r 
 
 ' 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 RIVERSIDE
 
 CIVIL WAR IN WALES.
 
 CARMARTHEN t 
 
 MORGAN AND DAVIES, "WELSHMAN" OFFICE. 
 1874.
 
 MEMOIRS 
 
 THE CIVIL WAR IN WALES 
 
 AND THE MARCHES. 
 
 16421649. 
 
 BT 
 
 JOHN BOLAND PHILLIPS 
 
 OF LINCOLN'S IXV, BARRISTER-AT-LAW. 
 
 IX TWO VOLUMES. 
 VOL. I. 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, & Co. 
 1874.
 
 'V, 1
 
 TO MY FRIENDS, 
 
 THE 
 MEMBERS OF THE SOUTH WALES CIRCUIT, 
 
 I DEDICATE THIS WORK.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 SOME years ago, while engaged in an investiga- 
 tion into the history of my native parish, I was 
 anxious to learn whether the Castle, which forms 
 its principal attraction, had been garrisoned during 
 the Civil War. I found that there was no book 
 which could give me the information I wanted, but 
 I discovered that vast materials existed in the bound- 
 less waste of the King's Pamphlets at the British 
 Museum, in the State Papers at the Record Office, 
 and in private collections; and that so far as Wales 
 was concerned it was an untrodden field. After 
 some hesitation I resolved to attempt to contribute 
 something towards a history of the Principality 
 during that period. The leisure hours of -some 
 years have been devoted to the subject,' and the 
 result is now offered to the public, in the belief that 
 it will fill a gap in the History of Wales and the 
 Marches, and that it will not be without some in- 
 terest to my countrymen. Of the labour which this 
 Work has involved I will not speak. Sufficient it is 
 to say, that every pamphlet and every newspaper 
 of the period, many thousands in number, all the 
 memoirs and collections bearing on that period, and
 
 Vlll. PREFACE. 
 
 all the vast collection of documents at the Record 
 Office, still unindexed, have been carefully overhauled. 
 To the officials of the British Museum and the 
 Record Office I am indebted for much consideration 
 and civility; and my best thanks are returned to my 
 friends, Joseph Joseph, Esq., F.S.A., Brecon, and Col. 
 Grant Francis, F.S.A., Swansea, for much valuable 
 aid, and for the kindly interest they have evinced in 
 the Work. To Mrs. Myddelton Biddulph of Chirk 
 Castle, and R. Chambre Vaughan, Esq., of Burlton 
 Hall, Shrewsbury, I also return my thanks ; and to 
 Dr. Nicholas I must make my acknowledgments for 
 the information I have obtained from his valuable 
 Work, "Annals of Counties and County Families of 
 Wales." 
 
 The Temple, June 18, 1874.
 
 LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 
 
 The Right Hon. Lord Aberdare 
 
 The Eight Rev. The Bishop of St. Asaph 
 
 Allen, H. G., Esq., The Temple 
 
 Allen, H. Seymour, Esq., High-Sheriff of 
 
 Pembrokeshire, 1873 
 Allen, The Rev. James, Canon of St. 
 
 David's 
 Allen, Thomas, Esq., Essex Court, Temple 
 
 The Right Hon. The Marquis of Bute 
 The Right Hon. The Earl of Bradford 
 The Right Rev. The Bishop of Bangor 
 The Right Hon. The Lord Boston 
 Bankes, J. Scott, Esq., Soughton Hall, 
 
 Flintshire 
 Bath, Charles, Esq., Ffynone, Swansea 
 
 two copies 
 
 Bath, H. J., Esq., Alltyferin, Carmarthen 
 Berrington, A. Davies, Esq., Pantygoitre, 
 
 Mon. 
 Bishop, John, Esq., Plowden Buildings, 
 
 Temple 
 Bosanquet, S. R , Esq., Dingestow Court, 
 
 Mon. 
 Bowen, James, B., Esq., Llwyngwair, 
 
 Pemb. 
 
 Bowen, J. W., Esq., Q.C., Paper Build- 
 ings, Temple 
 Breese, Edward, Esq., Morfa Lodge, Port- 
 
 madoc 
 
 Brereton, A. J., Esq.. Mold 
 Bridgman, The Hon. and Rev. G., The 
 
 Hall, Wigan 
 Bridgman, The Hon. and Rev. J., "Weston- 
 
 super-Liziard, Salop 
 
 Browne, The Rev. J. B. LI., Bodvaen, Rhyl 
 Buckley. Sir Edmund. Bart., M.P., Plas-y- 
 
 Mowddwy two copies 
 Bulkeley, Sir R. Williams, Bart., Baron 
 
 Hill two copies 
 
 The Right Rev. The Bishop of Chester 
 Came, J. W, Nichol, D.C.L., St. Donats 
 Castle 
 
 Cobb, J. R., Esq., Brecon 
 Coleridge, C. E.. The Temple 
 Corbett, Major, Vaynor Park, Berriew 
 Couch, T. E., Esq., Modbury 
 
 The Right Hon. The Earl of Denbigh 
 
 The Right Hon. The Earl of Dartmouth 
 
 The Right Hon. Lord Dynevor two copies 
 
 David, C. W., Esq.. Cardiff 
 
 David, The Rev. W., St. Fagans, Cardiff 
 
 Davies, David, Esq., Maesffynon, Aberdare 
 
 Davies, Mr. D. R., Talybont, Brecon 
 
 Davis, David, Esq. , Blaengwawr, Aberdare 
 
 Davies, Mr. John, Trecastle 
 
 Davies, Joseph, Esq., Bedwas, Caerphilly 
 
 Davies, Morris, Esq., Ffosrhydgaled, Aber- 
 
 ystwith 
 Davies, "William, Esq., Spring Gardens, 
 
 Haverfordwest 
 
 Davies, W. J., Esq., Tyglyn Aeron, Car- 
 diganshire 
 Davys, W. H. Campbell, Esq., Noyadd, 
 
 Llandovery 
 Dillwyn, H. D. B., Esq., Pump Court, 
 
 Temple two copies 
 Dunn, E. J. D., Esq., Elm Court, Temple 
 
 Edisbury, J. F., Esq., Bersham Hall, 
 Wrexham 
 
 Egerton, The Rev. W. H., Whitchurch 
 Rectory, Salop 
 
 Evans, Alcwyn C., Esq., Carmarthen 
 
 Evans, David. Esq., Watling- street, E.G. 
 
 Evans, E. Bickerton, Esq., Whitmore Hall, 
 Worcester 
 
 Evans, Edward, Esq., Bronwylfa. Ruabon 
 
 Evans, H. A. M., Esq., Brick Court. 
 Temple two copies 
 
 Evans, H. Jones, Esq., Cardiff 
 
 Evans, Herbert D., Esq., Highmead, Car- 
 diganshire 
 
 Evans, Isaac H., Esq., Woodview Cottage, 
 Dolgelly
 
 X. 
 
 SUBSCRIBERS. 
 
 Evans, J. Bagnal, Esq., Nantyreglwys, 
 Whitland 
 
 Evans, Maurice, Esq., M.D., Glastonbury 
 
 Evans, Richard, Esq., Brynteg, Llandudno 
 
 Evans, Stephen, Esq., Old Change, E.G. 
 three copies 
 
 Evans, W. D., Esq., solicitor, Carmar- 
 then 
 
 Eyton, P. Ellis, Esq., M.P., Englefield 
 House, Rhyl 
 
 Eyton, Thomas, Esq., Eyton, Wellington 
 
 Falconer, His Honor Judge, Usk 
 Ffoulkes, W. Wynne, Esq., Stanley-place, 
 
 Chester 
 Ford, Thomas, Esq., Woodlands Villa, 
 
 Swansea 
 Fothergill, Rowland, Esq., Hensol Castle, 
 
 Cowbridge 
 Francis, Col. G. Grant, F.S.A., &c., 
 
 Swansea 
 
 Franklen, T. Hansel, Esq., Lincoln's Inn 
 Fryer, H. C., Esq., Lodge Park, Aber- 
 
 ystwith 
 
 George, W. G., Esq., Cardigan 
 
 Giffard, Hardinge S., Esq., Q.C., The 
 
 Temple 
 
 Green, Francis, Esq., Carmarthen 
 Griffith, The Rev. John, Rector of Merthyr 
 
 Tydvil 
 Griffith, John Lloyd, Esq., M A., Stanley 
 
 House, Holyhead 
 Griffith, W., Esq., Dolgelly 
 Griffiths, E. E. T., Esq., Pump Court, 
 
 Temple 
 Griffiths, The Rev. Dr. R. D., Llandilo, 
 
 Carmarthenshire 
 Griffiths, T., Esq., Cardigan 
 Gwyn, Howel, Esq., Dyffryn, Neath 
 Gw-yn, W. E. B., Plas Cwrt Hir, Car- 
 marthen 
 Gwynne, Miss Fanny Price, St. Julian's 
 
 House, Tenby 
 
 The Right Hon. Viscount Hill, Hawk- 
 stone, Shrewsbury 
 Hamer, Edward, Esq., Abersychan 
 Hedley, J. C., Esq., St, Francis Xaviers, 
 
 Hereford 
 Herbert, J. A., Esq., Llanarth Court, 
 
 Mon. 
 Holford, Mrs., Papillow Hall, Lubenham, 
 
 Market Harbro' 
 
 Howell, Abraham, Esq., Rhiwport, Berriew 
 Howell, David, Esq.,Dolguog,Machynlleth 
 Hughes, G. B., Esq., Pump Court, Temple 
 Hughes, H. R , Esq., Kinmel, St. Asaph 
 
 Hughes, The Rev. Professor, St David's 
 College, Lampeter 
 
 Humberston, P. S., Esq., Glanywcrn Den- 
 bigh 
 
 Humphreys, A. C., Esq., Garthmyl, Montg. 
 
 Humphreys, Joseph, The Court, Dogpole, 
 Shrewsbury 
 
 Isaac, The Rev. D. Lloyd, Llangathen 
 
 James, Ivor, Esq., Portdown Road, W. 
 
 James, The Rev. T., F.S.A , Netherthong, 
 Huddersfield 
 
 Jeffreys, Howel, Esq., Brick Court, Temple 
 
 Jenkin, J. Trevelyan, Esq., Mirador, 
 Swansea 
 
 Jenkins, R. D., Esq., Cilbronau, Cardigan 
 
 John, Wm., Esq., Solicitor, Haverford west 
 
 Johnes, John, Esq., Dolau Cothi, Llandilo 
 
 Jones, Mrs. Anne, Mansel- terrace, Swansea 
 
 Jones, Evan, Esq ,Tymawr, Aberdare 
 
 Jones, John, Esq., M.P., Blaenos 
 
 Jones, J. M., Esq., Rhydlewis 
 
 Jones, The Rev. J. Powell, vicar of Llan- 
 trisant, Glam. 
 
 Jones, Oliver H., Esq., Mitre Court Build- 
 ings, Temple 
 
 Jones, Richard E., Esq., Cefn Bryntald, 
 Montg. 
 
 Jones, The Rev. Robert, All Saints Vicar- 
 age, Rotherhithe 
 
 Jones, R. 0., Esq., Fonmon Castle, Glam. 
 two copies 
 
 Jones, R. Pughe, Esq., New- square, Lin- 
 coln's Inn 
 
 Jones, Thomas, Esq., Chetham's Library, 
 Manchester 
 
 Jones, Thomas, Esq., 57, High-street, 
 Manchester 
 
 Jones, William. Esq., Llwyngroes, Lam- 
 peter 
 
 Kemeys-Tynte, C., Esq., Cefnmably, Car- 
 diff 
 
 Knight, The Rev. C. R., Tythegston Court, 
 Bridgend 
 
 The Right Hon. the Earl of Lisburne 
 Lascelles, F. H., Esq., Temple 
 Lascelles, Percy, Esq., Inner Temple 
 Leighton, Stanley, Esq., Sweeny Hall, 
 
 Oswestry 
 
 Lewis, D. Jones, Esq., Temple 
 Lewis, E., Esq., Brocastlc, Bridgend 
 Lewis, George, Esq., Victoria- street, 
 
 Laugharne
 
 SUBSCRIBERS. 
 
 XI. 
 
 Lewis, J. G. Foyer, Esq., Henllan, Nar- 
 
 berth 
 Lewis, \Y Thomaa, Esq., Mardy, Aberdare 
 
 Library of the Royal Institution of South 
 
 Watea 
 
 Library of St. David's College, Lampeter 
 Lloyd, Sirs., Kilrhuo, Pembrokeshire 
 Lloyd, Sir Thomas 1) , Bart.. Bromvydd 
 Lloyd, The Chevalier, K S.U., Clochfaen 
 Lloyd, Richard, Esq., Junior, Newtown, 
 
 Montgomeryshire 
 
 Mainwaring, Thomas, Esq., Greenfields- 
 place, Llanelly 
 
 Matthews, B., Esq.. solicitor, Cardiff 
 Morgan, Octavius, Esq., The Friars, New- 
 port 
 Morgan, Wm., Esq., Cefn Iron "Works, 
 
 Pyle 
 Morris, Edward Rowley, Esq , Homestead, 
 
 Newtown 
 Morris, Thomas, Esq., Rhydlewis, New- 
 
 castle-Emlyn 
 
 Mostyn, Sir Pyers, Bart., Talacre, Rhyl 
 Mostyn, LI.. Esq., 36, Grove End, St. 
 
 John' s Wood 
 
 Myddelton-Biddulph, Mrs., Chirke Castle 
 Mytton, D. H., Esq., Garth, Welshpool 
 Mytton, Thomas, Esq., Shipton Hall, Salop 
 
 His Grace the Duke of Norfolk, Earl 
 Marshal 
 
 Nichol, J. C., Esq., Merthyr Mawr 
 
 Nicholas, Dr. Thomas, F.G.S., &c., Craven- 
 street, Strand 
 
 North, Walter, Esq., Middle Temple . 
 
 Norton, W., Esq., Laugharne Castle 
 
 Ollivant, W. S., Esq., King's Bench 
 Walk, Temple 
 
 Owen, Hugh, Esq., 8, Queen Victoria- 
 street, B.C. 
 
 Owen, The Rev. Hugh, Llanerchymedd, 
 Anglesey 
 
 Owen, John, Esq., Glogue, Newcastle- 
 Emlyn 
 
 The Right Hon. The Earl of Powis 
 Parnall, H., Esq., Bishopsgate- street, E.G. 
 Parnall, R., Esq., Bishopsgate- street, E.C. 
 Parry, Mr. Sergeant, Temple 
 Parry, Love Jones. Esq., Madryn Castle 
 Perrott, J., Esq., Hengoed Hall, Caerphilly 
 Phillips, E. Cambridge, Esq., Solicitor, 
 Brecon 
 
 Phillips, The Rev. Canon, Aberystwith 
 Phillips, J. W., Esq., Havcrfordv. 
 Powell, Oil., Xanteos, Aberystwith 
 Price, Capt. J. Bulkcley, Plas Cadnant, 
 
 Anglesey 
 Price, William, Esq , Nantyllan, Llanfoist, 
 
 Mon. 
 
 Richard, Hugh, Esq., Dinam, Anglesey 
 Pryse, Sir Pryse, Bart., Gogerddan, 
 
 Aberystwith 
 
 Pryse, Col., Peithyll, Aberystwith 
 Pryse, J. P. Vaughan, Esq., Bwlchbychan 
 Pugh, E., Esq., 16, Falkner- street, Liver- 
 pool 
 
 Pughe, John, Esq., Brynamel, Aberdovey 
 Puleston, J. H , Esq., M.P., Lombard- 
 street 
 
 Rees, Griffith, Esq., Birkenhead 
 
 Rees, William, Esq., Tonn, Llandoverj r , 
 
 deceased 
 
 Rees, The Rev. Thomas, D.D., Swansea 
 Richardes, Capt. Hugh S , Bryneithin, 
 
 Aberystwith 
 Richards, Brinley, Esq., St. Mary Abbott's 
 
 Terrace, S.W. 
 
 Richards, E. M., Esq., Brooklands, Swansea 
 Riehardson, J. Crow, Esq., Swansea 
 Roberts, Askew, Esq., Croeswylan, Os- 
 
 westry 
 Roberts, Crompton, Esq., 16, Belgrave- 
 
 square, S.W. two copies 
 Roberts, J. F., Esq., Manchester 
 Roberts, H. Lloyd, Esq., Middle Temple 
 Roberts, The Rev. WilHam C. M., Abergele 
 Roberts, Dr. Watkin, Uxbridge-place, 
 
 Carnarvon 
 
 Robinson, G. E., Esq.. Cardiff 
 Roch, N. A., Esq., Paskeston, Pembroke 
 Rowlands, W. Bowen, Esq., Barrister-at- 
 
 Law, Haverfordwest 
 Rowlands, William, Esq., Manchester 
 
 Salisbury, The Rev. E.E. B.,Thundersley 
 
 Rectory, Essex 
 Salisbury, E. R. G., Esq., Glanaber, 
 
 Chester 
 Sandbach, H. R., Esq., Hafodunos, Llan- 
 
 rwst 
 
 Severn, Percy, Esq., Penpont, Radnorshire 
 Spencer, Richard C., Esq., Llanddough, 
 
 Cardiff 
 
 Spittle, Thomas, Esq., Newport, Mon. 
 Stacey. The Rev. Cyril, Almondsbury, 
 
 Gloucestershire 
 Stackhouse-Acton, Mrs., Acton-Scott, 
 
 Church- Stretton 
 Stuart, Lieut. -Col., M.P., Cardiff
 
 Xll. 
 
 SUBSCRIBERS. 
 
 Lord Arthur Hill Trevor, M.P., Brinkin- 
 allt, Chirk 
 
 Temple, The Rev., H.M.'s Inspector of 
 Schools, Llanfechan, Oswestry 
 
 Thomas, Abel, Esq., Pump Court, Temple 
 
 Thomas, The Rev. Canon, Cefn Rectory, 
 St. Asaph 
 
 Traherne, G. M., Esq., St. Hilary, Cow- 
 bridge 
 
 Vaughan, Williams, Esq., Velinnewydd, 
 
 Brecon 
 Vaughan, R. Chambre, Esq., Burlton Hall, 
 
 Salop 
 Vivian, H. Hussey, Esq., M.P., Swansea 
 
 The Marquis of Worcester 
 
 Watkins, The Rev. W., M.A., The College, 
 
 Llandovery 
 Weld, The Rev. Alfred, St. Beuno's College, 
 
 St. Asaph 
 Whalley, G. H., Esq., M.P., Plas Madoc, 
 
 Ruabon 
 
 Williams, Arthur, Esq., Harcourt Build- 
 ings, Temple 
 
 Williams, Ben. T., Esq., Recorder of Car- 
 marthen, Temple two copies 
 Williams, B. Francis, Esq., Elm Court, 
 
 Temple 
 
 Williams, Edward, Esq., M.D., Wrexham 
 Williams, The Rev. Garnons, Brecon 
 Williams, Gwilym, Esq., Miskin Manor 
 
 six cojjiet 
 
 Williams, Ignatius, Esq., Temple 
 Williams, John, Esq., M.D., Harley- 
 
 street, W. 
 Williams, Morgan B., Esq., Uplands, 
 
 Swansea 
 Williams, The Rev. Canon, Rhydycwesan, 
 
 Oswestry 
 
 Williams, The Rev. Rees, Cardigan 
 Williams, W. Arthur, Esq., Clifton 
 Winston, The Rev. William, Penderyn 
 
 Rectory, Aberdare 
 Wynn, C. W. W., Esq., MP., Berkeley 
 
 Square. S.W. 
 
 Wynn, Sir Watkin Williams, Bart., M.P., 
 Wynnstay two copies
 
 MEMOIES 
 
 OF 
 
 THE CIVIL WAR IN WALES 
 
 AND THE MAECIIES. 
 
 CHAPTEE I. 
 
 State of Wales after its conquest Lord Marchers Insurrection of \ven 
 Glyndwr Harsh measures of repression Social condition in the Middle 
 Ages Wars of the Hoses Ascension of Henry VII. Justice to Wales 
 under Henry YIII. Union with England Opposition to the division 
 of Wales into shire-ground The Reformation Education The Bible 
 and other hooks in the Welsh language Great ignorance John Penry 
 Churchyard's "Worthiness of Wales" Development of the natural 
 resources of the country Trade and commerce Roads and travelling 
 Condition of the towns And a general survey of the state of the country 
 at the end of the reign of James I. 
 
 WALES, after fighting desperately for its indcpcn- CHAP. 
 dencc, had the prudence to submit to a Power 
 which it could no longer resist, and to acquiesce in 
 a Government which, though foreign, did not in- 
 terfere much with the customs and internal character 
 of the country; for though Edward I., in enacting 
 the Staiuium Wallice at Ehyddlan, intended to intro- 
 duce important changes into the civil government 
 of the Principality, yet, because he had not the 
 machinery to carry out his policy, the ancient laws 
 and customs of the country were permitted to 
 continue : the rule of life of its inhabitants. This 
 
 i 
 
 i. 
 
 A.D. 1283.
 
 2 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, continued to be so for some time, and would pro- 
 bably have worked very well had it not been for 
 
 1283-1400 
 
 the conduct of the Lord Marchers. The Norman 
 monarchs, for various reasons, had let loose upon 
 the Principality and the borders a number of power- 
 ful subjects to subdue and overawe the Welsh. 
 The success of these hastened what has been called 
 the conquest of "Wales, and they were allowed to 
 remain owners of the vast tracts they had won, 
 scarcely subject to any rule. These, paramount in 
 their castles, surrounded with hosts of armed re- 
 tainers, and backed by the influence of the Court 
 of England, were, in their dealings with the Welsh, 
 unscrupulous and domineering. By them and their 
 descendants the inhabitants were most unjustly and 
 cruelly ill-treated. Their property was confiscated, 
 their rights ignored, and cowed and overawed by 
 the many misfortunes which had befallen their un- 
 happy country, the natives scarcely durst call their 
 lives their own. For a long time they suffered all 
 manner of indignities with a patience which is 
 striking. But the old spirit was at length roused. 
 The bards long sang of the happiness of the days 
 gone bye, and portrayed in vivid colours the 
 misery of their country and its wrongs; and for 
 a long time there had been a smouldering fire 
 of discontent and disaffection. Their sad expe- 
 riences had taught them that against their perse- 
 cutors it was useless to appeal to their common 
 King. Their prayers were unheeded ; their wrongs 
 remained unredressed, and those against whom they 
 justly complained not only escaped punishment, 
 but found greater favour with their Sovereign. 
 Goaded to desperation, and eager to free their
 
 And the Marches. 
 
 country from a thraldom which had become in- CHAP. 
 
 tolerable, there were thousands ready to take up v 
 
 arms. Only a leader was wanted, active and 
 influential enough to strike for freedom, to kindle 
 the whole country into one insurrectionary flame, 
 and to unite all classes in one common cause. That 
 leader at length appeared in Owen Glyndwr, a 
 representative of one of the ancient princes, who, 
 on being despoiled of his property by the rapacious 
 Reginald de Grey, Earl of Ruthin, had appealed 
 in vain to the Court for redress. 
 
 Owen took the law into his own hands, resolved 
 to obtain by force what had been denied to him 
 as an applicant of justice. On a memorable fair- 
 day in Ruthin, in the autumn of the year 1400, 
 the first blow was struck. What was doubtless in- 
 tended as a mere raid to avenge a local wrong, soon 
 assumed greater importance, and when it was found 
 that the King of England espoused the cause of 
 De Grey, the hour which the bards had sung of 
 had arrived. The people made the cause of Owen 
 their own, determined to cast off their bondage and 
 to restore the government of the Principality to a 
 representative of its ancient Royalty. 
 
 The struggle was a desperate one. It lasted for 
 many years; and on the part of the Welsh was 
 carried on with a persistence and a strategic skill 
 which taxed the whole power of England, and for 
 some time appeared likely to baffle it. In the end, 
 however, it failed, and Owen, though offered pardon, 
 died an outcast in Herefordshire. 
 
 No sooner had the struggle commenced than 
 the antipathy of race began to develop itself. The 
 English Parliament, in its determination to suppress 
 
 U
 
 t Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, the insurrection and to punish the Welsh, enacted 
 ^ statutes, which for severity are unsurpassed in the 
 
 | A-t f\ 1 K * */ -L 
 
 history of legislation. To enumerate the pains and 
 penalties would exceed the limit at my command. 
 Intercourse between the two peoples was to be re- 
 stricted as much as possible. No Welshman was 
 to be capable of purchasing houses or lands in or 
 near any of the cities or towns in the Marches, 
 under pain of forfeiture. Welshmen were disquali- 
 fied from being citizens or burgesses in any corporate 
 town. Mayoralties, constableships, and all public 
 offices were shut out from them. Suits and actions 
 between Welshmen and Englishmen were to be 
 decided only by English judges and English juries. 
 No child of Welsh parents could be apprenticed to 
 any trade in any city or town within the Kingdom. 
 All meetings were declared unlawful unless licensed 
 by English authority. The manufacture or impor- 
 tation of armour into Wales was prohibited, and 
 the right to carry arms or weapons of any kind 
 was denied. Marriages between Englishmen and 
 Welshwomen were looked upon with disfavour, and 
 an Englishman so misbehaving was to lose all his 
 franchises ; while the Welshman who had temerity 
 enough to wed an Englishwoman, or to acquire 
 property in English towns, was liable to extreme 
 penalties. Lewis Glyn Cothi, an eminent Welsh 
 historical poet, whose works, handed down to the 
 present day, are full of interest and beauty, had 
 the audacity to act in contravention of this law 
 by taking to himself for a wife one of the fair 
 daughters of Chester, and by going to live in that 
 highly-dignified city. The Mayor, however, found 
 him out, and with his bailiffs scattered his household
 
 And the Marches. 5 
 
 gods, and drove the unfortunate bard from the city. CHAP. 
 What they did with his wife I have not been able ~ 
 to discover. Poor Lewis had no means to retaliate 
 save by his pen, which of a truth he steeped in 
 gall, and thereby has handed down to perpetual 
 infamy, in language most scathing, the memory of 
 that Mayor and his minions. 
 
 The bards, indeed, as a body were highly ob- 
 noxious to the English ; for they had exercised a 
 most powerful influence in fanning the flame of 
 insurrection. As enthusiasts they longed to see 
 their beloved land freed from the thraldom of the 
 foreigner. In Owen Glyndwr they saw the deli- 
 verer of their country whom the sages had foretold 
 in times long past, and they lauded him to the 
 heavens. Travelling from house to house, the 
 honoured guests wherever they went, they sang their 
 inflammatory songs, and never failed to attend fairs 
 and other gatherings to further their object. An 
 old custom, and a very good one, prevailed in 
 Wales, called Cymmorthau, when a whole neigh- 
 bourhood would turn out to help in agricultural 
 and other undertakings one who needed assistance. 
 During the insurrection these meetings doubtless 
 were often held for no other purpose than to sow 
 disaffection. An act was passed rendering illegal 
 the Cymmorthau, and all assemblings of bards, who 
 were designated "rymours and minstralls," and 
 classed with " vagabonds." 
 
 The failure of the insurrection reduced the 
 Principality into a far worse state than it was 
 before. Demoralised by their defeat, and crushed 
 by the iron heel of the victor, whose oppression 
 grew in proportion to the weakness of those whom
 
 6 Civil War in }} aics, 
 
 CHAP, he trampled upon, the entire people were plunged 
 ^- into a state of anarchy and lawlessness. The anti- 
 pathy of race became more violent, and continual 
 raids upon the Marches afforded the only method of 
 dealing revenge which was left to the "Welshman. 
 These raids were of frequent occurrence ; and, doubt- 
 less, gave rise to the old rhyme which is so slan- 
 derous of the "Welsh character "Taffy was a 
 Welshman, &c." The internal condition of the 
 country must have been truly sad. The laity were 
 sunk in the deepest state of degradation. Accus- 
 tomed to the use of arms during the fifteen years 
 of insurrection, they were not inclined to throw 
 away the sword, and having no enemy to contend 
 with any longer, old feuds between families, which 
 had almost been forgotten, were renewed with the 
 greatest acrimony, and the flow of blood was con- 
 tinuous. Crime prevailed to a degree hitherto un- 
 known. Life had no sanctity, and property no 
 rights. Might alone was right. The chief inhabi- 
 tants, who occupied the highest position in society, 
 such as it was, were no better than a pack of 
 robbers or bandits. In their depredations murders 
 were of daily occurrence, and theft and sacrilege 
 afforded them the only means to sustain themselves 
 and their numerous retainers. In truth, the Llaw- 
 rudd, or murderer, was one of the favourites 
 amongst their retainers, and ever found choice 
 entertainment at their houses. 1 The natural re- 
 sources of the country were not developed. Agri- 
 culture was neglected. The land was almost 
 barren : for the sword and the fray had superseded 
 the plough and industry. The clergy, also, regular 
 
 1 History of the Gwydir Family, by Sir John Wynne.
 
 I. 
 
 1415-85. 
 
 And tJic Marches. 
 
 and secular, were sufferers from the general de- CHAP. 
 moralization. In the remoteness from any centre 
 of civilization, their mountain homes afforded them 
 perfect liberty to do as they list, and to live as 
 they pleased; and when the condition of the laity 
 was such as I have described, the conduct of the 
 clergy was not very narrowly watched. Some of 
 the most sacred rites and doctrines of their Church 
 were utterly ignored. Concubinage was very com- 
 mon. Strypc, in his "Memorials," says, that in 
 the diocese of St. David's it was openly permitted 
 upon a payment of tribute to the priest's superior, 
 and that the arrangement was looked upon with 
 favour by the people as affording some protection 
 to their wives and daughters. In this respect the 
 South Walians appear to have had an advantage 
 over their friends in the North, for there are on 
 record many and grave instances of immorality on 
 the part of the clergy. At the Sessions for Car- 
 narvonshire, held at Carnarvon after the Feast of 
 the Conception, in 1499, the matter was before 
 the court ; and the record recites that " many 
 and divers vicious priests and clerks within holy 
 orders, within the Principality of North Wales, 
 defile many women, wives and daughters of the 
 Prince's tenants." According to the law then in 
 existence, the husbands and fathers were punished 
 and not the priests, which was adding insult to 
 injury. It was then, however, decided that in 
 future the priests or clerks " so un virtuously dis- 
 posed" should be distrained of their goods and 
 lauds, and for want of sufficient distress should be 
 imprisoned until satisfaction had been given. 1 
 
 1 Records of Carnarvon, p. 29~.
 
 8 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. Even amidst all this anarchy the houses pos- 
 
 ' sessed some degree of comfort, and the women 
 1415-85. were acquainted with some amount of female accom- 
 plishments. Generous hospitality was then, as it 
 has ever been, a characteristic of the Welsh 
 people. ISTo traveller was at a loss for rude enter- 
 tainment and kindly welcome. Mead and beer 
 and wine afforded ample drink, while meat and 
 fish were in abundance on their tables. The ladies 
 devoted much of their time to embroidery, and 
 other light household duties, and religious wor- 
 ship, found in them the only devotees. To the 
 accomplishments of the women Lewis Glyn Cothi 
 often alludes in his poems; and the old bard 
 himself appears to have been partial to their 
 handiwork, for when the men of Chester had 
 made him " as naked as a fish in water," to use 
 his own expression, he solicited from some of the 
 good ladies his patrons the gift of embroidered 
 bed-coverlets; and, with a familiarity which shows 
 how high the poet was esteemed in those days, he 
 ventures to describe the kind of coverlet he wanted. 
 One was to be of cloth of nine colours, with nine 
 birds embroidered thereon, and nine stags couchant. 
 Twelve green leaves, and ten of black and blue, 
 with small images, and sketches of trees and birds, 
 all of maiden's work, was to further beautify 
 the gift. 1 
 
 1 " Y mae lien i'm naw lliw, 
 Naw edn ar frethyn ydy w ; 
 Naw o geirw yn eu gorwedd, 
 Ac a naw ewig un wedd ; 
 Douddcg o ddail mcdlcilas, 
 A dog o liw du a glas ; 
 Yr oedd gant o wyrdd a gwyn, 
 Yr oedd mil rudd a molyn ; 
 Belwau man, gwaith dwylnw mcrch, 
 Derw a llun adar llaucruh.''
 
 And the Marches. 
 
 No change of any importance in the condition CHAP. 
 of the Principality took place until the English - ^ 
 
 XT. u j \. -n A.u.1485. 
 
 throne came to be occupied by a Prince in whose 
 veins ran Welsh blood. It is true, what with the 
 Wars of the Roses, which pretty fully occupied the 
 English, and with the reaction which generally fol- 
 lows too severe measures, the iniquitous Acts of 
 Henry IV. were not carried out in the fulness of 
 their severity. During the early part of the Wars 
 of the Roses the sympathy of the Welsh had been 
 with the House of York ; but the great influence 
 of Jasper, Earl of Pembroke, who was in ill-odour 
 at the Court of Richard III., and the knowledge 
 that the representative of the House of Lancaster 
 was the grandson of Owen Tudor and nephew of 
 the Earl of Pembroke, converted the Welsh into 
 Lancastrians. When Henry, Duke of Richmond, 
 and his uncle Jasper, had to flee the English Court, 
 they sought refuge for a time in Merionethshire, 
 and thence, with difficulty, escaped to Brittany. 
 The Earl of Pembroke had been a considerate patron 
 of the Welsh bards. During his exile his praises 
 were sung in house and field in Wales. Lewis 
 Glyn Cothi is full of allusions to him ; and the old 
 poet never warms up so much as when he advocates 
 the claims of Pembroke's nephew to the English 
 throne, and invites their appearance in Wales ; an 
 invitation which in due time was responded to. 
 By the aid of Welsh swords the battle of Bosworth 
 was won, Richard III. slain, and Henry, the grand- 
 son of Owen Tudor, of Penymynydd, Anglesey, 
 crowned King of England as Henry VII. Though 
 Henry was a selfish man, he was not unmindful 
 of his obligations to his countrymen ; and he heaped
 
 10 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, favours innumerable on Sir Ehys ab Thomas and 
 **-~-^ others. Natives of the Principality flocked to his 
 Court, and found favour there. Their influence 
 rendered obsolete many of the harsh laws to which 
 I have alluded; while the education which they 
 received by a more intimate acquaintance with the 
 outside world had a highly beneficial effect upon 
 the condition of the country generally. But no 
 great scheme for the improvement of Wales was 
 carried out in his reign, or even worked. Justice 
 to Wales was not done till Henry VIII. had been 
 some years on the throne; and then it was chiefly 
 brought about through the untiring zeal for his 
 country's welfare which animated Sir John Price 
 of the Priory, Brecon, a member of the Council 
 of the Court of the Marches. The great curse of 
 Wales had been the Lord Marchers. No one knew 
 this better than Sir John Price ; and though some- 
 thing had been done to curtail their power by the 
 establishment of the Council of the Marches at 
 Ludlow, in Edward IV.'s time, their evil influence 
 still continued: the upas tree which poisoned the 
 Principality, and retarded all progress. With a 
 zeal and devotion worthy of the cause, Sir John 
 Price continued to advocate his great scheme, until 
 ultimately he succeeded in destroying the power 
 of the Lord Marchers, and in effecting the real 
 union of England and Wales under one system of 
 law, and one administration of justice. In doing 
 this he had to contend with a compact and deter- 
 mined opposition from those whom he assailed. 
 Henry, however, who, whatever his failings, and 
 they were, heaven knows, numerous enough, 
 was a great statesman, saw the many advantages
 
 And the Ma relics. 1 1 
 
 which would accrue to the entire country by de- CHAP. 
 stroying a power which trenched upon his own - 
 Eoyal Prerogative, and had done endless mis- 
 chief to a portion of his kingdom. During the 
 latter part of his reign reform in Wales was the 
 subject which, next to the Keformation, attracted 
 most of his attention. Many statutes were passed, 
 all tending to the same great end the union of 
 Wales with England, and the improvement of the 
 social condition of the Principality. The preambles 
 to these statutes give curious pictures of the state 
 of the country. The suborning and bribing of 
 juries by friends of accused persons was a common 
 thing, and the acquittal of divers murderers and 
 felons notoriously known had followed as a conse- 
 quence. To stop this, juries in future were to be 
 placed in custody of a keeper sworn to keep them 
 separate from other persons. 1 South Walians had 
 for a long time been in the habit of crossing the 
 Severn to plunder the worthy people of Gloucester- 
 shire and Somersetshire, and then returning with 
 their booty to South Wales and the Forest of 
 Dean, where they were secure from punishment, 
 and the robbed went without a remedy. Owners 
 of ferries and keepers of passages across the estuary 
 were, therefore, to be prohibited from conveying 
 anybody across the Severn in the night-time, un- 
 der penalty of fine and imprisonment, unless such 
 persons and their habitations were known to them. 2 
 " The people of Wales and the Marches," according 
 to another statute, 3 "not dreading the good and 
 
 1 Stat, 26, Hen. VIII., cap. 4. 
 
 2 Stat. 26, Hen. VIII., cap. 11. 
 
 3 Ibid, cap. 6.
 
 12 Civil War in Wales 
 
 'CHAP, wholesome laws and statutes of this realm, have of 
 
 i. 
 ; long time continued and persevered in perpetration 
 
 and commission of divers and manifold thefts, 
 murders, rebellions, wilful burnings of houses, and 
 other scelerous deeds and abominable malefacts, to 
 the high displeasure of God, inquietation of the 
 King's well-disposed subjects, and disturbance of 
 the public weal." 
 
 The principal measures relating to Wales passed 
 in that reign were the 5th and 26th chapters 
 of Statutes 27th Henry, and the 34th and 35th 
 Henry VIII., c. 26. The first of these provided 
 for the appointment of Justices of the Peace in the 
 Counties of Chester, Flint, Anglesey, Carnarvon, 
 Merioneth, Cardigan, Carmarthen, Pembroke, and 
 Glamorgan, who were to administer justice in those 
 counties in the same way as it was done in English 
 shires. The second constituted certain manors and 
 hundreds into new counties, under the names of 
 Brecknock, Eadnor, Montgomery, and Denbigh, and 
 annexed certain towns and manors to the counties 
 of Glamorgan, Pembroke, Cardigan, and Merioneth. 
 It provided also for the representation of Wales in 
 the English Parliament: one member for each county, 
 and one burgess for each borough, being shire-town. 
 Some pecuniary rights of the Marches were pro- 
 tected, but it was enacted "that the dominion of 
 Wales shall be, stand, and continue for ever from 
 henceforth incorporated, united, and annexed to and 
 with the realm of England, and that all and singular 
 person and persons born, and to be born, in the said 
 Principality, country, or dominion of Wales, shall 
 have, enjoy, and inherit all and singular freedoms, 
 liberties, rights, privileges, and laws within this
 
 And the Marches. 13 
 
 realm, and other the King's dominions, as other the CHAP. 
 King's subjects naturally born within the same have, ^- 
 enjoy, and inherit." It further provided that the 
 laws of England alone should be used in "Wales. 
 
 And, finally, by the 34th and 35th Henry VIII., 
 c. 26, "Wales was divided into twelve shires. The 
 Court of the Marches was to continue. Sessions 
 were to be held in every county twice in every 
 year. These were to be called the Great Sessions 
 of Wales : an arrangement which continued in exis- 
 tence down to the present half century. Justices 
 of the Peace for each county were to be appointed 
 by the Chancellor; not to exceed eight in each 
 county, and to be of good name and fame. Sheriffs 
 were to be chosen as in England. Gaols to be pro- 
 vided in every county. Trials to be by wager of 
 law ; and lands to be held by English tenure. 1 
 
 Thus was "Wales finally united with England. 
 We who have participated in the advantages of this 
 union can have no idea what a blessing to Wales 
 must have been produced through the efforts of 
 
 1 In the "Cromwell Correspondence," preserved in the Chapter House 
 (State Pap., Henry VIII. , i., 454), is a letter from Roland Lee, Bishop 
 of Lichfield, and President of the Council of the Marches to Cromwell. 
 I extract the following from it, to show the kind of opposition which 
 existed against reforms in Wales : 
 
 " Moste harty recommendations premysed. Hit may please you to be 
 advertised that lately I was enfourmed that the Kinges Graces pleasure was, 
 to make Wales shire grounde, and to have Justices of the Peace and off 
 Gaole Delyvery, as in Englande. And forasmoche as I am putt in trusto 
 here, and that by your means and pleasure, I can no lesse doo (my 
 duety remembred) then to declare to you my mynde in oone poincte } 
 specially, as in tryall of fellons. For if they maye comme to their trialles 
 at home, where oone theif shall trye an other as, before the last statute in 
 that part provided, they did, then that as we here have begon is fordon : the 
 experience teacheth the same here dailye. I am sure all this day, ye 
 cannot do the Welshemen more pleasure then to breke that statute. Woldo 
 Gode I were with you oone houre to declare my mynde therin at full. And,
 
 14 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. Sir John Price, and a few other devoted men, whose 
 i. 
 
 *-~^ names even have not been handed down to us. 
 
 With these beneficial changes came the Refor- 
 mation, which in the Principality appears to have 
 been very quietly acquiesced in; though, from the 
 tenacity with which the Welsh cling to old institu- 
 tions and customs, the contrary might have been 
 expected. There were, however, several reasons for 
 this. The vitality of religious worship appears to 
 me to depend, like everything else to a certain 
 extent, on competition, or some momentary cause 
 of enthusiasm. Wherever we find one sort of re- 
 ligion universal among a people, there generally we 
 find the priests careless and the people indifferent. 
 The Crusade, during its continuance, gave life and 
 energy to the Christian Church then universal in 
 western Europe ; 'but the excitement gradually died 
 away, and not before the appearance of Luther 
 on the continent, was there any shaking of the 
 dry bones. These controversies scarcely penetrated 
 into Wales, where everything was stagnant and 
 cold. So that when the Reformation came it 
 
 also, for Justices of the Peace and off Gaole Delyveiy to be in Wales, I 
 thinke hit not moche expedient ; for there be very few Welshemen in Wales 
 abo^e Breknock that may dispende ten pounde lande, and, to say truthe, 
 their discretion [is] lesse then their landes. And, farther, where ther is as 
 yet some beryng of theves by gentlemen, if this saide statute goo forward, 
 j e shall have no other but beryng ther, and lytle justice myuystred; aa I 
 doubte not your circumspecte wisedomo will considre, as by the demeanours 
 of Meryonethshire and Cardiganshire it dot he appere, which (although they 
 be Shiregroundes) cannot, as yet, be brought to good ordre, and be as ill, 
 as the wourste parte of Wales. Nevertheles, Sir, uppon this my rude 
 intimation I truste ye will considre, and kepe the former statutes provided 
 for the saiJe countreye of Wales, as well in the premisses as for beryng of 
 wepons and otherwayes ; whereby ye shal be assured the goode rule, now 
 begon, herafter to contynue to the pleasure of God, honour and laude of 
 our Soveraigne Lord, the KingeS Majestic, and to your renowned fame in 
 counsailing the same."
 
 And the Marches. 15 
 
 found the Welsh masses indifferent, and the priests CHAP. 
 inactive. Moreover, 'there is reason to believe - 
 that a certain amount of antipathy against the 
 priestcraft prevailed in "Wales. For a long time 
 there had been a mortal fend between the bards and 
 the priests. They continually denounced one another, 
 and I fear that the light wit of the bard had greater 
 influence with the populace than the serious wrangles 
 of the clergy. The splendid thrusts of Dafydd ab 
 Gwilym and others, must have possessed a charm 
 for their audience, which comprised persons of all 
 grades, and probably were not without their in- 
 fluence when the separation from Home was effected. 
 But above all things, the policy of Henry VIII. 
 towards Wales silenced all opposition. The wealthy 
 and powerful were bought over by rich gifts of 
 monastic lands, and the people were naturally led 
 to look upon the Eeformation as a part and parcel 
 of the highly beneficial measures which were calcu- 
 lated to do so much for the Principality. It should 
 also be remembered that the promulgation of Pro- 
 testantism, was very gradual. Henry's greatest 
 blow was aimed at the monasteries; he scarcely 
 touched the out-door clergy, and the majority of 
 these continued to minister as they had been wont 
 to do, and with little scruple swallowed the new 
 formula?. 
 
 Up to the Eeformation there were no schools 
 in Wales. 'Of course, I do not mean in very 
 ancient times, when the British had large educa- 
 tional establishments at Bangor-Iscoed, and Lant- 
 wit Major. Whatever education the Welsh received 
 in the middle ages, they must have received within 
 the walls of some of the old abbeys or monas*
 
 16 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, teries at the hands of the monks. That some 
 i. 
 
 ^~' availed themselves of this opportunity is clear, for 
 during those dark days there were men of letters 
 in Wales, whose writings even now abound in 
 many private libraries in the Principality. But 
 the number of educated persons must have been 
 very limited, and ignorance must have covered the 
 country as with a pall. Owen Tudor is said to 
 have introduced to his wife, Queen Catherine, 
 some of his own kinsmen from Wales. Owen 
 himself was a courtier, and he no doubt intro- 
 duced the very best of his kinsmen. They were 
 all dumb in her presence, for not a word of Eng- 
 lish could they speak; which caused the Queen 
 to remark, that they were the handsomest dumb- 
 creatures she had ever seen. The story has been 
 often repeated, and whether as a fact it is true or 
 not, matters little ; but it clearly represents the 
 ignorance which prevailed even amongst the prin- 
 cipal gentry in those days. Before the ascension 
 of Henry VII., very few Welshmen, if any, had 
 the advantages of the University of Oxford. But 
 with the Tudor dynasty a change for the better 
 took place in this respect, and the doors of Oxford 
 were entered by many natives of the Princi- 
 pality. Sir John Price, of whose exertions on behalf 
 of his country notice has already been taken, was 
 educated there, and there must have been many 
 others who had received their education at Oxford. 
 But the rich alone could avail themselves of this, 
 for there were yet no schools in Wales. Henry 
 VIII., by a grant dated 1541, established Christ's 
 College in Brecon. This collegiate institution 
 had been originally founded by Bishop Gower at
 
 And the Marches. 17 
 
 Abergwilij and was thence removed to Brecon by CHAP. 
 Henry VIII., on the recommendation of Bishop ^^ 
 Barlow. The King endowed it with some lands be- 
 longing to the monastery of St. Nicholas. Edward 
 VI., however, whose endeavours on behalf of educa- 
 tion ought to be held in the highest esteem, endowed 
 a school at Shrewsbury, which continues to this day, 
 and has won for itself a high place among the 
 educational institutions of the country. During 
 the reign of Mary matters made no progress ; and 
 beyond the burning of Bishop Ferrar at Carmarthen, 
 "William Nicholas at Haverfordwest, and Rawlins 
 White, a poor fisherman, at Cardiff, no incident 
 occurred in Wales that I know of. Affairs as- 
 sumed a very different aspect on the ascension of 
 Elizabeth. The effects of education in the higher 
 classes and in the Church now became manifest. 
 Welshmen were appointed bishops ; men who had 
 the advancement of their country at heart. Dr. 
 Eichard Davies was Bishop of St. David's, and Dr. 
 Nicholas Robinson Bishop of Bangor ; both eminent 
 men. Dr. Gabriel Goodman, of Ruthin, was Dean 
 of Westminster, and William Salesbury, of Plas 
 Isaf, Denbighshire, was following the law at Thaives 
 Inn, London. These men used all their influence 
 for the benefit of their country ; and, probably, it 
 was through them that an Act was passed by Eliza- 
 beth, in 1563, authorizing the translation of the 
 Bible into Welsh. This Act ordained that the Bible, 
 with the Book of Common Prayer, should be trans- 
 lated into W r elsh by the 1st of March, 1566, under 
 a penalty of 40 for each of the Bishops of St. 
 David's, St. Asaph, Bangor, Llandaff, and Hereford, 
 who were appointed to edit it. The Act further 
 
 2
 
 18 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, ordained that a copy of the work when printed 
 ~ should be placed in every parish church and chapel 
 in "Wales ; but the measure was very defective, for 
 it made no provision as to the cost of the under- 
 taking, and for that reason produced no immediate 
 effect. Private enterprise, however, supplied this 
 defect. William Salesbury, Dr. Eichard Davies, and 
 some others, set about the work in earnest, and 
 in 1567 the New Testament was printed. This 
 is known as Salesbury 's Testament, and was dedi- 
 cated to the Queen. Dr. Davies prefixed to it 
 an address to the Welsh, in which he gives by 
 no means a favourable description of the moral 
 state of Wales at the time. " Often in Wales," 
 he says, " the hall of the gentleman is found to be 
 the refuge of thieves. Therefore, I say, that were 
 it not for the arms and the wings of the gentry 
 there would be but little theft in Wales." The 
 expense of printing this book was borne by Hum- 
 phrey Toy, " dwelling in Paules Churchyard, at 
 the signe of the Helmet," whose mother and grand- 
 mother were natives of Wales the mother carrying 
 on a printing establishment in London. A few 
 books in the Welsh language had been printed 
 before this date, most of them the production of 
 Salesbury's pen. The Book of Common Prayer in 
 the Welsh made its appearance at the same time 
 as the Testament. But the Bible itself was not pro- 
 duced until 1588: the translation of Dr. Morgan, 
 Bishop of St. Asaph, a native of Carnarvonshire. 
 WTiile he was Yicar of Llanrhaidr y Mochnant, he 
 was for some cause or other brought before Dr. 
 Whitgift, Archbishop of Canterbury. By the latter 
 ho was encouraged to proceed with the translation
 
 And the Marches. 19 
 
 of the Bible, a labour which he had already com- CHAP. 
 menced: and in the preface Dr. Morgan confesses ^- 
 
 . 1584-95 
 
 that had it not been for the assistance of the 
 Archbishop he would have given up the task, con- 
 scious of the difficulties and terrified at the cost 
 of the undertaking. Morgan was assisted also by 
 many other scholarly men, viz.: Dr. Hughes, then 
 Bishop of St. Asaph, Dr. Gabriel Goodman, Dr. 
 David Powell, Archdeacon Prys, and others. Other 
 works now followed in quick succession from the 
 press, either written by Welshmen or relating to 
 Wales, and either in English or Welsh. One of 
 the most important of these was the " History of 
 Cambria," the work of Caradoc of Llancarvan, 
 translated by Humphrey Lloyd, and edited by Dr. 
 David Powell. Soon after, Dr. John David Rhys, 
 a native of Anglesey, published his scholarly work, 
 " Institutes of the Welsh Language." Dr. Goodman, 
 the Dean of Westminster, was a friend and patron 
 to all those who endeavoured to promote the ad- 
 vancement of his native country; and his position 
 as Dean of Westminster afforded him ample oppor- 
 tunities to help in that direction. The cloisters 
 afforded an enlightened home to many Welsh stu- 
 dents. Dr. Morgan was a guest there while super- 
 intending the printing of the Bible. Camden owed 
 more to Dr. Goodman for his help in the mighty 
 undertaking which resulted in the former's "Bri- 
 tannia," than to any other individual. Born at 
 Ruthin, Dr. Goodman was not unmindful of his 
 native town, and in the year 1595 he established, 
 under a Charter obtained from Elizabeth, a school 
 there, which he endowed very considerably.
 
 20 Civil War in Wales 
 
 Poor John Penry, too, whose sad fate is so well 
 known, did all in his power to promote the interest 
 of the Principality. Address after address, and 
 remonstrance after remonstrance, to the Parliament 
 and others in authority, emanated from his eloquent 
 pen. But he had imbibed Puritanical notions, and 
 found no favour in high quarters. Still his en- 
 deavours on behalf of his country place him on 
 the highest pedestal of patriotism, and his unfortu- 
 nate death, which he suffered for an offence of 
 which I think he was innocent, throws a melancholy 
 halo round his illustrious name. His portraiture 
 of the ignorance of the "Welsh, and of their, in 
 his view, spiritual blindness, may be a little over- 
 darkened ; but he wrote not without ample cause. 
 In fact, his account is confirmed by several con- 
 temporary letters from the bishops and others, one 
 of which, as it is not without considerable interest, 
 I give below. 1 
 
 1 It is a letter from Dr. Robinson, Bishop of Bangor, to Sir William 
 Cecil, afterwards Lord Burleigh, and is preserved in the State Paper Office 
 Dom., Elizabeth 44, 27 : 
 
 " In Christo Jesu salutem, pacem, $c. 
 
 " Eighte honorable, I thought it some part of my dewtie to certifie 
 your honour touching the state of these shierres wherein I was borne, and 
 where I now life by the Queene's maiesties singular goodnes towardes mo. 
 Y* in these three shierres called Caernarvon, Anglesey, and Merioneth, 
 through the wisdome and carefull diligence of Mr. George Bromley, Chefe 
 Justice, the people live in much obedience, fredome, and quiet, so that toward 
 their prince they are like to continew faithfull subjects, and among them- 
 selves peaceable neighbours. 
 
 "But, touching the Welsh peoples receaving of the gospell, I find by my 
 small experience among them here that ignorance contineweth many in the 
 dreggs of superstition, which did grow chefly upon the blindness of the 
 clergie, joined with the greediness of getting in so bare a country, and also 
 upon the closing up of God's worde from them in an unknown tongue, of 
 the which harmes, though the or.o be remedied by the great benefite of our
 
 And the Marches. 21 
 
 Just by way of contrast to the foregoing over- 
 shadowed picture, it may not be out of place here 
 to show what the eye of a poet saw in the condi- 
 tion of Wales at this time. Churchyard appears 
 to have seen only that which was lovely and 
 beautiful, and his praises of the country and its 
 people are painted in words of a roseate hue. The 
 civility of the people he remembered with gratitude, 
 and their honesty he thus describes : 
 
 They will not strive to royst and take the way 
 
 Of any man that travailes through their lande ; 
 
 A greater thing of Wales now I will say : 
 
 Ye may come there, beare purse of gold in hand, 
 
 Or mightie bagges of silver stuffed throwe, 
 
 And no one man dare touch your treasure now, 
 
 Which shows some grace doth rule and guyde them there, 
 
 That doth to God and man such conscience beare ; 
 
 graciouse Quene and Parleament, yet the other remayneth without hope of 
 redresse : for the moat part of the priestes are too olde (they saye) to he put 
 to schole. Upon this inabilitie to teache God's worde (for there are not six 
 y l can preache in y M three shierres) I have found since I came to this 
 countrey images and aulters standing in churches undefaced, lewde and 
 indecent vigils and watches observed, much pilgrimage goyng, many candels 
 sett up to the honour of saintes, some reliques yet carried about, and all the 
 countries full of bedes and knotts, besides diverse other monuments of wilf'ull 
 serving of God. Of the which abuses some (I thank God) are reformed, and 
 other, my hope is, wyll dayly decaye by the helpe of the worshipfull of the 
 countries who show some better countenance to the Gospell by the godly 
 p'rte of the Chefe Justice, whose counsell and eade I have in such matters ; all 
 which (I trust) Almightie God will turne to his owne glorie, and the salva- 
 tion of his people. 
 
 "Fare you well in Christe. From my house at Bangor y e 7 of Octob., 
 An. Dm. 1567. 
 
 11 Your honour's most assured, 
 
 "NICHOLAS BAXGOR."
 
 22 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. While the material prosperity of the country is 
 ^-^ thus portrayed: 
 
 1571-1614. 
 
 Behold besides a further thing to note, 
 The best cheape cheare they have that may be found, 
 The shot is great when each man pays his groate, 
 If all alike the reckoning runneth round. 
 There markets good, and victuals nothing deare, 1 
 Each place is filled with plenty all the yeare, 
 The ground mannurede the grain doth so encrease, 
 That thousands live in wealth and blessed peace. 2 
 
 I am afraid that Churchyard's " enthusiasm ex- 
 aggerated as much on the one hand as the fanaticism 
 of John Penry did on the other, and that the truth 
 lies somewhat between Churchyard's picture and 
 the testimony of Roland Lee, Bishop of Lichfield, 
 Dr. Davies, Bishop of St. Asaph, and John Penry. 
 The country was not so prosperous as Churchyard 
 painted it, though it was nearly as ignorant as set 
 forth by John Penry. How could it be otherwise? 
 For, with the exception of the Collegiate School at 
 Brecon, founded by Henry VIII., and Shrewsbury 
 School, founded by Edward VI., there were no 
 educational seminaries which could remove such 
 ignorance. But the good men who had tasted of 
 the fruit of education, and who took a warm interest 
 in the well-being of their fellow countrymen, were 
 not backward in doing what they could to meet 
 the evil. In the year 1576 a Free School was 
 
 1 Of the cheapness of food confirmatory testimony is given by John 
 Taylor, the Water Poet, who made a tour through Wales in 1652. At 
 Carmarthen Taylor says that he could huy the best butter for 2^d. or 3d. 
 the Ib. ; beef for l^d. the Ib. ; salmon, two and a half feet long (big fish !) for 
 12d. ; oysters only a penny a hundred ; eggs twelve a penny ; pears six a 
 penny. In fact, Taylor says everything was cheap and plentiful, save 
 tobacco pipes. 
 
 * Worthiness of Wales. Ed. 1587.
 
 And the Marches 23 
 
 founded by Letters Patent of Queen Elizabeth at CHAP. 
 Carmarthen, through the influence of the unfor- 
 tunatc Earl of Essex, who, along with Richard 
 I Juries, the Bishop of St. David's, Sir James Croft, 
 Griffith Rice, and Walter Vaughan, aldermen of 
 the borough, and Robert Toy, one of the burgesses, 
 petitioned the Queen in that behalf. In 1595, Dr. 
 Gabriel Goodman founded, and liberally endowed, 
 a Grammar School at Ruthin, his native place, 
 for which he obtained a Charter from Queen Eliza- 
 beth. In this school many men of note have been 
 educated one of them being Dr. John Williams, 
 Archbishop of York, the last clerical Lord Keeper, 
 whose actions will come under our review during 
 the progress of this work. Dr. John Gwynn, in 
 1571, endowed two scholarships at St. John's 
 College, Cambridge, by creating a rent-charge of 
 20 a year on his property near Llanrwst, for the 
 benefit of natives of Xorth Wales, and another 
 scholarship was founded by Dr. Richard Parry, 
 Bishop of St. Asaph, who charged his land at 
 Erbistock with the payment of 6 a year, at Jesus 
 College, Oxford, open to scholars in the diocese of 
 St. Asaph, or from Ruthin Free School. Jesus 
 College, Oxford, had been previously founded for 
 the benefit of Welshmen by Dr. Hugh Price, the 
 son of a butcher at Brecon, who was Treasurer 
 of St. David's. The Charter of Elizabeth, esta- 
 blishing this college, bears date June 25th, 1571. 
 In 1603 one David Hughes, who owned property 
 in Anglesey, endowed a Free School at Beauinaris, 
 which was further enriched by a bequest of 20 
 a year by Lewis Owen, Serjeant of the Larder to 
 King James I., to found two scholarships in Jesus
 
 24 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. College. A Free Grammar School was established 
 *- ' at Ha warden 1609, through the liberality of George 
 Ledsham, Steward of the Inner Temple, who be- 
 queathed for that purpose a sum of 300. Thomas 
 Lloyd, of Kilcyffeth, in the County of Pembroke, 
 founded the Grammar School at Haverfordwest in 
 1614, which he endowed with his property at 
 Haverfordwest, and in the parish of St. Martin, 
 in that county. Though all these schools were 
 intended to be for the benefit of the poor, the in- 
 tention of the donor in almost every case was soon 
 disregarded ; and these educational establishments 
 became the monopoly of the affluent and well-to-do. 
 The masses of the people did not derive much 
 benefit from them, beyond that improvement in their 
 condition which was the natural result of the 
 spread of education among the wealthier classes. 
 The blessings of education did not at all pene- 
 trate into the lower strata of society, and when 
 the war broke out between Charles and the Parlia- 
 ment, the body of the people were incapable of 
 forming a correct judgment of the merits of the 
 dispute. Scarcely understanding the duties and 
 rights of citizens, they were at the beck and call 
 of those who occupied a higher rank in life, whom 
 they in many cases implicitly followed. 
 
 In a country labouring under so many disad- 
 vantages, and torn with so many dissensions, trade 
 and commercial enterprise found no home. During 
 the middle ages no attempt whatever appears to 
 have been made to develop the natural resources 
 of the Principality. Satisfied with the rudest form 
 of agriculture, which produced no more than was 
 consumed, no endeavours were made to improve
 
 And the Marches. 25 
 
 even the face of the country, or to add to the pro- CHAP. 
 ductiveness of the soil. And, as might have been - 
 
 A D 1513 
 
 expected, the wealth of the mineral world was un- 
 known. Coal-mines, however, appear to have been 
 worked to a certain extent in Flintshire at an 
 early period, principally at Bychton and Mostyn. 
 Even as far back as the time of Edward I., the coal 
 mines of Flintshire were in existence ; l and it is 
 supposed that some use was made of the valuable 
 commodity in which Glamorganshire is so rich. 2 
 
 At the ascension of the House of Tudor, the 
 manufacture of cloth then called Whites, Russets, 
 and Kennets was carried on rather extensively, from 
 the wool of the sheep and goats with which the 
 country abounded ; and for which a market was 
 found at Shrewsbury and elsewhere. In selling 
 their cottons, I regret to say, the Welsh were sus- 
 pected of unfair dealing, by representing as superior 
 an inferior quality, and by misrepresenting the 
 quantity of the rolls in which they were usually 
 sold. To protect the purchasers as if the doctrine 
 of caveat emptor ought not to have been applied 
 Henry VIII. passed certain statutes, which en- 
 acted that the "craftily" constructed "roll" should 
 be discontinued, and that in future it should be 
 sold in " plaits or cutlets," on pain of forfeiture. 3 
 Even the weavers of Cardiganshire, Pembroke- 
 shire, and Carmarthenshire, misrepresented the 
 weight, breadth, and goodness of their friezes and 
 cottons, and a special statute was required to keep 
 them in the line of rectitude and plain dealing. 4 
 
 1 Pennant. 
 
 2 Wilkin's History of Merthyr Tydfil. 
 
 3 33 Henry VIII., c. 3. 
 
 4 34 and 35 Henry VIII,, c. 11.
 
 26 Civil Way in Waits 
 
 i. 
 
 1547-1625. 
 
 CHAP. During the reign of Queen Elizabeth, Wales 
 
 participated in the general progress of the nation. 
 Trade and commerce were extended, and manufac- 
 tures increased and carried on with an energy and 
 
 o/ 
 
 skill hitherto unknown. It was not till that reign 
 that the mineral resources of the country began to be 
 scientifically developed. Up to that time Germany 
 supplied this country with nearly all manufactures 
 of iron. The knowledge of minerals and their adap- 
 tability was here a science hidden and unknown. 
 Everything was of foreign workmanship. Elizabeth, 
 far-seeing, forbad the importation of swords, knives, 
 and other articles in iron ; and to prevent any 
 inconvenience arising therefrom, but chiefly to en- 
 courage the industry and to develop the resources 
 of this country, she invited into this kingdom 
 foreign -miners and manufacturers in metal. To 
 these she made liberal grants of mines. The 
 lead mines in "Wales were granted to one Daniel 
 Houghsetter. Soon after (in 1567) was established 
 "The Society for the Mines Eoyal," of which the 
 Earl of Pembroke was the first Governor. The 
 Cardiganshire Lead Mines were let out by these 
 to Sir Hugh Myddelton, who for some time 
 worked them with great energy, bringing profit 
 to himself and contributing very materially to the 
 prosperity of the country; but his time, wealth, 
 and energy, being required to conduct the greatest 
 undertaking of those days the construction of 
 the New Eiver of London the Cardiganshire 
 Lead Mines were neglected. Charles I. leased 
 them to Thomas Bushell, one of the Masters of 
 the Mint. Bushell was an enterprising man. 
 Sometime before he had obtained the lease of the
 
 And the Marches. 27 
 
 i. 
 
 1517-1025. 
 
 Derbyshire mines. He carried on both under- CHAP. 
 takings with great ability, and amassed enor- 
 mous riches. He was further favoured by the 
 King with the right to establish a Mint at Aberyst- 
 with. This continued to be worked until the out- 
 break of the Civil War, when Bushell, in various 
 ways, showed his gratitude to the King, and freely 
 expended his large fortune on his Sovereign's behalf. 
 The Mint was then removed to Shrewsbury, and 
 afterwards to Oxford. 
 
 Coal-mines also began to be worked in a more 
 scientific and systematic manner. The coal fields 
 of North Wales supplied Chester and other towns 
 with fuel; and from Glamorganshire an exten- 
 sive export trade was carried on with Bristol, 
 Gloucester, and other places on the coast of Somer- 
 setshire and Devonshire. Bristol then was the great 
 market place for the counties of South Wales, where 
 a ready sale was obtained for all the excess produce 
 of the country. In 1618, coals in Wales had become 
 dear, being 6s. 8d. per chaldron instead of 3s., which 
 occasioned an impost to be levied on exported coals, 
 so as to keep the price down at home. 1 
 
 Agriculture too was improved, and the land 
 made more productive. According to Churchyard, 
 the aspect of the country was pleasing to a degree. 
 
 The ground mannurde, the grain doth so encrease, 
 That thousands live in wealth and blessed peace. 
 
 And this progress extended over the reigns of 
 Elizabeth and James the First. Corn was raised 
 in great quantities. The Counties of Pembroke 
 and Glamorgan appear to have been the chief 
 
 1 State Pap. Dom., James L, vol. xli., 85.
 
 28 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, corn-growing districts of the Principality, while 
 
 Carmarthen was rich in its cattle and the produce 
 
 of the dairy. Corn and butter were exported 
 extensively to Bristol. Ireland also afforded a 
 market for the sale of corn. 
 
 There was, however, one great obstruction to 
 commercial enterprise : what in itself is the best 
 testimony of the prosperity of the times, viz., the 
 presence of pirates all along the coast. These were 
 chiefly Moors from Spain and Algiers. Sallee appears 
 to have been their head- quarters. 'Cardiff, in the 
 time of Elizabeth, laboured under the bad odour 
 of being the general resort of pirates, where they 
 were sheltered and protected. 1 Sir John Perrott, who 
 then acted as Admiral of those seas, had ample 
 work to do to repress these robbers. And during 
 the reigns of James and Charles many were the 
 remonstrances and petitions sent up from Wales, 
 demanding further precautions for the protection of 
 commerce. 
 
 Another serious drawback arose from the diffi- 
 culties of inland communication. There were then 
 no railways, nor even canals. The highways affor- 
 ded the only means of transit, and these were so 
 bad : so ill-constructed, and so indifferently kept, 
 that during the wet season, if not indeed during 
 the greater part of the year, they were impassable 
 to carts and waggons, and could only be traversed 
 on horseback or on foot, and even then not without 
 danger ; so that, generally speaking, the only regular 
 means of conveying merchandise from one place to 
 another was by the pack-horse. The discomfort of 
 travelling was under these circumstances very con- 
 
 1 State Pap. Dom., Elizabeth, vol. cxi., 16, and 112, 27,
 
 And the Marches. 29 
 
 siderable, and patriotic indeed must those worthy men CHAP. 
 have been who accepted the position of Members of -~- 
 
 1547-1625. 
 
 Parliament, when a journey to the metropolis from 
 their distant mountain homes was surrounded with 
 so many inconveniences, and, moreover, beset with 
 no little risk to their lives. Generally, these 
 tedious journeys were performed in the summer 
 time, when advantage was taken of the company 
 of drovers, who carried on some commercial inter- 
 course with London. In a large company there 
 was some security. To an unprotected party mis- 
 haps were very likely to occur, for the roads 
 were everywhere infested with highwaymen, who 
 flourished unpunished, to the great terror of all who 
 were called upon to undertake journeys, and who 
 had business to transact at a distance from their 
 homes. The cost of personal travelling in Wales 
 does not appear to have been very heavy. A ten 
 days' journey from Carnarvonshire to South Wales 
 cost no more than fifteen shillings. Eighteenpence 
 covered the outlay of a two days' journey from 
 Tremadoc to Pwllheli, and half-a-crown was suffi- 
 cient pocket-money for a man who had to travel 
 from the former place to Oswestry and back. These 
 were the expenses of a man who occupied the re- 
 spectable position of a steward of an extensive 
 estate at the beginning of the seventeenth century. 
 It is, of course, difficult to arrive at an idea as 
 to the entertainment which these modest sums 
 could have commanded. Eude, indeed, it must 
 have been, when the expenses of a four days' stay 
 at Carnarvon amounted to no more than three shil- 
 lings ! One great charge incidental to travelling 
 and visiting was the largesse or vails to servants ;
 
 30 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, as much as eight shillings were bestowed on the 
 servants at Dolgiog by Sir William Maurice on a 
 
 1609-25. . ., ,, 
 
 visit there. 
 
 Glimpses of social life at this time enable us 
 to see that the necessaries of life were not dear, 
 and that housekeeping was comparatively inex- 
 pensive. Six chickens cost only fifteenpence. A 
 whole pig could be purchased for twelvepence ; 
 but a flitch of cured bacon cost as much as eight 
 shillings. From four shillings and -sixpence to five 
 shillings would buy a whole mutton. While a 
 duck could be had for fivepence, a goose fetched 
 four times as much. Fish sufficient for a special 
 occasion, when a distinguished guest was to be 
 entertained, required no greater outlay than nine- 
 pence. Oatmeal was sold at sixteen shillings the 
 peck, and wheat was bought at Pwllheli for little 
 over six shillings the "hobbett." 1 
 
 The state of the towns participated in the 
 general progress of the times; but they were still 
 inconsiderable. A glance at the interesting old 
 maps of the Welsh counties, dated 1610, published 
 in Speede's Atlas, giving sketches of the county 
 towns, shows that the towns were at that time 
 of small proportions, comprising a few streets, 
 nearly always within the walls, and occasionally 
 with a few scattered houses in the suburbs. For 
 instance, Newport, Monmouthshire, comprised one 
 principal street, called Monmouth-street. Cardiff 
 comprised a number of mean streets, but the bulk 
 
 1 These particulars are gleaned from an interesting Document in the 
 Peniarth. Library, contributed to the Arcliaologia Cambrcnsis (Original 
 Documents, p. cix.) by Mr. W. "W. E. Wynne. Pity it is that other 
 gentlemen who possess such valuable Documents do not follow Mr. 
 "Wynne's example, and give them publicity.
 
 And the Marches. 31 
 
 of the town was within the walls : Oockherbtown CHAP. 
 or Cokkerton, as Speede calls it was the only 
 
 . 1609-25 
 
 part of Cardiff outside the walls. Though Cardiff 
 was the chief town of the shire, and possessed 
 ships which carried on a trade in coal with Bristol 
 and elsewhere, Swansea was even then a more con- 
 siderable place. Even in 1563 the population of 
 the latter place numbered 1,260, and the parish 
 comprised 180 houses. 1 Swansea also carried on a 
 trade in coal, and there had been established at that 
 place in 1583 a small attempt at copper smelt- 
 ing, forming the nucleus of that enormous branch 
 of industry which has given so unlovely an 
 appearance to Glandwr. Neath was considered 
 the best pjace in Wales for ship-building; 2 but its 
 trade was naturally small. Insignificant, however, 
 as were the towns, they were not without their 
 attractions; and the rich and wealthy, tired of the 
 loneliness of their country seats in the winter time, 
 sought recreation and social enjoyment in them. 
 The principal gentry generally possessed houses in 
 the chief towns, some of which I think still exist 
 in Chester, at Brecon, and Carnarvon. Their in- 
 fluence there was very great. The mayoralties 
 and other offices of power and honour were gene- 
 rally held by them, and the democratic element 
 which now pervades the towns did not exist in 
 those days, when the bourgeois were every bit as 
 servile and dependent as the rural hinds, and when 
 all political power was in the hands of a few. Of 
 these, those who had received any education at all 
 had either received it at Oxford, or from men who 
 
 1 Dillwyn's History of Swansea ; Col. Francis's Charters of Swansea, &c, 
 
 2 Stradling Correspondence.
 
 32 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, had been educated there, where the obnoxious 
 
 i. ... 
 doctrine of the Divine Eight of Kings found 
 
 its chief stronghold in the reign of James I., 
 and afterwards. Men so educated were not 
 likely to be unprejudiced leaders of the masses 
 in a struggle in which that false doctrine was 
 assailed, and the rights of the people proclaimed. 
 So much of this as is true of the gentry is appli- 
 cable with far greater force to the clergy ; for at 
 that time the doctrine of the Divine .Eight of Kings 
 found its staunchest advocates within the Church 
 of England. And it was to these alone that the 
 ignorant masses of Wales had to look for guidance. 
 The Welsh laboured under many disadvantages. 
 The few books they possessed in their language 
 were calculated more to befit them for the here- 
 after than to qualify them for a citizenship of this 
 world. Situated at a great distance from the 
 metropolis, they were ignorant of what was going 
 on in the State ; and unacquainted with the English 
 language, they could not profit by the stream of 
 papers and pamphlets which now began to issue 
 from the public press.
 
 And the Marches. 33 
 
 CHAPTEE II. 
 
 1C25 1612. 
 
 The accession of Charles His first Parliament called and dissolved King 
 tries to borrow money on Privy Seals Another Parliament called 
 Grievances discussed Charges against Duke of Buckingham Parliament 
 dissolved The country refuses to pay what the Parliament had voted, 
 but not passed Seaports called upon to furnish ships for war A loan 
 demanded Many imprisoned for refusing to pay They sue to be 
 released on bail Judges tampered with by Charles First attempt to 
 levy ship-money Third Parliament called in 1(!28 Petition of Rights 
 reluctantly assented to by the King Parliament prorogued Buckingham 
 assassinated High Church divines promoted General remonstrance 
 against tonnage and poundage, and innovations in religion Scene in 
 the House of Commons The Speaker forcibly held down in the chair 
 while protest is made Parliament dissolved Prosecution of Members 
 for conduct in Parliament His Majesty decides on governing without a 
 Parliament Strafford and Land Arbitrary proceedings to raise money 
 Monopolies Forest laws Star Chamber Prosecution of Dr. Williams 
 Bishop of Lincoln Prynne's case Prynne sent to Carnarvon Castle Is 
 entertained in Chester High Commission Court Richard Parry fined for 
 speaking disrespectfully of the Archdeacon of Carmarthen and of Bishops 
 Pviritanism and High Churchism The Book of Sports Observance of 
 the Sunday in Wales Ship-money levied Effect of Hampden's refusal 
 to pay Attempt to introduce episcopacy into Scotland fails Troubles 
 in Scotland Parliament called after eleven years Is angrily dissolved 
 Long Parliament meets Differences between the King and Parliament- 
 Grow wider and culminate in Civil War. 
 
 SUCH was the aspect of social affairs in Wales at the CHAP 
 commencement of Charles's reign. To fairly under- ^^^ 
 stand the conduct of the Welsh in the momentous A - D - 1625> 
 struggle which forms the subject of this Work, it will 
 be necessary at the outset to take a cursory glance 
 at matters of common history the proceedings in 
 Parliament, the arbitrary and unconstitutional acts of 
 the King, the struggles between the King and the
 
 34 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. Eepresentatives of the People, the growth of Puritan- 
 ism, the pretensions of the Church of England, the 
 
 A t> 1625 
 
 intrigues with the Church of Borne, all which cul- 
 minated in the final appeal to arms. 
 
 This I shall endeavour to do as concisely as pos- 
 sible, though in some instances it will be unavoidable 
 to discuss certain matters in detail. 
 
 The accession of Charles was an event of unal- 
 loyed pleasure to the great majority of the nation. 
 His virtuous and pure life pleased all men the up- 
 rightness of his character was as yet untarnished by 
 any meanness or duplicity. In fine, no King ever as- 
 cended the throne with a better prospect of a peaceful 
 reign than Charles the First. But unfortunately for 
 Charles he had been brought up in a bad school. He 
 was early in life imbued with lofty ideas of the 
 kingly power. James himself had very exaggerated 
 notions of the royal prerogatives, and found courtiers 
 servile enough to flatter him. Notably among these 
 was the Duke of Buckingham, whose influence upon 
 Charles must have been very great. During the 
 Tudor dynasty many encroachments had been made 
 by the Sovereign upon the liberties of the subject. 
 James came to look upon these as his rights, and 
 Charles followed in his father's wake. Moreover, a very 
 obnoxious doctrine was promulgated about this period 
 that of the divine right of kings. This doctrine ob- 
 tained its firmest footing in the Church, the clergy 
 of which, having no real ecclesiastical head, were 
 anxious to place the King its actual head on the 
 loftiest pedestal. Passive obedience was a natural 
 sequence of this false doctrine, and absurd as it may 
 appear, even this was advocated by many persons of 
 importance. This, too, at a time when a genuine spirit
 
 And the Marches. 35 
 
 of enquiry was abroad, and when intelligent minds 
 were questioning the legality of many pretensions, 
 which for awhile had been allowed to grow to the 
 derogation of civil and religious liberty. 
 
 Charles succeeded to the throne on the 27th day 
 of March, 1625. Within a few days writs were 
 issued to convene a Parliament on the 7th of May. 
 Various circumstances, such as the King's marriage, 
 necessitated some delay, and his first Parliament did 
 not assemble until the 18th day of June. In this 
 Parliament there was rather a strong party of very 
 worthy men, somewhat impressed with the spirit of 
 puritanism, a dislike of the English hierarchy, and 
 a dread of anything that savoured of the Church of 
 Eome. These were exceedingly solicitous for civil 
 liberty. They saw with anxiety the tendency to 
 despotism, which the extension of the royal pre- 
 rogative under James indicated, and were anxious 
 to retrench excesses and remove grievances, without 
 however, in any way depriving the King of any of 
 his constitutional rights. To do this they resolved 
 to take fair advantage of the King's wants, and de- 
 termined to grant supplies to the King only on 
 having concessions made on his part in favour of 
 liberty. For Charles's present want they granted 
 him two subsidies (about 120,000) and tonnage and 
 poundage (equivalent to our customs duties) for a 
 year. This Parliament has been much blamed for 
 this very small supply, and the more especially be- 
 cause for some time it had been the practice of 
 Parliaments to vote tonnage and poundage to the 
 King for life. But this clearly arose from no ill- 
 will to Charles personally, nor from any desire to give 
 him annoyance, but simply from a conscientious 
 
 3.v
 
 Civil War in Wales 
 
 belief that if reforms were to be secured at all, they 
 could only be done by rendering the Sovereign a 
 
 A D 1625 
 
 little more dependent upon Parliament for money. 
 
 A violent plague raged in London at this time ; 
 and it became necessary to remove thence. Parlia- 
 ment was prorogued on the llth of July. On the 
 1st of August it reassembled at Oxford. Here 
 Charles remonstrated with them on the inadequacy 
 of the supply, asserted his kindly sentiments towards 
 them, but reminded them that the great undertaking 
 they had in hand viz., the war with Spain would 
 require much money. Finding that the Commons, 
 instead of augmenting the supplies, persisted in ven- 
 tilating their grievances, and that they had even com- 
 menced an attack upon the royal favourite the Duke 
 of Buckingham the King with much ill-humour 
 dissolved the Parliament. 
 
 Immediately before this, when these differences 
 with the Parliament were at their height, the King 
 threatened that if he did not find compliance with 
 his desires he would take the government into his 
 own hands and rule the country without a Parlia- 
 ment. This he now essayed. The very day the 
 dissolution took place a fact which clearly shows 
 the King's desperate resolve orders from the Council 
 were issued, addressed to the Lord-Lieutenants, to 
 borrow money on Privy Seals from the rich of their 
 counties. The names of those who refused were to 
 be reported to the Council another fact which shows 
 the absurdity of calling this a loan, when men were 
 to be reported for not doing that which at the best 
 would be but an act of favour and not obliga- 
 tion. This scheme but ill-succeeded. Small was the 
 amount collected, while the dissatisfaction of the
 
 And the Marches. 37 
 
 u. 
 
 A.D. 1625. 
 
 people at this stretch of power was intense. In CHAP. 
 Wales, as in England, it was a failure. In the 
 County of Brecon ,105 was advanced by seven 
 persons. Privy Seals had been addressed to nine- 
 teen, seVen only paid the rest made excuses. 1 The 
 gentlemen of Cheshire, who were addressed in like 
 manner, were said to " distaste the motion by reason 
 many of them had lent before without repayment." 
 The Deputy-Lieutenants had however " been careful 
 to inform themselves of moneyed men, who employ 
 the same in usury." 2 An inquisition this of the most 
 illegal nature ! The people of Herefordshire, Shrop- 
 shire, and Flintshire, pretended poverty, payment of 
 subsidies, charges for levies of soldiers, and the cer- 
 tainty of a Parliament. The Earl of Northampton 
 could not "without great difficulty persuade men to 
 discover the state of their country" in these coun- 
 ties. 3 Glamorganshire had suffered extensive losses 
 at the hands of Turkish pirates, who had taken 
 their ships (five good barques), trading in butter 
 with France and Ireland, to the utter undoing of 
 many men, and the impoverishment of the whole 
 country the farmers being even unable to pay their 
 rents, and honest men detained slaves at Sallee im- 
 ploring the aid of their friends. The Deputy-Lieu- 
 tenants endeavoured to make a list of persons able 
 to lend, but found them so few and the amounts so 
 small that they preferred representing the state of 
 their poor country. 4 How the project fared in the 
 
 1 Letter of Thomas Price, dated Brecon, June 1626. State Papers 
 Domestic, Charles I., vol. xxx., fol. 85. 
 
 2 Earl Derby to the Council, Oct. 20, 1625. State Pap. Dom., vol. viii. 
 
 3 Earl Northampton to Council from Flint, llth Jan., 1626. State Pap. 
 Dem., vol. xviii, fol. 33. 
 
 1 State Pap. Dom., vol. xviii., 5.
 
 38 Civil War in Wales 
 
 other "Welsh counties I have not been able to dis- 
 cover ; but universally it failed. 
 
 The necessities of the King were soon, however, 
 more urgent than ever, and, his threat notwithstand- 
 ing, he was obliged to summon another Parliament. 
 Every effort was made to keep out of the new 
 assembly such men as had been conspicuous in their 
 opposition to the Court in the previous Parliament. 
 By appointing them to the Shrievalty several were 
 incapacitated. But the subterfuge, as . events proved, 
 was not successful. It was seen through, and others 
 were returned in the place of the disqualified, who, 
 if they did not possess the abilities, were actuated 
 by the same opposition to tyranny and the same soli- 
 citude for the common weal. 
 
 The sixth day of February, 1626, witnessed the 
 opening of the new Parliament. Charles fondly hoped 
 that his determined conduct in dissolving the previous 
 Parliament would have a salutary effect upon the new 
 assembly, and could scarcely bring himself to doubt 
 that this Parliament would in the least delay the 
 voting of supplies. But the new assembly was as 
 determined as the old to redress grievances. Never- 
 theless, they voted a supply of three subsidies, which 
 was afterwards increased to four subsidies and three 
 fifteenths. Even this was a small sum enough, but 
 it was not finally passed in fact, its grant was made 
 conditional on the redress of grievances, a course 
 which gave great annoyance to the Court. Charles, 
 however, had no choice but to submit, and the 
 Commons proceeded in earnest to discuss their griev- 
 ances. The Duke of Buckingham, ever unpopular, 
 had now become positively obnoxious to the country. 
 It was he who had plunged the nation into an
 
 And the Marches. 
 
 inglorious war. It was he who had influenced the 
 King in his attempts to abuse the liberties of the 
 
 A.D. 1626. 
 
 people. His removal was absolutely necessary, if 
 anything like harmony was ever to exist between the 
 Sovereign and the Parliament. His impeachment 
 was therefore decided upon. This was the constitu- 
 tional way of dealing with untrustworthy ministers. 
 But Charles hearing of it, instantly threatened the 
 Commons, stating that he would not allow any of his 
 servants to be questioned by them, especially such as 
 were of eminent place and near to him. The time 
 had gone by to dispute with effect this right of the 
 Commons, and this threat of necessity failed. The 
 Commons demanded a conference with the Lords to 
 discuss the charges against the favourite, and the 
 impeachment was finally decided upon. As soon as 
 the conference was over, the King caused two of the 
 Commons to be cast into the Tower for alleged 
 violence of speech, whereupon the Commons showed 
 a very proper spirit, by proclaiming that until repar- 
 ation had been done for this indefensible attack upon 
 their privileges, they would do nothing. The Court 
 party in vain tried to frighten them by the bugbear of 
 dissolution. They remained resolute, and soon after 
 the two members were set at liberty and restored to 
 their colleagues. Even the Lords, who had hitherto 
 slept upon their rights, were stimulated by this result 
 to demand that the Earl of Arundel, whose imprison- 
 ment was equally illegal, should be discharged, and 
 again the King had ignominiously to give way. 
 
 The Parliament were now more than ever bent 
 upon destroying the Duke's influence Charles on the 
 other hand was determined to afford him his pro- 
 tection. The supply had not yet been voted, and
 
 40 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, this quarrel rendered it extremely doubtful whether 
 " ~~7' the subsidies would be allowed unless the King 
 granted extraordinary concessions. To avoid this, 
 and also to prevent the adoption by Parliament of a 
 general remonstrance which was in preparation, the 
 royal prerogative was again exercised to dissolve the 
 Parliament. This happened on the 15th of June. 
 The Commons, nevertheless, published their remon- 
 strance, appealing in this way to the public on 
 whose behalf they fought. This the King ordered 
 to be burnt by the common hangman. And Charles 
 on his part appealed to the same public quite a 
 novel proceeding by the way by issuing a pro- 
 clamation explaining the dissolution. 
 
 To rule without the intervention of Parliament 
 was consonant with the inclinations and desire of 
 Charles to feel that he was the sole and absolute 
 master of the situation, for however so short a time, 
 seems to have given him a boyish kind of delight. 
 And were it not for the difficulty of obtaining money 
 to carry on the machinery of State, it is certain he 
 would never summon a Parliament. But the position 
 was a difficult and hazardous one upon which he now 
 resolved to enter. A war was on hand money was 
 urgently wanted the Parliament had been dissolved 
 without voting a supply. New expedients were 
 resorted to with the object of obtaining that which 
 the Parliament had refused, and a scheme was 
 adopted which shows that the King clearly mis- 
 understood the character of the nation, or at any rate 
 believed in a simplicity of nature which is astonish- 
 ing. And it was this. Letters were sent by the 
 Council to the Justices of the Peace of the various 
 counties, stating that the House of Commons had
 
 And the Marches. 41 
 
 "unanimously" agreed, which was a fact, to grant 
 a supply of four subsidies and three fifteenths, which 
 would have been granted accordingly, but for the 
 11 disordered passion of some members," wherefore 
 the King after admonition was forced to dissolve the 
 Parliament that the necessity for the supply still 
 continuing, the King "desired his loving subjects 
 to be a law unto themselves, and to grant that which, 
 if it had passed as was intended, they would have 
 been compcllable unto." l The Justices were there- 
 fore ordered to call the people together, and to exhort 
 them to grant a supply equal to the King's wants. 
 The pretext for this demand was that the country 
 was threatened with an invasion, which however had 
 no foundation in fact. In London, and throughout 
 England, the people were assembled to consider the 
 matter, and everywhere the payment was objected 
 to. The loving subjects appealed to did not care to 
 tax themselves, even though the Judges were in- 
 fluenced to persuade the people of the legality of the 
 thing. It was all in vain. As in England so in 
 the Principality, much murmuring took place. The 
 Justices did their duty by calling together the 
 people, but the result was far from reassuring to 
 Charles, and he would have done well had he 
 taken to heart the lesson which this affair taught 
 him. The County of Pembroke was called together 
 on the 29th of July at Haverfordwcst. The letter 
 was read. Many objections were made, the people 
 were backward, further time was required to con- 
 sider what answer to make. 2 The adjourned meet- 
 ing took place on the 8th of August, when the 
 
 1 State Pap. Dom., vol. 31, $ 30. 
 
 2 Letter from H. West, 29th July. State Pap. Dom., vol. 32, 66.
 
 42 Civil War in Wales 
 
 inhabitants excused themselves from making a volun- 
 tary supply, on the ground of the heavy burdens 
 which had already been imposed upon them, and their 
 diminished means; but they added that "it would have 
 "ministered no small comfort to their hearts, if by 
 course of Parliament this supply had been added to 
 their former burdens, although thereby they had 
 ever so much wanted." 1 The Monmouthshire people 
 met at Usk, on the 25th day of August, "and utterly 
 refused to pay the subsidies, except they were granted 
 by Act of Parliament." A clear and bold answer 
 this. Moreover, they sent back the King's letter, 
 as if they did not wish to harbour amongst them- 
 selves even the slightest memento of such illegality. 2 
 The answer of the Carmarthenshire people was 
 to the effect that they "were ready to supply his 
 Majesty's wants according to the usual and ancient 
 custom." 3 In the other counties, in all probability, 
 the application failed in like manner. 
 
 Vessels were wanted to carry on the war. Charles 
 called upon the seaport towns to furnish him with 
 them. In this he kept himself strictly within limits, 
 for the call was made only on maritime districts. 
 There were many precedents for this, but the demand 
 on this occasion was in excess of any in previous 
 reigns. The City of London alone was required 
 to furnish twenty ships. Upon complaining that 
 Elizabeth had not required so many when threatened 
 with the Armada, the Corporation was curtly told that 
 " precedents in former times were obedience and not 
 direction." I have not been able to discover what 
 
 1 State Pap. Dom., vol. 33, 57. 
 
 2 Letter of Justices to Council. State Pap. Dom., vol. 34, 30. 
 
 3 Ibid. September 15. State Pap. Dom., vol. 35, 97.
 
 And the Marches. 43 
 
 demand was made upon the "Welsh seaports, save CHAP. 
 from the few replies which exist, and from which it 
 
 A.D. 1626. 
 
 is apparent that the demand was looked upon as 
 excessive. No alacrity to obey is anywhere manifest. 
 The County of Carmarthen was called upon to 
 supply a vessel of thirty tons. The people begged 
 to be excused. Their county they said "was an 
 inland county with only a few creeks, in which there 
 was no such ship." Some pressure, probably, was 
 brought to bear upon them, for by another letter (of 
 the 15th of September) they again re-assert that they 
 had no vessel of that size, but had assessed them- 
 selves in a sum equivalent to its value. 1 The 
 Justices of Monmouth, writing from Newport on the 
 24th July, had to confess that "having inquired 
 what ships belong to any port in that county they 
 cannot find that there is anyone. 8 Curious this, that 
 Monmouth, which now boasts a large seaport town 
 in Newport, should have been in the time of Charles 
 without a single ship of thirty tons; or, indeed, if 
 we are to believe the Justices literally, without a 
 single ship of any size whatever. The Pembroke- 
 shire people were also called upon to furnish a 
 pinnace. Whether it was intended that the entire 
 county should contribute is not quite clear, though it 
 seems as if such were the case. Sir John Lewis loses 
 no time to write to Sir John "Wogan to say that he 
 thinks the charge was to be borne by those parts of 
 the county adjoining Milford Haven. 3 Sir John 
 Lewis here raises the whole question of ship money, 
 a question which was before long to assume serious 
 importance, and to occupy a prominent place in the 
 
 1 State Pap. Dom., vol. 39, 98. 2 Ibid, vol 32, 29. 
 3 Hid, vol. 22, 66.
 
 44 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, affairs of the country. This furnishing of a ship 
 ' * appears to have been considered a serious imposition 
 by the Pembrokeshire men. They tried to get their 
 good neighbours of Cardiganshire to go halves with 
 them, but the proposal was declined, and the Justices 
 of Pembrokeshire were compelled to inform the 
 Council that they had been unable to furnish the 
 pinnace which was required of them. 1 
 
 The attempt to persuade the people to pay what 
 the Parliament had voted but not passed, having 
 failed, as we have already seen, Charles and his 
 councillors had to devise some other scheme to obtain 
 money wherewith to carry on the government. A 
 general loan was decided upon, notwithstanding the 
 declared illegality of such a thing. Letters were 
 sent to the Lord-Lieutenants, and Commissioners 
 were appointed to collect the loan in each county. 
 Accompanying those letters were private instructions 
 for them to assess the amount each man had to pay on 
 the last subsidy. They were told to treat with each 
 person separately, and should any refuse to lend, they 
 were to be examined on oath as to their reasons, 
 and who (if any) instigated their refusing, and with 
 what design. They were to admit of no excuse, 
 and the names of such as proved obstinate they were 
 to report to the Council. For a good example they 
 were themselves asked to lend freely, and at the 
 outset to seek the loan from such as were deemed 
 most likely to be willing to give the money, so that 
 by the appearance of their names on the list others 
 less willing might be induced to lend. In the 
 King's public declaration for the loan it was said 
 that the urgency of the occasion would not admit 
 
 1 State Pap. Coin., vol. 36, 19, Sept. 19, 1626.
 
 And the Marches. 45 
 
 of the calling of Parliament, and that this loan CHAP. 
 should not he drawn into a precedent. 33y which ' 
 
 ., j , ., ,, . . A.D. 1626. 
 
 means it was endeavoured to avoid the suspicion 
 which was on the increase in the public mind, that 
 the King intended to govern without Parliaments. 
 Moreover, " on the word of a Prince," he promised 
 to repay all such sums as should be lent, so soon 
 as he should in any way be enabled so to do. But 
 further instructions private of course ordered the 
 Commissioners of the loan to bind over all refractory 
 persons to appear at the Council Table. Afterwards, 
 fearing that there would be a great number in this 
 category, another letter was sent to say it was not 
 the King's intention to have the Council troubled 
 with every ordinary person, but only with those 
 whom the Commissioners should think fit. However, 
 that no one should escape, they were instructed 
 that "for the rest who refuse to assist with their 
 purses it is the King's pleasure that they should do 
 so with their persons," and these were to be bound 
 over to appear in the Military Yard, near St. Martin's 
 in the Fields, "to be enrolled amongst the soldiers 
 to be employed in the King's service." l And this 
 was called a loan ! It certainly is not the usual way 
 to borrow. It is true Charles promised to pay, but 
 it would be weakness to place too much reliance on 
 his word. At any rate, throughout his career as 
 King, it is difficult to discover that he once kept 
 faith. Many opposed this loan throughout the 
 country, and were dealt with in the summary 
 manner above indicated. Terrified at the conse- 
 quences of a refusal, and wanting organization 
 which alone enables a resistance to be successfully 
 
 1 State Pap. Dom., vol. 38, $ 23, under date Oct. 20, 1626,
 
 46 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, carried out, the country generally gave in. In 
 ~ ' Wales, as elsewhere, there was, however, a great 
 deal of grumbling. At Haverfordwest the inhabit- 
 ants required " much persuasion," but yielded, "and 
 to avoid the great hazard [probably from highway 
 robbers] of conveying the money to London at two 
 separate times," they agreed to pay the whole at 
 once. 1 In the County of Pembroke very few per- 
 sons made default, and those were poor or absent. 53 
 From Carmarthenshire it was reported as early 
 as February 21 (in a letter from Golden Grove) 
 that the subsidy men "with all cheerful and dutiful 
 hearts had paid, and the Commissioners had freely 
 condescended to do the same." 3 Probably the only 
 instance on record where a tax was paid with a 
 cheerful heart ! The Cardiganshire people showed a 
 somewhat less obsequious front. They alleged a 
 decay in their estates, their present disability, and 
 "their fear that the unusual demand might be 
 drawn into a precedent," evidently doubting Charles's 
 promise to the contrary. One hundred and ninety- 
 four positively refused, and a list of them was duly 
 sent to the Council. The sum levied in Cardigan- 
 shire was 200. 4 Eadnorshire probably is the only 
 county in the Kingdom which actually boasted of 
 having agreed to the loan "without a negative 
 voice." This statement, however, which appears in 
 a letter dated the 12th of June, 5 appears to have 
 been premature, for in September the names of five 
 persons, who, being of sufficient estate in that county, 
 had refused, were sent to the Council. 
 
 1 State Pap. Dom., vol. 57, 3, March 13th, and vol. 68, { 12, March 
 24, 1627. 
 
 2 Ibid, vol. 73, 6, August 1st. 3 Ibid, vol. 54, 54. 
 
 4 Ibid, vol. -54, $ 74. ' Ibid, vol. 66, 73.
 
 And the Marches. 47 
 
 The loan succeeded better than could have been CHAP. 
 expected nearly the whole amount demanded was ~ - 
 
 A T> Ifi27 
 
 collected. Charles had too little foresight, or was 
 too much engrossed with his own high notions of 
 the prerogative, to observe the feeling of the nation 
 upon the illegality of the imposition and the 
 outrageous manner in which those who refused to 
 pay were treated. Many men of position were 
 brought before the Council, and were ruthlessly cast 
 into prison. Five of these claimed the protection 
 of the law, and claimed to be discharged on bail 
 the clear and undisputed right of every Englishman. 
 But with Charles the privileges and liberties of the 
 subject were of no consideration, and in his zeal to 
 overthrow them he was unprincipled enough to 
 tamper with the Judges and to pollute the very 
 fountain of justice. The Judges at this time were 
 more open to corrupt and venal influence than now. 
 They held their office only during the King's 
 pleasure. Xow they hold office for life, and are 
 removable by Parliament only for grave misconduct. 
 The demand of the prisoners was of course, under 
 such circumstances, refused. This was a direct blow 
 at liberty. Already the King did as he liked with 
 the property of the subject : now it would appear 
 their persons were also to be at his disposal. Every 
 enactment for the protection of liberty from the Great 
 Charter downwards, which our forefathers had wrested 
 from unwilling Sovereigns, was now trampled upon 
 and ignored. Step by step Charles pursued his 
 blind and infatuated course, goading his people to a 
 resistance which, if it was a long time ripening into 
 rebellion, was destined to sweep away from the 
 English throne not only himself but the House he 
 belonged to.
 
 48 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. After all this abuse of power, money was as much 
 v wanted as ever. The war in which the King foolishly 
 
 A.D. 1628. . J 
 
 persisted exhausted everything. Charles was afraid 
 to try another loan, and it was difficult to discover 
 any fresh expedient. Ancient muniments were 
 diligently searched to find out some forgotten 
 precedent. The Council were moving heaven and 
 earth for some new method. In the last extremity 
 all things else failing they were forced to confess 
 that a Parliament must be called. To this the King 
 showed great unwillingness. He abominated the 
 very name of Parliament, he said. But nothing else 
 could be done, and the writs were issued. Still 
 Charles loved the crooked path. Even while the 
 writs were out, the Council was urged to discover 
 some plan wherewith to obtain money. Com- 
 missioners were appointed to do so by " imposition 
 and otherwise," as they should think fit. Even the 
 levying of ship-money, and that too in its very worst 
 form, was not only debated, as Hallam says, 1 but 
 actually resolved upon. This is a fact which seems 
 to have been overlooked in common history at all 
 events, I have nowhere seen it mentioned. On the 
 llth of February, 1628, the King writes to the Sheriff, 
 Deputy-Lieutenant, and Justices of the Peace of the 
 County of Anglesea " The King of Denmark is 
 in such great distress, that without present means 
 the Sound will be lost, the English garrison in Stade 
 will be broken up, our eastland trade and the staple 
 of Hamburgh be gotten from us ; besides, Spain and 
 France are joined to root out our religion, their 
 Admirals are endeavouring to block up Rochelle, and 
 have a store of landsmen ready on the coast of 
 
 1 Constitutional Hist., i., p. 388.
 
 And the Marches. 49 
 
 Brittany to invade us. The fleet in preparation CHAP. 
 cannot stay safely for a Parliament, but writs are " ' 
 
 J J A.D. 1628. 
 
 issued, and if the persons addressed make the supply 
 which is the subject of this letter, the King will go on 
 with the Parliament ; if not, he must think of some 
 more speedy way. The great business of setting out 
 ships, which used to be charged on the port towns and 
 neighbouring shires, is too heavy fer them alone, 
 therefore the Council have cast up the whole charge 
 of the fleet, and have divided it proportionably among 
 all the counties." The sum to be levied in Anglesea 
 was 111, which was to be paid in before the 1st 
 of March. This letter was accompanied by another 
 from the Council, recommending them "to divide 
 the county among them, and so settle the busi- 
 ness speedily." 1 Cardiganshire was to contribute 
 330, Carmarthenshire 411, Glamorganshire 672, 
 Merionethshire 136. Similar letters were most 
 probably sent to the other shires, though I have 
 found no traces of them. Here was at any rate 
 an undisguised attempt to raise ship-money in its 
 most illegal form. What the result was I have not 
 discovered. Even at this early date, it is clear that 
 Charles hesitated at nothing which extended his 
 own arbitrary power. Though the Parliament was 
 summoned, and the elections actually going on, he 
 manifested so little faith in the Parliament, that he 
 and his advisers were constantaneously with the 
 elections carrying out unconstitutional schemes to 
 force money from the nation. 
 
 On the 17th March, 1628, Charles's third Par- 
 liament met. When the writs were issued, the 
 King, as an act of grace, and to conciliate the people, 
 
 1 State Pup. Com., vol. 92, $ 88 and 89. 
 4
 
 50 Civil War in Wales 
 
 ordered the prison doors to be thrown open. Many 
 who had suffered long imprisonment for asserting 
 
 A.u.1628. ,,..,. . t, n 
 
 their rights the common rights 01 all were re- 
 leased. Of these no less than twenty-seven entered 
 Parliament: elected by the people as a protest 
 against the abuses of the times. These, by their 
 sad experience, thoroughly understood the tendencies 
 of the Court. And they appeared at Westminster 
 with an earnest resolution to fight the battle of 
 freedom against despotism. It would be idle to ex- 
 pect them to forget their own sufferings ; in fact, 
 the great majority of the elected were determined 
 to place if possible the public liberties on a firm 
 and clear footing. The King's speech on opening 
 Parliament cannot well be surpassed for indiscretion. 
 While soliciting aid his behaviour was imperious, 
 and his language at least threatening. If they should 
 not do their duties in " contributing what the State 
 needed, he should, in discharge of his conscience, 
 use those other means which God had put into his 
 hands to save that which the follies of some parti- 
 cular men may otherwise hazard to lose." Notwith- 
 standing this, the first intercourse between the King 
 and the Commons was friendly, though the latter 
 were resolved to put an end to encroachments upon 
 their privileges, and to create some limit to the 
 Eoyal Prerogative. The King's wants and their own 
 grievances were at one and the same time considered, 
 and within a fortnight of the opening a large subsidy 
 was unanimously voted. Charles was delighted, and 
 fancied that his threat had availed. But no Act 
 had as yet been passed for the grant, and before 
 this was to take place there would have to be a 
 considerable redress of grievances. Both Lords and
 
 And the Marches. 51 
 
 Commons were now united in the wish to have their 
 rights satisfactorily established by a lawful declara- 
 tion. Charles hearing of the conferences between 
 the two Houses, went to Westminster, and declared 
 before Parliament that he was willing to acknowledge 
 the inviolability of the Great Charter and other 
 ancient statutes, and asked them to accept his royal 
 word. The Lords were willing to accept this, but 
 the Commons did not evince the same faith in the 
 royal word. The trampling upon the popular rights 
 had been too great ; their persons and their property 
 had been illegally dealt with; loans had been imposed 
 upon them in the face of Acts of Parliament, for 
 refusing to pay many had suffered imprisonment; 
 soldiers had been billeted in private houses; and 
 martial law had been everywhere applied, against 
 the whole tenour of the law. By the Bill which they 
 had prepared, and which to all posterity will be known 
 by the sacred name Petition of Eights, all these 
 were once more in terms declared illegal ; and to 
 this the Commons were resolved to obtain the King's 
 assent. Charles resisted it as much as possible, did 
 all he could to evade it, threatened he would not 
 even receive it. It was useless for the Lords to 
 suggest a compromise, the Commons had made up 
 their minds. It was presented to Charles. He re- 
 turned a long equivocal assent, instead of using the 
 formal words by which English kings have ever 
 assented to Bills. The formal assent was demanded, 
 and a remonstrance was discussed. Remonstrances in 
 this reign were very frequent. Nothing the King 
 disliked more. Charles sent word that the Commons 
 should not meddle thenceforth with the affairs of State. 
 The House was in no mood to brook such an insult. 
 
 4A
 
 62 Civil War in Wales 
 
 A wild scene occurred, strong language was used; 
 Buckingham was openly accused as the sole cause 
 of the quarrel. The Speaker of the House was mean 
 enough to slink away and inform the King of this. 
 The latter became in his turn alarmed, sent an ex- 
 planatory message, and seeing that the Bill for the 
 subsidies had not passed he reluctantly gave his 
 assent to the Petition of Eights in the usual form. 
 
 The public joy was intense, bonfires were lit, 
 and bells rung throughout the metropolis and else- 
 where. The supplies were at once passed. All that 
 the Commons wanted had not yet however been 
 effected. There were other grievances to be reme- 
 died. Buckingham was still the chief adviser of 
 the King. Tonnage and poundage had been levied 
 without Parliamentary consent. Two remonstrances 
 directed against these things were prepared but not 
 presented, for the King, anxious to have a respite 
 from further contention, prorogued the Parliament. 
 
 In the interim the Duke of Buckingham was 
 assassinated by a fanatic of the name of Felton, who 
 believed himself to be an instrument in the hand of 
 Heaven to rid the country of that bad man. The 
 King by no means took this to heart ; he was simply 
 irritated, and continued to pursue his old course. 
 The enemies of the Parliament, the upholders of the 
 divine right, and preachers of passive obedience, had 
 favours heaped upon them. Such as were obnoxious 
 to the people found favour with the King. Dr. 
 Laud, who a couple of years before this time was 
 Bishop of St. David's, was translated from "Win- 
 chester to the see of London. Dr. Mainwaring, 
 whose intemperate zeal in his advocacy of the divine 
 right had evoked the censure of Parliament, was
 
 And the Marches. 53 
 
 promoted to a rich living. This man actually as- 
 serted in a sermon, which was published with Laud's 
 license Abbot, the Archbishop, within whose pro- 
 vince it was, had refused to grant his license, and 
 for his refusal had been suspended that the King 
 was not bound to observe the laws of the land, 
 that he could, without any consent of Parliament, 
 impose loans and levy taxes, and that the obstinate 
 would not only be lawfully subjected to penalties, 
 but would incur eternal damnation. In 1635, a 
 few years later, this very divine was made Bishop 
 of St. David's, and in that capacity he will probably 
 pass under our review hereafter. 
 
 Before the Houses had separated it had been 
 resolved that the Petition of Eights, with the King's 
 final assent, should be printed and dispersed all over 
 the country. The Bill was accordingly printed, but 
 the very next day after the prorogation, the King's 
 printer received instructions to destroy all the copies, 
 and to print instead the Petition with the King's 
 first answer attached to it. A more disgraceful act 
 cannot well be imagined, and the folly of it passes 
 all understanding. 
 
 The Parliament reassembled in January. They 
 satisfied themselves as to the cause of this gross 
 breach of faith, but hushed it up as if ashamed of the 
 transaction. Now was heard for the first time in 
 Parliament the voice of that ill-dressed, uncouth 
 man from the Fens, whose destiny was to be so closely 
 connected with the period we are entering upon 
 Oliver Cromwell. The subject of his maiden speech 
 was to protest against the preferment of Dr. Main- 
 waring, whom the House of Lords had a little before 
 the adjournment voted incapable of any ecclesiastical
 
 54 Civil War in Wales 
 
 promotion. Civil and religious grievances were once 
 more taken into consideration. The King's right 
 to the everlasting tonnage and poundage was once 
 more denied, and Popery and innovations in the 
 Church were held decidedly obnoxious by the ma- 
 jority of the Commons, whom a puritanical bias 
 pervaded. The terrible remonstrance was again about 
 . to be resorted to, directed against all such grievances. 
 Charles on this occasion exceeded himself. He 
 enjoined the Speaker not to put it to the House. 
 Such an interference, if allowed, would be simply 
 fatal to Parliament. The House adjourned for a 
 week in a very angry mood. On their reassembling 
 the Speaker again refused to put the vote, and 
 having announced that the House stood adjourned 
 by King's command till the 10th of March, was 
 about to leave the chair, when several Members 
 rushed forward, held him forcibly in his place, when 
 a formal protest was put to the House and carried. 
 This protest declared against innovations in the 
 Church, against the levying of tonnage and poundage, 
 and denounced all such as voluntarily paid the im- 
 post as "betrayers of the liberties of England, and 
 enemies to the same." The King was informed of 
 what was going on. He dispatched a messenger to 
 the Sergeant-at-Arms to remove the mace, but the 
 messenger was denied admittance, and the Sergeant 
 himself was detained. Another messenger was sent to 
 dissolve the Parliament, but found the doors locked. 
 Furious at this, Charles actually ordered the Captain 
 of the Guards to go and break open the doors, but 
 before he could execute his commission the resolution 
 was passed, and the Commons had dispersed. 
 
 Dissolution of course instantly followed. A few
 
 And the Marches. 55 
 
 ii. 
 
 ^ -^^ 
 
 1629-40. 
 
 days later the King published a proclamation justify- CHAP. 
 ing himself, attributing everything to " some vipers 
 who must look for their reward," and in the most 
 open manner threatening anyone who presumed to 
 prescribe to him any time again for the calling of 
 a Parliament. 
 
 The "vipers" soon met with their reward. Several 
 members were apprehended and cast into the Tower. 
 They claimed to be admitted to bail. The judges 
 were again tampered with. The application naturally 
 failed. Heavy fines were inflicted some of them 
 refused to pay, preferring to remain in prison ; and 
 one of them, Sir John Elliot, an upright and honour- 
 able man, died there. 
 
 Charles thus once more felt himself free and 
 untrammelled, able to pursue his despotism without 
 any fear of remonstrances an absolute sovereign. 
 His courtiers, deluded with the idea that without 
 a Parliament they would flourish better, flattered 
 him. The victory of the High Church was complete, 
 and the puritanical opposition at least for a time 
 rendered powerless. 
 
 His Majesty's threat against public interference 
 on the question of calling a Parliament was effectual. 
 The country, contented in the main to pursue their 
 industries and trade, submitted to many illegalities 
 and wrongs. At the outset, too, the impositions 
 were not very heavy, for the war with France and 
 Spain was suddenly terminated. The expenses of 
 the State was thereby much reduced, and the country 
 for a while enjoyed the benefit of this. 
 
 The two great councillors of Charles at this time 
 were Strafford and Laud. The Earl of Strafford, 
 while yet a Commoner, had been in Charles's first
 
 56 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, and second Parliaments, one of the most determined 
 - ' opponents of the Court party. Some attribute this 
 to a personal hatred of Buckingham, rather than 
 to any convictions of the sacredness of the cause he 
 then advocated. When Buckingham was assas- 
 sinated, Charles found no difficulty in winning over 
 Sir Thomas Wentworth to his side. Haughty, able, 
 and ambitious, this apostate soon sold his old friends, 
 the popular party, and, like all apostates, he became 
 as assiduous now to extend the Prerogative as during 
 his early Parliamentary career he had been strenuous 
 to curtail it. He became the object of much popular 
 hatred. In his capacity of adviser to the King, 
 in the offices of Lord President of the North, 
 and afterwards Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, he 
 was guilty of acts which can bear no palliation. 
 Laud, less able than the former, was every bit as 
 earnest to serve the King. Disinterested so far as 
 personal ambition went, his great object was to 
 elevate the Church into the loftiest possible position 
 and to extend the Eoyal Prerogative, by which 
 alone the object of his life could be secured. A 
 cruel, hard-hearted man, his chief delight was to 
 punish and oppress those who differed from him, 
 or who stood in his way. A pious man withal. 
 He appears to be infatuated with the belief that 
 the best way to promote the end he had in view 
 was by the cruel persecution and oppression of the 
 Puritans. These two laboured hard and incessantly, 
 entirely devoted, as they were, to the work, to pro- 
 mote the same evil end to make the King absolute, 
 and the Church independent of popular whims. 
 Simple and not frivolous, they were disliked by the 
 courtiers; time-servers and persecutors, they were
 
 And the Marches. 57 
 
 hated by the people. Both were deadly enemies of CHAP. 
 
 liberty, which they tried their utmost to subvert. -^ 
 
 Both in the end came to the block. 
 
 With such men for his advisers, there was not 
 much difficulty experienced in finding means to con- 
 duct the government without the aid of a Parliament. 
 Every species of oppression was resorted to; the 
 abuses of former times were converted into royal 
 privileges; the Prerogative was declared absolute, 
 unquestionable. No one dare lift his voice against 
 the injustice perpetrated, dreading the terrible judg- 
 ments of illegal tribunals, which now usurped the 
 jurisdiction of the ordinary courts of law. Tonnage 
 and poundage with greater rigour than ever was 
 now levied for refusing to pay merchants were 
 fined and imprisoned. In direct violation of well- 
 known statutes, innumerable monopolies in trade were 
 openly granted, giving exclusive rights to favourites 
 and companies to trade in various commodities, to 
 the injury of commerce and the impoverishment of 
 the country ; and this for the sole object of having 
 the fine which each monopolist paid on receiving 
 his charter. On more than one occasion Charles 
 was base enough to grant two monopolies of the 
 same thing to two distinct grantees, so as to receive 
 double fines, without any regard whatever to the 
 inexcusable dishonesty of the transaction. The Forest 
 Laws were revived to the disturbance of the rights 
 of property, which had been uninterruptedly enjoyed 
 for scores, and even hundreds of years. One forest 
 was thus enlarged from six to sixty miles. Alleged 
 encroachers were heavily fined 12,000, 19,000, 
 and even 20,000 in some instances were thus in- 
 flicted. This was done by the odious exercise of
 
 58 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, authority by the Court of Star Chamber a tribunal 
 " ^ which from the iniquity of its sentences and the 
 
 1629-40. * * 
 
 illegality of its acts was perhaps the most objection- 
 able feature in a reign which was altogether cruel, 
 vindictive, and unjust. The Courts of Law were 
 not pliant enough to satisfy the ill-will and wants 
 of the King, and his two great advisers. The judges 
 of these Courts, though often weak and submissive, 
 could not always be counted upon; for occasionally, 
 either from a dread of public vengeance, or from a 
 conscientiousness which was not always manifest, 
 the Common Law judges stood up in defence of 
 public rights. The Star Chamber, however, worked 
 better, was far less technical, and not bound by 
 precedents; moreover, Strafford and Laud were all 
 powerful there. It assumed a most extended juris- 
 diction over persons and property, and, in excess of 
 all previous precedents, heard and decided a vast 
 number of criminal cases. The object, as Hallam 
 says, was twofold to accustom the people to acts 
 of despotism by a tribunal more immediately con- 
 nected with the Crown, and to bring money into 
 the exchequer by means of fines and forfeitures. 
 "Those who inflicted the punishment reaped the 
 gain, and sat like famished birds of prey, with keen 
 eyes and bended talons, eager to supply for a moment, 
 by some wretch's ruin, the craving emptiness of the 
 exchequer." 1 Not merely satisfied by ruining per- 
 sons in their estates, it dealt out the most cruel 
 corporal punishments and torture to those who were 
 brave enough to disobey its mandates, or to deny 
 its jurisdiction. Ears were ordered to be lopped, 
 noses to be slit, cheeks to be branded with hot iron. 
 
 1 Conet, Hist., ii., 35.
 
 And the Marches. 59 
 
 Men were dragged through the streets tied to carts, 
 and whipped and pilloried. Perpetual and solitary 
 imprisonment, too, was sometimes ordered. It would 
 be beyond the scope of this Work to enter into any- 
 thing like a detailed account of the many atrocities 
 committed by this Court, and chiefly at the instiga- 
 tion of Laud; but there are some cases which, 
 inasmuch as they in some sense concern Wales and 
 Welshmen, should not be omitted. 
 
 Dr. John Williams, Bishop of Lincoln, a native 
 of Denbighshire (and of whom I shall have more 
 to say anon), in James's time, had acquired such 
 a position and influence as enabled him to secure 
 the preferment of Laud. Laud, by tact and in- 
 trigues, soon supplanted him at Court. And now 
 that the Bishop of Lincoln somewhat favoured the 
 Puritans, this serpent, whom he had as it were 
 warmed in his own bosom, now turned upon him, 
 and with great vindictiveness harrassed and per- 
 secuted the very man to whom he owed everything. 
 For merely receiving some letters from one Osbadil- 
 ston, a master of Westminster School, in which Laud 
 was called by a nickname, which letters Dr. Williams 
 had never shown the mere concealment of such 
 letters being declared an offence Williams was 
 ordered to pay a penalty of 5,000 to the King, 
 and 3,000 to Laud. He was further to be im- 
 prisoned during pleasure, and to make a humble 
 submission. Osbadilston had a heavier judgment. 
 In addition to a heavier fine and imprisonment, he 
 was ordered to be placed in the pillory in front of 
 his own school, and to have his ears nailed to it. 
 The latter made his escape, but Williams, like a 
 stout Briton, refusing to tender the required apology,
 
 60 Civil War in Wales 
 
 was cast into the Tower, and there remained until 
 he was released at the beginning of the Long 
 
 1629-40. 
 
 Parliament. 
 
 William Prynne, a barrister of Lincoln's Inn, a 
 gloomy Puritan, wrote a long-winded book upon the 
 stage a fearfully dull and heavy, though learned 
 work in which he classed all actors and actresses as 
 depraved characters. The Queen, a short time after 
 its publication, acted a part in a play at Court, and 
 by an extraordinary stretch of the imagination, 
 Prynne's book was looked upon as an attack upon 
 the Queen. Peter Heylin, a Chaplain of Laud, was 
 the ferret who dragged this allusion to light. Heylin, 
 by no means a truthful character, and an intense hater 
 of all things puritanical, appears in several cases to 
 have been Laud's bloodhound in the persecution of 
 the Puritans. And to me it is a matter of regret to 
 have to acknowledge him as a Welshman. He was 
 a member of the family of that name settled at 
 Llanymynech, in the north of Montgomeryshire, a 
 few miles to the south of Oswestry. A very different 
 man from his uncle, Rowland Heylin, Alderman and 
 Sheriff of London, who, in conjunction with Sir 
 Thomas Myddelton, was the instrument of publishing 
 the first popular edition of the Bible in Welsh, for 
 the benefit of his countrymen. This work, produced 
 at great expense, borne by these two worthy men, was 
 published in 1630, in small quarto. 1 Prynne was 
 ordered to pay <5,000 fine, to stand twice in the 
 pillory, to have both his ears cropped, and to suffer 
 perpetual imprisonment. Prynne employed his time 
 in gaol to write a bitter attack upon Episcopacy. So 
 did two other men named Burton and Bastwick, the 
 
 1 Holland's Cambrian Bibliography, p. 109.
 
 And the Marches. 61 
 
 ii. 
 _^,-_^ 
 
 1629-40. 
 
 one a divine, and the other a physician. The three CHAP. 
 were brought before the Star Chamber. The pro- 
 ceedings against them were of the most outrageous 
 character. They were not even allowed to speak in 
 their own defence. Laud himself spoke for over two 
 hours against them. Prynne, too, was reviled for the 
 croppiness of his ears. 5,000 fine was imposed 
 upon each of them, they were to lose their ears, and 
 to be imprisoned for their lives ; and to prevent any 
 further offending, writing materials were forbidden 
 them. On the 30th of June, 1637, the sentence was 
 carried into effect. Crowds of sympathizing people 
 assembled round the pillory, and the sufferers were 
 looked upon as martyrs, which they undoubtedly 
 were. Burton and Bastwick were sent to Launceston 
 and Lancaster Castles respectively, and on the 27th 
 July, the Warden of the Fleet handed William Prynne 
 to three keepers named Ealph Evans, John Witch, 
 and John Maynard, who were under orders to take 
 him to Carnarvon Castle, with instructions to allow 
 no persons to speak to him on the road. Travelling 
 in those days was slow, though the time of the year 
 was favourable. On his way from the Fleet prison 
 to Barnet, the streets and fair country lanes were 
 thronged with people, who wept bitter tears at the 
 sight of the brave Puritan, who, for defending and 
 advocating a cause dear to many of them, had suffered 
 such indignities. Many as he passed fell upon their 
 knees and prayed for him. All wished him God speed. 
 Of course, it was intended by sending him to so 
 distant a place as Carnarvon Castle to put him in 
 such a position as would prevent his annoying those 
 in power any more. Perhaps, too, it was hoped that 
 by sending him thus through the heart of the country
 
 62 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, as an example of the manifestation of power, to strike 
 - awe into the people. If any such hopes prevailed, 
 they were soon dispelled, for their appearance every- 
 where elicited nothing but the deepest sympathy for 
 the sufferers, and the strongest condemnation of their 
 cruel persecutors. Prynne's progress more especially 
 evoked the most sincere good-will towards him. In 
 every town and village through which he passed he 
 was greeted by the populace in several places 
 entertained for the keepers were easily bribed. The 
 journey commenced on Thursday the 27th of July. 
 By Saturday night they had come to Coventry. 
 Three times the next day Prynne went to church. 
 In the evening many came to salute him. At Chester 
 they stayed two nights; divers men and women 
 resorted there to him. He went into a stationer's 
 shop there and bought a copy of a Welsh Bible 
 and Prayer Book doubtless a copy of the very 
 edition to which I have just alluded. On Friday 
 night they came to Carnarvon. The gaoler there 
 could not speak English, so they went to the 
 Under-Sheriff, who, however, would not be pre- 
 pared to receive the prisoner until the Monday 
 following. The news soon reached the Council of the 
 dangerous sympathy everywhere exhibited towards 
 Prynne, and the Attorney- General was instructed to 
 thoroughly investigate the matter. Maynard, one 
 of the keepers, was by him examined. He admitted 
 that much sympathy had been manifested, and that 
 their charge was in some places entertained; but he 
 tried to convince the questioner that the persons 
 were of mean quality, asserting especially that at 
 Chester no aldermen or men of quality had resorted 
 to him. Further, he confessed that they, the keepers,
 
 And the Marches. 63 
 
 had been given 26s. at Barnet, 12d. a piece at Coven- CHAP. 
 try. and about three ounces of tobacco at Chester, and 
 
 J . 1629-40. 
 
 that " they who gave the same desired the keepers to 
 be as kind to him as they might." l But Maynard's 
 story was not true in all respects ; at any rate, with 
 regard to the prisoner's reception at Chester, for 
 several persons of quality were implicated in it. 
 Puritanism was evidently strong in the quaint old 
 city at this time. One of the sheriffs of the city, 
 Calvin Bruen mark the name was brought before 
 the Council for entertaining Prynne. 2 Mr. Peter 
 Ince, a stationer there, was taken before the High 
 Commission Court at York. 3 These with others 
 were fined heavily, some 500, some 300, 
 others 250. Bruen made a public submission 
 at the Town Hall, and Peter Ince went humbly on 
 his knees before the Bishop in the Cathedral. Two 
 however, Mr. Peter Lee and Mr. Eichard Golborne, 
 suffered their bonds to be estreated rather than per- 
 form such humiliating conditions. In the following 
 year four portraits of Prynne painted at Chester 
 were burnt at the High Cross in the presence of 
 the Magistracy. 4 In consequence of so much sym- 
 pathy, even the remote fortress on the Welsh coast 
 was not deemed secure enough for Prynne. He 
 was removed soon after to the Isle of Jersey, where 
 he remained until liberated by the Long Parliament. 
 
 Another Court, the proceedings in which were 
 of the most infamous character, was the Court 
 of High Commission, which had cognizance of all 
 spiritual affairs, and was presided over by bishops. 
 There were two branches of this Court one for the 
 
 1 State Pap. Dom., vol. 368, 14. 2 Ibid, vol. 367, 18 and 101. 
 3 Ibid, vol. 370, 31. 4 Ormerod's Cheshire, i , p. 203.
 
 64 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. Archbishopric of Canterbury, the other for York. 
 v ^ ' Laud was the great strength of this Court. He was 
 
 1629-40 
 
 its head, as in fact he was at the head of all affairs in 
 England at this time, for Stratford had enough to do 
 in Ireland, where he was Viceroy. This Court 
 punished with extraordinary vindictiveness those who 
 were brought before it, and the slightest thing was 
 enough to bring a person within its dreadful juris- 
 , diction. To utter one word against the Episcopacy, 
 to show the slightest opposition to the ecclesiastical 
 policy of the Archbishop, or to speak disrespect- 
 fully of any of the dignitaries of the Church, was 
 an offence in the eyes of the judges of this 
 Court which called for the most tremendous punish- 
 ment. I have no space, even if I had the desire, to 
 enumerate instances to substantiate this. One case, 
 however, is especially interesting, inasmuch as it 
 affects a Welshman, and because it shows that even 
 in the distant recesses of mountainous Wales a spirit 
 of enquiry was abroad, and a tone of liberalism was 
 beginning to prevail. Eichard Parry, of Llanvallteg, 
 in the County of Carmarthen, was charged with 
 having created a disturbance in his parish church, 
 by causing the sexton to arrest a person who was 
 present there during divine service, with, having on 
 another occasion exclaimed, after having received the 
 bread in the sacrament, "some devil is in my knee," 
 with having told his rector, Eoger Phillips, "I am 
 a better preacher than thou, and I care not a straw 
 for thee." Moreover, he was alleged to have said of 
 the Archdeacon of Carmarthen, or his official, who 
 had sent out process against him, that he hoped he 
 would be hanged, which was a little illiberal. But 
 the gist of his offence was this that he had the
 
 And the Marches. 65 
 
 impiety to say that "if ho were king, there should CHAP. 
 be no Bishop in the land, but every Doctor should ^" 
 
 1629-40. 
 
 have 100 a year, and every Master of Arts 20 or 
 30," adding, "What good do bishops do in the 
 laud?" Considering what very little good the 
 bishops did in Wales at this time, for they were 
 mere creatures of Laud, and considering also the 
 blind ignorance which prevailed for want of schools, 
 the name of Richard Parry deserves some praise 
 for protesting against the neglect of his country. 
 It is quite certain the endowment of a number 
 of Masters of Arts at even the small salaries sug- 
 gested, would have been far more conducive to the 
 intellectual and even the moral advancement of the 
 people, than the efforts of the bishops to introduce 
 absurd innovations into the Church, and to suppress 
 by rigour and injustice all those who differed from 
 them, or questioned the legality of their pretensions. 
 For this very grave offence poor Parry was ordered 
 to pay a fine of 2,000 to the King, and to make 
 a submission, both in his parish church of Llan- 
 vallteg, and in the cathedral of his diocese, at 
 St. David's. 1 
 
 Puritanism at this time pervaded English society 
 very extensively, more especially among the middle 
 classes ; and even in the higher classes there was a 
 strong dislike to the pretensions of the Episcopacy 
 and the High Church party. When Abbot was 
 Archbishop of Canterbury, many persons imbued 
 with puritanical ideas entered the Church, and 
 were presented to livings. Laud hated these, and 
 was bent upon effecting a clear uniformity within 
 the Church, and so far as persecution could do, 
 
 1 Acts of High Commission Court in 1634 and 1635. In State Pap. Dom. 
 
 5
 
 66 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, to suppress Puritanism even outside the Church. 
 
 - All those who occupied pulpits, and who resisted 
 the innovations which the Archbishop introduced 
 into the ceremonial of the Church, were relent- 
 lessly turned adrift, and persecuted. Thus deprived 
 of their livings, they travelled from place to place, 
 preaching and expounding the scriptures to their 
 followers secretly, in uninhabited houses, barns, caves, 
 and elsewhere. But persecution with its lynx-eyes 
 followed them wherever they went. Many were 
 taken by the rich whose sympathies were that way 
 inclined, into their houses as .chaplains and tutors 
 in their families. Laud, however, would not per- 
 mit this. They Avere proscribed everywhere, and 
 many sought shelter from oppression on foreign soil. 
 Among these was Eoger Williams, the great apostle 
 of toleration one of the most gifted men ever born 
 in Wales. He afterwards settled at Ehode Island, 
 and was in fact the founder of that colony. The 
 pilgrim fathers had already made a settlement in 
 the far West, and had formed the nucleus of that 
 Great Power beyond the Atlantic, where religious 
 freedom and civil liberty have since prevailed. 
 They were now forbidden to leave the country. 
 One precious boat-load, with Cromwell and Hamp- 
 den, was thus detained. Probably this came after- 
 wards to be regretted by Charles and Laud. Not 
 allowed to exercise religious worship at home, 
 prevented from seeking refuge abroad, the persecu- 
 tion of the Puritans could not very well go farther. 
 One of the distinctive characteristics of the 
 Puritans was a strict observance of the Sunday, by 
 them called the Sabbath, or the Lord's Day. This 
 they placed on the same footing as the Jewish
 
 And the Marches. 67 
 
 Sabbath a day of cessation from all worldly work, CHAP. 
 and from everything save the exercise of religion. *~~~-' 
 
 J 1629-40. 
 
 To ascertain who were puritanical, James I., at the 
 instigation of some bishops, issued a proclamation, 
 to be read in all the churches, permitting all man- 
 ner of sports to be played after divine service on 
 Sunday. This was however abandoned, through 
 the strenuous opposition of Archbishop Abbott. 
 Laud, different in every respect from his predecessor, 
 in his many endeavours to harass the Puritans, 
 bethought himself of this unused proclamation. And 
 the Book of Sports was soon after published. To 
 the Puritan, who looked upon things in general from 
 a gloomy and strict point of view, sports and all 
 amusements even on week days were abominable 
 enough, but sports on the Sabbath, and in obedience 
 to an order from the pulpit, was the grossest impiety. 
 They resisted it to the death. Many of the clergy 
 refused to read the order. These were at once 
 summoned before the Court of High Commission. 
 Even in the Principality a few openly protested 
 against this, and refused to promulgate the pro- 
 clamation from the pulpit. William Wroth, rector 
 of Llanvaches, William Erbury, vicar of Cardiif, and 
 Walter Cradock, his curate, were prominent in their 
 resistance, and felt the power of the High Com- 
 mission Court. They were fined and expelled their 
 livings. They afterwards became the founders of 
 Dissent in Wales. 
 
 But if we are to believe, and I see no reason 
 to doubt, the account which the worthy Yicar of 
 Llandovery Yicar Pritchard and other contem- 
 porary authorities give, it would appear that in 
 Wales there was scarcely any necessity for the
 
 68 Civil War in Wales 
 
 promulgation of any such, order, for without it the 
 people enjoyed to the fulness of their hearts all 
 
 1629-40. 
 
 kinds of games and sports. The Sunday, indeed, 
 was the day of all others for games ; and the parish 
 churchyard shared with the old tennis court or castle 
 green the doubtful advantage of being the scene for 
 athletic sports on the Sunday afternoon. 
 
 " Dydd i feddwi, dydd i fowlian, 
 Dydd i ddawnsio, dydd i loetran ; 
 Dydd i bwrian a gwylhersu, 
 Yw'r dydd Sabboth gan y Cymry." 1 
 
 The parsons as a rule cared but little for the 
 spiritual welfare of their parishioners, but they never 
 missed the games of a Sunday afternoon. To the 
 few precise clergy this conduct was exceedingly ob- 
 jectionable. They did their utmost to put it down, 
 but the Book of Sports had in it what was more 
 captivating for the young than the austerities of 
 the Puritan, so that their influence was not very 
 great. The excellent Yicar, however, hit upon far 
 happier tactics of opposition, and instead of waging 
 a sullen and mortal war with the proclivities of 
 youth, he rather humoured them. Knowing the 
 Welshman's natural love for music, the Yicar set 
 to writing hymns, which he set to music. The 
 hymns were sung in his church every Sunday after- 
 noon, and were soon the means of clearing his 
 churchyard of the gamesters and reprobates. The 
 strict Puritans, however, could allow of no middle 
 course like this. They were morose fanatics, whom 
 success rendered less tolerant, and whom persecution 
 made more desperate, but nevertheless deeply pious 
 
 1 Pritchard's Canwyll y Cymry.
 
 And the Marches. 69 
 
 and honest. But the game-playing parson was a CHAP. 
 far ereatcr favourite than his sour-faced rival in - ' 
 
 fe 1629-40. 
 
 the hills of "Wales at this time, and so continued 
 to be for many years, to the near destruction of the 
 Church in the Principality. The effect, however, 
 of this most foolish move of the High Church party 
 was quite the reverse of what Laud anticipated. 
 Persecution only stirs people to a deeper resistance, 
 and surrounds the persecuted with a host of sym- 
 pathisers and recruits. Coupling the relentless 
 harassing of the Puritans with the favour openly 
 shown to the Eoman Catholics, and the tendency 
 of the High Church party towards Rome, the 
 people saw in Laud's acts nothing less than what 
 to the great majority of them appeared the source 
 of the greatest danger. The nation at heart was 
 Protestant. Nothing could change this. ~No rigours, 
 no fines. 
 
 In the middle of these persecutions notwith- 
 standing that the fines inflicted by the Star Chamber 
 and the Court of High Commission amounted to 
 nearly six millions sterling, which ought to have 
 poured into the exchequer, money was urgently 
 wanted. The exchequer was quite low. Clarendon 
 states that the way in which the fines were levied 
 and applied, instead of being of any benefit to the 
 King was the reverse, for their infliction made him 
 enemies, and the money never came into his hands. 
 With such bad management, no wonder the exche- 
 quer was low. Every method had been tried every 
 expedient had been made. There was nothing to 
 do but to try once more the questionable plan of 
 levying ship-money. As mentioned in a former page, 
 there were some precedents for levying such a tax
 
 70 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, upon the seaport towns; but in no previous reign 
 - had inland counties been assessed for the purpose 
 
 162940 
 
 of erecting a fleet. Moreover, the levying of ship- 
 money even upon the maritime towns had only 
 taken place when the country was in actual danger, 
 when it was threatened with foreign invasion. The 
 credit of inventing this new mode of obtaining 
 money is attributed to Noy, the Attorney-General, 
 " a man of venal diligence and prostituted learn- 
 ing." 1 But at this particular period there was no 
 justification whatever for this demand upon the 
 country. We were at profound peace with all the 
 world. There was not the slightest shadow of 
 danger threatening the country. The sole object 
 was to obtain money ; it never was intended to 
 construct a navy. In former times the ships were 
 supplied direct by the towns upon which the tax 
 was imposed. Now the money was to be paid in 
 to a duly-appointed treasurer. In fact, money and 
 not ships was what was wanted. In the month 
 of August, 1635, Noy's scheme was put in full 
 force. Writs from the Council were issued to the 
 Sheriffs of the several counties, ordering them to 
 levy in their respective counties the sums set out 
 by the Council. The total sum to be collected in 
 this way amounted to a little over 200,000. Some 
 counties were to contribute no less a sum than 
 10,000. Yorkshire, for instance. Wales was to 
 pay 9,000, of which 5,000 was charged to South 
 Wales, and the rest to North Wales. Of the 5,000 
 to be levied in the southern division, Brecknock- 
 shire had to contribute 933, Cardiganshire 654, 
 Carmarthenshire 760, Glamorganshire 1,449, 
 
 1 Hallam's Const. Hist., ii,, 12.
 
 II. 
 
 ^^-~-^ 
 
 1629-40. 
 
 And the Marches. 
 
 Pembrokeshire 713 10s, and Radnorshire 490 10s; CHAP. 
 while the 4,000 to be raised in North Wales was 
 apportioned thus : Anglesey 448, Carnarvonshire 
 447, Denbighshire 1,117, Flintshire 738 14s., 
 Merionethshire 416, and Montgomeryshire 833 6s. 
 The burden to be borne by the chief towns in the 
 several counties was specified in the instructions; 
 the remainder was to be assessed upon the county 
 generally. To this illegal impost, strange to say, 
 there seems to have been little or no objection raised 
 in the Principality. "Whether it was that the people, 
 now long accustomed to arbitrary government, and 
 despairing of ever again being governed in a con- 
 stitutional manner, blindly acquiesced in it : or 
 whether, most of the Welsh counties having a sea- 
 board, they thought it was an equitable taxation: 
 or whether they actually believed that the money 
 so charged upon them would be employed in the 
 construction of a navy to protect the coast from 
 the raids of the Turkish and Moorish pirates, who 
 at this period infested these seas and paralysed 
 commercial enterprise, it is now impossible to dis- 
 cover. Of course, the generality of the people 
 were far too ignorant to comprehend the illegal 
 character of the impost, and merely followed the 
 example set them by the higher and educated classes 
 in paying it. That these did as a rule pay the 
 tax is clear, and that too without anything like a 
 serious objection to it on principle. There were, 
 however, many objections made to the magnitude 
 of the assessment. For instance, Cardiganshire 
 was, as before stated, called upon to pay 654. 
 This was characterized as unfair in a letter ad- 
 dressed by Sir John Lewis and others to Hector
 
 72 Civil War in Wa/cs 
 
 Phillips, the high-sheriff. In all similar assessments, 
 they said, they had hitherto been charged only the 
 
 1629-40 
 
 half of what the Counties of Carmarthen and Pem- 
 broke were charged with. The High-Sheriff was 
 therefore asked to respite the levy, and to tender the 
 exceptions to the Council, which he did j 1 but without 
 effect. The County of Flint made a similar com- 
 plaint. Ever since the time of Queen Elizabeth they 
 had never been asked to pay more than half what 
 Montgomeryshire and Denbighshire had to pay. The 
 Council is petitioned to abate the charge, on the 
 ground that their county was a poor one in com- 
 parison with others in JSTorth Wales. 2 In November, 
 the bailiffs of Shrewsbury complain of an excessive 
 charge notwithstanding their town had lately been 
 greatly impoverished by the plague, which made 
 the burden all the more unbearable. 3 From Haver- 
 fordwest, also, a petition was sent. That ancient 
 town was called upon to pay 65 10s. The Council 
 were sorry for them, and " would have liked it very 
 well," if the Mayor and Sheriff had met in time and 
 had agreed to have the town rated in a lesser sum ; 
 but now it was too late to disturb the assessment, as 
 such a course "would bring great prejudice to the 
 service." They were, therefore, requested to pay up 
 "with all convenient speed," but they were consoled 
 by the promise that it should not be a precedent on 
 any future occasion. 4 The diligence of the Sheriff 
 of Glamorganshire, and the readiness of the people 
 of that county to pay, was such as to be a subject of 
 discussion in the Council on the 23rd of December. 
 
 1 State Pap. Dom., vol. 298, 32. Letter dated Cardigan, Sept. 21. 
 
 2 Ibid, vol. 300, 9. Letter from Justices of Flint, Oct. 20, from Flint. 
 
 3 Ibid, vol. 302, 130. 
 
 4 Ibid, vol. 304, 80. Letter from Council of 20th December.
 
 And the Marches, 73 
 
 The Kin^ commanded the Council to inform the CHAP. 
 
 . 
 Sheriff that his Majesty had taken "especial notice - 
 
 1629-40. 
 
 of his forwardness" in collecting the .1,449 charged 
 upon the county. 1 This letter must have added con- 
 siderably to the Sheriff's enjoyment of his Christmas 
 holidays. In like manner the expeditiousness of the 
 Sheriff of Cheshire was highly commended. This man 
 was anxious even to exceed the arbitrary instructions 
 of the Council, and wished he had the power to put 
 the constables and others upon their oath, the better 
 to " discover men's estates." 2 The Sheriff of Den- 
 bighshire was not so energetic Hugh Lloyd of 
 Foxhall ; indeed, he did not pay in the amount until 
 the 7th of the November following. But it was not 
 entirely his fault. Full six weeks before, he handed 
 over the money to drovers to be conveyed to London. 
 But the sickness which prevailed in the Metropolis 
 had deterred them, and they had returned without 
 paying. Few or none travelled to London in those 
 days, he says, save the drovers, wherefore he begged 
 to be tolerated until All Saints. To propitiate the 
 authorities, he begs Xicholas, the Secretary of State, 
 whom he addresses, to accept of one piece as a token 
 of his love. 3 In Merionethshire, the bailiffs had to 
 be employed. Matters do not appear to have gone 
 on so peaceably there as elsewhere, and we find men 
 in high position at variance. One poor man, named 
 Humphrey Tudor, was assessed in eightpence, which 
 he would not or could not pay more probably the 
 former. Two of the collectors appointed by the 
 High-Sheriff Evan Evans of Tanybwlch distrained 
 
 1 State Tap. Dom., vol. 305, $ 15. 
 
 2 Ibid, vol. 305, 19. 
 
 3 Ibid, vol. 331, 20. and vol. 335, 72.
 
 74 Civil War in Wales 
 
 upon him. Griffith Lloyd, a justice of the peace, 
 he doubtless of Maesyneuadd, on the matter being 
 
 1629-40 
 
 brought to his knowledge, granted his warrant for 
 the apprehension of the two collectors, whereupon 
 Evans, the high-sheriff, accused Lloyd before the 
 Council of the Marches of hindering the service, 
 by encouraging the non-payment of the tax. Lloyd 
 calls this a false accusation, and satisfactorily explains 
 his conduct to the Council, who thereupon find that 
 he had been presented maliciously. 1 . In Pembroke- 
 shire the money was collected without any difficulty ; 
 but a sum of ,43 had not been paid in the October 
 following. Application was made to the county for it. 
 John Wogan of Wiston, the then sheriff, sends answer. 
 The whole contribution had been paid to the Sheriff, 
 his predecessor, and the sum in dispute would 
 have been long ago duly paid to the Council had it 
 not been that the High-Sheriff, about the 1st of 
 the preceding February, on his journey to London, 
 was drowned, with divers others, at Ensham Ferry, 
 and the unpaid balance of the ship-money had gone 
 to the bottom. The Town of Pembroke, which, in 
 the apportionment made by the Council, was called 
 upon to pay ,10, complained bitterly of the High- 
 Sheriff, who, in his eagerness to lighten the burden 
 upon the county, had added nearly four pounds to 
 their assessment, from which trifling circumstance 
 it might be inferred that the objection was deeper 
 than appears on the surface. 
 
 The letters sent from "Wales relating to the pay- 
 ment of the ship-money, such as have been just referred 
 to, disclose many interesting facts, which throw some 
 light on the condition of the country at that period. 
 
 1 State Pap. Dom., vol. 350, 12.
 
 And the Marches. 75 
 
 The difficulties of communication with London ap- CHAP. 
 
 n. 
 
 pear to have been very great. Nearly all the sheriffs 
 
 . 1629-iO. 
 
 beg to be excused from having to attend personally 
 to pay the money. From some places leave is asked 
 to send the whole assessment in one sum. Many 
 dangers beset travellers ; the roads were bad, and 
 infested with robbers. The drovers who went up 
 in gangs to London in the summer months afforded 
 the safest means of transmitting large sums of 
 money. From Shrewsbury, however, it would 
 appear that a carrier went up thence to London 
 once a fortnight. There seems to have been very 
 little gold in the country. The whole of the Den- 
 bighshire ship-money levied in 1636, amounting to 
 nearly twelve hundred pounds, was collected entirely 
 in silver, and could not possibly be exchanged for 
 gold in that county. Carmarthenshire, a purely 
 agricultural county for then Llanelly was a village, 
 and the industries of Carmarthen were unknown 
 depended entirely on the sale of sheep and cattle, 
 and these sales only took place in the summer time. 
 The collection of money at any other season was, 
 therefore, extremely difficult. Pembrokeshire and 
 Glamorganshire were chiefly corn-growing counties. 
 The western counties found a sale for their com- 
 modities corn and butter at Bristol, then as now 
 the great emporium of the west. St. James's fair 
 was the chief season for transacting business of this 
 kind. 
 
 Upon the whole, this first general assessment of 
 ship-money in Wales occasioned no real opposition ; 
 and with a few isolated instances, matters were 
 carried on smoothly enough throughout England 
 also.
 
 76 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. Encouraged by the general submissiveness of the 
 
 ' people, and by the important addition it made to a 
 
 1629-40. J . x 
 
 needy exchequer, and as if either convinced that 
 the spirit of the nation had been entirely crushed 
 out, or regardless of all opposition, fresh writs for 
 ship-money were again issued in October, 1636, 
 without any legal pretence whatsoever. 
 
 The second call upon the Welsh counties was 
 for the same amount as the previous demand. From 
 all accounts, the same submission was manifested. 
 The illegality of the impost even now does not ap- 
 pear to have aroused any serious opposition to the 
 task of collecting the money. Hampden was still 
 in prison ; his trial had not yet commenced. In 
 England, however, his example was followed by 
 many others ; but the same spirit had not penetrated 
 into the Principality. Not, I believe, because the 
 "Welsh cared less for their rights than their neigh- 
 bours, but because they were at a greater distance 
 from the source of public opinion, knew little of 
 what was going on in the world outside their own 
 hills, and also because they dared not question 
 the right of the King, seeing that the judges every- 
 where at the assizes had declared the perfect legality 
 of the imposition. 
 
 At length the trial of Hampden was commenced. 
 It had been delayed as long as possible. Indeed, 
 not until Charles had by base means and out of the 
 basest motives obtained the favourable opinion of 
 all the judges upon the case, had he dared to con- 
 front this worthy man in a court of justice. The 
 trial lasted thirteen days. It was conducted with 
 eminent ability on both sides. The judges took time 
 to consider their judgment. The public attention had
 
 And the Marches. 77 
 
 now been directly called to the nature of the issue, CHAP. 
 and the judgment of the Court was looked forward - 
 
 . 1629-40. 
 
 to with marked anxiety. The result is well known. 
 Hampden was condemned to pay, ship-money was 
 declared legal, and the King victorious. The judges, 
 however, were not unanimous. Eight supported the 
 Eoyal Prerogative, and on reasoning which was sub- 
 versive of all constitutional government. The other 
 four, notwithstanding their signatures to the opinion 
 which the King extracted from them, as if pricked 
 by their conscience and actuated by a sense of 
 the responsibility of their oaths, gave judgment for 
 Hampden. Charles, though victor, gained nothing 
 by this judgment. With four judges to back them, 
 the opposers of ship-money everywhere took heart, 
 and the further payment of the tax was everywhere 
 resisted. 
 
 Even in Wales it was not easy now to collect the 
 money. In Cardiganshire the people would not pay 
 at all. Their goods were distrained, but nobody 
 would buy, and they remained in the hands of the 
 High Sheriff. Sir Richard Pryse, the sheriff, was 
 in sore trouble. He knew not what to do. Money 
 he could not obtain. In his distress he writes to 
 the Council, " What was he to do ?" From Cheshire 
 and Flintshire, from Shrewsbury and Haverfordwest, 
 complaints were sent up instead of cash. In Here- 
 ford the plague came to hand as an excuse. No 
 collectors would venture near the infected places. 
 Even Radnorshire that county which boasted of its 
 readiness to pay illegal exactions was backward. 
 The Sheriff found no money, he said, but a great deal 
 of illness. The substance of the county had been 
 exhausted in supporting its poor. And so with
 
 78 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, various excuses there was everywhere a manifest 
 ^ ' determination on the part of the public to evade 
 
 1629-iO. . . r z 
 
 paying any more ship-money. One curious little 
 memorandum of Mr. Secretary Nicholas, dated Feb- 
 ruary 16th, 1639, some months after Hampden's trial 
 and the issue of fresh writs, again shows the County 
 of Glamorgan in a peculiar light. "This week," he 
 says, "the Mayor of Doncaster has paid 40 and 
 Glamorganshire 420, upon writs issued in 1638, 
 which is the first money I have heard of having 
 been collected by virtue of these writs." 
 
 But Charles was not destined to have everything 
 in his own way, and about this time he met with 
 a rebuff from a very unexpected quarter. At the 
 instigation of Laud, the King became anxious to 
 establish Episcopacy in Scotland. The form of 
 religion which prevailed in Scotland was that known 
 by the name Presbyterianism. Some attempts were 
 made by James to introduce Episcopacy into Scot- 
 land, but the attempt did not prove very successful. 
 The whole country was too Calvinistic, and held 
 the memory of John Knox too dear to give in. 
 Charles, like his father, had been constantly aiming 
 to overthrow Scotch Presbyterianism, and matters 
 in this respect looked more hopeful about this time 
 than v it had done in the preceding reign. Bishops 
 had been introduced there, and their power and 
 influence had increased; they held high offices, and 
 formed an important element in the Council. At 
 length, Laud and his master resolved to introduce 
 the English Liturgy into that incongenial soil, and 
 with force, too, if need be. On Sunday, the 23rd 
 of July, 1637, at St. Giles Kirk, Edinburgh, the 
 attempt was made to introduce the Liturgy. It
 
 And the Marches. 79 
 
 was too much. To hear prayers said, and canticles CHAP. 
 sung savouring strong of Eome in the very church, - 
 and from the very pulpit, wherein John Knox, "the 
 first apostle of the Scottish Eeformation," had thun- 
 dered against sin and Satan, and had often transfixed 
 his audience with his wild fiery eloquence ! The 
 Bishop of Edinburgh officiated, robed in all his 
 canonicals. A wild scene ensued. An old woman, 
 Jenny Geddes by name, hurled her three-legged- 
 stool at his head. " ' Let us read the collect of the 
 day,' said the pretended Bishop from amid his tip- 
 pets. 'De'il colic the wame of thee!' answered 
 Jenny, hurling her stool at his head, 'thou foul 
 thief, wilt thou say mass at my lug?' 'A Pape, 
 a Pape ! ' cried others, ' stane him.' In fact, the 
 service could not go on at all. . . . Now, 
 on small signal, the hour was come. All Edinburgh, 
 all Scotland ; behind that, all England and Ireland, 
 rose into unappeasable commotion on the flight of 
 this stool of Jenny's ; and his (> race of Canterbury, 
 and King Charles himself, and many others, had 
 lost their heads before there could be peace again." 1 
 In an incredible short space of time the whole of 
 Scotland was in commotion. From north and south, 
 from east and west, from field and workshop, the 
 people flocked in innumerable masses to Edinburgh. 
 They menaced the authorities, insulted the bishops, 
 and though dispersed for a while, returned in greater 
 numbers, with a firmer determination to resist the 
 King's policy. It was not now the common people 
 only : men of position and of rank joined the 
 populace, and became their leaders; and that there 
 may be no mistake as to their purpose, they bound 
 
 1 CarKle's Lelters of Cromwell.
 
 80 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, themselves by a solemn league to defend their 
 ' country and their religion to the death. This 
 Covenant was received throughout the country with 
 the wildest enthusiasm. It was carried from village 
 to village by swift messengers, and in less than 
 six weeks the entire people were firmly united in 
 one cause. 
 
 Charles amazed at this spirit of opposition, at 
 once made up his mind to use force ; and though 
 he sent the Marquis of Hamilton to. treat with the 
 insurgents, it was not with any hope of effecting 
 a conciliation, but merely to cause a little delay, 
 so that he might prepare for a determined attack. 
 Meanwhile, therefore, active preparations for war 
 were being carried on. A general levy was made. 
 Wales had to contribute 1,160 men. 1 These were 
 to join the King at York. Herefordshire was to 
 send 150, Shropshire 300, and Monmouth 150. 
 In Cheshire no levy was made ; but some of 
 the Cheshire men volunteered. 2 
 
 At length, the King, with an army under the 
 command of the Earl of Essex, set out for Scotland. 
 The Scots, who knew of the preparations, were on 
 the alert. With an army of 30,000 they were 
 already advanced to the borders. The two armies 
 confronted one another, and the soldiers fraternized. 
 No blood was spilt: a treaty was entered into at 
 Berwick on the 18th June, 1639. 
 
 Both parties, however, were conscious that no 
 lasting peace had been secured, and each distrustful 
 
 1 These were made up thus: Anglesey 100, Brecon 100, Cardigan 50, 
 Carmarthen 100, Carnarvon 50, Denbigh 250, Flint 60, Glamorgan 100, 
 Merioneth 50, Montgomery 100, Pembroke 150, and Eadnor 50. State 
 Pap. Dom. 
 
 3 Letter of Thos. Wilbraham (Hail. MSS. 2135, fol. 22), vol. ii, p. 33.
 
 And the Marches. 81 
 
 of the other, evaded the strict terms of the treaty. CHAP. 
 Strafford was in Ireland. He was sent for. He, - ~ 
 with Laud, soon inculcated their principle of 
 "thorough" upon Charles, and war to the knife 
 was now declared to be the sole remedy to remove 
 this canker-worm of disaffection. The Scots mean- 
 while were busily preparing, and were in com- 
 munication with the disaffected and persecuted in 
 England, whose sympathies were naturally with the 
 Scotch, whose cause was really their own. 
 
 But Charles had no money to carry on the 
 war. Afraid of awakening the opposition of his 
 subjects by any fresh impost, for the recently- 
 delivered judgment in the ship-money case had 
 exasperated them to the quick, he resolved to issue 
 writs for a Parliament at Westminster, calculating 
 upon their assistance, and half assured of arousing 
 their zeal by a discovery which he had just made, 
 that the Scots had been negotiating for the help 
 of the King of France. 
 
 The country was surprised at being once more 
 called upon to elect representatives to Parliament. 
 It had nearly given up all hopes of ever again 
 being governed constitutionally. The opportunity 
 was not lost. Many members were returned whose 
 principles were directly opposed to the arbitrary 
 conduct of the King. 
 
 The 13th day of April, 1640, after a lapse 
 of over eleven years, saw the empty seats at 
 Westminster once again occupied by the consti- 
 tutional representatives of the people. Of course, 
 Charles's sole object was to obtain money to go 
 to war with the Scotch. Their letter to the French 
 King, which had come into his hands through 
 
 6
 
 82 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, treachery, was placed before them, but scarcely 
 >- ^ any notice was taken of it, and the Commons 
 
 1 i ' tO 
 
 proceeded to consider the many grievances of the 
 country, as if the atmosphere was not laden with 
 schemes of war and blood. Charles was urgent, 
 and the House of Lords, with unpardonable obsequi- 
 ousness, suggested to the Lower House that supply 
 ought to precede grievances a suggestion which 
 evoked from the sturdy Commons a resolution that 
 it was a breach of privilege. The King next tried 
 by promises to conciliate them. He was willing 
 to forego the levying of ship-money in future 
 without the consent of Parliament, if they would 
 only grant him twelve subsidies payable in three 
 years. But the House was in no mood to accept 
 the mere word of Charles : they were resolved to 
 have the question settled once for all aye or no 
 was ship-money legal? They were not, however, 
 unwilling to make a suitable grant to the King. 
 Indeed, they were actually discussing it, when a 
 courtier stated that unless the whole sum demanded 
 was granted it would be useless labour to prolong 
 the discussion, for the King had said he would accept 
 no less. This view was confirmed by the Attorney- 
 General. The House was not going tamely to 
 submit to this interference with their dearest privi- 
 lege, an adjournment till next day was at once 
 decided upon; but when the next day came the 
 benches were once more empty. The King had 
 angrily dissolved the Parliament. 
 
 Charles regretted his precipitancy before the even- 
 ing was over. He wanted to throw the blame on 
 others, and denied that he had ever made the state- 
 ment which Vane had reported. It was nevertheless
 
 And the Marches. 83 
 
 true. He also enquired whether the dissolution CHAP. 
 could not be recalled. But this could not be. * ..^> 
 
 Once more did Charles pursue his own course, 
 regardless of consequences. Loans were again re- 
 quested. Strafford set a good example lending 
 himself 20,000. Others followed, and 300,000 
 is said to have been thus got in. Those who re- 
 fused were forced. Even ship-money was collected. 
 Members for speaking freely in Parliament were 
 imprisoned and their houses searched. The Chair- 
 man of the Committee of the House, whose duty 
 it was to open petitions, was sent to the Tower 
 for refusing to show such petitions. 
 
 The war at Scotland was at once to be renewed. 
 Charles accompanied by Strafford advanced to York. 
 The Scotch had already crossed the frontier, and 
 were in England even before Charles got to York. 
 This war having been chiefly brought about by 
 Laud's attempt to force Episcopacy upon the un- 
 willing Scotch, the sympathies of the English 
 Puritans were entirely against the war, and Laud 
 became more obnoxious than ever. His palace at 
 Lambeth was attacked by the populace ; and himself 
 had to seek shelter at Whitehall from the infuriate 
 mob. Everywhere in the streets of London were 
 heard the cries "No bishops," "No High Commis- 
 sion," and the same feeling spread throughout the 
 country. The unpopularity of the war was so great 
 that there was no secret made of the sympathy with 
 the Scotch ; indeed, there is ample reason to believe 
 that they were very much encouraged in their 
 resistance by correspondence with the leaders of 
 the Puritans in England. Strafford, however, bent 
 on his resolve, advanced towards the enemy, but 
 
 6A
 
 84 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, disaffection soon began to manifest itself in his 
 ii. 
 
 ranks. The sight of the opposite camp, where 
 
 praying and psalm singing was going on, struck 
 the simple-minded soldiers with awe, which made 
 them dread a conflict in which they thought they 
 would be fighting against their very God. No 
 fighting could take place under such circumstances. 
 Stratford's last hope here perished, his last card 
 had been thrown. Ignominiously he had to beat 
 a retreat to York. Charles himself grew moody. 
 All around him he saw clear, unmistakeable signs of 
 his own unpopularity. The soldiers mutinied. The 
 popular excitement was at white heat. Peace was 
 demanded and a Parliament. The King summoned 
 together a great council of the Peers an institution 
 which had been in abeyance for many generations 
 whom he might consult as to what was to be 
 done. Just before they met September 24 two 
 important petitions reached him, one from the City 
 of London, the other signed by twelve of the most 
 popular of the nobility. These decided him to call 
 a Parliament. When the Peers assembled they 
 were informed of this decision. Writs were at 
 once issued. The elections were carried on amidst 
 the wildest excitement. In many places Court 
 nominees were started : Court influence was used 
 to the utmost, but it availed little. The popular 
 candidates were men who needed no Court support. 
 They were everywhere victorious, and the generality 
 of those elected were men honestly resolved to 
 maintain their liberties, and to prune and trim the 
 ungainly growth of the Eoyal Prerogative. 
 
 On the 3rd of November, 1640, the Parliament 
 met. It was destined to be the most memorable
 
 And the Marches. 85 
 
 that ever assembled at Westminster. It was obliged CHAP. 
 
 ii. 
 to do many equivocal acts, and doubtless committed 
 
 some grave errors. But it cannot be denied that 
 it had the interests of the nation dearly at heart, 
 and impartial judges will have no difficulty in 
 conceding that posterity is more indebted to the 
 Long Parliament for the civil and religious liberty 
 which is now enjoyed in this country, than to any 
 other preceding or subsequent Parliament, for it 
 firmly established the charters of liberty which 
 had been created theretofore, and was the dawn 
 of a nobler policy of government, which has enabled 
 this country to stand foremost in the world. 
 
 For twelve years had Charles ruled the country 
 with an iron hand, and in the most arbitrary 
 manner. The Church had done its utmost to up- 
 hold the King in his pretensions, and venal and 
 criminal advisers had exercised their greatest 
 ingenuity in suggesting means to subvert the 
 constitution. For all this there was a day of retri- 
 bution, and it was at hand. The men returned 
 to Parliament had been sent thither by excited 
 constituencies to act a part and to fight for a 
 principle. That principle was to secure the govern- 
 ment of this country upon a just and constitutional 
 basis, to restore the sacred rights of the people, 
 and to ensure their permanence. Not forgetting 
 the sudden and unjustifiable dissolution of the last 
 Parliament, the same moderation in debates could 
 scarcely be anticipated by any one who observed 
 the excitement at the elections. It was evident 
 that the Commons thus assembled were fired with 
 a firm resolution to cope with Charles. Not a 
 man was there who was not anxious to put a
 
 86 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, period to the condition of things which had pre- 
 '- vailed for so long a time. Charles's arbitrary 
 conduct found no advocate in Parliament no 
 apologist even. The greatest unanimity prevailed 
 with regard to measures which were deemed 
 necessary to limit the Prerogative and to ensure 
 sufficient guarantees for the future ; and no division 
 of consequence occurred to disturb this harmony 
 until the question of sacrificing Strafford came to 
 be discussed. Against his impeachment in the 
 ordinary way, and against the impeachment of 
 Laud, which was about the earliest proceeding of 
 Parliament, not a voice was raised ; and amid the 
 exultations of the people these two were cast into 
 the Tower to abide the time when they should 
 be called upon to answer for their deeds. 
 
 "With a greater sense of security, the redress 
 of grievances was now proceeded with. Ship-money 
 was declared illegal. The irrepressible tonnage 
 and poundage was placed beyond a doubt. The 
 Star Chamber, which had been the accursed instru- 
 ment of tyranny, was abolished ; and justice was 
 done to its victims, so far as could be, by their 
 release. The High Commission Court, and the 
 Council of the North, were for ever swept away; 
 and the same fate befel the Court of the Council 
 of the Marches in "Wales, a tribunal which, though 
 established with a laudable object, yet, through 
 the general corruption of the period, had become 
 an iniquitous instrument of oppression and injustice 
 to such as were unfortunate enough to be brought 
 within its clutches. 
 
 Meanwhile the impeachment of Strafford was 
 being slowly proceeded with, and in face of the
 
 And the Marches. 87 
 
 difficulty of bringing home to him the commission CHAP. 
 of acts clearly illegal, there was a likelihood of v -rr^~' 
 
 AvWn 
 
 his escaping altogether. The popular leaders in 
 the Commons, who were bent on his destruction, 
 prepared a Bill of Attainder against him, convinced 
 that morally he deserved the severest punishment. 
 But on this question, which perhaps can be justified 
 only by absolute necessity, there was a difference of 
 opinion, and the harmony and unanimity which 
 had hitherto prevailed in the Commons was at an 
 end. Strafford had many friends in the House, 
 who, though they would not shield him from an 
 impeachment on legal proof, objected to a measure 
 in its nature oppressive, and which was also per- 
 sisted in contemporaneously with the trial before 
 the Lords. A warm discussion was followed by a 
 division, and the Bill of Attainder was carried by 
 an overwhelming majority. Strafford was doomed. 
 Some sixty members voted against the Bill. In 
 the course of the night bills were posted up on 
 the walls throughout the City and in Westminster, 
 with the names of the opposition, who were de- 
 nounced as " Straffordians " and " betrayers of their 
 country," and held up to public odium. Several 
 Welsh members appear in this category. The two 
 Griffithses, father and son, Members for Beaumaris 
 and the County of Carnarvon respectively; Mr. 
 Herbert, the member for Cardiff; Mr. Price, 
 without doubt Herbert Price, the representative of 
 Brecon; Mr. Orlando Bridgman, of Chester; and 
 Mr. Newport, of Shrewsbury. And Mr. Vaughan 
 John Vaughan, of Trawscoed, afterwards Chief 
 Justice Yaughan after the Restoration, was absent,
 
 88 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, "but whose good- will for the Lord Straff ord was 
 
 ^ known." * 
 
 One more important measure was passed, which 
 prescribed the calling of a Parliament within three 
 years at the most of a dissolution. And this was 
 not to be left to the King. If writs were not issued 
 under the Great Seal within the period of three 
 years, other methods, authorised by the Act, were 
 to be resorted to, the ultimate right being vested 
 in the people themselves, who might assemble of 
 their own motion to elect representatives. 
 
 To all these measures of reform Charles was 
 very loth to give his assent. It was his invariable 
 practice to resist reforms, unless demanded in a 
 menacing tone, or as an equivalent for money. 
 However, it must be admitted that he made many 
 valuable concessions, some of them trenching, too, 
 on his undoubted prerogative, but which were 
 really called for. For the Commons could place no 
 faith in him. Hence they granted only temporary 
 subsidies, convinced that if they did otherwise 
 the King would soon dispense with their services 
 and return to his old ways. Even the Act prescribing 
 triennial Parliaments was not considered a sufficient 
 guarantee. For we find on the very day that Charles 
 placed his signature to the warrant to execute 
 Strafford an act which he had sworn he never 
 would do he assented to a measure which deprived 
 him of the power to dissolve that Parliament at all 
 without their own consent : a most extraordinary 
 
 1 Two lists are preserved, one in Rush worth, vol. i., part iii., 248; the 
 other in the Harl. MSS., 4931, fol. 86. These differ a little, but the names 
 above given appear in both, with the exception of the reference to Mr. 
 Vaughan, which appears in Rushworth only.
 
 And the Marches. 89 
 
 ii. 
 
 ^-s ^ 
 
 1641. 
 
 measure, unconstitutional to say the least of it, and CHAP. 
 excusable only on the ground of Charles's continual 
 ill-faith 
 
 In August, 1641, the King visited Scotland, 
 where he openly relinquished all intentions of 
 establishing Episcopacy there. While there he 
 collected certain evidence implicating, it is said, 
 some of the popular leaders in the Commons in 
 the late insurrection in Scotland ; and at once, with- 
 out consulting any of his more worthy councillors, 
 he resolved to act upon this when opportunity 
 should offer. 
 
 The Parliament also adjourned for a short period. 
 On re-assembling, certain vague rumours as to an 
 attempt by the King to seize Argyle and Hamilton, 
 who were active in the Scotch rising, prepared the 
 Puritan leaders for a similar attempt upon them. 
 Under this fear a guard was demanded, and the 
 City Militia came to protect the Houses. On the 
 King's return which was in great state he with- 
 drew this guard, and removed the Earl of Essex 
 from military command. 
 
 Eeligious questions were now agitating the 
 public, and formed subjects of much discussion in 
 Parliament. The freedom of the press since the 
 assembling of the Long Parliament gave birth to a 
 host of pamphlets, many of them turning upon the 
 persecution of the Puritans. The bishops were 
 especially odious. Petitions for the removal of 
 the bishops from the House of Lords were fol- 
 lowed by petitions for the total abolition of Epis- 
 copacy. But opinion in Parliament was very much 
 divided on these questions, and heated debates took 
 place.
 
 90 Civil War in Wales 
 
 ii. 
 
 -^~-v ^ 
 
 1641. 
 
 CHAP. At this very juncture, when the populace were 
 
 much excited with these questions, came like a 
 thunder-clap the alarming news that the Catholics 
 in Ireland had risen, and had in one day massacred 
 in the most inhuman manner, and with a deliberate 
 design, the entire body of the Protestants in Ulster 
 and elsewhere in that distracted country. Details 
 of the atrocities were published, and produced the 
 deepest revulsion of feeling, inciting to a most bitter 
 and mortal hatred of Popery. Charles, though 
 himself a Protestant, had too long concurred in 
 Laud's attempts to introduce into the English Church 
 a sort of bastard imitation of Eome to be above 
 suspicion. His wife was a professed Catholic, 
 surrounded by priests of that faith. His animosity 
 to the Puritans had too long and too severely been 
 felt to be forgotten. His moderation towards the 
 Catholics was marked, and even favours had been 
 conferred by him upon them ; and the lukewarmness 
 with which he listened to the cry for retaliation 
 upon the Irish Catholics, which now issued from 
 the very heart of the nation ; all these facts tended 
 to impress upon the unthinking multitude, mad 
 with excitement and alarmed by fears, that Charles 
 himself was at the bottom of all. And this received 
 confirmation when it was boasted by the Irish 
 that they had the King's warrant, though this was 
 a forgery. Before we find fault with these people 
 we should endeavour to consider all the surroundings 
 of the case. If we do so their acts are intelligible, 
 their fears well grounded, their anger justified. 
 
 Around Westminster tumultuous assemblies 
 gathered daily crying for revenge. The sight of a 
 bishop was the occasion for a riot. John "Williams,
 
 And the Marches. 91 
 
 of Lincoln, though but recently released from the CHAP. 
 prison into which the Star Chamber had cast him, ' 
 
 1641. 
 
 was roughly handled by the mob had his gown 
 torn off his back as he essayed to pass to the 
 Lords. The cry against tho bishops grew in 
 intensity. Alarmed, several of them withdrew 
 themselves from Parliament, and issued a foolish 
 protest, declaring what was really most absurd 
 that their forced absence would nullify all the 
 proceedings of the Parliament. This suicidal step 
 soon recoiled upon its authors, and the twelve 
 bishops who signed the protest had ample time 
 to repent in prison. Of these, three were "Welshmen. 
 The first signature was that of Williams; Dr. John 
 Owen, Bishop of St. Asaph, and Dr. Morgan Owen, 
 Bishop of Llandaff, were the two others. When 
 called before the Lords to hear the impeachment, 
 Dr. Williams simply begged for time to answer ; 
 and once more he saw the gates of a prison closing 
 upon his eventful life. St. Asaph said he signed 
 it "for matter of form, because the rest of his 
 brethren had done so that thoughts of treason 
 were far from his heart " moreover, he "desired 
 their lordships' favour and compassion." The Bishop 
 of Llandaff stated it had been done "through 
 ignorance and indiscretion that he had no design 
 to overthrow the fundamental laws of the land." 1 
 
 The turmoil, both within and without West- 
 minster Hall, was now daily increasing. Outside 
 two large parties attended regularly the cavaliers, 
 with a swaggering military air, from Whitehall ; the 
 apprentice boys and others from the City. Conflicts 
 were of frequent occurrence, and some bloodshed 
 
 1 Parliamentary Hist., ii., 996,
 
 92 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. even. Within very little business was done, for 
 ~ ' the excitement was too intense. The bishops were 
 excluded. War with Ireland was resolved upon, but 
 not with that activity which might have been ex- 
 pected, for the principal subject which concerned 
 Parliament was to make preparations for their own 
 safety conscious that this turbulence could not go on 
 long and this division continue without violence. 
 
 At this time Charles foolishly, unless with 
 a sinister object, removed from the Lieutenantship 
 of the Tower of London Sir William Balfour, a 
 man devoted to the Commons, and appointed in his 
 stead Sir Thomas Lunsford, a man of no principle 
 and an outlaw, one of the most noisy and threatening 
 of the cavaliers who frequented Whitehall. The 
 object of having such an unworthy instrument at the 
 Tower was instantly understood by the Commons. 
 This created much noise : even an attack upon the 
 Tower by the apprentice boys was threatened. 
 Charles had to cancel the appointment. Sir John 
 Byron was thereupon appointed. Even his appoint- 
 ment was not pleasing to the Commons. This Sir 
 John Byron will hereafter figure in these pages 
 chiefly in connection with North Wales. Lunsford, 
 too, will turn up sometime hence in Monmouthshire. 
 
 The year (1641) was drawing to a close amid 
 vague rumours of approaching danger. In the 
 Parliament and in the City people whispered in 
 bated breath. The cavaliers were swarming in 
 Whitehall. The Commons once more demanded a 
 guard. It was on the last day of the year. Three 
 days after the King sent his reply. It was a denial. 
 Whereupon the Commons ordered the Lord Mayor 
 to keep the militia on foot and to guard the City.
 
 And the Marches. 93 
 
 The year ended gluomily. The clouds were fast CHAP. 
 gathering and darkening, and the storm ripening. " - 
 It broke forth on the very day that the King's 
 answer was sent. On that memorable day Charles, 
 without the knowledge of any of his more worthy 
 ministers, though he had a few days before 
 promised them to take no step of importance 
 without first consulting them, sent his Attorney- 
 General, Sir Edward Herbert, to the House of 
 Commons to impeach five of its members for high 
 treason. These were Pym, Holies, Hampden, 
 Haslerig, and Strode. The Sergeant-at-Arms was 
 sent to the Commons to arrest them. He was 
 ordered to retire ; and they promised to send an 
 answer on the morrow. That day, however, the 
 King in person, accompanied to the very door 
 by several hundreds of armed men, went to the 
 House to seize their persons. But he was baulked; 
 the accused were not there, for the Commons, 
 informed but a few minutes before his actual entry 
 that he was on his way thither, had prevailed 
 upon them to withdraw. The King was very 
 angry, and the Commons were excited. They 
 voted that after so enormous a breach of privilege, 
 until a trusty guard was appointed to protect them 
 from such perils, and until reparation was made, 
 they could not sit in safety, and adjourned for 
 six days. A committee of the whole House was, 
 however, appointed to consider what had best be 
 done. This committee sat in the Guildhall the 
 City being unanimously with them, and its entire 
 armed force placed at their disposal. The accused 
 had sought refuge there when they escaped from 
 the Houso.
 
 94 Civil War in Wales 
 
 ii. 
 
 ^ ^-^ 
 
 1642. 
 
 CHAP. To the City Charles proceeded the next day to 
 
 demand their surrender. On his way thither and 
 back to Whitehall, threatening cries alone assailed 
 his ears. The mob which had shouted "all hail" 
 to him some months back on his passage through 
 the City now cursed and menaced him. But his 
 journey was in vain. The City was by no means 
 inclined to surrender the accused, who openly 
 attended the meetings of the Committee. Charles 
 was now helpless. And the energy of the Commons, 
 the resolution of the City, and the attitude of the 
 populace, silenced the cavaliers, who scarcely durst 
 show themselves. 
 
 On the 10th of January the House was to 
 resume its sittings, and it had been arranged that 
 the five members should be brought back in 
 triumph to Westminster. Being informed of this, 
 and afraid of violence, the King quitted London. 
 He was fated never to return save to have his 
 career terminated by the axe of the executioner. 
 
 After this fatal attempt to aim a deadly blow 
 at the most sacred right and privilege of Parliament, 
 any confidence in the King was now quite out of the 
 question; and self-protection became the primary 
 consideration. This could never be secured until the 
 King was reduced to a position of helplessness and 
 dependence, the Eoyal Prerogative reduced to the 
 lowest possible limit, and the Parliament made 
 really the supreme power in the State. Who can 
 blame the popular leaders in this assembly if, after 
 all this duplicity and faithlessness, they insisted 
 upon the curtailment of prerogatives which had 
 ever been acknowledged ? It was now clear that 
 all accommodation with the King was almost im-
 
 And the Marches. 95 
 
 possible, and that no sense of security could be CHAP. 
 felt until the King was shorn of all power to do ' 
 mischief. There was no desire to remove him from 
 the kingship no thought even of such a thing. 
 
 An army was at this time wanted to put down 
 the insurrection in Ireland. Charles seemed anxious 
 to obtain such an army, but the Commons viewed 
 matters in a different aspect: not that they were at 
 all less desirous to protect the Irish Protestants and 
 to punish the perpetrators of the dreadful massacre, 
 but because they were afraid that such a power in the 
 hand of the King would be turned against them 
 to their destruction. And hence they required 
 guarantees that this great military power should be 
 within their control. Thus arose the question of the 
 Militia. The Parliament required that at least for 
 a time, until confidence had been restored, that the 
 command of the militia in the various counties 
 should be given to men to be nominated by the 
 Parliament, such as they had confidence in. The 
 appointment of lord-lieutenants had hitherto belonged 
 to the sovereign. The King resisted this encroach- 
 ment obstinately, and declined giving his assent to 
 a measure depriving him of this right. The men 
 nominated by the Commons in February, 1642, were 
 such as the King could hardly object to. The 
 majority of them, when the sword was actually 
 appealed to, went over to the King, a fact which 
 goes far to show that at this time war was not 
 thought of by the Parliament. The names were 
 the names of those in whom the Parliament had 
 confidence, and they were not chosen, as some 
 suppose, because they were inimical to the King. 
 Of those who were nominated for the Welsh and
 
 96 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, border counties, several afterwards proved them- 
 ~^ selves most zealous royalists Lord Strange for 
 Cheshire, Lord Dacres for Hereford, Lord Little- 
 ton for Shropshire and Eadnor, and the Earl of 
 Carbery for Cardigan and Carmarthen. The Lord 
 Philip Herbert for Monmouth, Brecon, and Glamor- 
 gan; the Earl of Pembroke for Carnarvon and 
 Merioneth, the Earl of Northumerland for Pembroke- 
 shire, Haverfordwest, and Anglesey; the Lord 
 Fielding for Denbigh and Flint, .and the Earl of 
 Essex for Montgomery, on the other hand, threw in 
 their lot with the Parliament. 
 
 Charles, however, was not inclined to give up 
 prerogatives which he valued so much. Even before 
 the ordinance for the militia had been presented 
 to him he had made up his mind for war. The 
 Queen had already quitted the country for Holland, 
 with the crown jewels to pawn for the purchase 
 of arms. The King saw her off at Dover towards 
 the end of February, and then avoiding London 
 passed by slow marches through the country to 
 York. The ordinance for the militia was presented 
 to him on the road. He refused to assent to it. 
 He was also asked to return to London, but he 
 continued his journey northwards, and arrived at 
 York towards the middle of March. 
 
 Negotiations between the King and Parliament 
 now commenced, and continued without interruption 
 throughout that spring. Message after message 
 went between them, and Commissioners from either 
 party were constantly on the road between the 
 metropolis and York. From these negotiations 
 neither side could hardly have expected any good 
 to come. It was nothing more than a controversy
 
 And the Marches. 97 
 
 between two disputing parties freely indulging in CHAP. 
 accusation and recrimination neither hoping to con- * 
 
 1642. 
 
 vince the other, but both endeavouring to gain 
 the better in the estimation of the general public. 
 " Law pleadings," as Carlyle says, " of both parties 
 before the great tribunal of the English nation, 
 each party striving to prove itself right and within 
 the verge of the law." The Parliament upon 
 good ground accused Charles of illegal conduct, 
 for he had over and over again trampled upon the 
 liberties of the people in a manner which no other 
 sovereign had ever done before; but recently he 
 had made many concessions concessions which, 
 however, viewed in the light of his last attempt 
 to be above the law, could not be deemed safe. 
 In insisting on guarantees and further pledges of 
 good faith the Parliament were only carrying out 
 what common sense dictated; but when they de- 
 clared and insisted that the Parliament could make 
 enactments without the assent of the King they 
 also were in the wrong, and rightly enough accused 
 of illegal conduct by Charles. These disputes were 
 argued at great length and with much ability. 
 The arguments, contained in the proclamations of 
 the King and the solemn declarations of Parliament, 
 were all published for the public benefit. 
 
 The Press at this period assumed greater vigour 
 than it had ever done before. From London and 
 from York from the former more especially were 
 issued countless pamphlets bearing upon every con-' 
 ceivable question religious and political. Subjects 
 were discussed with an earnestness and thoroughness, 
 and with a sense of freedom which had never 
 before been witnessed. Newspapers, too, started 
 
 7
 
 >8 Civil War in Wale's 
 
 CHAP, up in great profusion: not the kind of papers we 
 ^^- - now have the advantage daily to peruse, but small 
 book-like publications of between twelve and twenty 
 pages, containing on the whole a creditable amount 
 of news, which was supplied by "our own cor- 
 respondents," then irreverently called " scouts," 
 stationed at various places of interest. These were 
 scattered all over the country. They were bought 
 with eagerness, and read with avidity. It was the 
 interest of both parties to disseminate them. In 
 this respect Wales was at a great disadvantage. 
 All these publications were in English a language 
 but little understood in the Principality. The com- 
 merce of thought was on that account difficult. 
 The appeal to public opinion in Wales could not 
 be as direct as in the English counties. I have 
 never discovered a single sheet of printed matter 
 in the Welsh language which in any way bore 
 on the disputes between King and Parliament. 
 The masses in Wales, therefore, had to follow 
 the example of those above them, and to accept 
 as gospel truth what they were told by such as 
 were educated; and the latter were, of course, 
 confined to the clergy and gentry. The influence 
 of these has always been great, but it is ever 
 in proportion to the ignorance and dependence 
 of a people. The ignorance of the Welsh at 
 this time was intense. This, I think, I have 
 already conclusively shown. They were even 
 "as moles who had no eyes," as one of the 
 old newspapers justly remarks. The clergy and 
 gentry had, therefore, all the greater influence, 
 and whatever side they took the populace blindly 
 followed. It is true that there were some poetasters
 
 And the Marches. 99 
 
 in the Principality at the time, but the sons of CHAP. 
 
 song were mere retainers of the wealthy, which 
 
 only increased the influence of the latter. In the 
 struggle which ensued this should not be lost sight 
 of, for it will in a great measure serve as a key 
 whereby we may the more reasonably account for 
 the part which Wales played. 
 
 Failing to obtain the King's assent to the 
 Militia Bill, the Parliament resolved to carry out 
 their measure independent of him. They nominated 
 deputy-lieutenants and appointed commissioners 
 for every county, and these were to "settle" the 
 Militia. Against these appointments Charles issued 
 his declaration, maintaining that he alone had the . 
 
 power. This the Parliament denied. During June, 
 July, and August they issued orders to their Commis- 
 sioners to put their powers in execution to assemble 
 and train the Militia. The King, too, issued his 
 Commissions of Array, in which he commanded 
 certain persons nominated for each county to call 
 out and drill the trained bands and other military 
 forces of their several counties. The Parliament in 
 their turn declared the Commissions of Array to be 
 against the law and the liberty and property of the 
 subject, and denounced all who should act under 
 them as "betrayers of the peace of the Kingdom." 
 Another discussion ensued ; proclamation and declara- 
 tion followed each other with rapidity the King 
 maintaining the lawfulness of the Commission, the 
 Parliament declaring the contrary. Some of those 
 named by the King in the Array were friends of 
 the Parliament, and disobeyed the royal mandate, 
 while some of those nominated by the Parliament 
 to settle the Militia went over to the King. 
 
 7A
 
 100 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. Early in July the Parliament, with, much 
 
 ^ solemnity, discussed the question of "War. There 
 was only one voice raised against it in the Com- 
 mons, and that was the voice of a friend of 
 the Parliament; for most of the Royalist members 
 of the House had withdrawn, and were either in 
 attendance upon the King at York, or busily making 
 preparations for the worse in their respective counties 
 and boroughs. On the 12th July a vote passed 
 for raising an army The Earl of Essex was 
 appointed General-in-Chief of all the Parliament's 
 forces, the Earl of Bedford General of the Horse. 
 
 About the beginning of August the King 
 appointed the Marquis of Hertford Lieutenant- 
 General for the western counties of England, where 
 his influence was very great, and also for Mon- 
 mouthshire, Herefordshire, and the six counties 
 of South Wales. He was entrusted with power 
 to order the Commissioners of Array to levy forces, 
 to train and arm them, and to conduct and lead 
 them against all enemies rebels and traitors in 
 any of the said counties. 1 
 
 . The Parliament also began to take active steps. 
 Warrants and commissions were issued to its most 
 prominent supporters in Wales, giving them full 
 power to raise forces and to suppress any forces 
 raised under colour of a defence or guard for the 
 King, against whose person the Parliament declared, 
 as was true, that they had no evil intent. Two- 
 of these warrants have been handed down one 
 to the Commissioners for the County of Pembroke, 3 
 
 1 Rushworth, pt. iii., vol. i., 672. 
 
 2 Lord's Journals, v. 304. See also vol. ii., Document No. ii.
 
 And the Marches. 101 
 
 and the other to Sir William Brereton, and the CHAP. 
 
 ii. 
 Deputy-Lieutenants for Cheshire. 1 v^^_. 
 
 During the heat of those summer months the 
 country was stirred to its very depths, and earnest 
 preparations for war were being made. With a 
 strange inconsistency each party professed the most 
 peaceable desires, and yet both parties were busily 
 engaged in preparing for hostilities. The Com- 
 missioners of the Array on the one hand, and the 
 Commissioners for the Militia on the other, were 
 carrying out the object for which they were 
 respectively appointed, and every county in the 
 Kingdom was torn into two factions. Wherever 
 the Parliament had a zealous member, he was 
 dispatched to his constituency to use all his influence 
 on behalf of the Parliament. Sir William Brereton, 
 one of the members for Cheshire, Sir John Corbet 
 in Shropshire, Sir Thomas Myddelton in Denbigh- 
 shire, Sir Hugh Owen in the borough of Pembroke, 
 were among those who were so engaged. But 
 by far the greater majority of the Welsh members 
 were of the King's party. Many of these, too, 
 went down to their mountain homes and busied 
 themselves for the cause which they had made 
 their own. As might have been expected in a 
 struggle so momentous party spirit ran very high, 
 much ill-feeling prevailed, and many bickerings 
 took place between the contentients. On the eighth 
 day of August Sir William Brereton, whose zealous 
 opposition to the King is attributed by Clarendon 
 to his well-known aversion to the Established 
 Church and its government, 2 had come down to 
 
 1 King's Pamphlets, Brit. Mus , No. 68, 37. 
 3 Hist. Rebellion, ii., p. 510,
 
 102 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. Chester, where the people were much divided. We 
 ^^ have already seen a glimpse of the Puritan element 
 breaking forth on Prynne's passage through the 
 quaint old city. 1 Moreover, very early in July 
 the citizens had declared against the Array, on 
 the ground that "as God and the fundamental laws 
 of this Kingdom have joined his Majesty and the 
 Parliament together," so they could " not agree 
 to a disjointed obedience." 3 On the day in question 
 Brereton had caused a drum to be beat publicly 
 in the streets for the Parliament. There were in 
 the city at that time many Eoyalists men of 
 position and influence. It was the custom of the 
 nobility and gentry in those days and, indeed, 
 until railways rendered communication with the 
 metropolis easy, it prevailed generally in Wales 
 to spend some portion of their time every year 
 in the city or county town nearest to their 
 habitations. Very convenient for social purposes 
 this custom was. Thus there were in Chester a 
 number of houses occupied by the wealthy. Earl 
 Derby, Earl Eivers, Lord Cholmondeley, and others, 
 were amongst the number. Their influence, of 
 course, was considerable, and being Eoyalists they 
 ordered the constables to put a stop to the drum- 
 beating. A serious tumult ensued. Brereton 
 and his friends, Alderman Edwards and Henry 
 Birkenhead, who accompanied the drum, had to 
 seek shelter from the violence of the mob. 3 The 
 Mayor had some difficulty in quieting the riot. 
 Sir William was taken before the city authorities at 
 
 1 Ante p. 63. 
 
 2 King's Pamphlets 68 29. See Document No. iii., vol. ii., p. 8. 
 
 3 Eandle Holmes' MSS., Harl. 2125, fol. 313.
 
 And the Marches. 103 
 
 the Pentice the Guildhall of Chester but was CHAP. 
 discharged. 1 In South Wales the influence of the 
 
 1642. 
 
 Marquis of "Worcester was very great, especially in 
 Monmouthshire where he was an almost "universal 
 landlord," as one old tract has it. Throughout the 
 war he continued the most lavish supporter of the 
 King, and spared neither men nor money to aid his 
 cause. Too advanced in years for much activity, 
 the actual exercise of his influence devolved upon 
 his son, the Lord Herbert who, as Earl of 
 Glamorgan, hereafter plays a conspicuous part. 
 The "Worcester family were Eoman Catholics, and 
 therefore in obloquy at the time, which must have 
 very much diminished their influence. And there 
 were many who were energetic in destroying, or at 
 any rate neutralizing that influence. Most powerful 
 in this respect was the Earl of Pembroke, whose 
 possessions in Monmouthshire and Glamorganshire 
 were extensive. He and his were from the 
 beginning strenuous adherents of Parliament. In 
 Brecknockshire, Herbert Price, of the Priory, was 
 influential on the King's side, as were the Earl 
 of Carbery and his brother, Sir Henry Vaughan, in 
 Carmarthenshire, Sir John Stepney in Pembroke- 
 shire, and, though in a less active manner, John 
 Vaughan of Trawscoed, who became Chief Justice 
 Yaughan soon after the Eestoration, in Cardigan- 
 shire. Sir Hugh Owen and his son Arthur had a 
 large following on the Parliament side in the town 
 of Pembroke, which from the beginning manifested 
 an opposition to the King. In North "Wales the 
 royal interest very much preponderated. There 
 were the Bulkeleys in Anglesey, John Owen 
 
 1 Ormerod'a History of Cheshire, i., 203.
 
 104 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, (afterwards Sir John) of Cleneney, and the Grif- 
 - ~^ ' fithses in Carnarvonshire, the Salisburvs chief of 
 
 1642. . . 
 
 them old "hosanau gleision" (blue stockings) and 
 the Wynnes in Denbighshire, and the Mostyns in 
 Flintshire. Others there Were of less note who 
 were equally busy on either side. 
 
 Addresses containing strong expressions of 
 loyalty were got up in several counties, and sent 
 to the King at York. That from Flint has come 
 down to us. 1 The tone of these addresses was 
 calculated to afford encouragement to the King, 
 in whom the petitioners appear to place boundless 
 faith. The good people of Flint, in acknowledging 
 that they rested "thoroughly persuaded of the 
 sincerity and constancy" of Charles's resolution to 
 maintain the privileges of Parliament and the 
 liberties of the subject in their integrity, manifest 
 a faith noticeable from its simplicity, and which 
 is difficult to comprehend, unless we charitably 
 suppose them to be ignorant of the character of 
 the Sovereign whom they addressed. 
 
 1 K. P. 673. See alao Document No. i., vol. ii.
 
 And the Marches. 105 
 
 CHAPTEK III. 
 
 1642. 
 
 Charles quits York Sets up his Standard at Nottingham and formally 
 declares "War Parliament declines to negotiate with him Strength 
 cf their forces Charles resolves to go to Shrewsbury Preparations 
 there The town sends him an invitation The King arrives there 
 Proceeds to Chester Prince Rupert arrives at Shrewsbury Attacks 
 a detachment of Essex's army near Worcester Charles quits Chester 
 Visits Wrexham Addresses the people there and returns to Shrewsbury 
 Where a Mint is established And a Press Growth of Newspapers 
 Liberality of the Welsh State of South Wales Marquis of Hertford 
 defeated in the West, crosses the Channel and occupies Cardiff Castle 
 Aided by the Marquis of Worcester he raises forces in Glamorganshire 
 and Monmouthshire Prince Charles visits Raglan Disaffection amongst 
 the soldiers at Shrewsbury Charles explains his conduct to them and 
 the people His second visit to Wrexham Inactivity of Essex The 
 King departs from Shrewsbury, intending to advance to London 
 Battle of Edgehill Some account of the Welsh there Charles goes 
 to Oxford Thence to Reading, whence his soldiers scour the country 
 Parliament opens fresh negotiations Cessation of arms Perfidy of 
 Charles Battle of Brentford Oxford made winter quarters Marquis 
 of Hertford and his Welsh forces intend to join the King there Defeated 
 at Tewkesbury And at Hereford Condition of Shrewsbury and Chester 
 after the departure of the King Cheshire agrees upon Articles of 
 Neutrality Agreement repudiated by the Parliament Declaration of 
 the Shropshire gentry A glimpse of South Wales. 
 
 such assurances of loyal zeal, and such CHAP. 
 expressions of confidence reaching him at York ^^ 
 from all parts of the country, Charles felt himself 
 in a position to take some active measures to assert 
 his rights. He was stirred the more to this by 
 the energetic preparations which the Parliament 
 was making. Hitherto Charles himself had been 
 the most backward and the most hesitating. His
 
 106 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP partisans everywhere were far more eager. Through- 
 -~^ out the country they were moving in all directions. 
 Private houses were strengthened, castles which 
 had half tumbled down fortified, towns put in 
 a posture of defence, arms burnished up, and 
 ammunition and accoutrements of war brought into 
 magazines. In many places the over-zeal of the 
 Eoyalists had, as at Chester, resulted in the effusion 
 of blood. They were also, at this early stage of 
 the conflict, more daring than -their opponents, 
 better organized, and less scrupulous. They ran- 
 sacked houses, plundered villages, oftentimes caring 
 very little whom they robbed friends or opponents 
 their sole aim being to obtain booty. A large 
 quantity of clothing intended for the Protestant 
 soldiers in Ireland was sent by order of the 
 Parliament * by way of Chester. A party of 
 cavaliers coming upon the convoy in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Coventry, seized the clothing and made 
 off with it. . -These indiscretions on the part of 
 the King's friends were calculated seriously to 
 damage his cause. To counteract this, to keep 
 his party in order, and, moreover, to enlist by 
 his presence the loyal support of the country, 
 Charles quitted York, and, passing through Leices- 
 ter, Derby, and Lincoln, arrived at Nottingham. 
 His progress was not, perhaps, so enthusiastic as 
 had been anticipated, still the nobility came out 
 to meet him ; the people did him homage. His 
 conduct on these occasions was such as to evoke 
 the good- will of his subjects, and was marked 
 with much gentleness and humility ; while his 
 professions of loyalty to the laws of the land, and 
 of his fidelity to the Protestant cause, were calcu-
 
 And the Marches. 107 
 
 lated to make him appear in the right and his CHAP. 
 
 A v m - 
 opponents in the wrong. 
 
 Up to this both parties showed great indecision. 
 As if anxious for peace, yet knowing that peace 
 was impossible, each party delayed resorting to 
 open hostilities. Both appeared averse to initiate 
 the reign of terror and bloodshed each desirous 
 to have cause to call the other the aggressor. It 
 was too terrible a suspense to last long. 
 
 Encouraged by the loyalty which he had 
 witnessed in his progress from York to Notting- 
 ham, and by the arrival of some arms from abroad 
 which the Queen had purchased with the fruit of 
 the pawned jewels, Charles at length resolved to 
 call his subjects to arms by a formal Declaration 
 of War. On the 23rd day of August the Eoyal 
 Standard was set up at Nottingham, under circum- 
 stances which were by no means reassuring, and 
 which many considered as ominous of the result 
 of the struggle which was so unhappily commenced. 
 In fact, so downcast were those surrounding the 
 Xing, that they prevailed upon him, within a few 
 days of the setting up of the Standard, to open 
 fresh negotiations with the Parliament with a view 
 to avoid hostilities. But the Parliament were in 
 no mood just then for further messages. For they 
 had been very successful in obtaining men and 
 money. Already the Earl of Essex was engaged 
 in drilling and training large numbers, and fresh 
 recruits kept constantly streaming in. On the 7th 
 of September he quitted London at the head of a 
 large army, amidst the greatest enthusiasm. Thou- 
 sands of citizens accompanied them a part of the 
 way, and fervently wished them God-speed. They
 
 108 Civil War in Wales 
 
 in. 
 
 ^^ %. -^ 
 
 1642. 
 
 CHAP, reached Northampton, and were there much in- 
 creased. The Parliamentary army by this time 
 is said to have numbered between fifteen and 
 twenty thousand men. The King had nothing 
 like this. He was not in a position to offer fight, 
 the attempt to renew negotiations with Westminster 
 had failed, and he was advised to quit a place 
 where he was surrounded with so much danger. 
 Anxious as he was to be near London he was too 
 weak to proceed thither. ^ 
 
 Nottingham was quitted and Derby was reached. 
 "While there Charles heard from the loyalists of 
 Shrewsbury that that town was entirely at his 
 disposal. On the 4th of September Charles had 
 sent his commission to Mr. Francis Ottley, order- 
 ing him to raise 200 foot soldiers in Shropshire, 
 and with all possible speed to conduct them to 
 Shrewsbury. This commission seems to have been 
 carried out so well that the Puritans in that town, 
 though considerable in number and influence, were 
 silenced, and the Town Council, which but a short 
 time before had agreed to maintain a neutrality, 
 were eager to promise the King if he came to 
 Shrewsbury "the best entertainment the trouble- 
 some times afford." There were many reasons to 
 induce the King to remove to Shrewsbury. Its 
 position was pleasant : it was on the borders of 
 North Wales, where the Eoyalists could count upon 
 a great majority. Moreover, the river Severn, 
 which winds itself round the base of the pic- 
 turesque old town, would prove of great service. 
 The King, therefore, resolved to go thither. The in- 
 vitation of the town was alone wanting. The 
 Town Council agreed upon that on the 15th day
 
 And the Marches. 109 
 
 of September. On that very day Charles signed a CHAP. 
 warrant calling upon the Commissioners of Array * -- 
 for the County of Carnarvon to raise the trained 
 bands of that county, and such volunteers as they 
 could persuade to come, and with all possible 
 speed to bring them to Shrewsbury, " to our Royal 
 Standard there." And as an incentive to the 
 loyalty of the Welsh people, they were told that 
 they would be appointed as a guard to the Prince 
 of "Wales. 1 
 
 Immediately upon the receipt of the invitation 
 from the municipal authorities of Shrewsbury, 
 Derby was quitted. Stafford was reached on the 
 18th, Wellington the next day. The King's forces 
 at this time are variously estimated. That they 
 were not very strong is the universal testimony. 
 Probably not exceeding, horse and foot, eight 
 thousand. At Wellington, in the presence of all 
 his soldiers, Charles made that memorable protesta- 
 tion, in which he vowed his loyalty to the laws, 
 and his fidelity to the Protestant religion. This 
 protestation was read in every church throughout 
 the Kingdom where a Royalist clergyman ministered. 
 
 On Tuesday, the twentieth day of September, 
 Shrewsbury was reached. The Salopians no doubt 
 gave the King a warm reception, and an enthusiastic 
 entertainment, spending freely a considerable sum 
 of money. Charles stayed at the Council House. 
 Wednesday and Thursday were in all probability 
 spent in inspecting the preparations which Francis 
 Ottley, now created a Knight, had made for the 
 defence of that town. On Friday the King 
 went to Chester, where his presence at this time 
 
 1 See Appendix to \Yiliiums' s Tourist's Guide to Carnarvonshire.
 
 110 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, was much, needed, not only to encourage his ad- 
 v - ~- - herents, but to discountenance his opponents, who 
 
 1642. . . ir 
 
 were rather strong in point of numbers and 
 influence in the quaint old city. Charles took 
 with him to Chester only a small body of soldiers, 
 the bulk of his army being left behind in Shrews- 
 bury. He was accompanied on this journey by 
 Prince Charles, now a lad of about twelve years. 
 The royal party halted for refreshments at "Whit- 
 church, and thence continued their march, reaching 
 Chester that evening. Some distance outside Chester 
 they were met by the leading men of the county, 
 who had come forth at the head of detachments 
 of followers to accord a welcome to their Sovereign. 
 Mr. Eichard Egerton of Ridley, at the head of 
 some six hundred musketeers, met him at Milton 
 Green. At Halton Heath, the Earl Eivers and 
 Lord Cholmondeley showed to advantage with a 
 considerable body of retainers. They received 
 the King with a royal salute. Sir Thomas Aston, 
 with the Sheriff of the county, and other gentlemen, 
 awaited him on Eowton Heath. 1 All these with 
 their forces joined the King in his progress, so 
 that Charles made his entry into Chester at the 
 head of a somewhat imposing body. The Mayor 
 and Aldermen also, with all the civic authorities 
 in their various coloured robes of office, the 
 numerous trade guilds with their insignia, had all 
 turned out to accord him welcome. At the Bars, 
 at the top of Eastgate-street, which marked the 
 limits of their jurisdiction, a platform had been 
 erected for the Mayor and Sheriffs. The Recorder 
 was there too with an address. The Sword of the 
 
 1 King's Pamphlets 753. See vol. ii., Document iv. A., p. 10.
 
 And the Marches. Ill 
 
 City was in due form presented to the King, who CHAP. 
 graciously handed it back again to the Mayor. ~~^^ 
 The address was duly read, but one eye-witness 
 says that the shouting was so great that he 
 doubted whether his Majesty heard one word of 
 it. This ceremony over, the whole company, in 
 great state and with much pomp, marched through 
 the principal street, which was lined with soldiers, 
 towards the Bishop's Palace, where the King was 
 to stay. 1 The next day Charles was employed in 
 making an inspection of the works for the defence 
 of the city, which already had been in progress 
 for several weeks. The gentlemen who had opposed 
 the Array had all been marked men. And as 
 Charles always loved to punish his enemies they 
 were brought before him. Sir Eichard "Wilbraham, 
 Sir Thomas Delves, Mr. Philip Mainwaring of 
 Badley, Mr. Birkenhead, the Protonotary, and his 
 son Henry, were among these. They were all 
 placed in custody, and removed afterwards to 
 Shrewsbury. 
 
 The Sunday was a day of excitement in the 
 quiet city. The soldiers thronged the streets, the 
 people enjoyed the sight. Crowds from the neigh- 
 bourhood came in eager to catch a glimpse of the 
 King. Even in the churches the general excitement 
 prevailed, for in all of them the King's declaration 
 was read. Monday was again devoted to an 
 inspection of the works, and in conferences as to 
 future movements. The city presented to the 
 King the sum of two hundred pounds, and to the 
 Prince of Wales half that amount. A smaller 
 sum it is said than had been expected, but still 
 
 1 K. P. 7o~2o. See vol. ii., Document iv. B., c., acd r., pp. 1115.
 
 112 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, a considerable sum in those days. From the Welsh 
 
 in. . J 
 
 *- counties arrived several regiments of trained bands 
 
 and recruits. Among the commanders of these 
 were Capt. Roger Mostyn and Capt. Salisbury. 
 The Lord Grandison also came with a considerable 
 force of well-armed men, having on his way 
 successfully attacked the little town of Nantwich 
 in Cheshire. JSTantwich from the very first had 
 shown an unmistakeable preference for the Parlia- 
 ment. What with the Puritan clergyman at Acton, 
 close by, and the gentlemen whom we have just 
 seen suffering from Charles's displeasure, who resided 
 in its immediate neighbourhood, the town of Nant- 
 wich had been much influenced for the Parlia- 
 ment. Of this attack by Lord Grandison there 
 are several accounts. All agree that the town 
 was given up without any serious resistance, but 
 as to the after-conduct of the soldiers the accounts 
 differ. One relatpr would have us believe that 
 frightful atrocities were perpetrated. Another gives 
 a more temperate account of the affair. Probably, 
 the town met with no worse fate than such places 
 generally do when invaded by a host of men not 
 very scrupulous, somewhat hostile, and not under 
 the most strict discipline. 1 
 
 While the King was at Chester the Princes 
 Rupert and Maurice came to Shrewsbury. Sons of 
 the King of Bohemia, by Elizabeth, the eldest 
 daughter of James I., they were the nephews of 
 Charles ; and given to military life, they had come 
 over to offer their assistance. High command was 
 naturally bestowed on both brothers. Of these, 
 Prince Rupert was destined to become by far the 
 
 1 K. P. 75 25. Vol. ii., Doc iv. r>. and note.
 
 And the Marches. 113 
 
 more famous. He was at this time quite young, CHAP. 
 
 but possessed an energy of character and a mili- 
 
 tary daring which soon won for him considerable 
 notoriety. Maurice, on the other hand, was slow 
 and heavy, lacking no courage, but wanting in the 
 energy and resolution which characterised his brother. 
 The Earl of Essex, who had at a distance followed 
 the King on his westward march, was at this period 
 approaching Worcester. Prince Eupert, who was 
 eager for an exploit, went to that city at the head 
 of a considerable force. On the 24th of September 
 the advanced detachment of Essex's army came in 
 sight of the city. In number these were not con- 
 siderable, and their quality was not of the best. 
 The opportunity was too inviting to be resisted, and 
 the Prince made a most dashing attack upon them, 
 and with success. The Parliamentary soldiers, under 
 the command of Col. Sandys, were discomfited; 
 many of them, Col. Sandys included, were wounded ; 
 and several were taken prisoners, some of them of 
 note : Edward Wingate, Member of Parliament for 
 Saint Albans, being among them. He held a cap- 
 tain's commission in the Parliament's army. This 
 exploit, dashing as it was, produced no result beyond 
 the momentary annoyance, for on the approach of 
 the Earl of Essex with the main body of his army, 
 Eupert withdrew from Worcester, taking with him 
 Captain Wingate as a prisoner. If the letter which 
 was shortly after published, purporting to have been 
 written by Capt. Wingate from Ludlow, is genuine, 
 Prince Eupert was guilty of conduct, nnsoldierly 
 and dishonourable, for, not satisfied with dealing 
 out ribald taunts to the defenceless prisoner, finding 
 the latter bold and courageous enough even in
 
 114 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, that extremity to defend his and the Parliament's 
 
 ' ^ conduct, he caused him to be stripped of his clothing 
 
 and to be mounted on horseback naked at the head of 
 the army. To me such conduct seems almost incredi- 
 ble, though I am afraid there was some truth in it. 
 Rupert, passing through Ludlow and Bridgnorth, 
 retreated to Shrewsbury. Essex stationed himself 
 at "Worcester. 
 
 From Chester orders were sent to the leading 
 men, the Commissioners of Array and others, in 
 the several counties of North Wales, calling upon 
 them to conduct the trained bands into Shrewsbury, 
 and to use all possible efforts to levy money for 
 their support. On the 25th Charles wrote to the 
 Commissioners for the County of Carnarvon, direct- 
 ing them to pay the money thus collected by 
 them into the hands of John Owen, of Cleneney 
 " one of our colonels." 1 This John Owen will here- 
 after come often before us. He was one of the 
 staunchest Eoyalists in North Wales. He fought for 
 the King with a pertinacity which cannot but be 
 admired, and his unswerving fidelity to his sovereign 
 brought him under the shadoAV of the scaffold. 
 
 On Tuesday, the 27th, Charles departed from 
 Chester. Making a slight detour he called at 
 Wrexham, where the inhabitants of Denbighshire 
 and Flintshire had been summoned to meet him. 
 A large number assembled, whom the King addressed 
 at great length, justifying his conduct, throwing 
 all the blame on his enemies, and explaining the 
 capture by his partisans of the clothing intended 
 by the Parliament for the soldiers in Ireland. 3 
 
 1 See Appendix to Williams' a Tourist's Guide to Carnarvonshire. 
 
 2 Rush worth, pt 3, vol. ii., p. 21, and Document iv. n., vol. ii., p. 20.
 
 And the Marches. 115 
 
 How this meeting passed off is a matter which rests CHAP. 
 unknown. Probably the reception which the King - - - 
 met with in Wrexham, which was then the chief 
 town in Xorth Wales, was a -hearty and a satis- 
 factory one. His entertainer on the occasion was 
 Mr. Eichard Lloyd, who was then the Attorney- 
 Greueral for North Wales, a man whose zeal and 
 energy on behalf of the King became afterwards 
 so displeasing to the Parliament that his name 
 was included in the list of persons who, in the 
 negotiations in 1647 with the King, were demanded 
 to be excepted from pardon. 
 
 Shrewsbury was once more reached. Here 
 Charles found his army considerably increased by 
 new contingents which had arrived in his absence, 
 some under Prince Eupert, and others from the 
 several counties of Xorth Wales. The town was full 
 of soldiers, and the neighbourhood was heavily 
 taxed for free quarters ; for the soldiers were 
 billeted even-where upon the inhabitants, who 
 suffered not only the material losses which such 
 charges entailed, but had to endure indignities and 
 illusage from an undisciplined and unfriendly 
 soldiery. Complaints from them hardly availed, 
 and only added to the complications. Soon, too, 
 dissensions arose among the soldiers, to the em- 
 barrassment of those in power over them, leading 
 to difficulties which at one time threatened even 
 a disruption of the forces there. Money was 
 very much wanted. The payment of the soldiers 
 was greatly in arrear, which naturally created 
 dissatisfaction. Add to these the fact that many 
 of the soldiers were deeply influenced by persons 
 who were notoriously disaffected to the King, and 
 
 8A
 
 116 Civil War tn Wales 
 
 CHAP, the difficulties of the situation are apparent. 1 Never- 
 
 ^^ theless, they were all tided over. 
 
 A Mint was established at Shrewsbury under 
 the superintendence of Thomas Bushell, the lessee 
 of the Cardiganshire Silver Mines. Bushell had 
 succeeded Sir Hugh Myddelton, of the New Eiver 
 Company, in the farming of these mines. He 
 appears to have carried them on with great spirit 
 and energy. Some years before this he had obtained 
 a royal grant enabling him to establish a Mint at 
 Aberystwith. The coins there made are now very 
 scarce. Bushell appears to' have been warmly 
 attached to the King's cause. From a letter of 
 Charles to him it appears that at the very outset 
 of the war he raised a body of Derbyshire miners 
 as a Life Guard for the King, when the Lord- 
 Lieutenant of that county refused to do anything 
 for his Sovereign. Various other acts of loyalty 
 are enumerated in the letter in question, which 
 reflectively show the state of affairs in Shrewsbury 
 at this time. The soldiers were sorely in want of 
 clothing. Bushell provided them with ample 
 materials. They had no lead to make shot. 
 Bushell supplied one hundred tons without being 
 paid one farthing, when the King hitherto had 
 had to pay twenty pounds a ton. Guns for mount- 
 ing on the walls were wanted both at Chester 
 and at Shrewsbury. He furnished them at a great 
 strait. His credit was good with merchants abroad, 
 and it was freely used for the advancement 
 of the royal cause. He was also of an inventive 
 turn of mind. To encourage the soldiers to acts 
 of bravery, he invented silver badges to reward 
 
 1 King's Pamphlets, 774. Vol. ii., Document iv. o., p. 19.
 
 And the Marches. 117 
 
 the forlorn hope, and supplied them at his own CHAP. 
 cost. Of all the officers of the Mint in London, 
 there was only one besides Bushell who adopted 
 the King's cause. 1 
 
 But a Mint without silver and gold was of 
 little use. On Michaelmas Eve a large meeting 
 was held in a field outside the town. The King 
 spoke, and appealed for help. He was fighting, 
 not merely for himself, but for their liberties. He 
 had been deprived of means to do so effectually 
 by the sharp practice of the Parliament. His 
 circumstances, he said, were then straitened. Never- 
 theless, he would sacrifice his own plate for the 
 common weal. It should be at once melted down, 
 and converted into money. Would others his 
 loving subjects follow his example? Such was 
 the issue which Charles placed before the assembly. 
 The appeal in a measure succeeded. Many freely 
 sacrificed their plate and brought in to the common 
 stock what they could spare. The Catholics pre- 
 eminently showed a liberal disposition. Clarendon 
 commends the generosity of the Salopians and their 
 neighbours, and compares their liberality with the 
 stinginess and closeness of the other places where 
 the King had been at. Plate and money, he said, 
 were brought in voluntarily in such quantities that 
 the army was full and constantly paid. 2 The noble 
 historian evidently draws a little upon his imagi- 
 nation, or what is more likely, he wrote the passage 
 I have just quoted years after the event, when he 
 had no greater authority than a mere impression 
 on his mind; for it is manifest that there was a 
 
 1 Caxt. Harl. Antiq., iii. B., 61 ; and Vol. ii., Doc. vii. B., p. 31. 
 
 2 Clarendon's Rebellion.
 
 118 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, lack of resources. The soldiers could with difficulty 
 be kept from breaking out into open mutiny because 
 of their irregular payments; and they were left 
 much to help themselves, which they did by an 
 indiscriminate sacking and plundering of houses, 
 where there was any likelihood of booty, often 
 indifferent whether the houses belonged to friends 
 or foes. One fruitful source of money at Shrews- 
 bury appears to have been the selling of dignities 
 and titles. Sir Eichard Newport of High Ercal is 
 said to have paid six thousand pounds for a peerage. 
 For a purse of gold Thomas Lyster of Eouton was 
 knighted. 1 If every man who was knighted here 
 and elsewhere during the war presented Charles 
 with a purse of gold it must have produced a rather 
 considerable sum of money. The town presented 
 Prince Charles with one hundred pounds, and to 
 the Duke of York they gave sixty. 
 
 A Press, too, was established at Shrewsbury, 
 whence were issued pamphlets, declarations, and 
 packets of news. The Parliament possessed a great 
 advantage over the Eoyalists in the matter of 
 printing. Outside London at this period I do not 
 suppose there were half-a-dozen presses throughout 
 the Kingdom. The consequence was that the 
 Parliament had almost a monopoly. Their pamphlets 
 were more numerous : their newspapers were almost 
 countless, while Charles had to rest contented 
 with an irregular and will-o'-the-wisp-like appear- 
 ance of Mercurius Aulicus, and an occasional broad- 
 side. Charles complained of this in his speech at 
 Wrexham, when he requested the Sheriffs to 
 distribute copies of his protestation. This was 
 
 1 Owen and Blakeway's Shrewsbury.
 
 And the Marches. 119 
 
 the period when the Newspaper Press obtained a CHAP. 
 
 firm footing in this country. Very different, of . ^ 
 
 course, to the newspapers we have now the 
 advantage of, hut still carried on with a wonderful 
 amount of public spirit and enterprise. Even 
 some of these had their " special correspondents " 
 following the two camps. The passion and the 
 prejudices of the readers of these papers required 
 stimulating and exciting matter to read, and the 
 demand created a supply of exceedingly virulent 
 and vigorous writing. The times were, however, 
 times of great excitement, when the whole country 
 was stirred to its very depths by the importance 
 of the struggle, and this consideration condones to 
 a great extent the exaggerations which we discover 
 in these early newspapers. At this particular period 
 their mission seems to have been to inflame the 
 public mind against their respective opponents. 
 The Parliament advocates gave publicity to matters 
 which were calculated to instil into the minds of 
 the Puritans a deadly hatred to the King and his 
 party. From Shrewsbury came many a news-letter 
 which had this object. In one of them it was 
 stated that the King's soldiers had crucifixes hang- 
 ing around their necks, that they openly drank a 
 health to Phelim O'Neale, the villainous instigator 
 of the massacre of the Irish Protestants; and what 
 was worse than all, that the cavaliers " ravished 
 the wife of a very discreet, moderate, able, and 
 godly minister in Shropshire." 1 
 
 South Wales at this time was free from that 
 feverish excitement which the King's presence 
 occasioned in North Wales and the borders. The 
 
 1 Special Passages, No. 9, p. 70. (K.P. 7731.)
 
 120 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. King's partisans were, however, energetic in in- 
 - ' fluencing the populace, in collecting arms, and in 
 
 1 A49 
 
 training men. Notably among these was the Lord 
 Herbert, the eldest son of the Marquis of Worcester. 
 The extensiveness of his father's possession and his 
 great wealth, for the the Marquis was supposed 
 to be the richest man in England, gave him very 
 great influence and power. The Earl Carbery, 
 who, from all accounts, was popular in the western 
 counties, was also active. The Lord Herbert's 
 religion debarred him at this early period from 
 receiving a commission; for Charles was afraid 
 as yet to give to the Parliament a further cause 
 of outcry against him. Already he had suffered 
 enough from the charge of favouring the Eoman 
 Catholics : it was inexpedient to set at defiance 
 popular indignation. Moreover, many of Charles's 
 chief advisers were as opposed to the Catholics as 
 the Puritans themselves, though, probably, on 
 different grounds. The Lord Herbert was eager 
 for command, and was rather sore because it was 
 not given him; still he was active in promoting 
 the interest of his King, with whom he was 
 personally a favourite. South Wales was not 
 destined to continue long in a quiet peaceful state, 
 for on the very day Charles made his first entry 
 into Chester the town of Cardiff was the scene of 
 bustle and confusion. We have already seen that 
 the Marquis of Hertford has been appointed Lieu- 
 tenant- General for the West of England and for 
 South Wales. The Earl of Bedford represented 
 the Parliament in the west. Between these broils 
 and skirmishes had already taken place. But for 
 a while there had been a cessation of hostilities,
 
 And the Marches. 121 
 
 owing to their maintaining a distance between one CHAP. 
 
 in. 
 another. About the middle of September they had 
 
 1642 
 
 an encounter near Sherborne, in Dorsetshire. The 
 Eoyalists having the worst of it, were forced to 
 retreat to Minehead, in Glo'stershire, whither the 
 Earl of Bedford pursued them. Failing to get 
 admission into the fortress there, the Marquis 
 availed himself of some coalships in the port, and 
 crossed the channel to Cardiff. At this time the 
 most important place in Cardiff was its castle, the 
 property of the Earl of Pembroke. The Earl of 
 Pembroke was a staunch Parliamentarian, and 
 continued true to the cause till his death. Owing 
 to his opposition, Charles ordered the castle to be 
 seized, as well as all the other possessions of the 
 Earl. The person entrusted with this was William 
 Herbert, who lived at the Friars, Cardiff, a zealous 
 Eoyalist, and a cousin of William Herbert of Cogan 
 Peel, the representative of Cardiff in the Long 
 Parliament, but who met with his death in the 
 battle of Edgehill. Power was also given to William 
 Herbert to collect the rents of the Earl of Pem- 
 broke, full instructions as to which from the King 
 may yet be seen by the curious among the letters 
 of the period in the Eecord Office. When the 
 Marquis of Hertford came over with a great 
 company of the leading Eoyalists of the west, he 
 and his men were gladly admitted into the castle, 
 and there does not appear to have been any real 
 opposition to this. Though a pamphlet issued at 
 the time, entitled "A true and joyful relation of 
 a famous and remarkable victory obtained by the 
 inhabitants of Glamorganshire, in Wales, against 
 the Marquis of Hertford and the cavaliers, who
 
 122 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, had taken the Castle of Cardiff." states that the 
 
 in. . ' 
 
 ' country people, fearing plundering, attacked him, 
 
 killing a number of his soldiers, 1 I am inclined 
 to look upon this, in the absence of corroboration, 
 as fiction. There was no organization on the part 
 of the Parliament. The Militia Ordinance had 
 never been put in execution in the county. 2 The 
 leading men of the county were all the other way, 
 and it is simply impossible that a mob should be 
 organized to give battle with effect in so short a 
 time. In another place it is stated that the Earl 
 of Bedford had followed the Marquis across the 
 channel, had effected an entry into Cardiff, and 
 was fortifying the town for the Parliament. This, 
 too, has no better authority than the mere un- 
 corroborated assertion of one of the newspapers, 
 for which I am inclined to look upon it as un- 
 satisfactory. Probably, the Earl of Bedford was 
 quite satisfied with his success in the west. Besides, 
 there is sufficient testimony that the Marquis 
 remained at Cardiff and in Monmouthshire for 
 some weeks, carrying out his commission in that 
 neighbourhood by levying men for the war. In 
 this he was aided by the Marquis of Worcester, 
 who spent large sums of money for that purpose. 
 The Earl of Glamorgan, in after years, asserted 
 that 8,000 was thus spent, and that his father 
 lent a further sum of 2,000 to the Marquis of 
 Hertford. 3 And this, too, notwithstanding the 
 natural jealousy which Lorcl Herbert felt at the 
 presence of the Marquis of Hertford with a com- 
 
 1 King's Pamphlets, 7531. See vol. ii., Document v., p. 23. 
 
 2 Symond's Diary. See vol. ii., Document Ixxvii., p. 262. 
 
 3 Warburton's Prince Rupert, iii., 524.
 
 And the Marches. 123 
 
 mission, which he thought should have been his 
 own. The loyalty of the old Marquis of Worcester 
 was too sincere to be affected by any consideration 
 like that. The situation was, however, a delicate 
 one, and some differences did exist between the 
 Lords Herbert and Hertford. Clarendon is very 
 savage about this, more so, perhaps, than was 
 justifiable. Speaking of the differences between 
 the two noblemen, he says that the Lord Herbert, 
 out of his vanity to magnify his own power, had 
 not shown that regard to the position of the other 
 which he should have had; and maintains, that 
 the Lord Herbert would have advanced the King's 
 service far more, if he had contributed his full 
 assistance to another who more popularly might 
 have borne such command. 1 What detracted from 
 Lord Herbert's popularity was his religion. 
 
 While the King was busily endeavouring to 
 further his cause between Shrewsbury and Chester, 
 he sent his son, Prince Charles, to Eaglan. There 
 he was received with oil the pomp and state which 
 the wealth of his entertainer could enable him to 
 do. The whole country was glad to have an 
 opportunity of paying homage to their Sovereign, 
 in the person of his son, who, moreover, was 
 Prince of Wales. Boy though he was, he repre- 
 sented Royalty, and evoked that enthusiasm which 
 generally attends the progress of princes among 
 their subjects. An address of welcome was delivered 
 to him by one Sir Hugh Yaughan. A banquet 
 was prepared in his honour, and presents of various 
 kinds were brought to him by the loyal in those 
 parts, which seems to have been highly gratifying 
 
 1 Clarendon's Rebellion, ii., 522.
 
 124 Civil War in Wales 
 
 C1 m P ' to the boy -prince. It was certainly a politic move 
 
 ^2"" on ^ e P ar ^ f the Ki n S to sen d hi g son on this 
 journey. The "Welsh had seen but little of their 
 princes hitherto, since that farce at Ehuddlan, 
 when Edward I. foisted upon the credulous Welsh 
 a baby-prince as a true-born Prince of Wales. 
 Nor have they since that time been much better 
 off. The young Prince was, however, amply repaid 
 for his visit. He met with nothing but kindness, 
 and he must have done some good to his father's 
 cause. On his way back he passed through Ead- 
 norshire. The country people everywhere greeted 
 him with tokens of affection, and loaded him with 
 presents. 1 
 
 The King still continued at Shrewsbury. The 
 position of that town as head- quarters entailed upon 
 the whole neighbourhood great inconvenience. The 
 presence of large bodies of soldiers in quiet country 
 villages was by no means welcome. Conducting 
 themselves with great swagger, resorting to violence 
 wherever their exaggerated demands were not com- 
 plied with, the whole country around suffered im- 
 mensely. Complaints were daily made, but the 
 suffering was not abated; on the contrary, was 
 enhanced by the fresh reinforcements which con- 
 tinued to pour in. Even the Eoyalists had cause 
 to complain, and became less enthusiastic for a 
 cause which cost them so much. The soldiers 
 themselves had but an indifferent time of it. Clar- 
 endon notwithstanding, it is clear they were not 
 regularly paid. They had to look out for food 
 and forage. Overwhelmed with complaints from the 
 country -people, and threatened with sedition amongst 
 
 1 See vol. ii,, Document vi., p. 26.
 
 And the Marches. 125 
 
 the ranks, the King must have been perturbed at CHAP. 
 
 this aspect of affairs. The soldiers were again and ^- 
 
 again mustered to hear addresses from and on behalf 
 of the King on Merville Heath and elsewhere. The 
 people, too, were convened. Their complaints were 
 too serious to be glossed over. Civilians and soldiers 
 were promised a better state of things shortly. A 
 large meeting was held outside the town on Saturday, 
 the 8th of October, at which Endymion Porter, the 
 Member for Droitwich, was the chief spokesman. 
 The King himself was present. Porter spoke at 
 great length, and made various propositions. These 
 were not quite satisfactory to the assembly. The 
 leaders of the people had a meeting at the George 
 Hotel in the town, and came to an adverse decision ; 
 and declared to the King in very plain terms that he 
 was acting foolishly. 1 
 
 On the 7th of October, Charles visited Wrexham 
 for the second time. He went there to meet some 
 Commissioners from Chester and the adjacent towns. 
 On this occasion he knighted his Attorney- General, 
 Mr. Richard Lloyd, whose guest he had been on 
 the previous visit. 2 He returned the same night to 
 Shrewsbury. A pathetic story is told of him on 
 this visit. Lloyd pressed him to stay over night, 
 pointing out to him the length of the journey, which 
 was something like forty miles, and the inclemency 
 of the weather. But Charles was not to be per- 
 suaded. " Gentlemen, " said he, "go you and take 
 your rests ; for you have houses and homes to 
 go to, and beds of your own to lodge in; and God 
 grant you may long enjoy them. I am deprived 
 
 1 Owen and Blakeway's Shrewsbury. 
 
 2 Harl. MSS. 2125, fol. 313.
 
 126 Civil War in Wales 
 
 in. 
 
 -^ -^- 
 
 1642. 
 
 CHAP, of these comforts. I must .attend to my present 
 affairs, and return this night to the place whence I 
 came." 1 
 
 All this while the Earl of Essex, with the 
 Parliamentary army, had been lying in a state 
 of utter inactivity at "Worcester and in the neigh- 
 bourhood much to the disgust of his party generally. 
 Encouraged by this want of energy and resolution, 
 and also eager to afford employment to his soldiers, 
 whose disaffection was growing daily, the King 
 finally resolved to quit Shrewsbury and to advance 
 towards London. ' His forces now amounted to about 
 16,000 in number having been quite doubled dur- 
 ing the stay at Shrewsbury. At the head of this 
 Charles marched out of Shrewsbury on the evening 
 of the 12th of October, 2 in the direction of Bridg- 
 north, where they stayed three days. Here was 
 a rendezvous of the whole army, which Clarendon 
 says " appeared very cheerful," notwithstanding 
 their .want of arms and clothing. Charles stayed 
 at the castle, and was the guest of Sir Thomas 
 Whitmore, of Apley. Some preparations for the 
 evil days that were coming were already commenced 
 at Bridgnorth. " The gates had been repaired and 
 made strong with chains and otherwise, posts and 
 chains had been placed at the ends of several 
 streets," a primitive method, certainly, of putting 
 a town in a "posture of defence." The Earl of 
 Essex appears to have been ignorant of this move- 
 ment at any rate, he allowed Charles a start of 
 three days before he made the slightest preparation 
 to follow. In London, as might be expected, the 
 
 1 Quoted in Ormerod's Cheshire, vol. i., xxxv. 
 
 2 Her Carolinum,
 
 And the Marches. 127 
 
 greatest consternation followed the announcement CHAP. 
 that the King, for in advance of Essex, was on -^ 
 
 1 fi;iO 
 
 his way to the metropolis. Steps were at once 
 taken for the defence of the City. Threatened with 
 a common danger, money flowed in freely ; and no 
 difficulty was experienced in calling out the militia, 
 and willing hands speedily raised fortifications. 
 
 "Whilst this was going on in London, Essex 
 overtook Charles near Keynton, in Warwickshire 
 at the base of Edgehill. It was on Sunday, the 
 23rd of October, that the hostile armies came in 
 sight of one another. The King's army was by 
 far the better manned. It contained more men of 
 position and of honour, and was characterized with 
 a greater esprit de corps than an army consisting, 
 to use Cromwell's own words, of "a set of poor 
 tapsters and town-apprentice people." Both parties 
 were eager for a battle ; and the conflict was 
 commenced about two o'clock. Prince Eupert dis- 
 tinguished himself as much with his recklessness 
 as with that dash and vigour which characterized 
 his military actions. At the very outset he dashed 
 through the Parliamentary cavalry, which at the 
 first firing had been weakened by the desertion 
 of a whole regiment commanded by Sir Faithful 
 (mark the name !) Fortescue. The cavalry were 
 thrown into the wildest confusion, and w r ere hotly 
 chased by Eupert, who pursued them for over two 
 miles in fact, until his pursuit was checked by 
 the approach of Hampden's regiment, coming up 
 for the first time w T ith the Parliamentary cavalry. 
 Eupert meanwhile was unconscious of the disaster 
 which had befallen the King's infantry in his ab- 
 sence. When he returned he found them utterly
 
 128 Civil War in Wales 
 
 routed, and their Commander-in-Chief, the Earl of 
 Lindsey, wounded. No power could again induce 
 them to make a charge, while Hampden's arrival 
 brought back confidence to the Parliament's ranks. 
 Darkness put a stop to further fighting. Both 
 armies passed the night on the field of battle, and 
 in the morning each claimed the victory. The Par- 
 liament had lost more in number : the King more dis- 
 tinguished men and officers. The royal army was 
 thinned also by the desertion in great numbers of 
 faint-hearted volunteers. 
 
 At the battle of Edgehill a great number of 
 Welshmen were engaged. A body of Welsh, under 
 Col. Salesbury, formed the only troop of infantry 
 reserve. 1 Sir Edward Stradling is said to have 
 brought from North Wales to Shrewsbury a thou- 
 sand men. And Col. John Owen, of Cleneney, was 
 probably present with his regiment from Anglesey 
 and Carnarvonshire. All these were, more or less, 
 sadly equipped. A contemporary MSS., speaking 
 of them,' says : " Arms were the great deficiency, 
 and the men stood up in the same garments in 
 which they left their native fields ; and with scythes, 
 pitchforks, and even sickles in their hands, they 
 cheerfully took the field, and literally like reapers 
 descended] to that harvest of death." 2 One Eobert 
 Evans, writing to Mr. Grenville, the High-Sheriff 
 of Bucks, states that Col. Salesbury ("my country- 
 man," as he calls him,) " hath 1,200 poor Welsh 
 vermin, the ofiscouring of the nation." 3 In addition 
 to this, a large number of the influential families of 
 
 1 Warburton's Prince Rupert. 
 
 2 Harl. MSS., 6844. 
 
 3 Nugent's Life of Hampden, ii., p.
 
 And Ike Marches. 129 
 
 "Wales were represented at this battle. Some holding CHAP. 
 
 commissions, others acting as volunteers. Of these, N - ' 
 
 William Herbert, of Cogan Peel, the Member for 
 Cardiff, was slain, and Sir Edward Stradling, of 
 St. Donat's Castle, taken prisoner. Of the conduct 
 of the Welsh at this battle different accounts are 
 given. Warburton, probably upon the authority 
 of documents which he had before him while 
 writing his life of Eupert, states that the Welshmen, 
 seeing the success of Rupert's impetuous charge, 
 became fired with the spirit of battle, and with their 
 * cudgels fought bravely, and proved themselves 
 most valorous." 1 Clarendon, on the other hand, 
 would lead us to believe that their conduct was 
 not so praiseworthy, and that at any rate an impu- 
 tation had been cast upon them, and their courage 
 questioned. 2 And this is the view which seems 
 manifestly supported by the satires to which they 
 became subjected from unfriendly pens. 3 Whatever 
 was the conduct of the Welsh on this occasion, it 
 should not be forgotten that they were raw and 
 undisciplined, scandalously deficient in arms, having 
 nothing better than scythes and pitchforks ; incapable 
 therefore of effecting any brilliant action, or of resist- 
 ing the onslaught of properly-armed forces. Even if 
 many of them deserted, they only did so in company 
 with hundreds of others, when Hampden's forces 
 came up fresh and victorious, and when demorali- 
 zation seems to have seized the royal army. The 
 battle was not renewed the next morning. 
 
 From Edgehill the King and his forces went 
 
 1 Life of Prince Rupert, ii., 36. 
 Hist, of Rebellion, iii , 327. 
 
 3 King's Pamphlets, 8520. See Vol. ii., Document ix, p. 36. 
 9
 
 130 Civil War in Wales 
 
 in. 
 
 -^* v -^. 
 
 1642. 
 
 CHAP, to Oxford. There the Eoyal head-quarters were 
 formed. Their resolution was to advance as quickly 
 as possible upon London ; and being again in advance 
 of the Earl of Essex, they were scattered all over 
 the country, around Abingdon, Henley, and else- 
 where. These towns fell into their hands without 
 any show of resistance. The town of Beading, 
 garrisoned by the Parliament, was deserted at the 
 appearance of a handful of cavaliers. From Oxford, 
 therefore, the head-quarters were removed to Bead- 
 ing. Thence Bupert, reckless and restless, scoured 
 the whole country, even to the very suburbs of 
 London, frightening the Parliament, and plundering 
 the people, whence he soon obtained the not inappro- 
 priate designation of Prince Bobber. The Parlia- 
 ment, alarmed at the audacity of the enemy and 
 the inactivity of their own forces, sent propositions 
 for peace. After a show of opposition on the part of 
 the King to certain of the negotiators, negotiations 
 were opened. By this time the King was at 
 Oolnbrook, within fifteen miles of London. The 
 Parliament in good faith ordered Essex to suspend 
 hostilities; but Charles, with that perfidiousness 
 which was his curse, notwithstanding that the 
 negotiations were pending, moved onwards towards 
 London, and had it not been for the greatest alacrity 
 on the part of the Parliamentary leaders, would, 
 beyond a doubt, have entered the metropolis. At 
 Brentford was stationed a regiment of soldiers under 
 the command of Denzil Holies. Bupert came 
 against them at the head of his cavalry. But the 
 preparations which had been made to resist an 
 attack, the redoubts raised and barricades set up, 
 proved an unsurmountable barrier to the horse.
 
 And the Marches. 131 
 
 Retreating with them, Eupert changed his tactics, CHAP. 
 and renewed the attack with a body of infantry. ^- 
 
 1642. 
 
 Hampden and Lord Brook had come to the rescue of 
 Holies ; but Rupert's infantry, who were none other 
 than the wild "Welshmen, brought to the field by 
 Salesbury, Stradling, and others, burning to redeem 
 themselves from the imputation which had been cast 
 upon them at Edgehill these " gallant mountaineers : ' 
 rushed upon the barricades, tore them in pieces, and 
 pushed through, causing the Parliamentary troops, 
 after sustaining considerable loss, to retire in con- 
 fusion. The Earl of Essex, who was in the House 
 of Lords when the news of the attack came, hastened 
 to the spot, but only in time to find the cavaliers in 
 possession, and his own soldiers dispersed and 
 dispirited. 
 
 London was once more terrified at the danger 
 which threatened it, but far more indignant at the 
 faithlessness of the King. The Parliament, taking 
 advantage of these feelings, called forth fresh levies 
 of the militia and volunteers; and within two days 
 of the battle of Brentford, the Earl of Essex, in the 
 presence of members of both Houses, and a crowd of 
 spectators, reviewed an army of twenty-four thousand 
 men at Turnham Green. 
 
 The King, dreading an attack, withdrew to 
 Oxford with his troops, and rested there for the 
 winter; and the Parliamentary army, against the 
 advice of Hampden, and others of an energetic turn 
 of mind, rested also for the winter. 
 
 Meanwhile, the Marquis of Hertford, aided by 
 the influence of the House of "Worcester and other 
 loyalists in Monmouthshire and Glamorganshire, was 
 very successful in raising an army for the King.
 
 132 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. Rumours had it that he had got together ten thou- 
 1- -- sand men j 1 but this seems an exaggeration : though 
 probably not very far beyond the mark, for an ac- 
 count of their opponents' estimated them at about 
 seven thousand. These were said to have been well 
 armed at the expense of the House of Raglan, and 
 were not allowed, like the "Welsh at Edgehill, with 
 their scythes and pitchforks, "literally like reapers 
 to descend to the harvest of death." ' The Marquis 
 intended to conduct them to Oxford as soon as 
 possible, where they would prove a valuable acquisi- 
 tion. About the 4th of November, the Marquis, 
 with his brother, Lord Seymour, and Lord Herbert, 
 quitted Cardiff Castle (which from the first had been 
 the head quarters); and with colours flying and 
 drums beating, set forth on their journey to join the 
 King. Descending to the banks of the Severn, and 
 keeping along them, they passed into Herefordshire. 
 The City of Hereford at this time was garrisoned 
 for the Parliament under the command of the Earl 
 of Stamford,' the Lord-Lieutenant of that county 
 and of Gloucestershire. Hearing of the approach of 
 the Welsh, he called in the trained bands of the 
 county and adjoining parts, with the intention of 
 obstructing their passage. But instead of proceeding 
 by Hereford, the Marquis and the Welsh crossed 
 the Severn, turned southwards, and made for 
 Tewkesbury. The Earl Stamford followed with 
 about four thousand men, and on Wednesday, the 
 16th November, came upon them on Tewkes- 
 bury Plain. The charge was commenced by the 
 Marquis, who rushed on at the head of about five 
 hundred horss, all trained men, being those who 
 
 1 tllis'a Orig. Letters, 2nd Series, vol. iii., p. 303.
 
 And the Marches 133 
 
 had escaped with him from Devonshire. The CHAP. 
 
 in. 
 
 enemy found it difficult to bear the brunt of so 
 
 1642 
 
 furious a charge ; but ultimately did. The Welsh 
 foot, under Lord Seymour, then came on ; but these 
 were unaccustomed to war and could hardly use 
 their muskets, so that they fell in whole ranks. 
 Seymour himself had his horse shot under him. 
 The Parliamentary army had also with them two 
 field pieces, with which they decimated the " poor 
 half-armed Welshmen." 1 Being utterly baffled by 
 an enemy of superior training, they took to flight, 
 in spite of Lord Herbert's persuasions. The horse 
 under the Marquis still endeavoured to stem the 
 tide of adversity, but. they were fairly beaten, and 
 the day proved disastrous to the Eoyalists. Two 
 thousand five hundred men were slain on that 
 dreadful day, and twelve hundred prisoners were 
 made. Of the slain the vast majority were the 
 unfortunate Welsh. A large pit was dug, and 
 friends and foes found a common grave on Tewkes- 
 bury Plain. The prisoners, saving such as were 
 officers, having been reproved for their conduct and 
 made sensible and sorry for their error, were sent 
 home in peace. The vanquished Marquis, the Lord 
 Herbert, and others, with what remained of their 
 forces, beat a retreat, crossed the Severn, and got 
 again into South Wales ; " while the Earl of Stamford 
 returned to Hereford. 2 
 
 Notwithstanding this great disaster, the Marquis 
 of Hertford, in less than a fortnight, viz., on the 
 27th November, attempts an attack upon Hereford. 
 
 1 True Xews of Herefordshire. (K. P. 8328.) See vol. ii., Docu- 
 ment &.., p. 38. 
 
 2 IbM.
 
 134 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. E ar l Stamford's force on this occasion only numbered 
 in. * 
 
 ' ^-^ some fifteen hundred strong. Here, again, the un- 
 fortunate Welsh were most thoroughly beaten, and, 
 it is said, that something like another two thousand 
 of them fell upon this occasion. This defeat was 
 as thorough in its nature as the other, and were 
 it not for the minute circumstantiality of my au- 
 thority, 1 I should be inclined to look upon it as 
 a different account of the former transaction. If 
 they are accounts of distinct conflicts, it is clear 
 that the Marquis of Hertford recruited, while in 
 South Wales, a body of nearly twelve thousand 
 men, which exceeds even the rumour of ten thousand, 
 to which allusion has already been made. 
 
 The Earl of Stamford soon after this quitted 
 Herefordshire for Gloucester, where his presence 
 was needed, seeing that that city was perfectly 
 naked. Whereupon Herefordshire fell into the hands 
 of the Eoyalists. 2 
 
 Leaving the Marquis of Hertford repairing his 
 losses, we will now take a glance at matters in 
 North Wales and the borders. 
 
 When Charles left Shrewsbury for Edgehill, he 
 drafted away with him all the available forces, leaving 
 the town in a perfectly undefended state, without any 
 pretence of a garrison, and entrusting everything 
 to the loyalty of its inhabitants. 3 Shortly after, 
 however, Sir Francis Ottley was made Governor, 
 and under his influence important preparations were 
 made for the security of the town. The castle 
 
 1 True Relation of a most blessed Victory obtained against the Marquis 
 of Hertford. (K. P. 83-44.) 
 
 2 Somer's Tracts, vol. v., 506. 
 
 3 Clarendon's Rebellion, ii., 510.
 
 And the Marches. 135 
 
 walls were repaired; the gates and town walls put CHAP 
 in order; a body of men trained for its defence, ^ 
 and a watch kept at night. The Town Council 
 voted a sum of 200 towards purchasing two 
 pieces of ordnance. 1 This activity of the Royalists 
 silenced the large and by no means uninfluential 
 party within the town, who were decided friends of 
 the Parliament. So much so, that Arthur Trevor, 
 writing on the last day of December, 1642, says 
 of the people of Shrewsbury, that they were "one 
 and all his Majesty's good subjects." 2 
 
 Chester was left in the same defenceless state. 
 There, too, similar activity soon characterised the 
 King's party. Mr. Orlando Bridgman, son of the 
 Bishop there, he who after the Restoration became 
 Lord Chancellor, assumed the governorship of the 
 city, and rode imperiously over the quiet and timid 
 civic authorities. 3 Lord Kilmurry, Mr. Francis 
 Gamul, one of the aldermen, and more especially 
 the Lady Cholmondeley, without whom, it was said, 
 nothing could be done, gave influence and power 
 to this dictatorship ; and in face of the danger 
 which threatened the open city, owing to its near- 
 ness to Manchester, where the Parliamentary party 
 was very strong, probably the shopkeepers of Chester 
 were rather glad than otherwise to see some steps 
 being taken to defend the town, were it only from 
 plundering, and without being inclined to question 
 the authority. Mud walls were cast up, the walls 
 which are yet the most perfect in England were 
 repaired, and other preparations carried out to secure 
 
 1 Owen and Blalreway's Shrewsbury. 
 
 2 Trevor to Ormond, December 31, 1642. Carte's Collection of Letters* 
 i.,p. 14. 
 
 3 The Unfaithfulness of the Cavaliers, &c. (K. P, 89-37.) See 
 vol. ii., Document xiii., p. 46.
 
 136 Civil War in Wales, 
 
 CHAP, the city against any sudden attack. The Commis- 
 
 sioners of Array were also recruiting men for its 
 
 defence. By the 17th of December they had got 
 
 into the city three hundred horse and six hundred 
 
 foot. 1 
 
 These preparations were not at all uncalled for, 
 for .Cheshire was threatened with considerable danger. 
 Sir "William Brereton, one of the members for 
 the county, was > known to be in London forming 
 an army for the reduction of that county to the 
 obedience of the Parliament. Manchester, a the 
 very London of these parts," as was said by 
 Arthur Trevor, was also ready at any time to 
 aid any attempt in that direction. And as it 
 was clear, that even if these within would be able 
 to defend the city, such combined forces would 
 devastate the whole county, and bring ruin upon 
 those who had quitted their houses in the county 
 to seek refuge in the town, A desire for pacifica- 
 tion began to show itself, and t was taken up with 
 energy, - Through the solicitation of Sir Richard 
 "Wilbraham, whose sympathies were for the Parlia- 
 ment, a meeting was arranged to take place between 
 representatives of the Commissioners of Array and 
 of the Committee of the Militia to discuss terms 
 of neutrality. The meeting came off, after some 
 slight hitch, at Bunbury, and an agreement was 
 arranged, whereby it was articled that there should 
 be an absolute cessation of . arms; that the prisoners 
 on both sides should be released; the fortifications 
 of Chester, Nantwich, Slopford, and Kmitsford, 
 demolished; that goods which had been plundered 
 be restored; and that both parties should obtain 
 
 1 The latest Printed News. (K. P. 888.)
 
 And the Marches. .137 
 
 the ratification of the Articles from the King and the CHAP. 
 
 T-' Ul - 
 
 Parliament respectively. Lord Kilmurry and Mr. ^- -^ 
 
 1642 
 
 Orlando Bridgman represented the Royalists, while 
 Mr. Marbury and Mr. Henry Maimvaring attended 
 on behalf of the Deputy-Lieutenants. 1 This agree- 
 ment, concluded on the 23rd of December, on 
 grounds which commend themselves to all who 
 have an aversion to the shedding of human blood, 
 was, however, impracticable under the circumstances. 
 There could be no imperium in imperio at this 
 desperate season ; and Cheshire, if it sought the 
 protection must bear the burdens of government. 
 The Parliament, without any hesitation, repudiated 
 the agreement as inexpedient, and characterised 
 its adoption as setting a bad example. What the 
 King thought of it I know not. Arthur Trevor, 
 who was always about the Court, and w T ell posted 
 in the views which prevailed there, confessed that 
 he " did not like this kind of measuring out of 
 treason by the month," alluding probably to the 
 provisional character of the Articles. 
 
 Very different in their conduct were the Salopians. 
 The friends of the King there boldly declared their 
 resolution to stand by him and to defend themselves. 
 The leading men of the county subscribed an agree- 
 ment, whereby they engaged themselves to raise 
 and maintain troops for the defence of the King 
 and their country ; and nominated Sir Vincent Corbet 
 as commander-in-chicf of such forces. 3 This was 
 on the 20th of December. By the end of that 
 month they had raised two thousand dragoons for 
 that service. 3 
 
 1 Harl. MSS. 2135, fol. 87. Vol. ii., Document xii., p. 44. 
 
 2 Wiltshire's Resolution, &c. (K. P. 8322.) Vol. ii., Document xi., p. 42. 
 
 3 Arthur Trevor's letter (already quoted) to Marquis of Ormond.
 
 138 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAPTEE IV. 
 
 1643. 
 
 The state of parties at the beginning of 1643 Sir W. Brereton in Cheshire 
 Defeats Sir Thomas Aston and the Chester cavaliers at Nantwich A, 
 skirmish at Torperley The battle of Middle wich Sir Thomas Aston 
 routed The dispute between Lord Herbert and the Marquis of Hert- 
 ford settled The Marquis quits Wales with his Welsh army Arrives 
 at Burford Suggests an attack upon Cirencester That town taken acd 
 plundered Aided by Rupert, summons Gloucester, which refuses to 
 yield The Lord Herbert raises an army and appears before Gloucester 
 Is totally routed, and main body of his army made prisoners by Sir 
 William Waller Clarendon's strictures on the disaster Waller pursues 
 the Welsh but fails to overtake them, takes Chepstow and Mon- 
 mouth, and has to cut his way back to Gloucester through Prince 
 Maurice's army sent to encompass him Waller takes Hereford 
 A glimpse of imperial affairs during the spring Reading is taken 
 by the Parliament Brereton's successes in Cheshire The Lord Capel, 
 the King's Lieut. -General for that county and North Wales is dismayed 
 The Earl of Denbigh and Colonel Mytton Conflicts between Capel 
 and Brereton Sir Thomas Myddelton appointed by the Parliament 
 Lieut. -General of North Wales Earl of Carbery in Pembrokeshire 
 and Carmarthenshire Is impeached Others implicated Parliamen- 
 tary reverses in the West Waller defeated Bristol taken Gloucester 
 besieged Consternation in London Raising of siege of Gloucester 
 
 Help of the Scotch The Covenant Difficulties of Lord Capel 
 
 Sir Thomas Myddelton arrives in Wales Wem garrisoned by 
 the Parliament Naval fight at Milford Haven The Earl Carbery 
 garrisons Tenby and Haverfordwest Declaration of loyalty by Mayor 
 and Aldermen of Haverfordwest Battle at Wem Valour of the women 
 Lord Capel worsted Brereton and Myddelton enter North Wales 
 Take Holt, Wrexham, Hawarden, Flint, Mostyn, and Holywell 
 Chester blocked Denbigh Castle summoned Cessation of arms in 
 Ireland Irish forces land in North Wales Brereton and Myddelton 
 obliged to retreat into Cheshire Siege of Hawarden North Wales 
 freed from the Roundheads Distress of Brereton. 
 
 THE position of the Royalists in Wales and the 
 Marches at the beginning of 1643 was such as to 
 satisfy the staunchest of the King's adherents. They 
 had everything their own way nearly. At Eaglan 
 Castle the Marquis of Worcester had placed a strong
 
 And the Marches 139 
 
 garrison, while the Lord Herbert and his forces swept CHAP. 
 the Forest of Dean without molestation. Hereford ~ 
 
 1643. 
 
 \\as garrisoned for the King, with Sir William 
 Coningsby for its governor, backed by all the in- 
 fluence of Lord Scudamore of Holme Lacy. In 
 Cardiff Castle William Herbert of the Friars had 
 placed a garrison. Sir Michael Wodehouse occupied 
 Ludlow. Through the exertions of Sir Francis 
 Ottley and the Shropshire cavaliers, Shrewsbury 
 was made secure. Nearly every post on the banks 
 of the Severn was occupied. The Castles of Shra- 
 warden, Caus, and Apley, were all manned. At 
 Oswestry, Col. Lloyd of Llanwrda headed a force 
 strong enough to command that important pass. The 
 passages across the Dee were all in their hands. 
 And Chester completed this chain, which was suffi- 
 cient in all reason to protect Wales in its loyalty. 
 Kuthin, which belonged to Sir Thomas Myddelton, 
 and Chirk Castle also, were possessed by the 
 Eoyalists. Under the influence of John Williams, 
 once Bishop of Lincoln, then Lord Keeper, and 
 now Archbishop of York, but debarred from the 
 exercise of his spiritual functions by the whirligig 
 of events, Conway Castle from nearly a ruin was 
 made strong and defensible ; while the zeal of Mr. 
 Thomas Bulkeley of Baron Hill rendered Beaumaris 
 Castle a tower of strength. 
 
 For the Parliament, on the other hand, there 
 was anything but an encouraging prospect in Wales. 
 Pembroke was the only town in the Principality 
 which had actually declared for the Parliament. 
 That town appears to have been leavened with 
 disaffection to a certain extent. John Poyer, the 
 Mayor, was pre-eminently the most active at this
 
 140 Civil War in Wales 
 
 place for the Parliament : a man of considerable 
 public spirit, who had risen from the ranks to fill the 
 
 1643. . J . . . 
 
 most important civic post in his .native town; and 
 given somewhat, if; any credit is to be given to the 
 stories of the time, to his cups and Presbyterianism. 
 He found an able coadjutor in William Laugharne, 
 a son of John Laugharne of St. Brides, who, having 
 served as a page to the Earl of Essex, made choice 
 of a military life for his calling. These were backed, 
 too, by Sir Hugh Owen of Orielton, the Member 
 for Haverfordwest, whose influence at Pembroke 
 was considerable. In Cheshire, however, the Par- 
 liamentary party were, strong enough to declare 
 themselves, and were taking active measures to 
 prepare for the conflict. Nantwich was their head- 
 quarters. All around that town resided men of 
 position and influence whose sympathies were entirely 
 with the Parliament. Some of , them had suffered 
 for manifesting a little kindly interest in poor ear- 
 cropped Prynne. But foremost in influencing these 
 was Sir William Brereton, one of ; the knights for the 
 shire. He having received a commission from the 
 Parliament, had been during that Christmastide en- 
 gaged in raising forces in London; and was, towards 
 the middle of January, said to, be on his way to his 
 native county., This .gave courage to his friends. 
 The cavaliers hearing of it, and thinking to steal 
 a march upon him, sent out from Chester a large 
 force, commanded by Sir Thomas Aston, for the 
 purpose of capturing ISTantwich and of dispersing 
 the Boundheads there. But in this they were foiled, 
 for Sir William being on the 28th come to Congleton 
 heard of their intention, and lost not a moment 
 in pushing forward to the assistance of his friends.
 
 And the Marches. 141 
 
 His drakes or quarter-cannons settled the day. The CHAP. 
 cavaliers beat a disorderly retreat, in which a large ^^r' 
 number of them were made prisoners, while a large 
 accession of horse and arms fell into the hands of the 
 victors. Sir Thomas Aston with difficulty got away, 
 while Sir Vincent Corbet (he who had been nomi- 
 nated to the command of the Shropshire forces in 
 the engagement of the leading men of that county, 
 which has been already referred to), crawled away 
 on all-fours lest he should be discovered. Brereton, 
 whose letters show him to be a man of great religious 
 fervour, acknowledged his indebtedness for the vic- 
 tory, not to the power of flesh, but to the Lord of 
 Hosts, and set apart a day of solemn thanksgiving. 
 After which they fell to the managing of the weighty 
 affairs of the county in calling out the militia, sum- 
 moning all persons between sixteen and sixty years 
 of age, and in casting up mud walls and digging 
 trenches around Nantwich. 1 ' 
 
 In managing these "weighty affairs" they were 
 often disturbed, for the Royalists in Chester were by 
 no means cowed with the defeat they had experienced. 
 Even within a few days after, all the horse and foot 
 in the city, which had been brought together by the 
 Earl .of Derby, Viscount Molyneux, Viscount Chol- 
 mondeley, Earl Rivers, Sir 'John Savage, and others, 
 set out towards Nantwich under the command of 
 Alderman Edwards. They did no good, but returned 
 with some loss after a fruitless outing.* Why an 
 alderman should have been appointed to the com- 
 mand is a mystery Alderman Edwards of all 
 persons, for his name was always associated with 
 
 1 Cheshire's Succcsse. (K. P. 99 6.) See vol. ii., Document xiv., p. 49, 
 
 2 Hurl. ilSS. 2125, fol. 31J.
 
 142 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, those who had a tendency to befriend the other side. 
 
 IV. 
 
 During January, Col. Mostyn and others brought 
 
 into Chester a large number of Welshmen to 
 assist in the defence of the city. Hot-headed and 
 enthusiastic, like "Welshmen of all time, they were 
 eager for a fray ; and finding no chance of fighting 
 a real enemy, they gave vent to their loyalty in an 
 attack upon a house called the Nunnery or Noons 
 the town-house, in fact, of Sir William Erereton. 
 They sacked the house, smashed the windows, 
 stripped off the lead and gutters, carried away 
 the furniture, selling whatever was saleable for a 
 small value, and committing to the flames what 
 they could not so dispose of. Their officers had 
 no hand in this outrage, and were powerless to 
 control them. And they did not desist from this 
 wanton act until Sir Orlando Bridgman and some 
 of the city officials interfered. It is to the credit 
 of the city authorities that they caused to be taken 
 back all they could discover. 1 In the city at this 
 time lived many who were suspected of having 
 strong sympathies with the Parliament. Their 
 houses were searched, such arms as were found 
 therein were seized, and they themselves, in many 
 instances, placed in custody within the castle. 
 Many of these went quietly out of the city, 
 leaving house and home, rather than sacrifice their 
 consciences. They were gladly welcomed at Nant- 
 wich. 
 
 It was not often that the Royalists now ventured 
 out of Chester, for their opponents were daily 
 gaining strength and confidence ; and whenever 
 they did venture outside the walls, they seldom 
 
 1 Hurl. MSS., supra.
 
 And the Marches. 143 
 
 returned without a skirmish. On the 21st of CHAP. 
 
 IV. 
 
 February a conflict of this kind occurred at Tor- 
 
 1643. 
 
 perley, a village midway between Chester and 
 Kantwich. Warrants had been issued by Sir Wm. 
 Brcreton, summoning all persons liable to serve 
 on the militia to meet at Torperley on that day. 
 The Commissioners of Array, on learning this, 
 sent out their warrants also, calling a meeting at 
 the same time and place. The day came, and with 
 it brought to quiet Torperley the Array, repre- 
 sented by a large body of soldiers under the 
 command of Sir Nicholas Byron (whom Charles 
 had lately sent down to Chester to be Governor 
 there). The militia, too, fifteen hundred strong, 
 under Brereton, came betimes to the place. The 
 Royalists came first, and choose their ground to 
 advantage. The militia posted themselves on Tilston 
 Hill. The fighting which followed produced no 
 other result than obstructing the recruiting which 
 was contemplated. 1 
 
 The issue of the next battle between these 
 hostile bodies was not so undecided. By the be- 
 ginning of March the whole of the salt district 
 of Cheshire was in the hands of the Parliament; 
 and great preparations were being made to render 
 the principal places secure by fortifications. On 
 the llth of that month the largest force which had 
 yet issued out of Chester came to Middlemen. 
 They were exceedingly strong in foot soldiers, most 
 of whom were Welshmen, under the command of 
 Col. Ellis 2 and Major Gilmore. Sir Thomas Aston 
 
 1 Cheshire's Success, supra. 
 
 2 Col. Ellis was of Gwesnewydd, near Wrexham. By command of 
 the King he had taken possession of Chirk Castle in 1642, which was 
 soon afterwards placel under the governorship of Sir Thomas Ilanmer.
 
 144 Civil War in Wales 
 
 commanded the horse. The next day was Sunday. 
 Partial as was the Puritan to a strict observance 
 of the Sabbath, even in his view there were times 
 when work and not repose was to be. And it was so 
 now, the urgency of the occasion did not permit of 
 delay, and Sir "William Brereton occupied himself 
 the whole day in preparing for the morrow, when 
 an attack was a certainty, and in annoying the 
 enemy by frequent alarms. Sir William was then 
 at Northwich, superintending the fortifications going 
 on .there. The body of his forces was at Nantwich. 
 Messages were sent thither ordering them to join 
 with the Nantwich forces on Monday morning. 
 The battle, however, had been raging for some 
 hours before these appeared. When they did come 
 they brought victory with them. The Eoyalists 
 could not stand the attack of the reinforcement, 
 and were driven back from the streets into the 
 church, where they were " wedged up like billets 
 in a wood-pile, no one man at his arms." All in 
 the church were captured. No less than five 
 hundred prisoners were made : among them were 
 Colonel Ellis, Major Gilmore, some eleven captains, 
 and a number of other officers. Horses, arms, 
 and ammunition in great quantity fell into the 
 hands of the Parliamentarians. The Eoyalists were 
 utterly routed. Sir Thomas Aston, gives a graphic 
 picture of the entire want of discipline, if not 
 even the cowardice, of the men engaged. The 
 footmen, principally Welsh, dropped their arms 
 
 Being taken prisoner at this battle of Middlewich, he continued in custody 
 until the September following. After his release he was placed by Lord 
 Capel chief in command in Counties of Denbigh and Flint, and raised a 
 force of 1,200 men. Pennant' t Tour in Wales.
 
 And the Marches. 145 
 
 and ran away without an attempt to fight. The CHAP. 
 guns were quitted without an effort to save - 
 them. The horse were not of any use, because 
 the fighting was in the streets, and they took 
 advantage of the cross lanes, and made off. In the 
 face of such a disaster, Sir Thomas Aston was 
 powerless. He tried again and again to rally his 
 men ; but, as he quaintly puts it, they had " gone 
 past recall." Chagrined and weary, the unfortunate 
 commander rode to Whitchurch for help, but help 
 there was none, for the few dragoons stationed there 
 were in daily fear of a surprise, and the trained bands 
 had been disbanded. The Parliamentary party by 
 this victory obtained a firm footing in Cheshire. 
 Chester, however, remained in the hands of the 
 Eoyalists, though its position at this juncture must 
 have been one of extreme peril. 1 
 
 The Marquis of Hertford, having as we have 
 already seen had his march to Oxford retarded by 
 the Earl of Stamford, and having moreover suffered 
 a most ignominious defeat, retreated to South Wales 
 to repair his losses and to levy fresh recruits. The 
 dispute between him and Lord Herbert had grown 
 so ugly towards Christmas that the King sent 
 Arthur Trevor down to Monmouthshire to try to 
 make it up between them. Writing to the Marquis 
 of Ormond, Trevor states that on coming to them 
 " he found an old sore but ill-drawn up. I ventured 
 upon a small piece of surgery, and do now hope 
 I have taken away the bone that was between 
 them, or, leastwise, so sealed it that they may 
 
 1 Sir William Brereton's account of this battle is given in Cheshire's 
 Successe, supra. Sir Thomas Aston's letter is preserved in Harl. MSS., 
 2135, fol. 93. See vol. ii., Documents xvi. and xvii. 
 
 10
 
 146 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, march without much pain on either side." 1 This 
 
 IV. 
 
 reference confirms Clarendon's allusion to the quarrel 
 
 1 fi^S 
 
 between them. Clarendon attributes it to the in- 
 sufferable vanity of the Lord Herbert. But I think 
 it was only natural that Lord Herbert should have 
 felt jealous of the intrusion of Hertford into his 
 own immediate neighbourhood. The one objection 
 to Lord Herbert was his religion. He was a 
 Roman Catholic. Charles himself would probably 
 have been glad to grant him a commission. But 
 he and those around him knew too well that if he 
 gave commands and posts to Eoman Catholics the 
 Parliament would make use of it as a fearful accu- 
 sation against him. The Eoman Catholics to a 
 man were for the King, because he was known to 
 be liberally disposed towards them, and the Queen 
 professed that faith ; while from the Parliament, 
 imbued with the spirit of Puritanism, they had 
 nothing to expect but persecution and extermination. 
 They assisted the King in every possible way. 
 Being as a class wealthy they supplied him with 
 money. And though they could get no position of 
 command in the army, many of their leaders served 
 as volunteers. The Queen, doubtless, did all in her 
 power to prevail upon her husband to grant them 
 commissions ; but Charles dared not do so, for 
 many of his Council were as opposed to Eoman 
 Catholics as the veriest Puritan in the Kingdom. 
 The case of Lord Herbert was, however, exceptional. 
 He was a personal favourite, his father's wealth 
 was at the service of the King, and his influence 
 had brought thousands to the field to fight for the 
 throne. Who could blame Charles, therefore, for 
 
 1 Carte's Collection of Letters, vol. i., p. 14.
 
 And the Marches. 147 
 
 appointing the son of the Marquis of "Worcester to CHAP. 
 be Lieutenant-General of South "Wales and Mon- -^- 
 
 1643 
 
 mouthshire? It was probably -with the promise of 
 this commission that Arthur Trevor practised his 
 little surgery, so as to enable the rivals " to march 
 without pain on either side." The march of the 
 Marquis of Hertford from Wales took place in the 
 very first week of the new year. Herefordshire 
 now presented no obstruction, so that he might 
 have pushed on to Oxford in that way without any 
 molestation. He, however, marched to Worcester, 
 and thence to Burford, intending to co-operate with 
 the cavaliers in Gloucestershire. Finding that 
 nothing could be done in these parts so long as 
 Cirencester remained garrisoned by the Parliament, 
 he proceeded to Oxford, and laid before the King 
 the desirability of taking that town from the enemy, 
 which he engaged to do if reinforced with an 
 adequate force of dragoons. Eupert and Maurice 
 were ordered to aid him. On the 7th of January 
 they drew up before the town Rupert and Maurice 
 on the one hand, the dragoons on the other, with 
 some six thousand horse and foot, of whom the 
 majority consisted of Welshmen. The town was 
 summoned, but in vain; and the attack had to be 
 postponed. The Welsh, under the Marquis, went 
 back to Burford, Eupert to Oxford, and Maurice 
 to Farringdon. On the 1st of February they again 
 appeared before Cirencester, and on this occasion 
 they were successful, after a gallant resistance on 
 the part of the little garrison, in winning the town, 
 which, it is said, they most wantonly plundered. 1 
 " As usual," the Welsh were placed in the front, 
 
 1 Warburton's Prince Rupert, ii., 108. 
 IDA
 
 148 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, and had to bear the brunt of the enemy's defence, 
 
 ' in which many of them fell, being in that army 
 
 "a continual sacrifice to the sword." 1 
 
 In the City of Gloucester the u godly city," 
 as the cavaliers opprobriously, but with great truth, 
 called it, then garrisoned for the Parliament, and 
 the very Manchester of the South, the news of 
 the loss of Cirencester caused some dismay, which 
 was heightened by the account which they received 
 of the way in which that unfortunate town had 
 been sacked and pillaged : a practice of which 
 Prince Eupert, notwithstanding all the whitewash- 
 ing of Mr. Warburton, stands too clearly convicted. 
 On the following day the terrible Prince appeared 
 before the City of Gloucester, and summoned it to 
 surrender. Lieut. -Col. Massey, a Cheshire man, was 
 at this time chief in military command in the city 
 a brave and worthy man, with a strong leaning 
 to Presbyterianism, who fought valiantly for the 
 Parliament until the conduct of that assembly and 
 those in power drove him to give up that party. 
 And though he was not stedfast in the faith which 
 he at one time professed, his character possesses 
 many traits worthy of admiration. To Prince 
 Eupert's summons, Col. Massey and the Mayor 
 replied that they held the city for the Parliament, 
 and would only deliver it upon an order from that 
 authority. A second summons, in a strain more 
 persuasive, met with no better answer ; whereupon 
 the Eoyalists returned to Cirencester, which they 
 formed into their head-quarters, and whence they 
 were enabled to make many successful sallies, 
 
 1 Somers" Tracts, v. 309.
 
 And the Marches. 149 
 
 reducing several places held for the Parliament in CHAP. 
 the immediate neighbourhood. 
 
 1C43 
 
 Meanwhile, the Lord Herbert, armed with his 
 long-wished-for commission, was assiduously engaged 
 in raising an army of his own. And considering 
 how the country must have been drained by the 
 Marquis of Hertford, it is not without surprise 
 we find that before the middle of February Lord 
 Herbert had collected together a force of about 
 fifteen hundred foot and five hundred horse. These 
 were "well and sufficiently armed," according to 
 Clarendon, and had cost the house of "Worcester, 
 it is said, no less than 60,000. About the middle 
 of February Lord Herbert, with this promising 
 army, marched forth, intending to attack Gloucester. 
 The foot he placed under the command of Col. Sir 
 Eichard Lawley, and the horse under his brother, 
 the Lord John Somerset, whom Clarendon called 
 a " maiden soldier." At the little village of Coford, 
 in the Forest of Dean, where Col. Burrowes, with 
 a small body of soldiers, aided by the villagers, 
 had a sort of loose garrison for the defence of the 
 Forest, the "Welshmen received their "baptism of 
 fire." Against such a force the little garrison 
 played a losing game. They were soon driven from 
 their position and the village taken, but not with- 
 out serious loss to the victors. Several of their 
 officers were slain, and among them was Sir Eichard 
 Lawley, commander of the foot and Major-General 
 for South Wales. The loss of officers was heavy on 
 both sides, while not a single common soldier fell 
 on either side, which the Eoyalists looked upon 
 as a bad omen. Some forty of the Parliament 
 soldiers were taken prisoners, so that in point
 
 150 Civil War in Wales 
 
 IV. 
 
 - - -^ 
 
 1643. 
 
 CHAP, of numbers the Parliament party had the worst 
 of it. The command of the Eoyalist foot was 
 next given to Sergeant-Major Sir Jerome, or Jere- 
 miah Brett. In their march through the Forest 
 of Dean they met with no serious opposition after 
 this, and arrived early in March before Gloucester, 
 making their head-quarters at Highnam House, 
 about two miles from the city. Here they made 
 entrenchments and rested, expecting aid from Prince 
 Eupert and Prince Maurice. But the Princes had 
 other matters to attend to just then, so that the 
 Welsh were left pretty much to depend on their 
 own strength, which was in fact very superior to 
 that of the garrison which defended the city. This 
 was practically impotent, comprising scarcely a 
 hundred horse, and not half the number of foot 
 that their besiegers possessed. Consequently, matters 
 were not very promising in the city. However, 
 the timely arrival of Captain John Fiennes with 
 some two hundred horse from Bristol, gave them 
 some encouragement. After this, constant sallies 
 were made, in which the besiegers as a rule came 
 off the worst. While the Welsh were waiting for aid 
 which did not come, swiftly and surely Sir William 
 Waller, a Member of the Commons, who held high 
 military command, was making his way with a large 
 force from London to the West. Having captured 
 Malmesbury, he pretended to march towards Ciren- 
 cester ; but this was only a ruse, for he made 
 instead for the Forest of Dean, and by means of 
 some thirty flat boats, which had been brought all 
 the way from London on carriages for service on the 
 Severn, he managed to cross that river at Frampton 
 Passage unawares to the enemy, and unmolested,
 
 And the Marches. 151 
 
 IV. 
 
 *,- 
 
 1643. 
 
 though it was done in open day. And thus he CHAP. 
 was able to transport his whole forces. With a 
 dexterity which cannot but be admired, he advanced 
 through the Forest to Highnam. Before the Welsh 
 were even aware of his approach the whole body 
 under his command appeared in their rear, while 
 the forces in Gloucester, previously warned of 
 Waller's approach, came out of the city and attacked 
 their front. The Welsh, caught as it were in a 
 trap, and surrounded by enemies, were struck with 
 consternation, and without showing any resistance 
 in all probability, resistance under the circum- 
 stances would have been of no avail they sounded 
 a parley. After a brief negotiation, they surren- 
 dered without any conditions whatever, save mere 
 quarter. This was on the 24th day of March. 
 On Lady-Day, the first day of the legal year, 
 near 1,500 men were led captive into Gloucester, 
 and about 500 horses a number equal to the united 
 strength of Waller and the city. Divers persons 
 of quality were among the prisoners, the most 
 powerful of the gentry of Monmouthshire and Here- 
 fordshire being of their number. Even some of the 
 " nine worthies," as those were called who had at 
 the opening of the war sent up from Herefordshire 
 to Parliament a " scandalous remonstrance." 1 
 
 Of this terrible disaster Clarendon writes very 
 bitterly, throwing all the blame upon Lord Herbert. 
 The latter was at Oxford at the time ; in truth, he 
 was never with the forces over which he had com- 
 mand, being fonder of intrigues at Court than 
 fighting in the battlefield ; while the Lord John 
 Somerset, with three or four troops of horse, kept 
 
 1 Somers' Tracts, v. 310-314. See also Document xix., vol. ii., p. 63.
 
 152 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, all the while at a safe distance from the conflict. 
 
 IV. 
 
 * - - Clarendon, being himself at Oxford at the time, 
 
 1643 
 
 doubtless bears true testimony against Lord Herbert ; 
 while the fact that Lord John Somerset was not 
 among the prisoners is corroborative of the latter 
 accusation. The noble historian concludes his re- 
 marks thus: "This was the end of that mushroom 
 army, which grew up and perished so soon that the 
 loss of it was scarce apprehended at Oxford, because 
 the strength or rather the number was not understood. 
 But if the money which was laid out in the raising, 
 arming, and paying that body of men, which never 
 advanced the King's service in the least degree, had 
 been brought into the King's receipt at Oxford, I am 
 persuaded the war might have been ended the next 
 summer, for I have heard the Lord Herbert say, that 
 these preparations, and the others which by that 
 defeat were rendered useless, had cost above three 
 score thousand pounds." "No doubt it did appear to 
 the Koyalists a great pity that so much money should 
 have been thrown away; but we may well doubt 
 whether, if the money had been paid into the royal 
 exchequer at Oxford, it would have done any more 
 good to the King's cause than Lord Herbert's 
 venture, which thus terminated in a fiasco before 
 Gloucester. 1 
 
 To the Parliament this was a victory of great 
 consequence. Gloucester was relieved from a most 
 pressing danger, and a fatal blow had been dealt to 
 the finest army which the Principality had yet 
 produced. Gloucester freed, Waller was enabled to 
 set forward to Wales, intending to finally crush the 
 miserable remains of Lord Herbert's army. Before 
 
 1 Clarendon's Rebellion, ii., 52227.
 
 And the Marches. 153 
 
 him the "Welsh everywhere fled : quitting their CHAP. 
 garrisons on his approach. Newnham, Kossbridgc, ' 
 Monmouth and Chepstow, were thus deserted, 
 and "Waller triumphantly entered these towns with- 
 out having occasion to strike a blow. But he 
 was weary of the Welsh ways over the mountains. 
 The natives, accustomed to their rugged hills and 
 ill-conditioned roads, had a great advantage over 
 their pursuers, who were not able to overtake them. 
 Prince Maurice was ordered to pursue Waller, and by 
 hemming him in the rear, while the remainder of 
 Lord Herbert's army stopped his progress in front, 
 to capture him, or at any rate to prevent his 
 return to Gloucester. Waller received timely notice 
 of this; and failing to overtake the Welsh, he de- 
 termined to make his way back to Gloucester, and, 
 if need be, through the heart of Prince Maurice's 
 army. Having first transported his ordnance and 
 baggage across Awst Passage, he started from 
 Chepstow on the 10th of April, and marched 
 through the Forest. At Newnham he came upon 
 a body of the enemy. These retreated to Little Dean, 
 to which place Waller followed them, and there a hot 
 skirmish ensued : the result being a clear passage for 
 Waller, who thence proceeded to Gloucester, where 
 he arrived in safety, and having sustained but little 
 loss. 1 
 
 Within a fortnight of this, the City of Hereford, 
 which had been for some time a Eoyalist garrison, 
 under the governorship of Sir William Coningsby, 
 was attacked by Waller. The place was sum- 
 moned on the 25th of April. The reply was in the 
 
 1 "The victorious and fortunate proceedings of Sir William Waller and 
 his forces in "Wales, &c." (K. P. 1022.) See also Document xx., vol. ii.
 
 154 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, usual strain, and an assault was the consequence. 
 
 IV. 
 
 -~- - The defenders of the city contested stoutly for posses- 
 sion, and made several sallies ; but at three o'clock 
 they sounded a parley. Hostages having been ex- 
 changed, Col. Herbert Price Member of Parliament 
 for Brecon, who from the first had drawn his sword 
 for the King, came forth to negotiate the surrender, 
 and to ask for more honourable terms than mere 
 quarter, which only had been offered them. His 
 mediation, however, did not succeed ; though for 
 consolation, he was assured that gentlemen should 
 be treated civilly, ladies honourably, the city and 
 its citizens preserved from plunder. And on these 
 terms the city was surrendered. Many prisoners 
 were made, comprising the leading men of the 
 county. Among these were Lord Scudamore, Sir 
 William Coningsby, five Members of Parliament, 
 and many others of equal distinction : all of whom, 
 except Lord Scudamore, whose parole was accepted, 
 were led captive to Gloucester. Between two and 
 three thousand arms also fell into the hands of the 
 victors; at any rate, so the victors said. But the 
 Eoyalists do not admit this, and assert that no more 
 than sixty arms were taken : the main body of 
 the soldiers having quitted the city while the treaty 
 was going on. 1 
 
 The extraordinary success which attended Sir 
 "William Waller for over two months in these 
 brilliant expeditions, obtained for him the name of 
 "William the Conqueror," and deservedly so, for 
 wherever he came he scattered his enemies before 
 
 1 Mere. ItelliriiF, April 30 (see vol. ii., p. 69), and Merc. Aulicus of same 
 date.
 
 And the Marches. 155 
 
 him. But his meteor-like appearance, though it dis- CHAP. 
 
 persed several bands of Koyalists, and gave eclat to '~- 
 
 the Parliament's cause, did not produce any last- 
 ing effect, for it was not within his power to place 
 garrisons in the towns from which he drove his 
 enemies ; so that when he was called away from 
 those parts, nearly all the towns and garrisons of 
 which he had possessed himself fell again into 
 the hands of the Eoyalists. But the House of 
 Worcester afterwards found greater difficulty to 
 draw men into the King's service. The Welshmen, 
 we hear, would not rise in Monmouthshire, because 
 my Lord Herbert had the command of that county, 
 and professed that they had rather perish than be 
 under the power of a Papist. 1 Ill-success, I think, 
 rather than religious differences, contributed chiefly 
 to destroy the influence of the Eaglan family. 
 
 While this skirmishing, this marching and 
 counter-marching, was going on in Wales and the 
 Marches, and elsewhere in the provinces, throughout 
 the depth of that winter, the two main armies 
 remained perfectly inactive. Essex near London, 
 and the King at Oxford. Of course, no important 
 result could be expected from provincial warfare, 
 in which only detached bodies of ill-trained men 
 were engaged; still, it afforded good military train- 
 ing to the people, and opportunities to leaders 
 hitherto unknown to show their skill and to win 
 distinction. 
 
 About this time, while matters in head-quarters 
 were at a stand still, the Queen returned from 
 Holland, where she had been for the past year 
 negotiating aid, and purchasing arms with the 
 
 1 Secretary Nicholas to Rupert, Oxon, 10th April. Warburton, ii., 161.
 
 156 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, money arising from the crown jowels she had 
 - '-- pawned. Barely escaping from the "clutches of 
 Admiral Batten, whom the Parliament had deputed 
 to watch her, she landed at Burlington in February, 
 and was escorted to York by Lord Newcastle and 
 a body of troops. Her arrival somewhat awakened 
 both parties from their torpor, while her presence 
 in York soon attracted to that ancient city many 
 of the county gentry, and the Roman Catholics 
 crowded to her court to tender their services. The 
 forces under Newcastle became greatly augmented 
 by volunteers. The Parliament became furious at 
 this open employment of Catholics. Newcastle's 
 army was called " the army of the Papists and 
 of the Queen." But it was of no avail to call 
 names. The aid of the Catholics was too much 
 needed, and was too acceptable to be declined. 
 She attracted many more to her standard. From 
 Scotland came Hamilton and Montrose, two of the 
 most powerful of the northern nobility, and from 
 Ireland came the Earl of Antrim, with an offer 
 from the Irish Catholics to form a body to land 
 on the Scottish coast, and then, uniting with the 
 Highlanders which Hamilton and Montrose under- 
 took to raise, to extirpate the Presbyterians. No 
 counsel was too violent for the Queen. She readily 
 accepted every offer of aid, however extreme, and 
 by her untiring energy, she gave to the royal 
 cause in the North a vigour which it had not 
 hitherto possessed, while at the same time she 
 attempted to corrupt some of the Parliament's 
 commanders in -those parts. Had it not been for 
 the extraordinary vigilance of the Parliamentary 
 agents, Scarborough and Hull would have been
 
 And Ike Marches. 1-57 
 
 traitorously given up to her: the latter by Sir CHAP. 
 John Hotham, who at the very outset of the quarrel v - 
 
 1643. 
 
 had refused the King admittance into that town. 
 For this wavering a day of reckoning soon came 
 to pass, and Hotham lost his head for it. 
 
 The news of these things naturally created some 
 excitement in London. The friends of peace in 
 Parliament availed themselves of the opportunity, 
 and made one more effort to renew negotiations with 
 the King. The motion was earnestly debated, and 
 rejected by a small majority of three only. It was 
 only natural that the war party should hesitate 
 to acknowledge their weakness by an act which, 
 if successful, would involve their ruin. Ultimately, 
 however, they gave way; and five Commissioners 
 were sent to Oxford empowered to negotiate with 
 the King for twenty days, first, the question of 
 disbanding both armies, and then the terms of a 
 treaty. One of the five was William Pierpoiiit, 
 the Member for Much Wenlock, Shropshire a firm 
 though moderate Parliamentarian. But the King 
 had no desire for peace now ; and even if he had, 
 the Queen, whose sway over him was great, had 
 strictly enjoined him not to sanction peace. The 
 negotiations ended fruitlessly the Commissioners 
 being abruptly recalled to London by an order 
 dated the 15th of April. They quitted Oxford 
 the same day. 
 
 The very day the Commissioners returned to 
 Parliament Essex took the field, and opened the 
 real campaign of the year. Hampden and several 
 other officers were aoxious he should march at once 
 upon Oxford to besiege the royal head-quarters ; 
 but Essex, who was very slow, if not lukewarm,
 
 158 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. i n hjg employment, hesitated as usual, and sat down 
 1 . instead before Beading the reduction of which 
 
 16*3. t . 
 
 he considered to be of paramount importance. 
 In ten days Beading succumbed. Hampden once 
 more suggested Oxford as the next place to proceed 
 against ; but Essex continued obstinate, to the great 
 annoyance of his soldiers, the distrust of the Parlia- 
 liament, and the dissatisfaction of such of the people 
 as had adopted the Parliament's cause. Murmurs 
 were everywhere heard even to the supplanting of 
 Essex. Several names were mentioned as being 
 better suited to assume the command. The name 
 of Hampden, beloved by the people, was foremost, 
 but he himself had no ambition. The Fairfaxes 
 father and son whose vigilance and daring in the 
 presence of weightier forces in the North had won 
 universal admiration, were among the number, 
 as was also the Earl of Manchester, who was 
 energetic in the eastern counties; while blazing 
 with fame from the West came the name of Sir 
 "William Waller. But the Earl of Essex could not 
 well be disposed of any attempt to oust him from 
 command might involve disaster ; but what could 
 not be done directly was sought to be effected by 
 indirect means, and by neglect and coldness it was 
 hoped that he would be driven to resign his post. 
 He, however, survived all this for a time, at least; 
 and before his commission was handed back to the 
 Parliament, as was eventually done, he had at least 
 proved himself an honest man, and had taken part 
 in one brilliant exploit. 
 
 The loss of Beading threw Oxford into great 
 alarm even to such an extent, that it was in con- 
 templation to quit the place at once, and move
 
 And the Marches. 159 
 
 cither westwards to Shrewsbury or Chester, or CHAP. 
 northwards, for greater security ; but the conster- ~- 
 nation soon subsided, for Essex, as we have seen, 
 did not follow up his success, while the Parlia- 
 ment, torn with many dissensions, discussing trifling 
 matters, and terrified at the discovery of a farce of a 
 plot, did not press him to more active measures. 
 
 Coming back from this digression to "Wales, we 
 there find Sir "William Brereton active in Cheshire, 
 and so far successful that Lord Capel (a worthy 
 man, who had been sent down thither by the King 
 with a commission as Lieutenant-General of Shrop- 
 shire, Cheshire, and North Wales, to try and 
 repair the messes into which the ill-starred Sir 
 Thomas Aston had brought that county, and whose 
 head-quarters were at Shrewsbury,) tells Prince 
 Eupert, on the 4th of April, that Sir William 
 Brereton is "master of the field in Cheshire," 
 with the exception merely of so much ground 
 as the garrison of Chester commanded ; and fur- 
 thermore, that Brereton was advanced even to 
 WTiitchurch : unpleasantly and dangerously near 
 to Lord Capel, wherefore he implores the Prince 
 to come to his aid. 1 But the Prince was then 
 engaged elsewhere engaged, indeed, presently in 
 an affair which cast gloom all over England, and 
 which deprived the Parliament of one of its most 
 illustrious members, the people of a champion of 
 their rights, and the country of a true patriot. 
 In a skirmish on Chalgrave Common, not far from 
 Oxford, on the 18th of June a memorable day in 
 English history John Hampden received his mortal 
 wounds. 
 
 1 Warburton's Prince Rupert, ii., 158.
 
 160 Civil War in Wales 
 
 IV. 
 
 ^^" v ^ 
 
 1643. 
 
 CHAP. The Lord Capel, too, was soon destined to see 
 
 against him in the field other commanders of ability, 
 whose co-operation with Brereton boded ill for his 
 peace. For on the 10th of April, after mature 
 deliberation of the condition of Shropshire, Cheshire, 
 and Warwickshire, the Parliament, by an Ordinance, 
 associated those three counties, nominating the Earl 
 of Denbigh young Basil Fielding, who in this war 
 had actually taken up arms against his very father, 
 to the great grief and concern of his mother, to 
 the command of the Warwickshire forces, with head- 
 quarters at Coventry; strengthening the arm of Sir 
 William Brereton in Cheshire ; and appointing a 
 strong committee for Shropshire, of whom the Earl 
 of Essex was recommended to nominate Sir John 
 Corbet (afterwards member for Shropshire) to be 
 Colonel-General of the forces to be raised in that 
 county. 1 Sir John Corbet is here named as the 
 chief of that committee, but its life and soul 
 was Thomas Mytton Mytton of Halston. It was 
 through his exertions and the influence of Humphrey 
 Mackworth and Andrew Lloyd that this Ordinance 
 of Parliament was obtained. Mytton, above all 
 others, was instrumental in keeping together the 
 friends of the Parliament in that county, and in 
 neutralizing in a great measure the influence of the 
 Eoyalists there. And his superlative ability as a 
 military commander, his unswerving fidelity to the 
 Parliament, and his eminent humanity to his 
 enemies, place him in a more favourable light 
 than any man in Wales, or the borders, who took 
 sword in hand during that terrible struggle. But 
 as yet these new allies of Brereton were not in a 
 
 1 King's Pamphlets, 1187. See vol. ii., p. 122 n.
 
 And the Marches. 161 
 
 position to take the field, of which the Lord Capel, CHAP. 
 
 slow as he was, took advantage. During April, -' 
 
 May, and June, continual skirmishes took place 
 between them each harassing the other as much 
 as possible, but with no important result. Once 
 Lord Capel, at the head of some fifteen hundred 
 men, came before Nantwich, and advanced to the 
 very end of Hospital-street ; but the townspeople 
 being forewarned were forearmed, which prevented 
 his lordship from doing anything more important 
 than killing a calf of Mr. Thomas Mainwaring, and 
 stealing some hay from a convenient barn. 
 
 The Lord Capel, with a thousand and a half, 
 Came to Barton Cross, and thero they killed a calf ; 
 And staying there until the hreak of day, 
 They took to their heels and fast they ran away. 
 
 The other side made many sallies, too : some suc- 
 cessful, others fruitless, while one was nearly disas- 
 trous. Sir Thomas Hanmer had placed a strong 
 garrison at Hanmer, which, though geographically 
 in the County of Flint, lies in a strip of land which 
 cuts deeply into Cheshire and Shropshire. By some 
 false intelligence, Sir William Brereton had been 
 led to believe that there was a good store of booty 
 at that place easy to be got at. Believing this, 
 Capt. Bulkeley, with a party of horse and some 
 other companies, set out from Nantwich for that 
 place, and ventured even further into the enemies' 
 quarter, where they were met by Sir Eichard Willis, 
 Capel's Major- General, at the head of a party of 
 Welshmen, who lay in ambush for them. The result 
 was bad for the Nantwich troops. Many of them 
 were slain. One account puts the killed at a hundred, 
 while the number of prisoners and wounded more 
 
 11
 
 162 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, than decimated the beguiled troops. A Scotch. 
 
 ~ Lieutenant- Colonel named Flagge, and the Eeverend 
 Capt. Sankey or Zanchy, Brereton's Chaplain, whom 
 Aulicus calls a " little Pope," were among the 
 captives. Burghall, the Puritan minister of Acton 
 Church, near Nantwich, whose diary of the war is 
 a most interesting document, says: "This was said 
 to be the worst day's work the Nantwich soldiers 
 did from the beginning of the war." 1 In the 
 breeches of one of the prisoners was found the 
 surplice of Hanmer Church. 3 
 
 Presently, too, another powerful commander threat- 
 ened further uneasiness to Lord Capel. On the 
 llth of June, the Parliament passed an Ordinance 
 appointing Sir Thomas Myddelton, the Member for 
 the County of Denbigh, to be Scrgeant-Major- 
 General for the six counties of North Wales. 3 
 Sir Thomas Myddelton, or Middleton, as his name 
 was spelt in almost all the old Civil War papers, 
 was of Chirk Castle, and a son of Sir Thomas 
 Myddelton, alderman and merchant of London 
 whose brother was the celebrated Sir Hugh Myddel- 
 ton, the greatest benefactor of London, who brought 
 the New Eiver to the metropolis, and who also 
 sought to develope the mineral resources of Wales, 
 being the first to work the lead and silver mines 
 of Cardiganshire. Alderman Sir Thomas Myddelton 
 was Lord Mayor of London in 1614. He purchased 
 Chirk Castle, and settled it upon his son our Sir 
 Thomas upon his marriage, who thereupon came to 
 dwell there, acquiring from his wealth a leading 
 
 1 Burghall's Providence Improved. See also Certain Informations, No. 24 
 (K. P. 116, 1), and Merc. Aulicus, 2-5th week (K. P. 116-8.) 
 8 Aulicus, 26th week, p. 339. 
 8 Husband's Collection ; Commons' Journals.
 
 And the Marches. 163 
 
 position in the county, and great influence, which CHAP. 
 he made use of for the benefit of his country, v ~7p-' 
 encouraging its industries, and doing all in his power 
 to promote the moral advancement and enlighten- 
 ment of its inhabitants. In conjunction with Eowland 
 Ileylin, alderman of London, whose family I have 
 already incidentally shown to have come from the 
 Principality, he bore the expense of printing the 
 first popular edition of the Bible in the Welsh 
 language. The Bible had been translated into 
 Welsh and printed in the time of Queen Elizabeth, 
 but the copies were exceedingly scarce if, in fact, 
 not strictly confined to the churches and parochial 
 chapels. The people as yet had not obtained the 
 privilege of purchasing cheap copies, and the credit 
 of promoting a popular edition of the Bible in 
 Welsh is due to Sir Thomas Myddelton and Alder- 
 man Ileylin, 1 from which I think it can be fairly 
 presumed that he was inclined to Puritanism and 
 opposed to the pretensions which were put forward 
 by the high Episcopalians about this time. He was 
 also a conscientious opponent of the encroachments 
 of the Crown ; and at the very outset of the 
 rupture between the King and Parliament he being 
 then a Member for Denbighshire he gave his 
 adherence and support to the Parliament, and used 
 all his influence against the King, both in London 
 and in his native county. It was because of this, 
 but more especially on account of a menacing letter 
 which he sent to his countrymen in December, 
 1642, to 'submit to and assist the Parliament, that 
 the King sent orders for the Shropshire forces to 
 seize upon Chirk Castle, which was done in January, 
 
 1 Rowland's Welsh Bibliography. 
 llA
 
 164 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. 1643, by Colonel Ellis of Gwesnewydd, near "Wrex- 
 
 - 3~- ham, and about a hundred soldiers; and Sir John 
 
 543 ' "Watts was placed Governor thereof with a garrison. 
 
 From the possession of his home, though he knocked 
 
 once or twice violently at its gates, the worthy 
 
 knight was kept for a long time. Euthin Castle, 
 
 also, which belonged to him, was kept from him in 
 
 the same way. 
 
 Sir Thomas's commission from the Parliament 
 was, as I have already stated, dated, the llth of 
 June; but many circumstances, especially the slow 
 progress of his recruiting in London, and the want 
 of money, delayed for a while his setting out for 
 the Principality, and allowed some respite to the 
 Lord Capel : for the same causes also postponed the 
 appearance of the Earl of Denbigh and the active 
 Colonel Mytton. 
 
 In Pembrokeshire, and also in Carmarthenshire, 
 the Eoyalists were busy in the spring of this year. 
 The Earl of Carbery had been some time before 
 appointed the King's chief commander in the western 
 counties of South Wales, and was evidently striving 
 to carry out his commission by promoting the royal 
 cause. In this he appears to have been aided by 
 several others, notably by Sir John Stepney of 
 Prendergast, the Member for Haverfordwest, by Mr. 
 Eoger Lort of Stackpole Court, and by the Arch- 
 deacon of Carmarthen Archdeacon Eudd, whose 
 sermons were probably strongly condemnatory of 
 the Parliament. So active were these that we find 
 their conduct the subject of discussion in Parliament 
 on the 19th of April. "With much unanimity the 
 House of Commons voted that the Earl of Carbery 
 should be impeached for high treason, "for actual
 
 And the Marches. 165 
 
 levying war against the King and Parliament," as CHAP. 
 
 the Parliament were pleased quaintly to call them- 
 
 selves. The impeachment was ordered to be prepared 
 by Mr. White, the Member who appears to have 
 brought the matter before the assembly. There 
 were two of that name sent to the Long Parliament. 
 One was for Eye he was a Eoyalist the other 
 for Southwark, and this was probably the Mr. 
 White who had the preparation of the impeachment 
 entrusted to him. Whether he was in any way 
 connected with the Whites of Pembrokeshire I 
 have no means of ascertaining. " Baronet Stepney" 
 was voted incapable to sit any longer as a Member 
 of the House in the then Parliament ; and Mr. 
 Eoger Lort and Archdeacon Eudd were ordered to 
 be forthwith sent for as delinquents a comprehen- 
 sive term, including all who were in any way 
 opposed to the Parliament. All deputy-lieutenants 
 and justices of the peace were commanded to be 
 aiding in their apprehension, and even the only 
 Parliament ship in the Haven was to be employed 
 to bring up the delinquents. This single ship was 
 not of sufficient power to maintain due authority 
 over that important Haven, and the chief offence 
 of the accused persons was that they were striving 
 to construct a fort for the King at Milford Haven 
 a scheme which alarmed the friends of the Par- 
 liament at Pembroke, whose letter to Mr. White 
 originated these weighty discussions at Westminster. 1 
 I do not think the impeachment of the Earl of 
 Carbery was proceeded with indeed, it would have 
 been absurd to do so seeing that he was beyond 
 their power. All four continued faithful to the 
 
 1 Commons' Journals, under date 19th April.
 
 166 Civil War in Wales, 
 
 CHAP. King for some time after this; but I think all of 
 * ^~- them by-and-by washed their hands of the royal 
 
 1 r* i o 
 
 cause, and abided by what seemed to be the dispen- 
 sation of Providence, or, what at any rate was the 
 same, the luck of war. 
 
 Elsewhere, during the summer of 1643, the 
 affairs of Parliament were in a deplorable state. 
 The Eoyalists obtained many signal victories, and 
 the Parliamentarians sustained disastrous losses. 
 With the death of Hampden in the only skirmish 
 which the Earl of Essex with his army attempted, 
 commenced the ill-fortune of the Parliament. After 
 this their main army melted away. Fairfax was 
 defeated in the North by the Earl of Newcastle, 
 Hotham was only just prevented from betraying 
 the strong garrison of Hull to the Queen, and the 
 eastern counties, where as yet Eoyalism had obtained 
 no footing, was threatened by the Earl of Newcastle. 
 But the crowning disasters were those which they 
 suffered in the "West. The tide had now turned 
 against Sir William Waller, and his progress was 
 no longer one of conquest. He had set forth to 
 the West early in the summer with all the confi- 
 dence and the prestige which his success in the 
 spring had given him; but Sir Ealph Hopton, Sir 
 Bevil Grenville, and the Marquis of Hertford were 
 too many for him. At Lansdown, July 5th, and at 
 Eoundaway Heath, Wiltshire, July 13th, the energy 
 of the cavaliers, the valour and prowess of the 
 Cornish soldiers, carried everything before them. 
 Demoralization seized the Parliament troops. Gar- 
 rison after garrison was surrendered to the Eoyalists 
 without any resistance. Taunton, Bridg water, Bath, 
 and Bristol had all given in before the end of July.
 
 And the Marches. 16' 
 
 Bristol, the metropolis of the "West, the second CHAP. 
 city in the kingdom, had hitherto been true to the 
 Parliament; but now, at the mere summons of 
 Rupert, it surrendered itself without an effort, 
 through the weakness or cowardice, if not both, 
 of its Governor, Sir Nathaniel Fiennes. At the 
 siege of Bristol the Royalist ranks contained many 
 Welshmen, some of whom held important com- 
 missions, especially in the foot forces. Sir Edward 
 Stradling of St. Donat's, Lieut.-Col. John Stradling, 
 Colonel John Owen of Cleneney, Colonel Herbert, 
 probably of Cardiff, Major Edward Williams, Capt. 
 Lloyd, Lieut. -Colonel Thelwall, of the Denbighshire 
 family of that name, and others, were among them; 
 while of the common soldiers it is said the Welsh 
 counted more than five thousand. 1 The King's 
 prospects were better now than they had been ever 
 since the beginning of the war. Some differences 
 between Prince Rupert and the Marquis of Hertford, 
 and the necessity to settle Bristol, brought the 
 King thither from Oxford early in August. On 
 the critical question, " What next ?" the Council 
 of War was divided. The war party were eager 
 for going to London; others, wishing for some rest, 
 and to gain time, were for besieging Gloucester; 
 and in support of this view, it was said that the 
 Welsh forces, considerable in point of numbers, 
 were willing, nay, even eager to attack Gloucester, 
 against which, I have seen it stated, that they had 
 always a grievance, 8 but refused positively to pass 
 beyond the Severn. Besides, Captain William 
 Legge 3 spread abroad a report that Colonel Massey, 
 
 1 Warburton's Prince Kupert, ii., 237. 
 
 2 Somers' Tracts, v. 310. 
 
 3 A great friend of Prince Rupert, and ancestor of the Earl of Dartmouth.
 
 168 Civil War in Wales 
 
 IV. 
 
 ^^ -1 
 
 1643. 
 
 CHAP, the Governor of the city, was ready on any pre- 
 tence to deliver up that city to the King. There 
 was not the slightest foundation for this imputation 
 upon the faithfulness of Massey to his trust, and 
 his conduct throughout the siege which followed is 
 inconsistent with this. The siege was determined 
 upon, and the Welsh, now under the command of 
 Sir William Vavasour, for the Lord Herbert, con- 
 scious of his unpopularity on account of his religion, 
 had resigned, were ordered to advance upon Glou- 
 cester. 1 On the 10th of August the royal forces, 
 commanded by the King in person, occupied the 
 heights overlooking the city, the only defence of 
 which was a small garrison of fifteen hundred men, 
 besides the inhabitants. A summons to surrender 
 was sent, with offers of pardon to all such as should 
 yield. Accompanying the trumpeters were Philpott, 
 Somerset herald, and George Owen, York herald 
 George Owen of Whitechurch, Pembrokeshire, an 
 eminent Welsh antiquary and genealogist, a member 
 of the Henllys family of that name. From the city 
 came forth two lean-faced men, whose only answer 
 was that the " godly city," as they called it, would 
 not yield. The cavaliers would have scoffed at these 
 sour-faced Puritans had they not been restrained by 
 the more dignified bearing of Charles himself, who 
 merely told them, after hearing their message, " If you 
 expect help you are deceived ; for Waller is extinct, 
 and Essex cannot come." The warning was taken 
 back to the city, but the citizens and the small 
 garrison there resolved not to yield, placing their 
 reliance on a Power higher and abler to help the 
 faithful than the arm of flesh. 
 
 1 Warburton's Rupert, ii., 272274 ; Clarendon's Rebellion, iv., 181.
 
 And the Marches. 169 
 
 Meanwhile London was in consternation, and the CHAP. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Parliament almost in extremity. Commissioners were --~ - 
 
 161S 
 
 dispatched to Scotland to pray for help to maintain the 
 Protestant religion, to which, by-and-by, the Scotch 
 assent. And what was of more pressing urgency, 
 the trained bands of the city were brought forth 
 to serve under the Earl of Essex, to go to the relief 
 of Gloucester, which still held out most bravely, 
 frustrating all the attempts of the besiegers. For 
 a certain number of days, while these preparations 
 were being made, all the shops in London were 
 closed. On the 26th of August, Essex set out 
 amid the God-speeds of the entire metropolis, whose 
 fate was now supposed to be linked up with his. 
 For ten days a long time for so short a journey 
 his march continued along muddy roads, through 
 continuous rain, and on the 5th of September he 
 reached the top of Prestbury Hill, some five miles 
 from Gloucester, to find the King's quarters deserted 
 and in flames, and the siege of the city raised. 
 Entering the city with ample provisions, the Earl 
 received the heartfelt thanks of those whom he had 
 saved, while he in his turn acknowledged the valour 
 of the soldiers and citizens which had preserved the 
 city, and had been the salvation of the Parliament. 
 Having accomplished his mission, Essex returned 
 towards London, but was met at Newbury by the 
 enemy, who had got thither in advance of him. 
 After a desperate fight he found the road clear and 
 pushed on to London. The loss which the Royalists 
 sustained at Newbury was severe. Lord Falkland, 
 the most upright and honourable adviser Charles 
 had, whose honesty and integrity was unsavoury to 
 the cavaliers, was killed in his clean shirt. Lord
 
 170 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. Carnarvon, beloved by the soldiers, and Lord Sun- 
 - - derland, a young man of great promise, were also 
 among the slain. " This steady march to Gloucester 
 and back again, by Essex, was the chief feat that 
 he did during the war : a considerable feat, and very 
 characteristic of him, the slow-going, inarticulate, 
 indignant, somewhat elephantine man." 1 
 
 While Essex was before Gloucester the nego- 
 tiations with the Scotch were perfected. Under the 
 name of a " Solemn League and Covenant," a modi- 
 fied form of the original Scotch Covenant, a political 
 and religious treaty welding both countries together 
 in one bond of union for the defence of a common 
 cause, was voted by the Scotch Assembly, and sanc- 
 tioned by the English Parliament. On the 25th 
 of September, in the Church of St. Margaret's, West- 
 minster, all the Members of the House of Commons 
 then present, standing with heads uncovered and 
 hands uplifted to Heaven, took the Covenant, first 
 verbally, then in writing. " A very solemn Covenant 
 and vow of all the people, of the awfulness of which 
 we, in these days of custom-house oaths and loose 
 regardless talk, cannot form the smallest notion." 2 
 Two hundred and twenty members signed the 
 Covenant. Of those with whose actions I am 
 chiefly concerned I note the following, viz. : Sir 
 Thomas Myddelton, Sir John Corbet, Sir William 
 Lewis, and Philip lord Herbert. 3 This Covenant 
 was soon after administered to all the adherents 
 of the Parliament throughout the Kingdom. It 
 was the condition upon which the Scotch promised 
 their assistance. 
 
 1 Carlyle's Letters of Cromwell, pt. ii., Letter xvi. 
 
 2 Ibid. Letter xvii. 
 
 3 Commons' Journals.
 
 And the Marches. 171 
 
 Meantime, Lord Capel was haying a busy time CHAP. 
 of it, and a difficult one, in Shropshire, for that much "-' 
 oppressed county, distressed by the heavy exactions 
 which had been suffered by it, was in a state of 
 chronic disaffection. The produce of the surrounding 
 country was exhausted by the soldiers, and the 
 taxation was extremely burdensome. These heavy 
 burdens he levied also over all North Wales, and 
 his " pressing" of Welshmen to the service, hinder- 
 ing them from u their manufactures of cottons and 
 frieze," was naturally distasteful to the country 
 people. 1 And what was more galling, was that they 
 had meekly to bear all this without even the 
 sympathy of anybody. Indeed, the Parliamentary 
 papers taunted them with having brought it all upon 
 themselves, " for both by messages and by letters they 
 invited the cavaliers to come from York unto them, 
 received them with joyful acclamations and ringing 
 of bells, caressed them with feasts and banquets, 
 supplied them with clothes, with money, horses and 
 arms, and formed them into a considerable army of 
 some thousands; whereas, at their first arrival in 
 those parts, the cavaliers were but a few gleanings 
 of despicable and necessitous plebeians in Yorkshire." 
 Moreover, the money raised under colour of paying 
 the soldiers was spent, not in providing the soldiers 
 with necessaries, for free quarter was enforced 
 upon them, but upon himself (Lord Capel) and the 
 cavaliers at Oxford. 2 Coldness in the country and 
 demoralization in the army prevailed at a time when 
 the position of the Eoyalists in these parts was 
 threatened with no ordinary danger. For on the 
 
 1 Certain Informations, No. 26, 1017 July (K. P. 117- 17). 
 
 2 Ibid, No, 31, 1421 August. (K. P. 122-24.)
 
 .72 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, night of the 10th of August, Sir Thomas Myddelton 
 ^-~- with his forces from London, and seven great pieces 
 of ordnance, four cases of drakes, and above forty 
 carriages of ammunition, came to Nantwich, where 
 he was joined by Sir William Brereton, who had 
 just arrived from a successful siege against a strongly- 
 fortified house of Mr. Giffard, a Papist, at Chillington, 
 not far from Stafford. From Nantwich a party went 
 to lay siege to Eccleshall Castle, a garrison of the 
 King. This was deemed of some importance, and 
 the Lord Capel, with Col. Hastings and the Stafford- 
 shire Koyalists, set out to raise the siege. News of 
 this coming to Nantwich on the 29th of August, 
 Brereton, leaving Sir Thomas Myddelton behind, 
 proceeded to meet them. But he was not in time 
 to prevent the relief of the castle, though in time to 
 frighten away the cavaliers, whose retreat was so 
 hasty that they omitted to take with them the body 
 of the Bishop of Lichfield who had just died there. 
 The place was stormed : a breach was made. A 
 parley followed, and the castle, with all the pro- 
 visions which had just been brought in, and forty 
 barrels of beer, and much plate and other wealth 
 to the value of 10,000, fell into the hands of 
 Brereton, who returned to Nantwich laden with 
 booty. On Tuesday, the 4th of September, Brereton 
 and Myddelton set out for Drayton, intending for 
 Shropshire. They here summoned a muster of the 
 whole county. The Parliamentarians came in well 
 through the influence of Col. Mytton, and on the 
 following Tuesday, September llth, they marched to 
 "Wem, seized the town, and settled a garrison there 
 under the command of Col. Mytton. This was the 
 first garrison the Parliament established in Shi-op-
 
 And the Marches. 173 
 
 sliiro, and this little town continued for some time CHAP 
 . iv - 
 
 their head-quarters in that county. 1 
 
 1643. 
 
 Occasional glimpses of South Wales at this time 
 shows us the Earl of Carbery busy in the western 
 counties, summoning the gentry, calling forth the 
 trained bands, raising volunteers, and, on the whole, 
 getting on as smoothly as possible, for he has but 
 little opposition. He is aided, too, by some men-of- 
 war sent over from Bristol since the seizure of that 
 city by the Eoyalists. These had arrived in Milford 
 Haven early in August. The sea around was, how- 
 ever, scoured by the Parliament ships, under the 
 command of Capt. Swanley, Admiral of these seas 
 under the Earl of Warwick. Great vigilance was 
 shown by those in command of the vessels appointed 
 for that purpose. About the end of July a Ham- 
 burgh vessel, coming from Eochelle in France, and 
 intended, as it was said, for the relief of the rebels 
 in Ireland, was driven on shore near St. David's Head, 
 and there captured ; but the voyagers who sailed 
 in it, supposed to be Jesuits, got on shore, and hid 
 themselves in Pembrokeshire. Hearing of this, Capt. 
 William Smith, Swanley's Vice-Admiral, on board 
 the Swallow set in for Milford Haven, which he 
 entered on the 7th of August. His object was 
 to secure the apprehension of the fugitives by a 
 " Hue and Cry." On his entry he was informed 
 that two Bristol ships had entered just before him, 
 one of them laden with much treasure, which the mer- 
 chants of Bristol had placed in it for safety during 
 the siege, but which had been faithlessly made over 
 to the cavaliers. Capt. Smith at once resolved to 
 
 1 Burghall's Providence Improved ; Owen aud Blakeway's Shrewsbury, 
 i., 438 ; Oiinerod's Cheshire, iii., 22<5.
 
 174 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, give these fight, and all the more resolutely because 
 ^ he ascertained that the officers in command had 
 summoned on board many of the gentry, informing 
 them of the King's great successes in the "West, 
 and endeavouring to induce them to give in their 
 adherence to the King, threatening them, moreover, 
 with fearful reprisals if recalcitrant. All these 
 "bravadoes of a proud insulting enemy, grounded 
 neither on judgment or religion," were soon ended 
 by Smith's appearance, for after a parley, in which 
 the Koyalists made an insignificant attempt to save 
 themselves, the two vessels were duly taken under 
 his protection by Capt. Smith, who next bestirred 
 himself in causing the "Hue and Cry" to be pro- 
 claimed to attack the runaway Rochellers. To this 
 end he addressed himself to Mr. Griffith White 
 of Henllan, Castlemartin, of whose worth and good 
 affection he had been assured by " the character 
 which sounds in the ears of all men that came into 
 these parts." Having gone to acquaint his Admiral 
 of what had occurred, Capt. Smith once more re- 
 turned to Milford Haven, where his presence became 
 speedily wanted. 1 The possession of the Haven 
 was important. Pembroke, if besieged, would not 
 be able to hold out any time if the Haven was in 
 the hands of the enemy, while no mere siege on 
 the land side would be able to reduce the place if 
 the Haven was still open to them. More Parlia- 
 ment ships were sent, and not a bit too soon, for 
 the Earl of Carbery was advancing into Pembroke- 
 shire. The first place he came to was Tenby. 
 Here he was well received apparently. No sooner, 
 however, had the town declared itself for the King 
 
 1 King's Pamphlets, 89 37. See vol. ii., Document xxiii., p. 76.
 
 And the Marches. 175 
 
 than eight ships from Milford appeared before it, CHAP. 
 and assumed a threatening aspect, but returned 
 without effecting anything. It is said their inten- 
 tion was to set the town on fire ; but they were 
 driven thence. There appears also to have been a 
 design to besiege it from land with forces from 
 Pembroke. This was prevented by means of the 
 old system of telegraphy the filing of beacons 
 which brought instant aid to the Earl of Carbery. 1 
 After the "reduction" such is the word of the old 
 Royalist newspaper, which implies that there must 
 have been some opposition of Tenby, the Earl pro- 
 ceeded to Haverfordwest. At Haverfordwest, there 
 appears to have been no opposition whatever. In- 
 deed, it would appear that he was rather welcome 
 than otherwise. He appointed it as a rendezvous for 
 the trained bands of the whole county to meet him. 
 From Dewsland and Boos, from Daugleddau and 
 Castleniartin, from Cemmaes and Cilgerran, and 
 from Narberth, the gentry and the trained bands 
 flowed in to him, while the town of Haverfordwest 
 was so extremely pleased with the visit, that the 
 Mayor, Aldermen, and inhabitants presented an 
 address to him expressive of their fidelity to the 
 King, and their readiness to contribute to his 
 cause, to the best of their ability. This important 
 manifesto was passed on the 18th of September, in 
 return for which the Earl of Carbery placed a 
 garrison there, as he had already done in Tenby 
 and other places, whereby Haverfordwest was by- 
 and-by to realise some of the excitement of civil 
 war, and much to its damage, too. 2 The gentry of 
 
 1 Mercurius Aulicus, 37th week, p. 512. Also vol. ii., Document xxiv. A. 
 
 2 Ibid, b9th week, p. 539. Document xxiv. u, vol. ii., p. 83.
 
 176 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, the county were as eager to testify their attachment 
 ^-^ to the King as were the townsmen of Haverfordwest. 
 They also signed a declaration of loyalty, and bound 
 themselves to oppose the victualling of the enemy's 
 ships; and furthermore, that they would not con- 
 tribute in any way for the maintenance of the 
 forces then occupying the town and castle of Pem- 
 broke, and that they would do all in their power 
 to reduce them to his Majesty's obedience. This 
 protestation was duly published in .the pages of 
 Aulicus, and the names appended to it; but among 
 these names we find some who were certainly for 
 the Parliament, which makes me doubt the genuine- 
 ness of some of the signatures, though believing 
 in the authenticity of the document itself. 1 Among 
 the doubtful names to this document are those of 
 Sir Hugh Owen, Mr. Griffith White, and Mr. John 
 Elliot. 
 
 Col. Mytton, with the assistance of Sir Thomas 
 Myddelton and Sir William Brereton, lost no time 
 after the capture of Wem to fortify the place, 
 which was highly necessary, considering the, power 
 of the cavaliers in Shropshire. This was deemed 
 of great concernment by both parties : hence the 
 personal attendance of Brereton and Myddelton 
 to superintend the fortifications of the place. 
 While they were there, the Lord Capel, summoning 
 assistance from Staffordshire and all the garrisons 
 around, set out at the head of a large force for 
 Nantwich, which he intended to attack in the absence 
 of Brereton. Thither they pushed as fast as 
 possible. Brereton, however, had speedy notice of 
 their movement, and set out in pursuit. They came 
 
 1 Merc. Aulicus, 43rJ week. See vol. ii., Document xxiv. c., p. 84,
 
 And the Marches. 177 
 
 upon a party of them at Frees Heath. Meanwhile CHAP. 
 the main body of Lord Capel's forces hurried on ~ ' 
 
 1643 
 
 towards Nantwich, and got to Acton before those 
 at Nantwich were aware of it. But the defenders 
 of Nantwich, handful as they were, were men who 
 had seen a good deal of service. And though the 
 odds were now against them, they did not hesitate 
 to meet the enemy and give him a stout fight in 
 Acton churchyard; a churchyard which, in my 
 opinion, suffered more from the war than any other 
 churchyard in the Kingdom. Lord Capel's men 
 were driven into the church. Not powerful enough 
 to storm the church, and not caring to spend them- 
 selves on a fruitless task, the Nantwich soldiers 
 retreated to the town to prepare for its defence, 
 knowing well enough that an attack was imminent. 
 But they were saved that day, for the attackers, 
 hearing that Brereton was in pursuit, quitted the 
 church and made off, having first of all plundered 
 some houses in the neighbourhood without being 
 over particular as to whether they were the houses 
 of friends or of foes. Brereton, through untrust- 
 worthy intelligence, missed them. They went back 
 towards Wem, where Colonel Mytton was now alone 
 with no more than about 300 soldiers. With this 
 small force he actually drove away the enemy, 
 which, in point of numbers, exceeded them by no 
 less than twelve to one Lord Capel's army being 
 over 4,000 strong. In this conflict Colonel Mytton 
 received most invaluable help from the women of 
 Wem, who fought so well that their valour is 
 perpetuated in the old rhyme 
 
 The women of Wem, and a few musketeers, 
 Beat the Lord Capel, and all his cavaliers. 
 
 Retreating to Shrewsbury, the vanquished were pur- 
 
 12
 
 178 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, sued next day by Sir William Brereton, who came 
 ^ - upon them at Lee Bridge. A severe conflict ensued, 
 
 1643 
 
 in which considerable execution was done. The 
 Royalists before Wem lost one able commander, and 
 a popular one, Colonel Wynne of Melai, 1 whose death 
 caused dismay in the ranks, in which he evidently 
 was beloved. As an old chronicler has it, " upon 
 the death of Colonel Wynne, the whole business 
 was overthrown." 3 Several other officers of note 
 were wounded, among them being Sir Thomas 
 Scriven, Sir Richard Willis, both colonels, Major 
 Broughton, and others; while of common soldiers, 
 six carnages of dead bodies, with 30 more left on 
 the ground, bore sufficient testimony of the zeal of 
 the struggle. The loss on the Parliament side was 
 small : their greatest loss being the death of Colonel 
 Marrow, an able officer. This occurred on the 17th 
 and 18th of October. 3 
 
 This important victory gave confidence to the Par- 
 liamentary soldiers; and they were not men inclined 
 to rest on their swords. So they began in earnest 
 to push into Wales, which had hitherto been entirely 
 in the hands of the Royalists. The Lord Capel, 
 on the other hand, hid himself in Shrewsbury, and 
 was afraid to take the field, lest he should be shut 
 out from the towD ; shut out, too, by those within 
 it, for disaffection prevailed extensively there, and 
 the inhabitants had "but a mean, nay, even malig- 
 nant estimation of his lordship." 4 
 
 1 Lloyd's Memoirs states him to have heen of Berthdu, but his monument 
 in t. rhnd's, Shrewsbury, places him of Melai. 
 
 2 William Maurice of Llansilin's Pocket Book. See Archfeologia Cam- 
 brensis, i., p. 35. 
 
 3 King's Pamphlets, 1344. See vol. ii., Document xxv., p. b6. 
 
 4 Archbishop of York to Ormond, 12th Nov., 16 13. Carte's Collection. 
 See also v.ol..ii., Document xxyiii.
 
 And the Marches. 17 
 
 Taking advantage of this state of affairs, Brere- CHAP. 
 ton and Myddelton quitted Nantwich on the 7th of "T^T" 
 November, and proceeded towards Holt, resting on 
 the way at "Woodhey, Barton, and Stretton. Joined 
 at the last-named place by the Lancashire forces, 
 under Sir George Booth, they set upon Holt, the 
 bridge at which place over the Dee afforded a pass 
 of great importance. The town and castle were 
 garrisoned for the King under il young Robinson, 
 who had lived much at Dublin." 1 Young Robinson 
 hereafter will frequently figure in this Work as the 
 gallant Colonel John Robinson a Denbighshire man, 
 by the way, residing at Gwersyllt. The garrison 
 at Holt consisted of some 1,000 horse and about 
 700 foot. The bridge was won, and with it a part 
 of the town. A portion of the Royalists retreated 
 to the castle, which they stoutly defended and kept. 
 The rest took to flight, and in the pursuit many of 
 them were taken prisoners. Among the latter were 
 Captain Price, Captain Jones, and Lieutenant Sales- 
 bury. Leaving a considerable force to guard the 
 the bridge, Brereton, Myddelton, and Booth marched 
 to Wrexham, where they quartered that night. 2 
 Wrexham, notwithstanding that the Xing himself 
 had whilom addressed his "loving subjects" there, 
 and that Sir Richard Lloyd's influence was great 
 there, seems to have offered no opposition to the 
 Parliamentarians. " Young Booth," writes the old 
 Archbishop of York to the Marquis of Ormond, was 
 left at Wrexham with the Manchester forces to the 
 number of near nine hundred. WTiat had become 
 
 1 Archbishop of York to Ormond, 18th Nov. Carte's Life of Ormond, v., 
 514. See Document xxxi., volume ii. 
 
 2 Burghall's Providence Improved. Ormerod's Cheshire, iii , 225 
 
 12A
 
 1'80 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, of Sir Eichard Lloyd, the King's Attorney-General, 
 " -^ we know not. Yague rumours reached London that 
 
 Xo4o* 
 
 he sent in his commission to Myddelton, promising 
 to bring over with him to the service of the Par- 
 liament fifteen hundred men, if they would please 
 forgive him. 1 The same newspaper further tells 
 us that Sir Thomas Myddelton took divers knights 
 and gentlemen at Wrexham, and that the Welshmen 
 were extremely glad at his return amongst them, 
 receiving him with great joy and promising to help 
 him to get back Chirk Castle, which had been in 
 the hands of the enemy for near a twelvemonth. 
 Another newspaper states that the town was first 
 taken, but that the castle held out for five or six 
 days, when it fell. 2 Erom Wrexham the progress 
 of the Parliament soldiers was even and successful. 
 Hawarden Castle fell into their hands without a 
 blow, through the treachery, the Eoyalists say, of 
 Colonel Eavenscroft, of Bretton, whom the King 
 had placed in command there. Flint Castle could 1 
 not hold out long, and prudently gave in; and 
 Mostyn both .town and castle -notwithstanding 
 all the loyal efforts of the worthy family who 
 derive their name therefrom, were soon surrendered 
 to Myddelton and Brereton, along with four pieces 
 of ordnance, of which their defensive 1 resources con- 
 sisted. 3 Mold and Holywell fared no better, and 
 iio worse. This even current of success was ac- 
 complished by a force of less than two thou- 
 sand, according to the testimony of the oft-quoted 
 Archbishop of York, who sourly complained, as 
 
 , J 'Certain Informations, No. 45. (K. P. 1346.) 
 
 z The Kingdom's Weekly Intelligencer, No. 23, p. 257. (K. P. 134 - 10/V 
 3 Ibid.
 
 And the Marches 181 
 
 indeed was his wont, that "by these contemptible CHAB. 
 numbers these great and populous counties, for - 
 
 1645. 
 
 want of a head, arms, and ammunition, are quite 
 routed and scattered up and down these mountainous 
 countries ;" l and he was extremely fearful that they 
 would soon be harassing him at Conway, the castle 
 of which he had repaired at enormous cost, whither 
 the clergy nocked in great numbers for protection. 
 
 In his advance into Wales Sir William Brereton 
 is charged that he " did pull down the organs, 
 defaced the windows in all the churches, and the 
 monuments." 3 In Wrexham they broke in pieces 
 the best pair of organs in the King's dominions, 
 the lead pipes of which were converted into bullets 
 for Sir Thomas Myddelton's use. They were, how- 
 ever, uncommonly honest, pillaging no houses, pur- 
 loining nothing save from churches, and damaging 
 nothing save what to them appeared superstitious 
 and idolatrous. From Holywell and Northop they 
 took the surplices, and somewhat roughly re-arranged 
 the position of the Communion Table in places where 
 the High Church clergy had placed them in the 
 chancel. 3 For all this they have been much abused 
 and called Goths and Yandals. JBut, however much 
 we may regret the pulling down of organs, the 
 defacing of windows, and the destruction of works 
 of art, we should never forget that to these men 
 these things were odious, as signs of a faith which 
 they detested, and which to their narrow fanatic 
 minds was damnable. 
 
 1 His letter to Ormond of the 18th November, supra. 
 
 2 ffarl. MSS., 2125, 135. 
 
 3 Capt. Byrch's Letter. Carte's Collection, i., p. 29. See vol. ii., Docu- 
 ment xxxvi., p. 111.
 
 182 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. The effect of this successful invasion of North 
 
 IV. 
 
 Wales was soon felt at Chester. That city, was 
 
 1643 
 
 now nearly blocked up the Dee alone remaining 
 open to them. Traffic was hindered, communication 
 with Wales put a stop to. Coals, lime, corn, and 
 victuals, which used to be brought in from Wales, 
 came in no more. " Fire grew scant and dear to 
 the smart of citizens, especially the poor sort." 1 
 Handbridge, an outlying suburb of the city on 
 the Welsh side, was burnt down by order of 
 the Governor, by Col. Marrow, unknown even to 
 the Mayor, so that the Parliament forces might 
 not shelter there in case of an attack upon the 
 city. The inhabitants of the suburb entered the 
 city and added to the distress of the place. 
 
 The western counties of North Wales were in 
 great trepidation at being thus threatened at the 
 very door. Old Archbishop Williams was troubled, 
 and Viscount Bulkeley prepared for the worst, whilst 
 Col. Salesbury of Bachymbyd, Governor of Denbigh 
 Castle, strengthened his lines. To the last-named, 
 Sir Thomas Myddelton sent a summons, couched in 
 terms befitting a soldier, and a gentleman who had 
 been on terms of intimacy with one now opposed to 
 him. This summons is a fair index of the spirit 
 which actuated most of the officers at this time in 
 Wales and elsewhere, when friends and near rela- 
 tives were ranked in opposite camps : a spirit of 
 a friendlier negotiation than the sterner dictates 
 of war generally call forth, arising from previous 
 honourable intimacy and a desire to avoid the 
 unnecessary shedding of blood. To this friendly 
 
 1 Harl. MSS. 2125,f. 135.
 
 And the Marches. 183 
 
 summons loyal old Salesbury, "in the name of CHAP. 
 Jesus," answers "No I ' ^ 
 
 1643 
 
 This answer from Salesbury was dated the 15th 
 of November a truly momentous day for all the 
 parties concerned : a day upon which the King 
 reckoned much. For four thousand soldiers, who 
 had been serving in Ireland to avenge the massacre, 
 were sent over from Dublin, under the command 
 of Sir Michael Ernely, Sir Fulke Hunckes, Col. 
 Gibson, and Col. Eobert Byron, in vessels ordered 
 to land in Chester. The King, when he learned in 
 August that the Parliament were negotiating an 
 alliance with the Scottish Presbyterians, took ad- 
 vantage of the opportunity which he had long been 
 anxious to do, to effect a peace with the rebels 
 in Ireland. For this purpose instructions were sent 
 to the Marquis of Ormond, an upright honourable 
 man, the King's lieutenant there, to negotiate a 
 treaty with the Council of Kilkenny, the governing 
 power of the rebels ; and on the 5th of September 
 a cessation of arms for a year was agreed upon, 
 whereby the soldiers there became available to 
 the King. Charles would have gone much further 
 himself, and would have gladly accepted the aid of 
 the rebels ; but he dared not, seeing that it would 
 alienate from him many of his best supporters in 
 England. It was clearly his desire to obtain their 
 aid, and it is beyond a question that he approved 
 of the proposals made by Hamilton and Antrim to 
 the Queen to bring over the Irish Catholics. It 
 was yet premature. As it was, the cessation of 
 arms drove away many who had hitherto been 
 loyal to him. Several officers quitted Xewcastle's 
 
 1 Merc. Aulieus, Jan. 6, 1644. See vol. ii., ]Xcuinent xxix,, p. 95.
 
 184 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, army and went over to the Parliament. The King's 
 -^- conduct was violently discussed throughout the 
 Kingdom, and all the more so because some Irish 
 rebels came over with the troops. In the result the 
 act proved disastrous to the King. He had a perfect 
 right to accept their aid, but what disgusted honour- 
 able men was the dishonest way in which Charles 
 conducted his secret intrigues. "While declaring 
 his fidelity to Protestants he was negotiating with 
 Catholics. Several lords who were in attendance upon 
 him at Oxford made their submission to the Parlia- 
 ment, declaring their conscience did not allow them 
 to co-operate with the Papists who prevailed there. 
 The first batch of the re-called English-Irish 
 soldiers, as they were called by the Eoyalists, or 
 Irish, as the Parliament party called them, landed 
 at' Mostyn, in Flintshire, on the 18th of November. 
 Another company landed in Anglesey, and were 
 entertained by the Royalists there, more especially 
 Lord Bulkeley and Archbishop Williams. Imme- 
 diately upon their landing, Brereton and Myddel- 
 ton withdrew from Mostyn, Flint, and Holy well, to 
 "Wrexham. Thence they addressed a coaxing letter 
 to the new-comers, praising them for their exertions 
 to suppress the rebels, regretting they had not been 
 better provided for by the Parliament, hoping they 
 still meant to fight for the Protestant religion, and 
 promising them payment of their arrears if they 
 joined with them. But the answer was a point 
 blank refusal. They had gone to Ireland to sup- 
 press the King's enemies. They had come hither 
 to do the same, and to carry this out they now 
 set about in earnestness. 1 The number landed in 
 
 1 Merc. Aulicus, 48th week, 1644. Vol. ii., p. 101, Document xxxii,
 
 And the Marches. 186 
 
 Flintshire amounted to about 2,500. They were CHAP. 
 all in a sad condition. For a long while they had 
 been neglected in Ireland by both the King and 
 the Parliament. Their pay had been allowed to 
 fall dreadfully in arrear. Their clothing was shame- 
 fully bare. They were naturally disaffected. The 
 Marquis of Ormond was very apprehensive of them. 
 He feared that any cajoling on the part of the 
 enemy would carry them over. Had Brereton's 
 letter got into the hands of the men there is reason 
 to believe that a serious defection would have 
 taken place ; but the officers were not men to 
 betray their trust. 
 
 On the landing of these forces at Mostyn the 
 courage of the Parliamentarians vanished, and it is 
 surprising that with an army of over 2,000 men 
 they did not make any attempt to stem the onward 
 tide. In their hurry to get to Wrexham they 
 omitted to send any reinforcement to Hawarden 
 Castle, where they had a few days before placed a 
 garrison of some 120 men, under Capt. Elliot, and 
 one Ince, a minister. Pushing on from Mostyn, 
 the Irish forces and I shall call them so, not be- 
 cause they were such in fact, but to distinguish 
 them set down before Hawarden the very day next 
 after their landing, and laid siege to the castle. 
 Here the little garrison, though a mere handful, 
 showed great courage, and stood out very bravely, 
 trusting probably for aid from Wrexham. But 
 there were no longer any friends at Wrexham, nor 
 even at Holt, for Brereton and Myddelton had 
 quitted Wales and retreated to Nantwich, " so that," 
 as an old chronicler puts it, " the fair hopes of re- 
 ducing North Wales, Shropshire, and Cheshire, is
 
 186 Civil War in Wales 
 
 .CHAP, now lost till God give another opportunity." 1 This 
 ~ opportunity, as we shall see, did not come for 
 many a day: many changes had happened, and 
 many scenes were gone through before North "Wales 
 was reduced. With this precipitate retreat even 
 their own friends found fault with Brereton and 
 Myddelton. Burghall, the minister at ISTantwieh, 
 thought "it was a wonder they made such haste 
 as not to relieve Harden Castle," leaving the small 
 garrison " with little provision and in great danger. 
 It was also thought strange that they should leave 
 "Wales, which in a manner was quite subdued a 
 little before; and so many good friends who had 
 come to them were left to the mercy of the 
 enemy." 2 Some of the "friends," however, managed 
 to escape. Simon Thelwall, the member for Denbigh, 
 for one, had to cut for his life, and tramping over 
 snow-covered roads, over mountain and glen, the 
 fugitive sought and found refuge with the " godly 
 garrison at Pembroke." 3 
 
 The strength of the Irish set down before 
 Hawarden, but they did not stay long ; and leaving 
 the management of the siege to a couple of com- 
 panies under Capt. Sandford, a Cheshire man, Captain 
 of the Firelocks, with about 500 Welshmen, com- 
 manded by Captain Mostyn and Captain Davies (of 
 Gwesanau ?), and some of Lord Cholmondeley's men, 
 the main body of the newly-landed inarched to 
 Chester to rest and repose themselves, being " faint, 
 weary, and out of clothing." 4 
 
 Hawarden Castle held out obstinately for a 
 
 1 The Kingdom's Weekly Intelligencer, No. 34. (K. P. 13429.) 
 
 2 BurghalTs Providence Improved. 
 
 3 Thelwall's Letter to Lenthall, vol ii., Document xlvi A., p. 140. 
 
 4 Harl. MbS. 2125, fol. 135
 
 IV. 
 
 And the Marches. 187 
 
 fortnight. Some of the Irish wont over to the CHAP. 
 besieged. The little garrison was repeatedly sum- 
 moncd to surrender. Even Lord Cupel, with a 
 large force from Shrewsbury, came thither to aid 
 the attackers. Being at length assured beyond a 
 doubt that no relief could come to them from Wrex- 
 ham, the besieged surrendered upon honourable 
 terms. 1 The terms were violated by the Royalists, 
 and some cruelties perpetrated. Captain Sandford, 
 however, is free from blame on this score the 
 fault being due to the unsoldierly conduct of Lord 
 Cholmondeley's men. 5 * 
 
 Timely notice of the great want of the Irish 
 forces were sent by the Marquis of Ormond to 
 Oxford, where the Court then was held ; to the 
 Archbishop of York at Conway; and to Mr. Orlando 
 Bridgman at Chester. 3 The last-named was at 
 Oxford at the time. He was immediately sent 
 down to Chester to make preparations for their 
 reception. Letters were despatched to the Commis- 
 sioners in the various counties of North Wales, 
 ordering an instant supply of clothes, victuals, and 
 money. Bridgman arrived in time to be present 
 at the arrival of Sir Michael Ernely's forces. At 
 Chester every possible step was taken to provide 
 clothing for the men. The Mayor sent through all 
 the wards to get apparel for them from the citizens. 
 These gave freely : some whole suits, some doublets, 
 others breeches, shirts, shoes, stockings, and hats, 
 to the apparelling of about 300. 4 Through the 
 
 1 Rush\vorth, vol. ii., part iii., pp. 298301. 
 Capt Byrch's letter, supra. 
 
 3 Carte's Life of Ormond, v., pp. 479, 505. See also vol. ii., Documents 
 xxvi. and xxvii. 
 
 4 Harl. MSS., supra.
 
 188 Civil War in Wales 
 
 energy of Bridgman shoes and stockings were pro- 
 vided speedily for about a thousand, and before the 
 29th of November, by scouring North Wales, he 
 had got together sufficient cloth and frieze to clothe 
 all of them, and this was sent to Chester to be 
 made up. Busy times for the tailors ! Before 
 the end of November, Bridgman was at Beaumaris 
 collecting money, and had got together about 
 
 From Oxford, too, within a few days of Bridg- 
 man' s departure, another person was sent to Chester 
 
 one destined to play a conspicuous part in affairs 
 there afterwards. This was Sir John Byron, whose 
 appointment as Lieutenant of the Tower I have 
 before alluded to. He had just been created a Baron 
 
 the first who bore the title which its last possessor 
 has made illustrious. He left Oxford on the 21st 
 November with 1,000 horse and 300 foot. His 
 orders were to assist Lord Capel to open a passage 
 for the Irish to land, and to unite with them. 3 
 Passing through Eversham and by Shrewsbury he 
 reached Chester about the 6th of December, in the 
 quality of Field-Marshal of Cheshire, Shropshire, 
 and North Wales, under Lord Capel. 3 About this 
 time fresh reinforcements from Ireland landed at 
 Chester. These were under the command of Colonel 
 Eobert Byron, a brother of Lord Byron, and Colonel 
 Henry Warren. 4 At this time, too, the Governor 
 of Chester was Sir Nicholas Byron, uncle of the 
 foregoing, so that the Byron family mustered in 
 
 1 Carte's Ormond, v., 525. See vol. ii., Document xxxiii. 
 
 2 Arthur Trevor from Oxon. Carte's Ormond, v., 521. 
 
 3 - Kingdom's If r eekly'_fntelligencer.'8o.35,5l3 December; Maurice of 
 Llansilin's Pocket Book in Archacologia Cambrensis. 
 * Harl. MSS., 2135, 15.
 
 And the Marches. 189. 
 
 groat Strength in the city on the Dee. The most CHAP. 
 energetic of them was Lord Byron. At his earnest -^ 
 entreaty Charles placed under him the best part of 
 the Anglo-Irish, so far superseding Lord Capel, 
 whose subordinate he was, and that, too, by means 
 which did not recommend themselves favourably to 
 the sturdy old Archbishop of York. 1 
 
 Under Lord Byron and the Irish the spirit of 
 the war in these parts was entirely changed. He 
 seems to have been devoid of that chivalry which 
 characterised the commanders whose actions we have 
 hitherto been considering. The shedding of blood, 
 instead of being a horror to be avoided, delighted 
 him. Of Lord Uyron's cruelty there is sufficient 
 testimony. The many charges brought against him 
 by the Parliamentary Press, if uncorroborated, would 
 not convict him; but when they are confirmed .by 
 Eoyalist statements, and by his own letters, the fact 
 is proved beyond dispute ! His barbarity was so 
 great, says Handle Holmes, himself a faithful 
 Eoyalist, that "he prospered not," while he him- : 
 self, writing to the Marquis of ^Newcastle from 
 Sandbach, in Cheshire, on the 26th of December, 
 says, " the rebels had possessed themselves of a 
 church at Borthomley, -but we presently beat them 
 forth of it. I put them all to the sword, which 
 I find to be the best way to proceed with these 
 kind of people, for mercy to them is cruelty." 2 
 How different had been the conduct of Bfereton, 
 of Myddelton, and of Salesbury! If hereafter we 
 shall have to consider any charge of cruelty con- 
 trary to the usages of war brought against the 
 
 1 Wai-burton's Rupert, ii., 329. 
 
 Mere. Civieti*, No. 35, p. 374. (K. P. 147- 7-)
 
 190 Civil War in Wales 
 
 GHAP. Parliamentary party, it will be as well for us to bear 
 this in mind. The lex ialionis can only be justified 
 
 1643. 
 
 by conduct such as this. 
 
 Whatever forces now remained to the Parlia- 
 ment were quartered at Nantwich, whence they 
 dared not emerge in the face of an enemy counting 
 four if not five times their number. Sir Thomas 
 Myddelton hastened to London, which he reached 
 about the middle of December, to recruit his army, 1 
 and remained there for a long time, leaving Brere- 
 ton alone to face the impending difficulties. Be- 
 fore the end of the year all the outlying garrisons 
 of the Parliament were in the hands of their enemies. 
 They fell, too, without any fighting. Crew House, 
 Doddington House, Middlewich, Northwich, Beeston 
 Castle, Macclesfield, Cholmondeley House, Sandbach, 
 and other garrisons, one by one, dropped away from 
 the Parliament. About two thousand prisoners were 
 made, and a great store of arms and ammunition cap- 
 tured. Nantwich alone remained to contend with a 
 force numbering quite seven thousand fighting men. 3 
 
 Amid all his troubles during that gloomy Christ- 
 mas-time, Brereton a man of deep religious feeling 
 must have derived some consolation from the 
 knowledge that in the churches of London bills 
 had been put up asking the prayers of the faithful 
 for his deliverance from the Irish, " it not being 
 doubted but that he will have the prayers of all 
 well-affected persons." 3 
 
 1 Weekly Account for December 13. (K. P. 13514.) 
 
 2 Merc. Aulicus, January 6th. (K. P. 1399.) 
 
 3 Mere. Civicus, No. 34. (K. P. 139- 12.)
 
 And the Marches. 191 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 1644 
 
 Siege of Nantwich Raised by Fairfax Irish forces routed Fight at Elles- 
 mere A glimpse of Imperial matters Oxford Parliament Rupert 
 appointed to command in North Wales and the Borders Fresh arrival 
 of Irish They are sent to Shrewsbury Rupert arrives there Goes to 
 Chester Relieves Newark Returns to Shrewsbury State of Pembroke- 
 shire Major Laugharne and Capt. Poyer, aided by sea forces under 
 Admiral Swauley, defeat Royalists at the Pill Take Haverfordwest, 
 Tenby, and Carew Cardiganshire Royalists entreat Rupert to come to 
 their aid They are summoned by Laugharne Earl of Carbery resigns 
 Carmarthen is taken The Covenant in Pembrokeshire Swansea sum- 
 moned Association of Carmarthen, Cardigan, and Pembroke Swanley 
 rewarded with a gold chain Rupert again at Shrewsbury Arranges 
 affairs in North Wales The Parliamentarians in straits Sir Thomas 
 Myddelton appointed Major-General of North Wales Col. Mytton 
 attacks some Royalists at Duddlestone Oswestry is taken by him and 
 the Earl of Denbigh Attempt to regain Oswestry defeated by Myddel- 
 ton Marston Moor Rupert retires to North Wales Colonel Charles 
 Gerard lands in Monmouthshire Takes Cardiff, Kidwelly, Carmarthen, 
 Newcastle- Emlyn, Cardigan, Laugharne, Roch, and Haverfordwest 
 Besieges Pembroke Help from sea Gerard's character Rupert in 
 vain expects aid from Ireland Goes to Shrewsbury Thence to Chester 
 A party of his horse defeated at Welshpool Tries to strengthen 
 himself in North Wales Expects powder from Bristol Lord Herbert 
 of Cherburj Defeat of Royalists at Tarvin Rupert goes to Bristol 
 Army of the North defeated at Malpas by Brereton Myddelton 
 intercepts the Bristol powder at Newtown Takes Montgomery Castle 
 Mytton is besieged there Relieve! by Brereton Byron routed 
 Gerard's cruelties in Pembrokeshire Severities against the Irish 
 Fight at Beachly Massey takes Monmouth Lukewarmness of Welsh 
 Royalists Puritan gallantry Powis Castle taken by Myddelton 
 Shrewsbury threatened Mytton defeats Sir W. Vaughan - Brereton 
 before Chester - Gerard quits South Wales Is pursued b/ M assay 
 Monmouth retaken by Rojalists -Laugharne Castle falls into the Lands 
 of Parliament Cardigan taken by L-augharne Myddelton appears 
 before Chirk Castle Brereton before Chester Resume of Imperial 
 matters. 
 
 LORD BYRON, with the Irish under his command. CHAP. 
 
 y^ 
 
 having driven Brereton back to Nantwich, lost no 
 time in preparing to reduce that place. One attempt 
 only was made to prevent their laying siege to it. 
 In that conflict, which took place at Middlewich,
 
 192 Civil War in Wales 
 
 V. 
 
 .^- s> "^ 
 
 1644. 
 
 CHAP. Brereton lost some 300 men, with nearly as many 
 taken prisoners. The loss of the Royalists was only 
 about fifteen killed and some forty wounded among 
 the latter being Sir Robert Byron and three cap- 
 tains. 1 This defeat considerably weakened Brere- 
 ton' s strength, who, with the small force which yet 
 remained to him, could hardly expect to maintain 
 Nantwich much longer. Leaving all the available 
 force he had to protect that place, he himself hastened 
 to procure aid : Col. George Booth being left in com- 
 mand. Nantwich was then a small town, hardly 
 better than a village, with its straw-thatched houses ; 
 and its fortifications consisted of only rude mud-walls 
 and ditches. Presently the whole Irish forces sat 
 down before it ; and in the face of great danger, 
 suffering, and many privations, the little garrison 
 within defended themselves so well that neither 
 expostulation nor menace could move them to sur- 
 render. One of the most curious summonses ever 
 received by a beleagured town was a letter which 
 they received from Thomas Sandford, Captain of the 
 Firelocks, and addressed to the " officers, soldiers, 
 and gentlemen in Nantwich." "Your drum," says 
 he, " can inform you Acton Church is no longer 
 a prison, but now free for honest men to .do their 
 devotions in ; wherefore, be persuaded from your 
 incredulity and resolve ! God will not forsake his 
 annointed. Let not your zeal in a bad cause dazzle 
 your eyes any longer, but wipe away your vain con- 
 ceits that have too long led you into blind errors. 
 Loath I am to undertake the trouble of persuading 
 you into obedience, because your erroneous opinions 
 do most violently oppose reason amongst you ; but, 
 
 1 Carte's Collection, i., p. 34. See vol. ii., Document xxxvii , p. 117.
 
 And the Marches. 193 
 
 however, if you love your town, accept of quarter; CHAP. 
 
 and, if you regard your lives, work your safety by 
 
 yielding your town to Lord Byron for his Majesty's 
 use. You see how my battery is fixed, from whence 
 fire shall eternally visit you, to the terror of the 
 old and females, and consumption of your thatched 
 houses. Believe me, gentlemen, I have laid by my 
 former delays, and am now resolved to batter, burn, 
 storm, and destroy you. Do not wonder that I write 
 unto you, having officers-in-chief above me. It is 
 only to advise you to your good." This summons 
 produced no result, though the little garrison was 
 in extremities. They had scarcely any hope of 
 assistance, for the winter was a most severe one, the 
 snow was deep on the ground, and assistance must 
 come from afar. On the 18th, sometime before 
 daybreak, an assault was made upon the town. 
 Those within defended themselves with singular 
 courage and success. The assault failed, and some 
 three hundred of the Eoyalists were killed or dis- 
 abled. Amongst the slain was the writer of the 
 above summons. The siege had now been going 
 on for near a fortnight. Brereton, meanwhile, was 
 busily employed in collecting the fugitives from 
 the fight at Middlewich, and in imploring the 
 Parliament to send some aid. The Scotch had 
 already entered England in fulfilment of the agree- 
 ment come to when the Covenant was adopted, but 
 they could not come up in time. Young Fairfax, 
 whose genius for commanding was already beginning 
 to claim for him more than ordinary notice, was 
 ordered to go to the relief of Nantwich. Taking with 
 him a raw levy of foot and his own dragoons, they 
 made speedy marches, the snow notwithstanding; 
 
 13
 
 194 Civil War in Wales 
 
 OHAP. and being joined by Sir "William Brereton they came 
 in sight of Nantwich on the 21st of January, and 
 found the place so reduced by famine and sick- 
 ness that it could hardly continue any longer unsur- 
 rendered. 
 
 The strength of the united forces under Fairfax 
 numbered 2,500 foot and 28 troops of horse. Lord 
 Byron, on the other hand, was in command of about 
 3,000 foot and 1,800 horse, so that in point of num- 
 bers the advantage was with the latter. The first 
 encounter took place at Delamere Forest. Fairfax 
 there took some thirty prisoners. Acton Church, 
 one of the outlying strongholds of the Koyalists, 
 was next attacked. Here the principal body of the 
 besiegers were stationed, having withdrawn them- 
 selves to that place after the assault on the 18th. 
 The river Weaver, which runs between the town 
 and the church, was at this time overflowed by 
 the thawing of the snow ; and the flat of boats 
 upon it was swept away by the flood, so that the 
 besieging body was disunited, and Lord Byron pre- 
 vented from rendering timely assistance to those 
 at Acton. Fairfax saw this, and lost no time in 
 preparing to attack the church ; but Lord Byron 
 was too quick for him, for he crossed the river 
 higher up the flood notwithstanding. Fairfax, 
 meanwhile, advanced nearer the town, pushing along 
 narrow lanes and behind hedges ; Lord Byron fol- 
 lowed and attacked the enemy from the rear, while 
 the remainder of his army engaged the enemy in 
 front. The battle now became hot. The Parliament 
 forces were in some danger, but the excellent tactics 
 of Sir William Fairfax, who commanded the horse, 
 and Sir William Brereton, and other able officers
 
 And the Marches. 195 
 
 who took part therein, and particularly by the CHAP. 
 timely sally of the besieged who issued out under v ~r^r" 
 the command of Col. Booth, saved them. After 
 two hours' severe fighting, Lord Byron was totally 
 defeated, and had to make his way back to Chester 
 accompanied only by a few stragglers. Lord Byron 
 appears to throw the blame on the Irish forces led 
 by Col. Warren and Sir Michael Ernely, who "re- 
 treated without fighting a stroke." Many officers 
 were taken prisoners ; in fact, nearly all those who 
 had come over from Ireland. Notably among the 
 prisoners is the name of Col. George Monk the 
 instrument of Charles the Second's restoration. He 
 had only just arrived at Chester with a commission 
 from Prince Rupert to raise a regiment. He had 
 been in service in Ireland, and was one of those 
 who landed at Bristol after the cessation of arms. 
 About two hundred of the Eoyalists were slain, 
 while only about fifty of the other side were killed. 
 With the exception of that of Sir Robert Byron's 
 regiment, all the colours were lost, with a large 
 quantity of guns and carriages, and no less than 
 fifteen hundred prisoners. Some six score Irish 
 women who followed the camp were also secured. 
 These had with them long knives, with which they 
 were said to have done mischief. 1 
 
 In this memorable siege the women of Nantwich 
 behaved with great bravery : headed by a heroine 
 named Brett, who defended the works with singular 
 courage when the town was assaulted on the 18th. 
 In commemoration of the raising of the siege, which 
 
 1 Fairfax's Letter to Essex. Rushworth, vol. ii., pt. iii., 302 ; Lord 
 Byron's Account, Carte's Collection, i., 36 ; and Sir Robert Byron to 
 Ormond. Ibid, p. 40. See these Documents in vol. ii., pp. 126 133. 
 
 13A
 
 196 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, took place on St. Paul's Day, the inhabitants upon 
 ^ - every anniversary of it, until of late, wore sprigs 
 of holly in their hats- in token of victory, whence 
 the day was called Holly holy-day. 1 
 
 While Nantwich was besieged, Col. Mytton ob- 
 tained a victory over a large party of the Eoyalists, 
 sent from Chester to Shrewsbury to fetch arms 
 and ammunition for carrying on the siege. The 
 parties met at Ellesmere on the 12th of January. 
 The Eoyalists were surprised. Sir Nicholas Byron, 
 Governor of Chester, Sir Eichard Willis, Serjeant- 
 Major-General of the Horse, and others, were taken 
 prisoners. 2 
 
 Notwithstanding the cessation of arms in Ire- 
 land, which brought a great addition of strength to 
 his army, the position of Charles's affairs towards 
 Christmas was anything but satisfactory. The 
 Scotch were on the eve of entering England, and 
 there was very little money at Oxford. After a 
 great deal of hesitation the King decided upon 
 convoking at Oxford a Parliament, comprising all 
 his adherents who had quitted Westminster. On 
 the 22nd January they assembled at Oxford. Forty- 
 five lords and one hundred and eighteen members of 
 the Commons attended. The same day the roll at 
 Westminster was called. Only twenty-two lords 
 were present, but in the Commons two hundred and 
 eighty members answered to their names. These 
 resolved not to acknowledge the Oxford assembly: 
 Charles, on the other hand, repudiated the Parlia- 
 ment at Westminster, whom he called traitors. The 
 
 1 Fartridge'8 Hist, of Nantwich, p. 619. 
 
 2 "A true relation of a notable surprise, &c., at Ellesmere." (K. P. 
 140 9.) Vol. ii., Document xxxix.
 
 And the Marches. 197 
 
 Oxford assembly, as might have been expected, CHAP. 
 was utterly incapable of doing any service to the -- - 
 King; indeed, it rather injured his cause. It did 
 nothing beyond voting subsidies which could not 
 be collected, and inditing a long letter to the Earl 
 of Essex in favour of peace, asking him to try and 
 persuade " those whose confidence he possessed " 
 meaning the Parliament at "Westminster. The 
 refusal to acknowledge them as the Parliament 
 irritated the latter, and Essex returned the letter 
 without any answer. Below are the names of those 
 with whose actions I am concerned, who signed 
 the letter in question. 1 April the 16th witnessed 
 their last sitting, to the great relief of Charles, 
 who boasted to the Queen that he was at length 
 " rid of this mongrel Parliament, the haunt of 
 cowardly and seditious motions." 
 
 When Nantwich fell the aspect of affairs in 
 -North Wales was entirely changed, and Lord 
 Byron's plans destroyed. The partisans of the 
 King there, and in Shropshire and Cheshire, who 
 had been elated by the success of the Irish forces 
 at Ha warden and Beeston, and who had thought 
 those parts " were in a manner cleared," were now 
 
 1 Orlando Bridgman (for Wigan), Francis Gamul (Chester), William 
 Watkins (Monmouth), Thomas Littleton (Great Wenlock), William Morgan 
 (Breconshire), William Thomas (Carnarvon), JohnMostyn (Flintshire), John 
 Salesbury (Flint), William Herbert (Woodstock and Monmouth), William 
 Price (Merionethshire), Sir John Price (Montgomeryshire), Richard Herbert 
 (Montgomery), Charles Price (Radnorshire), Herbert Price (Brecon). The 
 following were disabled by accident to sign, but afterwards concurred : 
 Lord N ewport, Francis Newport (Salop), James Scudamore (Hereford), and 
 Sir Joha Stepney (Haverfordwest). Among those who were employed in 
 his Majesty's service or absent with leave were reckoned Lord Herbert of 
 Cherbury, Lord Powis, Lord Vaughan, Sir Walter Lloyd (Cardiganshire)^ 
 Pir Henry Vaughan (Carmarthenshire), Francis Lloyd (Carmarthen), and 
 John Vaughan (Cardigan).
 
 198 Civil War in Wales 
 
 v. 
 
 * ^ "^ 
 
 1644. 
 
 CHAP, dismayed. They felt the insecurity of their posi- 
 tion ; and the growing coolness of the yeomanry 
 and peasantry, who had suffered much from the 
 levies of the Boyalists, became daily more threaten- 
 ing. Even the Irish who had come over wavered, 
 and many of them had gone over to the Parliament. 
 The loyalists had more difficulty than ever to 
 manage affairs. Contributions they could not levy 
 except by force, and this only increased their un- 
 popularity. Ammunition was scarce, and their 
 means of defence scanty. Moreover, they had not 
 only to contend with forces led by Brereton, but 
 were menaced by men led under the victorious ban- 
 ner of Fairfax whose name even then was sufficient 
 to discourage his enemies. It is no wonder, there- 
 fore, to find them, under such depressed circum- 
 stances, writing most pressing letters to the King 
 for aid. Prince Rupert alone was thought able 
 and fit to undertake the task of settling the country, 
 and of strengthening and protecting the King's 
 interests in these parts. Accordingly the King 
 determined to despatch the Prince thither, and as 
 matters were pressing, and the disaffection of the 
 Welsh seriously spreading, there was no time to 
 be lost. So on the 25th of January Eupert writes 
 a long letter to Sir Francis Ottley, the Governor 
 of Shrewsbury, in which, after alluding to the fact 
 that he had been entrusted with the care of the 
 army in Shropshire and the counties adjacent, he 
 intimates his intention of making Shrewsbury his 
 head-quarters, and calls upon the Governor to set 
 the castle in order for the reception of stores and 
 ammunition on his arrival. The loyalty of Shrews- 
 bury was not without some suspicion about this
 
 And the Marches. 199 
 
 
 time. There was in the town a considerable party CHAP. 
 of those who did not hold with the King; and 
 though they were not strong enough or sufficiently 
 courageous to declare themselves openly, yet man- 
 aged to leaven the whole town with a taint of dis- 
 loyalty, so that the Governor's task of keeping the 
 place for the King had not been of the lightest. 
 Some disquietude had been occasioned by a rumour 
 of a design to betray the town, which, whether true 
 or not, caused divers persons to be put in prison. 1 
 This having reached Prince Eupert, made him think 
 "with very much apprehension" of the place, "and 
 the safety thereof." The Governor was doubtless 
 pleased at the prospect of help which the Prince's 
 arrival would bring, as it was the only hope he had 
 for the safety of the town. Meanwhile, Sir Thomas 
 Fairfax, Brereton, and Myddelton were not idle, 
 engaging themselves in reducing the smaller gar- 
 risons in Cheshire Lord Byron, with his defeated 
 soldiers having, after the defeat at Nantwich, re- 
 treated to Chester. But even Fairfax could not 
 do much in Cheshire when he found "the forces 
 rise but slowly, and a remissness in the gentry 
 that are not active in the work," and being ordered 
 away to assist his father before Hull he quitted 
 Cheshire, having remanded Sir "William Brereton 
 and Sir Thomas Myddelton, with their forces, to 
 manage the affairs of that county. 2 
 
 We find that Lord Byron is considerably reduced 
 by the late defeat, and suffers so much from want 
 of money that he can make no provision whatever 
 
 1 Own and Blakeway's Shrewsbury. 
 
 2 Intercepted Letter of Fairfax, 24th Fob., 1644. Warburton's Prince 
 Rupert, ii., 38. Vol. ii., Document xliv.
 
 200 Civil War m Wales 
 
 at Chester for a company of foot, to the number 
 of 1,700, which at this time landed from Ireland 
 
 1 1" 1 I 
 
 under the command of Tyllyer and Broughton ; and 
 he is constrained to send them to Shrewsbury, which 
 is not much better off, for they suffered from a 
 terrible want of money there too : so much so that 
 Sir John Mennes writes it " was a thing they heard 
 not of," and nothing but the appearance of the 
 impetuous Prince is deemed capable of repairing 
 the evil. 1 This was now hastened with all speed. 
 On the 5th of February the Prince was appointed 
 by the King " President of "Wales," and it was 
 his duty to settle the affairs of that country, to 
 put down the rebels, to incite the people to loyalty, 
 and to recruit there whatever forces he could. 
 
 The 6th of February saw Eupert's departure from 
 Oxford, and on the 18th he arrived at Shrewsbury. 
 A few days before this, the Salopians having heard 
 of the Prince's resolution to visit their town, not- 
 withstanding that they had been well-nigh ruined 
 by the many exactions which the necessities of the 
 war had imposed upon them, had by their Corpora- 
 tion agreed to further assess themselves in the large 
 sum of ,1,000, to be raised for him at one payment. 2 
 The Prince's object in coming hither was to try 
 to maintain Shrewsbury in its loyalty to the King. 
 Moreover, it was very necessary that the adjacent 
 counties of North Wales should be settled, and that 
 by some means or other the Parliamentary forces 
 under Brereton and Mytton, and the Earl of Denbigh 
 and Myddelton, should be prevented from having 
 matters carried in their own way. Lathom House, 
 
 1 Sir John Mennes to Rupert from Salop, Feb. 10. Vol. ii., Document xliii. B. 
 
 2 Owen and Blakeway's History of Shrewsbury, i., 440.
 
 And the Marches i 201 
 
 the seat of the Countess of Derby, was under siege, CHAP 
 and it was very expedient that some assistance -- 
 should be sent to the brave Countess, and that a 
 determined attempt should be made without delay 
 to relieve her. The Prince, therefore, must have 
 found plenty of work real serious work to employ 
 himself with while he stayed at this place. And 
 Warburton states that weighty as the work was 
 Prince Rupert did it thoroughly and single-handed. 
 The Prince's historian must have had different data 
 to what I have seen, for I cannot find that he 
 accomplished much. 
 
 On the 4th of March he quitted Shrewsbury 
 with about 300 horse and 600 foot, and after 
 making a dash at Market Drayton 1 against some 
 forces under Sir William Fairfax and Col. Mytton, in 
 which he was to some extent successful, he visited 
 some of the King's garrisons in those parts, and 
 on the llth made a grand entry into the City of 
 Chester. The streets were lined with soldiers, the 
 justices of the peace appeared in scarlet robes, the 
 sheriffs in their best habit, the aldermen in mul- 
 berry, and the other civic dignities in the robes 
 of their several offices; while the Prince, accom- 
 panied by the Lord Byron and others on horseback, 
 rode up and was met at the Cross by Handle Holmes, 
 the Mayor, who, owing to his lameness (having "been 
 ill of a payne in his legg") came in a coach. The 
 Mayor addressed the Prince in a becoming speech, 
 welcoming him amongst them, and offering him 
 what poor entertainment they could give him, 
 which would not be what he deserved, owing to 
 the reduced state of the city; and prayed him to 
 
 1 Owen and Blakeway's History of Shrewsbury, i., 440.
 
 202 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, ease the citizens of the free billeting of soldiers, 
 v^J~_- which had been so very burthensome to them. This 
 
 1644 
 
 speech the Prince " took very kindly," and at its 
 conclusion the people gave a shout for joy. The 
 Prince answered graciously, ungloved his hand for 
 the Mayor to kiss, and so went to Mr. John 
 Aldersey's house in "Watergate-street, where he 
 rested, having previously asked the Mayor and 
 his brethren to come to him on the morrow. The 
 outspoken words of the Mayor do not appear to 
 have been approved of by " his brethren " and 
 the justices of the peace, wherefore they re- 
 fused to call upon Rupert in the morning ; and 
 inasmuch as the Mayor's "payne in his legg" 
 had increased during the night, whereby he was 
 incapacitated from going himself, he seems to have 
 amused himself at home by writing an explanation 
 of his speech; and the Prince, with Lord Byron 
 and others, rode about the city and inspected the 
 mud-walls, the castle, and the other works which 
 had been effected for its defence. 1 
 
 In the meantime pressing entreaties for aid 
 from Newark had been sent to the King, and 
 Charles was very anxious that Rupert should pro- 
 ceed without delay to attempt the relief of that 
 place. It was, nevertheless, left entirely to his 
 own discretion. A more pressing message, however, 
 arrived when the Prince was at Chester, which 
 decided him to carry out the desire of the King. 
 This was on Tuesday, the 12th day of March. 
 Accordingly, dispatching Major Legge in advance of 
 him to Shrewsbury to select as many as he deemed 
 fit of the Irish who had come over under Tyllyer and 
 
 1 Handle Holmes 1 Papers, Harl. MSS. 2125, fol. 320.
 
 And the Marches. 203 
 
 Broughton for the expedition, the Prince quitted CHAP. 
 Chester the same day, and arrived soon after Legge ^77-" 
 at Shrewsbury. Of the forces at Shrewsbury he took 
 with him about 1,000 musketeers of Col. Broughton 
 and Col. Tyllyer, and about 120 of Col. Sir Fulke 
 Hunckes's. These were sent down the Severn as far 
 as Bridgnorth, where the Prince joined them on the 
 15th with his own troop and some auxiliaries. On 
 the 21st they made a dashing onslaught upon Sir 
 John Meldrum's forces before Newark, and after a 
 desperately -fought battle, in which a great amount of 
 strategic ability was manifested by the Eoyalist 
 officers, the Scot had to withdraw his forces a little 
 distance from the town; and by the treachery of 
 Col. King's company, his means of escape having 
 been cut off, he himself was beset and was obliged 
 to parley for terms, which were granted, but not 
 faithfully kept. By this exploit the Prince did 
 considerable service to the King's cause in these 
 parts, in that it kept open for the Eoyalists a most 
 important pass, while at the same time the enemy 
 was weakened by the loss of a considerable quantity 
 of arms and ammunition. No wonder, therefore, that 
 the Prince caused the Sunday following to be devoted, 
 to Thanksgivings for his victory ; and that great 
 rejoicings should take place at Oxford, where the 
 Court was, for so signal a victory. 1 
 
 Most of the Prince's forces were taken back to 
 Shrewsbury, and Eupert reported himself at Oxford. 
 
 In South Wales also the year opened unfavour- 
 ably to the royal cause. The western counties of 
 this division of the Principality Cardigan, Pem- 
 broke, and Carmarthen had in the main been 
 
 1 Eushworth, vol. ii., part iii., 306308.
 
 204 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, exceedingly loyal from the very beginning of the 
 " -^ war. The only notable exception was the town of 
 Pembroke. Such of the gentlemen of the county 
 as were favourable to the Parliamentary cause had 
 come into the town very soon after the outbreak, 
 leaving their homes to the chances of the times, and 
 carrying with them all their available goods : so 
 that outside Pembroke there were scarcely any 
 openly opposed to the King's cause ; and even those 
 who wavered in their allegiance to the King were 
 soon brought back by the activity of the Earl of 
 Carbery. Garrisons had been placed by him in all 
 the principal towns within his district. The castles 
 were all fortified and garrisoned, and even private 
 houses of a substantial kind, useful as outposts to 
 the towns and more important garrisons, were 
 strengthened and occupied by armed men ; and 
 for some time things went on quietly enough. 
 But the heavy exactions which were made upon 
 the inhabitants, and the irregular way in which 
 all contributions for the King were levied, and in 
 that the Parliament had a great advantage over 
 the King, had cooled the ardour of many, who 
 were therefore inclined to wish for a change. How- 
 ever, with all the towns so garrisoned the Earl of 
 Carbery paid little heed to the remonstrances which 
 were made, deeming that any inland disaffection 
 could easily be checked; and he therefore devoted 
 himself during the concluding portion of the year 
 1643 and the beginning of the following year to 
 the consideration of the best course for the reduc- 
 tion of Pembroke to the King's obedience. At 
 an influential meeting held at Carmarthen on the 
 llth of January, the leading men of the three
 
 And the Marches. 205 
 
 counties once more protested their loyalty, and CHAP. 
 sanctioned an assessment to enable the Earl to v^I^ 
 reduce the Town and Castle of Pembroke. 1 
 
 With a view to this the garrisons at Haverford- 
 west and Tenby were reinforced, Carew Castle was 
 strongly guarded, and Eoch Castle was placed in 
 a posture of defence. Stackpoole Court and Tref- 
 loyne, with other strongly -built houses, were also 
 garrisoned; and thus, strong as the position of 
 the Parliamentarians at Pembroke was, they were 
 pretty well hemmed in, and all inland communica- 
 tion put a stop to, so that help from that direction 
 was clearly out of the question, and in all pro- 
 bability they had never calculated upon any. Such 
 a blockade was serious to them only in that it 
 made it difficult for them to obtain any provisions: 
 for the Haven was still open to them and the 
 sea was pretty well in the hands of their friends 
 under the Earl of Warwick. Bristol, however, since 
 its capture by Rupert, threatened them. Some ships 
 were there which might at any time shut them in 
 even by sea, unless the Parliament fleet, by a pro- 
 vidential accident, should come soon enough to 
 relieve them. In what caused the deepest appre- 
 hension to those within the town of Pembroke, lay 
 the only hopes of the Earl of Carbery for the 
 reduction of that place ; for so long as those within 
 had the harbour open to them inland environment 
 would not be attended with any serious danger. 
 Early in the year dispatches were sent by the 
 Earl to Sir John Pennington, the chief in com- 
 mand of the vessels at Bristol, asking that so 
 many ships as could be spared should be sent 
 
 1 King's Pamphlets, 142-17.
 
 206 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, at once to Milford for the purpose of construct- 
 -^J ing some fortification at the entrance to the Haven, 
 
 1 fiAA. 
 
 which would enable a small force to prevent any 
 vessels in the service of the Parliament, either 
 from Ireland or elsewhere, from entering the Har- 
 bour and rendering aid to the beleagured at Pem- 
 broke, whether by supplying them with provisions 
 or ammunition, or reinforcing them with men. It 
 had previously been fully determined upon, that 
 immediately on the arrival of such vessels from 
 Bristol the harbour should be blocked and the 
 town of Pembroke besieged. This must have 
 come to the ears of those who were menaced, and 
 a small ship belonging to Major Poyer was dispatched 
 to acquaint the Lord High Admiral of their sore 
 need of help ; but the message never reached that 
 authority, for the small craft was soon after brought 
 back to the Haven by the Eoyalist vessels which 
 had been sent from Bristol. 
 
 Upon the arrival of the ships from Bristol the 
 Eoyalists were in high glee, and made much of 
 the capture of Poyer's vessel. They were full of 
 confidence of the issue of the undertaking ; and 
 this the more so, because along with the vessels 
 had come one Captain Eichard Steel, "a great 
 talker," who "pretended much to be an ingenier," 
 under whose superintendence they doubted not they 
 would soon render the Haven inaccessible to the 
 enemy. 
 
 Col. Laugharne and his party were now fairly 
 pressed, and felt themselves to be in great danger. 
 They saw that no time was to be lost ; but the sur- 
 rounding hosts were legions in comparison with the 
 small force under Laugharnc's command. Notwith-
 
 And the Marches. 207 
 
 standing this, he determined upon a sally. Issuing CHAP. 
 out at the head of his troop, he proceeded in the ~ 
 direction of Carew, and within two miles of that 
 place came upon a hody of the Royalists. Accom- 
 panied by seven horse only, he made a bold charge, 
 and successfully. Twenty prisoners, including a 
 captain, were brought back to the town. In other 
 respects this sally was fruitless, and had been of too 
 reckless a nature to be repeated. 
 
 The prospects of the Parliamentary force at 
 Pembroke were now gloomy enough. Well nigh 
 hemmed in by land, their only hope lay from the 
 Haven, and even of this chance they would soon 
 be deprived. The Royalists were very hopeful of 
 being shortly able to obtain clear and undisputed 
 command of the harbour, and to reduce the enemy 
 in that part of the country. They had for a long 
 time been attempting to do so, but notwithstanding 
 the coaxings, the cajolings, the threats and rigour 
 of Sir Henry Vaughan (brother of the Earl of 
 Carbery), who was in command of the County of 
 Pembroke, the handful at Pembroke, who had early 
 declared for the Parliament, bravely resisted, and 
 were determined to maintain the Covenant which 
 they had one and all taken. And when these had 
 been brought to the condition above described they 
 were by no means disheartened. 
 
 Towards the middle of February, when a siege 
 of the place was actually in contemplation, the 
 weather became rough ; and the Haven being the 
 only place of shelter to storm-driven vessels in the 
 Channel, that part of the Parliamentary fleet which 
 guarded the south-east coast of Ireland rode into 
 Milford for shelter. To the garrison at Pembroke
 
 208 Civil War in Wales 
 
 V. 
 
 ^*- y "^fc. 
 
 1644. 
 
 CHAP, this looked like the manifest dispensation of Pro- 
 vidence. To the Koyalists' vessels at the Pill it 
 did not appear in so favourable a light. Colonel 
 Laugharne lost no time to acquaint Captain Swanley 
 the Admiral of that portion of the fleet on 
 board the Leopard, of the desperate straits in which 
 they were placed at Pembroke. Assistance was 
 freely promised, and Laugharne returned with a 
 gladsome heart to the town. The aspect of affairs 
 was now entirely changed, and instead of fortifying 
 the Haven the guns of the Bristol ships were called 
 into requisition to defend themselves. For this 
 purpose Sir Henry Vaughan caused a strong posi- 
 tion to be made at the Pill, where the Bristol 
 vessels lay, and on the fort which had been erected 
 there to protect the Pill he placed the guns intended 
 originally for the entrance of the Haven. With 
 these he opened fire upon the Parliamentary fleet, 
 which was responded to with great energy, and this 
 was continued for some days. While this was going 
 on, Col. Laugharne, having augmented his forces by 
 about a hundred and fifty men obtained from the 
 ships, marched against Stackpoole, the seat of Mr. 
 John Lort, which was garrisoned by about sixty 
 soldiers for the King. The position of the house 
 was secure, the walls were thick, and the guns of 
 those days not of the best. At any rate, those in 
 the hands of the Pembroke soldiers failed to do 
 any great harm to the building. But what the guns 
 failed in the pluck of the men effected. A breach 
 was made in the walls, and the Koyalists, seeing 
 that they had no chance against superior forces, 
 discreetly surrendered. The loss of men was small. 
 Having placed a garrison there, Laugharne next
 
 And the Marches. 209 
 
 prepared to attack Trefloyne, another fortified house CHAP. 
 within a mile or so of Tenby. This house was -^- 
 
 1644. 
 
 garrisoned with some 150 men and about forty 
 horse. When Laugharne attacked the place a sally 
 was attempted ; but the Earl retreated to Tenby, 
 and the house was immediately afterwards sur- 
 rendered. Forty horses ready saddled, and a con- 
 siderable quantity of arms and ammunition fell 
 into the hands of the Parliamentarians by this 
 onslaught. Continued success elated them ; more 
 help from the fleet was accorded them, and their 
 designs grew in importance. Tenby and Carcw, 
 both strongly fortified by the Royalists, were sug- 
 gested as the places next to be attacked ; but on 
 taking counsel it was resolved to proceed against 
 the fort at the Pill, and then to march upon Haver- 
 fordwest, inasmuch as it was thought a victory in 
 those places would have the greatest chance of 
 frightening the enemy into submission. 
 
 The attack upon the fort at the Pill was com- 
 menced from the water by the seamen under the 
 command of Captain Willoughby. These managed 
 to get ashore, and soon planted some guns within 
 a telling distance. To prevent any communications 
 between the Pill and Haverfordwest some twenty 
 musketeers were placed in the steeple of Stainton 
 Church, whence a good command of the surrounding 
 country could be obtained, and a small party of horse 
 was scattered in the neighbourhood to intercept com- 
 munication. Some messengers were thus captured 
 and -placed in safe custody within the church. The 
 Royalists at Haverfordwest were, however, informed 
 of what was going on, and a small party under 
 the command of Sir Francis Lloyd made a descent 
 
 14
 
 210 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, from Johnston; but, being afraid of the artillery of 
 - ' the Parliamentary forces, retreated. The next morn- 
 ing Colonel Laugharne, by a strategic move, dis- 
 persed an ambuscade which had been laid for him, 
 captured the officers, and the men fled to the fort. 
 The Pill village was taken, and an old chapel near 
 there, which was within a short distance, became 
 handy for further movements. An assault was 
 decided upon, but before it could be carried out the 
 beleagured mounted a flag of truce. Quarter of 
 life only was granted the fort being surrendered, 
 and both men and officers made prisoners. This 
 was a most lucky hit. Mr. John Barlow, master 
 of the ordnance, and five other officers, were among 
 the prisoners made. A great quantity of ammuni- 
 tion, eighteen great guns, with half-a-dozen field 
 carriages, were also taken; and most important of 
 all the Bristol ships, with the barques which had 
 accompanied them, and their guns changed hands. 
 The news of this defeat was quickly conveyed to 
 Haverfordwest. Consternation and terror seems to 
 have struck all the Eoyalists at that place, among 
 whom were Major- General Sir Henry Yaughan, 
 the Governor of Haverfordwest, Sir John Stepney, 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Butler, the High-Sheriff of the 
 county, and others of note. They were utterly be- 
 wildered by the news that the enemy had resolved 
 to appear next before Haverfordwest. And a story 
 is related of them, that their terror was so great 
 that a herd of cattle seen on a hill above the town 
 in the indistinctness of the twilight was taken by 
 them for soldiers, which caused them to depart 
 hastily from the town. Sir Hugh Owen, the 
 Member for Pembroke, was a prisoner in their hands
 
 And the Marches. 211 
 
 at Haverfordwest. "When their unexpected depar- CHAP. 
 ture was decided upon, he was in the act of preparing ^* 
 for rest ; but half-stripped as he was of his clothes, 
 he was hurried from his room and placed on horse- 
 back, and even his wife was refused a pillion to ride 
 behind him. Sir Henry Yaughan is accused of having 
 had a personal hand in this ill-treatment of the Mem- 
 ber an action which an old narrator accounts for 
 by remarking " that cowardice had totally and abso- 
 lutely dispossessed them of their humanity." Haver- 
 fordwest, without a shot being fired, fell into the 
 hands of Colonel Laugharne on the very morning 
 after this disorderly retreat of the cavaliers ; and 
 within two days Roach Castle also was summoned 
 and surrendered. The Royalists were completely 
 driven away from the district of Roos; the people 
 were easily brought about, and became well-disposed 
 to the cause of the Parliament. In effecting this 
 change in public opinion, credit is given to the in- 
 fluence of John Laugharne, the father of Colonel 
 Laugharne, whose noble carriage and amiability had 
 made him very popular in those parts. 
 
 Tenby was next visited by Laugharne and his 
 forces. The town was strongly garrisoned for 
 the King, and some of those who had fled from 
 Haverfordwest had repaired thither. It was first 
 assaulted from the sea some of the Parliamentary 
 ships, under the command of the Vice-Admiral in 
 the Swallow, having gone from Pembroke for the 
 purpose of assisting the land forces in the reduction 
 of the town. They reached the scene somewhat 
 in advance of the land forces, and immediately 
 opened a sharp fire. The land forces soon made 
 their appearance, and placed their ordnance to an
 
 212 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, advantage on the rising ground above the town. 
 
 ^ - From Thursday to Saturday they continued pouring 
 fire upon the town. It was then surrounded by 
 a wall, upon which but little execution was done, 
 although several houses had been considerably 
 damaged. The great gate, however, was battered 
 in ; and the storming of the town was immediately 
 afterwards resolved upon and effected. The Eoyalists 
 here fought very bravely, and contested every inch 
 of the ground ; and long after the gateway had 
 been entered by the Parliamentarians, the fighting 
 was continued in the streets. So desperate was 
 the fighting that the Governor himself (Commissary 
 Gwyn, who is admitted even by his opponents to 
 have shown in his actions " the metal and ex- 
 perience of a soldier,") was wounded. A goodly 
 number were made prisoners, and much arms and 
 ammunition taken. For their obstinacy in defend- 
 ing the town, their houses were plundered according 
 to the usages of war. 
 
 Carew Castle was now the only stronghold in 
 the hands of the Eoyalists in Pembroke, and on 
 Sunday, March 10th, that also was surrendered to 
 Captain Poyer, the Mayor of Pembroke, on terms ; 
 and by this the entire county was satisfactorily 
 cleared of all armed Eoyalists. 
 
 And not merely in the County of Pembroke 
 were these actions fruitful of good to the Parlia- 
 mentary cause, for their influence was felt in the 
 adjoining counties, which were presently summoned 
 by Laugharne. Meanwhile the Eoyalists of Car- 
 diganshire and Carmarthen were moving heaven 
 and earth for assistance. Prince Eupert, who was 
 in Shropshire and the neighbourhood, was implored
 
 And the Marches. 213 
 
 to come to the rescue, but he was evidently bent CHAP. 
 on his northward march, so that they were left to * ^- - 
 
 1644 
 
 manage their own affairs. The Earl of Carbery 
 was anxious to enter into a treaty with the Parlia- 
 ment party, so as to save the country from the 
 ravages of war ; but they being now victorious, 
 felt themselves in a position to decline the proposal 
 of one who, while he had the power, exercised it 
 with an iron hand. All this was performed by the 
 12th of March, the date of Sir John Vaughan's 
 letter, which, so far as it relates to the capture of 
 Tenby, tallies in every respect with Thelwall's 
 account of it. 1 
 
 After these many successes Laugharne and his 
 party took a little breathing time, and for a short 
 period they could not conclude whither they should 
 next proceed. Both Cardiganshire and Carmarthen- 
 shire were in the hands of the Eoyalists at any 
 rate, the towns and castles were garrisoned for the 
 King. Laugharne summoned both counties. From 
 Cardiganshire he had an answer which was not 
 deemed satisfactory, and though some of his own 
 party were of opinion that another summons should 
 be given them, Laugharne himself said he would 
 do no such thing except with the sword in hand. 
 His summons to the County of Carmarthen was 
 better received ; and Earl Carbery was not able 
 to obtain that general assistance from the county 
 which would enable him to combat successfully 
 with Laugharne, while some of the principal 
 
 1 Archaeologia Cambrensis, vol. iv. N. S., p. 66. See vol ii., Document xlvii. 
 Full details of these fights are given in Thelwall's letter to the Speaker 
 (see vol. ii., Document xlvi. A.), and in two other contemporaneous pamphlets, 
 one of which is published in the Appendix to Fenton's " Tour through Pem- 
 brokeshire."
 
 214 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, men had already made friendly advances to the 
 -> ~ Parliamentary leaders. In fact, the Earl of Car- 
 bery was blamed much for the defeats he had 
 sustained in Pembrokeshire. Charges of a grave 
 nature appear to have been made against him, 
 and these enforced his retirement from the com- 
 mand. He relinquished the command to Prince 
 Eupert. The state of these counties was not such 
 as to give much confidence to the Eoyalists. The 
 town of Carmarthen, which was the strongest hold, 
 was but meanly garrisoned. At the most they 
 had but between three and four hundred foot, and 
 about a hundred and fifty horse, and these were 
 hardly fit to meet Laugharne's forces, elated with 
 repeated victories; and Cardiganshire was still more 
 incapable of offering any serious resistance. Some 
 hope of aid from Breconshire seems to have en- 
 couraged them a little, and the train bands every- 
 where were put to the drill. 
 
 On the 10th or llth of April Laugharne mustered 
 his forces on Colby Moor, preparatory to his march 
 upon Carmarthen, which place he finally resolved 
 to proceed against first. As we have above stated, 
 this town was not very strongly garrisoned, and 
 the King's cause was somewhat on the wane in 
 the neighbourhood. Nevertheless, the town was 
 fortified with a mud-wall round about it 1 With 
 the aid of Admiral Swanley, and after but a 
 weak resistance, the town was entered by the vic- 
 torious Parliamentarians, or, as an old Carmarthen 
 chronicler puts it, "the towne of Carmarthen was 
 gotten by the sword by Pembrokeshire men in 
 
 1 MSS. roll of Carmarthen events, in the possession of Mr. Alcwyn 
 Evans.
 
 And the Marches. 215 
 
 April, 1644." 1 It is said that some Irish attempted CHAP. 
 to render assistance by sea, but were prevented by ' 
 the Parliamentary fleet. It was stated in one of 
 the old newspapers that some 1,500 prisoners were 
 taken; but if Sir John Yaughan's letter is correct, 
 that number would appear to have been somewhat 
 exaggerated. 
 
 Having succeeded thus beyond all expectations, 
 Col. Laugharne and the Vice- Admiral Swanley as- 
 sembled the leading men of the adjacent counties, 
 and got them all to take the Covenant. This Coven- 
 ant was the one "against the horrible plot in 
 London" the instructions for administering the 
 National solemn Covenant not having then come 
 down. When it did come down that too was ad- 
 ministered, and generally taken; and early in April 
 we have it from the pen of a dissentient that 
 "Pembrokeshire urged the traitorous Covenant also 
 in Carmarthen and Glamorganshire." 2 
 
 Cardiganshire was still unsubdued, and so was 
 the County of Glamorgan, in both which counties 
 there were a good many deep malignants, as they 
 were called by their opponents. The reduction 
 of Glamorganshire was what was next aimed at. 
 Swansea, even then a town " of good note," was 
 strongly garrisoned for the King, and into it had 
 removed most of the Eoyalists resident in the 
 neighbourhood. It was a great eyesore to the 
 Parliamentarians at Pembroke. A summons was 
 therefore sent to the Mayor, and the other gentle- 
 men of influence there, calling upon them to yield 
 
 1 MSS. roll of Carmarthen events, supra. 
 
 - Quotation from a letter of Thos. Lloyd of Ynysymaengwyn to one 
 Thomas Owen. See Warburton's Prince Rupert, i., 521.
 
 216 Civil War in Wales 
 
 V. 
 
 -^.--.- 
 
 1644. 
 
 CHAP, the town into the obedience of the "King and Par- 
 liament," and promising if they complied they should 
 be received into the " protection ' of the associated 
 Covenant, and defended against all Irish rebels and 
 Papists, and those that seek to subvert Liberties 
 and destroy Eeligion," and politely hinting that 
 if they resisted their trade would be despoiled. 
 This summons was signed by Eobert Moulton, on 
 board the Lion from Milford Haven. To it an answer 
 was sent so sharp in its terms that we are inclined 
 to trace in it the hand of the famous David Jenkins 
 of Hensol, " the Judge of the Mountains," as he 
 was called by the Parliamentarians. The copy I 
 have seen of the answer purports to have been 
 signed by the High-Sheriff and most of the gentle- 
 men of Glamorganshire. 1 
 
 Nothing appears to have been done in pursuance 
 of this summons, and shortly after the Parliament 
 fleet quitted Milford Haven and proceeded to the 
 Downs, much to the dismay of the Eoundheads in 
 those parts. During their stay at Milford they 
 had contributed in no small degree to the successes 
 which had been brought to pass ; and now that Col. 
 Charles Gerard had been appointed by Prince Eupert 
 to the command of the Eoyalists in South Wales 
 (of whom more anon), their absence was a serious 
 matter. The gentry, therefore, lost no time in send- 
 ing up a petition to the Parliament desiring that 
 Capt. Swanley might speedily be sent back. Capt. 
 Swanley and Capt. Smith had gone up to London 
 to deliver in person to the House of Commons an 
 account of their actions, and they were in atten- 
 dance about the time the petition arrived. It was 
 
 1 Merc.Aulicus for May 25th. (K. P. 1617.) See vol. ii., Document xlviii.
 
 And the Marches 217 
 
 road in the House, whereupon it was ordered that CHAP. 
 
 the Leopard, the Stvallow, and the Providence, frigates 
 
 brought to the Downs, should be refitted and re- 
 victualled, and should proceed to Wales as was 
 desired. Capt. Swanley himself was called to the 
 Bar of the House to receive the thanks of Parlia- 
 ment for his good services, and as a further mark 
 of esteem it was ordered that a chain of gold of 
 the value of 200 should be given to him, and 
 another of the value of 100 to Capt. Smith, his 
 Vice- Admiral. 1 Their services were required now in 
 South Wales to oppose a more experienced soldier 
 than the Earl of Carbery, in the person of Col. 
 Charles Gerard, of whose doings I shall have 
 occasion in a future page to treat. 
 
 Prince Rupert, after his successful march to 
 Newark, returned at the head of his victorious 
 troops to Shrewsbury. Among the faithful there 
 was great rejoicing, both there and at Chester 
 thanksgiving sermons were preached, bonfires lit, 
 the enemy denounced, and the neutral induced to 
 declare for the King. The Prince's presence amongst 
 them was reassuring. He visited many of the 
 garrisons in North Wales, gave out what instruc- 
 tions he deemed advisable for strengthening the 
 King's cause in those parts, appointed Sir John 
 Owen to be Governor of Conway Castle, then in 
 the hands of the sturdy John Williams, Archbishop 
 of York, much to the annoyance, and notwithstand- 
 ing the remonstrances, of that extraordinary man 
 extraordinary both as a Churchman and as a 
 soldier. And unjustly so I think, considering the 
 great outlay of the Archbishop in strengthening the 
 
 1 Rushworth, part iii., vol. ii , p. 76. Commons' Journals.
 
 218 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, town and castle. Other places were placed under 
 v - ^ the command of men in whom the Prince had con- 
 
 1644. 
 
 fidence, and in this his Highness was not always 
 discreet, for in several instances he displaced 
 Welshmen whom Lord Capel had placed in com- 
 mand, and substituted for them creatures of his 
 own. There can be no doubt whatever that the 
 Prince in this respect was ill-advised. He sent 
 English emissaries to various places. These were 
 looked upon with a certain amount of jealousy by 
 the Welsh, and because they were not received 
 in the way they thought they ought to be, as the 
 Prince's representatives, they made constant com- 
 munications to the Prince, which reflected very 
 unfavourably on the Welsh. Some of these repre- 
 sentations will be found in the body of this Work 
 as we progress ; many others will have to be omitted. 
 Having made a tour of the chief places in South 
 Wales, Rupert next moved to Chester. On the 
 whole he was successful in his mission. The 
 hesitating were encouraged by his presence, and 
 those who were inclined to be hostile had at any 
 rate for a time to act very cautiously. Sir William 
 Brereton, with his faithful force, and Colonel Mytton, 
 with his steady soldiers, still managed to hold 
 their own. But it was evident that they required 
 considerable reinforcements before they could neu- 
 tralize the "influence of a prince." The Earl of 
 Denbigh, at the head of the associated counties of 
 Shropshire and Warwickshire, had his hands pretty 
 well occupied in managing the affairs of those 
 counties. Nevertheless, he was constantly informed 
 of the Prince's doings in Wales, and persons from 
 Shrewsbury and from Wales frequently came to him
 
 And the Marches. 219 
 
 at Coventry to represent the urgent need of aid CHAP. 
 they stood in. As early as the 14th of March we -^ 
 
 . . 1644. 
 
 find him. writing to the Committee of Safety of 
 both Kingdoms: "Prince Rupert is said to be gone 
 for Wales to raise great forces, which he is likely 
 to do if not timely prevented, and therefore well 
 hath it become your lordships' wisdom to provide 
 a remedy to his growth and increase, which, by 
 the grace of God, shall be applied with all the 
 convenient speede that may be." 1 
 
 Representations were also made to the Com- 
 mittee of Safety direct from Wales, and these 
 became more and more urgent since Rupert's return 
 from Newark. What with the rejoicings at Chester 
 and Shrewsbury, and the threats which were 
 launched against those who were not for the King, 
 there can be no doubt that the position of the 
 Parliamentarians in those districts was becoming 
 serious. Nothing succeeds like success. 
 
 Sir Thomas Myddelton was in London at this 
 time. On hearing of the state of North Wales, 
 and the straits his friends were in, he at once 
 undertook to proceed thither with such forces as 
 he had just raised in London he having towards 
 the end of February been appointed Major-General 
 of North Wales by a new commission, which gave 
 him almost unlimited power as to levying contribu- 
 tions and sequestrating the estates of such malig- 
 nants and delinquents as he could lay hold of. 
 
 " The valiant and active Colonel Mytton, Governor 
 of Wem," says one of the old papers, " came to 
 town this day (April 5th) the better to inform 
 the Parliament of the affairs in Shropshire, Cheshire, 
 
 1 State Pap. Dom., Chas. L, vol. 315, 2434.
 
 220 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, and the parts adjacent. The faithful Colonel 
 makes a sad relation of the condition of those 
 
 1644. 
 
 parts by means of the great concourse of Irish 
 rebels that land there, exercising such horrid and 
 savage cruelties, the like cannot well be paral- 
 leled. And as a further aggravation of their 
 misery, we hear also that there be about 6,000 
 more of these Irish rebels landed in Wales, and 
 4,000 more expected suddenly to follow, so that 
 without some speedy help by the joining of Sir 
 Thomas Myddelton, Sir "William Brereton, and 
 Colonel Mytton, our garrisons in those parts are 
 like to be much straitened, and the whole country 
 wasted by these bloody Irish." : 
 
 These and other equally pressing representations 
 made to the Committee of Safety determined the 
 latter to lose no time in sending the required assist- 
 ance. Money was voted to Sir Thomas Myddelton 
 for the use of his troops. A sum of .1,000 had 
 been found by accident in Parpoole Lane, Holborn. 
 The owner could not be discovered. It was there- 
 fore given to Sir Thomas Myddelton not, however, 
 before the Parliament at Westminster had resolved 
 that the money should be repaid with interest out 
 of the Court of Wards and Liveries, when a lawful 
 owner should lay claim to the same. This little 
 incident shews that a thorough sense of honesty 
 governed the assembly in London, the calumny of 
 the cavaliers notwithstanding. A further sum of 
 2,000 was voted to him out of the sequestered 
 estate of the Lady Shelley, just deceased. Sir 
 Thomas Myddelton was fully armed with power to 
 sequester the estate of the Eoyalists, and to levy 
 
 1 Perfect Diurnall, No. 36 [18, April, 1644.]
 
 And the Marches. 221 
 
 money for the support of his troops in as full and CHAP. 
 ample a manner as the chief commanders in other '^-- 
 
 1 i ' i 1 
 
 places. Quitting London towards the end of May 
 he marched with considerable celerity to Coven- 
 try, where he formed a junction with the Earl 
 of Denbigh. Though it was Sir Thomas Myd- 
 delton's original purpose to march without delay 
 into "Wales, yet by the time he arrived at Coventry 
 he was compelled, at least for a time, to defer his 
 project, and for this reason : matters everywhere 
 were approaching a crisis. 1 
 
 At this time Col. Mytton, who had returned 
 from London, was at the head of a small body of 
 men in the south of Cheshire and on the borders 
 of Wales. News came to him that preparations 
 were being made for the conveyance of a consider- 
 able quantity of ammunition from Oswestry to Prince 
 Eupert, who was much in need of it. A messenger 
 was despatched to the Earl of Denbigh to inform 
 him of this, in order that it should be inter- 
 cepted by their concerted action, and Mytton ap- 
 proached Chirk for that purpose. Mytton there was 
 told that a party of men had that very morning 
 left Oswestry. The next day two straggling troopers 
 belonging to the garrison at Oswestry were captured, 
 and these on being pressed stated that a small body 
 of musketeers had quitted the town, and were on 
 their way in the direction of Bangor. 2 Mytton 
 then was at St. Martin's. Taking some five 
 and twenty horsemen, and about as many dragoons 
 with him, he went in pursuit, and near Duddleston 
 came upon the enemy, numbering nearly twice as 
 
 1 Perfect Diurnall, No. 40 and Xo. 42. 
 In Flintshire.
 
 222 Civil War in Wales 
 
 V. 
 
 _f- , -m 
 
 1644. 
 
 CHAP, many as he had been told. Coming upon them 
 unexpectedly their capture was easy. About twenty- 
 seven of them were made prisoners, their names 
 clearly indicating their nationality as Welshmen. 
 All their ammunition was also taken. 
 
 The Eoyalists now occupied themselves in 
 strengthening their fortifications at Oswestry. It 
 was Mytton's design, as soon as aid came from the 
 Earl of Denbigh, to attack that town. The Earl 
 made his appearance the following Saturday at Wem, 
 with what force he could spare, which was only 
 his troop of horse and some two hundred foot, the 
 rest of his forces being on their march towards 
 Lancashire. Col. Mytton also had come to Wem to 
 reinforce himself, and he and the Earl of Denbigh ad- 
 vanced the same day near to Oswestry. At this time 
 Oswestry was surrounded by a wall, but the chief 
 strength of the place lay in its church and castle, 
 which were well manned with men belonging to the 
 garrison. On the approach of the Parliamentarians 
 about mid-day these gave them a " hot salute." 
 Fearing assistance might be sent from Shrewsbury, 
 where the main body of the Irish soldiers were, 
 the Earl of Denbigh gave orders to guard the roads 
 leading to the town. Scouts also were sent to the 
 neighbouring hills, and these actually saw some 
 troops advancing towards them, but which from 
 some cause or other never came up. The first at- 
 tack was made on the church, which was outside 
 the walls. 1 It soon fell: the men within ran to 
 the steeple, but to no purpose, they had soon to 
 
 1 " The Church of St. Oswalde," says Leland, who saw it in the time of 
 Henry VIII., " is a very faire leddid church, with a great towrrid steple, 
 but it standith without the new gate." This description is accurate also of 
 the church at the time of the above struggle.
 
 And the Marches. 223 
 
 surrender. The crate of the town was next shot CHAP. 
 
 V. 
 
 in, and after some sharp fighting, in which a v - -' 
 woman was killed, the streets were deserted, the 
 Parliamentarians entered, and found that the re- 
 mainder of the garrison had retired to the castle. 
 From this vantage ground they poured incessant 
 fire upon the enemies. Against the thick walls 
 of the castle the " great sacre" of the Parlia- 
 mentary party was not of much use. Night setting 
 in the struggle abated. A Council of "War was 
 called by the Earl of Denbigh, who throughout 
 the day had braved every danger and evinced great 
 courage. The resolution of the Council was to set 
 fire to the castle gates. A party of troopers was 
 engaged to do this, but being tired out they did 
 not do it in the night. Fresh orders were given 
 at daybreak on Sunday. The women of the 
 town, many of whom had husbands or other near 
 relatives within the castle, hearing of this were 
 alarmed. They came to the victor on their knees, 
 and implored the Earl, before he blew up the castle, 
 to give them leave to speak to their husbands 
 and loved ones. But the poor souls said all this 
 in Welsh. An interpreter had to be obtained, when 
 the Earl was informed of their wish, and consented 
 to it. Quarter of life alone was offered them. This 
 the brave men inside (their wives' prayers notwith- 
 standing) at first would not listen to. They asked for 
 more honourable conditions. Their request was de- 
 clined, and at last, giving way to the entreaties of the 
 women, they surrendered. Oswestry was thus taken. 
 Many county gentlemen who had assembled in the 
 town were made prisoners, divers officers met with the 
 same fate, and some two hundred common soldiers.
 
 !24 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. Thanksgivings for this victory were offered up the 
 
 -^ ' very same afternoon in the church of the town. 
 
 And at another Council which was held, Colonel 
 
 Mytton was made its governor. To avoid plunder 
 
 the town consented to a composition of 500. 1 
 
 The loss of Oswestry was a great blow to the 
 King's interest in those parts. It formed an im- 
 portant pass into the Principality, and as the Par- 
 liamentarians hitherto had not been able to obtain 
 such an advantage in the neighbourhood, it was 
 resolved that Colonel Mytton should- remain there 
 awhile, and that a sufficient garrison should be 
 stationed at the place. Having made all the neces- 
 sary arrangements, the Earl of Denbigh quitted 
 Oswestry and proceeded to ISTantwich, where Sir 
 Thomas Myddelton and the Cheshire forces had 
 been quartered for some four days, intending after- 
 wards to march into Lancashire after Prince Eupert. 
 Oswestry, in the eyes of the Royalists, whose 
 head-quarters were at Shrewsbury, was a place of 
 too great a concern to them to be allowed to re- 
 main unchallenged in the hands of their enemies. 
 Sir Fulke Hunckes was at this time Governor of 
 Shrewsbury, having succeeded Sir Francis Ottley. 
 He had at his command a considerable body of 
 men, and the many Royalist garrisons around in 
 Cheshire and Shropshire, and the adjacent "Welsh 
 counties, were in a position to give help. It was 
 therefore resolved, instantly the Earl of Denbigh 
 had departed, to take advantage of his absence and 
 of the condition of the small body left under Col. 
 Mytton, who could scarcely offer any real resistance 
 
 1 "Two Groat Victories, &c.," King's Pamphlets, 1G3 3. The Kingdom's 
 Weekly Intelligencer, No. Gl. b'eo vol. ii., Document liii., p. 173.
 
 And the Marches. 225 
 
 to such overwhelming forces as were at their dis- CHAP. 
 posal. All necessary preparations were made a % 
 general rendezvous appointed. Hunckes went out of 
 Shrewsbury at the head of some 2,000 foot and 
 about 600 horse, and these were soon increased by 
 reinforcements from other garrisons. The progress 
 of such a body could not be kept secret. The 
 Parliamentary party throughout the war (at any 
 rate so far as Wales was concerned) never found 
 difficulty in obtaining intelligence of the enemy's 
 movements : so much so, that at an early period in 
 the history of the war such a fact was observed 
 by Clarendon to be very detrimental to the King. 1 
 Preparatory to his march into Lancashire the Earl 
 of Denbigh appointed a rendezvous of his own forces, 
 and those of Sir "William Brereton and Sir Thomas 
 Myddelton, at Knutsford. On his way thither he 
 was informed that the enemy were gathering in a 
 great body from all the neighbouring garrisons, 
 with the intention to attempt the regaining of 
 Oswestry. "Upon mature deliberation," Sir Thomas 
 Myddelton was sent with three of his companies (in 
 another letter this is stated to be his own horse 
 and the Cheshire foot), with as many as could be 
 spared from Wem, to aid Col. Mytton in maintain- 
 ing Oswestry. These were escorted into that town 
 by the Earl of Denbigh's horse. By this means 
 that garrison was supplied with some 400 musketeers 
 well fitted with all necessaries, and a full troop of 
 horse. Moreover, a "good ingenier" was sent to 
 assist them. Earl Denbigh himself at once pro- 
 ceeded to Manchester to consult with Sir John 
 Meldrum as to the matter of going to the assistance 
 
 1 Rebellion, ii , p. 135. 
 15
 
 226 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, of York. There it was decided that Sir John Mel- 
 '- drum (to whom the Earl of Denbigh assigned such 
 troops as Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire had sent 
 to him) and Sir William Brereton should proceed to 
 York, and that the Earl of Denbigh should retrace 
 his steps with his own regiment of horse and the 
 Staffordshire horse to Oswestry. In the meantime 
 Oswestry was threatened with a siege by the Eoyalist 
 forces under Col. Marrow. To his assistance came 
 Sir Fulke Hunckes, and their forces are put down 
 by the Parliamentary party at about 4,000. On 
 Tuesday, the 2nd July, the latter having heard of 
 the approach of Myddelton towards their quarters, 
 ordered Col. Marrow to send out a party of scouts 
 to discover their strength. Marrow, however, took 
 with him the whole body of horse. Hunckes said 
 afterwards that this was against his express com- 
 mand, or at any rate that he expressly forbade 
 Col. Marrow to engage himself in combat with the 
 enemy. Whether Marrow wilfully disobeyed his 
 superior's command, or whether what happened was 
 not his fault but his misfortune, through the better 
 tactics of the enemy, does not appear; but the fact 
 is clear enough, that Sir Thomas Myddelton, sallying 
 out from Oswestry with his horse, completely routed 
 Col. Marrow, and that the defeat of the latter was 
 enhanced by the valour of the Cheshire foot, who 
 pursued the straggling horse of the enemy for a 
 considerable distance, and that all this was done 
 before a word of intelligence of the fight had reached 
 Sir Fulke Hunckes, whose first acquaintance of 
 the fact was the appearance of a messenger from 
 Marrow, and soon afterwards of Marrow himself, 
 bespattered with the dust of the conflict and "all
 
 And the Marches. 227 
 
 alone." Colonel Hunckcs could now do nothing CHAP. 
 
 V. 
 
 but secure his own way back to Shrewsbury, which 
 
 was barely done in time to prevent their complete 
 defeat by the Earl of Denbigh's forces, who arrived 
 the next day at Oswestry. The Earl was some- 
 what chafed by the precipitancy of Sir Thomas 
 Myddelton, whom he had acquainted by messenger 
 of his intention to join him, but who, " finding his 
 opportunity thought itt not fitt to stay for him," 
 whereby the victory was not so complete as it might 
 otherwise have been. It is due, however, to Sir 
 Thomas Myddelton, and the Earl candidly acknow- 
 ledges it, that the letters announcing the Earl's ap- 
 proach had been concealed. 1 Thus the Earl, though 
 he had detached himself for the purpose of relieving 
 Oswestry from Sir John Meldrum and Sir William 
 Brereton, who were gone on a most important march 
 towards York, found that the work had been well 
 done, and the honour which he sought already won 
 by another. In this movement of his he also lost 
 another chance of winning distinction in a greater 
 victory for the Parliament than the relief of 
 Oswestry. I allude to the great battle of Marston 
 Moor the most important battle since the begin- 
 ning of the war. Prince Eupert having been ordered 
 by the King in a letter of the 14th June, dated 
 from Tickenhall, in Worcestershire, to march with- 
 out an instant delay to the succour of York, which 
 was besieged by the Scots and Fairfax's forces, 
 
 1 Earl of Denbigh's letter of the llth July. State Pap. Dom., Char. I., 
 Bundle 316. See vol. ii., Document Iv. u., p. 183. For a full account of raising 
 the siege of Oswestry see Sir Thomas Myddelton's letter, published in a 
 pamphlet (K. P. 164 16), the foregoing letter of the Earl of Denbigh, and 
 also Sir Fulke Hunckes's letter to Prince liupert, State Pap. Dom. 31G, 
 ful. 132, all of which I give in vol. ii., Documents Iv. A. B. and c.
 
 228 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, gathered all his forces, leaving only what was ab- 
 ^- solutely essential to maintain the various garrisons, 
 and evading all those sent in pursuit of him, came 
 before York on the last day but one of the month 
 at the head of a force numbering, it is said, 20,000 
 men. At his approach the Parliamentary leaders 
 resolved to raise the siege so as to concentrate their 
 power for the purpose of preventing the Prince from 
 throwing succours into the beleagured city; but 
 the Prince was too sharp for them. By skilful 
 manoeuvres he entered the city without a conflict. 
 Had he rested satisfied with this success, and awaited 
 reinforcements, which were known to be on the way 
 towards him, the disaster of Marston Moor would 
 probably have been averted ; but Rupert was too 
 impetuous, and looking upon the King's letter per- 
 haps as a positive command to fight, he would not 
 follow Newcastle's advice, to defer engaging with 
 the enemy in battle. The conflict was a dreadful 
 one. Both ranks were broken, and unutterable 
 contusion prevailed, the result in the first being 
 decidedly advantageous to the Royalists : the Par- 
 liamentary soldiers Scotch and English flying in 
 all directions, the Eoyalists following in pursuit. 
 When they returned from the pursuit, confident of 
 victory, they were surprised to find that the field 
 they thought they had won was already in the hands 
 of a successful enemy the right wing, though com- 
 manded by Rupert himself, completely routed by 
 Cromwell and his army of invincible Ironsides : 
 men who fought not for the mere sake of fighting, 
 but with the faith and purpose that they were 
 fighting for a cause dearer to them than their lives 
 for Religion and Liberty. These men could not
 
 And the Marches. 229 
 
 easily be defeated. They had already been christened CHAP. 
 Ironsides, and under the command of such an able 
 
 1644 
 
 general as Cromwell they never flinched in their 
 duty and never sustained a defeat. Notwithstanding 
 the defeat of Prince Rupert's wing, those who 
 returned from the pursuit of the Scotch resumed the 
 struggle with Cromwell and Manchester ; but when 
 night set in not a Royalist remained on the field, 
 save three thousand slain and about 1,600 prisoners. 
 Cromwell had before given good proofs of his 
 commanding qualities, but his merits shone pre- 
 eminently here, and it was mainly due to him that 
 the result was what it was. The Earl of Man- 
 chester, his superior officer, no doubt can claim 
 some of the credit, but Cromwell was so dissatisfied 
 with his conduct that he wrote to the Parliament, 
 and afterwards declared personally in the House, 
 his grave accusations against the Earl of Manchester, 
 which, as we shall see later on, brought about a 
 great change in military matters. 
 
 The Prince and Newcastle late in the night 
 entered York, but not together. The rupture be- 
 tween them was too great to be healed. Rupert 
 decided to leave the city with his horse and what- 
 ever foot remained, and Newcastle resolved to depart 
 for the continent forthwith. These messages they 
 exchanged, and each kept his word. Prince Eupert 
 marched towards Chester with the wreck of his 
 army. Newcastle embarked for the continent, and 
 York soon afterwards capitulated. 
 
 Leaving Eupert on his march from York, we 
 shall now take a look at matters in the southern 
 division of the Principality. The Earl of Carbery 
 having failed in his attempt to subdue the Parlia-
 
 230 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, merit party in Pembrokeshire, and having every- 
 - ^ where sustained serious defeats, resigned his sword 
 
 1644 
 
 to Prince Eupert. The Eoyalists in these parts were 
 very pressing upon the Prince to appear in person 
 in the west, to interrupt the victorious course of 
 Laugharne and Swanley; but matters of graver im- 
 port required his presence elsewhere, and Col. Charles 
 Gerard, at the head of a troop of horse, was dis- 
 patched to attempt the task. When summoned to 
 this Gerard was somewhere in the west, for we find 
 that he landed at the Black Eock, near Chepstow, 
 in Monmouthshire. I have in vain endeavoured to 
 ascertain the date of his advance into Wales. I 
 have searched almost every newspaper of the time, 
 and they were many, but without success. Most of 
 these papers were advocates of the Parliamentary 
 cause, and though on the whole I have reason to 
 credit them with a fair amount of truthfulness, yet 
 they manifest a provoking reticence on matters 
 which did not benefit that cause. On the other 
 hand, the Eoyalist papers, though bristling with 
 some sparkling wit, do not appear to pay so much 
 regard to the truth as those of their opponents 
 they were not merely reticent when defeat had 
 attended their armies, but often flatly denied the 
 truth, and even claimed victory when overwhelming 
 disaster had been the fate of the party ; while small 
 skirmishes, in which their soldiers had had the 
 best, were magnified into victories of immense im- 
 portance. Both sides at times were given to ex- 
 aggeration, but the palm in this respect certainly 
 belongs to the Court papers. With regard to 
 Gerard's movements in Wales, scarcely a word 
 for some time appears in the Parliamentary papers,
 
 And the Marches. 231 
 
 and probably for a while his movements were not CHAP. 
 of such decision as to justify even his own side 
 
 1644. 
 
 in making much ado about them. Even Mercurius 
 Aulicus maintained a degree of reserve which fully 
 justifies this inference. But this silence on their 
 part was not long required, for it is evident that 
 by some dashing exploits Gerard soon drove back 
 the tide of "Pembrokeshire men," who, having 
 passed out of their own county, had penetrated 
 even into the distant east of Glamorganshire, and 
 had planted at Cardiff a " strong garrison," much 
 to the annoyance of such as were loyal in that 
 county. How the Parliament party had become 
 possessed of Cardiff, whether by the onward march 
 of the land forces, or whether by an attack from 
 the sea by Swanley or Moulton, does not appear. 
 But that they had done so is evidenced by the 
 testimony which will be presently adduced to show 
 Gerard's accomplishments in these parts. Cardiff 
 seems to be the only place of importance which 
 had fallen into the hands of the Parliament in 
 Glamorganshire, whence it may fairly be inferred 
 and this inference is supported by the fact that 
 Swansea was summoned, as we have already seen, 
 from the sea that Cardiff had been entered into 
 by sea forces under Swanley or Moulton. From 
 Glamorganshire Gerard made his way into Carmar- 
 thenshire. Kidwelly had in the meantime fallen 
 into the hands of his enemies. Against that place 
 he directed his power, and it appears with the 
 same success as he had experienced at Cardiff. 
 And now for the first time we come upon any- 
 thing like a date by which to gauge Gerard's 
 movements. That he had entered into Carmar-
 
 232 Civil War in Wales 
 
 V. 
 
 1644. 
 
 CHAP, thenshire early in June is evident from a sum- 
 mons dated the 12th day of June, under the 
 hand of Hugh Carrow, one of the high constables 
 for the County of Pembroke. 1 The copy preserved 
 is one addressed to the petty constables of "Walton, 
 in Pembrokeshire, calling upon them, in obedience 
 to the Commissioners appointed for the management 
 of that county, by the ordinance for the association 
 of the three counties of Pembroke, Cardigan, and 
 Carmarthen, which had been sanctioned by the Par- 
 liament but some few days before, to collect all the 
 fighting power of their parish between the ages of 
 sixteen and sixty, and to conduct them to a place 
 of rendezvous to meet the said committee. This 
 summons is interesting in many respects. It shows 
 that on the 12th of June Gerard's advance into 
 Carmarthenshire was spoken of as having occurred 
 "lately." And from its general tone we may infer 
 that the pleas likely to tell on the Pembrokeshire 
 people were those which called upon them to fight 
 for their Religion and Liberty. Speaking of this, 
 Mercurius Aulicus says that the Committee of Pem- 
 brokeshire had " forged slanders" in warrants to 
 abuse the people. 
 
 Having taken Kidwelly and placed a garrison 
 there, Gerard marched to Carmarthen. "What resist- 
 ance was offered to him I have not been able to dis- 
 cover, but that some contest ensued is apparent from 
 their own account of it, where it is stated that 
 Gerard "fell on the town of Carmarthen, which he 
 presently mastered, and there placed a strong garrison 
 under Colonel Lovelace, and left a garrison also at 
 Abermarlais." 2 All this had been done before the 
 
 1 Merc. Aulicus, 29th week, 1644. See vol. ii., Document Ivi. B. 
 
 2 Ibid.
 
 And the Marches. 233 
 
 18th of June, under which date, in a contemporary CHAP. 
 paper, it is stated that a messenger out of the J 
 County of Pembroke had informed the Committee 
 of Examinations (in London) that " Col. Charles 
 Garret [Gerard], with a party oJP horse, is in the 
 town of Carmarthen, and is fortifying it for the 
 King." 1 By Sunday, the 23rd June, the whole of 
 the County of Carmarthen was in the hands of 
 the Royalists, much to the joy of Mercurius Aulicus, 
 which boasts that there is a likelihood "now that 
 bloody mariner [Swanley] begins to fear he may 
 ere long be brought to reckon for it. For Swanley 
 not satisfied with piracy and sea villanies, did 
 practice by land also, both in Pembrokeshire, Car- 
 marthenshire, and Glamorganshire, till that gallant 
 gentleman, Col. Charles Gerard, made him face 
 about, driving the barbarous felon to the place from 
 whence he came [Milford Haven I presume]. Two 
 of the three counties are perfectly cleared, and the 
 third so chastised that the rebels are already at 
 the water-side. The Welsh gentry and commons 
 were so much startled at the horror of the fact 
 that they now rise as one man to punish the male- 
 factors." a The "fact" here alluded to has re- 
 ference to Swanley's throwing overboard several 
 Irishmen captured by him, upon their refusing to 
 take the Covenant. 
 
 Before following the enemy to the water-side, 
 Gerard made a detour to Newcastle-Emlyn and 
 Cardigan, in which he experienced the same unin- 
 terrupted success which had attended all his move- 
 ments since his landing at the Black Eock. It is 
 
 1 TJ,c WeeVy Account, No. 42. 
 
 - Merc. Auliciis, 2Gth week. Juuc 29, 1644.
 
 53 i Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, said that the County of Cardigan had been at this 
 time much distressed by the Pembrokeshire men. 
 
 1644. 
 
 Cardigan seems to have been the first object of 
 attack. Here, according to their own account, the 
 Eoyalists slew and made prisoners more than two 
 hundred, and cleared the whole country of the 
 Parliament party. Falling next upon Newcastle- 
 Emlyn, he took that place also ; and having left 
 garrisons at both places began his march into Pem- 
 brokeshire, which county from the beginning of the 
 war had been "infested with the rebels and was 
 considered the most seditious of all." Laugharne 
 Castle soon fell into his hands, and early in July 
 Eoch Castle also. Haverfordwest, Pembroke, and 
 Tenby, were now the only places left in the whole 
 of South Wales which had not been brought to 
 the obedience of the King. 1 The preceding number 
 of the same journal, under the date of July 13, 
 states that Haverfordwest had been taken by Gerard, 
 and that the enemy had " left them no hold in 
 all South Wales, but only Tenby and Pembroke 
 Castles," which is confirmed by other papers. So 
 that out of the seven hundreds into which the 
 County of Pembroke was divided, two only re- 
 mained in the hands of the Parliament party 
 Castlcmartin and Eoos. Having carried everything 
 before him in this triumphant progress, Gerard 
 sat down before Pembroke, thinking of inducing 
 the enemy to make their appearance, but day after 
 day passed and they made no stir. Nor was there 
 any present necessity for their doing so, for hard 
 pressed as they appeared to be, and driven fairly 
 back to their last place of refuge, they felt there 
 
 1 Merc. Aulicus, 29th week, ante.
 
 And the Marches. 235 
 
 no fear of the enemy. The town was well fortified 
 and strong, and what was of the greatest conse- 
 quence, the Haven was still theirs, where was a 
 strong body of shipping at their service, under ex- 
 perienced and daring commanders. The Parliament 
 papers of this date are vague and lack preciseness. 
 Some sort of an attempt to intercept the onward 
 course of Gerard appears to have been made, but 
 at what point it is difficult to say. It must have 
 been before the final approach to Pembroke 
 probably between Eoch Castle and Haverfordwest. 
 The True Informer, issued on the 27th of July, 
 states that out of Gloucestershire "it is advertised 
 that Col. Lohun [Laugharne], Governor of Pem- 
 brokeshire, and Capt. Moulton, with his sailors, 
 have routed Col. Gerard, a commander under the 
 Earl of Carbery, in his advance towards Pem- 
 broke, slew and took 500 of his men, and divers 
 arms, besides several carriages and most of their 
 baggage, and forced him and the rest of the 
 Welsh runts to fly into the mountains for shelter." 
 In its next number, issued on the 3rd of August, 
 it reiterates the above account, which goes far 
 to establish it as a fact, and boasts of it because 
 it "stopped their intended progress into Pem- 
 brokeshire, which they would have plundered and 
 spoiled, as they had done before in Monmouthshire, 
 Glamorganshire, Carmarthenshire, and Cardiganshire, 
 in all which places they had done much mischief, 
 and had taken many forts and castles, viz., Cardigan, 
 Emlyn, and Laugharne Castles, since the landing of 
 Colonel Gerard and his Irish and Popish forces at 
 the Black Eock in Monmouthshire." This account 
 so far corroborates Aulicus. But while giving all
 
 236 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, credit to the victory claimed by the Parliamentary 
 
 -" party, it must be admitted that it appears to 
 
 have been but of little use, for it is clear that 
 they were at last fairly driven back to the 
 " water-side." But though the landsmen were 
 thus brought to bay, the sailors had still a free 
 field. They scoured the coast and captured what- 
 ever came in their way. Captain Moulton was 
 especially on the alert, and his watchfulness was 
 soon rewarded by the capture of "nine ships near 
 Milford Haven, which were laden with wine and 
 tobacco, going from the west, and had in them above 
 100 pieces of ordnance, all which will be now em- 
 ployed for the use of the Parliament soldiers," who 
 doubtless derived much comfort from such good 
 things. While Moulton was making such excellent 
 use of his time, and Gerard was keeping his eye 
 on the garrisons at Pembroke and Tenby, Swanley 
 taking advantage of the absence of the latter ap- 
 pears to have advanced by sea to the coast of 
 Glamorgan, and landed there. It is said that he 
 regained " many of the forts and towns which the 
 enemy had lately taken there," and moreover, that 
 he had managed to capture some 1,500 head of 
 cattle from the enemy, which he took with him back 
 to Pembroke "with very little loss." What with nine 
 ships laden with wine and tobacco, and 1,500 cattle 
 taken on a single expedition, the position of those 
 within the walls of Pembroke could not have been 
 distressing, and a siege under such circumstances 
 would not entail those serious inconveniences which 
 generally attends sieges, and which the town of 
 Pembroke itself had a taste of within a few years 
 of this date.
 
 And the Marches. 237 
 
 Gerard had succeeded beyond expectation. He 
 had entirely cleared three counties of the enemy, 
 and in the fourth had driven them back to their 
 only place of refuge. A finer opportunity to de- 
 velope the affectionate loyalty of the people could 
 not have presented itself, but Gerard was not the 
 man to avail himself of it. He was a mere soldier, 
 daring, audacious, and cruel. Courage he did not 
 lack, nor soldierly ability and tact ; but he was 
 wanting in that discretion, forbearance, and judicious- 
 ness which are essential to a successful diplomatist ; 
 and as we shall presently see, instead of encouraging 
 those who were loyal in Wales, he treated them 
 off-handedly, and even contemptuously ; distrusted 
 those who would have aided him, and bestowed all 
 his favours on creatures of his own. The leaders 
 of the people, men of repute in their respective 
 neighbourhoods, who were looked up to and had a 
 following, he never attempted to conciliate. Such as 
 had been appointed governors of towns and com- 
 manders of garrisons by the Earl of Carbery he 
 displaced, appointing in their stead men known only 
 to himself and like himself. And even if the 
 lloyalist journals speak the truth, when they state 
 that upon his first appearance in Wales he was well 
 supported by the local gentry, and that the people 
 rose as one man to fight for the King, which pro- 
 bably is slightly exaggerated, his after-conduct 
 caused a manifest change. High-spirited as these 
 men were, they would not submit willingly to be 
 ridden over rough-shod by a man who, though he 
 had the King's commission, failed to treat them 
 as they deserved, and this unconciliatory conduct 
 of Gerard's ultimately neutralised his power and
 
 238 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, influence, and caused him to be removed from 
 
 y. 
 
 command. He was rapacious and unprincipled 
 cold-blooded and cruel; and Wales by-and-by re- 
 joiced in its deliverance from the control of such 
 a man. 
 
 We shall leave him for the present and return 
 to North Wales. After the disastrous defeat on 
 Marston Moor, Prince Eupert quitted York, and 
 his movements for a little time were uncertain. It 
 was unknown whether he would attempt to move 
 southward towards the King, proceed to the north, 
 or go into Lancaster, but this suspense was not long 
 maintained, and his presence in Lancashire was 
 soon discovered. It is difficult to understand why 
 he and his wrecked force was not pursued imme- 
 diately upon his quitting York. It was not done. 
 Those of the Parliament forces who were engaged 
 at Marston Moor did not show much activity to 
 follow their victory. Eupert was allowed to go 
 whither he list, and a fortnight elapsed before even 
 York was entered. After the capitulation of York, 
 Sir John Meldrum and Sir William Brereton were 
 ordered to pursue Eupert, who was then recruiting 
 in North Wales and Lancashire, and expecting rein- 
 forcements from Ireland, which, however, did not 
 come. Meldrum and Brereton lacked no energy 
 once they were dispatched in quest of him, and 
 soon came upon a portion of his forces in Lancashire, 
 with whom they had a successful skirmish. Finding 
 himself pressed, and having been disappointed at 
 the non-appearance of the Irish whom he had ex- 
 pected, he quitted Lancashire and entered Cheshire. 
 He was still hopeful of assistance from Ireland, and 
 Mercurlus Civicus states that u Prince Eupert, alias
 
 And the Marches. 239 
 
 the Duke of Phmderland, is come to Chester with CHAP. 
 3,000 horse, where he waits for some more of his 
 Majesty's Irish Catholick subjects, to advance the 
 Protestant Religion" 1 Here again our newspaper 
 authorities become conflicting, and often unintel- 
 ligible. Instead of Cheshire it is said that he had 
 made for Shropshire, "that there Sir Thomas Myd- 
 delton and Sir William Brereton fell upon his rear 
 and took some prisoners, and that the Prince with 
 3,000 or 4,000 men had fled to Shrewsbury to try 
 what success of strength he may get from Wales." 3 
 Of his chances to recruit in Wales the Eoundheads 
 were not much afraid, and boasted that " the Welsh 
 have been over and over pricked and pulled (alluding, 
 I presume, to balloting or conscription) ; there is 
 not a man left but is cousin to one Array man or 
 other, and can get off without bribes." 3 His plans 
 some thought were to join with the King, and to 
 prevent this he was carefully watched by the Earl 
 of Denbigh and Sir Thomas Myddelton on one side, 
 and Sir John Meldrum and Sir William Brereton 
 on the other. 4 Warburton, who had the advantage 
 of having before him the Prince's diary, states that 
 Eupert having skilfully evaded the forces under 
 the Earl of Denbigh, which was on the watch to 
 cut off his retreat, brought at length his remaining 
 followers in good order to Shrewsbury, which place 
 was reached on the 20th of July, whence it appears 
 that the old newspapers were inexact in saying he 
 had reached Chester. That he did not long remain 
 at Shrewsbury is clear, for there is the best evidence 
 
 1 No. 61, for the week ending 25th July. 
 
 2 London Post, No. 1, Aug. 6. 
 
 3 I'arliamci/t Scotif, No. 59, Aug. 3 
 * Merc UiCicm, No, 63, Aug. 8.
 
 240 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, that he was at Chester on the 3rd, whence he indited 
 
 v. 
 
 a letter to Sir John Mennes, Governor of North 
 
 1644. . 
 
 Wales, Dudley Wyatt, Lieut.-Governor of North 
 "Wales, John Morgan, Esq., the High-Sheriff of 
 Merionethshire, and others, calling npon them to 
 cause inquiry to be made as to what had been 
 collected, and how much remained unpaid of the 
 impositions and taxes imposed upon the counties in 
 North Wales for his Majesty's use, and to collect 
 with as little delay as possible what was due. The 
 several counties of North Wales had been heavily 
 taxed by the King's party, the necessities of which 
 became much greater when the Irish forces landed 
 there ; and there can be no doubt whatever that 
 such exactions, and, what was far worse, the 
 raids constantly made upon their cattle, caused 
 the Welsh yeomen to pray for a riddance of the 
 King's men, and alienated their affections from 
 his side. The Prince was in sore need of money 
 and ammunition, No aid had come from Ireland, 
 where his only hopes lay, and consequently he 
 sent pressing messages to the King for powder. 
 He did not take with him to Chester all his forces. 
 Some he left at Shrewsbury, and a small body of 
 horse he forwarded to quarter at Welshpool, in 
 Montgomeryshire. Col. Mytton, who was about 
 this time in the neighbourhood of Shrewsbury, had 
 a slight skirmish with the party at that place under 
 Hunckes, and hearing of the enemy's horse quarter- 
 ing at Welshpool he marched that way. At this 
 time, which was the beginning of August, Sir 
 Thomas Myddelton was quartered at Nantwich. He 
 also heard of the horse at Welshpool, and instantly 
 set out for that place. On Saturday, the 3rd of
 
 And the Marches. 241 
 
 August, Mytton joined Myddelton, and their united CHAP. 
 forces numbered some 550 horse and foot, and with 
 these on the Sunday they pounced unexpectedly 
 upon the party at Welshpool, which consisted of 
 Eupert's own regiment of horse, under the command 
 of Sir Thomas Dallison, and, surprising them, took 
 some 300 horse, with much arms, some 40 common 
 soldiers, and several officers. Prince Eupert's own 
 cornet was killed, and Sir Thomas Dallison fled. 
 The latter was surprised, and being at the time 
 in bed he escaped in his shirt, leaving his breeches 
 behind him, in which was a letter written by 
 him, but not sent, to Prince Eupert, complain- 
 ing of their weak state at Welshpool, and stating 
 that "my Lord Powis" had given him some 113 
 caps and some cloth for his Highness. Eeturning 
 from this successful exploit they drove away some 
 200 head of cattle, the property of the Lord Powis, 
 from the very walls of Eed Castle. Myddelton 
 returned to Nantwich, and Mytton to Oswestry, 
 into which places it is said many of Eupert's horse 
 disaffected came in daily. 1 
 
 It was now Eupert's duty to try by every pos- 
 sible means to strengthen his footing in North 
 Wales, and it is said that his object was to make 
 Chester his winter quarters. For this purpose letters 
 were written to the principal men of the several 
 counties reminding them of their allegiance, and in- 
 citing their loyalty by every possible means. Those 
 who were wavering or faltering in their loyalty, 
 and such as were doubtful, he thought a personal 
 interview would be the best means of securing 
 
 * 
 
 1 Kingdom's Weekly Intelligencer, No 67, Aug. 14; No. 64 Merc. Civicus, 
 and No. 43 True Informer, See also vol. ii., Document Ivii., 194. 
 
 16
 
 242 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, their co-operation; and to these he wrote asking 
 "- ' them to meet him either at Chester or Shrcws- 
 
 1644. 
 
 bury. Among others he wrote to the celebrated 
 Lord Herbert of Cherbury. This able but eccen- 
 tric nobleman, by some means or other, had created 
 in the minds of those at the head of the King's 
 affairs in those parts doubts as to his loyalty, 
 and hence he was asked to meet the Prince, but 
 he excused himself in these terms, in a letter 
 dated from Montgomery Castle, August 23, 1644 : 
 "I shall humbly crave to tell your Highness 
 that though I have the ambition to kiss your most 
 valorous and princely hands, yet, because I am 
 newly entered into a course of physic, I do humbly 
 desire to be excused for the present. Beseeching 
 your Highness nevertheless to hold me in your 
 former good opinion and favor, since I am your 
 Highness's most humble and obedient servant." 1 
 "Whether this was a feigned or a real excuse it is 
 now impossible to say. From what happened soon 
 afterwards, and which in due order we shall refer 
 to, the Eoyalists would naturally infer deception. 
 His answer was by no means of an encouraging 
 nature ; but before it was written Rupert had met 
 with a serious repulse. 
 
 As is before stated, he was in sore need of 
 ammunition, and Irish supplies failing, messages 
 had been sent for aid to the King's quarters in 
 the West of England. Lord Digby, the Principal 
 Secretary of State, writing to the Prince from 
 Boconock, in Cornwall, under the date of loth 
 August, states that the great care of the King was 
 
 1 Warburton's Rupert, iii., 22.
 
 And the Marches. 243 
 
 for his Highness, how to supply his " wants of CHAP. 
 ammunition." for which he said all that conld be, > ^ 
 
 1644. 
 
 was done, and that " there are a hundred barrels 
 of powder sent from Bristol through Wales, and 
 commanded to Charles Gerard to have them con- 
 veyed so fast as shall be necessary." They did 
 not, however, come fast enough to be of service 
 to Rupert, and some of it became useful to the 
 enemy. 
 
 The Prince was still at Chester with some of 
 his horse, while a portion of his forces remained 
 under Colonel Ogleby in Lancashire. Sir John 
 Meldrum looked after the latter, and Sir Thomas 
 Myddelton and Brereton were vigilant in Cheshire. 
 Some days before the 21st of August, Colonel 
 Marrow (of whose actions at Oswestry I have before 
 written) went out of Chester with a small body of 
 horse, and quartered at Tarvin, a small village some 
 four miles eastward of that city. Hearing of this, 
 Brereton and Myddelton, who were then at North- 
 wich, marched thence to Frodsham, a small town 
 on the banks of the Weaver, a little above its exit 
 into the sea, where they expected to find the enemy, 
 thinking that their design was for Lancashire. 
 Finding them not, they crossed Delainere Forest, 
 which was not then so contracted as it is now, and 
 came to Ashton, where they received definite in- 
 telligence that the Cavaliers were at Tarviu. Thither 
 they at once proceeded, and on their way they 
 came upon some of Marrow's men, who had been 
 sent out as scouts. These they pursued to Tarvin, 
 where they fell upon the body of the enemy and 
 worsted them. Some of the latter fled into the 
 church, and others betook themselves to Chester.
 
 244 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. The latter were followed with good effect by Colonel 
 - Sankey. and the attack upon the church was left 
 
 1644 
 
 to Colonel Jones. 1 Many prisoners were made, some 
 were slain, and a number of horse captured. Colonel 
 Marrow himself was mortally wounded, and died 
 as soon as he was taken back to Chester. 2 This 
 officer, even by those who were opposed to him, is 
 spoken of in high terms as a gallant soldier. He 
 had come from Ireland in the previous December, 
 and what made his death at this time especially sad 
 was the fact that he had " married a wife with a 
 good fortune" but three weeks before. 3 
 
 Chester was frightened at this ill-luck, and the 
 military authorities there saw that they would be 
 placed in great danger if they did not stem the 
 enemy's progress. Two regiments of horse, 4 or 
 according to another account, 5 about 800 horse and 
 foot, went out next morning to avenge Marrow's 
 death. Brereton and Myddelton, expecting that 
 they would be attacked, were in readiness to receive 
 their opponents. A desperate fight ensued, and in 
 the end the Royalists gave way and fled, having 
 sustained a loss of about 400 men, of whom 300 
 were slain, the rest being made prisoners. In all 
 the Parliamentary newspapers Prince Eupcrt is stated 
 to have been engaged in this fight. But it is toler- 
 
 1 There were three eminent men of the name of Jones colonels of the 
 Parliament army, viz., Colonel Michael Jones (the one above alluded to), 
 afterwards Lieut. -General of Ireland, Colonel John Jones, the Regicide, and 
 Colonel Philip Jones, of Swansea, afterwards Comptroller of the Household to 
 Cromwell, and one of the members of his House of Lords. 
 
 2 " A true relation of two great victories obtained over the enemy, &c.," 
 (K P. 171 - 25). Vol. ii., Document Iviii. 
 
 3 Parliament Scout, No. 62. 
 1 Merc. Civicus, No. 66. 
 
 6 Scottish Dove, No. 46.
 
 And the Marches. 245 
 
 ably certain that the Prince was not in Chester at CHAP. 
 
 Y". 
 
 this time, for Colonel "William Legge, the Governor -^^- 
 of Chester, writing on the 22nd August the very 
 day upon which the second battle was fought to 
 "his most dear Prince," states that "the night 
 your Highness lay at Euthin, Marrow's horse were 
 beaten." The Lord Byron also gives an account 
 of that action, which, he says, took place "on 
 the spot where your Highness killed the buck as 
 the horse were drawing out." 1 Had the Prince 
 taken part in the fight there would have been no 
 occasion for these letters. According to Legge he 
 was at Kuthin at the time, and this is confirmed 
 by a pamphlet published on the 27th August, which 
 states that Eupert had gone to Euthin for fear of 
 the Earl of Manchester, rumours of whose advance 
 towards Chester had been prevalent for several 
 days. 2 
 
 This defeat was so serious that Prince Eupert 
 gave up all idea of going back to Chester. Of his 
 movements for some time afterwards his antagonists 
 were entirely ignorant. All sorts of rumours were 
 abroad. Some thought he had gone to South "Wales 
 to join with Gerard. 3 Others thought he had 
 sought refuge in the innermost recesses of North 
 Wales. His destination, however, was nowhere else 
 than Bristol. Accompanied by a small retinue of 
 horse, numbering between a hundred and two hun- 
 dred, consisting of portions of his own, and Colonel 
 Vaughan's and Colonel Trevor's regiments, he crossed 
 the mountains to Ludlow, and thence proceeded to 
 
 1 Warburton's Eupert, iii., 22. 
 
 2 " Three victories obtained against Lord Ogleby and others of Kupert's 
 forces. &c." 
 
 a // 'etkly Account, No. 52.
 
 246 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. Bristol, where he gave out that more were coming, 
 " and that regiments of "Welsh soldiers out of Mon- 
 
 J.OTTT. 
 
 mouthshire and Glamorganshire would soon cross the 
 Severn and come to their aid. 1 In all probability 
 the Prince did expect reinforcements from South 
 Wales. Gerard had by this time subdued nearly 
 the whole of South Wales Haverfordwest having 
 been taken by him on the 22nd of August; and 
 Tenby was in imminent danger, its Governor, a 
 brother of Major- General Laugharne-, having been 
 captured when attempting to send assistance to 
 Haverfordwest. 2 And the Prince had desired him 
 to proceed to Bristol. But other matters, to which 
 I shall presently refer, occupied Gerard and pre- 
 vented this juncture. The Prince also expected 
 help from the North. A general movement for the 
 West appears to have been decided upon. Sir Mar- 
 maduke Langdale, with some 3,000 horse, quitting 
 Cumberland, passed through Lancashire, where he 
 was much harassed. When he entered Cheshire 
 his strength scarcely exceeded a third of the number 
 he ' originally started with. Brereton now prepared 
 to cut off his passage. On the 26th of August the 
 two forces . met at Malpas, in Cheshire the Parlia- 
 ment army comprising only about 800 men, under 
 the command of Col. Jones. Notwithstanding the 
 disparity in number, Col. Jones did considerable 
 execution ; but he would doubtless have been 
 worsted were it not for the timely appearance of 
 Sir William Brereton. Even with this reinforce- 
 ment they numbered less than the Eoyalists. The 
 
 1 London Post, No. 2, September 3 ; and Kingdom's Weekly Intcttigenw, 
 No. 70. 
 
 2 Merc. Aulicus, Aug. 31, 1644.
 
 And the Marches. 247 
 
 latter, however, lost several of their officers, which CHAP. 
 
 v. 
 
 disheartened the soldiers. So they beat a retreat ^- ~ ^ 
 
 1644. 
 
 to Chester instead of pursuing the road to Shrews- 
 bury as they intended. Sir Marmaduke was himself 
 wounded. Two colonels and three majors were 
 slain, and several other officers made prisoners. 1 
 
 Sir Thomas Myddelton was at this time at Oswes- 
 try with Col. Mytton, where he received orders from 
 London to march into Montgomeryshire for the 
 double purpose of dispersing the Royalists there 
 and of intercepting the powder which had been 
 sent from Bristol to Gerard, with instructions from 
 Lord Digby to forward it without delay to North 
 Wales, where it was much wanted for the supply of 
 Chester and Liverpool. The latter place was besieged 
 by Sir John Meldrum, and the want of ammunition 
 was very great there. Powder also was running 
 short at Chester. In obedience to the order Sir 
 Thomas Myddelton quitted Oswestry on the 3rd of 
 September, and marching all night got to Newtown 
 early in the morning, where was a small temporary 
 garrison of Royalists under the command of Sir 
 Thomas Gardiner. These were surprised, Gardiner 
 himself, with his cornet, and about forty soldiers, 
 were made prisoners, and some thirty-six barrels of 
 the Bristol powder, with a large quantity of match, 
 and twelve barrels of brimstone, were captured. 
 Myddelton thence advanced the same day to Mont- 
 gomery. The castle here was a fortress of great 
 strength. Sir John Meldrum, who appeared before 
 it some time after this, characterized it as " one of 
 the goodliest and strongest places that he ever looked 
 
 1 " The Successes of our Cheshire Forces, &c." (K. P. 172 8.) Vol. ii., 
 Document lix.
 
 24 S Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, upon." In it lived the Lord Herbert of Cherbury, 
 ^ the well-known author of " The Life and Times of 
 Henry VIII.," and other works, a nobleman of great 
 literary abilities, but exceedingly vain and of ec- 
 centric habits. Hitherto he had taken no active 
 part in the war. It is true he at first favoured the 
 Royal cause, and was one of those who attended 
 the Assembly at Oxford which Charles called a 
 Parliament. He had, however, contented himself 
 with a sort of neutrality, pleasing nobody and being 
 respected by both parties. It was this which occa- 
 sioned Rupert to ask him to come to Shrewsbury, 
 which he declined on account, as we have seen 
 before, of the " course of physic he had entered 
 upon." No sooner had Sir Thomas Myddelton en- 
 tered the town than he summoned the castle, which 
 was instantly surrendered. Myddelton entered it 
 with his men, and placed there in safety their 
 newly-acquired store of ammunition. Lord Herbert 
 continued to reside in it, and, for aught we know, 
 was right glad to welcome the Parliament forces. 
 Knowing well enough that an attempt would be 
 made to gain this important fortress, Myddclton's 
 first concern was to bring in a stock of provisions 
 for the garrison, so that they might be prepared, 
 if necessary, to undergo a prolonged siege. But 
 while he was about this, and before he had accom- 
 plished it, Sir Michael Emely, with all the avail- 
 able forces of horse and foot out of Shrewsbury 
 and the adjacent Royalist garrisons, came upon him 
 suddenly and put him to route. The foot under 
 Colonel Mytton sought shelter within the castle, 
 and Sir Thomas Myddelton withdrew with his 
 horse to Oswestry, being pursued a part of the
 
 And the Marches. 249 
 
 way, in which pursuit he sustained the loss of a few CHAP. 
 stragglers. A close siege was now laid to the town 
 earthworks were thrown up, trenches dug, and 
 every preparation made to reduce the place. The 
 position of those within was a desperate one ; but 
 disappointed as Myddelton must have been, he saw 
 there was no time to be lost. Sir John Meldrum 
 had considerable forces in Lancashire, and to 
 him Sir Thomas at once proceeded, where he re- 
 ceived every encouragement. Liverpool could not 
 be stormed, and Meldrum could well afford to 
 withdraw a large body to go to the relief of Mont- 
 gomery. This he accordingly did. Sir William 
 Fairfax also came with some forces from Yorkshire, 
 and Sir William Brereton brought with him all 
 the Cheshire foot. These joined to Sir Thomas's 
 horse formed a goodly army of some 3,000. They 
 came in sight of Montgomery on the 17th of the 
 month, and found that Ernely's Shrewsbury forces 
 had been strengthened by the whole power of Lord 
 Byron out of Chester, and by Colonel Wodehouse 
 out of Ludlow. In fact, the whole strength of the 
 Eoyalists in J^"orth Wales and the borders had 
 been brought together. They were under the com- 
 mand of Lord Byron, and numbered between four 
 and five thousand. The importance of the issue was 
 well understood on both sides. On the approach 
 of the Parliament party Lord Byron withdrew from 
 his position before the toAvn, leaving, however, a 
 sufficient complement of men in the trenches to 
 guard their works, and ascended the hill above 
 the town, a position of some advantage. The Par- 
 liamentary army occupied the ground which he 
 deserted. In this position they remained during
 
 250 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHA.P. the night. At a Council of the Parliamentary 
 - leaders it was decided not to give the offensive, 
 but to try first of all to re-victual the town. For 
 this purpose nearly a third part of the horse was 
 dispatched to bring in provisions and to secure 
 forage. The absence of this foraging party gave 
 the Royalists an opportunity to assume the offen- 
 sive, and descending the heights they dashed on 
 most bravely, intending to cut off their enemy's 
 retreat by taking possession of a bridge across 
 the Severn, which had fallen into the hands of 
 the Roundheads the night before. In the first 
 onslaught fortune favoured the Royalists Sir John 
 Meldrum's horse were forced back again and again, 
 but each time rallied, and for some time the issue 
 was doubtful. Even when it came to the "push 
 of the pike" our fixed bayonets the advantage 
 was on Lord Byron's side. The battle grew des- 
 perate. Officers and men on each side conducted 
 themselves with great bravery : the Cheshire foot 
 especially, who, having to contend with perhaps 
 the finest foot in England, " carried themselves 
 more like lions than men." Sir William Fairfax 
 so far engaged himself that, he was taken prisoner, 
 but was rescued by some of his own party. The 
 brave soldier had, however, received a wound which 
 proved mortal his death happening the next day. 
 The Royalists ultimately were completely routed. 
 They fled in all directions and were pursued. In 
 their retreat their loss was immense many were 
 slain and numbers made prisoners. The latter were 
 brought back to Montgomery. During the fight the 
 besieged soldiers under Mytton issued forth, and 
 dealt furiously with such of the enemy as had
 
 And the Marches. 251 
 
 been left in the trenches. The loss of the Parlia- CHAP. 
 
 V. 
 
 mcnt army was less than the severity of the fight 
 
 XOvfti 
 
 would lead one to suppose. Their greatest loss 
 was Sir William Fairfax and Major Fitz Simons. 
 Of common soldiers they admit a loss of about 
 sixty, while all accounts place that of the Cavaliers 
 at 500 slain, including several officers, and be- 
 tween 1,200 and 1,500 prisoners. Among the 
 prisoners, too, were officers of distinction : Colonel 
 Broughton, who had landed in the winter from Ire- 
 land, Sir Thomas Tilsley, who had been sent down 
 by the King from Oxford, and others. Nearly all 
 the enemy's horse managed to escape those under 
 Byron flying to Chester, those under Hunckcs be- 
 taking themselves to Shrewsbury. 1 Arthur Trevor's 
 account of this battle is highly to the discredit 
 of his party. " Our men," says he, "ran shame- 
 fully when they had no cause of fear, so that we 
 are ordained to be the mocldng-stock of war." 
 lie further says that " not a hundred foot came 
 off." 2 
 
 The importance of this victory could not be 
 over-rated. The power of the Eoyalists in North 
 "Wales was destroyed ; Chester, Shrewsbury, and 
 Ludlow greatly endangered, and that portion of the 
 army of the north under Langdale, which was on 
 its way to the King, weakened and dispersed ; whilo 
 the demoralization which generally attends a defeat 
 would soon begin to pervade the wreck which yet 
 held together. Saddened by the loss of so brave a 
 
 1 " Letters from Sir William Brereton, &c , of the great Victory, by 
 God's Providence, given thtm in raising the Siege before Montgomery 
 Castle, &c." (K. P. 1744.) Sec vol. ii., Document Ix. A. . c. and i>. 
 
 - Carte's Collection of Letters, i., p. 61. Vol. ii., Document Is. F.
 
 252 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, general as Sir William Fairfax, the exultation of 
 - ^ the victors, though deep, was not boisterous, and 
 the victory was not so much attributed to the skill 
 of man as it was to the Providence of God, whose 
 agency the Puritans discovered in every occurrence 
 of life, whether on the battle-field or in the closet. 
 
 Having settled matters at Montgomery the Par- 
 liamentary Generals discussed their future move- 
 ments. Some of the Salopians had held out in- 
 ducements for them to proceed to Shrewsbury, on 
 the ground that inside the town there was a large 
 party who only wanted an opportunity to show 
 their affection for the Parliament, and that most of 
 the inhabitants were sick of the Irish who had 
 eaten up the place. Sir John Meldrum fully in- 
 tended to act upon this information, and only gave 
 it up when he learnt that Colonel Hunckes had 
 reached the town with his horse in safety. A suffi- 
 cient garrison having been left at Montgomery, under 
 the command of Sir Thomas Myddelton, Meldrum 
 and Brereton quitted the place the former to attend 
 personally to the siege of Liverpool, the latter to 
 further the interest of the Parliament in Cheshire, 
 and, if possible, to lay siege to the City of Chester. 
 Colonel Mytton also quitted the castle, and returned 
 to Oswestry, of which he had been appointed 
 Governor. Leaving each engaged in his own design 
 we will now take a look at matters in South "Wales. 
 
 In August we left Gerard in Pembrokeshire, 
 where he kept strict watch over Laugharne and his 
 party, who were confined to Pembroke and Tenby. 
 Baulked in his attempt to reduce these two strong- 
 holds, Gerard practised his cruelties to his heart's 
 content in the surrounding neighbourhood, and dis-
 
 And the Marches. 253 
 
 tressed the inhabitants very much. Nothing was CHAP. 
 safe from him. Life had no sacrcdness in his eyes, * ~ - ' 
 
 1G14 
 
 and property no rights. It mattered little to him 
 on whom he practised his villanies. The offensive 
 and offeneeless were alike ill-treated and plundered, 
 and in the Irish who had come over to him, and 
 who were eager to avenge Swanley's u water-rats," 
 he had as heartless a set of savage blood-hounds as 
 he could have wished. The wail of the suffering 
 occasionally reached London, but the Parliament 
 at this time was powerless to assist them. No 
 succour could be sent to Laugharne beyond such 
 help as the fleet could give. Captain Monlton was 
 assiduous to do all he could, but he* was unable to 
 put a stop to Gerard's ravages. From a letter of 
 the 21st September, from a person of credit in Pem- 
 brokeshire to a friend in London, is extracted the 
 following picture, painful to a degree. It might 
 be a little over-coloured, but there is sufficient 
 evidence to prove Gerard a man who, possessing 
 the brutal courage, lacked the honour of the soldier 
 and gentleman, and was devoid of anything approach- 
 ing humane feelings. 
 
 "The barbarous and cruel enemy drive away 
 our cattle, rifle our houses to the bare walls. All 
 provisions of victuals, where they come, carried away 
 or destroyed. Divers villages and country towns, 
 being neither garrisons nor any annoyance to the 
 enemy, burnt down to the ground. The standing- 
 corn they burn and destroy. All sexes and degrees 
 [are] stripped naked by the enemy aged and un- 
 armed. Persons inhumanly murdered in cold blood, 
 and others half-hanged, and afterwards stigmatized, 
 and their flesh burnt off their bodies to the bare
 
 254 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, bones, and yet suffered in great torture to live." * 
 - ~ - "Well might that newspaper exclaim, " If this be 
 not cruelty I appeal to the malignants who read it." 
 Of its truth hundreds, it says, could depose. It 
 is a serious indictment to bring against a soldier, 
 and if it stood on the bare testimony of a letter, 
 could hardly be credited ; but it receives sufficient 
 confirmation at the hands of our indignant country- 
 men, who had seen their country bleeding long 
 enough, and who accused Gerard of inhumanity 
 in the presence of the King, when in a voice not 
 to be misunderstood they demanded that he should 
 be removed from the command. 2 I very much 
 regret to find that one Welshman a man of 
 learning and position is said to have backed 
 Gerard in his heartless conduct, and surpassed 
 him, as it is alleged, in cunning .and craftiness. 
 Says an old newspaper 3 " There is a lawyer in 
 Wales whom they write is the patron of this 
 villany, and what the barbarous soldier cannot 
 act, he endeavours by attainder to take away 
 their lives, indicting Major-General Laugharne and 
 the rest of the gentry, of high treason. The 
 man's name is David Jenkins .... who 
 in times of peace lived like a heathen 
 and swore like a devil." Of David Jenkins we 
 shall say no more here than that he was judge 
 for the three counties of Carmarthen, Pembroke, 
 and Cardigan, who lived at Hensoll, in Glamor- 
 ganshire. But by-and-by he will engage our at- 
 tention. To the Welsh generally it is due to 
 
 1 The Kingdom's Weekly Intelligencer, No. 77, 15-23 October. 
 
 2 This -will be noticed when Charles's visit to Cardiff in 1645 will to 
 discussed. 
 
 3 Weekly Intelligencer, suprn.
 
 And the Marches. 255 
 
 state that in Gerard's forces there does not ap- CHAP. 
 
 V. 
 
 pi'ar to have been any great number of Welsh- 
 
 men. It was chiefly composed of English soldiers 
 and those who had come over from Ireland. A few 
 Welshmen, however, held commission under Gerard 
 Henry Stradling being one of them. The hatred 
 to the Irish now became daily more violent. The 
 press in London constantly upbraided them, and 
 they are credited with having had the chief hand 
 in the cruelties- practised in Pembrokeshire. And 
 the anger of the Parliament against them became 
 intensified by such reports. Their influx into North 
 Wales had undoubtedly protracted the war there, 
 and now a large body of them had landed in Scot- 
 land, and had chosen Montrose as their chief, and 
 under him were perpetrating unheard of ravages 
 in the North. These were the men who had 
 massacred the Protestants in Ireland. They were 
 fighting for the King. The King, therefore, could 
 not have been sincere in his attempt to put them 
 down after the Irish massacre, and was no,v 
 doubtless in league with them to exterminate 
 Protestantism in England. Thus the Eoundheads 
 reasoned, and if to us their reasoning appears 
 foolish, it should be remembered that we can 
 hardly realize the feelings which the exciting events 
 of that period engendered. No wonder that a spirit 
 of determinate enmity towards the King, whose 
 army swarmed with Irish, should pervade the 
 mass of the people. " The sword in England," 
 threatened the Kingdoms Weekly Intelligencer^ "will 
 never be sheathed till his Majesty repent of the 
 favor to, and continuance of the bloody Irish, whom 
 
 1 No. 77. 15-22 October.
 
 256 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, his Majesty calls his loving subjects " ; and the 
 -^ popular clamour culminated in the Parliament pass- 
 
 1644. 
 
 ing an ordinance ol a most severe character, com- 
 manding that no officer or soldier, by sea or land, 
 should give any quarter to any Irishman, or Papist 
 born in Ireland, who should be taken in arms 
 against the Parliament in England. This ordinance, 
 which militates against all the rules of civilized 
 warfare, and which certainly cannot under any cir- 
 cumstances be defended, was afterwards in some 
 instances carried into effect, and made the war far 
 more bloody and desperate than it had hitherto 
 been, giving rise to a spirit of cruel retaliation, 
 which utterly demoralized many of those engaged 
 in the war. But setting aside the execution of 
 this terrible ordinance, the conduct of the Parlia- 
 mentary officers in "Wales and in England had been 
 humane, and almost totally free from reproach, 
 against whom, as Hallam truly says (except in 
 carrying out the above ordinance), there can " cer- 
 tainly no imputation of this nature be laid." 1 
 
 "We have already seen that Prince Eupcrt upon his 
 arrival gave out that he expected forces from South 
 "Wales. The Parliament newspapers rather ridiculed 
 the idea of Eupert being reinforced by Gerard, 
 who they thought had sufficient work on his hands 
 in Pembrokeshire; but they were mistaken. The 
 Prince had already sent word to Gerard of his 
 necessitous condition, and commanding him to move 
 eastward with the least possible delay ; and Gerard 
 had succeeded so well in his enterprise in South 
 Wales, having driven his enemies fairly to their 
 last retreat, that he felt himself in a position, 
 
 2 Const. His 1 ., ii., 178.
 
 And the Marches. 257 
 
 without as ho thought endangering the King's in- CHAP. 
 terests in those parts, to comply with the Prince's ^ - 
 command ; and prepared to move eastwards accord- 
 ingly. Sir Marmaduke Langdale, whose course had 
 been seriously interrupted, and whose loss had been 
 considerable, was also on the march, and had 
 brought the wreck of his army into Herefordshire 
 and Monmouthshire with the intent to push onwards 
 to Bristol. To avoid a too long and circuitous 
 march preparations were made at the command of 
 the Prince to secure the passage of the Severn at 
 Aust, near Portskewet. Sir John Winter, whose 
 knowledge of the country was of great service, was 
 placed in command of a party of horse and foot 
 transported from Bristol to Beachley, for the purpose 
 of erecting such fortifications at the latter place 
 as should be deemed necessary to secure the pas- 
 sage from molestation. 
 
 Intelligence of this movement had reached the 
 Committee of Safety in London. To prevent the 
 junction of Langdale, Gerard, and Eupcrt was of 
 importance, and the more especially because the 
 position of the Parliamentary army in the "West 
 was in danger enough without the King receiving 
 any additional forces. Colonel Massey was at once 
 instructed to use every diligence in frustrating the 
 enemy's plan, which he immediately prepared to 
 do. But he was forestalled by the Eoyalists, for 
 already Sir John Winter had crossed the passage 
 and had been busy with his men about 500 in 
 number in fortifying Beachley. They had been 
 four days at work when Massey arrived. His 
 inarch had not been unmolested, for the enemy 
 out of Chepstow, some 600 strong, attempted to 
 
 17
 
 258 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, interrupt his progress ; but in this they failed. 
 
 " ' Early in the morning after his arrival Massey suc- 
 cessfully assaulted the works, captured many pri- 
 soners, and such as were not made prisoners only 
 escaped by means of boats. 
 
 Finding his object realized so easily, Massey 
 was loath to withdraw from that part of the country 
 without doing some service of a more signal 
 character. The County of Monmouth, mainly 
 through the influence of Eaglan Castle, had hitherto 
 been eminently loyal, and had contributed men 
 and money in aid of the King in a greater degree 
 perhaps than any other single county. All the 
 castles were garrisoned by the Eoyalists, as were 
 also many private houses. Waller early in the 
 war had made a dashing incursion into the county, 
 and before his superior ability the less skilful com- 
 manders which the county produced had been forced 
 to give way, and the gates of the towns had been 
 thrown open to him; but as he was called away, 
 and was not able to leave any garrisons behind, no 
 permanent benefit to the cause of the Parliament 
 had resulted from his raid. Massey had but a few 
 men with him : his whole force, horse and foot, did 
 not exceed 600 men, but they were all thorough 
 veterans in war, and like Massey himself they 
 fought in defence of a cause which they considered 
 just; but against overwhelming numbers, for the 
 entire forces of the county could be concentrated 
 and brought to bear against him within a day, he 
 must have felt it almost hopeless for him to com- 
 bat, and would have gone back probably, however 
 reluctant he would have felt, to Gloucester, had 
 not an unexpected circumstance changed his chances.
 
 And the Marches. 259 
 
 In the town of Monmouth at this time was a CHAP. 
 
 V. 
 
 Lieut. -Colonel Kyrle. He had taken arms originally ^TTr" 
 for the Parliament, whose commission he held. 
 Upon the loss of Bristol he deserted his cause, and 
 joined the Royalists, and, with an inconstancy which 
 is to say the least discreditable, he now determined 
 to go back to his old friends, and to offer as a 
 peace-oifering the betrayal of Monmouth. So it 
 was arranged between him and Massey that the 
 latter should pretend to go back to England, and 
 Kyrle would follow him as if to fall upon his rear, 
 and that Kyrle would then go back to Monmouth 
 with a body of Massey's men ostensibly as pri- 
 soners, who on their entry would seize the senti- 
 nels. In furtherance of this plan Massey gave 
 orders for retreat, and marched eastwards, but 
 stopped some three miles on the forest side of Mon- 
 mouth. Intelligence having come to Monmouth, 
 Kyrle drew out at the head of a small number 
 of soldiers, and under cover of night approached 
 Massey's ambuscade. They were surprised, and 
 marched back towards the town. But the plan 
 was nearly frustrated. Kyrle' s cornet, not privy 
 to the plot, escaped back into Monmouth and gave 
 the alarm. The town was immediately on the alert, 
 and the drawbridge drawn in. But wlien Kyrle 
 appeared as victor, with a number of pretended 
 prisoners, the bridge, after some debate, for some 
 suspicion seems to have prevailed, was let down, 
 and Kyrle and his party, with a few of Massey's 
 men, were let in. The bridge was again drawn 
 up. The men who had come in with Kyrle now 
 began to doubt him, but it seems unjustly, for at 
 his instigation they fell upon the guard at the
 
 260 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, bridge, overpowered them, and so let in the main 
 >-~^ body. After some struggle the town was mastered 
 the Governor, Colonel Holtby, and most of the 
 garrison, favoured by the night, which was dark 
 and wet, made their escape. This was on the 
 26th of September. 
 
 The news of the loss of Monmouth spread 
 rapidly throughout the county, and caused no little 
 commotion. This was a place, in the opinion of 
 many, which formed the very key to South Wales. It 
 certainly was of great consequence to the surround- 
 ing parts, and its occupation by the rebels could 
 not but prove ruinous to the royal cause there- 
 abouts. The very sense of insecurity made the 
 county gentry to coalesce, and to forget for the 
 nonce their petty jealousies. But the mass of 
 the people, in face of the continued successes of 
 the Parliamentary party, and the uncertainty of the 
 issue, were growing tired of war. They had already 
 suffered enough. Their possessions had been drained, 
 and scarcely a cot in the county but had tasted of 
 the bitterness of so bloody a conflict, so that the 
 influence of the gentry was much on the wane. I 
 believe most of them still were thoroughly loyal, 
 but between them and the unprincipled and un- 
 scrupulous Cavalier there was nothing in common. 
 The Cavaliers could no more understand the rational 
 constancy and loyalty of the Welsh than they could 
 forego their roystering proclivities. Hence I find 
 that whenever the English Cavalier spoke of the 
 Welsh loyalist he invariably did so with disrespect 
 and contumely. Thus Samuel Tuko, writing to 
 Prince Rupert from Llantarnarn, in the County of 
 Momnouth, on the 30th September, four days after
 
 And the Marches. 261 
 
 the loss of Monmouth, says " that there could be CHAP 
 
 no trust in the country gentry greater part nigling 
 
 traitors." 1 Doubtless Tuke's conduct was not re- 
 ciprocated by the Welsh gentry, and hence the 
 vituperation ; but it is hardly fair to the loyalists 
 of Monmouthshire, who spared neither kith nor 
 kin to aid the royal cause, to be thus maligned, 
 simply because they were probably sick and weary 
 of a struggle that had cost them so much, and not 
 so enthusiastic as a soldier of fortune, whose very 
 existence depended on the continuance of bloodshed. 
 But when he added that " their tenants rise, disarm, 
 and wound their men for coming to quarters con- 
 signed to them," he wrote what was probably the 
 bare truth. And who can blame them. Already 
 ruined by the levies made upon them, their houses 
 no longer their homes, with unscrupulous soldiers 
 free-billeted upon them, and exasperated by the 
 conduct of the Cavaliers, they were heartily sick, 
 as the peasantry generally are, of the ravages of 
 war, and they yearned for peace. Is it surprising 
 to find that they now made a stand against the 
 further billeting of soldiers, seeing that their 
 goods had been plundered, their means wasted, their 
 daughters ruined, and they themselves abused and 
 often cruelly ill-treated ? The Marquis of Worcester 
 however, still possessed great influence in the county, 
 and his loyalty never waned. So he called to his 
 assistance the loyalists in the county. Some of 
 Langdale's men from the North had reached this 
 part of the country, and their appearance was hailed 
 with joy. Forming together a body of some 500 
 horse and about 1,000 foot, they proceeded towards 
 
 1 Warburtun's Rupert, i., 52<3.
 
 262 Civil War in WaUs 
 
 CHAP. Monmouth, and were met by Massey, whom fortune 
 ^ once more befriended. The Cavaliers were beaten, 
 many of the Welshmen taken prisoners, some 
 officers slain, and Sir William Blaxton himself was 
 wounded. Massey was anxious to propitiate the 
 Welsh, and he took steps to explain to them the 
 object of the Parliament, "which was not to de- 
 stroy or enslave their persons, or take away their 
 goods, but to preserve their lives and fortunes, to 
 open the course of justice and free them of their 
 heavy burdens." He treated them with kindness, 
 and afterwards sent them home, everyone with a 
 little letter to his master of a like effect. The 
 Welsh after this "began to entertain better thoughts 
 of the Parliament party." * 
 
 The Eoyalists, though taken aback, were by no 
 means disheartened at the repulse they had received. 
 From day to day they harassed the outposts, and 
 gave much annoyance, and it became necessary for 
 Massey to extend his outposts and to strengthen 
 them. Many of the neighbouring houses were 
 therefore stocked with soldiers. In one of these 
 Wonastow House, then the seat of Mr. Milburn, 
 some ten foot soldiers and about sixty horse were 
 stationed. The enemy suddenly came against them 
 and stormed the house. Those within were very 
 short of ammunition, and would have fallen into 
 the hands of the enemy had it not been for the 
 alertness of a servant maid, who supplied them 
 with two six-pound bags of powder. This, with 
 lead out of the windows and the pewter pots which 
 they melted, enabled them to keep back their at- 
 tackers until timely aid came from Monmouth to 
 
 1 Rush worth's Hist. Collections.
 
 And the Marches. 263 
 
 relieve them. The Royalists were again worsted : CHAP. 
 three officers, Major Somerset, Capt. Bacon, and ^~- 
 another Major were slain, and Capt. Lewis and some 
 forty soldiers made prisoners. Those who fled were 
 pursued over Winster Bridge. In this conflict a large 
 quantity of arms fell into the victor's hands, " so 
 that muskets were sold at sixpence a piece." The 
 Royalists were commanded by Sir Trevor Williams 
 of Llangiby, whom we shall presently see for the 
 Parliament, and ultimately suspected even by the 
 latter whom Cromwell characterised as a "blus- 
 tering blade." The horse engaged were some of 
 Rupert's own, and the foot "poor forced "Welshmen, 
 whom the horse pricked forward with their sword 
 points." In the house Capt. Bailey, a Stroud man, 
 and Lieutenant Page, a Scotchman, were the officers. 
 The maid was rewarded for her valuable service. 
 The Governor of Monmouth not only gave her two 
 pieces of money, and took her into his service, but 
 even kissed her for the good service she did ! Fancy 
 the stern old Puritan so relaxing his austerity and 
 kissing the buxom wench ! The whole war, I trow, 
 produces no picture like it. It is the only act of 
 gallantry which in my whole reading, and that has 
 been extensive, I find a Puritan to have been guilty 
 of. And it is the more refreshing on that account. 
 The Cavaliers romped and flirted and dallied with 
 the women. Such conduct was levity in the eyes 
 of the Roundheads. It is a noteworthy fact, this 
 kissing of the maid by such a stern sullen warrior. l 
 Massey's victories were much thought of in Lon- 
 don. All the newspapers spoke in the highest terms 
 of his successes. His defeat of Lord Herbert, with 
 
 1 The Country Messenger, No. 2, October 11. (K. P. 176 14.)
 
 264 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, some 1,500 men, was a matter of great exultation. 
 
 - ' Massey wrote most hopefully. To conquer the 
 m ' whole of South "Wales ail he asked was a reinforce- 
 ment of about a thousand horse and some five hun- 
 dred foot. The press advocated his cause; but it 
 was difficult at this time to send him succour, and 
 I am not aware that he ever received the aid he 
 sought. 
 
 Bed Castle, the seat of Lord Powis, a strong 
 fortress overlooking Welshpool, attracted the atten- 
 tion of the Parliamentarians after the capture of 
 Montgomery. Into it had been poured for safe 
 keeping the valuables and wealth of the surrounding 
 country. Many of the gentry had also quitted 
 their own houses to seek shelter within its walls. 
 Meldrum, on departing from Montgomery, sum- 
 moned Lord Powis to give in his adherence to the 
 Parliament. The summons was, however, treated 
 with contempt, and Meldrum passed on his way 
 to Liverpool. The Lord Powis was by no means 
 content with a passive loyalty. He had not done 
 much heretofore, but now he began to harass the 
 scouts from Montgomery, sent out to bring in pro- 
 visions. The position of the castle was important. 
 It obstructed the free passage from Oswestry to 
 Montgomery, and interrupted communications be- 
 tween those places. There were sufficient reasons, 
 therefore, for an attempt to reduce it. Late in 
 September Sir Thomas Myddclton summoned to 
 his assistance the surrounding country, who showed 
 a readiness beyond expectation. On Monday, the 
 last day of the month, he advanced with about 
 300 horse and 100 foot from Montgomery to 
 "Wclshpool, where he quartered Monday night and
 
 And the Marches. 265 
 
 the whole of Tuesday. Wednesday night the moon CHAP. 
 shone forth, and by its light they drew near to the - - 
 castle ; but waited until about two o'clock for the 
 moon's going down before they commenced the attack. 
 They then approached the precincts. It was a for- 
 midable fortress. The gates were all down. But 
 the rich booty within made the party anxious and 
 impatient for an assault. The master-gunner (one 
 John Arundel) was ordered to place a petarre 
 against the gate. This was fired, and the gate 
 burst open. A sharp struggle followed. Those 
 who were . within offered every possible resistance, 
 but to no purpose. The interior of the castle was 
 soon reached, the valuable stores rummaged, and 
 the Lord Powis, with his brother, two sons, and a 
 large number of officers and men, were made pri- 
 soners. The castle was found to be well stored with 
 sufficient provision to maintain a prolonged siege. 1 
 
 By this Sir Thomas Myddelton had pretty well 
 quieted affairs in that part of the country. The 
 gentry came round to him in great numbers, and 
 the people generally were only too glad at the 
 chance of security. Sir Thomas wrote exultantly 
 to London, where his services were duly appre- 
 ciated. Having placed a garrison at Powis Castle, 
 he returned to Montgomery, of which place he 
 appointed Sir John Price of Newtown the Gover- 
 nor, and leaving with the latter such a garrison as 
 he could spare, Sir Thomas departed for Oswestry. 
 
 Sir John Price was assiduous in his new office. 
 Originally a staunch Royalist, he was keen enough 
 to see which way the tide was turning, and he took it 
 
 ' True Informer, No. 49, Oct. 512. Kingdom's Weekly Intelligencer, 
 No. 76. (K. P. 176-17 and 23.)
 
 V. 
 
 1^" , -^n 
 
 1644. 
 
 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, at the flood and found himself in a responsible 
 position. Soon after I find him writing to London 
 that the people thereabouts were all giving in their 
 adherence to the Parliament, and that he was hope- 
 ful soon to be in a position to do " something for 
 the assistance of his neighbours of Pembrokeshire." 1 
 This account is confirmed by Sir Michael Ernley, 
 who, writing to Prince Eupert from Shrewsbury 
 on the "21st of September, states that "since the 
 disaster at Montgomery the edge of the gentry is 
 very much blunted the country's loyalty strangely 
 abated. They begin to warp to the enemy's party. " a 
 Shrewsbury was next looked after by Sir Thomas 
 Myddelton. This town from the very outbreak of 
 the war had been loyal to the King. Charles at a 
 very early period in the struggle made it his tem- 
 porary head-quarters. And it was there that Prince 
 Eupert, while in command of Wales, made his 
 head-quarters. Nevertheless, there was a con- 
 siderable party in the town who were firm be- 
 lievers in the justice of the Parliament's cause. 
 Many of them had suffered much in consequence. 
 The gaol was filled with them. Their property 
 had been confiscated and themselves subjected to 
 great indignities. From time to time these had 
 found means to communicate with the Parlia- 
 mentary leaders in the neighbourhood. The Earl 
 of Denbigh early in the summer had been implored 
 to assault the place, and assured that the friends 
 within would render what aid they could. Sir John 
 Meldrum, when he came before Montgomery, had 
 the same request and assurance repeated to him, 
 
 1 London Post, No. 9, October 16. (K. P. 1774.) 
 
 2 Warburton's Rupert, L, 519.
 
 And the Marches. 267 
 
 and so had Sir Thomas Myddelton. But the place CHAP. 
 in itself was strong. It was also well garrisoned. ^ 
 There the flower of the Irish army, which had 
 come over in the preceding winter, had made their 
 head-quarters, to the no little discomfort of the in- 
 habitants. These, it is true, had been thinned and 
 weakened very much of late. Still the force within 
 was strong, and an assault upon the town would 
 probably end in disaster. So Sir Thomas did not 
 essay it. Around the town several of the more im- 
 portant county houses had been garrisoned. Most 
 of these outposts Myddelton now captured, and by 
 the end of October his success had been such that 
 all the passages to Shrewsbury, save along the 
 Severn from Bridgnorth, were blocked up, 1 and 
 even this passage was all but blocked up by Colonel 
 Mytton, by his taking a few days afterwards nigh 
 Ercall, the seat of the Lord Newport, which is 
 situated somewhat to the south-east of Shrewsbury, 
 and between that place and Bridgnorth, " by 
 which means they have blocked up the river Severn, 
 and driven them into that extremity that neither 
 barge nor boat can pass down to "Worcester; and 
 by the taking of Eed Castle the Severn is blocked 
 up on that side also, so that now no relief can 
 come from Wales to Shrewsbury by water." 2 About 
 this time also Colonel Mytton heard that Sir 
 William Yaughan had issued out of Shrawardine. 
 For what purpose does not appear. This Sir W". 
 Vaughau was one of the staunchest loyalists in the 
 country. He had been unflinching in his adherence 
 to the King, and had been appointed the governor 
 
 1 Mercurius Civtcus, No. 73. (K.P. 176 6.) 
 
 2 The London Post, No. 10, October 23. (K. P. 177 18 )
 
 268 Civil War in'JVa/cs 
 
 CHAP, of that castle. Ho had for a long time harassed 
 *- ' the Parliamentarians in those parts, and is said 
 
 lOofxt 
 
 to have not been over-scrupulous as to his mode 
 of putting down his opponents and confiscating 
 their property. Mytton, who was always vigilant, 
 hearing that he had come out of his castle at once 
 proceeded in the direction. Coming suddenly upon 
 them, they were surprised and taken prisoners 
 Sir William himself being of the number, along 
 with twelve other officers. Mytton was very 
 anxious to effect the capture of the castle, and 
 thought if he brought the Governor a prisoner be- 
 fore it, the men within would surrender. A par- 
 ley ensued. Sir William Vaughan was allowed to 
 go in to treat, but I am sorry to say he broke his 
 parole, caused the bridge to be drawn up, and re- 
 fused to come forth. If this is true, it was not a 
 creditable act. And in all the war, I am happy 
 to say, but a very few officers sacrificed their honour 
 in that way. Mytton was not powerful enough to 
 attack the place, so he withdrew, taking with him 
 the other officers whom he had made prisoners. 1 
 
 Meanwhile Sir William Brereton was watchful 
 around Chester. By the great defeat at Mont- 
 gomery Lord Byron had lost the bulk of his 
 soldiers, and the position of the city was not en- 
 viable. The citizens who had already suffered much 
 from the war were now pressed to the service. On 
 the 8th of October a slight skirmish took place 
 at Tarvin, at v/hich Brereton was the victor. Of 
 the Eoyalist forces it is said some sixty were made 
 prisoners, "many of them being citizens, for they 
 
 1 No. 51, True Informer , stipra.
 
 And the Marches. 2G9 
 
 have few soldiers there besides the inhabitants." 1 CHAP. 
 
 v. 
 
 Brereton now had it pretty well his own way. -- 
 
 Passage after passage he blocked up. Means of 
 communication between the city and the outlying 
 posts were cut off. Even the foraging parties 
 sent out were constantly harassed. The unfortunate 
 city was nearly surrounded by the enemy, and the 
 miseries of a siege were even now beginning to 
 be felt within the walls. 
 
 There were many reasons why Col. Gerard should 
 at this time quit Pembrokeshire. He had the direct 
 command of Prince Rupert to lose no time to come 
 to him at Bristol, or to join the King's forces. 
 This order was sent early in September, but could 
 not then be obeyed. Some preparations were 
 necessary, and it was requisite he should in a 
 measure settle affairs there before he took his 
 departure. But when he heard of Massey's vic- 
 torious march into Monmouthshire he saw that if 
 he did not exercise great diligence his passage to 
 the King would be prevented. He also knew 
 too well that his own tyrannical conduct in South 
 "Wales had embittered most of the inhabitants against 
 him : so that if Massey moved westwards he could 
 count upon little help from the Welsh. He there- 
 fore decided upon quitting Pembrokeshire. Leav- 
 ing such garrisons as he could afford, he passed 
 through Carmarthenshire and Glamorganshire, and 
 entered Monmouthshire. His object was not to 
 fight with Massey, but rather to avoid him and 
 so proceed to the King, who had by this time 
 returned from Cornwall, and was hovering between 
 Worcester and Oxford. Gerard's presence in the 
 
 1 London Post, No. 10. (K. P. 17718.)
 
 270 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, county, at the head of a considerable force by 
 ' ~- some stated to be somewhere between three and 
 
 1644. 
 
 four thousand men was inspiriting to the Boyalists. 
 Sir John Winter came over from Bristol with over 
 500 men to attempt again the work in which he 
 had, as we have seen, been rudely interrupted. 
 The passage across the Severn at Beachley was by 
 him and Prince Eupert deemed to be worthy of 
 a more serious struggle than the last. Their object 
 was to have a place at which they could securely 
 land a force from Bristol and the West, so as to 
 inteiTupt communication between Gloucester and 
 Monmouth. Beachley is a long strip of land 
 which pushes into the Severn estuary a considerable 
 distance, and situated between the mouth of the 
 Wye and the Severn channel. A deep trench 
 across would join the two rivers, and as ships 
 could ride there with comparative safety, once the 
 place was properly strengthened, it would by no 
 means be difficult to keep. And if Gerard and 
 Winter had arranged to be assisting each other 
 there can be no doubt whatever that the fortify- 
 ing of the place would have been eifected. But 
 there appears to have been no concerted action 
 between them at all. Massey, however, in the ab- 
 sence of any action of Gerard, was allowed to send 
 out a party of some 100 musketeers and about 
 eight troops of horses by night to Clurewell, where 
 they expected reinforcement from Newnham. The 
 next evening, the 14th of October, they approached 
 Beachley. Here they found the works in a 
 state of considerable progress. Every precaution 
 against a surprisal from land had been made. Ships 
 rode in both rivers with ordnance ready pointed
 
 And the Marches. 271 
 
 inland. The line was guarded by "hammer-guns CHAP. 
 
 and murtherers," placed on the flanks on both sides. 
 
 To attack the place at high water, when the ships 
 were in position to guard the works effectually, 
 would be madness. Nothing was done that night, 
 but low water in the morning gave an opportunity. 
 Massey himself at the head of a small party at 
 dawn forced some pallisadoes, which enabled some 
 foot and the Forlorn Hope to enter. The quickset 
 fence, however, was lined with musketeers, who at 
 once began to pour their volleys upon them. But 
 Massey, notwithstanding the desperate position he 
 was in, and the rough usage he sustained, his 
 " head -piece" or helmet being knocked off by the 
 butt-end of a musket, fought stoutly, and his horse 
 coming to his rescue, the victory was theirs. Some 
 200 soldiers were made prisoners, and several 
 officers. Sir John Winter escaped, but with great 
 difficulty. Throwing himself over a ledge of rock, 
 he dropped into a boat which was in readiness for 
 him, and made off. 
 
 Gerard evading Massey passed by Usk to 
 Abergavenny, and thence made his way towards 
 Worcester, whence it was supposed he intended 
 to join the King, who had but a few days before, 
 after a disastrous defeat at Newbury, retreated to 
 Oxford for his winter quarters. Instantly the 
 Committee in London heard of Gerard's movement 
 they ordered Massey to thwart his design, and to 
 hold himself in readiness to join with the main 
 body of the Parliament forces. This was on the 
 10th of November. Massey lost no time in obeying 
 superior orders. Quitting Monmouth with only his 
 own regiment of horse, he proceeded to Evesham,
 
 272 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, but Gerard was there before him, and, moreover, too 
 
 V. 
 
 * powerful to be attacked. And what was worse 
 
 1644. 
 
 than all, he had the mortification there to learn 
 that Monmouth, which, during his absence, he had 
 entrusted to the care of Major Throgmorton, had 
 been retaken by the Koyalists. 1 The Major, anxious 
 perhaps to win laurels for himself, and blind to the 
 prospect of there being any danger for Monmouth, 
 marched with some 300 men towards Chepstow on 
 Sunday, the 17th of November, with the intention 
 of attacking the castle. In the town of Monmouth 
 were many Royalists, some of whom were tenants 
 of the Raglan family. These sent information of 
 the defencless state of the town to the Lord 
 Herbert. The latter instantly sent for help to 
 Col. Progers, the Governor of Abergavenny, and to 
 Sir Trevor Williams of Llangiby, whose name 
 we have seen before and shall see again in the 
 course of this history. Lord Charles Somerset, with 
 150 men, set out from Eaglau, and the other forces 
 met not far from the town. Early on the morning 
 of the 19th they got to the higher side of the 
 town that looks towards Hereford. Surmounting 
 a bank, they approached the gate Dixton's Gate 
 which, by the aid of a crow-bar, they forced open. 
 The affrighted sentinel bolted. The body of horse 
 entered, and riding through the town they sur- 
 prised the main guard, the garrison for the' most 
 part being at that unearthly hour in bed. The 
 town was won. Many prisoners were made 
 among the number were Col. Broughton, Col. 
 Stephens, Mr. Catchling of Trelech, and Mr. Jones 
 of Usk, members of the Committee for South Wales. 
 
 1 Rush worth's Hist. Collection, vol. i., pt. iv., p. 29.
 
 And the Marches. 273 
 
 A quantity of ammunition and a fair store of arms CHAP. 
 were also captured. Masscy hastened back from ^ - 
 Burford, where these bad tidings reached him, to 
 the relief of the party that had gone over to 
 Chcpstow. He met them in the Forest of Dean. 
 Thence they marched to Eoss to relieve Pern- 
 bridge, but came too late to be of any service, 
 and all was once more lost to the Parliament in 
 Monmouthshire. It was a great victory for the 
 Royalists, and an event which could well have been 
 averted. It was all very well for the defeated 
 Roundhead to say he "was never in so base a place" 
 in his days. It was entirely their own foolishness. 
 Indeed, the very same Roundhead acknowledges "I 
 fear presumption is and was our fault." This 
 writer does not appear to have been discouraged. 
 "We are not daunted as yet," he says, "but by 
 God's good blessing hope to recover all again, but 
 the waters are up there and here too [wherever that 
 was], so that there is no marching to do good." 1 
 And in this slough we will leave them for a while. 
 As early as the 8th of October intelligence from 
 Milford Haven was received in London to the effect 
 that Gerard had retreated from Pembrokeshire. " The 
 inhabitants of the county do now begin to live in 
 some quiet," said the informant, and Capt. Moult on 
 was at the Haven with his ship on behalf of the 
 Parliament^ Strict Puritan this old sea captain 
 must have been, and a stout hater of "Popish 
 innovations." Even amid the din of war he had 
 one eye to watch these. He visited St. David's 
 Cathedral, and in this shrine, in which Laud 
 
 1 Letter signed J. C. in K. P., 185-6, dated 25th November. 
 
 2 London Post, No. 8, under date October 8. 
 
 18
 
 274 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, himself whilom officiated, he found something which 
 
 V. 
 
 ^ ~ - he deemed worth a journey to London to exhihit. 
 
 1644 
 
 "No less than a cope, two crosses, and " other 
 relics of Borne." These he put by with great care, 
 and afterwards in person appeared in London with 
 them. No wonder the Puritan journals praised his 
 "exemplary service." He, moreover, brought with 
 him news as to the condition of Pembrokeshire : 
 that on the defeat by Myddelton and Brereton of 
 Prince Eupert's forces in North "Wales, many of 
 them had come to the South and joined with 
 Gerard; that the "insulting enemy made great 
 spoil and havoc . . . killing, burning, 
 and destroying all that came before him." Many 
 of them he said were Irish rebels. Gerard, how- 
 ever, at last was gone, and Laugharne was again 
 in the field and very hopeful. 1 
 
 About the middle of November one Capt. Beal 
 had been dispatched from London by sea with 
 certain foot forces to help Sir Thomas Myddelton. 
 It was intended they should land in Anglesey. But 
 stress of weather drove them into Milford, much 
 to the joy of the Parliamentarians at Pembroke, 
 whose strength was thus unexpectedly recruited. 
 
 The forces under Laugharne at this time were 
 said to be five hundred horse and five thousand 
 foot, which clearly is a mistake. Reinforced 
 by Beal's contingency he set out from Pembroke, 
 and proceeded against the town of Laugharne. 
 There both the town and the castle were gar- 
 risoned for the King. In reply to summons the 
 garrison refused to surrender. Force was then 
 resorted to. Preparations were made to undermine 
 
 1 Weekly Account, No. 62, Nov. 6. (K. P, 180-8.)
 
 And the Marches. 275 
 
 the works, and they were partially executed when CHAP. 
 the besieged sounded a parley and surrendered on * -- 
 fair terms. The town was secured from plunder. 
 Some officers were made prisoners, and a quantity 
 of arms and ammunition changed hands. This was 
 a good beginning for Captain Beal, who imme- 
 diately afterwards set out on his march through 
 Wales to join Sir Thomas Myddelton. ' 
 
 Beal, on quitting Laugharne, marched north. 
 At Lampeter, in Cardiganshire, he was met on 
 the 2nd of November by a party of Myddelton's 
 men, and they found ample work in repress- 
 ing the Royalists in Merionethshire, Montgomery- 
 shire, and Radnorshire, who had for a long time 
 been carrying on a high-handed game. Until 
 the fall of Montgomery and the capture of Red 
 Castle these counties had been entirely in the hands 
 of the Royalists, and those who were inclined for 
 the Parliament had to swallow their convictions. 
 Now, however, matters were changed, and the 
 Parliament was decidedly in the ascendancy in 
 these parts. Sir Thomas Myddelton had found a 
 powerful ally in Sir John Price, of Newtown, who 
 at one time had been for the King, but who had 
 come over recently. His influence was consider- 
 able, and he was wisely appointed Governor of 
 Montgomery Castle. It was the fate of many an 
 old mansion to suffer destruction at this time. 
 Mathavarn, the seat of Mr. Pugh, was burnt to 
 the ground. Abbey Cwm Hir, occupied by Richard 
 Fowler, had been garrisoned for the King. Early 
 in December Sir Thomas Myddelton appeared 
 
 1 Perfect Passages, No. 7, December 4. (K. P. 184 5.) See also 
 Cambrian Quarterly Magazine, vol. i., p. 70. 
 
 18A
 
 276 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, before that place and summoned it. The answer 
 
 v. 
 
 v was a flat denial, whereupon it was taken by storm, 
 and in it were taken prisoners Colonel Barnard, 
 the Governor, Mr. Hugh Lloyd, the High-Sheriff, 
 several officers, some seventy soldiers, and some 
 arms and ammunition. 1 
 
 Myddelton's next concern was to attack Chirk 
 Castle, his own property, which the Eoyalists. 
 had secured at the outbreak of the war, and had 
 retained ever since. Euthin Castle, also his pro- 
 perty, was in a similar position. Of the garrison 
 at Chirk Castle, Colonel John Watts was the 
 Governor. A few days before Christmas Myddelton 
 appeared before the castle, and sent in a summons 
 to Watts calling upon him to surrender, it being 
 probably, as Aulicus states, Sir Thomas's intention 
 to keep Christmas in one of his own houses. The 
 Governor, however, had counted upon spending his 
 Christmas there himself; and the consequence was 
 a siege. For three days it lasted. Crafty engineers 
 from Oswestry were brought over to effect with 
 " crowes and pickers" an entry into the castle, but it 
 was all in vain. "My stones beat them off," Watts 
 writes to Prince Rupert on Christmas Day, and 
 " their prime engineer was slain by the castle side," 
 much to the grief of Myddelton and the delight 
 of Aulicus , which goes into raptures of blasphemy 
 in commenting on the event. 2 
 
 In the meantime Major-General Laugharne was 
 doing what he could "to draw the hearts of the 
 inhabitants of Cardiganshire." In that county, 
 
 1 Perfect Occurrences, No. 20. (K. P. 156, large 4to.) See also 
 vol ii , Document Ixv., p 219. 
 
 2 Memoirs of Chirk Castle. See also vol ii., Document Ixvii., p 224.
 
 And the Marches. 277 
 
 though the majority of the gentry were Royal- CHAP. 
 ists, there were many persons of influence well- -^ 
 affected to the Parliament. James Phillips of the 
 Priory, James Lewes of Coedmore, and others, were 
 well known to be so. These were anxious to have 
 Laugharne amongst them, for they had been much 
 harassed by the Cavaliers, in whose hands were all 
 the castles, such as Aberystwith, Cardigan, and 
 Neweastle-Emlyn. The heavy rains which fell 
 the season was a wet one kept Laugharne back 
 awhile, and it was not until within a few days of 
 Christmas that he came in sight of the town of Car- 
 digan. The castle there was then strong and well- 
 garrisoned, under the command of Major Slaughter, 
 one of Gerard's appointees. The town also was in 
 their hands. They had been, recently, fortunate 
 enough to secure the ordnance of the frigate Convert^ 
 which had been wrecked in the Bay, and they 
 had made ample precautions against a siege. They 
 relied chiefly on the castle, which they had con- 
 siderably strengthened by the erection of a half- 
 moon within the castle yard. The town surrendered 
 " willingly" to Laugharne, but not so the castle, 
 which sent forth its defiance. Against the castle 
 the Parliament soldiers had' no sufficient ordnance 
 to proceed, so they had to wait patiently before it 
 until some of the guns of the Leopard were brought 
 thither from Milford. A weary fortnight, according 
 to a Royalist paper, was spent in this delay, almost 
 even to the despair of the besiegers, who heard 
 rumours that Gerard was on his way back from 
 England to relieve it. But when the ordnance from 
 the Leopard had been mounted, the half-moon was 
 attacked and a breach effected in it, through which
 
 278 Civil War in Wales 
 
 the attackers stormed an entry, and " the enemy, 
 as men bereft of all sense, having not the power 
 
 1644 
 
 to give fire to their guns, although the linstocks 
 were in their hands ready lighted, cast down their 
 arms and cried for quarter, the which was granted." 
 In the castle, which fell on the third day of the 
 siege, were taken Major "William Slaughter, the 
 Governor, and his wife, Captain Yaughan, 1 Captain 
 Nicholas Butler, 2 Captain Bichard Pryse, 3 " one Dr. 
 Taylor, a divine," Lieutenant Thomas Barrow, or 
 Barlow, and others, with between a -hundred and a 
 hundred and fifty common soldiers. About 200 
 of the Eoyalists were killed during the siege, 
 and a large quantity of arms and ammunition was 
 taken. The most interesting circumstance connected 
 with this siege was the capture of the " one Doctor 
 Taylor," who was no other than the celebrated Dr. 
 Jeremy Taylor, the well-known author of several 
 of the most beautifully-written devotional books in 
 the English language. He was at the outbreak of 
 the war a chaplain-in-ordinary to the King, whom 
 he accompanied for a short time in his campaigns. 
 The turmoil of the battle-field, however, was not 
 congenial to him, wherefore he retired into Wales 
 and lived for some time under the hospitable roof 
 of the Earl Carbery, at Golden Grove. There he 
 employed his time in keeping a school, and in 
 composing some of his best known works. It was 
 at Golden Grove he penned his "Holy Living and 
 Dying," and his " Golden Grove," or Manual of 
 Daily Prayers. WTiat brought him to Cardigan 
 
 1 Probably of Golden Grove. 
 
 2 A member of the Pembrokeshire family of that name. 
 
 3 I should think this Capt. Pryse must have been the eldest eon of the 
 first baronet of Gogerddan, which house at this period was Royalist.
 
 And the Marches. 279 
 
 it is now impossible to discover; but if the Capt. CHAP. 
 
 Vaughan whose name appears amongst the list of ' 
 
 officers taken at the castle was a member of the 
 Golden Grove family, it is very probable that the 
 worthy Doctor accompanied him thither. A Eoyalist 
 account of the capture of Cardigan Castle attri- 
 butes it to treachery that a sergeant was bribed 
 to betray a sally port, by which access was 
 obtained and the place surprised. But as this 
 story of Aulicus is contradicted, and the Par- 
 liamentary account is vouched by two witnesses 
 in distinct communications, I am inclined to dis- 
 believe the story of treachery. Very exaggerated 
 accounts of the victory, however, seem to have 
 reached London. In one of the newspapers it was 
 said that 900 were killed and 1,500 made prisoners. 1 
 Another said that Laugharne had completely routed 
 the remainder of Gerard's army in Wales, which 
 was also untrue. 2 General Laugharne having ar- 
 ranged matters at Cardigan, and having placed there 
 a small garrison under the command of Lieut.-Col. 
 Powell, 3 took his departure to recruit his forces, 
 and intending next to proceed against Newcastle- 
 Emlyn. Col. Powell spent his Christmas at Car- 
 digan. His holidays, however, were soon disturbed ; 
 but as this takes us to the beginning of another 
 year, I take leave of him and of the year 1644, 
 which, so far as "Wales was concerned, opened glori- 
 ously for the Parliament ; but has ended darkly 
 
 1 Parliament Scout, No. 83. (K. P. 18918). 
 
 2 London Post, No. 20. 
 
 3 The Scottish Dove says it was a Col. Jones who was left in command : 
 probably Col. Jones of Nanteos ; but the majority of my authorities state 
 that it was Lieut.-Col. Rice Powell.
 
 280 Civil War in Wales 
 
 V. 
 
 ^-^ 
 
 1644. 
 
 CHAP, enough for the King, 1 though unsatisfactorily for 
 the Parliament, which was split up into two hostile 
 camps the Presbyterians and the Independents. 
 
 1 These details of the siege of Cardigan I have extracted from a letter 
 of Admiral Swanley to Earl Warwick, of the 1st Jan. (K. P. 189 1) ; a 
 letter of Capt. Smith to the same (K. P. 19522); No. 65 True Informer, 
 and Merc. Aulicus for Feb. 29. See these in vol. ii., Documents Ixvi. and 
 Ixix. A and B.
 
 And the Marches. 281 
 
 CHAPTEK VI. 
 
 1645. 
 
 State of Imperial affairs at beginning of the year Treaty of Uxbridge 
 Reorganisation of the Parliament's army Siege of Beeston Castle and 
 Chester Shrewsbury lost to the Royalists Rupert and Maurice relieve 
 Beeston Rupert recalled to suppress club-men in Herefordshire Chester 
 in straits Hawarden besieged Attempt to regain Cardigan Castle 
 Great defeat of the Roundheads at Newcastle-Emlyn Cardigan de- 
 serted Haverfordwest and Picton Castle taken by Gerard Beginning 
 of the real campaign Self-denying ordinance and its effects Victories 
 of Cromwell at Brampton Bush, &c. King raises siege of Chester- 
 Is defeated at Naseby Retires to Wales Entertainments at Raglan 
 Charles resolves to go to Bristol, but is prevailed upon to remain Siege 
 of Hereford The King attempts to recruit his army in "Wales and fails 
 His difficulties in Glamorganshire Gerard removed from command 
 Victory of Parliamentarians in Pembrokeshire Charles quits Cardiff 
 Marches through Brecknock and Radnorshire, and thence to Oxford 
 Uprising of the Welsh for the Parliament The King relieves Hereford 
 Once more visits Raglan Loss of Bristol Charles marches north- 
 wards Is defeated on Rowton Heath, near Chester Leaves North Wales 
 for Newark Account of the King's journeyings in Wales Carew, 
 Manorbier, and Picton Castles taken by Laugharne Carmarthen is also 
 captured Chepstow and Monmouth taken for the Parliament Design 
 to betray Monmouth foiled Col. Mytton defeats Sir William Vaughan 
 near Denbigh Glamorganshire declares for the Parliament As also 
 does Brecknockshire Surprisal of Hereford by the Roundheads Siege 
 of Chester. 
 
 AFTER the defeat which the royal cause had sus- CHAP. 
 
 VI. 
 
 tained at the battle of Newbury, the intention of 
 marching upon London being frustrated, the King re- 
 tired about the beginning of November into Oxford, 
 and in that city once more established his winter quar- 
 ters. The inactivity of the Parliamentary generals
 
 282 Civil War in Wales, 
 
 CHAP, in not following up their victory caused a serious 
 * ' split in that camp, and occasioned much dissatisfac- 
 
 1645. L 
 
 tion in London; which, however, was only the 
 outcome of far more serious differences in the Par- 
 liament itself, where Presbyterian was waging 
 mortal war with Independent, each anxious to gain 
 the ascendancy. Oliver Cromwell, as the leader of 
 the Independents, charged the Duke of Manchester 
 with neglecting opportunities, to the great danger 
 of the Parliament and the protraction of the war. 
 In Oliver Cromwell the Presbyterians had a most 
 stout enemy a favourer of sectaries one who had 
 openly declared himself as the defender of liberty 
 of conscience. So much alarmed were they at his 
 growing influence that they even schemed his im- 
 peachment. Failing to do this they endeavoured 
 to bring about peace. After a warm discussion in 
 Parliament, negotiations with the King were opened. 
 On the 20th of November the Earl of Denbigh, 
 with eight other commissioners, one of whom was 
 William Pierpoint, member for Shropshire, left for 
 Oxford with proposals for peace. The King, de- 
 luded for a time with the reports of certain successes 
 of Montrose in Scotland, was very dilatory in reply- 
 ing to the proposal, and treated the commissioners 
 rather rudely, at the same time refusing to give 
 the assembly at Westminster the name of Parlia- 
 ment. However, ultimately it was decided that forty 
 commissioners, twenty-three from the Parliament 
 and seventeen from the King, should meet at Ux- 
 bridge to discuss the conditions of a treaty. They 
 met on the 29th of January. Preliminaries were 
 disposed of smoothly enough; but on the real 
 conditions for a peace insurmountable difficulties
 
 And the Marches. 283 
 
 
 
 presented themselves, and the King was obstinate. CHAP. 
 The failure of the negotiation was what was really >!-' 
 expected by all who had studied the character of 
 the King by the light of his own letters discovered 
 on the field of battle at Naseby, which "made a 
 sad impression against Majesty gave in fact a 
 most melancholy view of the veracity of his Majesty 
 ' on the word of a King.' ' Christopher Love, a 
 fanatic preacher, and a native of Cardiff, addressed 
 a large congregation at the church at Uxbridge on 
 a market day, against the treaty, in language of 
 great violence. " No good can come of it," said 
 he, "these people are here from Oxford with 
 hearts full of blood; they only want to amuse the 
 people till they can do them some notable injury: 
 this treaty is as far from peace as heaven from 
 hell." This was evidently the view taken of it 
 by the Independents at large, and more especially 
 by Cromwell and others in the House of Commons, 
 who had now become the war party ; for even 
 while the preliminary negotiations were being car- 
 ried on about Christmas, these were preparing for 
 war. In their eyes it had become necessary to 
 remove certain officers from high command. They 
 dared not do so directly, and the "Self-denying 
 Ordinance" was invented to remedy the difficulty. 
 By that ordinance, which met with tremendous 
 opposition both in the House of Commons and in 
 the Lords, being thrown out, in fact, by the latter, 
 but ultimately carried, all members of Parliament, 
 peers and commoners, were disqualified from hold- 
 ing command. The Lords threw it out as it was 
 principally levelled against members of their own 
 
 1 Carlyle's Letters of Cromwell. Letter xxix.
 
 284 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CI ^ P> House ; but these sending in their resignations, 
 v ~^"' ^ was passed. The Earls of Essex, Manchester, 
 and Denbigh were thus disposed of. The army 
 was next reorganized, and the supreme command 
 given to Sir Thomas Fairfax, whose valour, up- 
 rightness, and success had for a long time made 
 him very prominent. Leaving Fairfax at Windsor, 
 where he made his head-quarters, carrying out the 
 remodelling of the army, we shall now take a view 
 of matters as they were in Wales at the begin- 
 ning of this year. 
 
 Long before Christmas Beeston Castle, one of 
 the most important outposts of Chester, was under 
 close siege. It still continued so, much to the dis- 
 comfort of Captain Valet, the Governor, whose 
 greatest suffering was from the want of firing. 
 Chester, too, was in straits, for not only was it 
 besieged on the eastern side, but also on the Welsh 
 side, whither the Parliamentarians under Erereton 
 had once more penetrated, which made the fires of 
 those within the walls less bright, and their tables 
 less heavy, for they depended principally on North 
 Wales for provisions and fuel. The importance 
 of Chester to the Eoyalists could not be over- 
 estimated. Without it their power in North Wales 
 would soon go. Lancashire was already sufficiently 
 alienated from them. As a landing place from 
 Ireland it was simply invaluable. At Oxford, there- 
 fore, the relief of Chester must have been most 
 seriously considered. Prince Maurice was at length 
 deputed to undertake its relief. The command of 
 all North Wales was given to him, with full powers 
 to grant honours and rewards, to make levies, and
 
 And the Marches. 285 
 
 otherwise carry out his commission. 1 Making his CHAP. 
 way through Worcester he ' reached Shrewsbury ~ 
 about the middle of February. He remained there 
 only for a few .days, and taking thence with him 
 as many as could be spared of the Irish forces 
 which had come over from Ireland, with the officers, 
 he set forward to Chester, keeping along the Welsh 
 side of the Severn; and leaving Shrewsbury con- 
 siderably denuded of its strength, weaker, perhaps, 
 than it had been at any period since the be- 
 ginning of the war : in so weak a state, in fact, 
 that the Parliamentary faction within the town 
 took heart, engaged in counsel, and conveyed intelli- 
 gence to the Committee of Shropshire, whose head- 
 quarters were at Wem. An eminently active 
 committee was this, comprising Colonel Mytton, 
 Samuel Moore, Andrew Lloyd, Hugh Mackworth, 
 and Thomas Hunt, and quick to move in any matter 
 which promised success. One Huson, a minister, 
 who had acted as a spy for them in the town for 
 some time, was their chief adviser as to the inter- 
 nal state of the town. The committee, to whom 
 Shrewsbury had all along been an object of deep 
 solicitude, saw that their opportunity had arrived, 
 and they resolved to attempt to gain the place. 
 Communications were opened with Sir William 
 Brereton, who approved of the resolution, and 
 who, notwithstanding he was menaced by a power- 
 ful enemy, consented to aid the committee. For 
 this purpose he despatched Colonel Bowyer, an 
 able soldier, on the 20th of February, to Wem, 
 with between six and seven hundred horse and 
 foot. Mytton at this time was absent at Oswestry, 
 
 1 Parliament Scout, No. 83. (K. P. 189 -18.)
 
 286 Civil War in Wales 
 
 of which place he was now the Governor. He 
 was also communicated with, and approved of the 
 scheme, and at once prepared to help. Colonel 
 Beinking, the chief military officer at "Wem, joined 
 by Bowyer, left Wem on the night of the 21st of 
 February, and on the road was joined by Mytton 
 with his horse, numbering in all between eleven and 
 twelve hundred. They came before the town about 
 three o'clock that morning. Between them lay 
 the Severn, whose banks on the town side were 
 strongly palisadoed. Carpenters were- sent across to 
 saw down the palisades, and the foot under Colonel 
 Blinking followed, who, putting easily to flight a 
 few surprised sentinels, soon mastered the town, 
 and let in the horse under Colonel Mytton. Sur- 
 prised at so unearthly an hour, when most of the 
 inhabitants, civil and military, were in their beds, 
 very little blood was spilt all accounts agree in 
 this probably not more than half-a-dozen lives 
 were lost altogether, which made glad the heart 
 of pious Bichard Baxter, himself a Shrewsbury boy, 
 and was a matter of rejoicing to many others. In 
 the town dwelt Sir Michael Ernely, the Governor, 
 a great many officers and Commissioners of Array, 
 and many of the gentry of the neighbourhood, who 
 had fled thither long ago for refuge. Most of these 
 were made prisoners, being prevented by the soldiers 
 from seeking safety in the castle. That fortress held 
 out until noon the next day, as also did a strong 
 position at Frankwell, in the west part of the 
 town. At twelve o'clock they were surrendered on 
 very fair conditions those within being allowed 
 to inarch out with their personal arms, leaving 
 behind them the magazine and ammunition Those
 
 And the Marches. 287 
 
 who were taken in the town were kept prisoners CHAP. 
 some of them being sent to Stafford l and some * - ^- 
 ultimately to London, where they were placed 
 in the Tower. Owing to the large number of 
 sympathisers with the Parliament who had con- 
 tinued to dwell there, the town was saved from 
 plunder. The loss of Shrewsbury was a great blow 
 to the Royalists. It had been one of their strong- 
 holds from the beginning. The Parliament rejoiced 
 exceedingly, thanksgiving services were ordered, 
 and until the Restoration the Salopians, inured to 
 the change, commemorated the event by a general 
 holiday on the anniversary of its capture. 2 
 
 An unhappy wrangle took place between Col. 
 Mytton and Lieut.-Colonel Reinking each of them 
 claiming the honour attached to the capture of so im- 
 portant a place, and each evidently anxious to secure 
 the governorship of the town. The first printed 
 account of the event, though written without the 
 connivance or knowledge of Mytton, did not satisfy 
 Col. Reinking, who afterwards published " a more 
 exact relation of the taking of Shrewsbury," 3 which 
 in its turn occasioned the appearance of " Colonel 
 Mytton' s reply to Reinking's relation of the taking 
 of Shrewsbury." 4 Upon the merits of this dispute 
 I do not propose to dwell. Both officers did their 
 duty, and neither got the governorship of the town, 
 
 1 In the State Paper Office is an interesting appeal to the Earl of Pem- 
 broke by one James Palmer for the release of one Herbert Vaughan, taken 
 prisoner there, and also on behalf of the Earl Powis. Dom. Charles L, 
 vol. 319, f. 249. See also vol. ii., Document Ixxi., p. 239. 
 
 2 Several accounts of the taking of Shrewsbury were printed at the time, 
 and are preserved amongst the King's Pamphlets of the British Museum. 
 See vol. ii., Document Ixx., p. 237. 
 
 3 Ivng's Pamphlets, vol. 206, 15. 
 * i 208, 10.
 
 288 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, which was kept in abeyance by the Parliament, the 
 - - management being vested in a committee. 
 
 1645. 
 
 Prince Maurice got into Chester on the Welsh 
 side. He was not in quite a position to attempt 
 the relief of Beeston, but ordered Col. Robinson, the 
 Governor of Holt Castle, to make an attempt, 
 which was done accordingly, but without success, 
 Brereton defeating them and killing Col. Owen, 
 one of their officers. 1 Under Maurice the Welsh were 
 very slow to recruit, and after the loss of Shrewsbury 
 nearly all the neighbouring garrisons were quitted, 
 among them being Sea Hall, Tong Castle, Morton 
 Corbet Castle, which they burnt down. 2 Seeing 
 that Prince Maurice alone would not be able to 
 beat Brereton out of his strongholds around Chester, 
 orders were soon sent to Prince Rupert, General 
 Gerard, and Sir Marmaduke Langdale to go to his 
 assistance, which caused Brereton considerable un- 
 easiness. The Scotch sometime ago had entered 
 England in pursuance of the agreement come to 
 when the Covenant was adopted in England ; but 
 up to this they had remained perfectly inactive. 
 Pressing representations were now made to them 
 of the danger with which Brereton was threatened, 
 the answer to which was a movement south- 
 ward on the part of the Scotch. Col. Rossiter 
 was also ordered to go to the aid of Brereton. If 
 united their forces would number some 6,000, as 
 against some 5,500, which was computed to be 
 the strength of Maurice, Rupert, Gerard, and Lang- 
 dale. 3 By the middle of March the Royalists had 
 
 1 Kingdom's Weekly Intelligencer, No. 90. (K. P. 1972), 
 
 2 Scottish Dove, No. 13. 
 
 3 Merc. Civicus, No. 95, p. 861. (K. P. 198-8.)
 
 And the Marches. 289 
 
 concentrated their forces and had relieved Beeston 
 Castle, which had been besieged for a long time. In 
 their progress through the country they burned and 
 destroyed all the small outposts of the enemy, 
 and caused great devastation of property. 1 Beyond 
 Beeston Eupert did not go. He would not fight, 
 nor did he attempt the relief of Chester, which 
 one would fancy had been the sole object of his 
 march. It is very difficult to understand why he 
 should have come so far to do so little. "Was it 
 fear of the Scotch who were now advanced into 
 Lancashire? The reason assigned was some diffi- 
 culties which had arisen around the City of Hereford. 
 That city had been for some time a powerful strong- 
 hold of the Royalists, under the Governorship of 
 Sir B. Scudamore. To maintain the garrison there 
 constant levies had been made on the surrounding 
 country people, who became so exasperated at length 
 that they clubbed together for self-protection, and 
 mustering a strong body of armed men they ap- 
 peared before Hereford and demanded in a threaten- 
 ing attitude a redress of their grievances. To quell 
 these Eupert quitted Cheshire. He did quell them, 
 but only for a time. Chester was thus left in a 
 position worse than ever. Eupert promised Lord 
 Byron he would not quit the neighbourhood until 
 the city had been victualled and ammunition had 
 been sent in ; but he was not so good as his word. 
 And worse than all, Prince Maurice also left and 
 carried away with him all that remained of the old 
 Irish regiments 1,200 at least, according to Lord 
 Byron, who complained bitterly to Lord Digby of 
 having been left alone with " only a garrison of 
 
 1 Perfect Passages, No. 24, See vol. ii., Document Ixxii., p. 240. 
 19
 
 290 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, citizens and his own and Col. Mostyn's regiment, 
 * which both together made not up above 600 men." 
 
 1 C4 ft 
 
 And even of this the number was soon reduced to 
 one-half,, for " one-half being Mostyn's men," he 
 says, " I was forced soon after to send out of town, 
 finding them, by reason of their officers, who were 
 ignorant Welsh gentlemen and unwilling to undergo 
 any strict duty, far more prejudicial to us than 
 useful." 1 Byron's greatest want was the want of 
 ammunition. At the time of his writing he had not 
 more than 18 barrels of powder, and no money to 
 buy more, even if there had been any to buy. A 
 few days before, it is true, a quantity of ammu- 
 nition purchased in Ireland had been landed in 
 Anglesey, whence it was conveyed along the coast 
 and intended for Chester. But Brereton being in- 
 formed of it by his excellent scouts, blocked up 
 the road, which caused the Eoyalists to place it 
 for safety in Hawarden Castle. 2 A regiment of 
 Brereton's forces was at once sent to besiege the 
 castle, which had already experienced some rough 
 vicissitudes during the war. These on their way 
 captured Sir John Hanmer's house at Northop ; and 
 finding when they arrived at the castle that those 
 within refused to yield, they began without delay 
 to undermine the structure itself. 3 But did not 
 carry it out. 
 
 After Beeston had been relieved, Col Gerard, 
 pursuant to express orders, set out for South Wales, 
 where, as we have seen, Major-General Laugharne 
 had shown some activity during his absence. The 
 
 1 Lord Byron to Lord Digby, from Chester, 26th April. State Pap Dom., 
 Charles I., 319, 289. See vol. ii., Document Ixxv. 
 
 2 Kingdom* 's Weekly Intelligencer, No. 95. (K. P. 202-8.) 
 8 A Diary or Exact Journal, No. 51. (K. P. 206-6.)
 
 And tJu Marches. 201 
 
 town and castle of Cardigan had been taken by CHAP. 
 
 * VI. 
 
 him about Christmas, and Newcastle also had been 
 
 1645 
 
 summoned. Some attempt was made to recapture 
 Cardigan Castle very soon after by some forces 
 which Gerard had left in the counties. Most of 
 the accounts state that Gerard was present in per- 
 son, but this could not be, as he was away between 
 Worcester and Cirencester at the time. Lieut. -Col. 
 Powell had been left in charge of the garrison which 
 Laugharne placed there; but he had not been long 
 in his office before some of the enemy appeared, 
 and by some means got possession of the town, 
 whence they laid siege to the castle. There was 
 very little provision within. Of this the enemy 
 seem to have been aware, which emboldened them 
 to send a very peremptory summons, to which an 
 obstinate denial to yield was the reply. It was 
 not without some difficulty that Col. Powell was 
 able to send word to Laugharne of the straits he 
 was in. The latter lost no time in marching to the 
 rescue j but when he came to the Tivy he found 
 that the bridge had been broken down to prevent 
 his passage. Nothing daunted, he shot an arrow 
 across to the castle with a letter to inform them 
 of his arrival. By means of rafts he crossed the 
 river with his foot soldiers, and fell upon the rear 
 of the enemy, while those within made a sally, the 
 result being once more a victory for the Parlia- 
 mentarians, the Eoyalists sustaining a heavy loss. 1 
 Since that time Laugharne had not been much 
 molested, and he was in a fair way of clearing the 
 country of those who had been left there in small 
 
 1 See Capt. Smith's and Admiral Swanley's letters, ante p. 280. Also 
 various other extracts in vol ii., Documents Ixix. A. and B. 
 
 19A
 
 292 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, garrisons by Gerard. Of Laugharnc's successes 
 > ~- Parliament was in due course informed, and that 
 his next movement would be towards Carmarthen. 
 Five hundred pounds were voted him, 1 which 
 sum was afterwards followed by a further vote 
 of three thousand pounds. 3 But before Laugharne 
 could proceed to Carmarthen, Gerard was pushing 
 his way triumphantly through North Wales, routing 
 Sir John Price at Llanidloes, and sending a detach- 
 ment from Newtown, under Sir Edmund Gary, to 
 attack Sir Thomas Myddelton, and to scour the 
 country as far as Shrewsbury. Between Shrews- 
 bury and Oswestry, at a place called Knocking, 
 the two last-named met, and Myddelton had the 
 worst of it. 3 About Tregaron and Lampeter, in 
 Cardiganshire, Gerard plundered much, and swept 
 away the provisions of the county ; 4 and thence, on 
 the 23rd of April, he came quite suddenly upon 
 Laugharne's forces before Newcastle-Emlyn, and 
 completely routed them, killing, according to the 
 Royalist account, 150 on the spot. The vanquished 
 took to flight, and were pursued through Cledey 
 and Kilrhedyn in the direction of Havcrfordwcst. 
 The same account states that in the pursuit nearly 
 500 prisoners were taken, with over 100 horse and 
 a large quantity of arms. The very next morning 
 Gerard pursued his march to Haverfordwcst, which 
 the Parliamentarians evacuated on his approach. 
 Cardigan Castle was also deserted by its garrison, 
 who having set fire to the fortress put to sea and 
 made for Milford. Losing no time, Gerard crossed 
 
 1 An Exact Journal, No. 43 (6th March). 
 
 2 No. 79 Mercurius Jiritannicux. 
 
 3 Mercurius Auliciis for 30th March, p. 1520. (K. P. 20221). 
 * Perfect Passages, No. 29.
 
 And the Marches. 293 
 
 the water to Picton Castle, the seat of Sir Eichard CHAP. 
 
 vr. 
 
 Phillipps, which was then garrisoned for the Par- ^rrr~' 
 
 \.{yo, 
 
 liamcnt Sir Eichard Phillipps being one of the 
 few in the county who were inclined to favour the 
 authorities at Westminster. This was a great 
 stronghold, and those who were at this time within 
 it had added to its strength. They declined to 
 yield it up and defended it bravely ; but it was 
 before midnight stormed and taken by the Royalists, 
 who lost in the assault nine common soldiers, with 
 one officer wounded a Col. Butler. In the castle 
 were taken three barrels of powder, some one hun- 
 dred and fifty arms, twelve trunks of plate, and a 
 large sum of money. The baronet's son and two 
 daughters were made prisoners. Carew Castle also 
 was taken. Once more, therefore, the tide was in 
 favour of the Eoyalists, and the Parliament party 
 had been driven back to the water-side, Pembroke 
 and Tenby alone affording them refuge from their 
 enemy. 1 Once again was Milford Haven all im- 
 portant to them, and its dangerous condition was 
 made known to Parliament. On the 20th of May 
 "many serious discourses" passed at Westminster 
 " about the relief of Pembroke and Tenby, and the 
 recovery of Milford Haven, and to enable, if pos- 
 sible, their party to take the field again." The 
 task was felt to be a difficult one the difficulty 
 lying in recovering what was lost more than in 
 keeping what they had. 3 But the commanders there 
 had determined to stand by their trust, and resolved 
 rather honourably to lose their lives together with 
 
 rf. Aulims, llth. May, 1645. See vol. ii., Document Ixxvi. Extract B. 
 - ^tolerate Intelligencer, No. 12. (K. P, 209 7). See vol. ii., Document 
 Ixxvi. Extract c.
 
 294 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, their said towns and garrisons than basely, by 
 ^ yielding, betray them with their religion and their 
 
 1645. , ., ,. , 
 
 liberties. 
 
 The campaign had now, however, commenced in 
 real earnest. Cromwell having been ordered to 
 lead a party of horse to the road between Oxford 
 and Worcester, to intercept communications between 
 Rupert and the King, started without any delay, 
 and was the first to lead a corps of the new army 
 against the Royalists. He defeated the latter in 
 three encounters at Islip Bridge, April 24, at 
 Whitney on the 26, and on the 27th at Bampton 
 Bush. The King was dismayed, while London 
 rejoiced that Cromwell's resignation had not been 
 accepted by the Parliament. Thus opened the cam- 
 paign of 1645 a campaign destined to prove fatal 
 to the King's cause, and ultimately to the King 
 himself. 
 
 On the 7th of May the King quitted Oxford, and 
 having been joined by Rupert, proceeded through 
 Worcestershire and Staffordshire, designing either 
 to raise the siege of Chester, or to give battle 
 to the Scottish army, which had already entered 
 England, and which had been by no means as 
 active as the Parliament wished. On hearing of 
 the King's marching towards them they withdrew 
 to the border, a movement which caused much 
 annoyance in London. The siege of Chester was 
 raised on the mere approach of the King. His 
 Majesty reached Newport in Shropshire on the 
 17th, where he was met by Sir William Yaughan, 
 
 1 " An exact and humble remonstrance touching the late conflict of arms 
 in and near the County of Pembroke." (K. P. 20916.) Vol. ii., Document 
 Ixxvi. A.
 
 And the Marches. 295 
 
 Governor of Shrawardine Castle, who, on the way, CHAP. 
 had worsted some Shrewsbury horse near Wenlock. ^ ^ 
 
 1 f*AK 
 
 From thence the King proceeded to Drayton in 
 Cheshire, where Lord Byron met him with some 
 troops of horse from Chester, and acquainted him 
 witli the news that the siege of that city had been 
 raised, and that Sir William Brereton had retreated 
 into Lancashire. 
 
 Having secured by this an easy passage to Ire- 
 land, should such a course become necessary, the 
 King and his army next bent their steps east- 
 wards, with the design to march towards the eastern 
 counties, where hitherto he had not been able to 
 have any hold whatever. This menacing of the 
 very bulwark of the Parliamentary party at once 
 decided them upon calling Cromwell back from 
 before Oxford, which was at this time under siege. 
 Coming before Leicester, which was garrisoned by 
 a small force of Parliamentarians, at Eupert's sug- 
 gestion the place was stormed, and successfully. 
 This loss, which occurred on the 1st of June, was 
 deeply felt in London, and Fairfax Avas recalled 
 from Oxford, and received urgent instructions to 
 march at once after Cromwell, and to intercept 
 the King's progress. Lord Loughborough, with a 
 small force, was left at Leicester, and the King 
 and the body of his army pursued their course. In 
 the neighbourhood of Northampton he heard that 
 the enemy had raised the blockade of Oxford, and 
 were close upon them in considerable force under 
 the leadership of Fairfax and Cromwell. On the 
 9th the King had written to the Queen, " Never 
 since the beginning of the Rebellion have my affairs 
 been in so good a position." And this spirit
 
 296 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, prevailed when the approach of the enemy was an- 
 nouneed. This was late in the evening of the 13th 
 of June. A Council of War was instantly assembled. 
 Some counselled delay. Eeinforcements were ex- 
 pected : among others Gerard with his forces from 
 "Wales. Others were for an instant conflict, and the 
 impetuous Rupert caused it to be so decided upon. 
 At dawn the next morning the forces met in com- 
 bat. This was the battle of Naseby a battle so 
 decisive and so important as to require no detailed ac- 
 count here. The Parliamentary army .was completely 
 victorious. The King and his forces were utterly 
 routed. The King himself showed considerable 
 bravery, but his horse all ran away, and never 
 stopped until they had reached Ashby de la Zouch. 
 Cromwell's tactics are considered to have decided 
 the victory, and after this no more need he fear 
 the self-denying ordinance. His commission was 
 safe enough now. But the victory itself, disastrous 
 as it was, was not half so fatal- to the King's cause, 
 and indeed to the King's character, as the capture 
 of the King's letters proved. These were eagerly 
 perused by Fairfax, Cromwell, and Ireton, and soon 
 afterwards sent up to London, and publicly read 
 on the 3rd of July at the Guildhall, in the pre- 
 sence of a vast concourse of the citizens. These 
 letters convinced the people that Charles had been 
 playing them false, that it was manifest he had 
 never desired peace, and that all his protestations 
 were insincere. 
 
 Peace now became impossible, and the endea- 
 vours of the Lords and the Scottish Commissioners 
 to get up another negotiation were utterly silenced 
 by this exposure of the King's duplicity and dis-
 
 And the Marches. 297 
 
 honesty. The letters were published. Disgust, dis- CHAP. 
 trust, and anger became general. The war party - ~-^- 
 took advantage of this revulsion of the public feel- 
 ing. They found no difficulty in making new levies 
 of troops, and in obtaining money for carrying on 
 the war. Fairfax proceeded westwards, and the 
 Scots advanced into the interior. 
 
 Utterly prostrated as was the Eoyalist party at 
 this blow, and threatened with imminent ruin, the 
 sagest of the King's counsel advised him to march 
 without delay, with what forces remained to him 
 after the discomfiture at Naseby, to the western 
 counties, where Goring and Greenville were still at 
 the head of a considerable force, harassed only by 
 the untrained and ill-armed u clubmen," so that by 
 effecting a junction with the army under Goring 
 some preparations might be made for an attempt to 
 stop the course of Fairfax, who had received the 
 orders of Parliament to proceed to the West, and 
 who, having captured Leicester, was then actually 
 on his way thither at the head of an army elated 
 with success and fired by a deep religious enthu- 
 siasm. Charles, however, never did listen to the 
 advice of those who had his interest really at heart, 
 but was ever unfortunate in his choice of counsel- 
 lors. The worthless Digby and Ashburnham at this 
 time led the King as they pleased. And instead 
 of trying the only chance he had he determined to 
 go to Hereford, and from thence to Wales, where 
 he thought the people were still true to him, and 
 where he was in hopes of being able to recruit 
 his forces. Flying from town to town, Hereford 
 was reached by the King on the 19th June. The 
 presence of the King even under such momentous
 
 298 Civil War in Wales 
 
 reverses was reassuring to some extent, and some 
 degree of loyalty was evoked. Many of the gentry 
 of the surrounding counties came in to pay their 
 homage. The levies upon the counties were put in 
 some method; but before anything like final order 
 was arrived at there was some misunderstanding 
 between Eupert and the King's most intimate ad- 
 visers, which ended in the former betaking himself 
 to Bristol, which he was most anxious to preserve, 
 and so the management of the affair commenced 
 at Hereford was left in confusion and disorder. 1 
 General Gerard (who had come out of Wales with 
 the intention to join himself with the King before 
 the latter went to the eastern counties, but had 
 not been able to reach in time,) with above 2,000 
 horse and foot, joined the stricken forces of the 
 . King at Hereford. A fortnight was there spent 
 with very little success, for the greatest difficulty 
 was experienced in recruiting soldiers. On the 1st 
 of July his Majesty left Hereford, and at the head 
 of a small body proceeded to Abergavenny, attended 
 a part of the way by the Governor of Hereford 
 and some of the county gentlemen. The object in 
 going to Abergavenny was to meet the Commis- 
 sioners of Array of Monmouth and the various 
 counties of South "Wales. "Mountains" were pro- 
 mised by these Commissioners ; but nothing came 
 of their promises. 2 Presently we shall find out the 
 reason why they did not prove so good as their 
 word. In the meantime many of the "Welsh soldiers 
 that had come under Gerard had gone over with 
 Eupert to the assistance of Bristol. 
 
 1 Sir Ed.vard Walker's Historical Discourses, p. 132, 
 
 2 Ibid.
 
 And the Marches. 299 
 
 Finding that the meeting at Abergavenny proved CHAP 
 of little advantage to his cause, the King proceeded > ~ ' 
 on the 3rd to Eaglan Castle, the seat of the Mar- 
 quis of Worcester, where at any rate he was certain 
 of a hearty welcome and a princely entertainment. 
 His troops were scattered to the surrounding out- 
 posts of Treargaer, Brongwin, Bettws, &c. Even 
 now it was not too late for the King to proceed 
 to the assistance of Goring, and to try the fortune 
 of a second issue, of which, as Sir Edward Walker 
 tritely remarks, " even had it been lost it could not 
 have proved worse than their being afterwards both 
 in the West, and in other places destroyed by pieces 
 without either conduct or honour." But false coun- 
 sel again prevailed, and the unstable Charles was 
 lulled to sleep by the charms of Raglan, as if the 
 genius of the place had conspired with his fate. 
 Sport and entertainments were enjoyed with as 
 much zest as if no crown had been at stake. The 
 King, surrounded by the Duke of Richmond, the 
 Earls of Lindsey, Lichfield, and Carnewarth, and 
 the Lords Digby and Bellasis, felt himself, as it 
 were, restored to his natural position, and the 
 presence of ladies only was wanted to turn the 
 secluded walls of Raglan into a brilliant and 
 thoughtless Court. Nearly a fortnight was thus 
 spent in almost utter indifference and inactivity, 
 and all this while the Parliamentary forces were 
 beclouding the lovely roads of England with the 
 dust of their heavy and determined tramp to the 
 West; and the Scots were advancing into the very 
 heart of the country, and were already within a 
 short distance from Hereford, carrying everything 
 before them unopposed. One can hardly conceive
 
 300 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, the possibility of such a state of things, but the 
 ~ King no longer had around him honourable men. 
 Many of his best advisers had gone away dis- 
 gusted, and others had been slain in the field, 
 and now he was left alone with a parcel of as un- 
 principled and unscrupulous a set of advisers as 
 ever a Prince had, who cared little for their coun- 
 try, and whose sole object was to gain influence 
 over the King for their own aggrandisement. 
 
 News, however, soon came of the defeat of 
 Goring by Fairfax at Lamport, and this aroused 
 them from their apathy. An attempt was made 
 to raise forces in South Wales. The Commissioners 
 were met by the King at Cardiff on the 16th, 
 who having visited Sir "Wm. Morgan at Tredegar, 
 again returned to Eaglan on the 18th. More 
 disasters from the "West were reported. Prince 
 Eupert from Bristol was pressing for aid. Gerard's 
 foot, as already stated, had erewhile gone over 
 the Severn, and the Scots were approaching Here- 
 ford. Even Charles saw it was useless to sleep 
 any longer. Fresh counsel was invoked, and it 
 was resolved at last that the King should speedily 
 go over to Bristol, and that all the disposable 
 forces which he had should follow him as soon as 
 possible. This was communicated to Prince Eupert, 
 who at once came over and met the King and his 
 council at the house of Mr. Moore, called the 
 Creek, near Chepstow, and it was here finally 
 arranged that the King should cross the Severn. 
 That night the King returned to Eaglan, the next 
 day was spent in preparing for removing to Bristol, 
 and on the 24th Charles set out for the Black 
 Eock, where boats were in waiting to carry him
 
 And the Marches. 301 
 
 across. The design, however, was abandoned at CHAP. 
 the last moment, and we are left in a mist to " ' 
 
 1645. 
 
 discover the causes of this sudden change. Digby, 
 as every one knows, had an all-powerful influence 
 with the King, and he well knew that the clear- 
 sighted Kupert had long ago seen through him, 
 whence their hatred was tolerably mutual, and 
 there can be no doubt that that nobleman had a 
 great deal to do with this action of the King. 
 Symonds, in his diary, states that the gentlemen 
 of Wales persuaded his stay, and raised a hub- 
 bub. But be the cause what it may, the King 
 instead of crossing the channel, went to Car- 
 diff, to which place he had scarcely come when 
 he received tidings of the loss of Bridgwater one 
 of his chief strongholds in the West, and a place 
 by him thought to be almost impregnable. A severer 
 blow could scarcely be given to his hopes. There 
 was now no place to bar the enemy from swarming 
 with his triumphant forces before Bristol; but 
 the King still had hopes that the last-named place 
 was sufficiently strong to hold out for a while, so 
 that the siege of Hereford, which the Scottish 
 army, under David Lesley, Earl of Leven, had now 
 commenced, was permitted for a while to engage 
 the King's attention. There was no time to be 
 lost to effect its relief. Orders were therefore sent 
 to the sheriffs of the several counties of South 
 Wales to summon their posse comitotus, and to 
 bring them armed to the King with as little delay 
 as possible. And thus the King fondly hoped he 
 would be able to raise a sufficient force to attempt 
 the relief of Hereford.
 
 302 Civil War in Wales 
 
 VI. 
 
 *" v -^ 
 
 1645. 
 
 CHAP. But everything was changed in these counties 
 
 now. Wales had been ever prominent in aiding 
 the King: had been most forward in supplying him 
 with men, arms, and money; but its ardour was 
 now gone. The men in whom the people trusted 
 had been removed from command, and a set of 
 adventurers had been placed in their stead, who, 
 instead of serving the King, had more in view 
 their own enrichment, and who had for a long 
 time devastated the country, making scarcely any 
 distinction in their plundering raids between friends 
 and foes, until they had changed the former into 
 enemies, or had driven them from the King's ser- 
 vice with disgust ; while those who were originally 
 for the Parliament found greater cause than ever 
 for their opposition to the King. Lord Capcl in 
 the North, Earl Carbery in the South, while they 
 were at the head of the King's forces in their re- 
 spective parts, had acted as honourable men, and 
 though they were not so successful in the field as the 
 King could have wished, they aided his cause more 
 by neutralizing those inclined for the Parliament 
 than any of their more unscrupulous successors in 
 command ever effected by conquest in the field. 
 Lord Byron in the North, Sir Charles Gerard in 
 South Wales, had by this time pretty well alienated 
 the affections of almost all men from the King. 
 The latter especially had made himself most obnox- 
 ious. He was a passionate, reckless, and unscru- 
 pulous man, who, by some means or other, had 
 ingratiated himself into Prince Rupert's favour, 
 through which he was advanced, as we have before 
 stated, into the position of Major- General of the 
 King's forces for South Wales. At the head of a body
 
 And the Marches. 303 
 
 
 of rapacious Cavaliers he had committed great rava- CHAP. 
 gcs, had levied contributions in a most heartless man- 
 ner, and had behaved to everybody with a perfectly 
 unwarranted rigour, treating great and small with 
 the greatest discourtesy and harshness. 1 And thus 
 the people would serve the King no longer, but 
 would gladly be rid of him, and of the swarms of 
 locusts which he had inconsiderately poured over 
 the country. 
 
 It is no wonder, therefore, that the King's at- 
 tempt to raise a force in "Wales did not meet with 
 a ready or a hearty response. The posse comitatus 
 of Glamorganshire truly was brought together, to 
 the number of 4,000 ; but it was not to march to 
 relieve Hereford. It was rather to state their 
 grievances and to complain of their ill-usage; and 
 in their complaints the people were well backed by 
 some of the leading men of the County of Glamor- 
 gan, such as Sir John Awbrey of Llantrithyd, Mr. 
 Came of Ewenny, Col. Prichard of Llancayach, and 
 Mr. Button, who, it is stated, at this time were in. 
 correspondence with the rebels in Pembrokeshire. 2 
 Whether this was so or not I cannot say, but that 
 disaffection considerably prevailed even among those 
 who had hitherto been most loyal to the King there 
 can be no doubt. So that Charles's attempt to raise 
 a force in South Wales was not successful. Allud- 
 ing to the raising of the posse comitatus. Sir Edward 
 Walker says, "like unskilful magicians we by this 
 means raised such devils as we could never lay 
 again," and Clarendon in more classical terms states 
 the same thing. 
 
 1 Clarendon's BebelKoii, iv., 76. 
 z Walker's Hist. Discourses, p. 134.
 
 304 Civil War in Wales 
 
 VI. 
 
 ^"^v fc 
 
 1645. 
 
 CHAP. The King was at Euperra, a guest of Sir Philip 
 
 Morgan, from the 25th to the 29th of July. In 
 the meantime a meeting had been arranged between 
 the assembled countrymen and the King, and on 
 Tuesday, the 29th, Charles, accompanied by the 
 Duke of Richmond and others, and a regiment of 
 his guards, proceeded to Cardiff, where he dined 
 at the charge of Sir T. Tyrrell, the Governor at 
 the Castle, and in the afternoon proceeded to the 
 rendezvous of the countrymen, which was at St. 
 Fagans. The gentry of the county were there in 
 a body on horseback, and the people were drawn 
 up in battle array, winged with horse and a re- 
 serve. 1 The King was aware that there was a hitch 
 in matters, but he was by no means prepared for 
 such a hostile demonstration, and he must have 
 been dismayed at the sight of it. He, moreover, 
 approached them and ascertained for himself the 
 true state of affairs. The Welsh were by no means 
 daunted by the presence of the King, but stoutly 
 proclaimed their grievances, and submitted certain 
 propositions to him for his acceptance, the which if 
 he granted would induce them to give him certain 
 aid. They demanded to have the Governor at 
 Cardiff removed, and a Welshman put in his place; 
 to have the choice of their own officers; to have 
 the Papists removed out of the county, and to 
 have the arrears demanded by Col. Gerard remitted. 
 The King's answer was gracious enough. He 
 promised that he would grant them all reasonable 
 demands. But they would not accept a mere 
 promise : they desired to see the changes they 
 sought actually effected. One man, more daring 
 
 1 Symonds' Diary, Harl. MSS., 991.
 
 And the Marches. 305 
 
 than his fellows, stepped forth, and boldly declared CHAP. 
 
 their distrust of his promises, and cited proofs to ' ~" 
 
 show that he was not always bound by his promises, 
 amongst others, the fact that they had a warrant 
 under the Great Seal, calling upon them to con- 
 tribute 800 a month towards the defence of the 
 county, and that in less than a week after, Gerard 
 produced another warrant, signed by the King 
 himself, which subjected them to a contribution of 
 twice that amount. Other grievances they stated. 
 Gerard's cruelties and injustice were complained of 
 in strong terms. Gerard himself was present at 
 these debates, and in his turn he upbraided the 
 gentry in no measured terms, which conduct, as it 
 did not invoke from the King any marked reproof, 
 only incensed them all the more, and increased 
 their clamour for his removal. 
 
 The King returned that night to Cardiff, and 
 the assembled countrymen bivouaced out in the 
 open air. Our account below 1 states that the next 
 
 1 The following account, though extracted from a party paper, so agrees 
 in general with the Royalist account of the proceedings at Cardiff, while 
 it supplies some information not elsewhere gi v cn, that I transcribe it here : 
 
 " Since my last there is come to my hands a particular and exact 
 relation of the proceedings in Wales at and since his Majesty's late being 
 there, which, although it be not very recent, yet, having been formerly 
 imperfectly related, as I could only give you a hint of it the last week, 
 I shall here communicate it briefly. 
 
 " The King sent to Monmouthshire and Glamorganshire to meet at five 
 or six several rendezvous, then to meet at the general rendezvous at Newport, 
 and to bring as many men as they could. 
 
 " Glamorganshire met five hundred foot in all, and the horse about a 
 hundred. The gentry endeavoured to draw them along to the general 
 rendezvous. This was last Monday fortnight. As they were drawing them 
 out one Smith made a speech to them to this effect : ' Let us consider whither 
 we are going, and whom we leave behind,' which was an English governor 
 at Cardiff who had threatened to fetch in what they had ; and mentioned 
 
 20
 
 306 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, day the King demanded security to come and treat 
 - with them, or to send to him men to treat, where- 
 upon they sent ten gentlemen and ten countrymen, 
 " minding the gentry as they were going out not 
 in any way to engage them without their consent," 
 and they in a body drew nearer to Cardiff, making 
 their rendezvous at a place called Kevenon, or 
 Cefnon, within four miles of the town, and here 
 they lay in the field until Saturday. Cefnon is 
 the name of a hill which runs between the Taff 
 and the Ehymney. It is of some interest in this 
 history, not because it was a rendezvous on this 
 occasion, but because at the foot of this hill was 
 born the "Welsh ancestor of Oliver Cromwell. Exact 
 old Leland, in his Itinerary, refers to it in these 
 words : " A two miles from this hill by the south, 
 and a two miles from Cardiff, be vestigia of a Pile 
 
 other abuses the country had sustained, and therefore [he] thought it was 
 best [for them] to stay for their own safety. To whom all agreed not 
 to stir. 
 
 " The gentry hereupon and some horse repair to the Lord Digby with the 
 tidings. Whereupon a hubbub is raised, and five thousand [assemble] 
 together the next morning. 
 
 " The day following the King comes to them and desires to know the 
 cause of their meeting. They answered for the preservation of their country. 
 The King said he was for that, too, and desired to know what they would 
 ask further. They demanded 1st to have the Papists removed out of the 
 country. 2ndly, to have the English garrison removed out of Cardiff, and a 
 governor and garrison of their own put in. Srdly, seven thousand pounds 
 arrears demanded by Gerard remitted. The King answered fair, and said 
 they should have all reasonable contentment. One stepped forth and said 
 they had not all promises performed that came from his Majesty, for they had 
 a warrant under the Broad Seal for 800 a month, and within a week Gerard 
 showed them the King's own hand for 1,600 a month. The King seeing 
 them talk so peremptorily desired to talk with the gentry. They minded the 
 gentry as they were going not in any way to engage them without their 
 consent. The King departs to Cardiff, and they continue at their rendezvous 
 till Saturday. 
 
 " The King demands security to come and treat, or to send to him men to
 
 And the Marches. 307 
 
 or Manor Place decayed at Egglisnewith, in the CHAP. 
 
 parish of Llandaff. On the south side of this hill 
 
 was born Richard Williams, alias Cromwell, in the 
 parish of Llanilsen." This Eichard Cromwell, or 
 Williams, who signed himself nephew of the Lord 
 Cromwell, the great counsellor of Henry VIII., 
 was the great-great-grandfather of the greater 
 Oliver Cromwell. To return : On Friday the 
 King assented to all their propositions, where- 
 upon they agreed to furnish him in a month 
 with 1,000 men and the sum of 800 to arm 
 them. But the King's manner of acceding to 
 their requests clearly betrayed the fact that it 
 was extorted from him, which took away from his 
 assent much of its value. Gerard and his officers 
 were removed from command in those parts, and 
 Sir Jacob Astley put in his place. Sir Timothy 
 
 treat. They send ten gentlemen and ten countrymen to treat, and their 
 articles agreed on were 
 
 " 1st. That Sir Tim. Tirrell and all the garrrison do march the forth. 
 
 "2ndly. They agreed to furnish the King with 1,000 men and 800 to 
 arm them. 
 
 " According to this agreement the King and the whole garrison marched 
 forth to Brecknock, one Sir Eichard Basset made governor, and a garrison 
 of countrymen put into Cardiff Castle. The King only left about four or five 
 officers to receive and conduct the 1,000 men thence. No sooner were the 
 countrymen in the town but they searched for these commanders ; but they 
 were hid and shifted out of the town, only Sir Jacob Astley remained behind. 
 Endymion Porter and others shipped at Swansea for Ireland. Then news 
 came to the King that about 700 men were killed and taken at Brecknock, 
 and those that escaped got to Carmarthen. 
 
 " The King went Wednesday last to Hay, and Thursday to Bridgnorih. 
 
 " The King went out of Cardiff this day sevennight. Gerard made a 
 lord there in recompense for being put out of command in Wales, &c., it 
 being the country's demand. Sir Jacob Astley in his place. 
 
 " The first rendezvous of the countrymen was at Munrow Vaughan, the 
 second at Richard's Hill, and other times at other places. 
 
 "This relation was taken the llth August, from one who was an eye- 
 witness thereof." Mercurim Civicus, No. 118 (pp. 1042-44) of August 
 28th, 1645.
 
 308 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. Tyrrel was removed from the governorship of the 
 - --^-- town, and the English garrison therein removed, 
 and Sir Bichard Basset of Beaupre had the place 
 conferred upon him, having been nominated by 
 the people. Such other officers were also appointed 
 as they nominated. Charles, nevertheless, created 
 Gerard a baron, which " unreasonable preferment" 
 only galled the "Welshmen. A more foolish act 
 cannot well be conceived. Even the friends of 
 the King blamed it. Clarendon and Walker speak 
 of it in terms of dissatisfaction, and the more 
 so, because in the first place of the bad effect it 
 would have upon the populace, and in the next 
 place because it was conferred upon an unworthy 
 person, 1 who thus obtained a higher reward "than 
 but for that accusation he could never probably 
 have arrived to." 
 
 These negotiations had hardly been completed, 
 in fact, the people were not dispersed, when news 
 came from Pembrokeshire of the defeat of that part 
 of Gerard's forces which had been left at Haver- 
 fordwest to maintain the King's cause in the western 
 counties : by which the King's last chance in those 
 parts was frustrated and his power nearly annihilated. 
 Gerard, when he quitted South Wales, had left a 
 considerable body of soldiers at Haverfordwest 
 according to one account to the number of 1,100 
 foot and about 450 horse under the command of 
 " two young" Major- Generals, viz., Major-General 
 Stradling and Major-General Egerton. Pembroke 
 and Tenby at this time were in the hands of the 
 Parliament, and garrisoned by a small body under 
 the command of Major-General Laugharne. Tidings 
 
 1 Clarendon's Rebellion, iv., p. 81.
 
 And the Marches. 309 
 
 of the defeat of the Royalists at ETaseby had un- CHAP. 
 doubtcdly reached them, and of the King's sojourn ~ - 
 in Glamorganshire, and being doubtless informed 
 of the state of affairs at Cardiff, a state of affairs 
 which must have proved as damping to the ardour 
 of the force at Haverfordwest as it was encourag- 
 ing to them, such circumstances doubtless induced 
 Laugharne to try once more the issue of battle 
 with them. Accordingly, on the 28th July, he 
 drew out his forces, to the number of about 550 
 foot and 200 horse, out of Tenby and Pembroke 
 more they could not spare and proceeded in the 
 direction of Haverfordwest, reaching Caneston Wood, 
 where they came upon seven scouts, one of whom 
 was killed and the others made prisoners. Here 
 they lay until Friday, the 1st of August, receiving 
 however a reinforcement of about 150 seamen just 
 arrived at Milford. On Friday, Stradling and Eger- 
 ton drew their forces out into Colby Moor. 1 The 
 fight commenced about six o'clock in the afternoon, 
 and was hotly contested for about an hour, ending 
 however in the utter routing of the Eoyalists, who 
 attempted to fly in the greatest confusion and dis- 
 order to Haverfordwest. About 150 of these were 
 slain, and about seven hundred prisoners made, in- 
 cluding several officers of note, and a considerable 
 quantity of arms, carriages, and ammunition, was 
 also captured. Night came on, and the darkness 
 saved the town from an attack. During the night 
 the town was deserted a small garrison only being 
 
 1 S^-me seventy years ago many relics of this fight were unearthed by 
 the plough on the Moor. Fenton mentions this in his history of Pem- 
 brokeshire, and states that there was a tradition of a battle having occurred 
 there in Charles the First's time ; but he curiously enough doubts it on the 
 ground that he had seen no account of it in any newspaper of the time.
 
 310 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, placed in the castle. So early on Saturday the 
 
 ' ' victors entered the town, and began on Monday 
 
 their assault on the old fortress, which was success- 
 fully stormed and scaled on Tuesday, and all within 
 made prisoners. 1 
 
 From the West of England, also, news of a dis- 
 heartening character reached the King. These re- 
 verses coming within so short a time of his writing 
 so hopefully to the Queen must have sorely tried 
 Charles. 
 
 The country, tired both of King and Parliament, 
 and sick with the ravages of war, loudly cried for 
 peace. The King's prospects were never sadder. 
 Even Prince Eupert, who at any rate cannot be 
 looked upon as a kid-glove courtier, counselled 
 Charles to seek peace. From Bristol he wrote a 
 letter to the Duke of Bichmond on the subject. 
 This was shown, as it was intended to be, to the 
 King. But Charles, whose evil genius even in the 
 darkest moment raised illusory hopes in his breast, 
 would not listen to any advice so sensible, but re- 
 garded far more his own high notions of kingly 
 dignity than he did the sufferings of his people. 
 He therefore treated Eupert' s advice with contempt, 
 and wrote to him the most spirited letter, if the 
 most blind, which ever emanated from his pen. 
 Below will be found an extract from it : 
 
 " Now, as for your opinion of my business and 
 your counsel thereupon, if I had any other quarrel 
 but the defence of my religion, crown, and friends, 
 you had full reason for your advice, for I confess 
 
 1 "A true relation of the late success of the Parliament's Forces in 
 Pembrokeshire, &c." Printed for Ed. Husbands, Aug. 25, 1645. See vol. ii., 
 Document Ixxix., p. 266.
 
 And the Marches. 311 
 
 that, speaking as a mere soldier or statesman, I CHAP. 
 must say there is no probability but of my ruin; -^ 
 yet as a Christian I must tell you that God will 
 not suffer rebels and traitors to prosper, nor this 
 cause to be overthrown; and whatever personal 
 punishment it shall please Him to inflict upon me, 
 must not make me repine much less give over this 
 quarrel, and there is as little question that a com- 
 position with them at this time is nothing else but 
 a submission, which, by the Grace of God, I am 
 resolved against whatever it cost me, for I know 
 my obligation to be, both in conscience and honor, 
 neither to abandon God's cause, injure my succes- 
 sors, nor forsake my friends. Indeed, I cannot 
 flatter myself with expectation of good success more 
 than this, to end my days with honor and a good 
 conscience ; which obliges me to continue my en- 
 deavours in not despairing that God may yet in 
 due time avenge his own cause, though I must 
 aver to all my friends that he that will stay with 
 me at this time must expect and resolve either to 
 die for a good cause, or, which is worse, to live as 
 miserable in maintaining it as the violence of in- 
 sulting rebels can make it. 
 
 " Having thus truly and impartially stated my 
 case unto you, and plainly told you my resolutions, 
 which, by the Grace of God, I will not alter, they 
 being neither lightly nor suddenly grounded, I 
 earnestly desire you not in any wise to hearken 
 now after treaties, assuring you that as low as I 
 am I will do no more than was offered in my name 
 at "Oxbridge: confessing that it were as great a 
 miracle that they should agree to so much reason 
 as that I should be within a month in the same
 
 312 Civil War in Wales 
 
 condition that I was immediately before the battle 
 of Naseby. Therefore, for God's sake, let us not 
 flatter ourselves with these conceits, and believe me 
 the very imagination that you are desirous of a 
 treaty will but lose me so much the sooner. Where- 
 fore, as you love me, whatsoever you have already 
 done, apply your discourse hereafter to my resolu- 
 tion and judgment. As for the first, I assure you 
 they shall not cheat me, but it is possible they 
 may cozen themselves, for be assured what I have 
 refused to the English I will not ' grant to the 
 Irish rebels, never trusting to that kind of people 
 (of what nation soever) more than I see by their, 
 actions, and I am sending to Ormond such a dis- 
 patch as I am sure you and all honest men, a 
 copy whereof by the next opportunity you shall 
 have. Lastly, be confident. I would not have put 
 you nor myself to the trouble of this long letter 
 had I not a great estimation of you, and a full 
 confidence in your friendship to 
 
 " C. E. 
 " Cardiff, August 3, 1645." 1 
 
 Charles's object in coming to Cardiff had utterly 
 failed. All hopes of raising in Glamorganshire any 
 force for the relief of Hereford was found altogether 
 impossible. Even the counties of Monmouth and 
 Brecon, which, from their geographical position, 
 would form the basis of any operations in that 
 direction, were equally unwilling to risk any more 
 for the royal cause. 2 It was therefore considered 
 
 1 In H alii well' s Letters of the Kings of England this is given as July 
 31, quoting the Harl. MSB., 4231, us his authority. That, however, is a 
 mere copy ; but it gives the same date for tho King's letter to Ormond 
 referred to in his letter to the Prince. 
 
 3 Walker's Hist. Disc., p. 136.
 
 And the Marches. 313 
 
 high time for the King to study his own safety. CHAP. 
 He was in the midst of danger. The Scots were - ^ 
 at Hereford; and Laugharne, victorious in Pem- 
 brokeshire, was rumoured to be on his way east- 
 wards. Moreover it was clear he was not safe in 
 the hands or power of even those whom he had 
 just been negotiating with, who were " whispering 
 among themselves as if they intended to seize his 
 person and deliver him to the Parliament to make 
 their peace." l He had only two courses to chose 
 from, either to pass over the Severn and join Rupert 
 or Goring, or else to make his way to the North. 
 Goring was not in a very flourishing condition. 
 Fairfax had driven him very hard, and Bristol 
 was threatened. To cross the Severn therefore 
 Avould be probably attended with considerable risk. 
 Some news of Montrose's successes in the North 
 had been brought to Cardiff, and it was therefore 
 finally resolved to quit that place, and by stealthy 
 marches over the mountains to make for the North 
 a course which was " embraced as having a greater 
 probability of success " than the other. 2 
 
 Accordingly, having entrusted the management 
 of his affairs in Glamorganshire to Sir Jacob Astley, 
 the King, on the night of the 4th of August, set 
 forth from Cardiff at the head of a small force, 
 which consisted of Col. Gerard's horse, the King's 
 own Life Guards, Sir Marmaduke Langdale's and 
 Sir "William Yaughan's regiments. These had a 
 few days previously been recruited by about 200 
 foot, under Sir Thomas Glenham, who had marched 
 thither from Carlisle upon the surrender of that 
 
 1 Ludlow's Memoirs (Ed. 1721), vol. i., p. 159. 
 
 2 Walker, supra.
 
 314 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, place to the Scots, under the command of Leven. 
 
 VI. X 
 
 ' They marched over the mountains to Brecknock. 
 
 1645. J 
 
 On the way the King dined at Glancayach, the 
 house of Mr. Prichard, 1 and at Brecknock he 
 rested for the night at the Priory, the house of 
 Col. Herbert Price, who was then the governor of 
 the town. 
 
 In all these dark and despairing days the safety 
 of his son had been an object of deep concern to 
 the King. "While at Eaglan the King had sent 
 for Lord Colepepper, who had accompanied Prince 
 Charles in the West; but, owing to the dangers 
 of the road, Colepepper had not been able to arrive 
 until Charles was ready to depart from Cardiff. 
 He accompanied him to Brecknock, and there in 
 the quiet seclusion of the Priory the subject was 
 discussed between them. Even Charles was now 
 convinced that his chances were but very pre- 
 carious, and that he himself was menaced with 
 considerable danger, so much so that he felt it 
 necessary to provide for the safety of his son, so 
 that whatever should befal him personally, the suc- 
 cession of his house might be secured. Conse- 
 quently he dispatched Colepepper to the Prince 
 with the following letter, dated Brecknock, 5th 
 August, 1645 : 
 
 " CHAELES, It is very fit for me now to pre- 
 pare for the worst, in order to which I spoke with 
 Colepepper this morning concerning you, judging 
 fit to give it you under my hand, that you may 
 
 1 Inter Carolinum, sub. dat. In Symonds' list of "the gentry of Glamor- 
 ganshire Mr. Edward Prichard of Llancayach is put down as worth 800 
 a year. Prichard soon after declared himself for the Parliament, and in 
 due course of time was appointed governor of Cardiff Castle.
 
 Ami the Marches. 315 
 
 VI. 
 
 ^ 
 
 1645. 
 
 give the readiest obedience to it. Wherefore know CHAP 
 that my pleasure is, whensoever you find yourself 
 in apparent danger of falling into the rebels' hands, 
 that you convey yourself into France, and there to 
 be under your mother's care, who is to have the 
 absolute full power of your education in all things 
 except religion, and in that not to meddle at all, 
 but leave it entirely to the care of your tutor, 
 the Bishop of Salisbury, or to whom he shall ap- 
 point to supply his place in time of his necessitated 
 absence. And for the performance of this I com- 
 mand you to require the assistance and obedience 
 of all your council ; and by their advice the service 
 of every one whom you and they shall think fit to 
 be employed in this business, which I expect should 
 be performed, if need require, with all obedience 
 and without grumbling. This is all at this time 
 from 
 
 "Your loving Father, 
 
 " CHARLES. E." l 
 
 The next day (being Wednesday the 6th) the 
 King and his forces passed out of Brecknockshire 
 into Radnorshire. His Majesty dined on the way 
 at Sir Henry Williams' s seat at Gwernyfed, and 
 reached old Radnor in the evening, where he par- 
 took of supper at a yeoman's house. 3 There being 
 no accommodation for his retinue, the Court here 
 dispersed. What they did for lodgings Heaven 
 knows ; and on Thursday, having travelled all day 
 without any dinner, 3 Ludlow Castle (of which Col. 
 Wodehouse was Governor) was reached. Hence 
 
 1 Clarendon, iv., 83. 
 
 2 Iter Carolinum. 
 
 3 Ibid.
 
 316 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, they passed through Shropshire, Staffordshire, Der- 
 byshire, Nottinghamshire, and into Yorkshire, the 
 
 1615. 
 
 King on the way calling upon all his faithful 
 adherents to go with him to join Montrose, who 
 had recently obtained some victories in Scotland. 
 News, however, came that David Lesley had quitted 
 the siege of Hereford, and was in pursuit of the 
 King with the Scottish Cavalry. Courage the 
 Eoyalists at this time possessed not, nor had they 
 any confidence in themselves. At these tidings 
 many of them left the ranks, and recruits could 
 not be had. The King, therefore, was obliged to 
 give up his project for the North, and to betake 
 himself to Oxford, which place he reached on the 
 28th. 
 
 No sooner had Charles left Cardiff than the 
 party disaffected to him there began to show their 
 power. Though the King had made to them all 
 the concessions they required, and had removed from 
 command all such as were obnoxious to them, nay, 
 had even entrusted the garrison to a countryman 
 of their own, they do not appear to have been 
 satisfied. A few English officers, along with Sir 
 Jacob Astley, had been left behind ; and inasmuch 
 as these were entrusted by the King to bring to 
 him the 1,000 men which had been promised, a 
 promise which, I am afraid, was made with a great 
 deal of mental reservation, they made it a point, 
 as soon as they got fairly into the town, to search 
 for these and drive them away. The poor fellows 
 hid themselves or were kindly hidden from the 
 infuriate mob, and when an opportunity presented 
 itself they " shifted" out of the town, Astley 
 alone being left behind. Sir Eichard Basset, in all
 
 And the Marches. 317 
 
 probability, was anxious to maintain order, and, CHAP. 
 perhaps, even to keep inviolate the compact made - ^ 
 with the King, which caused the townspeople and 
 the others who had come in there to resolve to 
 put him out of the governorship unless he sub- 
 mitted to them, and threatened in case of resist- 
 ance to set the town on fire. 1 And in this their 
 resolution they doubtless were much aided by 
 Laugharne's continued successes in Pembrokeshire, 
 where most of the King's garrisons were now in 
 the hands of the Parliamentarians, and where the 
 people were already beginning to see the advan- 
 tages of freedom from the ruinous raids with which 
 Gerard and his creatures had overran and almost 
 laid waste the country. In fact, the Royalists 
 were fast giving in, and the common people openly 
 declaring for the Parliament everywhere in South 
 "Wales. " Even the County of Glamorgan, where 
 the Parliament was never wont to be named but 
 in detestation, begins to clear up, and the greater 
 part of the gentry declare for the Parliament." 2 
 
 Sir Jacob Astley, single-handed almost as he 
 was, could do nothing under such circumstances. 
 Influence he had none, and power was equally 
 wanting. Writing on the llth of August from 
 Cardiff to Prince Rupert at Bristol, he complained 
 bitterly of the conduct of the inhabitants. He said 
 "the County of Glamorgan is so unquiet as there 
 is no good to be expected. Shall strive as far as 
 I can to put things in order, which I despair of, 
 because it is poiver to rule these people, and not 
 
 1 Merc. Civicus, No. 118, 28th August; and The Kingdom's Weekly 
 Intelligence ; No. 1 14, 26th August. 
 
 2 Merc. Britannicus, No. 98. (K. I 1 . 22615.)
 
 318 Civil War in Wales 
 
 VI. 
 
 u -^ 
 
 1645. 
 
 CHAP, entreaties with cap in hand to such as deserve the 
 halter." 1 He did strive, but all his endeavours 
 availed him little in the face of such manifest un- 
 friendliness from all. From Newport, four days later, 
 he wrote that the gentry of Brecknock were most 
 of them inclined to be neutral and to join with the 
 strongest party, which made it difficult for him to 
 engage them to join together to relieve Hereford. 
 The County of Monmouth was equally implacable. 
 Nothing could be done. His commission to levy 
 forces in Wales completely failed. His presence there 
 seems to have only irritated people all the more. 
 He summoned a meeting of the inhabitants of Mon- 
 mouthshire, Glamorganshire, and the other counties 
 of South Wales, at Abergavenny. A large assembly 
 gathered. Sir Jacob desired them to join him to 
 go against the Scots. Again they demanded the 
 removal of English officers from the command of 
 the garrisons in Wales. But this demand he 
 thought too hard, and seeing that no good was 
 likely to come of any further negotiations with the 
 people, he called upon those who were for the 
 Parliament to stand by themselves, and those that 
 were for the Xing to stand by themselves. Upon 
 which Sir Trevor Williams, of Llangibby, who 
 hitherto had been for the King, stood forth and 
 told him that "they came for both King and 
 Parliament, and not to divide between them, as 
 they perceived his intention was." Thereupon most 
 of the company dispersed, leaving poor Sir Jacob 
 utterly baffled. 2 The consequence was that the Par- 
 liament cause made great strides. The people every- 
 
 1 Warburton's Prince Rupert, i., 527. 
 
 2 The Kingdoms Weekly Intelligencer, No. 117 (K. P. 22513.)
 
 And the Marches. 319 
 
 where clubbed for their self-protection, and these CHAP. 
 club-men, feeling their strength, soon began to show ^ - 
 it. They set about the removal from command of 
 officers who had become obnoxious to them. Cardiff 
 Castle had been placed under Sir Eichard Basset; 
 though a countryman, he gave no satisfaction. Early 
 in September Colonel Herbert, with his regiment, 
 aided by the Glamorganshire club-men, appeared 
 before it. The town and castle were soon evacuated, 
 Sir Richard Basset being allowed to march out with 
 his 200 men. 1 Col. Herbert took possession there- 
 of, and found in the castle 16 pieces of ordnance, 
 10 barrels of gunpowder, about 400 arms, and 
 good store of bullet, match, ammunition, and pro- 
 visions. Col. Herbert's next design was the re- 
 duction of the garrison at Swansea, and this also 
 was presently accomplished. 
 
 The Parliamentary newspapers at this time were 
 teeming with allusions to this change of feeling in 
 South Wales. Vaunting references were made to 
 the King's failure at Cardiff to raise an army. 
 " Could he get no recruits in "Wales ? Could 
 not his Majesty's orations (which were eloquent 
 enough) prevail nothing on the people? Could 
 Digby's warrants draw no more into the sad and 
 fatal list, although they used and abused the 
 authority of the King? The King now complains 
 of Wales and of the hearts of the people there, 
 which, he says, are as hard and rocky as the coun- 
 try. Wales is at length grown wise and happy. 
 It was as full of corrupt and malignant blood, 
 which being now let (like a ruinous body after a 
 long fever) it begins to recover into health and 
 
 1 Perfect Occurrences, the 40th week (K. P., large 4to., 1919.)
 
 320 Civil War in Wales 
 
 VI. 
 
 ^' s, ^ 
 
 1045. 
 
 CHAP, strength." * This crowing prevailed immensely. 
 The loyalty of the Welsh, their great help in all 
 times to his cause, were put down to ignorance ; 
 and this change in South Wales was attributed to 
 a better and clearer understanding of the quarrel 
 between the King and the Parliament. Hitherto 
 it was said they understood nothing of the real 
 issue; the people had been misled and deceived. 
 But now all was changed, and "at length the moles 
 have eyes." 2 South Wales in this respect was 
 better off than North Wales. The dawn of a better 
 day had not reached the mountainous recesses of 
 the northern division of the Principality. Ignorance 
 still led the people to the King's side. Nothing 
 but education would show them their folly : it was 
 urgently necessary that they should be " educated," 
 and it was for this purpose ordered by the Par- 
 liament "that a declaration be drawn up and sent 
 into North Wales to inform them aright of the 
 Parliament," which was deemed by Mcrcurius Bri- 
 tannicus "very seasonable for Wales." The service 
 of a writer acquainted with the country and its 
 people was called into vogue, and a pamphlet was 
 written for the edification of the Northwalians, and 
 dispersed all over the six counties. And whether 
 it was due to the persuasive eloquence of that 
 writer, or to other causes which we shall presently 
 investigate, the sympathies of those in the North 
 became very soon changed, and Charles lost even 
 there his power, as we have seen he had done in 
 the South, to a very marked degree. The Parlia- 
 ment became more assiduous with respect to Wales. 
 
 1 The Parliament's Post, No. 15, August 19. 
 
 2 Merc, Britannicus, No. 84.
 
 And the Marches. 32 
 
 Ilitherto the Principality had not much enquired CHAP. 
 
 VI. 
 
 the attention of the Assembly at Westminster, and - 
 their newly-kindled desire to cultivate the Welsh 
 was highly approved of by the Parliamentary press 
 of London. 1 When Laugharno's letter relating his 
 victory on Colby Moor was read in the House, his 
 prayer for supplies was answered by an unanimous 
 vote. His wife happened to be in Town at this 
 time, and they also voted an allowance of 10 
 a week to her during her stay in London, 2 an act 
 which the Moderate Intelligencer commends as " a 
 very good work." 3 
 
 Charles was very dispirited when he got to Ox- 
 ford. All hopes of joining Montrosc in the jSTorth 
 had, at least for a time, vanished. But he had 
 not been there more than a couple of days when 
 intelligence reached him of the important triumphs 
 which Montrose had obtained over the Covenanters 
 at Kilsyth, in the Lowlands. The royal cause for 
 the moment was prosperous beyond expectation in 
 Scotland. The King's despondency gave way. With 
 the small force which still attended upon him he 
 quitted the city, with the intention to raise the 
 siege of Hereford, judging that the besiegers, being 
 reduced by Leslie's absence, would be somewhat 
 disheartened at the news which had given him such 
 encouragement. And he was not mistaken ; for 
 the Scots, either hearing of his approach, or called 
 away to the assistance of their defeated brethren 
 in the Xortli, raised the siege, and a day before 
 the King arrived at Hereford he heard that they 
 
 1 Weekly Account, No. 34, Aug. 26. 
 3 Scottish Dove, No. 96. 
 a Ibid, No. 26, for August 28. 
 21
 
 322 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, -were marching hurriedly northwards. The siege of 
 
 *-- Hereford, in which the Scots had been engaged 
 
 for over a month, was thus unsuccessful. Charles, 
 if he had any real energy left in him, would doubt- 
 less have pursued the retreating Scots, as he in- 
 deed was urged to do. But at this time Bristol, 
 the greatest of the King's strongholds in the West, 
 was in great danger, being invested by Fairfax, 
 who had swept everything before him on his way 
 thither. Oliver Cromwell also was with Fairfax 
 before Bristol. Prince Eupert had, as -we have seen, 
 undertaken the defence of that city, and had taken 
 with him for that purpose a great number of Welsh- 
 men. Charles now thought the best thing that 
 could be done would be to render some succour to 
 Bristol. Hereford was reached on the 4th Septem- 
 ber. Charles, however, was not prepared to start 
 at once upon his journey to Bristol. He wanted 
 some assistance from the West : assistance which 
 never came, and which had it come would pro- 
 bably have been too late. The charms of Eaglan 
 once more seduced the King. Quitting Hereford 
 he came thither on Sunday, the 7th, and wasted 
 a fortnight of the most valuable time. Instead of 
 acting as a wise man, Charles whiled away the 
 time listlessly, discussing the merits of sects with 
 the Popish Marquis and his insane chaplain, Bailey; 
 and very probably also discussing the secret pro- 
 jects with the Irish Catholics, which were being 
 carried on at this very time by the Lord Herbert, 
 then Earl of Glamorgan, the eldest son of the 
 Marquis. On his arrival at Eaglan, Charles dis- 
 patched Sir Marmaduke Langdale and Sir Jacob 
 Astley, with horse and foot out of Monmouth,
 
 And the Marches. 323 
 
 Baglan, and Chopstow, to parley with the "Peace CHAP. 
 Army," as the dissatisfied party in Glamorganshire - - 
 called themselves. Astley was in no mood to par- 
 ley, or to "treat cap in hand with such as deserve 
 the halter " ; and the Peace Army, seeing his re- 
 solution to fight, and withal being raw, undisciplined 
 troops, promised to lay down their arms and to 
 supply the King with some money. This promise, 
 however, was never kept ; for in a few days they 
 received ammunition by sea, and "these rogues 
 hearing afterwards of the loss of Bristol joined with 
 the Pembrokeshire forces." ! Langdale marched to 
 Brecon. What he did there I know not. 
 
 We have already seen that the County of 
 Moumouth had been backward in aiding the King 
 to relieve Hereford. In this respect its conduct 
 was similar to that of Glamorganshire and Breck- 
 nockshire. There was perhaps less excuse for 
 Monmouthshire, seeing it was on the borders of 
 Herefordshire, and a common danger might have 
 induced them to be a little more forward in the 
 King's service. In a great measure this backward- 
 ness was due to the influence of some four or five 
 individuals, who, whether they were tired of the 
 war, displeased with the King's officers, jealous 
 of the Marquis of Worcester, or antagonistic to 
 Papistry, did their best to thwart the King's object. 
 Charles was not the man to forget his enemies. 
 Fro:n Eaglan, attended with his guards, he goes 
 on the llth of September to Abergavehny, his 
 "business" being to commit five of the "chief 
 hinderers." Our author 2 is not very precise as to 
 
 1 Symonds' Diary, Harl. MSP., 911. 
 Symonds. 
 
 2lA
 
 324 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, these men; what with his neglecting to give their 
 - residences, and omitting even the name of one of 
 them, it is difficult to discover who these were. 
 One, however, and the foremost, was Sir Trevor 
 "Williams of Llangibby, a gentleman destined here- 
 after to play an equivocal part, and whose conduct, 
 strange to say, afterwards came to be questioned 
 by Oliver Cromwell. The others designated were : 
 Mr. Morgan, of T ; Mr. Herbert, of Cole- 
 brook ; Mr. Baker of, I do not know where, and 
 
 Mr. , I do not know who, for -Symonds tells 
 
 us not. This " business" Charles managed, I be- 
 lieve, very badly; at any rate, he was rated by 
 the old Marquis for his kindness in letting Sir 
 Trevor Williams out on bail. 1 Probably, at the very 
 hour on that Thursday afternoon when Charles was 
 holding court over the "hinderers" at Abergavenny, 
 Prince Eupert was marching out of Bristol, having 
 been compelled to surrender that important garrison 
 into the hands of the redoubtable Fairfax and 
 Cromwell, after a struggle which lasted some eight 
 days. This was one of the greatest blows which 
 the King could have received; and it pained him 
 all the more because he had fully calculated upon 
 its holding out indefinitely ; at any rate, for a 
 
 1 Cox's History of Monmouthshire. Sir Edward Walker gives the 
 following version of the business at Abergavcnny : " And now the people 
 of Monmouth began to show themselves, being animated by Morgan of 
 Mahan [Machen], Herbert of Colebrook, and others, who coloured their 
 disaffection and design of revolt under pretences of dislike of Popery and 
 hatred to the House of Worcester ; but the true cause was, they were 
 creatures of the House of Pembroke, and consequently rebels from the 
 beginning. Yet, to prevent their doing any more mischief, their persons 
 were secured, and so was Sir Trevor Williams, but he, at the instance of 
 the Lord Charles Somerset, and others, was presently discharged, though 
 this obligation made him not at all honester, either to the King's cause or that 
 family." Historical Discourses, Ed 170-j, p 141.
 
 And the Marches. 325 
 
 long time. Indeed, Etipert himself had written to CHAP. 
 him to say that they would be able to hold out v - ^ 
 four months at least. 
 
 It was on the following Sunday, the 14th, that 
 this distressing news reached Charles. It was no 
 good any longer to stay at Eaglan. His affairs in 
 the West were utterly ruined. He needs must there- 
 fore move elsewhere. "Whither ? First of all, at 
 any rate, to Hereford, which he reached in the 
 evening. It was a gloomy Sunday for the King. 
 Digby was with him, and so were others, but 
 Digby's voice was chiefly listened to now. Digby 's 
 hatred of Rupert has been before alluded to ; but 
 Charles's great respect for the valour of his nephew 
 had hitherto shielded him from feeling the full 
 effect of this enmity. Now, however, when Eupert 
 was overwhelmed with adversity, Digby had full 
 scope to poison Charles's mind. And he did so. 
 That very evening the King wrote a most severe 
 letter to the unfortunate Prince, sending him a pass 
 that he may go and seek his subsistence " some- 
 where beyond the seas." That very night he wrote 
 another letter to Oxford, whither the Prince was 
 gone, escorted by Fairfax's musketeers, to order the 
 Council to demand back his commissions, and to 
 displace and arrest Eupert's bosom friend, "honest 
 Will Legge" Col. William Legge, the Governor 
 of Oxford. That same evening another hand was 
 busily tracing a letter at Bristol for the Parliament. 
 It was Oliver Cromwell's, rendering a glowing ac- 
 count of the taking of " so famous a city." Not 
 a full account ; but such as " wherein he that runs 
 may read. That all this is none other than the 
 work of God he must be a very atheist that doth
 
 326 Civil War in Wales 
 
 VI. 
 
 1^- . -^ 
 
 1645. 
 
 CHAP, not acknowledge it." How different things must 
 have looked to these two persons on that calm 
 autumn evening; to the one gazing exultingly on 
 the fair city he had won, all looked hopeful; to 
 the other, wearily riding along the dusty roads of 
 Monmouthshire and Herefordshire, everything must 
 have appeared gloomy and desperate. But the con- 
 trast was not yet complete. 
 
 On the morrow Monday, the 15th September 
 Charles intended to leave Hereford. He even set 
 out thence, but owing to Gerard's horse not coming 
 up, he returned, accompanied by Prince Maurice, 
 Gerard, and others. On his return he found a 
 letter from Montrose, giving an account of his 
 " thorough victory in Scotland." 
 
 This news was doubtless encouraging to its re- 
 cipients, and many plans were erected upon the 
 foundation which it laid one of them being to 
 join Montrose in the North; and on the way to 
 render some help to the faithful City of Chester, 
 which once more was in a state of siege. With 
 this end in view Charles quitted Hereford, and 
 intended to make his first station at Worcester. 
 This, however, proved to be impracticable, for the 
 enemy, under Col. Poyntz, who had been ordered 
 by the Parliament to watch the King's movements, 
 was in the neighbourhood a very " leo in itincre" 
 as Mauley in his Her Carolinum states. On hearing 
 that Poyntz had been marching all night in the 
 direction of Worcester, the project was abandoned. 
 Returning in the direction of Hereford, starting as 
 early as six o'clock in the morning, then turning 
 north-westwards, and passing by Weoblcy, the 
 Eoyalist army trudged wearily along the rough
 
 And the Marches. 327 
 
 and uneven country roads, and at midnight broke CHAP 
 the eternal stillness of the couple of streets which -^- 
 then constituted Presteign. Weary march from 
 six o'clock in the morning till midnight ! The 
 Her states that the King halted at the house of a 
 Mr. Andrews there, but a note in the old parish 
 register of Presteign states that he slept at the 
 Lower Heath, the residence of Mr. Nicholas Taylor. 1 
 His Majesty doubtless wanted rest, and if he did 
 sleep there two nights it would not have been at 
 all an extravagant halt to make. But no such rest 
 fell to his lot, for early next morning they were 
 again on the march right over the mountains to 
 Newtown. They had been told it was only ten 
 miles, but to them it looked more like twenty; 
 and so it was. A wild barren district, and "ex- 
 cept in the first three miles we saw never a house 
 or a church," says Symonds. Fairly exhausted, 
 they halted for two days, recruiting their strength. 
 Mr. Price's house, of Newtown Hall, seems to 
 have been the head-quarters here. On Sunday, 
 the 21st, again over the mountains, not quite so 
 rugged, and somewhat less barren, passing by Sir 
 Arthur Blayney's house at Gregynog, a trifle out 
 of the way ; but he was a firm Eoyalist High- 
 Sheriff, too, for last year until they came to 
 Llanfyllin, having dinner on the way at Plasucha, 
 the house of "Price the Papist." Monday saw 
 them again on the march : more mountains to climb, 
 more valleys to descend. Tired as they were, the 
 beauties of this district on that autumn day must 
 have been lost to these weary sojourners as they 
 marched to Chirk Castle. Here Sir John Watts 
 
 1 Kees's South Wales, p, 892.
 
 328 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, was still Governor. Almost surrounded on all sides 
 
 VI. 
 
 x - ^ by the garrisons of the enemy and an enemy, 
 too, who wanted to recover possession of his 
 own property, this brave soldier held out in his 
 strong fortress. News from Oxford reached them 
 here. Poor "Will Legge was in prison, and Eupert 
 shorn of his honours. News from Chester also, 
 that the enemy under Brereton had gained the 
 outworks, and were in a fair way of gaining the 
 city. "What made this all the more galling was 
 that the outworks appear to have been gained 
 through the treachery of some officers. It was 
 some consolation, however, to know that both 
 officers a captain and a lieutenant were appre- 
 hended. The city was in great peril. Lord Byron 
 could hardly manage single-handed to stem the tide 
 of adversity, which had set in. Watts was there- 
 fore ordered by the King to send word to Byron to 
 hold out a little longer twenty-four hours. Early 
 next morning the whole company quitted Chirk 
 for Chester ; indeed, a considerable party had 
 marched all night for Holt Castle, on the Dee, 
 where Sir Eichard Lloyd he of Wrexham, the 
 King's Attorney- General for North Wales, com- 
 manded. This detachment was under the command 
 of Sir Marmaduke Langdale. From here it was 
 intended to attack the besiegers before Chester. 
 Charles went by another route, and that evening 
 reached the city, which does not seem to have 
 been invested. The guards were placed in the 
 street to watch Sir Francis Gamul's house, where 
 he slept that night probably fearing some mishap, 
 and to secure against an alarm.
 
 And the Marches. 329 
 
 Poyntz, with his Yorkshire horse, of whose CHAP. 
 movements the Eoyal party seem to have been ^7-^ 
 entirely ignorant, was too sharp for them. By a 
 shorter way he had already arrived at Whitchurch, 
 intending to proceed to the assistance of the party 
 before the walls of Chester. From Whitchurch he 
 sent a letter to one Jones (some time a student at 
 Lincoln's Inn), who commanded the horse that be- 
 sieged the city, informing him that he was coming 
 to their assistance. This letter was intercepted by 
 Sir Richard Lloyd. It had never been anticipated 
 that they would have to meet Poyntz ; but now 
 that they knew his intentions, it was deemed ad- 
 visable to assume the offensive, and to give him 
 an attack. Not a word was sent to inform the 
 King of this resolution; but Langdale rushed on 
 recklessly, came upon Poyntz between the Dee 
 and Beeston Castle, and drove him well back, but 
 did not rout him. 
 
 In all probability if the soldiers within the city 
 had acted in concert with Langdale, the victory 
 would have been on their side ; but for want of 
 intelligence, Gerard and those who were with the 
 King remained idle in Chester, ignorant of what 
 was going on. Not so the besiegers. They were 
 requested to fall out to the assistance of Pointz. 
 Langdale now found himself between two fires, and 
 the day was lost to him. The Eoyalists were com- 
 pletely routed and put to flight. In every direction 
 they scattered and sought safety. They were vigor- 
 ously pursued, and in the chase many brave men 
 fell more were taken prisoners. Being informed at 
 the eleventh hour of what was going on, Charles 
 placed himself on the walls, and Gerard and those
 
 330 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, who had accompanied the King to the city sallied 
 " ' out. They did all they could to retrieve the fortunes 
 
 1645. J J 
 
 of the day. But it was too late. And Charles 
 must haye been sick at heart as he gazed from the 
 Phoenix Tower on the utter defeat of his only 
 hope, upon Eowton Heath, on the 24th of Septem- 
 ber. Gerard and Langdale were both wounded in 
 the fight. Many officers were taken prisoners : 
 the very flower of that army. Among these was 
 Colonel Sir Henry Stradling. Nearly a thousand 
 soldiers were made prisoners ; while over three hun- 
 dred officers and soldiers were killed on the King's 
 side alone. 1 Even worse news reached the King 
 the next morning. Montrose, who but the other 
 day appeared as the conqueror of all Scotland, had 
 been a few days before irretrievably defeated at 
 Philip Haugh, by David Leslie, on his way back 
 from Hereford. When the news reached Chester 
 Montrose's power was gone ; beaten by his enemies, 
 deserted by his friends, he was now s an outcast a 
 fugitive. So, too, was Charles himself, in one sense. 
 Three years before, to the very day, amid the 
 shouting of thousands, the ringing of bells, the 
 firing of guns, with civic pageant and military pomp, 
 Charles had first entered the quaint old city full 
 of hope, full of pride. In the interval mighty events 
 had happened: disaster upon disaster had followed 
 him; separated from his wife and children, bereft 
 of the councils of good men, his was a sad outlook 
 that night in the small rooms of Sir Francis Gamul's 
 house, if he scanned the future by the light of the 
 
 1 " The King's forces totally routed on Eowton Heath, &c." (K. P. 
 22718.) See vol. ii., Document Ixxxi., p. 272. Also Symonds' Diary, 
 Harl. MSS.
 
 And the Marches. 331 
 
 past. "Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown": CHAP. 
 Charles's pillow that night bore a sorrowful head 
 
 . 1645. 
 
 upon it. 
 
 Next morning came, and with it new plans. 
 Chester itself was considered to be in danger at 
 any rate, it was of no use for the King to remain 
 there. At ten o'clock he quitted it; and giving a 
 passing call at Hawarden Castle, governed by Sir 
 Wm. Neale, the King, with about 500 horse (which 
 was all that had got within the city walls after the 
 the battle), reached Denbigh that night. Denbigh 
 Castle had throughout been a firm garrison for the 
 King. Sir Edward Walker, who seems to have 
 attended his Majesty on these sad marches, says it 
 was " one of the strongest and noblest places I 
 ever saw." The Governor was William Salesbury, 
 of whom the same authority truly says, that "under 
 the cover of a countryman he had more experience, 
 courage, and loyalty, than many that made far 
 greater stress." Old "Hosanau Gleision" blue 
 stockings was the affectionate name by which he 
 was known to his countrymen : an upright honourable 
 man this General Salesbury. Right glad he must 
 have been to welcome the Sovereign to whose cause 
 both he and his had contributed freely, both in 
 their persons and property ; right sorry, too, at the 
 plight his " sacred Majesty" was in. Here the King 
 remained the greater part of four days awaiting 
 the rallying of his dispersed army. At length, when 
 they did meet together at a rendezvous some three 
 miles from Denbigh, they were counted and num- 
 bered some 2,400 strong. Moreover, they were 
 somewhat elated on that occasion by the intelligence 
 that Prince Maurice, with nearly a thousand horse,
 
 332 Civil War in Wales 
 
 was on his way to them was even then at Chirk 
 Castle. Some illusory hopes of Montrose even ap- 
 pear to have been occasioned by some false news. 
 
 But what to do, or whither to go, were questions 
 surrounded with difficulties. " Old Blue Stockings" 
 is said to have been afraid that the King would 
 remain at Denbigh, which would make that district 
 probably the battle-field between the two parties. 
 At one time it was thought the best thing to do 
 would be for the King to retire to Anglesey, and 
 there fix his winter quarters. There Were, however, 
 weighty reasons against its adoption. That county 
 was not undivided in its loyalty. The billeting 
 of an army upon the inhabitants would increase the 
 disaffection. Besides, it was felt that it would be 
 indiscreet for the King to isolate himself, when 
 he had many strong garrisons in England such as 
 Oxford, Newark, Hereford, Worcester, and Chester. 
 Worcester appears to have been the favourite by all 
 the King's counsellors except Digby. He dreaded 
 meeting Prince Eupert, whose downfall he had 
 effected, and he knew well enough that the Prince 
 would insist upon seeing the King to justify his 
 conduct, and that this could be easily done at a place 
 commanded by Prince Maurice. Digby 's advice pre- 
 vailed. The idea of Worcester was abandoned and 
 Newark fixed upon. This was not finally settled 
 upon until they had reached Bridgnorth, in Shrop- 
 shire, on Tuesday the last day of September. Den- 
 bigh had been quitted on the previous Sunday, and 
 the route thence lay by Euthin, which was visited 
 in passing, the castle there being garrisoned by the 
 King. Chirk was reached in the evening, and the 
 appearance there of Prince Maurice with a company
 
 And the Marches. 333 
 
 of horse, numbering between 600 and 700, the CHAP. 
 remnant of his own troop, and of that of Prince -^ 
 
 1 fi4.^ 
 
 Eupert, which had survived the fall of Bristol, 
 must have been a little reassuring. By stealthy 
 inarch, for they were now in the country of the 
 enemy, leaving Oswestry, where Col. Mytton's 
 head-quarters were, on the left, they reached the 
 rural parishes of Llandisilio and Llandenis. Here 
 the army encamped on the Monday night the 
 chiefs finding rest in some of the houses around. 1 
 Early the next day they were again in motion. 
 Shrewsbury had to be passed as cautiously as pos- 
 sible. Three or four times they were alarmed by 
 parties of horse from that garrison: probably foraging 
 parties. No mischief was done beyond some stray 
 shots, resulting in the death of a few only. Late 
 at night, weary and footsore, Bridgnorth was 
 reached, and there it was finally decided to settle 
 for the winter at Newark. When the King reached 
 Newark fresh troubles awaited him. Eupert was 
 there, favoured by Sir Eichard Willis, the Governor. 
 He entered into the King's presence unbid, and 
 insisted on having an opportunity to justify his 
 conduct at Bristol. The King consented to call- 
 ing a Council of War. This Council, after a few 
 
 1 Tradition still speaks of Charles's visit to the parish of Llandisilio, and 
 in a way which certainly is not in keeping with that domestic morality 
 which distinguished the King from his profligate son the second Charles. 
 The King's visit is said to have resulted in the birth of an illegitimate child, 
 in a house which has ever since been called " The City," for the reason that a 
 Prince of Blood Royal was born there. Near to it is a field still called the 
 " Prince's Field." This offshoot of the House of Stuart was surnamed Prince, 
 and until a late period a family of that name continued to live in the parish. 
 The last of them died within living memory, and it is said that they possessed 
 that Italian style of beauty which distinguished the Stuart family. See 
 Bye Gones, Feb. 18, 1874 : a local " Notes and Queries," for Wales, published 
 at Oswestry, and conducted by Mr. Askew Roberts in a very able minner.
 
 334 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, hours' sitting, declared that the Prince had not 
 ' '^ been deficient in courage or fidelity. This, how- 
 ever, did not satisfy the Prince, but the King 
 would do no more. Charles was very angry with 
 Willis, who entertained Eupert, and resolved to 
 remove him from the governorship, and acquainted 
 him of it. That very day, when Charles was at 
 dinner, Sir Eichard Willis, the two Princes, Charles 
 Gerard, and some of the officers of the garrison, 
 entered abruptly. All took Willis's part. Gerard 
 said it was a plot of Digby's, and called Digby 
 a traitor, asserting his readiness to prove it. The 
 King asked Willis to step aside with him, but he 
 refused, saying he had received a public injury, 
 and expected a public satisfaction. Mad with anger, 
 Charles ordered them to quit his presence and 
 never to come near him again. They did so, and 
 the next day applied to the Parliament for passes 
 to go beyond the sea, which were granted. This 
 standing by his friend and benefactor when adver- 
 sity was upon him is the only noble trait I have 
 been able to discover in Gerard's character. Digby 
 would not face Eupert. Before coming to Newark 
 he volunteered to go to the assistance of Montrosc 
 in the North. He left the King, taking with him 
 nearly all the horse, and was utterly routed at 
 Sherborne. He thereupon fled to Ireland. 
 
 Meanwhile, Major- General Laughame was busy 
 in Pembrokeshire. After his victory on Colby Moor, 
 on the 25th of August, the strength of the enemy 
 being broken, he found his task less arduous than 
 it had hitherto been. The two Eoyalist Major- 
 Generals Stradling and Egerton had retired to 
 Carmarthen. Behind them, in Pembrokeshire, they
 
 And the Marches. 335 
 
 li-l't only three garrisons, viz., Carew, Manorbier, CHAP. 
 and Picton Castles. Both Carew and Manorbier 
 were taken about the beginning of September, there 
 being taken in them about 400 prisoners and arms. 
 Mere passing allusions to them are made in the 
 newspapers, 1 and I have not been able to discover 
 who had been left in command in either fortress. 3 
 But Picton Castle was not so easily acquired. The 
 garrison there was stronger, and it did not suc- 
 cumb until after a siege of nearly three weeks' 
 duration. Some hopes of relief appear to have en- 
 couraged those within to hold out to the last. 
 Major- Generals Stradling and Egerton did all they 
 could to levy forces in Carmarthenshire, and ex- 
 pected that the Counties of Brecknock, Eadnor, and 
 some part of Cardigan, would join them. 3 But 
 nothing could be done in the altered state of these 
 counties ; and no help coming, Picton Castle was 
 yielded to Laugharne on the 20th of September. 4 
 By this the whole of Pembrokeshire was cleared of 
 Eoyalists. Laugharne informs the Parliament there- 
 of in a letter from Haverfordwest on the 25th, and 
 requests that some money be granted to him. The 
 House is extremely pleased with the news, and 
 .2,000 is voted to him out of the Excise. More- 
 
 1 Merc. Britannifus, No. 97; The Kingdom's Weekly Intelligencer, No. 117. 
 
 2 That Manorbier Castle was besieged in the Civil War time is clear 
 enough from the newspapers of the time, and is confirmed by certain 
 discoveries made recently by J. R. Cobb, Esq., -who has been rendering 
 a portion of the castle habitable. In front of the present ancient gate house, 
 and completely blocking access to it, Mr. Cobb came across a work con- 
 sisting of an eight-foot bank of earth, cased in front with a five-foot wall, 
 and in the inside with a three-foot -wall, having all the appearance of a 
 Vauban fortification for guns. Bolts or slugs of lead, five inches long by 
 five-eighths of an inch in diameter, have been disinterred. 
 
 3 A Diary or an Exact Journal, No. 71. (K. P. 227-7.) 
 
 4 Scottish Due, No. 101.
 
 336 Civil War in Wales 
 
 VI. 
 
 1645. 
 
 CHAP, over, "for an encouragement and gratuity to him," 
 the House ordered that the Slebech Estate, in Pem- 
 brokeshire, the property of John Barlow, "who is 
 and hath been long in arms against the Parlia- 
 ment," should be granted to him. 1 This is after- 
 wards done, but it takes some time to mature. 
 " Thanksgiving" was to be given in all the churches 
 in London on the next Lord's Day "for the happy 
 success of our forces in clearing the County of 
 Pembroke." 
 
 The Carmarthenshire Eoyalists, amongst whom 
 Stradling and Egerton had sought refuge, were 
 alarmed at the success of Laugharne, and not be- 
 ing very enthusiastic in their loyalty, were anxious 
 to avert bloodshed and ruin. Even while Laugharne 
 was before Carew, on the 5th of September, they 
 sent him a letter signed by fourteen of them, 
 most of them being Commissioners of Array for 
 the County of Carmarthen, asking him to name 
 commissioners to negotiate a treaty with com- 
 missioners to be nominated by them. This letter 
 was not answered until the 25th, a few days after 
 the taking of Picton Castle. On condition of their 
 delivering to them the scattered horse of the enemy 
 yet in Carmarthenshire, the Committee for Pem- 
 brokeshire were willing to engage for the safety of 
 any four gentlemen to come to Haverfordwest with 
 their attendants. For the 2nd of October a meet- 
 ing of the county had been convened to consider 
 what should be done, and to empower representa- 
 tives to treat with Laugharne, but the " country 
 met not." Laugharne now prepared to enter the 
 county. By the 10th of October he had reached 
 
 1 Perfect Diurnal, No. 115. (K. P. 19-20.)
 
 And the Marches. 337 
 
 
 St. Clears. His advance precipitated matters. Four CHAP. 
 of the commissioners, writing to him on that day 
 from Llangyndeyrn, unreservedly declare themselves 
 for the Parliament, promising to aid "with our lives 
 and fortunes in anything that may conduce to the 
 Parliament's service." 1 These entered Carmarthen 
 that very day at the head of some 1,500 club-men. 
 The townsmen accorded them ready welcome, and 
 on the morrow the principal inhabitants and the 
 gentry, headed by the Mayor, declare themselves 
 in the same way, and request to be received into 
 the Parliament's protection. Major-General Stradling 
 and Colonel Lovelace, the Governor, were dismissed, 
 and that night they departed the town with their 
 soldiers. Laugharne the same day, marching from 
 St. Clears, appeared before the town with a force 
 of 600 horse and 2,000 foot. By 11 o'clock that 
 night everything was concluded, and the next morn- 
 ing the conquerors made their entry. Laugharne 
 "restrained plunder and used the country with all 
 lenity," which attached to him the people in great 
 numbers. 2 On the 2nd of November Public Thanks- 
 giving was given for the capture of Carmarthen. 
 The few horse under Lovelace and Stradling went 
 to Newcastle-Emlyn, which remained in the hands 
 of the Royalists, and strengthened the garrison 
 there. Upon Col. James Lewes, of Coedmore, de- 
 volved the task of reducing this place, which, with 
 Aberystwith, were the only garrisons for the King 
 
 1 These were Edward Vaughan of Golden Grove; Henry Middleton 
 of Middleton Hall ; John Vaughan of Plasgwyn ; and John Vaughan of 
 Llanelly (?). 
 
 - " SI aj or- General Laugharne's Letter, &c. Printed for Edward Hus- 
 bands, October 28th, 1645." (K. P. 23115.) See vol. ii., Document Ixxxii., 
 p. 273. 
 
 22
 
 338 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, that were left in the three counties. 1 Both sus- 
 
 VI. 
 
 v - ^ tained protracted sieges. 
 
 Laugharne now pushed forward into Glamorgan- 
 shire. There the aspect of affairs was entirely 
 changed. The people were unanimously for the 
 Parliament. Cardiff had been wrested from the 
 Eoyalists by Colonel Herbert, of Colebrook, and 
 Swansea for once breathed freely. Having but little 
 to do here the active Major- General pushed his way 
 into Brecon shire, a county which had hitherto es- 
 caped wonderfully from the ravages of -the war. The 
 great majority of the gentry here, like elsewhere in 
 in Wales, were favourable to the King. Herbert 
 Price, of the Priory, Member for the Borough, took 
 up arms zealously for the King, and was disabled 
 from sitting in Parliament. John Jeffreys of Aber- 
 cynrig, Lewis Lloyd of Wernos, Edward Games, 
 of Buckland, and others, were also conspicuous 
 Eoyalists. When ill-luck attended the fortunes of 
 their Sovereign, the enthusiasm of many of them 
 waned, and they were not loth, when the opportunity 
 presented itself, to propitiate the party which for- 
 tune favoured. Laugharne reached Brecon, and was 
 well received. The castle, it appears, held out under 
 Col. Turbervil Morgan, the deputy-governor there; 
 but not long, and in a very short time, the entire 
 county was reduced. 2 On the 17th of November 
 the county was assessed in A. 20 weekly. Several 
 Brecknockshire names were added to the Committee 
 of Gloucester; and on the 23rd, thirty-four of the 
 leading men of the county attached their names 
 to a declaration offering, u in conscience of their 
 
 1 Perfect Passages, No. 61. 
 " Perfect Passages, No. 58.
 
 And the Marches. 339 
 
 loyalty and not by terror or constraint," to submit CHAP. 
 themselves, their lives and fortunes, to the service *- -' 
 
 1645. 
 
 of the Parliament, "being fully satisfied that the 
 Parliament then sitting at Westminster was the law- 
 ful Parliament of England, and the Supreme Court 
 of Judicature." The very fact of their stating 
 that they made the declaration voluntarily, and 
 not by constraint, in my opinion throws a doubt 
 upon their sincerity, and the after-conduct of some 
 of them confirms that doubt. Herbert Price and 
 John Jeffreys were away at the time. I do not 
 think either of them would have signed the declara- 
 tion if they had been in the county. Laugharne 
 sent this declaration, accompanied with other papers, 
 to the Parliament. They are read there with satis- 
 faction on the 5th of December, and the Speaker 
 is ordered to write a letter to the Major- General 
 for him to acquaint the signatories of the good 
 acceptance by the House of their declaration. 1 
 Laugharne thereupon returns to Haverfordwest. 
 Newcastle-Emlyn and Aberystwith still held out. 
 "The extreme hardness of the frosty weather" at 
 Haverfordwest detains Laugharne there. Col. Lewes, 
 however, manages to obtain possession of New- 
 castle about the middle of December, 2 and does 
 what he can to secure that part of the county. 3 
 
 In Monmouthshire also the arms of the Parlia- 
 ment were equally victorious. Chepstow had been 
 for a long time in the hands of the Eoyalists, and 
 of the castle there one Col. Fitzmorris was the 
 Governor. Col. Morgan, the Governor of Gloucester, 
 
 1 Commons' Journals, iv., 365. 
 
 8 Perfect Passages, No. 61. 
 
 3 Perfect Occurrences, No. 3, 1645 6, 
 
 2-2 \
 
 340 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, himself a Monmouthshire man, now that his hands 
 
 VI. 
 
 were tolerably free in the "West, crossed the Severn 
 
 1645. 
 
 with some 300 horse and abont 400 foot, of 
 whom a portion had been contributed by Colonel 
 Fleetwood, the Governor of Bristol; and pro- 
 ceeded towards Chepstow. The town made no 
 resistance; but from the castle, in reply to the 
 summons which was sent in, a refusal to yield 
 was the answer. Batteries were made, and with 
 mortar-pieces a breach in the wall was effected; 
 and on Saturday, the llth of October, the castle 
 was yielded, and the men therein made prisoners, 
 to the number of about sixty, among them being the 
 Governor, three lieutenant-colonels and majors, and 
 six captains. Thirty horses, seventeen pieces of 
 ordnance, three hundred arms, and ten barrels of 
 gunpowder, with other provisions of war, also 
 changed hands. 1 
 
 Charles was deservedly blamed by the aged 
 Marquis of Worcester for letting Sir Trevor Wil- 
 liams out on bail; and what that nobleman pre- 
 dicted was soon fulfilled. Sir Trevor now became 
 one of the most active partisans for the Parliament 
 in the County of Monmouth. He headed the 
 club -men there, and it was his influence that decided 
 their course of action. With that violent zeal which 
 invariably characterizes a renegade he was eager 
 . for a conflict. And at the head of some 1,500 men 
 raised out of the Counties of Glamorgan and Mon- 
 mouth, he decided suddenly to besiege Monmouth. 
 In this he was joined by Col. Morgan, the Governor 
 of Gloucester. The latter had a strength of about 
 
 1 Perfect Diurnal, No. 116, and Perfect Occurrences for the 43 d week 
 (K. P. 203 and 5.)
 
 And the Marches. 341 
 
 1,-jUO horse and foot, and Sir Trevor Williams CHAP. 
 
 VI. 
 
 commanded a body of 1,500 foot and 200 horse. 
 
 They soon acquired the town, but the castle held 
 out for three days Henry Lunsford acting as 
 Governor in the absence of his brother Sir Thomas 
 Lunsford. Seeing preparations made for blowing up 
 the fortress, the Governor demanded a parley, and 
 the castle was thereupon surrendered, the officers 
 being allowed to march away with their horses 
 and arms. All the arms therein, comprising seven 
 guns, four sling pieces, 300 muskets, 600 pikes, with 
 the ammunition and provisions, became the property 
 of the victors. This was on the 24th of October. 
 The .following Saturday Col. Morgan returned to 
 Gloucester, leaving the Castle in the custody of Capt, 
 Forster with only 100 men, and the town in the 
 charge of Sir Trevor Williams. The countrymen, 
 which constituted Sir Trevor's forces, did not intend 
 to follow the profession of arms, and they were 
 influenced by some Eoyalists in the town to return 
 home, which they did that same night, "every man 
 to his own home, leaving the town destitute of 
 strength." Seeing the danger he was in, Williams 
 asked Forster to help him in keeping the town. 
 Failing in that, he sent to the Governor of Glou- 
 cester; and to Col. Kyrle, who was in the Forest of 
 Dean. These at once sent the necessary aid, and 
 thereby secured the town. Those who were sus- 
 pected to be against the Parliament were on the 
 following Monday ordered to depart the town upon 
 pain of death, whereupon divers families were put 
 out, 1 
 
 1 King's Pamphlets, 23114 and 23219. See also vol. ii., Document 
 Ixxxiii. A. and u.
 
 Civil War in Wales 
 
 If we look into North Wales we find there that 
 since the King's defeat on Eowton Heath, and 
 his wanderings there had ended in his march for 
 Newark, the power and spirit of the Eoyalists had 
 been in a great measure broken. About the be- 
 ginning of September Sir Thomas Myddelton was 
 recalled by the House of Commons to occupy the 
 seat from which he had been absent so long, and 
 his command was transferred to his brother Sir 
 "William Myddelton, who thereupon became extremely 
 busy in suppressing the Eoyalists in these parts. 
 Marching from Welshpool on the 3rd September 
 he came to Bala. Lord Byron and Sir Edmund 
 Yerney had collected there a force of some 1,500 
 men, and had established garrisons in the neigh- 
 bourhood : one at Caergai, and another at Llandry- 
 silio. 1 On Sir William's arrival before Bala the 
 enemy ran away to Denbigh, leaving Caergai and 
 Llandrysilio but meanly garrisoned. Against these 
 the Parliamentarians directed their steps. The for- 
 mer was evacuated on their approach. They de- 
 molished it to the ground. They also found the 
 latter deserted, and they pulled down the steeple 
 of the church, which had been the stronghold of 
 the enemy, so far that it could not again be used 
 as a garrison. They pursued them to Denbigh, 
 and scattered most of them, by which means Sir 
 William hoped that " that country was quite 
 settled." 2 Some of the Merionethshire people were 
 however not so easily to be put down. Mr. Price, 
 of Ehiwlas, was an unbending Eoyalist. He spent 
 a lot of money for clothing for the soldiers, which, 
 
 1 I have not been able to discover this place. Perhaps it was Llandrillo. 
 
 2 His letter from Eed Castle, 4th September. City Scout, No. 8.
 
 And the Marches. 343 
 
 until he found men ready to wear them, he placed CHAP. 
 with his tenants to be privately kept. The man ' - 
 entrusted to carry the clothes discovered it to the 
 Parliamentarians, which caused Capt. Evan Vaughan 
 to march one night from Abermachnant to Penllyn, 
 where he discovered the clothes and much money. 
 Captain John Nanney endeavoured to raise some 
 soldiers at Dolgelly towards the close of the 
 year. Captain Edward Yaughan, "a well-affected 
 gentleman in Merionethshire," having intelligence 
 of it, stealthily proceeded to Dolgelly, which he 
 reached by three in the morning of the 31st of 
 December. There he surprised Nanney and his 
 lieutenant, one David Lloyd, and took prisoners 
 some soldiers whom they had got together, with 
 some thirty or forty horse. Only one man was 
 killed in this fray. 1 
 
 In the meantime Brereton was gradually draw- 
 ing tighter the besieging lines around Chester. 
 "While the King was yet in North "Wales Lord 
 Byron thought it would be able to hold out six 
 weeks. The King was very anxious to raise the 
 siege, but with news of the disaster which had 
 befallen Montrose in the North his power to do so 
 was gone, and he quitted Wales without being 
 able to offer any aid. Some hope of help from 
 Ireland, where the Earl of Glamorgan had made 
 peace with the Catholics, inspirited the besieged 
 to bear privations and to hold out a little longer. 
 Some Irish forces landed in Anglesey, and were 
 collected together at Denbigh, under the command 
 of Sir William Yaughan, whilom the Governor of 
 
 1 Mostyn, or Penbedw MSS., in Cambrian Quarterly Magazine, vol. i. ; 
 also Perfect Diurnal, No. 131.
 
 344 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. Shrawardine Castle. Salop. These intended to act 
 
 VI. 
 
 " in concert with forces from England, under the com- 
 mand of Sir Jacob Astley, and to bear upon the 
 besiegers from front and rear. Astley's forces were, 
 however, as yet in embryo, and he had not even 
 reached Ludlow; and Brereton, having intelligence 
 of the gathering at Denbigh, and having sufficient 
 strength for the purpose, dispatched Colonel Michael 
 Jones and Adjutant Lothian, with a force of 1,400 
 horse and 1,000 foot, u the cream of all those parts 
 of the kingdom," to Denbigh. The Eoyalists were 
 reported to be stronger in point of numbers, but 
 were actually weaker, being 1,700 horse and about 
 400 foot. On Thursday, the 30th of October, the 
 Parliament forces reached Mold; the next day 
 Euthin, where Colonel Mytton, who was in pos- 
 session of the town, though not of the castle, 
 joined them. On Saturday the hostile forces 
 met in conflict. The fighting was sustained for 
 a long time. The day for a time was doubtful, 
 but ultimately the Eoyalists were defeated. Some 
 one hundred of them were slain, and about four 
 hundred taken prisoners, including some officers 
 and men of quality. The loss on the Parliament 
 side was slight. The vanquished retreated to Con- 
 way, and were pursued for about eight miles. 1 
 This was a terrible blow to the besieged Chester. 
 Help was now almost beyond expectation, and the 
 position of the city was becoming very serious. 
 The six weeks were passed. The city was en- 
 circled, no supplies of food could be got, and what 
 
 1 " A true relation of a great victory obtained by the Parliament Forces, 
 &c., near Denbigh." (K. P. 23214.) See vol. ii., Document Ixxxiv., 
 p. 282.
 
 And the Marches. 345 
 
 was in the city was nearly all consumed. The CHAP. 
 outskirts had been burnt down, and the inhabitants ^~- 
 of those unfortunate places had crowded into the 
 city, adding to the misery and want which had 
 become almost universal. Already some breaches 
 had been made in the walls, and beds had been 
 requisitioned to fill in the gaps. 1 The outlying 
 garrisons of the Eoyalists were one by one reduced. 
 Beeston Castle was yielded on the 5th of Novem- 
 ber, and the few men who were in the garrison 
 were permitted to march to Denbigh. Hawarden 
 Castle also fell into the hands of the Parliamen- 
 tarians. Once more a miserable Christmas was 
 experienced at Chester far more miserable, far 
 more wretched, than any known there before. Of 
 food and fuel there was scarcely any left. Leather 
 and animals were freely consumed; and yet the 
 place held out with a deadly desperation. 
 
 Another great blow which the Eoyalists sustained 
 towards the close of this year was the loss of Here- 
 ford, which was surprised by Col. Birch and Col. 
 Morgan on the 18th of December. To that city 
 many of the most powerful Eoyalists of the district 
 and several men of note had gone, deeming it safe 
 in their hands. That city, from the beginning of 
 the war, had been a stronghold of the Eoyalists. 
 It is true, just on the eve of the battle of Edg- 
 hill, Lord St. John obtained possession of it for the 
 Parliament without any blood being shed or any 
 effort at resistance ; but the Parliamentarians soon 
 evacuated it, and it was left entirely in the hands 
 of the Eoyalists, under the command of Sir "Wil- 
 liam Coningsby. When Waller made his victorious 
 
 1 Lord Byron's Orders, 23rd October, in Harl. MSS., 2135, fol. 82.
 
 346 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, march to the West and destroyed the power of 
 
 ' " the House of Worcester before Gloucester, he pre- 
 1645 
 
 sented himself before Hereford, and it was yielded 
 
 to him upon conditions. 1 Waller, however, as we 
 have already shown, soon quitted it, and it fell once 
 more back into the hands of the Cavaliers. Col. 
 Mynne was then appointed Governor of the city. 
 Col. Mynne was slain at Eed Marley by General 
 Massey's men, and Prince Eupert then appointed 
 Col. Barnabas Scudamore the Governor. 2 Under 
 Scudamore the neighbourhood of the city and 
 the county was drained of men and money, to 
 such an extent as to create intense dissatisfac- 
 tion ; and the countrymen appeared in a hostile 
 attitude before its walls, demanding a redress of 
 their grievance. Eupert was then in Chester, 
 and he had to hasten back to quell the country- 
 men, which he did. Early in the autumn of 
 this year, the Scots, under the Earl of Leven, 
 laid siege to the city, and continued for some time 
 before the walls, and were on the eve of reducing 
 it when ill- tidings from the North called them away, 
 and Charles entered the city as its saviour. 3 Towards 
 the end of this year the question of reducing Here- 
 ford was discussed by the Committee of both King- 
 doms, and on the 5th of December, Col. Birch, a 
 Lancashire man, who had been " formerly a carrier, 
 now a colonel," 4 and who had distinguished himself 
 at the defence of Bristol, before it was surrendered 
 by Fiennes to Eupert, was authorised to draw 1,000 
 foot and his horse, and by the aid of the Worcester- 
 
 1 Ante, p. 153. 
 
 2 Symonds' Diary, Harl MSS., 911. 
 
 3 Rnshworth's Historical Collections. 
 * Walker's History of Independency.
 
 And the Marches. 347 
 
 shire force, and that under the command of Col. CHAP. 
 
 VI. 
 
 Morgan, the Governor of Gloucester, to use all 
 
 means to take the city. Col. Birch was then at 
 Bristol. He quitted Bristol and Bath on the 6th, 
 and came to Gloucester to confer with Col. Morgan 
 and Sir John Brydges, of Wilton Castle, Hereford. 
 These gave him very little encouragement at first, 
 but allowed his men to quarter at Gloucester, whilst 
 he went to see whether he could not by some means 
 accomplish his object. Coming to Newington, he 
 there obtained much important information from 
 two officers of the King's who had thrown down 
 their command, resenting some ill-treatment they 
 had .received, and were eager to be revenged. The 
 plan they proposed was explained to Col. Morgan, 
 who adopted it at once, and who, though "sick of 
 an ague," marched out with him. The upshot was 
 that the city was surprised, and a host of eminent 
 Cavaliers and Eoyalists were taken prisoners. Among 
 these were Sir Thomas Lunsford, once Lieutenant 
 of the Tower ; Sir Marmaduke Lloyd, Chief Justice 
 of the Great Sessions for Eadnor, Brecon, and Gla- 
 morgan ; and his son, Sir Francis Lloyd, Comptroller 
 of the King's Household; Sir John Stepney, late 
 M.P. for Haverfordwest ; Sir Eichard Basset of 
 Beaupre ; Sir Philip Jones of Llanarth ; Sir Edward 
 Morgan of Pencoed, Mon. ; Lieut. -Colonel Herbert 
 Price of Brecknock ; Lieut. -Colonel Jeffreys of Aber- 
 cynrig, Brecon ; and most prominent of all Judge 
 Jenkins. This happened on the 18th of December. 
 By the 24th, the castle was also taken, and the city 
 settled in order and quietness. The Governor, Col. 
 Barnabas Scudamore, with some fifty others, took 
 advantage of the ice on the Wye, and escaped.
 
 348 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 1646. 
 
 State of affairs at commencement of year Siege and surrender of Chester- 
 Siege of Aberyst with Revolt of Carne, the High Sheriff cf Glamorgan- 
 shire His defeat by Major-General Laugharne Laugharne's rewards 
 Some Pembrokeshire difficulties Col. Mytton takes Ruthin Castle, and 
 lays siege to the other garrisons in North Wales Surrender of Aberyst- 
 with Castle Town and Castle of Carnarvon yields to Col. Mytton 
 Anglesey reduced, and Beaumaris surrendered The King quits Oxford 
 and gives himself up to the Scotch Orders all garrisons to yield as soon 
 as possible Siege of Raglan Castle Sir Thomas Fairfax appears before 
 it and takes it The Archbishop of York turns round to the Parliament 
 and assists at the storming of the town of Con way Col. Salesbury 
 yields Denbigh Castle And Sir John Owen delivers up Conway Castle 
 to Major-General Mytton Retrospect of Imperial and other affairs 
 Harlech Castle, the last to hold out, is surrendered in March, 1647. 
 
 CHAP. THE year 1646 opened with anything but a bright 
 prospect for the Eoyalists. Since his return to 
 Oxford in November the King had been very anxious 
 to come to some terms with the Parliament. But 
 the Parliament was not so anxious to come to terms 
 with the King. It no longer consisted of those 
 who had remained at Westminster when the King 
 sought the arbitration of the sword, and when many 
 seats were left empty by men who threw in their 
 lot with their Sovereign. In the autumn of 1645 
 these seats were formally declared empty, and writs 
 were issued for fresh elections. Most of the men 
 who were sent up to fill the vacancies were men 
 who had distinguished themselves as supporters of 
 the cause of Parliament, and who looked with any- 
 
 VII. 
 
 1^*- -^fci 
 
 1646.
 
 And the Marches. 349 
 
 thing but favour upon any proposals from the King. 
 
 Among these may be named Fairfax, Ireton, Fleet- 
 
 . . 
 
 wood, Ludlow, and Hutchinson. The- King offered 
 
 to come himself to Westminster to treat in person 
 with the Parliament. The Scots did all they could 
 to prevail upon the Parliament to accede to this ; 
 but the Independents were now too strong there, 
 and they could afford even to refuse the request 
 of their allies. Moreover the King was, as it were, 
 in their hands. They could expose his duplicity 
 and his intrigues in such a way as would discredit 
 him in the eyes of all the people, for they had 
 proofs of the treaty of alliance which the King, 
 through the Earl of Glamorgan, had made with the 
 Irish rebels. Under this treaty 10,000 of the Irish 
 wore to land soon at Chester, under the Earl of 
 Glamorgan. Charles for this aid had promised to 
 allow the Catholics full liberty of their worship, 
 the repeal of the penal laws against them, and that 
 they should continue in possession of the churches 
 and lands which they by force had occupied. A 
 copy of the treaty and many letters relating to it 
 had been found in the carriage of the Archbishop 
 of Tuam, one of the rebel leaders who was slain 
 under the walls of Sligo. They were sent to the 
 Committee of the two Kingdoms, late in October ; 
 but they were not disclosed until it became neces- 
 sary, as it did now, to throw discredit upon the 
 King. Early in January of this year they were 
 laid before Parliament, and were at once published. 
 And now Charles, utterly disconcerted, was guilty of 
 conduct the most mean and cowardly. He denied 
 that he gave any power to the Earl to treat with 
 the rebels, and disowned him publicly; but at the
 
 350 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, same time privately gave him every encouragement, 
 - and released him from prison, into which the more 
 scrupulous Ormoncl had thrust him when the storm 
 broke and the intrigue was exposed. No one, how- 
 ever, believed Charles now. He had deceived the 
 people too long already ; and once more the question 
 of peace was set aside. 
 
 The Royalists had only two bodies of soldiers 
 in the field, one in Cornwall, under Lord Hopton, 
 and the other in the Marches of Wales, under Sir 
 Jacob Astley, intended for the relief of Chester. 
 
 That city, since the departure of the King after 
 his defeat on Rowton Heath in September, had been 
 under a state of siege. Early in October it was 
 encircled by Brereton ; the suburbs were burnt and 
 pulled down, so as to afford no shelter to the 
 enemy, and the effects of being cut off from 
 communication with the outside world soon began 
 to be felt within the walls. Lord Byron wrote to 
 the King, when the latter was at Denbigh, early 
 in October, that he would be able to hold out about 
 six weeks. Charles then hoped to be able to send 
 some assistance to Lord Byron, but he had to quit 
 Wales without more than enough to guard himself. 
 Some aid was expected from Ireland. The Marquis 
 of Ormond had been labouring hard to help in this 
 matter; but it was not so easy to do now as 
 it was when the disbanded English army had to 
 be sent away from Ireland. When Lord Digby 
 quitted the King, before his arrival at Newark, he 
 went to Ireland, and there tried to raise some forces 
 to relieve Chester. He was, however, by no means 
 successful. Colonel Roger Mostyn also had gone 
 over there to try his hand at recruiting. But
 
 And the Marches. 351 
 
 they expected more from Ireland than was really CHAP. 
 forthcoming. In fact, the old Archbishop of York, v - ' 
 
 1646. 
 
 conning over matters at Conway, came to the con- 
 clusion that "there is no relying upon these Irish 
 forces for this service." The Koyalists in North 
 Wales exercised whatever influence or power re- 
 mained to them to collect men to aid in the relief 
 of Chester. Colonel Gilbert Byron was at the 
 head of some 500 or 600 men in Carnarvonshire. 
 Colonel Mostyn landed from Ireland with an addi- 
 tional "piece of a regiment," about 160 men, and 
 would be able to raise in his own county some 
 200 more. Sir William Yaughan, whose defeat 
 near Denbigh I have already alluded to, had by 
 this time recovered from the effects of that disaster, 
 and by the beginning of the year was at the head 
 of some 1,500 horse and foot at High Ercal, in 
 Shropshire, where he expected to be joined by 
 Lord Astley, with the main supply from Oxford 
 and Worcester. But the condition of the besieged 
 was daily getting worse, and while these ill-con- 
 certed measures for relief were being digested, 
 Brereton was drawing closer his lines round the 
 ill-fated city, and famine and want was beginning 
 to help him within. The sufferings of the city 
 were intense. Fuel was scarce, and food also. The 
 misery had been much increased by the overcrowd- 
 ing of the place with the unfortunate people who 
 had to quit the suburbs and seek safety within the 
 Avails. By the 10th of January Lord Byron began to 
 despair. Brereton had been for some time in com- 
 munication with him and with Charles Walley, the 
 Mayor ; but Lord Byron was loth to give up while 
 there was the slightest hope of relief. Famine was
 
 352 Civil War in Wales 
 
 his greatest enemy. All the meat had been consumed, 
 even to the cats and docfs, and of corn there was very 
 
 1646. 
 
 little left. On the 14th of January Byron issued his 
 warrant to certain officers and civilians 1 to inquire 
 how much corn remained unconsumcd in the city. 
 That very day search was made in the different 
 wards, and the returns, which are yet preserved, 
 if really true, show a state of destitution quite 
 fearful to contemplate. The returns give the names 
 * of the various householders, with the number of 
 their families, and of the soldiers . billeted upon 
 them, and of the quantity of corn, meal, beans, 
 or bread they had. From a cursory glance East- 
 gate and St. Bridget's wards were the worst off. 
 In the former there were about one hundred and 
 sixty families, of whom over a hundred had " no 
 corn." These families comprised about nine hun- 
 dred persons, besides about one hundred and fifty 
 soldiers. In the Bishop's kitchen, though there 
 were twenty-four in the family, there was no corn. 
 Other houses with two and three in the family 
 were reduced to " one great loaf." 3 Lord Astley and 
 Sir "William Yaughan at length united their forces, 
 and " lay hovering about Bridgnorth," and their 
 intention was to further strengthen themselves by 
 joining with the Welsh forces under Lord St. Paul 
 and Colonel Gilbert Byron, and those Irish who 
 had come over under Colonel Mostyn, and those 
 
 1 These were Lieut. -Col. Henry Leigh, Lieut. -Col. John Robinson, 
 Lieut.-Col. Peter Griffith, Sergeant- Major Thropp ; Hugh Wilbraham, 
 Peter Leicester, Esquires ; Capt. Edmund Persall, Edward Aldcock, and 
 Richard Malory ; Mr. Aid. Holmes, sen., Mr. Hunford Phillips, Mr. Aid. 
 Holm, jun., Mr. Richard Byrd, and Mr. Edward Hulton. 
 
 2 In the Harl. MSS., 2135, f. 109, &c., these returns are all preserved, 
 and are not destitute of considerable interest. They form a perfect census 
 of the population of the city,
 
 And the Marches. 353 
 
 who had been sent over by Lord Digby, and who CHAP. 
 had iust landed at Beaumaris. Brereton, how- ^ 
 
 1646. 
 
 ever, had timely warning of the scheme. So he 
 sent Col. Mytton to intercept the progress of Lord 
 St. Paul. Mytton reached Euthin on Saturday, the 
 24th of January. He got possession of the town, 
 and the enemy beat a hasty retreat to Denbigh 
 and to Conway. By this means the last hopes of 
 Lord Byron were dashed to pieces. Astley and 
 Vaughan, for some reason or other, dared not ven- 
 ture upon the relief, and withdrew themselves 
 towards Worcester. The besieged, now hopeless 
 of relief, were anxious to give in. How they held 
 out so long with such a scarcity of provisions is a 
 marvel. On the 30th of January Lord Byron sent 
 out his commissioners to treat with Brereton. 1 The 
 first day nothing was concluded upon. They were 
 very anxious to have until the 2nd of February 
 to decide, but Brereton pressed them to an earlier 
 settlement, whereupon it was decided to yield upon 
 honourable conditions, so as to prevent the plunder 
 of the city, which could not have been prevented 
 if it had been taken by storm. The articles for 
 the surrender bear date the 1st of February, and 
 were signed by the twelve commissioners appointed 
 to treat on either side, and confirmed by Lord Byron. 
 The conditions were liberal to a degree. Lord 
 Byron and the officers, and all nobles, gentlemen, 
 and soldiers, were allowed to march to Conway, 
 and to be protected on their way thither for five 
 
 1 Each side had twelve Commissioners. For Lord Byron the chief -were 
 Sir Edmund Verney, Lieut. -Col. Robinson, Lieut.-Col. Peter Griffith, Lieut.- 
 Col. Henry Leigh, and Aldermen Blease and Ince. For Brereton, Colonels 
 John Boothe, John Bowyer, Duckenfield, Michael Jones, John Carter, and 
 Adjutant Lothian, were the most prominent. 
 
 23
 
 354 Civil War in Wales 
 
 days. The Welsh officers and soldiers were at 
 liberty to return to their homes. The officers were 
 
 1646. 
 
 allowed, according to their degree, to take away 
 each a sum of money the chief of them to be 
 allowed to take their servants and horses. The 
 women to have their apparel, the town to be pre- 
 served from plunder, and the citizens to be pro- 
 tected in their persons and goods, and freedom of 
 trade to be permitted ; and the city, with the fort, 
 and all the arms and ammunition, to be delivered 
 to Sir William Brereton by Tuesday, the 3rd of 
 February. Here we shall part with Sir William 
 Brereton. So long as we have known him he has 
 shown himself a very able officer, and worthy of 
 the success which attended all his actions. His 
 next actions are in England, for as soon as he 
 settled Chester he set out in- pursuit of Sir William 
 Yaughan and Sir Jacob Astley, and at Stow in 
 the Wolds, in Gloucestershire, on the 22nd of March, 
 broke up their army, took Lord Astley prisoner, 
 and destroyed the only force which remained to 
 the King, for Sir Ralph Hopton had surrendered 
 himself to Fairfax in Cornwall eight days before. 
 Brereton after that, crowned with glory, returned 
 to Parliament, not however to rest on his laurels, 
 for he raised higher and higher, and when Cromwell 
 attained power his services to the State were not 
 forgotten. 
 
 South Wales by this time was nearly all re- 
 duced to the obedience of the Parliament. Cardiff 
 and Swansea had given in, and the castles there 
 were respectively governed by Col. Prichard of 
 Llancayach, and Col. Philip Jones of Swansea. The 
 County of Brecon had yielded humble submission
 
 And the Marches. 355 
 
 to the Parliament. Carmarthen and Pembroke were CHAP 
 
 VII. 
 
 cleared of Eoyalists, and in CardigaD shire the gar- 
 
 rison at Abcrystwith Castle alone held out, under 
 Col. Eichard Whitley. A siege was laid to it early 
 in November. Major-General Laugharne had too 
 much to do in superintending the general settle- 
 ment of affairs in South Wales to attend to the 
 siege personally. Col. Eice Powell was entrusted 
 with the command. In this he was helped by 
 Col. John Jones of Nanteos, and it is said that 
 even Mr. John Vaughan of Trawscoed, who had 
 hitherto been a firm, though not very active Eoyalist, 
 deemed it proper to try and make peace with the 
 Parliament at the price of assisting in the taking 
 of Aberystwith Castle. 1 Weeks and weeks passed 
 and the capture of the castle appeared as distant 
 as ever. In the meantime the besiegers pillaged 
 the adjacent country in every direction. From an 
 old chronicler I extract the following : 
 
 " About the 8th of December Col. Jones of 
 !ftTanteos, and about tAventy soldiers, came by night 
 to Peniarth, and there took Lewis Owen of Peniarth 
 and Mr. Francis Herbert of Dolguog (who did 
 there sojourn for fear of the Parliamenteers) in their 
 beds, and carried them to Cardiganshire." 
 
 "Jan. 2nd. Cardiganshire men came over to 
 Merionethshire, as far as Barmouth, and on Satur- 
 day night, being the 3rd, plundered that village, 
 and so went away in their boats." 2 
 
 These depredatory raids occasioned some re- 
 monstrances from the inhabitants to Major-General 
 
 1 Cambrian Register, vol. i., p. 164. 
 3 Cambrian Quarterly Mayazinc, i., Mostyn MSS. 
 23A.
 
 356 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. Laugharne, whose answer was couched in the fol- 
 -- lowing words : 
 
 1646. 
 
 u These are to certify, whom it may concern, 
 that what inroads were by my soldiers made in 
 Montgomery and Merioneddshires were without 
 orders and command from me, and was done in 
 my absence. Therefore, I desire a free and usual 
 intercourse and correspondence to be carried on 
 between the counties of my association and the 
 said Counties of Montgomery and Merionedd : pro- 
 mising that if hereafter any of my men commit 
 the like offences they shall be exactly punished 
 according to the law of war. 
 
 u EowLAND LAUGHARNE. 
 " Dated 4th February, 1645-6." 
 
 While Laugharne was before Aberystwith, fresh 
 troubles were gathering in Glamorganshire. The 
 House of Baglan, though very much crippled by 
 the loss of Monmouth and Chepstow, and by the 
 turning round of Sir Trevor Williams at the head 
 of the club-men, was not yet put down. It is 
 true the Earl of Glamorgan was absent in Ireland, 
 but the old Marquis had powerful allies in Sir 
 Charles Kemeys and Sir Philip Jones of Llanarth. 
 The last-named had lost his house, and the Par- 
 liamentarians intended to place a garrison in it ; 
 but owing to frequent alarms they had to defer 
 this till a more fitting opportunity arrived. The 
 Governor of Gloucester was, however, on the alert, 
 and Sir Trevor Williams was very active. To dis- 
 tract the latter the Royalists, by some means or 
 other, had induced the High-Sheriff of Glamorgan- 
 shire, Mr. Edward Carne of Ewenny to revolt from
 
 And the Marches. 357 
 
 his obedience to the Parliament. Carne, as we have CHAP. 
 
 VII. 
 
 seen, had been in the preceding autumn among 
 
 the most active in resisting the demands of the 
 King. He also had been the chief man among 
 those of the gentry who invited Major-General 
 Laugharne to enter Glamorganshire, and had mate- 
 rially assisted in reducing that county. For hip 
 conduct on these occasions, probably, he was in 
 the November following made high-sheriff. It is 
 difficult to account for his turning round so soon. 
 Whether he was disappointed or not at having 
 only the shrievalty bestowed upon him, while Mr. 
 Bushey Mansel was appointed Commander-in-Chief 
 of Glamorganshire, and Colonel Prichard was made 
 Governor of Cardiff, and Colonel Philip Jones 
 made Governor of Swansea, I have no means of 
 ascertaining. Some such disappointment alone can 
 account for such instability. Under colour of putting 
 the county in a posture of defence, he and some 
 other gentlemen called a general muster, and 
 by means of a declaration which they published, 
 so fooled the people that they were resolved to 
 venture their ruin in the prosecution thereof. 
 Others he forced to serve under him ; and having 
 plundered the county to some extent, they ap- 
 peared before Cardiff, and summoned Colonel 
 Prichard to surrender to them the town and castle. 
 Prichard, who had with him but a small body of 
 men, withdrew to the castle, which he stored with 
 such provisions and ammunition as he could find, 
 determined to hold it out to the last. The Gover- 
 nor, also, sent for aid to England, and to Major- 
 General Laugharne. Aid was sent from England 
 by sea, and Laugharne, once more leaving the
 
 358 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, siege of Aberystwith to the care of Colonel Rice 
 ^ Powell, marched directly to the relief of Cardiff 
 
 1646. . J 
 
 with about 250 of his own horse and foot, and 
 some others who had volunteered to aid him. In 
 the meantime the enemy had summoned the castle, 
 but had only received a " flat denial. The Eaglan 
 forces, under Sir Charles Kemeys, by this time 
 had joined the Glamorganshire forces, commanded 
 by Carne. Laugharne found a party of them upon 
 a heath within a mile of the town, prepared for 
 fight. The Eoyalists were routed,, and pursued 
 for some six miles in the direction of Eaglan. 
 Their foot forces were nearly all either killed or 
 taken. Laugharne thereby relieved the castle, and 
 was admitted into it. His men, eager for further 
 victories, sallied out too soon, and had the worst 
 of it. His own brother, who was a lieutenant- 
 colonel, was taken prisoner, and a few others; the 
 rest made their way back to the castle. Night- 
 parted the combatants, and the fighting was re- 
 newed in the morning, and "with such cheerful- 
 ness" on the part of the Parliament soldiers that they 
 totally routed their enemies, chasing them for about 
 seven miles. In both actions the Eoyalists lost 250 
 men, and 800 more were made prisoners, comprising 
 several officers. Another account calls it "a very 
 bloody fight," and asserts that 2,000 were either 
 killed or taken. " Carne himself," saj T s this autho- 
 rity, " stayed not to keep them together, but, like 
 a vagabond, ran up and down, bemoaning himself, 
 and glad he was that he had a nimble horse, not 
 to charge, but to fly with." Thus ended this 
 revolt in Glamorganshire. The power of the House 
 of Eaglan was further weakened. Sir Charles
 
 And the Marches. 359 
 
 Kemcys had but few left of the body he set out CHAP. 
 with, and even these he was in great danger of ~ ' 
 losing, for Colonel Morgan of Gloucester and Sir 
 Trevor "Williams intended to cut off his retreat. 1 
 
 Laugharne at once communicated his success 
 to the Parliament. His letter of the 21st of Feb- 
 ruary, from Cardiff, was read at Westminster on 
 the 28th. His services were approved of, and a 
 letter of thanks ordered to be sent to him. He 
 was, moreover, appointed Commander-in-Chief of 
 the forces in Glamorganshire, as well as of the 
 three western counties. A thousand pounds were 
 ordered to be paid over to Mr. Arthur Owen, out 
 the Excise, to provide horse and men for him, 
 and an ordinance was passed for making a grant to 
 Laugharne in fee of the beautiful estate of Slebech, 
 which John Barlow had forfeited through his op- 
 position to the Parliament. This matter had been 
 once before discussed in the House. Now it was 
 carried into effect, and the grant was issued under 
 the Great Seal on the 4th day of March following. 
 "The great mercy" of his success "over the re- 
 volted forces of the enemy at Cardiff," was also to 
 be the subject of Thanksgiving. 2 On the 3rd of 
 March, Laugharne, Sir Trevor Williams, and the 
 Governor of Gloucester, were requested to take 
 speedy means for the settlement of the counties of 
 South Wales ; and some fresh names were added 
 
 1 See " A great overthrow given to the King's forces in Wales, &c." 
 (K, P. 249 8) ; Vol. ii., Document Ixxxix., p. 298, and Laugharne's Letter, 
 in a pamphlet entitled " Two letters sent to the Honourable W. Lenthall, 
 Esq., &c." (K. P. 249-17.) 
 
 2 Commons' Journals, iv., 457 8. The grant of Slebech is given in 
 full in the appendix to Fenton's Pembrokeshire.
 
 360 Civil War in Wales 
 
 to the Committee of Gloucester and the eastern 
 counties of South Wales. 
 
 A few days before, some troubles in Pembrokeshire 
 had been under discussion in the House of Com- 
 mons. But the difficulties are so vaguely alluded 
 to in the minutes as to be incapable to me of solu- 
 tion. Poyer is in custody. Sir Eichard Philipps 
 and others arrested for debt incurred in the service 
 of the State. Yotes of money to secure their dis- 
 charge and for clothing the army. A portion of 
 the debt of one David Parry to Judge Jenkins, 
 ordered to be paid to Sir Eichard Philipps, and the 
 other part to Arthur Owen. Difficulties evidently 
 arising from irregularity of payments, and indis- 
 cretion of some friends of the Parliament in that 
 county in pledging their personal security; troubles 
 now attempted to be removed and justice done. 1 
 
 With the loss of Chester the King's power in 
 North Wales was virtually annihilated. Several 
 towns, it is true, remained in the hands of his 
 adherents, and several old castles continued to be 
 garrisoned for him. Sir William Brereton, who 
 had been assiduous in the service of the Parlia- 
 ment in Cheshire, and had from the commencement 
 of the war rendered them most material assis- 
 tance, now quitted that county; and leaving North 
 Wales to be reduced by- Mytton, who had recently 
 been promoted to the position of Major- General, 
 went in pursuit of one of the two main bodies 
 of the Eoyalists, which still kept up and which 
 was under the command of Lord Astley and Sir 
 William Vaughan. This he completely routed 
 at Stow in the Wolds, in Gloucestershire, on the 
 
 1 Commons' Journals, iv., 444.
 
 And the Marches. 361 
 
 22nd of March, after which he went to London CHAP. 
 
 VII. 
 
 to attend to his duties as a Member of Parliament. - 
 
 1646. 
 
 Major- General Mytton had still ample work be- 
 fore him. There was a garrison at Ruthin Castle. 
 The town we have already seen him in possession of. 
 There was a small garrison at Holt Castle, under 
 the command of Sir Richard Lloyd. Flint Castle 
 was in the hands of the Royalists. A strong gar- 
 rison, under Colonel William Salesbury, maintained 
 Denbigh Castle. To Carnarvon Castle Lord Byron 
 had gone on the fall of Chester. The Town 
 and Castle of Conway, now under the command 
 of Sir John Owen, held out for the King. Lord 
 Bulkeley maintained a strong force at Beaumaris, 
 and the Island of Anglesey as yet was purely 
 Royalist, and Harlech Castle was safe in the keep- 
 ing of Colonel William Owen of Brogyntyn, the 
 brother of Sir John Owen. The reduction of these 
 was a work of time. But Mytton was not in the 
 least degree dismayed at the prospect. His own 
 tact and military skill had hitherto won for him 
 many a hard-fought battle. His men were veterans 
 in the field, and inured to the hardships incidental 
 to active service ; while aiding him were able and 
 trustworthy officers, among these being his son-in- 
 law, Col. Roger Pope; and Col. John Jones, who 
 afterwards was one of those who sat as the King's 
 Judges, and who signed the warrant for the King's 
 execution. Lieutenant-Colonels Carter and Twistle- 
 ton, Capt. Richard Price, and Capt. Simkies, also 
 were experienced officers. 
 
 Ruthin Castle was the first to fall in : this fact, 
 however, reflects no discredit on the Royalists who 
 had charge of that fortress. Mytton confessed that
 
 362 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, it had cost him more time and ammunition than 
 
 VII. 
 
 -^ he expected when he first laid siege to it. And 
 
 it was dearly won. The besieged struggled stoutly 
 for victory. " There hath never been a day since," 
 says the Major- General, "but they sallied out con- 
 stantly twice or thrice a day." Many lives were 
 thus sacrificed, and much powder and match con- 
 sumed. At length, however, the Parliament soldiers 
 erected batteries for cannons to play upon it, and 
 dug mines all round the fortress. When these mines 
 were ready to be sprung, Mr. John Reynolds, the 
 Deputy-Governor of the castle, who was in com- 
 mand, sought a parley and agreed to yield up the 
 fortress on condition of his own liberty and the 
 liberty of the soldiers, other than the Irish, who 
 were barred by ordinance of Parliament. On the 
 8th day of April the articles for the surrender 
 were duly signed by Mr. Robert Fogge, Mytton's 
 chaplain, and Capt. Edward Thelwall, on behalf of 
 the Major- General, of the one part, and the Deputy- 
 Governor of the other part.. Parliament was in- 
 formed of this victory by Mytton, who dispatched 
 Lieut. -Colonel Thomas Mason with the intelligence. 
 Mason for his trouble was voted twenty pounds ; 
 and, moreover, on the recommendation of Mytton, 
 who spoke of him as a "faithful, active, and godly 
 gentleman, the most knowing man in his profession 
 that we have in these parts, having been a soldier 
 above twenty years, and lost his command in Ire- 
 land because he refused to bear arms against the 
 Parliament," he was appointed governor of that 
 castle, to hold it on behalf of the Parliament. 1 
 
 1 "A letter to the Speaker of the House of Commons, concerning the 
 surrender of Euthin Castle, &c." (K. P. 2579.) Fre also vol. ii., Docu- 
 ment xc., p. 301, and the Commons' Journals, April 15th.
 
 And the Marches. 303 
 
 While Mytton lay before Kuthin, a small body CHAP. 
 of his soldiers were attempting to capture Holt - ' 
 
 c f 1646. 
 
 Castle, naturally a very strong fortress ; but which 
 had in it only a small garrison, commanded by Sir 
 Eichard Lloyd of Ecclusham, near Wrexham : he 
 who entertained the King on his visit to the- latter 
 place in 1643. Mytton, immediately after the fall 
 of Chester, sent a detachment to that place, con- 
 sisting of some of his own men and some of the 
 Cheshire Firelocks. Through some misunderstanding 
 or other the Cheshire Firelocks were withdrawn 
 from the town, leaving Mytton's men, who num- 
 bered less than the garrison, in a position of 
 considerable weakness. 1 Whitelock, in his Memoirs, 
 generally correct, states that the place was surren- 
 dered in April, the Governor being allowed to go 
 beyond the sea with ' 300, and his lady to enjoy 
 his lands, which amounted to about 300 a-year. 2 
 But a letter, written six weeks after the capture 
 of Euthin, preserved in the King's Pamphlets, 3 
 written by Capt. Richard Price, Lieut.-Col. Mason, 
 and Lieut.-Col. Twistleton, states " Holt hath been 
 besieged ever since the taking of Chester. It is a 
 very strong place. Starving is the only way that 
 we can use against that place." I have not been 
 able to fix satisfactorily the date when this fortress 
 was surrendered. 
 
 The north-western counties of North Wales had 
 hitherto escaped from the worst ravages of war. 
 They had not been battle-fields. They had cer- 
 tainly been very much drained of men and money 
 
 2 Whitelock' a Memoirs, 231. 
 
 3 King's Pamphlets, 2641. Vol. ii., Document xcii.
 
 364 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, for the King. Prince Eupert and Prince Maurice, 
 1 Lord Byron and Lord Capel, had levied heavy 
 
 1646. J 
 
 contributions upon them. But the Commissioners 
 of Array for most of the counties of North "Wales 
 had been not very forward to exact these demands, 
 and the country had been somewhat better off 
 in consequence than if they had been entirely swept 
 over by military despots. Lord Byron speaks very 
 slightingly of the Commissioners of Array. I do 
 not, however, place too much importance on his 
 evidence, for his style of writing was- ever violent. 
 Now, however, that the King's power at Chester 
 had been destroyed, Denbigh, Carnarvon, and Angle- 
 sey were destined to experience some of the evils 
 of war. 
 
 Immediately after the surrender of Euthin, siege 
 was laid to the Castle of Denbigh, wljere Colonel 
 Salesbury held supreme command. A very brave 
 man and loyal was this Colonel Salesbury " a very 
 wilful man," his adversaries called him. The castle 
 had in its situation all the advantages for strength 
 that any stronghold could have. Moreover, there 
 were in it some five hundred able fighting men, 
 and many of the gentry had sought refuge within 
 its walls. Summons after summons was sent in, 
 but the answer was always the same an unflinch- 
 ing refusal to surrender ; and for months the siege 
 continued. The besiegers were in hopes to deprive 
 those within of the benefits of a well in Goblin's 
 Tower. There was only one other well within the 
 walls, and that always dried up in the summer. 
 Goblin's Tower, however, was not taken. The 
 summer came and went, and the drought notwith- 
 standing, Salesbury maintained his hold.
 
 And the Marches. 365 
 
 While this was going on Carnarvon Castle was CHAP. 
 
 . . V1I> 
 also besieged. The Maior-General himself conducted 
 
 J . 1646. 
 
 this siege, for it was deemed a most important 
 garrison. Moreover, it was to this castle that 
 Lord Byron and his chief officers went when they 
 quitted Chester. Flint Castle, too, was under siege. 
 On the 22nd of May, at midnight, it was deserted 
 by a large party. Several of them went over to 
 the Parliament forces at Hawarden, some went to 
 Chester, and such as were Welshmen went to their 
 homes. On the 23rd the flag of defiance was 
 taken down, and shortly afterwards the place was 
 surrendered. 1 Of all the garrisons in North Wales, 
 Conway, Bhyddlan, and Harlech Castles alone 
 remained free from a siege towards the end of 
 June. 
 
 The siege of Carnarvon was all this time making 
 very slow progress. The besiegers, however, had 
 plenty to look after, for those within allowed them 
 very little rest. Lord Byron appears to have 
 assumed the command of the garrison, and he did 
 all in his power to harass the enemy. They made 
 two desperate sallies, but on both occasions were 
 beaten back, with an aggregate loss of about thirty 
 men. Mytton himself appears to have been in 
 some danger at the second sally. He received 
 considerable assistance from the country in con- 
 ducting this siege. Notably, Col. Thomas Glynne, 
 of Glynllifon, the brother of Sir John Glynne, 
 Recorder of London, and Sir William Williams, 
 of Yaenol, rendered material service. 2 On the 
 
 1 King's Pamphlets, 2641. Perfect Occurrences for 5th June. (K. P. 
 246.) 
 
 2 King's Pamphlets, 264-].
 
 366 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, the 4th day of June, in answer to the second 
 
 VII. J 
 
 ^- summons. Lord Byron agreed to capitulate. Six 
 
 1646. . 
 
 commissioners were chosen to draw up the articles, 
 there being for Lord Byron, Cols. Edward Yere, 
 John Vane, and Disney ; for Mytton, Col. Thomas 
 Grlynne, Col. John Carter, and Major Zanchy. 
 Lord Byron, and all officers in the commission, 
 gentlemen of quality, and their servants, were to 
 have freedom to go to their homes, and were 
 allowed three months, either to make their peace 
 with the Parliament, or go beyond the seas; the 
 inferior officers and soldiers were permitted to go 
 to Worcester, but if that city was besieged, then 
 they were to have freedom to disperse to their 
 homes. The town was saved from plunder. Sir 
 William Byron, Colonel John Eobinson, Colonel 
 Shakerley, Archdeacon Price, and others named, 
 were also to have the benefit of the articles. 1 One 
 of the old newspapers of the period 2 gave it out 
 that there were three bishops in the garrison, 
 viz., Hereford, Chester, and Bangor; but I have 
 seen no confirmation of this statement. 
 
 During the progress of the siege of Carnarvon 
 Castle, some negotiations had been carried on be- 
 tween General Mytton and the Eoyalists in Angle- 
 sey. To pave the way for a friendlier feeling the 
 latter had abstained from rendering any assistance 
 to the garrison at Carnarvon. At their request 
 Mytton sent Col. Pope, Col. John Jones, and one 
 Thomas Edwards, with 'propositions to treat with 
 
 1 "The taking of Carnarvon, &c. Printed by Jane Coe, June 11, 1646." 
 (K. P. 26417.) Also vol. ii., Document xciii., p. 309. 
 
 2 Perfect Occurrences, 24th week.
 
 And the Marches. 367 
 
 them for the surrender of the Island and the Castle 
 of Beaumaris. Beaumaris, from nearly the com- 
 mencement of the war, had been garrisoned for the 
 the King by Lord Bulkeley of Baronhill. The place 
 had been of very great convenience to land troops 
 and ammunition from Ireland, and the Marquis of 
 Ormond, the Archbishop of York, and Lord Bulke- 
 $ey, had been making the most of it to advance 
 the King's cause for a long time. 'Now, however, 
 no fresh consignments of men from Ireland were 
 forthcoming, and like all other places it had to 
 change hands. The inhabitants of Anglesey had 
 the prudence to submit before they were compelled 
 to do so by the sword. On the 14th of June, at 
 Beaumaris Castle, articles were signed on behalf of 
 Col. Eichard Bulkeley, the governor of the castle, 
 and the rest of the country gentlemen there as- 
 sembled, whereby they gave up the castle and pro- 
 mised to make their peace with the Parliament 
 within four months. The signatories to these 
 articles were the above-named commissioners on be- 
 half of General Mytton, and Lieut. -Colonel John 
 Eobinson, Dr. Eobert Price, and Major David Lloyd, 
 for the Governor, Col. Bulkeley. 1 
 
 The Parliament was duly informed of these im- 
 portant successes. Mytton was appointed Governor 
 of Beaumaris Castle and the Isle of Anglesey. Col. 
 Thomas Glynne had a letter of thanks voted to him 
 for his good service in assisting in reducing Xorth 
 "Wales, and a sum of 3,000 was ordered to be 
 raised for Mytton out of the estates of delinquents 
 in North Wales. 2 
 
 1 Perfect Occurrences, 26th week, 16-iG. (K. P. 24 - 14.) Vol. ii., Docu- 
 ment xciv. 
 
 - Commons' Journals. Date 25th June, 1646.
 
 368 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. There now remained only fonr garrisons for the 
 
 VII. J C 
 
 ' * King in the whole of North Wales, viz. : Conway, 
 
 Denbigh, Rhyddlan, and Harlech. These were all 
 tinder siege ; but they held out for some time. 
 Here we shall, therefore, leave them to look at 
 affairs in South Wales. 
 
 Ever since the failure of the attempt of certain 
 renegades in Glamorganshire, at the instigation* 
 of the House of Raglan, to seize upon Cardiff, 
 Col. Morgan, the Governor of Gloucester, and Sir 
 Trevor Williams, had been extremely vigilant in 
 watching Raglan Castle, and eager for its reduction. 
 But Raglan was a very secure place, and a 
 stronghold of considerable importance. All that 
 boundless wealth could do had been done for its 
 security ; and the inventive genius of the Earl of 
 Glamorgan, who has been claimed as the discoverer 
 of steam power, had contributed very materially to 
 this end. Deep moats surrounded it, which could 
 be filled with water at any time, and ammunition 
 could scarcely fail them during a siege, seeing that 
 they had a powder mill within the walls, which 
 was capable of making a barrel a day. Every pre- 
 paration had also been made to enable its inmates 
 to sustain that siege which now appeared to all 
 to be inevitable. The garrison had been increased 
 in strength, ample stores had been brought in, and 
 deeming it the safest place from the enemy, a large 
 number of those of the leading inhabitants of the 
 county who still remained loyal to the King had 
 quitted their own homes to seek shelter within its 
 strong walls. Along with these were many who 
 had held important commissions in the Royalist 
 armies which lately had been destroyed. Colonel
 
 And the Marches. 369 
 
 Morgan and Sir Trevor Williams, however, did not CHAP. 
 begin to draw their lines round the castle until 
 
 1646. 
 
 they had heard of the defeat of Lord Astley's force 
 by Brereton at Stow in the Wolds, to which I 
 have already referred. When they heard that, they 
 knew that the sole enemy with whom they would 
 have to contend were those who had been collected 
 together within the fortress. So they made their 
 preparations accordingly. It is true, the aged Mar- 
 quis relied to a certain extent on aid from Ireland, 
 which his son was trying to bring over. He was 
 even told that they had arrived, and were on their 
 way to the rescue. This induced him to write to 
 the Governor of Chepstow, and the Committee for 
 Monmouthshire, expressing a hope that bloodshed 
 might be avoided. He was "content to live a 
 quiet neighbour amongst them," if reparation was 
 made to him, and he was allowed to have his rents 
 which they had taken from him, without which 
 he could not live. To this the Committee for the 
 County sent a reply, characterising the news of the 
 landing of the Irish as a " pretty Jesuitical inven- 
 tion," and attributing to the Marquis the ruin of 
 the county and all its sufferings. 1 Maj or- General 
 Laugharne, now that Aberystwith Castle had been 
 surrendered to Colonel Eice Powell, had reduced 
 all South Wales, and was free to proceed to the 
 aid of Colonel Morgan in Monmouthshire, which he 
 did accordingly, having, moreover, received frequent 
 importunities to do so. These solicitations were 
 coupled with a promise to raise contributions for 
 
 1 Perfect Diurnal, Xo. 1-36. (K. P. 24 11.) The signatures to the 
 Committee's letter were Henry Herbert, Charles Katchmey, Thomas 
 Hughes, Eice Williams, Edward Morgan, Roger Williams, Wm. Herbert, 
 and Wm, Blethyn. 
 
 24
 
 370 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, the support of the soldiers. Laugharne, with some 
 ^ ' 600 horse and foot, entered Monmouthshire, and 
 
 1646 
 
 was quartered at Abergavenny. Matters at this 
 time were making very slow progress. Laugharne 
 found that he had nothing to do, and also that the 
 promised contributions were not forthcoming ; in 
 fact, as he complained, he and his men were lying 
 idle at Abergavenny " without any manner of 
 encouragement." It is true, his men carried away 
 some 300 head of cattle from under the very walls 
 of Eaglan; but he was forced to quarter his men 
 on the county, which gave dissatisfaction to all 
 concerned. The people grumbled. So did his men. 
 He remonstrated with the Committee, and also re- 
 presented the state of affairs to Parliament, and 
 was " wearily waiting" some improvement. 1 His 
 men at last grew mutinous, which probably induced 
 the Committee to pay them, on the 10th June, 
 .1,500 arrears, and a further sum of 500 as a 
 sop to prevent further mutiny, upon which they 
 quitted the county and returned to Pembrokeshire. 2 
 
 Meanwhile Col. Morgan was drawing his lines 
 tighter around the garrison. On the 3rd day of 
 June he sent in his first summons. To that the 
 Marquis refused to accede, saying he would not 
 yield the castle without having the King's own 
 authority for so doing. A lengthy negotiation took 
 place after that between the two parties. Being 
 charged with ruining the county by keeping the 
 garrison, the Marquis replied that " the true reason" 
 for his keeping forces was not in defiance of the 
 
 1 See Laugharne' s letter, dated Abergavenny, 25th May, in Perfect 
 Occurrences for 5th June. (K. P. 24 6.) 
 * Perfect Occurrences, 26th week. Ibid*
 
 And the Marches. 371 
 
 Parliament, but for his own preservation. Sum- CHAP. 
 mons after summons was sent. Colonel Morgan ^ - 
 
 1646. 
 
 did all in his power to prevail on the Marquis to 
 give in ; but all his persuasions proved fruitless. 
 Constant sallies were made from within, and those 
 in the leaguer had hard duties to perform. On the 
 28th of June Colonel Morgan once more attempted 
 to prevail on the Marquis to yield. Two reasons 
 for his speedy yielding were given the one was 
 that it would soon be futile to hold out much 
 longer, seeing that Sir Thomas Fairfax, having, as 
 Colonel Morgan truly stated, "finished his work 
 over the Kingdom," was on his march towards 
 Eaglan; the other was an order from the King 
 himself, addressed to the Governors of Oxford, 
 Worcester, and all other garrisons in the Kingdom, 
 requiring them upon honourable conditions to quit 
 the garrisons and to disband all the forces under 
 their command. It should be here stated that the 
 King, after the defeat of Astley, in Gloucestershire, 
 and Hopton, in Cornwall, was besieged at Oxford. 
 Feeling that resistance was no longer of avail, and 
 still not anxious to yield himself up to Fairfax, 
 who commanded the siege, the King made his 
 escape from Oxford; and after having travelled 
 through the country in the guise of a servant, 
 had given himself up to the Scotch, in whose cus- 
 tody he remained until he was carried away by 
 the army. On the 10th of June he signed the 
 above warrant, which was dated from Newcastle, 
 and addressed to the Governors of Oxford, Wor- 
 cester, Lichfield, and Wallingford, and all other 
 commanders, &c. Colonel Morgan sent a copy 
 of this warrant with his summons a true copy
 
 372 Civil War in Wales 
 
 VII. 
 
 ^^ tf ^^ 
 
 1646. 
 
 CHAP. " upon the faith and honour of a soldier." The 
 old Marquis, however, does not seem to have been 
 inclined to place too much reliance on such honour; 
 and because the King had omitted even as much as 
 to name Raglan in his warrant, he asked for "leave 
 to suspend his belief," asserting that no man could 
 make him think so " unworthily of his Majesty." 
 Doubtless the Marquis, who had sacrificed so much 
 for the King, expected at least to have some acknow- 
 ledgment, and would have been amply satisfied 
 if Raglan had been only named in the warrant. 
 However, it was quite true. Charles did forget 
 the great service which the Marquis had been to 
 his cause. Colonel Morgan, being still anxious to 
 induce the Marquis to give in before he should 
 be compelled to do so by Fairfax, offered him 
 permission to send an officer to Oxford to verify 
 the King's warrant. To this the Marquis would 
 not listen. July passed, and still the besieged made 
 no signs of giving in. Early in August Fairfax 
 himself came, and on the 7th he sent in his first 
 summons. A "dilatory" answer was sent, and 
 the next day the Marquis wrote to Fairfax " a 
 calm letter," acknowledging his respect for the 
 General's family, and his long acquaintance with 
 his grandfather, and at the same time asked to 
 have propositions sent in to him. These were sent 
 at once. Fair conditions enough were offered for 
 the soldiery. As to the Marquis himself, he was 
 to submit to the mercy of the Parliament. Some 
 doubts as to whether the Parliament would con- 
 firm Fairfax's terms occasioned some slight hitch 
 in the negotiation. These being removed, the 
 Marquis sent out a drum on the 13th, desiring
 
 And the Marches. 37; 
 
 leave to send out commissioners to treat for the CHAP 
 
 VII 
 
 capitulation ; and a safe conduct was given. Mean- 
 while every preparation had been made to reduce 
 the place to take it even by storm if necessary. 
 The lines had been drawn tighter, mortar pieces 
 of great power, carrying grenade balls of twelve 
 inches diameter, were placed at advantageous posi- 
 tions, and trenches had been dug under the super- 
 intendence of Fairfax's chief engineer, Capt. Hooper. 
 The terms which were sent in, in respect of the 
 soldiers, were of a favourable kind, but the Marquis 
 himself was to be at the disposal of the Parliament, 
 who had already placed him high in the list of 
 persons who were excepted from pardon. Of course, 
 the aged Marquis struggled hard to obtain better 
 terms, and it does seem harsh that they were denied 
 to a man whose age was already eighty-four years. 
 On the loth the commissioners representing both par- 
 ties met at one Mr. Oates's house, about a mile and 
 a half from Eaglan. The conditions were there 
 discussed and adopted ; and it was then arranged 
 to yield up the castle to Sir Thomas Fairfax on 
 Wednesday, the 19th of August. All the officers, 
 gentlemen, and soldiers of the garrison, numbering 
 about 500, were to be permitted to march out of 
 the garrison, with their horses and arms, colours 
 flying, drums beating, trumpets sounding, match 
 lighted at both ends, bullets in their mouths, each 
 soldier with twelve charges of powder, bag and 
 baggage, and to go to any place within ten miles 
 of the garrison, where they were to deliver up 
 their arms to the use of the Parliament, and where 
 the soldiers were to be disbanded. All to have 
 benefit of articles except such as had been ex-
 
 374 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, cepted by Parliament the Marquis alone being of 
 
 ^- this category. Three months were allowed the 
 
 officers and gentlemen to make peace with the 
 Parliament, or to go beyond the seas, for which 
 purpose they were to have passes granted to them. 
 Sick and wounded to remain in the castle until 
 recovery. Thus fell Eaglan Castle, after a close 
 siege of over three months having held out some 
 months longer than any English garrison. Among 
 those who surrendered there were no less than 
 six colonels, three majors, thirty- two captains, six 
 teen lieutenants, many inferior officers, and a large 
 sprinkling of gentlemen of quality, and several 
 ladies. Though the siege had been of such long 
 continuance, the besieged do not appear to have 
 suffered much inconvenience, beyond being kept 
 within the limit of the garrison ; for when the 
 castle was yielded up, there was in it a great store 
 of corn and malt, wine of all sorts, and beer. The 
 horses appear to have been the greatest sufferers. 
 For want of hay many of them had been starved 
 out, and the rest were almost worthless ; they 
 were in such extremity as to be forced to eat 
 their own halters. 1 
 
 South Wales and the Marches were now entirely 
 in the hands of the Parliament. Not a garrison 
 remained to the King. Laugharne in the West, 
 Colonel Morgan in the East, Brereton and Mytton 
 in the Marches, had carried everything before them, 
 
 1 Details of the siege of Raglan may be found in " A letter to the Hon. 
 W. Lenthal, &c., from Col. Morgan, &c." (K. P. 266-16) ; " An exact and 
 true relation of the messages, &c., between Sir T. Fairfax and the Marquis 
 of Worcester, &c." (K. P. 27418); "A letter from his Excellency's 
 Quarters, &c." (K. P. 275-13); Perfect Diurnal, No. 160, and Perfect 
 Occurrences, 35th week (K. P. 24 46). See vol. ii., Document xcv. A. B. c. 
 andD.; also Coxe's Monmouthshire, and Williams's ditto.
 
 And the Marches. 375 
 
 and the whole of that part of the country was now CHAP. 
 
 J VII. 
 
 in a fair way of being settled in their obedience -' 
 
 164G. 
 
 to the Parliament. In the whole of England also 
 there remained not a single garrison unsubdued. 
 The King himself was a prisoner, carried hither 
 and thither by the Scotch. 
 
 In North Wales, however, a few more castles 
 remained unreduced. Our survey of that district 
 extended up to the middle of June, when Anglesey 
 was reduced. At that date, Conway and Denbigh, 
 Ehyddlan and Harlech, held out. Of these the 
 town of Conway was the first to fall. Hitherto 
 that town, chiefly through the influence of John 
 Williams, Archbishop of York, had been loyal to 
 the King. The castle had been repaired and 
 strengthened entirely at his own expense, as well 
 as the walls of the town. The Archbishop through- 
 out the continuance of the troubles had been zealous 
 to promote the King's interest. His correspondence 
 with the Marquis of Ormond, Lord Digby, Lord 
 Byron, Lord Bulkeley, and others, bear sufficient 
 testimony to his fidelity and zeal. He had, more- 
 over, spent quite a fortune in the royal cause. 
 Conway soon became the head-quarters of the 
 Royalist clergy. From Yorkshire and from every 
 part of Wales they flocked thither. And the 
 Archbishop came to be looked upon, and he looked 
 upon himself, as the rightful governor of the town 
 and castle. Prince Rupert, however, appointed Sir 
 John Owen, of Cleneney, to the governorship of 
 the town and castle, in the face of the Bishop's 
 protestations, and much to his disgust and annoy- 
 ance. This is not the only instance of this kind 
 of indiscretion on the part of the Prince which
 
 376 Civil War in Wales 
 
 C vn P ' ^ nave na( l to record. This, however, was a bare- 
 "-rrr" faced act of injustice, for the King himself, before 
 Rupert even had received his own commission, 
 11 had upon high and dear considerations passed 
 over unto me," says the Archbishop, " and my 
 assigns [the castle], which from bear walls I have 
 repaired, victualled, and ammunitioned at my own 
 charges." 1 A man endowed with a spirit less 
 soaring and ambitious than that of the Arch- 
 bishop, would have been soured by conduct such 
 as that. For Eupert and Sir John Owen Dr. 
 "Williams had no affection after this. Of the 
 latter he never failed to speak contemptuously, 
 characterising him as one of the sharks and chil- 
 dren of fortune, who know not how to subsist but 
 by license and imposture. 2 Still the old Arch- 
 bishop continued faithful to the King, and while 
 Chester was under siege, exerted himself to pro- 
 mote steps for its relief. But now, when the King 
 himself had given in, and he saw that his Sovereign 
 could no longer be benefited by further resistance, 
 and, moreover, being anxious to save his native 
 town from utter ruin, he was not above going over 
 to the other side, so as to conciliate his enemies by 
 assisting Col. Mytton in reducing the Town and 
 Castle of Conway. His advice in a Council of 
 "War, held to consider the reduction of the town, 
 was of great service to Mytton ; and by means of 
 it the town was taken by storm on the 18th of 
 August. The conduct of the Archbishop of York 
 on this occasion has been severely condemned by 
 
 1 See his letter to Lord Digby, dated Conway, 13th April, 1645. State 
 Pap. Dom., Charles I., vol. 319, 270. Vol. ii. of this work, Document 
 Ixxiv., p. 243. 
 
 * Ibid.
 
 And the Marches. .",77 
 
 writers of a Boyalist bias, and all kinds of stric- CHAP. 
 tares have been passed on his character. I admit, ^ - 
 however, that after serious consideration of all the 
 circumstances, I do not agree with his censurers. 
 All his acts during the war, and while there re- 
 mained the slightest hope for the King, show him 
 to have been thoroughly and zealously loyal, and 
 throughout he evinced the greatest regard and 
 solicitude for his Sovereign. The King's power 
 was now, however, entirely gone. None but a fool 
 could expect any good from holding out an insig- 
 nificant and almost solitary garrison in the wilds 
 of North Wales, when the King himself was a 
 prisoner, his officers and advisers beyond the seas, 
 and when the continuance of strife could have no 
 other result than the ruin of the town or neigh- 
 bourhood. Dr. Williams had served his King well, 
 and was anxious even now to do so ; he was also 
 naturally anxious to save from ruin a town in 
 which he had friends and property, and which was 
 governed by a man to whom he owed anything 
 but gratitude. This quarrel between him and Sir 
 John Owen certainly gives an appearance of malig- 
 nity to the Archbishop's conduct ; but I am fully 
 persuaded that higher considerations were dominant 
 in his mind when he offered his council to Mytton, 
 and that his conduct would have been the same if 
 the governor had been another than his implacable 
 foe. The next we hear of him is in November, 
 when Colonel Mytton, writing to the Parliament, 
 recommends the Archbishop to the protection of 
 the House, and that he may enjoy the remainder 
 of his estate free from sequestration, which was 
 assented to on his taking the Negative Oath and
 
 378 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, the National League and Covenant. 1 This he pro- 
 
 VII. . 
 
 ~- bably took, and he was afterwards useful in main- 
 
 1646 
 
 taining order and peace in North "Wales, taking a 
 great interest in everything, as had been his habit : 
 even writing to Oliver Cromwell, whom he had 
 known, Carlyle surmises, when Bishop of Lincoln. 
 Cromwell's letter to him bears date 1st September, 
 1647, and was written from Putney : 
 
 " MY LORD, Your advices will be seriously 
 considered by us. [The army had then obtained 
 the ascendancy over the Parliament.] We shall 
 endeavour, to our uttermost, so to settle the affairs 
 of North Wales as to the best of our understandings 
 does most conduce to the public good thereof, and 
 of the whole ; and that without private respect, 
 or to the satisfaction of any humour which has 
 been too much practised on the occasion of our 
 troubles. The drover you mentioned will be se- 
 cured, as far as we are able, in his affairs, if he 
 come to ask it. Your kinsman shall be very wel- 
 come. I shall study to serve him for kindred' 1 s sake ; 
 among whom let not be forgotten, my lord, your 
 cousin and servant, 
 
 "OLIVER CROMWELL." 2 
 
 This letter is of the greatest possible interest, as 
 it shows that Cromwell was conscious of his Welsh 
 ancestry, and was proud to own it. The Arch- 
 bishop was permitted to live at Conway during 
 the remainder of his life, which was not long, for 
 he died in January, 1649: of a broken heart, it is 
 said, for the fate of the King. 3 
 
 1 Commons' Journals, under date 21st January, 164G-7. 
 
 2 Carlyle' s Cromwell, Letter xlv. 
 
 3 Hachet's Life of Williams.
 
 And the Marches. 379 
 
 Con way Castle still held out, and it was not sur- CHAP. 
 rendered by Sir John Owen until the 18th November. ^^ 
 
 1646 
 
 In the meantime, Denbigh Castle also had been 
 yielded to Mytton. It was surrendered on the 26th 
 October. The town of Denbigh had since April 
 been in the possession of the Parliamentarians, and 
 the castle was summoned as early as the 17th of 
 April; but Colonel Salesbury, to whom frequent al- 
 lusion has before been made, was too ardent and 
 loyal a soldier to show the white feather until 
 compelled to do so. Another summons was sent to 
 him on the 24th June, and he was informed at 
 the same time that Carnarvon Castle had been 
 taken, and the whole Island of Anglesey reduced. 
 Salesbury's reply was, that what Anglesey and 
 Carnarvon had done did not concern him. Siege 
 was therefore laid to the castle, the management 
 of it being entrusted to Sir William Myddelton. 
 Col. Salesbury asked leave to send to the King, of 
 whose flight to the Scots he had been informed, to 
 ask his pleasure. Mytton, however, at first declined 
 to grant this, on the ground that it had been 
 denied to those who had commanded the garrisons 
 of Kaglan, Oxford, and elsewhere. But, whether 
 with the consent of Mytton or not, Salesbury des- 
 patched Eubule Thelwall to the King, to inform 
 his Majesty that "this castle hath now for several 
 months been closely besieged." The King thanked 
 the loyal governor for his " constancie," and promised 
 whenever it should please God to enable him to show 
 his thankfulness to his friends he would particularly 
 remember him. On hearing from the King, Sales- 
 bury delivered up the castle to Mytton. 1 
 
 1 Perfect Diurnal, No. 171. Parry's Royal Progresses, pp. 373 379.
 
 380 Civil War in Wales 
 
 Holt Castle, the surrender of which, on the au- 
 thority of Whitelock, I have placed in April, 1 was 
 not then surrendered. It held out for many more 
 months. Sir Richard Lloyd, whose name was among 
 those who were to be excepted from pardon, was 
 doubtless unwilling to throw himself upon the 
 mercy of the Parliament. Colonel Carter had the 
 management of the siege, which he found rather 
 a difficult task, for many sallies were made by 
 those from within, and relief obtained, which pro- 
 tracted the struggle very considerably. Towards 
 the end of October, however, it was capitulated, 
 whether on the terms mentioned by Whitelock or 
 not, I have not been able to discover. 
 
 A notable fact, that the two last fortresses in 
 England or Wales which were held for the King, 
 were under the governorship of two brothers. Con- 
 way, governed by Sir John Owen, was, as I have 
 before stated, surrendered to Mytton on the 18th 
 of November; but Harlech Castle, of which Col. 
 William Owen of Brogyntyn, was the Governor, was 
 not delivered up to the Parliament before the 13th 
 of March, 1647, and even then only on very 
 honourable conditions. Colonel Owen in this was 
 assisted by Sir Arthur Blayney and one Captain 
 William Edwards of Chirk, and some other local 
 gentlemen. The Civil War was now at an end 
 the King had been defeated and the Parliament 
 victorious. But victory is not always attended with 
 success. Internal dissensions soon began to dis- 
 turb the peace, and after a short time more blood 
 was spilt. 
 
 1 Ante, p. 363.
 
 And the Marches. 381 
 
 CHAPTEE VIII. 
 
 16471648. 
 
 The end of the Civil War Attempts to disband the Army Differences 
 between the Army and the Parliament Remonstrance against the 
 Eleven Members Fresh Revolt of Royalists in Glamorganshire sup- 
 pressed by Major- General Laugharne Disposal of the "Welsh Armies 
 Royalist intrigues General reaction in favour of the King Col. Poyer 
 heads an insurrection in "Wales Establishes himself at Pembroke Castlo 
 Rises the country Declares for the King Is joined by Laugharne, 
 Powell, the Stradlings, and others Col. Horton, sent to repress the revolt, 
 takes Brecon Fights Poyer in Carmarthenshire His correspondence 
 with Laughame Obtains a great victory at St. Fagans Poyer and 
 Laugharne retreat to Pembroke Tenby is fortified Oliver Cromwell is 
 sent to Wales Chepstow is taken Passes through Glamorganshire and 
 takes Carmarthen Tenby is reduced Siege of Pembroke and its surrender 
 Poyer, Laugharne, and Powell sent prisoners to the Tower Sentenced 
 to Death Poyer is executed Insurrection in North Wales Denbigh- 
 shire, Flintshire, and Montgomeryshire, remain faithful to the Parliament 
 Sir John Owen defeated Lord Byron routed End of second Civil 
 War. 
 
 SIXCE the 5th day of May, 1646, the King had CHAP. 
 remained at the head-quarters of the Scottish ^ ~ 
 
 1647. 
 
 army at Newcastle. Every influence was there 
 brought to bear upon him to induce him to adopt 
 the Covenant, and to convert him to Presbyterian- 
 ism. Proposals from Parliament to form the basis 
 of a Treaty of Peace were sent him in July. To 
 these he replied by merely demanding that he 
 should be received in London to treat personally 
 with the Parliament. But this could not be 
 seriously entertained by the Parliament. During 
 the autumn of that year the great questions 
 which troubled Parliament were the desirability of
 
 382 Civil War in Wales 
 
 VIII. 
 
 -^- s^-^ 
 
 1647. 
 
 CHAP, getting rid of the Scotch forces which occupied the 
 North of England, and the disposal of the King's 
 person. At this time the struggle for supremacy 
 between Presbyterians and the Independents added 
 much to the difficulties of the situation. The latter 
 bore no good-will towards the Scotch, but at the 
 same time felt that their retirement was absolutely 
 necessary, and that this could not be done without 
 paying them. The Scotch demanded three-quarters 
 of a million. This was considered preposterous. 
 Ultimately the sum of 400,000 was voted as the 
 maximum sum which would be paid to them : one- 
 half to be paid down, and the other half at the 
 expiration of two years. This was accepted by 
 the Scotch. Then came the question of the disposal 
 of the King's person. The Independents evidently 
 did not mean to pay the Scotch so large a sum, 
 and to leave in their power the person of the King, 
 which might work their own ruin. This question 
 embarrassed very much the English leaders of Pres- 
 byterianism. They could not afford to quarrel 
 with the Scots, and they thought that if the King 
 was delivered over to the hands of the Parliament, 
 they would be able to dispose of the army, wherein 
 consisted the strength of the Independents, and 
 their only dread. Difficulties innumerable arose; 
 but a treaty was ultimately signed, regulating the 
 retirement of the Scottish army. On the 1st of 
 January, 1647, thirty-six carts arrived at York 
 from London, conveying the first moiety of the 
 indemnity ; and within three weeks it was paid 
 over, but not before the Scottish Parliament had 
 consented to surrender the King to the English 
 Parliament, which justified Charles's expression
 
 And the Marches. 383 
 
 when the English Commissioners appointed to re- CHAP. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 ceive him arrived at Newcastle on the 22nd of 
 
 1647. 
 
 January " I am sold and bought." On the 9th 
 of February the King quitted Newcastle, and, 
 after travelling slowly, reached Holinby Castle on 
 the 16th. 
 
 And now that the person of the King was in 
 the hands of the Parliament, the Presbyterians 
 there, who formed a majority of the House, lost 
 no time before they commenced their long-intended 
 attack on the army ; their greatest dread being 
 Cromwell, who was an open foe to their intolerance 
 in religious matters, who was at the head of the 
 Independent party, and whose popularity in the 
 army was beyond question. Ireland was sadly 
 in want of soldiers, and the Parliament voted that 
 12,000 men be sent over there under the com- 
 mand of Skippon and Massey; and that the rest 
 of the army be disbanded. But the army was 
 not inclined to accept such terms, and insisted on 
 being paid all arrears of pay, to be indemnified 
 for acts done in war, and clear discharge, instead 
 of being sent over to Ireland, except under their 
 old commanders. Skippon and Massey, it should 
 be observed, were Presbyterians, the latter a very 
 strict one, indeed, and the army of Fairfax and 
 Cromwell was not inclined to serve under them. 
 This demur of the army called forth a severe and 
 an unjust rebuke from the Parliament, who, hear- 
 ing that the army was preparing a petition, voted 
 all who should have a hand in the promotion of 
 such petition to be " enemies of the State, dis- 
 turbers of the peace," felt by all to be "a blot 
 of ignominy," a vote which afterwards had to be
 
 384 Civil War in Wales 
 
 VIII. 
 
 1647. 
 
 CHAP, cancelled from the records of Parliament, where 
 asterisks still fill its place. 1 The army at this time 
 was stationed at Saffron Walden. Two Parliamen- 
 tary deputations were sent down to try and effect 
 an agreement, but failed to do so. Cromwell him- 
 self in May attempted it, but the army was not 
 in a mood to alter its demands. Preparations were 
 made, therefore, for the forcible disbanding of the 
 army every precaution being taken that this reso- 
 lution should not be known. But the secret oozed 
 out, and the plot was frustrated. On the 5th of 
 June, by a skilful manoauvre, the King, who had 
 in the meantime continued to reside at Holmby, was 
 carried away thence by Cornet Joyce, and brought 
 to the army. The Presbyterians were never in 
 such a plight before. A meeting between the army 
 and commissioners appointed by the Parliament, 
 on Triploe Heath, on the 10th June, having re- 
 sulted in a further demand of justice from the 
 army, the latter moved on to St. Albans to the 
 terror of the Parliament and of the City of London. 
 The struggle between the two powers had now be- 
 came intense. Covering London, the army was 
 in a position to insist on their demands, to which 
 they added another, viz., that eleven members of 
 the House, who had been the chief enemies of the 
 army, should be impeached, and in the meantime 
 expelled the House. The House was loth to give 
 way, the army advanced, -the shops of London 
 were shut, and the difficulty not settled until the 
 eleven accused members had " asked leave to re- 
 tire for six months," and had hidden themselves. 
 These eleven members were looked upon as the 
 
 1 Commons' Journals, March 29th, 1647.
 
 And the Marches. 385 
 
 cause of all those troubles, llollcs was at the head CHAP. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 of them. General Massey, Sir "Wm. Lewis, and Mr. ^^- 
 Recorder Glynn, were amongst their number. Of 
 Massey we have often spoken before. Sir "William 
 Lewis was of Llangorse, in the County of Brecon, 
 and at this time was Member for Petersficld. John 
 Glynn was of Glynllivon, in the County of Car- 
 narvon, and Recorder of London. Lewis and Glynn 
 were charged with having, in excess of their powers 
 as members of a Committee appointed to consider 
 the propositions for the settling of Wales, ordered 
 the Committees for Sequestration to forbear all pro- 
 ceedings against the inhabitants of the Principality, 
 whereby all that had borne arms against the Parlia- 
 ment, all disaffected and scandalous ministers, who, 
 in their sermons, had reviled the Parliament, calling 
 them rebels and traitors, and not only incensing the 
 people against the Parliament, but taking up arms 
 and leading their parishioners in arms against the 
 Parliament, and many other desperate delinquents 
 were freed from sequestration. To this charge 
 both gave a denial, adding that the only order they 
 gave had a reference to Carmarthenshire only. Sir 
 William Lewis was also charged with having pro- 
 tected many notorious delinquents, viz., Lord Car- 
 bcry and others in Carmarthenshire ; Mr. Carew 
 and others in Glamorganshire ; Mr. Morgan, late 
 knight of the shire, Mr. John Herbert, and others, 
 in Brecknockshire ; Mr. Gwyn, Mr. Lewis, and 
 others, in Radnorshire; by freeing them from com- 
 position, and that he had encouraged some of 
 them to continue true to the King; that he had 
 put in the Commission of the Peace several who 
 had been Commissioners of Array, viz., his brother 
 
 2o
 
 386 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. Thomas Lewis, Mr. Gwyn, Mr. C. Walwyn, Mr. 
 Meredith Lewis, Mr. Edward Williams, and many 
 
 1647. 
 
 others, while those who had been faithful to the 
 Parliament had been overlooked; that ho had 
 appointed his kinsman, Edward Williams, to be 
 solicitor for sequestrations, and by fraud had pro- 
 cured his own son to be chosen burgess for Brecon. 
 Lewis was further charged with having caused the 
 personal estate of Col. Herbert Price (Governor of 
 Brecknock for the King) to be restored unto him 
 without any satisfaction to the State, and had 
 caused his real estate, worth <300 a year, to be 
 let to a friend of Price, for the use of Price's wife, 
 at only 50 a year, contrary to the orders of Par- 
 liament. Sir William denied these allegations. As 
 for the Earl of Carbery, he had only moved in the 
 House to make good Major-General Laugharne's pro- 
 mises to the Earl. As to Mr. Carew of Glamorgan, 
 and Mr. Herbert of Brecknock, he had only moved 
 that their fines should be ascertained according to 
 the rules of the House. And for Mr. Herbert, ho 
 had done nothing in his behalf since Mr. Eumsey 
 had preferred charges against him, and ho was still 
 a prisoner in Ely House. To Mr. Morgan he had 
 only been civil in the way of an old acquaintance, 
 and as a countryman. As to Mr. Gwyn and Mr. 
 Lewis, of Eadnorshire, between whom were cer- 
 tain disputes, and who were highly spoken of by 
 Laugharne and Col. Birch, as having furthered the 
 reducing of that county, he had moved that their 
 disputes be referred to the Committee of Gloucester. 
 With regard to the justices of the peace, he had 
 nominated the fittest men he knew. They might 
 have done some questionable things when the King
 
 And the Marches. 387 
 
 had forces there ; but of his brother, Thomas Lewis, CHAP. 
 he could safely say that in his fidelity to the Par- ^^ 
 liament he had suffered as much as any of double 
 his fortune. He was even earned prisoner by Sir 
 Wm. Vaughan to Ludlow, and not released until he 
 had paid a ransome of eight score pounds. His son 
 had been chosen burgess by the unanimous assent 
 of the burgesses of Brecon. As to Col. Price's pro- 
 perty, he had, on the petition of Mrs. Price, show- 
 ing her sad condition, written to the Committee to 
 allow her a fifth of her husband's estate, according 
 to ordinance of Parliament, and to restore her wear- 
 ing apparel, which had been taken from her. These 
 charges were not investigated by Parliament, be- 
 cause the accused members removed the difficulty 
 by going abroad. 
 
 The army ultimately won their point. They 
 were not disbanded, nor did they go over to Ire- 
 land. Having marched into the city with boughs 
 of laurel in their hats, their supremacy was com- 
 plete. The army settled at Putney, and the King 
 was lodged at Hampton Court. 
 
 Taking advantage of these distractions, some 
 active Eoyalists in Glamorganshire attempted to 
 raise an insurrection and to seize Cardiff. In this 
 they were, it is said, instigated by Judge Jenkins, 
 who was at this time a prisoner in the Tower, 
 where he had been placed on his capture at the 
 surprise of Hereford. Nothing daunted by the re- 
 verse of fortune, this valiant old man was as enthu- 
 siastic as ever. Pamphlet after pamphlet issued 
 from his pen while a prisoner there, all breathing 
 the most ardent loyalty for his Sovereign, but 
 utterly repudiating the acts of the Parliament. For 
 
 25A
 
 388 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, these contempts he was brought to the Bar of the 
 VHI. * . . 
 
 House, where certain charges were read against him. 
 
 He denied the right of Parliament to try him, and 
 refused to answer the charges. Moreover, he would 
 not appear before them uncovered; not out of any 
 disrespect to them, he said, as a body of gentlemen, 
 but because he could not admit their status as a 
 Parliament. He was sent back to the Tower ; and, 
 probably, the proceedings against him would have 
 been continued but for the outbreak of the second 
 Civil "War, which caused him, for a time, to be 
 forgotten ; and he remained in the Tower. When 
 the Parliament had once more its hands clear, his case 
 was mentioned, and he was ordered to be taken back 
 to "Wales, and there to be tried for treason at the 
 sessions in his own county. It has been said that 
 he was tried and sentenced to death, and that he 
 heard the sentence with composure, and expressed 
 his resolve to go to the scaffold with the Bible 
 under one arm and Magna Charta under the 
 other; but I have not been able to discover any 
 official account of this trial. It is clear he was 
 not executed, for he died after the Eestoration a 
 disappointed man. 
 
 Immediately on hearing that the King had been 
 brought to the army, the principal Eoyalists in 
 Glamorganshire gathered together, and resolved to 
 take advantage of the distraction to rise for the 
 King. The ringleaders were Sir Eichard Bassett, 
 Sir Edward Thomas, Sir Thomas Not, Sir Charles 
 Kemeys, the Stradlings, and others. They sum- 
 moned the whole county, sending out their 
 warrants to the constables of every hundred to 
 summon all able-bodied men to meet at Cow-
 
 And the Marches. 389 
 
 bridge. These warrants were dated the 13th of CHAP. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 June. By the 15th they had mustered over 1,000 *- 
 
 1647. 
 
 strong, and had formed their head-quarters at 
 LlandafF, whence they sent by a lady a message to 
 Col. Prichard, the Governor of Cardiff, calling 
 upon him to yield up the . castle to them. At the 
 same time, fearing the power of Major- General 
 Laugharne, who at this time was at Carmarthen, 
 they wrote to him, explaining that their chief 
 reason for meeting was to save themselves from the 
 action of the Parliamentary Committee of the county, 
 by whom their property had been heavily taxed, 
 and hoping that Laugharne would assist them. 
 From Saint Lythan's Down they again wrote to 
 Laugharne, reiterating that their proceedings were 
 " meant only for the vindication of our estates and 
 liberties from the unjust and arbitrary disposition 
 of Committees here." Laugharne, however, made 
 no answer, but instantly set out to repress them. 
 Colonel Prichard also remained firm, and demanded 
 upon what authority they had disturbed the 
 peace of the county ; whereupon, on the 17th, 
 from Llandaff, they sent a notice to the Governor, 
 threatening, in case he resisted, he " must appear 
 before the world to be guilty of the blood which 
 shall be shed." But the timely appearance of 
 Laugharne at Cardiff saved bloodshed, and scat- 
 tered the dissatisfied party. They had actually got 
 together between 1,500 and 2,000 men, but on the 
 approach of Laugharne these deserted their leaders, 
 who, thereupon, took to flight : most of them to 
 turn up again in the role of insurrectionists. 1 
 
 1 King's Pamphlets, 3185 and 320 9. Vol. ii., Document xcix.
 
 390 Civil War in Wales 
 
 VIII. 
 
 -^"- ., -^ 
 
 1647. 
 
 CHAP. In London, too, about this time there prevailed 
 
 the wildest excitement. The City was Presbyterian 
 -io the core, and could not tamely submit to the Inde- 
 pendent ascendancy which had just been established. 
 Petitions were signed to secure the King's return 
 to London. The Parliament was compelled by 
 the mobs which assembled to vote for his return. 
 The army thereupon drew nearer London. Over 
 sixty members, including the Speakers of the two 
 Houses, sought safety from the violence of the mob 
 at head-quarters. Nothing daunted by this seces- 
 sion, and desperate perhaps with fear, the Presby- 
 terian element of which again the Parliament was 
 composed, strengthened, too, by the eleven mem- 
 bers, who now resumed their seats, tried to se- 
 cure the City. Massey, Waller, and others, were 
 ordered to raise regiments for its defence with all 
 speed. Men were easily found and money easily 
 raised. The King was formally invited to return 
 to London. Fairfax and Cromwell, however, frus- 
 trated this design by entering London. Fairfax 
 went first. The City cowed again at his appear- 
 ance, sent out its Lord Mayor and its Council to 
 receive him. The Presbyterian leaders fled, and 
 the members who had sought refuge with the 
 army were again installed in their seats. A day 
 or two after, Cromwell entered the City at the head 
 of the army and marched through it, an imposing 
 spectacle, and once more the triumph of the army 
 was complete. 
 
 Now, however, arose serious difficulties within 
 the army itself. Satiated with victories, proud of 
 their successes, and conscious of their power, they 
 were not backward in setting forth demands and
 
 And the Marches 391 
 
 pretensions which astonished even some of their CHAP. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 loaders. They were dissatisfied at the conduct of ' 
 
 their leaders, Cromwell especially, in negotiating 
 with the King. Cromwell and Ireton were, I 
 think, sincere in their efforts in trying to effect 
 a peace with the King, and it was not until 
 Charles's duplicity had been proved beyond a 
 doubt, that they broke off their negotiations with 
 him. I do not, however, believe the vulgar stories 
 promulgated by his enemies, that Cromwell truckled 
 with the King for the sake of having a mere garter 
 bestowed upon him. Surely, if peace were estab- 
 lished through his efforts he deserved some share 
 in the Government, some high position in the 
 State; but that he looked upon garters as ob- 
 jects to be sought for is quite inconsistent with 
 his character. When he found out that the King 
 was not to be relied upon, he lost no time to 
 denounce him. Speaking soon after from his place 
 in the House he said, "The King is a man of 
 great sense, great talents, but so full of dissimula- 
 tion, so false, that there is no trusting him. 
 While he is protesting his love for peace, he 
 is treating underhand with the Scottish Commis- 
 sioners to plunge the nation into another war." 
 
 In the meantime, the King had fled to the Isle 
 of Wight ; but instead of finding freedom, he found 
 himself a prisoner in Carisbrook Castle, of which Col. 
 Hammond was the Governor. The disunion in the 
 army meanwhile had been extending. They de- 
 manded many reforms, the most prominent being 
 that they should put down Monarchy and establish 
 a Eepublic, and that the King should be called to 
 trial. And on the 3rd of January, 1648, Sir Thomas
 
 592 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP. Wroth proposed in the House of Commons "to lay 
 
 VIII. 
 
 * -- the King by and settle the kingdom without him"; 
 
 1fi4S 
 
 to have the country governed by any means, " so 
 it be not by kings or devils." Cromwell sup- 
 ported the motion, and gave his opinion of the 
 King's duplicity, which I have quoted. The dis- 
 cussion before had been warm, but after Cromwell 
 sat down no one spoke, and the motion was 
 carried by 141 against 92. The next day it was 
 sent to the Lords, who adjourned the debate twice, 
 but on the 15th adopted it. 
 
 This action of the Parliament created the deepest 
 sensation throughout the land. From every part 
 of the country came protests and rumours of plots. 
 Everywhere men were heard crying " God save the 
 King." Tumults occurred even at the very door 
 of the Parliament, which caused Whitehall and the 
 Tower to be occupied by troops, and the army once 
 more to march through London. The discontent, 
 however, increased. The Royalists were all one in 
 their desire to see the King restored to power ; and 
 thousands of others, tired of the warring squab- 
 bles of the Parliament, and anxious to be eased 
 of the burdens imposed on them through the neces- 
 sity of maintaining a large standing army, were 
 not disinclined for some accommodation with the 
 King. The Scots, too, were preparing to raise 
 forces for the same purpose, and a portion of the 
 navy had revolted. Eiots and tumults were of 
 frequent occurrence. But the greatest defection of 
 any was that which occurred in South Wales. 
 
 That country having been finally reduced to 
 the obedience of the Parliament, it was thought 
 there was no longer any necessity to charge the
 
 Ami the Marches. 393 
 
 counties with the expense of supporting so large CHAP. 
 a body of armed men ; orders were therefore issued ' 
 
 1(J1S 
 
 for the disbanding thereof, retaining merely some 
 small garrisons at Cardiff, Swansea, Carmarthen, 
 and Pembroke. Some arrears were due to the 
 officers and soldiers, and of course it was only fair 
 that they should be paid for the valuable services 
 they had rendered. The Parliament appointed com- 
 mittees for several districts, who were to superin- 
 tend the disbanding; and these were empowered 
 to pay a portion of the arrears in hard cash, and 
 to give debentures for the balance. Pursuant to 
 this authority they summoned the garrisons to meet 
 at some central places, such as Carmarthen and 
 Swansea. But under pretence of insisting on being 
 paid the full amount of their arrears, Col. Poyer, 
 who had hitherto been of the greatest service to 
 the Parliament, revolted. Some suspicion of his 
 intention to do so had evidently reached head 
 quarters, for Fairfax sent down one Col. Fleming 
 to replace Poyer in the governorship of the Castle 
 of Pembroke ; and Ludlow says that the suspicion 
 against Laugharne was so great that he had 
 been cast into prison. 1 Clarendon states the cause 
 of dissatisfaction on the part of Laugharne and 
 Poyer to have been, that they had been thought less 
 of than Col. Mytton, and had not been rewarded 
 according to their merits. How Laugharne could 
 feel dissatisfied I cannot understand, for the Parlia- 
 ment had granted to him a most valuable estate in 
 his native county ; and Poyer's promotions and 
 emoluments from his various offices and appointments 
 must have also been very considerable. Clarendon 
 
 1 Ludlow' s Memoirs, i., 247.
 
 394 Civil War in Wales 
 
 further suggests that Laugharne, Foyer, and Col. 
 Rice Powell, on discussing their supposed griev- 
 ances, resolved to take the opportunity of the Scotch 
 coming in to declare for the King in the Presby- 
 terian interest. But Laugharne, who was not in- 
 fected with the freaks of Poyer and Powell, would 
 not declare himself until he first of all sent a 
 competent agent to Paris to inform the Prince of 
 what they determined, and of what their wants con- 
 sisted, which, if not relieved, they would not be 
 able to pursue their purpose ; and desiring to receive 
 orders for the time of their declaring, and assurance 
 that they should receive sufficient supplies to carry 
 out their object. Lord Jermyn sent him a promise 
 under his hand that he should not fail of receiving 
 all the things he had desired before he could be 
 pressed by the enemy, and therefore conjured him 
 and his friends to declare forthwith for the King, 
 which he assured them would be of singular benefit 
 and advantage to his Majesty's service, since upon 
 the first notice of their having declared the Scottish 
 army would be ready to march into England, and the 
 Eoyalists would everywhere rise in arms. 1 There 
 can be no doubt whatever of the truth of this alle- 
 gation, which clearly shows that Poyer, in refusing 
 to disband on the pretext of non-payment of arrears, 
 was guilty of gross perfidy. The appearance of Col. 
 Fleming, whom Fairfax had sent down to supplant 
 him in the government of that town and castle, 
 hastened the crisis, and occasioned hostilities to 
 break out before matters were quite ripe, and be- 
 fore any of the help promised by Jermyn could 
 have arrived, even if the promise had been made 
 
 1 Clarendon's Rebellion, iv., 379, 380.
 
 And the Marches. 395 
 
 in all sincerity, which Clarendon appears to ques- CHAP. 
 tion, for he states "they were never thought of 
 
 IfUS 
 
 after." l 
 
 The 1st of March was the day fixed in Car- 
 diganshire for the disbanding of the forces. The 
 committee, consisting of Col. James Phillips of 
 the Priory, Thomas Lloyd of Llanllyr, the High- 
 Sheriff, and others, summoned a meeting of^ the 
 troops on that day at Lampeter. In answer to 
 that summons, Col. Lewis of Coedmore, Capt. Jones 
 of Nanteos, Capt. Lloyd, Capt. Yaughan, Capt. 
 Eead, Capt. Sloeman (? Stedman), and several other 
 officers of Col. Lewis's regiment, with their troops, 
 assembled at Lampeter, and accepted the payment 
 offered them, whereby the county was cleared of 
 free quarter and other impositions. Poyer was 
 summoned about the same time by Fleming to 
 deliver up the Castle of Pembroke. His refusal 
 to disband had already raised a suspicion as to 
 his fidelity. And Fleming called upon him to 
 surrender the castle in twelve hours, or to be 
 proclaimed a rebel and traitor. Poyer, however, re- 
 fused to surrender, and instead of sending the key 
 he sent certain propositions in his own favour and 
 in that of his soldiers. Not that he was hopeful 
 or even anxious that they should be granted, for 
 instead of waiting for a reply he fired several 
 guns upon the town, battered several houses, wound- 
 ing, too, several men. Fleming consulted some of 
 the neighbouring gentry, and on their advice pro- 
 mised Poyer a sum of 200, and that he and his 
 soldiers should have the same terms as all others 
 who had been disbanded, and that the many actions 
 
 1 Hid, ante.
 
 396 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, pending against Mm on the part of some of the 
 - county gentlemen, whom he is accused of having 
 plundered, should be stayed. But these terms Poyer 
 refused to accept. So he strengthened his position, 
 attacked Col. Fleming, Roger Lort, John Lort, 
 Griffith White, and others, at Henllan, Castlemartin, 
 and nearly captured them. They, however, managed 
 to get away on board ship ; whereupon Poyer grew 
 bolder, summoned the county, caused musters to 
 take place at the town of Pembroke, and assessed 
 the neighbouring parishes. Laugharne and Powell 
 as yet made no motion, and at a meeting held 
 at Carmarthen, Poyer' s actions were repudiated 
 by several officers who had served under Laugharne ; 
 who denied the aspersions cast upon them, that 
 they had attempted to seize the Treasurers ap- 
 pointed to pay the soldiers on their disbanding, 
 and that they intended to fortify Tenby against 
 the Parliament. Notwithstanding this declaration, 
 most of the men who attached their signatures to 
 it went over soon after to the rebels. Fleming 
 having failed in his mission, and Poyer having 
 not only set him at defiance, but also an ordin- 
 ance of the Parliament of the 4th of March, call- 
 ing upon him, under the pain of being declared a 
 traitor, to surrender the castle according to the 
 directions of Sir Thomas Fairfax, the latter sent 
 Col. Horton to suppress the insurrection, and to 
 carry out the disbanding of the army in these 
 parts. Fairfax also ordered Col. Reade, at Bristol, 
 to hasten the march of two companies of Col. Over- 
 ton's regiment, to assist in the reducing of Pem- 
 broke Castle. Horton lost no time in pushing 
 forward, and early in April he established himself
 
 And the Marches. 397 
 
 at Brecon, having first of all dispersed a small CHAP. 
 
 . VIII. 
 
 garrison which had been brought together there *- -^ 
 by some of the very men who had in November, 
 1645, out of their own motion, declared the Par- 
 liament to be the sole lawful authority in the 
 Kingdom. Mr. Games appears to have been the 
 leader of the movement, and he with some ten 
 more men were made prisoners. Horton on his 
 way thither had been of some service* in Glamorgan- 
 shire, in assisting the Commissioners at Cardiff in 
 their work of disbanding some of Laugharne's 
 forces. One of the demands of the officers was, 
 that they should all be disbanded together, but 
 Fairfax would not allow this, and required that they 
 should be disbanded troop by troop, and company 
 by company; 1 but Horton managed to remove this 
 objection in some instances, and it was arranged 
 that some more troops should be disbanded on 
 Swansea Sands. 2 This, however, was not carried 
 out. Laugharne in the meantime declared himself 
 against the Parliament. Horton was indisposed 
 at this time ; but sacrificing all personal con- 
 siderations, he exerted himself manfully. He 
 had a difficult task to accomplish, for the insurrec- 
 tion was fast becoming general. All the disaffected, 
 whether actuated by a loyalty towards their Sove- 
 reign, or a dislike to the heavy assessments which 
 Parliament had imposed upon them, appeared in 
 arms. Poyer and Powell had now openly declared 
 for the King. The former, though discountenanced 
 by the gentlemen of his own neighbourhood, was 
 daily making additions to his forces, and the latter 
 
 1 Rush-worth, pt. 4, vol. ii., 1036. 
 
 2 Joid, 1051.
 
 398 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, had established himself at Carmarthen, where he 
 
 VIII. 
 
 * -^ was in considerable force. In Glamorganshire the 
 
 1648. 
 
 old spirit which had given birth to the revolt of 
 the preceding autumn now broke forth with greater 
 energy than ever, and the Stradlings of St. Donats, 
 ever constant in their fidelity to the King, ap- 
 peared at the head of the movement there, and 
 aided by many other considerable persons. The 
 Eoyalists of Brecon, though deprived of the assist- 
 ance of some ten of their leading men, who had 
 been taken prisoners by Horton, were by no means 
 put down, and joining with some Radnorshire men, 
 were bent on raising forces to harass Horton. Mon- 
 mouthshire at first was tolerably quiet, the old 
 Marquis of Worcester was in prison, and his son, 
 the Earl of Glamorgan, beyond the sea; but Sir 
 Charles Kemeys soon threw himself into the insur- 
 rection, and by a stratagem Chepstow Castle was 
 taken possession of by Sir Nicholas Kemeys. Col. 
 Morgan, formerly the Parliamentary Governor of 
 Gloucester, now made his appearance as a Royalist, 
 and there is reason to believe that Sir Trevor 
 Williams, whom we have already seen in different 
 lights, now resolved himself once more into a 
 Royalist, and was partly instrumental in the sur- 
 prisal of Chepstow. The three western counties, 
 where the insurrection first broke out, were not 
 so universally tainted with the spirit of insurrection. 
 Poyer was not very popular in his own neighbour- 
 hood, where he was probably looked upon as an 
 upstart, so that among the better class of persons 
 he had not a large following. The Earl of Carbery 
 discountenanced this second attempt at civil war, 
 and his influence in Carmarthenshire neutralised
 
 And the Marches. 399 
 
 many who otherwise would have gone headlong CHAP. 
 
 into the fray. In Cardiganshire we have already - 
 
 seen that the troops quartered there raised no ob- 
 jection to being disbanded, and all the officers 
 remained true to the Parliament, and soon became 
 active in assisting Horton. Some rumours that 
 Sir Richard Pryse of Gogerddan was raising troops 
 to assist Poyer reached Carmarthen, and a state- 
 ment to that effect was transmitted in a letter 
 thence to London; 1 but I am inclined to doubt it, 
 as in another place it is stated that he refused to 
 join, 2 and, moreover, was busy the other way, in 
 conjunction with Capt. Thomas Evans. 3 And this 
 is more likely to be the truth, for since 1646 he 
 had been in the House of Commons as Member 
 for the County of Cardigan, and his son was after- 
 wards such a thorough supporter of Cromwell as 
 to be chosen by the latter as one of the six who 
 represented Wales in Cromwell's Little Parliament. 
 Poyer, having driven Fleming away from Pem- 
 broke, now ventured to take the field. On the 
 9th of April he mustered the County of Pembroke 
 on Colby Moor. There he was joined by many of 
 Laugharnc's soldiers, who had been disbanded, and 
 the poor inhabitants of the county dared not to 
 disobey his summons. 4 The next day he appeared 
 at Carmarthen, where he was joined by Powell. 
 Pushing their way thence they reached Lampeter, 
 in Cardiganshire, on the 12th, where they probably 
 expected further recruits. Altogether it was said 
 
 % 
 
 1 "News from the North, &c.'" (K. P. 36026.) 
 
 2 King's Pamphlets, 365 2. Sec vol. ii., Document ev. 
 
 3 Perfect Diurnal, No. 68. 
 
 4 Rush worth, p. 106-5.
 
 400 Civil War in Wales 
 
 i 
 CHAP, they mustered between three and four thousand 
 
 VIII. 
 
 * strong. Horton, being informed of these move- 
 
 5481 ments and anxious to nip the evil in the bud, 
 set out from Brecon at the head of his own regi- 
 ment, and some 200 dragoons out of the county. 
 He was further strengthened by the Cardiganshire 
 forces to the number of some thirty companies of 
 horse and foot, well-armed, and commanded by Col. 
 Lewes, Capt. Jones, Capt. Read, Capt. Griffiths, and 
 Capt. Yaughan. Thomas Lloyd, the High-Sheriff, 
 and the rest of the Commissioners, were there, too, 
 and Colonel Fleming was also of Horton' s party. 
 . Poyer retreated towards Carmarthen on their ap- 
 proach, and ordered all the bridges across the 
 Towy to be cut down and the passages to be pro- 
 tected; so that when Horton came to Pontargothi, 
 he found the bridge cut down and the passage 
 defended by some of Foyer's men. Finding him- 
 self at this disadvantage, Horton made for another 
 passage, whereupon Foyer and Fowell retreated a 
 little further, but were followed by Horton. The 
 Welsh occupied a hill, which gave them so great 
 an advantage, that Horton, acting on the advice 
 of his officers, hesitated to attack them. Several 
 sharp skirmishes took place between them, but 
 without any great result. Col. Fleming, ordered to 
 make for a pass in the rear of their army, dis- 
 persed those who had charge of the pass, but was 
 opposed by some of Powell's men, under the com- 
 mand of Major Roach. The latter was worsted, 
 but Fleming, pursuing them too far in the rout, 
 fell into an ambush, and his party was dispersed. 
 He, with some one hundred more of his men, 
 sought refuge in a church, which they hoped to
 
 And the Marches. 401 
 
 be able to maintain until relief should come from CHAP. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Horton, who was only four miles off : but the 
 
 1648. 
 
 Welsh made most of the chance, took possession 
 of the church, and Fleming, either by an accident 
 or intentionally, let his pistol off, and was killed 
 in the church. Carlyle says the name of " this 
 pass" is not given. None of the old newspapers 
 give sufficiently minute information as to the local- 
 ity, but in an old MSS. in the Mostyn Collection, 1 
 it is said that Col. Fleming shot himself in the 
 church of Llandilo-fawr : a statement which so far 
 agrees with our authorities, that the fight was on 
 the banks of the Towy. In these several skir- 
 mishes, extending over some three or four days, 
 the advantage was probably on the side of the 
 Parliament, and many prisoners were made, who 
 were afterwards exchanged. The insurrectionists 
 had on their hats a blue and white ribbon, with 
 the motto " We long to see our King." 
 
 Poyer fell back towards Carmarthen, and Horton 
 proceeded to Swansea and Neath, where he ex- 
 pected to be reinforced by Col. Okey, who had 
 been sent to his assistance by General Fairfax. 
 Swansea was at this time safe enough in the hands 
 of the Parliament, under the governorship of Col. 
 Philip Jones, who had been untiring in his zeal to 
 maintain order and to suppress the revolt. Horton, 
 being short of ammunition, returned to Brecknock, 
 which he reached after a tedious journey over 
 barren mountains, where they had" great difficulty 
 in finding food for the horses. Other difficulties 
 which he suffered on his marchings arose from the 
 antipathy of the people towards the Parliament 
 
 1 Cambrian Quarterly Magazine, vol. i., p. 60. 
 26
 
 402 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, forces. Wherever they appeared -the people quitted 
 ^-* their homes, taking with them whatever they could, 
 and driving before them their cattle to seek refuge 
 in the woods and mountains. The smiths every- 
 where disappeared, having previously cut their 
 bellows, pulled down their smithies, and made all 
 their materials unserviceable, so that there neither 
 was a horse-shoe to be had, nor a place to make 
 it, "if you would give 40s. to have a horse shod." 
 Moreover, the insurrection was spreading men con- 
 stantly poured in, swelling the ranks of Poyer and 
 Powell. Even from London and from Chester they 
 flocked to their ranks, and Carmarthen became full 
 of these rowdies. The state of the country from 
 a Parliamentary view was as bad as it could be. 
 Horton was too weak to combat with the insurrec- 
 tion, and constant messages were sent to London 
 asking for aid; and pending this the whole country 
 was rising. The great majority of the gentry were 
 for the King, and they led "the common people 
 which way they please." 1 
 
 Meanwhile, the influence of Poyer' s action was 
 spreading throughout all England. The Eoyalists 
 everywhere were astir, instigated by agents from 
 beyond the sea. And the Scotch Parliament had 
 resolved to raise an army of forty thousand for the 
 invasion of England. The difficulties in London 
 were very serious. The Parliament, split up into 
 two parties, were at a dead lock, and the City, 
 brimful of Presbyterianism, could scarcely be cowed 
 into silence by the presence of the army. The 
 many representations from Wales fully opened the 
 
 1 Horton' a letter from St. Fagans, 6th May. See vol. ii , Document 
 cviii. A., p. 361.
 
 And the Marches. 403 
 
 eyes of Cromwell, and others, to the seriousness of CHAP 
 
 . VIII. 
 
 their position. It was felt by them that unless > ~ - 
 
 J . 1648 
 
 the insurrection was put down with an iron hand 
 all they had fought for at such vast sacrifices would 
 be lost, and they themselves irretrievably ruined. 
 It was also felt that the greatest present danger 
 was threatened from Wales, and it was then de- 
 cided that Cromwell himself should proceed thither. 
 On the 1st of May Fairfax informed the Speaker 
 of the House of Commons that he had sent Crom- 
 well to Wales, with a suitable body of forces, to 
 quell the insurrection there. And on the 3rd of 
 May the valiant Lieutenant-Geueral, with his small 
 force, consisting of five regiments, two of horse, 
 being his own and Col. Thornhaugh's, and three of 
 foot, being those of Col. Pride, Col. Ewer, and Col. 
 Dean, set out on his journey, and the next we 
 hear of him is his arrival at Monmouth. When 
 Poyer had intelligence that Cromwell was designed 
 against him, he said that he would be the first 
 man to charge against the Ironsides : that if Crom- 
 well had a back of steel and a breast of iron, he 
 durst and would encounter with him. 1 
 
 Horton's difficulties in the meantime, instead of 
 abating, were increasing. Accompanied by Colonel 
 Philip Jones from Swansea, he arrived at Brecon 
 to replenish himself with ammunition, and to pre- 
 pare to go against the enemy in Pembrokeshire. 
 At the same time he issued an address to the 
 Welsh, informing them of the cause of his march- 
 ing into Wales, but this was printed in English 
 and was of no use. Moreover, it could not be 
 
 1 Sand's letter from Carmarthen, 3rd May. (K. P. 3656.) See vol. ii., 
 
 Document evil. 
 
 26A
 
 404 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, anywhere published, especially in Carmarthenshire, 
 
 where everybody was in arms. In fact, they were 
 
 rising everywhere; if suppressed in one place, they 
 appeared somewhere else. And at the very time 
 Horton was preparing to march into Pembrokeshire, 
 news reached him (May 1) that the enemy had 
 pushed into Glamorganshire, were even then at 
 Swansea and Neath, 1 and bent upon taking Cardiff, 
 if possible, by tempting Colonel Prichard and Mr. 
 Bushey Mansell to come in unto them; if not, by 
 force. This necessitated a speedy 'march towards 
 Cardiff. The roads were rough over the mountains, 
 and the weather was very unseasonable ; but there 
 was no help for it, and the journey had to be 
 made, and quickly. On Thursday, the 4th of May, 
 they crossed the Taff at Llandaff, about a mile above 
 Cardiff, and encamped at St. Pagans, on the river 
 Ely. The enemy had already advanced as far as St. 
 Nicholas, and intended quartering at St. Pagans 
 the very same night. Major- General Laugharne 
 now appeared officially at the head of the insurrec- 
 tion; and writing from St. Nicholas on the 4th of 
 May, he questions Horton' s authority to appear in 
 the counties of his association, strikingly unmindful 
 that it was occasioned by his own disobedience. 2 
 On Priday, the 5th, they withdrew from St. Nicholas 
 and established themselves at Penmark, Llancarvan, 
 and Fonmon. Both parties maintained their position 
 throughout Saturday ; but on Sunday the rebels 
 again approached to St. Nicholas, which was a posi- 
 tion of some advantage. This was clearly under- 
 
 1 Rush-worth, vol. ii., p. 1103. 
 
 2 "A declaration by Major-General Laugharne, &c." (K. P. 3GC 8.) 
 Sec vol. ii., Document cviii. B.
 
 And the Marches. 405 
 
 stood to show an intention to fight, and during CHAP. 
 that Sunday night preparations were made for the - - - 
 conflict, which was inevitable. Horton's forces were 
 very little over 3,000, while his opponents * mustered 
 a force of nearly 8,000. With daybreak next 
 morning commenced the struggle the attack being 
 made by the rebels with a forlorn of foot, which 
 was resisted by a small body of horse, and Colonel 
 Okey's own troop of dragoons. From hedge to 
 hedge, from close to close, and over a little brook 
 the latter drove their enemies, until they came to 
 a bridge, where their principal strength lay. The 
 fight now became general, both sides contesting 
 every inch of ground with the utmost gallantry. The 
 strength of the Parliament forces lay in their horse 
 their opponents being especially weak in that 
 respect, not being 500 in the aggregate. Of the 
 fight I shall here give no details, referring the 
 reader to several well-known letters on the subject 1 
 from Col. Horton and Col. Okey. The Parliament 
 forces were entirely victorious. Over 3,000 pri- 
 soners were taken, comprising some dozen field 
 officers, 24 captains, 30 lieutenants, 28 ensigns, &c. 
 Some 50 officers were slain, one of them being 
 Laugharne's brother, Lieut.-Col. Thomas Laugharne. 
 No less than 150 soldiers were slain on one side 
 only. Laugharne himself was wounded. Those 
 who were not made prisoners escaped, and made 
 their way as fast as they could to Pembroke and 
 Tenby, leaving Horton master of the situation in 
 Glamorganshire. Eleven of the principal officers 
 were taken on board the Admiral Crowther, where 
 a Council of War was held, and they were con- 
 
 1 For one of those, see vol. ii., Document cix.
 
 406 Civil War in Wales 
 
 demned to die. These were Major- General S trad- 
 ling, Major Phillips, Capt. Thomas Matthews, Capt. 
 "Wm. Button, Mr. Miles Matthews, Lieut. -Colonel 
 Hopkin Popkins, Lieut. -Col. Thomas Morgan, Col. 
 Arthur Harries, Captain Edward Walker, Captain 
 Ilichard Cradock, and Lieut. -Colonel Lewis Thomas. 
 Three were at once shot to death and one hanged. 
 "Whether the rest suffered I do not know. 1 A most 
 terrible fight this. The waters of the pretty Ely 
 ran deep in blood, and the widows in Glamorgan- 
 shire were many. The Royalist newspapers tried to 
 underrate this victory calling it a mock victory. 
 
 Cromwell was now far advanced in his march 
 into Wales. On the 10th of May he had reached 
 Monmouth. Here intelligence came of the great 
 victory of St. Pagans, which must have been of 
 great encouragement to him. The llth they pro- 
 ceeded to Chepstow, where Sir Nicholas Xemeys 
 had placed a garrison. They found the walls 
 of the town lined with musketry, but Colonel 
 Pride's men fell on so desperately that the gate 
 was soon taken, and also the town. A retreat was 
 made to the castle, which was a strong place. 
 Cromwell had no time to essay the siege, so 
 leaving Colonel Ewer in charge of it, he set out 
 on his journey for the West, and on the 15th 
 he was at Cardiff. 2 While there false rumours 
 reached him, that Laugharne and Powell had quar- 
 relled, that Powell had been run through by 
 Laugharne, and that the latter had gone North. 
 News also came that Carmarthen had been quitted 
 by the enemy, that Horton was before Tenby, 
 
 1 Moderate Intelligencer, No 166. (K. P. 368 0.) 
 
 2 Commons' Journals, v., 566, sub. dat. 20th May.
 
 And the Marches. 407 
 
 before which were also the Bonadventure and the CHAP. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Expedition ready to attack it from the sea. 1 Push- ~ 
 
 1648 
 
 ing forward with as little delay as possible, and 
 calling on the way at Swansea and at Carmarthen, 
 now deserted by the rebels, Cromwell appeared 
 before Pembroke about the 24th of May. 
 
 When Cromwell took his departure from London 
 at the head of his invincible Ironsides, and accom- 
 panied by regiments as distinguished and as braye, 
 he doubtless calculated on meeting the enemy in 
 open field, where it is only natural to suppose that 
 the advantage would be with his veteran soldiers 
 elated with their high prestige men who had 
 faced death a hundred times, and who knew not 
 defeat. But the battle of St. Fagans had utterly 
 demoralized the enemy the majority of them being 
 club-men had dispersed to their own homes, while 
 the few troops that held together with the officers 
 and gentry sought shelter in Tenby and Pembroke. 
 Col. Eice Powell held Tenby with a force of be- 
 tween 500 and 600, while Laugharne and Poyer 
 made good their retreat at Pembroke, at the head 
 of a more considerable party. Cromwell left the 
 reduction of Tenby to Colonel Horton, who had 
 established himself there before his arrival, while 
 he reserved his own strength for Pembroke. Horton 
 had pursued the enemy in their retreat with the 
 greatest energy. As early as the 14th May he 
 had settled down before Tenby, and on that day 
 he attempted to storm the town, but was repulsed. 
 Another attack upon an outwork was more success- 
 ful, resulting in the capture of about thirty of the 
 besieged, which made those within more anxious 
 
 1 Perfect Occurrences, No. 73. (K. P. 3331.)
 
 408 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, to surrender. And on the 31st of May, being 
 
 Till. 
 
 *~ ' unable to hold out any longer, Powell sent out a 
 
 1648. 
 
 " humble suit" to Horton, and so threw up the 
 die, agreeing to surrender the castle, with all arms 
 and ammunition, to Lieut. -General Cromwell, to the 
 use of the Parliament, and yielding himself and 
 the other officers, to the number of nearly forty, 
 11 prisoners at mercy." Among these were Col. 
 Edward Kemeys, Col. Donnell, formerly Governor 
 of Swansea, Captains Beal and Addis, who had 
 first of all taken possession of Tenby at the begin- 
 ning of the revolt, notwithstanding their declara- 
 tion of their willingness to disband. 1 
 
 Chepstow Castle had in the meantime been cap- 
 tured by Col. Ewer, whom Cromwell had left 
 behind. Having obtained some guns from Glou- 
 cester, Ewer planted them against the castle, rased 
 the battlements of the towers, and disabled the 
 guns of the fortress, and on the 25th of May made 
 a breach in the wall. Upon this some of the be- 
 sieged soldiers tried to run out, and "Esquire" 
 Lewis (of St. Pierre, I think,) appeared on the 
 walls, and appealed to some gentlemen of the county 
 who were there, professing to be ready to yield to 
 mercy. Ewer, however, insisted on treating with 
 Sir Nicholas Kemeys alone. The latter refused to 
 yield unless he and his men were allowed to march 
 out of the castle ; but Ewer would grant no other 
 terms than that he should submit to mercy, which 
 Kemeys .swore he would not do. The soldiers 
 thereupon deserted him, and Ewer's troop rushed 
 in, took possession of the castle, and in the fray 
 
 1 "Exceeding good news from South Wales, &c.," and "Two great 
 victories, &c." (K. P. 870 27 and 23.) See also vol. ii., Document cxiii.
 
 And the Marches. 409 
 
 Sir Nicholas Kemeys fell. Officers and soldiers CHAP. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 to the number of 120 were made prisoners, among 
 
 the former being " Esquire" Lewis, and the repre- 
 sentatives of several other Monmouthshire families. 1 
 In South Wales Pembroke alone now held out. 
 North Wales was also somewhat agitated with the 
 spirit of insurrection ; but it did not prevail to 
 anything like the extent it did in South Wales, 
 nor did it assume any approximate importance. 
 Indeed, three counties had openly declared their 
 fidelity to the Parliament, and their readiness to 
 assist in the suppression of the insurrection. At 
 a meeting of the principal inhabitants of Flint- 
 shire and Denbighshire, held at Wrexham on 
 the 9th of May, resolutions were come to for 
 the defence of those counties against any that 
 should be in arms against the Parliament the 
 management of Denbighshire affairs to be en- 
 trusted to Sir Thomas Myddelton, the High- 
 Sheriff, Mr. Simon Thelwall, and Lieut. -Colonel 
 Twistleton, while the same authority for Flintshire 
 was vested in Col. Thomas Bavenscroft, Col. John 
 Addersley, Mr. John Salesbury of Bathgrage, and 
 Capt. Luke Lloyd. Ruthin and Rhyddlan Castles 
 were to be rendered untenable. 2 And a numerously 
 signed declaration of the principal inhabitants of 
 Montgomeryshire, dated the 20th of May, mani- 
 fested the adherence of that county to the Parlia- 
 ment. 3 But in Carnarvonshire the restless spirit 
 of Sir John Owen was once more roused, and he 
 
 1 " A full relation of the taking of Chepstow Castle, &c." (K. P. 3696.) 
 See vol. ii., Document cxii., p. 375. 
 
 2 "A Resolution of the Sheriffs, &c., of Flint and Denbigh." (K. P. 
 367 16.) See also vol. ii., Document ox. 
 
 3 Perfect Diurnall, No. 252. See vol. ii., Document cxi., p. 373.
 
 410 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, got together so strong a party that Col. Mytton 
 
 and William Lloyd, the High-Sheriff of the county, 
 
 were forced for their security to repair to Carnarvon. 
 And on the 3rd June Mytton sallied out at the 
 head of a small force, and met the enemy some 
 three miles outside the town. The High-Sheriff 
 ventured so far that he was wounded and taken 
 prisoner. The treatment of the High-Sheriff was 
 cruel in the extreme one of the worst features in 
 the whole insurrection. He was carried about from 
 place to place, his wounds undressed, and when he 
 could no longer be carried on horseback he was 
 conveyed on a litter, and jostled about so violently 
 that death soon came to his relief. Hearing of 
 these doings, Col. Twistleton out of Denbigh, and 
 Col. Carter out of Conway, issued out to suppress 
 Sir John Owen. In this they had the assistance 
 of some of Col. Jones's troop, some volunteers, and 
 a detachment sent from Chester. On Monday, the 
 5th, they met on the plain near the seaside, be- 
 tween Aber and Bangor. The Eoyalists were 
 routed, several of their officers slain, and Sir John 
 Owen himself taken prisoner. 1 He was carried 
 to Denbigh Castle, where, notwithstanding a futile 
 attempt was made to rescue him by Major Dobben, 
 Capt. Parry, Capt. Chambres, and others, 2 he re- 
 mained until he was removed to the Tower, there 
 to be tried and sentenced to death. The sentence, 
 however, was not carried out his importunities 
 for his life having saved him from that extremity. 
 
 1 " A narrative, with letters, presented by Capt. Taylor to the House of 
 Commons, &c." (K. P. 371 8.) Also vol. ii., Document cxiv. 
 
 2 " Denbigh Castle surprised by the King." (K. P. 3764.) Vol. ii., 
 Document cxv.
 
 And the Marches. 411 
 
 Peace was for a time restored in North Wales, CHAP. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 bufr difficulties soon arose in Anglesey, where the 
 royalist proclivities of Lord Bulkeley and Lord 
 Byron caused the county to be fined seven thousand 
 pounds. 1 
 
 To return to Pembroke. That place was now 
 undergoing a regular and a close siege. Cromwell 
 had an arduous task to perform, since he said he 
 had "a very desperate enemy" to contend with, 
 " who, being put out of all hope of mercy, are re- 
 solved to endure to the uttermost extremity." Had 
 they been the common people there would be some 
 hope of them, but "very many of them were 
 gentlemen of quality and men thoroughly resolved." 
 He was, besides, in a hostile country, for though 
 a good many came in to him, and the gentry of 
 Pembrokeshire, who had not engaged themselves in 
 the insurrection, afforded him every assistance in 
 their power, yet the country generally was very 
 restless, requiring the most strict guard. " The 
 country, since we sat down before this place, have 
 made two or three insurrections, and are ready to 
 do it every day, so that with looking to them, and 
 disposing of our horse to that end, and to get us 
 in provisions, without which we should starve, this 
 country, being so miserably exhausted and so poor, 
 .and we having no money to buy victuals. Indeed, 
 whatever may be thought, it is a mercy we have 
 been able to keep our men together in the midst 
 of such necessity, the sustenance of the foot for 
 the most part being but bread and water." 2 More- 
 
 1 Parry's Royal Progresses. 
 
 2 " Denbigh Castle surprised for the King." (K. P. 3764.) Vol. ii., 
 Document cxv.
 
 VIII. 
 
 ^" ^-^* 
 
 1648. 
 
 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, over, they had no guns of sufficient calibre to 
 assault the place effectually. Swift messengers were 
 sent to Gloucester for guns ; and no time was there 
 lost in despatching them, but the vessel stranded 
 at Berkley, as if the very elements themselves were 
 conspiring against the Lieutenant- General and the 
 " faithful." The place could not be taken " with- 
 out fit instruments for battering." The few small 
 guns and culverkis which he had were not fit for 
 such a purpose. "What use could be made of them 
 was done with the aid of the shells and shot cast 
 " in the iron furnaces of the County of Carmar- 
 then," which were duly forwarded to Cromwell by 
 his " noble friends the Committee of Carmarthen," 
 doing therein "a very special service to the State." 1 
 An attempt to storm the town proved futile the 
 ladders were too short, and those within too active, 
 in which some of his brave soldiers fell, though 
 he was confident the enemy lost more. 2 Later on 
 several other attempts were made to capture the 
 town. Once the besiegers scaled the walls, entered 
 the town, drove the enemy up to the very castle 
 walls; but Major Laugharne recovered from his 
 wounds at St. Fagans came in the rear and forced 
 them to quit the town, with a loss of about thirty. 
 This assault was made by Col. Horton and Col. 
 Okey. 3 
 
 The enemy within were now reduced to great 
 straits ; their provisions nearly exhausted, which 
 made it very difficult for Foyer to keep his men 
 
 1 Cromwell's letter of the 9th June. Vol. ii., Document cxvi A., p 387. 
 
 2 His letter to the Speaker of the House of Commons, 14th June. 
 Vol. ii., Document cxvi. B. 
 
 3 " A great and bloody fight at Pembroke, &c. (K. P. 37535.) Vol. ii., 
 p. 395.
 
 And the Marches. 413 
 
 from deserting. The latter was hopeful of some CHAP. 
 
 relief. Probably they thought that Lord Jcrmyn's 
 
 promise would bo fulfilled, or that the Scotch would 
 appear to the rescue. So hopeful were they, that 
 they believed a salute fired by Cromwell's orders, 
 on his hearing of some good news from Kent, to 
 have been a warning that Prince Charles and the 
 revolted ships were come to their relief. Hoping, in 
 fact, against hope. 
 
 Cromwell meanwhile was assiduous in his labour, 
 as " willing to fight for the liberties of England 
 as he ever did formerly." lie had the whole of 
 South Wales under his eye. Some intelligence 
 having reached him as to the originator of the 
 " stratagem" by which Chepstow Castle had been 
 surprised by Kemeys ; in fact, " that Sir Trevor 
 Williams was the malignant who set on foot the 
 plot," orders were given to Col. Thomas Saunders, 
 then at Brecon, to seize him, as w^ell as Morgan, 
 the High-Sheriff of Monmouthshire. Williams, be- 
 ing the more dangerous man by far, was to be 
 seized first. This would require great tact, "for 
 he was a man full of craft and subtlety, very bold 
 and resolute," rather a favourite, too, by his neigh- 
 bours, all of them malignant. 1 Of Richard Herbert 
 of St. Julian's "secret practices against the public 
 advantage," Cromwell, too, had trustworthy report, 
 which causeth the latter to indict him "a plain warn- 
 ing" not to conceal or abet either of the two men 
 named above, or "I will cause your treasonable nest 
 to be burnt about your cars" a warning which, I 
 think, proved effectual. The Scots by this time 
 
 1 Cromwell's letter 17th June. Vol. ii., Document cxvi. c. 
 - Ibid, 18th June. Vol. ii., Document oxvi. r>.
 
 414 Civil War in Wales 
 
 VIII. 
 
 1648. 
 
 CHAP, had entered England. To starve out Pembroke 
 Cromwell had more than sufficient men. He, there- 
 fore, sent a few horse and dragoons towards the 
 North, by way of Chester, where their assistance 
 was somewhat required to appease tumults, and 
 thence to Leeds. 1 
 
 The besieged at Pembroke were becoming more 
 and more uncomfortable. Famine and distress began 
 to tell upon the troops, some of whom could hardly 
 be prevented from open mutiny. At length, about 
 the 1st of July, the long-looked-for guns from 
 Wallingford and Gloucester came down the Severn, 
 and were safely landed at Milford Haven ; and 
 forthwith the batteries were completed and the guns 
 planted. The sufferings of the besieged must have 
 been very great; their water supply had been cut 
 off, and they had to depend on what rain water 
 they could secure and a little biscuit. Cromwell, a 
 generous enemy, believing that the common people 
 and soldiers were but "a seduced, ignorant people," 
 was really sorry for their distress, and sent on 
 the 10th of July, at four o'clock, his last summons 
 to Col. Poyer, which, inasmuch as it is not given 
 in Carlyle's, I transcribe here : 
 
 " SIR, I have (together with my Council of 
 War) renewed my propositions, [and] I thought fit 
 to send them to you with these alterations, which, 
 if submitted unto, I shall make good. I have con- 
 sidered your condition, and my own duty; and 
 (without threatening) must tell you that if (for 
 the sake of some) this offer be refused, and thereby 
 misery and ruin befall the poor soldiers and people 
 with you, I know where to charge the blood you 
 
 ] Ibid. 28th June, ante.
 
 And the Marches. 411 
 
 spill. I expect your answer within these two hours. CHAP. 
 
 In case this offer be refused, send no more to me ^ 
 
 about this subject. I rest your servant, 
 
 " OL. CROMWELL." 
 
 The next day, being the llth of July, unable 
 to hold out any longer, Foyer accepted the condi- 
 tions offered, and surrendered the town and castle 
 to Oliver Cromwell. Seeing the desperate game 
 they had played, the blood they had caused to 
 be shed, and the danger in which they had in- 
 volved the country, the propositions cannot be 
 looked upon otherwise than as fair and even gener- 
 ous. Laughame, Poyer, Col. Humphrey Matthews, 
 Capt. William Bowen, and David Poyer, were to 
 be at the mercy of the Parliament ; persons who 
 had formally served the country in "a very good 
 cause ; but being now apostatised, I did rather 
 make election of them than of those who had al- 
 ways been for the King, judging their iniquity 
 double because they have sinned against so much 
 light and against so many evidences of Divine Pro- 
 vidence, going along with and prospering a just 
 Cause in the management of which they themselves 
 had a share." Of those who had been always for 
 the King, the leaders were within six weeks to 
 quit the kingdom and to remain in exile for two 
 years. These were Sir Charles Kemeys, Sir Henry 
 Stradling, Mr. Miles Button, Major Prichard, Lieut. - 
 Colonels Stradling, Laugharne, and Brabazon, Mr. 
 Gainage, Majors Butler, Francis Lewis, Matthews, 
 Haraish, Captains Koach, Jones, Hugh, Bowen, and 
 Thomas "Watts, and Lieutenant Young. All the 
 rest, submitting to the authority of the Parliament, 
 were at liberty to go to their respective homes
 
 416 Civil War in Wales 
 
 CHAP, there to live quietly. The town was not to be 
 < - plundered, and the townsmen were to be protected 
 
 1648. * .7 
 
 from violence. 
 
 Cromwell had now completed his mission. He 
 had effectually put down a most stubborn enemy, 
 and had rid the country of all elements of danger. 
 He did not like the Castle of Haverfordwest to be 
 capable of being possessed by ill-affected persons, 
 so he got the Commissioners of the County to order 
 its demolition. . This order was dated the day next 
 after the fall of Pembroke, and to prevent any mis- 
 apprehension Cromwell added to the order in his 
 own hand, "If a speedy course be not taken to 
 fulfil the commands of this warrant, I shall be 
 necessitated to consider of settling a garrison." The 
 Mayor and Corporation at once obeyed, and set 
 workmen about it; but the work being so difficult 
 without powder to blow it up, that it would ex- 
 haust a "huge" sum of money, and take a long 
 time, they asked the Lieutenant- General for some 
 powder,- and that the whole county should join 
 them in the worji, bearing a share in the expense. 
 On the 14th Cromwell, by his warrant, authorised 
 the municipal authorities to call for their assistance 
 the inhabitants of all the hundreds of the county. 
 The castle, however, still stands, though shorn 
 somewhat of its glory. But it caused no further 
 trouble. 
 
 Cromwell had no time to lose, for the Scots 
 had already invaded England. Leaving behind 
 him in South Wales Col. Horton and his regiment 
 of horse, a troop of dragoons, and two companies 
 out of Col. Pride's and Col. Deane's regiments, he 
 set out for the North, and by the same troops
 
 And the Marches. 417 
 
 which a handful of men in Pembroke had occupied CHAP. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 for full six weeks, he soon annihilated the Scotch ^ 
 
 lots 
 army of forty thousand, and restored peace to the 
 
 kingdom. Horton was rewarded for his services 
 by a grant of the Slebech estate, which Laugharne 
 had so foolishly forfeited. 
 
 Poyer, Laugharne, and Powell were sent up 
 to the Tower, where they remained prisoners till 
 the following spring. They were tried by Court 
 Martial and sentenced to death. The authorities, 
 far from being vindictive, and anxious to show as 
 much leniency as possible, consented to carry out 
 the sentence only in one instance. The prisoners 
 were therefore allowed to draw lots for their lives. 
 On two of the lots was written, " Life given by 
 God," the third being a blank. A child drew the 
 lots, and the fatal one fell to Col. Poyer, who, on 
 the 21st of April, 1649, was shot at the Piazza, 
 Covent Garden. He met his fate calmly, and 
 died like a soldier. Laugharne and Powell were 
 ordered to quit the country, a vote for their 
 banishment being passed by the Parliament. Col. 
 Humphrey Mathews, imprisoned at Nottingham 
 Castle, was released on composition, to the great 
 disgust of Cromwell, who wrote to some Members 
 a sharp remonstrance thereon. " Mathews," he 
 said, " than whom this Cause we have fought for 
 has not had a more dangerous enemy; and he 
 not guilty only of being an enemy, but he aposta- 
 tised from your Cause and Quarrel; having been 
 a Colonel, if not more, under you, and 'then' the 
 desperatest promoter of the "Welsh Eebellion amongst 
 them all ! And how near you were brought to 
 ruin thereby, all men that know anything can tell; 
 
 27
 
 418 Citiil War in Wales 
 
 VIII. 
 
 ,^- v -^- 
 
 1648. 
 
 CHAP, and this man was taken away by composition, by 
 what order I know not," to the "amazement" of 
 Cromwell and his officers. 1 
 
 The affairs of South "Wales were now entrusted 
 to safe hands the leading supporters of the Par- 
 liament in the several counties. Of these the most 
 prominent was Col. Philip Jones, the Governor of 
 Swansea, and a native of that place, who had been a 
 strenuous supporter of the Parliamentary cause, and 
 had contributed much towards maintaining order in 
 Glamorganshire when that county was full of dis- 
 contented loyalists. At the battle of St. Fagans 
 he evinced great courage and military tact, and 
 Col. Horton freely acknowledges his indebtedness 
 to him in that conflict. "When Cromwell passed 
 through Swansea, on his way to Ireland, in the 
 spring of the next year, he was a guest of Col. 
 Jones. In 1651 he suppressed a fresh revolt of 
 the Eoyalists, and in 1653 was elected representa- 
 tive of Monmouthshire in the Little Parliament. 
 In 1654 he was returned for the same county, 
 and the next year he was elected both at Brecon 
 and for the County of Glamorgan. Cromwell raised 
 him to his Upper House, and appointed him Comp- 
 troller of his Household, which he held until Crom- 
 well's death. He was one of those who pressed 
 the crown upon Cromwell. Envied and hated by 
 some of his neighbours, charges of a serious cha- 
 racter were brought against him, but which he 
 clearly repudiated, and which had no foundation 
 whatever. In the meantime he amassed a consider- 
 able fortune, and purchased extensive estates in 
 Glamorganshire at Fonmon, where his descendants 
 
 1 Sloane MSS., 1519 94. Carlyle's Cromwell, Letter Ixxxii.
 
 And the Marches. 419 
 
 now live, still maintaining the distinguished name CHAP. 
 of the Protector, a name which was given to Col. 
 
 1648. 
 
 Jones's eldest son when Cromwell stood his god- 
 father. 1 
 
 Bushey Mansell, Commander-in-Chief of Glamor- 
 ganshire, Major- General Dawkin of Kilvrough, in 
 the same county. Sir Eichard Pryse, the second 
 Baronet of Gogerddan, Col. James Phillips of the 
 Priory, Cardigan, and Capt. Thomas Evans of 
 Peterwell, Cardiganshire, were also energetic sup- 
 porters of the Parliament. Bushey Mansell, Sir 
 Richard Pryse, and Col. James Phillips were of 
 the six who represented Wales in the Little Par- 
 liament. Major-General Dawkin was Governor of 
 Carmarthen, and as such suppressed an insurrection 
 in Cardiganshire in 1651, when some attempts 
 were made in various parts of the country to place 
 Prince Charles on the throne. The leaders of the 
 movement in Cardiganshire were Major Lewes, a 
 brother of Sir John Lewes of Abernantbychan, 
 Thomas Lloyd, Llanllyr, or Llanfair-Clydoge, Capt. 
 Richard Jones, Mr. Reynold Jenkins, and Cornet 
 Morgan Jenkins, the latter two, probably, of Pant- 
 yrlys, respecting whom there is a tradition that the 
 motto of the Jenkinses of Cilbronau " Da yw fon 
 amddiffyniad" originated in a conflict during the 
 Civil "War. 2 In fhe conflict between them and 
 Major-General Dawkin at " Llanbadarn, " the in- 
 surrectionists were entirely routed, twenty-eight 
 being killed and about sixty made prisoners, 
 
 1 An interesting memoir of Col. Jones is given in Col. Francis's valuable 
 work, the Charters of Swansea. 
 
 - Communicated to me l.y Mr. K. D. Jenkins of Cilbronau.
 
 420 Civil War in Wales, 
 
 CHAP, among the latter being Lloyd, Jones, and the two 
 Jenkinses. 1 
 
 1648 
 
 The Parliament cause in the meantime had 
 been entirely successful. The insurrection of 1648 
 had been completely put down ; an<J in January, 
 1649, Charles I., King of England by " Divine 
 Eight," as some thought, was beheaded at White- 
 hall a proof positive of the sovereignty of the 
 People, and of the hollowness of Divine Eight. 
 Two Welsh Members sat on his trial and signed 
 his death warrant, viz., Colonel John Jones, the 
 Governor of Anglesey, and Thomas Wogan, Mem- 
 ber for the Cardiganshire Boroughs. I am not 
 called upon to justify or condemn the King's trial 
 and its tragic issue ; but I believe that the liberty 
 of the subject and the privileges of Parliament 
 have been all the more firmly established through 
 being stained in Eoyal blood. 
 
 Of Wales during the Commonwealth, of its 
 religious and political struggles, of its conduct at 
 the Eestoration, and of many other incidents of the 
 Civil War, I should like to treat at length, but 
 here space will not permit me; and the task, if 
 ever taken up by me, must be at some future time. 
 
 1 Tanner MSS. Carry's Memorials, ii., 279, and Francis's Charters of 
 Swansea, 179. 
 
 END OF VOL. I. 
 
 MORGAN AND DAVIES, "WELSHMAN" OFFICE, CARMARTHEN.

 
 Date Due 
 
 000 589 381