they cannot live happily under it, would remove to a region, where the fhifting policy of the day is more fuited to their princi- ples, and their reftlefs difpofition may find conltaut employ- ment. I conceive it will be no objection to their adopting this meafure, that our fpirited neighbours feem refolv'd in carne(t, to have u religion as well as a government of their own making. Fairly tir'd of the Chrijiian fcheme, which they have patiently tried for thirteen centuries, or more, without finding any benefit from it in return for the mifchiefs it had done by enjoining obedience to legal governors, and by incul- cating peace to the prejudice of rights, they are determined, it feems, to complete their independence, by getting rid of that yoke. This deflgn would be lefs Itrange, if fome parts of the Pagan Creed were not incompatible with their new theories. For is it poilible that fuch Divinities as jfujiicc and Clemency, Fidelity and Truth, or any other of that noble fa- mily, ihould ever find a niche in the PANTHEON of PARIS ? In the room of thofe antiquated Figures, they will undoubt- edly place their own heroes, philofophers, and flatefmen, to- gether with fome foreign Worthies of congenial excellence, who can well be fpared out of our corntry. The con- fufion arifing from fuch a motley mixture of times and cha- racters, will render their mode of worfhip but the more conformable to their fcheme of government ; and that, which has hitherto been confidered as a mere vifionary project, will, by their ingenuity be realiz'd, " a complete alliance between Church and State."' PUBLIC ATIO N3 Printed by Order of THE SOCIETY FOR PRESERVING LIBERTY AND PROPERTY AGAINST REPUBLICANS AND LEVELLERS. NUMBER VIII. CONTAINING, The Advantages peculiar to a Monarchy) and the Englijb Can/ft" tutlon. By M. De Lolme "Judge Butler's Charge to the Grand Jury of the County efTork^ at the Lent AJjizes 1793. Printed and Sold by J. DOWNES, No. 240, Strand, near Temple-Bar ; where the Bookfellers inTownandCountry may be ferved with any quantity. PRICE ONE PENNY. THE ADVANTAGES PECULIAR TO A M O N A R C H Y, AND THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. BY M. D E LOLME. T HE firft peculiarity of the EnglilhGovernment, as a free * Government, is its having a King, its having thrown into one place the whole mafs, if I opayufc the expiflion, A of ( * J of the Executive. Power, and having invariably and fof ever fixed it there. By this very circumftance, alfo, has th; tlct'O/ituTn-Qiit been rendered facred and inexpugnable ; by making one great, very great, Man in the State, has an efteftual check been put to the pretenlions of thofe who othdrwife would ftrive to become fuch; and diforders ha?e been prevented, which, in-all Republics, ever brought on the ruin of liberty; and before it was loft, obftructed the enjoyment of it. If we'caft our eyes on all the States that ever were free, we fhall fee that the People in them, ever turning their jealoufy, as~it was natural, againft the Executive Power, hut never thinking of the means of limiting it that have fo happily taken place in- England *, have never em- ployed any other expedient befides that obvious one, of trailing that power to Magiftrates whom they appointed annually ; which was in agreat meafure to keep to them- felves the management of it. in a State which is fmall and poor, an arrangement of this kind is -not attended with any great inconveniences, as every individual is taken up with the care of providing for his own fubliftence ; as great objects of ambition are wanting;' and as evils cannot, in fuch a State, ever be- come much complicated. In a State that ftrivcs for ag- grandifem.-nt, the difficulties and danger attending the purfuit of fuch plan, infpire a general fpirit of caution, and every individual makes a fober ufe of his rights as a Citizen. JSut when, at laft, thofe exterior motives come to ceafe ? and the paflions, and even the virtues, which they excited, thus become reduced to a ftate of inaction, the r'eople turn their eyes back toward the interior of the Republic ; and every individual, in feeking then to concern himfelf in all affairs, fceks for new'objc&s that Ynay reftore him to that ftate of exertion, which habit, he finds, has ren- dered necefTary to him, and to exercife a power which, fmali as >t is, yet flatters his vanity. As the preceding events cannot have given an influence to a certain number of Citizen*, they avail themfelves of the general difpolition of the People, to promote their ; * The rendering that power dep oodent on (he People for its fuppiies. private ( 3 ) private views j the iegiflative power is thenceforth conti- hually in motion; and as it is ill informed and falfely directed, almoft every exertion of it is attended with fome injury either to the laws, or the Stite. This is not all ; as thofe who compofe the General Af- femblies cannot, in confequence of their numbers, c tain any hopes of gratifying their private ambition, or, in general, their private paffions, they at leail feek to gratify their political caprices, and they accumulate the honours and dignities of the State on iome favourite, whom the public voice happens to raife at that time. But as in fuch a State there can be, from the irregula- rity of the determinations of the People, no fuch thing as a fettled courfe of meafures^ it happens that Men never can exactly tell the prefent fUte of public affairs. The power thus given away is already grown very great, before thofe by whom it was given io much as fufpet it ; and he himfelf who enjoys that power, does not know its full 'extent: but then, on the firft opportunity that offers, he fuddenly pierces through the cloud which hid the fummit from him, and at once feats himfelf upon it. The People, on the other hand, no fooner recover fight of him than they fee their favourite become their Mafter ; anddiicover the evil only to find that it is pad remedy. * As this power, thus furreptitioufly acquired, is deilitute of the fupport both of the law, and of the antient courfe of things, and is even but indifferently refpeted by thofe who have fubje&ed themfelves to it, it cannot be main- tained but by abufing it. The People at lad fucceed in forming fomewheie a centre of union ; tuey agree in the choice of a Leader; this Leader in his turn riles; in his turn a!fo he betrays his engagements ; power produces its wonted effects, and the Protector becomes a Tyrant This is not all ; the fame caufes which have given a Maf'er to the State, give it two, give it three. All thofe rival powers endeavour to fwallow up eacl; other ; the State becomes a fceneof quarpels and endlels broils, and is in a continual convulfkri. If amidft fuch difcrciers the People retained their tree- t!o m , the evil muil indeed be very great, to take away ^'1 the advantages of it ; but they are flaves, and yet have Hot wat in other countri s makes amends for political fervitude, I mean tranquillity. A 2 In. ( 4 ) tn order to prove all thcfe things, if proofs were deemed neceffary, I would only refer the reader to what every one knows of Pififtratus and Mcgacles, of Marius and Sylla, Cafar and Pompey. However, 1 cannot avoid tranflat- ing a part of the fpeech which a Citizen of Florence ad- drefied once to the Senate : the reader will find in it a kind of abridged ftory of all Republics ; at leaft of thofe which, by the (hare allowed to the People in the Government, deferved that name ; and which betides, have attained a certain degree of extent and power. " And that nothing human may be perpetual and liable, " it is the will of Heaven, that in all States whatfoever,. " therefhouldarife certain definitive families, who are the " bane and ruin of them. Of this our Republic can afford 44 a> many and more deplorable examples than any other, * e as it owes its misfortunes not only to one, but to fe- 44 veral of fuch families. We had at ifirft the Buondelmonti t( and t\\z'Hube-ti. We had afterwards the Donaii and 44 the Cerchi\ and at prefent (fliameful and ridiculous " eonduft) we are waging war among ourfelves for the 4 < Ricci and the Jtkizzi" " When in former times the Ghibelinswere fupprefled, 44 every one expected that the Guelfs, being then latis- 44 fied, would have chofen to live in tranquillity ; yet. but '* a little time had elapfed, when they again divided 44 thcmfelves into the factions of tlieffhites and the Blacks. 4 When the Whites were fupprefled, new parties arofe and '* new troubles followed. Sometimes battles were fought * 4 in favour of the Exiles ; and at other times, quarrels * broke out between the Nobility and the People. And, 14 as if refolved to give away'to others what we ourfelves 44 neither knew, nor would peaceably enjoy, we com- 44 mitted the care of our liberty, at iome times to King 44 Robert, and at others to his brother, and at length to 41 the Duke of Athens; never fettling nor refting in any " kind of Government, as not knowing either how to ' enjoy liberty or fupport fervitude *." The EngliJh Conftitution has prevented the poflibility of misfortunes of this kind. Not only, by diminishing the power, or rather the actual exercife of the power, of the People, and making them flure in the Legiflature See rhc Hiftory of Florence, by Mashiarel, L. III. only ( 5 ) only by their Reprefentatives, the irrefiftible violence has been avoided of thofe numerous and General Aflemblies, which, on whatever fide they throw their weight, bear down every thing. Bcfides, as the power of the People, when they have any power and know how to ufe it, is at all times really formidable, the Conftitution has fet a counterpoifc to it ; and the Royal Authority is this coun- terpoife. In order to render it equal to fuch a function, the Conr ftitution has, in the firft place, conferred on the King the exclufive prerogative of calling and difmiffing the legiflative Bodies, and of putting a negative on their refo- lutions. Secondly, it has alfo placed on the fide of the King the whole Executive Power in the Nation. Laftly, in order to effect (till nearer an equilibrium, the Conftitution has invefted the Man whom it has made the fole Head of the State, with all the perfonal priyilegcs, all the pomp, all the majefty, of which human dignities are capable. In the language of the law, the King is Sove- reign Lord, and the People are his fubjt-cts ; he is uni- verfal proprietor of the whole kingdom ; he bellows all the dignities and places ; and he is not to be addrelfcd but with the expreffion and outward ceremony of alrnoft oriental humility. Befides, his perfon is facred and in- violable ; and any attempt whatfoever againft it, is, in the eve of the law, a crime equal to that of an attack againft the whole State. In a word, fince to have too exactly completed the equi- librium between the power of the People and that of the Crown, would have been to facrifice the end to the means, that is, to have endangered liberty with a view to ilrengthen the Government, the deficiency which ought to remain on the lide of the latter, has at lead been in ap- pearance made up, by conferring on the King all that fort of ftrength that may refult from the opinion and reverence of the people ; and amidil the agitations which are the un- avoidable attendants of liberty, the Royal Power, like an anchor which refills both by its weight and the depth of its hold, infures a falutary fteadinefs to the vcflel of the State. From this unity, and, if I may fo exprefs myfelf, this total fequeftration, of the Executive authority, this ad- vantageous ccnfequencc in the firft place follows, that A 3 tlje ( 6 ) the attention of the whole Nation is dire&ed to one ar4 the fame objeft. The People, bdides, enjoy this moft efTen- tial advantage, which they would vainly endeavour to^ob- tain under the Government of Many,- they can give their confidence, without giving power over themfelvcs, and; againil themfelves ; they can appoint Truftees, and yet not give themfelves Mafters. Tiiofe. Men to whom the People have delegated the. power of framing the Laws, are thereby made fure to. feel the whole prefTure of them.T-rThey can increafe the prerogatives of the Executive Authority, but they cannot mveft themfelves with it : they have it not in their power to command its motions; they only can unbind its hands. 'I hey are made to derive their importance, nay they are indebted for their exigence, to the need in which that power ftancis of their afliflance ; and they know that they would no fooner have abufed the truft of the People, and completed the treacherous work, than they would fee themfelves difTolved, fpurne'd like inftruments now fpent and become ufelefs. This fame difpofition of things a.lfo prevents, in Eng- land, that eflential defeat inherent in the Government of Many. In that fort of Government, the caufe of the People, as has been obferved, is continually deferted'and betrayed. The arbitrary prerogatives, of the governing Powers are at all times either openly or fecretly favoured, not only by thofe in whofe poffeffion they are ; not only by thofe, who have reafon to hope that thev lhall fome time mare, in the exercife of them; but alfo by the whole croud of thofe Men who, in confequcnce. of the natural difpofition of mankind to over-rate theirown advantages, fondly ima- gine, either that they (hall one day enjoy fome branch of .this governing authority, or that they are even already, in fome way or other, aflbciated to it. But as this authority has. been made, in England, the indivifible, unalienable attribute of one alone, all other perfons in the State are, ipfi facto-) intcrefted to confine it withinits due bounds. Liberty is thus madethe common caufe of all ; the laws that fecure it are fupported by Men of every rank and order; and the Habeas Corpus Al, fof inflance, is as zealouJfly defended by the firft Nobleman in, the Kingdom, as by the rneaneft fubjeft, Even ( 7 ) Even the Minifter himfelf, in confequence of this ina~ lienriility in the Executive Authority, is equally interefted with his fellow-citizens to maintain the laws on which public liberty is founded. He knows, in the midft of his fchemes for enjoying or retaining his authority, that a Court-intrigue, or a caprice, may at every inftant con- found him with the multitude; and the rancour-of a fuc- ceiTor, long kept out, fend him to linger in the fame jail which his temporary pallions might tempt him to preoare for others. In confequence of this difpofition of things, Great Men therefore are made to join in a common caufe with the People for reftraining the excefles of the Governing Power; and, which is no lels eflential to the public welfare, they are alfo, from the fame caufe, compelled to reflrain the excefs of their own private power or influence ; and a ge- neral fpirit of jultice is thus dilFufed through all parts of the State. The wealthy Commoner, the Reprefentative of the People, the potent Peer, always having before their eyes' the view of a formidable power, of a power from the at- tempts of which they have only the fhield of the laws to Eroteft them, and which would, in the ifTue, retaliate an urfdred fold upon them their a&s of violence, are compelled, both to wifh only for equitable laws, and to obferve them with a fcrupulous exaftnefs. Let then the People dread, (it is neceflary to the prefervation of their liberty) but let them never entirely ceafe to love the Throne, that fole and indivifible feat of all the a&ive powers in the State. Let them know that it is that, which by lending an immenfe ftrength to the arm of Juftice, has enabled hen to bring to account as well the moft powerful, as the meaneft offender ; which has fuppreiTed, and, if 'I may lb exprefs myfelf, weeded out ail thofe tyrannies, fome- times confederated with, and fometimes advcrfe to, each other, which inccirantly tend to grow up in the middle of civil focieties, and are the more terrible, in proportion as they feel themfelves to be lefs firmly eilablifhed. LeNthem know that it is that, which, by making all honours and places depend on the will of one Man, confined within private walls thofe projects, the purluit of which, in former times, (hook the foundation ot whole States ; has changed into intrigues the conflicts, the nt- A 4 rages ( 8 ) rages of ambition ; and that thofe contentions which, in the prefent^ times, afford them only matter of amuferaent, are the Volcanos which fet in flames the antient Com- monwealths. That it is that, which, leaving to the rich no other fe- curity for his palace, than that which the peafant has for his cottage, has united his caufe to that of the latter ; the caufe of the powerful to that of the helplefs ; the caufe of the Man of extenfive influence and connexions, to that of him who is without friends. U is the Throne above all, it is this, jealous power which makes the People fure that its Representatives never will be any thing more than its Reprefentatives ; and it is the ever-iubfifting Carthage which vouches to it for the dura- tion of their virtue. As a conclusion to this fubjec"t, I ihall take notice of an advantage peculiar to the Englifh Government, and which, more than any other we could mention, muft contribute to its duration. All the political pa/lions of Mankind, if we attend to it, are fatisfied and provided for in the Eng- lifh Government ; and whether we look at the Monar- chical, or the Ariflocratical, or the Democratical part of it, we find all thofe powers already fettled in it in a rrgu- lar manner, which have an unavoidable tendency to arife at one time or other in all human Societies. If we could, for an inftant, fuppofe that the Englifh form of Government, inflead of having been the effect of a lucky concurrence of fortunate circumftances, had been eftablifhed from a fettled plan by a Man who had difcovered beforehand and by reafoning, all thofe advan- tages refulting from it which we now perceive from expe- rience, and had undertaken to point them out to other men capable of judging of what hefaidto them, the follow- ing is, no doubt, the manner in which he would have ipoken to them, c< Nothing is more chimerical," he would have faid, " than a flate of either total Equality or total Liberty amongft Mankind. \n all fccieties of Men, fome Pawcr; will necefTarily arife. This power, after gradually Becom- ing confined to a fmaller number of perfons, will, by a |ike neceflity, at laft fall into the hands of a fingle Lea- der ; and thefe two effects (of which you may fee con- (lam examples in hiflory) flowing from the ambition of one part ( 9 ) part of Mankind, and from the various affeftions and palTions of the other, are abfolutely unavoidable. " Let us, therefore, admit this evil at once, fines it is impoflible t avoid it. Let us, of ourfelves, eftablifh a Chief among us, fince we mull, iometimc or other, fub- mit to one : we (hall by this means effectually prevent the conflicts that would arife among the competitors for that ftation. But let us, above all, eftabMh him fingle ; left, after fucceflively raifing himfelf on the ruins of hisPJvals, he fhould finally eftablifh himfelf, whether we will or not, and thro' a train of the moft difadvantageous events. " Let us even give him every thing we can poffibly give without endangering our fecurity. Let us call him our Sovereign ; let us make him confider the State as being his own patrimony ; let us grant him, in Ihort, fuch perfonal privileges as none of us can ever hope to rival him in, and we mall find that what we were atfirfl inclined to confider as a great evil, will be in reality a fource of advantages to the community we (hall be the better able to fet bounds to that Power which we (hall have thus afcertained and fixed in one place : we fhall have the more interefted the Man whom we fhall have put in poiTeHion of fo many ad- vantages, in the faithful difcharge of his duty ; and we fhall have thus procured for each of us, a powerful pro- tector at home, and for the whole Community a defender again!! foreign enemies, fuperior to all poflible temptation of betraying his Country. . You may allb have obferved," he would continue, " that in all States there naturally at ifcs around the perfon, or perfons, who are invefled with the public power, a clafs -of Men who, without having any aftual lhare in that power, yet partake of its luftre ; whq, pretending to be diftinguifhed from the reft of the Community, do, from that very circumftance, become diftinguilhed from them : and this diltinclion, though only matter of opinion, and at firft thus furrcptitioufly obtained, yet becomes at laft the fource of very grievous effects. " Let us therefore regulate this evil, which we cannot entirely prevent. Let us eftabii/h this clafs of Men, who would otherwife grow up among us without our know- ledge, and gradually acquire the moft pernicious privi- kgcs: let us grant them ciiitinftions that are vifible and clearly afcertained : their nature wili, by this means, be the better uodcrftpod, and they will of courfc be be much lefs likely to become dangerous. By this means glfo, we mail preclude all other pcrfons from the hopes of ufurping them. As to pretend to diftinclions can thence- forward be no longer a title to obtain them, every one who ihall not be exprefly included in their number, fniift continue to confefs himfe'f one of the People ; and juft as we faid before, let u:> choofe ourfelves one Maftertbat we may not have fifty, fo ict us again fay on this occa- iion, let us eftablifh three l.-undred Lords, that we may not have ten thoufand Nobles. 4i Befides, our pride will better reconcile itfelf to a fupe- riority which it wilj no longer think of difputing. Nay ? as they will thernfelves fee us to be beforehand in acknow- ledging it, they will think thernfelves under no neceflity of being infolent to furnim us a proof of it. Secure as to their privileges, all violent meafures on their part for maintaining, and at laft perhaps extending them, will be prevented : they will v never combine together with any degree of vehemence, but when they really have caufe to think thernfelves in danger : and by having made thern indifputably great men, we mall have a chance of often feeing them behave like modeft and virtuous Citizens. " In tine, by being united in a regular ArTembly, thev TvJH form an intermediate Body in the State, that is to fey, a very ufeful part of the Government. w It is alfo neceflary," onr Lawgiver would further add, - * that we, the People, ihould have an influence upon the Government ; it is necelTary for p.ur own fecurity ; it is no lets neceiTary for the fecurity of the Government itfclf. But experience mufl have taught you, at the fame time, that a great body of men cannot act, without being, tho' ttey are not aware of it, the inftruments of the deiiqns of a imall number of perions ; and that the power of" the People is never any thing but the power of a few Leaders, who (though it may be impoffible to teli when, or how) have found means to fecure to themfclves the dire6tion of its exercife. {< Let us, therefore, be alfo beforehand with this other inconvenience. Let us effect openly what would, other- wife, take place in fecret. Let us intruft our power, 'before it be taken from us by addrefs. Thofe whom we ihall have exprefly made the depofitaries of it. being freed from any anxious care about fupporting thernfelves. will have no cbjeft but to render it ufeful. They will ftand in, awe ( II } of us the more, becaufe they will know that 'they have not impoied upon us ; and infteacl of a fmall number of Leaders who would imagine they derive their whole importance from their own dexterity, we Ihall have ex-i prefs and acknowledged Reprefentatives, who will be ac- ' Countable to us for the evils of the State. t: Butaboveall, by forming our Government of a fmall number of perfons, we. mall prevent any dilbrder that may take place in it, from.ever becoming dangeroufly extenfive, Nay more, we mall render it capable of ineftimable com- binations and, refources, which would be utterly impof-' iible in that Government of All, which never can be any thing but uproar and confufion. " In mort, by exprefly diveiling ourfelves of a power of which we mould, at beft, have only an apparent- enjoyment, we mail be entitled to make conditions for ourfelves : we will iniift that our liberty be augmented : we will, above all, referve to ourfelves the right of watch- ing and cenfuring that Adminiftration which will have' been eflablifhed only by our own confent. We (hall the ' better fee its defects, bccaufe we mail be only ipe&ators- of it : we mall correct them the better, becaufe we mail be' independent of it *." The Englim, Conftitution being founded upon fuch principles as thofe we have juft defcribed, no true com- parifon*can be made between it and the Governments of any other States ; and lince it evidently infures, not only the liberty, but the general fatisfadlion in all refpefls, of thofe who are fubject to it, in a much greater degree than any other Government ever did, this confidera*- on alone affords fufficient ground to conclude without looking fur- ther, that it is alfo much more likely to be preferved from ruin. And indeed we may obferve the remarkable manner in which it has been maintained in the midil of fuch general' commotions as feemed unavoidably to prepare its deftruc- tion. It rofe again, we fee, after the wars between * He might have aJJed, "As we will not fcekto counters^ nature, but rather to follow it, we (hall be able to procure ourfelves a mild Legislation. Let us not be without caufe afraid of the power of one Man : we (hall have no nee4 either of % Tarpeian Rock, or of a Council of Ten. Having exprefly allowed to the People a liberty to inquire into the condutf of Government, and to en- ^eavour to corred it, we (ball need nei:h<.r State pi ifons, nor fecret Informers." Henry the Third and his Barons ; after the ufurpation of Henry the Fourth ; and after the long and bloody quar- rels bet\veen the Houfes of York and Lancatler. Nay, though totally deftroyed in appearance after the fall of Charles the Firft,and though the greateft efforts had been made to eftablifh another form of Government in its {lead, yet no fooner was Charles the Second called over, than the Englifh Conftitution was re-eilablifhed upon alJ its antient foundations. However, as what has not happened at one time may happen at another, future Revolutions (events which no form of Government can totally prevent) may perhaps end in a different manner from that in which paft ones have terminated. Temporary prepoffeflions of the people may be made ufe of, to make them concur in doing what will prove afterwards the ruin of their own liberty. Plans of apparent improvement in the Conftitution, forwarded by Men who ihall proceed without a due knowledge of the true principles and foundations of Government, may pro- duce effects quite contrary to thofe which were intended, and in reality prepare its ruin *. The Crown, on the other hand, may, by the acquilition of foreign dominions, acquire a fatal independency on the People : and if> with- out entering into any farther particulars on this fubjeft, I were required to point out the principal events which would, if they were ever to happen, prove immediately the ruin of the Englifh Government, 1 would anfwer, the Englifh Government will be no more, either when tho Crown (hall become independent of the Nation for its * Inftead of looking for the principles of Politics in their trne fourees, that if to fay, in the nature of tl affections of Maiikiml, aod of thofe 1'ecret tics by which they are united togeth r in a ilate of Society, Men have treated that fciece in the fame mariner as they did Natural Ph lafupl.y in the time of Ari. ftoile, cotmnuilly recurring to occult caufes and principles, from *hf political tr-jths j the fiugular ptrplcxiiy \v!,ich .N'n> inennrial, even^at; ahlelt, ) ^Hir untl^r wlun they attempt to ditcuJn iblirt^ quePu.ns in politic*, alto j .illfies ihis observation, a>ii* pi oves that Jhe n u- f;i \1 |ir>nti|>lc.> of this Science, i&ey are, lit tieep si; buh tl.e hon)ii) \K*t\ ;-nU umitrflanciing. fup- ( 13 ) fupplies, or when the Rcprefeiitatives of the People (hail begin to lhare in the Executive Authority *. * An I if at any time, any dangerous changes were to take place in thEng- ii-nici:nis tendency of wliicli the people were noc able at lirtt to discover, reftri&ions on ths Li!erty of the Prefs, and on the power of Juries, will give th^-m the fitft hfurmacinn. Mr. JUSTICE BULLER's CHARGE TO THE GRAND JURY OF THE COUNTY OF YORK, AT THE LENT ASSIZES IN 1793. GENTLEMEN OF THE GRAND JURY, "VTOTHING is more common in life than to hear thofe *^ who advance in years lament the wickednefs of the age in which they live, and to add, that it was not ib in their younger days. If the idea be well founded, that the world is gradually growing worfc and worfe, to be fure it affords but a melancholy profpeft when we contemplate the remnant of our own days, or the lot of thofe who are to come after us. But it will require a great deal of argument and much new light before 1 lhall be induced to fubfcribe in general to that opinion, or to think now and at all times there have not prevailed the fame ingenuoufnefs and the lame hypocrify the fame integrity and the lame craft the lame benevolence and the fame malignity the fame virtue and the fame iniquity; though, perhaps, in recent times, we may have found that fomething of fo- reign growth, and ungenial to a Britilh breaft, has crept in, or been attempted to be impoled upon the minds of the uninformed and deluded part of onr countrymen. The manners, the virtues, and the vices of the Romans have been pretty faithfully tranfmittcd to us byhiitory; and if we examine them, we fhallfind no reafon to bewail the ftate of man as being fiace more fallen or degraded. That different focieties of men, and even whole na- tions have been fubjeft, at different periods, to Ihocks and convulfions, and foraetimcs have been totally fub- verted and deftroyed, is undoubtedly true ; and whether thofe cataflrophes have proceeded on the ground that "Jupiter quoi vult perdere prius dementat, from the ambitious and unbounded views of States, or from the artifices of wicked and afpiring individuals, who mean to return to the fame, or a worfc ilate than that from which they fet out, ( 14 > out, And wade through an ocean of blood in order id ptft one man in the place of another, are matters too copious for inquiry now. But it has been referred for thefe days, that one Nation ifhouldjbe audacious enough to fay to another, " You mall " take our worthlefs paper for your folid" property, and " you (hall receive every mifcreant whom we choofe to" " fend among'ft you for the purpofe of fubverting your *' Conftitution, or we will go to war with you." Such conduct is as'imjuft as it is new and intolerable to a Britifh ear; and it is avowing, without maik or difguife, the determined refolution, that either by treachery or by- war one country mail fall if another can effecl: it. Whatever internal differences in opinion may prevail amongft us on fubje&s which the freedom of our Confti- tution allows us to difcufs, and which naturally employ our thoughts when we are free from foreign troubles, the time is now arrived when fuch difientions ihould be lulled to reft, and when every hand and heart fhould unite in fupport of that liberty and freedom which our forefathers by long and unwearied labours have eftablimed in this happy Country, in oppofition to that cruel and arbitrary fyftem of tyranny which others may wifh to introduce under the falfely-aflumed name of Liberty. ThemaiTacringof thoufands of fellow- fubjefts, and even of the facred and untainted perfon of the Sovereign, in cold blood, the vifiting of neighbours under the pretence of friendfhip and afliftance, and the feeing by force, and felling the property which they poflciTed, commanding how in future tlrcy mall be governed, and -corhfetting the inha- bitants to fubmit to thcfe commands, and the difcovery; that it may be a crime for a man to have two coats, tho' ' he has earned them both by his own honeft labour and in- duftry, are very heterogeneous to the ideas of true Englifb. Liberty ; and Ltruft in God that not oneEnglimmancan be found who would be willing to hazard the folid and perma- nent advantages which he enjoyed, for a vain and illufory phantom, which can only end in anarchy, in tyranny* and oppreiTion ; which holds out to its votaries that they muft expel diflrefs, and prepare themfelves for every fpecies of want ; and by which it is at laft plainly avowed j that the Englim muft be crufhed,and others eat the bread cut of their mouths, or ftarve. That Country alone can boaft of true Liberty which is governed by' certain and by equal Laws, which fuffer no man ( '5 ) man to invade the perfon or the property of another, btri fecure alike to all that which their anceflors have colleted 4 or their own irjduftry acquired. Such is the country in which we live; a country which, as well as our Conftitution, has for centuries paft been the objeft both of the envy and admiration of the whote world. Pliny, who wrote about the Chriftian ^Era, fpeaking of thefe lilands, broke into a rapture and enthufialm, and addreiTmg himfelf to them exclaimed, " O Thou moft " blefled and fortunate of all countries ! how defervedly " has Nature with all the bounties of Heaven and Earth endued thee ! Thy ever-fruitful womb not clofed with ice, or diflolved by the raging ftar ; where Ceres and Bacchus are perpetual twins. Thy woods are not the harbour of devouring beafts, nor thy continual verdure the ambulh of ferpents ; but the food of innumerable herds and flocks, prefenting thcx--, their fhepherdefs, *' with diflended dugs, or golden fleeces. The wings of " the night involve thee not in the horrors of darknefs> " but have ilill fome white feather ; and trr day is that, " for which we eileem life the longeft." Surely our country is not now lefs embeliiihed, left fertile, or lefs defirable than it was at that uiftant period* It has not only kept pace with other parts of the known globe, but it has furpafled them in fcience, in commerce, and in induilry." But it i- not every mind which can bear prosperity 5 and perhaps if we iearch into the condition of thole who have frowled difcontent in late times, we fhall rind that it is ottomed in abundance, and not in want. Let thoia who have complained compare their prefent Situations with what were their own or their equals thirty years agoj and fee whether in every inftance they have not got the advantage. Above all, let every man examine whether (provided he does not prevent it by idlenefs. ir.attciiti'.,n, and oiflipation) he has not the means of procuring health, peace, and competence for himfelf and his family. If he has them, he has all that can conflitutc happinefs in tnis world. If he might have them, but neglets to improve them, the fault is his, and he muft thank himfclf alone. No blame is to be imputed to his lot in lilc, or to the Laws by which he is bound to govern his actions. If by mifconduft he makes himfelf obnoxious to the Laws, ut of juflice to the innocent and well-deferving, the Laws will, C '6 ) will, and ought to fall heavy on him ; for it is a very old cbfervation, that " Wife Laws, duly cxccutcd> prevent much evil." If any cafes fliould be brought before you, in which it lhall appear that perfons of any defcription, in defiance of their natural or temporary allegiance, and with in- gratitude for the advantages which they derive from living under a free and mild Government, have dared to exe- crate either the King or the Conftitution, or have exulted in the hope of annihilating them, you, I am fure, will not be wanting in your duty to make them amenable to the laws of our country ; but which laws even they will experience the mildnefs of, and find that they do not ad- mit of that extent of punifhment which, to ordinary un- devftandings, might feem due to their crimes ; for thofe who without reafon are difcontented with the Conftitu- tion under which they live, do not deferve the indulgence of being fufFered to remain any longer Members of it. Let them go* to other climates in fearch of what they may iuppofe will conllitute their happinefs ; and then, fhort experience, prefling want, lawlefs or uncontrouled power, the absence even of the means of obtaining a comfortable livelihood, or perhaps an indifcriminate butchery or af- iaflination, if they furvive it, will foon convince them that the fault is wholly in the refllefs and turbulent dif- contents of their own hearts ; and for the remainder of their lives they will worthily be left to chew the cud of rep ntance, and to lament that by their crimes they have forfeited the cafe, the comfort, and competence, the fe- curity and the freedom which England alone can afford. If there (hould be a temporary ilagnation in trade, or if there fliould be a check to that amazing and formerly un- known flourilhing ft ate in which this Nation has for feme years pafl found itfelf, we all know that we owe it folely to the boundlefs ambition, the ferocious tyranny, ami the implacable rancour of our conilant rival, and al- nioit perpetual enemy. To avert thofe evils, we may with confidence look up .to the wifdom and the vigilance of our moll gracious So- vereign ; and whatever temporary inconvenience we may luffer, let us no: forget that we are Englishmen , let us glory in the appellation , and, by our conduct, announce to ali the worlJ, that we r-vere our King, and will defend cur PUBLICATIONS Printed by Order oF THE SOCIETY FOR PRESERVING LIBERTY AND PROPERTY AGAINST REPUBLICANS AND LEVELLERS. NUMBER IX. CONTAINING The Ear I of Radnor's Charge to the Grand Jury of the County of Berks Thoughts on a Parliamentary Reform, by Soame jtnyns, Efq Additional Proof of the Excellence of the Englijh Conftilution, by W, Mitford, Efq. Cautions againft Re- formers, by Lord Bollngbroke. Printed and Sold by J. DOWNES, No. 240* Strand near Temple- Bar ; where the Bookfellers ia Town and Country may be icrvcd with any quantity. PRICE ONE PENNY. T O T H E GRAND JURY OF THE COUNTY OF BERKS JANUARY 15, 1793. GENTLEMEN OF THE JURY, WHEN laft I had the honour of addreffing the County from this Chair, I found the Juries fo intelli- gent, fo well informed of their duty, and, as far as I could judge, fo defirous of performing it, that in ordina- ry fituations of the Country, I ftiould probably now have contented myfelf with a (hort exhortation to you, to perfe- vcre in the example ftrt you by your predeceflbrs: But circumftances fo unufual and remarkable have happened in the courfe of the laft year, and more particularly of late, that 1 think I owe it to my Country, whofe Peace and Happinefs may materially depend upon the proceedings of this and other Courts of Juftice ; J owe it to my Sovereign, by whofe authority I am impowered to addrefs you at all, and by whom I amfpecially required to direcl your attention this day to the Paint en wbkb I mean principally to detain you ; I A ewe owe it to this Bench of Magistrates, who have a right to expect from their Chairman^ the exertion of all the abili- ties he has on fuch an occafion ; I oweittomyfelf as'aMa- giftrate, as a Member of the Legiflature, as a man of fome property, as the father of a family, and asan Englishman ; but more efpecially i owe it to you, who, from the time or' taking your oath, to the moment when you fhall be dif- charged, are invefted with a great Inquifuorial Power, which I will explain more fully to you prefently ; I fay I owe it to thefe feveral relations, and in thefe feveral ca- pacities, to fpeak to you in the beft manner I am able, upon a Subject extremely interefting to our Country in general, extremely interefting to every individual in it. I have told you, that you are entrufted with a great power, and a very great power you will fee it is, when I remind you, that there is not a Single individual upon earth, who can have committed any crime within this County, whom your indictment will not put upon his trial. Now all juft power prefuppofes correfpondent du- ties, and therefore as the Law has invefted you with power, it expects from you vigilance, integrity, and refolution : Vigilance to difcover crimes, integrity to felecl: without perfonal enmity thofe whom you believe guilty of them, and refolution to put their conduct, be they whom they may, in the way of examination, and, if guilty, in the way of punifhment : And you are, by the very words of your oath, not to confine your attention to what is brought before you by any profecutor, but to whatever alfo is given you in charge, or fhall fall within your own know- ledge, that is in any degree inconfiftent with the publie tranquillity, or contrary to the happinefs or fecurity of ths kingdom. Now, Gentlemen, the King is the fir ft Magiftrati of tht Country and the prefervation of t fit public peace is his firft duty y and on that account you will probably recoiled!, that his Majefty's endeavours were employed laft Spring in fuppref- Sing certain dangerous and feditious Publications, which had been difperfed with a view to excite difcontents, tu- mults, and diforders in this Realm. Thefe endeavours of the King appeared to be complete- ly anSwcred, by the general approbation with which his Royal Proclamation to this effect was received, and ac- knowledged by addrefles, as well from both Houfes of Parliament, as from this^and every other part of the King- dom; < 3 5 tforri ; but I ani forry to add, that his Majefty has lateJir found it neceflary to fay, arid to direct me to tell you from* this Chair in his Name, that notwithstanding thefe endea- vours, the circulation and difperfton of the laid writings, and others of a fimilar tendency, have lately been renewed with much activity. Now, Gentlemen, the Government of a Country ought tt Jecure to the individuals of it Liberty r , Life and Property. Try our Government by this rule, and let us fee if it ought to be refpccted. No one here can lofe his Liberty without fuch a reafon as juftifies the forfeiture There are threemodes of forfeit- ing one's liberty for debt upon fufpicionofa crime - and for punifhment of a crime. The firft, I believe^ will be readily admitted to be neceflary in a commercial Country but the tendernefsof our law has taken care in very many cafes, that the imprifonmentfhall be only tem- porary ; and in point of fact and experience, where the debtor has fubfequently to his confinement appeared to act confcientioufly, it is feldom of lo/Tg duration. I believe it perfectly true, that the honeft creditor is much oftener> and to a greater degree a futtlrer, being quite innocent, than the debtor, who in very few poffible cafes is not in fome degree at leaft guilty. The fecond mqde is when a perfon is charged with a crime. This I allow is hard, but it is unavoidable, unlefs you can fuppofe a competent court ihall always be at hand, and fitting, whenever the fufpicion of a crime attaches. But this hardftiip is foftened again by the humanity of our Laws, as much as the nature of things admits : When the prifoner has an idea that the charge is fuch as not to warrant the commitment, the writ of Habeas Corpus, to> which he is entitled, will enable him in Term time to have judgment upon that point, of whichever Court, and out of Term time^ of whiche\er Judgej he prefers. And again, when the crime is not of an atrocious complexion^ or not beyond all doubt truly charged upon the prifoner, he is admiflible to bail, which the law has likewife provided fhall not be exceflive. The third mode, nam*ly confinement for crimes after conviction, no one can object to, provided it be not un- reafonably long. The fecond great point, which it is the eflence and du- ty of Government to fecure, is the lives of individuals : A 2 \ fhoujd ( 4 ) fhould be afhamed to fpeak of this Government as fecuring fafety to our perfons from open murder and aflafli nation. Among lawlefs villains only do fuch things ever happen. But I befpeak your attention to the legal fecurity which every man in this country has, whofe life is put into jeo- pardy by legal procefs for any capital offence, and I here truft you will always recoiled with gratitude and pride, (as I do aflure you I never mention without enthufiafm) the invaluable institution of Juries ; an inftitution moft merciful in its motive, moft juft in its operation, and moft beneficial in its effect ; an inftitution confirmed and en- deared to us by uninterrupted ufage, during a period of many hundred years ; an inftitution which prevents any man's being put upon trial for his life, till twelve men ihall, upon their oath, have thought his profecutor has fuch grounds for charging him, as to adopt the accufation themfelves, and which will not allow him -to be guilty, till twelve other men, by whofe verdict he has contented to abide (unlefs he obftinately refufes all trial, and then of courfe, he is adjudged to be guilty), (hall, under equal ob- ligation, have unanimoufly found him fo. The third point we have a right to expect from the Laws of our Country, is fecurity to our property. I be- lieve I may with confidence appeal to all who hear me, whether property is here fecured or not. Does not every individual enjoy his own, without the fmalleft apprehenfion of its being taken from him ? Violence and robbery I muft take no account of: Violence and robbery, more or lefs, there ever were, and ever will be ; but the Laws are ready to re/ijt every injury: The Courts ofjujticeare open; and the Alagiftrates attentive to ojjijt every perfon indifferently) who is Wonged. But notwithftanding we have thefe fecurities in a man- ner more remarkable than any country or any time ever experienced, OUF Conftitution a-nd our Laws have been egregioufly abufed, the fuperior orders of fociety collec- tively infulted, and the moft fedrtious proportions made openly and without referve. I do not aflert that every thing is perfeft in the Britifh Conftitution, though I believe it nearly fo. The Britifti Conftitution is the Work of human hands, and there is nothing of that fabrication which 1 dare to aflert is abfolutely perfect. But it is reprefented by the writers to whom I have alluded, as a heap of imper- every ( 5 ) feftions, as combining all poflible defers, as containing every poflible injullice, as authorizing all poflible oppref- fions : and the great proof of theft aflertions is, that Tome of us are rich, and fome are poor. Does it not confift with common fc-nfe, that a community muft be fo ? How is the rich man to live without the poor? How is the poor to live without the rich ? The Scriptures themfelves obferve, that " The eye cannot fay to the hand, i have no need of " thee ; nor again the head to the feet, I have no need of *' you." You might as well defire all men to be equally tall, or equally ftrong, as expect them equally rich. If they could once be made fo, the moment they were equal, there would immediately arife a ftruggle for fup^riority, which talents or ftrength muft undoubtedly foon rffed, and confcrquently the inequality would begin again; and yet there are people fenfelefs or wicked enough to propagate notions of Equality, and by difturbmg the public with " falfe alarms of imaginary evils, and foolifh conceits of tc imaginary good," endeavour to deftroy all fubordina- tion. But a difparity of condition 1 hold to be universally necef- jary^ for it univerfally exifts. It is discoverable throughout all nature. Without it there can evidently be no excel- lence in civil life: there can be no trade, no (kill in any manufacture, no pre-eminence in any fcience. Succefs in any of thefe branches is owing to induttry ; the motive of that induftry is a ftruggle to rife to eminence, and emi- nence is nothingbut elevation above one's neighbour. In political life, the diminutions that obtain in this country are called honours. I believe them to be attended with advantages ; they are objects of fair and laudable ambition, and incentives to great and diftinguifhed condud; and I believe they are attended with no inconveniences, fir they raife no man to a capacity of doing ha^m* They are beiides di- vcrfified into fo many forms that thfexpublic is familiarized to marks of inequality, without their creating, for the moft part, either pride in thofe who have them, or envy in thofe wi'.o have them not. The different degrees approach fo nearly to the ranks above them, as to remove from the lat- ter all appearance of offenfive fuperiority, and are fo im- percep;ibly blended with thofe below them, as to harmo- nize into one congenial and concordant niafs. There is, however, one defcription of perfons whom I muft particu- larize, who compofe a feparate branch of our Legiflature A 3 and ( 6 ) and our Government, who on that account poflefs a ftated and more decided rank; but when I fay they are diftin- guifhed from the great body of the people (and I hope I may beallowed to fay it without vanity) by fomefew privile- ges, I am fure I may add without fear of contradiction^ and upon the fulleft conviction, that they have a common feeling, a common intere/l with the people at large ; a feel- ing and an intereft perfectly infeparable from the general welfare. But it is childifh and trifling to ofcjedt the ine- qualities of rank, and the offenfivenefs of names or titles, unlefs there be fome grievance which they occafion, fome great and notorious mifchief which they necefiarily and in- evitably entail upon the public. But in fa& are there any fuch grievances, or mifchiefs? There are not, and for this plain and fimple reafon, Becaufe there is a fpecies of Equality, the only true, rational or practicable Equality, the Equality cf the Low; by which it is notorious, that every man does alike obtain ficurity in ih- pffijflon of that property, which Jsis birth, his indujiry, or his talents have procured to him, and by which every man if alike Jubjecled to punijhment for devi~> ation from bis duty, or infringement upon the rights of others. It is an obvious objection to us who are featcd on this Bench, that we are interefted in maintaining the Diftinc- tions rf Rank and Fortune. It is an objection of an invi-r dious kind, but it is one to which we ought and are able and willing to give a direct and fgfficient anfwer. True, we are personally interefted in maintaining them, bu with refpecl to that of Fortune, ail thr members of every great community whatever are likewife inttrefted, for it is evident that no community can have either happinefs or refpectability (if indeed it can exiftj unlefs fome members of it have that diftinclipn ; and, with refpecl: to Difference of Rank, all the inhabitants of this kingdom are intereft- ed in the maintenance of it, for it is eflential and funda- mental to our form of Government, and /'/ remains to be. proved that a>,y Government in the >0r/4 is, or ever was, cem- parable to curs. l*/e fay that the perfons cf property in this country are inge- neral the proper eft perjons,froHi habits of life ^ from knowledge of the wsrldj fr-m education, from independence of fixation^ from cppo^tunititt of improvement which in the injerior ranks is kf* obtainable, to occupy the fupericr Jiations in it ; and it t tinaim to be proved, either that the principal per fans are the in the country, sr that the inferior ordirs of the commu- nity r 7 ) ni'ty -would be, in any one view of the cafe, benefited by the fub Jlitution of their equals in condition into our feats. We fay that the laws of this country are moji equitable, mo/l impartial, mojl benevolent \ that they are executed with mercy and integrity ; that the irregularities of power are more checked, and the weaknefs of innocence more befriended, here than in any country undn- heaven; and IVc fay that there is not either by law or in attual experience any exclusion, even from the moji fplendirffttuations, cfany per* fan who has merit to jujlify his promotion. Gentlemen, I have detained you a great while, but there is one objection made againft the Profecution of Writ'ngs, which it is my duty to obviate. It is faid, that if they are profecuted, the Liberty of the Prefs is deftroy- ed. Now as I conceive the Liberty of the Prefs and the Initiation of Juries are the two main fprin^s on which our public happinefs depends ; if the Liberty of the Prefs be endangered by fuch profecutions, I am not only coun- teracting one of the moft determined prepolTefiions of my own mind, but am acceflary to a very grievous calamity. But no Government ever did, and no wife Government ever can t cr will fuff"er itfelfto be ftigmatized and vilified with impunity. The Freedom of the Prefs will, as I take it, juftify a dif- ruffion of the Principles of our Conftitution. It will al- low an argumentative enquiry into the fabric of our Go- vernment. It will permit an author to queltion the good fenfe of any given part of it, and authorize him to draw his conclusion as to the wifdomand expediency of any of our eilablilhments ; but the ftyle muft not be indecent, the language, muft not be inflammatory, the proportions muft not be feditious, the inference muft not encourage difobe- dience or refinance to the laws. 7"hefe conditions are " necefiary for the Preservation of Peace, Good Order, " Government, and Religion, the joint and only founda- " tion of civil Liberty. The will therefore and opinion {( of the individual are left free; the abufe only of that " freewill is the object of legal puniftimentj" and it is fo a 7ury that rejort mujt be had to ajcei tain lhat abuje. T he Pamphlet, the moft criminal perhaps of thofe allu- ded to by the Royal Proclamation, has been Submitted to this investigation ; and, as 1 believe is always the cafe whtn fuch a matter is left to the conferences of an informed Jury, they marked the difference between a Fair Difcufhon and an Inflammatory Libd a and found the defendant guilty I A 4 ha4 ( 8 ) had the pleafurc myfelf of hearing that verdf& given; and the publication was fo palpably criminal that the Jury would not fuffer the Attorney General, on the part of the Crown, to make any reply. There is ftill another point which I think it neceflary to mention, and that is the idea that the doctrines which I have been combating meet with little fupport ; and though lately making a considerable noife, are already almoft for- gotten. The verdict 1 have juft mentioned, the determi- nation of Government to put the law in execution, and to call its various powers intoexercife, the good fenfe of the country in difcovering the baneful tendency of thefe tenets, and their fpirit in aflbciating fo generally as they have done to counteract them, have, I allow, within the laft few weeks, made the matter appear in a very different light ; but you muft remember that the enemies of our public happinefs have a deep game to play; they may find it necefTary and expedient to conceal themfelves 4 little, and let their principles and their plans be unavow- ed for the prefent, and //// we art off our guard. You therefore who are engaged in an office of active duty, will not, if you agree with me in what I have faid, be fo contented. You wiW from refpect for decency and pub- }ic order, from recollection of your oaths, diligently en- quire after fuch perfons as by writing, printing, pub- Jifhing, or advifedly fpeaking within this County, may have been raifing difcontent, exciting fedition, or viola- ting or encouraging others to violate the King's peace ; and if you find fuch, prefer againft them a fuitable indict- n.ent. Should there happily be none fuch, 1 truft you will then take notice of this Charge in a manner, which this Court will, I am fure, \viih much greater pledfure receive, by making piefentment of the general concurrence of your countrymen in the principles of Loyalty to the King, of Attachment to the Ccnftitution, and of Obedience to the Laws. You owe it to yourfeives a.s Kngliflimtn, wha tnjoy the benefits of the Law; as Grand jurymen, who havefolemnly fworn toenforce that Law i 1 fay, youoweir to yourfeives to flitw your attention in one or the other of thefe ways to the call of your Sovereign upon thisocciifion, and thereby vindicate thejuftice of his Government, fup- port the institutions cf your country, and refcue the En- tifh Conititution from the injurious afperfions of malevo- lence and failehppd. ( 9 ) THOUGHTS ON A PARLIAMENTARY REFORM, By S O A M E J E N Y N S, Efq. 'T'HE great objeft of a Parliamentary Reform I take to -* be this, to procure a Parliament totally independent on the Crown and its Miniflers ; in which no Member lhall be intimidated by power, feJuced by ; ; c p s, or cor- rupted by intereft: this feems at prefer^ to b the chief purfuit of all our political doftors ; the grand fpecific which alone can cure all our national diforder-, and reftore oxir broken Constitution to its original vigour. On this important fubjeft two queftions offer them- felves for our confederation ; firft, What are the raoft )ikely means to obtain fucha Parliament ? ?.;;d, ieco.., A y What would be the efFeft of it if obtained? For the firft, innumerable have been the ichemes pre- fented to the public by real and pretended patriots, that is, by thofe who have more honefty than fenfe, and thofe who have more fenfe than h'oneily. Sen-..- have been for fhortening the duration of Parliaments ra , nee, and fojne to one year: fome have recommended vexing by ballot, as the moft effectual method to put an end to bribery ; others have difapproved it, as incon- fiftent with that open avowal which ought to accompany every aft of a Britifh freeman ; Tome have propofed to annihilate all the fmall and corrupt borougiis, and to add the fame number of Reprefentatives which they now fend to the feveral counties : fome to add to the counties, and not disfranchife the boroughs ; others to aboiifh the borougiis, \vithout any addition to the counties : fome to enlarge, and fome to diminifh the qualifications or" eleftois ; and others to require no qualification at all, but to allow every man a vote, who is not difqualified by nature, for want ot reafon ; or by law, for the commiffion of fome crime: but as very few have agreed in any one of thefe propofitions, and no one has been able to f"m any fatis- faftory plan out of them all, 1 fhail not here enter into any difcuflion of their merits, or make any comparifon between them; but fhall only fay, that of all thefe plans, that of giving a right of voting uiiivcdaLly, together with ( 'IP ) annual elections, appears to be the moft uniform, confident, and effectual: it has indeed one capital defect, which is, that it is abfolutely and utterly im- practicable ; but I do not mention this as an objection, fo far from it, that I thiiik it is its chief excellence, and, is what induces me to prefer it to all the reft. To be convinced of the impracticability of thi$ fcheme, let' us but figure to ourfelves multitudes of all deicriptions and denominations cajled out to exercife their right of voting, inflamed by conteft and intoxicated by liquor; labourers and manufacturers of every kind, above and under ground ; weavers from their looms, and miners from tinneries and coal-pits ; failors from their fhips, and foldiers from their quarters; to whom we muft add, thoufands of thieves, fmugglers, rogues, vagabonds, and vagrants : I fay, let us figure to ourfelves, all thefe refpedtable electors let loofe in one day through- out every part of the kingdom, and fuch afcene of con- fufion, of drunkennefs and riot, of rapine, murder, and conflagration, will prefent itfelf, as muft fhock u$ with horror, even in imagination. Nor would \t be poffible to carry on, or ever tot conclude elections in which the voters are fo innumer- able, and confequently fo unknown. They muft be polled in one of thefe two ways; they muft either be admitted only to vote in theparifhes to which they be- Jong, or permitted to be polled in whatever place they hap- pened, or choofe to be at the time of the election: fhould the firft of thefe methods be adopted, the acceptance or rejection of every vote might be attended with the trial of a fettlement, and Counf*! learned in the law be heard on both fides : if the latter, crowds fo numerous, and fo unknown to the Candidates, and all whom they could; employ to poll them, would prefsinto every place, where money and liquor flowed in the grea.teft abundance, that the chief part of them might vote in ten different places, or ten times in the fame place undifcovered ; and if thefe elections were annual, one could not be finifhcd; before the other began. Another reafon which peffuades me that this fcheme is impracticable is, that I cannot forcfce any clafs of men whole intereft or inclination would not induce them to oppole it: the landed gentleman would not much ap- prove that every pauper, gypfy, vagrant, and kaft of all every ( II ) very poacher, Should enjoy as great aShare ia the Legif- Jature as himfelf; the City of London will never confcnf that every drayman, hackney-coachman, and chimney- fweeper, Should be vefted with as good a vote as the Lord _ Mayor and Aldermen, nor the Livery be delirous of admitting fo numerous an addition to their refpecl- able fraternity: the Corporations throughout the king- dom will never fubmit to have their confequence annihilated by a participation of their privileges with fo innumerable a multitude ; nor do I think that very multitude, or the people at large, would be extremely zealous to fupport it. At firft, indeed, when they are told, that they mall all be Legislators, obliged to obey no laws, but of their own making, nor pay any taxes but of their own impofmg, and that every one of them lhall have as good a vote for a Parliament- man as the Squire or the Parfon, and recollect that this vote has ever been as good as ready money ; they will, perhaps, be a little elated and delighted with their new acquifition ; but when they are better informed, and underftand, that the intent of this fcheme is to prevent all bribery and corruption, and will preclude them from receiving one Shilling or one dram of gin for their votes, they will reject this ufeiefs donation with 'contempt ; and there will not be a tinker who will not choofe rather to mend a kettle for Sixpence than the Cpnilifution for nothing, nor a labourer who will not make faggots rather than laws, nor a pickpocket who will not prefer, the exercife of his profeflion at an election to giving his vote. But was this fcheme of univerfal reprefentation, or any other of the pvopofed plans of reformation practi- cable, and purfucd, certain 1 am that they would not in the leaft contribute to the great end, which is the form- ation of an independent Parliament; becaufe realon does not pcrfuadc me, tb by counties or boroughs, by the rich or by the poor, by ballot or by audible voices, the Parliament, when afiembled, will be juft the fame; different modes of election may make feme difference in the trouble and expence of the Candidates, and may differently affeft the morals of the people, and the peace of the country, but will make no difference in the reprefentative body when brought together, and it is of little fignificaiion by what means they come there: the majority of any Legiflative Affembly, confifting of five hundred and fifty Members, in the fame circumilances and fituation, will infallibly aft in the fame manner : if their fituation differ, their proceedings will differ wi:h them. In the weaknefs of infant States, and in perilous times, they will be more intent on the fafety of the community, becaufe their own is immediately included in it; but when the danger is removed, they will be more influenced by the views of intereft and ambition, they will fplit into factions and parties, and lift under contending leaders, and fome- times prefer their intereft or their own to that of their country. Their corruption will always increafe in pro- portion to their power, becaufe they have more to fell, and are more necefTary to be bought. Thofe who cannot make a fhift with fuch a Parliament, muft have none, becaufe it is jmpoffible for any mode of election, or frecies of cktors, to choofe a better, unlefs they could make men as well as Members. Let us now fee what would be the effecls of this .independent Parliament, if obtained. By an indepen- dent Parliament, in the language of the prefent times, is to be underftocd a Parliament in which the majority would oppofe any Adminiftration : now no arguments are neceiTary to prove, that with fuch a Parliament no jrnblic bufinefs whatever coultl be tranfafted, nor any Government fubiift. But it will be faid, this is net what is wifhed for, but one in which the Members fhall be always ready to fupport the meafures of Minifters when lijht, and to refift them when wrong, nnawed and un- influenced, and guided only by the di&ates of their own judgment and confcience. This indeed is what every v ife man would defire, but no wife man will expedt to lge where the observation noticed occu s. "Tig" 01 " ' 5 ' lorfque j'ai commence crtte lettre, a quel point la di- vifion ecUtoit dja tntre la Noblefie et le tiers Ktat, dans les difft- rentes provinces de votre royaurae : depuis que J 1'ai appri8,jVn No. IX. PUBLICATIONS. B -- fremis. Va la fituation ou les rhofes ont etc amenee, il n'y a pas one d'clperer que la concorde pnifle fe re"tab!ir d'ellememe, et fans qu'rl ait extirpe le- gtrmesde diflVnfion qu'on n'a quetropfomentes.il faut done y pourvoir pir qnelque moyen nouveau, puiflant, et efficace. Celui que je propofe eft prouve'. C'eft par lui qu il exifte en An- gleterre, entre led Grands tt le Peuple, plusd'accord qu'il n'y en a, je peiife, dans aucune autre nation ;nulle part ailleurs Tefprit public n'eft auffi marque ; nulle part Tinteiet n'a plus d'empire pour reunir tous les Etats. " Or il eft conftant que rien n'y contribue davantage que J'inftitu- tron d'une Chambre Haute et d'une Chambre Baffe dans le Parle- ment, ainfi que leur compofition refpective, les diftinftions qui les ieparanti et les rapports qui les uniffent. Plus on etudie cet enfemhle, pTus on trouve a Padmirer : Les Lords qui forment la Chambre Han'e, et qui tous font litres (ce font les fculs qui le foient en An- gletcrre) partagtnt dans une IT. erne afTo-:iation, fans prejudice nean- ntoins a leurs qualifications difb'n&ives, Vhonneur de la Pairie ; et c'eft fans cootredit, le premic-r corps de FEtat. Leur prerogative n'cft j^mais cor.teftee ni en vice par les Communes, qui ont parmi leurs Membres les fils cadets, les ritrres, le* parens de ces memes Lords et des plus grandes maifons du royaume. C'cft ce melange, cette transftilion, fi je It puis dire, de la plus haute Noble fle dans le corps reprefentatif du peuple, qui entretient 1'hat monie entre Tun rt I'antre, et o t ui reflVrre le nceud de Itur union ; c'eft cequi f^it que Jes deax Chambrcs fraternifcnt fans fe confondre, qu'elks fe con- trebalancent fans fe rivaliltr, que 1'une empeche 1'autre d'empieter, et que toutes deux concourent egalement au maintien de la prero- gative royal** et a la confervation des droits nationaux." Lettre ad- dreflee au Ro-, par M. du Calonne, x le 9 Fevrier, 1789, p. 67, 68. The very great advantage to a i'fee conftitution, of tiaving a he- reditary firft magiftr^te, the depofitary of the fupreme executive power, fo diflinguifhed by ftiperior rank as to exclude all idea of competition, has been vrry well explained by Mr. De Lolme ; but the benefit of that fingular amalgamation of various rank among the people which prevails in England, has, I think, nowhere been duly noticed. In no court of Europe, I beVeve, is rank fo exactly regu- lated among the higher orders as in England, and yet there is no rank perfectly infulated ; all are in fome way implicated with thofe about them. To begin even with the Heir Apparent ; as a fubjedr, he communica'es in rank with all other fubje&s. The King's younger fons rank next to tht tlder, but their rank is liable to reduction ; their elder brother's younger fons will ra:.k before them. The Arch- bifhops and the Chancellor, and the grrat officers of ftate rank above Dukes not of rp^a! blood, bm their rank s that of office only : the Dukes, in family'rank, are commonly much above the Archbifhops and Chancellor. Thus far our rule, 1 htlicve, differs little from that of other European courts : what follows is peculiar to ourfelves* THe Peers, all tqual in Iteal, differ in cererroninl rank. The fons of Perrs of the higher orders, rank above the Peers themfclves of the lower orders } but, fuperior thus in ceremonial rank, they are in lepal rank inferior. For the fons of all Peers, even of the blood royal, being commoners, while in ceremonial rank they may be above many of the Peers, in legal rank they are only Peers with the com- moners. This implication rf the peernpe with the body of the people is the advantageous cirrurr. fiance which has particularly, itruck. Mr. de Calonne- But there is another thing wh'ch perhaps not Irfs ftrongly marks the moderation of our anceftors* to whom we owe the prelent order ( '9 ) CAUTIONS AGAINST REFORMERS. By LORD BOLINGBROKE. IT may be faid that even the Friends of Liberty have fome- times different notions about it, and about the means of maintaining or promoting it ; and therefore that even the Britifh nation may poflibly, fome time or other, approve and concur in meafures deftruclive of their Liberty, without any intention to give it up, and much more without changing from the characler which they have hitherto borne among the Societies of mankind, to that infamous characler I have juit now fuppofed, via. become the molt corrupt, moft profligate, the moft fenfelefs, the moft fervile nation of wretches that ever difgraccd hu- manity; and who not only hold out their necks to receive, hut help to put on the yoke of fervicu e. Jf this were true, it would only furnifti more reafons to be always on our guard, to be jealous of every extraordinary demand, and to rejedt conftamly every propofition, though never fo fpecious, that had a tendency to weaken the barrier^ of Liberty, or to raife a Jtrength fuperior to theirs. But I confefs I do not think we can be led blindfold fo far as ihe brink of the precipice. I know that all words, which are figns of complex ideas, furnifh matter of miftake and cavil. We difpute about juftice, for inflance, and fancy that we have different opinions about the fame thing ; whiilt, by fome little difference in the compofition of our ideas, it happens that we have only different opinions about different things, and mould be of the fame opinion about the iame thing. But this, I prefume, cannot happen in the cafe before us. All clifputes about liberty in "this country, and at this time, muft be dilputes for and againil ihe felf-Jame fixed and invariable let of ideas, \vhatever the dilputants on one Jide of tbt qutjlion may pretend, in order to conceal what it is not yet very fare to avow. i\o deputes can pollibly arite from different conceptions of any thing lo clearly fhited, and fo precifely determined, as the fundamental principles are, on which our whole liberty rcfts. Jf liberty be that delicious and wholefome fruit on which the Britifh nation has fed for fo many ages, and to which we owe our riches, our ftrength, and all the advantages we boafi of; the Britifti Con|}itut;on is the tree that bears this fruit, aid will con- tinu.' to bear it, as long as we are careful to fence it in, and trench it round, againtt the beails of the field, and the inlefts of * -> cmier of things. No clifttnction between fnbjettfi can be really more dlentMl than the being ,r not being members of the Icjjiflative boiy, yn the rank of a Member <>t Parliament is known neither to the Jaw nor ID the i ereinoninl or" the country- Among untitll commoners i-.deid tliere is no diAinclion of rank thatcsn be exactly defined ; nnd yet a dsitinclioti always fubiifts j n public opinion, decided partly, a^d perhaps fomctirr.es too much, by wealth, partly hy contidrra- tio'i jrivrn to birth, roimettions or char^clcr, winch, upon the vvho'.f, perhaps more tt-an under any othrr Grrfcrv the fubortlinatiwn utcifl^r)' to the wcil-btin^ of large locitties. the earth. To fpfiak without a figure, our Conftuution is A lyftem of Government luited to the gzr.ius of our nation, and even to our fuuation. The experience of many hundred years hath (hewn that, by preferving this Conftitution inviolate, or by drawing it back to the principles on which it was originally founded, whenever it fhall be made to fwerve from them, we may fecure to ourfelves, and to our lateft pofterity; the poffelHon of that liberty which we have long enjoyed. What would we more ? What other liberty than this do we feck } And if we feek no other, is not this marked out in fuch characters, as he that runs may read ? As our Conftitution therefore ought to be, what it feldom is, the rule of Government ; fo let us make the conformity or repugnancy of things to this Conftitution the rule by which we accept them as favourable, or reject them as dangerous to liberty. They who talk of liberty in Britain on any other principles than ihofe of the Britim ConlUtution, talk impertinently at beft, and much charity is requifite to believe no vvorfe of them. But they who diftinguifh between practicable and impracticable liberty, in order to infinuate what they mean (or they mean nothing), that the liberty eftablifhed by the true ichemc of our Conftitution is of the impracticable kind ; and they who endeavour, both in {"peculation and practice, to elude and pervert the forms, and to ridicule and explode the Conftitution ; fhefe men are enemies, open and avowed enemies, to it, and by confequence to Britim liberty, which cannot be fupported on any other bottom. Some men there are, the pefts of fociety I think thent, who pretend a great regard to Religion in general, but who take every opportunity of declaiming publicly againft that fyftem of Religion, or at leaft againft that Church Efta- blifhment, which is received in Britain. Juft fo the men of whom I have been fpeaking, affect a great regard to Liberty in general, but they diflike fo much the fyftem of liberty eftabliihed in Britain, that they are inceflant in their endeavours to puzzle the plaineft thing in the world, and to refine'and diftinguifh away the life and ftrength of our Conftitution, in favour of the little prefent momentary turns which they are retained to ferve. What nbw would be the confequence if all thefe endeavours mould fucceed ? I am perfuaded that the. great Philofophers, Divines, Lawyers, and Politicians, who exert them, have not yet pre-< pared and agreed upon the plans of a new Religion, and of new Constitutions in Church and State. We fhould find our- felves therefore without any form of Religion, or Civil Govern- ment. Thefoftjet of tbtft Mijfionartes would take off all the reftraints of Religion from the governed, and the latter fet would 1 remove, or render ineffectual, all the limitations and controuls which liberty hath prefcribed to thofe that govern, and disjoint the whole frame of our Conftitution. Entire diflblution of manners, confuiion, anarchy, or perhaps abfolute Monarchy, would fol- low ; for it is poffible, nay probable, that in fuch a Irate as this, and amidft fuch a rout of lawlefs favages, men would chufe this Government, abfurd as it is, rather than have no Government at all. Differtation upon. Parties. END OF THE PUBLICATIONS. ASSOCIATION PAPERS; THE SECOND- TAI N A COLLECTION OF TRACTS AT tk* tXPENCI of TMt o G i E T r; fira CONTENTS. No. I. ONE Pennyworth of Truth from Thomas BuIltoVis Brother John. Ten Minutes Caution. A Country Curate's Advice, &c. No. II, One Pennyworth of Anfwer from John Bull to his Brother Thomas. John Bull's Second Anfwer to his Brother Thomas. A Letter from John Bull to his Countrymen. The Mayor of Paris's Speech on the Murders of die Second and Third of September. No. III. The Plot found out. The Frenchman and Englifhman. The .Labourer and the Gentleman. Englifh Freeholder's Catechifm. No. IV. Ten Minutes Reflections on the late Events in France. Equality, as confident with the Britifh Con- ftitution. No. V. An Antidote againft French Politics. A Picture fuppofmg the Gentleman might have more money in his pocket than he had earned, difcovered that it was the property of the Nation ; fo, making himfelf the Nation, he only demanded his own property. But the Gentleman being rather too quick for him, Ihot the Nation through the; head, and ipoiled the new principles of Government." This was bad luck ; that man might have lived to have given us a. continuation of 'Thomas Paine. And now, John, I'll tell thee plainly, this new notion of Government from the mob, is the foolifheft, as well as the moft rafcally, that ever entered into the world : and the very People that have raifed themfelves to Power and plunder by it, will be fools enough to deny it. They will be telling us prcfently how God has fought for the French againft the Pruflians and Auftrians \ while they don't believe there's a God in the world. Let us hear next what they have to fay about Kings. We are fhortly to have no more of them, neither below nor above ; Tom Paine having been heard to declare, that when he had made revolutions againft the Kings upon Earth, he would try his hand at a Revolution in Heaven ! You fee, John, who they are that talk againft Kings: they never fail to talk againft God Almighty ; and in fuch words as the Devils of Hell dare not utter ! When they pretend to argue with us, they tell us all Kings are bad ; that God never made a King ; and that all Kings are very expenfive. But, that all Kings are bad cannot be true ; becaufe God himfelf is one of them ; he calls himfeli A a ( 4 ) King of Kings ; which not only fhews us he is a King, but that he has other Kings under him : he is never called Ring of Republics. The Scripture calls Kings, the Lord's Anointed \ but who ever heard of an anointed Republic r There are now, Brother John, many thoufands of Frenchmen, who have taken to themfelves that Power which belonged to their King ; where ftiall we get oil enough to anoint them all ? And what would they be when we had done r They would not be the Lord's Anointed; they would be the Mob's Anointed \ and there is little doubt but that, proud as they are at prefent, fomebody will 'noint them well at laft. That God never made a King, is a great lye ; when we hear him telling us in his own words Yet have I Jet my King upon my holy HillofSion! Did not our Saviour fay he was King of the yews ? and was not he crucified for faying fo ? The Jews who crucified him have never had a King of their own from that day to this : not becaufe they diflike a King, but becaufe they are not good enough to have one. They are the only nation upon earth that ever were or ever will be in a ftate of Equality ; and it has been a great and mighty work of God to make them fo. No power can make men equals, but' that which makes men Kings. And what fhall we get by it ? We fhould be juft where the Jews are ; a proverb to all Nations ; a monument of the Divine wrath ; and a difgrace to the world. That Kings are very expenjive things may be true, Brother John ; but if Kings keep us from fuch miferies as the want of et King has produced in France, they deferve to be well main- tained, let them be who they will. When there is no King, then every man does that which is right in his own eyes ; and mind, John, not in the eyes of any body elfe ; and you may fee in your Bible, how people were given up to fodomy and mur- der, and how fixty-five thoufand of them prefently fell in battle becaufe there was nobody at that time fet over them. Look about you? like a man of fenfe, and you will foon fee that bad Subjects coft more money than good Kings. Our National Debt, for which we are now paying fuch heavy taxes, was doubled by the troubles in America. Yet thofe people who fo- mented and brought thofe burdens upon us, are they that rail moft at the expenlivenefs of our Government, and ufe it as a handle for overturning it ; juft like the Devil, who drives men into fin, and then gets them damned for it if he can : and then he is pleafed, becaufe he delights to be the author of Mifery ; that is his Greatnefs ; and fome people have no notion of any other : fo they mairacre poor Priefts ; rob and plunder their *s\r Country ( 5 ) Country and their Church ; put Kings and Queens in Prifon ; and then fmg Ca Ira, for joy that Hell is broke loofe ! I have nothing more to fay (till my next Letter) but that the Government which is moil wicked, be the form of it what it will, is generally the weakeft in itfelf, and the moft expen- five to the people : and fo, after all that can be faid, Hone fly is the bejl Policy , and the Homji man is the belt Subject. Keep this in your mind, Brother John ; and farewell. From your loving Brother, THOMAS BULL. P. S. Perhaps they may tell thee, John, that thou haft No- thing to lofe, and that any change may be to thy advantage ; but thou haft a Body and Soul ; and if the Body goes to the Gal- lows, and thy Soul to the Devil, won't that be a Lofs, John ? TEN MINUTES CAUTION, FROM A PLAIN MAN TO HIS FELLOW-CITIZENS. IT is in general of very little importance to the reader to know who, or what fort of perfon, the writer of any thing is. But to you, fellow Citizens, I think it is material to confider who the men are whofe writings on public mat- ters are recommended to your perufal. In this view you will permit me to tell you fomething of myfelf. Firft, then, I will tell you who I am not. I am not a Foreigner, who would gratify refentment as well as pride by throwing this country into confufion. I am not a defperate Incendiary, whofe circumttances cannot be made worfe by any change, who will take the chance of fetting the houfe on fire, that he may pilfer the furniture while it is burning. 1 am not a furious Enthufiaft in Religion or Politics, who, under pre- tence of Toleration in the one, or Liberty in the other, would overturn the eftablifhed Church or the eftablifhed Conftitu- tion. I am none of thofe, my brethren. I am a plain man, a tradefman, who, having acquired a competency by his ho- neft induftry, is now winding up his bufinefs in order to en- joy that competency in eafe and quiet, in his old age, in the A 3 midfl midft of a virtuous family of his own fearing. I know no- thing of great Men or Minifters, and concern myfelf no far- ther about them than as I think their meafures are for the in- tereft of my country. I care not who fits at the Helm, pro- vided the Veflel be well fleered. -^-But though I am perfectly independent as to my own circumftances, yet I am depend- ent as far as this goes, that the happinefs, or the profpeft of the happinefs, of my Fellow Citizens makes me happy ; their unhappinefs, or the fear of their qnhappinefs, makes me unhappy. In this character, and with thefe feelings, J am tempted to ufe my pen, for the firft time in public, to caution my coun- trymen againft the mifchief which fome men would wifh to do among you ; to beg of you not to endanger the peace and profperjty of yourfelves and your Country to gratify their JVJalke, their Ambition, or their hopes qf Gain. Confider, my F-iends, at what time, and in what circum- ftances, thofe men would perfuade us to make a change in our fituation. Would any of us think it prudent, in the way of trade, if our bufinefs were good, our fhop well fre- quented, our cuftomers increafing, in fhort every thing about us in a thriving condition, all at once to alter our Firm, to change our Agents abroad, to difmifs our Clerks and Servants at home, and to tell our cuftomers that we were to deal with them quite in a different way for the future ? Would any of us do this ? Or would not our relations take out a com- miilion of lunacy againft us if we did? Juft as madly, my Friends, it appears to me, mould we a it is fiifpc&ed that they don't mean to ufe Englifh Mortar in their work, but plaitter of Paris ; and 'tis that which makes people afraid \ for as the plague has been a longtime in that city, and fo many poor people have died of it, we can't be too caref..! to keep it away, therefore it would be foolifh to run any nfk. Mind them ail, Tom! A LETTER A LETTER FROM JOHN BULL TO HIS COUNTRYMEN. MY DEAR FRIENDS AND COUNTRYMEN, MANY evil minded pcrfons are come amongft us, who want to fet us together by the ear? as they hve done in France> and wifli to have us believe that John Trot the Plough-boy, ought to fit in his matter's chair, or at lead by the fide of him ; and this they call Libertyzr\<\ Equality. In order to bring about this wonderful change in the world, they tell you that all Kings muft be knocked at head ; there mull be no Lords, no diftin&ion of rank or property ; what do you think they mean by all this? I'll tell you in two words They want to be uppermijl themfelves. They would make you believe there will be no taxes when this event takes place ; but God forbid that old John Bull and his brethren ihould fo lofe their fenfes as to believe fuch an ablurd thing as this. Let who will be upper- molt (and depend upon it, after millions of lives are loft, fomebody mult be uppermoft) taxes muft be paid ; as no na- tion or government can exift without money to fupport it ; which muft be paid in part by thofe who arc undermoft. They tell you that the taxes are very high : the taxes certainly are high, owing to the expcnce of the American War; and what is the remedy thefe feditiousand wicked perfons propofe ? Why they are running us into a war with thefe mad French- men, with whom they are in league, which in all probability wil! prevent the taxes from being taken off, which would have been (as we might have hoped trom the example of laft year) and in the midft of the higheft credit and profperity, they are plunging old England into war and confufion, by making you unealy and difcontented, when you have every reafon to be otherwife. With all thefe taxes of which they complain, I beg you to obferve that there is fcarcely one man in a hundred but what lives better than his father or grandfather did. Though Though there is a great number of taxes, there is greater plenty of money ; and in fome places fo much that I can fee many a rare hard fello.v who can afford to drink three days in the week with the money he gets in the other three, and fee many others very wife and good who quietly treafure up their gains, and prefently fet down to enjoy a comfortable reft in their declining years ; knowing at the fame time that by the protection of the laws, they have no caufe to fear its being taken from them, by an opprellive or urrjuft arm. I deiy any of thefe wretches who want to rob you of a peaceable and contented mind, to point out a time when this kingdom had more riches in it, or a more flourilhing trade. Do not be fo mad, my dear friends, as to throw away thofe pre-eminent advantages, by fuffcring French Monfieurs to leap into old England's luxuriant meadows, and lay vvaile thofe glorious fields, in which fo many honed Britilh hands have toiled. I will lay before you a fliort hiflory of what has happened in our own country. There was one king James II. that reigned over thefe kingdoms ; and this foolilh fellow took it into his head, to become a down right Papift, turning out every body that would not acknowledge the Pope, or do as he would have them ; upon which I, John Bu'l, arofe with all my holt, and fairly kicked him beyond feas : when we had done this we were not willing to be without a king, for we had all feen by woeful experience that neither Republick, nor hav- ing any old Noll as a Protector, would do ; and we fent ior an honed good natured Dutchman called William, who had married one of our princefles, and we fet him upon the throne on conditions, one of the chief was that he him- felf confirmed to us, a Declaration of Rights, which is in errecl the fame as what is called The Rights of Man ; with this material difference, that all the rights claimed then, were for the good order of Government, and the fecunty of liberty, property, and quiet ; whilit thofe claimed now, muft end in the overthrow of all three. In confequence of our agreement then, and our own propofal, the prelent Royal Family came to the throne, and have ever fince ituck by this Declaration of Rights, and behaved to all their fubjeds with as much mildnefs and goodnefs as pofliblc. But I mufl re- mark to you, that though thefe advantages gained by the peo- ple were great, they were purchafed very dear; for our taxes then became heavier, and have been increafuig ever lince, by which we may learn, that having a Revolution, is not the way to get rid of taxes; and you may depend upon it, it you had a ne\r C ) a new form of Government to-morrow, thofe who would then get the rule, would take care to be well paid for their trouble ; and you would fee that when they had once got the power, they would not lofe the profit, nor would our pockets be a bit the heavier for it ! One of their grand cheats is to make you believe, that every poor man will be rich, and may teach you all to cry out " Why jhould one man be richer than another ;" If you will confider a moment, you will fee how abfurd this idea is ; for if no man is to be richer than another, there would be an end of all arts, manufactures, trade, and com- merce \ for this plain reafon, becaufe it would be of no ufe.for any man to toil and work, if he could not be fecure of enjoying what he had got, without being knocked at head by his neighbours. Preferments, honours, and riches in this kingdom are open to the attainment of every individual in it, \vho has merit or indudry ; and we fee numberlefs examples, of perfons raifed from the lowed fituations i life to the high- eft, by their own endeavours. Now, would it not be the wickeded, the mod unjuft, and bafe thing, that an aiFem- bly of riotous people mould rife up againlt a man in fuch a fi- ttiation and fay, ' we will divide your gains amongft our- felves, and you fhall only have a part ?" Property was always held a mod facred thing; and if fuch doctrines as are now held forth, are to gain ground, no one can be fafe, nor can there be peace or fecurity in fociety. I (hall now take my leave of you for the prefent, hoping thefe fentiments will meet your approbation, and be of fome fervice to my country ; and wifhing you to remember that if you have any expectations of falvation in that eternal world to which we are all hadening, you mud faithfully obey thofe holy precepts of your Keligion, which bid you fear God, honour the king, and as much as lieth in you, live peaceably with all men. I am, your true and honed advifer and real friend and brother, Dfc.6, 1792. JOHN BULL. ( '3 ) Ext raft from tbe Speech of M. PetFton, tie Mayor of Paris, upon tbe Accttfation of M. Roberfpierre, ref- pefting tbe Murders of tbe id and %d of September. the 2(1 of September tlie alarm is given by the " firing of guns, and the ringing of bells. O day ' of forrow ! At thefe clifmal and alarming founds the citi- zens aiu-mble they rufh into the prifons theymaflacre they aiTaffinate. Manuel and feveral deputies of the Na- tional Aifembly repair to thcfe places of {laughter ; but their efforts are vain Vi6lims fall even in their arms! Meanwhile I was in a falfe fecurity. I was ignorant of " thefe cruelties. Nothing had been communicated to me " for fome time. At length thcfe horrors reach my ears; but how? In a very vague, indirect, and imperfect way ; " and I am at the fame time informed that all is over. Soon after the moft fhocking accounts are brought to me : but " I was fully convinced that the fun, which had rifen on " thefe horrid fcenes, would never give light to fuch ano- < ther day; and yet they continue. I write to the Com- " mandant General for troops to be fent to the prifons. At firft I receive no anfwer. I write again. I am then told " that he has given orders. There is, however, no appear- " ance of the execution of any fuch orders. The cruelties ' ftill continue. 1 then go myfelf to the council of the " commune ; and from thence to the Hotel de la Force with " feveral of my colleagues. " Citizen^ not very tumultuous, filled the ftreets leading to " the prifon. I found a finall guard at the door. I enter. " Never, no, never, will the fpe61acle, that prefented itfelf to " my eye f ;, be effaced from my heart! I faw two officers in their H.'fhes ; I then faw three men fitting quietly at a table, v/ith the goaler's book open before them, calling over the prifvners. Other men, putting queftions to them others performing the offices of juries and of judge; a dozen of executioner? with their arms naked and covered with gore; fome of them with clubs in their hands ; and others with hangers and cutlaifes dreaming with blood, inftantly execut- ing the fentences pronounced Citizens on the outfide im- < patiently awaiting the fentences obferving the moft pro- " found and fullen filence at a decree of death, and Ihouting " with joy at an acquittal. And bcth the men who judged, " and the men who executed, feemed to be in the fame lute " of fecurity, as if they had been appointed by the law todif- " charge thofe offices. They boafted of their juflice, of their " great " great attention to diftinguim the innocent from the guilty, 1 and of the fervices they had rendered : and they wanted* * can it be believed ? they wanted to be paid (or the time * they had thus parTed! I was confounded at hearing them. ' I (poke to them the ftern language of the law. I fpoke to * them with fcntiments of the deeped indignation. I made ' them all go out before me ; and fcarce had I quitted the ' prifon myfclf, when they returned. Again I returned there 4 to drive them out. In the night they completed their hor- ** rid butchery." Thus perilhecl, by the moft moderate accounts, in the fpace ot two days and ni^htV, near five theufatidperfons, priefts, nobles, citizens, ioldiers, and women and not even an attempt has yet been made to bring the mercilefs affalfins to jultice. To avoid a fimilar fate, full forty thoufand French of ail ranks and defcriptions have fled to the different countries of Europe condemned, unheard to banimment, conhfcation of property, and the lalt extremity of wretchednefs and want fome for having adhered confcientiouily to the religion and conftitution their country others for having refufed, though, in the beginning, favourers of the Revolution, to go all the lengths diclated by a wild, cruel, and fanatic mob. Are thefc examples to be propofed to Englilhmcu ? FINIS. I SONG. Tune : " tie golden Days of Good Queen Befi. WHAT a pother in this land, about our French neighbours! ' How they live but t' command, and have ceas'd from all their labours : Nothing now muft be talk'd of, but the Grand Revolution, \\ e muil follow the French fefhion, and change our conftitution. Long may Old England poflefs good cheer and jollity, Liberty and property, and no equality. How thefe gallant French heroes through Flanders do roam, Glad to get their bread and cheefe any where but at home. But whilll their poles of Liberty in every town they plant, At home their wives and children are crying out for want. Long may Old England, c. Well fupply'd with Englifh mulkets, how valiantly they fight; They need but to prefentthem their enemies to fright. Their maflacres and plunderings have fo terrify'd the ftates, To preferve their lives and property they open wide their gatei. Long may Old England, &c. Then their good friends in England rejoice at the news, And another fifty thoufand goes for blankets, coats and (hoes : A hundred thoufand facks ot flour thefe foldiers brave to hearten, While we at home muft buy our loaves at fevenpence a quartern. Long may Old England, &c. But orders are given now, by thofe in high command, Tkat no more corn or flour lhall be mipp'd from out this land ; '1 hat our poor may not want bread, ana be familhing with hunger, Whilft French foldiers are brought over our tswns for to plunder. Long may Old England, &c. Tor when into winter quarters the French do retire, Of providing for fuch numbers their Flemifh friends will tire ; For the fake of pudding here the rogues would foon come over, And our patriots would all fubfcribc to land them fafc at Dover. Long may Old England, &c. What ( 16 ) What a dinner they'd provide for their friends the mounfiflfcrs, Good beef and good pudding with plenty of ftrong beer. How they'd fing Ca ira as they march'd up to London, "With the thoughts of good cheer, and the hopes of good plund'riag. Long may Old England, &c. How would Engliftimen brook to behold fuch difefters ; The men they've beat fo often, brought here to be their matters. '* You muft all become French citizens, we've told you our plan, " Or we'll cut all your throats to enforce the Rights of Man." Never may Old England behold fuch brutality, Liberty and property, and no equality. Would thefe Friends of the people but look about at home, To beftow their kind charities, fo far they need not roam. A hundred thoufand facks of flour, with blankets, coats and fhoes, A hundred thoufand would blefs them for, and be joyful at the news. Long may Old England be fam'd for hofpitality, Liberty and property, and no equality. Let no knaves us allnre, nor no French us command, While our property is fecure by the laws of the land. In planting poles of liberty let's fcorn to bear a part, For liberty's engrav'd on each true Britifh heart. Long may Old England poflefs good cheer and jollity. Liberty and property, and no equality. LIBERTY AND PROPERTY PRESERVED AGAINST REPUBLICANS AND LEVELLERS. A COLLECTION OF TRACTS. NUMBER III. CONTAINING, the Plot found out; The Frenchman and Engli/hman.- The Labourer and the Gentleman. Englijh Freeholder's Catechifm. LONDON: Printed and Sold by J. SEWELL, at the European Magazine Wan- bonfe, Cowper's Court,Cornhill ; J. DEBRETT, Piccadilly; and HOOKAM and CARPENTER, Bond-Street. PRICE, ONE PENNY. THE PLOT FOUND OUT; A Dialogue between three Members of the jacobin Club in France-. r- a <*t i- met brother citizen, I think *"' VV at ourlail committee, that we proved ourfelves fit to govern the univerfe ; for by making the king our prifoner, we can polfefs ourfelves of all his property ; and the plan that was laid of maflacreeing the prifoners, and thofe that are rich, whofe alHitance we do not want, or that we have any doubt are likely to flinch, will caufe fuch a general terror that thoufands will fly the kingdom, and in fuch haite that they will not have time to carry any property away with them, and what r- :idy money they have they will give to obtain paflports: wcfhallmake a fine fum even before they are gone by that means ; they will think many of them of foon returning, but we have agreed, that we will feize their property, which will make us thericheft body of men in Europe. I mean we who confider ourfelves as the heads of the club, for the others (hall have but aflemifh account. A An'd And as to the nation, we can eaHiy deceive them ; for if a fmall part of what we feize is expended for the fervice of the (late ; we (hall not be fufpecled, and for a time we can con- ceal our wifhes fo as to guard againft fufpicion. Second "Jacobin. It is a glorious deep laid plot; and by eter- nally talking of liberty, equality, and the majority of the people, we fo gull the fools, that we (hall encreafe our party every day. If the jugglers did not talk fo much, they could never (hew their tricks without being found out. The wifell thing we ever did was driving all thofe priefts, who were true Chrif- tians, out of the kingdom. I hate a Chriftian ; their religion teaches them to honour their king, and to fubmit to all who are in authority over them, and bear no malice or envy in their heart. We worfhip men who have done all in their power to abolifh all religion ; we Cannot bring the people to our purpofes if they fear God and honour the king ; to abo- lifh both at once was abfolutely neceflary and what a glorious harvefi fhall we have if we can blind the infernal Englifh! We (hall be fools indeed if we leave them a milling to blefs themfelves with; partof theirriches fhall go todefraythe expences of our wars, which will make our people fight like devils, when they know it comes out of that curfed ifland. Our club has long had an eye on Old England; they lhall foon know that a .Frenchman will no longer live on foup-meagre No, no, it fhall be the Englishman's turn ; and not even thofe who we have there as our emifTaries, (hall be fpared ; for the fools we have gulled to affift, we will treat as fuch, when our club have fucceeded in pofleifing themfelves of the government. We will compleatly clip their wings, for we may make a maflacre more general then; fend once our own blood hounds that have been fo long in practice, and I warrant in a little time, there lhall fcarce be any man left alive, that wiflies to recover their country, when they have found that we have deceived them. For at tirft we (hall pretend that it is out of love to the Eng- lifh we came there ; for you never can impofe on a man com- pleatly, unlefs yoH make him believe you are his friend; they are eafily duped, and will not give themfelves time to refi& ; that fo far from being changed in regard of our hatred to them, our making them difcontented under their prefent government, is paving the way for their compleat ruin as an independent nation. We do nothing by halves ; our plans are deep ; we muft not flop till we have got all the Englifh gold in our coun- try they have poffeflcd it long enough we will make them begin the world again under their French mafters ; and I hope t live to fee the day when that iiland, which was once fo rich, ihall "'- ( 3 ) long aiiine. The peruxi, is I hope, not far off, v. h_.i we (hall exert the ut- moft of our power to make (laves of them. If we get the up- per hand, they (hall foon feel that we are their matters. Why, a poor Englishman would weigh more than two Frenchmen. I fuppofe you ha\e paid all your debts; for every man 1 owed money to I (lightly hinted to our mob that he was a man that would probably beagainfr, us, and they foon hung him up. I believe moil ot our members adopted rm/ fchemc, for there was no bearing to be dunn'd by tradefmen, or trnfe that had lent us money ; and if they did not, it was a mortification to meet a man that could fay he had trufted us, when they had no great chance of being paid. I hate thofe that think I am obliged to them. Let us fwcar that thofe Englifhmen who we have in pay, and are doing all they can to fell their country to us, and to make their fellow fubjedlr, come into the (rap we have laid for them ; I fay, let fuch, when they have done our work, be to a man exterminated, for they will never think they have been furficiently paid for their fervices, and we can never truft them ;'and by that means we may get great part of the mo- ney back we have paid : their charges have been too great, but at this time we cannoc difpute them. This is my thought, and I value myfcifon it ; and I know in due time we (hall have it in our power to adopt it. Third Jacobin. I thank you ; fuch a head as yours is worth fifty of thofe fellows' who make objection-, and fay that they never go to bed without having the mod frightful dreams; iii^h as graves fending forth their dead; and they think, if we fully execute our plan in regard to the King, and the mallacre which \ve (hall make of the princes and others without number, that the money which we (hall gain will ivf make amends for the horror of our minds ; and they tremble to think what our feelings muft be when we have done the bloody deed ; for if we purfue the whole of w hat we propofr, we (hall have been the caufe of the mod general deftru&ioi known of the human fpecies; and when it is fa : ns, and to change the ' narrow fpirit of party t into a dirFuiive fpirit of " PUBLIC BENEVOLENCE." BoLINGBROKE. THE comprehenfive and difcerning mind of the illuftrious politu ian, from vvhofe pen this exhortation proceeded ; his deep and accurate knowledge of the ENGLSH CONSTITU- TION; the integrity of fentiment with which the power of truth and the fpirt of philofophy at length compelled him to difclofe thofe political axioms, which he had before profti- tuted to the power of a pa;ty or facrifked to his private am- bition ; but above all the limilarity of the prefcnt times to thofe in which he wrote, mull give i;reat weight to his poli- tical opinion. Having defcribed the excellence of theEnglifh Conftitution, he profeil'e>, that in his opinion, the duty to our country is next to our duty to G >d ; and in order to fpread a fenfe of it into as many hands as pollible at a juncture when the fecret machinations of a forlorn and defperate faction, were holding private correfpondencies with the court of the Pretender^ for the purpofe of fomenting an infurretion in the country, he felt an obligation to circulate fuch parts of the *' The Englijh Freeholder s Catechifm" as immediatJ . to the Britilh Conditution, and the liberty of the fubjcd. The author of this excellent tract is well known ; but as the found and important truths which it contains fccms of late to have been buried in the multiplicity of thofe fanciful and un- founded theories with which interested m_n have attempted to infuh the underftandings of Engliihmen, we (hall to favour the objeflsof THE ASSOCIATORS of Great Britain, endeavour to extrad its moft prominent features, for the information oi the public. EXTRACTS FROM THE BRITISH FREE- HOLDER'S POLITICAL CATECHISM. Q. WHO are you ? A. I am a Freeholder of Great Britain. Q^ What privilege enjoyeft thou by being a Freeholder of Great Britain ? A. By ( H ) A. By being a Freeholder of Great Britain, I am a greater man, in my civil capacity, than the greateft fubjecl: of an ar- bitrary prince ; becaufe 1 am governed by laws ; and my life, my liberty, and my property cannot be taken from me but according to thofe laws : 1 am a free man. . Q^ Who gave thee this liberty ? A. No man gave it me ; it is inherent and was preferred to me, when loll to the greateft part of mankind, by the wif- dom of God, and the valour of my anceftors, freeholders of this realm. Q^ Wilt thou ftand faft in this liberty whereunto thou art born and intitledby the laws of thy country ? A. Yes, verily, by God's grace, I will ; and I thank his good Providence that I am born a member of a community governed by laws and not by arbitrary power. Q. What doft thou think incumbent upon thee to fecure this blefllng to thyfelf and pofterity ? A. As I am a Freeholder, I think it incumbent upon me to believe aright concerning the fundamental articles of the government to which I am fubjeft; to write, fpeak, and adt upon all occafions conformably to this orthodox faith ; to op- pofe, with air the powers of my body and mind, fuch as are enemies of our Confutation, together with all their fecret and open abettors ; and to be obedient to the KING, the fupreme magiftrate of the fociety. Q. Rehearfe unto me the articles of thy political creed ? A. I believe that the fupreme or legiflative power of this realm, refides in the King, the Lords, and the Commons ; that his Majefty, King George, is fovereign, or fupreme executor of the law ; to whom, on that account, all loyalty is due ; that each of the three members of the legiflature are endowed with their particular rights, and offices ; the Kuig has the power of appointing the time and place of the meeting of the parliament ; that the confent of King, Lords, and Commons, is neceffary to the being of a law ; that all the three make but one legiflature ; that as to the freedom of confent in making laws, thofe three powers are independent ; and that each and all the three are bound to obferve the laws that are made. Q^ Why is the legiflature's power fupreme ? A. Becaufe what gives law to all, mud be fupreme. Q. What meaneft thou by loyalty to the King ? A. I have heard fay that loy fignifies law ; and loyalty, obe- dience according to law ; therefore he who pays obedience to the laws is a loyal fubjedt ; and that he who executes even the Kings ( '5 ) Kings commands, when contrary to law, is' difloyal, and a traitor. Q. The King of England, then, is not above the laws? A. By no means ; for the intention of the government lie- ing the iecurity of the lives, liberties, and properties of the members of the community, they never can be fuppofed by the law of nature to have an arbitrary power over their per- fon and eftates. King is a title, which, tranfiated into feverai languages, fignifies a magijlratc ; and he can have no power but what is given him by law. The BRITISH FREEHOLDER proceeds to exhibit thofe fcenc-s offa&ion, tumult, anarchy, and bldbdfhed, which were introduced by changing the form of the ancient governments, and which finally occafionecl their fall ; illuftrating his remarks by inflances of the imperfection of republics, and the fuperior advantages of limited monarchy, until he returns to the follow- ing dialogue. Q. What would'ft thou do for thy country ? A. I would die to procure its profperity ; and I \rould rather that my poftejiry were cut off, than that they ihould be Haves' ; but as Providence at prefent requires none of thefe fe- crifices, I content my felt' to difcharge the ordinary duties of my ftation, and to exhort my neighbours to do the fame. Q. What are the duties of your ftation ? A. To endeavour, as far as I am able, to preferve the pub- lic tranquillity; and, as I am a Freeholder, to give my vote for the candidate whom I judge mod worthy to fave his coun- try ; for if from any partial motive I (hould give my vote to one unworthy, I ihould think myfelf juftly chargeable with his guilt. Thefe are fentiments becoming every good member of the Constitution of Great Britain. Let them be compared with the vifionary nations, and impracticable fchemes of republi- cans and levellers. The Jormer, like the aufpicious eagle, bring tidings of profperity to the commonwealth ; while the latter, like a creaking raven, bode nothing but mifery and mifchief. SONG. SONG. By Mr. PAINE. , good fellows all Confufion's the toad, And fuccefs to our excellent Caufe : As we've nothing to lofe, lo, nought can be loft ; So perdition to Monarchs and Laws ! II. - -*I I tV * France (hews us the way an example how great ; Then, like France, let us ftir up a riot ; May our names be preferved by fo me damnable feat, For what but a wretch would lie quiet 1 III. As we are poor rogues, 'tis mbft certainly right, At the doors of the rich ones to thunder ; Like tjie thieves who fet fire to a dwelling by night, And come in for a mare of the plunder. IV. Whoever for mifchief invents the bed plan, Beft murders, fets fire and knocks down, The thanks of our Club fhall be given to that man, And hemlock (hall form him a crown. V. Our Empire has tow'r'd with a Luftre too long, Then blot out this wonderful Sun ; Let us arm then at once, and in confidence ftrong, Complete what dark Gordon begun. VI. But grant a defeat we are hang'd, and that's all, A punifhment light as a feather; Yet we triumph in Death, as we Catalmes fall, And go to the Devil together. LIBERTY AND PROPERTY PRESERVED AGAINST REPUBLICANS AND LEVELLERS. A COLLECTION OF TRACTS. NUMBER IV. CONTAIN' INC Ten Minutes Refection on the late Events in France Equality, as conjiftent with the. Britifl} Conjiitution. LONDON: Printed and Sold by J. SEWELL, at the European Magazine Ware- houfe, Cowper's Court, Cornhill; J. DEBRETT, Piccadilly; and HOOKHAM and CARPENTER, Bond-Street. PRICE, ONE PENNY. TEN MINUTES REFLECTION ON THE LATE EVENTS IN FRANCE. SOME time ago I tifed the freedom to addrefs to you a ve- ry (b or t plain Paper, under the title of " Ten Minutes' Caution," againft fome Doclrincs which Mr. Thomas Paine and others were at great pains to inculcate. To any man who had leifure to think on the fubjeft, and was difpofed to think impartially, I believe that Caution was not very neceflary. The prefent Paper (lands perhaps more in need of an Apolo- gy ; it were indeed fcarccly pcflible to imagine, that any ra- tional perfon who had heard of the late Events in France could be infenfiblc to the feelings they mud raife in every ho- ned heart, or the rerlcclions they mud caufe in every foumi mind, did we not dill fee examples of individuals and Socie- ties wicked or mad enough to countenance thofe proceedings, and to hold out to their Countrymen the fame fort of Doc- trines by which all this mifchief in our neighbouring Coun- A try ( 2 ) try Jias been occafioned. I believe thofe Perf0ns and Societies to be as defpicable in thetifelves, as their doctrines are perni- cious ; yet I hope, my Friends and Fellow-Citizens, you will forgive my anxiety, if while they are trying to miflead you by Falfehoods and Mif-reprefentations, I wilh to mention to you a few Reflections, which muft, I think, flrike every man ef common fenfe and common hone(ty> on the prefent fituation of that unhappy Country. I believe thofe Advocates for the French Revolutions (for, as might have been expected, they have not been contented with one ; will hardly venture to mock Britilh humanity by vindicating the Barbarities of the Mo:> of Paris, though fome of the Newfpapers, known by the mme of Oppofition Pa- per*, have publifhed what they call .ipologies and Palliations of them. It will be difficult, I think, even at the Old Bai- ley, to find Readers who can excufe murdering hundreds in cold blood, carrying their heads on Pikes, mangling their bo- dies, and acting fuch horrible and beaftly cruelties as none but Cannibals were ever fuppofed to practice. Thefe are not the Writings, therefore, which any who knows the People of Great Britain will think it necefFary to anfwer. But there are feme men more artful in their attempts to miflead you ; who blame thofe Barbarities, but vindicate the Doctrines and Prin- ciples by which they have been caufcd. It is of fuch Princi- ples, that a very little reflection on what has palled during the laft three years in France will, I think, fufficiently teach us to beware. I am no Philofopher, my Friends ; but it feems plain enough to any man of common understanding, that in any country that has been civilized or governed at all, fetting up the new and chimerical fyftem ot the Rights of Men as the rule of public conduct, is bidding farewell to any thing like Govern- ment or Law, Ofder, Peace, or Security. In any Society, except Government has power, no man can be free ; becaufe freedom in my neighbour to do me wrong, may be Liberty to him, but it is Tyranny to me. Such has been the irate of France for fome time palt : yet they have told us France was free all the time, becaufe the Tyrants that imprifoned, robbed, and murdered the people, were not Kings or Nobility, but were, on the contrary, what they call Sans Culottes, which imy be tranilated the Tatterdemallians of Paris, the very faun of the earth. In every Society, except in the very woods of the Savages, Property and Rank mufl be unequal, though the happintfs they ;:ftord are more equal, I believe, than we are fometimcs apt ( 3 ) apt to imagine. The fecurity of that happinefs is the grrat point ; if that is taken away, the value of the greatdt and the lead is equally deftroyed. The only perfons who can then have enjoyment in any thing,, will be thofe few defperate and abandoned men, who are too idle to have got any property of their own, and too worthlefs to have any conficferation " for their Neighbours or Fellow-Creatures. When people talk of Equality, which is a word much ia vogue of late, I am afraid they generally think only of bein^ equal to thofe who are now above them, not of thofe who are now below them becoming equal to themfelves. Depend up- on it, the dellre of Levelling will be at Ieaft as ftrong in the lower rank as in any of thofe above it. If Tradefmen think it fair that they mould be equal to Lords, ,God knows they are generally much happier) their Workmen will themfelves be equally entitled to be on a par with them ! and the honeft workman who now brings up his family decently and comfort- ably on the profits of Ins labour, does not perhaps relied, that on this new plan of Equality, the flurdy ruffian who now begs a halfpenny from him at the corner of the ftreet, may chufe to eat the dinner he has provided for his wife and chil- dren, or to knock him down with his crutch, if he refufes his confent to that propofal. The only man who can gain on this Plan, is he who has nothing to lofe ; and they will pro- bably get uppermofr, who rifle nothing if they mould fall. Such has been the cafe in France. The Sans Culottes, the naked Blackguards, have been in truth the Rulers of that mi- lerable Country. You know that in defiance of the pretend- ed Government of the National AlTembly, thefe worthy gen- tlemen took upon them the difpofal of the Lives and Proper- ties of their Fellow-Citizens, and after having amufed them- felves (ihocking as the word is, I ufe it feriouilyj with murder one day, went about the next, (topping every decent perfon in the ftreets, ancl took from them whatever part of their pro- perty or apparel they thought worth taking. The National Aifembly wrote high flown Decrees again(t this in vain ; they would fcarcely indeed wonder at what was a natural confe- quence ot the rule of Equality and the Rights of Men, for which their Philofophers had written as high flown Decrees be- fore. But, fay our Reforming Writers and Societies, we do not mean in any degree to give birth to fuch anarchy and diforder : We mean only to make Government what it ought to be aa Inflrument for the Good of the People. So faid the firft Re- formers of France, and many of them, I believe, faid it im- 'A 2 cercly, (A ) cerely, which is more than my knowledge of feme of of.f Reformers will allow me to believe of them. But have tilings in France turned out as thofe beft of the Revolutionifts ex- pected r Would they not have Shuddered to think, that fuch Aflaffinations and Maflacres as have deluged Paris, and fome other Towns in France with blood, could poffibly happen in any land where common Reafon or Humanity exiflcd r Such, however, have been the effects of letting loofe, under the idea of Reformation, a fpirit of Revolution, and of contempt for Order and Gpod Government. Suffer People once to fhake off eftablifhed Government, and fanciful men to propofe vi- fionary theories in its ftead, and the greateft inj.uftice and mif- rule will infallibly enfue. It is, I fancy, not an eafy matter, even for the wifeft and the mod virtuous men to make a Government for a Nation. The old eftablifhed Government, which is called the Confti- tution, comes on by degrees, as neceflity requires, and as the fituation of the people admits. But if the greateft Philofo- pher, or a fet of the greateft Philofophers, fit down in their ftudies, without that neceffity, to invent or to mend a Con- ftitution, it is a thoufand to one they make a bungling piece of work of it. I am a Plain man, and therefore may be excuf- cd a homely Simile: If any of us wifhed to have a Coat made, I think we mould hardly fay to our neighbour the Tay- lor, who had ferved us well for many a year, " You are a Bungler at your Trade, and I will not employ you any long- er; you follow the old vulgar practice of taking meafure, which I am now too wife to fubmit to ; I am to fend for the Profeffor of Anatomy, who knows how a man is made by ISlature, and he fliall cut my coat for me of that perfect pat- tern which becomes it." I really think the French Philofo- phers have acted juft as ridiculoufly: in the bed of tnem this was only Folly and Vanity ; in the worft of them it was Knavery and Wrckednefs. I have lived to fuch an age, my Friends, as to have had time to look about me with fome obfervntion, from which we can always judge, if we will not allow onrfelres to be carried away by fine words. Tell me, upon recollection, have you often known any of thofe violent Reformers good for any thing as a Merchant, a Tradefman, or. a Manufacturer ? Waa Iiis bufinefs thriving, his family happy, his fervants or work- men well ufed and comfortable ? Or was he not, generally, an idle, diiTipated, vapouring fellow, harfh to his wife, negle6t- ful'of his family, a bad paymader, and an imfafe dealer ? The leaders of the French Mob were, I underftand, juft fuch men < s ) wren as thefe men of fine tongues, but blade hearts, whofc perfons nobody regarded, and whofe characters every body who knew them defpifed; men, in fhor, vho never could be any thing during the peace an;l proip T'';\ of a country, but who were likely to be 'eadi::g nun \vhen people were to be led to vilhinies and crirr:s. The more you know of their friends and aifociatcs in ijr.tain, the more, I believe, you will difeover that tliey are of a piece with thofe in France, iu tn^ir Charac- ters as well as in their doctrines. Mr. Paine and molt of his difciples, having no property of their own to take care of, are the more difmtere!ted, no doubt, iu th-ir great care of yours : it is your money they with to favc by a reform, which, they tell you, will greatly leflen the pub- lie expences, which under the prefent eftr.blifhmer.t, prefs fo hard on the bulk of the people. I might make a Jhort anfwer to this, by deliring them to tell us, if in any of thofe countries where the expences of Government are ram.h finaller, there is the fame comfort, the fame good living, among the*bulk of the people as in England? The truth feems to me to be, that in every rich a:id thriving country, theexpcnces of Government muft be greater than in a poor one, becaufe offices will not be executed well and honourably, nor will thofe who hold them, have the refpedl that is neceilary for executing them well, un- lefs the falaries bear a proportion to the fortunes of the people around them. The French have become great economics in that way, and have cut down, in their fhort-hand manner, the falaries of different offices to a very fmall proportion of what they were. But what fort of people have they got to fill thofe offices, or how have they been executed r And even in the fav- irig, I am told they have been fadly difappointed : according to our good old proverb, they have been penny -wife and pound foolilh ; it has co(t them more to repair the ill-done work of their new officers, than the higheft allowance which Englifli liberality would have made for the appointments. I have heard forne of my difconter.ted neighbours talk of the hardfhip there was, that fuch and fuch a great man hod fo much a year from the public, while the poor were fo burthenecl as they are. Now I very much doubt, whether in fad the poor contribute any thing to the payment of thofe great mens* falaries, I have had a good deal of experience in that line, and I believe the workman is always paid for his work ac- cording to the rate which his living colts; and the taxes ; burthens that his employers pay, are laid on the price of what they fell, over and above his wages. If there is a bntk f: what he works on. he mav get higher wages; if a dull fale, he A 3 vvlil will get lower, or he may want work altogether. The rich men that live round us make the fale brifk, and if they have their luxuries, we have our profits from them. But as I take it, the Rights of Men, the Liberty and Eq'iality we hear fo much about, would foon fet the workmen idle altogether. So I unclerftand it has done in Paris ; there'indeed fome of them have found other trades ; they have become butchers of de- fencelefs prifoncrs, grey-haired old men, and helplcfs women and children. In Britain, thanks be to God, we have more worthy employments ; and there never was a time when in- duftry was better rewarded, when Trade was briiker, Manu- factures more flourifhing, or the Country more thriving than at prefent. I truft it will continue fo, notwithstanding ail the pains our Reformers and Revolutionifts take to make it other- wife. Some of them, we know, have an intereft zgahit the . profperity of this country, and are therefore excu fable in point of prudence, if they fet humanity and goodnefs (as they can eafily do) out of the queftion. But what apology could we find for ourfelves, if we mould be feduced by thofe tempters to commit a fort of felf-murder on our country? Even Satan himfelf did not tempt Job to filicide, till he was poor and mi- fearble, and fick, and naked. Thefe modern Satans have the impudence to tempt us to the fame fort of crime, when, like Job in his firft (late, our fiibftance is great ar:l increafing, when our fhecp, our cattle, and our ftores abound. You will obferve, my friends, that thofe French philofo- phers whom our reformers fo much admire, had nothing to re- {train them but the rifk they might run in this world. All belief of a God arid another world they had thrown entirely afide. Are you willing, my friends, to part with this faith and hope, which to every good man is the great comfort of his life, which gives a higher relifh to his profperity, a ilay and a reiling place to which he can flee in adverfuyr Will you not fcruple letting loofe your families, your workmen, your cuf- tomers, and your correfpondents, from the awe of God and a good confcience, and of a future ftate of rewards and punifh- mcnts? for the purpofes of the French loth of Augufl men this converfion was, no doubt, well contrived ; they had overthrown the law and the government ; they had only to efface the remaining check, the Deity, from the minds of their followers, and they could then be fet to any thing. I will not, my Friends, do the French Nation fo much in- juftice as to fuppofe, that this madnefs, and wickednefs, and impiety, are fpread over the whole, or even any confiderable part of it. I cannot bring myfelf to think fo ill of any fet of ( 7 ) of human beings. But that is jufl the misfortune of fetting loofe eftablilhed Sovernment . A few defperate, abandoned men will tfrcn (tart up, and impudently call themfclves the People. The people, accnUomcd to have Government act for them and protect them, will fit (till and fubmit to that handiull of Blackguards and Ruffians, and fuller more from them in one week than from a! molt the word Government in a century. Remember .^Elbp's Fable of the Sheep and the Dog. The Sheep complained that the DOJJ; fed ou the milk that mould have fattened their Lambs, and that hechaccd them very roughly if at any time they (trayed from the fold. " I never eat Milk," faid the Wolf, and as I like Freedom myfelf, I will not reilrain yours." The Dog was difmilfcd, and the Wolf, inltead of the milk, cat up the Lambs them- felves. I think there are none of us to filly as not to apply the moral to thofe Wolves in Sheep's cloathing, who preach up the advantages of Revolutions, and the Expence of Eila- biifhments. It is againfl fuch men, my Friends, that I wifh you to be on your guard, and to take warning by the fuifrrings of our Neighbours, how you liiten to their arguments. Were this country even in the fituation France was in formerly, (with many faults in her Government, we will allow) you fee what a dreadful change for the worfe the principles of fuch men might bring upon us. But as we are pro- tefted in our perfons, fafe in our property, with our country profperous and tiouriihing, and every opportunity of our prof- pering along with her, many of our equals, rifingto the great- eft wealth and influence, which are open to the loweil of us all, if they have induftry or abilities to attain them ; wmle no man, however much above us, can do us the fmalleil injury orinjuftlceunpunilhed; can we think, without abhors i- and indignation, of any arguments that would perfiwde us to run the rifk of exchanging all thofe blcffings tor fuch fcencs -d ? I leave it to as France has lately witncfll-d ? I leave am no Orator) to find out words ilrong enough tor t, ednefe of thofe who ufe fuch arguments, or the Folly of ihofe who can be mifled by them. A EQUALITY, C * ) U A L I T Y, AS CONSISTENT WITH THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION, In a Dialogue between a Mafter-Manufaflurer and one of his Workmen. Printed by Order of the HACKNEY ASSOCIATION. Workman. /""* OOD morning, matter; I am come to tell \JT you I cannot work to-day. Majler. Why, John, what is the matter, are you ill ? W. No, thank God ! but I have made an engagement, which I want to go to. M. Confider, John, you have a wife and four children, who entirely depend upon you for fupport; and, if you remain idle but one day in the week, you lofe one fixth part of what is to fubfift you and them, and you wrong your family ! fV. Ah, mafter ! what iignifies a wife and children when compared to liberty ! It is to meet the friends of liberty that I am going ; and, when I think of the rights of man, I never think of the wrongs of my family. M. I find then, John, you are for the new fyftem ? IV. Yes, mafter! and fo would you, had you read Tom Paine : he makes it quite clear that we are all born equal, and that we ought to have remained fo : afld that it is a fhame to have kings and lords amongft a people who ought to live like brethren. M. Indeed, John, J feldom read except in my Bible and Ledger ; it is fufficient for me to mind my fhop, poii my books, and take care of my affairs. On Sunday, which is a day of leifure, J go to church, and am content, without per- plexing myfelf with different doctrines, to liften to the parfon of my parifh, who recommends me to live in peace, and to do as I would be done by. Yet, I own, Mr. Paine's book made fo much noife, that, from curiofity, I have read it, and I find nothing in it to make rn.e alter my conduct. fK What ( 9 ) #^. What, mafter! are you an enemy to the rights of man ? M. No, John ! but I am a friend to the happinefs of man ; and I would prevent him !ro;n < . ruling rights which are njurious to hunfelf. Mr. Paine hsis faid, that every age and generation are free; but ,t -, not the queition, whether they may, but whether they ought, it: prudence to ufe that : dom ; and whether by ufing it tlicv will better thcmfelves ; and, that I may be able to judge, let me know, John, of what you and your party complain. W. Lord, Matter! why you know well enough we com- plain that fome are too rich, that others aie toe poor, that the people are taxed to fupport the expi.ru.-cs ot the King, and that the money we labour for is taken from us, an-.l fa dered in places and penfions. We diflike lords: wV, iiu>:i>d a man be a lord becaufe his father was ? We dillike kings: why mould one man be mafter of fo many milVms, who are as good as himfelf ? We diilike the mode of elections: why fhould not every man be entitled to a vo'er In Ihort, provifions are too high, liberty is too low, and we would bo free and equal, as they are in France. M. Ah ! John, thefe are numerous complaints and great grievances to be fure ; but, that we may pcrie^ly un !c;,i..nd them let us examine them feparately. Your lint complaint is, that fome are too rich, and others too poor. ' JV. Why don't you think fo, ma.r.rr M. Indeed, John, I do not : and, though there may be fome exceptions, which under no government can be pre- vented, I believe people in general may choofe whether they will be rich or poor. IF. Why, mailer, I choofe to be rich. M. How, John, you choofe t<> be rich, when yon are this very day going to make holiday! V'U - , a guinea a week, which, excluding Sundays, is t] "igs and fixpence a day; and, if in every week you lofe -i you lofe nine pounds two Ihillings a year ; tlii , in fjur years, would make the fum of one humL pounds. I believe you will confefs, that, cveiy make holiday, you fpend on yourfclf as m;.ch as you mifs getting : and thus, in fourteen years, you might luvo laved three hundred and eighty-four pounds. W. Ah, mailer! every body has not the fame head for thefe reckonings that you have. M. Everybody, John, has nearly the fame head, but every body has not the fame inclinations to ir.^-c uie of it. The ' idle idle man, who prefers pleafure to gain, fays, it is but one day, and but three fhillings and fix-pence loft. The frugal man, who prefers gain to pleafure, fays, it is an hour, ami that is three-pence farthing got. The firft clamours againft government becaufe he remains poof through his own indo- lence and extravagance ; the laft is contented with it, becaufe it fecures to him the fruits of his induftry and economy. W. To be fure, matter, there is fome truth in that. M. I came up to town, John, juft as you did. I was the fon of a fmall farmer, whofe condition was little better than that of a common labourer. I had learned to read and write at a charity-fchool. I was firft porter, then clerk, and afterwards partner in thehoufe I entered into. I am now fifty years of age, and am worth thirty thoufand pounds The laws of my country fecure me in the pofleftlcn of it ; the king dare not touch a farthing of it ; I pay taxes, it is true, and they are confiderable ; but I pay them as a contribution for the pro- tection of the reft of my property ; heavy as they are, they certainly are not beyond the ftrength of the nation, fince it flouriihes under them ; nor is my own fituation fingular, fince the rife and condition of my neighbours have been and are nearly the fame. W. But certainly, mafter,. you would pay lefs taxes if you were not to allow the king a million a year. Jkf. A great deal has been faid about this million a year ; but, though the fum founds great, when examined it will not be found much ; he pays out of it the judges, the foreign am- baffadors, the fecretaries of ftate, and other minifters With- out thefe no government ever attempted to ftand, not even the new one of France; and, when thefe deductions are made, the fum will not be fo enormous as you fuppofe. Inflead of a king, I will fuppofe a national aifembly, as in France : the members I will fix at feven hundred and forty- five, as there ; and the falaries of each at five hundred pounds per annum, a /urn in proportion to what is allowed in France: Thus, John, when we had got rid of monarchy, we fhould (till have near four hundred thoufand pounds to pay, betides fupporting our judges and our minifters. IV. But then, mafter, if you could ftrike off the penfions ! M. The penfions, John, are chiefly paid out of the fame million ; and how far, John, do you think it would be juftice or policy to reduce every man to want, who has ferved his country bravely and faithfully. You got drunk, I remember, John, when Rodney beat the French; you then thought he and his family deferved every thing ; you now wifli to make his children beggars. IV. How- //"', However, matter, taking away the titles would do n* harm ! M. It might, John ; and I am fure it would do no good. In this country, indtiitry and frugality arc the fources of every thing, and their rewards cannot be too numerous ; and why mould I be deprived of any diftinction which accompanies thofe qualities ? IV. You, mafter! why you arc merry, furely: you do not expect to be made a lord ? M. Certainly I do nor, John ; but it is not at all impro- bable that my children ihould. I have four fons ; my eLeft I have bred up to my own bufinefs, and I blcfs God that he is diligent, fober, and frugal : rny fecond is at the Temple, and ftudies the law ; my third is in the army : and my fourth is in the navy. It is from fuch as thcfc that lords are made: the firft purities trade, purchafes lands his fon becomes an efquire, is returned to parliament, and, if he has abilities, may juftly pretend to a peerage. The road of the other is more immediate : eloquence, (kill, and valour, conduct them to eminence in their profeilbn?, and they are made lords by the fame means that have promoted the ulv>!e houfj of peers ; fuch has been the condition of all ; and what has happened to them may happen to my children, and might to yours, if, in- ftead of attending levelling meetings, you would work every day in the week. IV. Well, mafter ; but, though your children may come to be lords they can never come to be kings ; and I do not fee why a particular man, whether he is wife or foolilh, Ilioukl be made the mafter of fo many millions r M. I underftand you, John :'you do not fee any reafon why the crown mould be hereditary. I have already told you I do not ftudy politics much, and I fancy that is one of the reafons that I have fucceeded fo well in bulmefs ; for two of my neighbours, who were thought to underfland as much of the afFatrs of Europe as moft men, underftood I find fo lit lc of their own, that they have become bankrupts, and I am will not pay three {hillings in the pound. Yet, though I do not ftudy politics, thofe who do are fo very induftrious in com- municating their knowledge, that I daily L'-ar fomething: when any of thefe come to buy at my (hop, they generally turn the difcourfe that way ; and I have lcame.1 from them that there is but one crown in Europe elective, and that t crown of Poland ; and I find that the very people, who have appeared moft zealous for abolilhing hereditary diftindi here, have attempted to render the crown hereditiry I You You fee, John, how one part of their conduct contradiAs an- other ; and hence, I conclude, that their principal object is to talk to themfelves, or to hear others talk of them. Nor is the king either your mafter or mine; he can neither make us go here or there, to do this or that : he cannot take from us a farthing ; neither he nor his mnriter can encroach upon the liberty of the meaneft Briton ; and, if they do, they are fubjecl: to damages in a court of law. W. All this, matter, is very well ; but why mould I not vote for a member of parliament as well as you ? M. I have already told you* John, that induftry and eco- nomy are in this country the fource of every thinjj: it is by the firft alone that a fortune can be made, and it is by the laft alone that it can be kept. Inftead of working only five days in the week, work fix ; and, in fix years, you will have gained money enough to purchafe a vole, if you plcafe: this privi- lege the meaneft man may foon acquire by perfevering in his labours, and the richeft will lofe it fhould he be idle and fpcnd his property. I fet out without any thing, and have got a vote ; and, mould my fon be an idle fellow and a fpendthrift, in felling what I leave him, he loles his vote. VF. Then, mailer, from all this, I fuppofe you do not ap- prove of the French revolution ? M. How often, John, mull I tell you, that I feldom trou- ble my head about thefe matters ; yet, if you wUh to know my fentiments, I will tell you them. In the firft place, I do do not think there is any comparifon between France and Kngland : there were certainly great grievances in France : the king could feize the property and perfon of every man ; he could reduce him to beggary, could confine him in prifon, and take away his life. Can the king of England do any fuch thing? I believe, John, that you would be glad that he were to take you up without your offending againft the laws ; it would be a good fortune to you. W. Why, to be fure, mafter, I would make him pay fauce for it. M. Then, John, if you would make him pay fauce for it, and he can do you no injury without your having the fame re- tlrefs againft him as you could have againft any of your fel- ]ow-fubjedls ; are you not in the eye of the law equal to the king? IP. True, mafter, we are fo in England, but you own it \vas not the cafe in France, and therefore they were certainly right in what they did. Al. That is a different thing : it does not follow, that, if government ( '3 ) government aaed wrong, the people have afted right : I only know this, John, that it appears to me there never was a time when there was lefs right in France, and I will give you two inftances of it in what has happened to myfelf. You remember that ihop-kceper in Paris, who rcfufed to pay me, about feycn years ago, for a quantity of hardware that I fent out to him : I went to Paris, you alfo remember, applied to one of their courts of juftice, and got my money. /^. To be fure, matter, it would be very hard if every man were not paid his own. M. \es, John : but what has happened fince. I fent out another parcel of hardware lad year, to a perfon at Marefeilles, who alfo refufed to pay me ; I went there to oblige him, I found there were no longer any courts of juftice : I found that he was become a great patriot, a captajn, John, ia the national guards, and he only laughed at me, and told me, if I teizcd him about money, he would denounce me, as he called it, and have me put in prifbn. W. What, put you in prifon when he owed you money ! Why mafter he muft be a great rafcal indeed ! M, This was not all, John : to appear a little fmart, I had carried with me a new coat, with hamlfome fteel buttons; in this I walked the ftreets, and was followed by fome boys, who began to call out, Ariftocrat, ArHtocrat! (a word which means an enemy to their conftitulion) ; a mob immediately furrounded me, dragged me through the ftreet, and would have hung me on one of the ropes on which they hang their lanterns, if, luckily, my banker had not come by, refcued me from their hands, by alluring them that I was in England a great patriot, or what he called a Jacobin. W. Lord, mafter, were not you frightened terribly ? M. Certainly I was, John ; and I'll take care how I ven- ture there again. IV. But, Mafter, the common people in France, fuch as myfelf, live furely better than they did ? M. How fo, ' John ! manufactures are at an end ; and when the mafter can no longer fell his commodities, he ca:i no longer pay the journeymen. JV. Why, what becomes of them ? M. They, John, as well as all of fimilar defcription, fuch as fervants, labourers, and the lower clafs of manufaclt:. are obliged to enter into the armies for bread ; they are paid fifteen pence a day, but they arc paid in paper ; that papvr they are forced to exchange for little more than halt of the com- modities that could formerly be purchafed with money of the fame ( 14 ) fame amount ; they march without (hoes or {lockings; and their neceifities oblige them to plunder, or exa contributions from every country theyjsnter. W. Why, I thought, mailer, they carried liberty every where ? M. It don'r appear To, John, from the account that the inhabitants of Nice have prefented to the national aflTembly, in which they complain that the French have ravilhed their wives and daughters, and ilole their goods : how (hould you like that, John ? TV. Faith, mafter, not at all ! JW. Nor is this the only thing to be dreaded ; the farmer and labourer have left their ploughs to preach or fight for re- form ; the confequence is that the ground has been uncultivat- ed, a famine begins to appear, and all provilions are double theprice of what they were before the revoultion : how mould you like this, John, who complain of the price of things when bread is no dearer than it was ten or twenty years ago r la fhort, John, if the French and their doctrines come here, I ihall (hut up my (hop, and have done with btifinefs; I (hall place my money where I can mod fafely, and even bury it under ground, fooner than lend it to a conilitution that fub- fjfts, as theirs does, by violence, and where every perfon, who is fufpe&ed or acculcd of being an ariftocrat, is dragged to prifon without any evidence, and is afterwards maffacred by the populace. The French have always been our enemies ; and, it they once enter England, they will not forget to re- venge themfeves for the many times we Have beaten them by lea and by land ; nor do I defireany of their equality, fince, as this country now ftands, I can become by indullry and ^economy equally rich as a lord, and, while I behave rrrjfelf with propriety, am equally independent a the king. PP. Right, mafter! and I thank you for explaining all this to me ; and, inflead of going to the liberty club, I will begin my work; for, I fhould not like to fee a Frenchman lie with ray wife, or take the bread out my childrens' mouths ; and I now fee, that, if I go on as you do, and mind my bufinefs, I may in time beastichand as happy as you. FINIS. A WORD OR TWO OF TRUTH, Addrefptd to all Loving EngUJhmen, and which goes ft tht good old Tune of " Derry Down." COME hither, dear countrymen, liflen to me, I'll cure your difeafes without brib?, or fee, And expofe the vile tricks of thofefcoundrel French quacks, Whofe noftrums would make us their porters and hacks, Derry down, c. &c. To enflave us for ages you all know they've tried, But as often we've drubb d them, and pull'd down their pride j Tir'd out with their old trade before us of running, They'd fain now cajole us with canting and cunning. But in this as in t'other they'll find they're miftaken, For I truft we mall ne'er be of God fo forfaken, To give this fair land to fuch colleagues in evil, As that murderer Marat, Tom Stich, and the Devil. As for vip'rous Mad Tom, he has long been our foe, And is leagued with all Hell to entail on us woe, Whole years in his foul has the venom been brewing, Which he now fpurts about to accomplilh our ruin. He talks of our rights, of our freedom, and good, But his aims be aflur'd are in this underltood, For he only would fet us together a wrangling, That his friends o'er the water may feizc us while jangling. The defigns of their tyrants they ftill have in view, Though by different methods the end they purfue, Conceited, pragmatical, infolent, vain, They can't bear that Britain fhould rule o'er the main. Tom Pain told them once how to ruin our fleet, 'Tis this which now makes him and Monficur fo Tweet, But they and their cronies in malice and iin, Had belt catch the beaft e'er they dare fell his (kin, He ( 16 ) He rifes majeftic he (talks to the (here His eyes {killing fire terrific his roar The Lion of England how old Ocean fhakes, As the founds thunder o'er it at which Gallia quakes. Our tars are true-hearted, our Colliers are brave, And who that is Britifh will e'er be a flave, Afllfted by Heav'n in fo righteous acaufe, We'll die for our King, for our Freedom, and Laws. Unite then, dear friends, and let Freedom impart, Firm love of our Country to each honeft hecrt, Be but true to yourfelves and tho' miriads advance, Old England ihall ne'er be a Province of France. Jack, hand here that tankard of nut-brown old flout, Round with it my boys we'll have more when 'tis out ; Oh curfe all French cut-throats, ftill, {till let us fing. While with Liberty bleft So all health to the King. John BuH at his Monarch may now and then grumble, But will never permit bafe Seducers to Mumble, Like man and wife, when they jar, 'tis but Peace to reftorc, And far better to love, than they e'er did betore. Under him and his father we've flourifh'd and fought, And we'll aft my boys as true Engliflimen ought, Our girls and our children (hall chuckle around us, For with God on our fide the whole earth cant confound us. The French feem to fcorn him, but to us he's dear, And while that is the cafe, we have nothing to fear, In peace then and honour may Britons ftill ling, And blefs their Good God, their Old Laws, their Old King. God blefs him, and fave him, and grant that he ftill, May the agent be here of thy merciful will, Our birthright to guard, our true rights to maintain, Oh blefs him, and blefs him, and blefs him again. LIBERTY AND PROPERTY PRESERVED AGAINST REPUBLICANS AND LEVELLERS. A COLLECTION OF TRACTS. NUMBER V. CONTAINING An Antidote againjl French Politics J Pifture of True and Falfe Liberty. LONDON: Printed and Sold by J. SEWELL, at the Europtan Magazine Warehou/e, Cowper's Court, Cornhill ; J. DEBRETT, .Picca- dilly ; and HOOKHAM and CARPENTER, Bond-Street. PRICE ONE PENNY. An ANTIDOTE AGAINST FRENCH POLITICS. A S a plain Englifhman, who am not afhamed to che- A rift la partiality for my own country, J cannot A C * ] them. A frivolous levity of character is the natural growth of France. It was the obje& of ridicule to our fathers ; and our very children ftigmatize the vain and cringing coxcomb by the name of a Frenchman. I fhall perhaps be told, that thefe are antiquated or childifh pre- judices, which the liberal-minded Engliftiman ought to re- nounce. But before he renounces them, (hould he not inquire, whether they have been well-founded ? The mere trick of words ought never to be taken in exchange for fubftantial and ufeful truths. The word liberality has been of late fo crammed upon us, and fo much abufed by thofe who have it moft in their mouths, that it is hard to fay what it is to be liberal. But fo far one may fay, that it is to be more than liberal to call evil good, and good evil j to furrender every idea and every motion to be moulded by thefe dictators in politics ; and to make our minds like a glafs mirror, that {hall obfequioufly reflect whatever they may pleafe to prefent before it. But thefe prejudices with refpect to our neighbours are ufeful, and therefore cannot with prudence be difcarded by us : for, what is it that has animated our foldiers and fai- lors in wars with the French, when fighting agajnft great odds, but a firmnefs of foul as unyielding as their native oaks, and an undebauched partiality for their country ? They thought themfehes fuperior in the dignifying virtues that deferved to be victorious ; and the very cenfcioufnefs en- fured them viirory. For my part, I never wifh to fee the day when thefe prejudices (if they are fo to be called) ftiall lofe their hold upon an Englifn heart j for if this ho- neft pride, this fterling patriotifm, fhould ever crouch to the cold maxims of free-thinking Reformers, we muft bid an eternal farewel to that enviable importance we now have in the fcale of Europe, and even to our national in- dependence. You may therefore very fairly, my country- men, fufpecl the foundnefs of their hearts or their under- ftaridings, if they are Englifhmen, who are ftudious to re- commend French modes of thinking in religion and poli- tics ; and if they are Frenchmen, you may yet more abfo- lutely conclude, that they labour to propagate their opi- nions among you for the word of purpofes. The doing of good to us without any left-handed view, was ever fo rare a quality among them, that you cannot but queition tae integrity of their oarotivi* wheo they profefs to do it, It [ 3 1 % It is a remark which no one has yet contefted, that nations have their charader; and it may be added, that this charafter is often preferved for ages, and through va- rious revolutions. While we are ftunned, therefore, by the praifes lavifhed upon the people of France, let the ftill fmall voice of Hiftory be permitted to fpeak. We there learn, that even Antiquity noted thefe blemifties, which, if we are not quite infatuated, are ftill to be difcerned in their character. In a confpiracy which fome profligate and needy men of Rome had plotted againft their country, the French nation was applied to for their fupport oftbefafiion, as being notorioujly fond of changes and tumults. The great Cacfar frequently reproves their levity, and unfteadinefs of prin- ciple j as alfo does a Roman poet of the fame age. The paflage in his works, which exprefles it, had been appro- priated to another people; but one honeft Frenchman who wrote notes upon the author owns that the character bet- ter agrees with the Gaulifh (i.e. the French) nation, who were ever inconftant, faithlefs, lovers of change. The great orator of thofe days reprefents them as an impious, faithlefs people, natural enemies to all religion, and with- out any notion of the fanctity of an oath. This general opinion of their impiety among the antients, originated from a ftory which, with very few variations, might be told with truth of thofe who now inhabit that country. It is related that they iflued forth from their native terri- tories in great numbers, defolating and murdering where- ever they came. Allured by the richnefs of the Greek Temples, they difregarded the reputed fanftity ef places for the fake of rioting in plunder ; their leader oblerving with irreligious mockery to his followers, " that the Gods had " no need of wealth, and that they fhould therefore give " it to men who knew how to ufe it better." Is not this exactly the language of French Reformers, who have not left the facred utenfils of a Chriftian Altar un violated by lacrilege and robbery ? Errors and abufes in religion may exift ; but they who begin to correfr, by ridiculing and trampling upon all religion, can neither be acceptable to God nor benefactors to men. As we defcentl to the latter and more regular accounts of their hiftorical character, we find ambition and perfidy almoft univerfally prevailing in their councils. It is be- lieved that their belt and greateft fevereijn, Henry IV. A 2 [ 4 3 had conceived a proje& of reducing the different States of Europe in.to one great Empire, and making Paris the feat of government ; and that nothing but his untimely death prevented the attempt. The defire of conqueft, and ag- grandizing themfelves at the expence of their neighbours, appeared yet more flagrant in a fucceeding reign. A mil- lion of lives was facrificed in the ftruggle to chaftife their infolence ; and had not William checked, and Marlbo- rough, with fuperior (kill and good fortune, humbled them by his victories, we, with other nations, might at this day have been the tributaries of France. We all of us remember too well, and even feel the effects of her late un- provoked outrage againft the faith of treaties, in our un- happy conteft with the American Colonies. Whatever opinions might be at home refpedYmg the difpute, there can be but one refpe&ing the juftice of her interference. Before the French declared themfelves the allies of Ame- rica, the rejoicings at Paris over our lofles were unbounded ; and after the furrender of Burgoyne, they joined moft cor- dially in adding to our diftreffes, and, like ungenerous cowards, attacked us when fallen. But the day of re- compence was not far diftant; and the intoxicating draughts of liberty which they then took in, have fince been the poifon of thoufands. And is this a people, my countrymen, that you can be brought fo^afily to admire, fo as to admit them to your confidence and counfels? When nearly 2000 years have rolled away, and have uniformly found them marked with the fame traits of character, can you be fo credu- Jous as to fuppofe that the lad Revolution in their Go- vernment has wrought a total Revolution of Principle ? Are you fure that they have rooted from their hearts thofe ambitious ideas which have fo often embroiled the peace of Europe, and which they hypocritically affeench Revolutions, what we are to imitate? It is true, that nation ejeded the evil fpint of defpotifm; but it has returned, and finding the manfion of the State fwept and garnifhed, has taken feven other fpirits more wicked than hirr.felf to dwell in it. They demoliflied the Baftile, but have raifcd another more dreary and formidable for the unhappy man and his family, whole greatert offence feems to be that he was born to a throne. By the bye, it excites one's contempt, as well as dctcfta- tion, to read the laboured cruelties of fpeech and the pretty turns of phrafe in which they paint their rancorous hatred of regal power. They built a Conftitution, " a " monument forfooth of human wifdo;n j" but that no veftiges of wifdom might be left to reproach them, they pulled it down. Their National A/Tembly was depofed j the reign of equality began ; and, that nothing might re- main like virtue and unlike themfefves, they crowded their prifons with the victims of fufpicion and envy. The ruffian hands of violence were let loofe to murder and de- ftroy; beauty and innocence were dragged forth, flabbed, and trampled upon. But fpare me the recital of deeds of horror which pofterity will wiih to have had erafed from the annals of the human race. Yet thefe lawlcfs inquifi- tors, fo deeply drenched in blood, ftill live. Their ar- jmies are victorious, and their national reprefentation is re- newed ; yet thefe monfters live unpunifhed, partake in their public councils, and even threaten to repeat their outrages. In the mean time, the iniquity of fo black a complexion is permitted to walk at large, and to boaft of its crimes ; their National Convention purfues with un- relenting; feverity the fearful emigrant, whofc only guilt is, that he lought for an afylum in a foreign land, at an hour . of univerfal difmay and danger; at an hour when they themfelves acknowledge the magiftracy was unable to pro- tel the lives of unoffending citizens. Such, my countrymen, is the prefent precarious ficua- tion, a'nd fuch the injuftice and inhumanity of a people which our Englifli Jacobins proftitute their time and ho- nefty to defend. Through fuch a field of blood thefe wrong-headed guides would lead us in queif of a (hadow, which never was realized on earth, nor will be in heaven. But indeed they know not what they aim at themfelves ; A 4 tbe T [ 8 ] they exalted into perfection the firft change which the French made in their government, but that was undone j and yet our very obfcquious patriots have new praifes to beftow upon every fucceeding change which vanity and violence can effe. Yet the truth is, that any thing but an eftablifhed form of government, or any form hut that under which they live, they are ready to efpoufe. If their ableft reafoners have fliifted their ground fo often, what have their converts to truft to ? The only point tq which all their views feem fteadijy directed, is to demo- liih what their anceftors have done. " Do you affift us " to pull down (they fay), and then leave it to us to re- " build when, and how, we think proper. You fee, my f ' friends, how fearlcfsly our neighbours upon the conti- " nent have deftroyed their rotten manfion : we cannot " fay that they have raifed another, becaufe the builders ** have been quarrelling, and cutting throats; but we " have no doubt they will, as we know their integrity '* and capacity. We have learned under them, and they ' will fupply us with workmen, if we like it, And 35 c< we have learned, we want an opportunity to fhew you. " a fpecimen of our art. This ftrudure of ours has un- " doubtedly been much admired, becaufe it has been f* built in a good ftyle, and well proportioned according " to the rules of mafonry j but of what ufe are thofe co- *' lumns, architrave, and cornice ? A plain front will do * ( juft as well j and as thofe are inequalities , we hate them. << The ftruclure is indeed tolerably firm ; but what of tf that ? The greater glory it will be to make it a ruin. <{ Come on then, all ye whofe towering aims have been at <* any time blafted by the frown of authority ; all ye " whofe bankrupt fortunes cannot be, repaired but by " fpoiling the induftriousj all ye whom profligacy and " idlenefs have rendered obnoxious to the regular ex- < ertions of juftice ; and all ye whofe fouls by nature are " like the troubled fea, and cannot reft, come forward to <* a work fo fuited to your tempers and your hopes. But " we need not invite you ; you are already enliftcd in the tl caufe by y ur own paffions, or defperate circumftances. 11 We therefore next addrefs ourfclves to the more nume- ** rous claffes of fociety, the bufy trader, the toiling me- " chanic, &c. ; and as fome have not the leifure, and *' others want the ability to detecl: our fchemes, we will '^ dazzle them by our pretfnfions to fuperior knowledge i and C 9 ] " and by noting a few roughnefles which the chiflll of " the ordinary workman might indeed polifh away, we " will try to convince them that the whole building jc * l unfit to ftand in this age of thorough Reform." But the ways and artifices by which the preachers of fe- dition labour to fteal upon the credulity of their country- men, and to diffufe difiatisr'a&ion into bofoms that hi- thtrto knew nothing but content, it is not in my power to enumerate ; much lefs am I able to expofe them as they deferve. But a few plain truths, which difmterefted fo- bernefs may very well urge, will meet, I hope, with enough of unfeduced hearts to give them admittance to their ferious confederation. 1. Perfons who di&ate to the minds of a people the ne- ceffity of a Reform, or Change, ought to be exempt from all fufpicions that they are inftigated to it by felf-inteaeft, difappointment, or other improper motives. Jf their cha- racters do not ftand perfectly clear of /ufpicion on thefe points, they are undoubtedly to be diftrufted. 2. If Reformers purfue crooked ways and ufe undue in- fluence to effect their purpofe, that purpofe cannot be an honeft one. If they fay it is for confcience-fake that they are fo zealous, the people may be informed, that confci- ence has been, and rnay be agaiji, the varnifh for the vvorft of crimes : and the beft proof of their veracity is, that they have not been equally zealous in fupplying the real wants of their poor neighbours. 3. The people are told that they are unhappy and op- preired. But the people once thought otherwife. \\ ill any one therefore admire the integrity and benevolence of men who are afliduous in inculcating thoughts that per- plex their minds and four their afrccHons ? Would it not have been more charitable, and certainly more true, to have told them, that, however humble be their condition, they are protected as much as the higheft from oppreflion and wrong ; that the country to which they belong is re- vered abroad, and profpercus and opulent j that the taxes, which our unfortunate quarrel with our Colonies, en- couraged by a fadion at home, had aggravated, had been, and would ftill more b , leflened ? honeft zeal that conceals important and comforuo it cannot be patriotifm which is anxious to burit of union between fellow-citizens pf fuch a country. 4. Ke- 4. Refinance is held to be fometimes necefTary ; but the time of necefnty is a dreadful one, and can but rarely hap- pen ; nor is it to be left to a diicontented few to decide pon, whofe difcontents can be afcribed to no very ho- nourable caufes. If we admit the principles which our prefent advocates for refiflance proceed upon, there never can be union under any form of Government. If we are to be governed at all, it is the firft great duty to obey. Without it, we are as loofe particles of fand, the fport of every wind that blows. While the laws by which we are governed remain unviolated, and are uncorruptly admi- niftered, there can be no caufe for violating the rule of obedience. They who know not how to obey, are the leaft fitted to govern. How unfafe therefore would it be to make them the depofitaries of power who are turbu- lent and intemperate in the ftation allotted to them ! 5. He who is urged to make any important exchange of what he has for what he has not, will do well to ( con- fider, whether the aftuc.l pofTefiton of a real good is not preferable to the uncertain profpe& of fomething, which he only imagines from report to be better. But the ex- change which an Englifhman would make, if he bartered the prefent Conftitution of his country for another, which a mad philofophy ha planned, but never yet conftrudled, would be infinitely more hazardous. He would lofe the firft without being able to fecure any thing in lieu of it , and what would he not lofe befide by attempting the ex- change ? He would lofe his innocence, his pe*ce, and his fecunty ; he mufr, imbrue his hands in the blood of his neighbours and countrymen, and mofr. probably leave wretchednefs and difcord as the only inheritance to his children. 6. The French cannot be competent judges in our cafe. Their portion was flavery ; which if they were willing to exchange for any thing tlfc, it was no wonder. To fuch judges therefore, if there is any fparkof that independent fpirit which was wont to animate the bofom of an Englifh- ni?n, we (hall not fubmit our caufe; we (hall hear with de- teftation their offers of interference; we fhnll fuffer no fo^ reign power to give law to Erglifh councils. Look well then, ye Reformers and Revolutionists, to the rreafures you are purfuing. Talk no more of French in- faHibility in politics \ It is no more to be admitted than the Popifh in religion. Englishmen are -not to be dra- gooned t 3 gooned into their political faith. In the moment of phrenzy, deeds may be done which Humanity and Rea- fon will afterwards behold with horror. Whatever may be your own principles, you will have to confederate with the natural enemies of your country, with the enemies of peace and good order at home, with the profligate and needy, with robbers, incendiaries, and murderers, whom the juftice of their country now confines from committing further outrages upon fociety. A PICTURE of TRUE and FALSE LIBERTY: ADDRESSED TO THE UNDERSTANDINGS and FEELINGS ofBRITONS. My hone/}, worthy Countrymen^ I AM your fmcere friend and wellwifher; I am an ad- mirer of that true courage which is nowhere to be found in fuch perfection as among ourfelves. Let not this noble courage ever become a fnare to you. There are many men going about now-a-days, who envy your hap pinefs, and tremble at your ftrength, and therefore they try to make you wretched, and to make you weak, by fow- ing diflenfions among you ; telling you to (land up againft your Governors, and to fight for your Liberties. If you meet with any of thefe Mifchief-Makers, tell them, that you ARE ALREADY IN POSSESSION of better Freedom than they can give you. Liberty is the PREROGATIVE of Britons AND LIBERTY YOU HAVE. There is no nation upon earth that has fo much Liberty. The French have nor, I am fure. I know of no Liberty they enjoy, but the Liberty of running about as they pleafe, naked and bare- foot, without proper food, or proper employment the Liberty of cutting each other's throats like a gang of Sa- vages the Liberty of felting up a number of cruel pppref- fors, who will not let them call their fouls their own (telling them they are free all the while), inftead of beinj governed, like us, by a good and gracious King, who is a Father tp his Subjects. J hf C 12 ] The poor unfortunate people in France dare not fpeak ene word that their tyrants do not approve. They dare not go to church, and fay their prayers, They dare not do an at of common charity to a fellow-creature, if that fel- low-creature fears GOD and honours the King Is this Liberty ? Thoufands of poor Frenchmen are now without the com- mon neceflaries of life, being obliged to bruife CABBAGE- LEAVES and BRAN together, to make a kind of pafte inftead of bread, that their hunger may be a little fatisfied j and of this miferable food they have not a fufficiency. In one part of the country a Labourer can only earn feven-pence halfpenny a-day^ where bread of a coarfe four kind cofts FIVE* PENCE a-pound fo that he can only earn a pound and a half of bread for his family from morning to night while the pooreft Envlijhman can earn from nine to ten pounds of pure -wheaten bread every day, at the prefent price of a quartern loaf aye, and get a pint of beer into the bargain. But the diftrefled Frenchmen roam about in par-r ties of hundreds and thoufands, like a troop of familhed wolves, and have neither food nor fuel. They mean no harm, poor fouls, feeking nothing but relief for their mi- feries and relief they are likely to have ! for their new Rulers have lent a large detachment _of foldiers to knock them all on the head, as an infallible remedy againft hun- ger. Nay, a ftory is told (but I hope that is too bad to be true) that one poor woman in France actually devoured her own infant a few da-ys ago, for want of any provi- fions. Is this happinefs ? From fuch happinefs Heaven preferve us! Yet this is what the new Reformers wifh to make my brave Countrymen partake of. The French can* not bear to fee how much happier you are off than they are, and therefore they try to bring you into trouble. They will pretend to tell you, that all men fhould be equal. And tJo you anfwer them, that IT is NOT POSSI-^ BLE. I will tell you a ftory, to prove how impoffible it is to bring their Equality (as they call it) to bear. A neighbour ot mine had three fons^-and wh.n he died, he left his money to be divided between them, fhare and (hare alike. Thefe three brothers, therefore, were upon an equal footing for a fhort time. But mark what hap pened. Th~ eldeft fon was a wild good-for-nothing young man he drank hard, and was fond of gaming and riotous Lving, and at t.he end of the firft year he had fpent all his money, C '3 ] money, and was without a farthing in the vrorld. Th fecond fon was not badly inclined, but he had a lazincfs in his difpofition, that prevented him from working much- and at the end of the year he had juft one half of the mo- ney that he fet out with. Theyoungeft fon was a diligent careful youth he never kept bad company, never drank more than did him good, but laboured induftrioufly to rife In the world. His property, therefore, was increafed verjr confiderably when the twelvemonth was out and in tim he became a great merchant, and is now one of the firft people in London. Now at the year's end, where was the Equality ? If we had all the fame property to begin with, we fhould very foon be in different fituations again. How many rich men become poor by their own extrava- gance ! How many poor men become rich by their own induftry ! And even ifthis were not the cafe 'f we were a)! to con" tlnue equal what would be the confequence .' Why every man muft make his own (hoes, and black them when he has done for who would do this for him ? He muft fweep his own chimnies make and mend his own kettles grnd his own corn (if he can get it) into flour, and bake that flour into bread cure himfelf when fick and fet his own Ijones, if he happens to break them. You will fay he can- not do this. Then he muft e*en die, and take his chance for burial, Chriftian burial he would have NONE. French Equality would fain bantfh allChriftianity from the world. For what right has one man to the fervices of another, but that which arifes from a natural and neceflary INEQUA- LITY ? The rich man gives his money to the poor the poor man gives his labour to the rich - and all the while enjoys as much real happinefs, and health, and liberty, and comfort, as the greateft lord upon earth. My Countrymen, if you have a defire to rife 11 world, believe me that robbery, riot, and mifchief, is noi the way to obtain your purpofe. Try to rife by your own Virtue and induftry. Be honeft bediligpntbecai be peaceable turn a deaf ear to the enemies of the KING, H CHURCH, and the CoNSTiTUTioN,and do not leavet whoiefome ROAST BEEF of OLD ENGLAND for t ffre unfubftantial diet of thefe political French Cooks. 6 It may pleafe GOD to make you eafy in your or ftances-if not, he can give you contented nnd cafy 1 minds, Truft in him, and he will never ft you off. fc willbe- C 14 3 ftow on you whatever is for your good and if he keeps you back from worldly riches and honours, he will yet blefs his fervants with peace and tranquillity here, and hereafter exalt you to his own right hand in heaven, where the rich and the poor will meet together, as children of the fame father. I now bid my brave Countrymen farewel befeeching them to remember the words of Solomon, who was a far wifer man than any of thefe new-fangled Reformers. " My fon, fear thou the Lord and the King, and med- " die not with them that are given to change." I remain, in the fincerity of my heart, your's, A TRUE-BORN ENGLISHMAN* London^ Dec. 13. 1792. THE RIGHTS OF MEN: A NEW BALLAD. 'TPHIS World is an odd fort of place, A As, no doubt, you have often been told, One and all will allow it's the cafe, For 'tis known both to young and to old : But of all the ftrange freaks and vagaries Times paft had the fortune to know, None furely fo ftrange and fo rare is, As what Modern wife ones can fhow. Mankind have now jogg'd on together, 'Tis faid for near fix thoufand years ; But yet they have not known each other, As nw very plainly appears. So t .5 1 So (for fear we fhould frill go on blindly) With new Philofophical light?, Mafter Paine and his pupils molt kindly Have promifed to fet us to rights. Firft Thomas declares we're all equal, Not an atom of difPrence between us ; That is, if you mark but the fcque], An old maid's as handfome as Venus. Each man knows as much as his neighbour, And juft the fame portion of brains } So the Scholar may well fpare his labour, For what can he get by his pains ? For ftrength -or of mind or of body, We are all made exa&ly the fame, And you furely muft pafs for a noddy, So charming a truth to difclaim. About Nature ne'er puzzle your head, She's an old fafhion'd dame, I aflureyou$ Her caufe too {he never can plead With your new philofophical Jury. Then, about Rights of Men, there's no doubt Mankind have done nothing but blunder; Such rights too at laft are found out, That you'll ftare both your eyes out with wonder. But beware, 1 entreat, how you doubt them, Or thefe wife ones prefume tocontroul ; For if you fhould happen to flout them, Away goes your head on a pole. Pf you have athoufand or hundred, And I have but ten pounds a-year, I've a right you fhould quickly be plunder'd, Elfe how can we equal appear ? So get what you will, 'tis in vain, Your children will never come near it, For the State will be at you again, And will fwear 'tis a right they fliould fhareit. As for Kings, they are all ufelefs lumber ; Each man to himfelf is a King; So there foon will be Kings out of number. And then we (hall be quite the thing. Each f 16 ] Each too has a right to produce Frefti laws, as he thinks he may need 'eifl ; So then to be fure he's a goofe, It he does not get plenty of freedom \ Nay, for Liberty, pleafure, or eafe, No man has his own proper fhare on't, If he cannot do juft what he pleafe, Without fear of a Juftice's warrant. Titles too are now grown out of vogue, For titles are badges of honour } And where each by right is a rogue, Of diftinftion pray who'd be an owner ? Then as for Religion, thefe wits Have left us in darknefs at prefent j Tho' perhaps when the feafon befits, We {hall have fomething wonderous pleafant* But of this you at leaft may be fure, 'Twill be nothing that's found in the Biblc 9 Such fluff they can never endure, For to them 'tis completely a Libel. Now tell me, good people, fincerely, Did you e'er know lo charming a fcheme ? If our fenfes did not fee it clearly, Pray fhould we not think it a dream ? Search Infidels, Heathens, and Turks, Newgate, Bedlam, again and again, But, believe me, you'll ne'er match the works Of the pupils of wife Thomas Paine. But for me, I fhall feel fomewhat fhy Of equalling fuch clever fellows, For fear they (hould raife me too high, And bring me, perchance, to the gallows ! And as for their light, I muft own, To accept it I can't be fo civil, Since, perhaps, when my bufmefs is donej It may light me at laft to the Devil ! LIBERTY AND PROPERTY PRESERVED AGAINST REPUBLICANS AND LEVELLERS. A COLLECTION OF TRACTS. NUMBER VI. CONTAINING The Farmer's Addrfj} Strap Bodkin, Staymater French Kindntfs French Humanity. LONDON; Printed and Sold by J. SEWELL, at the European Magaziu Warehoufe, Cowper's Court, Cornhill ; J. DEBRETT, Pic- cadilly ; andHOOKHAM and CARPENTER, Bond Street. PRICE ONE PENNY. A PLAIN AND EARNEST ADDRESS TO BRITONS ESPECIALLY FARMERS, ON THE INTERESTING STATE OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS IM GREAT BRITAIN AND FRAN\ " When Mifehief is once begun, there is no knowing when it will end." Work, of T. faau. BROTHER FARMERS, YOUR attention has, doubtlefs, been led to a publi- cation called " The Rights of Man ;" and an Englishman muft have a wonderful propenfity to confound his friends and his foes, who does notdifcover in that work a fteady anddeliberate plan to fap and unJermine the happi- nefs and profperity of Great Britain. It appears that Mr. PAINE has not only been long actuated by, but that he formerly gloried in avowing an implacable animofity and rooted hatred to this country; and that not merely to its Government, but to its interefrs, its welfare, its national character, its national honour, its commercial and navaj * A confiderable part < i this Traa is taken from % " PROTEST AGAINST T. PAINE'S RIGHTS ot MAN, by J. BOWLED, EUj." anJ the " ANNALSor'AcRicutTURiky A. YouNt, A greatnefs. greatnefs. In violation of his natural allegiance (being born a Britifh fubjeft), he drained every nerve to increafe the animofity fubufting between the mother-country and her colonies, and to prevent any accommodation from taking place. His pen was conftantly employed during the American war in widening the breach which all good Englifhmen fincerely deplored ; and in promoting that final reparation between England and America, which was then coniidered as an event the moft fatal that could poflibly happen to the former country. Since that period, the unexpected, the unexampled, the daily-increafing profperity of Great Britain ; the harmony, the loyalty, and the happinefs of its inhabitants, furnifhed a clifap- pointment too fevere to be endured with any degree or* compofure. Thefe were fcenes which harrowed up th foul of the envious and malignant Fiend, who, like hi* progenitor, bent his courfe to this Paradife of the Globe, eager to deftroy that felicity which it was not in his nature either to partake of or endure. But the good fenfeof the Englifh people is no more to be deluded by artifice than their vigour is to be vanquifhed by force. They are not to be perfuaded to part with the fubftance for the fliadow- They can diflinguifh between the fuicere and honeft advice of rational friends, and the wily enfnaring addreffes of infidious foes. They can de- tect treachery, and defeat malice. They are not fo fliort- fighted as to believe, that in 1792 the man would counfel them to their good, 'who a few years before was labouring 8t their deftru&ion. And fenfible that under the friendly influence of their moft excellent Conftitution, and of the ha p- pieft poftible form of Government, they nof^only enjoy the greateft degree of perfonal freedom, as well as of perfonal fecurity, that canexiftin fociety, but have alfo rifen, within tl e fhort fpace of eight years, from penury to affluence, and from deep and accumulated diftrefs to great and unex- ampled profperity ; rejoiced alfo that the fruits of thefe great and manifold advantages have already begun to appear in an alleviation of their burthens, they are not to be induced to flop the career of their greatnefs, and to re- plunge into a ftate of confufion and calamity, worfe even than that from which they have fo happily emerged. The fearful events which are at prefent palling in France, with a rapidity of mifchief that furpafles equally all that hiftory has to offer, or fancy to conceive, afford a fpeftacle ingtQ every raan who poffcfles PROPERTY j and t ( 4 ) for the divifion of property, than the moft dire levelling principle could fuggeft. Let the farmers of this kingdom reprefent tothemfelvs a picture of what their fituation would be, if their labourers, their fervants, and the paupers whom they ("up- port by poor-rates, were all armed, and in pofiVfiion of the veftry, voting not only the money to be raifed by rates, but the divifion of it among themfelves ; decreeing what the price of all the farmers' products fhould be ; what wages (hould be paid to fervants j and what pay to labourers. Under fuch a fyftem of Government I beg to afk, What fecurity would remain for a fingle fliilling in the pockets of thofe who are at prefent in a ftate of eafe and com- petence ? and, Whether fuch a ftate of tyranny would not be worfe than that of the moft determined defpotifm at prefent in Europe ? Thefe fails are ftated as having taken place in France : to fay that they have everywhere taken place would be an exaggeration; but the power is, throughout the kingdom, in we hands of the multitude ; and after knowing the ufe that has been made of that power, in fo many ftriking inftan- ces, it may, in all truth of argument, be afked, Whether the principle of fuch excefles be not admitted and profeflcd the inftant the power of a kingdom is lodged in any hands but thofe that havefome property in it? From what has all the abominations pra&ifing in France arifen ? The queftion is anfwered in a few words :. From the laws being fubmitted to the will, and the power being lodged in the hands of the Mob ; from thofe fine-fpun (peculations of the " Rights of Man" -being carried into effect, on which the late tranfaftions in France are the bcft omment, and the moft fatisfa&ory reply. I revere the manly fpirit and underftanding to be found in my countrymen of the loweft order. Their generous hearts, 1 truft, would abhor the idea of imbruing their hands in the blood of women ; of cowardly butchering tho/e unfortunate men who had it not in their power to re- $ft *. That fyftem of daftardly aflaffination which was fuggefted The horrid tranfafticns of the zd and 3d of September are here adverted to ; on which many of the Queen's female attendants, and ftveral thouland helplefs and unrefilling pe: Tons, were maiF-it red, with arcumftances of the moft fa vage barbarity. The Piincefs de Lamballe, after having fufFered every infult that a Fiench mob could offer, and which decency forbids 10 enuiBtaate, was beheaded. DURING TWO PAYS ( 5 ) fuggefted by the Jacobins in France, would, I truft, meet with little encouragement in this country. But popular tyranny is a catching phrenzy, and the moft dreadful di(- orders muftenfue, where all the property or" fociety is at the mercy of thofe who poffefs nothing. Attack and plun- der will furely follow power in fuch hands. And I would live in Turkey rather than in England, if the wild and prcpofterous proportions founded on the " Rights of .Man" were to become effe&ive in this kingdom, in other words, I have property ; and I do not choofe to live where the firft beggar 1 meet may, the fabre in one hand, and tne Rights of Man in the other, demand a {hare of that which a good government tells me is my own. That there were many refpetable men in this country who wifhed well to the Conftitution of France, as eftablifh- ed in 1789, is not to be doubted; and thefeperfons ailert, with ref^edt to the power being put in the hands of the people, *' So far would we have gone and no farther j" but they forget, that by going fo far they have given the power from their own hands, and have themfelves made for outrage and difordeV, an inlet, which they have no longer power to clofe. But if thcfe men may be exculed for an error in judgment, let it not for a moment be imagined that there is any thing refpe&able in the levellers, your idolaters of the 4 ' Rights of Man," whofe principles arc not a jot better than thofe of highwaymen and houlc- breakers; fortheobje&of both is EQUALIZING PROPERTY. The farmers fhould never forget, that the fame principle which attacks a property of io,oool. a-year, becaufe it is too large relatively toother properties, attacks allb a farm of zool. a-year for the fame reafon ; nay, of 50!. a-year. becaufe that alfo is large, when compared with the property of thofe who have little. It is curious enough to compare the original French DtcU ration of Rigkts, and the fubfcquent pradice of the Na- tional AlFembly, It is there allerted, that no man can i PAYS her mangled body was dragged through the ftrect. of Pari. I In Lt, the fbocbng brutality wh.cb d.Umgu,n,ed that *** French Libtrty and French Humani;y verbiall d.fuftfu theft enorm.tics were read in and wbich P did honour both to^hcir he^ts and undc-l .ndmg ( 6 ) eccufed) arrejled, or detained, except in caffs determined by tbf law, and according to the forms wb:ch the law has prejcribed. Such is the letter ; what is the practice ? On complaints from Niort againft fome eounter-revolutionifts, feized by a mob thirfting for their bluod, but who wifhed to have the flimfy cloak of a femblance of juftiee, the NATIONAL ASSEMBLY decreed, " that all the criminal tribunals of the kingdom fliould try, without appeal, all crimes con * initted againft the revolution." And in order to indulge the fame thirft at Paris, which was not with all its murders fatiated, they decreed theremoval of the criminals from Or- leans to Paris, that is, from the legally-eftabliflied judica- ture, where there was a chance of juftice, to an illegal one, where there was no fuch chance ; and they did this in confequence of the moft brutal and infulting addrefles from the deputation of the commons of Paris. The Declaration fays, that no man can be punijhed but in virtue of a law eftablijbed and promulgated prior to the cfftnce^ and legally applied. But the NATIONAL ASSEMBLY decreed, that difobedience to their orders, in the Colonies, "{hall be regarded as high treafon, and thofewho fhall render them- felves guilty (hall be fen to France to be tried according to the rigour of the law." The liberty of the prefs was provided for in the Declara- tion. Such was the theory. The practice was.filencing all that were not 'Jacobin papers, and beheading the authors. Purfue the Declaration of Rights through every article, and it will be found that there is not one, regiftered as an imprefcriptible right of man, that has not hern violated under circumftances of the moft odious and abominable cruelty. An Englifliman is proud of the idea of his houfe being his caflle ; fee the practice of 'Jacobin govei nment in this refpeft : " Decreed, that the municipalities are authorized to fearch the houfesof all peifons for arm?, and to take an account of horfes and carriages applicable to the war ;*' and foon after their abfolute feizure decreed. This was founding the alarm bell in order to giw- up the houfes of all the gentlem* n in the kingdom to the plunder of an arm- ed rabble : and this a& of tyranny, by the Leoiflatureitfelf.. If we are afked what apology the tyrant* of Paris have to make for their actions, their anfwer is < TATE EXPEDIENCY ; which an Englifh reformer calls the ejfpring >fhell. On whatever fubject, fcicnc-, or enquiry, practice is the f>nly comment, there i? no other n ft. When that prince of incendiaries, PAINE, re viewing a train of his projects, aOcs 7 ) r, tak.ng up the French Oecliation ol the RiZ of an, there is hardly an article to be found, to which the fame writer, and a hundred others, would not annex the lame queft.on, h not this good? Can you deny tlh ? But when : come to eft.mate thefc trees of goodly appearance by the fruit they have produced, we (hall find-The right of pittance agamft oppreflion-fc the p.wtr t, vprtfi , 1 Ac right to liberty -crammed t-jtry prison on fufp don : The right to fccunty fixed it at the point of the pike : The right to property ; the fignal cf plunder : and the right to 'r ui x ^' tbe P r tJ cut throats. A R E TH ESE GOOD 1 i iNGa ? If declarations of rights and governments founded on them are really good, the refult muft be good alfo. But thefc, my brother farmers, are the good things in practice, that flow in a direft line from the good things of French theory. A gentleman in his late publication talks oft.mpfratt reformation, and ol pointing tht zeal of the people to a moderate corrtfl'ton of grievances ; as if it was poflible, after roufnn:, by inflammatory publication?, the mobbifh fpirit, that you could ^raw the line of moderation^ beyond which the pop'i- Jace fhould not pafs. You want to correct grievances by means of the people \ who, with power to Affect the purpolc, mult have power to do much more. If they have that }; cr, will they ufc it? GO TO PARIS FOR T' ANSWER. Power in the hands of A MOB has ruined France. And the queftion in England is, Whether the farmers and land-proprietors fhall preferve their property fccure, by one and all conftdering the fylteni with the horror it merits ? or fliall, by doubt and hefitation, unite with the enemies of public p^ace, and hazard all that We poflcfsat prefent? Give us our Rights, is an exprcflion which has been ufed with fmgular emphafis. The reply once proper, was an ab- ftract reafon ing on the nature of thole rights : we have now fomething much furer to direct our judgments] and can anfwer with ftriil reference to thj facb that govern qucftion, " You have your rights; you are in the ijon of every right that is confident with fafety to the life and property of others. To give you mrrc wi!i u.d.i.- both To give you mr.ch more will infallibly ckftro/^ (hem, and eventually yourfelves. You have, th. A 4 AL1 - ( 8 ) ALL your rights, for you have all that are confident with four happinefs ; and th,ofe who ASSOCIATE to gdin more, ieek, by mean> which they know to be the high-road to confufion, to feize what is Nor their right, at the expence of crimes fimilar to thofe that ha,ve deftroyed one of the firft kingdoms in the world." There is in this country, and I g'ory in the recolle&ion, a fpirit of attention to the labouring part of the communi- ty far beyond what is the cafe in any other kingdom in the world. The heart and the purfe of the employer 'is never fhut ngainft the diftrefles of his induftrious labourer. The liberality of the affluent hath in every quarter provided hofpitals for the difeafed in mind and body j fchools for the ignorant and untutored ; and bread for thofe who are not able to earn it themfelves. The peafantry in England, when honeft and induftrious, are {he happieft upon the face of the earth. And long may they continue fo! But adieu to every thing like peace and pleafure, if once the levelling principles of Mr. PAINE become the object of their defire. Such a fyftem, like a peftilential vapour, will bring difeafe, idlenefs, a.nd difcontent, with all their train of mifchief along with it. Diffetisfied with his own con- dition, an,d envious pf his neighbour's profperity, the now induftrfous labourer will lofe all thofe fweet confolations which flow frpm a confcioufnefs of having done his duty, and from the afTurance of receiving his reward that happy ft ate of honeft contentment, which in point of real happi- nefs leaves him little to regret in the condition of the firft among mankind ! For the curfe ofthefe principles of equality is, that they never can allow tranquillity to be the inheritance of a pec- pie. Suppofmg it poflibie f-r a country infefted with fuch doctrines to be well governed, fuch g""d government will infallibly generate wealth and inequality ; and by confe-r qitence the nectffity of new civil wars and confufion toreftoreihe equality which would forever tend to vari- ation. Thus, under fuch Hne-fpun principles, p-.ace would never inhabit; tranquillity would he baniihrd, even by the merit*, fuppcfing there were any, of the fyftt m ; and new arrangements of property would be perfodicaHy to make, at the- caprice a.nd tyranny of thofe who, poflffijng npthing^ would look t.o confuiion as thtir fupport, and lo anarchy as their birth-right. Traders and manufacturers, of every defrription, although heir iu^'erings in popular infu,rrpciions are generally very (evere, ( 9 ) fevere, can frequently convert their wealth into money, and fly with it on paper wings wherever property rcma:n> fecure; but the farm:r is chained to a fpot. His property is inverted in the foil he cultivates ; he has no power Will it be believed, th U fuch a wanton etfunon , or hlco prodigality of the lives of human creatures, .bo-M, am leans and levellers, find advocates it net atsa.ndexculelU ADDRESS 10 ) ADDRESS TO THE MEMBERS OF THE CARIOUS BOX-CLUBS AND BENEFIT SOCIETIES IN GREAT BRITAIN, BY STRJP BODKIN, STAYMAKER. NOT having had the advantage of much fchool learn- ing, I am afraid I (hail not be able to exprefs my- fflf quite fo well, or make myfelf fo clearly underftood by you, as I could wifh j but, at the fame time, having the intereft of my fellaw-tradefmen and mechanics much at heart, I {hall ufe my beft endeavours to be ferviceable to my fellow-citizens. The Box Club to which I have belonged thefe twenty years, was inftituted for relieving our Tick brethren, bury- ing thofe that died, aud giving fupport to their widows and children. We went on extremely well, our meetings were numeroufly attended, our weekly fubfcriptions regu- larly paid, and we were enabled to fulfil all the good inten- tions for which we afiembled ; and when I was Steward, which was but two years back, we had feveral hundred pounds in the Bank. I had (during the time that i was in office) laid a plan before our Society, to pay a fmall fum monthly (independent of the Club lubfcription), and draw it out every Chriftmas ; and it was found of great ufe to many of the Members, and made them very comfortable at that leafon. Our affairs were in this flourishing Hate ; peace, harmony, and innocent mirth, reigned at our meet- ings. If a Member was noify or abufive, we blacked his face ; if profane and quarrelfome, we fined him ; and if turbulent, obfcene, and nororioufly bad, we expelled him (though that has happened but once (irce I have belonged to the Club). I fhould have remarked, that our Landlord always brought up the Daily Advertifer at our meetings, which one of the Members read, and, except when Colo- nel (I've forgot his name) came among us during the \Veftminfter Election, and took the chair, I Icarcely had ever heard any political topics (I think they are called) itarted in the Society. Things were in this agreeable fttuation when Mr. Dott, who wrote for Mr. Brief, who -was clerk to Mr. Capias, who was agent to Serjeant Mag- p;c pie, who belonged to the Conftitutional Society, came among us, though feveral of the old Members ohji-fbd to having any Lawyers in the Club ; becaufe at our la(t Bean- feaft, at the Three Hats, two of thefe gentry, Tangle and Snare, fomehow or other were invited, and contrived to f-t Trowel and Horfefhoe together by the ears, and then ad- vifed them to have an action of afLult and battery (as they call'd it), which laid one of the combatants in a jail, and nearly ruined the other. I reminded the Club of this, but to no purpofe j Dott wasele&ed, and foon after began to take the management of affairs into his own hands He doubted the legality of our Meetings - thought we were not fafe with refped-t to the Truftees in whole names our cafh was depofited in the Bank ; nay, hinted he fufpe&ed the fecurity of the Ban-k itfelf. When he had caufed much uneafinefs among the Members by theft- infmuations, and rendered the Society out of humour with each other, he took great pains to point out the inconvenience of the houfe in which we had fo long affembled ; the neglect of than to negleft our bufincfs, and agreed to meet every ni-ht ; wht r n, inftead of fpending three- p-nce halfpenny, w?ran up a reckoning which our pay (even if we worked our full time) could not afford. The I Dott advifed us, that the only way to bring o.,r n reafonwas, to go to our different (hopmate* and d to tfrike. It was next propofed that Dott mould Secretary, and that the money in our BOK, whuh was t pnd-d for the relief of fickncfs, age, and decent .1 mem, fhould be employed in the /"".'"nance of luch >re- fraaory journeymen as ne-Jefted their bul.nefs, I Could do wrJthey calicd bringing the.r mauVr. t ; > reafon." But when ncccfllty drove matters to comply with their demand, it afforded no occafion for exultation j as many Members were (by numbers of hands coming in horn the country) driven entirely out of bread, and obliged to fubfift upon the fund of the Box. Our Club, though iriore numerous, was now neither fo fociable or ufeful as it "had been formerly ; our money, which the old Members had hoarded with ib much care againft a rainy day, was hourly decreafing. Mr. Dott next thought proper to bring books to the Club, which I think they called " The Rights of Man j" and as they were at a i'mall price, we were perfuaded to purchafe thtm, from a notion that they taught people to live without labour. For my part, I can't fay I lilted their maxims, for they feemed to me to be written to lead us plain people aftr^y : For, fays I to myfelf, this Mifter Paine ieems to wifh for a change of Government ; but why, as we have for forae years enjoyed the blefljngs of peace, as trade has increaferi, and is daily increasing, as all things have for a long time gone on fmoothly and profperoufly, and as the greatrft part of our grievances are in the brains and hearts of wicked and defigning people, why fhould we wiih to change our nrefent happy fituation ? I'm fure, as for myfelf and all my neighbors who have a little pro- ,perty to lofe, we dread a change, and are determined to preferve it; as it is the opinion of much wifer heads than mine that this Mifter Paine, and a fet of needy wretches that he is connedied with, only want to make a general fcramble, that they may have an opportunity to catch what they can. Our Secretary, Mr. Dott, next prop-ifed that the name of the Club fhould be altered to that of a Convention ; the grangers that vifited us of a Wednefday nigru we;e now Tailed Delegates ; if a Member abfcnted himi'di" he became an Emigrant ; if it was thought proper to fine one, he was brought before the Tribunal ; to the benchi-s they gave the r.ame of Sections j the lower end of the table was called, the Bar; our weekly contributions a Revenue ; and my- felf the Ci-Dcvant Frefident. Defects had been difcover- cd in our Articles ; fo, to crown the whole, nine of our Members were directed to frame a new Conftitution, Such is our prefent ftruation ; we are conrinually forming fchemes for the Public Good, and have propoftd a method for the payment of the National Debt, lellening the Taxes, and regulating the Civil Lift. But whatever good we may ( 13 ) Jo to the Public in general, I am Cure our private t{falr* have gone on miferablyj for by neglecting our bi; fpenclinr our own money, and wafting that of the Jtox (which ihould have been referved for the h JUT of ficknds or adverlity), many of my acquaintance who ufcd to be fatis>fied with iheir ilations, and by their induflry maintained their wives and families comfortably, have, fuue they be- gan to talk of Liberty and Equality, Anftocrates and De- mocrates, and twenty other hard words whicn I never heard of before, been obliged to part with their goods to appcale tht-ir landlords j their clothes to funply themfelveu with visual?, or rather drink (fur I always, remarked that the greateft politicians among us were the grcateil drunkards j; their children have been fent to the workhoufe; and their wives (from the contagion of bad example j have become a* negligent as themfelves; and very frequently more fctious confequences have enfued from their political profligacy. Let us, therefore, ny worthy feJIow-cicizens, avoid the evils I have above llated, by paying no attention whatever to the counfels of thole incendiaries who endeavour to poifon and deprave the public mind hy whifpering treafon and diiloyalty to the Members of your different Societies. Let us venerate the Government from which our ktners and fathers' fathers derived fecurity and happinefs. Let us pay that refpect to the Monarch to which he is cuiicled both by his virtues and fituation. Let us treat our fupc- riors with deference and eftcem as long as they direct their influence to the fervice, and not to the c-ppreffion of iheic inferiors. Let us confider our religious opinions (to what- ever ft& we may belong,) to have their foundation in otx- dience to the Divine commands, fubrniilion to the laws oi our coumry, peace, charity, and love toward e-ch other, and there 'is no doubt but that the many bleffings we dr r rive from our ConiUtuiion will ftill continue to be the envy of other nations, in fpight of the endeavours of conceJtd incendiaries, or thofe that avow themfelvt-s the authors ol fchemes which they know are impract.cable, and whi if they could be carried into execution, would ducrive of that confufion it feems to be the fuir w.fn of hearts to promotc.-That we iiuy avoid the li Jaid for us, is, ^.^. My worthy Fel!ow-Cit!Z< Thefmccrc PrtyeTOf Your Frien J -nt, SfRAf C 14 ) F R E N C H KINDNESS. THE French, Brother Englifhmen, would fain pef-' fuade us to alter our form of Government, and imitate them in trampling under foot both theeftablifhed re- ligion, and thofe laws which we have hitherto been proud ot. Befoie we hearken to their adtfice, let us try to recol- lect fome one inftance of their former good will to our nation ; fome bent-fit which may tempt us to truft them* L'-t us begin with our Revolution in 1688. Tre French did their utmoft then, by open war and private machination^ to entail upon us popery and flavery. They fent an army to Ireland ; they paid affaflins to murder King William in England ; and when they received an account of his being killed (though a falfe one), they illuminated the windows of Paris for joy. In the year 1745, the French, after ftirrins; up a fet of brave miftaken Scotfmen to rebel againft King George the Second, meanly left th?m in the lurch, and contented themfelves with terrifying the old men and women of Lon-* don with threats of burning and plundering their city. Very lately, did not thefe very French excite the people of North America to revolt againft Great Britain? and did not thefe very French join in the war with their whole force againft us, altho' they hadperfuadedour Ambaflador to believe, that they meant us nothing but true friendfhip ? Ah ! my countrymen, be on your guard againft every thing which France, our ancient, conirant, and perfidi- ous' enemy, may offer under pretence of its being for our grod. JOHN BULL. FRENCH HUMANITY. JTOLD you in my firft letter to beware of advice from the French, as they never yet had {hewn to Great rirain any ether d.fpofition than that of doing to her every mifchief they could. I now warn you to avoid following French example's. They have none to Oiew but fpecimens of Blood^ Rapine, and Murder. You (feall hear a little of their deeds and in Jn telh'ng the tale I will only confult their own writer*. In 1418, a faction among the people of Paris maflacrodall of the o^pofite faction ; above twenty thoufandperfons were (tabbed or fmotrureJ, among whom were more thanfifi thoufand women. In 1572, feventy thoufand proteftants were murdered on St. Bartholomew's day in Paris and the diftritfs around it. And during the firft twenty years of one of the French civil wars, Fromenteau, one of their own writers, affirms, that feven hundred and fixty-five thoufand perfons were flairi, twelve thoufand three hundred women were ravifhed, nine cities and two hundred and fifty villages burnt by this elegant humane nation. Let the forlorn deplorable Emigrants from France, thronging every ftreet in London, and dependent on your charity for every morfel of bread they eat, defcribe to you the horrors of laft September. The prifons forced ! the guilty and the innocent involved in one /laughter ! Women, after having been cruelly murdered, carried naked on poles through the ftreets of Paris ! Ah ! my friends and countrymen, (hall fuch examples be followed by the mild and generous inhabitants of Eng- land, who in all their civil wars were never accufed of a Tingle mafTacre; and who, altho' deluded to much mifchicf by a mad Fanatic in 1780, fpiltnot a fingledroo of human blood in the midft of the moft intemperate riot 1^ JOHN A u LL. H E HAPPY MAN, A NEW SONG. }HAVE been married thefe dozen long yearsj And happily liv'd with my Dolly j I leave to the Great all the national cares, Nor trouble my head with fuch folly ; 1 mind my own bus'nefs, and earn my own bread,- My wages arc paid, and my children are fed, And fate on my ihoulders rll keep my own head. Neighbours, mind this, and be quiet. When my day's work is done, to the alehoufe I fly^ And there I hear all the fine chatter* A deal about Freedom, and Equality^ And fuch like nonfenfical matter ; Tom Paine's Rights of Man ! what are thofe Rights to me r" To do what is right, I am fure I am free ; I want to hurt no man, no man can hurt me, Neighbours, mind this, and be quiet. I think that they all want to be at the top, Who make about Freedom this fputterj But U o'er the milk the cream did not pop, How couid we get any good butter : I'll keep to my work, and rejoice in my ftate, We can't all go foremolt e'en through the church gale j Sol wiil be HAPPY, let who will be great. Neighbours, mind this, and be PRESERVED AGAINST REPUBLICANS AND LEVELLERS. A COLLECTION OF TRACTS. NUMBER VII. CONTAINING, 'The Miftahn Part of the Community, &c. Liberty and Property^ Courage* and Common- Senfe. A Panjh Clerk' t Advice to the good People on the prefent Times. A ftriout Caution to the Poor. Rtfleftions on Palne's Trial. LONDON: Printed and Sold by J. SEWELL, at the European Magazine Warehouje, Covvper's Court, Cornhill ; J. DEBRETT, Picca- dilly; and HOOKAM and CARPENTER, Bond-ftreet. Price ONE PENNY. TO THE MISTAKEN PART OF THE COMMUNITY, Wbo a/emble in Seditious Clubs for the Purpoft o . a REDRESS of what they fuppoje GRIEVANCES. MY FRIENDS, LET me candidly addrefs a few lines to you on your prc fent Impolitick behaviour. Either you are miftaken in forming your opinions of what you call Grievances, o elfe you are mifled by an artfull fet of men, who ; to bring you into trouble that they may reap the 1 they tell you that in France they pay no Taxes, t you. The French at the beginning of the Revolution were hot as you are j the poor paid all the Taxes. ,v [ a 3 \v-as monopolifed by the French Government, and becauf* the poor man could not get it under Ten-pence a-pound, and this one half dirt, he was obliged to go without ; nay, the poor man who lived by the Sea-fide dare not even boil the Salt-water ; and at the fame time the rich man paid no Land-Tax: This you will allow was cruel treatment. But you have Salt at three halfpence a-pound j In like manner all the Taxes fell upon the poor in France. See the difference in England ; here it is calculated fo that the poor feel com- paratively nothing to the rich. Were not you laft year relieved in part from Taxes, and if you had not created a difturbance you would this year have been ftili further relieved, for if you will look at the newf- p?.pers every week you will there find that there has been more than one million faved, which moft probably would have enabled the government to have relieved the poor from Ibme of the Taxes they moft fee!, fuch as the Tax of |d. on Porter j a part of the Tax on Candles, and a part of the Tax on Soap. See then how impolitick is your conduct. You have by your disturbances obliged Government to call out the Militia, by which that very money muft now be expended which was to have been applied to your benefit. When you call for reduction of Taxes, you furely do not underftand what the nature of Taxes are : Let me then clear this matter to you. It is a rule to do as you would be done by. Now if it is neceflary that the Publick (hould borrow money to defend ths Kingdom from foreign enemies, and if any man among you happens to have 50, or 2O/. and you lend it to Government, pray do you not expect intereft for it ? And this intereft muft be paid by Taxes Therefore it is unfair in you to call for a reduction of thofe Taxes. Be- fjdes the Taxes are laid in fuch a manner that little is paid by the poor, and every man is at liberty to pay what he pleafes, by living in that manner that will lubjedt him t the fewer Taxes. Pray can you ever complain of the |d. on a pot ef porter when every perfon who keeps a coach, as well as paying the halfpenny on the pot of porrer, pays a Tax of ill. a year for his coach, and fo for many other matters where the poor bear no part. Does not a moderate houfe pay 5, and 6/. a year Window Tax when a fmall houfe ynder fo many windows pays nothing ? Further how are the very poor to be maintained but by the Taxes raifed for that purpofe. Thus you fee the rich pay the Taxes not the poor. But the poor reap the benefit of thofe Taxes paid by the fich.- Now let me point cut to you what would be the con- fequence of the reduction of Taxes: Jf the Taxes were not paid, that part of the Community who have lent money 3 to f 3 1 to Government could not receive their Income ; the confe- quence would be to alljourneymen and Labourers, that where they now earn two Guineas per week, they perhaps would not earn 14 Shillings ; where one Guinea, not more than 75. 6d. and where us. jo*, and 9*. only 5;. 4*. 31; and fo in proportion ; and many in that cafe would not be able to get work. Further, in regard to Servants, one half of their number mud lofc employ, and the other half be reduced to one third of their prefent wages : Befides building would be at a ftand, which would throw out of employ Bricklayers, Carpenters, and their labourers, and the like would happen to all other trades and manufactories: And to add to the whole, the confufion this would bring on, wouKl he fuch that though the journeyman and labourer would gain lefs, yet hs would find the price of bread much higher than at prelent j and as is the cafe aow in France, perhaps not get bre^d to buy if he has money to go to market with. Therefore, my friends, take the advice of one who is neither in a fuperior or inferior fituation of life, who is totally difmterefted in giving this councilfwhich you muft fee is for your own good ; return therefore to your fcveral em- ploys, and reft afliired that tht>fe who have the management of thefe matters are doing for the beft, and that by fuch improper meetings you will not only bring trouble and mif- chjef on yourfelves but prevent the very good intentions in vour favour See how the French are taxed and at the fame time ftarved. Their Soldiers have not (hoes, and are kept in the open fields without covering during this cold we they have bad bread, little or no meat, and nothing water to drink, and fome of them even have no II and only four-pence a day paid in papcr-meney, in d change of which they lofe one half. Let our own Soldiers therefore comfort themselves in being well cloathed, we] and well found in every thing, which would not b if the Taxes were taken off; for where then woulJ money come from that was to fupply them i cloathes and nourishment. We muft iberelore tru good Miniftry that has and will take parncular c Taxes will be reduced as often as the circumft-ncei times will admit, This advice comes from A friend to true Britifc Liberty. B a LIBERTY, [ 4 3 LIBERTY, and PROPERTY, COURAGE, and COM- MON SENSE. AY' my Lads What is Liberty? 'Tis not that you fhall make free to fnatch a glafs of Champagne, out of my Lords hand, when he is lifting it to hit mouth, or that he {hould dafh the porter out of your's when you are going to take a lufty draught of itj but that both you and my Lord poflefs your own, with equal fecurity. Liberty, what is it ? 'Tis not that you mv Lads fhould throw mud at my Lord's Chariot driving on the Coach way or that he fhculd trample en, or fplafh you on the pavement. But that each fhould in their fsveral roads go unmolefted on their pleafurcs, or bufinefs. PROPERTY. Life is a Lottery our chances, before birth were equal You may have drawn a prize, whilft a blank happens to be my portion Now when you have got poflefiion of your prize money, if I fhould endeavour to force it from you, you would-cafl: me a^egue for taking what was not mine, and a fool, becaufe you would hang me fcr it. I'll tell you a ftory of old John , whom I knew a Journeyman Brick-layer, and whom thoufands of you have huzza'd when your late worthy Lord^Mayor : John drew a blank at ftart- jng But John was honeft, and willing to labour he thought it better to mount the ladder a thoufand times to the roof of the higheft houfes than rifle the ftepping once on anothec ladder. His labours were blefled with a deferved fuccefs, he died dignified with the City's higheft honours. Go, then my honeit fellow, and do likewife. You have courage fo have I But if we have common fenfe alfo we fhall rather read this and feparate with mu- tual good will than give each other a doufe on the chops at parting. A PARISH C s 3 A PARISH CLERK'S atlvitt, to the GOOD PEOPLE, tn At PRESENT TIMES. GOOB PEOPLE. YO U have lately heard fome folks talk about a thing called Ariftocracy; and other folks talk abdut a thing called Democracy. Now I'll tell you what they mean. You know there is a King, Lords, and Members, who be fent to Parliament by Voters at Elections. Now if the Lords were to fay, that the King and the Members fcnt by Voters (houid not help to make Laws, thit would be Arif- tocracy : but if the Members fent by Voters were to fay, that the King and the Lords fhould not help to make Laws, tlv-t would be Democracy. Now mind what would happen, if the Lords were to fay that the King and Members fcnt by Voters, fhould not help to make Laws. The Lordi would begin quarrelling about who fhoulJbe uppermoft : and the proudeft of them would ftick at nothing to gain their ends. All the money we now pay to fupport Soldiers, Sailors, Lawyers, and Parfons, would then be feized, and fpent in bribes to people that could bawl, make a noife, and get mobs together. But obferve me; though the Lords would quarrel among themfelves about whofliould be uppermoft, yet they would take care all to agree in doing you harm. A man would not dare fay his foul was hu own, under an Ariftocracy : for as 1 have read in fomc Hiftorv Books, in all places where an A/iftecracy has I fet up" by itfelf, the People have been always ufed like 3 Well now let's fee what ill would come if the Members fent by Voters at Eleftions were to fay, that the King and the Lords fhould not help to make Laws. The proudeft th Members would try to be uppermoft, and be alwa; making an uproar in the Country. All the Drunken, K ot- ;;,;,, I3| C , and bad People would join fome one Hue and ome another, and be for ever 1 wss c: [Tfammcr in France And how man * had their throats cut and the.r , Kin" LoSs. 'and Member, fent ,o Hirtumsnt by to help one another in Utt" [ 6'] The King hinders the Lords from making any Laws to hurt the Members fent by Voters: and the King hinders., the Members fent by Voters from making any Laws to hurt the Lords. So again ; the Lords won't let the Mem- bers hurt the King ; and the Members won't let the Lords hurt him. And fo all Three, King, Lords, and Members are forced to agree in making Laws. The proverb fays, " Two heads are better than One:" ay, and " Three heads are better than Two." We know, that when our Squire, and the Church-wardens, and the Overfeers all meet together in the Veftry, Parifti Bufmefs is done better than when the Squire is there without the Parifli Officers, or the Parifti Officers without the Squire: and the reafon is, becaufe when they be all met, one knows what is beft to be done in one cafe ; another knows what is belt to be done in another cafe ; and a third knows what is btft to be done in a different cafe: and fo from their helping one another they do the Parifti Bufmefs well. 'Tis juft fo with King, Lords, and Members fent by Voters: they all help one another with advice, and fo do the bufi- nefs of the Nation well You have heard a great deal too about one man's being equal to another. Now to my mind, thp folk that talk fo, talk as foolifli as if they were to fay, that a Man of five feet high were as tall as a Man of fix feet ; that the People down in our Church could fmg as well as the choir in the Gallery j that a pack of Boys could ring and play at cricket as well as our ringers and cricket club; or that the Man who had his head broke at back-fword laft Salifbury race week, was as good a Man on the fla^e as he that broke his head and won the prize. But I'll tell you a little more what the folk mean, that talk about one man's being equal to another. If you are a Matter ; thefe folk teach your fervant to turn you out of doors^ and become Mafter him- felf. If you are a fervant, and have fayed up fome money out of your wages ; thefe folks teach any fellow that is Wronger than you, to take your money away from you : and if you fay it is very hard that you fhould lofe your money, the fellow is taught to beat you down and pick your pockets. If you are a Tradefman, thefe folk teach your Journeymen and Apprentices not to obey your orders: and ihey tell perfons who owe you money for goods deli- vered, that there is no harm in cheating you and that they ought not to be punifhed for not paying their juft debt*. If you are a Farmer; thefe folk teach your Carters, Thref- foers, Hedgers, and Shepherds, to break open your Barns and C 7 ] and Granaries, and take corn when ever they pleafc. If you are a Clothier j thefe folk, bid your Scribblers, Shear- men, and Burlers, and all in your (hop pull down your Machines, and not work without encreafc of wages. If you are a Hard-ware maker at Birmingham or Sheffield, they tell your workmen to deftroy all hngines if they don't like them, and to fpend in drinking and mobbing juft as much time as they pleafe. So a fine piece of pell-mell is made by the Tag, Rag, and Bobtail in places, where thefe folk are lurking. Ay ; and now fee what the people in France have got by all the higgedly-piggedly, topfy-turvy bufinefs brought about by the mad folks, that have talked there fo much about one man's being equal to another. Why, in one large Town only, there are thirty thoufand manufacturers all out of work ; and the reafon is, becaufc their Mailers are ruined for want of cuftomers, and the workmen are ruined with their Mafters. Thoufands of other people are frarving; the reafon is, bccaufe the Farmers can get no- body to work ; or if they can get hands, yet they can't get a fa'ir price for their corn, and fo they won'c plough their land. You have been told by the folk that want to li by the ears, like cat and dog, that you mall then have bread and cheefe, meat and beer, and clothing, ten tirr.es cheaper ihm now, if you will join in kicking up a duft. Neighbours, 'tis all a he; an impudent lie; and they that piveyou fuch falfe promifes know that they arc telling hes. And I'll prove the contrary to what they fay. If there wa to be a general difturbance of the peace in our Towns and Villages! all tiades would be at a Hand: your Markets would not be fervcd : your Maltcr* could not get your Clothiers could not make Cloth : and fo, mileac having every thing cheaper, you would have every th, carer and pay more money tor worfe things then, than you pay ^ 'good things now. Perhaps too, " the tablt, urn'dV' as the faying is, and- the weakeft nav r " men we be favmg ployed people to make a piec* of work here, in hopes that whilft we were quarrelling at home, they might come and do our country fome harm. And fo, juft like the French- men in all the wars for the laft hundred years, they muft be meddling and making with other people's affairs, and " thrufting their fingers into other people's pyes," as the faying is. But pleafe God ! and " they will burn their fingers :" we (hall make the Mounfeers over the water dance to another tune, if they don't leave us alone. " No frogs, nor foup-meagre for Englifhmen :" let 'em eat what they like at home, but not think to cram an Englifhman with fuch (luff. The French have been all mad and blind to- gether j and they are all ruined for their pains j fo they wifh that we too may be all mad and blind together, and that we maybe ruined juft as they are. But don't let us goto pot to pleafe them. We arc well off as we are: don't let us go to undo every thing, for a chance only of mending fomething. Don't let us begin pulling down our houles over our heads to bury ourfelves in the ruins. Don't let us kill the patient by way of curing him, as the quack-dofrors do. Mind me, neighbours. Once upon a time the heart and feet grumbled becaufe the head was raifed above them, and becaufe the head could fee; So the heart and feet made a bargain ; the heart would hot fupply the head with blood ; and the feet would not go where the head looked. Upon thi?, the head Icon grew very pale; the eyes were dim ; the brain out of order, till at laft down fell the whole body to the ground. The heart began blaming the feet, and the feet found fault with the heart, but upon a little confidera- tion they confefled they were both to blame. So the heart fet about giving blood to the head, and the feet walked whenever the head looked : and all three agreed, tha: as neither of them could do without the other two, fo they would be good friends, and accordingly they lived to a long old age. Even fo, muft King, Lords, and Members in Parliament all agree together, and then Old England will profper for many hundred years. Remember too the man that married two wives : one wife pulled out his black hairs, and the other wife pulled out his gray hairs, and fo between them both the poor hufband was left bald-pated. Even fo, if one tries to de- Itroy this part, and another tries to deftroy that part of our Laws, we {hall be left without any Laws, and be at the mercy of thieves and murderers. Once again, neighbours, and I won't fpeak any more. Do but think of the boy, who had a goofe that laid golden [ 9 1 eggs, as the ftory fays. The boy, like a blockhead, as he was, could not be contented to take the eggs after the goofe had laid them, but even cut open the Goofe, in hopes of getting the eggs the fooner, and fo he loft eggs, goofe, and all. Juft fo if we are fo fooiilh as not to know the value of the bleflings we now enjoy, but are fo reftlefs that we muft needs cut up the Conftitution, why we ihall loofc the Blefiings and Conftitution too, and get nothing in exchange but bloodftied and confufion as long as we live, and as long as our Children may live after us. So do let us know whca We are well off, and be thankful J A SERIOUS CAUTION T O THE POOR. DECEMBER 8, i/92 YOU have been told much of the French Revolution ; Confider what the Revolution has produced. It has totally overthrown all Government and all Property, a all Relicion j it has laid wafte whole Houfes, Palaces, and Cities ; it has overturn'd all Uw and Order and Jufti and Trade ; it has put Thoufands of our Fellow Creatures to Death in the moft horrible and barbarous manner ; it has driven ten-thoufands of them into different where they are hourly languifhing under every pofli of diftrcfs. Thefe certainly are very f.r.ous thmgs.- Surely the principles which have brought all this mil pon France muft be extremely dangerous, and you oughi to confider well before you adopt them. Something has been faid concern.ng the Mankind."- 'if this cxpreflion has any meaning, n n^ that we fhou'd all be exaflly al.ke.-But have you con fideVd how many years it will coft you, and ho* labourtoo, before you can make us fo ? And when YOU I done all t'his, how long (hall we continue equal think l-Not a mle das-te men ot fupcnor mtegnu m think l-Not a fmgle das-te men o upcno [ 10 ] duftry, and fkill, wou'd, in a very few hours, gam the advantage over the difhoneft, the indolent, and the ignorant. Confider then, how very little meaning. there is in this word Equality. Kovv is it poflible that there can be any iuch Equality, when fome mult govern, and others mufl be governed? The world is now near fix thoufand years old, and did you ever hear of any Nation whatever in which the inhabitants were all equal ? No 'There muji be dijlinclions amongft men, and one great fource of thefe diftin&ions is property. Providence meant from the beginning, that there fhuu'd be rich and that there fhou'd be poor and ycu finu in the Bible many duties commanded to each. Now, if it were intended that all fhou'd be rick, why fhou'd any duties be commanded to the poor? !f by your own induftry and ho- xiefty you can make yourfelves rich, there is no law of this Kingdotn which forbids you. You daily fee numberlefs initanceswf individuals rifing very honourably from poverty to great wealth, and you cannot but know that induftry and honefty generally meet with great encouragement and fuccefs in this Kingdom. But if you overturn Government, you overturn property too, and are a great deal poorer than you poffibly cou'd be under the very worjl Govemment. The rules of property are founded upon ftri<5t principles of Juftice and conscience, and the Bible exprefsly forbids you to invade the whole or any part of another rn^-n's property, be it ever fo great. You fee then how weakly thofe perfons argue who talk much about Equalizing ; add to that, they have very flender notions either of Juitice or Religion, and at the laft, v/ill be much poorer than when they nrit began. It may be faid perhaps, " If all were equal, ivc Jboud ntt l>e compelled to work." Be not fo abfurdly deceived. This life of Equality wou'd be no eafy life for without Govern- ment without law without protection, you wou'd find that to preferve your property woif'd be a hard tafk indeed : far harder than any labour which you now undergo, and what is worfe, you would live in daily horror and anxiety be- fides, how cou'd this property be ever valuable to you with- out fome labour and exertion ? Wou'd the earth of itfelf bring forth fruits for you ? Wou'd houfes of themfelves rife from the ground ? Wou'd the neceflaries and conveniences of life be Supplied to your hands without any care, or fore-thought of your own ? r* 4 Wou'd the ravens, do you fuppofe, bring you bread and flefli in the morning, and bread and fk-fh in the evening r" Certainly not you would be driven to la- $>our with the fweat of your own brow for yourlelf ; and muit labour much more painfully than you do at prefect for as C ] as all wou'd be equal, you cou'd compel none to labour for you or to affift you. But fomething has been fcid of the Rights of Mm." What do you mean bv thefe words? Do you mrant'ofe Rights which Man claims as given him from God ? If fo, thofe Rights cannot poffibly fce prefcrv'd without Government, or do you mean, Man's civil Rights ? If fo, thofe Rights plainly fuppofe a Government ; fo that in either Cafe, even according to your own account there rnnjl be a Government, But it may be faid, " My Natural Rights are too much abridged by civil Government "If you mean to apply this to the Civil Governor nt of England, I entirely deny the fact. The Law of England lays ro reftraints but upon your wickednefs, your immorality, or your injuftice; and, in no otiier cafe whatever, does it give any man upon earth the haft power over your Life, your Limbs, your Liberty, your Property, or one fingle poneffion which you value and enjoy : 'Jn the contrary it effectually protects all thefe things for you, and fecures them to you againft t"e violence and o, prrffion of other?. As long as you continue honeft and do no injury to your neighbour, the Law permits you to do exadtly as you pleafe, and it eudeavours to make every thing comfort- able to you, and fevertly pur.ifrcs all t!)ofe who dare to dif- turb you. You wou'd find this to be true if yu knew at all the proceedings of the Courts of Law, and after all, even fuppofing that you had Tome little reafon to complain, Rebellion is not the beft method of gaining redrefs. But it is often lamented that " property is too unequally di- vided" The diftribution of property in England gives great encouragement to thofe who are upright, diligent, flcilful, and prudent ; but it gives very little encouragement to thofe who are difhoneft, flothful, extravagant, or impru- dent i and the law allows us, when once we have gain 'd a property, not only tt> enjoy it ourfelves, but to difpofe of it as we pleafe at our death. Now this is certainly a very great privilege. You wou'd not wiih that it fhould be abo fifh'd. It ought to be a pleafing reflection to you to think that your children, and thofe whom you hold moft dear, will enjoy every thing you leave behind you, and the mo you leave, fhe more will they enjoy. if thereto perfons be born to great pofleffions, the cife is fimply t That their fathers or fore-fathers underwent the fatigue of acquiring thofe poifrfiions, and aftcrwai them to be enjoy'd by theif defendants. Now all very reafonable and comfortable,-Surely it is very rig to divide property in this manner :-MucU deftroy it, as the levellers have done in r rancc. ^ t * .] " #/ you may pojjibly complain of Taxes." No Govern- ment can be maintain'd without expence Fleets and Ar- mies muft be paid Judges and others muft have fala- ries Men muft not fight our battles and give up all their time and talents to us for nothing. Our Taxes are for maintaining thefe expences. Is it not better to pv/fifs pro- perty f though it be taxed} than to poflefs no property, ns perjonal fafety at all ? But it may be urged, " our Taxes are tw high" very Englishman wiihes with you that they were lefs, and none more fincerely fo than our Governors themfelves But are you taking the proper means of lejfin- ing thefe Taxes? On the contrary, are you not talcing the very means of -encreafmg them ? for riots and tumults always bring a heavy load of expences, and particularly upon the fpot where they are committed or in fhort, are you able to devil'e arty means of leffening Taxes : Our Governors are doing every thing in their power to relieve us : and inftead of harraifing them, we ought to be grateful to them for their care. But you may fay, " our Govern' merit is too expensive." Is it in your power, do you think, to tell us how Government can be managed more frugally ? Are you able to give us any deep and ufeful calculations upon this head ? Many of thefe expences were incurred a hundred years ago long before we were born, and you ought not to be angry with our Governors for being honeft, and pre- ierving our national character in paying our juft debts : and debts too which they had no hand in contracting. " But the King's Revenue you think is too large" You fup- pofe then that the King wholly and folely by himfelf con- fumes his Revenue : You are greatly miftaken The King's income is divided amongft multitudes of people, who (hare it with him there are many labourers, manu- facturers, fervants, and others, who are as juftly charge- able as the King, with containing this Revenue Befides, fuppoftf that this Revenue was entirely to be abolifhed, how much do you imagine that you would be the gainer ? If the King's Revenue was to be divided equally amongft every one of his Subjects throughout, 1 will venture to lay, that each perfon's ihare would fcarcely be three (hillings in the year. Now will you be fo foolilh as to involve yourfelf and family in the greateft diftrefs, and even rifque your own life and their*s nay will you involve the whole King- dom too in trie deepeft mifery and bloodfhed 'merely for, the frrali chance of gaining fuch a paltry fum as this fcarcely the wages of two days, and in lome places not even the wages of one day ? If gain be your object, you certainly are not r 13 ] not taking the wifeft courfe. You have every day in your power a thoufand better ways of making money, than by deftroying the Royal Revenue. But it is faid, " The Officers of State receive to great St!a- ries" Whenever you can find men of integrity, fenfc, character, and education, Men ft to be trufled who will do the bufmefs of the State for Icfs money you may then fairly interpofe but, till then, be content to pay our Statef- men as at prefent, for many of them dearly earn their mo- ney. -But it is faid " there are many Sinecure place?'- large fums given to people who do nothing But thcfe peo- ple have once done fomething they have either gained us great vi&ories by fr.a or land, or have done the State fome fervice by their wholefome counfels and prudent exertions $ and have endured much labour and hardfliip both of body and mind, and have fufFered much inconvenience or difad- vantage on our account Now you will not be fo bafc as to deny them fome fmall recompence for their fervices. In fhorr, no fet of poor upon earth are by any means fo happy as the honcft and induftrious poor of this Countrv. The law fecures your Property, Perfons, and every poffi. ble Liberty : for it is well known that the law of England, above all other laws in the world, is open to the lowcft as well as the higheft, to the pooreft as well as the richeft. The prefent times too are peculiarly favourable to you : foe by reafon of the great increafe of trade, there is great de- mand for your labour arTd the wages given )ou are ex- tremely liberal. Thefe are very valuable blcffings and thefe we earneftly wifh you to enjoy, inftcad of rufhing headlong upon your ruin. THE PCOR. MAN'S FRIEND. REFLEC- t H ] REFLECTIONS O N' PAlNE'S TRIAL. WHEN fo much has been faid on the mifchief done by fpreading Seditious and Inflammatory Libels, we cannot permit fo important a tranfa&ion as the convitStion of TJjomes Paine to pafs without an obfervation. The writings which go under the name of this man, contain almoft all the topics that have been made ufe of to difquiet the minds of the ignorant, and incite them to difturb the peace of the Kingdom. The numerous other publications are little more than repe- titions of thefe in various forms. The fentence of the law Upon this publication, muft therefore be icceived with heart- felt fatisfacYion by the Nation, which now fhews itfelf fa determined to counteract, and repel its mifchievous effects. The whole proceeding, which led to this conviction, cannot be lefs a fubject of congratulation. The temper, as well as firmnefs, ihewn in this profecution ; the found and confti- tutional doctrines on which it was grounded, by the Attorney- General who conduced it ; the decifion of the law and fact by the Jury, without hefitation, or doubt upon the merits : all thefe confiderations united, cannot fail to imprefs the Nation with confidence in the adminiftration of juftice in matters of Libel. That although it may be flow, it is yet fure; and that it is conformable to the pureft principles ever contended for by Theorifts, and no where reduced to ra- tional practice but in this Country. With fuch a tribunal, this Country will continue to enjoy the freedom of the Prefs, and be enabled to refift the fatal effects to be dreaded from its licentioufnefs. Dec. 26, 1792. A WORD A WORD TO THE WISE. A new Ballad on the Times. *~ I""* 1 H E Mounfcer?, they fay, have the world in a firing, JL 1 ru-y don't lilce our Nobles, they don't like our King | But they fmuggle our wool, and they'd fain have our wheat, And leave us poor Engliihaien nothing to eat. < . Dcrry down, &c. They call us already, a Province of France, Ann come here by hundreds to ^ach us to dance ; They fay we are heavy, they fay we are dull, And that beef and plumb-pudding's not good for John Bull. Derry down, ice. They jaw in their clubs, murder women and Pridtf, And then for their Fifhwives they make Civic Feafts j Civic feafts ! what are they I why a new-fafhion'd thing, For which they renounce both their God and their king. Derry down, &c. And yet there's no eating, 'tis all foolifh play, FOP when pies are cut open, the birds fly away } But Frenchmen ail an ire it, and fancy they ,cc, That liberty's perch'd at the top o 1 They fay man arJ wFfc fhould no longer be one, ' Do you take a daughter, and I'll take a fon, And as all things are equal, and all f If your vif, don't fail ,r, b,r. # But r '* 3 But our women are virtuous, our women arc fair, Which is more than they tell us, your French women are ; They know they are happy, they know they are free, And that liberty's not at the top of a Tree. Derry down, &c. Then let's be united, and know when we're well, Nor believe all the lies, thefe Republicans tell, They take from the rich, but don't give to the poor, And to all forts of mifchief they'd open the door. Derry down, &c. Our foldiers and failors will anfwer thefe Sparks, Though they threaten Dumourier {hall fpit us like larks ; True Britons don't fear them, for Britons are free, And know Liberty's not to be found on a Tree. Derry-down, &c. Ye Bfitfcn's be wife as you're brave and humane, "You then will be happy without any Paint We know of no Defpots, we've nothing to fear, For this new-fangled nonfenfe will never do here. Derry-down, &c. Then ftand by the Church, and the King, and the Laws, The Old Lion ftill has his teeth and his claws; Let Britain ftill rule in the midft of her waves, And chaftife all thofe foes who dare call her fons Slaves. Derry-down, &c. LIBERTY AND PROPERTY PRESERVED AGAINST REPUBLICANS AND LEVELLERS. A COLLECTION OF TRACTS. NUMBER VIII. CONTAINING Dialogue between a Tradefman and his Porter Anatyjts and Refutation of P tine's Rights of Man Quejiions to the People of Great Britain Think a little. Printed and Sold by J. DOWNES, No. 240, Strand, near Temple-Bar ; where the Bookfellers in Town and Country may be fcrved with any quantity. PRICE ONE PENNY. A DIALOGUE BETWEEN Mr. T , A TRADESMAN IN THE CITY. AND HIS PORTER, JOHN W . li LttTLE time fince, a refpeaable Tradefrrian in the A City met one of his Porters on a Saturday evening drefled in his beft clothes, and with a face full of bufmefs The Porter, being a fober and induftnous man was ufually treated with more familiarity fcyhii matter than the reft of the fervants, who did not fo.well deferyc ,t. mafter therefore flopped to fpeak to him, and the follow.ng convention paffed between them. Mafter. What, John I how came you to b Sunday's coat on a Saturday night ? Are you going re Cl 7? No, Sirj ^yciubhasbeenbrokcnupthcfcthrec onths, . ( * ) Majler: Broken up ! What's the reafon of that, John ? John. Why they now go to a good many new clubs, and a poor man cannot afford to belong to more than one. Majler. What new clubs, John? I thought your's was a very good club. I remember, when you had theague and fever laft winter, what help you faid you had from your club. Why have the members left it ? They muft be lucky to have met with a better. John. Why, Sir, they get nothing at prefent from the new clubs, though they pay fomewhav. But 1 hear that they will get a great deal by and bye. Majhr. How fo ? John. Really, Sir, I do notvery well underftand politics, but it is to be brought about fomehow by a change in the Government. We hear that the people are to rife, and declare their rights. Mafler. And pray do you belong to any of thefe club?, John ? John. No, Sir j I have been to one of them as a vintor two or three times, and I was going again juft as you met me. Majler. Well then, you can tell us all about it. Pray how came that club to meet firft ? John. The working men, as I hear, were got together by two or three gentlemen that frequented the houfe, and ufed to talk and drink with them as good-naturedly as could be j and treated them at firft with punch and porter, till the club was fettled. Majler. Then they do not treat you now ? John. No, Sir; we hear nothing of them now, only they fend us fome little books and printed papers now and then. Majler. Well, and what do the gentlemen and their books tell you r John. I do not like to fay, Sir, for fear you fhould be angry. Majler. You mean, John, that you do not 1 ike to tell me becaufe you think you have done wrong. You know I fliould not be angry with you for nothing ; you know I am your friend j tell me then, what do you karn from the gentlemen and their books ? John. Why then, Sir, they fay that one perfon ought not to be richer or greater than another ; and that all the ney,and all the good things of the land, fliould be divided equally, ( 3 ) And do you think that is poffible, John ? CS> ' ' Slr} h fccms plailt aftl1 fair Well, then, I'll tell you firft, why it ought not to be; and, fecondly, why it cannot be. It ought not to be becaufe whatever property any individual pof- les at this moment, in this country, has been purchafcd i his own money, gained by his own induftry, or given to him by his relations who worked for it. The laws of reafon and univerlal juftice always decreed our liyht to fuch property, and the laws of all countries long food confirmed that decree, by ordering that robbe.s fliould be hanged. But to bring the matter home to yourfelf. I think you have one hundred pounds in the B,nk, and I know I pay you eighteen {hillings a-week } your income then is about fifty pounds a-year. What would you fay, if your fellow-fervant Johnfon, to whom I pay fourteen /hillings a-week, which is all he has, was to infift on your paying him feven pounds a-year, to bring him to an equali- ty with yourfelf? Would you readily confent to par* with it ? John. No, I cannot fay that I ihould like it, or think it reafonable. Afa/ltr. Why not ? 'John. Becaufe it is what I earn by my own labour. Majler. And yet Johnfon and you cannot be equal, while you receive fifty pounds a-year, and he but thirty- fix. But we will luppofe for a moment that you would willingly have giren up the feven pounds, and that Johnfon and yourfelf fliould foon after marry, and that you fhould have five children, and Johnfon {hould have none ; your incomes, it is true, would then be equal, but your wants would not. What is to be done in this cafe ? for if you cannot be equal in all circumftances, the whole ftoryof equality is nonfenfe. What ilep, I fay, would you take in that fituation ? John. Why I fhould apply to Johnfon for relief. Mafttr. And what would you do if he ihould rcfufe, a* no doubt he would ? John. I do not very well know, but I fuppofe the law would help me. A 2 f 4 ) Mafler. In truth I fuppofe not ; for the law would tell you that the feven pounds a-year which you gave to John- Ton became abfolutely his own from that moment, and that he may relieve you or not, as he pleafcs ; and this ever has been, and ever will be, the law of all countries, let the knaves and fools of your club tell you what they pleafe. But we will confider the matter another way. You know that you have lived with me feven years, and Johnfon but two ; and you know that I can truft you with more fafety than I can Johnfon, becaufe he gets drunk fometimes, and you are always fober ; and you know that you do all your work more cleverly than he does his. Do you think then that it would be fair if I were to take two (hillings a-week from your wages, and to add them to his ? John. N >, really, I think not. Mafter. And yer, if this new principle of equality is right, I ought to do fo. And this leads me to tell you why it is impoffible that all men fhould have equal {hares of. che riches, and good things, as you call them, of the land. If we can fuppofe that a country could for any time exift without religion, without a King, and without laws, as is the cafe of miferable France at this moment, it is true that for that time men would be equal \ that is to fay, they would be equally poor, equally wicked, and equally foolifh ; but this could not laft long ; induftrious >m it. John. Well, Sir, that may be; bat 1 do not fo much mean what you call the MiniHers as the Courtiers ; they who attend the Royal Family; a great many of them re- ceivp large falaries for doing nothing in the world. Afafter* Indeed you ar, j miftaken : It is very proper that they fliould be fo provided for. A great King Ihould ( 7 ) be attended by men of high birth; and their penfions and fa- Jaries muft be fuch as to enable them to feem worthy of their mafter : the greatnefs of the country which he go- verns fhould appear in the magnificence of his courtiers. But to convince you that they are otherwife highly ufeful to the public, I need only fay, that thofe whom you call Courtiers, are but fo many channels through which the wealth of the country is poured upon the middling and lower orders of the people. You never heard of a Courtier who was a mifer. Their incomes, like that of the Duke in your county, are diftributed among their tradefmen, houfehold fervants and labourers, and are afterwards difperfed by thofe perfons among thoufands. The terrible confequences of a great and populous country being deprived of its Courtiers appears at this time moft lamentable in France, where in one town only, the town of Lyons, ten thoufand perfons who lived by making rich drefTes for the Courtiers are reduced to abfolute beggary. But now, if the money which the Englifh Courtiers receive annually, inftead of beieng paid to them was to be given away once a-year at the gate of the Treafury to the poor f London and Weftminfter, what do you think would be the confequence? John. Why to be fure, Sir, it would be a great com- fort to them. Ma/ler. No indeed, I fear it would be doing them a great injury. The confequence to quiet and well-difpofed perfons would be a week of holidays, by which they would offend their mafters for three months j and the confequence to bad perfons would be a week's drunkennefs, which would, among other mifchiefs, make them worfe members of fociety than they are already. Were the money given in that manner,none but the alehoufe-keepers would gain by it: as it is difpofed of at prefent, it affords a permanent advantage to all ranks of people,and makes the fplendor of the Court fubfervient to the trade and induftry of the City. y<5/;, But, Sir, we are not only told that we ought not to have any Courtiers, but they likewife fay that we fhould have no King. I declare this was a thing that I could not tell what to make of, for I always loved my King. I was almoft frightened when I firft heard them talk of it, and I am not cafy yet when 1 hear it fpoken of. do you think of it. Sir ? A 4 Mafltr. Mnfter. Why, in truth,! fhould have been frightened too, recoJle&ing how frequently God himfelf has condefcendeq to warn us againlt the miferies which will befall us if we difobey or injure a King, I think, John, you are well rea.d in your Bible. Remember the Sixth Ptrfe of the 12th Chapter ef Proverbs ; "My fon, fear thou the Lord, and the King, and meddle not with them that are given to change, for their calamity fhall rife fuddenly :" and fo will it prove with your reforming club, and the reft of "them that are given to change:"" their calamity has indeed ri fen fud- denly, for their Country has fet its face againft them. And this is the work of the Lord, who fays, in the Eighteenth Verfe of the i^zd Pfalm, " His enemies will I clothe witlj fhame, but upon himfelf fhall his crown flourifh." Thefe, John, are the words of the Almighty concerning Kings j and however fooliflily I might disregard my o.wn interefls in this miferable world, 1 would not run the hazard of eternal mifery in the next by difobeying my God in a point of duty which, he has been plcafed fo fully to explain to me. John. Upon my word, Sir, you have made me think yery differently from what I did about thefe clgbs. 1 dp not think I {hall go any more to the club. % Mafter. I am heartily glad to hear you fay fo, for \ fhould certainly difmifs you from my fervice if you were Jo go again, and that i fhould be very forry to do, for I really efteem you. Go home then to your family, and enjoy with them the fruits of your labour. Blefs God for hav- ing placed you under a Government which differs it> one refpect from all other Governments in the world, for our's is the only country upon the face of the earth in which the law protects the poor from any poffible arbitrary attack of the rich. Blefs God for having placed over us a King whom, whi'e we obey him by trie divine command, we cannot help loving, as the belt father, the b'eft hufband, stnd'the beft mafter in the land. Above all, blefsGod for having j>ut it into your mind tq withdraw yburfelf from the tlelufive converfat'on of thofe who, having neither com~ nion fenfe, common honefty, nor prep . rty, would fain have made you, like themfelves, a knave, a fcolj and a beggar. ANA- ( 9 ) ANALYSIS AND REFUTATION O F PAIN E's RIGHTS of MAW BY AN INHABITANT OF LANCBOURN WARD. Friends and Fellow Countrymen^ WITHOUT entering into the wide field of argu- ment refpefting the expediency of a Reform, a fubje& over which our Reprefentatives, lam perfuaded, will ever faithfully watch, you will all, 1 truft, allow with me that we do pojjefi a Confutation, ana" fuch a one, fundamen- tally at leaft, as has been the envy and glory of the world : in this all Parties have been and are (till generally agreed. Permit me therefore to advert to, and exprefs my furprize at, the celebrity which has fo lately been annexed to Mr. PAINE'S " Rights of Man ;" a work of which I can ven- ture to aflert that it contains very little of what is new, and, what is ftill more neceflary to the purpofe, as I am perfuaded you will foon be enabled to fee, very little of what is deceiving of a laboured or artful refutation. Ne- verrnelefs it has been cried up, inadvertently I dare fay in great degree, as a prodigy ot invention, as the only fchool for legislation, and as containing principles and directions without which none of us can expctt to be happy. I will therefore now meet the queftion fairlv by afking its warmeft admirer what is its real do&rine ? For my own part, I do not hefitate to comprefs its eflence and tendency into the recommendation of '* Equality and a Republican. *' form of Government ;" for if any thing more or lefs be the object, 1 confrfs myfelf to be unable to explore it. But have not our anceftors already made an experiment of both in this country, fmarted feverely for the miftake, fully proved their egregious fallacy, and been g'ad to return to the good old * Conftitutional path of King, Lords and Commons ?' When Republicanifm, as it was called, prevailed, and Monarchy was laid afide for a tiiie, was Cromwell lefs than a King, although he did not dare to a flu me the Name ? Did he fuffer any ef his coadjutors, as they once fondly thought thought themfelves, to be upon an Equality with himfelf ? Were not his dictates more arbitrary than tbofe of any Defpotic Sovereign ; and did not all the people, rich as well as poor, tremble at his power or pretence? And if thefe queftions are fo eafy that any man can anfwer them in a moment, Js rot this fufficient to convince every can- did mind, not only that no fuch thing did then exift as a pure and independent Republic, but alfo that, as power ever will exift fomewhere, the man who, through the tem- porary phrenzy,delufion, and ultimate difappointment ofhis Countrymen, was enabled to get the executive department into his own hands, was then the complete fole fuperior of the three kingdoms, without any counterpoise, and abfo- lutely their Di6r.ator in all things ? As this point is, I think, fumciently clear, I now pro- ceed to IVIr. Paine's inculcation of Equality amongft man- kind. And here, as experience fhouid ever triumph over any kind of declamation, the fame experience may con- vince us that this will ever be the mere ftalking-horfe of conceaJed ambition, the end of which is only calculated for perfonal Ufurpation and Power. For Cromwell, who turned the Parliament by whofe authority he pretended to act, out of doors; Cromwell, who afterwards iffued out Ifts awn fummuts to about one hundred and forty packed per- fons to take upon them the adminiftration of affairs, moil of whom were foon forced by him to declare the fitnefe of their own rejlgnation\ this very Cromwell originally fowed all the feeds of his future defpotifm in the fertile but dif- guifed hot-bed of Equality. When, however, he had ob- tained his wifces, how did his avowal of this Equality ac- cord wkh his practice? I have Salmon's Geography, a very candid work, written exprefly for the inftruction of pur Britifh Youth in the elements of hiftory and know- ledge, now before me, and I beg leave to transcribe, ver- hatim^ what he has recorded, for theij- ufe and improve- ment, upon the fubje& ; from which, by the way, Mr. Paine appears to me to have extracted all his ideas of Republican Government and Equality, fupprcffing their fatal confequences to the people. *' November 164.8 : The Le veiling dottrine which Cromwell had introduced into the Army to pull down the King and the Parliament, gave him a great deal of trouble at this time. The Soldkrs had been taught that the natural rights of the meaneft Men were equal to thofe of the gn-ateft; and that Governors w ,rc fta Itngtr tc be obeyed^ than tkeyjludid the general gcod of every individual. individual^ of which themfihes (the People] were judge* *. And in purfuance of trufe notions, they entered into con- federacies and affectations^ and made propositions to the Par- J lament, as well as to their own Generals? to introduce an Equal ty rmong II people, and fr< m Kence obtained the name of Lwellers ; which when they faw oppofed by their Officertj they appointed a general rendezvous at Hounflow-heath, in o'der to put an end t$ all dtjlinfiions of Men ; of which Cromwell receiving advice, he appeared unezpe&edty among them at the head of fame troops he could rely on ; and hav- ing demanded the reafon of their afTembl;ng there in fuch numbers without his orders, and receiving fome infolentan- fwers from them, he knocked down two or three of the for- wardeft, and charged them with his troops; and having wounded fome and made other prifoners^ he hanged up as ma- ny of them m be thought fit upm the fpot, and fent feveral more to London to be tried for mutiny and rebellion, and thereby retrained this Levelling fpirit for the prefentf." Friends and Fellow Countrymen, you can now, I truft, judge for yourfelves and your own happinefs in remaining peaceful Citizens, or, as in former times, by becoming ini- ferable and deluded Levellers. I have not fought to biafs your judgment or inflame your pafiions by depicting the horrors of Civil war, the plunder of private property, the murder of the innocent, the violation of < haftity among your wives and daughters, or by the lofs of real liberty un- der a mild and limited Monarchy I have only brought for- ward the experience of your ancejhrs to fix your own opinion of Mr. Paine's originality of thought, invention, and de- figns. If, in reality, he has fuggefted nothing materially new ; if his documents have already been tried at the ex- pence of national mifery and individual remorfe; if, in- itead of a good and gracious Monarch, which vvt- hive at prefent, the doctrine of Equality can onlyixiit for'a time, producing hnwt ver an abfolute Difiator at the bcft, furely you will at lead be conilitutionally expreifive of" whatever you may regard as a grievance, and at every period like the prefent exprefsyour refolution to fupport Public pe-ice and ordfr, becaufe it involves, nay is the very bafts of your own private tranquillity and happintfs, ami the means allo of fecuring the fame to your remotelt offspring. * Is not this and the fubfequent paffrgei almult Mr. Paine's language verbatim f f- Salmon's Ceop-ipMcjl and Historical Grammar, the eleventh Londom ( iti*fi, P*ge 178. QUESTIONS *TO THE PEOPLE OF GREAT BRITAIN. MUCH pains having been taken to influence the People againft the Conftitution, and the more indigent claffes againft the more wealthy, the following QUERIES are propofed by A PLAIN MAN : 1. Does any Government, cr did ever any Government that can be quoted from hiftory, give more certain protec- tion to the lives, liberty, and property, than that of this country from the Revolution of 1688, and particularly fince the acceffion of the prefent Royal Family ? 2. Does that of France (if it has a Government) afford the fame protection. 3. Has that of France the power of preventing aflaffina- tion, rapine, and maflacre ? or either the power or incli- nation to punifti them when committed ? 4. What does an Englilhman feel when he hears of a prifoner (MommorinJ, acquitted by a Jury, being re- manded to prifon by a Mlnifter (Danton), and his trial ordered by the fame Miaijler to be reyifed ; and that fuch a prifoner under fuch a commitment was murdered in prifon, and no enquiry dared to be made for fuch a crime ? 5. What would have happened to fuch a Minifter in this country, if one could have been found mad as well as wicked enough to have committed fuch an action ? 6. What can an Englifhman think of perfons of all ages and both fexes flying from the terror of fuch mafla-r cres as thofe of the 10th of Auguft and the 2d and gd of September, beins: for that crime alone banifhed frorn their families,- under pain of death, and lofingall their property by immediate connf.ation ? 7. What does any man (be his religion what it may) think of feizing at once all the property of the Clergy, driving from the country all that will not take oaths con- trary to thofe which they had taken before under the laws then m bring, and leaving a fcanty futfiftence to thofe of e-'Jier confciences under a very precarious tenure indeed ? 8. Are the provifions for the indigent clafTes of the People in France more refpe&ed than thofe of the Clergy, or ( 13 ) r the revenues of the Hofpiuls left plundered than thofe of the Convents ? 9. Did in any age or any country the more wealthy claffes pay more to the maintenance of the poorer by taw than in this ? or were the more affluent in any age or country more liberal in voluntarily contributing to the relief of the indigent by hofpitals and other public charities ? 10. In what country is the way to the htgheft fituations more open to honefty, (kill, and induftry ? and have we not in our manufacturing towns and countries men in the greateft opulence who rofe by thofe honourable means from the loweft fituations, and who enjoy as much refpe& oft men of any order whatfoever ? 11. Are the manufacturers in France at prefent in a better r worfe fituation than our's ? 12. What are we ro think of the wifdom or integrity of thofe who would perfuade you to exchange your fituation for that of France ? 13. What does an Englifhman feel when he hears that there are thofe who dare to profefs that they will con- Ail t with Frenchmen for the fubverfion of our prefenc Conftitution ? THINK A LITTLE. WHY fliould we go to loggerheads to pleafe the French ? Are the French better friends to us than we are to our- fclves ? Becaufe they never could beat us themfelves, is that a reafon we mould beat one another ? Before we get INTO a fcrape, let us ftay to fee how they get OUT of one. Rebellion is but a bad trade at beft, and any man who can earn a (hilling or two a-day in peace and honefty, in my mind had better flick to his old employ- ment, I {hould be glad to know how cutting one another's throats can make the price of meat lower ; and how bread can fall cheaper when the labouring man is tuined folcier, and the farmer run away, I cannot tell for the life of me I Nor.e C 14 ) Nona but a fool would rebel againft beef and pudding. When I have nothing but frogs and foup-maigre, I do not know but I may rebel myfelf. Pray how are we to get rid of taxes, if we are to leave off work and to take to righting ? and what are we to d for wages, for I reckon that none like that craft well nough to do it for nothing. Then it is likely enough, for aught I fee, that we may all get hanged for it j and let me tell you, neighbours, it is but a bad trade that a man cannot live by, As for the good old King, they fay we pay him a million a-year ; but it is always to be remembered, that it is for the payment of the Public Officers of the State, as well as for the maintenance of the Royal Family, God blefs them all ! And as for the Parliament, belike we fhould not be much better reprefented, if we had a thoufand Members to pay at the rate of fifteen {killings a-day, as they do in France, I SUPPOSE we muft have a new tax for that. I do not know a vaft deal of the Conftitution, nor other hard matters ; but I guefs it is a good one by its lafting fa long, and folks being fo well pleafed with it ; and I count, neighbours, that it has defended you and me many a good time ; fo we owe it a good turn j and if you be fo minded, methinks we may as well defend it for this time. THOMAS STEADY. ( 15 ) &ia< THE REVOLUTION QUACK. A NEW SONG. THERE was an old Man, but no great politician, Who took a vile Quack for an able Phyfician j Says the Quack, " I mult make a complete Revolution, " And give your Old Body anewConftitution." Chorus Derry down, down, down derry down. " Your Head is too ftrong, and your Legs are too weak, " Your Tongue prates too much, 'tis your Toes that fhould fpeak." So he took him and turned him, to make People ftare, With his Head in the Mud, and his Heels in the Air. Derry efviun, &c. Thisaukward pofition foon made him fo crazy, He fwore the Sun (hone, when 'twas foggy and hazy : Nay, more he'd be d d (for his oaths were quite frightful) If any Man's ftate could behalf fo delightful. Derry down. &c. So impious was he, in thefe termagant airs, That he bit his own Tongue through, for faying it* Prayers ; And becaufe he would have no Religion or Teacher, He broke the Church Windows and kick'd out the Preacher. Derry down, &c. Then he tore and he fcratch'd till the blood ran all o'er him, Yet vow' d none were ever fo happy before him ; But what was fllll worfe, in themidft of thofe labours, He fentout his Quacks to diftraci a!l his neighbours. Derry down, &c. Some Some (bund and in health, till thefe Doctors came to them, Felt fymptoms within, very like to undo them ; And others, by fympathy catching his madnefs, Swore that Reafon was flavifli confinement and madnefs. Derry down* &c* Oh ! Britain, beware of this dreadful diforder. Which rages they fay in a neighbouring border ; Nor e'er, to be reckon'd more free or more wife, Plunge your Head in the Kennel, and fpurn at the fcie*. Derry LIBERTY AND PROPERTY PRESERVED AOArNST REPUBLICANS AND LEVELLERS, A COLLECTION OF TRACTS. NUMBER IX. CONTAINING A Caution sgainft ihe Levellers The Rights of Man~- Hints tt the People of England. Printed and Sold by J. DOWNES, No. 240, Strand, near Temple-Bar ; where the Bookfellers in Town and Country may be ierved with any quantity. PRICE ONE PENNY. CAUTION AGAINST THE LEVELLERS. 'TpHE Levellers are ftill ufmg every art to excite the people * againft the Government, and particularly by work- ing upon their paffions, and efpecially upon the pride and vanity which all men have in a greater or lefs degree. They talk much of the National Will, and endeavour to perfuade every man of his own perfonal importance, a having a right to bear a part in this National Will } and they tell people^" that the expreflion of the National Will, ' fairly collected, conftitutes an authority to which all *< ought to yield obedience." A Thfe This has been th'e very language by which the people of France have been fo grofsly led aftray, and involved in miferies of which we cannot fee the end. In that country the property, the liberty, the lives of all, are at the mercy of this " National Will j" or, in other words, of t, upon their landing, and after they had taken poffeffion of the country, and allotted the feveral parts to public and pri- vate purpofes j and they w^uld probably fettle thofe ar- ticles before they fet out upon their voyage. A majority taight by force compel the minority to fubmit to any alte- rations in the articles ; but they would have no right fo to do } for the articles were the terms upon the faith of which they all engaged in their perilous undertaking, and there- fore all would have a right to due obfervance of the ar- ticles. *And fuch articles, for the fame reafon, never could be rightfully diffolved, except by mutual confent. A na- tion cannot, as partners in a tiade may do, break up the bufincfs, and give each man his (hare of the capital. When once united in a nation, in one country, they are fome- thing like man and wife ; they muft take one another for better for worfe, and if they jangle and quarrel, they will lead a life of mifery. A due regard to felf-prefervation, indeed, may compel men, in fome extraordinary cafes, to do what th y other- wife could not juftify. The common inftance put is that of a fhipwreck, when two men have feized the fame plank, Which cannot bear the weight of both. It is faid that either may pufli off the other to fave himfelf ; but we fhud- der at the thought, though compelled to admit that it is juft ; and we muft deplore the misfortune of a man re- duced to the neccflity of deftroying an innocent fellow- creature to fave his own life. We cannot, however, think he would bejuftified ifhepufhed his companion into the fea, merely that he might place himfelf more cemmodi- oufly ; and ftill Icfs would he be juftified, if he acled out of capricp, or only becaufe he was the ftrongeft. In the cafe before fuppofed, of people forming a Government in a dc-fcrc ifland, upon the ground of articles entered into be- fore they engaged in their expedition, it might b?pp<*n that thofe articles wt re fo foolifhly framed, that the Govern- ment could Hot go on, which was nearly the cafe with the A 2 I 4 ) firft Federal Confutation formed by the Union of the Ame* rican States after their Independency was eftabliflied by the peace of 1783 : and in fuch cafe undoubtedly the articles muft af nectffity be altered ; and if the articles contained no provifion for the purpofe, and fome obftinate or abfurd men would nor agree to the neceflary alterations, the reft perh; ps muft compel them by force, on the principle of iel f -preflrvation. But certainly the majority ought to be ftire that there exifted a neceffity for altering the articles before they attempted to make the alteration by force ; oth rwife he y could not juftify their acl by any principles by nhich right can be diftinguifhed from wrong. In Am; ri athe alteration of their firft Federal Government was made by conf nt. All were fenfible of its imperfection, though they differed in opinion with refpe to propofed alterations. To prevent the confufion which muft have followed an attempt to change it by force, they agred that the opinion of nine States out of thirteen fhould bind the reft ; and confiderable alterations were made accordingly, which were found upon reflection to be wife, and were at lergfh voluntarily adopted by all the thirteen States. As long therefore as any Government continues (and it muft continue until diflblved by confentof all, or by force), all ought to abide by the articles upon which the Govern- ment has been eftablifhed, unlefs altered by mutual confcnt, except in a cafe of abfolute neceffity, when due regard to felf-prefervation may fuperfede all other confederations. If all (hall agree to alter the articles, if all fhall agree to diflblve the Government, they may do fo. But this cannot be at the mere will of a majority. A majority may by force compel the minority to fubmit to any change; but the quef- tion is, what is the right, not what is the power of the ma^' jority. If the majority of a nation can, by their mere will, juftly take from the reft the form of Government to which they have been ufed, why cannot the majority as juftly take from, them their lands and their goods, and all their property ? For what is property ? It is a right which the Government of a country gives to each man to enjoy certain things in a certain way. If the majority have a right to deftroy the Government, which gives the right of property, they have a right alfo to take away the property itfelf, which is only a confequence of Government. And in truth, the form of Government under which a man is born is his property ? and ( 5 ) and ifit is that which he likes beft, it is his moft valuable property, and his deareft inheritance. The Government of Kin, Lords, and Commons, has always been efteemed, by all old-fafhioned Englifhmen, their deareft and beft in- heritance, and they have been ready to facrificr all their other property, and their lives into the bargain, to main- tain it. We cannot deny that the majority may have the power to take from the minority the form of Government which the minority wifti to keep. So they may have the power to take away all the property of the minority. In France we fee, that thofe who have got the power into their nands, have (not fix months ago) taken from the reft the form of Government which had been eftablifhed by their National AfTembly, and which all the people had fworn to obferve; and, having taken away this form of Government, they havealfo taken away the lands and goods and all the other property of thofe who did not like to be forfworn, and to deftroy the Government they had eftablifhcd. And it is much to be doubted, whether thofe who have done all this are the majority of the French nation or not, and whether they will be able to keep the power in their own hands much longer. If another fet {hall get the better of them, that fet will call itfelf the majority, and treat them as they have treated the Members of the firft National Affembly, of which almoft all the leading men have been maflaered or banifhed. The true meaning therefore of the National Will, is the will of thofe who may happen to get the power, for the time, into their hands, whet er they fhall b the majority or mi- nority. And how can it be otherwife ? Suppofe the people of this Ifland to be (as fome fupjofe them) eight millions How can the opinions of all of them be Icn >wn ? If aflced their opinions, half of them perhaps would modeftly and wifely fay, they are not able to judge of the fubjcct ; they have not been ufed to think of fuch matters. And they might well add, " the people of Franc- have been all talk- " ing about thefe matters for four or five years paft, and <* they employed a number of wife men, for three years ' together, to confider of the beft form of Government il that could be eftablifhcd ; and thefe wife men thought of ' nothing clfe during the three years, axid then brought " out a IK w form of Government, which was cri d up as the wifcft and beft that ever was made; and the A3 " JfKnch ( 6 ) '* French people all fwore to ob(Vrve it, and that no alte- " ration ihoulJ be made in it for at lead ten years IQ " comr And what has happened? When they fet this " wife Government a-going, it was like a rickety child, ** and could not walk j and fo the National Will deter-r *' mined to get rid of it, and there is an end of the work " of fo many wife heads for three years together. If all " thefe wife men, and all the French nation, after fo t the fituation of France be a warning to you. Has the R'ghtof perfonal fecurity been refpe&ed there? Their own Convention confefled that feveral hundreds of inno- cent Citiasns were dragged laft September from the piifons, find barbaroufiy butchered. Has the Right of perfonal Liberty been preferved ? It, alas ! was violated when thofe miferable victims were, without any form of accufation, loaded with fetters and plunged into dungeon?. Has the Right of pr rfonal Property been maintained f That queftion, I believe, will need no reply. You know, you feel, what are the Rights of Man in Eng- land. What are the Rights of Man in France, except thofe of plundering and flaughtering, I am unable to tell you. I .4 ; HINTS TO THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. :T is a melancholy confideration, that there fhoul d ha men fo infatuated as to entertain a wife to difturb the Conftitution of this Country, under which all may live happily if it be not their own fault, The rewards of in^ duftry can under no fyftem of Government be better fecured than under this, nor the road to affluence more open to every man's exertions, Thofe who incline to abet fcenes of confufion muft be the idle and the diffipated, who being unwilling to labour for their own fupport, wifh to fhare'the enjoyments of thofe who by induftry and pru- dence have been fortunate enough to acquire the neceflarics and comforts of lite. Let all men coniider well what they to lofe and how little to gain before they countenance difoiders ( '3 ) diforders in the country. Let them not be deluded by the vifionary fyftems of Liberty which are infidioufly held up to them, or by that phantom of Equality which cannot cxift in any fociety of men > for if all property in the nation were equally divided to-day, men would perpetually be aiming by their exertions, by their diligence, by their ingenuity, and their virtue, to create an inequality. Are there not even now in France numberlefs diftinctions Matters and Servants, Farmers and Labourers, Landlord and Tenants, General and Soldiers, Governors and Go- verned, as in other countries ? In what then confifts the Equality fo much boafted of? It confifts in the rightof the idle to feize the property of the induftrious, in the right of the Robber and Aflaffin to take away with impunity the wealth and life of his neighbour, and in the right which the mob exercifes of fetting a price upon corn, upon cattle, and upon every fpecies of property which they think they have occafion for. Is this a fort of Liberty for which men would barter the happinefs that is enjoyed in England, where men are only restrained from injuring their neigh- bour, where property is fecured alike to the King and the Peaf.nt, and where the paths to honours, power, and wealth are open alike to all, who by induftry, ability, and honourable exertions, fhew themfelves worthy ? If fcenes of cftnfufion were to take place in this country, the fupe- rior and moft wealthy orders in fociety would not probably be the greateft or moft immediate fufferers The property of the Tradefmen and Farmers are moft expofed to plun- derThe Servants of Artificer?, the Servants of Gentle- men will all fuffer alike. If the Gentleman fhould be dif- abled from purchafing the wares of the Tradefman in the profufion he does at prrfent, neither the Mechanic of London, Birmingham, Manchefter, Sheffield, or Norwich, can be employed at the high wages he now receives; -his ingenuity and induftry, now rewarded with twenty and forty fhillings a week, will not be of half the value when the Tradefman can only fell the neceflaries of life. The Tradefman who now drinks his wine, and perhaps keeps his chaife from the profits of an extenfive trade, muft be content with neceffaries; and the Merchant will find a very dull market for thofe numberlefs articles of luxury which he imports, the profits of which now enable him to enjoy all the elegancies of life. The Gentleman, whofe fortune in fuch a ilruggle may be greatly lefiened,. will no longer be ( -4 5 be able to deal fo largely with the Tradefman j he will riof be able to maintain the induftrious as he now does in the? cultivation of gardens and pleafure-grounds the numbers of his domeitics rrtuft be greatly diminifhed---nor will he be able to continue the fame wages he now pays, or main- tain fervants in the fame degree of eafe and comfort which he now does. All thefe, in their refpe&ive ranksj muff greatly fuffer. Mailers will be equally comfortable with fewer fervants, but numberlefs fervants will not find Ma- ftefs, and thofe who do, will not receive half the wages and emoluments they do at prcfent. Would the Poor be better taken care of by leflening the number of the wealthy ? Is the French army better regulated than under the former Government? And isnottheBritifh Soldier better cherifhed than thofe of France, with all their boafted Equality ? Look to the different fituations of the two armies, and there can be no comparifon. Who then can gain by disturbances here? None but the idle and vicious, who wifh to fhare the comforts which are alone the rewards of talents, in- duftry, and virtue virtues which have been exerted by themfelves or their anceftors for the benefit of the State^ and have fairly intitled Men to that pre-eminence which they enjoy, whether it confifts of vreahh, diftindtion, or influence, which are all honourable incitements to virtuous ads, that make focieties happy : Shall thefe be torn av^ay by the hands of defperate gangs, who, under the mafk of fome public benefit, hope to create confufion and diforder, that they may find a more convenient moment for robbery and plunder ? Forbid it, Britons ! Be vigilant, and avert fuch difgrace andmifery ; nor fuffer by your fupinenefs this Land to be de- luged in blood, where only true Liberty, Independence, and Security, are known. A PATRIOT, and TRUE FRIEND TO THE PEOPLE. KING AND CONSTITUTION, A BALLAD. Tune^ Vicar ef Bray. /"^ IVE ear a while, my Countrymen, to this my ftrange relation, Of all the buftle rais'd of late in this our happy Nation By bafe and factious men, who thought themfelves moft wondrous wife, Sir, And with their falfe pretences fought to blind the people's eyes, Sir. CHORUS. O may the blifs we now enjoy ne'er fufFer diminution From knaves who flander England's boaft, our King and Conftitution. ACent'ry now is fcarceelaps'd,fince with propitious fmile, Sir, Fair Freedom caft a fav'ring look on this our envied Ifle, Sir; And banifh'd by a tyrant's frown from each funounding nation, Her dwelling fix'd 'mongft Britain's fons, with happier ex- pectation. Chorus , O may the blifs, &c. Here like a young and vig'rous plant, that meets its native foil, Sir, She throve, and foon was recompens'd for all her former toil, Sir ; And, thankful for the favour fliewn, with parent-liko affedion, To high and low, and rich and poor, extended her protection. Long had her fons enjoy'd themfelves in plenty,. peace, and health, Sir, Increafing ftill from year to year in happinefs and wealth, Sir j When lo ! a peftilential Se& did fuddenly arife, Sir, Which jealous of our happy ftate thefe bleflings did defpife, Sir. They ftrove with all their pow'r and might, and many a dext'rous feat, Sir, Our guardian genius, Liberty^ to tumble from her feat, Sir, And And in her room their object: was, foul Anarchy to place, Sir, Rejoic'd to fink their countrymen in ruin and difgrace, Sir. The means they took t'effecl the! rend were falfeinfinuations, Convey'd to poor but honeft minds in darlt aflociations; Thus while their cruel {hafts they aim'd ac all the weakef part, Sir, Affaffin-lite, in fecret too, they poifon'd ev'ry heart, Sir. Their Leader, foe to human-kind, was Satan's firmeft friend, Sir, And (like him) never ftopt at aught that ferv'd his wicked end, Sir; Throughout our Colonies of late he fpread Rebellion's flame, Sir, And now throughout the Motherland he tried to do the fame, Sir. His curfed principles were thefe, ** I hate rte Conft;tution y * f I bate my country's chief renown, the gleribtt? Revolution j * c / bate Kingy Lords, and Commons all ; I hate all moderation \ " I bate oilmen of peaceful minds, whatever be tbeirjlation." Thefe principles thus fpread around by dark defigning foes, Sir, At length the hearts of Britons rous'd from long-enjoy'd repofe, Sir j And foon in loyal concert join'd, they Ihew'd their refo* lution, With all their fortunes, lives, and ftrength, to fave the Conftitution. On all fides now, thofe traitors bafe were feen to hide their heads, Sir, And Liberty arofe again, which many fear'd was dead, Sir : Then let us all in wiflies join, for harmony and peace, Sir, And henceforth may fuch enmity 'twixt Britons ever ceafe, Sir. CHORUS. And may the blifs we now enjoy ne'er fuffer diminution From knaves who flander England's boaft, our King and Conftitution. LIBERTY AND PROPERTY PRESERVED AGAINST REPUBLICANS AND LEVELLERS. A COLLECTION OF TRACTS. N U M B E R IX. CONTAINING Village Politics. Ext raft from Mr. Play/airs Reflections on the aftual Force and Refources of France, in Jan. 179?. LONDON: Printed and Sold by J. DO \VNES, No. 240, Temple Bar, Strand; where the Bookfellers in Town and Country may be ferved with any Quantity. PRICE, ONE PENNY. Village Politics ; a Dialogue between Jack Anvil the Blackfmith and Tom H r jd the j\J-ijon ; addrtfftd to all the Mechanics, Journeymen, and Day-labourers, in Great Britain. Jack. TX THAT'S the matter, Tom? Why doft look fo VV difmal? Tom. Difmal indeed ? Well enough I may. Jack. What's the old mare dead ? or work fcarce ? loin. No, no ; work's plenty enough, if" a man had but the heart to go to it. Jack. What book art reading ? Why doft look fo like a hang dog? Tom. (looking on his book.} Caufe enough. Why I find here that I am very unhappy, and very nuferablc; \\hich I fhould never have known, if I had not had the good luck to meet with this book. O : tis a precious book ! Jack. A good fign tho' ; that you can't find out you're un- happy without looking into a book for it. What is the matter ? A Tom, Tom. Matter! Why I want liberty I Jack. Liberty! What, has any one fetched a warrant for thee? Come man, cheer up, I'll be bound for thee. Thou art an honeft fellow in the main, tho' thou doft tipple and prate a little too much at the Rofe and Crown. Tom. No.no; I want a new conltitution. Jack. Indeed! Why \ thought thou had'il been a defperate healthy fellow. Send for the doclorthen. Tom. Fm not lick ; I want Liberty and Equality and the Rights of Man. Jack. O now I underftand thee. What, thou art a leveller and a republican, I warrant. Tom. I'm a friend to the people. I want a reform, Jack. Then the fhortelt way is to mend thyfelf. Tom. But I want * general reform. Jack. Then let every one mend one. Tom. Pooh ! I want freedom and happinefs, the fame as they have got in France. jack. What, Tom, we imitate them? We follow the French ! Why they only begun all this mifchief at firft, in order to be juft what we are already. Why I'd fooner go to the- Negers to get learning, or to the Turks to get religion, than to the French for freedom and happinefs. Tom. What do yon mean by that ? ar'n't the French free ? Jack. Free, Tom ! aye, free with a witnefs. They are all {'o tree, that there's nobody fate. They make free to rob whom they will, and kill whom they will. If they don't like a man's looks, they make free to hang him without judge or jury,, and the next lamp-pott does for the gallow? ; fo then they call themfcives free, becaufe you fee they have no king to take thorn up and hang them for it. Tom. Ah, but Jack, didn't their KING formerly hang people for nothing too r and bcfides,. wer'n't they allpapifts before the Revolution ? Jack. Why, true enough, they had but a poor fort of reli- gion ; but bad is better than none, Tom. And io was the go- vernment bad enough too ; for they could clap an innocent man into prifon, and keep him there too as long as they would, and never fay with your leave or by your leave, Gentlemen of the Jury. Hut what 'sail that to us ? Tsrn. To us! Why don't our governors put many of out poor tolks into prifon againlt their will? What are all the jails for r Down with the jails, I lay ; all men fhould be free. "Jack. Harkee, Tom ; a few rogues in prifon keep the reft in in order, and then honeft men go about their btifinefs, afraid of nobody ; that's the way to be free. And let me tell ther, Tom, thou and I are tried by our peers as much as a lord is. Why the KINO can't fend me to prifon,if I do no harm; and if I do, there's good reafon why I Ihould go there. I may go to law with Sir John at the great caftle yonder, and he no more dares lift his little finger againft me than if I were his equal. A lord is hanged for hanging matter, as thou or I fhou'd be ; and if it will be any comfort to thee, I myfelf remember a Peer of the Realm being hanged for killing his man, jull the fame as the man wou'd ha\e been for killing him*. Torn. Well, that is fomc comfort. But have you read the Rights of Man ? Jack. No, not I ; I had rather by half read the Whole Duty sfMan. I have but little time for reading, and fuchas I ihouid therefore only read a bit oi the beft. Tom. Don't tell me of thofe old fafhioned notions. Why fhoi;ld not we have the fame fine things they have got in France ? I'm for a Ccnjtitution, and Organization, and Equali- Jck. Do be quiet. Now, Tom, only fuppofe this nonfenfi- cal equality was to take place; why it would not lafl while one could fay Jack Robinfon ; or fuppofe it cou'd fuppofe, in the general divifion, our new rulers were to give us half an acre of ground a-piece, we cou'd to be fure raife potatoes on it for the life of our families ; but as every other man would be equally bufy in raifing potatoes for bis family, why then you fee if thou waft to break thy fpade, I (liould not be able to mend it. Neighbour Snip would have no time to make us a fuit of cloathes, nor the clothier t.-j weave the cloth, for all the world would be gone a digging. And as to boots and fhoes, the want of fome one to make them for us, wou'd be a greater grievance than the t^x on leathe r . If we fhou'd be fick, there wou'd be no doctor's ftufFfor us ; for doctor wou'd be digging too. We cou'd not get a chimney fwept, or a load of coal from pit, for love or money. Tom. But flill I (hould have no one over my head. Jack That's a miftake ; I'm Itronger than thou ; and Standilh, the Excifeman, is a better fcholar; fo we {hould not remain equal a minute. I Ihou'd ou\-fgkt thce, and he'd out-w/V thee. And if fuch a fturdy fellow as I am was to come and break down thy hedge for a little firing, or to take away the crop from thy ground, I'm not fare that thefe nw- Lord Ferrers vm hanged in 1760, for kiJISng his fleward, A 2 fangled ( 4 ) fangled laws would fee thee righted. I tell thee, Torn, vre have a fine constitution already, and our lore-fathers thought fo. Tom. They were a pack of fools, and had never read the Rights of Man. Jack. I'll tcl! thee a ftory. When Sir John married, ttry Lady, who is a little fahtaftical, and likes to do every thing like the French, begged him to pull down yonder fine old caftle, and build it up in her frippery way. No, fays Sir John ; what, (hall I pull down this noble building, railed by the wifdom of my brave ancestors, which outftood the civil wars, and only underwent a little needful repair at the Revolution, and which all my neighbours come to take pattern by ; fliall I pull it all down, I fay, only becaufe there may be a dark clofet, or an inconvenient room or two in it ? My Lady mumpt and grumbled ; but the caftle was let fland, and a glorious building it is, though there may be a trifling fault or two, and though a few decays may want flopping : fo now and then they mend a little thing ; and they'll go on mending, I dare fay, as they have leifure, to the end of the chapter, if they are let alone. But no pull-me-down works. What is it you are crying out for, Tom ? Tom. Why for a perfect government. Jack. You might as well cry for the moon. There's no- thing perfect in this world, take my word for it. Tent. I don't fee why we are to work like flaves, while others roll about in their coaches, feed on the fat of the land, and do nothing. yack. My little maid brought home a (lor) -book from the charity-fchool t'other day, in which was a bit of a fable about the Belly and the Limbs. The hands faid, I wont work any longer to feed this lazy belly, who fits in (late like a lord, and does nothing. Said the feet, I wont walk and tire myfelf to carry him about ; let him fhift jfor himfelf ; and fo faid all the members ; juft as our levellers and republicans do now. And what was the confequence ? Why the belly was pinched to be fure: but the hands, and the feet, and the reft of the members, fuffcred fo much for want of their old noiirifhment, that they fell fick, pined away, and would have died if they had not come to their fenfes juft in time to fave their lives, as I hope all you will do. Tom. But the times but the taxes, Jack. Jock. Things are dear, to be fure : but riot and murder is not the way to make them cheap. And taxes are high ; but I'm told there's a deal of old fcores paying off, and by them, who did not contract the debt neither, Tom. Beiides, things are ( 5 ) arc mending, I hope, and what little is done, is for us poor people; our candles are fomewhat cheaper, and I < .re fay, if the honeft gentleman is not disturbed by you Ie\ , ings will mend every day. But bear one thing in rrv .! . the more we rior, the more we mail have to pay. Mind .mother thing too, that in France the poor paid all the taxc?, as 1 have heard 'em fay, and the quality paid nothing. Tom. Well, I know what's what, as well as another; and I'm a.s fit to govern. Jack. No, Tom, no. You are indeed as go-^d as another man, Iteing you have hands to work, and a foul to be favcd. But are all men rit for all kinds of things ? Solomon fays, * How can hv be wife whofe talk ii of oxen r" Every one in his way. I am a better judge of a horfe-lhoe than Sir John : but he has a deal better notion of (late affairs than I ; and I can no more do without him, than he can do without me. And few are fa poor, but they may get a vute for a pari lament- man ; and fo you fee the poor have as much ihare in the government as they well know how to manage. Tim. But I fay all men are equal. Why mould one be abo\e-an ther ? Jack. If that's thy talk, Tom, them doft quarrel with Pro- vkicnre, and not with government. For the woman is below her hufbanr!, and the children below their mother, and the fervaut is bdo. his matter. T.m. B'.it the lubjecl is not below the king; all kings are ' crowned ruffians ," and all governments are wicked. For my part, I'm rcU'lwd I'll pay no more taxes to anyot them. Jack. Tom, Tom, this is thy nonfenfe ; if thou didi'c go oftener to church, thou wou'dft know where it is faid, " Rea- der unto Cefar the things that are Cefar's;" and alfo, " Fear God ; honour the king." Yoi.r book tells you, that we need obey no government but that of the people, and that we may fafhion and alter the government according to our whimfies : but mine tells me, " Let every one be fubjel to the higher powers, for all power is of God ; the powers that be are or- dained of God : whofoever, therefore, refifteth the power, refifteth the ordinance of God." Thou fayed, thou wilt paf no taxes to any of them. Doft thou know who it was that work'd a miracle, that he might have money to pay tribute with, rather than fetyou and me an example of difobedicnce to government ? Tom. I fay we mail never be happy till we do as the French have done. Jack. The French and we contending for liberty, Tom, is A 3 juft ( 6 ) juft as if thou and I were to pretend to run a race ; thou to fct out from the darting pofl, when I am in already : why we've got it man ; we've no race to run. We're there already. Our conftitution is no more like what the French one was, than a mugof our Taunton beer is like a pUtter of their foup-maigre. Tom. I know we (hall be undone it we don't get a new eonjliiutlon that's all. Jack. And I know we (hall be undone if we -and. inviolability, and imperjcriptible ? yack. Nonfcnfe, gibberifh, downright f hocus-pocus. I know it is not Engliih ; Sir John fays 'tis not Latin ; and his valet do (ham fays 'tis not French neither. Tom. And yet Tim fays we fhall never be happy till all thefe fine things are brought over to England. Jack. What into this Chriuian country, Tom? Why doit know they have no Jabbatbf Their mob parliament meets of a Sunday to dc their wicked work, as naturally as \ve do to go to church. They have renounced God's word and God's day, and they don't even date in the year of our Lord. Why dofl turn pale, man ? And the rogues are al- ways making fuch a noife, Tom, in the midft of their par- liament-houfe, that their fpeaker rings a bell, like our penny- poftrnan, becaufe he can't keep them in order. Tom. And dolt thou think our Rights of Man will lead to all this wickednefs : yack. As fure as eggs are eggs. Tom. I begin to think we're better off as we are. yack. I'm fure on't. This is or.ly a fchcme to make us go back in every thing. 'Tis making ourfelves poor when \ve are getting rich. Tom. I begin to think I'm not fo very unhappy as I had got to fancy. yack. Tom, I don't care for drink myfelf, but thou doft, and I'll argue with thee in thy own way: when there's all equality, there will be no fitperfluity : when there's no wages there'll be no drink ; and levelling will rob thee of thy ale more than the malt-tax does. * Voltair*. Tom. Tom. But Standifh fays if we had a good government, there'd be no want of any thing. "Jack. He is like many others, who take the king's money and betray him. Though I'm no fcholar, I know that a good government is a good thing. But don't go to make me believe that any goverment can make a bad man good, or a difcontented man happy. What art mufmg upon, man ? Tom. Let me fum up the evidence, as they fay at Tizes Hem ! To cut every man's throat who does not think as I do, or hang him up at a lamp-port! Pretend liberty of con- fcience, nnd then banifh theparfons only for being confcien- tious ! Cry out liberty of the prefs, and hang up the firft man who writes his mind! Loie our poor laws! Lofe one's wife perhaps upon every little tiff! March without clothe?, and fight without victuals ! No trade! No" bible! No fabbath nor day of reft ! No fafety, no comfort, no peace in this world and no world to come! Jack, I never knew thee tell a lie in my life. Jack. Nor would I now, not even againft the French. Tom. And thou art very fi. lefs the law of political bodies than of individuals ; and it is certain, that fhould France fuccecd in her projects on the Continent, England mutt in the end fubmit. I do not, indeed, imagine France would fucceed though England mould remain neuter ; but the podibility of her doing fo would, in that cafe, be greater, and for that reafon we ought, in prudence, to bear our part in putting an end to her career. War is certainly to be avoided, if with honour and fafety it can. The bleflings of peace are ineftimable, and certainly more fo at this time than almoft any other ; but without France abandons her fyftem of univerfal liberty, as fhe calls it, our peace coi:ld have been of no long continuance ; nor can the leall faith be given to her promifes, becaufe the avowed fyftem of the levellers is, that might creates right ; and what- ever they have the power and will to do, they think may law- fully be done. It feems very clear that from a war with France we have, at prefcnt, very little to fear ; we may reft allured that it will be alhortone, and I am convinced, that if we a& in concert with the powers on th? Continent, and if, inftead of a bloody rnanifelto like the Duke of Brunfwick's, a wife and mild one ihall precede the army that is to enter France, nothing will be more acceptable to the great bulk of the French nation, than to fee order re-eitablifhed, in any manner that may form fomething like a reafonable government. The French have, both publicly and privately, declared that they will fend one hundred thoufand men to invade this country : there is little doubt but they will attempt it, if it \vas for no other purpofe but to rid their country of part of IK unfortunate and wretched inhabitants : whether they go to the bottom of the fea in their attempt to come over, or are de- ftroyed at the mouth of our cannon, \\ouldbeof no confe- quenceto the National Convention, as from the ciFeclof their proceedings, a famine mull, in a fhort time, take them off were they to ftay in tricir own country. By their equality they have deftroycd nobility and gentry ; of courfe, all artizans, in every branch of bufineft tending to luxury* luxury, are out of employ, and are obliged to live as a prey upon the public. For inftance: What would become of the tradefmen in London, and the public at large, were the nobi- lity and gentry to be chafed out of the country ? This mult be better felt than it can be defcribed, as it is well known to every individual, that all arts, fciences, and trade, have flour- ilhed, and ftill profper, by the wants of the great and opulent of this kingdom. There are many perfons in the world to whom vengeance Is fweet ; and perhaps it is unfortunately but too true, that the violent proceedings of the French make them very proper objects of anger. But revenge ought never to be the ruling pailion of man in any cafe, and leal! of all ought it to be ever directed againft a multitude, in which great numbers muft be innocent, others ignorant, and only a few guilty. Though I am, and never have concealed it, even when I ran fome perfonal riik, a great enemy to the French demo- crats : though I know their villany, and the unfairnefs of their way of reafoning, I am far from thinking the majority of the nation guilty; on the contrary, in Paris, where the guilt is certainly the greateft, I am certain that' nine out of ten deferve cenfure, only for not having had courage enough to act: when it was neceifary. Men, individually brave, do not always a<5l in civil broils as if they were fo ; becaufe, as no fmgle exertion can pro- duce any good effect, they only acl when they have confidence in others who will acl: with them. Now, very unfortunately for the inhabitants of Paris, as they had been accufiomed to a fort of implicit obedience in affairs of government, and were obliged all at once to become governors, ignorant at the fame time of the true bafis o{ liberty, and its firit principles, which it is too late for. men to learn on a fudden at years of matu- rity, there could be no unity nor mutual confidence among them : nor could even the great ncccffity of the cafe unite the inhabitants of a city, formerly drowned in luxury and plea- fure ; and, ever fince its revolt, the fport of intrigue. Before the Revolution, France was infinitely too much cor- rupted for its inhabitants to take advantage of the feeble (late of its Monarch, fo as to eflabliih liberty ; which to men of purer manners and of a lefs volatile character, would, at one time, have been not very difficult. At prefcnt it is only by wading through oceans of blood, and letting adverfity and time teach wifdom to them, that they can ever gain this end. Nay, it is much more probable that they will fall under the hand f fome defpot before they can accomplifh their defign ; for at prefent, ( '5 ) prefent, governed as they are by the lower order of people, whoare the dupes and agents of the molt designing amongit th'.mfdvcs, Revolution n.uit follow Revolution, until poverty, and equality in mifery, will put an end to the comeft; for as long as they who take the lead can have the means of enriching themfclvcs, others, who want to be rich alii,, will overturn them and take their place, as it has happened already. It is unlucky that in England any language, truly defcrip- tive of thefe proceedings, and of the pcrfous who govern Paris, is difgraceHil, and fcems like the language of anger and preju- dice. Fadls iccm exaggerations ; and fuch epithets as fuit the cafe, can only, with propriety, be ufcd at Billingfgate. I ihall not therefore attempt to defcribe the manner in which Paris governs France, but fhall beg leave literally to tranflate lan- guage which I myfelt have heard employed by the people in the gal'.ery of the National Convention to its members ; and language that had the immediate effect of making the Alfembly obey. 1 never was lucky enough to be prefent at a very tu- multuous debate. This is a fpecimen of what palled on every ordinary day, when any queftion that interested the court, or his late majelty, was difcufled *. Upon a qreftion feeming to go in favour of the king, the galleries role, and fa id, with violent geftures and menaces, Go horht, you rafcls ; you men hired at eighteen fhillings " a-da) ; you don't dtferve them. Shame, fliame, you betray " us ; we are vour mailers ; you are but deputies paid ; you " have fold us to the civil lift, you anointed ciiis ; but we know ' how to be revenged upon rafcals like you, who were eat up with poverty and lice till we took you into pay, and you " dare to betray the nation, you dogs !" I can only f.:y, th-t the French expreflions were yet ftongcr than thole I give. Thir happened in an evening fitting. I was in what is called " The Suppleant's Gallery," which had but few people in it, though the public galleries were very full. The cuvci of thefc threats was inftantaneous i and on counting the voices the third time, for the queltion had not been divided, it was found to be determined againft the king, againit juiYice, and againft common fenfe. Such was, and ilill continues to be, the manner in which the violent party triumphs over the majority, upon all occasions, in which it is thought to be worth while. Yet the nation in which laws * The qudUonwas concerninc; the terrace In thegarden of the Thuilleries, which garden being (hut, they wanted to make public, and by means of that queltion to animate the people againft the king 5 in. which they fucceeded very rapidly, and very completely. are C 16 ) are fb palled, pretends to be free, and to prefent an example worthy the imitation of all the world. It is not from men go- verned in this manner that England has any thing to fear ; and it is furprifing that there mould be men in England fo loft to every fenfe ol fhame as to praife the French government ; and what adds confiderably to the difgrace of fome fuch perfons is, that they know, perfectly well, that what I have now faid about the galleries, is ftriclly true. It is notorioufly known to all the world, that on the loth of Auguft the Affembly pafled decrees at the requeft of every blackguard who appeared at the bar, without fo much as en- quiring their names, in many cafes ; and all the decrees paifed unanimoufly for feven days. Thus a ragged fellow, without coat or hat, and covered with blood, appeared in the name of the nation, and demanded the dethroning of the king ; others demanded a republic, and a con- vention, liberty and equality; and, fince that time, it is by the fame means that they have brought their unhappy monarch to the block ; loading him, during his confinement, with abufe, from which, if his former quality of king, if even his virtues and love of his people could not exempt him, he fliould at leail have been fhielded by his misfortunes. The French nation is in a ftate of madnefs and rage, dan- gerous to thofe who,without precaution, approach too near, as in- dividual madmen are ; but to thofe who, taking the proper meafures, attack them where they are leaft able to refift, the danger can be but fmall, and even then muft be but of a fhort duration. Without plan, without order, and without induftry, what nation can long be formidable? and that the French have any one of thefe great requifites to fuccefs, I defy their moft firm friends and ftrongeft advocates to prove ; and till they can do fo, I muft perfift in thinking my conclu- fions no lefs juft and incontrovertible, than I truft they will prove falutary to the nation, in preventing all unreafonable apprehenfion or defpondency. LIBERTYAND PROPERTY PRESERVED AGAINST REPUBLICANS AND LEVELLERS. A COLLECTION OF TRACTS. NUMBER X. CONTAINING The Englijhmaris Political Catecbifm.->A Few Plain >yef- ti6ns y and a little Hanejl Advice to the Working People tf Great Britain. Printed and Sold by J. DOWNES,No. 240, Strand, near Temple-Bar; where the Bookfellers inTown and Country may be ferved with any quantity. PRICE ONE PENNY. THE ENGLISHMAN'S POLITICAL CATECHISM. s ert y A. L bcrty conftfts in the power of thinking what I pleafe, andpublifhing thofe thoughts, provided I nei- ther do, nor defign, an injury. It confifts in following what trade or occupation I choofe. In ferving God in any manner that my confcience dictates. In having fecure pofleflion of my own houfr, which is my caftle. In fpend- ing my fortune according to my own inclination, and leav- ing it to whomfoever I will. Q. Do you poflels this Liberty ? A. I do. Q. What is Equality ? A. Equality confifts in the being governed by laws which render to every one Equal ^fujl'ice. By which, no one can moleft my perfon or my property ; which give me unlimit- ed freedom of action, if I commit no crime j which, if I am injured, afford me a remedy ; and caufe him who in- jured me, though ten times as rich, to feel that he is <,n 4 level with myfelf. Q. Do you poflefs this Equality ? A. I do. Q^ What are the Rights of Man ? A. They are comprehended in his claim to the preoed- A ing ing benefits. He has a right to think and fpeak what he pleafes, provided he thereby commits no injury. He has a right to follow what trade or occupation he choofes. He haS a right to ferve God according to his confcience. He has a right to the fecure poflefTion of his own houfe, it is his caftle. He has a right to fpend his money as he choofes^ and leave it to whom he will. He has a right to be go- verned by.juft and impartial laws, by which his perfon and his property are fafe from the attack of violence or oppreffion ; and which give him unlimited freedom of adtion, if he commits no crime. He has a right) if in- jured, to have a remedy ; and to let the proudeft and richejl experience, if they dare offer him any violence, that they are his qurJs t and entirely on a level with himfelf. Thefe are the Rights of Man^ of human nature, the glorious Birth-rights of an Englijhman. Q; Do you poflefs thefe Rights of Man? A. J do. Q_ How became you poflefled of them ? A. By the ftruggles of my anceftors in the caufe of freedom; and by a Revolution without cruelty^ or blsod-Jbed y which placed William the Third on the throne, and drove flavery and arbitrary power into perpetual banifhment. Q. Are you threatened with the lofs of thefe benefits ? A. No one will prefume to threaten Us. We can only lofe them by our own weaknefs or folly. Q. Do you perceive the advantages of them ? A. I do. Qj In what ? A. In the general profperity of the Nation in its exr tenfive commerce in its riches its agriculture its ma- nufactures its arts and fcienccs its humanity and liberality in its being the moft flouriihing empire at this time exifting on the face of the globe j and in its being the envy of the whole world. Thefe a^e the advantages pof- fefled by England ; becaufe we poflefs, and have poflefle4 for an hundred years paft, real Liberty, true Equality^ and /& genuine Rights of Man. Q. If then you fee and know the advantages of thefe bleflings, will you not endeavour to preferve and defend them ? A. I will, at the hazard of my life. Q^ Are there any who wifh us deprived of thefe pre- cious, thefe peculiar advantages which we enjoy under the Britifli Conftitution ? A. I fear there are. Q^ Wh t 3 ] ^j. Who are they ? A. Defperate and Needy Adventurers, Traitors, and mortal Enemies to this Courv.ry. Q. How do they proceed ? A. By endeavouring to impofe on our underftandings } hoping to make us believe that we do not pofTels, what vre have pofiefled for fo long a time. To blindfold and lead us in the dark. To deceive us with gilded vifions and fantaftic chimaeras. And caufe us to fallfrom a precipice* tyhile quitting a fubftancej and grafping at a fhadow. . Q. What is their object ? A. Confufion, tumult, riot, and Civil War. Q_ To obtain what end ? A. That while all things are in diforder, they may di- vide our fubitance. G\ Do they produce any example for us to follow? A. They do. The example of France. Q^ What is the prefent ftate of France? A. No government no Jaws no Security for perfons or property---no religion no agriculture no commerce. The lands of the Gentleman, the eftate of the Farmer, the flock of the Tradefman, at the mercy of the Mob. Sacrilege- murder nay the murder of Women and Chil- dren and to complete this wretchednefs, thefe horrors impending national bankruptcy, and Famint already begun. Q._ What do they call thisjlate of France ? , A. They call it Liberty, Equality *, and the Rights of Man. Q. And they would willingly bring about this ftate in England ? A. They would. Q. By what means ? A. By the fame means that it has been effected in France, Byjtimng up the Moi again ft the Gentleman, the Farmer, and the reputable Trade/man. By faying to them, " Let us com- mand, and you (hall plunder. You ftiall kill, or a'rivt out of the kingdom all moderate men, nil who love their King and Country, and we will take pojjfjfion of their Lands, their Tenements, and their Goods." Q. Can this be true ? A. It is as true, as that we are now living in the midft of profperity, fecurity, and abundance. Q. How then have the French arm es advanced into Savoy, Flanders, and a part of Germany ? A. Becaufe all men of property^ to avoiJ being robbr+ y fly at their approach, and carry off every valuable they can A 2 with C 4. J with them. The armed Mob of Franct then calls "together the Mob of the Country , and tells them it is now their turn to govern. A Mock-government takes place, under direftion of the French army, who eat up theprovifions of the inhabi- tants, lay arbitrary fines on them, make ufe of their goods, and revel in luxury for a time, while their own countrymen at home are \\terz\\y J?arving t Q. And ftich a Government the defperateand needy Ad- venturers mentioned before, Traitors and mortal Enemies to this country, want to introduce here ? A. Yes ; and would attempt it if they dared ; or if they could get their friends the French to aflift them. But, thank God ! the Navy of England is not annihilated. It is time t reduce this Mob to order, which has deftroyed its own country, and is now difturbing the peace of the world ; whofe MiJJionaries, Abettors, and Correfpondents, have been impotently trying to cheat us out of our fenfes; and, if poffible, excite commotions, which might embroil us at home, and hinder us from punijhing their dark ma-^ cbinations, and ferret*, infedious hoftilities. The men of pro- perty in this Nation have more good fenfe than to fuffer themfelves to be deprived of it under any ridiculous and abfurd pretences; nor will they permit any power on earth to w-reft it from them* And being governed by juft laws, under a King, who, though he may do all good, can do no man an injury, or perform a fingle action but as the law directs, will not bafely and tamely refign themfelves to the arbitrary power of the Idle, the Ignorant) and the Profligate ; though dubbed by the French, who have deftroyed all other titles, and by the incendiary and feditious adherents of the French in this country, with the vain and infignificant terms, as ufed by them, of Liberty^ Equality, and the Rights of Man. They are terms which can only be comprehended by Britons, who experience their effects, and bear them engra- ven on their hearts. With Mobs and with Frenchmen, they have quite a different meaning, and interpreted in their language, Liberty \sLicentioufnefs ; Equality, Plunder ; and theRights of Man, a Right to commit every Crime of which Human Na- ture is capable. Q^ You have two or three times mentioned the Mob ; to whom do you confine that appellation ? A. I will firft tell you who are not the Mob ; and then, who the Mob are.-*- The honeft induftrious Labourer and Mechanic is not One of th Mob. The faithful Workman or [ 5 ] cr Journeyman, who regards the intercft of his Employer, it not one of the Mob. The Servant who is true to his truft, is not one of the Mob. None, however poor, who perform their duties in their allotted ftations, belong to the Mob. None who demean themfelves peaceably, and obey the laws, conftitute a part of the Mob. But, the idle, drunken Mechanic or Labourer is one of the Mob. The Work- man or Journeyman who neglects the intereft of his Em- ployer is one of the Mob. The Servant whofe fidelity cannot be relied on is one of the Mob. All who do not perform their duties in their allotted fhrions belong to the Mob. All who are noify, clamorous, infolent, and difobe- dient to the laws, conjlitute a part of the Mob. Sturdy Beggars, Cheats, and Thieves, are all Mob. Q^ Do you mean to comprehend under this term th lower Orders only ? ' A. No for the very lowcjl may from their good beha- viour, induftry, and honefty, be refpeclable in their fitua-r *ion. While he who is born in a h-gher rank, may, by low manners, rioting, drunkennefs, difhonefty, and a defiance of the laws, degrade himfelf to the level of the Mob, and be only qualified for one of their Patrons and Ring- leaders. Q^ \Vhat is meant by the word Reform ? A. It is zfufpUious word, Q^ Why ? A. Becaufe I hear it made ufe of by the fame people who want to deceive me with the terms Liberty, Equality , and the Rights of Man. Q., What is their intention ? A. They have (hewn it by their feditious fpeeches and writings. Their endeavours are to make us diffatisfied with oar condition, and weary of being happy ; to raife a fpirit of difcontent in the nation ; and if they cannot pulh difturbances as far as they would, to pufh them as tar as they can. Q. Do you think then our prefent form of government is perfect r A. Nothing human is perfect ; but I believe it is moro perfect than any other form of government in the world. QL Why ? A. Becaufe the people governed are more flourifhing, rich, and happy, than thofe of any other nation in the world. This is a truth which cannot be denied. And the A 3 reafoa t 6'J reafpn why other nations are not fo flourifhing, rich, and happy, as ourfelves, is, becaufe their form of government is not fo good as our's. Q^ But do you not think the manner of Reprefentation of tne People la Parliament ought to be altered ? A. No. Q^ Why ? A. Becaufe I confider it to be the foundation, the ftep, on which thole enemies of the community want to mount, who, inftead of the prefent form of Government, wifh to have us under the dominion of the Mob. Q^ Howfo* A. Becaufe, if the mode of election be altered, and the fcale of it extended, men of property, interefted by that pro- perty in the real welfare and liability of the nation, would not be chofen ; but cunning, low-minded men, who had no- jbing is la/e. Actuated by the luft of power and gain, under the mafk of Equality, they would give the watch-word to their Friends without doors -declare the King and Lords ufelefs (as the cafe was jn the days of Cromwell), and fa- bricate what they would call a Republic, but, in other words, a violent ufurpation of all the lands and property cftbe kingdom, which would be at the difpofal of them and their adherents. Q^ What makes you entertain this epinion ? A. The fame caufes always produce the fame effv&s. We can only judge of events to come by thofe which have preceded. I have feen what has happened in France, whence their men cf property are banifhed, or where they are groaning under the tyranny and oppreflion of an armed mob while Tinkers and Taylors are converted into Judges -~-a Shirt-maker is Attorney-General and Fijh-women, Mur- derers, Ruffians, and Banditti, are become Legislators and Generals. Q^ It is better then, you think, to remain as we are ? A. Much better for all thofe who have any thing to loft. The Defpcrate and Needy may find their advantage in a change. To them, like the Members of the French Confti- tution, Jixteen failings or a guinea a-day would be an ob- ject for which they would ufe alt their endeavours to over- throw the Conftitution. Efpecially> as they would, befides, have their chance of plunder, and a divifion among them- fdves, of the eftates and goods of the Gentleman, the Far- jner, and the reputable Tradefman. Q. But are there not many people of honefty and hu- manity C 7 J manity who wifti for an alteration ? who dcfire a different mode of reprefentation ? and many other fpeculative im- provements. A. There are. But it would become all of them to confider, whether thefe fubjedts are not ma.le ufe of craftily and plaufibly to enfnare their feelings. Whether, while thinking thi-mfelves principals, they are not inftruments in the hands of thofe who aim at the fubverfion of our go- vernment, laws, and religion. Who know they can ac- complifti their end, only by fowing amongft us difcord and mutualanimofuies by influencing the paffions of fome, and theinterefts of others thus gaining allies to their per- nicious and deftruftive caufe under the falfe pretences of Virtue, Equity, and Humanity. Q. But furely Grievances fhould be redrefled? A. We (hould firft be certain that the things complained of are grievances. Secondly, if they are fo, as no Human State can be perfect, to enquire whether they are not to- Arable. And thirdly, whether, by the propofed redrefs, a door may not be opened in the introduction of greater evils, and grievances truly intolerable. Q^ What greater evils do you fufpeft ? A. That Republican, law'ejs Tyranny, like that in France, would ttfurp the place of ur mild and equ'table government, under which a: I who have any property, though acquired by honeft labour, would be in a more abjtflftate of Slavery than the African negroes. And that the Farmer, inftead of dif- puting about tithes, would neither have corn nor money to dif- pute about. For, according to the modern doclrines of Equality and Philofophy, his eftate would be parcelled out among others ; and though he might have the fatisfa&ion of feeing the C.'frgy fuffer, he would be a moft miferable fellow -fuffcrer \ and bitterly lament, when too late, the folly by which, under the guidance of f Ife friends, he engaged in fcberrfes, the extent of which he did no. rbrefee ; but confult- ing only his prefent intercft, and to fave a ffiv pounds, rind that he has utterly and irrecoverably ruined bimflf, b,t ft'ife, *nd Children. Q^ You mentioned Ph.kfopky; what do you understand by th..t term \ A. I cannot readily anfwer you, Q^ Why fo ? A B< caufe the grand Reformers of the worlc', nd Pervertcrs of plain and fimple fp^ech, have 1-tely changed its meaning. For, as they give the name of liberty to //- A 4 c 8 r centioufnefi, and of equality to plunder , fo by which uied to fignify the love of wifdsm^ and implied lilce- wife the love of virtue, they now mean the love of vice and folly Q. Can you give me an example ? A. I can ; by referring you again to the flate of France^ where the dodirines of modern philsfophy are now reduced to practice. This practice conftfts in deprefling the wife and virtuous, men of talents and liberal education, or banifli- jng them from the kingdom. While the newly-enlight- ened Pupils of Philofophy have placed at their head thofe fame Murderers, Ruffians, Banditti, and Fitn- Wo- men, who,n i took notice of befo:e, and whom, from their thorough acquaintance with Ignorance, Brutality, and every kind of Vice, they ftile Pbilojophers and Reformers of Mankind. Q^ Can this be really true ? and (hall we likewife be thu: egregioufly impofed on ? A. i (hall anfwer your firft queftion, as I have once al- ready. It is as true, as that we are now living in a ftate of profperity, ftcurity, and abundance. We might, indeed, be fo impofid on, if words with us did not prelerve their na- tural meaning : If we did not know that Pkilofiphy is not the love of Vice and Folly, but the love of Wifdom and, Virtue : If we could not fee through the cant, of Liberty and Equally, which would enflave our perfuns, and rob us of our fubftance : And if we did not plainly perceiveyrow the example of France, that National Bankruptcy would be the confequence, and all the horrors of Poverty Diftrtjs, and Famine* A FE'V C 9 J A FEW , PLAIN QUESTIONS, AND A LITTLE HONEST ADVICE TO THE WORKING PEOPLE OF GREAT BRITAIN, " Learn to be wife from others' barm, " Andyoujhall do full well." Old Proverb, Friends and Countrymen, AT this time, when fo much pains is taken to mi/lead and hurt you, there needs no apology from any man of common fenfe for giving you advice, and telling you his mind. I am no arguer nor politician, but I know truth, and can fee a Jlate of fafls as well as thofe who are; and. in that view 1 , I beg leave to put Tome queftions to you and your pretended friends. Thefe gentlemen endeavour to perfuade you, that you are an opprefled and a miferable people. I afk you, Did you know this before they informed you? and what kind of mifery and oppreffion can it be, which the fufferer did not feel or find out for himfelf, but muft learn *from another perfon, and that other a ftranger to him and his fituation f I would afk you too, How a people can be opprefled, where every indultrious man receives better wages, has a better houfe over his head, puts better cloathson his back, and better meat in his belly, than his father did before him, or ever hoped to do ? Further, I would afk you, What is the difference be- tween your fituation now and fome little time ago, when all was peace, contentment, and good-humour among you J Is there any difference but this : Thar the country has im- proved, and trade and induftry have thriven ftill rafter than before ; and that, looking to our neighbour kingdom, France, we have ftill more caufe of thankfulnefs to Pro- vidence, that we are not, like her, laid wafte with murder and oppreffion, and, in all points going on from bad to worfe, ia the highway to perdition. Have Have you not too the fame good King upon the throne, whom, not four years ago. the whole nation prayed for as fora father? and what has he done finre (I challenge his enemies to tell you, if they can), that fome bad men among you fhould 'treat him with difrefpcd and infult? But (fay your pretended friends) you are opprcfled, be- eaufe the nation is loaded with heavy taxes. And out of whofe pockets, I afk you, do thofe taxes chiefly come? From thofe who have whfrewithto pay, or thofe who have it not ? The houfe, window, and land taxes, thjs tax on offices, carriages, faddle-horfes, and fei va'nts, the taxes *>n all the coftly articles of drefc, or furniture, or living, ate thefepaid by the landholders and the rich, or by the labouring -people, who ha/e no fuch things belonging to them ? Some taxes, I grant you, there are, which are paid by all, but ftill only in proportion to their means. And for what reafon have your wages rifen, but becaufe your expence of living is g-reatej - , owing to thofe very taxes. Take off thofe taxes, and down fall your wages where is your profit then* ? Bt fides, How are thefe friends of yours to take off thefe faxes? By declaring the nation bankrupt (fay theyj, ?nd ilriking off the National Debt : and indeed it is clear, that while the-Dcbt remains, fomuft the taxes to pay the intereh). Now pray where would be our relief in that ? The creditors of the nation are, for the moft part, our own peopleBritifh fubjeds and above all, they are our own tHfd^rs, manufacturers, and artifts, who have trufted to the nation, as to a fafe bank, the favings and earnings of the induftry of their whole lives. All thefe ho- ri ft and worthy people your Reformers are to cheat and beggar atone blow. And fo this capital remedy turns out to be. that we are to ruin one hajf of oijr people in order to relieve the other ; who (as 1 have faid above) will be, after all, juft where they were, by the decreafeof wages. An excellent fpecimen th : ?, both of the wifdom of thofe politicians, and of their notions of honefty andjuftice. What fay thefe Reformers next ? That you are not a free p op'e, becaufe you have no vote in the choice of the Members of Parliament. But when they tell you that * It is 3 "-ell-known faft h \e his fol mn and ex- penfive trial, and fnffer a conviction on full .w proof, by verdid of his country, ere the highelt authority in the land, .even the King himfe'f, can touch a hair of his he.:d. In. a land where this is ib, co tejl the honeft and induftrious inan that he is not fixe he whc.m both State and King are for their own fcke inu relied 10 encourage, is an im-r pofition and infult to h ; ? common letife. Who can take any thing frorn him ? W.v> c*n coritfram, hurt, or med- dle with him in his OLt-go.i) b <- r u.-c mmgs, or in any of his connections or cuicc'ii^ } rie ; a- freedom of thought and confcitnce fieedorn of fp'-ecn an i writing freedom of conduct and a^tii-n fo he but walk by the Scripture ruje, of doing as he wouUi bedotre by. Jt is fecu- rity in thefe points that make* thef-edom, becaufe it is thefe fhatm-ake the haf>pinefr y of ' he rational an 1 w. ;l-iiifpofed man. As to a vote or (hare in the Government, that -s not matter tf freedom, but of vanity and piwtr, which only the reftlefs and the proud man is anxious for, to faiisfy his K l--con- ceit, and which, God knows, are not the way 10 happinels, but to corruption of heart and vexation of Ipirit. What fjgnifies (it is an obvious queftion) how or by whom the Parliament is chofen, if it is fuch a Parliament >* fecures the people in the aforeiaid fubibntial njoyments f Choofe it any way you will, it O'.nnot do you mure good That is the end, the lole end, of their being ch -k-n at all : and when we are in poflefiion \ f the enufe of Comm- n, will taKf care of their intei efts. The whole Huufc ot" Commons are deeply concerned C I* ] concerned in their welfare, and always provide for it. I rsally bHieve their profperous ftate is partly owing to their pot fending Members to Parliament; which indeed they thcmfelvesdonot defire. Nothing begets fomuch ill-blooJ, fo much (loth and drunkennefs, as contefted Elections. Where a man now depends on his induftry for a fubfiftence, he would then depend upon his vote. I do not doubt but it might coft the nation many millions, and fome of its bed manufactories, to convert the wealthy trading towns into Boroughs. And what the better fhould we bs ? The French have had proof of perfonal Repreft-ntation ; and a rare inftance it gives us of its wifdom. It enables them to fend to the National Convention, the gloomy, bloody-mind- ed MAR AT, the cruel and infolentRoBERSPiERRE, and that precious lower of fedition TOM PAINE; men than whom Jack Ketch is a more worthy member of fociety. Where- as, as our Reprefentation is at prefent, we have a happy mix- ture of rtatefmen, country gentlemen, lawyers, merchants, roanuhifturers, foldiers, ana failors, and men of the firft ta- Jents ar.d abilities in every line, experienced in their feve- ral profeflions, and deeply interefted in the profperity of their country. To alter this mode, fo productive of the good of the nation, under fome fpecious pretext, would be like the man who had a tree that bore him plenty of ex- cellent fruit, and bccaufe it had rather an unfiuhtly crack in the bark, but of no real confequence to the health and vigour of the tree, he tampered with it, and tampered with it till he killed the tree, and of courfe loft all the advan^ tages it produced. Look, I pray you, over the water, to that country (France) which thefe pretended Friends point out to you as a pattern, and defcribe as a Paradife ; and take your choice of Britifh freedom, fuch as we have it, or of French freedom, fuch as they have rnd for thefe two years pair, Thtre, tQ be fure, every man has freedom of vote in all things. And along with it what has he more? The freedom of having his houfe burmd, his goods plun-: dered, his wife and children knocked on the head, and jiimfelf hung up at a lamp-;>oft, without judge or trial, or time to fay his prayers and all at the inftigation of any fcoundrf) who diflikes his drefs, or who ow?s him money, or has taken a fancy to his effects- Thrfe are the precious fruits of the French Reform. Is it poflible that any creature, not in Bedlam, or fit for it, can think fuch a ftate defirable, or that the malice of any being (bu^ Satan C '3 J Satan himfelf) could wifh fuch mifery, not to fay to his own native country, but to any country or people on the face of the earth ? It will not anfwer the purpofe to cfy out (as thefe bluf- terers do) that Parliament muft be reformed, bccaufe it is proftitute and corrupt. Nothing is eaficr than to give foul names;, and it is eafieft to thofe who have dealt longeft in th'e practice. But where is the proof of the charge? Has not the nation profpered umier this Parliament, and through all ranks and orders of the people, beyond exam- ple? Where is there a country fo thriving, and fo happy, fo powerful, and fo much admired by other nations? Has not the money of all Europe been flowing into our pub- lic funds ? Are not the difirefled and perfccuted from all quarters, at this moment, flying to it for refuge? Knovr the tree, I fay, from the produce : It cannot beapoifon- ous and rotten fleck that produces fuch abundance of ex- cellent and wholcfome fruit. 1 afk, too, Where are the cruel and unjuft or arbitrary laws which this corrupted Parliament has paflVd againft the liberty of the people? That there are none fuch, the very proceedings of thefe Reformers prove : for if Parliament were unjuji, they would bejea/cus too; and to reftrain the liberty or fpcech and prefs, would be the firft they would think of: No one would be allowed to wag his tongue againft them, as was lately done every where, not in holes and corners, but in public ftreets, and in the faceot day. Another reafon, it feems, why you are not free, is, that fome have great eftat-s, and fome have none at all. D-JC let thofe Levellers anfwer this: How were great efrates at firft made, but by induftry and good fortune? and who will be induflrious and active, if he and his are not to en- joy his gains? Would they have a law made to hinder a poor man from getting rich, as numbers among you are now daily, and happily, doing? Obferve too how far this will go. If a duke or an earl has not a right to hi* great eftate, what right has the fmall land-owner to his freehold ? What right has the fhop.keeper to his (hop, the tenant to his farm, the corporation to its privileges and freedom, the matter tradcfman to the work of his appren- tices and fervant?, or any working man to his comfortable meal, while there is a beggar in the ftrcet that wants it ? All and each of thefe rights depend on the eftablifhed law of the Lnd, protecting property as it happens to fr,,nd: De- ft roy it as to the gre;.t properties, and the fmall will not be long of following. Obferve Obferve too the cbnfequence For who but the rlcfr Like off the rare and coftly manufactures, fo various that it would take a day to tell them? And what then is to* become of the many thoufands who find their bread in the making of thi-fe articles ? I have fren another reafon glveri to convince you that you are not free, namely, That there is a law for quelling mobs by military f; >rce. But what their meaning in m this country aiming at exactly the fame point? Have they not the crul-lry to wi/h to dettroy thofe confola'.ory hopes which rel'gion affords and vrbicll arc the only fub9. ; fuppjrt t 16 ] * fupport that in their diftreilcs poor, frail, dependent mortals have to truft to ? No ! my friends and countrymen, liften not to thofe who would rob you of your religion or your loyalty. TheScriptures tell us to "fear God and honour the King :" yet thefe men would lead you to defpife the one and infult the other. But to Aim up in a few words the ad vice I mean to give you, and which advice I folemnly declare to be, in my opinion at leaft, moll conducive to your temporal and eternal inte* refts~-Be firm and immoveable in doing your duty to God ; be true and rcfolute in your attachment to your King and Country j be honeft, induftrious, and contented, in your callings; be kind and peaceable in your demeanor} be virtuous and religious in your practice j and then how low foever your ftation in life may be, depend upon itj YOU WILL BE HAPPY. NINETY-THREE : A NEW SONG. "Bv MR. DIBDIN* A LL true honeft BRITONS, I pray you draw near ; ** hear a bob in the chorus to hail the New Year ; Join the mode of the times, and with Heart and Voice fing A good old English burden 'tis " God lave the King." Let the year Ninety-three Commemorated be To Time's rnd ; for fo long loyal Britons (hall fing, Heart and Voice, the good chorus of " God fave the King. 1 ' See with two diff'rent fates old Janus appear, To frown out the Old, anxl fmile in the New Year ; .And thus while he proves a well-wittier to Crowns, Ort the Loyal he finiles, on the Factious he irowns : For in fam'd Ninety. three Britons all mall agree With ofk Voice and one Heart in a chorus to fing, L>rowning Faction and Party in " God fave the King.*' Some pi aife a new Freedom imported from France . Is Liberty taught then like teaching to dance ? They teach Freedom to Britons ! our own Right divine I A Ruin-light might as well teach the Sun how to fliine I In fam'd Ninety-three We'll convince them we're Free! Free from every Licentiouihefs Faflion can bring ; Free \vhhHeart and with Voice to fing " God fave the King." Thus here tho' French Fafhions may pleafe for their day^ As children prize playthings, then throw them away, In a Nation like England thty never do hurt; We impiove on the Rufile by adding the Shirt I T!HIF in tMm'd Ninety-three Britorb all fhall flurte, While with one Hc;irt and Voice in loud chorus they fing, TV improve ". Ca- ha" into " God fave the King !" LIBERTY AND PROPERTY PRESERVED AGAINST REPUBLICANS AND LEVELLERS. A COLLECTION OF TRACTS. NUMBER XI. CONTAINING The Thirty-eight Hours Ago* of M. Jourgniac Saint Meartl. Addrefi of the Burghers of Frankfort to General Cuftine. Fare well /Iddrefs of the French Emigrants on their embarking for Canada. LONDON: Printed and Sold by J. DOWNES, No. 240, Strand, near Temple- Bar ; where the Booklellers in Town and Country may be fervetf with any quantity. PRICE ONE PENNY. At this period, whtn it is fuppofcd that the greateft confufion rcignt at Paris, and throughout France, when it is known that the pri fons are crowded with victims to the fufpicions of the infernal ban- ditti who have uiurped the Government of that unhappy country, and daily reports arc circulated of mafiacrcs that make humanity ihudder at their recital, it may net be thought unfeafonable to fcleft afliort extract from a pamphlet publiihcdlomc months ago, entitled, " The Thirty-eight Hours Agony of M. Jourgniac Saint Alcard," which, by one hnglc example out of thousands, will convey to t.l;t, people of this country loroe idea of the horrors of the late tnuUac~tions jn France, and give a fpecimcn of the bieffitigs of the Revolution, or Reform (as ionic are plcafcd to term it), thatha* taken place in that once gay and fiourilhing kingdom, but now (t>(u ! (jinintum tantalus ai illo '. ) that wretched and miiernblc dil jtjintLd Republic (as they Iccm ambitious of calling themfeivcs), it indeed a title to rtlpedtable may be allowed to the tyranny tint now rules tlurc with mote thandfipotie Iway. The whole of :hc pamphlet contains the hiftory of St. Mcard's arrtft and imprilort. ment from the zzd of Augull. The moll iiuercftingpart i* hi ac count of the tranfaotioiiK of the ad and ^d of SeptemLer, whichhc entitles His Thirt) -ti^ht Hours, Agony, and is a* follows. THE THIRTY-EIGHT HOURS AGONY OF M. JOURGNIAC SAINT MEARD. SUNDAY, the 2d of September. Our turnkey brought our dinm r fooncr than ufual : his haggard countci-rn.e and his wild looks fecmed to portend fomething difaflrous. A A; At two o'clocVTle returned. We aflembled around him t but he was deaf to all our queftions, and fc contrary to his cuftom, collefred and took away all our knives. At half paft two, the terrifying noife of the people was frightfully increated by the noife of the drums beating to arms, by the three alarm-guns which were fired, and by the alarm-bell, which was heard on every fide. During thefe moments of terror, we faw three carriages pafs, ac- companied by innumerable c^wds of men and women, crying out like furies, a la firce^ a la force, meaning to flaughter. Thefe carriages were driven to the cloifter of the Abbey, which had been converted into prifons for the priefts. In an inftant afterwards, we heard that all the bifhops and the other priefts had been mafiacred, who, ac- cording to the term, had been folded there. About 4 o'clock The dreadful (bricks of a man, whom they were hacking with a fabre, drew us to the window of (he turret, from whence we faw, oppofite to the gate of our prifon, the body of a man ftretched out dead upon the ground ; immediately afterwards another was maflacred, and fo on. It is utterly impoflible to defcribe the horror of the pro- found and dreary filence, which prevailed during the exe- cutions, and which was only interrupted by the cries of the victims, and the found of the blows of the fabre* upon their heads : they were no fooner felled to the ground than a murmuring began, which was followed by cries of Vive la Nation^ a thoufand times more dreadful to us than the horrors of the filence which preceded them. Between one maflacre and another, we heard thefe words under our windows : " We muft not let one of " them efcape ; they muft all be put to death, and efpe- take it, when it fhould come to our turn to be mafia- cred ! ! ! About noon Quite overwhelmed by more than fuper- natural agitation/ and abforbed in reflections horrid be- yond all expreflion, I threw mvfelf upon a bed, and fell raftafieep/ I am fully per fuaded that I owe myexiftencc to this moment of fleep ; during which it feemed to me that I was before the tremendous tribunal that was to judge me; that I wo- fing a new defence: 1 v\ as at we rk u;,on it, bt-ir.g well convinced that nothing but firmncfs and frank- pels could lave me, when m came my friend ot Piovente, A 4 who, who, after having told the turnkey to fimt the door with the key only, and wait for htm without, cam- up to me and faid, after having taken me by the hand, " 1 am come (t on thy account -, there is the wine thou didft afk me " for drink." I had drank more than half of it, when he took hold of the bottle, and faid to me, " Sacre di, " my friend, how thou drink'ft ! I want fome myfelf ; " to thy health." He drank the reft. " I cannot ftay be acculed of any thing of " that fort ; but I do pafs for being a little of an arifto- ft crat." "That's nothing ; the Judges know very well that t there are honeft men every where. The Prefident is an tl horn- ft man, and no fool." * c Be fo kind as to beg of ree and twenty " months. Here alfo are declarations of houfckeepers " with whom I have lodged for fome time, which alarm ' the fame thing." Then, after a fort of mock.trial, very fbo; t, A4onfieur St. Aleard had the good fortune to {hew inconuftably that the accufations againft him were palpably falie, and he was releafed, and immediately flea to this country for fecurity. Extra ff from a Foreign Newfpaf c t , containing the ADDRFSS of the BURGHERS of FRANKFORT to GENERAL Cus- TINE ; in which it is ften^ that FRENCH PRINCIPLES art asodiow to the Fo./R as to thi RICH. IN the Gazette of Deux Pouts of the i8th inft; is the following article : " We arc authorfcd by the Mi 44 nifter Plenipotentiary of the French Republic at th " Palatine Court of Dettx Pants to announce, that the t( contribution levied on the town of Frankfort is about to < be reftored to it in toto. The brave Cus JNE, who is " enchanted with this reftitution, as well as all the Mini- * fters of the French nation in Germany, have orders to ' make it publicly known, that the National troop* <* march to j-unilh the enemies of Frame, r.ot to lay the purfe of *' citizens under contribution ; and their friends will ever Jft y *' that the : r ju'tice is equal to the dtllcucj and loyalty of the " principles which diretl ibem." Upon this it mult be obilrveJ, that General CUSTINE had at firft demanded 2,000,000 florins (rum Frankfort; he afterwards reduced the ium to 1,500,000 .he a-iatn raifed it to 2,cco,c-r, cfteiing to take the hue artillery of the town as 5 o.cOo florins. One million h.id b'ecn paid : itcurity had been given for the c-ther, till an aulwer could be be obtained by the two Deputies of Frankfot t fent to make reprefentations to the National Convention. The fine artillery of Frankforty Co much coveted, Was not given up. The inferior clad"-* of citizens rej?6ted the proffered bounty of the French General, who had ordered that the contribution fhould only be levied on fuch of the inhabi- tants as were worth 30,000 florins : and as freedom ought to be no Icfs the right of citizens of ancient Franconia than of the modern Franks, the former have freely expreffed their ideas on the fuljecl in the -following addrefs : " My General, in t}x Manijejloes which you have pub- lifted, you have addreflcd yourfelf to us, and have therein but too well {hewn, that you have the beft in- tentions in the world with refpecl to the lowejl clafs of citizen*. We therefore place a perfect confidence in you. Permit us then, inourturn, to (peak as openly for once, and declare to you our real fentiments. c< You wifh to protect us agaittft opprefiion, which, God be praifed, the citizens of Frankfurt never heard of, much lefs ever experienced. You wilh to procure us that liber- ty which we enjoy already ; fo, my General, if you think we have betn hitherto oppielied, expofed to exactions or any evil treatment, it inuft have been the enemies of our welfare who wifhid to deceive you. Our Regents are alfq our fellow-citizens. Magiftracy itfelf is chofen from amongft our fellow-workmen, and it forms a third of our whole Council. It is Citizens who are employed in the Admimftration of the Public Purfe, and the accounts are given in, from time to time, to the wi:ole body of Burghers. The Public Charges are fupported not lefs by the perfons of the Magiftracy than by ourfelves : they have no other prerogatives than merely the refpeft neceffary for the ex- ercife of their functions of Public Authority. Amongft us, the rich have never formed a diftinft clafs : their eafy circumftances benefit every rank, and their flourifhmg commerce rejiders us all happy. He who can, and will work, finds a fubfiftence in every profeffion ; the proof ot which is the great number of monied men amongft us. No country is without its poor : but amongft the nume- rous private eilablifhments (which owe their exiftence t* the liberality and riches of our anceflors, as the fupportbf our ccmmon welfare,) our poor find fuch affiftance, that this little State furpafies in this refpeft many others far more extenfive and flounfhing. The charity b.ftowed by the ( '3 ) the rich, daily, on the indigent, though done in fecrett is publicly known ; but we (hall be lilent on the f abject, becaufe they want no acknowledgment. Our tixes are very trifling ; no one can complain of them. In fhort, we are all happy and content. Our general profperity is too intimately connected with the happy Confutation, and with the welfare of our rich citizens, for us not fo intereft ourfelves in their favour. 'Thus, when any General exacts fuch confidcrable fums from our richcit citi'/ens, we, the middling cla'.'s, and poor Burghers, we alfo are punilhed, inafmuch as commerce and manufac- tures mutt neceffarily fuffor from it : the more that is taktn from them, the lei's we {hall gain of them ; fo we (hall all be the lokrs. " Thus then, my General^ fmce you fet yourfelf up as a Defender of Liberty, and as a Pretefior of the Public ff^elfttrtf you would be acting againit your own principles, not to leave us as we are, and drlilt from thofe contribution-, which we have as little right to pay you as our richer C't zens, and which muft tend to the ruin of our State, hitheito fo happy. Moreover, we know not how ro ma- nifcftmcrc; finctrelyour zeal for the welfare of the French Republic, than by our ardent wilh that Jhe may ti)'r find heyffif a> buppjin her Conftitufion as we are in ours, indeed, we cxpedi Irom you, my Central, to leave us in the quiet enjoyment of our Conflitution, which we have hitherto regarded as an invaluable bleffing, as well as the advan- tages which are attached to it ; and thereby prefcive your ov.'n dory, our higheft gratitude, and umveifal praii'e ; the bnemeit jewel in the Civic Crown, becaufe it never urnifhtb. (Signed) THE BURGHERS OF FRANKFORT." Frankfort, AV 5, 1792. C H > THE FAREWELL ADDRESS OF THE FRENCH EMIGRANTS TO THE INHABITANTS OF DOVER, ON THEIR EMBARKING FOR CANADA. [ TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH.] GENEROUS ENGLISHMEN ! TT7E are about to quit you, and you mix your tears ^ with ours. Tell your Brother Countrymen, who are going to afford us a new afylum, that out of four hundred French Refugees, to whom your walls have given prote&ion, few have given you qaufe of complaint, but many have endeavoured to merit your regret and Your efteem. Receive in return for your kindnefles, Truths that may be ufeful to your own happinefs ; receive them from the mouths of experience, and deep-felt gratitude. Yes ! may the remembrance of the misfortunes you have feen us fuffer (unfortunate victims of our fidelity aad our duty) for ever unite you under the Standard of your King and Conftitution. Sailors I Tradefracn ! never forget that it is in the profperity and tranquillity of the rich that you will ever find to confift the fubliftence and happinefs of your families, who in their turn may enrich themfelves alfo. Artiils! contemplate the arts defohted and banifhed from your neighbours' territories, which areflained with blood. Merchants ! you who are the link that unites mankind in general, unite together ; for your labours cannot prmbling the States Genera! which unhappily brought on his ruin, was at firft his own tree act, for the lake of giving relief and fatisfaftion to his people *. Throughout the tumults that enfued, it is well known with what an air of entire fmcerity and truth, he conflantly, in private and in public, declared himfclf rrady to make any f:icrifice for his people's hap- pintfs ; how he refufed to fly at times of greateft dan- ger, when all who fhould have guarded him had fled, luf, he (hould occafion the beginning of a civil war ; and laftly, when he w;;s at length perfuaded to fly, for the rcafons mentioned above, how he abfolutely refufed to be defended by the lofs of any lives. In Auguft 1789, he was folemnly proclaimed, Refarer of the Liberty cf Fran::; 3. title which might have proved as glorious to the nation as to him, had his people been as flncere in their delire of true liberty, as he was in his wifh to fee them free and happy. This man, to whom the whole French nation was thus bound by innumerable ties of gratitude, who tried all means to make his people good, and great and happy, this was he whom, afttr enfnaring him with a promife and a folemn oath, that his perfon Ihould be inviolable and Jacred, whicn when claimed for him they laughed at, they dared to brand with the name of Tyrant, and with- out Being able to prove a fingle crime againft him, to murder on a fc .ffbld f, the fame men being his accufers, perfecutors, judges, and executioners. Gracious Heaven ! to what extravagance of wicked- nefs will the paffions of men hurry them, when not re- ilraintd by moral virtue or religion ! Thefc dreadful fcenes of injuftice and cruelty are a difgrace to human nature, and ihould be taken as a warning by all men, as long as the world may laft, to beware for their own fakes, for the fake of humanity, how, under the name of being made free, they confent to be made licentious. In thefe king- * At the meeting of the States, fome of his exprefliom well repre- fented the teclings of his heart : " Come" faid he to his people, " par- take of f?iy po'.ifr, and give me more oj jour love,*' In another part of his fpeech he fa;d, " / am the bejl frtcna of my people ;" on which the audience fliouted, " We believe it, and return jour Jrier.J/tip." Alas, bow dreadful the return they were ere long to make ! [ On Monday, Jajr.i... y 1 1 . t - y ; . A 4 doms ( 8 J doms particularly, where we are already truly free ; where we have long felt, and known, and juftly boafted that we are fo ; where, by being fo, we have long been rendered profperous and happy ; it is a proof of the moft profli- gate depravity to indulge or excite difcontenr, under the pretence of a want of liberty ; or to teach and encourage opinions which lead directly and unavoidably to fuch horrors, as a man of any goodnefs or any feeling cannoc bear to think of. As the Will of this much-injured King contains the ftrongeft picture of the purity of his foul, who in the iblitude of his gloomy prifon could defcend into his own heart, and, examining his confcience, with calm refig- nation in the prefence of his God alone, declare that " knowingly he never had offended any man," it is here fubjoined. It feems ftrange that his tyrannical perfecu- tors fcould have fuffered the publication of fo affe&ing a teftimony for him j but its authenticity is certain. THE WILL OF LOUIS XVI. WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. IN the name of the moft Holy Trinity, Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft. This 2ift day of December 1792, J Louis, Sixteenth of the name, King of France, having been now for upwards of four months confined with my family in the Tower of the Temple at Paris, by thofe who had been my fubjefts ; deprived of every communi- cation whatever, even (fince the ijth of this month) with my own family ; and befides, being involved in a. criminal profecution, of whigh it is impoflible, confider- ing the paffions of men, to forefee the event, and for which no exifting law can furriifh any pretext or prece- dent ; having no witnefs to my thoughts, no one to whom I may addrefs myfelf but God alone ; here in his pretence, do declare mylaft will, my laft fentiments. To God, my creator, I leave my foul, which. I pray him to receive into his mercy, and not to judge by its own merits, but by thofe of our Lord Jefus Chrift, who offered himfelf a facrifice to God his father for us men, how unworthy foever - 3 and for me, the moft unworthy. I die ; - -.3 r - < 9 ) die in union with our mother, the holy Roman, Carho., ic, and Apoftolic Church, whofe powers are derived in an uninterrupted fucceflior. from St. Peter, to whom Jefus Chrift had confided them. I firmly believe, and pro-i fefs all that is contained in the commandments of God and the church ; in the facraments and myfteries, as they are now taught, and ever have been tauaht by her : I never have pretended to conftitute myfelf a judge, in the different modes of explaining the doctrines which divide th.e church of Jefus Chrift, but have ever fubmitted, and if- God fhall grant me life, will ever fubmit to the d - cifions which the ecclefiaftical fuperiors, in union with the Holy Catholic Church, have pronounced, or (hall pronounce, in conformity with the difcipline of the church, followed from the days of Jefus Chrift. From my whole heart I lament thofe of our brethren who may be in error j but I prefume n-">t to judge them ; nor do I the lefs, according to the dictates of Chrittian charity, love them all in Jefus Chrift. I befeech of God to par- don all my fins. I have fcrupuloufly endeavoured ta know them, to deteft them, and to humble myfelf in his prefence. Not being able to obtain the affilbnce of a Catholic prieft, I pray God to accept the confefiion which, I have made of them to him ; and above all, my deep re- pentance for having (though againft my will) fubfcribed iny name to ads which may be contrary to the difcipline and faith pf the Catholic church, to which, in my heart, I have ever remained fincerely united. I pray God to accept my firm refolution, fhould he grant me life, to profit as ibon as poffible of the miniftry of a Catholic prieft, to accule myfelf of all my fins, and receive the lacrament of penance : I intr.at all thofe whom I may by inadvertence have offended, for I cannot recollect that know- ingly I ever have offended any one, and all thofe to whom I may have given bad examples, or offence oi confcience, to pardon me the evil which they think I may have done them. I befeech all thofe who have charity, to unite then prayers with mine, to obtain from God the pardon of my lins. From my whole heart I forgive thofe who, wit! any caufe given them by me, have made thcmielves my enemies ; and I pray to God to pardon them, as well as thole, C 10 ) thofe, who through falfe or mifguided z?al have done me much ir.jury. I recommend to God, my wife, my children, my fitter, rr.y aunts, my brother?, and all thofe who are connected with me by the ties of blood, or in any other manner whatsoever. I particularly implore the Almighty to look with an eye of mercy on my wife, my children, and my lifter, who for a long time have been fuffering with me ; and if they fhcuU lofe me, to fupport them by his grace, as long as they remain in this periiliable world. I rec -mmend my children to my wife. Of her maternal tendernefs for them I have never doubted. Above all, I recommend to. her to make them good Chriftians, and truly virtuous :- to teach them to regard the grandeurs of this world (mould they be condemned to try them) as dangerous and tranfitory advantages, and to fix their eyes en the only true and lafting glories of eternity, i intreat my iiftefirto be pleafed to continue her tendernefs to my children, and to be to them a mother, fhould they have the misfortune tp lofe their own. I intreat my Wife to forgive me all the evils which (he fuf- fers on my accounr, and the vexations I may have given her in the courfe of our union ; as fhe may be affured I remember nothing againfr. her, if fhefnould have imagine^ that there is any thing with which (he fhould reproach htr- fflf. 1 very earneftly recommend to my children, next to x their duty to God, which they ought to prefer to every thing, to remain always united to each other, fubmiffive and obedient to their mother, -and grateful for all the cares (lie beftows en them for their own fakes and in re- membrance of me. I intreat them to confider my fifter a,s a fecond mother. I recommend to my ion, if hefhould have the misfortune to become King, to remember, that he owes himfelf en- tirely to the happinefs of his fellow-citizens ; that he ought to forget all hatred, and ali refentment, and efpe- ciajly whatever relates to the misfortunes and miferie$ which I experience j that he cannot effect the happinefs of the peop'e, but by reigning according to the laws ; bur, at the fame fimc, that a King cannot make the laws re- ipecled, and do the good which his heart wifhes, but in jpropo.rtkm as he has the nccefiary authority ; and that without ( II ) without this, being fettered in his operations, and infpiring no refpeft, he is more injurious than ufeful. I recomr mend to my fon to take care of all the perfons who have been attached to me, as far as his fituatio:i (hall give him the means; to remember that this is a facred deb: whicft I have contracted towards the children or relations of thofa who have perifhed for me ; and next towards thofe who havr fallen into mifery on my account. I know that ther are many of thofe who were about my perfon, who have not conducted themfelves towards me as they ou^ht, and who have even fhewn me ingratitude ; but I forgive them ; often, in moments of trouble and turbulence, a man is not mafter of himfelf ; and I intreat my fon, if he fhould have the power to punith, to reme-uber only their misfortunes. I could wifh to be able to teftify my gratitude to thofe who have difplayed a true and difintereft- ed attachment to me. If, on the one hand, I was fenfi- b!y afFecled by the ingratitude and difloyalty of perfons to whom I had never acted but with kindnefs, as well to themfelves, as to their relations or friends; on the other, J have had the confohtion of feeing the voluntary auach- mentand intereft which many perfons have fh'-wn to me. I ii:t:eat them to accept of my thanks : in the fituation iu which things ftill are, I (hould be afraid of bringing them into danger were I to fpeak more explicitly ; but I recom- mend particularly to my fon to fee^ every opportunity of bci'v_r able to difcover them. 1 (hould, however, conceive that I did injuOice to the fentiments of the nation, if I did not openly recommend to my fon Mcflrs. deChamilly and Hu ; who were induced by their finccre attachment to fhut themfclves up with me in this mournful abode, at the rifle of becoming th- un- happy vidtims of that attachment. 1 alfo recommend to him Cleri, with w hofe attention I have had every rcafon to be fatisfied firce he has been with me. As it is h? who has temained with me to the laft, I rcqueft MeflVs. of the Common Council to deliver him my clothes, my books, my watch, my purfe, and the other little effects \vhichhavebeen depoiited at the Common Council Cham- ber. I alfo moft willingly forgive tbofe who guarded me, for the ill-treatment and harlhncls which they thought it their duty to ufe towards me. I have found fome feeling atH tompaffionate fouls ; may they enjoy the heart-felt tran~ quillity ( 12 ) ijuillity which their mode of thinking ought to give them. I intreat Meflrs. deMale&erbes, Tronchet, and Deftze, to receive here my utmoft thanks, and the afiurance of my fenfibility, for all the care and all the pains which they took for me. 1 conclude by declaring, before God, and ready to appear in his prefence, that I do not reproach myfelf \vith any of the crimes which arealledged againft me. Done in duplicate, at the Tower of the Temple, December 25, 1792. (Signed) LOUIS. (A true copy.) BAUDRAIS, Municipal Officer, POOR RICHARD; O R, THE WAY TO WEALTH AND CONTENT IN THESE TROUBLESOME TIMES- COURTEOUS READER, T AM an old man, and was formerly an Almanack- -* maker, and in the courfeof my bu fine is have calcu- lated many Eclipfes and Comets, and other ftrange Re- volutions of the Skies; but I muft fairly own that many moft extraordinary events have happened lately upon this our Planet the Earth, that were far beyond my abilities to calculate, or, I believe, thofe of the Ihrewdeft Almanack-maker in the trade. What the event of them will be, God knows ! But as 1 am now advanced in years, 1 may perhaps not I've to fee it My trade, having by my own induftry and attention been iumciently luccefsful, 1 have long fince quitted, for the lake of fpending the remainder of my days in peace and quietnefs, and for the better preparing niyfelf for my ap- pearance in the next world ; but 1 followed it for more than five and thirty years ; and in order to make my v-orks palatable to all tafles, 1 ufed to adorn my Tables of days and months with fuch gleanings of morality and good adricc to all ranks as I found from time to time in ( IJ > in the courfe of my reading, exprefled in fhort fentencc* fit for my purpofe. This intelligeacc I mould not have troubled thee with, but for the lake of introducing tho following incident, which I mail now relate to thec, and which nattered my vanity not a little, in hearing myfelf quoted fo often and with fuch good effect. The other day I went into a public-houfc of much refort to get a fober pint of porter to refrefli me after a long walk, when I found ten or twelve people fitting round a table on one fide of the room, and converting upon the late tranfadions of France, and the flate of things in this country. I fat down in the next box to them, and as their converfation feemed to be interefting, and upon a public fubjeft, I liftened to them in pre- ference to reading the newfpaper that lay before me. One of the youngeft of the party, who feemed to be more ignorant as well as more petulant than the refl, was fpeaking in praif? of the late Revolutions in France, and what a fine thing it was for the Frendi that now they had no taxes to pay that in this country we were fo heavily taxed that we were almoft ruined, and that He Was proceeding in rather an intemperate manner, manifeilly to the difapprobation of the reft of the com- pany, when one of them, a plain neat old man with white locks, interrupted him, and faid, ' If they tell you that in France they pay no taxes, they deceive you ; for though many of their eld taxes are abolifhed, their very Revolution, that you praile fo much, is a tax upon them, and fuch a one as many of them find to.be a much heavier tax than they ever felt before ; for in confequence of it their manufactures are put a flop to, their workmen are unemployed, the lands are uncultivated, and many of their poor are at this timr literally ftarving for want of bread : Several, to avoid peddling for hunger at home, have inliihd in their armies, and they have fallen " out of die frying-pan ' into the fire," as poor Richard lays, for the Govern- ment there (if it can be called a Govermxicn;) do not cloath thefe new foldiers, but fend them to the dif- ferent armies with only their own rags upon ' backs, which, with conibnt exercife, and march- ing from place to place, arc foon worn out, fo that they arc literally half na'i: * breeches ; nor have any of them a fhoe to their foot j 4 and in this condition they are kept in the open fields,' * night and day, often without a tent to cover them T * or a little ftraw to lie down upon, during this cold * weather. They have bad bread, little or no meat, and ' nothing but water to drink, and only four-pence c halfpenny a-day paid in paper money, in the exchange * of which they lofe one-half. For, amongft other". * bleflings of their Revolution, all the gold and filver of * the country is vanished, and in order to fupply its place * they have paper money, called Affignats, which is * looked upon to be of fuch precarious value, that nobody * will fell you any thing for it without charging * double price. Now, faid he, with refpeft to this * Country, England, which you fay is fo heavily taxed 4 that we are almoft ruined, look round amongft your 4 neighbours and acquaintance, and fee if any of them * that are but commonly prudent arid induftrious, do ' not live better than they did twenty yea'rs ago. As to * the taxes, to be fure they are much increafed within * that period ; but if thofe laid on by the Government c were the only ones we had to pay, we might eafily dif- c charge them ; but we have many others much more ' grievous to fome of us. We are taxed twice as much 1 by our idlenefs, three times as much by our pride, * and four times as much by our folly, arid from theie * taxes the Commiffioners cannot eafe or deliver us, by c allowing an abatement. However, let us hearken to 4 good advice, and fomething may be done for us ; " God helps them that help themfelves," as Poof * Richard fays. * I. It would be thought a hard Government that * ijhould tax its people one-tenth part of their time of * be employed in its fervice : but idlenefs taxes many of 4 xis much more ; floth, by bringing on difeafes, abfo- 4 lutely fhortens life. *' Sloth, like ruft, confumes *' fafter than labour wears* while the ufed key is always " bright," as Poor Richard fays.- 1 -" But doft thou love " life, then do riot fquander time, for that is the fluff " life is made of," a$ Poor Richard fays. How much * more than is necefTary do we fpend in fleep ; for- 4 getting that " The Sleeping fox catches no poultry, * c and that there will be flecping enovgh in the grave," 4 * as Poor Riehnrd favs. " If ( '5 ) .- f 'ime be of all things the moft precious, wafting tire* muft be," as Poor Richard fays, " the greatcft prodi- gality ; " fince, as he eliewhere tells us, " Loft time js never found again; and what we call time- enough, always proves little enough." Let us then up and be doing, and doing to the purpofe: for by diligence we * lhall do more with lefs perplexity. " Sloth make* *' all things difficult, but induftry all eafy.; and he tlwt " rifeth late, muft trot all day, and ftiall icarcc overtake *' his bufinefs at night ; while la/.inefs travels fo (lowly " that poverty foon overtakes him. Diivc thy bufmcfs, *' let not that drive thee; and early to bed, and early to " rife, makes a man healthy, wealthy, and wife," as 4 Poor Richard favs. 4 So what fignifies wiming for no taxes Govern- * inent rmift be paid for protecting us, both at home * and abroad. Who is to pay the army and navy for * defending us, nowthefe hungry Sans Culotte? of French * Levellers are going to trv to come over and, plunder us, c if there were no taxes ? Who is to pa'y the Judges for * determining queftions of property, and for puniftiing * thieves and murderers, if there were no taxes? Who * is to take care of the old, infirm, and lick poor of die * parifh, if there were no taxes ? Bcfulcs, we may prc- * vent ourfelves from even feeling thefe taxes if we bc- * ftir ourfelves ; " Induftry need not wifh, and he that *' lives upon hope will die falling. There are no gains " without pains. He that hath a trade, hath an eftate . " and he that hath a calling hath an office of profit and *' honour," as Poor Richard fays ; but then the trade * muft be worked at, and the calling well followed, or * neither the eftate nor the office will enable us to pay * our taxes, foi, " At the working-man's houfe Hunger " looks in, but dares not enter." Nor will the bailiff or the conftable enter, for " Induftry pays debts, while dcfpair encreafeth them." What though you have found no treafure, nor has any rich relation Itft 1 you a legacy, " Diligence is the mother of good luck, * and God gives all things to induftry; then plough deep while fluggards/flccp, and you (hall have corn to " fell and to 'keep." Work while it is called to-day, for you know not how much you may be hindered 4 mprrow. " On-.. 1 to-day is worth two to-morrows," < as' Poof Richard fays; and farther, " Never leave that *' till I ,6 ) " till to-morrow, which you can do to-day." If yovj c were a fervant, would you not be afhamed that a good c mafter mould catch you idle ? Are you then your owii ' mafter ? Be afhamed to catch yourfelf idle, when there < is fo much to be done for yourfelf, your family, your < country, and your king. Handle your tools without * mittens ; remember " That the cat in gloves catches " no mice," as Poor Richard fays. It is true there is * much to be done, and perhaps you are weak-handed, * but flick to it fteadily, and you will fee great effefts ; * for " Conftant dropping wears away ftones; and by " diligence and patience the moufe ate in two the cable ; *' and little flrokes fell great oaks." ( Methinks 1 hear feme of yoti fay, " Muft a mari " afford himfelf no leifure ?" I will tell thee, my * friend, what Poor Richard fays : " Employ thy time ** well, if thou meaneft to gain leifure, and, iince thoii ** art not fure of a minute, throw not away an hour." ' Leifure is time for doing fomething ufeful ; this lei- * fufe the diligent man will obtain, but the Ia2y man * never ; for, " A life of leifure and a life of laxinefs *' are two things. Many without labour would live { by their wits only, but they break for want of " ftock;" whereas in duftry giveth comfort, and plenty, 4 and refpeft. " Fly pleafures, and they will follow " you. The diligent fpinner has a large fhift ; and now " I have a fheep and a cow, every-body bids me good " morrow." 4 II. But with our induflry we muft likewife be * fteady, fettled, and careful, and overfee our own af- * fairs with our own eyes, and not truft too much to * others ; for, as Poor Richard fays, " I never faw an oft- removed tree, ** Nor yet an oft- removed family, That throve fo well as thofe that fettled be." * And again ; e< Three removes are as bad as a fire :" * and again ; c * If you would have your bufmefs done, go ; 44 if not, fend." And again; He that by the plough would thrive, Himfelf muil either hold or drive." And again, " The eye of a mafter will do more " work than both his hands ;" and again, " Want of lt care does .us more damage than want of knowledge;" 4 ' and ( '7 ) ' and again, " Not to overfee workman, is to bave them * your purfeojx-n." Tr ifting too much to others care 4 is the ruin of many ; f >r " In tile affairs of -this world " men are faved not by faith, but by the want of it :" * But a man's own care is profitable ; for *' If you would " have a faithful fervant, and one that you like, fcrvc :< yourfelf. A little ncgleft may breed great raif- " chief: for want of a nail the (hoe was loft ; for want " ot a fhoe the horfe was loft ; and for want of a horlc " the rider was loft," being overtaken and flain by the * enemy ; all for want of a little care about a horfe-lhoe 4 nail. 4 III. Somuchforinduftry, my friends, and attention to c one's own bufmcfs : but to thefe we muft add frugality, * if we would make our induftfy more certainly fuccefs- * ful. A man may, if he knows not how to lave as he * gets, " keep his nole all his life to thegrindftone, and * 4 die not worth a groat at laft. A fat kitchen makes a. 44 lean will," and ** Many eilates are fpent in the getting, " Since women for tea tbrfook fpinning and knitting, " And men for punch forfook hewing and fplitting." i4 If you would be wealthy, think of laving as well as 44 of getting. The Indies have not made Spain rich, be- " caufe her out-goes are greater than her incomes." 4 Away, then, with your expenfive follies, and yon * will not then have fo much caufe to complain of hard 4 times, heavy taxes, and chargeable families ; for " Women and wine, game and deceit, " Make the wealth fmail, and the want great." And farther, ' 4 What maintains one vice would bring " up two children." 4 You fay we are almoft ruined by the Taxes Look at home, friend, and fee whether it is the Taxes that * ruin you. You are a fhopkeeper in Chcaplide, are not < you ?l_What bufmefs have you to keep laddle-horks and a rilla out of town, and to be running down to * Bath and to Margate two or three times a-year ? " Keep thy ftiop, and thy fhop will keep thce," as Poor < Richard fays. What bufinef; have you to give great ' Entertainments, like a Lord, with claret, burgundy, * and champagne at your table, when you ought to be ' content with a pot of porter, a tumbler of punch, or 4 a glafs or two of humble port at moft ? What buflncfs No. XII. TRACTS. B ' have < have you to play for Urge {lakes at cards and dice, 4 lofing your money like a prodigal ? to frequent * Operas and Mafquerades, and Clubs at the Weft end of < the Town, like a Man of Quality? By thefe and other * extravagances, fome of you dalhing T radefmen, that * ought to be otherwife employed, are reduced to poverty, ' and forced to borrow of thofe whom you formerly ' defpifed, but who, through induftryand frugality, have ' maintained their ftanding ; in which cafe it ap~ * pears plainly, that " A ploughman on his legs is " higher than a gentleman on his knees," as Poor Rich- c ard fays. Perhaps they have had a fmall eftate left them, ' which they knew not the getting of; they think " It " is day and will never be night ;" that a little to be * fpentout of io much is not worth minding; but "Al- ct ways taking out of the meal-tub, and never putting in, *' foon comes to the bottom," as Poor Richard favs; * and then, * When the well is dry, they know the " worth of water." But this they might have * known before, if they had taken his advice. *' If you ** would know the value of money, go and try to borrow | f