EXCHANGE 
 
THE SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD 
 
 IN THE 
 
 A DISSERTATION 
 
 PRESENTED TO THE 
 
 DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 
 
 BY WILLIAM HARRISON FAULKNER, M. A. 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA MONOGRAPHS 
 SCHOOL OF TEUTONIC LANGUAGES 
 
 No. VI. 
 EDITED BY JAMES A. HARRISON, 
 
 Professor of Teutonic Languages. 
 
EXCH 
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 Preface, ........ 3 
 
 Introduction, ........ 7 
 
 I. THE SUBJUNCTIVE AS THE MOOD OF UNCERTAINTY, . .10 
 
 1. Indirect Discourse, ...... 10 
 
 a. Indirect Narrative, 10 
 
 b. The Indirect Question, . . . . .24 
 
 2. The Conditional Sentence, . . . . .28 
 
 a. Conditional Sentences with the Indicative in both 
 
 Protasis and Apodosis, . . . . .29 
 
 b. Conditional Sentences with the Subjunctive in the 
 
 Protasis, and the Imperative or equivalent, some- 
 times the Indicative, in the Apodosis, . . 29 
 
 c. The Unreal Conditional Sentence, . . . 33 
 
 d. The Conditional Relative, 34 
 
 The Condition of Comparison, 35 
 
 3. The Subjunctive in Temporal Clauses, . . .36 
 
 4. The Concessive Sentence, . . . . .37 
 
 5. The Subjunctive after iponne, . . . . .40 
 
 6. The Subjunctive in Substantive Clauses, . . 40 
 
 II. THE SUBJUNCTIVE AS THE MOOD OF DESIRE, . . 42 
 
 1. The Optative Subjunctive, . . . . .42 
 
 2. Sentences of Purpose, ...... 43 
 
 a. Pure Final Sentences, 43 
 
 b. Verbs of Fearing, . . . . . . 47 
 
 c. The Complementary Final Sentence, . . .47 
 
 3. Sentences of Result, ...... 54 
 
 Subjunctive in a Relative Clause with Negative Antece- 
 dent, .......... 55 
 
 Life, ... 57 
 
IN THE 
 
 OLD ENGLISH VERSION OF BEDB'S 
 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 
 
 A DISSERTATION 
 
 PRESENTED TO THE 
 
 ACADEMIC FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF VIRGINIA FOR THE 
 
 DEGREE OF 
 
 DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 
 
 BY WILLIAM HARRISON FAULKNER, M. A. 
 
 fl 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA MONOGRAPHS 
 SCHOOL OF TEUTONIC LANGUAGES 
 
 No. VI. 
 EDITED BY JAMES A. HARRISON, 
 
 Professor of Teutonic Languages. 
 
EXCHANGE 
 
PEEFACE. 
 
 In adopting as a subject for investigation the uses of the Sub- 
 junctive Mood in Alfred's Translation of Bede, I did not labor 
 under the impression that I was entering on a hitherto un worked 
 field ; that the Subjunctive Mood has been thoroughly and pains- 
 takingly investigated in its uses in all periods of English will be 
 easily seen from an examination of the bibliography here ap- 
 pended. My sole hope was that a complete course of research 
 through the work taken might determine its uses in this one 
 monument of Anglo-Saxon prose. On this ground the chief 
 claim of my work to usefulness must be based, and on the fact 
 that as a large number of examples are given in full, this sketch 
 will serve as an index to the uses of the Subjunctive Mood in 
 Bede. As to the method of arrangement I have adopted, it is 
 the one that seemed to me the best for a clear and comprehensive 
 grasp of the whole subject. I am aware that in many instances 
 the various constructions merge into each other, particularly the 
 uses of the Subjunctive after Yerbs of Kelating, etc., and Verbs 
 of Desire, but as the use of the mood in each of these is of dif- 
 ferent origin, it has seemed best to me to treat them under 
 separate divisions and not as of the same character, as has been 
 done by some investigators. 
 
 I wish to acknowledge here with gratitude the many kind- 
 nesses of Prof. James A. Harrison of this university, who has 
 aided me constantly with valuable suggestions, and to whom I 
 am indebted for the use of many valuable books from his pri- 
 vate library, and the kindness of Prof. James W. Bright of the 
 Johns Hopkins University, in allowing me for several days the 
 use of his fine collection of modern language dissertations, and 
 for several very valuable hints as to my work. 
 
 In the course of my investigation I have made use of the fol- 
 lowing works : 
 
 The Old English Version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History of 
 the English People, Thomas Miller, M. A., Ph. D. London, 
 1890. 
 
Venerabilis Bnedae Historiam Ecclesiasticam Gentis Anglo- 
 rum, etc., Vol. I, C. Pluramer, A. M. Oxford, 1896. 
 
 Maetzner's English Grammar, translated by Glair James 
 Grece, LL.B., Vols. II and I El. * London, 1874. 
 
 Grammar of the Anglo-Saxon Language, Francis A. March. 
 New York, 1870. 
 
 An Old English Grammar, Edward Sievers, Ph. D., trans- 
 lated by Albert S. Cook, Ph. D. Boston, 1899. 
 
 A New English Grammar, Henry Sweet, M. A., Ph. D., LL.D. 
 Part I. Oxford, 1892. 
 
 The Philology of the English Tongue, John Earle, M. A. 
 Oxford, 1872. 
 
 A Comparative Grammar of English and German, V. Henry. 
 London. 
 
 Sweet's Anglo-Saxon Reader. 
 
 Harrison and Baskerville's Anglo-Saxon Reader. 
 
 Cook's First Book in Old English. 
 
 Goodwin's Greek Grammar. 
 
 Gildersleeve's Latin Grammar. 
 
 Peter's Syntax of the Latin Verb. 
 
 Bibliographical Guide to Old English Syntax, F. H. Chase. 
 Leipzig, 1896. 
 
 Ueber den Gebrauch des Conjuuctivs in Alfred's altenglisher 
 Uebersetzung von Gregor's Cura Pastoralis, W. Fleischaner. 
 Gottingen, 1886. 
 
 Der Conjuuctiv im Alt-Englischen und seine Umschreibung 
 durch Modale Hilfsverba, O. Hemricke. Gottingen, 1878. 
 
 Die Syntax des Verbums in Aelfred's Heiligenleben, P. T. 
 Kuehn. Leipzig, 1889. 
 
 Ueber Bedeutung uud Gebrauch der Hilfsverba im friihen 
 Altenglischen, Sculan uud willan, C. Luetgens. Kiel, 1888. 
 
 The Conditional Sentence in Anglo-Saxon, T. J. Mather. 
 Johns Hopkins University, 1893. 
 
 Die Syntax des Verbums in Aelfred's Uebersetzuug des 
 Heptateuch und des Buches Hiob, T. Wohlfohrt. Muenchen, 
 1885. 
 
 Syntax der Blickling Homilies, Julius Fleurme. Bonn, 1885. 
 
The Present and Past Periphrastic Tenses in Anglo-Saxon, 
 Constance Pessels, Ph. D. Strassburg, 1896. 
 
 On the Use of the Subjunctive Mood in Anglo-Saxon, Ger- 
 ald Hotz. Zurich, 1882. 
 
 Syntax of the Verb in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle from 787 
 A. D. to 1001 A. D., H. M. Blain, M. A. New York, 1901. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 1. It will hardly be disputed that the most serious loss sus- 
 tained by the English language in the course of centuries is the 
 almost total disappearance or disuse of the Subjunctive Mood. 
 Spoken English, at present,can scarcely be said to recognize such 
 a mood, and the literary dialect retains only a few and fast dis- 
 appearing forms. It is true that this loss has been partially 
 repaired by the use of the Auxiliaries of Mood ; but this sub- 
 stitution in many cases is merely an occasion for further con- 
 fusion, as in sentences in which the idea expressed by the 
 Modal Auxiliary is one that requires the Subjunctive, where we 
 must have recourse to a periphrasis of a periphrasis. 
 
 The English of "the Period of Alfred the Great presents a 
 striking contrast to modern usage. In Anglo-Saxon, although 
 the tendencies which led to the enormous decrease of Subjunc- 
 tive constructions are already apparent, the mood is in flourish- 
 ing use. In fact Anglo-Saxon can not only show a correspond- 
 ing construction for each use of the Latin Subjunctive, but 
 several usages in which the Latin does not employ it, and the 
 Greek has to be referred to for a parallel structure. 
 
 2. SCOPE AND PUEPOSE OF THE DISSERTATION. In the fol- 
 
 lowing dissertation I have limited my investigation as to the 
 uses of the Subjunctive Mood in Anglo-Saxon to Alfred's Trans- 
 lation of Bede's Ecclesiastical History of England. This work 
 may be considered a typical example of the best Anglo-Saxon 
 prose, and owing to the influence of the Latin from which it 
 was translated, strikingly exemplifies the capabilities of the 
 Anglo-Saxon Subjunctive. The investigation has been all the 
 more interesting from the opportunity thus offered of compar- 
 ing the idiom of our ancestors with that of a language so 
 rich in Subjunctive constructions as the Latin, in a work in 
 which every effort was made to give a correct and clear trans- 
 lation of the original. 
 
 The text on which these investigations have been based is 
 
8 
 
 The Old English Version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History, edited 
 with ,i T lAusiation aivd Introduction by Thomas Miller, M. A., 
 Ph. D. London, MDCCCXC. The references are to pages 
 and lines. 
 
 It may be objected that, being a translation from the Latin, 
 this work is not the place to look for a typical English use 
 of the Subjunctive, as the Latin constructions undoubtedly 
 exerted some influence on those of the translation. Prof. Sweet, 
 however, says (King Alfred's W. S. Version of Gregory's Pas- 
 toral Care) : " In purely theological works such as the Pastoral, 
 the influence of the Latin original reaches its height ; yet even 
 here there seems to be no effort to engraft Latin idioms on the 
 English ; the foreign influence is only indistinct." On the other 
 hand, however, nothing could more strongly show the capabil- 
 ities of the Anglo-Saxon than its parallel or divergent uses of 
 the Subjunctive in contrast with the Latin *use of that mood. 
 Indeed, so close together were the two languages in the use of 
 this mood, that to an Anglo-Saxon learner the Latin Subjunc- 
 tive must have been as simple as it is difficult to the modern 
 school-boy. But Anglo-Saxon " out-herods Herod," and shows 
 several usages, such as the Subjunctive after J)onne, than, the 
 .Present Subjunctive in a conditional sentence referring to the 
 future, in which the Latin Subjunctive is not found. And, 
 finally, one direct imitation of the Latin, the use of the Infini- 
 tive in Indirect Discourse instead of paet with the Subjunctive, 
 tended to diminish the number of Subjunctive constructions. 
 
 In this investigation I have examined every distinct Subjunc- 
 tive form occurring in the work and have attempted to classify 
 each, referring to the Latin original where this seemed neces- 
 sary to obtain more light on the point in question. 
 
 3. DISTINCTIVE ENDINGS OF THE SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD. I have 
 said above that I have classified only those Subjunctive forms 
 having endings distinct from the Indicative. 
 
 In the Present Tense these are the 2nd and 3rd persons singu- 
 lar, and 1st, 2nd and 3rd persons plural, for both Strong and 
 Weak Verbs. 
 
 In the Preterite Tense, of Strong Verbs, in the singular the 1st 
 
and 3rd persons have a distinct form for the Subjunctive, while 
 the plural shows throughout the Subjunctive termination. 
 
 In the Preterite Tense of Weak Verbs the singular has no form 
 for the Subjunctive distinct from the corresponding Indicative , 
 while even the termination en of the plural is uncertain. (See 
 Sweet, A. S. Reader, p. xcviii, " in the later language where 
 there is no distinction between indie, and subj. in the pret. of 
 weak verbs "). Hence the following table of endings : 
 Present. Both Conjugations. 
 Sing. 2 *. 
 3 e. 
 
 Plur. 1, 2, 3 en. 
 
 Preterite. Strong Verbs. Weak Verbs. 
 Sing. 1 e (with vowel of pret. pi.). 
 3 e (with vowel of pret. pi.). 
 
 Plur. 1, 2, 3 en. Plur. 1, 2, 3 en (?). 
 
 ReiiMrk. An uncertain form in -an is of frequent occur- 
 rence, but, although in Bede it seems to represent more fre- 
 quently the Subjunctive than the Indicative Plural, none of 
 these doubtful forms have been considered in this investigation. 
 4. Method of Arrangement. The uses of the Subjunctive 
 in Anglo-Saxon owe their origin partly to the primitive Opta- 
 tive, from which the form of the mood is derived, partly to the 
 primitive Subjunctive. These uses may be classified under 
 two heads : 
 
 I. The Mood of Uncertainty. 
 II. The Mood of Desire. 
 Hence the following arrangement : 
 I. The Mood of Uncertainty. 
 
 1. Indirect Discourse. 
 
 a. Indirect Narrative. 
 
 b. The Indirect Question. 
 
 2. The Conditional Sentence. 
 
 a. Simple Conditions. 
 
 b. The Conditional Relative. 
 
 c. The Condition of Comparison. 
 
 3. The Subjunctive in Temporal Clauses. 
 
10 
 
 4. The Concessive Sentence. 
 
 5. The Subjunctive after Iponne, than. 
 
 6. Substantive Clauses. 
 II. The Mood of Desire. 
 
 1. The Optative Subjunctive. 
 
 2. Sentences of Purpose. 
 
 a. Pure Final Sentences. 
 
 b. Verbs of Fearing. 
 
 c. Complementary Final Sentences. 
 
 3. Sentences of Result. (Usually with the Indie.) 
 
 I. THE SUBJUNCTIVE AS THE MOOD OF UNCERTAINTY. 
 
 1. The Subjunctive in Indirect Discourse. 
 
 a. Indirect Narrative. 
 
 5. Indirect Discourse in Anglo-Saxon follows all verbs and 
 expressions of Saying, Thinking, Believing and Perceiving, and 
 the Anglo-Saxon tyaet with the Subjunctive after such verbs is, 
 in meaning, exactly parallel with the Latin Accusative with the 
 Infinitive. Accordingly it may be stated as a rule of Anglo- 
 Saxon syntax that all verbs or expressions denoting Thought or 
 Perception, or the Expression of Thought are followed by Ipaet 
 and the Subjunctive Mood in the Principal Clause of the de- 
 pendent statement. In the dependent clause the Subjunctive 
 is also the rule, but the exceptional use of the Indicative oc- 
 curs more frequently than in the principal clause. The Indic- 
 ative occurs in both principal and dependent clause of the In- 
 direct Narrative, when a fact and not a statement is reported. 
 
 6. Principal Clauses in Indirect Discourse. The Subjunc- 
 tive of Indirect Discourse, while probably due originally to the 
 idea of uncertainty, is in Bede merely formal and serves only to 
 indicate dependency. That it is not due to the statement being 
 foreign is clearly shown by the fact that the speaker or writer 
 in reporting his own statement makes use of the Subjunctive 
 Mood. 
 
 7. Its use then after Verbs of Saying does not indicate doubt 
 or uncertainty on the part of the reporter, but merely that a 
 statement and not a fact is reported. 
 
11 
 
 8. After Verbs of Perception the Subjunctive seems to 
 indicate that the thing perceived is conceived of rather as 'a 
 thought than a fact. It is considered merely as a conception 
 of the mind and not as a necessarily real state of affairs. 
 
 9. After both Verbs of Saying and Verbs of Perception, the 
 Indicative is used of a fact ; that is, after Verbs of Saying, when 
 the Indicative is used, a fact is reported and not a statement, 
 and after Verbs of Perception, the thing perceived is considered 
 as objective and not subjective. 
 
 10. After Verbs of Hoping and Promising, which, as in 
 Latin, are followed by the same construction as Verbs of 
 Saying, etc., the Subjunctive seems to be partly that of uncer- 
 tainty, partly that of desire. The Subjunctive occurs after such 
 verbs with scarcely an exception, as would follow from the 
 theory above. After such verbs the dependent clause is 
 necessarily only a thought or a statement, and the decision as 
 to its being a fact remains in the future. 
 
 11. Tke Indicative in Principal Clauses. In all of the 
 cases above mentioned the use of the Indicative is frequent. 
 Many of these instances may be attributed to a confusion of 
 forms, as is clearly the case, when of two co-ordinate verbs in 
 the same sentence, one is Indicative in form, the other Sub- 
 junctive. For example, see Ex. 4, under cweftan (p. 162, 11. 
 31-32, also p. 340, 11. 27-28). 
 
 12. But laying aside these cases, there is a clearly defined 
 tendency to use the Indicative Mood of a fact reported in oppo_ 
 sition to a statement reported or a thought conceived. While 
 the Subjunctive does not necessarily imply that the truth of 
 the statement or thought is not vouched for by the reporter, 
 the Indicative in Indirect Discourse does imply that the re- 
 porter considered the Indirect Discourse not merely a state- 
 ment or conception, but the statement or conception of what 
 presented itself to his mind as a fact. See Hotz, 34, seq. 
 
 13. Accordingly we find that the Indicative occurs most 
 frequently after Verbs of Announcing, Knowledge, and Cer- 
 tainty. Even here, however, the Subjunctive is occasionally 
 found, for what some one else announces as a fact, or thinks 
 he knows, the reporter may know not to be a fact. 
 
12 
 
 14. Dependent Clauses in Indirect Discourse. The mood 
 in the dependent clause, while determined in a general way 
 according to the rule given above, shows many exceptions. It 
 is easily seen that in many sentences, while the principal might 
 be a mere reported statement, the dependent clause might be 
 a fact ; in addition to this any dependent clause which serves 
 merely as a determinative or modifier, or which gives an expla- 
 nation of the reporter, goes into the Indicative Mood. From 
 these two causes arises the more frequent occurrence of the 
 Indicative in dependent than in principal clauses in Indirect 
 Discourse. In fact, in Relative Clauses which are particularly 
 likely to be modifiers, the Indicative occurs with but few excep- 
 tions. 
 
 15. Tenses of the Subjunctive as used in Indirect Dis- 
 course. As the Anglo-Saxon verb possessed but two tense 
 forms, the present and the preterite, these two tenses appear 
 with many uses, and frequently confusion results ; this confusion 
 is sometimes, though by no means always, avoided by the use 
 of the auxiliaries magan, sculan, willan, and habban, sculan 
 occurring most frequently. 
 
 16. Table of Tenses of the Subjunctive in Indirect Dis- 
 course. 
 
 I. After a Present Leading Tense. After a Present Leading 
 Tense both present and preterite Subjunctive occur, the present 
 of Contemporaneous and Subsequent, the preterite of Ante- 
 cedent action. 
 
 17. 1. Contemporaneous Action. The A. S. Present Sub- 
 junctive translates the Latin Present Infinitive, and is repre- 
 sented by the Mod. Eng. Present Indicative. 
 
 Remark. Occasionally the periphrasis pres. partic. + sie, 
 etc., is used to express continued action in present time, as in 
 the so-called Progressive Present in Modern English, though 
 frequently merely equivalent to the simple pres'ent. 
 
 18. 2. Antecedent Action. The A. S. Preterite Subjunc- 
 tive translates the Latin Perfect Infinitive and is represented in 
 Mod. Eng. by the Indefinite Past, the Progressive Past or the 
 Perfect Indicative. 
 
13 
 
 Remark 1. The Progressive Past is frequently represented 
 here by the pres. participle -f waere, etc., as in Mod. Eng., 
 especially when accompanied by the temporal adverbs gen a, 
 
 gyt' 
 
 Remark 2. The Periphrastic Perfect with habban is occasion- 
 ally used to translate the Latin Perfect Infinitive. 
 
 19. 3. Subsequent Action. The A. S. Present Subjunctive 
 translates the Latin Future Infinitive and is represented in Mod. 
 Eng. by the Future Indicative. 
 
 Remark. Instead of the present of subsequent action, the 
 auxiliaries sculan and willan in the Pres. Subj. followed by the 
 Infinitive frequently appear. Occasionally the periphrasis beon 
 and pres. part, appears with a fut. sense representing Lat. fut. 
 part, and esse. 
 
 20. II. After a Preterite Leading Tense. After a Preterite 
 Leading Tense, the Preterite alone is used. Hence the Preterite 
 Subjunctive in Indirect Discourse may denote Contempo- 
 raneous, Antecedent or Subsequent Action. 
 
 21. Contemporaneous Action. The A. S. Preterite Sub- 
 junctive translates the Latin Present Infinitive, and is equiva- 
 lent to the Mod. Eng. Indefinite Past, or the Mod. Eng. Pro- 
 gressive Past Indicative. 
 
 Remark. Frequently the periphrasis pres. participle + 
 waere, etc., appears and generally, though not always, indicates 
 Contemporaneous Action. 
 
 22. Antecedent Action. The A. S. Preterite Subjunctive 
 translates the Latin Perfect Infinitive, and is equivalent to the 
 Mod. Eng. Pluperfect Indicative. 
 
 Remark. Occasionally the periphrastic pluperfect with hab- 
 ban is used here. 
 
 23. Subsequent Action. The A. S. Preterite Subjunctive 
 translates the Latin Future Infinitive after Historical Tenses 
 and is equivalent to the Mod, Eng. would (should) with the 
 infinitive. 
 
 Remark. Frequently the preterite of the auxiliaries willan 
 and sculan appear here, sculan being more common. When 
 willan appears here it has usually in addition to the future 
 
14 
 
 sense, its proper meaning of wish or desire, and is only a quasi- 
 auxiliary. (See below, p. 15, Subseq. Act. Ex. 1.) 
 
 Verbs followed by Indirect Discourse. 
 
 24. Verbs of Saying. Of the four verbs of saying, cweftan, 
 secgan, andswarian, sprecan, which occur followed by the Sub- 
 junctive in Indirect Discourse, two, cweftan and secgan are 
 found most frequently. Of these two there seems to be a ten- 
 dency to use cweftan before an indirect quotation proper, 
 while secgan generally introduces a mere report. This differ- 
 ence is especially noticeable in such expressions as " Men say," 
 " it is said," etc. Cweftan rarely appears in the passive, while 
 the passive of secgan occurs frequently. 
 
 25. CWE$AN, as remarked above, generally introduces an 
 indirect quotation, and only one example occurs in Bede of its 
 use in the passive voice. 
 
 26. Examples. After Present Tense. 
 
 Contemporaneous Action. 
 
 Cwist 3u paet pe sy leofre paere my ran suuu ponne paet 
 Godes beam, p. 196, 1. 22. 
 
 After Preterite Tense. 
 
 Contemporaneous Action. 
 
 Ond he cwaeft paet he gelefde paet him sona wel waere, 
 p. 396, 11. 24-25. Ond cwaeft paet he selfa geara waere mid 
 Godes fultome paet weorc to fremniene, p. 98, 1. 3. Ond 
 cwaedon paefc him leofre waere ond heo wilnadon paet heo 
 paere peode haelo beon rneahten, p. 162, 11. 31-32. Ond cwaeS 
 paet heo fracuSe oud earme waere, p. 222, 1. 23. Ond peah 
 cwaeft he, paette paet waere heora gewuua, p. 232, 1. 3. pa 
 ondswarede he him oud cwaeft paet he waere swa micles hades 
 unwyrSe, p. 254, 11. 6-7. Cwaeft, paet he waere se cuftesta 
 geweota hire claennisse ond hire maegiShades, p. 316, 11. 20-21. 
 Ond (he) cwaeft, paet he $a gena lifigende waere, pa he pis 
 gewrit sette, p. 378, 11. 12-13. ForSon ic gemon, paet -Saere 
 eadigan gemynde Theodor ercebiscop cwaeft paet iSaere tide 
 blodlaes eow waere swrSe frecenlic, p. 392, 11. 14-16. WrSsoc 
 se biscop ond cwaeft paet his mynster neah waere, paet he 
 scolde pyder feran, p. 394, 11. 21-23. Da wrbsoc he se biscop 
 aerest ond cwaeft paetiSaet idel ond unnyt waere, p, 400, 11. 3-4. 
 
15 
 
 Antecedent Action. 
 
 We aer cwaedon paet heo Cristen waere, p. 62, 1. 5. CwaeiS 
 he paet him saegde eald weota paet he waere gefulwad aet mid- 
 dumdaeg, p. 144, 1. 11. Cwaeft paet he waere long on bodige 
 ond hwon forSheald ; haefde blaec feax ond blacne ondwlitan, 
 medmicle nose pynne ond waere arwyrSlic ge ond onderslic 
 on to seoune, p. 144, 11. 15-17. Cwaeft seo abbudesse paet heo 
 gesawe paere niht paet leoht ofer his banum up a$ heofon heah, 
 p. 184, 1. 14. Bi paem aerestan we bufan cwaedon paet heo 
 waere in Eoforwiicceastre to biscope gehalgod, p. 334, 11. 24- 
 26. pa audswaredon heo ond cwaedon paet heo paet ilce aer 
 wisten ond ongeaton, p. 340, 11. 27-28. Cwaeft paet hit eafte 
 meahte beon paet hit purh biosmrunge eteawed waere, p. 410, 
 11. 26-27. Ond he cwaeft paet he gesawe ungelice bee him 
 berene bion, p. 440, 11. 20-21. CwaeiS paet he waere Michel 
 se heah engel, p. 462, 1. 24. Also p. 174, 1. 6, p. 340, 11. 27-28. 
 
 Subsequent Action. Cwaedon heo paet heo naenig pyssa don 
 wolde, ne hine for aerce biscop habban wolden, p. 102, 11. 17- 
 18. CwaeiS he paette sawl butan aengum sare ond mid micle 
 beorhtnesse leohtes waere utgangende of lichomau, p. 296, 11. 
 10-11. (Seo abbuddisse) cwae$, paet heo gelefde paet hire sona 
 wel waere aefter his blaetsunge, p. 392, 11. 9-10. Also p. 438, 
 11. 7-11. 
 
 Cweftan followed by tlie Indicative. He cwaeiS paet hie 
 aerest $a faegran boc ond ~3a hwitan englas forSbrohton, p. 
 440, 11. 27-28. 
 
 Cwe^an used in Passive. ponon monegum waes geseweu 
 ond oft gecweden paette swelces modes wer ma gedafonade 
 beon to biscope gehalgad ponne cyning waere, p. 294, 11. 10-12. 
 
 27. SECGAN, as distinguished from cweftan, frequently intro- 
 duced a mere report, as in such expressions as "Men say," "it 
 is said," etc. It is found frequently in the Passive Voice. 
 
 Examples after Secgan. 
 
 Active Voice of Secgan. 
 
 After a Present Leading Tense. 
 
 Antecedent Action. SecgaS men paet he eac waere mid 
 gehate hine seolfne bindende, p. 306, 1. 22. SecgaiS eac men 
 
paet heo waere swiSe lust fnllieucle pisse uutrymuesse cynue 
 ond heo gewunalice cwaede oft, p. 322, 11. 15-17. ponne is 
 sum wundor haelo pe seo ilce booc saga~$ paette aet liictune 
 geworden waere Gode paere leofan gesoranuoge, p. 102, 11. 14- 
 16. Secgaft men paet paet gelumpe on sume tide py halgan 
 Eastordaege, p. 164, 1. 29. Also p. 96, 11. 6-8. 
 
 After a Preterite Leading Tense. 
 
 Contemporaneous Action. Saegde hire paet his Infu waere 
 paet he pa stowe neosade ond gesohte para eadigra apostola, p. 
 452, 11. 18-19. Waes se gesihft him secgende paet he meahte 
 heora lichaman in -Sere stowe gemaetan, paer he gesawe paet 
 leoht of hiofonum in eorSan scinan, p. 418, 11. 10-11. Ond he 
 saegde paet him leof waere ond his lif midbehaefdlic, p. 396, 
 11. 23-24. Cwom sum broftor ponon, pe me saegde paet pus 
 gedon waere, p. 186, 1. 34. Saegde seo abbudisse paet sume 
 faemne of Sara nunnena rime mind hefigre adle gestonden waere, 
 p. 390, 1. 31. Ondette him ond saegde paet he waere cyninges 
 pegn, p. 328, 11. 21-22. Ac saede paet he folclic mon waere 
 ond pearfende ond gewiifad haefde ; ond paette he forSon in 
 py fyrd cwome, p. 326, 1. 16. Aefter pon he underpeodde 
 oud him saegde, paet se daeg swrSe neah stode his forSfore, p. 
 266, 1. 10. CirSe aerendwrecan saegdon Ecgberhte paem cyn- 
 inge, paette se biscop waere in Francna rice, p. 256, 11. 17-18. 
 Ond eac saegde paet se ilca broiSor pa gyt in paem mynstre 
 lifigende waere, p. 188,1. 1. Saegdon men paet he waere Britta 
 leod, p. 180, 1. 13. Oud saegde paem cyniuge paet aeghwouan 
 cwome micel meningeo pearfena, p. 166, 1. 4. He pam cyn- 
 inge saegde, paet him alyfed naere paet he his broSor wiife 
 brohte ond haefde, p. 70, 1. 23. 
 
 Antecedent Action. Saegde he paet he hine cneoht weosende 
 gesawe, p. 142, 1. 8. Ond heo him cySde cud saegde paet heo 
 geleornade on avvriguesse paet hire endedaeg ond hire forSfore 
 waere swrSe ueah, p. 174, 11. 4-5. Saegde heo him paet seo 
 onwrigeuis pyslic waere, p. 174, 1. 6. Is nu gena sum aid 
 broker lifiende usses mynstres, se me saegde paet him saegde 
 sum swiiSe aefest mann ond gepungen paet he pone Fnrseum 
 gesege in Eastengla maegSe, p. 216, 11. 23-25. Donne waes 
 
17 
 
 Biise Eastengla biscop, pe we saegdou paette in pam forespre- 
 cenan seonoSe waere, p. 280, 11. 12-13. Ongon him pa secgan, 
 paet hire aeteawde sum halig wer ond hire cwaede to, ponue 
 dagunge tid cwome, paet heo waere to pam ecan leohte 
 ferende, p. 286, 11. 23-25. Same men eac swylce saegdou paet 
 heo purh witedomes gast pa adle forecwaede, pe heo on forS- 
 ferde, p. 318, 11. 24-26. Saegde paet hiora niowau blodlaeten 
 waere iu earme ond in paere blodlaesme paet hio waere mid 
 untrymnesse gestonden ; ond seo sona waere to Son swiSe 
 weaxende waere, p. 392, 11. 3-5. Ond hio saegde paet hio 
 waere on bedde licgeude, p. 392, 1. 7. pis wundor se gemyugeda 
 abud saegde Saet hit ne waere him oudweardum pusgeworden, 
 ah paette pa hit him saegden $a pe Saer ondweorde waerou, 
 p. 398, 11. 11-13. Done seolfan riim wintra haebbende beon, 
 he oft aer his mannum foresaegde Saet he mid onwriguisse 
 his swefnes ongete, p. 406, 11. 21-23. He swrSe guorniende 
 ond gemftreduni gelic ongan him secgan paet he gesawe helle 
 opene ond Satanan pone ealdan feond moncynnes besencedue 
 in pam gruudum helle tintreges ; paet he paer gesawe (Jaiphan 
 pone ealdorman para sacerda mid pam oftrum, p. 442, 1. 26, 
 seq. 
 
 28. Secgan used in the Passive Voice. Secgan frequently 
 appears in the Passive. It is to be noted that the passive of 
 secgan, as well as the passive of seon, and other expressions of 
 seeming and appearing, is frequently used personally, the sub- 
 ject of the dependent clause being used also as the subject of 
 the principal clause. This appears to be an imitation of the 
 Latin personal use of dicitur, videtur. 
 
 Examples. Passive Voice used Personally. paes biscopes 
 lif ond drohtunge in his biscophade ge aer biscophade is saegd 
 paette waere paet halgeste, p. 282. 1 1. Seo aerest wiifa is 
 saegd in Norpanhymbra maegSe, paet heo munuchade oud 
 halig ryfte onfenge purh halgunge Aidanes paes biscopes, p. 
 332, 11. 25-27. pa se Godes wer Scs Agustinus is saegd paet 
 he beotigende forecwaede gif heo sibbe mid Godes monnum 
 oufon ne wolden, paet heo waeren unsibbe ond gefeoht fram 
 heora feondum onfonde, p. 102, 11. 23-25. Se waes saegd 
 paet he his broSor waere Osweos suuu paes cyninges, p. 360, 
 11. 1-2. 
 
18 
 
 Passive Voice used Impersonally. para geleafan ond geh wyrf 
 ednesse is 'saegd paet se cyning swa waere efn blissende, p. 
 62, 1. 17. Is paet saegd, paet he Cristes mael hrafte weorce 
 geworhte ond seaiS adulfe, in paem liit stondan scolde, p. 154, 
 11. 23-24. Is paet saegde, paet he waere be his trymnesse ond 
 lare swiSe gefeonde ond waere arisende of his setle of midduni 
 his ealdormannum ond his witurn, p. 470, 11. 6-7. Is saegd 
 paet he his eagau mid his hondum to heofonum hofe ond 
 inid tearum pus cwaede, p. 202, 1. 6. Eac swilce is saegd, paet 
 he waere paere maestan eaftmoduesse, p. 196, 1. 4. Is baet 
 saegd iSaet in "Sa tid swa micel sib waere iu Breotone aeghwyd- 
 erymb, swa Eodwines rice waere, peah pe an wif wolde inid 
 hire nicendum cild, heo meahte gegan butan aelcere sceftenisse 
 from sae te sae ofer eall pis ealond, p. 144, 11. 21-24. Is paet 
 saegd, paette swa micel haetu ond lust waere Cristes geleafan 
 paette Paulinus se biscop sumre tid com mid pam cyniiig 
 oud cwene in pam cynelican tun ; oud paer wunade syx ond 
 prittig daga, p. 140, 11. 7-10. 
 
 29. Secgan with the Indicative. Occasional examples occur 
 of the Indicative in Indirect Discourse ahev secgan. The mood 
 here, as in the first example given below, may be due to the 
 indirect statement being a fact. In most instances, however, 
 it is difficult to understand in this way, and seems simply due 
 to confusion of the two moods. 
 
 Examples. Cwaeft him mon to ond saegde paet heo 
 haeSne waeron, p. 96, 1. 17. Ond nionige para broSra saegdou 
 paet heo swutolice engla song geherdon, ge eac sweggeherdon, 
 swa swa micelre mengu in paet mynster gongan, p. 174, 1. 16. 
 Da gesaegdon Romane on an Bryttum paet hi no ma ne inihton 
 swa gewinnfullicum fyrdum swencte beon, p. 44, 1. 33. 
 
 30. Andswarian. 
 
 Examples of Indirect Discourse after Andswarian. Ond 
 him andswarode, paet he oiSer lif ma cure ond lufade ponne 
 paet wornedlif, p. 454, 11. 13-14. pa ondswarede he paet he 
 noht swylcra craefta ne cube, p. 328, 11. 8-9. Ne meahtou heo 
 awiht elles ondswarian, uemne paet heo forpon yrre waere ond 
 paem cyning feond, p. 288, 1. 1. Andswearedon Scottas paet 
 
19 
 
 heora lond lie waere to paes rnycel, paet hit mihton two peode 
 gehabbau, p. 28, 1. 11. Oudswarede he paet paet alyfed naere, 
 paette cristeno faemne haeiSnam men to wiife seald waere, p. 
 120, 1. 14. 
 
 Remark 1. One example occurs of the Indicative after 
 andswarian. Ex. Ondswarede him mou paet heo Ongle 
 ueuined waeron, p. 96, 1. 22. 
 
 Remark 2. A frequent combination is andswarede ond cwaeft, 
 etc. Examples. Ond him mon ondswarede ond cwaeiS paette 
 he Aell haten waere, p. 96, 1. 31. Oudswaredon hy ondcwaedon 
 paet heo to pon pider senden waeron paet heo sceolden paet 
 gyldue mynet mid him geneoman paette pider of Cent cwom, 
 p. 174, 11. 9-10. (Notice Indie, here.) For other examples, 
 see above under cwe^San. 
 
 31. Sprecan only rarely appears, but two examples occur- 
 ring followed by distinct subjunctive forms. 
 
 Examples. pa spraecou heo be life haligra faedra ond paet 
 eac onhyrgan wolden, p. 270, 11. 19-20. 
 
 Remark. In the second of these two examples the introduc- 
 tory Ipaet is omitted and the Indirect Discourse follows imme- 
 diately, being only indicated by the Subjunctive mood. Ex. 
 Da waeron pa haeiSnan betwih him sprecende sticcemaelum 
 all hiora maegfte neded waere, paet hio hiora aid bigong for- 
 leorte ond paet uiowe beade, p. 416,11. 20-21. 
 
 32. Examples of Indirect Discourse after Writan. Writed 
 Eutropius paet Constantinus se casere waere on Breotone 
 acenned, p. 42, 1. 17. ForSon bi paem ilcum faedrum awriten 
 is paet heo waeren todaelende heora weoruldgood syndrigum 
 mannum, p. 66, 1. 2. 
 
 33. Verbs of Announcing. After Verbs of Announcing 
 the Indicative occurs rather frequently, being used when a 
 fact and not a statement is announced. (See example under 
 gebodan, below.) 
 
 Examples. 
 
 After cy^an. pa saegdon hie "Saet ond cy$don Eadbyrhte 
 heora biscope paet him ftaet licede ond leof waere, gif his 
 willa waere, p. 374, 11. 25-26. Sona seude aerendwracan paet 
 
20 
 
 heo scealden secgan oncl cypan paetn eadigau biscope Scs 
 Gregorius paette Ongelpeode haefde onfougen Cristes geleafan 
 ond paette he to biscope gebalgod waere, p. 64, 1. 1-2. 
 
 After onbeodan. Swelce Agustinus heht him eac onbeadau 
 paette her waere micel rip anweord oud fea worhton, p. 88, 
 
 I. 28. And pa seude to Aepelbyrhte aerenddracan ond onbead 
 paet he of Home came ond paet betste aerend laedde, p. 58, 
 
 II. 4-5. 
 
 After (ge)bodian. Wulfhere se cyning onget ond him ge- 
 bodad waes paet in paere maegiSe Eastseaxna of daele Cristes 
 geleafa aidlad waes, p. 250, 11. 17-18. 
 
 34. Verbs of Believing and Supposing. Examples, 
 
 After gelyfan. ponue is he gelyfed paet he Cristes geoc 
 bere ond eow laere to beoreune, p. 100, 11. 28-29. Is ftaet to 
 gelyfenne paette paet waere mid forestihtunge don paere 
 godcundau arfaestnesse, paet he swa geefeulicad waere mid pa 
 gife his ftingeres, p. 372, 11. 27-31. Oud ic gelyfo, paette me 
 forSon seo uplice arfaestnis wolde mec hefigade beon ond sare 
 mines sweoran, paet ic swa waere oulesed paere scylde paere 
 swiSe idlan leasnisse, p. 322, 11. 20-23. Ne paet furiSum gelef- 
 don paet it 6 waere, p. 150, 1. 9. pa sette he pa reliquias in 
 heora cyste, and gelefde paet his eage for $y fexe paes Godes 
 weres hrafte gehaeled waere, p. 382, 11. 29-32. 
 
 After tellan. pa fuude he oiSerne pnrh eal ping him pone 
 gelicastan, pa getealde he paet he hit waere, p. 326, 11. 29-30. 
 
 After pencan. Heo pohton paet him mislicra and gehael- 
 odra waere, p. 56, 1. 3. 
 
 After wenan. pa ongau ic peucan ond wende paet hit hel 
 waere, p. 426, 1. 2. Ic waenu paet he waere bensiende $a 
 uplicau arfaestnisse miura gesyuta, p. 402, 11. 9-10. Tealdon 
 hie oud weudon paet his ofter lichoma iSy Seawe deadra manna 
 fornumen waere ond to duste gewordeu, p. 374, 11. 20-22. 
 
 After raesian. Da ongon he mid gleawe mode pencan oud 
 raesian, paette uaenig ofter iutinga waere paere stovve grennis 
 oud faegeruis nemne paet sum haligra mon hwylcwugu pam 
 oiSrum weorode ofslegen waere, p. 180, 11. 16-18. 
 
 After wen beon. Ondgif wen sy paet he in strengopeodscipes 
 ond prea to wlaec sy, p. 74, 1. 2. 
 
21 
 
 35. Verbs of Knowledge and Certainty. As might be 
 expected Verbs and Expressions of Knowledge and Certainty 
 are followed by the Indicative Mood. A few examples are 
 given. 
 
 Examples after witan. Ic wat geare paet ftu eart min se 
 leofesta biscop, p. 402, 1. 15. Be paem aefteran is hraeftlice 
 to witanne paet he waes in Dorsetceastre to biscope gehalgod, 
 p. 334, 1. 26. Ac wite pu hwaeftre paet pu onfehst paes pu 
 baede, p. 244, 1. 8. WitaiS ge paet he bift Cristes peaw, p. 102, 
 1. 1. 
 
 Remark. The Accusative with the Infinitive sometimes 
 occurs after witan, instead of Ipaet with the Subjunctive. Ex. 
 Wite pu me cristene beon, p. 36, 1. 16. 
 
 Examples after cu% is. ponne is paet cuiS paet he nis of 
 Gode, p. 100, 1. 30. Be pam ponne cuft is, paet he waes 
 hwaeiSre mid py baeSe his blodes geclaensad, p. 40, 1. 15. 
 
 36. Verbs of Perceiving. Examples. 
 
 After ongytan. Heo ongeton paette paet waere soft faest- 
 nesse weg, p. 100, 1. 12. pa gemunade Oswia se cyning paet 
 he hine trymede ond laerde paette he ongete paette ne meahten 
 godo beon, p. 224, 1. 13. 
 
 After metan. Ealra heora dome he unscyldig ond butan 
 leahtrum waes gemeted ond paet he waere his biscophade well 
 wyrSe, p. 458, 11. 27-29. ForSon nis awer gemeted in halgum 
 boccum paette pisse fregnesse waerword sy gesegen, p. 68, 1. 25. 
 
 37. Verbs of Seeming and Appearing. The two verbs of 
 Seeming and Appearing, which occur most frequently followed 
 by the Subjunctive of Indirect Discourse are the passive of 
 seon, used like the Latin videor, and the impersonal tyyncan. 
 
 The passive of seon, gesegen beon, is frequently used person- 
 ally with the subject of the verb in Indirect Discourse as sub- 
 ject also of the leading verb, possibly an imitation of the usage 
 in Latin in the simple tenses of videor. 
 
 Examples. 
 
 After gesegen beon. pa waes heo gesegen purh twegan dayas 
 paet hire leohtor ond wel waere, p. 320, 11. 24-25. Monnum 
 gesewen waes paet aet forSfore waere, p. 396, 1. 19. Eac 
 
22 
 
 swelce paet is gesegen paet he waere gewis his seolfes forSfore, 
 p. 348, 11. 2526. pa waes him eallum gesegen paet waere 
 fram Drihtne sylfum heofonlice gifu forgifen, p. 344, 11. 23-24. 
 Puhte him^seolfum ond him gesegen waes paet heardlice ond 
 stranglice spraece, p. 348, 11. 11-12. 
 
 After Ipyncan. Him eallnm puhte paet hit gerisenre waere 
 paet his lichoman mon gesette to eastdaeles paes wigbedes, p. 
 218, 1. 28. pa ongan ic pencan ond me hum puhte paet paer 
 waere heofona rice, p. 430, 11. 11-12. pa ongunnon heo open- 
 lice deofolgildum peawian, pe monnum gepuhte paet heo 
 hwaeiShwegu forlaeten haefde bi paem faeder lifiendum, p. 112, 
 1. 5. Me pynceft, broftor, cwaeiS he, paet pu waere paem 
 ungeleordum monnum heardra ponne hit riht waere, p. 164, 1. 4. 
 
 38. Verbs of Deciding. Findan and deman in the sense 
 of " to decide," each occur once with the Subjunctive of Indi- 
 rect Discourse. Examples. Ond pa to raede fundon ond 
 gemaenre gepeahte paet him selre ond gehaeledre waere, p. 
 112, 1. 9. Ond pa heora ealra dome gedemed waes paet he 
 waere biscophades wyrSe, ond paet he to lareowe sended 
 waere Ongolcynne, p. 164, 11. 11-12. 
 
 39. Verbs of Hoping and Promising. After verbs of 
 Hoping and Promising, the A. S. Present Subjunctive after a 
 Present leading tense, the Preterite Subjunctive after a Prete- 
 rite leading tense, translate the Latin Future Infinitive, where 
 the Mod. Eng. equivalent is the Present Infinitive or that with 
 the future after principal, the so-called conditional (should, 
 would) after historical tenses. The verbs of this class found 
 are tiatan, gehatan, to promise, and gehihtan to hope. 
 
 Examples. After hatan. Ond he hiene het aefterfylgendre 
 tide, ponne he ildra waere, his synna hreawe ond ondettuesse 
 don. p. 438, 11. 1-2. After gehatan. Swelce he eac gehat geheht 
 paet he aeghwilce daege alne saltere in gemynd paere god- 
 cundan herenisse asunge, p. 242, 11. 31-35. Geheht paet he 
 him swiiSe blrSe waere, p. 198, 1. 1. 
 
 Remark. Treowesellan, to pledge one's faith, being equiva- 
 lent to a verb of promising occurs with the same construction. 
 Ex. Heora treowe sealdon paet heo riht midhealdan woldon 
 o$pe to heora eiSle hwurfen, p. 248, 11. 1-2. 
 
23 
 
 After gehihten, to hope. Ondswylceeache waes gehihtende 
 paet he sona his lichoman tolesed waere, p. 404. 11. 22-24. 
 
 40. Verb of Rejoicing. Bl>ssian, to rejoice, occurs followed 
 by Ipaet and the Subjunctive, equivalent to the Latin quod with 
 the Indicative. Ex. Se arwyrpa faeder blissade pact he 
 gesawe Drihtnes daeg, p. 474, 11. 20-21. 
 
 41. Examples after other verbs, Forgitan. pa forget he 
 paet he in oftere stowe paet geheolde, p. 156,1. 30. Ondettan. 
 pa ondred he ondettan paet he cyninges pegn waere, p. 326, 
 1. 15. Toaetecan. Ond pa gen toaetecte paet hit waere 
 wintres tiid ; ond se winter waere grim ond cald ond fyrstig 
 ond raid hiise gebunden ; paet se halga wer saete in pynnum 
 hraegle, p. 216, 11. 26-28. 
 
 42. Any word or expression denoting the same idea as a 
 verb of saying or thinking may be followed by Indirect Dis- 
 course. Ex. Se maereste hlisa is paette waere in eowere 
 peode wundorlice halignesse cyning, p. 192, 1. 1. He Ceddan 
 biscop mid wordum preade paet he rihtlice gehalgad ne waere, 
 p. 260, 11. 34. Ond swa waes gefylled se witedom paes hal- 
 gan biscopes Agustinus paet heo sceolden for heora treaw- 
 leasnesse hwilendlicre forwyrdt) wraec prowigan, p. 104, 1. 9. 
 
 43. Virtual Indirect Discourse. In many examples, though 
 there is no formal indirect quotation, the leading verb involves 
 a verb of saying. In such cases the Subjunctive is frequently 
 found in relative and other dependent clauses. This is espec- 
 ially the case in relative clauses after a complementary final 
 sentence, as verbs of asking, commanding, etc., are to a cer- 
 tain extent verbs of saying, though they may not introduce a 
 formal indirect quotation. 
 
 Examples. pa baed he hine paet he him iSaes arwyrSan 
 treas hwylcne hwego dael brohte ponne he eft ham come, p. 
 156, 1. 23. See also p. 100, 1. 16 ; p. 198, 1. 31 ; p. 210, 1. 17. 
 
 Remark. Sometimes the mere appearance of a word of say- 
 ing is enough to cause the use of the Subjunctive. For in- 
 stance, in the following example, witedom, which precedes the 
 verb in the sentence causes the principal clause to go into the 
 Subjunctive. Ex. Da aefter Esaies witedome in paem cleo- 
 
24 
 
 fura pe aer dracan eardodon, waere upyrnende grawnes hreodes 
 ond rixa, p. 230, 11. 20-21. 
 
 6. The Indirect Question. 
 
 44. As Verbs of Asking imply speaking, the Subjunctive 
 used in the Indirect Question may be considered as of the 
 same nature and origin as the Subjunctive of Indirect Narrative, 
 and is found with even greater regularity. Sometimes, how- 
 ever, the Subjunctive here seems also to denote duty or obli- 
 gation and to point to a subjunctive in the direct question ; in 
 such cases it seems to have something of an optative or jussive 
 character. The sense of duty or obligation, however, is fre- 
 quently expressed by the auxiliary sculan. 
 
 45. Words introducing the Indirect Question. Indirect 
 Questions are introduced by the regular interrogative pronouns 
 and adverbs and by hwae^er. Ilwaefter translates regularly the 
 Latin num we, and is represented in Mod. Eng. by " whether," 
 or "if," introducing an Indirect Question. No example of gif, 
 as an interrogative particle occurs. The Double or Disjunc- 
 tive Question uses hwaefter oftfte (pe) (Lat. utrum. an, etc.). 
 After verbs of looking, the interrogative pronouns and hwaefter 
 have a peculiar use. See 48. 
 
 46. Tenses of the Subjunctive in Indirect Questions. The 
 tenses used in Indirect Questions are the present and preterite 
 with the same force as in Indirect Narrative. It is to be noted, 
 however, that to denote subsequent action, the periphrasis 
 gerund -f beon, or the auxiliary sculan frequently appear, convey- 
 ing also the idea of obligation. Willan occasionally appears 
 also to represent subsequent action, and emphasize the idea of 
 wishing. 
 
 47. Examples of Indirect Questions. 
 
 1. After a Present leading tense. 
 
 Contemporaneous Action. Ond pe ic hate paet $u hit gehele 
 ond gehealde oftSaet ic wite hwaet God wille ond hwaet be mi 
 gewurSe, p. 462, 11, 21-22. Wast $u hwaet $as ping ealle seon ? 
 p. 430, 11. 28-29. Naefre ofer pis ic demo hwaet o$pe hu 
 
micel of uncrum feo ftu Godes beornum selle, p. 196, 1. 31. 
 Geseoh pu, cyning hwelc peos lar sie, p. 134, 1. 12. Be hwon 
 magon we iSaet weotan hwaefter he sy? p. 100, 1. 25. We 
 smealice gepencan sculan, of hwylcre wisan paein moode hit 
 gegonge paes slaependan, p. 86, 1. 5. Dis maeg gepencan 
 of paes peofes hade hu he geriht beon maegge, p. 68, 11. 1-2. 
 Sage me hwylces cynnes pu si ? p. 36, 1. 14. Hwaet lumped 
 $aes to i5e of hwylcum wyrtruman ic acenned si, p. 36, 1. 16. 
 Gesage me pinne naman hwaet pa haten sie, p. 36, 1. 19. Sio 
 wise hwelcne ende haebbende sie, sio aefterre eldo gesrS ond 
 sceawaiS, p. 480, 11. 12-13. 
 
 Antecedent Action. HwaeiSer he paet bi him seolfum cwaede 
 pe be oiSrum men hwelcum, paet us is uncuiS, p. 270, 11. 26-27. 
 Nis eis ponne se hlisa to foreswigienue for hwilcum intingan 
 he monad waere, p. 96, 1. 6. Waes godes mannes geearnung 
 ofrSo his liif, hwelc were, cuftlicor seined, p. 384, 11. 9-10. 
 
 Subsequent Action. Do pis, cwaeft he, oSpaet ic pe fullicor 
 aeteawe hwaet pu don scyle ond hu longe pu on hreawe awu- 
 nian scyle, p. 350, 1. 33 seq. Hwaet paer foregange ofrSe 
 hwaet paer aefter fylige, we ne cunnun, p. 136, 1. 6. Cwist pu 
 hwaefter pu his pa halwendan monunge onfon wille ond him 
 hearsum beon ? p. 130, 1. 8. Ac gesage me hwylce mede pu 
 wille sellan pam men, p. 128, 1. 25. Hafa -Su mid pone elcan 
 biscop spraec ond gepeahte hwaet to donne sy, p. 72, 1. 26. 
 Uton biddan aelmihtigne God, paet he geeaiSmodige us to tac- 
 nian hwelc gesetenes to fylgenne sy, hwelcum wegum to efes- 
 tenne sy to ingange his rices, p. 98, 11. 29-30. Hafa pu mid 
 Pone ilcan biscop spraec ond gepeahte hu pa gerehte ond gehette 
 beon scylen, p. 74, 1. 1. 
 
 2. After a Preterite leading tense. 
 
 Contemporaneous Action. Fraegn se cyning hiene hwaet 
 $aet waere, p. 438, 11. 20-21. Fraegn pa ond acsade hwaer 
 Acca maessepreost waere, p. 462, 11. 12-13. pa ongan he mec 
 acsean ond frinan hwaefter ic wiste hwaefter ic on rihtan bu- 
 tan inan gefulwad waere, p. 402, 11. 20-21. pa fraegn he hine 
 oud ascode hwaet him waere, p. 352, 1. 23. Da fregn he mec 
 hwaefter ic wiste hwa ftaet waere, p. 402, 1. 13. pa gyt he 
 
26 
 
 fraegn hu neah paere tide waere paette pa broker arisan scol- 
 den, p. 381, 11. 13-14. pa wundrade se pegn for Inyon he iSaes 
 baede, p. 346, 1. 30. He him paefc hlutorlice gecypan wolde 
 hwaet he waere, p. 328, 11. 19-21. Fraegn hine pa geornlice 
 hwonon he waere, p. 328, 11. 18-19. Ond hine ascade hwaeiSer 
 he Sa alysendlecau rime ctrSe, p. 328, 1 6. pa fraegu hine se, 
 hwaet he waere, p. 326, 11. 14-15. Summum monnum cwom 
 in tweon in hwaeSer hit swa waere, p. 316, 11. 18-20. He paet 
 sceolde geornlice gewitan ond geleornian hwelces geleafau 
 Ongolcyunes cirice waere, p. 314, 11. 26-28. pa frugnon heo 
 pa ymbsittendan mid hwone heo sprecende waere, p. 290, 
 11. 26 -27. Ono hwylcre geearnunge pes biscop waere aelmihtig 
 God monnum gecyftde, p. 198, 1. 18. pa fraegn hine ond 
 ahsode his maessepreost for hwon he weope, p. 198, 1. 7. And 
 smealice sohton on hwon paet gelang waere, p. 182, 1. 3. 
 Woldon gewitan hwaet paet waere. Cunuode pa mid his hond 
 ond sohte hwaet paet waere, p. 158, 1. 1. Syndriglice was 
 fram, him eallum frignende hwaet him puhte and gesawen 
 waere peos niwe lar, p. 134, 1. 9. Da fraegn he hine hwaet to 
 him lumpe hwaefter he wacode pe slepe ond hwaeiSer he pe ute 
 pe inne waere, p. 128, 11. 20-21. pa eode he to him ond fraegn 
 for hwon he in para tid ana swa unrot on stone waeccende 
 saete, p. 128, 1. 19. pa wuudrade he swrSe ond ahsode hwylc 
 mon to paes gedyrtig waere, p. 114, 1. 30. Ond hine waes 
 frignende pa gesettan Cristes seep in middum wulfuin hwyl- 
 cum heorde he fleonde forlete, p. 114, 1. 21. Fraegn he ond 
 ahsode hwaet paet weorod waere, p. 102, 1. 33. Da gyt he 
 ahsode hwaet heora cyning haten waere, p. 96, 1. 30. Eft he 
 fraegn hwaet se peod nemned waere, p. 96, 1. 12. Eft he 
 fraegn hwaefter pa ilcan londleode cristne waeron, pe hi pa 
 gen in haeftennesse gedwolan lifden, p. 96, 1. 16. 
 
 Antecedent Action. Ac se aelmihti God wolde gecypan 
 hwylcre gearnunge se halga wer waere, p. 90, 1. 23. Hwelc 
 paes cyninges geleafa ond modea welsumnis in God waere paet 
 aefter his deaiSe mid maegena wundrum waes gecySed, p. 178, 
 1. 1. Geornlice smeadon hwaet he cwaede, p. 164, 1. 11. 
 Ascade hwelces geleafon heo waeren, p. 310, 1. 8. Ge eac 
 
27 
 
 swylce hwelcre gearnunge he haefd waere mid pone inlican 
 gewitan, ic waes ongeotende, p. 398, 11. 19-22. Ond geornlice 
 him fraegn ond ascode hwonan he iSa wisan cufte ond ongete, 
 p. 352, 11. 31-30. Ond heo pa geornlice hine ahsodon hu paet 
 gelumpe, p. 186, 1. 12. Hwylc hire maegen waere, ma aefter 
 hire deaiSe gecyiSed waes, p. 176, 1. 2. Saegde se ilca mon 
 hwylc paes biscopes heow waere Scs Paulinus, p. 144, 1. 15. 
 Ac hwaeftre sargende mode geornlice pohte hwaefc se waere 
 o$pe hwonan he come, p. 130, 1. 22. He wolde userne siftfaet 
 sceawian ond geseon hwaet us gelumpe, p. 386, 1. 6. 
 
 Subsequent Action. pa waes seo abbudisse ond seo modor 
 paere gesomnunge bighygdig ond sorgende in hwylce tid pone 
 dael paes mynstres paet ilce wite gehrine, p. 282, 1. 28, seq. 
 Oswia NorSanhymbra cyning ond Ecgberht Centwarena cyn- 
 ing haefdon betweoh him spraece ond gepeahte, hwaefc to donne 
 waere bi paene stealle Ongolcynnes cirican, p. 248, 11. 3-6. 
 Ond heo pa haefdon in paem gemote micle smeaunge ond 
 gepeahte hwaet him to donne waere, p. 162, 1. 30. Geornlice 
 mid him seolfum sineade ond pohte hwaet him saelest to donne 
 waere ond hwylc aefaestnes him to healdanne waere, p. 132, 
 11. 18-19. Ond ne wiste hwider he code, oftpe hwaefc him 
 selest to donne waere, p. 128, 1. 13. He gelomlice mid hine 
 peahtade ond sohte hwaet be pissum pingum to donne waere, 
 p. 124, 1. 30. Sohte ond smeade mid Laurentio and Justo, his 
 efnbiscopum, hwaet him be ftissum pingum to donne waere, p. 
 112, 1. 28. pa gesomnedon hi gemot ond peahtedon ond raed- 
 don hwaet him to donne waere, hwaer him waere fultum to 
 secanne, p. 50, 1. 10. Ond mid halwende worde laerde hwaet 
 ymb para haelo to donne waere, p. 216, 1. 11. 
 
 48. A fter Verbs of Looking, hvmefter and the Interrogative 
 pronouns are used like the Latin si after verbs denoting trial 
 and attempt. The Mod. Eng. translation is " look to see if," 
 etc. 
 
 Examples. Da aet nestan locadon we on baecling hwae$er 
 woen ware, p. 384, 1. 25. Da ahof ic mine eagan upp ond 
 locade hider oud geond hwae^er me aenig fultum toweard 
 waere, p. 428, 11. 16r-18. Heo geornlecor bihealdende waes 
 
28 
 
 hwelcum teonde up ahefen waere se wlite paes wulderlecan 
 lichoman, p. 288, 11. 14-15. 
 
 49. Ne witan. After verbs and expressions such as ne 
 witan, nytan, not to know, me uncuft is, etc., it is unknown to 
 me, the Indirect question takes the Indicative or Subjunctive 
 with a well defined difference of meaning. If the action of the 
 verb of the Indirect question is contemporaneous with or an- 
 tecedent to that of the leading verb, the Indicative is used ; if 
 subsequent, the Subjunctive. 
 
 Examples. With Indicative. Ne wiste ic hwaer min lat- 
 teow becom, p. 426, 1. 17. With Subjunctive. Me waes un- 
 cu$ hwaet ic dyde oiSpe hvvider ic eode oiSpe hwelc ende me 
 come, p. 426, 11. 27-28. 
 
 2. The Conditional Sentence. 
 
 50. The Conditional Sentence in Anglo-Saxon is introduced 
 by gif, if = Latin si. The negative of gifis regularly nernne, 
 butan, unless, except = Latin nisi, sometimes gif ne, if not 
 = Latin si non. The mood used in the Protasis is Indicative 
 or Subjunctive with a well defined difference, the Indicative 
 being used in a supposition assumed to be true, while the Sub- 
 junctive is used when the supposed case is uncertain or con- 
 trary to fact. The Subjunctive is used in both Protasis and 
 Apodosis in the Unreal Condition, where both Protasis and 
 Apodosis are contrary to fact. Instead of the Indicative in 
 the Apodosis, the Imperative or its representative, the Optative 
 Subjunctive may appear. 
 
 51. The Conditional Sentences occurring in the Old Eng- 
 lish Version of Bede may be classified according to form as 
 follows : 
 
 a. Conditions with the Indicative in both Protasis and Apo- 
 dosis. 
 
 b. Conditions with the Subjunctive in Protasis, and the 
 Imperative or equivalent, sometimes the Indicative, in the 
 Apodosis. 
 
 c. Conditions with the Subjunctive in both Protasis and 
 Apodosis. 
 
29 
 
 Remark. In (a) instead of the Indicative in the Apodosis, 
 the Imperative or Optative Subjunctive may appear. 
 
 52. a. Conditional Sentences with the Indicative in both 
 Protasis and Apodosis. The tense of the Indicative used in 
 the Protasis is regularly the present form, referring either to 
 present or future time, though the Preterite Indicative occurs 
 of a past event assumed to be true. In the Apodosis the mood 
 is regularly the Indicative, although sometimes the Imperative 
 or Optative Subjunctive appears equivalent to a future. 
 
 This class of Conditional Sentences correspond to conditions 
 usually known as the Logical Condition, in which the condition 
 is assumed to be a fact. 
 
 Examples. Present Tense. Nu gif Agustinus is milde ond 
 eaftmodre heortan, is he gelyfed paet he Cristes geoc bere, 
 p. 100, 11. 27-28. Ac hwaet maeg ic mvSaere faenman do, gif 
 hie aet forSfore is, p. 392, 11. 17-18. 
 
 Preterite Tense. Breac ealdre halsunge gif hi hwylcne 
 drycraeft haefdon, p. 58, 11. 21-22. Him gehetan eaftmode 
 hyrnysse, gif hi him gefultumadou, p. 44, 1. 14. 
 
 53. 1). Conditional Sentences with the Subjunctive in the 
 Protasis, and the Imperative or equivalent, sometimes the Indi- 
 cative in the Apodosis. This class of conditions may be con- 
 veniently subdivided, as follows : 
 
 1. Conditions with the Pres. Subj. in the Protasis, and the 
 Imperative or equivalent in the Apodosis. 
 
 2. Conditions with the Pret. Subj. in the Protasis and the 
 Indicative in the Apodosis. 
 
 54. 1. Conditions with the Pres. Subj. in the Protasis, and 
 the Imperative or equivalent in the Apodosis. In conditions of 
 this class, the Subjunctive in the protasis appears to emphasize 
 the uncertainty of the supposed case, as being in the future, 
 and the use of the mood here may be compared to the use of 
 the Greek Subjunctive in the so-called More Vivid Future 
 Condition. In the apodosis the verb is in the Imperative, or 
 equivalent in a large majority of cases, and the few instances 
 of the Indicative occurring are equivalent to a wish or a com- 
 mand, as will be seen on referring to the examples given below. 
 
30 
 
 Hotz (Use of the Subjunctive Mood in Anglo-Saxon, 17) at- 
 tributes the mood in the protasis to a kind of attraction, say- 
 ing: " In such contingency the subj. owes its existence rather 
 to the correlation of condition to consequence wanting to be 
 reflected by concordance of mood than to its absolute value. 
 As for the imperative, its influencing the verb of the condition 
 in the same way as opt. and jussive, the elucidation is surely 
 to be taken from them. Indicatives with optat. or jussive pur- 
 port work upon mood in the same way as optatives themselves." 
 T. J. Mather, however (The Conditional Sentence in Anglo- 
 Saxon, p. 8), says : " The following would seem to be the expla- 
 nation of the Subjunctive in the protasis of a command or wish. 
 The speaker introduces a strong subjective element into the 
 sentence by the expression of his own desire or command. 
 He thereby falls out of the role of a mere reporter and ex- 
 presses a particular interest in the relation. This element of 
 will may extend through the whole sentence and influence the 
 verb of the protasis which becomes subjunctive, the proper 
 mood for the expression of will or wish. The subjunctive in 
 such clauses is rather adhortative, at least in origin, than poten- 
 tial or hypothetical." In certain examples, as in the second 
 quoted below from p. 160, 11. 7-8, where the logical apodosis is a 
 clause dependent on a verb of desire > etc., this is undoubtedly a 
 convenient and correct explanation (see Rem. 2, below), but com- 
 parison with other languages and with modern English usage does 
 not support belief in this sort of attraction of mood. Logically 
 the protasis is the principal, the apodosis the dependent clause, so 
 that if this attraction takes place it should occur in just the con- 
 trary direction. For this reason it seems that the present subjunc. 
 in the protasis of conditions of this class is closer to the Greek 
 More Vivid Future protasis and is due to the idea of doubt 
 or uncertainty rather than to that of desire. The condition, 
 however, does not correspond to the Latin ideal, except in one 
 instance (see last example) below, but translates regularly the 
 Latin logical condition with the indicative in the protasis, fol- 
 lowed by the imperative or equivalent in the apodosis. 
 
 56. Examples. Positive. Meleof is, gif Su maegge, p. 292, 
 
31 
 
 1.33. Gif hit eallinga pus araeded seo, ond pis cwide onwended 
 beon ne moste, ic biddo ond halsio paet ne sy more fac bi- 
 tweonum pon peos nehste neaht an, p. 290, 11. 24-25. ForSon 
 gif peos lar owihfc cu$licre ond gerisenlicre bringe, paes 
 weorSe is paet we paere fylgen, p. 160, 11. 7-8. Fulwian ponne 
 paet cennende wiif oiSpe paet beam, gif heo syn preade mid 
 frecennisse deaiSes, naenige gemete is bewered, p. 76, 1. 20. 
 OSpe gif wiif numen sy en monafteiSle gewunan, hwaefter alefaft 
 hire in circan gangan, p. 74, 1. 17. Do swa, gif ge willen, p. 
 400, 1. 6. Gif he ponne eow forhogie ond eow ne wille 
 arisan togegnes, sy he ponue from eow forhogad, p. 102, 11. 2-3. 
 Ond gif he arise angegnes eow, ponne wita$ ge paet he bip 
 Cristes peaw, p. 100, 1. 33. Gif he Godes man sy, fylgaiS ge 
 him, p. 100, 1. 23. Ond gif wen sy paet he in strengo peod- 
 scipes ond prea to wlaec sy, ponne is he to onbaernenne, 
 p. 74, 11. 1-2. Gif hwylce ponne ofer paet gefrernmen, ponne 
 seondon heo to bescyrieune Cristes lichoman ond blodes, p. 
 72, 1. 6. Gif $u wille pysses lifes geselignysse brucan, ne yld 
 pu, p. 36, 1. 23. Ac gif ftu wylle gehyran paet so^, ponne wite 
 pu me cristene beon, p. 36, 1. 16. 
 
 Ideal. Ac gif e foor gelimpe (Lai. contingat) in Gallia 
 maegSe, hafa pu mid pone ilcan biscop spraec, p. 72, 1. 24. 
 
 Negative. Nemne he mid waetre apwegen ond bibaftod sy, 
 ne sceal he in circan gangan, p. 80, 1. 23. Ond pas wiif, nemne 
 seo claesnunge tiid forftgeleore, ne scealon heo heora werum 
 gemengde beon, p. 78, 1. 1. Nemne aer paet fyr paere unrehtan 
 willunge from mode acolie, ue sceal he hine wyrSe tilgan, p. 
 80, 1. 31. Hine ne forgifeft paette he mote in Godes has gan- 
 gan nemne he sy waetre aiSwegen, p. 84, 1. 26. 
 
 57. 2. Conditions with the preterite Subjunctive in the Pro- 
 tasis, and the Indicative in the Apodosis. Only three condi- 
 tions of this class with unmistakable subjunctive forms occur 
 in Bede, and in all three the protasis is negative introduced 
 by nemne (2), gif ne (1) (Lat. nisi (2), si non (1) ). The third 
 of these (p. 366, 11. 26-30), shows the Subjunctive in both 
 members in the Latin original, the mood and tense (perfect 
 form) in the apodosis being due to Bede's late Latin indirect 
 
32 
 
 discourse construction after quia. The Anglo-Saxon, as is fre- 
 quentty the case, loses sight of the indirect discourse, and rep- 
 resents the sentence as an independent statement. In the 
 other two examples, however, the Latin has the Indicative in 
 the apodosis, with the Subjunctive in the protasis. It has 
 seemed best to give the Latin in full, in order to see to what 
 extent it coincides with the Anglo-Saxon structure. In the 
 order in which these examples are given below, the first is an 
 occurrence of the rare conditional form, the Ideal from the 
 Point of View of the Past. (Gildersleeve Latin Grammar, 
 596, 2.) The Indicative in the apodosis is due to the poten- 
 tial idea of the verb (posse). With regard to this form in 
 Latin, Prof. Gildersleeve says : "When non possum is followed 
 by nisi (si non), the protasis has the Ideal of the Past after a 
 past tense." (Lat. Gram., 596, R. 3). Hence, in the first 
 example below, the Anglo-Saxon corresponds exactly to a rare, 
 though regular form of the Latin Ideal Condition, and the 
 mood is due to the idea of uncertainty. In the other two 
 examples the Latin shows the form of condition known as the 
 Iterative. Of this condition, Prof. Peters (Syntax of the Latin 
 Verb, 363), says: "The mood is regularly the Indicative in 
 the Protasis and Apodosis, where particularly in late Latin, 
 the Subjunctive is more usual, in fact the rule, in the protasis. 
 It is used in describing habits, customs and the general effect 
 of actions, in the different spheres of time. The tenses are in 
 the Past time, the Imperfect and Imperfect when the actions 
 are coincident, the Pluperfect and Imperfect, less frequently 
 the Aorist, when one action is completed and precedes* the 
 other." Hence it would seem that the Anglo-Saxon employed 
 here the same structure as the Latin, and the condition ap- 
 proaches closely the Greek General Condition in Past time. 
 The Latin perfect subjunctive form in the 3d example repre- 
 sents the aoristic perfect Indicative, the mood being due to 
 the oblique relation as mentioned above. 
 
 Examples 1. Ideal. Ne him mon on o$re wisau his bene 
 tygpian wolde nemne he Cristes geleafan onfenge, p. 220, 1. 26. 
 (Lat. Neque aliter, quod petebat, impretrari potuit, nisi fidem 
 
33 
 
 Christi acciperet.) 2. Iterative in Past Thne. Ne he on horses 
 hricge cuinan wolcle, nemne hwilc mare nyd abaedde. p. 160, 1. 
 17. (Lat. Discurrere per cuncta et urbana et rustica loca, non 
 equorum dorso, sed pedura incessu vectus, nisi forte necessitas 
 conpulisset, solebat.) 3. Ond symle, gif hire hefigre untrym- 
 nesse ne bewere, of paere tide uhtsanges oft hluttorne daeg in 
 cirican in halgan gebedum stod, p. 318, 11. 22-24. (Lat. Semper 
 si non infirmitas gravior prohibuisset, in ecclesia precibus in- 
 t"enta persteterit.) 
 
 58. Remark. In some instances gif is equivalent to " in 
 case that." In such sentences the protasis becomes virtual 
 indirect discourse, as it implies a thought or intention on the 
 part of the subject of the principal clause or apodosis. When 
 the verb in the Apodosis is one of Commanding or Demanding, 
 gif has regularly this sense. In both cases the Preterite Sub- 
 junctive seem.s due rather to the idea of Indirect Discourse or 
 to the Verb of Wishing, than to the supposition. 
 
 Examples. Geaf he ond sealde pact betste hors Aidane 
 paem biscope, gif hwylce ned gelumpe, paet he hraedlicor 
 feran sealde, p. 196, 11. 9-10. Da se biscop mid his honda 
 slog tacen, gif hwilc mon ute waere, paet he in to him code, 
 p. 264, 11. 33-34. See also p. 126, 11. 1J-12 ; p. 414, 11. 17-19. 
 
 Da heht he him beresaed bringan, gif wen waere paet paet 
 wexan wolde, oftpe ftaere eorSan gecynd waere, p. 366,11. 26-30. 
 Agustinum him to biscope gecoren haefde, gif heora lar oufongen 
 waere, p. 56, 1. 8. 
 
 To iSaem se foresprecena Cristes caempa cuman wolde, gif 
 wen waere, paet he ftaer hwelce mohte diofle oftgripan ond to 
 Criste gecerran, p. 408, 11. 25-27. 
 
 59. c. The Unreal Conditional Sentence. When the sup- 
 position is contrary to fact, the Preterite Subjunctive is used 
 in both Protasis and Apodosis, and no distinction is made in 
 form between the Unreal of the Present and the Unreal of the 
 Past. Hence the Preterite Subjunctive represents both the 
 Latin Imperfect and Pluperfect Subjunctive in such condi- 
 tions. The Indicative sometimes occurs in one or both mem- 
 bers of the condition. Frequently the apodosis is the Unreal 
 of the Past, and the protasis of the Present or vice versa, 
 
34 
 
 60. Examples. Unreal of the Present. Gif ic nu on oiSrum 
 life waere ponne waere min sawl paer purh his pingunge from 
 pam ecum bendum ond witum onlysed, p. 328, 11. 1113. 
 
 Unreal of the Past. Gif he from paem untrymnesse gehaeled 
 waere, he wolde to Home feran, p. 274, 1. 31. paet lif he oft 
 ond geara wolde geceosan ond paet eorSlice rice forlaetan, 
 gif him ne wrSstode paet wrSerworde mod his wifes, p. 294, 11. 
 8-10. 
 
 Mixed Condition, Past and Present. ForSon gif pa pisses 
 monnes feo ue onfenge, ue burne his wiite on pe, p. 216, 1. 9. 
 
 61. The Conditional Relative. Sentences introduced by 
 Indefinite Relative Pronouns and Adverbs, being equivalent to 
 general suppositions occur with the constructions mentioned 
 above, and may be classified in the same way. 
 
 Examples. With Subjunctive in Protasis or Rel. Clause. 
 Donne pis tacen pislic pe tocyme, ponne gemyne pu pas tide 
 uncres gespreces, p. 130, 1. 15. Ono se mon br5, paes pe swa 
 to cweSenne sy, aeghwaefter ge gehaefted ge freo, p. 88, 1. 23. 
 Ahsa paes pu willa, p. 268, 1. 23. Forpon hy nedde se to- 
 wearda winter paet heo stille wunedon swa hwaer swa heo 
 meahten, p, 256, 11. 15-17. Daette ofer seo oud to lofe, sella$ 
 aelmesse, p. 66, 1. 13, 
 
 62. Conditional Sentences in Indirect Discourse. In Indi- 
 rect Discourse the Conditional Sentence is subject to the usual 
 rules for tense and mood, so that frequently the Indicative and 
 Subjunctive protasis in Direct become indistinguishable in In- 
 direct Discourse. A tendency to prevent this confusion by re- 
 taining the Indicative protasis with mood unchanged is fre- 
 quently shown. (See last example below.) After a preterite 
 leading tense, the Unreal and the condition with Subjunctive 
 in the Protasis only, regularly have the same form and some- 
 times all three may be blended under one form. 
 
 Examples. Durh pone sacerd waes cweden be his geferum, 
 paette, gif heo fram wifum claene waeren, paet heo moston 
 onfon ond picgan paforesettnesse hlofes, p. 84, 1. 14. Cwaedon 
 gif heo to iSem ealdormen becwomen ond mid hiene sprecende 
 waeran, Saet hio him fram hiora godum acerden, p. 416, 11. 
 
35 
 
 17-20. CySdon him openlice ond saedan butan he him maran 
 andlyfne sealdoD, paet he woldan him self niman, p. 52, 1. 22. 
 
 The Condition of Comparison. 
 
 63. The Condition of Comparison is introduced by swa swa 
 (sometimes swa) " as if." (Lat. ac si, velut si, quasi). The 
 comparison is always contrary to fact ; hence the Subjunctive 
 Mood. In Bede the sentence always refers to past time, al- 
 though the form for the present would be the same. The tense 
 used is the preterite, and the mood is very consistent, only one 
 instance occurring of the Indicative, given below. In this the 
 Indicative seems to be due to the fact that the verb (meahton) 
 itself is potential in meaning. 
 
 Examples. OiSer hiora (the comets) foreeode pa sunnan on 
 morgen, ofter on aefeu aefterfyligde, swa swa hie witegan were 
 grimmes waeles, p. 476, 11. 10-12. pa waes ic sona swa ic 
 hefgum slaepe aweht waere, p. 402, 11. 12-13. Eall iSaet sar 
 ond se ece ge of ininuru earme ge of eallum minum lichoman 
 eall onweg alaeded waes, efne swa se biscope pone ece ond paet 
 sar mid hiene ut baere, p. 394, 11. 4-7. Da gefelde he swa swa 
 mycel bond ond brad his heofod gehrine in iSaem daele pe paet 
 sar oud seo adl waes, p. 380, 11. 11-13. Swylce eac ealle iSa 
 hraegl swa hwit ond swa neowe wunderlice aeteawdon, swa he 
 $y ilcan daege midgewered waere, p. 376, 11. 2-5. Waes paet eac 
 micel wuudor, paet seo phruh waes swa gescrepe paere faem- 
 nan lichoman gemeted, swa swa heo synderlice hire gegearwod 
 waere, p. 324, 11. 1-3. pa waes he (the body) gemeted swa 
 ungebrosnad ond swa ungewemmed swa heo py ylcan daege 
 forSfered ond bebyrged waere, p. 320, 11. 15-17. Eft heo swa 
 swa heo leohtlice gebylged waere aefter pon heo cwae$, p. 
 290, 11. 18-19. pa geswigade heo hwon, swa swa heo bidende 
 waere his andsware, p. 290, 11. 16-17. Ond in gemet para 
 biddendra swa swa heo to hire lifigende spraece, baed. p. 288, 
 11. 32-33. Da geseoh heo, swa swa mid gyldnum rapum he in 
 pa uplican ahefen waere, p. 288, 11. 16-17. pa waes he meted 
 swa unseeded swa he in pa ilcan tid of pissum leqhte gelaeded 
 
36 
 
 waere, p. 218, 1. 26. pa gemette he his earm ond his hond 
 swa hale ond swa gesunde swa him naef re bryce ne daro gedon 
 waere, p. 158, 1. 2. (See also p. 292, 1. 31, seq., p. 120, 1. 32.) 
 
 With the Indicative. pa ongunnon heo pa heargas edniwian 
 swa swa heo purh pas ping meahton fram pam woole ond 
 fram paere deaplicnesse gescilde waere, p. 250, 11. 9-12. 
 
 In Indirect Discourse. pyslic me is gesewen, pu cyning, 
 pis andwearde lif manna swylc swa pu aet swaesendum sitte 
 mid pinum ealdormannum ond sie fyr onaeled oud pin heall 
 gewyrmed ond hit rine ond sniwe ond stymie ute ; curne ane 
 spearwa ond hraetlice paet hus purhfleo, cume purh opre 
 duru in, purh oiSre ut gewite, p. 134, 1. 24, seq. 
 
 3. The Subjunctive in Temporal Clauses. 
 After aertyon pe, oftftaet, until, before. 
 
 64. The Subjunctive Mood is used in temporal clauses in- 
 troduced by aerpon, aerlpon J)e. before, until, (Lat. priusquam, 
 quoadusque) o^&aet until (Lat. donee), whose action looks to the 
 future for fulfilment. The future is considered from the stand- 
 point of the leading verb, and hence may be future from the 
 present, or future from the past. If the leading verb is in the 
 present tense, the fulfilment is necessarily uncertain and the 
 Subjunctive is the invariable construction. After the preterite 
 tense, the Subjunctive does not necessarily imply the non- 
 fulfilment of the action, it may or may not have taken place. 
 The Indicative, however, is used only when the fulfilment is 
 emphasized. Hence the sole example of the preterite used 
 after a leading clause with a negative is in the Indicative mood 
 (see p. 466, 11. 27-28, quoted below). 
 
 Sometimes the Subjunctive may have a trace of purpose or 
 desire (see p. 380, 11. 1-3 ; p. 204, 1. 31, quoted below). 
 
 65. Of the conjunctions used aerlpon, aerpon ])e, appears 
 followed by either the present or preterite, but usually with the 
 Subjunctive mood. O^Saet is the regular conjunction before 
 the preterite tense, after a negative in the principal clause. 
 
 66. Examples, 
 
37 
 
 After aerpon (pe). Present Tense. To hire gerestscipe 
 ponne hire wer ne sceal gangau aerpon paet acenuende beam 
 from meolcum awened sy, p. 76, 1. 28. Se wer, se $e his wiife 
 gemengad brS, aerpon he bebaftod S} T , mot he in circan gon- 
 gan ? p. 74, 1. 19. 
 
 Preterite Tense. Ac aerpon heo seo heannis paes wealles 
 gefylled waes ond geendad, he se cyning mid arleasne cwale 
 ofslegen waes, p. 138, 1. 26. peo halga wer, aerpon pe he 
 biscop geworden waere, tu aeftele mynster he getimbrede, p. 
 282, 11. 9-11. 
 
 After oftftaet. After Preterite Tense only, pa heald paere 
 cyrican biscophad an gear Wilfrid se arwyrSa biscop o^paet 
 se biscop gecoren waere, p. 374, 11. 6-8. Ond pa baad feower 
 monaiS, o&5aet him feaxe geweoxe, p. 254, 1. 31. Ond his lich- 
 oman se ilca ealdormon Eorconwald onfeng ond in portice his 
 cirican sumre geheald o^Spaet seo cirice gehalgod waere, p. 218, 
 1. 22. 
 
 In Indirect Discourse. pa gepohte he on his mode nytte 
 gepeahte, pet he wolde to cynican cuman ond paer his cneow 
 began oftpaet he from iSaere adle genered waere, p. 380, 11. 12. 
 
 O^p act followed l>y the Indicative (pret. See above, 64) 
 Seo adle weax ond hefigade, oftftaet he waes to pam ytemestan 
 daege geledded, p. 442, 11. 24-25. 
 
 After a negative. He paes ne blon, o&Saet he from Gocle 
 onfeng, his arfaestre wilsumnesse, p. 466, 11. 27-28. 
 
 Remark. Two instances occur of other conjunctions used 
 in a similar sense, hwonne, until, and swa longe swa, so long as 
 (cf. Lat. quam diu). 
 
 Ex. Ond paer hwile bad, hwonne his horse bet wurde oiSpe 
 he hit paer dead forlete, p. 178, 1. 23. Bearnaft me eower 
 blaecern ond leohte swa longe swa ge willen, p. 286, 11. 20-21. 
 
 4. The Concessive Sentence. 
 
 67. The Concessive Sentence, denoting that the action of 
 the principal clauses takes place in spite of that of the depend- 
 ent clause, is introduced by peah (pe/*) pc', Ipeah (peh), though, 
 
38 
 
 although (Lat. quamvis, etsi, etiamsi), with the verb regularly 
 in the Subjunctive Mood, present or preterite tense. In two 
 examples (see below) the Indicative occurs to emphasize the 
 reality of the action. 
 
 68. Examples. Present Tense. Bryttas ponue, peah pe 
 hie of miclum daele Ongolpeode ond pone steall ealre rihtge- 
 lyfedre Godes cirican afehted, hwaepere him is wrSstanden 
 paet hi no hweperum hira willnunge habban ne purhteon magon, 
 p. 480, 11. 16. peah pe pu mic hate ealle niht waeccende in 
 gebedum stondon, ond peah pe ic sceole ealle wicau faestan,ic 
 paet leoflice do, p. 350, 11. 29-31. Ic Theodor, peah ic un- 
 wyrSe sy, waes ic fram paem apostolican seiSle sended biscop 
 Contwara burge cirican, p. 276, 11. 1517. ForSon, peah pe 
 pis fyr sy egeslic ond micel gesegen, hwaeiSre hit aefter weorca 
 gegearnunge anra gehwylcne demeiS ond beornaiS, p. 214, 1. 7. 
 All oSer ping iSa ge doiS, peah heo ussum peawnm wifterworde 
 syn, we gepyldelice araefnaS, p. 102, 1. 16. Ne, peah pe he 
 bibaftod sy, sone mot ingangan, p. 80, 1. 24. Ond peah pe 
 paet wiite hwene heardor ond stranger don sy, ponne is hit of 
 lufan to donne, p. 68, 1. 6. Ond peah pe se swile iSaes earmes 
 nu gena gesene sie, hwaeftre paet sar is ealle ofgewiten, p. 
 394, 11. 7-8. 
 
 Preterite Tense. pa cwelleras aredon him ond ne woldon 
 hine cwellan mid py biscope, peah pe paet his wille waere, p. 
 456, 11. 9-11. Ond peah Se he geloinlice monad waere, hwaeftre 
 he forhogade $a haelo word, p. 436, 11. 29-30. Seo an hinne 
 aawunade, peh pe hio swrSe forht were ond heofiende, p. 422, 
 1. 31, seq. Ne Wihtbriht owiht fremede, peh pe in $a daelas 
 become, p. 414, 11. 1-2. Ond peh pe he gewiss geworden 
 waere purh $a aetewnesse paere gesihfte, nohte pon laes he his 
 fore gegearwede mid pain gemyndgadum broiSrum, p. 412, 11. 
 5-7. Waes se wer in wisdome gewrito wul gelaered, "Seah pe 
 he no sie his foregeugan to wibmeotene, p. 408, 11. 2-5. Ond 
 peah $e ic georne baede, ne meahte uaenga pinga lefnesse abid- 
 dan, p. 400, 1], 10-11. Ond Hrofesceastre eac swelce, in pa6re 
 waes Putta biscop, peah pe he in $a tid paer ondweard ne 
 waere, he mid gemaene hergunge fornom, p. 298, 11. 16-18. 
 
39 
 
 Ond peah pe waergcweodole Godes rice gesetton ne maegen, 
 hwaeftre is gelyfed paette pa be gewyrhte wyrgde waeron for 
 heora arleasnesse, p. 356, 11. 26-28. peah pe he swiiSe wiiSwin- 
 nende waere, mid anmode willan heora ealra he waes ofer- 
 swrSed, p. 368, 11. 16-18. Ac for intingan hersumnesse ic haten 
 gepafode, paet ic pone had underhnah, peah iSe ic unwyrSe 
 waere, p. 260, 11. 78. In $a ilcau tiid waeron in Eastseaxna 
 maegiSe twegen cyningas Sighere ond Sebbe, peah pe heo 
 Wulfhere Merena cyning underpeode waeren in hernesse, p. 
 250, 11. 1-4. ForSon Osweo soiSlice ouget, peah pe from Scot- 
 turn afeded ond gelaered waere, paet seo Romanisce cirice ond 
 seo apostolice waes rehtgelefed, p. 248, 11. 6-8. pa ondette he ? 
 paet he lustlice wolde Cristen beon, peah pe he no furSum pa 
 faemnau anfenge, p. 220, 1. 30. Ond swa waes geworden, paet 
 he hine aswefede ond gestilde, peah pe he lichomlice ne paer 
 aefweard waere, p, 200, 1. 23. Geaf he ond sealde paet betste 
 hors ond paes faegerestan eondes Aidane paem biscope peah 
 pe he gewuna waere paet he ma eode ponne he ride, p. 196, 1. 
 7. Ond peah pe he mid heanisse paes eorSlican rices swa 
 ahefen waere, nohte pon laes he pearfum ond elpeodigum 
 symle eaiSmod ond fremsum ond rummod waes, p. 164, 11. 25-27. 
 Waes se foresprecena cyning Raedwald aeSelre gebyrde, peh 
 pe he on daede unaeiSele waere, p. 142, 11. 9-10. peah pe paet 
 waere paet deofolgeldum ne peowode, p. 124, 1. 14. Ac swa 
 se apostol cwaeiS, peah pe he micelre tide wunne in his lare, 
 paette God pa mood para ungeleafsumra ablaende, p. 122, 1. 6. 
 Oud peoh iSe heora alderas forlorene waeren, ne meahte paet 
 folc pa gen gereoht beon, p. 114, 1. 5. Be pam cirSes, peah pe 
 he mid waetre f ulluhtes baepes apwegen ne waere, paet he waes 
 geclaensad, p. 40, 1. 14. 
 
 With the Indicative to Emphasize a Fact. Present. Ond 
 peah iSe hie synd of miclum daele heora seolfes onwealdes, 
 hwaepere of miclum daele hy syndou Ongolcynnes peowdome 
 betaehte ond under peodde, p. 480, 11. 6-8. 
 
 Preterite. Ond peah $e heo unc swa bregdon ond fyrhton, 
 ne dorston heo mec hwaeftre gehrinan, p. 428, 11. 12-14. 
 
 69. Ipea/i ipe with Verbs and Expressions of Wonder, etc. 
 
40 
 
 A peculiar usage occurs with verbs and expressions of wonder, 
 etc., where the clause introduced by peak Ipe is equivalent to a 
 substantive clause introduced by paet. 
 
 Examples. Is paet hwelc wundor peah be he pone daeg 
 his deaftes oftpe ma pone Drihtues daeg bliiSe gesege? p. 268, 
 11. 6-8. Ne waes paet pouue to wundrienne, peah pe paes 
 c}'ninges beue mid him swiiSade ond genge waeren, p. 188, 
 1. 4. Ne paet swibe to wundrienue is, peah pe in paere 
 stowe his deaiSes untrumue haelo onfenge, p. 178, 1. 12. 
 
 70. peak pe followed by a negative (ne), is frequently equiva- 
 lent to the Mod. Eog. without with the verbal in ing. Ex. Ac 
 ne haefdon wit inonig oiSer uncymre hors, paet wit meahton 
 pearfum to tigiSe sellan, peali pu paet hors him ne sealde, 
 paet ic pe synderlice to aehte geceas, p. 196, 11. 18-20. 
 
 5. The Subjunctive after ponne (pon) than. 
 
 71. When two statements are placed side by side in com- 
 parison, connected by ponne (pon) than, if the subject-matter 
 of the second sentence is of relatively less importance than 
 that of the first, the verb in the second sentence is regularly in 
 the Subjunctive Mood. This Subjunctive can certainly not be 
 considered as the mood of desire. It is probably due to the 
 idea of inferiority, and it seems best to classify it under the 
 mood of uncertainty. It does not necessarily imply that the 
 second statement is untrue, but simply that the quality attri- 
 buted in it was possessed in a less degree than that attributed 
 in the principal clause. See Hotz., 26. 
 
 Examples. pa gehadade he surnne mon, se waes ma in 
 ciriclecum peodseipum ond in lifes bylwitnesse gelaered, pon 
 he from waere in worulde pingum, p. 260, 11. 16-18. pa ge- 
 lomp paet paer micle ma moucynnes adronc on paem waetre 
 ponne mid sweorde ofslegen waere, p. 236, 11. 19-20. paet 
 bysceoplice lif ge lare ma beeode on lufan gastlicra maegena 
 ponne he on leorounge gelaered waere, p. 446, 11. 7-9. 
 
 6. The Subjunctive in Substantive Clauses. 
 72. Any clause used as the logical subject of a sentence is 
 regularly expressed in the Subjunctive Mood. The use 
 
41 
 
 of the subjunctive here is due to the idea of dependency 
 and not to one of Indirect Discourse or of Purpose. Instances 
 do occur where the substantive has such a meaning, but this 
 is due to the nature of the leading verb. The idea expressed 
 by the substantive clause is conceived of as a thought, hence 
 the use of the Subjunctive (see 8, Ind. Disc.). 
 
 73. Substantive Clauses with the verb in the Subjunctive 
 occur after Impersonal Verbs and Expressions of Fitness, 
 Right, Need, Custom, Advantage and Disadvantage. 
 
 Examples. Eac swylce gedafonad paet heo engla aefen- 
 weardas in heofonum sy, p. 96, 1. 25. Forpon us gedafena~3, 
 paet we his heofonlicre monunge mid gedefenlice ege ond 
 lufan ondswarige, p. 270, 11. 2-3. Alleluia, paet gedafeua$, 
 paette Gocles lof usses scyppendes in paem daelum gesungen 
 sy, p. 96,1. 33. Forpon gedafenaS paette seo aelice gegadrung 
 lichamau seo for intingan tudres ond seo gemenges paes 
 flaesces seo for intingan beorna to cennenne, p. 82, 1. 17. Waes 
 paet eac gedefeu paette paet swefn gefylled waere, p. 336, 1. 
 28. Nis paet relit paet heo sy bescyred from Godes circan 
 ingange, p. 78, 1. 9. ponne is peaw paes apostolican series 
 paette feower daelas beon scyle, p. 64, 1. 16. Waes paet paes 
 wyrSe paet seo stow swa wlitig ond swa faeger waere, p. 38, 1. 
 28. paet naenige pinge beon meahte paet hy butan paere 
 halgan geclaesnunge fulwihtes baeiSes paem halgan hlafe 
 gemaensumede, p. 112,1. 21. Aeghwae$er ge pe $aes is pearf 
 ge monegum paet hio hiora synna mid godum weorcum alese, 
 p. 354, 1. 11. Daet is sorlic paette swa faeger feorh ond swa 
 leohtes ondwlitan men scyle agan ond besittan peostra aldor, 
 p. 96, 1. 19. Daes waes to tacne, ponne he Gode onsaegdnesse 
 baer oud messan sung, iSaet he his stefne on heanesse ne ahofe, 
 p. 370, 11. 9-11. 
 
 Remark. After paet is, introducing a sentence in apposition 
 with or explaining a preceding statement, paet with a sub- 
 stantive clause in the subjunctive is used. Ex. Daet is, paet 
 he hine scyldigne ongete swa swa o$ aefeutid, p. 86, 11. 2-3. 
 Ac he is mid waetre to apweanue, paet is paet he pa synne 
 paes gepohtes mid tearuru apwea, p. 86, 1. 2. 
 
42 
 
 II. THE SUBJUNCTIVE AS THE MOOD OF DESIRE. 
 
 74. The Subjunctive as the Mood of Desire represents the 
 primitive Optative or Wishing Mood. The idea of wishing 
 may occur either in the principal or in the dependent clause ; 
 as the principal clause to express a wish or as the representa- 
 tive of the Imperative, in dependent clauses in various uses 
 involving the idea of willing or wishing. 
 
 1. The Optative Subjunctive. 
 
 75. The Subjunctive as the Mood of Desire occurs in 
 principal clauses to express a wish or a command. 
 
 76. A wish referring to future time is expressed by the 
 present Subjunctive. No examples occur of the wish impos- 
 sible of fulfillment (unreal wish in present or past time). 
 
 Examples. Ne forealdige peas hond aefre ! p. 166, 1. 11. 
 " Seo wuldor," cwae$ heo, "Drihtnes noman," p. 322, 11. 3-4. 
 Truma pec hraeiSe ond wel, p. 396, 1. 31. 
 
 77. The 3rd Person, singular and plural, of the Present 
 Subjunctive is used regularly as the representatve of the 3rd 
 Person of the Imperative. The Mod. Eng. translation is 
 " let " with the infinitive. 
 
 Examples. Se pe hine ahabban ne maeg, haebbe his wiif, 
 p. 82, 1. 31. Nimen heom wiif ond heora andleofan utan on- 
 fangen, p. 64, 1. 27. Ond purh swa hwelces bene swa he 
 gehaeled sy, pisses geleafa ond wyrcnis seo lifed God onfenge 
 ond allum to fylgenne, p. 100, 1. 2. Laede mon hider to us 
 sumne untrumne mon, p. 98, 1. 31. Ac feor paet la sy, paette 
 Godes cirice mid aeteacnesse onfo, p. 68, 1. 19. No Ex. of 1st 
 per. plur. 
 
 Remark. One example occurs of the 2nd Person present 
 Subjunctive singular of ne willan with the infinitive, a literal 
 translation of the Latin negative imperative construction. 
 
 JKxample. Ne welle pu i$e ondredan, p. 424, 1. 2. (Lat. 
 orig. has Noli timere.) 
 
43 
 
 2. Sentences of Purpose. 
 
 a. Pare final Sentences. 
 
 78. Sentences of Purpose (Final Sentences) are introduced 
 by paet (negative tyaet py laes, ~$y laes, Ipaet ne) and regularly 
 take the Subjunctive Mood. The tenses employed are the 
 present and the preterite, the present after a present tense, 
 the preterite after a preterite tense in the principal clause. 
 The Indicative occasionally appears (see 83). The Mod. 
 Eng. translation is that, in order that, to, in order to ; negative 
 that, etc. not, not to, in order not to. 
 
 79. Positive Purpose is expressed by Ipaet with the Sub- 
 junctive Mood. 
 
 Examples. Present Tense. Onfoh pu eorpe lichaman of 
 pinum lichaman genumen paet pu hine eft agyfen maegge. 
 p. 94, 1. 15. poune is he onbaerneune ond to gebetenne mid 
 pinre broftorlicnesse lufan ond paette he, paiSe wifterworde 
 seondon paere haese ond bebodum usses scippendes fram 
 biscopa peawum bewerge, p. 74, 1. 5. In gewitscipe oiSpe 
 feower biscopa, paet heo fore his gehaelde paem aelmihtigan 
 Gode aetgaedre heora bene ond gebedo sendeu ond geoten, 
 p. 72, 1. 19. Forpon hit is god godne to herianne, paet se 
 geeo se pe bit hyre, p. 2, 1. 11. See also p. 102, 11. 10-16 ; 
 p. 268, 1. 29 seq ; p. 270, 11. 3-8. 
 
 Preterite Tense. Forlet he his wif and land and magas, 
 ond epel for Cristes lufan ond for his godspelle, paet he on pys- 
 sum life hundteontigfealdlice mede onfenge ond on paere 
 toweardon weorolde ecce lif, p. 450, 11. 4-7. Sona sende 
 aerendwracau paet heo scolden secgan ond cypan paem eadigon 
 biscope Scs Gregorius paette Ongelpeod haefde onfangen 
 Cristes geleafan, p. 64, 11. 12. Geseoh eac swylce his sylfes 
 ongesaelige stowe ond carcern betwih swylce, paet he py earm- 
 licor georwenedre haelo her nu forwurde, p. 444, 11. 20-22. 
 paet purh i$a uplican stihtunge Godes aelmihtiges geworden 
 waes, paet we gemunden, p. 440, 11. 22-23. Gecuron hio of 
 hiora riime gemetfaestne monn in his peaum ond monpuerne 
 heortan SwiiSberht, paet se him gehalgad were to biscope, 
 
44 
 
 p. 420, 11. 810. Swylc him eac in fta tid fulwihtes se gemyn- 
 dega papa Petrus to namau scop, paet he paem eadigestan 
 para apostola eac svvylce his noman gemauan geiSeoded waere, 
 p. 406, 11. 14. Ond him ondweardum het secgan paet swefn 
 ond paet leoft singan, paet ealra dome gecoren waere hwaet 
 o&5e hwonon paet curuen waere, p. 344, 11. 2123. pa licede 
 paem arfaestan foreseonde usse haele hire pa halgan sawle eac 
 swylce mid langre uutrymnesse lichoman ademde ond asodene 
 beon, paet hire maegen in untrumuesse lichaman gefremed 
 ond getrymed waere, p. 338, 11. 913. paere sweostor maegen 
 paet aefter paes apostolis cwide in untrymnesse gefremed 
 waere, waes heo semninga gehrinen ond mid hefegre untrym- 
 nesse lichaman, p. 288, 11. 4-6. Ond heo hine pa to Rome 
 sendon paet he paer onfenge aercebiscopes hade oud reht- 
 gelefde biscopas purh ealle Breotone Ongolcynnes cirican 
 seopftan hadian meahte, p. 248, 11. 11-14. pa ilcau studu in 
 gemynd paes wandres in pa ciricon setton, paette pa ingau- 
 gendan paer heora cneo begean scolden, p. 204, 1. 29. pa 
 gesawon heo monige men aet him beou, pa $e georne ongun- 
 non paet heo his wedenheortnesse gestilden, p. 184, 1. 34. Ic 
 prawade ond araefnede aet ic mid Criste gesigfaested waere, 
 p. 114, 1. 26. Ond he Scs Gregorius mid his gebedum waes 
 gefultumende paet heora laer waere waestmbeorende, p. 98, 
 1. 12. Waes he gerymlice word sprecende paet he lifes bysen 
 waere haligra manna, p. 94, 1. 23. paet mid Drihtnes mihte 
 gestihtad waes, paet yfel wraec come ofer iSa wrScorenan, 
 p. 50, 1, 15. See also p. 58, 11. 21-22. 
 
 80. Negative Purpose is expressed by pae t py lacs, py Laes, 
 that not, lest, and paet ne, that not. (Lat. ne.} The first of 
 these is exactly equivalent to the Latin quominus, but is not so 
 restricted in its use, being the regular conjunction introducing 
 the negative final sentence, paet ne occurs rarely, though 
 there seems to be a tendency to employ it where Mod. Eng. 
 would use that not, while py laes represents Mod. Eng. lest. 
 
 81. Examples. After py laes. Da wiif in him seolfum 
 sculoii lichaman claennesse healdon, py laes heo mid pa seolfum 
 micelnisse paes ungeaehterids lican gerynes hefigade syn,p.84, 
 
45 
 
 1. 12. py laes hit seo mid deaiSe fornumeu, aefter hu feala daga 
 alefaS him paem geryne onfoon fulwihtes baeftes, p. 74, 1. 14. Ne 
 seondon heo to biscergenne gemaensumnesse Cristes lichoman 
 ond blodes, py laes ou him gesegen sy pa ping onwrecen beon, 
 p. 70, 11. 30-32. Ond hwaeiSre ic pec ne wille ofslean py laes 
 ic min geliat ond mine treawe forlease, p. 328, 11. 26-27. Ond 
 he pa baed Cynebill his maessepreost paet he pa aerfastan 
 ongymnisse his oufylde ond geendade, py laes paet aefest 
 weorc forlaeteu waere, p. 232, 11. 8-11. He araedde paet haefde 
 meahte ofterne biscop to halgianne py laes ned waere paet heo 
 swencte waeron ofer swa longue waeg saes ond landes, p. 146, 
 1. 23. God po mood para ungeleofsurnra ablaende py laes him 
 seine seo onlihtnes Cristes godspelles, p. 122, 1. 7. Ondswarede 
 he paet paet alyl'ed waere, py laes se geleofa ond pa geryno 
 paes heofonlican cyuinges gemanan aidlad waere, p. 120, 1. 16. 
 Waes paet paes wyrSe, paet wift paet middangeardlicum wiu- 
 dnm oud legum swrSan meahte, py laes heo him ond his 
 freondnm sceiSeden, p. 118, 1. 20. Aefter Agustini filigde in 
 biscophade Laurentius, py laes him for$ ferendum se steall 
 swaneowre ciricon aenige hwile buton heorde taltrigon ongunne, 
 p. 106, 1. 19. 
 
 A fter paet py laes. Ono paet py laes tweoge paet 'pis soiS 
 sy, ic cy$e hwonan me pas spell coman, p. 2, 1. 14. 
 
 After paet ne. S~^c Paulinus se mid heo feran sceolde, 
 paet he in pam gemanan para haeiSeura besmiten ne waere, p. 
 120, 1. 29. 
 
 82. Remark. Two examples occur of the Final Sentence 
 introduced by to pon paette, to the end that a more definite 
 form of the usual paet. Ex. Alle Brette biscopas we he- 
 beodaS pinre broftorlicuesse to iSon paette ungelaerde seou 
 gelaerde, oud untrume mid pinre trymenuse syn gestrangade 
 ond uurehte mid pinre aldorlicnesse seon gerehte, p. 74, 11. 
 7-10. purh nigon ger full swipe swenced waes, to pon paette 
 swa hwaet swa unclaenes betweoh pa maegen purh uuwisuesse 
 oiSiSe purh ungemaenne gelumpe, paette eal pact se ofn paere 
 singolan costunge asude, p. 288, 11. 5-9. 
 
 Remark. A peculiar use of the Final Sentence appears 
 
46 
 
 after wv& pon pe, on condition that, and like expressions. Such 
 a clause appears to be partly final, partly conditional, but the 
 idea of purpose is predominant, as shown by the fact that paet 
 alone is sometimes used with this sense. Ex. pa sende he 
 soiia aereudwracan to him ond rnicel feoh wi$ pon pe he hine 
 ofsloge oftpe him to cwale agefe, p. 126, 11. 2122. Sume for 
 hungre ecne peowdom geheton, wr3 pon pe him mon andlefne 
 forgefe, p. 54, 1. 4. 
 
 After paet alone. Him wif sealdon, paet, paer seo wise on 
 tweon cyme, paet hi ftonne ma of pam wifcynne him cyniug 
 curan ponne of pam waepned cynne, p. 28, 1. 21. 
 
 83. Itemark As mentioned above, occasional instances 
 of the Indicative in a Final Sentence occur. In two of the three 
 examples from our author, the Indicative is evidently due to 
 the use of the auxiliary verbs willan and magan, which involve 
 in themselves an optative meaning, willan being used origi- 
 nally only as an optative (see Cook's Siever's O. E. Grammar, 
 428). In the third the Indicative seems due to the confusion 
 of endings. Ex. Ond seo abbudisse in paet getelde eode ond 
 fea monna mid heo, paet heo pa ban woldon up adon, p. 322, 
 1. 1. Sculon we ane cySnesse his maegenes secgan, paet we 
 his ofter inaegeu py eaft ongytan magon, p. 118, 1. 2. Heo- 
 fonrices fultotnes him waeron biddende, paet heo oft forwyrd 
 aeghwaer fordilgede ne waeron, p. 54, 1. 12. 
 
 84. Relative Clauses expressing Purpose. Not infre- 
 quently, purpose, instead of being expressed by paet, is de- 
 noted by a relative pronoun, followed by the Subjunctive. 
 The tenses used are the same as in the common form of the 
 final sentence. The Mod. Eng. translation is usually the In- 
 finitive of Purpose. 
 
 Examples. Oper sacerd in paere stowe ne biS, se pe for 
 hine paet geryne maesse songes gegearwie, p. 86, 1. 16. Ne 
 maegge gemeted beon se pe alesed sy, p. 76, 1. 26. Ac 
 pe sculon of Gallia rice biscopas coman, pa pe aet bis- 
 copes halgunge in witscipe stonde, p. 72, 1. 16. Baed he 
 paet heo him biscop onsende, paes lare ond pegnuuge 
 Ongolpeod, pe rehte, paes Drihtenlecan geleafan gife leornade 
 
47 
 
 ond paein geryue onfenge fulwihtes bae$es, p. 158, 11. 9-11. 
 pa baed he Osweo ftone cyning, paet he him hwylcehwego 
 lareovvas sende, pa pe his peode to Cristes geleafau oncerde, 
 ond mid pa halwendan wyllan fulwihtes haeftes apvvoge, p. 226, 
 11. 6-8. . Forpon he gewunade gerisenlice leoft wyrcan, pa iSe 
 to aefaestnisse ond to arfaestnisse belumpen, p. 342, 11. 4-6. 
 
 b. Verbs of Fearing. 
 
 85. Verbs and expressions of fear in Anglo-Saxon are 
 followed by Ipaet with the Subjunctive, the use of the tenses 
 being the same as in the Pure Final Sentence. Sometimes ])y 
 laes, laes, occurs instead of Ipaet. The negative is pact -ne. 
 The Mod. Eng. translation is that or lest. 
 
 Examples. HweiSre he pa wisan swigende sceawede ond 
 ondred $aet hit soft waere, p. 410, 11. 27-28. pa ongon he 
 forhtian ond ondraedan pact he sona to hellelocum gelaeded 
 beon sceolde, p. 190, 1. 15. pa ougon paes cynelican modes 
 monn hine ondraedan py laes he owiht unwyrSes oiSpe un- 
 gerysnes dyde, p. 294, 11. 25-27. 
 
 c. The Complementary Final Sentence. 
 
 86. The Complementary Final Sentence in Anglo-Saxon is 
 introduced by Ipaet (negative ])uet ne) and takes the Subjunc- 
 tive Mood, present or preterite tense, according to the rule 
 already stated for the Pure Final Sentence. The principal 
 clause contains a verb or expression of Wishing, Commanding, 
 etc.* In some instances the Indicative occurs (see 94). The 
 Mod. Eng. translation is usually the infinitive with to, some- 
 times a dependent clause introduced by that. Most of the 
 verbs and expressions followed by the Complementary Final 
 Sentence in Anglo-Saxon may also be used with the infinitive, 
 though in our author the final sentence is the usual construc- 
 tion. 
 
 87. The following are found followed by the Complemen- 
 tary Final Sentence : 
 
 88. Verbs of Willing and Wishing. Examples. Willan, 
 
48 
 
 Da ongon heo gelomelice secan ond ascian in hwelcre stowe 
 paes mynstres heo woldon paet heora liictuu geseted waere, 
 p. 284, 11. 1-3. Wolde paet be in pou angete, paet paet mon 
 ne waes, p. 130, 1. 18. Wilt pu, min cild, paet ic pe laere, 
 p. 186, 1. 25. Wilnian. Da com he pider to him ond wilnade 
 $aet he mid his balwendum trymnessum to iSaem npplican 
 lustum ma ond ma onbaerned waere, p. 370, 11. 2729. Will- 
 nade he se cyning paet se wer swa micelre gelaerednesse ond 
 aefestnesse him syndrilice untodaelede geferscipe maessepreost 
 ond lareow waere, p. 456,11. 28-30. Ond heo ma mid geleafan 
 paes ecan lifes oud aereste wuldres wilnadon paet heo in 
 paein swulte, p. 250, 11. 29-30. Ongon heo on hire mynstre 
 cirican timbran in paere heo wilnade paet hire licboinan 
 bebyrged waere, p. 176, 1. 5. Se ilca cyuing Oswald lufade 
 ond wiluade paette ealle seo peod mid paere gife paes cristnan 
 geleafan gelaered waere, p. 158, 1. 5. Lician, impersonal. 
 ForiSou paet eallnm gemaenelice licade paet heo ouweg adyde 
 pa gemyud para treawleasra cyuiuga, p. 154, 1. 11. 
 
 89. Verbs of Asking, Beseeching, Entreating, Urging, Ex- 
 horting, and Inviting. Examples. Da baed se gesiS hiene, 
 iSaet he eode in his hus ond *$aer mete pege, p. 394. 11. 20-21. 
 Ond mid avfaestue uugehygde purh his fultum waes Dryhteu 
 biddende paet he him arfaest oud milde waere, p. 380, 11. 9-10. 
 Ond heo wrixeudlice hine baedon, paet he him eallum blrSe 
 waere, p. 348, 11. 8-9. Baed he swrSe longe pone cyning paet 
 heo moste weoruldsorge oud gemaenne forlaetau ond heo forlete 
 in myustre paern soiSan cyniuge Criste peawiau, p. 318,11.2-4. 
 Ond hine baed paet he him alefde ond forgefe, paet he moste 
 heo gelaerau iu pa gerynu paes cristnan geleafan, p. 308, 11. 
 20-21. Bued hiue paet he forgefe, ponne he forS feranscolde, 
 paet paer ma monna iuue ue waere ponue se biscop ond twegen 
 his pegua, p. 294, 11. 29-31. pa baed heo paet hy mou pider 
 gebaere, p. 288, 1. 32. Baed paet hy paet blaecern oud paet 
 leoht adwaescten, p. 286, 11. 12-13. Ond Wilferd biscop baed, 
 paet he him sirSfaetes latteow waere, p. 274, 1. 33. ForSon 
 ge biddaiS ure broker paet heo mine forSfore mid heora gebe- 
 dum ond benum to Drihtne bebeoden, p. 266, 11. 13-14. Ic 
 
49 
 
 pa la halsie ond bidde fore Godes lufan paet pu me gesecge 
 hwaet se song waere blissiendra, p. 266, 11. 23-24. Baed he 
 Theodor biscop paet he him ond his leodum biscop funde ond 
 sealde, p. 260, 11. 23-24. Baed Osweo pone cyning paet he 
 paer forgefe stowe mynster on to timbrenne, p. 238, 1. 23. pa 
 baed he hine paet he sumne dael londes aet him onfenge, p. 
 230, 1. 6. pa baedon heo Sigeberht paet he mid him cwome 
 to paem gefeohte, p. 208, 1. 20. Baed hine paet he for hine 
 gebaede, p. 198, 1. 30. Baed paet he him blrSe waere, p. 196, 
 1. 29. Mid eaiSmodre pingunge ond bene hine baed paet he 
 hwurfe to paem biscop seiSle his peode, p. 170, 1. 23. Baed 
 he hine paet he gewunade in his peode ond heora biscop waere, 
 p. 168, 1. 33. Baed he paet heo him biscop onsende, p. 158, 
 
 I. 9. His cneo begde ond God waes biddende paet he in swa 
 micelre nedpearfnisse his bigengum mid heofonlice fultome 
 gehulpe, p. 154, 1. 23. Ond hine baed paet he his lif gescylde 
 wr<$ swa micles ehteres saetingum ond him feorhyrde waere, p. 
 126, 11. 16-17. Baedon paet eft seonoS waere, p. 100, 1. 16. 
 Baed God Faeder aelmihtigne paet he pam blindan men 
 gesyhiSe forgefe, p. 100, 1. 7. pone leornere ic nu bidde paet 
 he me paet otwite, p. 6, 1. 3. He aelmihtigne God baed paet 
 he him forgeafe paet he moste ftone waestm heora gewinnes 
 geseon, p. 56, 11. 20-21. 
 
 Haitian. Ic ~Se halsige purh Sone lifigendan Drihten, ftaet 
 pu mec ne forlaete, ac paet pu sie gemyndig getreawan geiSaftan 
 ond bidde pa uplican arfaestnesse, p. 372, 11. 7-9. Baed heo 
 ond halsode paet heo gepwaerede mid pa Cristes cirican, p. 
 108, 1. 4. pa abaed ic geornlice ond halsede paette me waere 
 eac lifnes said to aernenne ond to flitenne mid him, p. 400, 11. 
 7-9. He baed hine ond halsade paet he purh his bebod cris- 
 tene gefremed waere, p. 32, 1. 7. He geornlice baed ond halsade 
 paet he to $aem untruman ineode ond him fore baede, p. 396, 
 
 II. 22-23. 
 
 Ipingian. He scolde ea$modlice for heo pingian paet heo 
 ne porfte in swa frecne srSfaet feran, p. 56, 1. 9. 
 
 Neddan. Eft se papa nedde pone abbud Adrianus, paet he 
 biscophade onfenge, p. 254, 11. 12-13. Heo nedde hire untrym- 
 
50 
 
 nesse paet heo Cristes hraegl gehrine, p. 78, 1. 18. Trymian. 
 He pa strangede ond trymede paet hi faestlice on hiora geleafan 
 awunaden, p. 160, 1. 23. 
 
 90. Verbs of Ordering, Commanding, Directing, Warning, 
 Teaching and Advising. Examples. Beodan and bebeodan. 
 paer on bead paet hi aeniga gedyden paet WillfriS waere 
 onfangen on his byscopscire, p. 460, 1. 31 seq. He pa 
 aerest bebead paet heo heora hraegl hwoosce ond claensade 
 ond heo from wiifum ahaefde, p. 84, 1. 5. Ond eac bebead 
 paet mon pam disc tobraece, p. 166, 1. 8. He eallum bebead 
 paet heo in his hus ne eodon ne of his swaesendum mete pege, 
 p. 228, 11. 12-13. Forpon se apostolica papa bebead Theo- 
 dore biscope paet he him on biscopscire gerisne stowe fore- 
 sege, p. 256, 11. 32-34. pa bebead he paet hine mon gebunde, 
 p. 326, 11. 20-21. Da hebead se biscop paet .him mon lengran 
 cwidas biforan cwaede, p. 388, 1. 34 seq. Oud bebead paet 
 hio mid py waetre pwoge, p. 396, 11. 3-5. See also p. 486, 
 11. 6-15. Hatan. Heton paet he mid his geferum of heora rice 
 gewite, p. 112, 1. 25. Ond he hine baed ond het paet he inlice 
 pam biscope freond waere, p. 464, 11. 89. Ond hine het, paet 
 he to him come, p, 454, 11. 17-18. pa se papa heht paet he 
 biscophade onfenge, p. 254, 11. 4-5. Monian. pa waes he 
 godcundlice manod, paet he eft his ealond ond his wic gecure, 
 p. 370, 11. 13-15. Monede se cyning hiene gelomlice paet he 
 ondette ond hate ond forlite his synna ond mandaeda, p. 436, 
 11. 27-28. Bis spel we forSon settan in ure bee, paet we men 
 monede paet hio gesege Dryhtnes weorc, p. 356, 11. 9-10. In 
 paere he waes monad paet he geornlice aetfele paere ongunnan 
 pegnunge paes godcundan wordes on his paem gewunelican 
 waeccenum ond gebedum geornlice peawe, p. 210, 11. 15-17. Ac 
 seondon heo to monienne paet heo ahebban heo fram swyl- 
 cum unrihtum ond ongyten paette paet is hefig synn ond him 
 ondraedan pam forhtiendan Godes dom, p. 70, 11. 26-28. See 
 also p. 266, 11. 3-9. Laeran. Forpon ic ponne nu laere, cyniug, 
 paet paet tempi ond pa wigbedo pa hrafte forleosen, ond fyr, 
 forbaerne, p. 136, 1. 20. Hine sponon ond laerdou paet he pa 
 fore purhtoge, p. 452, 11, 14^-15, Jlis faeder hine het ond 
 
51 
 
 laerde, paet he pam halwendan ongymnessum georne gefeole, 
 p. 450, 1. 28. Sume laerdon paet hine mon aweg acurfe, p. 
 382, 1. 7. Ond heo pa monade ond laerde paet he woruldhad 
 anforlete ond munuchad onfenge, p. 344, 11. 31-32. Ond he 
 $a ongan heo monian ond laeran paet heo rihte sibbe ond 
 lufan him hetweonum haefden, ond gemaene gewin fore 
 Drihtne ondfenge, p. 98, 11. 17-18. See also p. 56, 11. 10-21. 
 
 91. Verbs of Forbidding, Preventing, Refusing, Delaying, 
 Consenting, Permitting and Allowing : 
 
 Examples. Bewerian. Ne we eaw beweriaiS paet ge ealle 
 ftapege maegen, purh eowre lare to eowres geleafan aefestnisse 
 gefteode and gecyrre, p. 60, 11. 9-10. Ne sceal heo bewered 
 beon paet heo mote in circan gangan, p. 78, 1. 7. Beweredon 
 his freond him, paet he paet feoht ne ongunne, p. 358, 
 11. 7-8. Gehealdan. pa 3a mid him cwomon purh Drit- 
 ues gife gehealde paet heo ne asprunge from heora geleafan, 
 p. 122, 1. 3. WiSsacan. He wrSsoc paet he pone Godes 
 andettere sloge, p. 40, 1. 13. Ne he ne wiSsoc paet he 
 seolfa eac pa ilcan aefaestnisse underfenge, p. 120, 1. 23. Se 
 wiftsoc, paet he geleafan onfenge ond paem geryne paes heo- 
 fonlican cyninges, p. 168, 1. 16. leldan. Ne yld pu paet pu 
 pam myclan godum mid us onsecge, p. 36, 1. 24. ipafian. Ne 
 magon we nu gen paet pafian paet we forlaeten pa wisan, p. 
 60, 1. 3. pa ne wolde se papa paet pafian paette swa aeftle 
 wer swa feor from him gewite, p. 98, 1. 7. Ond hwaeiSre aet 
 nehstan paet he waes mid heora benum oferswrSed paet he 
 geftafode, paet mon his lie laedde to Lindesforena ea ond paer in 
 cirican geseted waere, p, 374, 11. 3-6. Forlaetan. Sum eorSlic 
 ac in paere Romauiscan cynnewissan forlaeteft, paette ofrSe 
 broker o&Se sweostor gemengde waeren in gesinscipe, p. 70, 
 1. 5. Ne waes he forlaeten paet he oper him deadum gefuge, 
 p. 40, 1. 9. Alyfan. Ond steopmodrum ond broiSwifun ac 
 paet alyfed is paet heo moten in gesinscipe gegadrade beou ? 
 p. 70, 1. 1. 
 
 92. Verbs of Deciding, Determining, Providing, Remem- 
 bering to and Striving. 
 
 Examples. Deman. Ond he wolde ond gedemed haefde 
 
52 
 
 paette Ceolwulf aefter him cyning waere, p. 476, 11. 24-25. pa 
 waes he nyttra pinga pencende ond demende paet he paet 
 gefeoht forlete ond hine geheolde to betran tide, p. 194, 1. 15. 
 Gesettan. pa gesetton heo faestlice fore unmaetnisse paes 
 gewinnes, paet heo eallinga forlete pa getimbro pisse cirican, 
 p. 176, 1. 12. Foreseen. ForeseoS ge paette he aerest mid his 
 geferum to paera seonoiSstowe cume ond gesitte, p. 100, 11. 
 32-33. Geseoh Saet 5u teala wite, p. 438, 1. 18. Ond geseoh 
 paet pu honon ne gonge, aer seo a$l from pe gewiten sy, p. 
 168, 1. 28. Gearwian. Forpon paem menn purh pa prea pis 
 br3 gegearwad paet he ne sy seald pam ecan fyrum, p. 68, 1. 
 8. Gemunan. Gemyne 3u, broftor Herebryht, paette pu nu 
 mec frigne ond to me spraece swa hwaet swa $u wille ond 
 $earfe haebbe, p. 372, 11. 1-2. Geman. In eallum paem he 
 geornlice gemde, paet he men atuge from synna lufan ond 
 mandaedra, ond to lufan ond to geornfulnesse awehte godra 
 daeda, p. 346, 11. 15-17. See also p. 66, 11. 3-7. 
 
 93. Complementary Final Sentences after other Expres- 
 sions. Any word or expression denoting an idea similar to 
 that denoted by one of the verbs above mentioned, may be fol- 
 lowed by the same construction. 
 
 Examples. Wishing. On iSam waes byrniende wilsumnes 
 modes, paet he recenust to prawunge become, p. 38, 1. 15. Ac 
 gif ic dea$ prawian sceal, leofre me is paet he mec to deafte 
 sylle ponne unaeiSelra mann, p. 128, 1. 7. Forpon pe Godes 
 willa is paet he fere to Columban mynstre to laeranne, p. 410, 
 11. 18-19. Ond he micle geornfullnesse dyde paet he aeghwo- 
 non maest reliquia begeate para eadigra apostola, p. 466, 11. 
 8-10. Advising. Ond hi him iSa eac to raede ond to frofre 
 fundon paet hi gemaenelice faesten geworhten, p. 46, 1. 3. 
 Permitting. Ond eac swylce leafnesse sealde paet heo mosten 
 Cristes geleafan bodian ond laeran, p. 60, 1. 14. Necessity. 
 Ond micel nedpearfnis is paette paet mood seolf his dema sy, 
 p. 86, 1. 34. 
 
 Remark. Sometimes the verb of willing or wishing may not 
 be expressed, but is implied in the context. Ex. Ond him 
 sealdon Uitalianus gewrit paes papan paet heo mon mid are 
 
53 
 
 onfenge, p. 256, 1. 8. He ne wolde py aerran geare geliyran 
 pam arwyrSan faeder Ecgberht, paet he Sceottas hine noht 
 sceftpende ne afuhte, p. 358, 11. 8-10. 
 
 94. The Indicative in Complementary Final Sentences. 
 Several examples occur of the use of the Indicative in a Com- 
 plementary Final Sentence. In the first of these quoted below, 
 the mood is possibly due to the potential sense of the modal 
 auxiliary used. The others appear mere anomalies. It is to 
 be noted, however, that in each of them a relative clause de- 
 pending on the final sentence is in the Subjunctive Mood. 
 
 Examples. Ealle, pa pe to Cristes geleafan becennaiS, 
 seondon to monienne, paet heo nowiht swelces ne durron 
 gefremman, p. 72, 1. 5. Da heht he his geferan, $aet hio 
 sohton sumne earmne ftearfan, se iSe waere micelre untrum- 
 nisse ond waedelnisse hefegod, p. 388, 11. 10-12. Het ftaet hie 
 paet dydon $y daege, pe his gemynddaeg waere ond his forSfor, 
 p. 374, 11. 27-28. 
 
3. Sentences of Result. 
 
 95. Sentences of Result are introduced in Anglo-Saxon by 
 ipaet (Ipaette), that swa ipaet (Ipaette), so that. While in most 
 grammars of Anglo-Saxon it is stated that result is expressed 
 by the Subjunctive, this mood is exceptional in such sentences 
 in the Old English Version of Bede ; the regular construction 
 is the Indicative and only two unmistakable examples of the 
 Subjunctive in a sentence of result are found. In other words, 
 such sentences are regarded not, as in Latin, as statements of 
 the result that the action of the leading verb tended to pro- 
 duce, but of the result actually produced. The result is looked 
 upon as a fact, not as a tendency. 
 
 In the examples found there is no apparent difference of 
 meaning between the Indicative and the Subjunctive, and the 
 two examples of the latter seem to be merely survivals of the 
 more ancient construction. One example occurs with the 
 indifferent ending an. 
 
 96. Example* with Indicative. Present Tense. Swa 
 paet. Nu gif he $e eac in so$e toweard cynerice gehated swa 
 paet nales paet an ealle pine aedran ac ealle cyningas, pa pe 
 in Breotone waeron aer, pu in meahte on in rice oferstigest, 
 p. 130, 1. 1. ])aet. Ond monige eac swylce lifigendra monna 
 bene ond gebede ond aelmesse ond faesten ealra swiftust 
 maessesong gefultumeiS, paet heo aer domesdaeg geuerede 
 beoiS, p. 432, 11. 5-7. Preterite Tense. Swa ipaet. Ond se 
 onhraerdnesse swa mycle menigo heora fornom ond gefylde, 
 paette $a cwican no genihtsumedon paet hi Sa deadan bebyr- 
 igdon, p. 50, 1. 4. Ond swa micel winter us onhreas ond swa 
 raeiSe storm cwom, paet we mid segle ne mid rownesse owiht 
 fremgan meahton, p. 384, 11. 21-22. An his geferana waes 
 mid pa grimmestan untrymnesse hefigad ond ftrycud swa 
 paet he waes loma, p. 396, 11. 17-18. Ond swa micel leoht 
 ond beorhtnes ealle pa stowe geondscon, paet ho ealles daeges 
 beorhtnisse oftpe iSaere middaeglican sunnan waes beorhtre 
 gesewen, p. 430, 11. 6-8. Ipaet. Hi him gefultumadon, paet hi 
 mihton heora fynd oferwinnan, p. 44, 1. 14. pa he gewyrhte 
 
55 
 
 wyrde waeron for heora arleasnesse, paet heo purh Dritnes 
 wrace heora scylda wite prawedon, p. 356, 11. 27-29. He waes 
 begendlic in iSaem gefteodnessum leofta, paet he waes myccle 
 gelicra slaependum men ponne deadum, p. 376, 1. 1. See also 
 p. 334, 11. 11-18, for several examples. 
 
 Remark. So strong is the tendency to use the Indicative 
 in sentences of result that it is retained even in Indirect Dis- 
 course. Ex. Andswearedon Scottas paet heora lond ne 
 waere to pues mycel paet hi mihton twa peodde gehaebban, 
 p. 28, 1. 11. 
 
 97. Examples with the Subjunctive. Sioa \)aet. Ond raid 
 tiysses biscopes lare Oswald gelaered waes, paette uales paet 
 an paet he aet him geleornade paet he pa uplican ricu gehyhte 
 to onfonne, ac swilce eac eorSlico rico rna poune aenig his eldrena 
 fram pam ilcau Gode onfenge, p. 164, 11. 1923. Hi swa ftaes 
 streames brycge abysgade waerou paet hi hwene aer aefene 
 oferfaran ue mihten, p. 38, 1. 12. 
 
 Remark. One example occurs of a Sentence of Kesult with 
 the indifferent ending an. Ex. Ond swa swrSe his lif tosced 
 from ussa tida -aswundenesse, paette ealle pa pe mid hine 
 eodan, on swa hwilcre stowe swa hi coman, paet hi sceoldan 
 o&Se sealmas leornian o&Se opre halige gewrito, p. 160, 1. 25, 
 seq. 
 
 98. Subjunctive in a Relative Clause with a Negative Ante- 
 cedent. The Relative with a negative antecedent occurs once, 
 followed by the Subjunctive Mood, and has been placed under 
 Sentences of Result as parallel to the Latin Consecutive Rela- 
 tive after a negative. The mood, in this particular instance, 
 cannot be attributed to the influence of the Latin, as the rela- 
 tive clause in question translates a Latin perfect passive parti- 
 ciple in the original. The construction is apparently analogous 
 to the Subjunctive after JJonne, and may be due to the idea of 
 unreality. 
 
 Example. Ne waes in pa tid aenig biscop buton pam Wine 
 in alre Breotene para pe rihtlice gehalgad waere, p. 246, 11. 
 19-20. (The original has here : Non enim erat tune ullus, 
 excepto illo Uine,in tota Brittania canonice ordinatus episcopus. 
 Lib. Ill, cap. XXVIII.) 
 
56 
 
 99. Subjunctive in other Relative Clauses. Two other ex- 
 amples of the Subjunctive in a relative clause occur, neither of 
 which can be explained as final, or, in the Anglo-Saxon ver- 
 sion, as due to Indirect Discourse. In the first of these given 
 below, the Subjunctive translates the Latin easel, which was due 
 to a verb of Indirect Discourse preceding. The translator split 
 the long Latin sentence into two shorter ones, and though mak- 
 ing the second independent of the verb statiterunt, still retained 
 the subjunctive in the dependent clause. The Latin affords no 
 clue to the subjunctive in the second, having the Indicative 
 where the Anglo-Saxon shows the Subjunctive. The Subjunc- 
 tive may be due to the idea of purpose involved in the sentence. 
 Examples. 1. Ondpaere abhuddyssau ban upadydau of paere 
 stowe, ond on opre cyricean pe fullice getimbred ond gehalgad 
 waere, gesetton, p. 176, 1. 14. 2. ForSon in bissum mynstre 
 monig tacn gastlicra maegena gifremed waeron, pa be to ge- 
 myude ond to timbernesse paere aefter fylgendra from monegum 
 awriten haefd waeren, p. 282, 11. 20-22. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
LIFE. 
 
 I am the eldest son of Charles James and Lucy Harrison 
 Faulkner, and was born at the Wigwam, the home of my ma- 
 ternal grandfather, William Henry Harrison, Amelia County, 
 Virginia, June 19, 1874. My early education was received in 
 various private and public schools of Boydton, the county 
 seat of Mecklenburg County, Virginia, where my father began 
 the practice of law in 1874. In 1891 I entered Richmond 
 College, Richmond, Virginia, where I pursued courses in Latin, 
 Greek, French and German, graduating in the two last named. 
 In 1892 I entered the University of Virginia and graduated in 
 1895, with the degree of Bachelor of Arts, having completed 
 also, in addition to the courses required for that degree, the 
 M. A. courses in Latin, French and German. During the ses- 
 sion of 1894-'95, 1 was also Assistant Instructor in Modern 
 Languages under Acting-Professor Reinhard, having been 
 recommended by Professor Perkinson, then on leave in Ger- 
 many. After leaving the University in 1895, I was for two 
 years Principal of the Episcopal Male Academy, Houston, 
 Halifax County, Virginia. This position I resigned in 1897 
 to accept the chair of languages in Henry College, Campbell, 
 Texas, but this institution being destroyed by fire a short time 
 after the session opened, I returned to the University of Virginia 
 and completed the Master of Arts degree, by taking the M. A. 
 courses in Greek and the English Language. In 1898 I 
 accepted the position of Latin and Greek Master in the Epis- 
 copal High School of Virginia, Alexandria, Virginia. In 1901 
 I resigned this position to return to the University and com- 
 plete the work required for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, 
 having been granted permission by the faculty to do the second 
 year's work in absence, which work I did in 1900-1901, being 
 regularly matriculated in the University. The courses selected 
 by me are Major, English Language, Primary Minor, German, 
 Secondary Minor, Romance. During the present session 
 (1901-'02) I have completed the third years' work in my major 
 subject, the second in the primary minor, and the first in the 
 secondary minor since completing the courses required in 
 each for the B. A. degree. I have also held the position of 
 Assistant in Teutonic Languages under Prof. Jas. A. Harrison. 
 
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