&70 L^ C ?-j c ?-)■? o^FfeANCE and the 08™ DIVISION E.JD.Laiion I Memoirs of France and the Eighty-Eighth Division Bein, A Review Withon, Officia, Character „, the Experiences of .he •■Cloverleaf Division in ,he Great World War from 1917 to 1919 With Specia, Histories of the 3 5MIn ,, WthF . A . a „ d339thR A. Compiled by E. J. D. LARSON, Captain Inf., 88th Division Hdqr Minneapolis, Minn., May 1, l 920 % ■MAIN UNITS OF« mm-** maw* )LIVER ,-PWL ' ) » ■ THI3 USE SHOWOjL/ ROOTE OF INFABTRT. •»»_. THIS H1TE «H0W< DIVISION OS WAT HOKE. SPACED LIE IH TJIb^SS ROUTE OP ART- ILLERY IH PRAHCE. CIRCLES AHD SQUARE IN- DICATE STOPPIHO PLACE8 ^ atT ■\, T£ <=9 wi**""".' >A '<„V^ o y F S* (&&, CO QUEENSTOWj Tusitania swk WW 7, WIS ENGLAND LONDON SOUTHAMPTON I * MORTH SEA ■M ■tfEL \ Coblence) SUBMARINE „ Attack stfT.7, ill? Che bow* kH«We ,r«\«-Vi © PARIS UKWf VHMli - jiigvtTw fe Versa.U* fVAUJUt • tewani IBrsst 4' Tours <•— M»ntes * oeUcaxi lAUSJEPTj .pja SWIT MAP " " fOUL SECTOR" I /\f.i*>PAn/t-s ^Marseilles »nrr 1 Cnlt • '.'.1 U Cd«M.<« bow. ' •' (-».».,,, ■^ ten >*»■ *A <^V*' Off..-*,- •**,..(».,. Chtyrt ;gegiG . •(•Bat ««««X • HifUli • * J".- o .0, ^ «v ffl MM 'V" ««-..t»/'"-'-4V., r ■ -~"5rs7r.vA>. of War Baker, review Division at Gondrecourl and it ceases to exist as combat unit. Apr. 20 — 88th Division comes under direct control oi General Headquarters A. E. F. Apr. 21 — Division Show "Who Can Tell" begins 11-night engagement at Gondrecourt. Apr. 26 — Enlisted Men's Mil- itary Tournament anc Field Meet at Gondre- court. First place wor by 351st Inf.. 349th sec- ond, 350th, third. Divi- sion transferred to con- trol of Service of Supply for early return home. May 2 — Advance ibilleting party entrains at Gon- drecourt for new area with headquarters at La Suze (Sarthe), Americar Embarkation Center (Le Mans) area. Mav 15 — Units begin to en- train for St. Nazaire port of embarkation. Mav 19— Units of 349th Inf ' first to sail for America The Liners Henry R Mallory, Aeolus, Rijn- dam, Pastores, Mercury Canonicus, Pocahontas Koeningen der Neder- landen and Madawaska transport Division across the Atlantic, the last-named sailing May 24, all landing at New- port News, from where the men are scattered to the camps nearest their homes and discharged. Comparisom OfJ/Y/5ION "RECORDS; 71 MF SPENT IN TRAINING fifVD FIGHTING. 1 I Organization to arrival In Franc* w-:.'\ Arrival In Franca to entering line X I Saterlog line t» active tattle servioo Service as active combat dlvUlon fXOH "KM HITH GttMMir" 6 I 88 - DIVISION CASUALTY LIST 7.9?5 1,002 8751 1,359 6,800 23- )H 6,623 1,396 6,194 U90 5,106 4.931 ■B- LJ Battle Dealhs Wounded 591 2.119- tJ -574- -308- -185- -250- -2.009- -LS16-= -1.495- — 801- -479- Olhers ■CZ3 - -4.462- 25,076 23,345 18,154 16,277 16,005 15,168 14,183 13,884 11.956 h.218 11,081 9.883 9.253 8,813 8.228 8.159 8.010 7,854 7.590 6.763 6,496 6.159 5.923 2.710 2,583 1,824 1.680 1.051 576 90 6058 Total 48,909 237,135 286,044 PART 1 United States Dragged Into World War i. When, on June 28, 1914,' the Austrian archduke, Francis Ferdinand, heir-apparent to the throne of Austria-Hungary, and his wife, Duchess of Hohenberg, were assassinated on the streets of Sarajevo, capital of the Austrian province of Bos- nia, the matter received only the scantiest notice, if any at all, at the hands of a certain 27,000-odd young men busy at their various occupations far across the sea in the United States. On farms, in stores, banks and offices, in shops and yards, they were devoting themselves to their peaceful pursuits in the highly prosperous, nonmilitary nation of the New World. What went on over in the Balkans was the last thing to give them concern. Yet those shots on that fatal day also were shots to be "heard around the worjd," and ere their echoes ceased, were to roll and swell into a chorus, mighty and frightful beyond man's conception, engulfing nation after nation, until those 27,- 000-odd young men over in America, unconcerned no longer, were to be snatched from their places along with millions of their fellows and sent into a maelstrom of war. Little did those young men, soon to be gathered together and called the 88th Division, United States Army, little did any one think in those days that the country over on this side of the Atlantic was to be drawn into the holocaust, tardily but tellingly, and was to prove the deciding factor in the struggle. That was what happened in those momentous years, 1914- 1918. This is being written 18 months after hostilities ceased, but the perspective of time does not lend much in this case to a judgment of the actual and contributing causes which was not shared by practically the entire world at that time. This judgment was put into words by President Wilson when he held that the principal factor responsible for the great World War was the unholy ambitions of the German emperor, Kaiser Wilhelm II, and his imperialistic following. Nothing that has been evolved since then has lessened this belief, and that the kaiser himself felt the weight of guilt was evident from his ignominious flight on the eve of his downfall. Events of those fateful weeks immediately preceding the outbreak of war provide material for numberless volumes, for white books and red books and yellow books, and have no proper place here in detail. Suffice it to say that the affair of Sarajevo was like a burning match to powder, so strained were internal European relations after the recent Balkan wars. Matters between Austria and Servia could sustain themselves no longer. Briefly, it was Slav versus Teuton for Balkan dom- ination, and Austria made much of the assassination as an act of excessive hostility on the part of Serbian subjects, claiming that it was committed with official connivance. Responsibility Is Undoubted It will be left to future historians to relate how much the German kaiser had to do with urging on the aged Em- peror Francis Joseph of Austria-Hungary in spite of the warnings of Russia in behalf of her ally, Servia. Concerning the responsibility of the kaiser in driving Austria into the Serbian war, there is no longer good reason to doubt. The decoded cipher messages of the Austrian ambassador at Ber- lin, the minutes of the historic meeting of the Austrian cab- inet, the confessions of Berchtold, the papers in the German archives brought to light by Kautsky, all prove that the kaiser exercised to the maximum his personal initiative in forcing that war as an excuse to launch the great military scheme he had evolved for "Der Tag" — the day to which Germans drank their toasts. On July 23 Austria served an ultimatum (or demarche) on Servia. It was sent at 6 P. M. and a reply was demanded by 6 P. M. July 25. Servia granted every demand, making only certain slight reservations. On July 26 Germany warned the powers not to interfere in Austria's discipline of Servia. Sir Edward Grey, British foreign secretary, proposed on the same day that a meeting of representatives of the powers be held in London to try and avoid the war that seemed to be so inevitably rushing on. Germany and Austria refused, however, and on the 28th Aus- tria declared war on Servia. Belgrade was bombarded on the 29th and Russia began a partial mobilization. Germany be- gan to prepare for mobilization without a public order. Then on July 30 Germany demanded of Russia that mob- ilization cease, the following day issuing an imperial decree of a state of war in the German Empire. On the first day of August, Germany declared war on Russia — and the fate of 7,500,000 soldiers of many nations was sealed, millions of non- combatant lives were lost, and untold suffering ensued the like of which the world had never before witnessed. France mobilized and on August 2 German troops entered the duchy of Luxemburg, also on that date violating the fron- tier of France without a declaration of war, and appearing before Liege, Belgium. Safe passage was demanded for them through Belgium and refused. On the 3d France and Ger- many declared war and hordes of green-grey German troops invaded Belgium, which then appealed for aid to Great Britain as one of the guarantors of Belgian neutrality. On August 4 Great Britain did what the kaiser did not look for; it answered the appeal of Belgium and declared war on Germany. From then on events came thick and fast, a world looking on aghast. The line-up was supposed to be the Triple Entente (England, France and Russia) on one side and the Triple Al- liance (Germany,. Austria-Hungary and Italy) on the other, but Italy refused to become a party to the War Lord's schemes and notified him of its neutrality July 31. Thus the great struggle was launched and the United States announced its neutral attitude. There were many men in high places here who felt that we should at least have pro- tested against the violation of Belgian neutrality but on the whole the squabbles of European nations were not a matter of great interest to the American public, nor well understood. There were in this country three great influences strongly opposed to any action unfavorable to Germany: first a numer- ous Teutonic element, largely foreign-born ; second, an Irish element coupled with other anti-British spirits, and third, a portion of the population which had inherited from its Euro- pean origin a deep fear of and hatred for Russia. These three were pro-German from the start. Another but lesser influence was the "I. W. W.," Socialists and similar malcontent*. Germans Violated Decency America's entry into the war on the side of the Allies might have remained an uncertain matter had not Germany's methods of warfare violated every sense of humanity and decency marking civilized races. At first the American people looked on with apathy, holding firm to the tradition of not becoming internationally entangled, but the "war of frightful- ness" adopted by the "Huns" could not long be ignored. The act which can be said to have turned the scale of American opinion definitely against Germany was the sinking of the great passenger liner Lusitania by a German submarine with- out warning off the Irish coast on May 7, 1915. Nearly 1,200 men, women and children were drowned, and among them were more than 100 American citizens. A wave of horror swept over the world, and this was increased by an accom- panying wave of exultation and delight that swept over Ger- many. Execution of the British nurse, Edith Cavell, also told heavily against Germany. Meanwhile the United States government was constantly annoyed by the secret activities of German agents within its borders. It was established that the German imperial agents here were implicated and on May 12, 1915, the notorious Dr. Dernburg was "sent home" under a British safe conduct. On May 13 President Wilson sent a note of protest to Germany :'. Memoirs of FkaNCE on the Lusitania incident, and from that time on for the next two years the American president was almost constantly en- gaged in dispatching notes of protest and warning to the German emperor. Although these notes grew firmer and firm- er, it can be safely asserted that he never out-distanced the growing disgust for Germany's acts among his people. It can be asserted with equal certainty that similar language at the beginning of the war would not have represented the solid concensus behind him, but that by the time he stepped before Congress and announced that it was to be War, he had the backing of a unified American national sentiment, . that cried out for the privilege of taking a hand and ridding the world of the menace of diabolical evil which it faced. That was April 6, 1917, two years and eight months after the beginning of the war. A year later, Gavrio Prinzip, Ser- bian, died in an Austrian fortress. May 1, 1918. He was charg- ed with the assassination of Francis Ferdinand, the act that opened the World's great tragedy. II. Raising of Army Begun At the time of its entering into the war the United States boasted of organized land forces scarcely more formidable than the "contemptible little army" with which England sought to assist in the stemming of the German flood at the beginning of the war. According to newspaper almanacs we had a reg- ular army of 90,000 officers and men of the 100,000 authorized by law as a standing army, and scattered throughout the island possessions, canal zone, Alaska and main continent. The strength of the organized State militia in the federal service Sept. 30, 1916, was 143,000, at that time mainly on the Mexican border. This gave us a total strength of less than 250,000 men, none of them trained or equipped according to the vastly changed methods evolved in the European struggle. The problem at once presented itself how to go about the raising of an army that would compare favorably with the millions possessed by the belligerents and to provide the new forms of munitions. In the matter of the latter, we were aided by the fact that many of our private industries were en- gaged in turning out enormous quantities of modern arms for Allied nations, but we had no laws or plans providing ma- chinery for raising a large army except by the volunteer method. Such was the determination of the American public, how- ever, that the seemingly impossible task of organization and construction was disposed of in a manner which became at once the marvel of the world. A draft law was passed by Congress and accepted by the public without a murmur, and on June S, 1917, nearly 10,000,000 young men registered for the proposed army. But this was only part of the tremendous problem. Before the army could be organized there must be officers to man it and before the army could be gathered together there must be camps and buildings to house it. Reserve officers' training camps were accordingly opened May IS at 13 points and con- struction was begun on 16 large cantonments. Thus, 30.000 officers were produced after a three-month course, ready to report at the nearest cantonments by the time the buildings were ready to take charge of the drafted men as soon as they could be called into the service. One of the cantonments established was at Camp Dodge, Iowa, about 11 miles northwest of Des Moines, the state cap- ital, on a single-track electric line. The new army of drafted men was to be called the National Army, which together with divisions of the National Guard and regular army, was to form the American Expeditionary Forces abroad. In the plans for this army the numbers from 1 to 25 were allotted to divisions of regular army troops ; 26 to 75 to the National Guard and from 76 up to the National Army. Camp Dodge was to receive a division of National Army troops, designated as the 88th. Besides cheerfully accepting the Draft law the American pub- lic during the war submitted to government control of rail- roads, food and fuel, oversubscribed one "Liberty Loan" after another, and purchased "War Savings Stamps" by the billion. The period of nearly one year during which the 88th was kept at Camp Dodge will remain in the memory of its perma- nent personnel as one of the most trying of the entire expe- rience. It was the universal desire to get to Europe as speed- ily as possible, instead of which a skeleton organization, mainly of officers and noncommissioned officers, was forced to re- main on the bleak, wind-swept and sun-baked prairie drilling thousands of civilian soldiers, only to lose them to other divi- sions and see them sent abroad. It was a heart-breaking experience, that more than once sapped officers and N. C. O.'s of their enthusiasm and spirit. Unquestionably, training suffered much from this practice. At such times as the 88th was recruited to near full strength and the new men taking shape as well-drilled soldiers, there was not an officer of any rank who did not succumb to a feeling of discouragement and disappointment when orders came to deplete the ranks again for the benefit of outfits sched- uled for early departure for France. The last men of the first draft did not report at Camp Dodge until February, 1918, and altogether about 40,000 men received their early training there, only to be transferred elsewhere. Contingents of drafted men arrived usually in delega- tions from their home assembly points, sometimes with flags and banners, and even accompanied by G. A. R. drum corps, bands or other enthusiastic committees. They got off the lnterurban line at Camp Dodge Station at 5th St., afterward known as the "Arsenal" Station, and were marched in what- ever formation could be held, to the Receiving Office at the corner of Main Ave. Some of the delegations were in charge of men with considerable military experience and these had drilled their men into marching by squads, and given them quite a start in the rudiments of their new profession. After being registered and answering all the questions, the next move was to get quarters and accommodations. Sometimes it was necessary for the recruits to fall in and march to the buildings where folding iron beds were issued, but often the beds were already in place. All that remained was for the arrivals to fall in and march away for bedsacks, then march away to the straw pile. Those were the days when homesickness gripped hard, and it grew worse before the new men became acclimated. Thus with the actual formation of the 88th Div., those officers assigned to it gave up the hopes they formerly cher- ished of being among the "First Hundred Thousand," to go "across," that they had talked about at the Ft. Snelling training camp. Large numbers of officers were detached, however, and sent to other stations and these had their hopes fulfilled of getting over early. Out of those companies of "rookie officers" at the first camp many went over never to return. Questions Are Aroused The hasty raising of a large army and its even more hasty training by intensive, short-cut methods awoke the question, "Will our boys, reared in a nonmilitary atmosphere and more or less pampered by an easy, comfortable life, respond to'the harsh demands of the army? What kind of soldiers will they make?" There existed not only abroad but at home a certain sus- picion that the American youth was a sort of "mamma's boy," and this suspicion was strengthened much by a song which had considerable vogue early in the war, "I Did Not Raise My Boy to be a Soldier." But if any misgivings were harbored as to the qualities of the American young men to face hardship and devote themselves to a duty no matter how disagreeable, they were to be dispelled at once and completely with the enrollment of the first men as soldiers. The most optimistic hopes, the stanchest supporters of American stamina were shown to be justified and far surpassed. It was one of the astonishing features of the efforts to build the army that the men from the farms, towns and cities, most of whom had scarcely seen a soldier or handled a gun in his life, mastered his "School of the Soldier," and "School of the Squad" as though born to the life, and they were turned into snappy, well-set-up sol- diers almost over night. There were no longer any fears after the first few days about raising an effective army in the United States, and in quicker time than such a thing had ever been attempted before. But it was not now a matter of training men in a few simple branches such as covered by the experiences of Amer- ican arms in former wars. Besides the old methods of fight- ing, the modern tricks had to be learned. The old-time, fancy, thrust-and-parry bayonet drill for instance went in the dis- And the 88th Division card, and in its place came a vicious, vigorous, savage, cut- and-jab method developed by the British with great success. Every man also had to take thorough gas defense training, and grenade throwing, rifle grenade, automatic rifle, hand bomb, a new extended order, sniping, trench fighting, trench digging, liaison, and other ideas in warfare were in the course of study. To assist in introducing the latest forms of fighting, France and England sent missions to this country for duty at the various training camps. Among the officers who will be remembered as having been members of these missions at different times were Majors McHardy and Simpson and Cap- tains Ross, Cross, Revels, Blackwell and Parnell, all British, and Majors Cheffaud and Hanaut, Captains Pouchot, Delport, Armand and Percevault, and Lieutenant Giraud, French. The organizations which made up the division were : Division Headquarters ; Headquarters Troops ; 337th Machine Gun Battalion. 175th Infantry Brigade : 349th and 350th Regiments ; 338th Machine Gun Battalion. 176th Infantry Brigade: 351st and 352d Regiments; 339th Machine Gun Battalion. 163d Field Artillery Brigade ; 337th, 338th and 339th* Regiments; 313th Trench Mortar Battery. 313th Engineer Regiment. 313th Train Headquarters and Military Police. 313th Ammunition Train. 313th Field Signal Battalion. 313th Supply Train. 313th Sanitary Train. The 163d Depot Brigade also was organized at Camp Dodge, and the southern end of the camp was occupied by the 366th Regiment of colored infantry of the 92d Division. Stiff and Gruelling Program It was a stiff and gruelling program that met the new drafted men, but work was graduated in such a manner as to develop the men by degrees, yet with speed. Each unit was assigned drill fields on the terrain surrounding the barracks, and each had its own bayonet course and parade. The ar- tillery occupied the north end of camp adjacent to the Base Hospital (as far as the area of the 42d Regular Infantry which later arrived at Camp Dodge). Rifle and machine gun ranges were located over the hill east of the camp, though range work did not begin for some time. Krag-Jorgenson rifles were issued at first. The United States had on hand 600,000 Springfield rifles, model of 1903. This rifle has been claimed by experts to be the best infantry rifle in use in any army. Seeing the impos- sibility of manufacturing Springfields fast enough to place them in the hands of 4,000,000 men which the army program eventually took into account, it was decided to manufacture an entirely new rifle. At that time there were several large plants just completing large orders for the Enfield rifle, model 1917, for the British government. The new American rifle— the model 1917 — was accordingly designed sufficiently like the Enfield so that plants equipped to make the Enfield could turn their equipment to making the new American rifle, chambered to use Springfield ammunition. Meanwhile the available Springfields were used to equip the regular army and National Guard divisions first to go to France. In fact, half the ammunition, round for round, used against the enemy by United States troops during the war was shot from Springfield rifles. A reserve stock of 200,000 Krags was taken from storage for training purposes in the camps and 10,000 of these came to Camp Dodge. The manufacture of Springfields was continued while large scale production of the Enfields went on. Beginning with the 600,000 on hand in April, 1917, the total of Spring- fields had risen to 900,000 at the end of the war. Production of the Enfields started in August, 1917, and totalled at the armistice nearly 2,300,000. The first Enfields arrived at Camp Dodge during the winter 1917-18. A ''model battalion'' was organized for the purpose of demonstrating modern warfare, and an elaborate system of trenches were dug on the heights near the water tower east of the camp. American companies formerly were composed of 150 men at war strength, but among the changes made in the present war was the raising of this number to 250 to conform with the companies of the Allies. Construction at Camp Dodge had begun under plans for 150-man buildings, by the way, hence it was necessary to put one organization in more than one building, and parts of more than one organization in a building frequently. Hard as was the drill routine of each day for the soldiers, with emphasis from the beginning on physical development, it was not permitted to become monotonous. Play was injected into' the program at stated periods to give the men well-di- rected exercise and recreation. Never before, it is safe to say, had an army been raised and trained with such attention to the soldiers' moral, physical and mental welfare. Contributing to this end were the Young Men's Christian Association, with many "huts," the Knights of Columbus, also with frequent buildings, the Hostess House of the Young Women's Christian Association, the Jewish Wel- fare Board, Lutheran Brotherhood, American Library Board and American Red Cross. A theater also was erected at the camp "Civic Center." Boxing came into great vogue, and "Mike" Gibbons, a prominent professional of St. Paul, Minn., was engaged as the Division Boxing Instructor. Camp Strength Depleted As Christmas, 1917, drew near the camp strength was considerably depleted, and a deep hope was entertained that all would be permitted to go home for a holiday visit. At first it was given out that no one would be given a holiday leave, but later this was altered to provide that those might go who could show that there was sickness, death, or other highly urgent reason for going home. Soon there began pouring into camp a stream of telegrams announcing illness and all sorts of dire emergencies among the folks at home, on the strength of which some "buddy" was expected to be able to get a leave. One young man from Dubuque presented himself before his captain, whose company was threatened with being well-nigh wiped out by the pleas from home, and, handing over a telegram, said: "Sir, nearly every man in Dubuque is dead except my father, and he's sick." He got his leave. Officers engaged automobiles for long journeys in order not to use the railroads to go outside the state, as one of the reasons for curtailing leaves was the ne- cessity of keeping down rail travel. General Plummer was relieved of command of the Divi- sion after a trip to France because of physical unfitness for foreign service, and Brig. Gen. R. N. Getty, commanding the 175th Brig., succeeded him. General Getty in turn was re- lieved and Brig. Gen. W. D. Beach, commanding the 176th Brig., took charge of the Division until it reached France. Brig. Gen., M. B. Stewart became commander of the 175th Brig. Commanders to take their organizations overseas were : 349th Inf., Col. Girard Sturtevant; 350th Inf., Col. Harrison J. Price (afterward brigadier general in 77th Div.) ; 351st Inf., Col. H. B. Crosby; 3S2d Inf., Col. C. E. Hawkins; 163d F. A. Brig., Brig. Gen. S. M. Foote (deceased) ; 337th F. A, Col. George R. Greene ; 338th F. A., Col. Ned B. Rehkopf ; 339th F. A., Col. S. C. Vestal; 313th Eng., Col. R. P. Howell: 313th Trains and M. P., Col. J. P. Harbeson ; 313th F. S. Bn.. Col. F. W. Ainsworth ; 313th San. Train, Lt. Col. W. R. C. Neumarker ; 313th Amm. Train, Lt. Col. E. S. Olmstead ; 313th Supply Train, Major W. J. O'Connell; 337th M. G. Bn., Major R. F. Seymour; 338th M. G. Bn., Major C. H. Karstad; 339th M. G. Bn., Major L. B. Elliott. Other units to serve with the 88th Div. in France were the 313th Mobile Ordnance Repair Shop, Clothing l5nit No. 308, Mobile Laundry Unit No. 329, Service Park Units No. 367 and 311. Toward summer, 1918, as the Division began to fill up again, training increased in intensity, and from other indica- tions hope sprang up anew in oft-disappointed breasts that at last the 88th was to get away from Camp Dodge and be en- trusted with real action. An incident which, while it had no connection with the Division or the war, served to impress on the men the inexora- ble laws of the military, occurred July 5. At 9 A. M. on that day more than 15,000 troops were drawn up in a large hollow square on the drill field of the 366th Inf. to witness the hang- ing of three negro soldiers. It was a dull, gray morning, and 10 Memoirs of France with great gallows in the center, it was a tense and tragic scene as the shouting culprits stood out against the sky and then dropped to their death. Nothing could have taught the men more effectively the certainty and speed of army law. Following a crime against a white girl, the arrests and con- viction had come with remarkable expedition and with no doubts entertained that justice had overtaken the right men. Most Strenous Period As July advanced work was carried on from early morn- ing until dark at night, undoubtedly the most strenuous period ever put in by any of the members before. The men gained confidence and the eagerness to get abroad increased. War risk insurance had been taken out by nearly every officer and man, the psychologic and physical tests passed, and all were ready. At last the long-awaited order came from Washington for overseas service. Naturally among so large a number of young men there must have been mixed emotions on the pros- pect going to a war which held such horrors unknown to American experience. There were one or two suicides or at- tempts at suicide on the part of overwrought natures. An advance party consisting of the billeting, debarking and entraining officers and orderlies, and a school detachment bound for Chatillon-sur-Seine, made up the first train of Pull- mans that left Camp Dodge about 9 P. M., July 25, 1918, for the Port of Embarkation at Hoboken, N. J. The route was the same as that followed by most of the Division — the North- western Railroad to Chicago, then the Nickle Plate to Buffalo, and the Lackawanna to Hoboken.* On this trip the men received their first impressions of the nation's interest in them as fighters. Possibly from long as- sociation, Des Moines had not been a demonstrative city, but the soldiers were now to feel the warmth and enthusiasm of the patriotic American heart, and the farther east they pro- ceeded the more marked became the demonstrations. Chicago gave them impromptu innovations as the cars switched through the Ghetto and other poorer sections of the city, and the little towns along the way out in the country showered attentions. It was during this journey that the work of the Red Cross first came to receive the real appreciation of the soldiers. Lo- cal chapters always kept informed hours ahead of approach- ing troop trains and were ready with coffee, cookies, cigar- ettes, milk or other comforts. Among the towns that catered to almost ev.ery 88th Div. train were Clinton, Iowa, Cleveland, Elmira, N. Y., and Scranton, Pa. The advance party was taken by ferry to Brooklyn and on the Long Island Railroad to Camp Upton, at Yaphank. The school detachment was the first to get away and sailed Aug. 3, being fortunate enough to be placed on board the giant Leviathan, formerly the German Vaterland. The ad- vance detachment was equally fortunate, except in not sailing until Aug. 5, by securing space aboard the Aquitania. These were fast vessels and zig-zagged across the Atlantic in seven days unattended by protective warships, the former landing at LeHavre and the latter at Liverpool. The Salvation Army and Red Cross on the American side had a system of sending postal cards or telegrams to the men's home folks when the cable should announce the safe arrival of the ships "at a foreign port." The point of landing never was mentioned. Arrangements for this service would be made in advance at the gang plank and was free of charge. The advance detachment put in the program experienced by most of the Division: two nights at Knotty Ash "Rest Camp" in Liverpool, a beautiful daylight run across England to Southampton, one night's stay there at a "rest camp," then a swift dart in an overcrowded boat across the English chan- nel under cover of darkness to Cherbourg, France, and an- other "rest camp." Then came the introduction to cooties and the "40 Hommes, 8 Chevaux" form of travel. If the reception given the troops at home had been warm, it was even more so in England. All along the railroad the Stars and Stripes hung from windows and poles-, and house- wives paused from their work to go to the doors and wave at the passing Americans. "Goodby-ee" and "Cheery-o" were the common greeting, with "Good old Yanks" and "Hurrah for Sammy!" interspersed. The smaller children, however, had early discovered the doughboys' open-handedness and begged (•The name of those composing the Advance Detachment are given on page 11 and a complete list of the School Detachment in the Appendix). for pennies. A printed greeting from King George was given every American soldier who passed through. The voyage across the Atlantic was accomplished with varied experiences, but with the same routine of duties — boat drill, guard, K. P., etc. No mishaps marred the passage through the submarine-infested waters. The slower ships made the trip in convoys accompanied by strong war fleets. There were submarine scares that proved groundless, but some that were legitimate. To avoid the possibility that someone might show a light from cigarette or match after dark, no one was permitted out- side after a certain hour in the evening, and all had to wear lifebelts constantly during the day, and on some ships even at night. In the more dangerous waters the officers also had to wear the pistols issued to them just before sailing. It was at this time also that the men received their new style "overseas" caps and spiral leggings. The officers also had to provide themselves with the Sam Browne belt and put it on before debarkation. It would be well to recall the stage of the war's progress at the time the 88th Div. was being hurried to a place in line. Ludendorff Begins Drive It was on March 21, 1918, that Ludendorff began the great drive, or rather series of drives, that was for a second time (the first time being in 1914) to threaten Paris. The Allies knew that a stroke was impending, but they knew not exactly where. A British Army received the first impact and gave in. For four months thereafter it was almost one tremendous and successful blow after another and it seemed impossible for the Allied arms to stem the fierce onslaught. Nearly to Amiens went the new German lines on the right center, and on May 27, while the Allies were anxiously watching the Amiens sector, Ludendorff suddenly drove with terrible force between Sois- sons and Rheims and in three hours had taken the Chemin des Dames which the French had re-won the year before after a struggle as bitter and bloody as Verdun in 1916. The worn French and British troops could not hold and by the fourth day the Germans had taken Soissons and reached the Marne near Chateau Thierry. Those were proud days for the kaiser. Russia was out of the war, peace had just been signed by Roumania with the four Central Powers of Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria and Turkey, and the Balkans were quieted. The advances the last of May were the fastest ever scored by any army on any front in the war. Gathering then for a renewed onslaught, the fifth great storm was let loose July 15 on a 50-mile front from Vaux to the Champagne, and the Marne was crossed at Dormans, but that was the finish. They met a wall of French-American troops, and on the 18th these advanced instead, and the Ger- mans retreated across the river the next day. Eighty-five thousand Americans fought in the Chateau Thierry vicinity (men from the 2d, 3d, 26th, 28th and 42d Divisions) and not only stopped the Hun advance on Paris but hurled them back, and the rest of the war was a series of German reverses until the end. American troops had displayed their mettle at Cantigny in June, also, where for the first time they undertook an opera- tion alone and proved that the triumphant German armies had been overrated. War dispatches were full of glowing ac- counts of what our men were doing and the 88th chafed at the delay in getting into the fray. There was yet no intima- tion that the end was so near, however, and no one dared predict less than another year of bloody fighting. The successes of the German arms had been so signal, however, that their ardor was not dampened by the July re- verses, nor did the Allies entertain hopes of easy conquest. Their cry had gone out for "Men, and more men!" to Amer- ica, and they were being rushed across the Atlantic in numbers which had been believed impossible by any military man be- fore. It was a confident and jubilant foe that awaited the arrival of the 88th Div. as it set sail on the Steamships Olym- pic, Delta, Ascanius, Phens, Kashmir, Messanabic, Ulysses, City of Exeter, Saxon, Scotia, Vedic, Demosthenes (from Quebec with Division Headquarters), Bohemia and Empress of Britain, carrying the infantry. The ships which transported the artillery are given in the Division chronology. This was the parting of the ways for the infantry and ar- tillery branches of the 88th. The artillery went to training And the 88th Division 11 grounds and never rejoined the Division after reaching France, but, it was understood, was to have appeared soon in the 2d Army area before Metz where the infantry was operat- ing had not the armistice intervened. The story of the artil- lery is continued in later chapters. III. The Arrival at Semur It was a bright, sultry day, Aug. 20, 1918 — one of those days seldom seen by any member of the 88th Div., that jus- tifies the term "Sunny France." It was noon, and the pic- turesque town of Semur in Cote d'Or Department lay asleep, with shops closed, as every one partook of dejeuner from 12 to 2 P. M., or from 12 to 14 o'clock, as it would be put there. Not even a dog was in sight. (And that, it will be recalled, is saying something.) An automobile dashed into the Place de l'Ancien Come- die. Three American officers jumped out and were greeted by two French officers who emerged from a building. The parties disappeared inside at the invitation of the Frenchmen to join their noon mess, and all was dead quiet again, except for a French orderly who went shuffling across the square in the direction of the "Marie," or City Hall. Suddenly, just as the officers were concluding their repast, there arose a commotion. An important-looking man in blue- and-gold cap appeared in the square with a drum and began to violate the silence with the crash of the long roll, ending with a flourish. Dogs barked and ran about; people threw open their shutters to see and listen as the 'drummer, com- pleting his alarum, began to read. Small boys (they are as inevitable there as here) gathered about, and there was a cry and to-do. "Les Americains ! Les Americains !*' The long-awaited Americans, the wonderful Americans of whom they had heard so much, were coming at last ! In an incredibly short time flags draped becomingly from windows (they "drape becomingly" in France, be it buildings or mademoiselles) and the padre, who was also the editor, nailed up a sign over his sanctum, "Welcome." He was the only native who knew English and with the help of some ar- tists from Paris, refugees from the "Big Bertha" and Gotha attacks, had spelled out the sign. Within an hour a stream of people in their Sunday best were wending the Avenue de la Gare to meet the 14:10 train when it should come laboring up the grade from Les Laumes at IS o'clock. A few minutes after 3 a parade might have been seen mak- ing its way back from the station. At its head marched Brig. Gen. W. D. Beach. The others with him ivere Lt. Col. J. DeCamp Hall, 350th Inf., Capt. E. J. D. Larson, Minneapolis, Div. Hq., which two were in the automobile that had arrived with the news in advance; Majors (Lt. Col.) Frank Fields, Q. M. C, Hans Hanson, M. C, Logan, la, T. B. Maghee, U. S. A., and Alexander Wilson, 3S2d Inf., Farmington, Mo. ; Captains H. G. Carpenter, 351st Inf., Fargo, N. D., Floyd An- drews, 352d Inf., Minneapolis, Donald Hunter, 350th Inf., and John Pirie, 349th Inf., Minneapolis, Lieutenants Harold Kraft, 349th Inf., Ben H. Johnson, 351st Inf., Russel Bennet, 163d F. A. Brig., Miller Davis/ Terre Haute, Ind., Morton Hiller, Omaha, Neb., Div. Hq., W. D. Darrow, Cresco, la., Div. Hq, S. H. Moise, Cambridge, Mass., Div. Hq.. L. R. Fairall, Des Moines, la., 350th Inf., R. S. Decker, Indianapolis, Ind., Div. Hq., M. H. Latendresse, Red Lake Falls, Minn., Div. Hq., E. D. Flynn, Union, S. C, Div. Hq., M. H. Miller, Ottumwa, la., Div. Hq., W. I. Carpenter, Minneapolis, Div. Hq., and R. S. Hoyt, New Sharon, la., 176th Inf. Brig; Bn. Sgt. Maj. John W. Sundberg, Brainerd, Minn., Hq. Detch. ; Corp. Ar- thur Ruedi, St. Louis, Mo., Hq. Detch. ; Sgt. Paul Syrus, El Paso, Tex., Hq. Tp., and Privates Clyde D. Shipley, Chicago, 111., Hq. Tp. ; E. C. Kisky, Des Moines, la., Hq. Tp. ; Archie Emerson, Fancy Farm, Ky., Hq. Co., 352d Inf.; William E. Sperry, Earl, N. D., Hq. Co., 350th Inf.; Harry E. Veith, Oakland, la'., Co. B., 349th Inf. ; Raymond H. Cardon, Logan, Utah, Hq. Co., 351st Inf.; Otho Peterson, Hq. Detch., 163 Inf. Brig.; Harley K. Turner, Loraine, 111., Hq. Co., 350th Inf. ; Joseph Murray, Hq. Co., 352d Inf. ; Fillmore T. Nelson, Cokato, Minn., Hq. Co., 349th Inf. ; Ernest S. McFetridge, Hq. Co., 338th F. A. ; Adrian E. Pouliot, Damar, Kans., Hq. Co., 351st Inf. ; Harold A. Campbell, St. Cloud, Minn., Hq. Co., 352d Inf. ; Elmer L. Moore, Gilman, la., Hq. Co., 350th Inf. ; George Goldman, St. Paul, Minn., Hq. Co., 349th Inf. ; Melvin G. Settles, Rushville, 111., Hq. Co., 349th Inf.; Frank McGuire, Hq. Co., 337th F. A. ; Milton G. Dubois, Sioux Rapids, la., Co. C. 351st Inf.; Veit Brownfield, Pilot Grove, Mo., Co. H, 351st Inf.; Clinton Barnhouse, Hq. Co., 351st Inf.; Dalton H. Gnagey, Hq. Co., 350th Inf.; Oscar W. Shin- dal, Merrill, la., Hq. Co., 352d Inf., Sam P. Hunt, Miltonvale, Kans., Hq. Co., 352d Inf. ; and Arnold K. Malhum, Dawson, Minn., Hq. Det., 176th Inf. Brig. The 88th Div. had arrived at its first headquarters in France at last ! Semur is located in a charming country on a branch road running from Les Laumes on the main line from Paris to Marseilles, a section full of historic interest since the days of Caesar. This section had not yet been occupied by troops and presented no signs of war, except hospitals where French "poilus" lounged, many of them pitifully maimed. Under the French law the public is obliged to take in sol- diers in their buildings to the extent of their capacity, and the nation is divided into "billeting zones" in charge of zone majors. Not all of France was "organized" to hold troops, but areas were added as needed. To organize an area, the zone major or his staff would visit each village (practically all the houses are in groups of villages), estimate the number of horses and men each home can accommodate, and the num- ber of rooms with beds where officers can be billeted. The figures are then stencilled in paint on the front door post. A number also is given the house and stencilled on, then a street map is made noting each building, and a list giving the bil- leting locations and capacity, called a "dozier." A copy of the dozier is kept by the town mayor, so that when troops show up to be billeted, they can go direct to the mayor (if there is not a "town major" as assistant to the zone major) and get the list of billets. The Semur area was net quite ready when the 88th Div. began to arrive, but the' people were so glad to get troops there, especially Americans, whose prowess at Belleau Wood, Chateau Thierry and Cantigny had filled them with love and admiration, but there was no trouble whatever. The welcome given the men was touching, in many cases the villagers meet- ing the marchers with pails of wine as they approached, and champagne was opened to show their appreciation. This experience for the boys fresh from narrow scenes at home was wonderful, but the experience with wine was not always pleasant. As a rule they did not like the taste of it, but they also feared to give offense to the kindly people by refusing. It was quite 'unthinkable to the peasant folk that there should be a race of people who did not drink wine. With them wine was the universal drink in place of water and had been for centuries, and it was the only thing they had in their plain, stone houses to offer as a good-will offering. More than one doughboy marched unsteadily into his first French billet because of this excessive hospitality, and the French soon learned that "the Americans can't drink." Becomes "A. P. O. No. 795" The Division was here assigned its postoffice and became A. P. O. 795, and came into contact with the strict censorship rules. It was against regulations to give the names of towns in letters, and the A. P. O. number sufficed in addressing let- ters to the soldiers. Soldiers could mail letters free by sim- ply writing "Soldier's letter" in the upper right hand corner, but before sealing he had to take it to an officer to be read. The officer would put his O. K. and signature at the bottom of the letter and on the outside .of the envelope. Only mail thus censored and marked could go through the postoffice. This censorship of American letters continued until July 1, 1919, and all mail whether O. K.'d or not was subject to being opened en route. The agents of the enemy were every- where, saturating both armies and civil populations, and con- stant vigilance was necessary to prevent information from getting through. Other innovations coming into force with the arrival in France was the adoption of the designations "G-l,'' "G-2," etc., for the assistant chiefs of staff at Division Headquarters, after the system in the British army. Khaki uniforms and campaign hats were not taken along to France. 12 Memoirs of France Army pay now increased 10 per cent for foreign service. The private soldier now received $33 a month. In an earlier period a private's home pay was $15 per month but legislation doubled the rate. French money exchange at first was 6.45 francs to the dollar (normal slightly less than five francs) and the soldiers were paid in francs. Before the Division went home the rate was to approximate seven francs. Commissioned officers had the opportunity here of getting accustomed to the new "harness," the Sam Browne belt, and while some liked the innovation many found it an incum- brance, a nuisance and useless millinery. This was the second change in the American officers' uniform, the first being that of gold shoulder bars to distinguish second lieutenants. Sweeping changes in the whole American uniform were due when hostilities ceased. Training Is Resumed During the next three weeks the various units of the in- fantry caught up with the others, except the 313th Ammuni- tion Train, which did not join the Division until it reached the front. Intensive training was at once resumed where it had been left off, continuing until the Division started to move to Alsace Sept. 14. The orders were to go to Bel fort and Major (Col.) C. L. Eastman and Lt. E. D. Flynn were sent ahead, each speaking French with facility. Before leaving for the more advanced zone the Division had to be stripped of every surplus impediment. Officers were ordered to cut baggage down to bedroll and hand baggage. Trunk lockers were collected at the railhead, Merigny, and left under guard. Later they were sent to the great American warehouses at Gievres, where they were to be obtained after the close of hostilities. Many instances of lost or stolen bag- gage arose, and it was found that thefts were carried on systematically. The first train of troops left Les Laumes Sept. 14, an- other following every six hours. It expected to go to Belfort, but in the night the two advance officers intercepted the train at Besancon with changed orders. The Division was to go to Hericourt (Haute Saone), which adjoins Belfort on the south. Hericourt was reached at 5 A. M., Sunday. The cold was unpleasant and the men's overcoats had been taken from them on landing in France. The arrival in Hericourt was a surprise to the French and the acting town major was routed out of bed. He had a copy of a dozier, but after a few hours of attempting to billet troops this was found to be hopelessly obsolete. With another troop train almost due, the Americans had to re-canvass the town. There was no zone major. The situation was saved in Her"icourt by dint of quick work. Out through the area it was different, however. The allotment of units to villages which had been arranged by French headquarters with Major Eastman, was quite without regard to the capacity of some of the towns. Certain machine gun companies were the worst sufferers. One of Colonel O'Loughlin's battalions was crowded out on the fields in pup tents for several nights, and, as all but one blanket had been turned in at the coast along with the overcoats, the men suf- fered keenly in the foggy, raw nights. The same was true with the men who detrained at Hericourt at night and lay down on the soaked sward to await daylight and a guide to take them to their village. Another factor which contributed much to the lowering of tone among the men was the difficulty of getting cooked food the first days. Field kitchens had been left behind in the Unit- ed States on orders and it was necessary to improvise con- trivances to provide hot rations. These circumstances are mentioned not because the men ever complained. Far from it. A more patient, willing and determined set of men could not have been found than the 18,000-odd who made up the 88th Div. as it prepared for the final stage into the trenches. But mention is made of these things because of their possible bearing on the unfortunate epidemic which ravaged the organization shortly after it reach- ed the Hericourt and continued into October. Spanish In- fluenza was the name given to the malady which was then sweeping the United States and which took a heavy toll in the 88th in France. Our division was said to have been the heavi- est loser from this scourge of any American division in France- About 500 men died within a brief period, as many as 80 in a day, and whole companies were paralyzed at times. Hos- pital facilities were almost nil for the sufferers and there was little that could be done for them. The French artillery bar- racks at Hericourt were being used as a hospital but at best the cold, damp stone buildings with no heat were no place for treating this class of patients, who needed mainly warmth and quiet. The supply of nurses also was small, and the brave French girls undertook to care for the added burden, although already overworked. The 29th American Division was at that time occupying the front line sector later to be taken over by the 88th, and had suffered severely in a gas attack. Gas victims had been rushed to the Hericourt hospital so that not only was it crowded but the attendants had more than they could attend to. The nurses did more than double duty and one paid for her devotion to the American sick by herself contracting the influenza, and died. General Beach made it a point to be one of those to pay tribute to this French girl by attending her funeral. At first American and French soldier dead were taken to the city cemetery and buried in a long row outside the wall as there was not room inside. However, the ground was very stony and difficult to dig for so large a number of daily fu- nerals. A new plot was laid out south of the city, and there 338 Americans now sleep, most of them of the 88th. About 90 are buried beside the city cemetery wall. After the Division had started home in May, 1919, the writer, who remained in France until August, went from Le Mans, where he was sta- tioned, to Hericourt and held Memorial Day exercises. The 47th French Art. was then back at its old Hericourt barracks and Colonel Despres, Lieut. Colonel Schmidt and Command- ants Masson, Astier and Delerot, together with a considerable detachment of other officers and a squad of buglers, attended. The townspeople also turned out in large numbers, and the promise was given that the graves of the Americans would be cared for as long as they remained. French Feel Sacrifice The people of Hericourt, although showing a distinct Teutonic strain at times so close to the Alsatian border, seem- ed to feel keenly the sacrifice made by the boys from faraway America in coming to France and thus giving their lives. In those days of feverish training there was no time for the sol- diers to attend funerals and the corteges were composed main- ly of French women. They wished to show their appreciation and to represent the absent mothers. "They died for us," was a remark heard more than once. It was in this area that the men got their first actual con- tact with the war. Here they saw anti-aircraft guns putting white or black puffs of smoke in aerial barrages in efforts to bring down enemy airplanes. For the first time they heard the sound of exploding bombs dropped by air raiders and felt some of the thrill of danger. At Belfort a company of the 352d Inf. was engaged in unloading supples at the railroad when a bomb from the air played havoc with the boxes and packages. Civilians at once pounced on the supplies, disre- garding danger in their eagerness to obtain food, while the soldiers were absent in the bomb proofs ("caves"). Records at G. H. Q., Chaumont, gave the occupation of the front line in Alsace by the 88th Div. as beginning Oct. 12, 1918, but detachments of the Division began to move into the line as early as Sept. 23, two officers and 100 men from each of four battalions that were to go into the trenches first. The Division proper moved into the Center Haute Alsace Sector ("Belfort Gap") in two stages on the nights of Sat- urday and Sunday, Oct. 5 and 6, to relieve the 38th French Inf. Command did not pass completely, however, until Oct. 12. Before leaving the Hericourt area the Division received its issue of steel trench helmets and gas masks, the lack of which had prevented its entering the line earlier. But of transportation there was practically none (three horses, was an official estimate). Some organizations hired animals and vehicles from peasants out of personal or company funds, but it was a hard march the men made those two nights. Some of the men's packs weighed more than 100 pounds. As on the previous move, the towns for billeting the troops were assigned by the French and, as on the former occasion, capacity and numbers did not always agree. One And the 88th Division 13 battalion of the 352d Regt. suffered when it reached Fonta- nelle, which was given as a crossroads village on the map, but which was not given on the billeting lists. It was found that the few houses and barns would scarcely hold one com- pany comfortably. The companies spent the cold night on the ground. The next day Colonel Hawkins and the writer, who was division billeting officer, scouted around and found empty barracks at Ft. Chevremont, and after dusk enough companies were moved back to give shelter for all. As a matter of fact, the move should not have been made at all, but Colonel Haw- kins said the change in the orders was not received in time to halt it. IV. The Trenches at Last So finally the 88th Div. was in the trenches ! But it was something of a disappointment. Here were none of the neat, precise trenches, with parados and slopes according to exact measurement, as insisted upon by the in- structors. Instead, there were apparently haphazard ruts and ditches, often caved in, shallow, unkempt, ill-drained and muddy — altogether mean. Stretches and patches of barbed wire ran here and there without apparent plan. Nothing heroic, indeed, about crawling around in such surroundings. Nor were the sounds usually connected with war and bat- tle present.- Silence was the dominant feature— silence and cold and dampness and discomfort. The men were to learn that the pyrotechnics of hell itself were there, however, all around them, and could and did break out on occasion, but that normally they were held in leash. The sector was one that had not seen much activity since the early days of the war, when the centers of fiercest battle moved rather to the west, between Verdun and the Channel. Both sides used the Alsace country more as a training area, but the facilities for "starting something" were kept on hand for emergency and oc- casional use: Old, abandoned trenches and wire ran promiscu- ously about, and old shell holes were beginning to fill with grass and debris. The 350th and 351st Regiments did the first tour of duty in the line, two battalions at a time. The 175th Brig, held the north half or sub-sector of the 15-mile front and the 176th Brig, the south half. Division Headquarters P. C. was at Montreux Chateau, with the administrative branch in an old, abandoned mill at Novillard a short distance away. The quartermaster echelon was at Fontaine, the railhead. Four brushes with the enemy mainly punctuated the stay of the Division in line, on Oct. 12, 14, 18 and 31, although bombardments, raids and patrols were indulged in at other times as well. The reader is referred to the chapter of per- sonal narratives for the story of these encounters, and at this time the stay of the Division in Haute Alsace will be covered simply by quoting an official report. The fight of the night of Oct. 12-13 occurred as the result of an "Ordre d'Occupation" of the "chef de battalion du 65me Battalion, Chasseurs, a Pied," and 38th (French) and VII Army order. The report said : "Two reconnaissance parties of the 1st Bn., 350th Inf., covered by two platoons of the same battalion, were laying out the line for working parties to join our trench south of Ammertzwiller across No Man's Land to German trench. "At 20 hours our patrols in front encountered the enemy and called for an artillery barrage. At 20:05 hours our ar- tillery laid a barrage across the battalion front on a line ap- proximately from Holzberg wood to 88.73 on the Balschwil- ler-Enschingen road. About four minutes the German artil- lery laid down two barrages, one on the town of Balsch wilier from 76.68 on line extending parallel to our front line, ex- tending to Holzberg -wood; the other from 74.65 extending along Balschwiller-Burnhaupt road. During these two bar- rages our artillery was shelled. The two platoons were caught between the German barrage and our own. All the Americans in these platoons returned safely when the barrage lifted. Caught In German Barrage "The first reconnoitering party was caught by the Ger- man barrage and took cover ; this party was surrounded by Germans and the captain in charge, four sergeants and one private were captured. The second party encountered Ger- mans and the captain in charge and one private were captured. "Company F in Balschwiller was caught by the German barrage and the commanding officer severely wounded, to- gether with two men of the company killed and eleven wounded. "Company D, 338th Machine Gun Bn., had one section near 84.63 which was caught by the barrage, killing two men and injuring three. One of the men that was killed was asphyxiated by gas when his mask was torn from his face by shrapnel." The following of the 350th Inf. received the Croix de Guerre with silver star for participation in this action : Corporal Richard Franta, Co. D., Crete, Neb. Private Ernest Nierman, Co. G, Mansfield, S. D. Sergeant Burdick Poliett, Co. G, Carlinville, 111. Sergeant Arthur Gude, Co. G, 1004 23d St., Des Moines, Iowa. Lieutenant Oscar Nelson, Co. E, Windom, Minn. The following received Divisional Citations for their participation in this action : Private 1st Class Leonard Harrison Ross, Hq. Co., 351st Inf., Rago, Kans. Sergeant Boyd Mael, Co. K, 351st Inf., Cincinnati, Iowa. First Lieutenant Edgar Campbell, Co. H, 350th Inf., 506 Lyon St., Des Moines, la. Second Lieutenant William H. Nourse, Co. H, 350th Inf., 46 Cottage St., Hyde Park, Mass. Second Lieutenant Stanley J. O'Connor, Co. H, 350th Inf., St. Thomas, N. D. Mechanic George W. Hinchcliffe, Co. H, 350th Inf., Straf- ford, Mo., R. 4. Private 1st Class Harvey M. Dorris, Co. H, 350th Inf., Hayti, Mo. Corporal Horace A. Love, Co. H, 350th Inf., Manson, la. Corporal Clarence O. Sullivan, Co. H, 350th Inf., Hercu- lane, Mo. Second Lieutenant Raymond L. Abel, Co. G, 350th Inf., Wrightsville, Pa. Sergeant John Aschemann, Co. G, 350th Inf., Quincy, 111. Private 1st Class Lester Clark, Co. G, 350th Inf., Platts- mouth, Neb. Captain Peter V. Brethorst, 350th Inf., (Posthumous ci- tation), Lennix, S. D. First Lieutenant George W. Prichard, Co. D, 338th Ma- chine Gun Bn., Onawa, la. Sergeant Bernard Flannery, Co. D, 338th Machine Gun Bn., Minneapolis, Minn. Sergeant Morris I. McKenna, Co. D, 338th Machine Gun Bn.. Riverside, Calif. "On the following night, 13-14 October, acting under Field Orders 38th Division (French) based on French VII Army Order, Franco-American troops, moved forward at 20 hours 30 minutes and occupied Ammertzwiller," the report con- tinued. "Two working parties of 100 men were sent forward to do the work of consolidation, communication trenches to be dug from points 84.76-81.74 and 74.81 to 78.84. Intermit- tent artillery fire throughout the night impeded the work and the working parties returned at 4 hours, 14 October. The two sections in advance remained in the new line of observa- tion. From 6 hours 50 minutes to 9 hours 30 minutes the French artillery laid down a barrage east of Ammertzwiller to protect the party then occupying that village. The French officer commanding the troops, thinking it inexpedient to en- deavor to hold the new positions, ordered them to withdraw to their original position, abandoning their outposts. Later, all of those returned but one American, who was missing. One German was taken prisoner." Receive Croix de Guerre The following received the French Croix de Guerre with the silver star for participation in this action: Lieutenant Lowell Forbes, Co. D, 350th Inf., Scranton, la. The Croix de Guerre with bronze star was received by Private Emmanuel Hauff, Co. D, 350th Inf., Kulm, N. D. The following received Division Citations for participa- tion in this acton : 14 Memoirs of France Private 1st Class Charles A. Lyons, Co. D, 350th Inf., Horton, Kan. Private Lewis R. Eads, Co. D, 350th Inf., Vienna, Mo, Private Jacob A. Hoover, Co. D, 350th Inf., Coffey, Mo. Private Joseph O. Horton, Co. D, 350th Inf., Plattons- burg, Mo. "Raid of Schonholz— 18 Oct., 1918.— At 11:05 o'clock a sergeant saw three Boche about 40 yards in front of Post 57B," the report reads. "When he gave the alarm the Boche threw potato-masher grenades and opened fire with rifle grenades. The Americans opened fire and one German was seen to fall. His body was not located. The enemy artillery put down a box barrage after the Germans had commenced their withdrawal. The raid lasted about twenty minutes. The strength of the raiding party is not known. Our casualties were one man killed and two slightly wounded. "Raid of Schonholz Woods— 31 October, 1918. At 8:57 o'clock a heavy destructive barrage was laid down in our front line trenches in Schonholz Woods from Post 51 (85.64) to Post 57A (12.52) entirely destroying the trenches. Imme- diately after the barrage was lifted an enemy raiding party of about 49 attacked 57A with grenades and revolver fire. Two Boche were killed and one wounded taken prisoner, who died later. The enemy succeeded in passing our front line but was quickly repulsed. Our casualties were: 2 men killed, 1 officer wounded and 6 men wounded." The following received Division Citations for participa- tion in this action : Private Harold H. Crosby. Co. I, 352d Inf., Rolla, N. D. Sergeant Hans Johnson, Co. I, 352d Inf., Menno, S. D. Private 1st Class John Zehreri, Jr., Co. L, 352d Inf.. Breckenridge, Minn. Second Lieutenant Donald C. Elder, Co. L, 352d Inf., De Witt, la. "The relations that prevailed between the French and American units were at all times extremely harmonious," con- cluded the report. "There was no difference noted in the rel- ative importance of the part played by the American units as compared with that of the foreign units in the small actions that were engaged in while the French and American units operated together. "The French troops with which the Division served were from the 38th Division, which had had four years of expe- rience in the war. These men were colonial troops and particularly well-trained, especially in trench warfare. It is believed that the American troops were their equal in dis- cipline and attention to duty, although not so well trained. The French troops were not so well disciplined in gas defense as were the American troops. Differences Negligible "A point was made to have a great many interpreters on duty with both headquarters and the difficulties that arose due to differences in language were negligible." Another report on this period read in part : "On the night of Oct. 12, 1918, two working parties were sent out from the 350th Inf. under command of Captain Saf- ford and Captain House, respectively, their mission being to connect the advance line with the first German trench at Am- mertzwiller. These two detachments were each to be pro- tected by French covering detachments. These were provided by reconnaissance parties which included a number of officers and N. C. O.'s. It was reported that these covering parties were late in arriving and the reconnaissance parties were cut off by a minnewerfer barrage in advance of our front lines. This was at 19 hours. At the same time our own French barrage opened and the reconnaissance party took shelter in old shell holes and dugouts. When the German barrage mov- ed back they were attacked by a Boche raiding party which followed its own barrage. The entire party were taken cap- tives with the exception of one French lieutenant, one M. G. officer and one second lieutenant of the 2nd Bn. "The working party in which Captain Brethorst and sev- eral of his men were killed was near the entrance of Balsch- willer and was caught by the German barrage as it moved back. "The line was advanced as directed and Ammertzwiller occupied. "At daylight on the morning of the 13th the right (south) subsector had failed to advance its lines and the advance ele- ments encountered about 40 Germans who came from a dugout in the northern end of Ammertzwiller. Our detachment in Ammertzwiller, consisted of about 40 men, half Americans and half French. One German prisoner was captured and our detachment retired under the command of an. American lieu- tenant. American losses: killed, one officer, 7 men; missing, 2 officers, 7 men ; wounded, officers, 13 men." (The escape of Lt. George W. Prichard and the capture and later escape of Captains Safford of Minneapolis, and House of Duluth, are graphically described in the chapter of personal narratives, as well as other escapades.) Frequent sorties were made by our men into No Man's Land and into the enemy trenches throughout the whole oc- cupation. Besides the citations enumerated, Major George H. Russ, 352d Inf., of Bismarck, N. D., and Wagoner Lars E. Dahlin. Supply Co., 352d Inf., of Findley, N. D., were cited for their conduct during a heavy enemy shelling on Nov. 2. Dahlin continued to drive his ration carts to the forward troops at Ballersdorf despite the danger, even after spokes of a wheel had been cut by shrapnel, and Major Russ displayed coolness and courage in passing through the fire zone getting men out of danger. The fight on Oct. 31 developed other displays of heroism that merit special mention. When the party of nearly 50 Ger- mans moved on the extreme post of Co. I after the lifting of the barrage, Privates H. H. Crosby of Rolla, N. D., and C. E. Boyd, Rock Lake, N. D., lay in wait with two automatic rifles. Corp. Hans Johnson of Menno, S. D., came out of the dugout where the rest of the squad of nine men lay. He found Boyd had been wounded early in the fight and ordered him to the rear. Johnson took up Boyd's relinquished rifle and when the Germans came in sight Crosby and he opened with the auto- matics and hand grenades. The corporal's rifle jammed three times from dirt thrown into the mechanism by exploding shrapnel and grenades. He stopped firing in the midst of the enemy fire, working until the rifle was repaired throwing grenades with his free hand. He then fired four clips and threw 25 grenades, checking the Germans in front of the post and repulsing them so they never passed the line of observa- tion. The two stuck to their position, although Crosby was severely wounded through the arms and legs. Finally the enemy knocked him down, beat, clubbed and kicked him, and took his rifle away. Johnson was also wounded. Records of the 40th French Corps give Oct. 7-8 as the date when the 88th Div. began to relieve the 38th French Div. in Alsace, relief being completed Oct. 17. The 154th French Div. then began to relieve the 88th Div. the night of Nov. 2, completing relief Nov. 5. From Bad to Worse for Huns At this stage of the war in France matters had gone from bad to worse for the German arms. On the day the 88th was moving into the line the news came of Austria-Hungary's peace feeler, and that nation was soon to give up the fight. The French people were quick to recognize the changed attitude in the Germans. "Finit la guerre" became the daily greeting. Optimistic remarks were banded about to such an extent that an American military order had to be issued for- bidding our men to repeat them or aid in promoting what might be fallacious hopes. The German armies were in full flight from Holland to Metz, but the latter stronghold still held as did the line from there to Switzerland. The fall of Metz would be a paralyzing blow, and it was to partake in this blow, that the 88th Div. was withdrawn from Alsace and hurried north. Withdrawal was made first to the Valdoie (a suburb of Belfort) area, the Novillard echelon moving Sunday, Nov. 3, and the Montreux Chateau P. C. Nov. 4. Capt. (Major) R. B. Rathlmn of Detroit, Minn., and' Lt. M. H. Latendresse of Red Lake Falls, Minn., were sent ahead of the Division Nov. 5 to the Pagney-sur-Meuse and Berne- court areas northwest of Toul, where the Division was to gather as reserve for the movement around Metz by the 2d Army, with headquarters at Lagney. On Nov. 6 the first trainload, composed of billeting parties, entrained at Belfort and reached Legney the next afternoon. Here the 92d (col- ored) Div. lav between the 88th and the German line north of And the 88th Division 15 Pont-a-Mousson. Thus the neighbors of Camp Dodge came together again. The last of the 88th had not yet caught up with the first units before the end came. The organizations in forward po- sitions heard last angry salvos through the night and forenoon of Nov. 11, rising to intense fury at times, and then suddenly dying out at 11 o'clock. The news had reached the Division early in the forenoon that hostilities were to cease, and from village to village the church bells could be heard pealing the glad tidings. "Finit la guerre !" was the cry, carried about by happy children and women. The 2d Army's advance on Metz, or around it, rather, be- gan Nov. 10 with four divisions in line (the 92d, 7th, 28th and 33d Divisions from right to left) along SO kilometers of front, and five in support, or moving in (the 88th, 4th, 35th and 82d American and 26th French) while the 85th American was to furnish replacements. Lieut. Gen. Robert L. Bullard com- manded the 2d Army. The supreme Allied- chief, Marshal Foch, planned that as soon as the Americans were well on their way around to the north of Metz, the 10th French Army under General Mangin was to make a break to the southeast of Metz. The Americans were then to continue northward toward Conflans and the French toward the Saar and the Rhine. Thus no direct attack would be made on the Metz line of fortresses, but they would be caught between the two armies. It was with mixed emotions that the men of the 88th Div. realized that the end had come and they were too late to take a hand at the kind of work the earlier divisions had done. All these months of long, weary, patient drill, drill and waiting, almost for nothing ! The men felt fit ; their contact with the enemy had given them confidence and they believed themselves better than their adversaries ; they were keyed up and braced for a real scrap, and were glad to have it come. They wanted to get into a major offensive. Yet better judgment at the same time whispered that per- haps it was better so. Everyone felt that the war ought not to be permitted to end until the fighting had been carried to the soil of Germany and the Boche had been given a taste of what he had given France and Belgium, yet the foe had ac- cepted most ignominious terms. If the same thing could be accomplished without the carnage that continued battling must bring, it might after all be better. It was known that where the 88th Div. was scheduled to go in would be savagely held by the Germans and the slaughter would be frightful. Though the prospect of fighting was now remote, train- ing went forward at once with little cessation, also the Divi- sion School of Arms. It was there that Lt. William Murphy of Duluth, 350th Inf., was killed in November, when a shell case flew back from a mortar and struck him in the head, kill- ing him instantly. He was buried in the cemetery at Toul. Insignia Is Adopted It was in the middle of November that the division in- signia of two figure 8's crossed at right angles, forming a four-leaf clover, was adopted. It was to be worn at the top of the left sleeve, red for the artillery, blue for the infantry and black for division headquarters and special units. This was the first mark peculiar to this war to be worn by 88th men, except those wounded. These were entitled to wear a gold chevron at the bottom of the right sleeve, point down. Other marks adopted in this war were the service chevrons — a gold chevron at the bottom of the left sleeve for each six months abroad, a blue one for less than six months, while those at home were to wear a silver chevron for each six months in the service. None, however, was permitted to show his full service in more than one kind of chevron. To allow for these stripes, noncommissioned officers wore their chevrons on the right sleeve only, instead of on both as for- merly. The first gold service chevrons were put on in the Division in February, 1919, marking the completion of six months abroad reckoned from date of sailing. The places occupied by the various units here were : Lag- ney, Minorville, Camp Varin la Chair, Camp l'Hermitage, Manoncourt, Bois Jure, Bois de Lagney, Mandres aux Tours, Bouvron, Andilly, Bois de Rehanne, Sanzey, Lucey, Villey St. Etienne (where a Boche plane was shot down Nov. 10), Francheville, Jaillon, Trondes and Avrainville, Laneuveville. Among the rumors that followed the close of hostilities was one that the 88th was destined to go into Germany as part of the Army of Occupation, but instead orders came to fall back to the Gondrecourt (Meuse) area, which was the first American training area in France. Lt. Col. Theodore Roosevelt was credited with having been the first American officer to enter Gondrecourt village, which he did at the head of his troops. Many American divisions had one time or an- other visited this area, and the vast schools there had drawn pupils from every outfit in France. The towns occupied in the Gondrecourt area were : Gondrecourt, Div. P. C, Naix-aux- Forges, Treveray, Laneuville, St. Amand, Reffroy, Menau- court, Longeaux, Morlaincourt, Givrauval, Houdelaincourt, Baudignecourt, Liffol le Grand, Bonnet, Ribeaucourt, Couvert- puits, Biencourt, Horville, Demange, Hevilliers, Boviolles, Marson, Villers-le-Sec and St. Joire. The 313th Eng. did not move at once, but remained at Xorroy, three kilometers north of Pont-a-mousson and Arna- ville, at the front, for a time. The move was made in two hard stages, beginning Nov. 29, through the Commercy and Void areas. Orders had been received previously to have the Lagney area thoroughly policed and every piece of military equipment salvaged. The men devoted Thanksgiving day to ^cleaning up the country and removing some of the signs of more than four years of war. Rain Is Almost Constant Since October rain had been almost constant and the dis- comfort was now added to by colder weather. When the Division settled down around Gondrecourt there were few facilities for heat or light with considerable consequent suffer- ing. Maneuvers continued. No matter what the weather, the men must get out in early hours and chase imaginary foes over muddy roads and soggy fields until late at night. It was a case of being wet from one end of the week to the other, unless clothing and shoes dried from the heat of the body at night. At this time, also, the men's shoes were going to pieces, the soles ground away by the marching over the wet, stony roads. It was late in January before barracks and stoves could be provided. The Y. M. C. A. then established huts in every place possible and there were places for lounging and enter- tainment. Electric light plants also were installed. That winter of 1918-19 will never be forgotten by the men of the 88th Div. They wanted to go home! That was the worst trouble, of course. The weather was always "tres mauvais," everything was mean and disagreeable, the war was over, and they didn't see any use in staying longer. The "Frogs" were getting on their nerves and they were getting on the "Frogs' " nerves. Still the maneuvers con- tinued. At Christmas, 1918, the Americans had Christmas-tree parties for the French kiddies and gave them presents. With the establishing of "Y" huts diversion was created. Shows sprang up and were put on everywhere and "movies" were frequent. Then to put the men's time to some good purpose, post schools were opened and football, basketball, baseball, track, boxing and wrestling teams were formed. Lt. Col. C. F. Dreisbach, 352d Inf., was made division welfare officer and Lt. Col. W. J. O'Loughlin, division athletic officer and athletics was pushed in every branch. Vocational schools were opened at St. Joire, with 1,661 pupils and during that winter every illiterate, of whom there were several in the Division, was made at last to recognize his own name in writ- ing, and many made splendid progress. Then late in February, 1919, the Division sent 80 officers and 121 men to French and British universities for a three- month course. In March 19 officers and 121 men went as pupils at the A. E. F. University at Beaune (Cote d'Or). Besides the educational activities that marked the military life, a great feature of the Gondrecourt stay was the leave trains that took thousands of 88th men to the beautiful Riviera — Nice, Monte Carlo, Cannes, Monaco, etc. — or to Chamonix at Mt. Blanc. A motor show, horse show and enlisted men's field meet were events of great interest in March and April, 1919, and the Division review by General Pershing, comman- der of the American Expeditionary Forces, and Secretary of War Baker, April 19, 1919. It is of interest to note here that this was the first oc- casion on which the entire Division had been present on the 16 Memoirs of France same field for a review in its nearly two years of existence. It always had been too busy with more serious activities. An entire chapter might well be devoted to the subject of the shows and other entertainments put on by members of the Division, sometimes under most difficult circumstances. One of the earliest, and, it must truly be said, cleverest and most entertaining shows was the 175th Inf. Brig, offering "The Runaways." While it had less of the spectacular splen- dor of the famous 88th Div. Show "Who Can Tell?" put on toward the close of the stay in France, it had the snap, wit and originality of a successful professional production, Wil- liam E. R. Ehlke of the Iowa Homestead, Des Moines, a mem- ber of the troupe, described the theatrical effort as follows : "Shortly after the armistice was signed, Brig. General Stewart, commanding the 175th Inf. Brig, acted on the pleas- ant thought of entertainment for the boys in the way of a vaudeville show. Organization began at once, and with the aid of Milo Billingsley, an old timer in the show business, under the direction of Lt. Hoyt S. Brown, the talent of the brigade was called together for an interview. With a few rehearsals in a barn, a few pieces of scenery painted in the same barn, we gave our initial performance at Base Hospital No. 51, Tout, Thanksgiving Eve, November 27, 1918. The cast was Milo Billingsley, Lee Norris, James T. Hardy, Otto Bridge, Paul M. Lindfeldt, Ray Soash, Jack Lenox, Raymond Lawson, William H. Brehm, Franklin Crelley and myself. "After a lot of hard work on the part of General Stewart and Lieutenant Brown, as well as the members of the troop, in the way of rehearsals, shows, painting scenery, making cos- tumes, writing music and songs and trying to devise means of getting a few francs, whereby we could buy costumes, we stumbled -on the idea of having programs printed, which we sold to the boys at one-half franc, as a souvenir which coukl be sent home to the folks. "With a lot of hard knocks, such as no doubt everybody over there had, we managed to get together, as considered by a number of men of authority, the best show in the A. E. F." "Who Can Tell?" was a tuneful, colorful and showy pro- duction that might have done well on any stage anywhere. The costumes required an expenditure of $20,000 furnished by contributions from officers and men and large sums from the Y. M. C. A., K. of C, Salvation Army, and mainly the Jewish Welfare Board. The show opened at the big double- hangar at Gondrecourt and the various organizations of the Division were transported by truck to see it on succeeding nights. The production was then to have made a long tour of the A. E. F., wherever there was a stage large enough to accommodate the mammoth company, but the order to sail for home came just in time to cut short a highly successful run in Paris. The 175th Brig, show also had a Paris run at the Trianon Theater of the Y. M. C. A. All these activities served to lift the weight of ennui somewhat in the midst of the constant rain, mud and cold. Military problems and maneuvers continued but called for fewer men as the units became greatly depleted at times with their members away on leave trips or at school. It should be recorded in passing that the educational programs for the men and other diversions did not meet with the entire ap- proval of all officers of the regular army who preferred to confine the men to army duties. When do We go Home? Throughout that memorable winter in those rambling, smelly villages, the insistent question ever uppermost in the minds of the men was, "When do we go home?" It was the one big thought, but month after month went by without an answer. Rumors came and went, and finally a list of the di- visions scheduled to sail for home before July 1, 1919, was published in the Stars and Stripes, official A. E. F. weekly. It gave the numbers of all but two divisions — and the 88th was one of those two! We were not even on the list to go home! The blow was a severe one. It came on top of weeks of constant har- rowing on the part of the Paris edition of an American paper, which ran a seven-column line at the top of its front page daily: "Get the boys home toot-sweet!" or another of similar purpose. It was a rabid anti-administration publication and, with a presidential campaign due the following year, the intent was obvious. But, as always the case with political move- ments, it took little account of the evil it might do with the result that it demoralized morale and made the men more rest- less, dissatisfied and rebellious. At best discipline was diffi- cult to maintain at a high and salutary state after the incen- tive of war was over. The announcement that the 88th was not mentioned in the list of returning troops was too much for one young man of the 352d Inf. at Bonnet, and he com- mitted suicide by shooting. However, the speed with which the divisions were being sent back home was another of the marvels of the participa- tion of the United States in the war and in April it became evident that the 88th's turn would soon come to step aboard the gang-plank. Again a policing order was issued and with a will the men set to cleaning up the signs of their occupa- tion of the peasants' houses and barns, filling up trenches, repairing the roads and otherwise putting things in shape to turn the area back to the French. Orders to move to the Le Mans (Sarthc) area, American Embarkation Center, came at last, and Capt. Sumner T. Mc- Knight of Minneapolis, formerly with the 351st Inf. but then in the office of G-l, went ahead to the headquarters town of La Suze. The first group of billeters left Gondrecourt May 2 for the 36-hour trip. Division headquarters moved May 8 and the Division was together again by May 13, except for the 313th Eng., which remained behind a few days to com- plete the cleaning-up. It was a great change for the men to the Sarthe country from the wet, cold, muddy and stoney Gondrecourt area as they had known it throughout their entire stay. At La Suze May was smiling and warm, flowers blossomed and nature was at her best. But the Division was not to stay there long. On May 15 it started for the port of embarkation at St. Nazaire and the last left May 18. Nor was the Division destined to remain at the port long either. Delousing, physical examinations and clothing exchanges completed in a hurry, four days was the longest any unit remained before going aboard ship. V. Career of 88th Division Ends Thus ended the career of the 88th Div., at Newport News. Va., U. S. A., where the various units were landed. From the port the men were separated and sent to the encampment near- est their homes or place of enlistment or induction into service. At this time the Division was made up of men from every state in the union, mostly from the north Mississippi River Valley. Iowa had 4,300 men in the Division, Minnesota 4,000. Missouri 1,900, North Dakota 1,200, Illinois 1,150, South Dako- ta 1,000, Nebraska 600, Kansas 500, New York 400, Pennsyl- vania 300, and most of the other states from 100 to 300. There were a large number from New Fngland, also from Canada. Italy and the Scandinavian countries. The largest group was returned at Camp Dodge for dis- charge, each man being given a $60 bonus and a red chevron to put on his left sleeve at once to denote discharge. This permitted him to continue the wear of his uniform. The men had been issued new outfits, complete, and were entitled to take home with them a gas mask, helmet and other equipment and clothing. In Des Moines the returning men were met at the depot and marched to a tent where the women served re- freshments. No pen has ever yet succeeded in accurately describing the joy and delight of the men to be home again with their people and friends. The affection shown by our boys for their homes and kin was one of the things especially noticed about them by the French and many a strong youth let glad tears run unashamed to see home and mother once more. Theirs had not been a spectacular adventure, compared with some of the other outfits. As a story of war the history of the 88th Div. must lie somewhat disappointing. We may never know what or who "kept us out of war" for so long, but certain it is that it was not tin- fault or the desire of these citizen soldiers. By the time they were to have gone into the great drive they were full of the confidence and the spirit that simply will not acknowledge defeat. And the 88th Division 17 General Quick at Salute In the commanding general the Division had a man who came well recommended from the 28th Div. He had the knack of getting in touch with the individual soldier and gaining his regard. It was said of him that it was a fast doughboy who could beat the general to the salute when the car of two stars passed the trudging private on the road. One doughboy of Headquarters Troop told of entering a barber shop in Hericourt to buy razor blades. He was not having much success making his errand understood, when a stocky, gray-haired, pleasant-faced American got out of a chair and walking over to the counter helped him out in French. The young man was duly thankful, but when he saw the stranger put on a blouse with two stars on each shoulder he got panicky and bolted for the door in a hurry. Members of the 88th Div. had a prominent part in launch- ing the Liberty Legion, tentative name for the American Le- gion. Lt. Col. Bennett C. Clark, assistant chief of staff G-l, and Major (Lt. Col.) Eric Wood, G-2, with Lt. Col. Theodore Roosevelt were in fact the originators and first temporary officers of the organization as formed in Paris. Major Wood and Lt. L. R. Fairall, editor of the Camp Dodger, were dele- gates at large on the executive committee, on which Lt. Col. George C. Parsons and Wagoner Dale J. Shaw represented the Division. The 349th Inf. reflected added luster on the 88th Div. with a rifle team at the great shoot held at the Belgian Camp, Le Mans, in the spring of 1919. Pvt. Charles M. Schwab won a gold medal with a score of 532. It is to be regretted that the Division quit France just at the time the best and most enjoyable part of the year was setting in. Recollection of that country is apt to hold upper- most rain, mud, ruins and cold. The men stayed in sections where the peasant people were tired of having soldiers about and where nothing had been repaired or otherwise cared for for nearly five years. One plaint of A. £. F. days that died out somewhat after the return home was that regarding the high prices charged Americans over there. Here is what an American soldier just returned home wrote back to his pals still in France : "You may think the French are holding you up on prices over there. I am back in the States and I have found out something I did not know before, that the French are not in it at all. There is a certain class in these United States that put the French way back in the shade for that sort of thing. They work on the theory that every soldier is so darned glad to get back to God's country that he is sucker enough to pay any price for anything. And what is more they are getting away with it. They are the smallest and the meanest of the whole family of profiteers. They outcharge the French com- pletely — postcards of the ship you came over in, 25 cents ; service chevrons, SO cents; little sandwiches, 25 cents; oranges, 15 cents." If the French found the Americans easy marks, and had a separate price for us, perhaps it does not come with good grace for us to throw stones, in view of the experience of the French who came over here with La Fayette to help Washing- ton. The Stars and Stripes repeated a letter which was sent by a French soldier back to France in Revolutionary days, which read, anent the Yankees : "They fleece us pitilessly; the price of everything is ex- orbitant ; in all the dealings that we have with them they treat us more like enemies than friends. Their cupidity is unequal- ed ; money is their god ; virtues, honor seem nothing to them compared to the precious metal. I do not mean that there are no estimable people whose character is equally noble and generous — there are many, but I speak of the nation in gen- eral. "Money is the prime mover of all their actions ; they think only of means to gain it; each is for himself, and none is for the public good. The inhabitants along the coast, even the best Whigs, carry provisions of all kinds to the English fleet, which is anchored in Gardner's Bay, and that because the Fnglish pay them well." Stunned by High Prices The problem of high prices struck the returning Clover- leafers a stunning blow. The government paid each officer and man $60 bonus on discharge, which was supposed to help him start again in civil life. But $60 would not even buy a decent suit of clothes, they discovered. Shoes were $15 to $20 a pair. Food was two to four times its former price. At the time of this writing, potatoes have risen to $5.60 per bush- el and sugar to 27 cents a pound, each purchaser being per- mitted only one pound. Soldiers who did not have a position waiting for them or relatives with whom they could stay temporarily had a diffi- cult time. Congress had voted a considerable bonus with alacrity to the army of government clerks who flocked to Washington to serve their country during the war, but when it came to equalizing the prosperity and giving the returning fighters some of it, the matter of expense was strongly urged against it. Some states passed bonus legislation, but it is still a question whether any federal bonus will be agreed on. What made the situation seem onr.-sided to the soldiers was the plenty apparently possessed by everyone who had re- mained safely at home. People in munitions or other war plants had drawn almost fabulous wages. Artisans and even common laborers received as much as highly trained profes- sional men might have been happy to accept before the war. It was a topsy-turvy arrangement and the soldier felt that someone had "put something over" on him while he was fight- ing for his country at $33 a month — less war risk insurance, Class A allotments, Liberty bond payments, etc., et'. While France may not have left the best impressions in the minds of those who saw only the worst side of it con- stantly, there can be little doubt that on the whole, with many and notable exceptions, the smooth-faced, happy, reckless, baby-cheeked American doughboy made a not unpleasant im- pression especially on the female portion of the French popu- lation. Mademoiselle and madame considered him "plus gen- til" than their own men. "J'aime beaucoup les Americains," they often put it. The distinguishing features of the American youth in the minds of the French were his athletic build, height, breadth, supple- ness of body, springy, swinging gait and cleanly appearance. They came to France like a cool, refreshing breeze. Other things the Frenchman noticed about the American was that he was much addicted to the use of the razor, where- as the Poilu is a "poilu;" he played hard, roughly and noisily; he was fond of children and generous with goodies for them ; he "ate" tobacco and wanted his food on his plate all at one time instead of in courses; he was strangely soft-hearted and gentle, though savagely murderous in battle ; he became "zig- zagged" easily, but, odd man that he was, he drank water mostly and did not take kindly to wine as a rule. This idea of using water for drinking purposes was con- sidered hugely droll by the peasant-folk. "You drink water and milk," they teased. "That is for children and babies. You call us 'frogs' but you are more like frogs than we are. You use water like frogs." But the American, when he drank of wine, beer, cognac, eau de vie, or what, did not "drink" as the French did. He "gulped" in large quantities, while the Frenchman sipped — temperate always, in all things. As fighters, British, French and Americans came to have the highest regard for each other. Americans came to admire with an intense admiration the little men who held Verdun and the Marne, and the French in turn had the utmost esteem for the huge boys who rushed so recklessly into danger and used the bayonet with such telling effect. Though 18 months after the war the United States has not yet officially made peace ; though the United States is the butt of abuse from without and within, and politicians, emerg- ing from their hiding during the war, have halted progress toward a settlement bringing about a disturbed condition that almost threatened to undo all that has been accomplished, the foundation has been laid for a deep, lasting, personal, man-to- man regard and affection between these three peoples. A British and French comment on the American as a soldier (a comment that probably was supposed to be diplo- matic reflection) was perhaps a fairly accurate estimate. It ran: "The Americans are not good soldiers; but they are good fighters." 19 PART 2 Personal Narratives and Reminiscences My Experience in the World War On the morning of August 9, 1918, we were all ordered to roll packs with full equipment and be ready to move out at any time. The packs were made in a very few minutes as all the boys were very anxious to leave Camp Dodge, as we had been drilling hard and long every day and the other regiments had been moving out so we knew that the time for us to move out would soon be here. At 11 o'clock we were served sand- wiches for dinner and at 12 o'clock we were ordered to "fall in." We moved down to the train which was waiting to start us on our journey that would take us to a foreign country where some of us were bound to stay, as we knew we were going into active service in the World War. By 2 :30 we were all loaded onto the train ready, to start and we didn't need to wait long as we were soon on the way. We' passed over the C. & N. W. route which took us through Ames where we stopped for about 30 minutes while the train crew worked on a hot box which had developed on one of the car trucks. Leaving Ames at 3 o'clock wc made a steady run to Clin- ton, la., where'we were served by the Red Cross ladies. They served us cold coffee and cookies which was greatly enjoyed and the way we were treated was also appreciated by us. The people tried to do everything in their power for us in the way of cheering us up on our trip and letting us know that they and the whole United States were backing us in our big task. Many of the boys gave the addresses of their mothers to the Red Cross ladies and asked them to write to them as they had not had a chance to write home for some time. Many of the boys said after we had arrived in France that their mothers had received very interesting letters from the Red Cross ladies in which they had tried to encourage our mothers and folks at home. Leaving Clinton at 7 :4S we made a steady run to Chicago at which place we arrived at 2 A. M., Aug. 10. We did not have a very good opportunity to see the town as most of us were sleeping and the train stopped in the yards from which point it is almost impossible to see much. We left Chicago at 4 o'clock after having the water and ice tanks replenished, over the Nickle Plate road to Buffalo, N. Y. At Ft. Wayne where we arrived at 9:30 we stopped long enough to take all the men out for a morning hike which was very much enjoyed for several reasons. One was that we stopped very close to a large factory where several hundred girls and young women were employed and as we marched past the girls all cheered us and many threw roses which the boys, as all good ball players do, caught. While we were getting aboard many of the girls followed us to the train to see us off and it started to rain so hard that they were forced to run for cover, but they cheered and waved their handkerchiefs as long as we were in sight. Not only at Ft. Wayne did the people come out to watch us pass and cheer us on but at every town along the way, the people, children, men and women were out along the tracks, waving Old Glory to us and cheer- ing at the top of their voices. All Out For a Swim After leaving Ft. Wayne the next stop we made was at the edge of Lake Erie where we got into the lake for a swim. This was one of the first experiences for most of the men as many of us had never seen a large body of water before, so it was greatly enjoyed. We had a fine bath as there was nice clean sand from the tracks down to the water and the water was warm enough to swim in. After everyone had had a good bath we entrained again, going on into Cleveland, O., arriving at 4:30 P. M. and were given cigarettes, postcards and grape juice by the Red Cross ladies. Upon leaving Cleveland we were served supper on the train, as we had our field range and cooks with us. They prepared our meals and the men that were on K. P. carried the meals through the train to us. After supper was over we spent our time watching mile after mile of land pass the car windows which we greatly enjoyed as it was such a contrast to our bare hills at Camp Dodge. When it became too dark to see the country we made our bunks as we were riding in Pullman cars. This was something else that many of the boys had never experienced before, so many of them did not sleep well during the trip to the coast. I "was up most of the second night as I was corporal of the guard and while making the round of posts I met one of our men coming down through the car and I asked him if he could not sleep as it was too late for anyone to be roaming around at that hour. His answer was that one minute his head hit one end of the bunk and the next minute his feet hit the other so he thought it was time to be getting out of there. On the morning of Aug. 11 we arrived at Buffalo, M, Y., staying there about two hours and leaving in the early morn- ing which gave us a morning ride to Elmira which was greatly enjoyed as the country was very different from that which we had been used to. We arrived at Elmira at 10 o'clock where we all piled off to get fresh milk and cookies which were served by the Red Cross ladies. Our next stop was at Scranton, Pa., where we were again served cigarettes, post- cards and coffee by the Red Cross ladies. We took a hike through the town and saw some very nice homes. The people were all out along the streets and at the depot to see us. Leav- ing Scranton we passed through some of the most beautiful scenery we had seen on our trip so far and while going through the mountains we passed the watergap at the Penn- sylvania-New Jersey line. Going through New Jersey we arrived at Hoboken at 6 P. M. where we were detained and embarked on a ferry on which we crossed the channel to Long Island. Crossing the channel we passed under the Brooklyn bridge and saw many things that were quite new to the most of us. Landing at Long Island we piled on a train again and went to Camp Mills. After getting off the train we had a long hike to make with full packs on to the tents where we were to stay while there. During our stay at Camp Mills we had some very inter- esting experiences. We could step out of our tents at almost any hour of the day and could see as many as ten planes flying over us, some of them flying in groups of as many as three or four. Many of them would fly over very low, doing maneuvers that many of us thought were impossible. On Aug. 13 there were a number of men who received passes to go to New York city. My bunky, a young man from Iowa, with whom I had bunked and pal-ed ever since coming to camp, and I went over with the others. We saw some very interesting things while going up and down the Great White Way, amongst which were the Flatiron and Wool- worth buildings. We then crossed the Brooklyn bridge on the way to Coney Island where we spent part of the evening. After doing Coney Island and getting some souvenirs to send home we returned to New York City and went to a show after which we returned to camp. The next morning we received our overseas clothing and the rest of our ordnance equipment. Our nice broad brimmed hats were taken away from us and little dinky caps issued to replace them. We all had our hair cut short so we could hang the cap on some of the short hairs, that being about the only way we could keep them on. Another thing the men could put in their time at was wrapping their leggings, which was a bigger task to learn than they imagined. When it came time to roll the packs many of us were wondering where we would put all of our things and after we had everything tied 20 Personal Narratives on in every way imaginable, our next thought was how we would ever carry a load like that. Many Americans have made the statement that American soldiers were not equipped. Many times while making our trips over France I thought that if those people that thought we were not equipped could see us carrying those packs, or better still if they had to carry them for ten or twelve hours as we have done, they would think we had all the equipment there was in the United States. Our packs as we have been carrying them weigh on an average of about 80 pounds, but we often thought that they weighed twice that much after we had them on for a few hours. Some of the men, in fact, all of us, saw some of the parks on Long Island that were far nicer than any w*e had ever seen before. The parks are all kept in the very best of shape, everything being so neat and clean. The flower beds were very pleasing to the eye, as they also were exceptionally well planned and kept. Leaving Camp Mills by train on the morning of Aug. IS we traveled to Brooklyn harbor, arriving there about 2 o'clock where we detrained to get aboard a ferry which took us to the pier where our vessel was docked. We were again given a feed by the Red Cross ladies, consisting of cookies, cigar- ettes and ice cream. We also received postal cards that we were to mail as we stepped off the gangplank into the ship and which were to be sent to our loved ones at home to tell them we had safely landed "over there." When the time came for our company to go aboard the big steamer which was to carry us across to the battlefields, our names were called out as we filed up the gang plank, dropping our cards in the mail sack and going down to the lower deck to the hole that was to be our home for several days. We piled up our packs, got our hammocks all slung and then there was nothing left for us to do but to explore the ship and see what our new home looked like. We lay at dock until noon of Aug. 16. When we were all down in the hole eating dinner on this day the ship seemed to be moving. Some of the men went up to see if we were leaving and in a short time every man was upon deck watching our dear old America fade away below the horizon. We sailed out past the Statue of Liberty and as we saw it fading away the men be- gan to realize that we were fast leaving our homes behind, some of us never to return. Fourteen Ships in Convoy In the convoy we sailed with there were 14 troop ships, two battle cruisers escorting us out to sea. After sailing several days one of the cruisers turned and went back, leaving the other, which we were told was the Cruiser Connecticut. It stayed with us ten days and nights and on the morning of the eleventh day we noticed it had disappeared during the past night. We were all wondering why she had left us before the Mosquito Fleet met us, but we did not wonder long, for about 10 o'clock some one saw a very small dark spot coming up over the Ijorizon which soon proved to be a ship. It had no more than come in sight when another and another, and still another came into view until there were 12 battle ships and submarine destroyers in all. Then we felt as though we were pretty well protected although we knew we were entering the danger zone, though the boys didn't seem to be the least nervous when we were coming across. The ship that we came across in was the Ulysses, which was an English cattle transport of about 600 ft. in length from bow to stern, drawing about 35 ft. of water. The ships in the convoy were the first things that we had seen which were camouflaged. They were painted in different colors, the lines of painting irregular, making the ship hard to distinguish at a distance. The interior of the ship was very crudely con- structed in the lower decks, as it had been a cattle boat, but as we hung our beds up in the air it didn't make very much difference about the condition of the ship. As soon as the ship was under- way and the United States was out of sight we were wondering whether we were going to be seasick and feed the fishes while we were coming across. About the second or third day out a few of the men be- gan to miss some of their meals, but as the sea was excep- tionally calm there were only a very few men that experienced seasickness. There was only one day that the waves were large enough to come up over the sides of our vessel. There was a bunch of the men loafing along on the midship deck watching the waves roll when all at once it appeared that a shower bath had been ordered but the men didn't seem to stay on deck long as the water was coming over in sheets, drenching those who were on deck. We didn't need to stay down long as the sea was soon calm. A very strange incident that a few of us had the pleasure to witness happened about noon one day when a few of us were on the upper fore deck watching the waves roll up against the bow. A small whale appeared just under the sur- face of the water, swimming along just ahead of the ship, and in a moment another and another appeared until there were six of them swimming along side by side. They would dart up to the surface of the water, turn on their sides or backs and dive down again out of sight. They kept this up for nearly five minutes when they suddenly disappeared. They were about eight or ten feet long and of a dark color. While they were "showing off" to us they certainly proved them- selves excellent swimmers and divers. There was no excitement during our trip across with the exception of one night about 1 o'clock when the whistles were blowing on a couple of the ships and the battle cruiser that was with us suddenly turned passing close in the rear of our ship and going on until arriving between the second and third ships of the convoy when it suddenly opened fire with a burst of five shots from the 8-inch guns. Evidently, the other ships scattered, going in different directions, going in a zigzag course and keeping this up for nearly two hours. As day began to dawn the ships again took up their former po- sitions and everything seemed to be all right again. We were told by some of the ship's crew that a submarine had been sighted but they were not certain as to whether it was de- stroyed and sent to the bottom or not. Sing, Sleep and Study I. D. R. Our trip across the ocean, which lasted 12 days, was very pleasant, as the sea was extraordinarily calm and we were not bothered by the submarines, so we spent most of our time singing, sleeping in the sun on the upper deck, and studying the I. D. R. Another big job we had to learn was to eat the food that was served to us. It consisted of soup, mutton and plum pudding. The soup, which was not seasoned at all, was very different from any that we had ever eaten. The mutton was also very different from that which we had eaten in the States. The plum pudding was about the only thing that we could eat so we were always wishing for the time when the K. P.'s would bring it down again. On the evening of Aug. 27 we were able to see land away in the distance. Some of us stayed up on deck long into the night so we would be up when we landed. It became too cold to stay up so we went down to bed. In the morning we found that we were anchored in the harbor at Liverpool. We lay there till about 8 o'clock, when we moved up to the dock and went down the gangplank that put us for the first time on foreign soil and ended our first voyage across the Atlantic. It was a grand feeling to have our feet on land again and to have a little elbow room. Marching up through the streets from the dock to the R. R. station we were able to see and compare a foreign city with those of America. We found that the streets were much narrower, not as well kept and not so smooth. The street cars were very different, being much shorter, higher and very antique. The buildings and stores are not to be compared with those of the States. They are made of stone and very small. The things that they have to sell are also very different. Going into a store you may find some groceries, meats, hard- ware and wines. When we were marching to the station the band met us, playing some of America's pieces which we were very glad to hear. They followed us and played while we were loading onto a foreign train for the first time. After we had placed all our packs in the cars we were given cards, compliments of King George, to send home to our folks. We were also given coffee, cookies and papers, which we were anxious to read as we had had no news of the war since leaving the States. The people were very nice to us there and nothing seemed too good for us, and one man told some of the men that their Personal Narratives 21 country was being saved by the Yankees. Some of the men stayed in Liverpool for a couple of hours which gave them a chance to see more of the town and also gave them a chance to send a cablegram home to the folks telling them we had arrived safely "over seas." We left Liverpool riding in a train that was very dif- ferent from those in the U. S. A. The cars were very much shorter and not as high being partitioned off so that a squad of eight men rode in a section by themselves, the doors of the cars being in the sides. See Many Queer Things Riding through England for the first time we saw many interesting things, the lay of the land and how it was divided into fields. The fields are much smaller than we are used to, being surrounded with rock walls, rail fences or hedges, which as a rule are very well kept. The land was plowed in narrow strips, which made ridges from the back furrows. There was acre after acre of potato fields which seemed to be their main crop, and which they were digging as we passed by. Some wheat, oats and barley is raised, but we did not see a field or even a stalk of corn since leaving the States. The buggies and wagons are also very queer, the buggies having only two wheels which are very high and shafts that are long with a large bend in them which makes the end point nearly straight down. The most of the wagons also have only two wheels which are large and heavy, the body or run- ning gears are merely two logs that have been cut out, laid across the axle and extend far enough ahead for the shafts, as there are no tongues in the wagons. The load is placed on the boards that are nailed to the two logs and held on by sticks that are used as standards. Many of us saw for the first time a yoke of oxen being worked and thought it strange that people living in the 20th century would be working oxen, but as we went along we found that there were many oxen being worked as horses are scarce. The horses they do have are mostly large and heavy, being of a good breed, but most of them have evidently been taken for the Big War. Hogs were also very scarce and I remember of seeing only two or three hogs on our entire trip across England. Arriving at Birmingham about 2 P. M. we stopped long enough for the men to get a cup of coffee that was being served by the Red Cross ladies and buy a few things that were for sale at small stands in the depot. This was the first time we had ever had any one refuse to take American money, they would take a dollar bill and if you had change coming you were fortunate, so some of the boys paid a good price for cigarettes, but they were glad to get them as nearly everyone was out of cigarettes before we reached Liverpool. Our next stop was Winchester, arriving there at 7 o'clock in the evening. We unloaded and marched up through the town to a camp which we were told was a rest camp, and it turned out to be a real rest camp, one that we enjoyed very much as we had made the hike of about three miles up hill with full packs and without supper. We were given a very light supper which rested our stomachs too, and as we were very tired from our long journey we went to our tents to go to bed. There we found that we were to have a change from sleeping in beds so lay down on the soft side of the boards on the floor of the tent. It was very cold that night and so many of us in each tent that we could do very little resting. ^ The next morning, Aug. 29, we left our first rest camp at 7 o'clock, marched back to the station where we had detrained before and boarded the car for Southampton. Landing there at 11 o'clock we lay in the dock until about 5 o'clock that evening' when we went aboard the channel boat St. George. During our wait in the dock we were able to go out around the harbor for a few minutes at a time so were able to see a few large ships laying at dock, some of them also being in dry docks. Two of them were British ships that had been torpedoed by German submarines and were in for repairs, thus giving us a grand opportunity to see the results that a torpedo can accomplish. The Olympic was among the ships that were laying at dock, loading and getting ready to make another trip. We were told that she had just arrived carry- ing 8,000 American Red Cross nurses that were to care for our sick and wounded. Cross Channel in the Night We started across the English Channel at about 6 o'clock, so we could make the trip at night. As we sailed out from the harbor we realized that we were making the most dangerous trip as there were floats and mines anchored all through the harbor except in one part that was left for the ships to sail through and as we got out farther we saw several battleships laying in the harbor guarding the ships there. There were some poles sticking up out of the water in one place and on one of them was a sign "DANGER" which evidently was to show that a ship had been sunk there. As night came on it was getting cold and windy so we were forced to go down below, and as there were no hammocks for us to sleep in we were forced to sleep any place we could find. Many of us were fortunate enough to hire bunks from the ship's crew so we put in a wonderful night's sleep which was the first we had since leaving Camp Dodge, but for those who were not able to get bunks the night was long and dreary. They lay down in the hallways, on the steps and every place there was room to stay, and when anyone passed down the hall it was nothing to have your head stepped on by some one wearing hobnailed shoes. We were passing through the most dangerous period in our journey but no one seemed to be very much worried, at least nothing was said as we were well protected because there was a battleship sailing in front of us breaking the way or disclosing any mines that might be in our path. Early in the morning we landed at Le Havre, debarked about 8 o'clock and marched five miles through the town which was mostly up hill to a large American camp which was called Camp One, Section B. Le Havre proved to be a very beautiful city. The camp was a large camp of tents located on top of a hill and surrounded with a high wire fence, with guards walking post on either side. We were placed in the tents, one squad to a tent, and as they were small tents, eight men filled them up so that we were too crowded to sleep as well as we should have. On the night of Aug. 31 we left camp at 11 o'clock mak- ing a midnight hike down the hill with full packs. That was one hike that the men will never forget for the officer that was leading the companies must have been trying to see how fast we could walk down that dark, rough rocky road. We reached the station at about 1 :30 that night and were so tired that we took off our packs and laid them down on the stone platform and in a few minutes many of us were sound asleep. In a short time we were loaded in box cars that were very small and very much open. The roofs in most of the cars were mostly cracks and as it rained the next morning we were pretty well soaked. There were from 30 to 40 men pack- ed in each car making it so crowded we could not lie down and it seemed that all the wheels of the car were flat from the noise it made and the way it was bouncing over the nar- row track we were hard put to stay in the car, let alone try- ing to get any rest. Making our first trip through France in a box car on Sunday morning we saw some very interesting things. The country was very much like that of England only not so welt kept. We traveled along the Seine River and through the outskirts of Paris, being able to see the world famous Eiffel tower in the distance. The next morning we were unloaded at Les Laumes where we pitched our pup tents in a stubble field on the edge of town. After making that our home for a couple of days we went about a mile and a half to Alise Sainte Reine where we were billeted in barns, empty houses, and every place that a man could sleep. The people there proved to be very nice to us as they tried to do everything they could for us. We were the first American soldiers sta- tioned there and there was one little store that you could scarcely buy anything at, but after we had been there for some time they had more than doubled their stock and also doubled their prices. Ruins of B. C. City As we learned the history of Alise Sainte Reine it proved to be a very old town, some of its buildings being built in 1626. There were some ruins a very short distance from the town and we were told that they were the ruins of a city that had been built before Christ. There were the ruins of the battle- fields on which Caesar had fought with the Gauls and a statue 22 Personal Narratives of Napoleon was standing on the same ground, while a statue of Joan of Arc marked a corner in the little town. We left Alise Sainte Reine on the night of Sept. IS about 11:30, marching back to Les Laumes loaded onto a freight train and rode until about 3:30 the next afternoon when we landed in Belfort from which place we hiked about eight miles to Vezelois. Arriving there about 7 :30 in the evening we were too tired to hunt billets so we made our beds on the ground. As it grew darker we could see the rockets fired in the front line trenches and hear the big guns. The next morning we could see the Vosges Mountains away in the distance. One point of them we were told was in Germany and on another we were shown the place where 30,000 Germans had lost their lives. At this place we were only 14 miles from the front lines and we could hear the big guns every night and nearly every day we saw a battle in the air between the French and German aviators. " One day we saw a very pretty sight. There were two German planes flying very high nearly out of sight and being fired at by anti-aircraft guns. We could see the shrapnel shells bursting all around them. When one burst right at one of the planes it swayed a second, turned nose downward and fell clear to the ground. Many times I have heard France spoken of as "Sunny France" but every day that passed the less I thought that the sun ever shone in France. It rained day after day and when it didn't rain it was either cloudy or foggy so that the ground had no chance to dry up. We went to drill every day so our feet were always wet and many times it was not only our feet but our clothing also. When we reached our billets we had no place to dry our clothing as we were living in barns so a good many of the men took cold which soon turned into influenza and we began to send men to the hospital every day. Some of them have never returned. Captain and Mail from Home One evening as we were all sitting around in billets the word came that our dearest friend, the person we all wanted to see most and the one we had more confidence in than any one else, had arrived in town. We all rushed out to take him by the hand or at least to see our captain, who had left us at Camp Dodge to come over before us and get things ready for us. The captain seemed to be very glad to see us, but I am afraid he will never know what it meant to us to have him return. A few nights later the mail from our home folks came in for the first time since we had been in France and the captain sat up with the boys sorting and giving out the mail so that the men would get it as soon as possible. On Saturday evening, Oct. 5, we rolled full packs and hiked about six miles to a little town called Fontenelle, where we were all put into a large barn to spend the night. In the morning when we got out there was a heavy frost, the first one we had while we were over there. At noon we were told to roll packs again and the men that were too weak or too sick to carry their packs had them hauled. This was the last hike that was made for some time by many of the men. We were all wondering where we were going, but we soon found that we were going back to Vezelois again. While we were making this hike we could see a search- light throwing its beams looking for airplanes. This pre- caution was taken every night to guard against observation by airplanes as all our traveling or hiking was done at night. These night marches were necessary, as it would have been easy for the Hun planes to observe the strength and probable destination of troops if they had marched by day. This was a disappointment to all of us as we had no opportunity to see the country through which we passed, and also for the reason that they were very monotonous; just a steady march, march, march, except for our ten-minute fall-outs and then we were unable to see what we sat down on or in. On the evening of Oct. 10 we left Vezelois and hiked to Rougemont, which was a distance of about 14 miles. This trip was very hard on the men as nearly all of us had been feeling indisposed or had just been in the hospital, and carry- ing full packs, we certainly were glad when we reached the billets we were to sleep in. We stayed in this town for a couple of days in French barracks, had a good warm bath and had the pleasure of visiting in the town in the evenings. This was one of the towns in which we were able to buy things that we wanted, as there had been a good many Amer- ican soldiers there some time before and the shopkeepers had found out what the American troops wanted and had pur- chased a good supply accordingly to take care of the next bunch arriving. On Saturday evening we heard some heavy firing from the big guns up at the front and we knew that a heavy bom- bardment was on. We did not know then whether it was the Germans or the French that were putting it over but we learn- ed afterward that it was the Germans shelling Eglingen, which was entirely destroyed. When some of the shells burst it seemed as though the ground under us was trembling and we were eight miles from the town that was being shelled, so we could imagine what it would be like if we were there. Hike to Camp Norman On Sunday evening, Oct. 13, we left Rougemont, making another long hike to Camp Norman, which was located in the woods near Chavennes le Loire and close to the front line trenches. During our stay in camp we visited this town quite often as we were only about a mile from there. This town was about five miles from Montreux Chateau, where Divi- sional and Regimental Hdqtrs. were, and some of us went there a few times as it had some dandy stores and among those supplies obtainable was excellent chocolate. We were out in the field one day close to the front when we saw three French planes flying toward the German planes when they began circling around each other and the battle was on. They were using their machine guns, diving and darting through the air. None of the planes were brought down, but the French proved themselves the best birdmen. The Ger- mans decided it was time for them to go home and the French planes followed them a little ways when the anti-aircraft guns opened up on the Germans and drove them out of our sight. The barracks at this camp which we occupied were made by the French and the bunks were a wooden frame with wires stretched across to sleep on. They were certainly uncomforta- ble as the wires were about eight inches apart and in the morning when we got up we looked like waffles, only we were pretty badly bent. It was still raining nearly every day so the roads were very wet and muddy. About 5 o'clock Thursday evening, Oct. 24, we rolled our packs and got out on the line ready to start for the first time into active service at the big front in the world's greatest war. We started out in the rain, the road was muddy and dark, making walking hard and disagreeable. After we had traveled for a couple of hours we were given orders that there was to be no more smoking or loud talking so we knew that we were getting pretty close to the front. After a long tire- some walk we reached Hagenback, which is in Germany where the platoons were separated and each given a guide who took us to the sector that we were to occupy. As our platoon moved out the men walked in single file, one on each side of the road. Everyone kept very quiet as we knew that the Huns had the range of the road and if they thought or knew that a relief was being made they would have turned their artillery on the road and made it very un- pleasant for us. Ending our hike, which was a distance of about 14 miles, we entered the trenches and took posts at 12:30 that night. We were given our range, or field of fire, and received the orders from the men we were relieving just as they moved out leaving us, a green set of regiments, to hold the ground. It was very hard to go through a dark, muddy, narrow trench without making any noise but the relief was made so quietly that the Germans knew nothing of it, for they did not send over a barrage as they had done so many times before. During a relief is a very good time to send over a barrage as the old men are leaving their posts and the new ones com- ing in making a concentration of troops on which artillery fire could inflict heavy losses. Trenches in Poor Condition Some of the posts we took over were in awfully poor condition, full of mud, water and trash. Of course we got practically no sleep that night, as we got only a hazy idea of Personal Narratives 23 where the enemy trenches were from the men we relieved and were naturally on edge from uncertainty. When morning came and we got the lay of the land we became more confident and were able to get some real rest when our turn came to rest. After each man had rested some, we got busy and cleaned out the little dugout that was at the post I was on, fixed up a couple of boards for bunks, hung our shelter halves up at the doors and fixed it up so that we had a fairly good place to stay, although it was very cold as we were not allowed to have any fire. We were up against a very different proposition than we had ever tackled before and we soon found that it was a man-size job. Standing post was not so bad in the day time but at night we spent many cold and lonesome nights. There were always two men on duty at each post at night and from S P. M. during the night they would wake the third man at the end of two hours so that we stood post four hours and slept two. The first few nights one of us would see the stump of a tree which had been shot off by the big guns and the first minute it looked like a tree, the next minute like a man, and in a few minutes it seemed an army. If a noise was heard that sounded like the Germans coming over we would locate the spot it was heard from and if it was heard again a gre- nade was thrown and everyone was on his feet ready for an attack. One morning about 11 o'clock we were cleaning our guns and getting ready for anything that might happen when all at once we heard shells bursting all around us, tearing big holes in the ground and throwing dirt into the air. Everyone grabbed his gun, went out along the trench and waited for the order from the corporal to go "over the top." The reason for going out in the trenches and leaving the dugout was that if a shell hit the dugout only the man that was left to stand post would be killed. The trenches were very little protec- tion, though, as the shells were alighting in them and tearing them all to pieces. We could scatter out and if a shell landed only one man would be a casualty, where if we had all re- mained in the dugout and a shell landed on it we would have all been killed. Found what Barrage was Like We had all been wondering what a barrage was like, but in about two minutes speculation in that regard was finished and we began to wonder where the next shell would land. One of our men was walking in the trench holding his rifle in his hand when a shell struck the gun at the small of the stock smashing the gun in two, tore the canteen from his belt and tearing his overcoat. Another man had one of his arms shot off and his leg broken. He was rushed to the hospital but died in a few days from loss of blood. As soon as the bar- rage lifted a raiding party of 40 Huns came over and attacked Post 57A, I Company's sector, and in the battle that followed one Hun sergeant was wounded and captured, one Hun private killed, and one of our men killed and one wounded. The corporal in charge of this post distinguished himself in the fight and undoubtedly will receive the D. S. C. He claims that many of the Huns were wounded, but they suc- ceeded in carrying them with the exception of the two men- tioned, back to their trenches. The prisoner told that they had been forced to make the attack by their officers and that they had been lying out in front of our lines from 3 o'clock that morning waiting for the artillery to open up the barrage. Just before he died from the wounds he had received the ser- geant asked for a cup of coffee, which was given him, and he said that they were getting practically nothing to eat and were being forced to fight. After the barrage which lasted only IS minutes but which seemed like a day to us, we all knew what it was like to go through a real barrage but were awfully glad when the first one was over. We have been told about barrages, have read about them and formed opinions of what a barrage would be like, but now we know from experience the real meaning of one. From that day on the men dreaded a barrage ; we were not afraid of gas for we knew our masks were ample pro- tection against that; we were not afraid of infantrymen for we had good rifles and bayonets with plenty of ammunition and grenades, knew how to use them and had plenty of boys "rearing to go." The enemy airplanes were over our lines a great deal as we had practically no planes to oppose them and they secured much valuable information, in fact their reconnaissance was so good that the barrage mentioned above was not accidental in its accuracy but due to the planes' good scouting work in locating our trenches. Our anti-aircraft guns were able to keep them from effective machine gun fire distance but could not prevent their thorough reconnaissance of our lines. No Protection from Shrapnel But when a barrage started with shrapnel flying all about us and shells tearing big holes in the ground we knew that there was no protection from that except to go over the top and ahead of the shelled area, as that would be our only place of safety. When a barrage is started it is thrown on the area to be shelled in either a box shape with one side left open, or a V-shape. If we were in the center of the area the shells would be thrown on the right, left and back of us, stead- ily being drawn in toward the center until the whole area had been shelled. That being done, the only safe place was di- rectly in front of the German lines which was too close to their trenches to be shelled. We had plenty of practice with the bayonet and trench knife while we were in the trenches as every night and many times a day there were rats that were nearly as large as cats running all around us. While we were sleeping they would come out, run over our bodies and across our faces and play around us until they were driven away. They had more nerve than the Germans for they would run over our guns while we were on post, eat our bread and get into everything they could find. The noise that they made kept us guessing sometimes to know whether it was Germans or rats. Our kitchen was located back of the trenches about a half mile and at 5 o'clock in the morning two of the men would go back for coffee which was our breakfast, then about 11 o'clock we had our dinner and at 4 o'clock supper. We also received our mail which we certainly enjoyed and which put courage into the men. The people who have contributed to the Y. M. C. A. have probably wondered whether the boys at the front were getting any good of it or not, but if they knew how much we enjoyed eating a package of cookies about midnight when we were standing post on a lonesome cold night they would never regret what they have given for the boys. The "Y" furnished us with cookies, chocolate and tobacco and the people will probably never know how much we appreciated and enjoyed them. On Saturday evening, Nov. 2, we were told that the French were coming in to relieve us, so we got things ready to move out and at 10 o'clock that night we left our post to go back of the lines for rest. We hiked from the trenches back through Hagenback to Dannemarie where we spent the night in barns that had been fixed up for billets. We reached there about 4 o'clock in the morning and as everyone was tired and sleepy we put in the most of the morning sleeping. That evening, which was Sunday, we were ordered to roll packs and be ready to move at any time. Just before we moved our captain came up to us and told us that we had a long hike to make and for us to leave our packs, but if we wished we could carry a blanket or two. Two of us decided to make a light pack together, so we could change off carrying it, making it easier for both of us and still each of us would have a blanket when we reached our destination. Long March Through Belfort We had supper and were given a sandwich to carry and at 5 o'clock started on our trip, which proved to be one of the hardest ones we had ever had. After passing several towns we found we were going over- a road that we had trav- eled over before, and we knew that we were nearing Belfort. Immediately we thought that would be where we were to stop, but we were disappointed, for we kept on going through the town. Everyone was so tired it seemed impossible to go another mile but we kept toiling along till about 5 o'clock Monday morning, when we reached a little town called La Salbert, where we literally dropped into the cowbarns or any place and were dead to the world for the rest of the day. Most of us were too tired to get up and eat which is some tired. 24 Personal Narratives During our stay in this town we spent most of our time po- licing it, cleaning every out-of-the-way place, which made it cleaner than it had ever been before. At 2 A. M. on the morning of Nov. 10th our company moved into Belfort, as we were to load the equipment of the brigade to be hauled some place near the big front, so we knew we were going into action again. The company moved into a large French barracks, where it was divided into two shifts, and one shift went into the trainyards to start loading the trains, while the other shift finished their night's rest. While our shift was off duty we spent the day, which was Sundae - , in seeing some of the things of interest in Belfort. One of them is a statue of a lion which is 68 feet long and 45 feet high, which is certainly a masterpiece of sculpture. It had been designed and constructed by the same man that built the Statue of Liberty located in the harbor of New York. On the second day of our stay in Belfort, which was Nov. 11, the word was received that the armistice had been signed, that fighting was over for 36 days and that peace would very likely be the outcome of it. This was wonderful news to us all and it could be seen from the way they cheered that every- one was glad the World War was presumably ended. The French as well as the Americans celebrated and flags were raised and everyone was happy. There were a coupl of air- planes flying very low over the town, flying flags and cele- brating the good news. On Tuesday afternoon, after we had loaded all the equip- ment for the companies of the brigade, we left Belfort on a freight train, going to a railhead where we unloaded Wednes- day morning and that afternoon marched about five miles to Lucey, where we were billed to stay only 24 hours, but as the war was over our orders were changed and we stayed until Nov. 29. During our stay at Lucey we spent most of our time policing the streets and out-of-the-way places of the town, and in drilling. On Thanksgiving day part of the com- pany was taken in trucks to a little town near the front lines, to police it and to collect all the American equipment that had been left by the fighting men, and which was turned in as salvage. As it rained the greater part of the day it was not a very pleasant Thanksgiving for us. Leaving Lucey Friday, Nov. 29, we started a two days' hike with full packs and after marching nine miles the first day we stopped for the night in a town named Void. After resting that night we started out again at 7 o'clock marching all day and well into the night. That night when we reached our destination, which was Bonnet, we were all so tired we could hardly walk. Making 21 miles in one day with full packs certainly tries a man's muscles and endurance, and cer- tainly is a good test as to whether a man is man-sized or not. — Melvin Brandt, Corporal, Co. L, 352d Inf., Postville, Iowa. Goodbye to the Frogs We have tramped your roads and carried our packs, And now, by gosh, we're going back! We have drank jour wine and ate your cheese And walked in mud up to our knees. We have slept in dugout, barn and shack. And now, by gosh, we're going back. We rode your box-cars forty deep, All night long without a wink of sleep. We ate redhorse and old hardtack, And now, by gosh, we're going back. We stood inspection from head to feet. We swept your streets all clean and neat. The Huns are licked and policing is slack, And now, by gosh, we're going back. Back to the good old U. S. A. It won't be long till I say "Good day!" We'll see sweethearts, wives and mothers, too. So goodbye France, to with you ! — Name Withheld. To France and Back Went into training at Camp Dodge in May 1918. After a few months of strenuous drill which included many early and late hours we left Camp Dodge Aug. 9, passing through Rock Island, Chicago, Toledo, Cleveland, Erie, Buffalo and Middleton and boarded the ferry boat at Weehawken, N. Y., going around Manhattan Island to the Long Island R. R. terminal where we went by rail to Camp Mills, arriving there Aug. 12. We stayed there a few days while being fitted with overseas equipment. We left Camp Mills for Brooklyn and got there Aug. 15, boarded the transport Ulysses and pulled out to sea on the afternoon of Aug. 16. Our convoy consisted of 15 transports and 2 battleships. Our trip across the sea was uneventful, except for an occasional shot fired from a submarine. The weather was favorable and the sea calm. We got our first glimpse of land, which was the coast of Scotland and Ireland, on the morning of the 27th. Going through the Irish Sea and Chan- nel we arrived at Liverpool, Eng., early in the morning of Aug. 28. From there we went by rail to a rest camp at Winchester. The next morning we lef.t for Southampton. We stayed on the wharf until late in the afternoon, boarding the ship St. George.- We crossed the English Channel at night and land- ed at Le Havre, France, early next morning. From Le Havre we hiked about six miles to another rest camp, where we got our first bath in France. After staying here a few days we were introduced to our latest mode of traveling, via side-door Pullmans, or box cars, with the direc- tions on the outside for loading "8 Chevaux or 40 Hommes"— all in a space of 8 by 24. Our first French camping grounds were reached Sept. 2 at Les Laumes. Here we slept in pup tents, and Sept. 4 moved three kilos to Alise St. Rene. After a short stay here we were loaded into box cars on Sept. 15. After traveling for several days we reached Belfort Sept. 17 and hiked seven kilos to Vezelois, where we were billeted in barns. Here we drilled rather hard to complete our final training for the trenches. It was here we received our gas masks and helmets, the things that later caused many an outburst of flowery language. Leaving Vezelois Oct. 5 we hiked about eight kilos reach- ing Fontenelle about midnight. Here we pitched pup tents for that night as we left the next evening for Ft. Chevremont. a hike of 7 kilos, arriving there about 2 A. M. Oct. 7. We left there Oct. 10 and hiked 15 kilos to Rougemont, and Oct. 13 found us at Camp Norman after a long, severe hike. The evening of Oct. 24 we hiked about 20 kilos to the front line trenches on the Alsace front. After a series of events and experiences during our stay in the trenches, we moved out on the night of Oct. 31 to the town of Hagenback, about four kilos to the rear. Here we remained a few days to recuperate from our stay in the trenches. A hike of about six miles brought us into the town of Dannemarie on the morning of Nov. 3. Leaving there about 6 P. M. the same day, we hiked about 25 kilos to the town of Roppc, resting there for a few days. Late in the night of Nov. 11 we hiked six kilos to Bel- fort, arriving there early in the morning of Nov. 12 and after a little lunch we were again loaded into box-cars, to move up for reserves for the Meuse-Argonne defensive, reaching the town of Lucey Nov. 13. We left Lucey Nov. 29 and hiked 24 kilos to Void, reach- ing Void late that night. Leaving the next morning at 7 :30, we continued the hike to Bonnet, arriving there about 10 P. M., Nov. 30, having covered a distance of about 40 kilos that day, the worst hike we encountered while in France. The ending of hostilities left us with high hopes of go- ing to "Home Sweet Home." But it was only after a number of disappointing rumors that we received orders to proceed to the point of embarkation. The Division was reviewed by General Pershing on April 19. After praising them for their splendid record and soldier- ly appearance he thanked them for the spirit of co-operation they had shown in the great struggle for democracy. May 10 finds us on our final journey to the coast, — Homeward Bound! Keached my home at Lime Springs, la., June 15, 1919. — Francis H. Jones, 352d Inf., R. 4. Bx. 14. Personal Narratives 25 Capture of Capts. Safford and House and Escape From German Prison (Following is a recital of the adventures of two 88th Div. officers, Capt. Orren E. Safford, a Minneapolis attorney and former University of Minnesota football star, and Capt. Henry A. House, formerly of Duluth, Minn., commanders of Com- panies G and E, respectively, of the 350th Inf. It covers one of the most exciting- and certainly the most interesting episode that marked the stay of the Division in France. To give all the details from the time the two officers and ten enlisted men were trapped in No Man's Land on the evening of Oct. 12, 1918, until six weeks later, Safford and House, ragged, starved, almost delirious from pain and fatigue after a flight of more than 60 miles through the Black Forest, stumbled into the out- stretched arms of welcoming "Poilus" at the Alsatian end of a Rhine River bridge, would occupy most of this volume. Cap- tain House has put the story in manuscript of nearly 75,000 words, a really remarkable description of a remarkable ex- perience by a gifted pen, and he has some thought of publish- ing it some day in book form. If he should ever do so, I can most unhesitatingly recommend it to the reader. Few, better or better written stories have come out of the war. Captain House at the time of this writing, by the way, is in New York preparing a play soon to be produced there. — E. J. D. L.) Reports of an official character quoted in preceding chapters give a sufficient insight for present purposes into what was the plan of the Franco-American force holding the Center Alsace Sector at the portion bordering on Ammertz- willer and Balschwillcr on the night of Oct. 12, 1918, ending, as it did, so disastrously for the 88th Div., or for one battalion of it. There is no doubt that there was room for criticism after the night's operation, but in view of the great ensemble achieve- ments of Allied and American arms in the war, there is not now any inclination to keep this circumstance to the fore; there is only regret that good American lives had to be lost and suf- fering created needlessh'. In a word, new trenches were to be dug or connected up across No Man's Land from the American lines to the German lines in Ammertzwiller, supposed to have been abandoned by the enemy. Work was to be done after dark by details from Companies E and F, commanded respectively by Captains Henry A. House and Peter V. Brethorst. Company G (Capt. Orren E. Safford) was to provide a "covering" or protecting party while the work was going on. At early dusk the French lieutenant who was to be in charge of the operation, told Captain Safford to come with him and started out into No Man's Land. They took along the necessary protecting party carrying grenades, automatic rifles, pistols, etc. The French officer intended to establish the two extremes of the new trenches to be dug, and lay white tape to mark the trail for the workers in the dark. Orders had been sent to House and Brethorst in the afternoon advising them to send House and Brethorst in the afternoon advising them to send their commands equipped with picks and shovels to a certain rendezvous at a certain hour at dusk, and to have the of- ficers meet at the American major's Post of Command before the working parties came up, to get instructions in detail. These orders were secret and contained little information — nothing, in fact, that in itself would give much of an idea pf what was afoot. The men themselves received no inkling of what was coming until they were lined up after early evening mess and told to get out their tools. Population Is Mixed This sector was in a mixed German-French population, with plenty of German sympathizers to get information across the line. It has never been positively established whether the enemy received word of what the French and Americans planned to do that night, but whether they had or not, de- velopments indicated that they had plans of their own for that night which had been in formation for some time. It is highly probable that it was a mere coincidence that the plans of the opposing sides clashed. Captain Safford and his little party arrived at the spot in No Man's Land where the French officer announced he intended to locate the right or south end of the new trench to be dug. He left Safford and two French and two American soldiers to mark this point, while he and the rest of the party- started north to locate the other end of the line. Safford and his companions took up a position behind a wire barri- cade at one end of a slight gully caused by the cutting through of a country road. Among the Americans with him was Andrew S. Tipton of Broadway, Mo. It was already growing dark when the detail had emerged from the advanced trenches and was quite dusk when the parties separated. Directly in front of where Safford was stationed, a short distance out toward the German lines, were two old parallel communication trenches running east and west. They had been waiting several minutes when they heard the sound of footsteps approaching in one of the abandoned trenches. Weapons were held ready. Soon Saf- ford could make out figures emerging from the opening of a trench only about 30 feet away. The Frenchmen and he opened fire. All became still. They remained behind their barricade until presently they heard sounds again from the trenches. As soon as they opened fire this time, it was re- turned. Tipton opened with the automatic. Bullets zipped all about. A small battle was carried on until finally the Germans ceased, and Safford's party did also. Nothing stirred then for some time, and Safford directed one of the Frenchmen, who had two bombs, to throw them into an abri where he feared an enemy might hide and do them damage. The Frenchmen had only two precious gren- ades. He pulled the pin in each of these successively and and threw them, but neither went off. It was suggested by one of the French soldiers, a non- commissioned officer, that they drop back a few yards to where he said he knew a good place. Where they were was easily approached from any side without their being able to see. "We might get some prisoners,'' said the noncom. The possibilities were discussed of covering some of the Germans and making them come forward to be disarmed. It seemed reasonable. "It was great fun, all right," Safford said long afterward, in telling of it. Accordingly they took up a position on a slight eminence, still along the road, but beside it, and adjacent to old wire. They reloaded their guns and Safford and the lieutenant stood up looking about, all of them straining their ears for the sinister secrets the falling darkness hid from view. Stealthy figures could be seen skulking at times, and Safford made out heads just visible above a depression. They were working around to the rear. "Are they Boche?" Tipton inquired of Safford in a whisper. Tipton had his automatic rifle ready. Safford passed the question along to the lieutenant, who replied in the af- firmative. While standing on the knoll, a sergeant of Chasseurs came crawling stealthily up from across the sunken road. Safford was surprised to see him but more surprised at what he had to say. He said that Captain House was a few yards away, just across the road. Now, Captain Safford had no inkling of who was to be at the night's work, hut he did not dream that Captain House would be in it, for he had relieved House's company in the line only the night before. House and his company should be resting safely behind the lines several kilometers after their tour in the trenches. Stealthy sounds and figures were all around in the grow- ing blackness — in front, toward the enemy lines, on both sides. 26 Personal Narratives and in the rear, between them and their own trenches. But there was no making out by whom or exactly where. The Chasseur slunk away as noiselessly as he had come and re- joined Captain House across the road. "Le Capitaine Safford," he whispered. It was now House's turn to be surprised. He knew he had been relieved by Saf- ford the night before, but from the instructions only a platoon of G Company was to be of the covering party. Puzzles for Captain House But this was only one of a series of puzzles which had confronted the commander of E Company all evening, ever since he had gone forward to the Battalion P. C. at Bueth- willer and got detailed instructions from his major. To go back to the beginning of the story as it affects House's company, when it was relieved the night before, the men hoisted their heavy equipment on their backs and march- ed the four miles back to the village of Traubach-le-Bach, where they were to rest and clean up after four days of trench duty. They got in at 2 A. M. and went to sleep with the pleasant prospect of four days of pure rest before them. The next day was peacefully bright; the Teutonic town was asleep, and only overhead was there much sign of any- thing untoward. German planes were circling about in greater numbers than common, and antiaircraft artillery was filling the high strata with cottony white or black puffs in the vain efforts to put an end to their operations, or to prevent them from penetrating far back of the American lines. House walked through the neat streets and found his men washing their linen and hanging it about in the sun, splendid marks for the airmen's eyes. He had them put their lingerie in less exposed places. At noon a runner brought him an order that ISO of his men equipped as a night working party would report at the Battalion P. C. at 7 P. M. and that the officers and four platoon sergeants would report there at 6 P. M. for instruc- tions. House was disgusted. The prospect of a night' of slinging mud, stringing wire, pounding stakes and building revetments was not pleasant. But at S P. M. he started out with two lieutenants and four sergeants for the major's post as ordered, leaving his company to be brought up by a lieuten- ant. It was the last time House saw his company during the war. At the major's P. C, Captain House found Captain Bre- thorst, present on a similar errand. Neither could muster any enthusiasm. Brethorst's company also had completed a tour in the trenches, been relieved, and had looked forward to rest. But the orders they received from the major made them take a new interest in life. They were not to "sling mud" in rear areas, as they expected, but were to go out in No Man's Land to dig, under the very noses of the "Squareheads." That was work of an entirely different nature. It should be known that ordinarily an officer of the rank of captain is forbidden to venture into No Man's Land except with his en- tire command — that is, an attack in force. Brethorst had long railed against this shackling order, but now he was to have a chance to spend the night bej'ond the lines, and his eyes twinkled with anticipation, like a small boy's. The captains were directed to take their advance parties at once down to Balschwiller where they would find their respective French commanders at the company P. C.'s. They were to take them out to where they were to begin digging. As they got to their destination, nothing unusual appeared brewing. Flares at times cast reflections in the road, and the "put, put, put" of some nervous doughboy's automatic rifle would break the stillness. That was all. Only a French orderly was at the company P. C. He said a lieutenant would soon come to go with Captain House and a captain for Captain Brethorst. These were their French associate commanders. The captains would please wait, which they did. But the minutes dragged on. Brethorst became impatient and left in search of food. House never saw him again. Something Sadly Wrong Quarter hours passed ; no one came. House did not know what to make of it. He felt that something had gone sadly wrong. He should by now have been well beyond the Petite Poste, about ISO yards out in No Man's Land from which he was to begin his trench. A young French runner whom House knew entered, and said he had come to guide the captain to a certain platoon post he knew where the lieutenant was waiting. They hurried out noiselessly into the silence zone at the edge of the village, making haste through wire which caught at them and duckboards which flew up. They reached the rendezvous — but no one was there. In a trench bay stood a doughboy on his two-hour vigil on a fire-step. He whispered that he had seen no one. Other sentries the same. A boyau leading out to the Petite Poste, usually barricaded at this point at this time of the night, was found open. Per- haps the party had gone through. A French senior sergeant of Chasseurs joined them and whispered that he had been sent to find them. In the deep silence broken only by oc- casional flares or desultory spitting of automatic guns, they stole out toward the Petite Poste. Suddenly to the front there broke out a rattle of rifle fire and the sputter and smacks of other implements. They ducked. Silence, a flare, a few more shots, another flare, then deeper silence than ever. House did not know what was the disturbance, but he learned later from Safford. The Petite Poste was deserted. The firing must have been further out. The sergeant sent the private over the parapet to reconnoiter. Long moments passed, and the private drop- ped back into the trench without noise. The party was wait- ing he said. They filed through the boyau as far as it afforded protection, then emerged. They were standing on the bank of something like an old road. Across the road House could see silhouetted against the sky-line two dim figures standing. There were also two prone. The sergeant silently felt his way through the wire tangles down the slope and up the other side, and this is where the stories of the two captains come together for a moment. The sergeant returned and an- nounced to the astonished Captain House that it was "le Cap- itaine Safford'' over there. Safford was in an attitude of rigidity, listening intently. He might know something of House's lieutenants: So House started to creep slowly across toward him, when a treacherous wire caught him and made a telltale jangle. Safford turned his head with a warning "Sh-h-h," motioning with his arm to stop. House wondered what was up. He gazed at Safford standing there staring fixedly toward the enemy lines, and he turned to look, too. What happened then is perhaps best told in the words of Captain House's story: "As I did so the world blew up." There is no member of the 88th Div. who was anywhere within IS miles of Balschwiller shortly after 7 o'clock that night who will ever forget what went on for the next hour and a half. A German gun at the extreme right fired a shell at an angle across No Man's Land. Another toward the left fired one crossing the trail of the first almost over Safford's head. Then a few more and more and still more. It opened up all along the line in a regular deluge of frightful flame accompanied by noises such as none of the Americans had ever heard before. And almost at once the same thing hap- pened from the French guns on the American side. Front Line a Fountain House turned and saw the American front line and the ground between him and it a literal fountain of bursts. Breath was driven from the lungs by the concussions. The sergeant scrambled to him : "Barrage! barrage! Suivez moi !" he yelled. ("Follow me.") They fled down the narrow steps of a deep dug-out, but the muffled crashes still came to them. House thought of Safford, but the sergeant said there were other shelters and Safford would save himself. Suddenly the other Chasseur shouted for all to follow him and he darted for another stairway leading up. Barely had the others started to crowd after when he came hurtling back, shouting "Boche ! Boche !" With the other Frenchman, House yelled to the men to follow, and they started for the other stairs, But silhouetted against the sky the Chasseur saw figures, and in turn he took up the cry of "Boche!" With pistols cocked and ready they waited the appearance of the first "Squarehead." Then from the other side of the Personal Narratives 27 room came the voice of the French sergeant : "Kamerad." The Chasseur beside House took it up. Old campaigners of four years, they recognized the trick they had played many times on the Boche, and they realized it was their turn now and the game was up. German soldiers crowded down both stairs. "Ach ! Kamerad. Ja, ja. Handts oop. Oop mit der handts, undt quick ! Schnell. Schnell. Heraus ! Coom mit uns. Coom !" Panting, sweating, some ashy with fear or excitement, they crowded down, armed with every weapon, even to two flammenwerfer tanks with nozzles pointed at the men they had caught. In spite of the excitement, some order was observed, the prisoners were disarmed and marched up into the unceasing clash and glare at the bayonet point. The bombardment had grown more furious, as the raiders in Xo Man's Land were thoroughly boxed in. Many a Ger- man fell that evening from the "shorts" of his own batteries. Horns and shrill whistles now could be heard, and they brought a stream of German figures through the wires to both, sides and the rear of the prisoners. There were shouts and curses ; one man laughed hysterically until silenced by companions. Start for German Lines The captured men were grouped and started for the German lines, through the narrow passages between wire en- tanglements revealed by the flashes. House came near where some Germans were investigating what House thought were the forms of two Americans who had been knocked out. One of the figures got up. It was Captain Safford. He walked over to the main party. "House! Good God, this isn't you!" burst from his lips. House .could only grin with a sickly sensation. A shell burst and scattered gravel thickly over them, and they grinned no more. The Huns, milled around. "What're we goin' to do?" yelled Safford. "What can we do?" "Look," and Safford went closer. "My pistol ! I'm not disarmed. Maybe we can make a break for it." "Break for where? Wire everywhere. In ten yards, shot like rats. Better wait." "Well, they're not going to have my automatic, damn 'em !" and Safford parted with his weapon in the darkness. Thus the two captains, both of the same battalion, were captured by the Germans. Ten enlisted men also were taken. Among the latter, besides Tipton, were John S. Kristenson, New York City, and Linley Sexton of Purdy, Mo., and Ser- geants Victor Nelson, Britt, la., L. Conners. Stewart, la., Ralph J. Laird, Reasnor, la., and L. V. Faber, 1393 Cedar St., Keokuk, la. They had heen taken by a considerable force of the enemy, as it turned out, who had come over in a care- fully planned raid. Among the raiders were 100 men used for this special purpose who were shifted along the front on special raiding missions. They went at it in a professional manner and had surrounded the Americans in No Man's Land in the course of the barrage but lost quite a number of their number, by shellfire from their own side. Captured and captors started for the German line as the barrage continued. A white tape ran along the ground through gaps cut in the wire. The leader of the party came upon the figure of a young German soldier fatally wounded. He lifted the boy over Safford's broad shoulders but on the rough shell-pocked ground Safford with all his strength could not continue. The wounded lad was laid on a blanket. Two German soldiers. Safford and House each took a corner and continued the difficult march. They now got within the French artillery's fire zone and in an effort to get through they increased their speed, dragging their burden through trench and shellhole. The boy shrieked and groaned. His bearers recognized the sounds of near death and bent over him. The boy opened his eyes and recognized Safford as an enemy and began to curse him. One of the Germans put his hand over his mouth and assured him that the Americans had been kind and had carried him. With a weak gasp he fell back, dead. While they were making their way back to a German dug- out, the captors made the discovery that they had secured no less a prize than two American officers of the rank of captain. They were highly elated and became almost tender as they led the way into a dimly-lit dugout recking with unwashed, perspiring soldiers. Here they were searched and then started back under guard through a village street to a concrete-walled chamber, where they came before a dozen immaculately groom- ed German officers. Before each, on a table, stood tall steins of beer. The two Americans were given a glass of water each. "Der Krieg ist Kaput" Another walk of two hours under guard of four soldiers followed. The latter sang occasionally and tried to talk to their prisoners. "Ja, der Krieg ist Kaput ! Ja ! Alles ist Kaput," they said. Constantly ran through the minds of the two officers plans and possibilities of escape, but they always went over roads bounded by stone walls. They passed through many villages, stopping at last in one before a large building where they entered. It was far past midnight. In a large room they found, seated around the walls, the French and American soldiers who had been captured with them that night. Some of them looked up and smiled covertly. Seated here for an hour or more Safford and House for the first time came mentally face to face with their situation and realized what had happened to them. For them the war was over. In low voices they told each other so, and they slunk in their chairs in dejection. Then Safford's hugh frame shuddered as he murmured, "My poor wife!" House, a bachelor, divided with him a half-cake of chocolate which the Germans had returned to him after the search. Soon Safford's mood changed and he burst into his hearty laugh, which is loud enough to shake the rafters. Fritz, who had led the party in out of No Man's Land and brought them here, heard the laugh and entered. He grinned and looked concerned, glancing at Safford's legs. Safford looked down. His wrap leggings were torn off by wire and his calves were bare. Safford grinned cheerfully and again "ha-ha-ed." But Fritz was seriously concerned and kneeling in front of Saf- ford, unwrapped his own puttees and put them on Safford's legs. The captain protested and tried to push the man away, but Fritz prevailed. He wanted his prisoner to do him credit like a German hauptmann. The enlisted men were taken out one by one and then Safford. An officer questioned him through an interpreter and he gave the brief information the two captains had agreed on. The Germans had a remarkably complete amount of informa- tion already, and with the assistance of this tried to trap Saf- ford into giving more without success. About 2 A. M. the captains set out under new guards, trudging steadily through the night toward the east. Toward dawn they came to the Rhone-Rhine canal and followed it north on the tow-path. Daylight found them in Mulhausen, 20 miles from the place of capture. They were put in the Grozzherzer Friederich-Kaserne. The prison keeper met them in the cavernous corridor in front of dirty Italian prisoners of war who pressed forward to stare. "Ah-ha," said the jailer. "Chentlemens, gut morgen! You are weary, are you not. You will please to coom this way." He shook their hands. "You do me honor. Two cap- tains here I haf not before had. Und Americans. You are not injured? Ach, gut. That is nicely. Aber, you would like a little wash to haf, vielleicht? There is much blood." Proud of His Prisoners The jailer was much interested and apparently proud of his prisoners. He looked at Safford, "der grosser hauptmann," and said the soldiers declared that he had killed two Germans "mit his bare hands." He poured out two huge bowls of luke-warm liquid that he called coffee and apologized for it, but he said it was better than they had the year before. He also gave them "bread" that they could scarcely bite and chew. Noting their disappointment he got out from his hidden store in the cupboard a small tin of real honey, two ounces of which he could obtain secretly onee a week. House induced him to share the last of his cigarettes. He promised to secure more though they would be very ex- pensive and poor and a few cigars to smoke without wasting in a pipe. House traded his helmet for a fatigue cap, crudely made by a French soldier. They changed some of their francs into marks and obtained some comforts at the canteen. 28 Personal Narratives One thing that impressed the two Americans constantly in conversation were the signs of unrest and dissatisfaction among both civilians and military. That matters were not going well was reflected everywhere. These were the first whispers of the revolution which the kaiser escaped by fleeing to Holland. Safford and House were shown to their narrow cell and crawled, aching, on the bunks heaped with gray blankets, the foulest they had ever seen. An hour later Captain House awoke and found Safford seated with his coat across his knees at the window "reading" it. House found his own coat alive as well as the blankets and every article in the room, literally crawling -with vermin. On a bunk they found the following scrawl : "Descended with engine trouble Near Mulhausen, April IS, 1918. Left this bed of filth and misery August 20, 1918, For England, Love and Beauty!" It was signed by an English aviator. The officers pound- ed on the door and the jailer appeared. He would see what could be done and meanwhile would show them where to take their daily walks, and, if they wished, buy beer and schnapps. Captain House's own story of the stay in Mulhausen is replete with little instances of compelling interest in their daily life which makes too long a tale for these pages. Through it all one thought remained uppermost and was the great purpose toward which every effort was bent: "how to escape." The jailer made frequent allusions which gave the prisoners hope that he might be open to venal approach, but before anything came of this the two captains were suddenly removed from Mulhausen to Colmar by train. They were sorry to leave as they believed that they were making head- way in acquaintances which might be of value in an attempt to escape. At Colmar was every type of soldier prisoners, European, African and Asiatic, dwelling in close quarters. Safford here found one of his sergeants captured with him and an Amer- ican corporal of the 29th Div. taken in a curious manner near the scene of their own capture. This corporal had been taken in a quiet country lane three miles behind his own trenches. With two companions he had been set upon by a party of Boche. The other two were killed in the fight and he was overpowered. The Americans also found their old friend the Chasseur sergeant among the French. During this incarceration Safford and House were to go through the greatest ordeal of questioning that they had yet met. But it was much of a burlesque and the inquisition fre- quently took the form of political discussions in which the German officers strove hard to justify Germany's actions and to assert their belief in ultimate victory. Still the plans for escape went on among the prisoners, especially during the hours for "spatzieren gehen." Their hopes were stimulated at times by sounds of allied bombing planes, as the place was raided at night. Conspiracies to es- cape became more and more rife. Communication between i ifRcers and enlisted men was prohibited and conducted with difficulty, but at last a plot was hatched through a French ser- geant who had become a pal of the Chasseur sergeant. The latter had found a "petite poulet," he boasted, and she pro- vided him with a master key. The sergeant was to slip to their room after the last usual round of the night guard, un- lock their door, let them out, lock the door again and all were to get out of the building. Faithful Night Arrives The fateful night arrived. Safford and House could not contain themselves. They waited for the sound of the key at the appointed hour but it did not materialize. All evening there was a disconcerting and unwonted restlessness about the place. German soldiers walked about outside, restless pris- oners pounded on their doors for the guards. Lights out was passed but still the noises increased instead of diminished. At last the key was beard in the door, but it was withdrawn at the sound of someone approaching. This occurred more than once as the officers waited with pounding hearts. Finally a board creaked outside the door and the dim light showed a slip of paper coming underneath. This was the way they bad received their first instructions. By the light of a match they read that the key did not fit and it would be fixed in the morning. But the captains were not to try it again. Early next morning they were transferred, much disappointed, to Strass- burg, where they changed trains to go to the "gefangenen- lager" camp at Rastatt, Baden. It was a dismal place and the officers were jubilant when it was learned that it was a mis- take that they were brought there. They went back through town to the railway station and at midnight took the train for Karlsruhe. There, at 2 A. M., they were taken to what once had been the Hotel de l'Europe and placed in close confinement for four days in a small room. This was a most trying stay. It was found that all prisoners in this building were kept in close confinement. Further attempts at questioning were made, with certain pressure that made Captain Safford see red. However he was not lined up and shot but after an hour they were march- ed with about 40 other officers of mixed nationality to the gefangenenlager of Karlsruhe. Beside House limped another American captain, pale, sick and shivering in the late October weather. He had no hat and wore a suit of thin black which had been a German uniform of some kind before the war. The trousers reached barely below the knees, the sleeves to the elbows. The shoes were almost gone. He had no underclothing, shirt or socks. He had been taken prisoner while wounded and his last stitch of clothing taken from him. His wounds had been dressed with paper bandages and not changed for weeks at a time. His was not an exceptional case, especially among English prisoners. It was here at Karlsruhe that the prisoners first came to know the work of the American Red Cross in Germany, and it almost made them tearful. The two captains were almost ravenously hungry and the Boche food was increasingly re- pulsive. They almost cried over the first package of Red Cross hard bread and read the label of the American factory. The Red Cross also furnished clothing and winter was in the air. They exchanged their filthy summer clothing for wool under and outer clothing, overcoats, jerseys, shoes, towels, soap and shaving outfits. Life here was not entirely unpleasant now, but plans for escape went forward apace. Again the night air raids gave new hope. At the end of a week Safford and House became two of a party of 26 American officers who were transferred to the prison camp at Villingen, South Baden. En route on the train the officers were busy making surreptitious maps and one, emboldened by the absence of the German officer in charge who had fallen before the charms of a young lady in another compartment, tore part of a railroad map from a frame in the wall. On the way one American officer, Lieutenant Gates, a marine aviator, escaped through the lavatory window. He jumped safely with minor scratches and traveled for four days on foot toward Switzerland, finally reaching Constans. With- in a yard of the boundary fence he was captured and in a week was back at Villingen undergoing his three weeks of solitary confinement inflicted for such attempts. Always Plenty of Company The two captains always had the good fortune to be as- signed the same room and now they had a new roommate, Captain Sullivan, an Irish infantryman. There was also plen- ty of other interesting company among the prisoners of sev- eral months' experience. Across the hall was old Captain Ol- son, whose ship plying out of San Francisco, and Skipper Trudgett, also a master of a schooner from San Francisco, hacl been torpedoed by the German raider Wolf in the South Seas. These names are mentioned for particular reasons. Life here was well-ordered and with the Red Cross sup- plies quite endurable. The officers were able to buy cooking utensils and each one had his culinary duties assigned to him. There were movies, games and walks. Once there was an American funeral which the German commandant took pains to have as impressive as possible. News of the armistice came to the prisoners at Villingen, but not with a great deal of elation, as it was felt that the discomfiture of the Germans should be carried farther. How- ever, the prisoners thought that freedom would be theirs at once and this idea apparently was fostered by the Germans in Personal Narratives 29 command. The acquisition of souvenirs became the popular activity and every Fritz plied a lively trade. But as days wents by and no sign of freedom, the pris- oners became impatient. A meeting was held and Lieut. Col- onel Brown, an American, went to the Germans and proposed that if they could not transport them to the Swiss frontier that they would be permitted to walk. The prisoners would hire vehicles and pull the sick in the hospital with them. But the commandant would not consent. News filtered through about the progress of the revolution. The Soldiers' and Sailors' Council was in control and the ma- rines were taking possession everywhere. The guards were frightened. One cold morning the "appell" was sounded and the pris- oners gathered in the usual of assembly, the theater. Here they were addressed by a Boche colonel who tried to salve their feelings and made all sorts of mollifying remarks except the promise of immediate release. The prisoners became more determined and that afternoon held a mass meeting at the theater which worried the Germans. Next morning marines arrived in town and took posses- sion of the prison camp that night. They disarmed the gar- rison and re-established the guard with double the former number of sentries. The commandant was deprived of his insignia of rank and sent home a civilian after 40 years of military life. All rank was abolished but after a time it was discovered that one of the former lieutenants who had been shorn of all marks, appeared with shoulder straps. The ma- rines had to have someone to distinguish over the others. From somewhere the prisoners learned that the marines had no intention of delivering them. They were to be held as hostages for the satisfactory performance by the Allies of their promise of food relief. Safford and House made up, their minds that they were going to get out, and almost by sheer weight of determination alone, they succeeded. The prisoners wanted to get at least one man back to France to report the situation. While engaged in their morning "house work" the next day, Safford, House and Sullivan felt that this was their last morning in the lager. Putting on caps and overcoats they went out. It was cold and there was about two inches of snow. In their pockets they had stuffed black bread, tins of meat and other provisions. What to do was the question, when they thought of the "honor walk." It would be forming just then. Each prisoner had a card which he had signed in his possession promising that he would not escape. In pass- ing out to go for the walk he left this card at the gate and received it back on passing in. Walk Toward the Gate The walks had been suspended for a week but were just resumed. The first group had just passed out and the three captains with, no definite plan sidled toward the gate. Two other prisoner friends joined them, Lieutenants Ford and Schwartz, aviator and infantry officers, respectively. They all walked around the compound and then to the inner wire gate where the "walk" had gone out. The inner gate led to the inclosure surrounding the guard house and huts beyond which was a stockade and the main gate to the outside. The inner gate was locked habitually, but now it was ajar. Further fortune favored them in that no one saw them walk through into the forbidden enclosure and that this was empty- save for the lone sentry at the main gate and his back was urned. All other soldiers were hugging the indoors on account of the cold morning. The prisoners held a hasty consultation. House knew the most German. "Brace the guard gate," suggested Safford. "Tell him we want to join the bunch. Tell him they went earlier than they should. Tell him anything. Act mad — we'll all act mad." But the sentinel was not so easy and he did not under- stand all that was said. Two other prisoners heard the com- motion and came up. They were Lieutenant Converse of the air service and Skipper Trudgett. The protestors winked an explanation and the two joined in urging the guard. The latter waxed angry and nervous as the prisoners crowded around him. He shook his fist, ordered them back to the small gate and threatened to call out the guard. Just then the outer gate bell rang. The sentry wavered Safford and the others edged closer. The bell clanged again and the guard opened the gate a little. A great load of cab- bage stood waiting to pull in. Cabbage ! The lowly vegetable had been a part of their lives for so long and now was to do them an excellent turn. Safford, with great dignity (and force) urged the guard back, opened the gate wider and went through. All got out as the wagon went in and the bewildered guard did not know but what it might be all right. He was partly disarmed by the old and lame Trudgett, whom he knew could not hope to benefit by a break for liberty, and it must be as the pris- oners said that they were of the walking party that had left earlier. At first the prisoners felt a strong inclination to run for the woods a quarter of a mile away, the beginning of the great Black Forest; To the west lay safety, through that for- est. But between them and the forest were more sentry boxes with soldiers with loaded rifles. They decjded to walk non- chalantly, and they greeted each sentry with a "Morgen" of simulated chceriness. They walked faster when they dared and at last got to a bend in the road, the back of their necks almost painful with the feel of imagined gazes from the sol- diers. They looked back and saw they were not pursued. They fell into a fast stride, but the skipper could not keep up and he began to protest. It was then discovered that the old fellow had really believed the story given the guard at the gate, and that he did not know he had escaped with a party of jail-breakers. He said he never would have been "no party to no such damfool antics at his age" had he known, and that it was a " 'ell of a 'ole they 'ad popped him inter." Skipper Is Left Behind The old chap had to "be left behind with a promise from him that he would return to the lager in an hour, telling the story that he had become weary and left the party searching for the Honor Walk. Weeks after it was learned that he kept his word and it was four hours before the escape was discovered. The loyal old fellow was left standing in the road leaning on his stick and vigorously waving farewell. The only thought now was to put as many kilometers be- tween themselves and Villingen as possible and as quickly as possible, still keeping a wary eye. The road ran along a ravine deeper into the woods and into the high mountain country. The going became bad, however, with the snow balling under the feet. No one was encountered, but occasionally peasant people were sighted at work across the valley. At last the six stopped in a hidden spot for consultation. Three had food, the other three none, so, as it was unlikely that all would remain together, it was divided equally. Then — where should they go? Here Lieut. Ford's map torn from the railway coach at the time he had planed to join Lieut. Gates in his leap from the flying train came in handy. Also, Ford drew out a tin box and extracted a bit of soap. Cutting it in two, he dis- played a tiny compass. Now they were equipped, indeed. It is a question which portion of the escapade was the more exciting or trying to the mind and body, the battle and capture, or this flight through the Swarzwald, over the for- ested hills and valleys. Switzerland, while only a third as far away, was put out of consideration. The Rhine should be the goal. The French troops would be there already, it was certain. It was 40 miles in a straight line, but 60 by the winding roads. There were two things to fear — German troops and that the population had been notified by wire to be on the look-out. They would travel by night, and skirt around suspicious places. Eventually they began to meet civilians and German sol- diers. But the latter has a slow moving mind and after pass- ing several people successfully, confidence grew. They en- tered isolated country, with chalets perched on the steep hill- sides. At one of these, seeing only a woman and children about, they made bold to obtain milk and bread. The venture proved successful. Safford presented the two women with a bar of precious soap, and they were curtsied and bowed blush- ingly out. They set out refreshed. Suddenly a turn of the road brought 'them within a hun- dred yards of a village, and before the first house was a group of German soldiers. Scurrying back out of sight they climbed up the slope along the timber line several hundred 30 Personal Narratives feet above the village, circling it. It was hard, breath-taking effort in the soft snow. An hour of precious time was lost in the detour and much strength. Two of the six began to show signs of giving out. A military convoy approached in the road. Dark would soon be coming on and they decided to hunt a secluded spot, build a fire and warm and dry their soaked boots and socks. Climb to Empty Chalet Waiting a favorable moment they crossed the road to a little chalet high on the mountain side above them. It was empty. Blowing and panting from the climb they reached it, the first empty house they had encountered. It was getting dark and the wind was blowing harder and colder. But a fire was soon going in the porcelain stove in a back room. Then someone started with an exclamation. He was sure he saw German soldiers outside. There was a scampering, but no more signs appeared, and after nightfall the s : x set out again. They came to a large town and dared to enter. Passing men in the dark, they were surprised to find them soldiers. But a guttural "Nacht" was all. They did not know what town this was. All day they had been making for Furtwangen, the only place large enough to show on their map. But the disheartening conviction had come upon them that they had got; on the wrong road, and gave up the idea of finding the town. It was not an encouraging discovery then that this town was Furtwangen ! They were not nearly as far west as they had hoped to be by night. The steep hills on both sides argued against trying to go around the town, so they determined to take a chance and pass boldly by the soldier groups in^the streets. The passage was negotiated by avoiding the lighted sides of the streets, with only occasional questioning glances from the groups of soldiers. The hair on their necks tingled as they passed and it was a relief when they reached the dark outskirts on the other side. By 10 P. M., out on the road, the weaker ones had often lagged, and the others put them ahead to set the pace. They walked as fast as they could. Foot-sore and tired, Converse admitted he could go no farther. Like so many aviators, he wore riding-boots, and they were not made for this travel. He proposed that they leave him. Sullivan also was limping and the others tried to induce him to remain with Converse. A few weeks before he had been convalescing in a German hospital, and should not have started out. His case was bad. But would he stay? Not he! He would go on alone rather, as there were many miles left in him. They tried it again, but it was not long before the two ailing ones were lagging in the pain of swollen, blistered feet and aching legs. It was no use. They argued with Sul- livan, and at last told him that if he would not stay behind with Converse, all would stay. That got him. The four said goodby and left the two pounding at the door of a chalet. But there were soldiers in that house. They went on to an- other. Soldiers were coming at a fast pace from town. The four others had to hurry on out of sight. For more than two hours, higher and higher, they hurried, paying dearly for their speed later. Sullivan and Converse they did not see again, but weeks later learned that they had been retaken near Furtwangen and returned to Villingen, to remain to be brought out with all other prisoners through Switzerland. Sullivan spent much time in a hospital for his escapade. One o'clock saw the quartet out of inhabited regions and still mounting at a hard pace. They were very tired and lack of food was telling. The spells of rest became more frequent; they lunged rather than walked. Some made all too frequent visits to the running brooks. The next few hours saw them trudging on fighting against fatigue and sleep, and still the road went upward. The mind refused to work dependably at cross-roads. Some became querrulous. They were in a hard way. Then at last the per- pendicular climb ended, and the four took cheer and new heart at walking downhill. Toward daylight houses appeared again, and occasionally the upstairs light of an early riser. It was time the fugitives sought refuge for the day. With Captain House again as spokesman, they brought a woman to her window. "Wir sind hungrig. Wir sind vier. Wir haben wiel spazie- ren. Wir wollen schlafen,'' etc. But the attempt failed. They came to a village. Ah ! A church ! But it was locked. Without discussion, the four straggled back to where they had seen an inn. To make a long story short, they were soon in bed — four separate beds in one room — after engaging the sleepy proprietor in the tap room. In an hour House was wide awake. Strange noises. Going to a window he saw what appeared to be endless columns of German troops, every variety, marching past under streamers across the streets, bands playing and every man wearing a button bouquet. There was cheering, laughter and gayety. The victorious troops of the fatherland returning from their war ! House woke the others and they gazed on the spectacle. At noon a boy came to discuss the matter of food. They must come downstairs if they wished to eat. They did not wish to go down but dared not appear anxious to remain hid. Regaled by endless talk by the proprietor, during which he tried to gain information of his guests and learned that they were Americans, the four ate their fill. They made friends with the women from the kitchen and the peeking children. Having finished, they said they intended to remain in their room until about 6, when they would depart. But the proprie- tor told them that German troops were to billet the town that night and four sergeants would have that room. They would stay, then, until 5. Just then the kellner entered and announced that the troops had already arrived. Up the back stairs the four were led to their room, where they threw themselves into the beds without undressing, and feigned sleep. In half an hour the kellner entered, followed by four German noncoms. They looked about the room, appeared satisfied, then went out. In a few moments, footsteps again. The landlord and three German officers! In his written account. Captain House gives a detailed account of the minutes, or hours, as they must have seemed to the four quaking figures under the covers drawn to their chins. It is a long account, but he admitted himself that he could not recall positively what was said or done at certain times. As before, he did the talking, and he told the story they had often rehearsed. It seemed impossible that they should escape now, but it was just possible that these troops, just returning from the front and ignorant of all that had happened home, might swallow any tale. House told wild things about the revolution, the dread marines, and how he and his companions had been released and permitted to go if they wished to walk instead of waiting for transportation. He gave cigarettes. It worked. There was more parley. The officers rose, friendly now, bowed stiffly, clicked their heels, and walked out with this advice: "Hide from German officers. The rest of them are not so nice as we are." At the door another turned and said in French : "We will say nothing about you. It is not our affair — until 5 o'clock. Then — keep away from Gepman soldiers." German Sergeants Enter At 4 the quartet rose, bathed their swollen limbs and pre- pared for the road. Four German sergeants entered, went to a corner apart and arranged their effects. The kellner brought the bill. It was 18 marks — much too big. But House paid it and then discussed being given food, for they had no money left in marks. One of the sergeants walked over and looked at the bill, and burst out laughing. The others joined him. Had the "4 Amerikaner" actually paid that bill? They roared again and went back to munch their bread and sausage as the kellner came back with half a loaf of black bread and a dozen gnarled apples. One of the sergeants walked over and almost shyly slid four chunks of bread on the table as House was dividing the "hand-out" with his companions. The Americans offered the sergeants cigarettes, but had to prove that they had plenty more before they were accepted. One spoke a little French, another some English. They asked questions about the quartet's plans and then actually gave them what proved to be most valuable directions for making the Rhine bridge at daylight, and how to get across the bridge at Personal Narratives 31 Alt-Breisach, avoiding the city of Freiburg, which would be dangerous. The guard at the bridge would be small and "very careless" at that time of the morning, and the French would be at the other end. There was more advice, the Americans shook hands warmly and departed. They did not get out of the house, however, until they had been forced to go to the kitchen for "kaffee," and there SafTord parted with his last cake of soap. It was received with pats and sniffs of delight, and many curtsies. There were still 20 miles to be traversed before morning. That night will be passed over with a few words. The trav- elers themselves have not the clearest recollection of it. Eight miles were lost by mistake. Weariness cam back soon, although the rest helped much. The journey of steady tramp- ing became a nightmare. Only Safford seemed to be standing up under the strain without great apparent suffering, but his laugh was gone. For the others, detail became lost, and odd fancies filled the brain. Grotesque imaginings flitted before the eyes, but still they stumbled on. There were impressions of village after village passed, all decorated for the returning soldiers. There were numerous branching roads and they could not choose the right one. By midnight they were lost, going by guess. By 1 o'clock the pangs of the previous night came back redoubled, and the brain became numb. Schwartz Has to Cut Shoes Lieut. Schwartz had to cut and slit his shoes for his ever- swelling feet. At every halt he would work away, and then they would get painfully to their feet and start again. Lieut. Ford was suffering agonies from his boots, but he limped on with lips pressed tight, refusing to complain, except when he tried to get up after a stop. House's legs were also in bad shape and the halts did more harm than good. The men could hardly stand up straight. By 2 A. M. Captain Safford was supporting Schwartz, and continued to from then on. Dawn was beginning to show when an opening in the hills showed the fugitives the village of Alt-Breisach. A dense fog was rolling up the Rhine. That was a good omen for the finish of their adventure. Weariness fell off. A half-hour more would spell failure or success. They entered the town, meet- ing some early risers, but no one gave them heed. Luck was again with them in striking the right spot at the river, and suddenly through the fog came the challenge, "Halt !" Two figures loomed 30 feet ahead. House heard a guttural remark and took it to be a command for one to come for- ward for identification. He went, but his companions edged behind — strictly against custom and safety in such cases. Two German soldiers stood in the center of the bridge approach, before a low gate, barring the way. House put up a bold front. He motioned a command to open the gate. He answered who they were and became impatient. Safford, Schwartz and Ford edged to the gate near the rail. House understood their move. These two were not to stop them — for long. Probably the two understood equally well. One said something to the other about going to the guardhouse for the sergeant, but the other quickly detained him. He did not want to be left alone with four Americans. More words as the two looked at the three at the gate. Saf- ford's hands already were on the gate. The younger of the Germans murmured "Nein, nein," to his companion, and mo- tioned House toward the gate. He meant that they should, in Yankee talk, "beat it." They did. Sufferings ceased magically. They started across sprightly and were fairly running at the other end. Another gate and a challenge from the fog — in French. A bayonet stuck over a barrier at the hurrying four. The latter knew that dingy overcoat and casque ! As one they shouted, "Officiers Ameri- cains !" The poilu shouted a whoop of welcome in return, threw open the gate and received his Allies with open arms. Then he turned and ran, and they followed him to a wooden barracks, shouting boisterously to rout his comrades. There was laughter and clamor as a fire was built, and a feast began. The four were among friends indeed! After being feasted and fed Captains Safford and House made their way to Mulhausen and Belfort and the old front, visiting the spot where they were captured. They reached 88th Div. headquarters the first week in December at Gondrecourt. Shelled It was near the hour of midnight and a short distance behind the lines in the Alsace sector in France. The war was vet in progress. Two guards from Co. B, 350th Inf., were on a post just a short distance from the town of Hecken. Every one knows what orders were relative to smoking at night. The guards had been on the post for about two hours and it was time for "relief" to appear. After having walked the post for prac- tically two hours, the guards met and commenced to talk in an undertone. "D'you reckon that corporal of the guard has gone to sleep?" "Nawl That guy don't sleep— if he does, it is with one eye on his watch. He'll be here with relief all right." The last guard had no more than said this when some one was heard approaching, and they began to have anticipations of four hours' sleep, providing the "cooties" could be per- suaded to sleep also. The closer the noise approached, the more their expectations dwindled, for they soon made out that it was not the corporal of the guard with relief, but just one man who seemed to be the worse for having imbibed too freely in "vin rouge," for he was singing at the top of his voice and monopolizing the whole of the road. Of course, there was nothing for the guards to do but arrest him, since he knew nothing except that he was on his way to head- quarters, but he had no idea in what direction he was going, nor did he know the pass-word. He was stopped at the point of the bayonet. "Who are you?" asked one o'f the guards. "Can't youh see who I am? American sojer, of course!" the bibulous one replied. "I'm a runner, and I'm gom' to re- port to headquarters. Coursh I know where it is. It's in this direction som'ers. Gimme a match." "You don't get a match. Don't you know what the orders are about smoking up here? You would have the whole Ger- man army shelling us in an hour.'' "Sure that's orders, but I gotta smoke." Just then the corporal of the guard approached with re- lief, so the two guards and their prisoner were picked up and taken on the round to the other posts. It was probably at the second post that the prisoner decided he would smoke re- gardless of the consequences, so he produced a cigarette, and the guards said nothing because they knew he had no match and they forgot all about him and his cigarette, for he was quiet by now. Their consternation can easily be imagined when suddenly they saw a small light close to them. The prisoner had searched around in his pockets until he found one of those cigarette lighters of French manufacture, and he had worked with it until a light was produced. Of course, he immediately got a "bawlin' out" from his guardians. "Now, you drunken bone-head, we're sure to be shelled in a few minutes, and it'd serve you right if you'd get blowed into a million pieces. What yuh mean by strikin' a light here? It's you for the guard house for about six months now !" The longer the indignant guard spoke, the more penitent the man became, until he was almost on the verge of tears, and was looking upward with the intention of swearing never to smoke again, when suddenly he saw a star "shoot." He immediately began to quake, and as he sank to the ground, he moaned : "My Gawd! They're shellin' us now!"— E. F. Tuttle, Harrisonville, Mo. From a Buddy to a Buddy As a buddy to a buddy I will say "Hello" ! The 88th is here, as 'twas there, always on the go. Lots of pep, and right in step ! That's how we made them go! Amen. — Nicholas Garitz. Waco, Nebr. 32 Personal Narratives Escape of Lieut. Prichard On the afternoon of Saturday, Oct. 12, 1918, the company commander of our company (Co. D, 338 M. G. Bn.) informed me that I, as second in command of the company, would be in charge of a detachment from our company which would aid in the construction of a new trench line that night. That I was to report at battalion headquarters of the 2nd Bn. of he 350th Inf. just before dusk. It seems that the infantry battalion commander and the French, who were still in the area, had conceived the scheme of straightening out the American and French line at that point. As the idea was explained to us at battalion head- quarters when I reported there two companies of the infantry battalion were to be in advance as combat patrols and that the other two infantry companies and the detachment from the Machine Gun Co. would construct the new trenches. The plan was to take over the enemy line of observation and make it our own and dig communicating trenches back to our old trench system. It was thought that the enemy line at that point was but lightly held. The commanders of the working parties with certain ser- geants and guides were to make a reconnaissance of the ground as soon as it was dark and the working parties were to come forward from the rear areas after dark under the command of junior officers and noncommissioned officers and join us after we had mapped out the work. The reconnaissance party was soon divided into two sec- tions as some of the officers had not eaten their evening meal and others had. Accordingly those who were ready to pro- ceed first started out in command of Captain House. In that party were two infantry lieutenants (whose names I have now forgotten), four infantry sergeants, Sergeant Bernard Flan- nery (of Minneapolis) of my own company, two French guides, and myself. We were led through a series of trenches and cross- trenches into which I had never before penetrated. I had come forward to the line but the day before and had spent my time familiarizing myself with the machine gun positions, fields of fire, etc., and consequently the territory we were then going into was all strange to me. Consequently I merely "tagged" along and asked no questions. After traversing a considerable distance through the trenches at length our guides led us out of the trenches into "No Man's" land. We moved along as silently as we could until suddenly a single shot rang out. Intense silence followed and then the artillery and mortars opened up. There were a series of flashes to our front; the earth shook, and the din was so terrific that we could barely think. We ducked into the nearest shelter, but in so doing our party was divided. Most of the party followed Captain House into a small dugout or "sap" which had two openings. It was small and there was barely room for us. It was almost V shaped. Be- sides Captain House and myself in the dugout were the four infantry sergeants and one Frenchman. The earth was shaking considerably and it was hard to make one's self heard but I did learn from Captain House that the remainder of our party had taken refuge from the bombardment in another hole near by. Germans at Dugout Entrance After some time, (how long I do not know) the barrage seemed to be somewhat lighter in our neighborhood and the French guide looked out of the hole. He imparted to us the information that a party of Germans were at the entrances to the dugout and immediately thereafter we heard a guttural "Aufl Auf!" from above. And "auf, auf" it was for us. They took us for British at first, but soon one sent up the shout "Americans". As we filed out of the hole I went out directly behind one of the infantry sergants. The sergeants, or at least some of them, had their rifles, but I had only my Smith & Wesson revolver. I was not prepared for an extended visit away from my bed- ding roll as I was traveling light. In addition I had on my person various articles which I did not wish to have the Garmans obtain — for instance my fire control rule, the new table from the ordinance department relative to the trajectory, angles of fall, etc., relative to the Browning machine gun, besides various other things that I would have left behind if I had known beforehand where I was going. When I ha started out that afternoon I had thought I was to be in charg of a night working party but did not surmise that that dut would call for my being out in No Man's land with a recoi naissance party. Consequently I did not know whether to commence gcttin rid of certain of my paraphernalia or hold onto it and tak my chances of getting away with it. The night was dark an cloudy. It was typically French also that it was damp an almost what might be termed misty. So, I filed out after the sergeant, I had no plans mad I was merely awaiting my opportunity. At the head of tli hole stood a Boche receiving our arms. I closed up behin the sergeant and as he was turning over his rifle I succeede in extracting his revolver from his holster with my rigl hand. When he reached for it the holster was empty and h was allowed to pass on. I handed over my own revolver wit my left hand and kept the sergeant's concealed on the otfu side of me. I was passed on. At that moment I seemed to be left quite alone. I coul not see anyone closer than about ten feet and I thought th; in the darkness and confusion that was my chance. I had fe of the chamber of the revolver and was satisfied it was loadei I saw a little opening to one side and headed for that, ducked and made it. I soon ran into some barb wire and ha to stop as I could not go forward or backward. I made mj self as inconspicuous as possible and waited. Soon I saw th party coming my way and I hugged the ground closer tha ever. As they passed by me I could distinguish our own me from the Boche by the silhouettes of their helmets again: the sky. They seemed to be keeping pretty close tab o Captain House as one of the Boche was escorting him, an it appeared as if he were held by the arm. This force Captain House out of the path of the others and as he wei by he stepped on me with both feet. I was glad it was li rather than some one else as they might have stopped to ir vestigate. As soon as the party had passed on I went back to th dugout to plan what to do. I did not know the country whei I was, nor did I know if the rest of our party had been take or not, and if they weren't. I did not know where they were. I had a small compass and had just determined to stai off southwest to what I had decided was the nearest point c our line when I was certain I heard some one call out i English, "I saw them right over there." I supposed it wj one of our patrols looking up our party and I started out. There about 25 yards away were about 20 or 30 men in group. But just as I was emerging from the hole I looke to the right and there within reaching distance sat a Boch but fortunately looking toward his companions. I held m breath (voluntarily or otherwise) and made it back into th hole without disturbing my caller. Soon the others cam over and stood around the hole, looked into it, etc., but nor came down to investigate. Runs Into Barbed Wire After they left I started for our own lines. My progres was slow and I was in no hurry as it was still early in th evening and I did not care if I did not get back to our ow lines before daybreak. I thought that the sentries might be little nervous and might shoot first and investigate aftei wards. Besides the ground there was cut up badly with she holes, barbed wire entanglements and old trench system: I had never encountered so much barbed wire before in all m life. About 11 o'clock I had gotten a little more than half wa back as I figured it when the Boche started shelling again. had been following an old trench line and I dropped into i I sniffed a time or two and thought I detected a foreign sut stance in the air. I thought it might be gas. I put on m mask and kept it on a few minutes and then tested for gas. I could smell something I didn't like, all right, so I ker. the mask on. Too, I thought I ought to keep on the watc so as not to be surprised again. So alternately watching an testing for gas I spent the remainder of the night. Alway I could smell that strange odor. About 4 A. M. as it was getting slightly gray in the eas' I thought "gas or no gas" I wouldn't wear that mask an Personal Narratives 33 longer. As it got a little lighter I discovered what it was I had been smelling. Right where I had been were two fresh high explosive shell holes and tangled up in the debris and partly covered with dirt were the bodies of either two or three Boche. I then knew what I had been smelling all night long. I ar- ranged a hiding place for the day in case I was compelled to spend the day out and waited for light. As the day dawned I recognised the old mill at Balschwiller, which I knew was within our lines. I made for it keeping in the old trench line where I could and the rest of the time along the ditch of an old road. When I got near the mill the first men I saw was a detachment from my own company. They were armed only with pistols and revolvers. When I asked them what they were doing there, etc., they told me they were my working party and were still looking for me. They were in command of Sergeant Maurice McKenna and had stuck to the front line trench all night through the bombardments. They had suffered two casualties, two men slightly wounded by flying shrapnel. About an hour after I returned the two infantry lieuten- ants, Sergeant Flannery and the French guide, who had be- come separated from the rest of us the night before when the first bombardment commenced, came into camp. They had not been discovered by the Boche and when daylight came they had made there way back to our line. — George W. Prichard, First Lieutenant Co. D, 338th, M. G. Bn., Onawa, la. The Corporal and the "Ghost" One evening while in our billet in France, in the little village of Longeaux, the boys of Billet No. 35 were sitting around the stove telling ghost stories. No matter what ghost story was told we had one corporal in the bunch, who would always say "I do not believe in ghosts and I never shall until I see and hear one myself." One evening after taps had sounded and we were all in our bunks this corporal, who bunked next to me, started to brag about how brave he was and that he was not afraid to go to places supposed to be haunted. I thought of a plan that would entertain the boys of the billet, so I started to tell him that I did not believe in ghosts either, but I heard that the woods just north of our billet was haunted, and on certain nights one would hear strange noises and see ghosts. So I suggested that he and I go to the woods some night and find out if there was anything to the story. He spoke right up and said "Sure we will go up ! I will not believe in ghosts until I have seen one." He also went on to tell how he had often proved that certain places that people thought were haunted were only a farce. So I said "All right, we will go up some time." The next day I fixed it all up with the rest of the boys, and told them I was going to prove to them that Corporal "Blaze" was afraid of ghosts, even if he said he was not. Before I go on with the story I will have to tell you how the scene was laid. The woods were very dark at night as most of us know. A stone wall surrounded the woods and in several places the wall had tumbled down, leaving openings so one could pass through. There was a path running through the center of the woods, which led to an old stone cave, that probably had been built in the year 12 B. C. It was a very dark, gloomy place. Just to the rear of the cave, but on the outside of the stone wall, was a hill that was very steep. Co. B and Co. K of the 350th Inf. will know exactly the location of the hill as Co. K's kitchen was at the foot of the hill. I stationed about five of the boys of my billet in the woods behind trees and stone walls and I took one of our white bed sacks and was going to be the ghost. I stationed myself about half way up the hill. On this particular evening that we planned this I had to tell Corporal "Blaze" that I had to go to the orderly room and help the "Top Soak" with some work that he had to do. (Did I say the "Top Soak" had to do some work? Well, I did not mean that. I meant I was going to do the work for him.) I told "Blaze" I was sorry I could not go with him but for him to tell me what they would see and hear. So I left the billet early and stationed my men and myself and had it all fixed with the rest of the boys to bring "Blaze" to the scene. It was a moonlight night but very dark in the woods, the boys were tipped off to flash a flash-light when they were approaching the woods, which was to be our signal that they were nearing the woods. As they started to enter the woods one of the stationed men began to pound on an old wooden pail and a very dull noise came from it. Then he would stop and another one would begin to make a noise on some kind of a pan or kettle in another direction. They kept this up for a short time and then all was silent. Old "Blaze" was stand- ing still as a mouse in the center of the woods still brave, however, although the boys were sure his knees were trem- bling. They coaxed him to go a little closer to the cave, which he did. When he was about 100 feet from the cave, I rose up from my lying position, with this white sheet in front of me, and started down the hill toward the cave. At first when he saw me he wanted to run, but the boys did not think it best to let him go yet so they said "Let's stay and see what it does." As I was coming down the hill toward the cave and the boys, Old "Blaze's" nerve was giving out, but he held his breath until I reached the stone wall. From where he was standing he could not see the opening in the wall which had tumbled down and as I came through the opening with this white bed sack in front of me I stepped on it and tripped and fell on the rocks causing them to fall away some more and made a terrific noise. When the rocks began to fall it was too much for Old "Blaze" and he started. No one could beat that old race horse. He reported to the sergeants' bil- let ; told them how the ghost came through the stone wall. This is the way he said it : "Why ! when that ghost wanted to come through that stone wall he just shoved it down." By the way, this wall was about seven feet high and two feet thick. But of course he did not know that I was lying there on the rocks rubbing my elbows and knees that got bruised from the fall. Later on the sergeants were all put wise and they brought him back to the scene and this time he was not so brave but said "I will go as far as the next one will go, but I will not go alone." So they brought him back and he was trembling all over but they succeeded in getting him just inside of the woods. Then tht sergeants began to search for me but of course could not find me. I placed myself in the cave, this time, and they kept coaxing him a little closer to the cave and I waited until he got rather close then flashed a flash-light through the white bed sack and "Blaze" was off again. No one could stop him until he got to the billet. I came in later and here the boys were all sitting around a cold stove telling what they saw and they told me that "Blaze" now believes in ghosts. I said to "Blaze" : "What was there to it?" and he said "I now believe in them." After we told him the joke, and had a good laugh, he wanted to get peeved at me, and I. told him that we were entertaining the boys for the evening, but still he was going to get peeved but the boys laughed him out of it and told him the story would not get into any books so the folks back home would know how brave he really was. The story spread fast and we never did hear the end of it: — Corp. R. P. Burfening, Co. B, 350th Inf., Fargo, N. D. Trooper had Enough 10 Miles Away The bombardment on the night of Oct. 12-13 gave the men of the Division their first taste of modern high explo- sives with their terrific bursts, frequency and noise. It could be heard and seen from every portion of the sector of 200 square miles of territory. Far off at the Division P. C, Mon- treux Chateau, men of Headquarters Troop gathered on the viaduct of the railroad to watch the great flashes in the sky and hear the explosions which even at that distance gave a thrill of terror. "That's enough for me," said one, "I've seen all I want of that! I don't want to get any nearer!" And he was ten miles away ! 34 Personal Narratives How Capt. Brethorst Met His Death (Mr. Janousek was asked to tell something about the night he got wounded and how Capt. P. V. Brethorst, Lennix, S. D., Co. F, 350th Inf., received the wounds from which he died. Brethorst was teaching school in Wisconsin or Minnesota when we entered the war and he was a reserve officer instruc- tor at the first officers' training camp at Ft. Snelling. It is safe to say no one chafed more at the long delay in sending the 88th Div. overseas, and though he often said he did not believe he would come back, he had a real anxiety lest he should never see the trenches after all. Much has been said about the events of the night when he received his death wounds, but little is said about his heroic and unspectacular service just behind the lines trying to save his men, who were armed not with guns and bayonets, but with picks and shovels. For his company was going out to dig new trenches in No Man's Land. Captain Brethorst was terribly wounded, his back being badly torn, but he survived several days and until the end kept up a brave and smiling front although he knew his early intuition had been true — that he would never come back. As his friend I am glad to pay what honor I can to his memory. — E. J. D. L.) It was the 12th day of Oct., 1918, that I got wounded while marching up to the front. This happened I should say, between half past 8 and 9 o'clock in the evening, but why we were marching up to the front for we didn't know and I don't know to this day. It was just before SAipper that Captain Brethorst said for us to fall out right after supper with light packs and intrenching tools, and he also told us to fasten our leggings so that in case we had to run they wouldn't come down. When we got to a village about a mile from the front. he halted us and we stayed there for an hour or more before we continued our march, and when we got out of this village about 80 rods the Germans opened fire on us. Then Captain Brethorst gave us orders to get under cover the best we could, which we did, and weren't very slow about it, either. I was a corporal and there was one of my boys that didn't get hit. and he died of fright. I don't remember his name for he wasn't one of my boys until that night when he was put in my squad for replacement. Captain Brethorst gave us orders to get under cover, but he didn't do that himself. He kept pacing back and forth all the time just in back of us from where the shells were com- ing. The reason I know that it was he is that I heard some- thing in the grass and I looked back and saw somebody there ; and it was just light enough to see his shining leggings and the size of the man. I knew that it couldn't be anyone else for he was the most heavy set of the officers. He wandered so far away that I didn't see him when he got hit, but at the time I thought something had happened to him, although I couldn't tell until I got to battalion headquarters, where one of the lieutenants told me that our captain was wounded. Well, I haven' told you yet where I was hit. I got a right fractured forearm and two more scratches on my arm and one on my right hip. I am not much of a writer as you see, or I would write more about myself and the rest of the boys I know. I could tell you more than I can write. — Char- lie Janousek, Brookings, S. D. SERGEANT GETS HIS CHANCE TO REVENGE DEATH OF BROTHER IN BATTLE OF YPRES You all know how, when and where as to the coming to France and the going. Yes, as far as Byans you all know the coming. Byans, near Hericourt, 40 kilos from Belfort, is where my little storv begins. "Sept. 18, 1918— (So reads my little diary). I see the first signs of the coming storm. A couple of German air- planes and the French 75's trying to reach them. But we are having a problem ; no time to watch the little puffs of smoke form about Fritzie. "Sept. 19— (So says the little book again). VOLUN- TEERS FOR THE FRONT. I am amongst the lucky ones to get REVENGE! A spark that has burned since the fatal report of Aug. 6, 1917, when an American lad garbed in the uniform of the R. F. A. (Royal Field Artillery) of England fell mortally wounded in Valtinghe, Ypres. This lad was my brother." Well, to make a long story short, we went loaded into trucks; we pulled out. On our way to the front we passed several units which consisted, I was told, of the 29th Div. We stopped for a short time at a wayside cafe where the French had to have a touch of vin rouge ^before going on. As one of the units passed us some of our boys laughed at the Hob Nail Express going by and began to recite the "Charge of the Light Brigade," when one of the Gold Brick Stragglers butted in with "Laugh, ya bloody recruits, wait until you're coming this way, then ya'll laugh — like h'us !" Well, we landed at Dannemarie. "Fall in. Throw away . your fags, no smoking. No talking. No falling out till orders to do so !" It was a drizzly, foggy night. All the way the glares were showing themselves. Often what seemed to be heat lightning would light the heavens and the deep roll of distant cannon was heard. Well, we were in for it all right. More than one thought of HER and wondered what she could be -doing. We finally came to the journey's end. Frenchmen ran here and there. Soon came my turn. Lieutenant Carpenter of our com- pany was our battalion commander. "Corporal Johnson, you will be in charge of the guard tonight," were his orders. I mumbled a "Yes, sir," but my heart was just hitting on one cylinder. So we were led to our stations. The^ French adjutant pointed out ahead. All he could say was ^Boche," then pointing in another direction again he said "Boche." Then he left us. Well, after waiting for what seemed months, daylight came and our first night in the front line was to remain in our memories forever. Our first night in the front line ! It was not until the 21st of September that we knew what a Whiz Bang was or the real whistle of the 77's as they went over our heads, and not until the 29th of September that we had any reason to throw a grenade or fire a shot. In the afternoon of that day a French soldier of the 38th Div. in- fantry of France said that on the previous night the French had taken a prisoner and that the latter had said that a raid was to be pulled off the coming night. You can well imagine our surprise when they pulled most of the boys out of the second line and left eight men and a non-com (corporal), which was myself, to hold the front line. Everybody was on their toes as soon as darkness began to settle. About 9 o'clock the first grenade was thrown by Pvt. Emmet W. Smith of Elmira, N. Y., who figures again in my story somewhat later. (I guess every rat was killed that night, as we never saw any more after that.) Oct. 4 in broad daylight two French sentinels were taken prisoners, and that night we were scheduled for patrol. The first French-American patrol of the 88th Div. went out at 8 o'clock that night. The Americans were Corp. Elmer G. John- son, Hibbing, Minn., and Pvt. Floyd M. Hammer, Wetglaize, Mo., and Emmet W. Smith. Leaving our lines at 8 P. M. with six French soldiers and a French adjutant of the 38th Div. we got over the wire entanglement to make our plans. When we started we had an interpreter, but somehow he got lost or became confused and returned to the P. C. But with the French adjutant in motion and "Wee, wee," we found to our surprise that we three were to lead the patrol at 100 paces and 30 paces apart from each other. Being Yanks we said "Wee, Wee," and off we went. At 11 P. M. we were to hear the two whistles to return to the tree which was our reference point. But time sped on and no signal came. It had rained for two hours and it sure was a "mess" of a time. Hammer, having a wrist watch and seeing that it was 12 o'clock, crept in from his place and he and I returned to the tree, whistled for Smith and left for our lines, where, after a half hour of whistling, Smith came. "Pa- trol," said Smith. "Hell, the Kaiser in Berlin could hear the French talking while we were out there." "Twas the "Patrol pas bon," as the French called it. Well, the 38th French Div. bunch left us and we got a French second "looey" down in the trenches one day. (He had just got out of school.) He was only about 40 years old. He wanted us to clean out the trenches and take away the logs which were lying over the top. But those logs were too good to be taken away and they remained there. Oct. 5 we waited all day with our eyes scanning No Man's Land trying to locate the "Boche officer" who was to appear Personal Narratives 35 with a white flag as a truce was to be called. " He never came, although he blew a bugle all the afternoon. On Oct. 7 our company came up as we were going back for "rest." But the French major at Hagenbach said, "As you were !" After lying all night on a cement floor we hiked back again to out company, which had gone up to the front. We hiked 10 kilos for one night's rest on a cement floor! * ?! * Between the 7th and 18th of October our company sent out several patrols without success, even going so far as to enter the German front lines. Oct. 16 I went to Hagenbach to act as a guide for 101 men who were returning from the hos- pitals. Adjutant Lieut. Slaughter, (Ottumwa, la.) forbade us to leave until after dark. Thanks to his good judgment. Oct. 18, Co. I, 351st Inf. received a "Baptism of fire." I had been kept in reserve to see that we got our share of the rations and was returning when a couple of hand-grenades ex- ploded. Then H — 1 tore loose. This is where 1st Lt. James H. Taylor, University Place, Nebr., showed his mettle by making the platoon's front line under a heavy barrage fire. (Such a man should and was worthy of a Special Mention to Headquarters, but he never got it.) Also, one Pvt. John Van- der Linden of Bussey, Iowa, who offered his services and did escort Sgt. Elmer G. Johnson to Post 58B where the sergeant had never been before. Credit must also be given to one Pvt. Otto Malmind, Brandon, S. D., for finding another private, who as Malmind said, "had 'buck fever.' " And when the private asked Malmind if he should load his gun, Malmind replied, "No, you might kill somebody !" But that is not all. Later when the lieutenant questioned him as to what he had done with the forlorn private, Malmind said, "Ay yust pushed him in the platoon's toilet so he wouldn't get hurt !" On Oct. 26 we were helping the 313th Eng. in reconstruct- ing when I called upon Post 58A of Co. I, 352d Inf. and found the automatic post carried but one round of cartridges to its post. They soon got more and the 31st of October they were very handy. My story is about completed. Only one more incident: Our captain lost 1,900 francs on our hike from Hagenbach to Evetta near Belfort. Would the finder have a heart? No- body found it ! But you've got me guessing as to where all the "crap money" came from later on. I am also enclosing a list of the boys who did duty the first night and the second night, Sept. 20 and Sept. 21, 1918, according to my diary : First Night 1st Post Co. K. Stone, H. V. Vandergone, G. Hanson, Al. Wells, Okey Worthington, L. King, Oscar 2d Post Co. I. Morris, Melvin Peterson, Harry Smith, Emmett Hastings, H. L. Hepner, Edward Hebbing, G. A. Corporal of the Guard — Elmer G. Johnson Countersign — "Duvera." Second Night Post No. 1 Vandergone Post No. 4 Hastings Worthington Smith Post No. 2 Wells Post No. 5 Stone Hanson King Post No. 3 Hepner Post No. 6 Morris Hebbing Peterson — Elmer G. Johnson, Sgt., Co. I, 351st Inf., Hibbing, Minn. He Thought up the Cloverleaf Insignia Credit for originating the 88th Div. "Cloverleaf" insignia belongs to Corp. Robert J. Fitzgerald, Co . A^ 3 38th M. G. Bn.. of Kankakee, 111. While the two Figuj^JraJform a Maltese cross it is the resemblance of the djgpSSJMltir-leafed clover that gave the Division its apwmniwn (Jlftne "Goverleaf Di- vision." The title was a^fifttngflnpnTCnion to an earlier nick- name of the "Luck|^K»V^Wnch had doubtful origin and was even more wuotpity appropriate. The question of whether the 88th hijira "lucky" history depends entirely upon the point of view. The Flu-Fighting Ambulance Company I respectfully dedicate this little story to my officers and comrades who did their bit in the World War, willingly and without complaint. After many months of hard drilling and training in one of Uncle Sam's huge cantonments, across the Big Pond, through several rest camps and a couple of box-car rides, the 349th Ambulance Co. found itself close enough to the Great European War to hear the boom of the big guns of the contending armies; one fighting for the extension of territory, greed and lust, the other to "make the world a de- cent place to live in." So there we were, billeted in a French town called Chavannes-sur-1' Etang, up in Alsace-Loraine, expecting in a few days to become a cog in the mighty allied army. Well, one morning after we had been in this town a couple of days we fell out for morning roll-call, as usual. After reporting the company "all present and accounted for" (when I knew that more of them were asleep in the billets than were in line), the captain made the announcement that we were to proceed without delay to Belfort, France, where we were to open and maintain a hospital. His words almost dumfounded us. We, a company trained for field work and just aching to smell a little of the Fritzies' gas and hear the whine of his shells, to beat it back to do the work of women and Base Hospital men 1 Well, duty is duty, so we all cut out our crabbing and made the best of the trick Fate had played on us. The next day found us busy as a lot of ants, getting the place ready for a lot of patients we knew were coming in a few hours. The place we were to mold into a hospital was originally built for a French army post. It had also been used as a hospital at one time and the equipment was still there. The post was composed of about 16 gray stone buildings. Six we used as wards, the others we converted into the kitchen, quarters for the men, office, officers' quarters, store room and morgue. Now here are the cold facts, with all the "boost" left out, that some of us soldiers are gifted with: In 18 hours after we had arrived our company of 117 men and three officers had cleaned up and put up about 14 stoves, carried from the storehouse, a distance of about 300 yards, beds, linen, blankets and other ward equipment, to completely equip one of the wards which would accommodate 114 patients. That afternoon, not quite 24 hours after we had arrived, the ambulances started coming in, but we were ready and waiting. These ambulances were filled, not with wounded men from the front, but with the poor boys of the 88th Div. who were stricken with the terrible Spanish Influenza, which we were all so well acquainted with. That night as the bugle bio wed taps at Hospital Rethanns (that was the name the French had given it) its clear notes were heard by about 60 sick boys, tucked into warm beds by the lads of my company, the 349th Ambulance. Well, from that time on until we were relieved by the 351st Field Hospital some four weeks later, it was work, and hard work, ior everyone of us, from the captain down to the last buck private. Every day we opened up new wards, until we were caring for about 650 patients. In the days that followed we who had so reluctantly laid aside our steel helmets and driver's gloves for the hospital gown and mesh, fought the old Flu to a standstill. We, who were ambulance drivers and mechanics, became hospital orderlies and me- chanics. When we first started of course we did not have much of a system and things were in a sort of jumble for our train- ing had been for field work, not base hospital. Before many days rolled by things had got to going pretty smoothly, and ambulance drivers had become expert in taking temperatures and giving salts, and we had talked our chief mechanic into taking charge of the morgue. One incident I will never forget happened as I went through the wards to see how the ward sergeants were getting along. Coming out of a ward into the hall I found one of the boys sorting some soiled linen. He looked up and said, 36 Personal Narratives "Say, Sergeant, I came over here to drive an ambulance; now look at me, working day and night in a base hospital ; but I guess I'm doing my bit, so I won't kick." That was an example of the boys who pulled many of the lads back from the clutches of the old Flu. Everj' morning during our stay at the hospital, it was we Medics, in the doughboy fashion, who shouldered a gun and slowly followed a wagon draped with the American and French flags bearing the bodies of American soldiers whose great adventure had ended, not on the field of glory by the Hun bullets, but by that terrible disease, the Spanish Influ- enza, which claimed so many all the world over during the winter of '18. Those poor boys we laid to rest far from their native soil in a little French graveyard in Belfort, France, were buried in true American style, their coffins draped with Old Glory, a few words by an Afherican army chaplain, the three volleys, and lastly the bugle call taps. After a few weeks of work as a base hospital unit we were relieved and told the next day we would leave for the Toul front, where we would have at last seen action. The morning of Nov. 10, 1918, found the Flu Fighting Ambulancers at Lagney, France, a few miles from the Big Show, and the next day we were to go in. Well, we all know what happened the next day, one of the greatest in the his- tory of the world ; the Armistice was signed. So Fate had cheated us again from work on the front. but I think we had done our bit, just the same, don't you? — 1st Sgt. Wm. C Ronaldson. 349th Ambulance Co., 313 San- itary Train, 1100 Adams St., Denver, Colo. tt Remember?" Refreshing the memories of buddies in Co. C, 339th Ma- chine Gun Battalion. — By F. B. Schwack: Remember any of these? Bcvo? Maudass 2:08'i? Goldie the Horse Jocky? Vin Rouge and Vin Blanc Twins? Slick? Speck? Boom? Get the boom and sweep the woom? Toothless Jerry? Judge Alton B. ? Pinkey? Thoity-Thoid Avenoo and Thoity-Foist St. dog robber? Van? Ike? Sgt. Lantz? Snake 'em off Lloyd? Fritz? Diddle? Ma Crosley? Dollie? The Runt? Rum Hound? Onion Face? Overdick? Gunboat? The Ostrich? Petit Mechanic? Allie Allie Jim? Battle of Loop Run? Charge on Rum Hill? Dynamite? Sears Roebuck? Little Company 'tenshun? Remember when Boom made that famous speech : "Come on Joe"? Eh? Remember how Dynamite had Schneider hold that Goat at Camp Dodge? Eh? Remember how Lieutenant Swan had his platoon chopping wood while on Alsace front, Eh? Enough wood for the French Corps that relieved us. Remember how Lieutenant Clancy poured that glorious cog- nac out of Schriefer's canteen on the memorable hike to Bessancourt? An iron man for a drop of it now, Eh? Remember how we made those 35 kilometers, pulling carts, equipment and ammunition by hand on only one dry bread bacon sandwich, and in nine and one- half hours? Eh? You thought you was'a jackass, a mule 'nvrything, but you wasn't, you ain't, and will not be, because you are a Yank and World War Hero. Remember the latrine dope, seventh hole, when do we go home, inspections, etc., etc., Eh.? Remember the Eau Portable fountains, all the frogs kneeling down ready to jump in the pool, but you found out that they were only washing clothes. Remember the guard-house lawyer? Eh? Remember when top kicker McDonald said "Hey you funny face, what is your name?" Eh? Remember how hard you tried to find out how Gunboat Smith could get so many blankets issued, Eh ? Remember when we hung out the last shingle "Old Latrine?" Eh ? Remember that school at St. Joire? Eh? Remember them carrots, Eh? Mess-hound Waddick was not to blame. Remember that pit-pitter-patter-pat that lullabicd you to sleep each night, Eh? Remember the first ride in 40 Hommcs shoveout 8? Eh? Remember when you joined the A. E. F. O. F. Lodge? Amer- icans Exploring France on Foot. Eh? Remember how you wondered why Buckley was only a cor- poral? Eh? Remember the time we were to see the first American Girls in a show how we fixed up the barn for theatre, hay-mound for stage? Remember how you cleaned and shaved up that time? Do you do it now? And remember that about all the girls did do is, sang, "Homeward Bound" song that we knew so well? Eh? Remember Nolan and his "Rocky Road to Doublin"? Eh? Remember how Gregory and Parker cornered the market on francs? Eh? Remember at Gondrccourt when Black-jack inspected you? He stopped two inches from you, looked at you and you did not see him? Why didn't you look at him? Eh? Remember when Sallese went to Orderly Room with full pack and wanted a pass to Italy? Eh? Remember when Sergeant Yates said "Lookout, I am coming out." He did and was crocked for a goal by the guard ? Eh ? Remember that drum corps we had at Chassy? Eh? Remember that billeting officer of ours when we pulled into rest camp at La-Chappelle-Chea-Poop? Eh? Remember the swell chicken dinner Xmas 1918? Six chickens for 154 men, then somebody stole six more from "ncversmile" and we had to chip in une franc, cinquate centimes, for them? Eh? Remember how Corn Willie paid us a visit Thanksgiving, 1918? And remained for dinner? Eh? Remember how hungry the fish were or must have been on way home? Eh? Remember the cribbage fiends? Eh? Remember the famous expressions: Cigarett? Shokolaat? vollez vous promenade avec mwa? Oola-la, wee, wee? Zig-zag? Zig-zig? Beaucoup malade? and remember how they put sugar on the beans to make them toot sweet ? Eh ? Remember how pickled you got on your furlough? You thought frogs charged you too much. Can you get pickled for that money here ? Eh ? Remember the Rhesus? St. Charles? Pastores? Eh? Remember how Captain Tyschen admonished us against those French girls, to remember the girls we left behind and how he himself got married with first girl he met ? Eh ? Remember how economical Sergeant Boom was? Could you get a shirt? Trousers? Leggins? Hell no, but can you get them for nothing now? Eh? Remember how you worked off vour poll tax on frog roads? Eh? Remember the "Fall out one, two and three" but you didn't fall out, you just turned and run like a deer? Kb? Remember how the dog "Trondes" stood reveille and retreat each day ? Eh ? Remember how the Y. M. C. A. served you hot drinks, choco- late and doughnuts at the front? Eh? Remember Caruso Beck? Eh? Remember how Kendall was finishing his one-mile relay? He looked like a hobo running out from railroad yards ? Eh ? Remember that parade at Camp Dodge? Eh? Remember when you got that discharge paper? Eh? Well the dog is sending each and every one his best wishes and regards. Personal Narratives 37 An October Morning "Strafe" My experience on the morning of Oct. 31, 1918, is indeed an interesting memory to me, and may be to other members of the Division. As I recall it the morning was damp and foggy. After my usual inspection of the posts I left Sergeant Swanson in charge of the platoon and went down into my dugout for a little rest. All was quiet until about 9 o'clock when a barrage opened and the gas alarm was given. The shells were dropping pretty thick around my P. C. but after making sure that there was no gas I took off my mask and tried to discover what was go- ing on. One of the boys at the nearest post (Private^ Larson) was unlucky enough to be in the way of a shell which shat- tered his arm and broke his leg in two places. Fortunately for the rest of us his shell turned out to he a dud. A corporal nearby had his coat tail and the butt of his rifle trimmed off and was quite excited until he recovered the wounded man's gun and found it in working order. I got in the way of a bit of H. E. myself, which plowed through the side of my neck. I felt no pain at the time but was a little inconvenienced by the blood until one of the boys helped me tie on my first aid bandage. I was quite concerned about the advanced posts so sent one of the corporals out to see how they were getting on and to help them out if necessary. Also sent a runner back to company headquarters with the word that we were being shelled but were holding our position. Both got through safely and in the meantime Sergeant Swanson succeeded in getting our wounded man back to the dressing station, with the aid of some machine gun men who happened to be resting at our P. C. at the time. In passing along our line of resistance I found every man at his post ready to do his part when he got the chance. The barrage lasted but a short time. When it lifted we dis- covered that our front line had been left untouched and that our outposts were on the lookout for raiders. * We failed to see any however, for, as we afterwards learned, the attack was aimed at I Company's sector just north of us around the brow of a hill. Things soon quieted down so, after visiting all the posts again and finding them in good condition and ready for the worst. I left the sergeant in charge and walked back to the dressing station to have a new bandage put on my neck. There they insisted on relieving me from duty and send- ing me back to Battalion headquarters with Larson who had received first aid but was suffering terribly. Larson was taken on back to the hospital but was in so serious a con- dition that he died that night. I was very much disappointed at not being allowed to go back to the outfit but think I didn't miss much, as the company was relieved after a couple of days in which no more excitement turned up. I was greatly pleased with the conduct of every man in the platoon, in the little emergency, and felt assured that the months of training had not been in vain. We were readv for the bigger job that had been laid out for us. — Don- ald C. Elder, Dewitt, la., Lt, Co. L, 352nd Inf. Almost! Where the Germans played their pranks, Where the doughboys spent their francs, In Leipzig and Berlin. Where the Germans shed their blood In Leipzig and Berlin. Where the doughboys slept in dugouts, Where the doughboys chased the Hun And took away his gun — . In Leipzig and Berlin. Where the doughboys shot their craps In shell-holes and in gaps In Leipzig and Berlin. Where the doughboy slept in mud With a cootie for his "bud," In Leipzig and Berlin! George Schamaun, Rear 1410 3d St., S. W., Canton, O. An Old Favorite "Over Here" It's a long way to Berlin, but we'll get there. Uncle Sam will show the way. Over the line and across the Rhine. Shouting Hip ! Hip ! Hooray. . We'll sing Yankee Doodle "Under the Linden", With some real live Yankee pep ! Hep ! It's a long way to Berlin But we'll get there, And we're on our way,- by heck, by heck ! — From Pvt. George C. Parks. My Experience in the 350th Inf. First came the call to arms. When I arrived in camp it seemed quite a strange place, but after I got down to work I didn't have much time to think. After a course of six months we were ordered to France. We left New York Aug. 16, 1918, and arrived in Liverpool, England, Aug. 29. We got up in the morning and found ourselves in a strange country. Then is the time the boys began to get homesick. We left England Sept. 1 and arrived in France Sept. 2. Then started those heavy packs and endless hikes and hard- tack and bully beef. After we had hiked around for about a month we were ordered to the firing line which was Alsace- Lorraine. That was the 8th day of October. We were scared out when we arrived but later we got very bold. I was a 350th Inf. scout and had lots of excitement. I very well remember the first night we were out on patrol. The boys said, "We will stick together, no matter what happens;" and we sure did ! We were crawling up an old German trench and one of the boys, Ben Bryant, a big, burly Missourian, said, "Well, boys, I reckon as how we-all better make our wills be- fore we go any farther." Eugene Perry spoke up. "Well, boys, it wouldn't be so bad if we could see which way those bullets were coming." The bullets came thick and fast sometimes, but we were never lucky enough to stop any of them. One night we were trapped in a barb-wire entanglement between the first and second line of German trenches and the boys got to cussing and were heard by a German patrol. Of course they naturally sent free bullets over us, but we all got out of it lucky and accomplished our mission. We left Alsace about Oct. 28 and later were ordered to the Toul sector, but before we got a chance to get up to the firing line the armistice was signed. Then came the thought of going home. You could hear them all holler, "When do we go home?" We were stationed at Longeau, France, till May 1, then we started for St. Nazaire. We sailed from St. Nazaire May 18, 1919, landed at Newport News, U. S. A., May 30, and were mustered out June 6. We sure were a happy bunch to get back home again. — George Schamaun, Rear 1410 3d St. S. W., Canton, O. Army Life in France I am sitting alone in my billet, while the rain and the sleet is falling down, My comrades are out and a-working, while I am a-lounging around. The place is cold and cheerless, one little old stove near the door. The chickens roost up on the rafters, while we sleep down on the floor. Some go to bed before supper, some at the bugle's last call, Some come in at midnight while others don't come in at all. We are up at six in the morning, and down to breakfast we stream; It is nothing but rice and bacon, and coffee, sans sugar and cream. At noon it is beef and boiled onions, and potatoes with jackets on tight, A slice of bread and black coffee, but butter is never in sight. And at night when we are lined up for supper. Oh ! What do you think they do ? As we pass along with our mess kits, they fill them with Mul- ligan stew ! 38 Personal Narratives We eat in the streets and the barnyards, we wash our clothes in the stream, And take our baths in a bath house without any fire or steam. Our clothes are wet almost always, for there's no place to dry them, you see, For fires are scarce in this country, while the sun you never can see. One day it is cold and a- freezing, the next day it's mud to your knees With a cold, cold rain a-falling, and the next day a nice, gentle breeze. But I'm still alive and a-kicking, and some day expect to be Back in the land where life's living! In My Land over the seal — Wagoner John Engel, 313th Eng., Co. B, Gettysburg, S. D., Bx. 532. Adventures at Couvertpuits After the armistice was signed and the 338th Machine Gun Bn. was snugly (?) billeted in the little town of Couver- puits, in the Province of Meuse, it seemed the chief ambition of the headquarters bunch to dodge as many details as possi- ble, and spend their leisure moments in the neighboring town of Morley, where no Americans were quartered and there were no "off limit" signs to mar their pleasure. Part of Headquarters Co. was billeted in a combination house and barn belonging to Mr. and Mrs. Henri Rochere. The latter was nicknamed by the boys "Shot Gun Liz,'' much to her chagrin. In fact this name was so distasteful to her that at the mere mention of it she would pick up her broom and pur- sue the offender. Our sleeping quarters were in a loft which was reached by a ladder and also by the odors from the cows, pigs, horses and the ever present manure pile. To get to this ladder it was necessary to go through the front room. The inhabitants of this loft — besides the rats and cooties — were Corp. Orval William Epperson (in charge), Private Ernest M. ("Gun Boat") Smith. Private Loren ("Affidavit") Buck, Private An- drew G. Anderson, Private George States, Wagoner Axel Jermstad, Wagoner Thomas ("Red") Nagle and Wagoner John Proctor. One night after taps had sounded our attention was at- tracted by noises downstairs. This proved to be Wagoner Jermstad, returning from an afternoon and evening at Morley where was a fair mademoiselle, who very graciously smiled on him as she poured his "encore cognac" and took his francs. The Rocheres had killed a hog that day and hung it just inside the front door and as he was groping his way toward the ladder, leading to the loft, he grasped the suspended hog in his arms, which, at every advance step, pushed him back- wards. Jerry, feeling that he was . making no progress in reaching his sleeping quarters, began calling aloud: "Erickson, Erickson, someone is trying to knock me down !" Jerry had dallied in the cafe until it had closed and he now wondered if that had not been too long. He finally mounted the ladder to the loft, without any assistance, and after lighting a candle, prepared to get into bed, removing his hat, coat and shirt. His other wearing apparel, consisting of boots, trousers, etc., were left on. He had no sooner reached the bed than he decided he was sick and asked "Gun Boat" Smith to take him to the infirmary. His requests being ig- nored he put his pack on his back, took Smith's rifle and started down the ladder, sans hat, coat or shirt. Smith, who had been feigning sleep, seeing his rifle disappear, yelled for him to come back and wait until morning when the ambulance would come for him. Jermstad complied and crawled into bed and soon began begging Smith to come and see what was on his feet, some- thing that was in bed with him. The "something" proved to be his boots which he had forgotten to remove. Later he was disturbed by the mournful wailings of a cat somewhere in the darkness and crawled out of bed, taking Smith's shoe in one hand and a lighted candle in the other and started out in pursuit of the offender. The "cat"— which proved to be Corporal Epperson — immediately ceased his whinings until Jerry was snugly tucked in bed again. It may be interesting to here relate how a few of our Headquarters boys earned the titles they bore : One wintry night when the thermometer stood about 2 below by the centigrade, our reputed champion checker player, Private Ernest M. Smith — his favorite cigar tucked at the usual angle of 45 degrees from the right corner of his mouth, his cap pulled over his left ear to balance his head — sallied forth with the intention of extending his conquests in his much loved game. The darkness of the night, further intensified by the fact that he had just come from the house brilliantly light- ed by two tallow candles, blinded him to such an extent that his footsteps strayed from the narrow road and before he realized it he was plunging headlong into a creek, which flow- ed between banks about 5 feet high, and was only a few feet from the road at this point. Ordinarily a "cootie" could swim it with ease, but recent rains 1iad transformed it into a stream of considerable depth. When he came up sputtering he was minus both cap and cigar — the former was recovered the next day with the aid of a pole, but the cigar was not found. No doubt if the villagers had known that beneath that foot of mud lay one cigar that had barely been lighted they would probably be endeavoring • yet to find it. He scrambled up the bank and hurriedly re- traced his steps, his only thought being to get warm and dry. His ardor for checkers was cooled for the time. As his ward- robe consisted of what he was wearing at the time of his plunge the only thing left for him to do was to go to bed and have his clothes put by the fireside to djT- His chief regret was that this plunge had not occurred earlier in the week as he had already taken the weekly bath which was compulsory. It was not to his liking to take two baths in one week. From this date he was nicknamed "Gun Boat" Smith. Private Loren Buck was assistant to the billeting officer. A certain Frenchman missed about 8 feet of gutter pipe from his building and suspicioning some American was using it for a stovepipe put in a claim against the United States for the loss of it. Buck was given the task of getting affidavits to either establish or reject this claim. He loyally performed this work by hiding out each morning after mess, his refuge being at the fireside of "Shot Gun Liz" mother-in-law. where he and Corporal Epperson would "parler" with her and inci- dentally persuade her to fry "duo oeufs" ; and by paying "cinq francs" and supplying "graisse" and "sucre" induce her to furnish the balance of the ingredients to make "gaufres." She would squat in the center of the hearth with batter on one side and bacon rind with which to grease the waffle iron on the other. During these morning socials, Minnie, the cat, and Henri, the dog, would sit at opposite ends of the fire- place, and wistfully await an opportunity to partake of the dainties. If the old lady's back was turned Minnie would avail herself of the chance to lick the surplus grease from the bacon rind while Henri would lap a few mouthfuls of the batter. Nevertheless we ate them with as much relish as if they had been cooked in the most sanitary kitchen. After spending a week thus, Buck's ruse was found out with the result that he was sent to school at St. Joire as punishment, but the nickname of "Affidavit" Buck stuck.— O. W. Epperson, Neasho, Mo. Doughboy Blues There were details that made us happy There were details that made us blue There were details that drove away the sunshine Like the M. P.'s drove us from the booze. There were details that had an awful meaning That the doughboy alone could feel, But the details that filled our hearts with sadness Were the details with one cooked meal. (Composed by Billet No. 13 Bonnet, France, April 25, 1919). A. R. Johnson, Nanson. N. D. Personal Narratives 39 Propaganda Via Airplane As they were pioneers in development of "H. E." (high explosive) shells and the use of gas projectiles in this war, so also the Germans were first to adopt the "gas" of insidious propaganda. They had long used the method of spreading doctrines and misinformation useful to them by means of the press before the war, and along the front they endeavored to stab directly at the spirit of the men opposing them by drop- ping leaflets from airplanes behind the lines. Some of these messages were crude attempts, but showed thorough familiari- ty with Yankee talk. Here are some examples : "Do your part to put an end to the war. Put an end to your part of it. Stop fighting. It is the simplest way. You can do it, you soldiers. Just stop fighting ; the war will then end of its own accord. You are not fighting for anything, anyway. What does it matter to you who owns Metz or Stras- burg? What do you care about them? But there is a little town back home, in the little old United States, that you would like to see. If you keep on fighting here in the hope of get- ting a look at the German fortress you may never see home again. The only way to stop the war is to stop fighting. That's easy. Just quit and slip across to 'No Man's Land,' and join the bunch that is taking it easy there, waiting to be ex- cused and taken home. There is no disgrace in that. That bunch of American prisoners will be welcomed just as warmly as you who stick it out in those infernal trenches. Get wise. There is nothing in the glory of keeping up the war. No Business in France "And think of the increasing taxes you will have to pay ! The longer the war lasts the larger those taxes at home will be. Get wise and get over. All the fine words about glory are tommyrot. You have not any business fighting in France. You had better be fighting the money trust at home instead of fighting your fellow soldiers in gray over here, when it does not really matter two sticks to you how the war goes. "Your country needs you ; your family needs you, and you need your life for something better than being gassed, shot at, deadened by cannon shot and rendered unfit physically by the miserable life you must lead here. The tales they tell you of the condition of the German prison camps are fairy tales. Of course you may not like being a prisoner of war; but any- thing is better than this infernal place, without any hope of escape, except by being wounded, after which you will only be sent back for another hole in your body. Wake up and stop the war. You can, if you want to. Your government does not mean to stop the war for years to come, and the years are going to be long and dreary. You had better go, while the going is good." Better to Live than Die "Don't die until you have to ! What business have you to die for France, for Alsace, for Lorraine or for England in France? Isn't it better to live than to die anyhow, however glorious a cause? Isn't it better to live and go back to the old folks at home than to rot in the shell holes and trenches of France? "You have had to hear many high falutin' words about liberty, humanity and making the world safe for Democracy, but, honest now, are not these catch words, merely sugar-coat- ing to the bitter pill, making you spend wretched months far from home? Do you really believe those German soldier boys in the faded gray uniforms on the outside of 'Xo Man's Land' are on the trail of your liberties? Just like you, they want the war to end with honor, so they can go back to their home- folks. All they want is a chance to live and let live, and so if you should happen to fall into their hands, you wil find that they treat you fair enough on the principle of 'live and let live.' Why run any more chance than you have to? You might just as well be a free boarder in Germany till the war is over. You don't want to die until you have to." Another dropped in the 88th Div. lines read: "Soldiers of the U. S. A. ! As we hear from your com- rades seized by us, your officers say that we kill prisoners of war or do them some other harm. "Don't be such greenhorns ! "How can you smart Americans believe such a silly thing!" All of which indicated anew how little the Germans un- derstood the Americans or realized the quality of the average doughboy's intelligence. Why is it Called "Rest Camp?" One doughboy to another: Don't you know what a "rest camp is? Why, they walk a man in heavy pack for miles up hill until he can't walk a step farther and he falls down in a heap all in. They call that spot a "rest camp." An Open Invitation Tim Casey Kniffen of the 349th Ambulance Co., is one of those fortunate young men blessed with a real, motherly moth- er. "Tim, (she writes) says he stayed a year in France and while he didn't shine much in the fight he sure did shine when it came to something to eat. Also shone in the K. P. so much that after he came home he would forget and would catch himself helping with the dishes. At present he is half owner of the Manitou Plumbing Co. at Manitou, Colo. We own 'Dixie Land,' a summer home in Cheyenne Canon, Colorado Springs. Would be glad to see any of the company at any time — also the editor. We can pretty nearly take care of a whole company there. "My young hopeful went with the ambulance boys of the 349th and while they spent a year at Camp Dodge and another year in France, when they came back and I let them have the place for a couple of weeks, I decided I'd keep it for myself a while. Such a spoiled lot of boys I never came across. They would roll the rugs and dance and I think have a house party ALL THE TIME. There were 123 in the bunch and just one of the boys died in France so they hardly realized what an awful thing the war was and all they thought was "You owe us a good time." They sure had it. I was awfully thankful the house was left standing. Since then have had a lot of the boys there and they call it home. It is 20 rooms right at the mouth of both the North and South Cheyenne Canon, close to the foot of the famous Seven Falls, the pret- tiest grounds anywhere, just around the corner from the Broadmoor which is one of the largest hotels in the U. S., a summer resort. I have 11 cottages on the ground. Have a young sister and niece and with my son to help entertain (he sure can do that) you would enjoy a trip the best in the world. "You may pass the word that a soldier boy can always find a good square meal at 'Dixie Land' (no change; we do not keep boarders) and they are always welcome. "By the way I thought when the boys came home they would want to be quiet and read, etc., so I moved my whole library there, some 3,000 books, including all the books of the past year or two, but I guess maybe the doors were hard to open as the boys didn't read any of them." The Orderly's Repartee This actually happened at Gondrecourt : Private Crockett, Hq. Troop was on duty as orderly to the general during the day. The general's car drove up in front of Headquarters. Crockett went into the commander's office, stepped before the general, came to attention, saluted and said : "Sir, the general's car awaits without." The general look up. "Without what?" "Without the general, sir." Leslie T. McKay, Grand Forks, N. D. 40 Persoxal Narratives Red Cross Nurse Lost in Dugout I was a member of Co. I, 349th Inf., under Captain Brear- ton. We had a fine bunch of boys and our captain was liked by all of us. Soon after joining this company at Des Moines, Camp Dodge, I belonged to the buglers of Co. I. Later on in France, in service at the front, I had a position of signaling. Then after the armistice was signed wc were located at Ref- froy (Meuse), France, where I was transferred to the Y. M. C. A. Hdqrs. at Gondrecourt, doing driving duty, and the following happened during a tour through the battlefields. With Mr. R. F. Williams, Y. M. C. A. secretary, V. R. Daily and George Kenedy on duty at the "Y", George Miller, cook of Supply Train and Guy B. Hainke, driver, we took a tour in April, 1919, through the battlefields, taking the road from St. Mihiel through Verdun on down the Argonne forest. This being a three-day trip, gave us plenty of time to wander around the different cities and fields. The Second Day : Being lost isn't any fun, especially down in the third base- ment of a German dugout where the darkness is so thick you can almost cut it with a knife, with barely enough candle to last a few hours and the water drizzling down the walls to put your light out, with mud and water on the floor, and many things which had been abandoned lying around to make you lose your footing and fall. This is the story of a Red Cross nurse who got lost from her party in a tunnel three-quarters of a mile long and wide enough for a squad of men to march through abreast. Tun- nels lead in all directions from this main drag up at Dead Man's Hill, No. 295. She was with a party of ten other nurses and a guide, when she stopped to put on her rubber, which had come off in the mud. The .party did not notice that she had stopped and continued on the tour. When she again looked up the party had disappeared and she was left alone. With no sense of direction she plunged on with only a small piece of candle to light her way. Becoming exhausted she stopped, listening. George Mills and myself threw a stone down a vent hole, not knowing, at the time, that this hole led down that tunnel. As the rock fell through the hole it happened to drop next to her in the tunnel, this being 150 feet beneath us. George and I were patiently waiting for that stone to light. We heard a voice. I looked at George and said, "Did you hear that?" George said, "What?" "Why, that voice." Again it came, "Don't do that !" We asked her who she was and where she was. Finally upon reaching the opening of the tunnel we slowly followed it until we found her, scared to death and all full of mud. She was ,as white as a sheet when -we had carried her out to the fresh air again. She was taken away from the dugout and the rest of her party were soon located. Oh, You Nurse!— Guy B. Hainke, Otis, Kans. Rats, Airplanes, W Everything I was on the Alsace front 13 days and it seemed 13 years before I got out of there. They sent over some shells the last night and I thought I was never going to get out, but I never saw anything only rats and they scared me to death and the airplanes would keep mc dying all the time, and the lieutenant and captain. The first night wc scared about 18 Germans so they never bothered us any more. Then we moved up around Toul. We were getting ready to go into action but it stopped and I sure was glad of it. I don't think there was a sober man around. We went from there to Rcffroy. We stayed there about five months, and then I went to the hospital. I was in there 17 days with the mumps and I thought I was never going to get home, but the 88th is ALL RIGHT.— Walter McGhee, Cn T. ;uotv; T,,f rr,ir>tnf. <; n "The Battle with the Cooties" While fighting with the Boche, in a front line trench with a bunch of our boys and a bunch of the French. We had taken the mumps and became quite alarmed, arid had also slight itchings under our arms. We were sent to the Infirmary and back of the ditch. The doctor said we had both mumps and the itch. We spent a week in the hospital back of the line and we started to look to see what we could find. We pulled off our shirts to see what we could see and we found a little bug about as big as a flea. The French were acquaint- ed with a bug of this kind so they sprayed us with some- thing, — it must have been lime, for the way it did burn me I thought I would die. If someone had told me I would have called it a lie. So wo called on the doctor and called on the nurse, but day by day the cooties got worse. We were finally transferred to an American camp, but we couldn't rest a minute for the miserable scamps. We reported to the nurse what we found in our clothes, we were filled with the graybacks from our heads to our toes. So they called in the captain to join in the fun, and he couldn't believe it till we showed him one. He took us to the Cootie Ward, away from the rest, and he brought us in a gas tank and told us to undress. We wash- ed in gasoline and chloride of lime. We lost all the cooties — and part of our hide ! It made me dance round for an hour or so. If you never get the cooties you never will know how the little devils bite you when you try to sleep. As soon as you lay down, then they start to creep. So we pulled off our nightclothes and threw them outside and we had nothing left on in which cooties could hide. The next day we were equipped with a new suit of clothes so we pulled off our old ones and threw them outdoors. Now we are resting more easy, this little cootie bunch, but somehow or other I have a hunch that the war is about over and the graybacks all done, the battle's about finished with both cooties and Huns. We are going home soon and that you can bet, but the battle with the cooties I shall never forget.- — Charles S. Kersting, Gilmore, Mo. Souvenir from Lamalou At the time of the first furlough granted to men of the 88th Div., Pvt. William Clausen, Co. A, 352d Inf., now of Sioux Falls, S. D., was granted one of the furloughs which resulted in his being able, and also enabled myself and one of his corporals, to bring back a rare souvenir of France. This was in the form of a ribbon for each man, which was supposed to have been worn by one of Christ's disciples on one of their journeys through from Bordeaux to the Holy Land, and taken from an old, old chapel near Lamalou-les- Bains, at which place Mary and Martha were supposed to have worshipped on one of their journeys between the two places. Whether or not this part of the story be true, will, perhaps be doubtful to most readers, unless they happen to be students of the Bible and Bible days, and know beyond a doubt the exact truth of the matter. Private Clausen and the corporal met in Lamalou-ks- Bains an old Catholic priest who had gone to France for his health from New York State, and as the soldiers on furlough there at that time were the first American solders to visit that part of France, the priest, who was then caretaker of the chapel, took it upon himself to let the two boys enter the chapel, as there were only the two of them with him at that time. He stated at the time that no other Americans had en- tered this chapel in the memory of the oldest inhabitants of Lamalou, and the boys were only allowed to do so out of re- spect for the services they were rendering France. This, it- self, is a souvenir in the minds of the two boys, and one which they will always remember with respect to their benefactor, the priest. It was upon their return from Lamalou that Mr. Clausen discovered he had two of these ribbons, and presented me with one, out of respect for our friendship prior to army days. — John A. Smith, West Sioux Falls, S. D., Co. A, 352d Inf., for- mrrlv with Ratt V). 147th F A. Personal Narratives 41 Doughboys on Leave to Alps The latter part of February, 1919, a bunch of us put in for a pass which was granted us on February 26. We were billeted in Gondrecourt and were supposed to report at the railhead at 8 P. M. as we were to be checked in and issued traveling rations before the arrival of the train which was to appear at 10 P. M. Sergeant Grande had charge of the bunch. He got us checked in and then obtained our issue of traveling rations, "gold-fish," "bully beef," "beans," "hard tack" and some bread. We put it all into a burlap bag and were all set at 9 P. M. Then it began to rain. Our guard- house, however, was only about a block or so away so we sought shelter therein. We, of course packed our rations along. About 10 o'clock a train pulled in. Grabbing our rations we made a beeline for the depot where the train was reported two hours late. So back we went, rations and all. Finally at 1 :30 A. M., our train did come. We all piled on and in about an hour were off. The next day at noon we got to Is-sur-Tille and were ordered out. We began to wonder what was up. Soon we found out. We were assigned to billets and awaited further orders. A "shavetail" came in and cried, "Everybody out- side with soap and towels and all your clothing except blankets." Quick as lightning came the thought that we were to be put through the delouser. And sure enough, such was the case. The bath was fine, but our clothes — creases? Man, you couldn't begin to count them ! And then came the thought that we were going on pass and wanted to make a hit with some demoiselle. Luckily the French girls weren't particular. Just so you were a "Soldat Americain" and had "beaucoup francs," you were "tres bien." We left Is-sur-Tille next day at 4 P. M. and the morning of March 1 found us on a side track at Aix-les-Bains. Look- ing out of the window we saw several cafes, and Private Hammers and myself went out on an expedition. Crossing a picket fence we got into a neat cafe. After having a few shots of cognac a piece we went back and I tore a big hole in my brand-new leggings crossing that darn picket fence. But that made no difference,! just wrapped it upside down and it was "bon" again. We left about 7 :30 and got .to St. Jarvais, our destination, on the evening of the same day. On getting out of the train all we could see were moun- tains. "Some leave area !" was our comment. We were assigned to Mont Joly Palace, a modern hotel in all respects. That night we slept in an "honest-to-God" bed for the first time since we had left home in the good old U. S. A. Next day was Sunday. There wasn't much doing. Monday morning, however, we got up before breakfast in order to catch the morning train for Chamonix. At the y. M. C. A. there we found out about a trip up one mountain which took an hour and a half up and ten minutes down. So Sergeant Wolf, Private Silva and myself decided on the trip, while Sergeant Grande and Private Hammers and also Private Stevenson went to see some mademoisells( ?) But I am getting away from the subject of climbing mountains. We had a Y. M. C. A. man for a guide, and together with about IS other boys and one "Y" girl, we started out. After an hour and 45 minutes' continuous climb we reached a house halfway up the mountain where we rested. The large hotels of Chamonix down below looked like cigar boxes. After ten minutes' rest we started back. Coming to a ravine our guide all at once said "Follow me," and sitting down on the snow, which was plentiful, started down the hilj. We watched him for awhile. Finally I said, "My O. D's. are just as good as his," and followed him down. Talk about sp£ed ! Soon I heard someone screaming. Setting my brakes (elbows) into the snow, I looked around and there I saw the rest coming down with lightning speed, the "Y" girl in the lead. Loosening my brakes I was off and got to the foot of the mountain in about eight minutes. Wet pants? Oh, Boy! they sure were! It reminded me of my kid days, sliding the cellar door. Adjusting our clothing, we went back to Chamonix, and boarding a train got back home just In time for supper. The rest of the week was spent in different hikes and roaming through the mountains, of which Private Silva and myself did the most. We surely saw some interest- ing sights. Leaving St. Jarvais the following Saturday, we started back home and arrived at Is-sur-Tille Sunday noon. Stopping over night we started out Monday at 9 P. M. and Tuesday's dawn found us at Gondrecourt, where we reported to the top sergeant and again became active members of Co. B. That same night our Co. clerk, Sergeant Gordon, had us all on guard and K. P. — John T. Kupka, Ft. Atkinson, la. Co. B, 337th M. G. Bn. Laughs in Two Spasms FIRST SPASM— When marching from the Alsace-Lor- aine front we did not know where we were going. A scout by the name of Andrew Kelly who was always harping on going home made the remark, "Well, boys, we are marching in the direction of the coast. We are going home !" A sniper by the nickname of Long John Tennessee spoke up and said, "Yes, Kelly, we are going home but it will be the roughest — home you ever went to !" SECOND SPASM: While on the Alsace front there were four members of the 350th Inf. Scouts billeted in a dugout. A new man by the name of Corporal Sanders had just joined our group. The first night of sleeping in the dugout Ave four went to bed early, all broke, so we could not pass the time away drinking vin rouge. About 10 o'clock Corporal Sanders fell asleep and the three of us were still awake. Seeing that he was asleep we started to have some fun. Pvt. Andrew Kelly, putting his hands over his mouth, yelled to me, "Have you got your mask on, Grace?" I answered as loudly as my lungs would permit, "Yes, have all the other boys?" Over in the corner where Corporal Sanders slept there was a noise just about as loud as if a big shell had hit the side of the dugout. It was Sanders falling over a table try- ing to get his gas mask on. When we thought he had it about on Kelly took his hands away from his mouth and asked Sanders what the matter was. After he told us what he thought of us, which would not look good in print, he told us how he felt when he woke up and heard us talking in what he thought was our gas masks. He said to himself. "It is all off with me, but I will try to get it on. It might not be too late yet !" — William F. Grace, Kings # 111., Ogle Co. Get Scare and Muddy Feet On the evening of Oct. 12, 1918, the second platoon of B company 313 Engineers, of which I was one, had been sitting in our barn talking about the war. Both Corporals Sittner and Patterson had crawled up on the hay and retired early and old Dad Tolles was gas sentry when all at once about 8 o'clock the Germans put over a barrage, as our 350th Inf. were just going into the trenches to relieve the French and we were backed by French artillery. This happened about three miles east of Fontaine where we had been busy build- ing dugouts at the rail head. We all went outside back of a warehouse and were watching the big guns flash except the two who had retired early, but the awful noise woke them and they called down to the gas sentry and asked what had happened and where all the men were. He told them they had beat it for a dug- out as it was awfully dangerous in the barn, so they grabbed up their clothes, having only their shoes on, and ran. There was about four to six inches of soft mud and water in there, but that did not make any difference to them ; all they want- ed was to get with the bunch to a place of safety. After the}' had stood in there awhile and could hear the men a short distance away outside, they finally came to where we were and sure had an awful surprise and we all had a long hearty laugh for some time after. — Edwin A. Goltz. Havana, N. D. 42 Personal Narratives Kept Their Prisoner All Night I was out on a patrol with my company into No Man's Land on the 13th of October. I was posted out there with two of my comrades and there we remained until daybreak. Everything was very quiet that night, but the next morning about daylight we, my buddies and I, captured a German and kept him with us. We were stationed about 100 yards from the German lines in an old house which had been shelled down to the ground. There were some big weeds in there and we stayed in this house with the prisoner we had captured. Not long after daylight a battle started and a heavy bom- bardment from both sides, German and French, began popping all around us. They started out with their machine guns, rifles and hand grenades, and there were several Germans killed. One of the men of our company was wounded and captured and the company driven out by the Germans after a little fight. My men and I were cut off from retreat and re- mained hidden in these weeds till 10 o'clock on the 14th of October, and at that time we made a start to get back to our dugouts. We took our prisoner and started out and went along all right, but we sure were shot at. The shots fell all around us but we said we were going, and we did go. They shot at us with machine guns but we got with our man in our own trenches at 10:30 the night of October 14th.— Louis R. Eads, Co. D, 350th Inf., Vienna, Mo. R. 1, Box 15^.— Division Cita- tion. Sergeant Is There with Retort On one of those cold, sleety, February days in the Valley of the Ornain, Department of Meuse, when the 351st Infan- try was marching to an imaginary engagement with an imag- inary enemy at the behest of someone higher up that "didn't know the war was over," the column had come to a halt, prob- ably waiting for some of the "higher up" umpires to roll up in their limousines after a long night's sleep and a tardy 8 :30 breakfast. Everybody was feeling as ugly as only such circumstances can make one feel and when the column started forward, old Captain Church who was acting as regimental liaison officer and in command of the regimental headquarters detachment, called back to Sgt. Ray Cardon in charge of the regimental intelligence section : "Where in hell's that damned intelligence section?" Now Sergeant Cardon had a few ideas of his own regard- ing the relative importance and worth of the liaison group and the intelligence section and he stepped out of the" column, stood at an alert attention, saluted Captain Church, and hol- lered, so it could be heard up and down the column for 200 yards, "Right behind the— damned liaison group, sir.'' Captain Church was about as hard-boiled as they make 'em and I expected to see some fireworks, but in passing him a second later, he was laughing to himself and said "Carp, that man Cardon's a damned good man, aint he?" And he was ; they're both d— d good men.— H. G. Carpenter, Captain, Hq. 351st Inf., Fargo, N. D. 350th Band Praised The Division bulletin of Feb. 25, 1919, devoted a para- graph to praise of the 350th Inf. Band, which read: "The work of the 350th Inf. Band while on duty at Nice under Lieutenant McDermott and Sergeant Olsen, was appre- ciated to such an extent that several letters have been received by the Division commander setting forth the praises of the band as a musical organization and because of the soldierly bearing of the members thereof. An extract from the letter of a senior officer on duty in the Nice leave area is given be- low : " 'THE DEPORTMENT OF THE MEN WHILE HERE HAS DONE CREDIT TO THE ORGANIZATION TO WHICH THEY BELONG ; AND IF THE OTHER MEM- BERS OF YOUR COMMAND ARE OF A TYPE SIMILAR TO THE REPRESENTATIVES THAT WE HAVE HAD HERE, YOU ARE TO BE CONGRATULATED UPON THE SPLENDID BODY OF MEN YOU COMMAND.'" "Keep on Moving" (Inspired and Composed Aboard U. S. S. Pocahontas) 1. Keep on moving ! Keep on moving ! Don't you know you can't stand there? 'Tis the message that they gave us At the gang-plank : St. Nazairc. 2. And those words are oft repeated, Passing on from lip to lip; Everywhere we pause or loiter There's a guard to give the t ; p. 3. "Keep on moving!'' shouts a louey, As we slowly mount the stair With slum dripping from our messkits ; A "southwester" on the rare. 4. Step by step we labor onward, Up that steep and slippery stair ; At the top we pause a moment, But another guard is there. 5- You can't stand here ! and, You can't stand there ! Keep on moving just as far as you can go. Will three times around the vessel be enough? I'd like to know. 6. So we start on, moving slowly, Down the crowded passage-way. All the while we're searching vainly For a vacant place to stay. 7. "Move along ! You bloomin' heathen." Quickly shouts a doughboy when His messkit has been invaded By a hobnail, number ten. 8. Keep oi. moving ! Keep on moving ! And our stomachs take the hint, And we strive to reach the railing; Lean far out in mad torment. 9. "Keep on moving." The echoes mock us As we stand beside the rail, Thinking that at the next effort We'll lose our stomach without fail. 10. But we have the consolation That ere long we'll reach the shore. We'll leave the gang-plank with its farewell, Move on. Move on. Move some more ! Clarence J. Feemster, Co. M, 352d Inf., Fulton, Kans., R. 3. Co. L., 350th, Buddy Is "Disappointed" The morning of Oct. 18, or about that date, was a damp and foggy one and was a very delightful time for Jerry to put over a few bombs composed mostly of gas. I had just entered the lines in Alsace, passing through a little village called Bauschwiller the evening before, and was not used to much excitement, so you can imagine how my pulse was beat- ing. I was on gas guard by myself. Jerry shot the first few high and dry and very much to the rear of our trenches, but when he did level down the boys of Co. L were wish- ing they were back in their happy homes across the sea. The first few did not excite me very much, but when the grass roots and tin cans began to sprinkle me I became very much disappointed with my situation. Jerry sent a bomb which just missed my ivory dome and then I became so ex- cited that I jumped to one side, and in doing so I stumbled and fell, losing my gun and helmet. I jumped up "toot sweet'' and had my gun in action but did not have time to hunt for my helmet till some of the excitement was over. In a few days our company was relieved and we marched back for a few days' rest to prepare for the lines where Jerry was sending his bombs more freely and where he had more excitement for the Yanks. — Zehnder Hicks, Mulberry, Kans. Personal Narratives 43 Song from Treveray Treveray, France, March 31, 1919. When the call to arms was sounded and the draft laws bid us come, We bid farewell to civil life and said farewell to home. We knew not where we were going, nor what we had to face, We were freighted around in box-cars, we were shoved from place to place. We slep in lousy billets, we stood and ate in the rain, We were knee-deep in the mud. We stood all kinds of pain. Sometimes our mess was slim, sometimes there was none at all. Sometimes in the heat of battle we saw our buddies fall. But now the war is ended, it seems too good to be true, The folks at home commence to know what the soldiers have gone through. Our commanders who are in Washington running the U. S. A. Keep us in their memories and forget not our payday. Forgive us if we outstay our pass and come back A. W. O. L., Remember we are the A. E. F. and that all war is — ! Lead us not into the kitchen and make us stand K. P., Help us to forgive all mess sergeants, wherever they may be. We pray you to forgive our manners, at that, they were quite fair, Forget that we were S. O. L., and forgive us if we swear. NO BEER, NO DRILLS, COMPRI ? M. P. From Russell Strand, Leeds, N. D. A "Letter Home" (Letters from our boys to the home folks published in the local papers were a welcome method of keeping everyone in- formed of the men's life in France, as far as the censorship would permit. Most of these letters were notable more for what they omitted than for what they told. A good example of these overseas missives was one Machinist Paul W. Ross, Co. L, 350th Inf., sent to his parents and published in the home town paper, dated March 10, 1919. It follows:) As I have an awfully sore arm today, decided to drop a few lines to the Democrat. I am anxious to know how all the boys from back home fared in this war. I got a shot in my arm yesterday and am feeling the effects of it today. We think they are fixing us up in good shape to go back to the good old U. S. A., although we were informed the other day we would not sail for home before August. That is the offi- cial report. That is a long time to wait. Would like the best in the world to place my foot on one of those big ocean liners and not stop until we reached New York. We have quite a lot of fun at times, but know we could enjoy it so much bet- ter if we were home. I have never been sick since coming over here until I was vaccinated yesterday. I was sent to the front line trenches about October 10 and remained there three weeks. Went into the trenches'one night about 6 o'clock and hardly got settled before Fritz sent over a couple of shells about the size of a sugar barrel and threw dirt all over me. I thought I was in hades for a minute, but we soon got used to this. I had to make use of my gas mask ten minutes after going into the front line trenches. Our trenches were only about 200 yards from the German trenches. We could see the Huns and every once in awhile he would get a little too far from his dugout and some Yank would take a shot at him. And frequently Fritz would never be able to get back to his dugout alive. * I became lost out in No Man's Land one night, and I sure was forced to lay close to mother earth to save my hide. I thought every minute I would be bumped off, but good for- tune was with me and I am here without a scratch. Trench rats seemed as big as calves. One got in bed with me one night, and as soon as I discovered what it was he soon had the bed all to himself. As it is mess time will close with best wishes to all my friends. The First to Reach France The first men in the uniform of the American army to land in France after we entered the war were members of Base Hospital No. 4 which assembled at Cleveland, O., May S, 1917. Twenty days before landing they had been civilians, and they stepped off the British transport Western Australia at Rouen, 100 miles up the Seine River as it winds from the ocean, where Joan of Arc was burned at the stake. As the ship swung up to the stone quay on the north bank of the river, the word spread among the crowds at the tables under the trees at the Cafe Victor Hugo that "the Americans had come." These were the first of the A. E. F. But it was to be some time before the commander-in- chief and any fighting men were to reach a "foreign port." It was on the morning of Sunday, June 8, 1917, that General Pershing and his party stepped off the gangplank of the Baltic at Liverpool. With 24 field officers, 30 line officers, 55 clerks, four interpreters and 67 enlisted men. Six days later Paris went riotously mad in welcoming them. On the morning of the following day, back in the North River at home, a line of transports weighed anchor and set out for France with the first contingent of troops to swell the handful into an Army of 2,000,000 men. It was not in O. D. uniform, but in civvies that the first contingent went over. The submarine was then at the height of its career, and through the danger zone everybody, from the Commander-in-Chief to the most newly enlisted buck, wore civilian clothes. For the Baltic was a passenger liner, and the White Star officials had explained that the presence of even one man in uniform was interpreted by U-boat commanders as sufficient excuse for shelling lifeboats. The Royal Welsh Fusiliers were drawn up on the pier to greet General Pershing and his party and a special train was waiting to carry them to London. In the English capital the officers were quartered at the Savoy Hotel, while the famous Tower of London, where the little Princes were murdered and where Anne Boleyn was beheaded, became a temporary barracks for the enlisted men. General Pershing called on King George on the next day at Buckingham Palace. "I am very glad to welcome you," said the British monarch to the American soldier. "It has always been my dream that some day the two English-speaking nations should fight side by side in the greatest cause that any nation could fight for — civilization." The few days in London were filled with dinners and re- ceptions, but there was no organized demonstration, and it remained for Paris to show with what enthusiasm the new Allies could be welcomed. No preparations had been made, but when the Paris noon-day papers on June 13 blazoned the news that the Americans were due to arrive in a few hours, a crowd that made traffic impossible packed the streets out- side of the Gare du Nord. As General Pershing stepped off the train he was greeted by Marshal Joffre, a company of French poilus presented arms, and the Garde Republicaine band broke into the strains of "The Star Spangled Banner." From there through the boulevards to the Place de la Concorde it was a triumphal procession. The welcome was stupendous. The French authorities expressed their regret that word had not been sent in advance so that they might have tendered a fitting reception, but it is difficult to see how grants of money and weeks of preparation could have evoked a more soul-filling spectacle. There were no brass bands or martial glory to accompany the departure of General Pershing and his staff from "an At- lantic port" on May 28, 1917. But exactly one year afterward, on May 28, 1918, the Americans, making their first attack in force, showed the world what the A. E. F. had grown to and what it was capable of by taking Cantigny. And two years afterward, on May 28, 1919, the war was won and more than half the A. E. F. was back home and in civvies again. The first contingent of fighting troops arrived in France June 26, 1917, under Maj. Gen. W. L. Sibert. The second contingent landed July 27. The 42d (Rainbow) Div., contain- ing National Guardsmen from every state, and many officers 44 Personal Narratives at first assigned to the 88th Div., reached France Nov. 30 1917. American troops fired their first shot of the war in trench fighting Oct. 27, 1917, when artillerymen sent over a French "75" at 500 yards. The shell case was preserved to be given President Wilson. The first American to be wounded after part of General Sibert's party entered the trenches was 1st Lt. De Vere H. Harden, whose leg was hit by shrapnel Oct. 28, 1917. On Nov. 3 the first fatal casualties occurred when a small detachment of infantrymen was attacked by superior German forces and cut off by a heavy barrage. The fighting was hand to hand and three Americans were killed, five wounded, and a sergeant, a corporal and 10 privates taken prisoners. Two Frenchmen were killed. The American dead were Corp. James B. Gresham, Evansville. lnd., Pvt. Thomas F. Enright, Pittsburgh, Pa., and Pvt. Merle D. Hay, Glid- den, la. French vs. American Girls It might be of interest to American women to know what their American men think of them in comparison with the French. It was a peculiar thing, perhaps, but in conversation carried on for any length of time the subject was sure to turn to that topic over there. The French women did not be- lieve that the specimens of femininity among welfare workers were representative American girls, and they always asked what our girls were like. This is a symposium of comparisons gathered at second hand : American girls cannot or do not want to cook or do other housework as French girls learn to do. American girls do not know how to dress becomingly. American girls cannot make their own hats or dresses, or sew or knit laces. American girls are lazy, expensive, and unappreciative of money spent on them. , American girls waste most of their time; they dis- dain to work with their hands, or learn to do anything useful. These observations are bona fide and are supposed to be the opposite of the French girl. Outside of these few indictments the American boys must have thought their home girls about all right, for of the 2,- 100,000 of them who went abroad in the army only 3,600 brought back "war brides." Of these three-fifths were French, one-fifth English and the other 50 scattered among 21 other nationalities. They ranged from 15 to 55 years in ages. The Army Alphabet A is for the Army of Uncle Sam. B is for the Bugle, prefixed with a damn. C is for Cootie, the doughboys' pet. D is for Detail, always for let. E is for Efficiency in using the broom. F is for Filth, to which our arrival meant doom. G is for Gun, which should always shine. H is for Hardtack on which soldiers dine. I is for Inspection ; 'tis well to prepare. J is for Java, on the "Bill of Fare." K is for K. P.; in the kitchen he's found. L is for Louey who hikes us around. M is for Mule whose burdens we bore. N is for Non com who learns army lore. O is for Orders ; obey them you must. P is for Pack to carry or bust. Q is for the Quality of rice served to us. R is for Rice which made doughboys cuss. S is for Soup, branded "Turtle" and "Ox-tail." T is for the long, dark, dreary Trail. U is for Uniform which must be O. D. V is for Vin blanc when out on a spree. W is for Whistle, which made army life hum. Y is for the Y man who handled chocolate and gum. Z is for Zoo, which billets become When francs are exchanged for wine, beer and rum. — Clarence J. Feemster. Co. A's Barber and "Carrot Soup" After a Sunday dinner of carrot soup, etc., at Naix, France, up came Corporal Keating and Wild Bill Thompson and set before Corporal Steckdaub's sparkling eyes a beautiful bottle of "conniac." They asked him to sample it. He did, and they told him that if they had money they could get more. Corporal Steckdaub was "broke" but thought of his broken- toothed comb and clippers. He stepped into the street and began to yell, "Shave and a hair cut! Bay-Rum! Shave and a hair cut! Bay-ay Ru-u-u-m ! ! !" Then an officer came by. Steckdaub snapped to attention quickly and saluted. The officer said, "Corporal, you are getting pretty noisy for Sunday, aren't you?" The corporal answered, "Oh, no, sir ; Just my way of advertising !" A few minutes later and there was a rushing business. The following Saturday Corporal Steckdaub wanted to go to Treveray to get some shampoo so he went to Lieutenant Musberger. Standing at attention and with a snappy salute the corporal said "Lieutenant Musberger, may I go to Tre- veray to get some shampoo?" The lieutenant said, "Which are you really going to get, champagne or shampoo?" "Sham- poo, sir," answered Steckdaub. "You may go." — By S. Getting Pretty Close The second night out on No Man's Land Corporal Steck- daub and Corporal Keating were out with a combat patrol of 32 men. After prowling over No Man's Land for about four hours, framing things up if they ran on to the Dutch, they bumped into them. The men were ordered into a forma- tion of "Automatics flank!" This was done splendidly and quickly, but after this things were quiet and Steckdaub got nervous and told Keating he was going to slide over into the next shell-hole closer to the German trenches and see how close they were. Keating said, "Good night, Steck ! You are getting on a good road to go West !" Steckdaub went but in a few minutes returned. Keating said in a weak voice, "What did you see? What did you hear? How close are we to them ?" "We are so close to them that I could smell whiskey," answered Corporal Steckdaub. After the armistice was signed the company was out in a field of mud for drill. It was raining and a bad day. Lieutenant Patterson told Corporal Steckdaub to take his men and drill them in the school of the soldier. This he did and was going good, but while he was walking backward, watching his men, he backed into some barbed-wire entangle- ments and stuck some barbs. This made him mad. His men were still coming on and getting close. He couldn't think of the command "Squad Right About," so he yelled "Squad round about! March! ! I" Lieutenant Gerstenkorn's By- Words : He would yell "Make that piece riii. gin with what may oe termed a "moral", light would be thrown on the regiment's practise and its hopes for how inat practise would have stood it in good stead. The regiment wishes, like any regiment of real men would wish, that it had got into the fight earlier, that it had had its chance at Chateau Thierry, or in Flanders or in the Argonne. It is believed that its men would have been brave, that its training would have told. Back at Camp Dodge, the regiment drilled from 6 A. M. to 7:30 P. M. with the minimum of intervals for catching its breath and eating its meals. It put energy and muscle and mind into learning all that could be learned on the drill field and in the lecture room on how to fight. It learned close order drill, to shoot, to dig. It memorized parapet, fire- step, trench depth dimensions. It deployed at double time under every day's hot sun. It crawled on its belly against a thousand waving semaphore flags, imaginative representa- tions of German rear guard machine gunners. In these prticular phases of fighting it developed that the regiment was not to have a chance to show its knowledge, to try its hand. But one of the things it learned at Camp Dodge and in subsequent overseas training were the parts of the Brown- ing Automatic Rifle. It learned to take the gun down and to put it together in less than six minutes: blindfolded, it learned to do the same thing in less than ten minutes. And, at a quarter after six on the morning of Oct. 29, a few months later in 1917, a crack Boche patrol, an outfit of Germans who did nothing but raiding, attacked on the heels of a box barrage an outpost of Company I, 352d Regiment. In the quiet sector of Altkirch in Alsace, where so many American divisions have had their first actual trench ex- perience. Privates Harold H. Crosby and C. E. Boyd were on dutv at their post in observation. Immediately upon the lifting'of the barrage, thev were joined by Corporal Johnson. The corporal ordered Boyd to the rear because Boyd was badlv wounded. He took up Boyd's automatic rifle and be- gan firing. Crosby threw grenades. There were some 40 of the Germans. They came from two directions, in single file. Crosby was wounded severely in both arms and legs. The Germans were throwing hand grenades and shooting their Duger pistols. But th<» work of the two Americans halted them. Then Corporal Johnson's automatic jammed. There was sand in it. "Keep throwing them," he commanded Crosby. Then Corporal Johnson whip- ped down his automatic rifle across his knees, dissembled it, cleaned it, assembled it and took up the fire. The Germans were beaten. They didn't kill or capture him. They left one prisoner, and one dead. No, the 352d wasn't in at Chateau Thierry, in Flanders or the Argonne. Really, for all its hard months of prepara- tion, it onlv touched actual swords with the enemy at the I Company outpost. But the regiment wishes, as any regi- ment of real men would wish, that it had had its big chance. It believes that its men would have been brave, that its training would have told. — D. S. O.) The start of the 3S2d Regiment was something like this: Major Clyde E. Hawkins, then of the Q. M. C. and Remount Service, was inspecting at Kansas City, Mo., a large lot of horses under consideration of purchase by the U. S. govern- ment, on the 25th of August, 1917. He was examining a curious fetlock — or was it a wither? He was handed a tele- gram from the War Department at Washington, which an- nounced that he was a colonel of infantry, and that he would report for duty with the 88th Division at Camp Dodge, la. 'The Colonel made his way to the new cantonment, re- ported to General F. H. Plummer, and was informed that he was assigned to the 352d Infantry. For several days Colonel Hawkins was the whole regi- ment. Then Major Henry J. Meyer, until recently captain of a troop of colored cavalry that had done notable service with General J. J. Pershing in Mexico some months previous, re- ported to the colonel. Then there were two. In a few days there reported Lt. Col. Frank B. Wickam, an infantryman of many years' of service. The regiment was taking on propor- tions. Colonel Hawkins is commander of the regiment today. He has been on duty with it every day since the first assign- ment, except for a short leave prior to the regiment's depar- ture overseas. In every way the regiment bears the stamp of the Colonel upon it. It reflects his personality. It is part and parcel of him. Like those first few days before his subordi- nates reported, it can be said, in somewise, that he is the regi- ment. He was born in Washington, Pa., Nov. 16, 1869. His fa- ther was Alexander Hawkins, who enlisted in the Civil War at the age of 17 and rose from the ranks to a captaincy. He became a colonel of the 11th Pa. Volunteers and served at that regiment's head during the Spanish-American War. Col. Alexander Hawkins has had 25 years' service in the Pennsyl- vania National Guard. Col. Clyde E. Hawkins was educated at the Washington and Jefferson College at Washington, Pa., and at the United States Military Academy at West Point. A brother went through West Point also and became a colonel of the 352d Reg., 89th Div., which went through the last phases of the Argonne fighting. Fought Utes and Moros Colonel Hawkins was graduated from West Point in 1895. He served his second lieutenancy for three years in the United States cavalry. He was promoted and transferred to the 7th Cav. and served with that as platoon commander during the Spanish-American War. As a first lieutenant the colonel went to the Philippines and took part in the quelling of the insur- rection there. In 1901 he was promoted to a captaincy of a troop in the 2d Cav. While captain he had interesting expe- riences in 1907 campaigning against the Utes in South Dakota, and in 1911 against the Moros of the Philippines. During these years he did the various "border" service that almost every army man encounters. Colonel Hawkins became a major in the 14th Cav. July 1, 1916. While at Bonnet, France, he became a lieutenant- colonel of cavalry. After the mustering out of the National Army, Colonel Hawkins anticipates returning to his old serv- ice in the cavalry. Lt. Col. Frank B. Wickam was the infantryman of the regiment. As Colonel Hawkins said at an infantry dinner. "When we want the true infantrj' dope, we go to Colonel Wickham, and- we get it." Unfortunately, the record of his services, as well of those of the regular army majors who have left the regiment are not now obtainable. Colonel Wick- ham started from the National Guard as an enlisted man 27 or 28 years ago. He later decided to make the army his pro- fession and passed the examination for a commission. He has seen long service with the regular army. Colonel Wick- ham was one of the features of the 352d Reg. during his stay with it. He had much to do with the organization of the unit, and with its training. Capt. Oscar A. Iverson had been picked the day the re- serve officers reported for duty, Aug. 29, as regimental ad- jutant. He was a veteran in the army and had large expe- rience in paper work. For some time, it will be remembered, he was a most busy man, performing single-handed, the job of adjutant, sergeant-major and correspondence clerk. Major Henry A. Meyer was a personality whose name is still one to conjure with in the regiment, and particularly, in his battalion — the first. He was a captain in the 10th Cav. before receiving his assignment with ihe 352d Inf. as a major. His troop was selected as one to go with the Pershing expe- dition into Mexico after bandit Villa. Major Meyer was a strict disciplinarian, but a humorous and most likable man. He won the respect and quick obedience of his men. Fisher Leaves the Regiment Major Roland A. Fisher was with the regiment in com- mand of the 2d Bn! only a short time, his health making an assignment to a southern camp necessarry. He left the regi- ment in December, 1917. Major Joseph H. Barnard was a team-mate of Major Meyer. Together they worked hard and enthusiastically for History of the 352d Infantry. 55 the regiment. Major Barnard was a cavalryman also. He had started his service in the Spanish-American War. The 3d Bn. improved smartly under Major Barnard's direction. It became an organization of quick discipline and great esprit de corps. Both majors were about 40 years old. The report is that Major Meyer is now a colonel with the 26th Inf. and that Major Barnard a lieutenant-colonel with the 353d Inf. Both saw fighting in the Argonne. Major Barnard came to the regiment early in September. In the second week of September, 1917, the officers did their first drilling. This deserves its separate paragraph. These were the first reserve officers of the first training camp. They were something new. Something very important, to be sure, if America was to do its part efficiently in the war. But they were the "Ninety Day Westpointers." From law practices and insurance selling they had become captains and lieutenants in three months. With what interest, curiosity and amusement Colonel Hawkins, Colonel Wickham and Ma- jor Meyer must have watched them from their window in regimental headquarters ! The first men to come to the regiment were the 5 per cent of the draft that volunteered to start the ball rolling in the great National Army camps. About 200 of these men arrived nearly two weeks in advance of the regular draft. They were men of fine caliber. Today, 50 of them are still noncommis- sioned officers with the regiment, ten are officers, and a good proportion of the others officer candidates. Their lot until the first draft came was a minimum of drill with a maximum of fatigue. At this time, some 50 regular army noncommission- ed officers were assigned to the regiment. The first drafted men came on Sept. 20. The officers will never forget those first roll calls, the first setting up ex- ercises, those first meals. The regimental strength jumped from 250 to 2,120. More than 1,000 of the men were from Northern Minnesota, some 400 from North Dakota. Drill was commenced under division schedules. The regi- ment worked hard. Regimental spirit was fostered. The 3d Bn. marched past Division Headquarters and astonished with "Over There" sung in unison by the entire battalion, every man lustily at it and in step. The regiment took it up, and soon units over the division were noted for their mass singing. The drilling by the officers was done with great enthusiasm — why shouldn't it have been ? At any moment might come the order to entrain for the embarkation point. Were We Replacements? On Nov. 20, began a succession of orders which transfer- red almost everyone of these men to Camp Pike, Ark. The period following that was one of police guard and doubt. Were we a unit in a replacement division? Some 400 men remained in the organization. The officers and noncommis- sioned officers went to school all through the cold winter months and did guard duty. A guard detail would be called for from a company at least once a week, sometimes three times a week. To a number of the now older noncommis- sioned officers of the regiment, the most lasting memories of this may well be those of cold winter nights of 1917-1918, when they walked post so much. There were relieving fea- tures. The barracks were warm. There were some leaves. There was the memorable Christmas dinner. The division schools for a majority of the officers and a great number of the noncommissioned officers, were in gas defense, field fortifications, trench mortar, musketry, bayonet and automatic arms and for the Headquartrs Co. 37-Mm. and signal work. Already Colonel Hawkins had evinced a par- ticular interest in the bayonet and had intimated that every one of the regiment's officers must become an authority and expert in the handling of the weapon. Battalion classes in outlined division courses were held daily by Lieutenant Colonel Wickham and Majors Meyer and Barnard and the officers in turn from these schools would teach the same subject matter to the noncommissioned officers. This period of the arrival, training, and departure of the initial draft was a formative one of the regiment. It ended with the companies well organized, the regimental staff well organized and with the development of a "considerable esprit de corps. During the fall of 1917, battalion football teams were organized ; the 2d Bn. won a palm there. A regimental team was organized from those three, which snowed under with big scores the 350th and 349th teams when it played them. There was also a social function of the 352d. the first dinner-dance given by a Camp Dodge unit which had its value in promoting the regimental esprit de corps upon which the colonel of the regiment set great store. Major Meyers Goes Overseas In the latter part of January, 1918. Major Meyer and Major Barnard were ordered overseas. Major Barnard's or- der was revoked. Major Meyer was succeeded by Capt. Ivan J. Kipp of A Company. Captain Kipp was to receive his ma- jority in the following summer. Captain Kipp was a reserve captain at the opening of the First Officers' Training Camp and was commander of the 7th Co. at the first Ft. Snelling Training Camp, the company from which the majority of the 352d officers came. Major Kipp is a resident of St. Paul, Minn., and a graduate of the Shattuck Military Academy at Owatonna, Minn. In January officers of the 2d Officers' Training Camp were attached to the regiment. They helped to drill the next in- crement and remained on duty with the regiment until late in the .summer when the majority of them were transferred to the Depot Brigade. Many remained with the regiment. Those who did and came overseas with the unit and are in it now are : Capt. Howard G. Strunk Capt. Simon Ross 1st Lt. Charles K. Morse 1st Lt. William E. Hazelrigg 1st Lt. Earl E. Phifer 1st Lt. Ralph C. McDanel 1st Lt. John M. Craig 1st Lt. James B. Ladd 1st Lt. Owen A. Garretson 1st Lt. Clifford C. Rice 1st Lt. James E. Carey 1st Lt. Headley H. Stuart 1st Lt. Arthur E. Gelwick 1st Lt. Paul G. Balcar 2d Lt. Alfred S. Davis In the preceding November, Captain Mohler had been as- signed to the captaincy of F Company to replace Capt. Sey- mour Wells, and Captain Freitag to H Company to replace Capt. Percy Bordwell who went to the Division Inspector's office. In January Captain Strunk went to G Company to fill the vacancy there created by the transfer of Captain Garrett and sometime afterwards Captain Ross to K Company to re- place Captain Edwin. Captain Verl A. Ruth had become regimental adjutant in November, Captain Iversen went to the command of Head- quarters Co. and Captain Sarles from that company to the command of I Company. Assistant Regimental Adjutant Don- ald F. Hall had become adjutant of the 2d Bn. and in January Lt. Donald A. McGregor became adjutant of the 3d Bn. Lieu- tenant Shepherd, formed adjutant, went to L Company. Lt. Frank B. Appleby became 1st Bn. adjutant, Lieutenant Garver going to the command of D Company. In March Lieut. William H. Beebe and Walter T. Potts became first lieutenants. On January 4 took place the first promotions in the regiment, the following walking up to Divi- sion Headquarters and exchanging their gold bars for silver ones : Frank B. Appleby Nelson F. Coburn John M. Dougherty Chester P. Haycock John W. Schrader Turlev Cook Donald F. Hall Robert A. Livingstone David S. Owen William L. Hassett Myles W. Gahan George Yates Henry J. Kroeger Thomas P. O'Connor Winfield O. Shrum Donald A. McGregor Mount Burns Lucien H. Hurt Second Increment Men Arrive The second draft increment came to the regiment Feb. 27, 1918. There were 1,900 men. They were fine men who dif- fered noticably from the men of the other increment because a large proportion of them were city and town men. Because the officers were much more experienced in drill mastering and there was a personnel of noncommissioned officers to help much more rapid progress was made with this increment than the preceding one. The quick learning of close order drill by these men were remarkable. Again, ther was faith that we would go over soon and with the men we were drilling. History of the 352r> Infantry. The regimental "pep'' meeting was held at the Libert}' Theatre in Camp Dodge. The colonel, lieutenant-colonel and French and British officers and others spoke. There was a minstrel show by talent picked from the new men. Each company had its yell. That night the officers and men went home, hoarse and hearty members of the 352d. Then came a succession of orders that transferred almost every man of this new draft. By April 6 the regiment had returned to a low ebb strength, this time mustering out about 600 men. Those men went to infantry divisions and engi- neer units. Those who went to the infantry divisions saw fight- ing in a short time. There were men who left the 3S2d in April who were among those replacements hurried up past Chateau Thierry to Belleau and Bcuresche Woods in July to take the place of the men who had gone down in a magnifi- cent stopping of the Boche. This was ascertained by the casu- alty list which appeared later and in which many names were recognized in Camp Dodge orderly rooms as being men of the February increment. Names of other men from the 1917 draft had already appeared in casualty lists from time to time. The 352d worked conscientiously and are proud of these men whom they have trained. It was in the last days of this draft's leaving that the regiment started its large bayonet course, ending in a 1,000- inch range, the biggest and best course at Camp Dodge. Shooting Is Taken Up Now comes the period of push and pull. Instead of re- lapsing into a stalemate because for the second time we had driven in upon us the information that we were members of a replacement division, regimental headquarters started in to make the regiment a crack shooting regiment in six weeks. From early to late we did position and aiming, drill, loaded and unloaded dummy cartridges, went through coixrses of shooting with the French aiming device, listened to lectures on ballistics and the indispensibility of a correct trigger squeeze and finally ended with the completion of the actual regulation firing course on the range. The members of the regiment will recall those umbrous times when the pit detail moved out into the darkness, the firing line followed at 1,000 yards and with the dawn the first targets showed their heads and the Model 1917 began to pop. D Company led the field in shooting records, M coming second. The best individual record was made by Cook Ickler of Co. B with a 328 score out of a possible 400. Sgt. Maurice Olson of Co. L shot second, with 317. The 500-yard range was in the course. This was also the period of the "Model Company." This was composed of all the noncommissioned officers from all the companies. It was a crack outfit, and was designed to harden the NCO's, to teach them the hew open order, and to furnish a model for the infantry com- panies with the new drafts. Capt. Charles W. Briggs was its commander. The lieutenants were Hyatt, Appleby, Haycock, Beguhn and Rice. Bayonet work was under full swing then, too. Officers went to a four-hour class which was begun then and continued all summer under Lieutenant Haycock. The noncommissioned officers would receive special training in it after coming home from the day's work with the model company. It was at this time that Regimental Headquarters was looking at the company kitchens so closely, through the eyes of the regimental mess officer, Lieut. Elmer J. Waller and the colonel himself. There was a war department telegram that said the kitchens in Camp Dodge were the best regulated of any cantonment in the United States, and a regimental memorandum with a quotation from Capt. Ben E. Easton, division mess inspector, saying that the kitchens of the 352d were the best regulated in the 88th. Men Come and Go Again The next drafted men to the number of 1,900 came the last days of April. They were gone by May 18, however. A few of these men were retained as noncommissioned officer material. Really, the regiment was never deeply interested in the draft increment, try to be as it might. The men came as "attached" from the Depot Brigade. The regiment knew from the start that it was not to retain them and the officers found it impossible to put the enthusiasm into their teaching, as they had formerly done. But the wait was short. A change in disposition came soon. A rumor got about that the big, and at that time suc- cessful, German drive had caused a tremendous steaming up of transporting divisions across seas. There were stories, authentic, that Camp Funston was vacated by the 89th. A fourth draft increment came surprisingly soon. By May 13 the regiment had received 1,700 new men. They were novel- ties. The largest percentage was from Missouri, the remain- der from Iowa. Moreover, the colonel said they were the men we would go over the top with. On the last day of June 900 men came, almost entirely from North Dakota. Imme- diately, week by week, beginning with the arrival of the "Mis- sourians," the schedules of drill began enlarging. Up at Divi- sion Headquarters, no doubt, there was actual knowledge that the unit was to move overseas in the near future. The pressure was started. It was felt in every corner of the camp. The nation set the clock ahead one hour. The regiment counted noses of officers at reveille and retreat for- mation. It was hot and everyone slept in the camp by order. The band members arose at 4:25 A. M. (really 3:25 A. M.) and played "Liberty Bell" and other selections before reveille, which was at 4:45 A. M. The regiment marched at 6 A. M. from the firebreak to the drill field. It drilled until dinner. Then there was a parade with band music. Followed a march home, and 30 minutes to get ready for retreat. Then retreat and inspection. Immediately came supper, followed by one hour of push and pull. Then we marched over to the firebreak and to the Liberty Theatre to witness in a third degree sweat box tem- perature, West Point cadets do "squads right" in eleven counts. Finally home and nothing to do till tomorrow. Every third day a battalion marched to thefiring range and worked all day there, using the large amount of practice ammunition which was furnished. Regimental Strength at Highest During this time of heat and sandstorms and hard work, men began arriving by transfer from the Depot Brigade at Camp Funston. By July 21, 400 men had joined the regiment. The regimental strength was now 3,500, the highest it had ever been. The signs of overseas service soon were unmistakable. There were physical examinations of men and officers. Many officers were transferred to the Depot Brigade. There was an issue of new equipment and constant checking over of what each company had. There was much preparation for a field inspection. This was made by Col. H. C. Williamson of the inspector general's department in July. The regiment was pronounced fit for overseas service. Trunk lockers were painted "A. E. F." and packed. The last arrangements in U. S. A. were completed. An advance party left for A. E. F. schools in France July 25. During the summer there were some changes in officer personnel Lieut. Colonel Wickham, who in February had been put in direct charge of the 2d Bn., was transferred by War Department order May 20 to Camp Hancock, Ga. The col- onel said he was very sorry to go, for he had developed a great affection and respect for the regiment. Certain it was that the regiment had done this for him and felt that his loss could never be made up. Many times since, overseas mem- bers of the regiment have expressed the need for the steady guiding hand of "Daddy" Wickham. Stone Joins the Regiment The 3d Bn. also had lost that brilliant soldier who had so tirelessly built up its organization, discipline and esprit de corps. Major Joseph H. Barnard, who became a lieutenant colonel in July, was transferred to Camp Grant, III., June 24. Lt. Col. Charles B. Stone, who had become known to (he offi- cers of the regiment through his command of the "Model Bat- talion" and through his conduct of the officers' school, came to the regiment from the 349th Inf. July 2. Major Barnard was succeeded by Major Alexander WW- History OF the 352d Infantry. 57 son, from Ft. Snclling and the 36th Div. He was a regular army man who immediately took part in the hard training of the 3d Bn. Major Wilson was destined to remain long a member of the regiment, but to be away from it for several months. He was directed in the latter part of July to pro- ceed to France and afterward was at the Langres Staff Schools. Major Wilson was born in Farrington, Mo., Feb. 18, 1885. He was graduated from the United States Naval Academy at Annapolis but did not follow at once the military profession. He entered the 4th U. S. Inf. as a second lieuten- ant in 1911, became a first lieutenant in 1916 and served with the 36th and 46th Inf. Regiments. He became a captain May 15, 1917, and a major June 8, 1918. He participated in the Vera Cruz expedition and did Mexican and border service in 1914 and 1916. Capt. George H. Russ, Jr., who had been doing notable and efficient work as regimental supply officer, had been made major May 24 and had succeeded to the command of the 2d Bn. Major Russ was born in Brooklyn, July 13, 1880. He was graduated from the high school of Scanton, Pa. and from the college of law of Cornell University. He had had con- siderable experience previous to this as an enlisted man in the Pennsylvania National Guard, serving with the 13th Penn- slyvania Volunteers during the Spanish-American War and subsequently in the Guard as both first sergeant and second lieutenant. In 1905 he became a. North Dakotan, going into business at Bismarck, where he is vice-president of the Bis- marck Bank. He was commissioned captain from the First Officers' Training Camp. In July, Lieut. C. C. Snead was promoted to the captaincy of the Supply Co. and experienced the outfitting of the regi- ment and the preparation for shipment of its effects overseas in the last days. In the preceding May Captain Loye had been transferred to the Depot Brigade and in April, the command of E Com- pany, had gone to Capt. Walter F. Beyer. Lieutenant Hyatt was promoted to a captaincy and assigned to A Company Aug. 1, and Lieutenant Haycock was treated likewise and assigned to C Company on the same date. Lieutenant Andrews became Captain Andrews July 20 and 2d Lieut. Hutchinson, 1st Lieut. Hutchinson. Lieutenant Graham also was promoted to a first and assigned to the Supply Co. August 2. Regimental Exchange Started The narrative should stop here, too, to give a word about, that most well known Camp Dodge institution, the 352d In- fantry Exchange. With a $1,000 barber shop and tailoring es- tablishment, the only ones of their kind in the camp, and with a store twice as spacious as any other at Dodge, the exchange was indeed a feature not to be omitted in this history. It was run by Lieut. John M. Dougherty. When it closed up its affairs in July, it turned over to the regimental fund as net profits, $28,000 — a larger sum than any other regimental ex- change was able to muster. Now, to resume the narrative. We are oriented at the date July 31, place, Camp Dodge. The regiment knows a great deal of close orders. The men from Funston have had only two weeks of our training, but previously at Funston they hail received three weeks of close order training. The North Da- kota men had had some six weeks of the most strenuous work in their existence and the Missouri and Iowa increment, eight weeks. The men could march, could make and carry light and heavy packs, could drill, handle the bayonet with skill, and could get a gas mask on within seven seconds, knew something of gas, and could shoot. This last accomplishment they were really adept at, almost all of them having brought to the can- tonment an amateur experience and a native familiarity with the rifle. They had learned much of discipline. In the many battalion parades and regimental ceremonies they had caught the idea of military smartness and learned of military show and pride. The men knew practically nothing of open order drill, of actual grenades, hand and rifle, and the field officers had had no practice with the regiment in maneuvers. The overseas orders came the first week in August. The 1st Bn. entrained at Camp Dodge Aug. 8, the 2d and 3d Bat- talions, the day following. Headquarters Co. and Machine Gun Co. left on the 8th and the Supply Co. on the 9th. Two companies made the trip to Camp Mills on a separate train. There were several routes taken to the port, but the experience of the companies were only slightly different. All were alike in that it seemed the American nation was down at every station to see the trains come in and go, to cheer the men, to wave them to success. The stodgiest private in the regiment, the least Americanized one of the immigrant mem- bers caught fire and meaning from that trip across the con- tinent. Men learned what America is. Tears in Women's Eyes Elderly Red Cross women shook hands with the men atid officers at the stations, some with tears in their eyes in memory of their own sons already across. Red Cross girls astonished everyone with their good looks, clever costumes, hot coffee. Farmers waved from their farm wagons, farm girls from doorsteps, city bred populations from street cross- ings as the trains passed through their cities. Every man had a berth, every officer a compartment. The government is to be thanked for its generosity and compliments for its astute- ness for that swift, happy ride across the continent. Men and officers arrived at the port of embarkation more enthu- siastic Americans than they ever were before. It was a fitting climax to the training on the home ground. The regiment stayed three days at Camp Mills. The Sup- ply Co. worked long hours in outfitting the men with overseas caps, spiral puttees, uniforms, and overcoats, hobnail shoes and three days' reserve rations. Company Headquarters work- ed day and night on passenger lists. There were physical ex- aminations. Measles and other causes lost to the regiment here 177 men. K Company lost its first platoon, headquarters lost heavily, M Company was spirited away to Philadelphia at 4 A. M. of August 14. It went aboard the "City of Exeter" at daybreak and sailed for New York Harbor that day. By the next morning a fleet had sprung up around it. There were 13 other vessels, carrying for the most part units of the 88th Div. On the S. S. Ascanius, boarded on August 15, was the Supply, Machine Gun and Headquarters Companies, 1st Bn. and Regimental Headquarters. On the S. S. Ulysses was the 2d Bn. and the remainder of the 3d. The U. S. Cruiser St. Louis accompanied the fleet across the ocean. The fleet was escorted out of New York harbor to the completion of the first day's voyage by a convoy of destroyers, hydroplanes and dirigible balloons. Ten days after its leaving the harbor, it was ushered into the Irish sea by a flotilla of destroyers and submarine chasers. The transatlantic trip was cold and memorable. The men were crowded but none was seasick. The food was substan- tial. The majesty of the convoy, the oddity of its circus-float camouflage, the wonder of the scene with its possibility of U-boats and sinkings ; will most likely remain the most lasting memories of the voyage to the members of the regiment. One night, off Newfoundland way, a gunner on the City of Exeter cracked an iceberg in two with one shot from his bow- gun. Another time an Ascanius lookout reported a sub- marine dead ahead. Other than that, the submarine danger was never realized. Lookouts Furnish "Memories" The guards and the lookouts furnished the men with ex- tra memories of the trip. Captain Schenk was boat com- mander of the city of Exeter, Lt. W. T. Potts was adjutant of it. On Aug. 28, 12 days after the date of sailing, the regi- ment, less M Company, debarked at Liverpool. That city's citizens gave an enthusiastic and genuine welcome; the Kins of England, a personal letter to each man. That afternoon the battalions, each on a separate train, entrained for Winchester. England, with its beautiful coun- tryside and lovely villages was a surprise to the Americans. They were seeing the "Old Country" and it was rather better than they had dreamed. But rest camps were to revise, in part, their new opin- ions. Winchester was reached at night. Camp Winnaldowns. there, was described by the Headquarters Co. historian as distinguished "by its complete and full lack of any appurte- nances that would tend to rest the human body." The following morning, Aug. 29, the battalions set out for 58 History of the 352d Infantry. Southampton. By night all had embarked for Le Havre. The channel trip was a hard one. The boats were small, and offi- cers and men slept sitting up, if they slept at all. The mal de mer, up to then unknown, visited the regiment that night. The land at Le Havre was made Aug. 30. The march to an American rest camp, four miles away, at the top of a not easily forgotten hill, was made. Le Havre with its picturesque sea, cobblestone streets, flowery suburban homes, was thus the second of a long list of foreign cities that these men from the United States' Middle West were to visit. At this rest camp there was a night's rest in conical tents, and baths for some of the companies. Also, by an order of the camp commander, the men were deprived of their overcoats. Supply sergeants and company commanders will recall the ease with which this was done in this new land of no accountability. From here the regiment entrained by battalions for the department of Cote D'Or, of which Dijon is the principal city. It was a wearying journey. The men rode in box-cars. These are vehicles which declares a capacity of 40 men or eight horses. The trip involved much changing of railroad lines. The victualing of the men in the cars was done by dividing the rations at the start of the trip fairly, and letting each car take care of its own meals en route. Co. M, which had been carried past Liverpool during these days, was considered lost by Regimental Headquarters. As a matter of fact it was progressing very well. The City of Exeter was taken to Manchester down the Manchester ship canal. The boat traveled very slowly down this canal, and the English people crowded the sides all the way. Children ran for miles, following the boat and catching the coins which the men, living up to the reputation that every American is a millionaire, were throwing down to them. One Englishwoman followed the boat for two miles, wheeling a baby-carriage, with one occupant, before her. M Company went through South- hampton and Le Havre and found most of the regiment en- camped in pup tents in the town of Les Laumes, (Cote D'Or) the night of Sept. 3. Pup Tents Pitched in Dark This pitching of pup tents by the battalions was interest- ing. It was done in the dark after the long journey followed by a few kilometers' march, and 75 per cent of the men had never pitched pup tents, even in the daylight. From Les Laumes the battalions marched to their first "billeting areas." It was their first hike in France, and as it has come to be, the pleasantest and most interesting. Cote D'Or is a beautiful province. There were lovely, plaited val- leys, high surrounding hills, roads between avenues of pop- lars, winding creeks and. old canals. The villages were old and interesting. The people of Cote D'Or were most hospi- table, most curious about and interested in these newcomers, "ces Antericains." It was the first time that they had billeted soldiers. They were generous and started the 352d Americans on a cordial and friendly footing with the French people. First Battalion Headquarters was established at Les Granges, with A and B Companies. C and D Companies were at Grignon. Second Bn. Headquarters with E and F Com- panies went to Menetroux, and G Co. to Eringes and H to Bussey le Grande. Third Bn. Headquarters went to Alise St. Reine, an old, historic village, scene of the defeat by Caesar's legions of the Gallic leader, Vercingetorix, and also famous be- cause of its waters which at one time were visited by people from all over France, who believed in their sacred healing power. I, K and L were here also. M and the Machine Gun Co. were at Gresigny. Headquarters and Supply Companies were at Bussey le Grande. The colonel was billeted in the magnificient chateau of Count Rubutin. It was a wonderful place, but it was two kilometers from headquarters office, so the colonel changed his billet to a room in the village. Here in Cote D'Or was the first message center develop- ment. By means of company runners, Bussey le Grande kept in close touch -with the other villages. Here began the first training under A. E. F. general orders, one of which will be remembered to run "inclement weather will not be allowed to interfere." Whether we would be in the trenches in fortnight or a two-month was not known. Reeimental Headciuarters applied pressure to the training. There was one concentration maneuver at which the colonel assembled the officers and in- sisted on a renewed hard schedule. In Cote D'Or the regiment received its quota of automatic rifles and Browning machine guns. The officers and noncom- missioned officers began the instructing of the automatic squads in the nomenclature, dissembling and assembling of these arms. The machine gunners started in almost immediate- ly to shoot them, on a range constructed on a mountain top. The formation of the automatic squads necessitated a reorg- ization of the infantry companies. The companies here completed their organization of their rifle grenadier squads, rifle squads, and liaison groups in accordance with the general training pamphlet, "802." In compliance with a four weeks' course of training laid down by A. E. F. headquarters, there was begun the training of these specialists. Bayonet work, close order and position and aiming drill still featured the program. Open order was practiced daily in exactly the formations "802." The various phases of combat there given were followed through. There was also advance guard and outpost work. Loading with ball cartridges was practiced. Some companies showed particular initiative here, and overcame the difficulties and established small rifle ranges. Supply Company has Test It was here that the Supply Co. had its first overseas test, a stiff one; its officers and men worked long hours and spent worried moments on how to get the rations to the companies. That the companies never had a scarcity of supplies, nor a marked hitch in the regularity with which rations came in is proof that the Supply Co. met its test successfully. Bussey le Grande was 15 kilometers from Grignon and the 1st Bn. The 2d and 3d lay between. It was also 15 kilo- meters from the musty, Oliver Goldsmith village of Merigny, at which was established the rail-head, the place where the rations came to. The Supply Co. did not have a wheel. All equipment other than personal had been turned in at Camp Dodge with the expectation that a refurnishing would be made at the port of debarkation. There were 26 trucks in the div- ision. By a constant clamour for these trucks by the Supply Co., and a clever utilizing of them so that they rarely traveled empty by the division transport department, the rations and supplies were got around daily to the companies. The assembling of the officers' trunk lockers at Merigny where they were to lay for months in a deserted wine factory guarded by a Robinson Crusoe detachment from the Supply Co. was another test which the Company accomplished. The fact that gas masks and steel helmets did not get to the com- panies before they left for a "restricted area" was because these articles did not arrive. It was in Cote D'Or, far from the dry state of Iowa, that the regiment made its first general acquaintance with the French light wines. It was the first experience for company officers with men who had not found them so very light. When the companies came to leave their billets, these hospi- table French people were generous with the light wines. Traveling orders came two weeks after the arrival of the regiment in their Cote D'Or billeting areas. The men and many of the officers believed that the regiment was go- ing up in front to occupy reserve positions. In reality we were headed for the Belfort training area in Alsace. Headquarters and Supply Companies entrained at Les Laumes on the now familiar box-car trains with their tight little third-class coaches for officers on Sept. 15. They de- trained at Hericourt and Belfort, Headquarters marching 14 kilometers in a hot sun to Meroux, Supply Co. remaining at Belfort for two days and then going to Vczelois. and later to Moval. Vyans Proves Too Dirty The 1st Bn. left Les Laumes Sept. 16, detrained at Heri- court and marched to Vyans and Lairc. A and B with 1st Bn. Headquarters went the next day to Tremoins, Vyans proving too dirty and too small a- place. The 3d Bn. left next in order from Les Laumes. departing History of the 352d Infantry 59 at 1 A. M., Sept. 15 and arriving at 5 P. M. at Belfort. It marched to Vezelois, arriving in trie dark. The second battalion and the Machine Gun Co. left the day of Sept. 16 and detrained at Belfort Sept 17 at 10 :30 P. M. Here air raid warnings were sounded and the men were hustled into the caves "at the station. A French officer in- formed the train Commanders that this had to be done. When the men returned it was to find that a large part of the rations had been stolen. That night in the dark, the Machine Gun Co. marched eight kilometers to Moval, and the 2d Bn. three kilometers to Bermont. Here E Company was billeted, the other three companies marching on to Tretudans. The 3d Battalion's experience that night was singular. By direction of Major Wilson, who had joined the regiment the day before this last change of station, the battalion slept out in pup tents. Vezelois was 20 kilometers from the front. The men and almost all of the officers did not know but what ft was two kilometers from the front. At midnight a German plane, flying rather low, came only a few kilometers from Vezelois. It was dropping flares in search of marching troops. Its hum seemed very close. Then the anti-aircraft guns opened up, and machine gun fire. Every man was up and watching the show. "Our new drill ground," said one. "Some Fourth of July." "Hot dog!" These were the remarks that showed the spirit of the men who had come this distance from Camp Dodge to hear their first actual sound of battle with the enemy. Within a day or so after the arrival in Alsace, all the officer members of the "advance party" had returned. Major Russ resumed command of the 2d Bn., Captain Mohler re- turning to the charge of F Co. Major Kipp returned to the 1st Bn. and Lieutenant Appleby was reappointed adjutant. In this Belfort training area the regiment was to spend somewhat more than two weeks. With the exception of the 3.d Bn., which had excellent grounds, the countryside was not favorable to training. However, there were drill areas al- lotted and the work immediately went forward. "Boche" planes flew over Vezelois almost every clear day and this kept the 3d Bn. keyed up to the fact that it was near the front and that real fighting was imminent. Furthermore, the country was strewn with barbed wire entanglements, down every angle of which glowered machine gun emplacements. They were the third and fourth reserve lines of the French, actually. Open Order Work Improves In this Belfort training area the training advanced and improved in the open order work, machine gun nest attack- ing, automatic arm tactics and firing, gas defense, and actual hand grenade experience. The battalion maneuvering was tried for the first time. At the later schedules in this train- ing area, organization of strong points by companies and battalions, reliefs in simulated trenches, attacks by company and battalions were part of the everyday program. The Machine Gun Co. which on Sept. 21 had moved to Ft. Fourgerais received there its gun and ammunition carts and the type EE field glasses. Its specialized training went ahead. A 1,000-inch range was constructed, and a 500 and a 15-meter range available at the fort were used continuously. Company specialist work, battalion and regimental liaison and intelligence and sniping training were taken up intensive- ly. The constant carrying of the gas mask, newly issued, was commenced, and the steel hat, also issued at this point, re- placed the overseas cap. It was a rainy period. The steel hats were appreciated because of this . It was here that the intelligence section was recruited to full strength, detached from the companies and concentrated at Vyans for intensive training. Small ranges were improvised for each battalion. On these, each day, Sunday included, the automatic squads learned the firing of their Brownings. One of the first of the regi- ments in the A. E. F. to be equipped with them, they attracted much attention, particularly from the detachments of the French soldiers in the vicinity. The gunners learned to have great confidence in and affection for this weapon. Headquarters Co. received a 37-Mrn. gun here and the one-pounder platoon started work on its signal apparatus, also received for the Headquarters signal platoon. The general open order training and all of it that had to do with keeping pace with the changing methods on the actual front was assisted materially at this time by the oversight, advice, practical demonstration and lectures of Lt. Maurice Guittard, who came to us from the French Mission attached to the division. From Meroux, Captain Andrews visited the front which we were late to occupy and brought back correct information as to the gassing of several companies of the division, then in the sector. The reports that the mustard gas casualties which had rendered ineffective one entire battalion were be- cause of the improper and inadequate gas' training had an immediate effect in the division and the regiment. Straight- way, gas training, which had never been neglected, became strenuous. There were gas drill morning and night. The wearing of gas masks was ordered increased daily until the soldier had worn his gas mask four hours without having had to take it off. Battalion gas officers and regimental gas of- ficers were relieved from all other duty. They fitted the mask of every man in the regiment. Lt. Charles K. Morris, fresh from the corps gas school at Chaumont, was made regimental gas officer. New Lieutenants Arrive At Vezelois certain members of the regiment with a great sigh of relief changed their Purgatorial, nameless state for the definite district of Sam Browne and golden bars. These were the candidate officers taken from the fourth officers' training camp and attached to the regiment just before its departure overseas. The new lieutenants were : John B. Richards, Arthur E. Martois, Kellog P. Bascom, Raymond W. Kelly, Earle V. Wilson, X. Zarfas, Kimbler, Leo L. Patter- son, Hubert J. Huelskamp, Alvin Banow, Donald C. Elder, Rush S. Smith, Edward W. Merk, Roscoe E. Stewart, William H. Oesch, Arhut C. Harbold, and William W. Cooper. It was in this area that we steadily received supplies which got us nearer to the complete authorized equipment. One day in would come field glasses, another day musketry rules, socks, jerkins, bicycles, riflle covers and so on. One day in came second lieutenants, graduates from the army candi- dates' school at Langres. They wore service stripes and some of them wound stripes. Immediately, they took hold of the practical work of platoon leading. From the beginning they have been considered most valued members of the regiment. Those reporting were Lieutenants Henry F. Durant, John L. Meyer, Abraham A. Biegel, George M. Bookman, Henry E. Pebley, Clarence U. Hibble, William E. Cameron, Roy H. Horn, Robert W. Wesson, Richard I. Ford, Daniel A. Horn, Ed- ward H. Ehlen and Harry I. Newman. From Vezelois, Major Wilson went to the staff officers' school at Langres. Capt. J. W. Sorrles took command of M Co. until he was transferred to the 350 Inf. Oct. 26. The story behind the furnishing of the regiment at this time is the story of the busiest and most interesting period in the Supply Co. experience. From Moval to Tremoins, 1st Bn. Headquarters, is 16 kilometers. From Hericourt, division headquarters, to Tremoins, is 6 kilometers. The Division would truck everything, and this included an immense amount of material, to Captain Snead at Moval. He would have to truck it back to Tremoins. Also, he would have to truck it to the other billeting villages, all of which were included in a circle with a 20-kilometer radius. Nor yet did the Supply Co. have a wheel of its own. The pre-eminent method of getting the supplies from Moval out was to overbear the truck drivers bringing the stuff, with tales of arson and incarceration in the deep Moval dungeons, re-load the trucks meanwhile by trained details, and to furnish the companies by the so-called "return" trips of these truckdrivers. Another method was to load supplies onto rented, home-made wagons of the Moval villagers and haul them by man-power to the distributing points. While here the company did get three horses, and hacks burdened with the memories of their valiant young days in the French artillery service in the war of 1870. One of these horses had its leg broken, "mysteriously," and was shot. One incurred red rope-burn under the ridership of Capt. C. D. Schenk and was evacuated. One remained with the regiment until after-war days at Bonnet. From here, one morning, 60 History of tiik 352n Infantry. when the regiment was preparing to win the Division horse show, it stalked out into the mist, pensive, lame, prescient, never to return. Rubber Boots and Shoes Received While here, the company got rubber boots and overshoes which were carried by the company until the regiment went into the trenches and there supplied to the rifle companies. Whether the rainy weather and the necessity in the patrol- ing instructions and in the open order maneuver to get down on the damp ground were causes or contributory causes, or that it was just the contagion of the disease itself, is not known, but Spanish Influenza ran its epidemic course through- out the regiment during the second and following weeks of the stay in the Belfort area. Altogether, in the month of October, there were 1,300 cases of the sickness, which re- sulted in 84 deaths. Improvised hospitals were constructed and the men were evacuated as soon as possible to S. O. S. hospitals. This transfer of men to the S. O. S. with the accompany- ing difficulty of paper-work and payment and the eventual return of almost all of the men has been a feature of every company's administrative experience. On Oct. 6 the 1st Bn. marched to billet in Vezelois. The great majority of the men were sick, and it was a memorable and troublesome march. C Co. walked only 66 men. This move was the first of several "leap-frog" changes of position that were intended, it was believed, to confuse the enemy as to the unit's intentions and as to what sector of the front it might advance to. These moves were begun at such time that practically all the distance was covered in the dark. The men were now carrying a full pack made several pounds heavier by the addition of two blankets, an overcoat, trench knife, steel helmet, gas mask, automatic rifle and ap- purtenances, grenade carriers, jerkin and 120 rounds of ball ammunition. On the same date the 3d Bn., again commanded by Cap- tain Schenk, marched through Chevremont to Fontanelle. This was on a Saturday night. I and K were forced to sleep in pup tents because of the complete lack of billets. M and L companies were crowded indoors, 75 to a haymow. Sub- sequently many of the I and K Companies became ill. Sunday night the regiment marched back to Vezelois. March to Romagny and Back On Oct. 5 the 2d Bn. and Headquarters Co. marched to Chevremont, and the Supply Co. to Foussemagny. The Supply Co. stayed a few hours, marched to Romagne, stayed a few hours, and marched back to Foussemagne. In this latter brief line is more history than appears. Shortly afterward the Supply Co. was divided into four sections, one for each battalion, and one staying with head- quarters and the supply base. These sections stayed with their battalions from that time on. On Oct. 10 the 1st Bn. marched by night from Vezelois to Anjoutey and on the 13th made the whole distance from there to Romagny, 14 kilometers from the front. The 3d Bn. left Vezelois just before the 1st and marched the 16 kilometers to Rougcmont, arriving at night, and en- countering there Regimental Headquarters which had come from Chevremont, along with G annd H of the 2d Bn. Cos. F and F had marched to billets at Laval, two kilometers east. The Machine Gun Co. also left Chevremont the 10th, marching to Romagny. Three days later it made its first night hike, going to Bretagne. It was midnight of the 12th, just after this "leap-frog- ging" to the front had commenced, that the men of the reg- iment heard the first barrage of their lives. This was the German and French battery work that played such an im- portant part iti the history of the 350th regiment, at that time, at the front. The Rougemont-Anjoutey history of the regiment was not so brief but what ranges were constructed and maneuvers carried out. While the 1st Bn. went to Romagny and the Machine Gun Co. to Bretagne, the 2d jumped, by virtue of a back-bending, hike in the darkness of 18 kilometers, to Lutran. Head- quarters went to Montreaux Chateaux, the 3d Bn. to barracks in the woods just north of Chevannes-sur-L'Etang. These villages were all on the German side of the Alsace border. The children were educated in German-taught schools and they talked German in their play on the streets. In Lutran, especially, and in all the villages to some extent, there seemed to be a less hospitable attitude that was attributed to German sympathy. However, with the exception of Lutran. the villages w^ere cleaner and had better shops that those encountered since Cote D'Or. In this area all the elements of the regiment were within 14 kilometers of the front. Actually, we were, according to the scheme of defense for the entire area, in reserve. Ac- cording to this plan, all laid out by the French months pre- viously, each battalion was responsible for a certain line in case of a German general attack at the front. There were trenches and strong points to which the officers and non-com- missioned officers were taken to become familiar with them so that in the emergency each unit would know where to go and what to do. The field officers had to give special atten- tion to this phase of the situation. Not Like Support Situation Other than this, and the fact that there was no marching of units in column of squads and a general effort to keep from all observation by the German planes which came over regularly in all clear weather, there was no resemblance to a "support"' situation — at least to a support situation such as officers and men had in mind. The regiment was to stay here for 11 days. Training went forward. There were for the first time brigade maneuvers. These had most to do with the problem of liaison. The French officers and non-commissioned officers (the latter came from Zouave regiments), continued their instructions. All these, with the exception of Lieutenant Guittard, were destined to leave the regiment just before it went up front. At this point rifle grenades were issued and practiced with. For the first time, men in general came to understand the tactics of this arm. At Chevannes M Co. was compliment- ed in regimental orders by Lieutenant Guittard for the dexter- ity and enthusiasm with which it overpowered a machine gun nest in a simulated situation. In the training here zip was given to this form of maneuver by the throwing of live gren- ades at the simulated machine gun. Automatic pistols to the officers and revolvers to many of the sergeants were issued. Daily battles by the French anti-aircraft guns with the Boche planes which insisted on coming over every clear dav for observation and photographing the lines of actual trenches and barbed wire entanglements created interest and amuse- ment. It was here that the organization of the regiment had reached a very acceptable smoothness. Mess sergeants found the daily rations arriving with exact regularity. The mail came through from the United States in 16 days. The rolling kitchens had been supplied to the companies, with horses and teamsters to pull them. The epidemic of influenza had stopped. Many men returned from the regimen- tal field hospitals at this time. Officers learned their map reading. It was here that the old second lieutenants of the regi- ment pretty well came into their own, and added a certain not-to-be-disregarded amount to their monthly pay voucher credit column. The new first lieutenants of Oct. 11 'were: August C. Schmidt, Carrol A. Iverson, William R. Hazelrigii. Philip B. Lockwood, Joseph P. Lorentzen, Forrest D. Ma- comber, Arnold A. Beguhn, Marion D. Page, and Clifford C. Rice. Two weeks later there were commissioned first lieu- tenants also, Maurice E. Horn, Elmer J. Waller and Toseph L. Hyde. Lt. Harvey A. Garver got his promotion to captaincy and continued in command of Company D. In reviewing the experience of the regiment Colonel Hawkins has said he thought at this juncture that if ever the regiment was to go into the trenches this was the time. Training has reached a point where it seemed it would go backward if there did not come a chance to try it out. "The men bad been in France now for two months," he said. "There was yet much to lie learned, but the sort of thing that is so much better learned by actual combat ex- History of the 352d Infantry. 61 perience. We had progressed that far that we could now go in to learn by actual experience with the minimum of cost- liness." Battalions Go to Relief And on the very black night of Oct 24 the 2d Bn moved forward to relieve the 1st Bn. of the 351st Inf. in the Badri- court sector of the Alsace front, and the 3d Bn., by a totally different route, moved forward to relieve the 3d Bn. of the same regiment in the Hagenbach sector. The marchs were in an inky black darkness which made necessary the placing of connecting files at intervals of 10 feet between the platoons. The discipline was satisfactory. There was no smoking and very little noise. No one fell out, although the distance was not a short one. Guides from the platoons to be relieved met the battalions at Badricourt and Hagenbach and conducted them to their posts without trouble. One platoon, only, conducted by a guide from M Co. of the 351st who did not know his routes well enough, became lost. This platoon had three hours of marching and fumbling about in the woods that black night as an extra portion. The Germans, apparently, had not been informed of the relief. There was no trouble from them. Three nights later the 1st Bn. relieved the 2d of the 351st. Regimental Headquarters with its company had moved up to Manspach to the rear of the center of the regiment's front on the 24th. The Machine Gun Co., armed with its full quota of Brownings, with its men armed with one pistol, or revolver, to every three men, relieved B Co. of the 339th Machine Gun Bn. of the Division, the night of Aug. 30. This unit was in support of the Anjou dugout. The Machine Gun Co. did not have its required instruments for the working out of firing date. Thus, the regiment went into line — the 1st Bn. on the right, the 2d in the center, the 3d on the left. The 2d Bn. and 3d were supported by companies of the 339th Machine Gun Bn. French artillery, a battery of 75's to each battalion, was placed in the woods to the front and rear of Manspach, Full- eren, Badricourt and Hagenbach. The 350th was on the regi- ment's left at first, later on, the 349th. On the regiment's right were the 4th Zouaves (French). The Front at Last, but Quiet At last, the front ! A "quiet" one, but nevertheless the front, the goal of six months' training, and for the majority of the officers, graduates of the first officers' training school, goal of 18 months' training. It wasn't like any that had been dreamed of. It extended from flank to flank, curving around a salient 10^ kilometers. There didn't seem to be the remotest sign of that organization in depth of which we had heard so much. It was a thin, if not a red, line of heroes. With the exception of the three left flank platoons of Co. M, the line was in the woods. For the most part, if the trenches gave any view of the front at all, they looked across a valley at numerous shelled French vil- lages, and at high hills, presumably lined with German trenches and well fortified. Up the valley of the hill toward which in a general way the sector looked, 15 kilometres away, was Mulhouse. One will remember that there were rumors of a drive on Mulhouse. To the rear of our sector was the rather large, quiet, still- prospering city of Dannemarie. The interested civilian can look on any ordinary French map of Alsace, put his thumb down between Belfort and Mulhouse, and say, "There was the 352d," and be approximately right. The 1st Bn. had all companies in line, the 2d Bn. two in line, and two in support at Badricourt, the 3d three in line and one in support at Hagenbach. E and F were first to go in for the 2d. On the night of Nov. 1 they were quickly and smoothly relieved by G and H. The 1st had a 25^-kilometer front, the 2d a 4>2-kilometer and the 3d a 3^2-kilometer front. All battalions had outposts well to the front which made a general line oj observation, and a line of trenches organized into combat grounds as a line of resistance. The 2d Bn. outposts were in general 1.600 meters to the front of the line of resistance, and connected by battered trenches. They were typical of those of the other two battalions and illustrate how loosely this quiet sector was held. Captains Remain Unchanged Major Kipp was in command of the 1st, Major Russ of the 2d, and Capt. C. D. Schenk of the 3d Bn. The captains were un'changed except that Capt. J. W. Sorrles, on the second day of his company's trench occupancy, was transfer- red to the 350th, command of Co. M falling to Lt. David S. Owen. At the time the regiment was without a lieutenant- colonel. Colonel Stone had gone to staff school Oct. 25. The period in the trenches was a most valuable one. Al- most daily, the anti-aircraft guns boomed at the Boche avions which flew over our trenches. Several times German bat- teries bombarded French battery positions to the rear, and often the French 75's returned compliments. Pieces of shell from anti-aircraft guns fell on our positions. Third Bn. companies were bombarded twice, the second time I Co. being punished severely. M Co. outpost came under German ma- chine gun fire. Some soldiers were sniped at. Altogether, the regiment's men experienced shell-fire. They came to know what high explosive and shrapnel sounded like, what gas shells did not sound like. Some of these were even heard bound for positions to the north. One mustard gas shell fell on the M Co. area. The men learned what arduous duty in the trenches is, learned to know that every rat, every noise in the wire, every moving weed, was not a German. The majority of the companies, officers, non- commissioned officers, and men, conquered after the first two nights the nervousness that results in haphazard, senseless firing. After the second night the occupancy of the sector was indeed a quiet one, insofar as the regiment on post was con- cerned. Most of the men heard enough to come to recognize the German machine gun. They learned to recognize by sight and sound the German avion. The men earned the complete confidence of their officers by the uncomplaining way in which they stood the long hours of sentry duty. There were 14 hours of darkness, and the average tour on post of each man was 9 hours of this. Furthermore, there was day sentry duty. Particularly the men learned, or unlearned, gas-knowledge. The effect of the keyed-up gas training was to make everyone sound gas at the slightest suspicion, and to carry on an alarm started no matter how far distant. The second night in the trenches will be remembered for that wild charivari that was started away to the north of the regiment and was carried down through the battalions to an effect that would have given warning of the most extensive cloud gas attack ever launched. That was not repeated. Toward the last, nothing short of an actual gas attack on it would have driven a single platoon to sound the alarm and put on the mask. This, it dawned upon the personnel, was when the mask was wanted on the face — when the man was in gas. At any other time, it was a handicap and a danger. Company Dons Gas Masks In one company of the 3d Bn. during the first bombard- ment three platoons wore the mask from 10 to 30 minutes. One platoon wore it for an hour. Only one platoon was bombarded, and that with shrapnel. There was no need of the mask at any time. At the second bombardment, this time of the same platoon, no one in the company wore the mask longer than 15 minutes. On the second night of the trench occupation all the trench scouting sections had patrols out in No Man's Land. Their work was subsequently hampered by a divisional school for scouts and snipers which specified small areas in which the battalion scouts could work. However, they maintained their curiosity about No Man's Land and made almost nightly ex- cursions into it. Their purpose was mostly ambuscade and wire examination and the establishment of listening posts. Lt. Joseph L. Hyde with a patrol discovered an unknown German dugout and listening post that was directly under the nose, the brow of the hill on which an I Co. outpost was stationed. Second and 1st Bn. patrols penetrated the first line of German trenches. In point of captured or killed Ger- mans, the patrols accomplished nothing. They were never 62 History of the 352d Infantry sent out with this purpose in mind. But they did get patrol experience, and familiarity with No Man's Land. Further- more, their observation posts and intelligence service did re- port information of value, particularly on the location of German emplacements. The officers received invaluable experience. Platoon leaders learned where to place reliance. Company command- ers also learned this. They, too, had the practice of combat group organization and the general trench life organization, which included the problem of hot food at all times to the men at all posts. The 1st Bn. was not actually shelled or attacked. The 2d Bn. was shelled once, in addition to the occasional shells which fell on their positions, although probably intended for the French artillery to the rear. The support trenches at Badricourt had 68 shells of large caliber concentrated upon them at noon of Nov. 2. Trenches were levelled and dug- outs crushed in. A day previous, Major Russ, who was sus- picious of the Boche planes that hovered over Badricourt and fearful of the exposed position of these support trenches, had had the support companies moved into billets in the shell- torn houses of the village. Were it not for that move, two platoons of F Co. would have suffered heavy casualties. Wagoner's Refuse to Quit It was during this shelling that three supply company wagoners bringing rations to the front refused to be retarded by this fire and kept right on going, although spokes in their wagon wheels had been splintered with shrapnel and shells were bursting near them on the road. These men, Wagoners Frank Welninski, of Little Falls, Minn., Lars E. Dahlin of Findley, N. D., and Edwin E. Nesberg of Strandburg, S. D., were cited in subsequent regimental orders. The 1st and 2d Battalions had no casualties. The 3d Bn. was shelled twice and once raided. The first bombardment was early in the morning, break- fast time, on Oct. 29, 1918. It fell on I and M. Some SO shells, in addition to many which exploded in the air, were concentrated on certain portions of these companies. A stray mustard shell struck near the post of command of the M Co., First Platoon. The entire shelling did not damage used trenches and no one was hurt. It was an immensely educa- tional experience. The second bombardment fell on M, L and I, the shells on I being a box barrage. It began at 8 :50 A. M. Oct. 31 and ended at 9:20 A. M. Private Tasso M. Schoop, Co. M, was killed at his post of observation. So was Private Harry D. Welsh at his post of observation. Private Sam Roach, 119 Washington St., Pittsburg, Kans., of L Co., was mortally wounded. Privates Harold H. Crosby, Rolla, N. D.; Clarence J. Lavin, 318 Hancock St., Topeka. Kans. ; William H. Long, Webster Groves, Mo. ; C. E. Boyd, Rock Lake, N. D.; Ernest Nordstrom, 372S Longfellow Aye., Minneapolis, Minn., and Corporals William Van Vliet, Kim- ball, Minn.; Hans Johnson, Menno, S. D. ; and Arthur R. Quick, Girard, Minn., all of Company I, were wounded. Corporal Theodore E. Grendt, McGregor, la. of L Co. on his way to see if his sentries were at their posts, was sep- arated from his canteen, the back of his blouse, and his rifle was cleaved through at the stock by a "dud" Minnewerfer shell. The corporal went to his company P. C. and got a new gun, and then went back and saw that his sentries were still at their posts. Lt. Donald K. Elder, De Witt, la., of L Com- pany was struck in the back of the neck by a piece of shell which spun him around and for a moment knocked him sense- less. He recovered, had Sergeant Swanson dress his wound from his first aid packet, and went out to his advance post to see if everything was all right there. Hundred Shells Fall Some 100 shells lit in both the L and M Companies' areas. Considerably more struck the I Co. area. These were con- centrated pretty well on the main trench line. It was obliter- ated, shelters knocked in and equipment buried yards deep. One private was buried by the collapsing of a shelter and had to be dug out. Many of these shells were of large caliber. In the main, the raid on the I Co. outpost has been de- scribed in the introduction to this story. The German prison- er taken has stated that the object of the raid was prisoners, and if possible an automatic rifle. Captain Snead has said that the Supply Co's. period of work in the trenches was the most uneventful of its history. Increased rations were regularly forwarded. The trench en- larged ration of 50 per cent on sugar, coffee and milk, and 100 per cent on candles and matches will be well remembered. Because of the small use for ammunition and pyrotechnics, the job of the regimental munitions officer, according to Lieutenant Graham, did not amount to much. About the time the records came in from the companies on the amount of munitions in the company dumps, the order to leave the sector had arrived. On the night of Nov. 2, the regiment was relieved by the 414th Reg. of French infantry, survivors of 28 days of straight fighting on the Champagne front. The trench tour was nine days long for the 2d and 3d Battalions. The 1st Bn. concentrated at Altenbach, the 2d at St. Leger, the 3d at Dannemarie on the nights of the 2d and 3d. The Machine Gun Co. did not move out until the night of the 3d, when it went the long distance to Traubach and from there on the following night the 27 kilometers to Eloie. The regiment started for the Belfort area the night of Nov. 3. "The problem of keeping the roads from being jammed by the three battalions marching in the same direction in the darkness, and using roads to points that tended to con- centrate them on the same roads was solved by intelligent routing. These marches of this second stage from the trenches will always be remembered by the battalions as the hardest of their history. The men were tired from the long sentry duty in the trenches. Some of the companies had been relieved late and had got little sleep the night before or the day following. The packs weighed some 80 pounds on an average. M and L and the 3d Bn. intelligence section had 28 miles to hike, going to Le Salbert, on the outskirts of Belfort. Starting from Dannemarie at 6 P. M. they arrived at 6:30 the following morning. Headquarters, the 1st Bn., and I and K Companies went the IS miles to Roppe, and the 2d Bn. the 17 miles to Perouse. At Roppe, Captain Ruth exchanged places with Captain Briggs, Captain Ruth going to Headquarters Co.. Captain Briggs to the adjutancy. Lt. Ralph McDanel became a first lieutenant. At these towns near Belfort the men rested. There were baths taken by some of the companis in Belfort and short leaves to officers and men to that city. Some visits by officers not on official business or under leaves received attention from headquarters. Rumors Get Busy Again It was here that the rumor came that it was theplan. of the higher-ups that the regiment would soon be entrained for the north to take part, as a regimental support, in a new push on Metz. Also, here came the rumor that the armistice would be signed, that the war would be over "toute de suite." Both rumors were true. Nov. 11, 1918, found the 1st and 2d Battalions and Head- quarters entraining for the north, and the Machine Gun Co. en route and the 3d Bn. preparing to follow the next day. The entraining was amidst celebrating by the citizens of Bel- fort and the 1st Bn. men witnessed the celebrations in the cities of Epinal, Toul, and Nancy. The 352d took the end of the war calmly. Perhaps this was because the men were too tired, or a bit stolid and unap- preciative of what the end of the war meant to France. Per- haps, too, it was because with the relief was a tinge of regret that the regiment was not to get into the hot Argonne fishting, into a new history-making push on Metz. The 3d Bn. singing as if it were going home, entered Bel- fort the night of the 12th and followed north the next morn- ing. L Co. completed its assigned job of loading the brigade at the station". Instead of going east from the railhead to Menil la Tour as had originally been intended, the regiment was turned west and billeted at Lucey, six kilometers from Toul. For the History of the 352d Infantry 63 first time since Les Laumes, the regiment was all in one place, the companies all directly under the hand of Regimental Headquarters. Now began what is probably the last phase of the regi- ment's existence. The prime object for which it had had is 12-hour-a-day schedules, for which it had worked diligently, had been attained. The colonel urged that the officers unite to combat the tendency toward too great relaxation. The picture of the model garrison soldier was thrown on the screen. To the end of dressing and maintaining the 3S2d soldier in spick and span garrison shape, a field inspection was made in which every deficiency of equipment was noted, the officers of one com- pany judging the other's company. Ensuing upon that, one of the largest regimental requisitions for clothing ever made was turned in The stay at Lucey was for two weeks. Fatigue and police work came to new prominence in the day's program. Some salvaging up Verdun way was done. Thanksgiving Day was wet, and in some companies had its menu varied with fish and fowl brought in from Toul and Nancy. Regiment Goes to Gondrecourt The regiment proceeded from Lucey in a column of two's in excellent marching order to new billets at Bonnet and Ribeaucourt, near Gondrecourt, Meuse, some SO kilometers west, , on Nov. 29. A corps inspector accompanied the march and complimented the regiment on its march discipline, its bil- lets, vacated clean, its handling of transportation. The trip was made in two days. K and M Companies remained behind to police the area around Lucey and came on the following day, making the entire 32 miles to Bonnet in one day. At Bonnet and Ribeaucourt, the 1st and 2d Battalions at the latter village, the remainder of the regiment at the former, began an existence which has lasted until the date of the present writing, Feb. 15, 1919. It gives promise of lasting longer. Never will the men forget those two French villages. They have policed and swept every square inch of them. They know every street turn, every house. They have walked post past its barns and houses, built one to the other, until they know every window, every iron bar, every door. During December there was rain every day and almost equally frequent participation in the "problems" that were carried through by battalion, regiment, brigade, division and army corps. These problems gave excellent practice to the field officers and various other practice to the under-officers and men. It will be remembered as the time when the regi- ment could not get shoes, and the old hobnails of a Vezelois issue were running at the heel. Also, it will be recalled by the Ribeaucourt maneuverists as being the time when the reveilles were in the middle of nights so that battalions could get to certain concentration points at the allotted time. Also, as containing the times when the Ribeaucourt companies returned from maneuvers in the blackness of the following nights. In fact, some of the most uncomfortable days in the army were spent in the rain and snow of the December, 1918, problems. During the days of Christmas there was a respite. On Noel day the men of the regiment had Christmas trees for the children of Ribeaucourt and Bonnet and had money left over from the collection to later send to the Stars and Stripes fund for French orphans. In January close order drill was resumed. A new schedule was got out by the Division that confined drill and maneuvers to the mornings and assigned one hour to athletics with re- treat and inspection for the afternoon programs. For a short time, Major Grove had succeeded Captain Schenk as the actual commander of the 3d Bn. He was an officer of much National Guard experience and in his brief stay earned the complete confidence of the officers and men. In January, Major Wilson came back to the battalion from the Langres staff school. Shortly afterward, Major Kipp was sent there from the 2d Bn. Homesickness is Combated During all the time in France, the regiment had had its noncommissioned officer ranks depleted by quotas to officer candidates' schools, and had also rotated officers and N. C. O's. to corps schools. The talk of going home, the baseless rumors and general homesickness bestirred the regiment to active means of com- bating the situation. A regimental entertainment committee was formed. To date the committee has been responsible for the securing of three theatre buildings, two in Ribeaucourt and one in Bonnet. It started the ambitious show-a-night program which brought the Regiment and Division attention throughout the A. E. F. Also, there was started a weekly paper, "The Tars and Tripes," gotten out on a mimeograph, and filled with personal news of men throughout the regiment. Athletic and drill competitions were arranged. Furthermore, an Adrian barracks was procured for each company. Electric lights were installed in Bonnet. Billets were provided with stoves and wood bought from the local communal forests by the company funds. At present the regiment is bending efforts to the winning of the Division Horse Show competition. (SUMMARY— This narrative of the 352d has been a long one. It is aimed to give all the surface facts that have happen- ed to the regiment. Its members may read the narrative and by these mentionings be reminded of the more personal ex- periences that relate to them. We know we are a good regi- ment. We understand that we have not the glowing record of the Blue Devils, of the Princess Pats, of the 13th What- Nots. But we do understand, too, that these things are in the main matters of circumstance and opportunity. So, voila and comme-ca. We, to the number of 621, come from Iowa, U. S. A., 604 of us from Missouri, 494 from Minnesota. 432 from North Dakota, 308 from Kansas, 200 from South Dakota, 78 from Nebraska and 39 from Illinois. This is our present strength, which is 2,849. Those are good states to come from and they are good states to go to. We shall do that one of these days, and then, afterward, we shall treasure in our memory the experiences of the 3S2d, not always pleasant, sometimes good red-blooded action, never ladylike, always of the stuff of a man's job. — D. C. O.) 'JTJUrr, J3ff»^. J /a Act<