GIFT OF 
 JANE K.SATHER 
 
 CASE 
 B 
 

 VINDICATIO N 
 
 O F 
 
 MR. R A N D O L P H's 
 
 RESIGNATION. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 PRINTED BY SAMUEL H. SMITH, 
 
 N O. 118, C H E S N U T STREET, 
 
 M.DCC.XCV, 
 
3\\ 
 
 N. no. 
 
 D'iftrift of Pennfylvania, to wit. 
 
 ( 
 
 SEAL. 
 
 V 
 J 
 
 BE IT REMEMBERED, that on tJM 
 Ko-. ember, in the twentieth yearof thelm' 
 United States of America, SAMUEL HARRT.SC 
 the laid Difln, hath depofited in this Office 
 the- right, whereof he claims as PFOPRIE 
 fallowing to wit i 
 
 A vindication of Mr. Randolph's Refignation." 
 
 i conformity to the Aft of the Congrefs of the United States, intitled 
 encouravemeut of learning by fecuring the copies of Maps, Charts and 
 Authors and Pjcpnetcis of fuch copies outing the times therein mem 
 
 SAM: CALDWELL, Clerk ef the I 
 
 ; . 
 
idcr is defired to correct the following inaccuracies 
 ur in a few copies. 
 
 S, lines 6 and 7 from the bottom, read thus, " affai 
 . itinue in fecrecy under your injunction. For, after 
 myfelf for a more fpecific inveftigati'on of all thefe 
 :K ns, I here, &c." 
 
 line 6 from the top, for apparent read abhorrent. 
 
 line 9 from the bottom, read the article, inflead 
 
 r.l of a Letter from Mr. Randolph to the Printer. 
 
 ^ ill be pleafed to direct any perfon, who choofes to 
 ie French or other originals to my friend John R. 
 ! q. in whofe hands they will be left/' 
 
 324584 
 
STATEMENT 
 
 OF 
 
 \ C T S, 
 
 o 
 
 N v Inefday, the ipth of Auguft 1795, I was 
 President's, as ufual, at 9 o'Ciock in the 
 hen his fteward, Mr. Kidd, came to me 
 :^ ; s in Market Street ; and informed me, that 
 defired me to poftpone my vifit, until half 
 after ten. I fuppofed at firft, that he might wifh to have 
 r for writing by the Southern mail of that 
 .ips to ride out. But, as I was deiirous of 
 ihort queftion, '.vhich would determine me 
 ner of executing a piece of bufmefs, to be 
 -jii that morning; I inquired of Mr. Kidd, 
 he was then occupied with any particular perfon ; and 
 I was anf\\ ered, that the Preiident was every moment ex- 
 peeling iouie gentlemen. Accordingly I turned to the 
 office ; and at the appointed hour called at the Preii- 
 deiired the iervant, who attended at the door, 
 i the Prefident, that I was come. But upon being 
 informed, that Mr. Wolcott and Colonel Pickering had 
 ^en there for fome time, I went up Hairs ; and began to 
 ,e fteward had committed a miftake. I fup- 
 pof< at a confutation with the heads of depart- 
 
 ments had been intended to be held by the Prefident 
 earlier in the day, and that it might be proper for me 
 to explain the caufe of my delay. But when I entered 
 
 B 
 
[ 6 ] 
 
 the Prefident' s room, he, with great formality, rofe from 
 his chair ; and Meifrs. Wolcott and Pickering were alfo 
 marked in their efforts to a like formality. I therefore 
 refolved to wait for the unfolding of this myfterious ap- 
 pearance. Very few words pafTed between the Prefident 
 and myfelf; and thofe, which fell from him, {hewed 
 plainly to me, that he wifhed to hurry to fomething elfe. 
 Immediately afterwards, he put his hand into his pocket, 
 and pulling out a large letter, faid fomething of this na- 
 ture : tl Mr. Randolph! here is a letter, which I defire 
 " you to read, and make fuch explanations, as you 
 kt choofe." I took it, and found it to be a letter, written 
 in French by Mr. Fauchet, on about fifteen pages of large 
 paper. On reading the letter, I perceived, that two of 
 the moft material papers, which were called the difpatches 
 No. 3, and 6, were not with it. I obferved to the Prefi- 
 dent, that I prefumed the letter to be an intercepted one. 
 He nodded his head. I then faid, that at that time I could 
 recollecl very little, which could throw light on the affair; 
 but I would go over the letter, and make fuch remarks 
 as occurred to me. I did fo ; but being thus fuddenly, 
 and without any previous intimation, called upon before 
 a council, which was minutely prepared at every point ; 
 not feeing two of the moft eflential references ; and hav- 
 ing but an imperfecl idea oY moil of the circumftances 
 alluded to, I could rely only on two principles, which 
 were eftablifhed in my mind ; the 'firft was, that according 
 to my fincere belief, I never made an improper commu- 
 nication to Mr. Fauchet ; the fecond was, that no money 
 was ever received by me from him, nor any overture, 
 made to him by me for that purpofe. My obfervations 
 Therefore were but Ihort. However, I had ibme recollec- 
 tion of Mr. Fauchet having told me of machinations 
 againft the French Republic, Governor Clinton and my- 
 felf ; and thinking it not improbable, that the overture, 
 which wjs fooken of in No. 6, might be, in fome man- 
 ner, connected with that buiinefs, and might relate to the 
 obtaining of intelligence, I mentioned my impreffion ; 
 nbferving at the fame time., that I would throw my ideas 
 or. pnper. The Prefident delired Meflrs. Wolcott and 
 
f 7 ] 
 
 Pickering to put queftions to me. This was a fiyle of pro- 
 ceeding to which I would not have fubmitted, had it 
 been purfued. But Mr. Pickering put no quefnon ; and 
 Mr. Wolcott only afked an explanation of what I had 
 faid, as to Governor Clinton and myfeif. This I did net 
 object to repeat, nearly as I had fpoken it. Had I not 
 been deprived of No. 6, the terms, ufed in it, " of Jbel- 
 11 tering from Britijb perfecution" would probably have 
 reminded me fully of th - fuppofed machinations of Mr. 
 Hammond and others. As it was, I mentioned the cir- 
 cumitance generally in the Preiident' s room, who remem- 
 bered to have heard fomething of a meeting, held at 
 New- York bv Mr. Hammond and others during the lair 
 fummer. While I was appealing to the Piefident's me- 
 mory for communications, which I had made to him on 
 this fubject ; and arter he had laid with iome warmth, 
 that he fhouid not conceal any thing, which he recollec- 
 ted, or words to that effect; he w r as called out to receive 
 from Mr. Willing the copy of an addrefs, which was to 
 be prefented to him the next day by the merchants. 
 While he was out of the room, I afked, how the Preiident 
 came by Mr. Fauchet's letter. Mr. IVolcott laid, " The 
 " Preiident will, I prefume, explain that to you." Upon 
 the return of the Preiident, he defired me to ftep into 
 another room, while he ihould converfe with Meilrs. 
 Wolccit and Pickering, upon what I had laid. I retired; 
 and on revolving the iubject, I came to this conclusion ; 
 that if the Prefident had not been worked up to prejudge 
 the cafe, he would not have acted in a manner, io preci- 
 pitate in itfelf, and lo injurious and humiliating to me : 
 aindthai he would in the firil inftance, have interrogated 
 me in private. After an abfence of about three quarters 
 of an hour, I returned into the Preftdent's room ; when 
 he told me that as I wiiiied to put my remarks on paper, 
 he defired that I would. I replied, that it fhouid be done; 
 but that I did not expect to remember much of the detail ; 
 for in fact, I had then nodiilinct conception of what No. 
 3, and No. 6, might contain ; except that it would feem 
 from the inference in No. lo, as if I had encouraged the 
 infurredion. The Prefident then aikecl me. how foon I 
 
[ 8 ] 
 
 could finifh my remarks, I anfwered, as foon as pofiible. 
 But I declared to him at the fame intlant, that I would 
 not continue in the office one fecond after fuch treatment. 
 I accordingly wrote to him the following letter. 
 
 Philadelphia, Aug. 19, 1795. 
 SIR, 
 
 IMMEDIATELY upon leaving your houfe this morning, I went 
 to the office tor the department of ftaie, where I directed the room, in 
 which I ufually fat, to be locked up, and the key to remain with the 
 meflenger. My object in this was to let all the papers reft, as they 
 flood. 
 
 Upon my return home, I reflected calmly and maturely upon the pro- 
 ceedings of this morning. Two fafts immediately preferred themfelves; 
 one of which was, that my ufual hour of calling upon the Preiident had 
 not only been pottponed for the opportunity ot confulting ethers upon a 
 letter of a foreign minifter, highly interesting to my honour, before the 
 fmalleft intimation to me ; but they feemed alfo to be perfectly acquainted 
 with its contents, and were requeued to a(k queftions for their fatis'ac- 
 tion : The other was, that I was cleared to retire into another room, 
 Until you fhould converfe with them, upon what I had faid. 
 
 Your confidence in me, Sir, has been unlimited ; and, 1 can truly af- 
 firm, unabufed. My frnfations then cannot be concealed, \\hen 1 find 
 that confidence fo immediately withdrawn without a word ordifiant hint 
 being previo^^-d^opped to me! This, Sir, as I mentioned in your room, 
 is a fituation, in which I cannot hold my prefent office, and therefore I 
 hereby refign it. 
 
 It will nor, however, be concluded from hence, that I mean to relin- 
 quifh the inquiry. No, Sir; far from it. I will alfo meet any inquiry, 
 and to prepare for ir, if I learn this morning, that there is a chance 
 of overtaking Mr. Fauchet before he fails, I will go to him immedi- 
 ately. 
 
 I have to beg the favour of you to permit me to be furnimed with a 
 copy of the letter; and I will prepare an anfwer to it ; which I perceive 
 that I cannot do, as I wifh, merely upon the few, hafty memoranda which 
 I took with my pencil. 
 
 I am fatisfied, Sir, that you will acknowledge one piece of juflice 
 due on this occafion, which is, that until an inquiry can be made, the 
 affair (hall continue in lecrecy under your injunction, after pledging 
 rnyfelf for a more fpecific investigation of ail theie fuggeftions. For 1 here 
 moft folernnlv deny, that any overture ever came from me, which was 
 to produce money to me, or any others for me; and that in any manner 
 direclly or indirectly, was a milling ever received by me; nor was it ever 
 contemplated by me, that one milling fhculd be applied by Mr. Fauchet 
 to any purpofc, relative to the infurrcdtion. 
 
[ 9 ] 
 
 I prriume, Sir, thar the paper, No. 6j to which he refers, is not in your 
 polTeifion. Othenvifeyou would have (hewn it to inc. If i am n:iit:i- 
 ken, I cannot doubt, that you will fufferme to have a copy of i<". 
 
 I ihall pafs ray accounts :it the Auditor's and Comptroller's office ; and 
 tranfmit to you a copy. 
 
 I have the honor to be, 
 
 Sir, with due refpect, 
 
 Your mofi obedient fen-ant, 
 
 EDM: RANDOLPH. 
 TLe Prefident of the U. S. 
 
 To the preceding Ltttr I received this anfyjtr* 
 
 To Edmund Randolph, Eft], 
 SIR, 
 
 YOUR resignation of the Omce of State, is received. 
 
 Candour induces me to give you, in a few words, the fcllo'.v ing nar- 
 rative of fa-?U. The letter from Mr. Fauchet, with the contents of 
 
 which you were made acquainted yeilerdav, wa>? as you fuppofed, an 
 
 intercepted one. It was fent by Lord Grenville to Mr. Hammond ; 
 
 by him put into the hands of the Secretary of the Treafury ; by him 
 (hewn to the Secretary of War and the Attorney General; and a tranf- 
 Jation thereof was made by the former, for me. 
 
 At the time Mr. Hammond delivered the letter, he requeued of Mr. 
 Wolcott an attefted copy, which was accordingly made by Mr. Thorn- 
 ton, his late Secretary; and which is undenlood to remain at p re fent 
 with Mr. Bond. Whether it is known to others, I am unable to de- 
 cide. 
 
 W hi 1ft you are in purfuit of means to remove the fcrong fufpicions 
 ariiing from r his letter, no difclofure of its contents wiij be made by me; 
 and i will enjoin the fame on the public < :,; acquainted 
 
 with the purport of it ; uniefs iG:ne:hing L to render an ex- 
 
 planation neceiTary on the part of Governi:!J:i' ; -6f which 1 will be 
 the Judge. ,. 
 
 A copy of Mr. Fauchet's letter (hall be feat to you.. No. 6, refer- 
 red to therein I have never feer.. 
 Philadelphia, *c:h Aug. 1-97. 
 
 G*. VvASHINGTON. 
 
 Having learnt on the 2oth nil, 1795, that the 
 
 French frigate, Meduia, which was to carrv Mr. Fauchet 
 to France, had not Jailed ten days before ; I left Phila- 
 delphia in the afternoon of the 2iil for New-Port in 
 Rhode liland. But being detained on the rond hy a dif- 
 appointment in fome neceflary papers, and. bv ether un- 
 
avoidable caufes, I did not arrive there until Monday, 
 the 311! of Auguil, 1795, between the hours of eleven 
 and twelve in the morning. I immediately proceeded to 
 viiit Mr. Fauchet ; and told him, that his letter of the 
 loth of Brumaire (October gift, 1794) had been inter- 
 cepted, and was in the hands of the Prefident of the 
 United States. After crTiftrving that he mull recollect, 
 how injuriouily he had treated the government, others 
 and myfelf, in that letter, I informed him, that I had 
 come for the purpofe of demanding an explanation ; but 
 that I defired none, which was not confluent with truth 
 andjuitice. I then mentioned the ditterent points: 
 and although in fome particulars we did not remember 
 alike ; yet I required him to give me a certificate accord- 
 ing to his memory. Pie appointed 8 o'clock in the next 
 inorning tor the delivery of it to me ; and understanding 
 from him, that the Medufa could not fail, while the Bri- 
 tiili fhip of War, Africa, lay at the mouth of the harbour, 
 I did not object to the time, which he. took, When I: 
 knocked at Mr. Fauchet' s door at the lad-mentioned hour, 
 his fervant informed me, that he was directed to tell me, 
 that the prorniieJ certificate would not be ready until 
 about i '2 o'clock : I deiired the iervant to call Mr. Fau- 
 chet down iiairs. When he came down, he faid, that he 
 was engaged in preparing the paper : that it ccuid not be 
 ready, until r<2 or I o'clock, and ttat as foon as it was 
 ready, he would fend or bring it to my lodgings. He alfo 
 agreed, upon my application, to anivver any queltions, 
 which I ihouicl put to him ; and it is known to a gentle- 
 man, whom I can name, that I had intended to put leve- 
 ral queflions to him, before Ivlr. Marcliant, the judge of 
 the Diftrict of Rhode I (land, and Mr. Malbone, a member 
 pf the'houfe of Keprefentatives, from whom I' meant to 
 aflc the favor of attending to^.the bnhneis. While I was 
 expecting to hear from Mr. Fauchet, it was laid that the 
 Medufa was weighing anchor. Aftonifhed at this intelli- 
 gence, Iran up to Mr. Fauchet' s houfe; and found, that 
 he had gone olf. By the friendly affiibnce of Mr. Feck, 
 the Manhal of the dillrict, I difpat-jhed the fwifieil failing 
 boat in Newport in quell: of the Medufa, with the follow- 
 ing letter to Mr. Fauchet. 
 
SI R, 
 
 J 
 
 Newport^ Sept. I, 1795. 
 
 I AM this moment informed, that the frigate has failed : and I have 
 been w your houfe. They fav that you are on board ; and that you have 
 left no paper foi UK-, according to what you promiled. My innocence 
 or the inli-.iuations, ariiing kom yonr letter, you not only know, but 
 have twice acknowledge ro me. i fend a boat thereibie in a hurry to 
 obtaifl the papers, which go to this point, 
 
 1 am, Sir, 
 
 Your humble fervanf, 
 
 EDMUND RANDOLPH. 
 
 Tire boat having returned w-ithout overtaking the Me- 
 dufa, Mr. Peck indoiied this certificate on the letter. 
 
 September I, 1795. 
 
 MR. RANDOLPH, being greatly agitated at finding that Mr. Fau- 
 chet had gone oif, requeued me to employ a boat, at any expence, to go 
 immediately in qneft of the Mcdufa ; in order to carry the within letter 
 to Mr. Fauchet; 1 did in confequence employ the fwifteil failing veflel 
 in the port> with inftruclions> to purlue the frigate, as long as there was 
 any chance of overtaking her. She went off feveral miles to fea; but 
 could not overtake her. 
 
 WILLIAM PECK, 
 
 Marfiiall, Rhode liland diftrici. 
 
 Capt. Caleb Gardner, who acled as pilot to the Me- 
 dufa having returned to Newport, brought me from Mr. 
 Fauchet a letter, of which the following is a tranflation. 
 
 On board of the M-edufa. 15 Fructidor in the ^d year. 
 
 Jofeph Fauchet to Mr. Randchb. 
 SIR, 
 
 I have juft tranfmitted to citizen Adet, the minitler of the Republic 
 in Philadelphia, the packet which I deftined for you. He will fend you 
 a certified copy of my letter, with which, I hope, you will be fatisficd. 
 
 Accept my efteem, 
 
 JOSEPH FAUCHET. 
 
The painful embarraflTment, which the fudden failing 
 of the Medufa had occafioned to me, induced me to re- 
 queil from Capt. Gardner a fia-ement of the facts, re- 
 lative thereto ; and he gave me this certificate. 
 
 THIS is to certify that Vhurfday* morning September lit, at 8 
 o'Clock ; the weather being very Itcrmy and a Aery large fea, the 
 Eriiifh fhip, Atric:;, was obliged to leave her flation at the light-houfe, 
 and go into the Naraganfet bay : in ccnfequence of which Capt. Sime- 
 on, o*"the frigate Me- It: fa, fent tor the fubfcriber to embrace ihis op- 
 portunity to go to fea : a. the fame time fent for the ambaiTador, Mr. 
 Fauchet, and all the paffengers at 9 o'clock, They could not get on 
 board until no' lock. From 9 o'clock until that time, the (hip was 
 Ihort a peak; itiii detained for the paflengers. In fix minutes after they 
 came on board we cut our cable and went to fea ; leaving Mr. Provoft 
 on {ho re, one of the pafTengers. The weaiher was fo foggy, that very 
 often we could nor fee the land in beating the (hip out of the harbour. 
 Mr. hauchet, all the time the fubfcriber was on board, which was until, 
 halfpaft one o'Clock, was in the cabin writing. The Britiih (hip, Afri- 
 ca, came to fail two hours after the Medufa was at lea. 
 
 Newport, vSept. 2, 1795. 
 
 CALEB GARDNER. 
 
 N. JB. The whole time I was on board the frigate, before her get- 
 ting under fail, the Cnptain difcovered the greateft impatience. He re- 
 peatedly fent on more to bring off Mr. Fauchet ; expreffed great con- 
 cern, when my boat arrived without him ; and when Mr. Fauchet did 
 arrive at the frigate, treated him with great coolnefs and apparent in- 
 dignation at his long delay. 
 
 CALEB GARDNER. 
 
 Thefe and many other particulars, which manifeft the 
 diftrefiing difficulties, into which I was thrown, can be 
 proved by a refpeclabl " gentleman, now in Philadelphia. 
 Agreeably to the information of Mr. Fauchet, Mr. 
 Adet fent me a copy of his certificate, the tranflations 
 of which and of the difpatches, No. 3, and No. 6, \vhi:h 
 are referred to in the letter No. lo, and were alfo fur- 
 nifhedby Mr. Adet, are as follow : 
 
 * Mr. Gardner has miftated the day. It fhould be Tuefday. 
 
[ 13 ] 
 MR. FAUCHETs CERTIFICATE. 
 
 MR. RANDOLPH requefts me to examine a Difpatch No. io> ad- 
 drefTed to the Gommiflary of exterior relations; which has been tranf- 
 mitted to the Prefident of the United States, i believe that lam bound 
 to no explanations upon my communications to my Govern ,...,: : when 
 they are obtained by dark means lam ignorant; are commen- 
 
 ted upon without doubt and mutilated according to the paffions of thofe 
 who ufe means fo noble and fo generous, B;-.t I owe to Mr. Randolph 
 full and entire juitice. I will render it to him with pleafure. Every 
 thing which could be interpreted to jiis di fad vantage will not leave, I 
 hope after the explanation which I mall give, any doubt upon the mind 
 even of thofe who have tranfmitted the letter to the Prefident. The 
 means which I (hall employ will be very fimpl?. This will be to cite 
 the Difpatcb.es to which 1 refer in my No. 10. Some preliminary re- 
 flections are neceflary to explain them. 
 
 On my arrival on this continent the Prefident gave me the moil pofi- 
 tive affurance, that he was the friend of the French caufe. Mr. Ran- 
 dolph often repeated to me the iame afiu ranee. It was impcflible lor me 
 not to give faith to it, (in fpite of fome public events relative to France 
 which gave me fome inquietude) efpecially when the Secretary ot State 
 conftantiy took pains to convince me of the fentiments of good will of 
 his Government for my Republic. It was doubtlefs to confirm me in this 
 opinion that he communicated to me, without auchorii j . ihe 
 
 part of Mr. Jay's inftruftions which forbade him to do any thing w: 
 mould derogate from the engagements of the United Staves with France. 
 My error, which was dear to me, was prolonged only by the contii.bal 
 efforts of Mr. Randolph to calm my fears both upon the treaty whh Eng- 
 hir.i and upon the effeft which it might produce on France. He was 
 therefore far from confiding to me any acl, any intention of Government 
 by virtue of any concert with me, or in cor.iequence of any emolument 
 received by him, or for the expectation or hope of any recompence 
 promifei& 'or with any other view than to maintain a good harmony be- 
 tween France and the United States. As to the communications wri 
 he has made to me at different times, they were only of opinions, the 
 greater part, if not the whole of which, I have heard circulated as opini- 
 ons. I alfo recoileft that on one occafion, at leaf! which turned upon 
 public r:. : cbfcrved to me that he could not enter into der 
 
 upon fome of them, became by doing fo he fhould violate i\: 
 office. From whence I have concluded and believe that he never commu- 
 nicated to me whathisduty would reprove. I will obferve here that none of 
 his conversions with me concluded without his giving me the idea, I 
 the Prefident was a man of inr friend tr, 
 
 in pi'.rt what I the terms "hi 
 
 " ons." I proceed to other details relative 
 
 -.'.nanaiiosis on his part upon ir.ntters which had caufed to me fome 
 etude : And I in that 
 
[ 14 ] 
 
 letter, that I fufpected on his part even the mrft diftant corruption. Thefe 
 explanations had equally for their object my different converfations upon 
 We-rern affairs, as may be feen in the fequel of this declaration. 
 
 When I fpeak in this fame paragraph in thefe words, " Ecfides, thepre- 
 " cious conteilions of Mr. Randolph alone caft upon all which happens a fa- 
 " risfadory lijjht," I have ftill in view only the explanations of which I have 
 fpoken above ; and I mull confefs that very often I hare taken for confeffi- 
 ons what he might have tocommunicate to me by virtue of a fecret autho- 
 . And many things which in the firft inftant I had confidered as con- 
 feilions were the fubject of public converfations, I will fay more. I will 
 fay, thatl have had more than fufpicions that certain confidences which 
 have been made to me, were only to found my private opinion 1 , and the 
 intentions of the French Republic ; and I muft appeal to the teftimony of 
 him, who this day ciaiins mine. He muft know if 1 ever endeavoured to 
 meddle in the interior affairs of America, or even to influence, by any 
 means whaifoever, the fentimentb of men vvhofe talents had called them 
 to the head of affairs. 
 
 All that is read from thefe words, " I proceed then, &c." to thefe 
 The firft was preparing, &c." is to be confidered only as my own re- 
 flections arifing from private information or from public reports, and 
 not from any communications of Mr. Randolph. 
 
 I have fx>ken of a converfation which Citizen Le Blanc and myfelf 
 had with Mr. Randolph, and which I had communicated in my 
 No. 3. It is eafy to fee that I confider the conclufions which I diavv 
 from it, as pure and iimpie conjectures, as I exprefs myfelf. This is an 
 extract from that difpatch which I declare to be t*ue. When 1 relate 
 converfations of Mr. Randolph, I can eafily fuppofe that as he fpoke 
 Sometimes in Englifh, moft commonly in French, and I fpoke always 
 French, we might not have underftood one another perfectly. And when 
 I have not quoted Mr. Randolph exprefsly in the whole courfe of any 
 obfervations, it is not under his authority that 1 fpeak. 
 
 As my difpatch, No. 3, treats of different fubjects at the fame time, I 
 mail extract from it only what concerns him, with the help of my own 
 memory and in confequence of his queftions. 
 
 The converfation which I cite took place in April, 1754. We were 
 fpeaking of fome political divifions which manifefted themfelve* in diffe. 
 rent parts of the United States, and of which the public papers gave fuf- 
 ficient proofs. He appeared to me to be deeply afflicted at the idea of 
 a violent conflict between the parties. He hoped to prevent it by the in- 
 fluence which he hoped to acquire with the Prefident, who he faid gene- 
 rally confulted him, and to whom he told truths which probably others 
 concealed from him. I had heard mentioned, and I frequently mention- 
 ed to him myfelf, the fufpicions which were fpread abroad, of the artifi- 
 ces of fome influential men in the government, who were defirous of feeing 
 the French caufe ruined, and of uniting America more clofely with 
 Great Britain than with France. He replied to me upon this : The 
 Prefident is the mortal enemy of England, for the outrages which (he 
 heaps upon the United States, and the injuftice and perfidy which me 
 fhews in her conduct towards them ; and the declared friend of France. 
 I can affirsn it upon my honor. He may, like other men who do not 
 mix generally with the world, be circumvented by ftratagem, prepared 
 
[ '5 ] 
 
 to furprife his judgment ; and without doubt if he {uffers himfelf to be 
 taken in by any manoeuvres, his popularity would be affeded by it. He 
 defires to give the Government liability ; others, under rhe pre- 
 text of giving energy to it, would furround the chief of the Executive 
 with more power than the Conititution delegates to him. but in fpite of 
 all the efforts, and notwithftanding the cauie of Fiance and the true 
 rit of the American people are painted to him under lalfe colours, he 
 escapes at this moment from the fnares which are laid for him, and no- 
 thing will be able to prevent him from conducting himfelf towards Great 
 Britain with the firmnefs, which the repeated outrages of this power de- 
 mand. This, Mr. Fauchet, i: every thing, \vhich I am at liberty, to 
 fay to you. I will always treat with you with every franknefs, which com- 
 ports with my duty. Astomyfelfi 1 would quit the poll, which he has 
 confided to me, if I could perfuade myfe'f, that he could accede to any 
 aft, which fiiould affeft the rights of the people. The bill, of which you 
 fpeak, gives it is true to the Executive, fome powers which it thcv ihould 
 be abufed, may wound liberty. I am fincerely affected by it. But 1 fee 
 with pleafure, that my reflections on the dreadful crifts, which would re- 
 fult from iuch an abcfe, have produced a deep impreiiion on the mind 
 of the Prefident, who is a man of honor. Let us unite, Mr. Fauchet> 
 let us 'unite our efforts in drawing clofe the bonds of the t\vo nations. 
 The friends of liberty are for an intimate union with France. The par- 
 tisans of flavery prefer an alliance with England. 
 
 I now corne to the explanations of my difpatch No. 6. A little time 
 after my arrival in America, 1 had requefted Mr. Randolph to recom- 
 mend to me the moll proper perfons with whom he was acquainted in the 
 different States, to be employed in the purchafe of flour. This recueft 
 naturally led him to believe that there were perfons employed in it, as 
 there really were. We had frequent converfations upon the insurrection, 
 and in all of them he manifefted an unequivocal indignation againit t e 
 fomenters of it, and a deep affliction at the dangers of .1 civil war. I 
 had learned as my difpatch No, 10? ihews, that the Engliih were luipec- 
 ted of fomenting and fupporting thefe manoeuvres. I communicated my 
 fufpicions to Mr. Randolph. I had already communicated to him a 
 Congrefs, which at this time was holden at New Y>trk. 1 had commu- 
 nicated to him my fears, that this Congrefs would have for its objedy 
 fome manceuvres againft the Republic of France, and to render unpopu- 
 lar fome virtuous men who were at the head of affairs; to destroy the 
 confidence which exiiled, on one hand, between Genen.l Clinton and his 
 fellow-citizens, and on the other, that which united the i'reiidcnt tc 
 Randolph. Ke faid to me, that I ought to make erlorcs to obtaiu the 
 proofs of this fad, and he added to me that if I did fo, the Prefident 
 would not hefitate to declare himfelf againft all the manoeuvres which n 
 be directed againft the French Republic. Things remained i i this fnua- 
 tion. About the month of July or Auguft, in the iaft year, he came to 
 fee me at my country houfe. It was in the afternoon. He was, to go, 
 that evening to Germantown. We had a private converfation of about 
 twenty minutes. His countenance befpoke diftrefs. He laid to me, 
 that he was afraid that a civil war would foon ravage America. 1 
 enquired of him what new information was procured. He faid that he 
 began to believe that in facl the Englifh were really fomenting the in- 
 
furrection, and that he did not doubt, that Mr. Hammond and his Con- 
 grefs would pufli ibrae meafures with rel'peci to the infuireCiion, with 
 an intention of giving embaraffment to the United States. He demanded 
 of me t if as my Republic was itfelt interefted in thefe manoeuvres, I 
 could not by the means of forne correspondents procure force information 
 of what was palling. I anfwered him that I believed I could. He 
 replied upon tnis, that having formed many connections by the means 
 of flour-contracts, three or four perfons among the different contractors 
 might, by ralent, energy and fome influence, procure the neceffary in- 
 formation and fave America from a civil war, by proving that England 
 interfered in the troubles of the Weft. I do not recoiled, that he gave 
 to meat that time any details upon the manner, in which this difcovery 
 would produce this iaft effect. But I perfectly recollect to have heard it 
 faid by fo'ne perfon ot other, that the infurgents would be abandoned 
 by the greareft number of thcfe whom they believed to be on their 
 fide ; and that the militia would march with checrfulnefs, if it were 
 pr.-ved, that the Emjlifh were at the bottom of thefe manoeuvres. I 
 think therefore, that this was probably the manner, in which he con- 
 ceived that things would be fettled ; and that he thought, that the in- 
 furredion u'ov.id ceafe from the want of fupport. At the moment of his 
 mounting his horfe, he obferved to me, that the men, whom I Plight be 
 able to employ, might perhaps be debtors of Englifh Unerchkritsl that 
 in this ca'e 'they rnUht perhaps be expofed, on the flighted movement 
 which they fncuLi make in this important affair, to fee themielves har- 
 rafled by procefsand even arreiled by :he parfuits of their creditors. He 
 aiked me if the payraents of the uunswhich were due to them by virtue of 
 th* exiili:-r corst. T ;r':ts, would not be fufficiently early to render thefe indi- 
 viduals, independent of Britifh perfection. 1 confefs, that this proportion. 
 to obtain this inrciligence futprifed me. I was aftonifhed that the Go- 
 vernment itfclf did not procure for itfelf information fo precious. And 
 I made the reflections, contained in my letter on this affair, becaufe I be, 
 lieved, and do Hill believe, that all the citizens in the United States, 
 ought to endeavour to furnifh intelligence fo important, without being 
 flopped by the fear of Englifh periecution ; and becaufe 1 moreover 
 thought, when I committed my . reflections to paper, that it was pro- 
 pofed to obtain J t e foregoing intelligence by afiilcing with loans thofe 
 who had contracted with me. Eat now calling to mind all the circum- 
 ftances, to which the queMons of Mr. Randolph call my attention, I 
 have an intimate conviction that I was miilaken in the proportions, 
 which I fup^ofed to have been made to me. 
 
 I declare moreover that no nar-ne nor fum was mentioned to me : that 
 Mr. Randolph never received, either direclly or indirectly, by himfelf or 
 by another for his ufe, one milling from myfelf, by my order, or accor- 
 ding to my knowledge, he refay or belief, from any other public officer of 
 France. I declare that he never imade to me in this refpeft a fingle over- 
 ture ; and that no part of the above circumftance has the leaft relation 
 tohim perfonally. Farther I folernnly declare, that from the time of my 
 arrival I have repeated, when an opportunity has prcfented itfelf, and with- 
 out doubt often in the prefence of Mr. Randolph, that the morals of my 
 
[ V I 
 
 nation and ths candor of r forbid the ufc of mo- 
 
 ney in anv cii'cumitanee; : , which could n licly avowed. 
 
 PH FAUCHET. 
 
 I the undersigned Peter ' :fkr Plenipotentiary 
 
 cf the F: ;:)lic, certify, that the foregoing Copy is ab- 
 
 foluteiy conformable to the Declaration which Citizen Faochet, 
 mv predecefTor, has >vncc:n and iigned with his own hand, and 
 which he has fent me to be lodged in the archives of the French 
 Legation, and in order th.it a copy conformable thereto may 
 be delivered to Mr. Randolph. 
 
 In tefrimony of which I have figned thefe Prefents 2t 
 Philadelphia, on the jth fupplementary day, in 
 3d year of the French Republic* one andindivitible. 
 September 27, 1795. (Old Style). 
 
 P. A. AD2T. 
 
 Extract from the political difpatch^ No. 3, of Jofeph Fauchet, ij tbi. 
 Mrmfier of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 " THEN the Secretary of State appeared to open himfelf without 
 referve. He imparted to me the inteiiine divifions, which v,-ere rum- 
 bling in the Uni ed States. The idea oi: an approaching commotion af- 
 ieded him deeply. He hoped to prevent it, by the afctndancy, which 
 he daily acquired over the mind of the Preiident, who consulted him in 
 all aftairsj and to whom he told the truth, which his colleagues dil?uif- 
 ed from him. 
 
 " The Prefident of the United States, fays he, is the mortal enemy of 
 England ; and -the friend of France. 1 can aiiirm it upon my honour* 
 But not mixing with the world, he may be circumvented by the dark: 
 manoeuvres of fome men, who wind themielves in an bundled ways, to 
 draw him into meafures, which will caufe him to lofe all his popularity* 
 Under the pretext of giving energy to government, they would abiblute- 
 ly make a monarch of him. They deceive him? as to the true ipirir 
 of the people ; as well as upon the affairs of trance. 1 am lure, that 
 at this moment, he efcapes from them, and that in all thefe perfidious 
 manoeuvres they have not been able to diffuade. him from pronouncing 
 with vigor agalnft the rriniftry of England. He has But it is im- 
 
[ '8 ] 
 
 poflible for me in confcience to make to you this confeffion. I mould be- 
 tray the duties of my office. Every thing, which lean fay to you, is., 
 that it is important for our two nation?, that you continue to vifit him 
 frequently. He will be touched with the proofs of friendfhip, which 
 you (hall teftify to him ; and I am fure, that this will be an infallible 
 means ot caufing them to be valued. I would quit the poft, which he 
 has confided to me. if he could be brought to make any attempt upon the 
 rights of the people. A bill has pafled the houfe of reprefentatives, which 
 wounds liberty. They have at leaft taken away the article which prevents 
 the fale of the French prizes in our ports. My heart is troubled by it. But I 
 have feen with pleafure, that my reflections on this fubjecl. upon the dread- 
 ful crifis, which would refult from an abufe of it, have made a deep im- 
 prelTion upon the mind, I will even fay ; upon the heart of the Frefident, 
 who is an honorable man. Let us unite Mr. Fauchet to draw our two nati- 
 ons clofer together. Thofe, who love liberty, are tor fraternizing with 
 the French Republic, the partizans of flavery prefer an alliance with Eng- 
 land. 
 
 " I, he faid to me (in fpeaking of the treaty ot Jay)* that there is no 
 queftion in his million, but to demand a iolemn reparation for the fpolia- 
 tions, which our commerce has experienced on the part of England ; 
 and to give you a proof, that Mr. Jay canno: enter into a negotiation 
 contrary to what we owe to France, 1 will give you the part of the in- 
 ftruclions, which concern it. 
 
 " Although the follou ing note, which I have written in his own hand, 
 with a promife to bum it, be little important, I annex it hereto. 
 
 " If the Englifh miniftry fhall infinuate, that the whole or any part of 
 " thefe inftruftions mould appear to be influenced by a fuppofed predi. 
 " leclion in favour of France, you will arreft the fubjr-cl as being foreign 
 " to the prefent queftion. It is what the Englim nation lias no right to 
 objecl to; becaufe we are free in our fentiments and independent in 
 " our government." 
 
 " The following cafe is to be unchangeable. As there is no doubt, 
 that the Englillb miniltry will end avour to detach us from France, 
 " you will inform them of the firm determination of the government of 
 the United States, not to deviate from our treaties, or our engagc- 
 " ments with France." 
 
 r,, appears to bco?nittedin the certified copy* 
 
 Extracl from the political dif patch, No. 6> of Citizen Fauchet, minif- 
 ter plenipotentiary of the French Republic to the United States* 
 
 " SCARCE was the commotion known, when the Secretary of 
 ftate came to my houfe. All his countenance was grief. He requefted 
 of me a private converfation. It is all over, he faid to me. A civil war 
 is about to ravage our unhappy country. Four men by their talents, 
 their influence, and their energy may fave it. But debtors of Englith 
 merchants, they will be deprived of their liberty, if they take the fmall- 
 eft ftep. Could you lend them inftantaneoufly funds, fufHcicnt to 
 
t 19 ] 
 
 flicker them from Engliih perfecution. This enquiry aSoniflied me 
 much. It was impoffible tor me to make a fatisfadory anfwer. You 
 know my want of power, and my defe<ft of pecuniary means. I mall 
 draw myfelf from the affair by fome common place remarks, and by 
 throwing myfelf on the pure and unalterable principles of the republic,, 
 " I have never fmce heard of propofitions of this nature." 
 
 I the underfigned Peter Auguftus Adet, Minifter Plenipotentiary of 
 the French Republic, near the United States of America, certify thole to 
 whom it may belong, that the difpatches, No, 3 and 6, mentioned in the 
 difpatch No. 10, of the loth of Brumaire, in the 3d year, addrefied by- 
 Citizen Fauchet, my predecefibr, to the commiflary of exterior relations, 
 are relative to a number of objects entirely foreign to Mr. Randolph, 
 and that the extracts, which I have delivered to him agreeably to his re- 
 queft, contain both the converfation and the overtures, of which Citizen 
 Fauchet fpeaks in his difpatch. 
 
 1 certify moreover that at the requeft of Mr. Randolph 1 have exam- 
 ined the difpatches of Citizen Fauchet to the French government ; and 
 that whenfoever Citizen Fauchet has had occafion to fp.eak of Mr. Ran- 
 dolph, in refpeft to his morality, he always defcribes him as an honeft 
 and upright mar:. 
 
 Given at Philadelphia, under my hand and feal of the French lega- 
 tion, the 4th of Vendemeaire, in the 3d year of the republic, one and 
 indivifible. 
 
 P. A. ADET. 
 
 To the Prejidcnt of the United Sthtes, Mount Vtrnon. 
 
 Philadelphia, Sept. 21, 1795. 
 SIR, 
 
 I RETURNED yefterday from German Town ; and this morning 
 I mail proceed to the examination of the neceflary papers. Finding it 
 important to one branch of the fubjeft, that 1 (hould alk a fmall addition 
 to the narrative in your letter of the zoth ultimo, I have to requeft, that 
 I may be informed, as far as may be in your power, when Mr. Hammond 
 put Mr. Fauchet's letter into the hands of Mr. Wolcott, and when aa- 
 intimation was given, Sir, of that letter to you. I wifh to afcertain, with- 
 out the neceffity of re for ting to circumftance?, the earlieft nonce, which 
 you received of the exiftence of fuch a letter. If you could add the 
 probable time, when the Britim fecretary of ftate, Lord Grenville, ob- 
 tained the letter, and when the Britiih miniilerhere procured it, 1 Ihould 
 be enabled to be more particular in my vindication. 
 
 You inform me in your letter of the 2Oth ultimo, that you had never 
 fcen Mr. Fauchet's difpach, No. 6 which is referred to in his letter; ami 
 as you did not (hew or fend to me, with the o;hei papers, thediipatui 
 
'No. 3, I Hia'l continue to prefurne, that you have as yet not ieen them. If 
 you have, it will certaily be conceived proper, that I fnould be furniihed 
 with copies of them, in order that I may know whether the papers in 
 your hands under the name of the difpatches No. 3 and 6, agree with 
 what has been ftated to me as their contents ; and that if there be a dif- 
 ference, 1 may take the belt meafures for eflabliming which is true. 
 
 A> nothing detains me in Philadelphia, but the completion of this bu- 
 iinefs, which requires an extenfive detail, and large tranfcription ot pa- 
 pers, I mull hope that if there- be any other document, which bears the 
 lead affinity to the main fubjc-cl, I may have an opportunity through } oqr 
 intervention of meeting it before I take my departure to Virginia. 
 
 To Edmund Randolph, Ejq. 
 SIR, 
 
 I HAVE lately received three letters from you : two bearing date 
 the i$rh inltant ; the other the 2 Tit One of the former came to hand 
 the pth the other the 2iil and the latter yofterday. 
 
 YOJF ftgnature as Secretary of State to the ratification of the Treaty 
 
 having bf en given on the i4th of Augulr, and your resignation not tak- 
 
 ing plijcs until the iQth, it became neceffary, in orde* to be confident (the 
 
 original lining clifparchsd) that the fame counteriign (hould appear to the 
 
 otherwife this act would not have been required of you. 
 
 ir is not in my power to inform you at what time Mr.' Hammond put 
 the iiitf.rceprecl letter of Mr. Fauchet into the hands of Mr. Wolcott. > 
 I had no intimation of the evidence or fuch a letter until after my arri- 
 ia Philadelphia, the nth of Auguft. When Lord Grenville firft ob- 
 tained that letter, and when, the. Ujritiih miniiler here received it from 
 httTij are iacls with which I am entirely unacquainted. 
 
 I have never feen in whole or in part, Mr. Fauchet's difpatchcs num- 
 bered three and fix; nor do I poncfs any document, or knowledge 
 of papers which have affinity to the iubjecl in queiaon. 
 
 No man would rejoice more than I ftioulil, to find that the fufpicicns 
 which have refaltcd from the intercepted letter, were unequivocally and 
 honourably removed. 
 
 Mount fcrxoK, 27 th of September, 1795. 
 
 G. WASHINGTON. 
 
[ 21 ] 
 
 Philadelphia, October 2, 1795- 
 
 SIR, 
 
 I YESTERDAY received from the Prefident a letter dated on the 27th 
 of September 1795; containing, in anf\ver to mine of the 2 1 ft, the following 
 claufes. " It is not in my power to inform you, at what time Mr. Ham- 
 " mond put the intercepted letter of Mr. Fauchet into the hands of Mr. 
 " Wolcott. I had no intimarion of the exiftence of Aich a letter until 
 Batter my arrival in Philadelphia^ the nth of Auguft. When Lord 
 " Grenville firft obtained that letter, and when the Britiih minifter here 
 " received it from him, are fads vrith which I am entirely unacquainted." 
 
 " I have never feen in whole or in part Mr. Fauchet'sdifpatches, num- 
 " be red three and fix ; nor do I poffefs any document or knowledge of 
 " papers, which have affinity to the fubjecl in queftion. ' 
 
 As the Britifh minifter conveyed through your hands this bnfinefs to 
 the Prefident, I hold myfelf authorifed to inquire from you into fome 
 material fads, as they probably reft in your knowledge. Thefe are, as 
 to the time when Mr. Hammond put the letter into your hands; as to 
 Lord Grenviile, Mr. Hammond, or yourfelf, having feen or been poffef- 
 fed of No. 3 and 6, or either of them ; as to there being any other paper 
 in or out of cypher, connected with this affair, which may be brought 
 up in my abfence. If you have heard the time, about which Lord 
 Grenville firft obtained the letter, and when the Britifh minifter here re- 
 ceived it from him, information of it will tend to elucidate fame other 
 points. 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 
 Your humble fervant, 
 
 EDMUND RANDOLPH, 
 O. Wolcott, Kfq. 
 
 Philadelphia, Oftobcr zd, 1795* 
 SIR, 
 
 I HAVE received your letter of this date, and I readily reply to 
 your enquiries. 
 
 Mr. Fauchet's letter to which you allude was delivered to me by Mr. 
 Hammond on the 28th of July ; and on the evening of the nth of Au- 
 guft, J prefented it to the Prefident. 
 
 I have never feen or been poflefled of Mr. Fauchet's letters, numbered 
 3 or 6, or either of them, in or out of cypher, and 1 have no knowledge 
 whether they or either of them, have been feen by Lord Grenville or 
 Mr. Hammond. 
 
 D 
 
r 22 ] 
 
 It is impoflible for me to fay whether any other document may be 
 hereafter brought into view, as conne&ed with the fubjeci in quef- 
 tion. Perhaps fomething will depend upon the manner in which the dif- 
 cuflion of this affair may be managed on your part, as this may render 
 an enquiry after other papers neceffary. You may be allured, however, 
 that nothing has been at any time concealed by me, to your prejudice. 
 
 The letter which I received from Mr. Hammond, was, as I have been 
 informed, taken from the Jean Bart, a French vefiel. I do not know 
 the time, when it was received by Lord Grenville or by Mr. Hammond. 
 It refts in my memory, however, that Mr. Hammond informed me, that 
 the letter had been received by him, but a ftiort time before it was pre- 
 fented to me, but of this faft I am not certain. 
 
 Edmund Randolph, Efq, 
 
 I am, Sir, your humble fervant, 
 OLIV. WOLCOTT, 
 
 Philadelphia, OBober 8, 1795. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 YOU miftook me, if you fuppoied, that I meant to propound to you 
 any queition, the anfwerto which mould prevent the appearance of any 
 paper whatsoever. I knew that this muft depend upon the head of the 
 executive ; and I put at defiance all papers, which now are, or hereafter 
 may be feen. 1 only wiihed to learn, before my departure for Virginia, 
 whether any thing more than the letter, No. 10, had been ufed in Mr. 
 Hammond's machin?tions ; fo as to be able to prepare no--w to repel it. 
 
 It is material, however, to underftand what obfervations, or meflage, 
 from Mr. Hammond or his government accompanied the communication 
 of the letter to you ; in order that they might be tranfmitted to the Pre- 
 fident. For if lam to judge from fome hints, which have been given in 
 the public prints, and from other data, I have reafon to conclude, that 
 Mr. Hammond was particularly inflrutted upon the occafion._ In fhort, 
 candor entitles me to expeft, that you will not hefitate to give me this 
 information. 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 Your humble fervant, 
 
 EDMUND RANDOLPH. 
 Q. Wolcott, Efq. 
 
Philadelphia, Oftober 8, 1795. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 NOTWITHSTANDING I am convinced, that a knowledge of the 
 minute circumftances mentioned in your letter oi this date, cannot be ma- 
 terial to your defence, and though you have already been particularly in- 
 formed of the manner in which Mr. Fauchet's letter was conveyed to 
 the Prefident ; yet 1 mean not to incur the imputation of wanting can- 
 dour, by forbearing a reply to your inquiry. 
 
 When the exiftence of the intercepted letter was firft mentioned to me 
 by Mr. Hammond, he did not intimate, or requeit,that its contents might 
 be communicated to the Prefident : it v. as my own fuggeftion, that the 
 letter ought to be delivered to me for that purpofe : to this Mr. Ham- 
 mond finally affented, upon the condition that a copy, certified by me, 
 fhould remain in his hands. 
 
 My motive for wifhing to obtain the original letter will readily bedif- 
 cerned : without pofiefiing 5t, I could not fafeiy venture to make any 
 reprefentation of its contents, and 1 felr no difpofition to be the fecret 
 depofitory of fads affecting not only your character, but alfo the public 
 interefts. 
 
 The nature of your inquiries on this fubjeft leads me to allure you, 
 that I am not converfant in the fecrets of foreign minifters, and that I 
 cannot fay whether Mr. Hammond was, or was not, particularly infirutted 
 to communicate Mr. Fauchet's letter to the PreiideiU ; no fuchinitruc- 
 tion was mentioned to me. 
 
 I am, Sir, your obedient fervant, 
 
 OL1V. WOLCOTT. 
 Edmund Randolph, Efq. 
 
 Philadelphia, QJlcL'rS, 1795- 
 SIR, 
 
 UNTIL Monday laft I did not obtain from the office thofe of my 
 own letters, which I deem proper to be introduced into my vindication. 
 But I ftill want the infpeftion of a letter from you, dared July 22, 1795? 
 and received by me. I applied nerfonally at the office on Saturday laft 
 for the fight of your letters to me. The chief clerk went into the room, 
 in which Air. Pickering fits, to confult him, at my defire, upon my appli- 
 cation. He afterwards carried to Mr. Pickering a brown paper ; and 
 on his return placed it before me. It contained many of your letters, and 
 was indorfed to this purport, The Prefident' 's Letters." I prefumed, 
 that they were all there ; as no mention was made to me of any, that were 
 
miffing. But not finding that of July 22, 1795* I alked forit; and the 
 chief clerk replied, that Mr. Pickering had juft taken it out ; and that 
 upon his faying, that I might probably vvilh to fee it, Mr. Pickering had 
 obferved, that, if I did, I would afk for it. I accordingly afked for it 
 again ; but wasantwered, that it was neceflary to coniult Mr. Wolcott, 
 Not hearing any thing late on Monday from the chief clerk, I reminded him 
 by a note,and on Tuefday received thro' him the rancorous and infolent an- 
 fwer of Mr. Pickering, which amounts to a pofnive refufal, and of which 
 du^ notice will hereafter be taken. I affirm to you, that I hold that 
 letter to be important to one of the views, which the queftion will bear. 
 As I aim at accuracy in my ftatements, 1 am anxious to prevent a mif- 
 take in my recollection of that letter, and therefore requeil the infpec- 
 tion oi it. 
 
 Mr. Fauchet's letter and the circumftances which preceded and at- 
 tended the delivery of it to me, embrace a variety of political matter, 
 connected with many documents. The papers and reafonings in my ge- 
 neral letter will comprehend among others the following: my letter to 
 the governor of Vermont, on the 28th of July, 1794; Mr. Bradford's 
 letter from Fort Pitt, on the I7th of Auguft, 1794; mine to the Secre- 
 tary of thrf Treafury, on the z8th of Auguit 1794; a letter, which 
 in the latter end of July, 17134, y Q directed me to write to a certain 
 perfon ; two late letters to Col. Monroe ; my letter to Mr. Jay on tire 
 l8th Auguft, 1794; my laft circular letter to our minifters ; your leu 
 ters to me on the zzd and 3ift July, 1795. with the memorial therein 
 referred to; my letter to you on the izth of July, 179$ ; the affidavit, 
 which was laid before you of the Britilh being fuppofed to be concern- 
 ed in the infurredion; the advice of another gentleman and myfelf to 
 you, on the 25th of Auguft 1794; extrads from Mr. Jay's and Mr. 
 Monroe's inftrudions ; and rny letter to you on the i$th Auguft 1794. 
 
 You muft be fenfible, Sir, that I am inevitably driven into the dif- 
 cuflion of many confidential and delicate points. I could with fafety 
 immediately appeal to the people of the United States, who can be of 
 no party. But I mall wait for your anfwer to this leiter, fo far as it re. 
 ipeds the paper defired, before I forward to you my general letter, which 
 is delayed for no other caufc. I lhail alfo rely, that any fuppofed error 
 in the general letter, in regard to fads, will be made known to me, and 
 that you will confent to the whole of this affair, howfoever confidential 
 and delicate, being exhibited to the world. 
 
 At the fame time, I prefcribe to myfelf this condition, not to mingle 
 any thing which I do not fincerely conceive to belong to the fubjed. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sir, 
 With due refped, 
 
 Your moft obedient fervant 
 
 EDM: RANDOLPH. 
 The Prefident of the United States, Mount Yemen. 
 
SIR, 
 
 AGREEABLY to the fuggeftion in your note to me, received yefter- 
 day, I laid the fame before Colonel Pickering, whofe anfwer I am au- 
 thorized to fend you, in the following words, viz. 
 
 " The letter from the Prefident, dated the 22d of July, 1795, of which 
 Mr. Randolph has requefted the infpection, does not appear to have any 
 connection with the intercepted letter of Mr. Fauchet ; and, cannot pof- 
 fibly have referred to it ; becaufe the Prefident was at that time ignorant 
 even ot its exiftence : and Mr. Randolph perfectly well knows that his 
 refignation was occafioned folely by the evidence of his criminal conducl 
 exhibited in Mr. Faucher's letter. The infpection of the Prefident's 
 letter then cannot be necefiary for Mr. Randolph's exculpation. 1 ' 
 
 Department of State, O&obtr 6, 1795. 
 
 GEO : TAYLOR, jun. Chief Clerk. 
 Edmund Randolph, Efquire. 
 
 To Edmund Randolph, Efquire. 
 SIR, 
 
 IN feveral of the public gazettes I have read your note to the Editor 
 of the Philadelphia Gazette, with an extract of a letter addrefied to me 
 of the 8th inftant ; but it was not until yefterday, that the letter itfelf 
 was received. 
 
 It is not difficult, from the tenor of that letter, to perceive what your 
 objects are; but that you may have no caufe to complain of the withhold- 
 ing any paper (however private and confidential) which you fhall think 
 neceflary in a cafe of fo ferious a nature, I have directed that you fhculd 
 have the infpeclion of my letter of the 22d of July, agreeably to your 
 requeft : and you are at full liberty to publifn, without referve, any and 
 every private: and confidential letter I ever wrote you ; nay more eve- 
 ry word I ever uttered to, or in your prefence, irom whence you can de- 
 rive any advantage in your vindication. 
 
 1 grant this permifiion, inafmuch as the extract alluded to, maniferUy 
 tends to imprefs on the public mind an opinion, that fomething has palled 
 between us which you mould difclofe with reluctance ; from motives of 
 delicacy which refpeft me. 
 
 You know, Sir, even before the treaty was laid before the Senate, that 
 I had difficulties with refpecl to the commercial part ot it ; with which 
 I profefTed to be the lead acquainted; and that J had no means of acquir- 
 ing information thereon without difclofing its contents : not to do which 
 until it was fubmitted to the Senate, had been refolved en. You know 
 
[ 26 ] 
 
 too, that it was my determination previous to this fubmiffion, to ratify 
 the treaty if it fhould be fo advifed and confented to by that body;- 
 and that the doubts which afterwards arofe, and were communicated to 
 Mr. Hammond, proceeded from more authentic information of the exif- 
 tence of what is commonly called the Provilion order of the Britidi go- 
 vernment. And finally, vou know the grounds on which my ultimate de- 
 cifion was taken ; as the fame were exprefled to you, the other fecretaries 
 of departments, and the late attorney general, after a thorough inveftiga- 
 tion and confide ration of the fubjecl, in all the afpects in which it could 
 be placed. 
 
 As you are no longer an officer of the government, and propofe to 
 fubmit your vindication to the public, it is not my defire, nor is it my in- 
 tention to receive it otherwise than through the medium of the prefs, - 
 Fads you cannot miftake and if they are fairly and candidly itated,tbey 
 will invite no comments. 
 
 The extracl of your letter to me, dated the 8th inftant, bei?ig publifh- 
 ed in all the gazettes, I requeft that this letter may be inferred in the com- 
 pilation you are now making; as well to mew my difpofition to furnifh 
 you with every means I polfefs towards your vindication, as that I have 
 
 no wifri to conceal any part of my conduct from the public. That 
 
 public will judge, when it comes to fee your vindication, how far, and how 
 proper it has been for you, to publifti private and confidential communi- 
 cations which, oftentimes have been written in a hurry, and fometimes 
 without even copies being taken. And it will, 1 hope, appreciate my 
 motives, even if it mould condemn my prudence, in allowing you the 
 unlimited licenfe herein contained. 
 
 Philadelphia zijl of OElober, 1795. 
 
 G : WASHINGTON, 
 
 Philadelphia, Ottober 24, 1795. 
 SI R, 
 
 I AFFIRM to you, that the delay which has occurred in the arrival 
 of my letter of the 8th inftant to your hands, is not to be afcribed to 
 me. It was fent to the poll-office on Friday the gth, but too late 1 be- 
 lieve for the mail of that day. If 1 am not mifmfonrcd, it reached Alex- 
 andria on Wednefday the i^th ; from whence it was brought back on 
 Saturday the I7th ; you having pafled through that town on your return. 
 You came hither on Tuefday, the zoth, in the afternoon. 
 
 Whatfoever my objects may be fuppofcd to be, 1 have but one ; which 
 is, to defend my f elf. Your unlimited permiflion of publication is therefore 
 as you muft be well perfuaded, given without hazard. For you never 
 could believe, that 1 intended to exhibit to public view all and e^ery 
 thing which was known to me. I have indeed the fenfibility of an in jur- 
 ied man; but I fhall difclofe even what I am compelled todifclofe, under 
 
t 27 ] 
 
 r the operation of the neceiTity which you yourfelf have created. I have 
 
 been the meditated vic:irn of party fpirit. 
 
 From the tenor of your letter 01 the 2ift inftanf, I perceive that ^011 
 have control/led the opinions of Mr. Pickering and Mr. Vvoicotr, ny vir- 
 tually admitting your proceedings on the treaty with Great Britain to be 
 material in the cafe to be laid before our country. I rr.uft however con- 
 tend, from a variety of written and other proofs in my poflefflon that what 
 you in that letter denominate, " doubts communicated ts Mr. Hammond" 
 will be found to have been confidered by you from the i3th of July to 
 the nth of Auguft, as " your determination ;" and that " the grounds on 
 which jour ultima te decijion was profejfed to be taken^ 1 were little if at all 
 different from thofe which had been often examined by you before my 
 interview with Mr. Hammond. 
 
 My intention in troubling you with my letter of detail was merely to 
 prevent a controverfy about fafts. But iince you reft them upon my 
 iiatement, I pledge myfelf to aim at accuracy. If 1 do Rot fucceed, it 
 will not be my fault that an error mall have crept into my narrative. 
 But I fhall be ready to correct it, and to renounce any inference which 
 I may have deduced from it. 
 
 Your letter, Sir, of yefterday, (hall bepubiifhed as you requeft. To the 
 people I always meant to appeal. It will be in the form of a letter addrefled 
 to you, as many of the fafts are heft known to you ; but I (hail difclaim, 
 as I have always difclaimed, an appeal to a.i interior authority. The peo- 
 ple v/ili fee, that 1 have not imitated fome others, in treafuring up your 
 letters or obfervations, from any expectation of producing them at a fu- 
 ture day; that I have never betrayed your confidence; and that even 
 where " your prudence may be condemned,'" your " unlimited licence," 
 is no more, than a qualified effort to do juftice. It would have been lefs 
 equivocal, if it had not been accompanied with a kind of threat ; and the 
 candour, which the letter feems to wear, would have been more feaiona- 
 ble, had it commenced with this injurious bufinefs. You hold, Sir, a 
 number of my private letters, of which I kept no ccpy, and which I fhould 
 be giad to inipecl. But notwithstanding they would add weight to the 
 proofs, which I might produce, of all my opinions to you being founded 
 on a regard to the rights of the people, and a love of order, I fhall 
 leave them with jourfelf, as evidences of my fidelity. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sir, 
 Wkh due refpeft, 
 
 Your moft obedient fervanr, 
 
 EDM: RANDOLPH. 
 The Prefideht ot the United States. 
 
FINDING from the foregoing letter of the Prefident, 
 and other fourcescf information, that we are likely to differ 
 in degree upon his proceedings in regard to the treaty ; 
 I (honld have apprized him beforehand of the manner in 
 which I have always underftcod them. But being led by 
 one of the expreilions in that letter, to iuppofe, that he 
 is not deiirous of entering iruo a previous diicufnon of 
 facts ; I (hail endeavour explicii.lv to reprefent the intire 
 truth ; after repeating, that it (hall not be my fault, if it 
 be not difplayed. 
 
 The treaty arrived on the evening of the yth day of 
 March, 1795; and was by the Prefident's order rigidly 
 concealed by me from every perfon upon earth, without 
 a lingle exception, until I was permitted to divulge it. I 
 challenge the whole world to prove the contrary. Scarcely 
 a day palled, on which he faw r me, that he did not enumerate 
 many objections to it; objections, going not only to the 
 commercial part, but allo to the Canada article, which 
 though feemingly reciprocal in words, would, as he 
 thought, want reciprocity in practice; to the omiflion of 
 Ccmpenfation for the negroes and property plundered; 
 and to fome other parts of lefs confequence. When the 
 mefiage,which was to accompany the treaty to the Senate, 
 was about to be prepared, at the latter end of May 1795, 
 I obferved to him, that it was neceilary for him to make 
 up his mind to ratify or not; and he anfwered, that al- 
 though the treaty was fo exceptionable to him, yet he 
 would not fe pa rate from the Senate. At this time the or- 
 ; der of the Eritifh king for feizing our provilion-veffels, 
 bound to France, Lad never been heard of by the Prefi- 
 dent ; and even then he confidered himfelf as at perfect 
 liberty, to ratify or not. On the 24th of June 1795, the 
 Senate adviied the conditional ratification. He then ex- 
 preffed a with, that the public opinion could be heard up- 
 on the fubjecft ; and notwithstanding the vote of the Se- 
 nate as to fecrecy, he authorized me on the 29th to pro- 
 mile [o Mr. Brown the printer a copy of the treaty for 
 publication, with a view to draw forth the fentiments of 
 the people. I accordingly gave him a paragraph for in- 
 fertion on Monday the 2qth, alluring the public, that the 
 
treaty would appear on the Wednefday following. Mr. 
 Brown would have received the copy of the treaty imme- 
 diately, if I had not delivered the only one, which J had, 
 to Mr. Adet the French minifter by the Prefident's direc- 
 tion. But before Wednefday arrived, it came forth from' 
 another prefs. 
 
 During the fitting of the Senate, a paragraph appeared 
 In an Englifh paper, mentioning the foregoing proviiion- 
 order, as it is called. But there was nothing iatisfaclory 
 concerning its exiftence or particulars. When they-rofe, 
 the Prelident was fo far convinced, though not officially, 
 of its exiftence, that he admitted it, as a fad, upon which 
 to reafon in refpecl to the treaty. r l hen it was, that is, 
 loon after the Senate rofe, that he began to balance, whe- 
 ther to ratify or not. He acknowledges that he doubted ; 
 and I am ready to own that (hortly after the riling of the. 
 Senate, until the 1 3th of July 1795, he doubted only ; 
 though with great flrength. This it was, which induced 
 me to hold with Mr. Hammond, the cohverlation of the 
 of June 1 795 *, which is recorded in the department 
 
 * Sub/lance of a Converfanon with Mr. Hammond, June 29, 1795, 
 ii o'Clock, A. M* 
 
 I called upon him, and told him, that as he wifticd formerly a fight of 
 the treaty when I could not ihew it to him, I would now very willing- 
 ly impart it, if he wilhcd to fee it. He faid, that he fuppofed the ef- 
 fcnce of it was in Bache's paper of this morning. 1 replied, that the de- 
 tail would givt the fubjeCt more completely. He then faid, that irankly 
 fpeaking he had feen a copy, which * a member of the Senate had brought to 
 him: that he was much pleafed with the treaty himfelf. This laft ex- 
 preliion was put into two or three different ihapes, to draw lomething from 
 me. I obferved only, that by the conilitution it now refted with the Pre- 
 ildent, and that he had entered into the confideration of the fubjecl. He 
 then read a letter from Lord Grenville to him, on the i8th ot April 179$, 
 expreffing great folicitude at not having heard of the arrival of the treaty 
 at Philadelphia; and urging Mr. Hammond to give the earlieft notice of 
 its arrival, and of the Heps taken. Our converfa;ion clofed with his fay- 
 ing, that if he wiihed to confult the treaty further, he would call upon 
 me ior a further infpeftion of it. 
 
 EDM: RANDOLPH. 
 
 * Mr. 
 
t 30 ] 
 
 of ftate, and was approved by the Prefident. This it was, 
 which induced me to write to Mr. Monroe en the 2d of Ju- 
 ly 1795, under the Prefident's eye and fpecial correction, 
 that " the Prefident has not yet decided upon the final 
 meafure to be adopted by himfeif." This it was, which 
 induced him to confult all the officers of government up- 
 on fome collateral points. This it was, which induced 
 him to confult a certain individual upcn the treaty at 
 large ; and to require me to give an opinion, which. I de- 
 livered to him on the 12th of July 1795, in the even- 
 ing. 
 
 That opinion will be particularly dated in my general 
 letter. But it is necelfary to quote the following con- 
 cluding pafTages: 
 
 " 1 take the liberty then of fuggefting, that a perfonal interview be, 
 immediately had between the fecretary of Hate and Mr. Hammond, and 
 that the fubftance of the addrefs to him be this. 
 
 " 1 know, fir, that you are acquainted with the late treaty between 
 the United States and his Britannic Majefty ; and prefume, that you have 
 feen the vote of the Senate, advifing a ratification of it upon condition. 
 That treaty being ftill fubjeft to the negative of the Frefident is now be- 
 fore him, undetermined as to its fate. The candour, which has reigned 
 throughout our proceedings, induces me, with the permiflion of the Prefi- 
 dent, to explain to you, as the minifter plenipotentiary of his Britannic 
 Majefty near the U ited States, what is the cou.rfe of his reflection upon 
 this momentous tranfaftion. If his Majefty could doubt the fincerity of 
 the Prefident's profeifions to maintain full harmony with the Britiih na- 
 tion, his doubt would vanifh, when he is told, fir, as I now tell you, 
 that, notwithstanding after the moft mature confideration of the treaty, 
 there are feveral parts by no means coincident with his vvifhes and expec- 
 tations; yet he had determined to ratify it, in the manner advifed by the 
 Senate. He had determined to put his hand to it without again fubmit* 
 ting it, even after the infertion cf the new article, to the Senate. 
 
 " But we are informed by the public gazettes, and by letters tolerably 
 authentic, that veffels, even American veffels, laden with provifions for 
 France, may be captured and dealt with, as carrying a kind of qualified 
 contraband. If this be not true, you can correct me. 
 
 " Upon the fuppofition of its truth, the Prefident cannot perfuade 
 himfelt, that he ought to ratify, during the exiftence of the order. His 
 leafons will be detailed in a proper reprefentation through you (Mr. Ham- 
 mond) to his Britannic Majefty. At the fame time, that order being re- 
 moved, he will ratify without delay, or farther fcruple. Of this allo his 
 Britannic Majefty will be informed in the moft explicit and unequivocal 
 terms. 
 
 " Now, fir, the objecl: of my interview with you arifes from my recol- 
 le&ion of your having exprefled tome a wifh>that the ratifications fhould 
 
[ 31 ] 
 
 be exchanged here ; in order that you might have fome agency in doling 
 the treaty. 1 am thus led to believe, that it may not be difagreeable to 
 you, to undertake what I mall now have the honour of propofing to you. 
 
 " Suppofing tha: Mr. Jay's negociation would abforb every controver- 
 fy : that nothing would be left to be done for fome time in the ordinary 
 courfe of refidence: and that Mr. Pinckney would have returned to Lon- 
 don before he was wanted there, he was difpatched, as our envoy to Ma- 
 drid. Ke did not commence his journey until the nth of May laft. 
 The fecretary of the legation, Mr. Deas, is the only perfon remaining in 
 London, as the political agent of the United States. Being defirous of 
 communicating every thing here, as far as we can, it has occurred to me 
 to Hate in a memorial to you the fnuation of the bufmefs, and the fore- 
 going declaration of the Prefident's purpofe to ratify. This, we prefume, 
 will be immediately tranfmitted through you to the Britifii miniitry. The 
 reply may be handed to Mr. Deas. You will alfo be furnimed with a copy 
 of the form, in which the Prefident means to ratify, when the order is 
 refunded. 
 
 The Preiident had indeed once thought to order one of our Euro- 
 pean minifters on to London to fupply for this purpofe the place of Mr. 
 Pinckney. But the moft weighty objections render this impracticable; 
 and it may be alfo conceived that to fend over a frefh diplomatic cha- 
 racter at this ftage of the bufinefs, would neither be very eafy, nor very 
 expeditious. 
 
 " It is alfo contemplated by the Prefident to propofe that for the pur- 
 pofe of faving delay, the ratifications may be exchanged here. Ft r al- 
 though he does not doubt the conftitutionality of the Senate's acl:, and is 
 advifed too, that the propofed article, if agreed to by his Britannic Ma- 
 jefty, need not be fubmitted to them before ratification, yet he enter- 
 tains ferious doubts whether he can himfelf ratify, without having the 
 very article under his eye, after it mail have been aflented to by his Bri- 
 tannic Majefty. The difference of time in the one form or the other will 
 confirt onlv in a voyage from London to Philadelphia. Provifion will be 
 made for the fubfcription in London of any papers, which form may re- 
 quire. 
 
 " You will oblige me, fir, by giving me your fentiments on tliis ftate- 
 ment." 
 
 In the morning of the 13th of July 1795, the PrefT- 
 dent intlrucled me in his room, to have the propofed in- 
 terview with Mr. Hammond immediately, and to addrefs 
 him as I had fuggeiled. I inlhntly returned to the of- 
 fice, and fent a note, requellmg him to come thither. 
 He came in half an hour ; and I executed the Prefident's 
 inftruclions. Mr. Hammond afked me, if it would not 
 be fufficient to remove the order out of the way ; and af- 
 ter the ratification to renew it? I replied, perhaps with 
 fome warmth, that this would be a mere fhift, as the prin- 
 ciple was the important thing. He then afked me, if 
 
the Prefideiu was irrevocably determined not to ratify; 
 if the pro ilion-order was not removed? I anfwered, that 
 I was not inilrucled upon that point. He faid, that he 
 wouid convey my obfervations to Lord Grenviiie by a vef- 
 fei which wao to fail the next day ; and then left me. 
 
 I immediately returned to the Preiident's room, and 
 acquainted him with the foregoing circumilances. Fie 
 faid, that I might have informed Mr. Hammond, that lie 
 never would ratify, if the provilion-order was not re- 
 moved out of the way. He then direcled me to prepare 
 the memorial of which I had fpcken to Mr. Hammond, 
 the form of ratification, and inftruclions for the perib-n, 
 who was to manage the buiinefs in London: 
 
 The next day, being Tuefday the 14'h of July 1795, 
 I met with Mr. Hammond at the Prefident' s public room ; 
 when he took me on one fide, ard again enquired of me, 
 if he uas irre T ocably determined not to ratify the treaty 
 dm ing the exiilence of the prcvifion-order ? added, that 
 he had vvntten to Lord Grenviiie, what I had com- 
 municated to lum the day before; and aflced me, when 
 he nj.ght expecl the memorial, which my communica- 
 tion prormied to him. It is true, that with refpecl to the 
 proviiion-oider I mi^ht have told him, what the Prehdent 
 had declared rhedjy before. But as my converfation was de- 
 x figned omy to (hew, that the Prefident had net let the fub- 
 jecl fleep, and tiiat he had taken his deciiion ; and, as the 
 promred memorial would fo foon repeat the fame ideas, 
 I faw no neceflity for changing for the preient the ground, 
 upon which it had been placed by me. As to the memo- 
 rial, I engaged, that he fhould have it before he failed ; 
 which was fufficiently early for every purpofe ; fince it 
 was propofed by me in my letter abovementioned, on 
 the 12th of July 1795, and approved by ihe Preiident 
 en the next clay, not to fend ever a new minifler ; but 
 to ufe Mr. Hammond's agency. I do not aiTert that I 
 related to the Prefident this lafl converfation with Mr. 
 Hammond ; but I believe I did. 
 
 The Prefident left this city for MountVernon onWed- 
 nefday the 15th of July 1795. As f6on afterwards as an in- 
 difpofition, and the nature of the fubjecl, would permit, J 
 
. [ 33 ] 
 
 prepared, as will be immediately flatcd, the me me 
 and at different times feeing Mr. Hammond, and i earning 
 from him, when he expected to go, I coniiantly allured 
 him, that it Ihould be ready for him. Not having b . 
 copies ot all the private letters, which I wrote to the Pre- 
 fident, while he was in Virginia, I may not perhaps ob- 
 ierve the due order in mentioning the papers > but ior the 
 facls in ether refpecls I vouch. 
 
 i he Prefident wrote to me from Baltimore on the i8th 
 of July 1795, defiring, that the addrefs of the people of 
 Boilon ftiouid be taken into confideration by the fecreta- 
 ries and attorney general. They were collected immedi- 
 diat elv upon the receipt of the letter ; and did not at once 
 agree,whether an anfwer {houid or iliould not be leturned. 
 But it was mentioned then by me, as I had mentioned 
 to one or two at leaft of them before, and as I ment;. 
 again the next day, that the Prefident had taken a deter- 
 mination purluant to the abovementioned communk ; 
 to Mr. Hammond. It was on this facl, that the ai 
 to that addrefs contained the following paiTage : " Under 
 this perfuafibn I have refolved on the manner of execut- 
 ing the duty before me." There was attliis time no < 
 u refotuliort* cf the Prefident, to which the anfwer -j 
 refer ; and I never could have ailented to that rjhrafe, 
 irorn my knowledge, that the Prefident had refo.ved, (though 
 the final formal act" was yet incomplete) not to ratu 
 treaty, until the provi lion-order was arranged to ais 
 faction. 
 
 Next in date is the memorial, the rough draught of 
 h was fent to the Prefident, containing the foiiowing 
 pafiages : 
 
 " BUT neither his Britannic Majefty nor the world will V-? fur- 
 when they ftiall be informed, that the difpofnion to ratify h 
 pended ^ at leaft bv a recent order, iffued unaer the royal' aut' 
 geriuinenefs, though nor afcertained by cfncial .:, is fcarc' 
 
 where doubted, it is underitood to im\ os, ot whatever 
 
 nation, laden u-ith corn or other provifions for 1 . ay be 
 
 .feized, and from this cefcripdon not even n. . cprcu. 
 
 Agaiaft this ao<ftnr.e the United States have otter 
 particularly in the memorial of their mirufter pier::. 
 to the Britifh fecretary of ilate for foreign arfairs, and in u 
 
[ 34 J 
 
 the dc-purtmrnt of Hate to the minifter plenipotentiary of Ms Britannic 
 ;; in Philadelhia* 
 
 ;;y in Philadelphia* cri the * - -- tt was not with- 
 
 out regret, thar the r irons were unfuccefsful in conforming to the current 
 :s the deii"ition of contraband. But that the order of the 
 1-95 \va.sth'js repeated upon the United States by the pro. 
 , v. as ai- apparent from the rules of conirruclion, a^ an ac- 
 in that coniiruclion was remote from every opinion hitherto 
 ioiined. It waj. beiievtd, and is (till believed, that ihe treaty juftifies 
 .-rpretation. The confiderations, which indifpofe the United 
 .i yield to it, are too obvious to require an enumeration ; and gain, 
 ing forcty t<verj daj. To ratify ther, in the face cf this com- 
 ment* would ttamp upon * -- article a meaning which the United 
 ,Ul;i\'o'vV ; and contribute to the eftabiifhment of a principle, againft 
 which they revolt. Hence objections, which might have been overba- 
 : by the hope cf bur}irg palt differences, and of raifing a barrier 
 a^'inii ircfu injuries array themlelves again in view; when the aban- 
 donment of their, notwithftanding* leaves behind this burthen upon A- 
 agriculture and commerce." - 
 
 * Bu^ as in the language of the conilitutionof theUnited States, the Pre- 
 fid'-nt i^ to w/brhe tre-u\,no method is fatisfaftory to him, by which he 
 can or ought to delegate to a fubordinate agent the determination when 
 the prop-'i^d treaty (hall become the fupreme law of the land. v\ith this 
 i'mp'lttiiODt he rjir.nor i,aiu adopt any ftyle of ratification which lhall pre- 
 sf him from being perfonally fatisfied, that the advice and con- 
 i>\. t'.ie Senate, which are the ground-work of his action on treaties, 
 hftv-. , To demcnftrate, however, that candour alone 
 
 throughout; this yaniadion, there is annexed to this memorial 
 
 the draught oi a ratifiraticn which the Preiident contemplates to w/,when- 
 
 foever the occafion ihail require; that is, when h? Jkall be fatisfied as to 
 
 tk$ t,yd?r fir Jelling pro-i:ijions^ and conftituticnal forms , prcfcnt no objection, 
 
 The chief obltacie, which is dependent for its removal on his Bri- 
 
 tannic Majeftyj is the order above ftated. The President is too much de- 
 
 prived^cf its particulars, to declare, what fhall be his irrevocable deter- 
 
 ; but the feniibility, which it has excited in his mind, cannot 
 
 be ttHayed itftithQtft the mcft uxtqu$ot>cdl Jftputaftik) to reduce to the cnly con- 
 
 ,/,', in which be can acquiejce> the article cf the treaty"^ 
 
 Before the Preiident had received this rough draught 
 a memorial, and the form of an eventual ratification, 
 
 therein referred to, he wrote to me on the 22d of July, 
 
 ihu- : 
 
 IN my hurry, I did not fignify the propriety of letting thofe gen- 
 sMit know fully, my determination with refpedto the ratification of 
 
 in tlje rough memorial-. , 
 
 f The feczetavies and attorney general. 
 
t 35 J 
 
 die treaty ; and the train it was in; but as this v t s necefiary, in order 
 
 ro enable them to form their opinions on the fubject lub;ratti-d, I take 
 
 it for granted that both we re communicated to thereby you, 
 
 of courie. The firft, that is the conditional ra 
 
 which --tv have heard of, n-jpt:'.: vj pnvifion vefirls, i: nit in opcruticn > may, 
 
 on all st oocafions, be fpoken of as my determin:. fs from a:/ 
 
 you have heard, or met with fine? 1 left th^ cir; , it: (ho old be thought 
 
 more advifeable to communicate further \ 
 
 pinion refpecting the treat}-, is the fame now that it was, that i^, 
 
 yourabie to it, but, that it is better to ratify it:n the n>ar.M^rtiv 
 
 have advifed, (and iviih the rtjwuatiott already intniiwed } than to fuf&r 
 
 matters to remain as they are, unfeitled. Little has bten faid to 
 
 the fubjecl of this treaty .alr.ng the road 1 palled ; and I have il-en ; 
 
 fince from whom 1 could h ar much concerning in -but fr: 
 
 difcourfes I find endeavours are not wanting to place it in ail rhr 
 
 points of view of which it is fufceptible, and in icme which it vviil not 
 
 admit." 
 
 The Prefident's letter to me from Virginia, on the Ctgth 
 of July, 1795-, forms a connecting branch or. 
 fubjecl ; but it" it were omitted, the omiilion might be im- 
 puted to fome improper motive. 
 
 It begins with announcing his determination to 
 turn almoft immediately to Philadelphia ; and proceeds 
 thus : 
 
 f< I am excited to this refolution by the violent nndextfaordlna: 
 ceedings which have, and are about taking- nhce, in th northern part of 
 efted in the fouthern ; b?cr,a:",- 
 
 the union, and may be expefted 
 
 memorial, the ratification and the inftrucli- 
 
 of fuch vaft magnitude, as not only to require great individual d,. 
 
 tion ; but a fclemn conjunct revifion. The i. 
 
 you were to conie to this place; nor would ;here be that iou re- 
 
 formation to be had, as is to be found at, and continually 
 
 feat of government : and befides, in the courie of deli; 
 
 great matters, the examination of official p. 
 
 be found eflential ; and thefe could bs reiorted to no where 
 
 The next paragraph fpeaks of the inconvenie r.je of :i 
 turn, but fays, that " whilft he is in cilice,!. 
 convenience to interfere with what he conceiv 
 
 He goes on thus : 
 
 I view the oppcfnion, which the treaty is recr! 
 ings in different parts of the union in a very 1 
 
 there is more weight in any of the objeiYi are made to : 
 
 were fore fee n atfirft ; for there art none \n/ome of the;- 
 reprefentations in others Nor as it refpecti myfeli perfonali 
 
t 36 ] 
 
 lhall have no influence en 1157 conduct ; plainly perceiving, and I am ao 
 preparing my mind for, the obloquy, which disappointment 
 and malice arecoiie&ing to heap upon ray character. But I am alarm- 
 ed on account of the effect it may have on, and the advantage the French 
 -rmaent may bj difpofed to make of, the fpirit which is at work ; to 
 cheriftt a belief in them, that the treaty is calculated to favour Great Bri- 
 ta'n at their expence. Whether they believe or diibelieve thefe tales, the 
 eSect it will have upon the nation will be nearly the fame : for whilft 
 they are at war with that power, or fo long as the animofity between the 
 tvr ona lions ex ift, it will, no matter at whofe expence, be their policy, 
 and it is feared, it will be their conduit* to prevent us from being \m 
 good terms with Great Britain, or from her deriving any advantages from 
 oar ccrnmsrce, which they can prevent, however much we may be bcne- 
 fitted thereby ourfelvcs. To what length this policy and intereft may 
 carry theai is problematical ; but when they fee the people of this coun- 
 try divided, and fuch a violent oppofition given to the meafures of their 
 own government, pret-endedly in their favour, it may be extremely embar. 
 
 ^ fay no more of it. 
 
 " To fum the whole up in a few words. I have never, {ince I have 
 
 been in the aJminiftration of the government, feen a crifis, which in my 
 
 ; has been fo pregnant of interefting events ; nnr one from which 
 
 more is t^ be apprehended ; whether viewed on one fide or the other. 
 
 Frorti New York there now is, and I am told will further be, a counter 
 
 current; but hew formidable it may appear 1 know not; if the fame 
 
 docs not take place af Bofton and other towns, it will afford button ilrong 
 
 that the oppr.fiticn is in a manner univerfal, or that thofe of 
 
 fentimenls are fupine or intimidated ; which would make the 
 
 r:uiuc:ition a feri^us bufmeis indeed. But as it refpecls the French, even 
 
 counter- resolutions, y --ouldj for the reafons 1 have already given, do little 
 
 met > '.viken, in a fin all degree, the effect thofe of the other com- 
 
 -n would i 
 
 :er relates to the anfwers to be returned to the 
 
 re.it ;ov. ; i meetings on the treaty ; with a poftcript deiiring, 
 
 tttr^t the ccnfidci-.tial officers might fl prepare their minds on the feveial 
 fubj^fts therein mentioned againithe fiiould arrive," 
 
 j;;lv, 1795, the Prelident wrote to rue 
 tlu- Mount Verncn. 
 
 o 
 
 ON y evening, I lent the packet, now under cover with this 
 
 ktter, to P -ince in Alexandria ; to be forwarded next morning at 
 
 Lour (4 o'clock) by the Baltimore mail ; bur behold! \v!u-n my 
 
 hack from the office, and emptied, I not onlv got 
 
 -ddrs^ed to me among which yours of the 2/th v, as 
 
 crs but at' thoic which I had f-r.t up the evening before. 
 
 .e to regret this blunder of the Poumaifcr on account of the en- 
 
 ir hands without de- 
 
 r . have undergone the cQnf.,ier;ition, and acting upon, 
 i foggcited in the letter wbici; accoiupanied them. Un a- 
 ^nt 1 am ni: lorry for the return of the pa.ket ; as 1 refoivcd there- 
 
[ 37 J 
 
 upon, and reading force letters which I received at the fame time, to 
 await your acknowledgment of the receipt cf my letter of the 24th inft. 
 before I would fer out; as J fhould, thereby, be placed on a certairty 
 whether your journey hither, or mine to Philadelphia, would, under all 
 circumftances be deemed moft eligible ; or whether the bufmefs could 
 not be equally as well doae without either, repealing now what I did in 
 my letter of the 24th ; that I do net require more than a day's notice to 
 repair to the feat of government; and that if you, and the confidential 
 officers with you, are not clear in the meafures which are belt to be pur- 
 fued on the fsveral matters mentioned in my laft, my own opinion is, 
 and for the reafons there given, that difficult and intricate, or delicate 
 queftions, had better be fettled there, where the ftreams of information 
 are continually pouring in, than at any other place ; and that 1 would fet 
 out accordingly. 
 
 To be wife and temperate, as well as firm, the crifis moft eminently 
 calls for; for theie is too much reafon to believe, from the pains .vhich 
 have ben taken before at and fince the advice of the Sena'e refpecl- 
 in -f the treaty, that the prejudices againit it are more extenfive than is ge- 
 nerally imagined. This, from men who are of no pany, but weildifpa- 
 
 fed to the government, I have lately learnt is the cafe. How ftould 
 
 it be otherwife ? when no itone has been, left unturned that cou ! d impiefs 
 the people's minds with the moft errant fuiiehoods that their rights have 
 not only been negleftcd, but abfolutely Jold ; that there are no reci- 
 procal advantages in the treaty ; that the benefits are all on the fide of 
 Great Britain ; and, what feems to have more weight than all the reft, 
 and is accordingly prefled, is, that this treaty is made with a defign to op- 
 prefs the French, in open violation of our treaty with that nation, and 
 c jnrrary, too, to every principle of gratitude and found policy, 
 
 In time, when painon fhull have yielded to fober reafor, the current 
 may pofiibly turn ; but in the meanwhile, this government, in relation to 
 France and ^nglaiui, may be compared to a iliip between the rocks of 
 Sylla and Charibdis. If the treaty is ratified, thepartifans of the French 
 f of war and confafion) will excite them to hoftile meafures; or 
 a: ler.'ll to unfriendly fentimeuts if it is not, there is no foreseeing all the 
 
 ;jcnces which may follow, as it refpec~ts Great Britain. 
 
 It is not to be inferred from hence x that I am, or fhail be difpofed to 
 
 q'tlt the ground I. have taken; unlefs circumftances more imperious than 
 
 yet co'ne to my knowledge, ihould compel it ; for there is but one 
 
 fe things, and that is to leek truth and purfue it ftea- 
 
 ,:ionthem is to (hew, that a dole inveitigation of 
 
 :'-. j fjbiect is more than ever neceflary ; and that they are ftrong evidences 
 
 o:~ t : . f; eCft condud in carrying the determi- 
 
 to effect with prudence, as ir refpects our own 
 
 country ; .mi with every exertion tc produce a change for the better from 
 G. Rr, 
 
 'I'he memorhl feenis well deigned to anfwer the end propofed ; and 
 
 1C ti;r.c ir is re\h>d a:-d nev/ dreiTed, you will probably (either in 
 
 ; or .viii b :o me--or in the ne-.vs paper 
 
t 38 ] 
 
 or both. But how much longer the prefentation of the memorial can be 
 delayed without exciting unpieafant fenfations here, or involving ferious 
 evils clfenufrere) you, who are at the fcene of information and a6tion can 
 decide better than I. In a matter, however, fo interefting and pregnant 
 of confequences, there ought to be no precipitation : but on the contra- 
 ry, every ftep mould be explored before it is taken, and every word 
 weighed before it is uttered, or delivered in writing. 
 
 The form of the ratification requires more diplomatic experience-, and 
 legal knowledge than I poflefs, or have the means of acquiring at this 
 place, and therefore I (hall fay nothing on this head. 
 
 The identical memorial, which the Prefident faysfeems 
 well defigned to anfwer the end propcfed, and from which 
 the foregoing extract was made, and che very form of a 
 ratification, to which he refers, are now in my poifef- 
 fion. 
 
 The reafon why the Prefident thought it probable, that 
 I might be on my way to Mount Vernon was, that I had 
 intimated it to him. Mefirs. Wolcott, Pickering, and 
 Bradford had ur.ged me to go thither, in order to clofe the 
 . bufinefs, and put an end to every expectation abroad, that 
 the Prefident's purpofe could now be changed. I had ac- 
 tually engaged a carriage for the purpofe ; but was pre- 
 vented by a great influx of bufinefs from the Prefident 
 and other quarters. 
 
 Before the memorial returned to Philadelphia, Mr. Wol- 
 cott faid fornething to rne about delay in concluding the 
 bufinefs ; obferving, that it would give the French go- 
 vernment an opportunity of profe fling to make very ex- 
 tenfive overtures to the United States, and thus embarrafs 
 the treaty with Great Britain. When I read the memori- 
 al to Col. Pickering in his office, he faid, " This, as the 
 failors fay, is throwing the whole up in the wind." The 
 memorial after it was rendered more correct in language, 
 retained the former determination again!} ratifying, except 
 in the mode now expreffed, if the provifion order was a- 
 bolifhed. Although it exprefsly declares, that it is only a 
 more particular difclofure of my converfation on the 1 3th 
 inftant, yet no obfervation was ever made in my piefence 
 or to my belief, by the Prefident, that I had exceeded his 
 intention. I fpoke of his determination on the 12th of 
 Auguft 1795, when we were in confultation on the treaty, 
 
[ 39 ] 
 
 and no objection was even hinted at. I alfo (hewed to the 
 Prefident, on the morning of the I3th of Auguft, 1795, 
 the letters which had been written to Mr. Monroe, and to 
 the other Minillers, as follow. To Col. Monroe, July 14, 
 1 795- 
 
 " The treaty is not yet ratified by the Prefiuent ; nor v.Ul it be rati< 
 fied, I believe, until it returns from England; if then. But 1 do not 
 mean this for a public communication or for any public body or men. I 
 am engaged in a work, which, when fmimed, and approved by the Pre- 
 fident, will enable me to fpeak precifely to you. The late Britifh order 
 for feizing provifions is a weighty obilacle to a ratification. I do not 
 fuppofe, that fuch an attempt to ftarve France will be countenanced." 
 
 To all our foreign miniflers, July 21, 1795. 
 
 " When I inform ycm that the Prefident has not yet ratified the treaty, his 
 character will convince you, that nothing will deter him from doing what 
 he thinks right; and that the final queftion lies open from caufes, uncon- 
 nected with any confide rations but the intereft and duties of the United 
 States. He is at prefent in Virginia, and will doubtlefs very fcon take 
 his conclufive ftep. It I were permitted to conjecture, what that would 
 be; I ftiould fuipeft, that at any rate he would not fign it, until it fhould 
 return from England, with the addition of the fufpending article; and 
 probably not even then, if a late Britilh order for the capture of provifi- 
 ons, going to France mould have been iffued as we fuppofe, and increale 
 the objections which have been lavilhed upon it," 
 
 The purpofe of this ftatement is to (hew, that the Pre- 
 fident, (notwithftanding he was at liberty to ratify, if he 
 pieafed, even after the declaration to Mr. Hammond, who 
 would readily admit a recantation to that effect, and altho' 
 I ftudioufly kept him at liberty by my acls and writings,) 
 went to Mount Vernon on the 15th of July, 1795, deter- 
 mined to adhere to the ground, which he had taken on the 
 13th, in my oral reprefentation to Mr. Hammond, and 
 came back on the nth of Auguft, with the lame determi- 
 nation, as far as I could difcover. For, in addition to the 
 preceding circumftances, on the evening of the nth of 
 Auguft, I obferved to him, in the prefence of Meifrs. 
 Pickering and Bradford, that the fooiier the memorial was 
 reviled by the gentlemen jointly, who were prepared 
 with their opinions, the better ; and he replied, that 
 he fuppofed every thing of this fort had been fettled. 
 
[ 4 J 
 
 I told him, that they were not, as Col. Pickering v;as 
 for an immediate raufication; to which he lend, " I told 
 Mr. Randolph that I thought the poftponement of ratifi- 
 cation was a ruinous Hep ;" or words tantamount. 
 
 I might confirm this, if necetfary, by a very influential 
 letter in the President's hands, dated the loth or 14th of 
 July, approved by him, and differing from my opinion, 
 on the definitive ftep only in this refpecl ; that the wri- 
 ter would have fufpended the treaty, not by refuting to ra- 
 tify, but by refufing to exchange ratifications, until an at- 
 tempt was made to aboliih the provifion order ; and, if it 
 mifcarried afterwards, until our minifter fhould receive 
 further inftrudtions. 
 
 That a change in the purpofe of the Prelident had taken 
 place, will alfo appear by the change of expreffion between 
 the memorial, which the Prefident approved at Mount 
 Vernon, and that delivered finally to Mr. Hammond. In 
 the former, the Secretary of State propofes to communi- 
 cate to the Britifh minifter more formally, more precifely, 
 and more at large, the Juggeflious made in the converfa- 
 tion of the 13th of July, 1795- In the latter, he fays, 
 that in conformity with his aiTurance on the 1 3th of July, 
 1 795, " he now communicates, by memorial, the determina- 
 tion, which the Prefident of the United States has thought 
 proper to adopt." The draught which I made in confe- 
 quence of the change in the Prefident's opinion, proves the 
 conftancy of my idea. It mentions the determination, 
 which the Prefident has, upon farther reflection, thought 
 proper to adopt. 
 
T R A N S L A T I O X cf Mr. Faudcfs PoLtical Difotcl, No. ic. 
 LEGATION or r :i T :. c E L p H i / . 
 
 FORE I GX RELATIONS. 
 
 Fr:-jft!c corre/~t>on(!ece i.-f tl.v Mitr-fitr en I 
 
 Pati 
 No. 10. 
 
 Philadelphia, the loth Erar.i 
 
 die French Republic 1 ) one ?mi inaivhibie. 
 (Oftober 311!, 1794.) 
 
 Jofepb Fauchet, Minlllcr Plenipotentiary of the French Ke % M 
 the United States, 
 
 To the Ccrr.rr.itTicncr of Foreign Relat! 
 C I T I Z E X, 
 
 1. The meafures which prudence prefcribes to rr.r torn!;-', '.vir:> - 
 
 to my colleagues, have ftiil prefided in the ci^iHng of thedifpatcho* 
 figned by them, which treat ot the infurreftion of the wef^ern countries, 
 and of the repreffive means adopted by the goverr.rrrr.r. . -weci 
 
 them to be confined to the p'.vir.g of a faithl ?d r-ri^J of events; 
 
 the reSetftions therein contained fcarcely exceed the conclufions eaiir- 
 ducible from the character aiTu^ed by the public prints. 1 have refer 
 myfelf to give you as far as I am able a key to rl.e fr.rts detail. *d in our 
 reports. When it comes in queftion to explain, either by conjectur .'- 
 by certain data, the fecret views of .T foreign government? ii would be 
 imprudent to run the riik of indifcretions, and to give p to men, 
 
 whofe known partiality for that government, and li ;:cr.s 
 
 and interefts with its chiefs, might lead to confidence - hich 
 
 are incalculable. Befides the precious coafc 
 
 throw a fatisfadory light upon every thing that comes to pal*. '.! h 
 have not yet communicated to my colleagues. T , 'r.cy 
 
 mentioned lead to this referve, and ftill lefs perm:t rr.e to cpn n^^f^if to 
 them at the preient moment. I (hall then endeavour, Ci*i7en, to 
 you a clue to all the meafures, cf which the i.o:r.mon difpatcbes gire yen 
 an account, and to difcover the true raufes ot the cxplcli* it is 
 
 obftinately refoived to reprefs with great means, althcr. . e of 
 
 things has no longer any thing :Jnr.. 
 
 2. To confine the prefent crifis to the firr/ 
 
 to reduce it lar below i-s true fcale : it is indubitablv conn^ciec " ith a 
 general explofion for fome time prepared in the public mind, but which 
 this local and precipitate eruption vill c::ufeto rniic;irry, or at lealt c: 
 fora long time ; in order to fee the real caule, i the 
 
 effeft, and the confequences, we mull afcend to the origin of the parties 
 exifting in the (late, and retrace their progress. 
 
 3. The prefent fyilem of government has created malcontents. This. 
 
[ 42 ] 
 
 is the lot of all new things. My predeceflfors have given information in 
 dstail upon *r^ p;irts of the fyftem which have particularly awakened 
 clamours and produced enemies to the whole of it. The primitive divi- 
 fions o/ opinion as to the political form of the ftate, and the limits of 
 the iovereignty of the whole over each ftate individually fovereign, had 
 created the federalists and the antifederalifts. From a whimiical contraft 
 between the name and the real opinion of the parties, a contrait hitherto 
 littte underftood in Europe, the former aimed, and ftill aim, with all their 
 power, to annihilate federalifm, whilft the latter have always wim- 
 cd to preferve it. This contraft was created by the Confolidators 
 or the Conftitudonalifts*, who, being firft in giving the deno- 
 nominations (a matter fo important in a revolution) took for themfelves 
 that which was the moft popular, although in reality it contradicted their 
 ideas, and gave to their rivals one which would draw on them the atten- 
 tion of the people, notwithftanding they really wimed to preferve a fyf- 
 tem whofe prejudices fhoald cherim at leaft the memory and the name. 
 
 4. Moreover thefe firft divisions, of the nature ot thofe to bedeftroyed 
 by time, in proportion as the nation ftiould have advanced in the experi- 
 ment of a form of government: which rendered it flourishing, might now 
 have completely difappeared, if the fyftem of finances which had its birth 
 in the cradle of the conftitution, had not renewed their vigour under va- 
 rious forms. The mode of organizing the rational credit, the confoli- 
 Oating and funding of the public debt, the introduction in the political 
 economy of the ufage of ftates, which prolong their exiftence or ward off 
 their fall only by expedients, imperceptibly created a financiering clafs 
 who threaten to become the ariftocratical order of the ftate. Several ci- 
 tizens, and among others thofe who had aided in eftablim'irrg indepen- 
 dence with their purfes or their arms, conceived themfelves aggrieved by 
 thole fifcal engagements. Hence an oppofition which declares itfelf be- 
 tween the farming or agricultural intereft, and that of the fifcal ; federal- 
 ifra and antifederaiifm, which are founded on thofe new denominations, 
 in proportion as the treafurv ufurps a preponderance in the government 
 and legiftation : Hence in fine, the ftate, divided into partifans and ene- 
 mies of the treafurer and of his theories. In this new clafification of 
 parties, the nature of things gave popularity to the latter, an innate in- 
 iUnft, if I may uie the expreiTion, caufrd the ears of the people to revolt 
 ac the names alone of trenfurer zn&Jtockjobber : but the oppofite party, in 
 confequence of its ability, obftinately perfifted in leaving to its adverfa- 
 ries the fufpicious name of ami fcderalifty whilft in reality they were 
 friends of the conftitution, and enemies only of the excrefcences which 
 financeiring theories threatened to attach to it. 
 
 5, Ii is ufelefs to ftop longer to prove that the monarchical fyftem was 
 interwoven with thofe novelties of finances, and that the friends of the 
 latter favoured the attempts which were made in order to bring the con- 
 ftitution to the former by infenfible gradations. The writings of influ- 
 ential men of this party prove it ; their real opinions too avow it, and 
 the journals of the fenate are the depofuory of the firft attempts. 
 
 6. Let us, therefore, free ourfelves from the intermediate fpr.ces in 
 which the progrefs of the fyftem is marked, fince they can add nothing to 
 the proof of its exiftence Let us pafs by its fympathy with our regene- 
 
[ 43 ] 
 
 rating movements, while running in monarchical paths Let us arrive at 
 the iituation in which our Republican revolution has pkced things and 
 pa rties. 
 
 7. The antifederaiifts difembarrafs themfelves of an infignifkant de 
 nomination, and take that of patriots and of republicans. Their adver- 
 faries become arijiocrats, notwithftanding their efforts to preferve the 
 advantageous illufion of ancient names ; opinions clafh, and prefs each 
 other; the ariftocratic attempts which formerly had appeared fo infig- 
 nincant, are recollected: The treafurer, who is looked upon as their 
 full fource, is attacked ; his operAtions and plans are denounced to the 
 public opinion ; nay, in the feflions of 1792 and 1793* a folemn inquiry 
 into his adminiftration was obtained. This firft victory was to produce 
 another, and it was hoped that, faulty or innocent, the Treafurer would 
 retire, no lefs by neceifity in the one cafe, than from felf-love in the o- 
 ther. He, emboldened by the triumph which he obtained in the ufelefs 
 inquiry of his enemies, of which both objects proved equally abortive, 
 foduced beficies by the momentary reverfe of republicanifm in Europe, 
 removes the maik and announces the approaching triumph of his princi- 
 ples. 
 
 8. In the mean time, the popular focieties are formed ; political ideas 
 concenter themfelves, the patriotic party unite and more clofely connect 
 themfelves; they gain a formidable majority in thelegiflature; the abafe- I 
 ment of commerce, the flavery of navigation, and the audacity of En- 
 gland, ftrengthen it. A concert of declarations and cenfures againft the 
 government arifes; at which the latter is even itfelf aftonimed. 
 
 9. Such was the fituation of things towards the clofe of the laft and at 
 the beginning of the prefent year. Let us pafs qyer the difcontents which 
 were moft generally expreffed in thefe critical moments. They have 
 been fent to you at different periods, and in detail. In every quarter 
 are arraigned the imbecility of the government towards Great Britain, 
 the defenceless ftateof the country againft poflible invafions, thecoldnefs 
 towards the French Republic : the fyftem of finance is attacked, which 
 threatens eternifing the debt under pretext of making it the guaranty of 
 public happinofs; the complication of that fyftem which withholds from 
 general infpedtion all its operations, the alarming power of the infiue 
 
 it procures to a man whofe principles are regarded as dangerous, , 
 preponderance which that man acquires from day to day in public mea- 
 fures, and in a word the immoral and impolitic modes of taxation, which J 
 he at firft prefents as expedients, and afterwards raifes to permanency. 
 
 10. In touching this laft point we attain the principal complaint of the 
 western people, and the oftenfible motive of their movements. Repub- 
 licans by principle, independent 'by character and fituation, they could 
 not but accede with enthufiafm to the criminations which we have fketch- 
 ed. But the excife above all affects them. Their lands are fertile, watered 
 with the fmeft rivers in the world : but the abundant fruits of their la- 
 bour run the rifk of perimingfor the want of means of exchanging them, 
 as thofe more happy cultivators do for objects which defire indicate} to all 
 men who have known only the enjoyments which Europe procures them. 
 'I hey therefore convert the excels of their produce into liquors imper- 
 fectly fabricated, which badly fupply the place of thofe they might pro- 
 care by exchange. The exdft is created and ftrikes at this confcling 
 
r 44 J 
 
 transformation; their complaints are anfwcred by the cnly pretext that 
 they are other-wife inacceiiible to every inecies of impoil. Eut why, in 
 contempt of treaties, are they left to bear the yoke of the feeble Spa- 
 niard, as to the Miffiffibp$,fbr upwards of twelve years? Since when has 
 an agricultural people fu bin it ted to the unjuft capricious law of a people 
 exploreis oi the precious metals? Might we net fuppofe that Madrid and 
 Philadelphia mutually afSfted in prolonging the flavery of the river ; that 
 the proprietors o; a barren ccalt are afraid left the Miffiffippi, once open* 
 ed, and its numerous brandies brought into activity, their fields might 
 become deferts, and in a word that commerce dreads having rivals in 
 thofe interior parts as foon as their inhabitants fhall ceafe to be fubjeds ? 
 Thislait fuppoiition is but too well founded; an influential member of the 
 Senate, Mr.I zurd, one day in converfation undifguifedly announed it to me. 
 n. I fhall be more brief in my obfervations on the murmurs excited by 
 the fyilein for the iale of lands. It is conceived to be unjyft that thefe vail 
 and feniie regions iliouid be fold by provinces to capitalifts, who thus en- 
 rich theinfelvesi and retail with imnienfe profits, to thehuibandmen, pof- 
 feffions which they have never feen. If there were not a latent deiiga 
 to arreit the rapid fcttiement of thofe lands and to prolong their infant 
 itate, why not open in the well land cfHces, where every body without 
 diftindion, fliould be admitted to purchafe by a fmall or large quantity ? 
 Why ref rve to fell cr diitribute to favourites, to a clan of flatterer?, 
 of courtit-rs, that which belongs to the ftate, and which Ihould be fold to 
 the greateit poJible profit of all its members ? 
 
 12. Such therefore were the parts of the public grievance, upon which 
 the vveltern people moil indited. Now, as the common difpatches in- 
 form you, thefe complaints were f) ilematizing by the converfaticns of 
 influential men who retired into thofa wild countries, and who from 
 principle, or by a feries of particular heart-burning!;, animated difcon- 
 tents alreatiy too near to eiieivefcence. At laft the local explofion is 
 effected. The wellern people calculated on being fupported by fome dif- 
 tinguiilied characters in the eair, and even imagined they had in thebofoni 
 of the govern me nt i'cir.e abciLoi., who might ill a re in their grievances or 
 iheir principles.. 
 
 13. From what 1 have detailed above, thofe men might indeed be 
 fuppofed iiuiiR r i'^. r l he felaons of 1*793 and 1794 had given impor- 
 tance to the ,-cpublican parry j and fclidiry to its ucxafarions. The pro- 
 ; - .iitions of Aii. , or hi* prc;jii.t of a navigation aft, ct ui 
 Mr. Jeiferfo:i was originally tLe uULlun, fapped the, Britiih intereit, now 
 an integral part of tl icring i\ilen. Mr. Taylor, a republics:! 
 member of I'.c Sv ^.uc, puhliihed, towards the end cf the feffion, tlirt.; 
 parnphle'SV i- which this Lli is explored to i^s origin, and fieVeloped in 
 us progrfiba -lA confequences with force and method, in the lalt ]K . ( ,,v-;:s 
 that the dcoqud iate of attUirs refultli>2' ^ o th.it {yilem, could r,c.: 
 but prefaof, juder a iifirrg g. i ; , cither a revolution cr a citii 
 war. 
 
 14. The firit was r: the government, which had forefee'i ir, 
 repr^dLicedj u..der various fi>ttn<, th dcnaaildo'f ;idifuof.tbic* f >=, 
 iight pat ic ^n a icK/c-^Uibl^ iL.io ol cc.^ :f?at^d hi this rneaiu -, 
 
 * D;< r 
 
f 45 ] 
 
 who can aver that it may not have haftened the local eruption, in order 
 to make an advantageous diverfion, and to lay the more general ft r-rm 
 which it Taw gathering ? Am I not authorised in forming this conjecture 
 from the conversation which the Secretary of State had with me and Le 
 Blanc, alone, an account of which you have in my difpatch, No. 3 ? Bat 
 how may we exped that this new plan will be executed r By exafperating 
 and fevere meafurt-s, aathorifcd by a law which was not folirited till the 
 clufe of the feifion. This law gave to the one already exifting for collec- 
 ting the f.xdje a coercive force which hitherto it had not poflefled, and a 
 demand of which was not before ventured to be madei. By means of this 
 new law all the refractory citizens to the old one, were caufed to be 
 purfued with a fuckim rigor; a great number of writs were ifiued; doubt- 
 lefs the natural confequencea from a conduit fo deciftve and foharfh. were 
 expected; and before :hef: wre maniiefted the means of repreffion had 
 been prepared; this was undoubtedly what Mr. Randolph meant in telling 
 me that under pretext of giving energy to the gwtrnment it was intended 
 to introduce abfolute power and to mi/lead the Prefident in paths 'which would 
 conduct him to unpopularity. 
 
 15. Whether the cxplofion has been provoked by the government; or 
 owes its birth to accident, it is certain that a commotion of fome hun- 
 dreds of men, who have not iince been found in arms, and the very pa- 
 cific union of the counties ir. firaddock's field, a union which has not been 
 revived, were not fymproms which could jultify the raifing of fo great 
 a force as i 5,000 men. Betides the principles, uttered in the declarations 
 hitherto made public, rather announced ardent minds to be calmed than 
 anarrhifts to be fubdued. But in order to obtain fomething on the public 
 opinion prepofTciTed againft the demands contemplated to be made, it was 
 neceffaryto magnify the dagger, to disfigure the views of thole people* 
 to attribute to them the deiign of uniting themfelves with England, to 
 alarm the citizens for the fare of the conftitution, whilit in reality the 
 revolution threatened only the ministers. This Hep fucceeded ; an army 
 is railed ; this military part of the fuppreffion is doubtlefs Mr. Hamil- 
 ton's, the pacific part and the fending of commiffioners are due to the in- 
 fluence of Mr. Randolph cverthe mind of the Prefident, whom I delight 
 always to believe, and whom I do believe, truly virtuous, and the friend 
 or his fellow citizens and principles. 
 
 1 6. In the mean time, although there was a certainty of having an army, 
 yet it was neceflary toaffure themfelves of co-operators among the men 
 whofe patriotic reputation might influence their party, and whofe luke- 
 warmnefsor want of energy in the exiiting conjunctures might eompro- 
 mit the frccefs of the plans. Of all the governors whofe duty it was to 
 appear at the head of the reqtiifitions, the governor of Pennfylvania alone 
 enjoyed the name of Republican : his opinion of the Secretary of the 
 Treafury and cf his fy items was known to be unfavourable. The Secre- 
 tary of this ftate poffeiTed great influence in the Popular Society of Phi* 
 ladelphia, which in its turn influenced thofe of other itates; of courfe he 
 merited attention. It appears therefore that thefe men with others un- 
 
 f This law was mentioned in the comment upon the laws of the laft feffion inclofed 
 in No. 9. of the cerrefpondence of the minifter. 
 
 G 
 
known to me, all having without doubt Randolph at iheir head, were 
 balancing to decide on their party. Two or three days before the pro- 
 clamation was publiftied, and of ccurfe before the cabinet had reiolved 
 on its meafures, Mr. Randolph came to fee me with an air of great 
 eagefnefs, and made to me the overtures of which I have given you an 
 account in my No. 6. Thus with Tome tho'u lands of dollars the Repub- 
 lic could have decided on civil war or on peace! Thus the conferences 
 of the pretended patriots of America have already their prices* ? It is 
 very true that the certainty of thefe conclufions, painful to be drawn, 
 will forever exift in our archives! What will be the old age of this go- 
 vernment, if it is thus early decrepid! Such, citizen, is the evident con- 
 fequence of the fyftcm of finances conceived by Mr. Hamilton. He has 
 made ot a whole nation a ftockjobbing, fpecuiating, felfifn people. Riches 
 alone here fix conlideration ; and as no one likes to be defpiled, they are 
 univerfally fought after. Neverthelefs this depravity has not yet embra- 
 ced trie mafs of the people; the effe<fts of this pernicious fyftein have as 
 yet but {lightly touched them. Still there are patriots, of whom I de- 
 light to entertain an idea worthy of that impofing title. Confult Mon- 
 roe, he is of this number ; he had apprifed me of the men whom the 
 current of events had dragged along as bodies devoid of weight. His 
 friend Madifon is alfo an honell man. Jeirerfon, on whom the patriots 
 caft their eyes to fucceed the Prefident, had forefeen thefe crifes. He 
 prudently retired in order to avoid making a figure a^ainft his inclination 
 in fcenes, the fecret of which will foon or late be brought to light. 
 
 1 7. As foon as it was decided that the t rer.ch Republic puichaJed no men 
 to do their duty, there were to be feen individuals, about whofe conduct 
 the government could at leait form uneafy conjectures, giving themfelves 
 up with a fcandaious oftentation to its vie r ,vs, nnd even feccnding its 
 declarations. The Popular Societies foon emitted refoiutions ftamped 
 with the fame fpirit, and who although they may have been advifed by 
 love of order, might neverthelefs have omitted or uttered them with 
 kfs folemnity. Then were feen coming from the very men whom we 
 had been accuftomed to regatd as having little friendfhip for the fyftem 
 of the treafurer, harrangues without eruA, in order to give a new direc- 
 tion to the public mind. The militia, however, manifefl fome reuug. 
 nance, particularly in Pcnnfylvania, for the fervice to which they were 
 called. Several officers refign ; at laft by excurlicns or harrangues, in- 
 complete requiiitions are obtained, and feat te red volunteer corps from 
 different parts make up the deficiency. How much more interefting, 
 than the changeable men whom 1 have painted above, were thofe plain 
 citizens whoanfwered the felicitations which were made to them to join the 
 volunteers tf It we are required we will march; bccaufe we do notwifh 
 not to have a government, but to arm ourfelves as volunteers would be 
 in appearance fubfcribing implicitly to the exciie fyftem which we re- 
 probate." 
 
 1 8. What I have, faid above, authorifes then our retting on the opini- 
 on become inconteltible, that in the crifis which has burft, and in the 
 means employed for reiloring order, the true quefiion was the deitruc- 
 tion or the triumph of the treafV.rer's plans. This being once eftabliftt- 
 ed, let us pafs over the facts related in the common difpatches, and fee 
 how the government or the Treafurer will take from the very ftroke which 
 
 * Tanf. 
 
[ 47 3 
 
 threatened hisfyftem the fafe opportunity of humbling the ad verfe party, 
 and of fiiencing their enemies whether open or concealed. The army 
 inarched; the Prefident made known that he was going to command it ; 
 he fat out for Carliflc : Hamilton, as I have underitood, requeued to fol- 
 low him ; the Prefident dared not to refufe him. It does not require 
 much penetration to divine the objeft of this journey : In the Prefident 
 it was wife, it might alfo be his duty. But in Mr. Hamilton it was a 
 confequence of the profound policy which di reds all his fteps; a mea- 
 fare dictated by a perfecl knowledge of the human heart. Was it not inter- 
 effing for him, for his party, tottering under the weight of events without 
 and accufatiuns within, to proclaim aa intimacy more perfect than ever 
 with the Prefident, vvhofe very name is a fuificient fnield againft the moil 
 formidable attacks ? Now what more evident mark could the Prefident 
 give of his intimacy than by fufreiing Mr. Hamilton vvhofe name even, 
 i;< und<;rftood in the wefl as that of a public enemy, to go and place him- 
 felf at the head of the army which went, if I may ufe the expreilion, 
 to caufe his fyflcm to triumph againil the opposition of the people ? 
 The prefeuce of Mr. Hamilton with the army muft attach it more than 
 ever to his parry; -,ve fee what ideas thefe circumftances. give birth to* 
 on both {ides, all however to the advantage of the Secretary. 
 
 19. Three weeks had they encamped in the weft without aiingle arm- 
 ed man appearing. However the Prefident, or thofe who wiftied to make 
 the mofi: of this new manoeuvre, made it public that he was going to 
 command in perfon. The feffion of CoKgrefs being vfiy near, it was 
 wilhed to try whether there could no: be obtained from the prefles,which 
 were fuppofed to have changed, a fiience, whence to conclude the poffi- 
 bility of infringing the confutation in its moil cHential part; in that 
 which fixes the relation of the Prefiden: with the legiliature. But the 
 patriotic papers laid hold of this artful attempt : I ara certain that the 
 office of the fccretary of ft ate which alone remained at Philadelphia (for 
 while the minuter of finance was with the army, the minifrer oi ; war was 
 on a tour to the Province of Maine, 400 miles from Philadelphia) main- 
 tained the controverfy in favour of the opinion which it was defired to e- 
 flablilli. A companion between the President and the English monarch 
 was introduced, who far removed from Wettminfter, yet ilriftiy fulfils 
 his duty of lanclioning ; it was much infiftedon that the conttitution de- 
 clares that the Prefident commands the armed force : this fimiiitude was 
 treated with contempt ; the confequence of the power of commanding in 
 perfon, drawn from the right to command in chiet (or direct) the force 
 of the flate, was ridiculed and reduced to an abfnrdity, by fuppofing a 
 fleet at fea and aai army on land. The reiult of this controveriy was, 
 that forne days after it war. announced that the Preiident v.oald come to 
 open the approaching fefhrn. 
 
 20. During his Itay at Bedford, the Prefident douhtlf is concerted ther 
 plan of ths campaign with Mr. Lee, to whom he lek the command in 
 chief. The letter by which he delegates the command to him, is that of 
 a virtuous man, at lead as to the major part of the fcntimonrs which it 
 contains; he afterwards let out for Philadelphia, where he has juft arriv- 
 ed, and Mr. Hamilton remains vith the arnv. 
 
 21. This hil circumftance unveils all the plan of the Secretary; he 
 prelides over the military operations in order to acquire in the fight of his 
 
[ 48 3 
 
 enemies a formidable and impofsng confide ration. He and Mr. Lee the 
 commander in chief, agree perfectly in principles. The governors of 
 Jerfey and Maryland harmonize entirely with them ; r!-e governor of 
 Pennfylvania, cf whcm it never woulu have Ix-en fo^efted, lived inti- 
 mately and pubiiely with Hamilton. Such a union of per ions would be 
 matter fufficient to produce rei:(ta:ice in the weitern counties, even ad- 
 mitting they had not thought of making any. 
 
 22. The foldiers themfclvet, are aftcniihed at the fcandalous gaiety, 
 with which thofe who poiiels the iVcret, proclaim their approaching tri- 
 umph. It is afked, of what'ufe are i 5,000 men in this country* in which 
 provifions are fcarce, and where are to feized only forae turbulent men 
 at their plough. Thofe who conducted the expedition know this ; the 
 matter is to create a great expence ; when the fttms ihall come to be af- 
 
 4 felTed, no one will be willing to pay, and mould each pay his afTefTmem, 
 it will be done in curling the inlurgent principles of the patriots. 
 
 23. It is irnpoffible to make a more able m^n-.-euvre for the opening of 
 Congrefs. The paflions, the generous indignation, which had agitated 
 their minds in the laft fellion, were about being renewed wirh Hill more 
 vigor; there was nothing to announce of brilliant fueeefles which they 
 had promifed. Thehoitilitiescf Great Biiiain on the continent fo long 
 difguifed, and now become evident, a commerce always bar raffed, ridicu- 
 lous negotiations lingering at London, waiting until new conjunctures 
 ftiould authorize new infults : inch was the picture they wert likely to 
 have to offer the reprefentatives of the people. Bur this crifis, and the 
 great movements made to prevent its coniequences, change the Hate of 
 things. With what advantage do they denounce an attrocious attack 
 upon the conftitution, and appreciate the activity ufed to repreisit ; the 
 ariftocratical party will foon have underftood the fecret ; all the misfor- 
 tunes will be attributed to patriots; the party of the latter is about being 
 deferted by all the weak men, and this complete feillon will have been 
 gained. 
 
 24. Who knows what will be the limits of this triumph ? Perhaps 
 advantage will be taken by it to obtain fome laws for itrengthening the 
 government, and ftiil more precipitating the propenfity, already vitible, 
 that it has towards ariftocracy. 
 
 25. Such are, citizen, the ckta which I poflefs concerning thefe 
 events, and the con'equen^es I draw from them : I wi(h I may be deceiv- 
 ed in my calculations, and the good difpofuion of the people ; their at- 
 tachment to principles lead rue to expecl it. 1 have perhaps herein 
 fallen into the repetition ot reflections and facts contained in other dif- 
 patches, but I vvimedto prefent together fome views which I have rea- 
 fon toafcriDe to the ruling put), and fome able manoeuvres invented to 
 fupport thenafelves. Without participating in the paiiions of the parties, 
 I obferve them ; and I oivr. to my country an exact and ftricl; account of 
 the fituation of things. 1 (hall make it my duty to keep you regulaily 
 informed of every change that may take place; above all 1 ftiall apply 
 myfelf to penetrate the <1i-poiirion of the legiilarure ; that will not a little 
 aftiit in forming the final idea which we ought to have of thefe move- 
 ments, and what we fhould really fear or hope from them. 
 
 Health and fraternity. 
 bigned, 
 
 TH: FAUCHET. 
 
[ 49 ] 
 
 To the Prt/ident oj the United States. 
 S IR, 
 
 NEVER until the iglhof Auguft, 1795, could I have 
 believed, that in addreffing you, without the reflramt of 
 an official relation, I mould u e any other language, than 
 that of a friend. From an early period of my life, I was 
 taught to etteem you : as I advanced in years, I was ha- 
 bkuated to revere you : you ftrengthened my prepcilef- 
 lions by marks of attention ; and if by fome others, you 
 have been iniidiouilv pampered with more iavifh afluran- 
 ces of an ailedioniue attachment ; from me you have ex- 
 perienced a iincere anxiety, to continue your reputation 
 upon its am lent bails, the hearts of the people. 
 
 But the lea ion is come, Sir, when, if my obligations to 
 you have not been balanced by laborious and confidential 
 iervices ; the whole account is fettled without ingratitude 
 on my part. 
 
 Still however thofe very obligations; the very reputa- 
 tion, which you have acquired, \vili caufe it to be aiked, 
 why you mould be fuipecled of acting towards me, in any 
 other manner, than deliberately, juftly, and even kindly? 
 Painful as the hiitory of facts is, it muit be told. Before 
 you faw Mr. Fauchc:'s letter, the Britiih partifans had 
 been induilrious in difleminating the mcft poiionous falfe- 
 hoods ; and while I was abfent at Rhode liland they feized 
 the advantage of uttering uncontradicted (landers ; boail- 
 iiig, and infilling that in a controverfy between us, Imufl 
 be facrificecl. The hope, therefore, which remains to me, 
 is, that truth when developed may face with fuccefs the in- 
 fluence of your character. For I hefitate not to pro- 
 nounce, that you prejudged the queftion ; thac you ought 
 to have withilood the impulfe, which hurried you into a 
 prejudication ; and thac he, who feels a due abhorrence 
 of party-manoeuvres, will form a conclusion honorable tp 
 myieif. 
 
 That you prejudged my cafe is proclaimed by your ac- 
 tions. 
 
I 50 ] 
 
 On the evening of the lith of Auguft 1735, Mr. Fau- 
 chet's letter was prefented to you by Mr. Wolcott. At all 
 hours of the day I was ready to obey your fummons. On 
 every day, except Sunday ; and perhaps twice a day I had 
 a private interview with you. Twice I ipoke to you of 
 the warmth, which MeiTrs. Wolcott and Pickering had 
 difcovered on the l<2th, in the difcuflion of the treaty in 
 your room, and which undoubtedly, as it now appears 
 fprang from a knowledge of that letter. On the 14th 
 you vailed the meditated itroke by a viiit at my houfe. 
 On the 15th, you invited me, in the moil cordial way to 
 dine with a party of chofen friends, and placed me at 
 the foot of your table. On the i8th the fame air of 
 hofpitaiity was aiTumed. But the fyftem of concealment, 
 which had been praclifed under the united aufpices of 
 the Eritifli minifrer, and the American Secretary of the 
 Treafury, was not thought unworthy of your adoption : 
 - Mr. Wolcott had been privy to the letter an leaii from 
 the 28th of July, and the Pretident of the United States 
 from the i l th of Auguft ; and yet he had buried it at the bot- 
 tom of his foul, until the iqth of Augull:, \vhen the final 
 cataflrophe feerned to be fecure. Wiiv was ail this llrata- 
 gern oblerved toward: him, of whole fidelity you had ne- 
 ver entertained a doubt? Although your advifers might 
 have pledged thernfeives, for the purfuit of a particular 
 plan, to others ; although even New York may have been 
 the birth place of the icherne ; old habits of deference 
 to the opinion of any man ought to have been diicarded, 
 when put in competition with jullice. From this caufe, 
 from another, which will be hereafter noticed, or from a 
 temper, which under the exterior of cool and How delibe- 
 ration, rapidly catches a prejudice, and with difficulty 
 abandons it; you determined, that your firll impreilions 
 could not be effaced : You held heqitent coniultatjoi,.-, 
 with MeiTrs. Pickering and Wolcott ; you and they be- 
 came centinelson all my words, ail my geilures : And it 
 being known, that I fhould renew in the debate upon the 
 treaty my undilTernbled protection again!} a rupture with 
 France, it was too admirable an opportunity for culling 
 a few atoms of teftimcnv of French influence over me, 
 
[' 51 ] 
 
 to be loft by an untimely difco; T ery of the letter. Was 
 this open? Was this generous? Was it characterittic o 
 an inquiry after truth ; or was it not rather characleriilic 
 of a labour to defend before the world a judgment alrea- 
 dy fixed ? It was in perfect union with the events of the 
 ig r .h of Ar.guit; when your tribunal of inquiry had been 
 iitung more than an hour before I was admitted; when 
 
 I was received in the forms of a Hate-criminal ; when 
 thole, who had been plotting againft me, were invited to 
 interrogate ; when in military llyle I was directed to re- 
 tire, until youfhould converie with ihem. 
 
 It was aifo in perfect unilbn with vour own and Mr* 
 Wolcott's indifference in. obtaining the neaffary lights* 
 The principal parts of Mr. Fauchet's letter, fo far as they 
 affect me, depend for their explanation and illullration 
 upon his difpatches No. 3 and 6. Without thefe the/tf#.r, 
 from which he draws his inferences, could not be divined 
 by you; and your lulpicions had for their foundation on- 
 ly his alfertion of " -precious cotffejjtons" from me ; his 
 " conjecture" contained in the ilatement No. 3, and his 
 obfervations upon an unknown overture in No. 6. You 
 avow in your letter of Sept. 27, 179*;, that " you have 
 " never ieen in whole or in part, Mr. Fauchet's dif- 
 " patches No. 3 and 6;" and " that you do not pofleis 
 
 II any documents or knowledge of papers, which have 
 " affinity to the iuV;ject in quefiicn." In like manner, 
 Mr. Wolcott, whole agency with the Britiili minifier on 
 this occafion has been lo confpicuous, diiclaims, on the 
 2d of October 1795, any li knowledge, whether they or 
 11 either of them (No. 3 and 6) have been feen by Lord 
 lt Grenville or Mr. Hammond." Thus not the imalleft 
 exertion was made to procure thefe documents ; which 
 would be naturally fought for by thofe, ^udgmenc 
 was not p re-occupied. 
 
 Nor was this ail. You undertook to decide for me, 
 that my inquiries from Mr. Hammond for No. 3 and 6, 
 mufi be unavailing ; becaufe you withheld from me Mr. 
 Fauchet's letter, until Mr. Hammond had failed for Eu- 
 rope. This is no fpeculative complaint. For 1 have 
 been allured, that a duplicate of No. 6, accompanied 
 
[ 52 ] 
 
 the letter No. lo. from Philadelphia; but whether it was 
 in or out of cypher cannot be afcertainecT farther, than 
 that it was probably out of cypher, as No. lo was in the 
 common character. 
 
 Did Lord Gr-enviile's h'gh probity infure the fending 
 of all papers, belonging to the fubject? Did Mr. Ham- 
 mond's peculiar cando.' render it impoffible for him to 
 fupprefs them '< Or was Mr. Fauchet's accuracy fo un- 
 queftionabie, as to fuperfede the neceility of even afking 
 for No. 3 and 6 ? 
 
 Of Lord Grenviile I (hall not fpeak, except in his po- 
 litical character towards the United States, and his condud 
 iri this tranfaclion. The arrogant observations whir.h he 
 made to Mr. Pinckney againft the friends of France in 
 our country ; the difpleafure cxpreifed by the Britifti ca- 
 binet on the letters, wnrten to the National Convention, 
 with your approbation ; the dexterous perfeverance, with 
 which he has interwoven in the treaty everything, adverfe 
 to France, which, it was fuppofed, could be tolerated ; 
 and Mr. Fauchet's letter, being nine months old, when 
 it was firft exhibited to you ; theie incidents ought to 
 have reminded you, that the No. 3 and 6 deferved one 
 fhort inquiry. They ought to have reminded you of 
 the pcfiibility, that inftead of an anxiety in his lordfhip 
 to maintain our government, free from corruption, he 
 might have been tempted, by the profpecl of more ef- 
 fectually prepcileiling you againft the friends of France, 
 to keep back thofe references. For he tranfmitted the 
 letter No. lo to Mr. Hammond, tl to be ufed to the bejl 
 1 advantage for his Ivlajeftys Jervice" If any fcope of 
 thought had been indulged, it run ft have {truck you, that, 
 as Mr. Jay and Mr. Pinckney did not appear to have been 
 acquainted with the letter, it was reierved by the Britifti 
 government for a critical moment, and that it ought to 
 be attempted to fupply the mutilations by a demand of 
 the references. 
 
 Who was Mr. Hammond ? In fpeaking of him too I 
 (hall confine myfelf to his political demeanor. Into his 
 breaft had been t rant ufed the largeft portions of his na- 
 tion's hatred to all perfons in the United States, who were 
 
t 53 I 
 
 conceived to be attached to France. He denied to him- 
 felf no opportunity or "throwing an odium on them You 
 never Will forget, Sir, his long, infoient and contumeli- 
 ous neglect of the ordinal v civilities, due from him, as a 
 fore.gn minifier, to ef magi ft rate. You 
 
 were no ftran^er to his perfonal irritation again ft me, 
 for my friendiuip to France, for my remonitrances againil 
 Govern''- oe's i) -; for my defence of the go- 
 
 vern- Ifiand in reclaiming the citizens of 
 
 the United States, impreiied and detained on board of the 
 Britifh (L ; and for the order, which in its o- 
 
 peration ought to have prevenied Britifh (hips of war 
 from iillng our ports, as ihuions,- from whence to prey 
 upon the French. You -ttered your indignation 
 
 at his hoiit a lhado'w of proof ; and 
 
 the ie- ;ht be tranfported by the vio- 
 
 lence of his paQion, \vere not eaiy to be defined. Was 
 this the rnr.n, to be implicitly trufted for candor towards 
 my felf, or any friends to France? 
 
 Mr. Fau:het's letter bears upon the face of it reafons 
 to qiieflion his accuracy. You have often queftioned it, 
 from the examination of his diiierent difpatches to the 
 government ; as the anfvvers to them prove. 
 
 To thefe evidences of your "judgment being made up, 
 without the references No. 3 and 6, I mu!r add, that 
 the immediate ratification of the treaty with Great Britain 
 can be traced to no other fource, than a furrender of 
 yourfelf to the fir ft impreflions from the letter, which 
 inftantaneoufiv governed you with refpecl. to that inftru- 
 ment and myieli. My narrative on this head has been 
 explicit. I have afferted, and I again aiTert, that from 
 the 13th of July to the nth of Auguft it was your 
 determination, to ratify if the provi lion-order was ar- 
 ranged upon principles to your fatisfaction ; and not to 
 ratify during its exiilence : and that whenfocver in your 
 letters you ip itification, you mean a future rati- 
 
 fication upon condition. How your determination is tcr 
 be reduced to mere doiibts, I pretend not to foive. 
 
 The events, fubfequent to the nth of Auguft, demon - 
 ftrate how fuddenly you yielded to the letter. 
 
 H 
 
[ 54 ] 
 
 It had indeed been circulated at the coffee-houfe in the 
 morning of that day, either by Mr. Hammond or his af- 
 fociates, that I was at the bottom of the town-meetings; 
 and that there was a confpiracy, of which I was a mem- 
 ber, to deftroy the popuiaviiy of the Preiident, and to 
 rhruil Mr. Jeiierfon into his chair. Among the intem- 
 perate arguments of Mr. Pickering to urge you into an 
 .immediate ratification, one was, that the ftruggle to de- 
 feat the treaty was the acl of a " deteftable and nefarious 
 " confpiracy." I retorted to my former arguments.: that 
 the treaty did not appear to me to warrant the provilion- 
 order : that if it did, it was inadmifiible, becaufe you 
 had fandioned a letter on the yth of September 1793, 
 acknowledging a permiffion in Great Britain to exevciie 
 fuch a power, to be a caule of war to France : that we 
 mould be incontinent in our difcudions with the French 
 miniiter ; becaufe, when he remonftrated upon the exten- 
 fion of contraband by the treaty, it was anfvvered, that 
 we did not alter the law of nations ; but now we mould 
 delert what was contended to be 'the law of nations, in two 
 letters to Mr. Hammond : that you would run the hazard 
 of a war with France, by combining to llarve her ; and 
 that her difcontentswere the only poilible chance remain- 
 ing to the Eritiih partizans for throwing us into the arms 
 of Great Britain, by creating a ieeming neceflity of an 
 alliance v/irh the latter power. By my advice the Uni- 
 Si.rite.s would aifo have l>een mafters of all contingen- 
 (-' nd of the campaign. To my unutterable afto- 
 nillimen't, I l<>ou difcovered, that you were receding from 
 your 4t determination" You had been reflecting upon 
 your courf- !Vom the 26ch of June to the 13th of July ; on 
 t'ie latter day you decided on it ; a communication was 
 made to the Britifh miniiier in conformity with it ; let- 
 r rs were addreiTed to our own miniflers in conformity to 
 it ; they were infpeded by you, before you reicinded 
 your purpole ; no imperious circumftances had arifen, 
 except the ilrength of the popular voice, which would, 
 according fo ordinary calculation, corroborate, not re- 
 verfe, your former refolution; you adigned no new rea- 
 foris for the new meafuFes ; and you difregarded the an- 
 
[ 55 ] 
 
 iwer to Bo (ion, although it had committed you upon a 
 fpeciti! fuc?, namely, a determination not to ratify du- 
 ring the exigence of the provifion-order. While I was 
 fearcbing for the cauie of this iingular revolution; and 
 could not but remember, that another opinion, which was 
 always weighty with you, had advifed you not to exchange 
 ratifications^ until the proviiion-order fhould be a'oolimed, 
 or the American minifter fhould receive farther inftruc- 
 tions, if it \vere not abolished,- after duty had dictated to 
 me an acquiefcence in your varied fentiments, and I had 
 prepared a memorial to Mr. Hammond, adapted to them; 
 after vou had figned the ratification on the i8th of Au- 
 gull ; Mr. Fa'ichet's letter brought forth a folution of 
 the whole affair. There it was, that Mr. Pickering'* 
 14 deteffoble and nefarious ccnfpiracy" was fuppoied to 
 be found : there it was that the dark defign of replacing 
 you by another Prefident was irppofed to be found ; there 
 it was, that a corrupt attachment to France was luppoled 
 to be found ; thence it was, that Meffrs. Pickering and 
 Wclcott wrought upon vou with iniinuations of perfidy 
 in me ; thence it was, that you were perfuaded to lay a- 
 iide all fear of a check from the friends of France : - 
 thence it was, that the French caufe and invfelf were in- 
 ftantaneoufly abandoned ; thence it was, that you pro- 
 ceecjed in a iiyle, which according to the reports of your 
 confidential officers, was intended to irnpofe on me the 
 alternative of resignation or removal ; and it was from 
 the knowledge of this intention, th:-?t Mr. Pickering made 
 the chief cierl: in the department of flare the organ of a 
 declaration to that effect What eiie is all this, but pre- 
 judicatio:i ? 
 
 I now enter upon the proof of fny ieccnd pciirion ; that 
 
 you ought to have wirhllood the impuife, which hurried 
 
 you into a prejudicattpn ; and this too, nor from the rules 
 
 of general juftice alone, biit from 'he peculiar circiunihn- 
 
 ^f the cafe. 
 
 The groundwork cf nil the c^bininy is a Icrrer from a 
 
 foreign miniller to his gGveniiiic-ii!.. It could not, iir, 
 
 eicupe you, that to refiite it, I mail, in a great degree, it 
 
 altogether, undertake to prove a negative. A nicra- 
 
1 56 J 
 
 her of the adminiilration has gone lo far, as to lay, on 
 this ground, that I cannot exculpate my fell". Well might 
 he triumph in this envenomed hope : 'for mv chief re- 
 fource was in an explanation from the \vriter himfelf. 
 But where was the writer, \\heii the letter was thought 
 ripe for my crimination V iVohabjy on the high leas, or 
 in France, or at any- rate three hundred miles diflant. 
 Mr. Fauchet had long quitted Philadelphia ; and the fri- 
 gate, which was to convey him to France, waited for no- 
 thing, but favourable weather, for palling the Bririfh {hip 
 Africa. Who was the writerl A rnmider, recalled by 
 the enemies of his friends ,and patrons j personally dif- 
 gufted with the fecretary of 1 ftate ; and confcious of the 
 danger of incoi<[iilency. It was no great favour there- 
 fore to expect the fufpeniiop of your opinion, efpeciallv 
 as, if I had milcarr ied in feeing Mr. Fauchet, I mull for 
 months have been inevitably deprived of his teftimony. 
 
 The time when the letter crept from the pocket of 
 the Britith mlniiler, was expofed to very obvious ani- 
 madverlions. You had been informed of his eagerneis to 
 crown his million by 'the confummation of the treaty, of 
 which he was an aijeclionate admirer, and Lord Gren- 
 ville had been the anxious parent. Mr. Wolcptt, pro- 
 fufe in his refponfibility for others, would feem, in his 
 letter of October the 8th, to excul'e Mr. Hammond from 
 requeuing or intimating, that the contents of the letter 
 might be communicated to the Preiident. and fathers it 
 as his own fuggeflion, that it ought to be delivered to him 
 for, that purpofe. The world cannot be deceives by this. 
 Mr. Hammond underilcod the goodnefs of the ioil, in 
 which he was fowing the feed ; and duly appreciated the 
 fruit, which was to fpring from it. He was convinced, 
 and you mull have been convinced, that he counted up- 
 on your being made a partner of the fecret; and would 
 have foon explained himfelf in that way, if Mr. Wol- 
 cott's patriotic ardor, to hurl a feeble dart at the republi- 
 cans of the United States, had not anticipated him by a 
 particular application. With this imprefTion, it ought to 
 have occurred, that Mr. Hammond might have chc 
 for the communication, the period when you refufed the 
 
[ 57 1 
 
 ratificaiion from a clrcunnhnce, principally relative to 
 the French. I aftert that ; cried; br- 
 
 csuie he was inlirucled to nie the K the ber. 
 
 of his Majesty's fervice. He had ioi; heard, il 
 
 vou generally fuifr. .iclf to be r 1 by a rna~ 
 
 jorltv of your ci aiKl thii : cen Merits. 
 
 Wclcott and Pickering, who ca irh jov the feem 
 
 authority to denounce the foes of the trebly, r.s a " i 
 ;t editable and : : nfniracv, 1 ' ,111 ci \vere per! 
 
 furniilied with iome peculiar topics tor your ear, wq 
 turn your mind to the revocation of vov.r original inten- 
 tion. Couiiderntior.G hkc thele {hould hav recommend- 
 ed real moderation, in deciding upon a mutilated in- 
 ilrument; and the induceiiitnt to moderation was height- 
 ened by a natural fuipicicn, that the luppreilion of the 
 let-;. , until Mr. Hammond was on fliipboard, 
 
 ar< .:e to be iiiierrcgatetl . ning its 
 
 referen ^ 
 
 1'hefacls fpeak too ftrongly to be refilled, and I muft 
 repeat them here. When was the letter delivered to Mr. 
 Wolcott? On the ( 2Sih of July.- < was the le 
 
 communicated to you ? On the lithe - -"lien 
 
 did Mr. Hammond leave Philadelphia fr.r New-York? 
 On the 15th of Auguflv "\Vhen d:d he ::clr;iii!y fail fi-. 
 thence? On the lyth in the morning W iien wai die 
 letter exhibited to me ? On ->n. 
 
 But let me allow, Sir, ' Jr. Faucbct's 
 
 letter, inftead of heh: :es, had 
 
 vouched for the pi: reward 
 
 of fecret lervices to France. \on 01 
 have pauied, before you (It 
 
 it for eight days, and to I E v, hich ] 
 
 received from you . . t 
 
 me, in a (train of the-.. 
 ornev-General. I 
 r.ment of Hate, 
 
 r ions would be car >on 
 
 fupenority to the Ilialts of party irsrii, 
 i :. Liy eon: : 
 
 r antee, tirac a C(. 
 
[ 58 3 
 
 eign minuter vos irnpoflible. Have I not always, with 
 firmncfs and without diflimulation contradicted any even 
 of yfl/;r opinion?, in ^--hich I did nor coincide ? Did I not 
 aciualiy iiKuir your difpleafijre by objecting to the appoint- 
 ment of Col. Hamilton, a ' to London, for reafons, 
 which I afterwards communicared to himfelf ; to the ap- 
 pointment of Mr. Jav, becanfe it was a bad precedent, 
 that a chief-juflice Iliould be taugl 'dk up for execu- 
 tive honours, flowing from the head of it. while lie retain- 
 ed his judicial feat ; and to t!i^ <:rantini; of commercial 
 powers to Mr, Jay? Did I . the appointment of 
 any of my own friends? Have I not adhered to the princi- 
 ples which I marked out fo myfeif in my letter of the ipth 
 cf April 1704*? Was there BO occai'ion, on which 1 ren- 
 
 Philadelphia, April 19, 1794. 
 
 1 CALLED up^n Mr. Monroe, and obtained h:s promife to explain the manner of his 
 procuring the ex: racl, a? it was in truth, withoui my privity, and againit the rule of the 
 office. But I find, that Mr. King was employed in the examination of the lame books, 
 at the fame time ; fo that in this inflance, the want of equal raeafure cannot upon any 
 ground be tV.fpeired. 
 
 Vour friendly remarks and to the many obligations, v.-rr.ch I owe to you ; and alfo pre- 
 icr.r an ouporrunitv, wh.ch I canr.ot forejo, of unbofoiviinc, tnvfelf to you without rcferve. 
 
 I have often JaicL I Oil! fry that nothing (hall ("way me, as nothi.n; has vet iv, ,,,.-; 
 .'.it frcip a Ion .^fettled determination, never to attach in ivjV'lt 10 party. 1 be- 
 1' ' at rnijrht appeal to you. Sir nay, I (hould not dillrult an appeal to any man with 
 acled, that this determination has been con.icicnc.iomh- purfued. What has 
 been the ronfeqrence ? I J;now it that rry opinions, not conta'pirii 1 : any fyflematic aclhe- 
 rerice 1 .: ,' .. :;n- tblely frcrn rn.y views of ri^ht, fall ibinetimeson one inic, and 
 fometimcs o-i the other . and the momentary iatisfai^ion, produced by an occasional coin- 
 cidence of I'-ntirnent, does viot pie- em each claims fioru occaiion^llv cliat^ina; me with in- 
 .:;d much iat her inbrait tp this tax, than to the more painful (euiarion?, 
 v/hich a contrary conduct WOUJd CiCile. 
 
 F am i.v ! is aopr'/C'i, that niv or,n:n'-lions by friendfliip, by marriage, by country, and 
 by iim ; !l'i:n-; of (.-pinion ... \vh<'!e repubiicanjfm and good o;der meet, with the leaders of 
 the fouthern politics, pive biitli to fufpicions. But if I were here to enumerate the 
 great fubjecls, which, ijnce th^ or^ani-Hiion of the go' eminent, have agitated the public 
 mind, it would Appear, that e 1 en thcl'c < onnecT n -i operated upon me, beyond 
 
 the weight of tic;; realfrn. 1 hey are inefliroable to roe ; and whi.le I ;eta:n a conl''-5- 
 oufntfs of my ability to reuf, an nudue injimn<c, I c^nnot deny the iatisracHou, 
 which 1 feel in ma'prainin.', .'>>!. And yet, Sir, i here is one fact, ot" which I beg j'outo 
 be perfu;:ded : that v:ith t!r.;m I have no ccrnrr.unicaticn ci: matters cf government 
 w', ich I vv-ould not have vvjt!) olheis: I convtife ii\f):, but witl- : out imi.oi;',ng oii,('^i 
 intelligence, wlv.}i i', not 01' Jai i'l'-ldhitely Mi,ijic ppv.:Te:--f rnmmit mvi''-i" l.-v no'..'.!- 
 nions and above all I i; ., ; , . engii 'Hue, 
 
 which is a favorite wi;l: sic, While I was writing il 
 " what view can I i a -'nfwi'r is, mace, iiberrv, and f,oo<.i ^o~ ci:.u:.;.:t. 
 
[ 59 ] 
 
 dered myfelf deeply obnoxious to thofe, whom you diet 
 not wiili to provoke, merely by urging you to manifeit 
 }uur independence of all p:-n.y. by labrnirting to the in- 
 folence of none? Thcie was luch an occaiion. Did I 
 ever attempt to ingratiate myieir with others by ibliciting 
 offices for them? Difdaining to coniuifc your prejudices, 
 I have yet cherilhed your character, by adviiing you to 
 meaiures, whicli ^oniuited liable government, the temper 
 of the people, and the neutrality which you had prelcrib- 
 ed. I forbore to remove the lufpicions which were ut- 
 tered of rny having reiinquiihed republican ground. when 
 I became Secretary of State ; although I need only to have 
 mentioned the conliant tenor of my advice Co you. 1 for- 
 bore this too, under circumilarices net a little trying; for 
 I focn perceived, that your popularity had been the fund, 
 upon the credit of which all your acts, when unpalatable 
 in themfelves, had been made current, and that this fund 
 was not eternal. In lliort, Sir, you kne~& enough of me, to 
 
 When I contemplate liu' uiher ;.2r*y, I iee aruonj; thtm men, whom I ref-iecl, and who, 
 if their dupiicit/ be not extreme, rtlpect rnc. I fee ethers, who reipect no m:r.i, but irr 
 proportion to his iublerviency iotiu.ii wifhe^. Some of thefe are well informed, :.hit I 
 have spoofed, in feveral inftancs-., icings which they had at heau. I have no reafcm to' 
 fuiped Col. Hamilton of any uukiail ditpolition towards me he has none on rny 
 
 with relation to himleit" hven to your coniulentiai ear have I never diicloi'edan idea 
 
 concerning him, which he might not hear; and -which, in many iudarccs, and particular- 
 It a late one, he has net heard tioru ;ny own mouiM. But I have leaion to fui'-.'ecl others if 
 you paufe upon a meaiure, which ti.iy aje anxious for, i am fuppoled to embariiiis yo.i 
 withconfideiations of a i^>;>ulai kii.J. 
 
 But 1 have faid enough perhanb too much. SufTer me, however, to aJd one word 
 more, of the iincerity of which 1 aik no oiher jud s e than yoiufelf. Your character is an 
 objecl of real affeclion to me : there is no judgment, no diiint.2refteT-3n.els, no prudence, 
 in which I ever had equal confidence. I have often indeed exp:c!!.eci lenurn-jms contrary 
 to yours. This wasmv duty; becaufe they were my fentimenis. 3m, S:i, they we:, 
 ver tinctured by any other motive, than toprefent t:> your rejection the mift.. 
 which wicked men mithtma!:e of your viewi : and to hold cut to you a truth of infinite im- 
 portance to the United Suits, tha: no danger can attend us, as long as the petiuafion c 
 ues, that you are not, and cannot become the hta-d of a party. 1 i:e people ven^rau 
 becauie they z:t convinced, that you cnoolc toiepole vourfeif or, them. Let me inticat 
 you, only to look xound the continent, and decide, if there be am- ether man but yoiufelf, 
 who is bottomed upon the people, .independent of party < There is fureiy ::ons ; and tiie" 
 inference, which 1 lubnn't to youv candor, is, that the meafures adopted by you, fkould be. 
 tried folely by your own pure and unbiaffed mind 
 
 1 have the honor to be, 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 With the inoft aiTettionate attachment and reflect, 
 Your moft obedient fervant, 
 
 E D M : RANDOLPH. 
 
 The Prefide.nt. 
 
t 60 ] 
 
 demand that you flioulcl hefkate, before you {hut your 
 mind againll inquiry. 
 
 Had Mr. Fauchet's letter been ftiesvh to me in private, 
 rather than in the prefence of two n.cn, perltmaliy irrita- 
 ted agaihfi me, T v-::i prepared ' ei fimclion of &>un- 
 fellora or witnrik:.^ ; and thus my eie^ ared, while 
 in you; t\ bvan idea; '. the iauieis ef which, 
 be the-. or perpc.-. ' ..; to yon alone: 
 had yon oLrlen ed towards me, the rricud of the French 
 fe. and one of thofe named in the letter of the French. 
 RHnifter, the lame delicate conduct, which yon would have 
 ohferved towards fome of the enemies ot" the French caufe 
 if ihcy had been named in an intercepted letter of the 
 Briuili rmniuer : had you been yourlelf- fuch as you 
 
 c when party dare not approach you: -I (hould 
 have thanked you, and immediately gone in quell of the 
 
 ,;fs which I now pollefs. Every oilicial ad was liable 
 
 to yom conception or prohibition; and if fatisfied, you 
 
 ,iid have avoided your invincible repugnance to re- 
 
 L But that letter has been greedily clutched for three 
 object ; to infure the ratification of the treat-; ; to drive 
 m office ; and to endeavour to deitroy the republi- 
 C3E-S in the United States. The fir it isaccompiifhed : the 
 second is a lib accomplished, and was unneceliarily preci- 
 pitated, fince you were acquainted with my determination 
 to reili:n at the beginning of the enfuing year : the third 
 
 never be accdrrrpl idled, until the people mall forget 
 
 r friends, and forget truth. 
 
 Refignation tlien was the path of honour. What? hold 
 n otlice, to be adminiftered under the hourly controul of 
 'him, who was thoroughly dilpofecl to prelent humiliation 
 to me in all us fhapes ; and would have proftrated the 
 guidance of the department of ftate to a Secretary of the 
 Treafury, and a Secretary of- War, who, but a few weeks 
 
 ire, were thought by him, as but iucceilors in form to 
 
 deliberative ta.ients of their predeceribrs. Truly can I 
 affirm, th;;: not a {ingle hour was ever brightened by the 
 pleafures of the pott ; and I friouid have ihafcen off its 
 irkfome weight, at the clofe of the {aft year, had I obeyed 
 rri y intereft or inclination, infread of my attachment to 
 
you. If indeed the affair had been lefs in the reach of 
 inquiry from my refignation, I would not have reiigned. 
 But this is not the cafe. I -defy an inquiry, ho.wibever 
 backed bv party, by management, or by influence. My 
 countrymen will therefore be perfuaded, that my refigna- 
 tion was dictated not by a dread of examination, but by 
 the juft pride of liberating myfelP from indignities. 
 
 It was incumbent on me to touch the two prelimi- 
 nary points ; in order that I might enter into the analy- 
 lis of Mr. Fauchet's letter, without the prejudice, which' 
 your character might impofe on my caufe, from a fuppo- 
 fitidri that you had formed your judgment upon a calm 
 and clifpafiionate invefiigation. I renounce every other 
 view. For I fcorn to reil my defence upon the imbeci- 
 lity of others, rather than its own ilrength: I fcorn to j 
 take refuge in the fenlibility of the public mind, rather 
 than the purity of my own conducl. Let the defects 
 therefore of others operate no further in my behalf, than 
 to remove the impreffions which malicious indu.ft.ry has 
 circulated through the United States under the mantle of 
 your name. I afk only that the letter may now be conii- 
 dered, as if it was, for the rlril time, introduced to 
 public notice ; and that the eflential references, No. 3 and 
 6, to which you have been hitherto a ftranger, may be 
 coupled with that letter. 
 
 When I am called upon to prove a negative, it ought 
 to be enough for me to deny the charges, until they arc 
 fupported by better evidence, than the mere aflertion of 
 any rr.inifter. Be it, however, othenvife ; I will 
 
 prove it, as far as it is within the reach of proof. 
 
 Tbtfiji paragraph of Mr. F.rackefs letter*. 
 
 (i i. The meafares which prudence prefcnbes to me to take, with reipect 
 to zr.y colleagues, have ftill prefided in the digeiling of the u. 
 
 \>y r'.eni, which tirnt oi the ittiUrrcoTticn of the vveftcrn countries, 
 
 iopted by the government. 1 have allowed 
 
 lined to (he giving of a laithfui. but naked reciral of events ; 
 
 the K therein contained i'carcelv exceed the conclufions eafiiy de 
 
 duciblefrom tli . .iraed bv the public prints. I have referred 
 
 man, at m;- requcil, and K:;ivered to tht 
 
 h - "- '" 
 
 Pinit,- - the frsp-ch - "- '";, ( m 
 
 '. 
 
 T 
 
[ 62 ] 
 
 ir.yfeii to i;!ve you as far as I am able a kev to the fuels detailed in our 
 reporr.s. When it cornes in queition to explain, either by conjectures or 
 bv ccr'.nin data, the fecret views of a foreign government, it would be 
 imprudent to run the rifk of indifcretionsj and to giveonefelf up to men, 
 whofe known partiality for that government, and fimilitude of paffions 
 and interefts with its chiefs, might lead to confidences, the iffue of which 
 are incalculable. Befides, the precious cpnfeflions of Mr. Randolph alone 
 throw a fatisiaclory light upon every thing that comes to pafs. Thefe I 
 hare not yet communicated to my colleagues. The motives already 
 mentioned lead to this referve, and fiill lefs permit rne to open myfelf to 
 them at the prefent moment. I (hall then endeavour, Citizen, to give 
 you a clue to all the meafures, of which the common djfpafches give you 
 an account, and to difcover the true caufes of the explofion, which it is 
 obftinately refolved to reprefs with great means, although the Hate of 
 things has no longer any thing alarming." 
 
 1 he obfervation upon the " precious confeffions of Mr. 
 Randolph*' involves the judicious management of the of- 
 rice. It implies no deliberate impropriety ; and cannot 
 be particularly anfvyered, until particular inftances are ci- 
 ted, uniefs it be by reforting to Mr. Fauchet's own expla- 
 nation. 
 
 " On my arrival,"/^ his certificate^ " on this continent, the Prefidcnt 
 gave me the rr. oft pofitive affurance, that he was the friend of the French 
 caufe. Mr. Randolph often repeated tome the fame affurance. It was impof- 
 iible for me not to give faith to it, (in fpite of fame public events relative to 
 Prance which gave me fome inquietude) especially when the Secretary of 
 Srare conftantly took pains to convince me of the fenfations of good will of 
 his Government for my Republic. It wasdoubtlefs to confirm me in this 
 opinion that he communicated to me, without authority, as I iuppoied, 
 the part of Mr. Jay's infl ructions which forbade him to do any thing which 
 fhould derogate from the engagements of the United States with France. 
 My error, which was dear to me, was prolonged only by the continual 
 efforts of Mr. Randolph to calm my fears both upon the treaty with En- 
 gland and upon the effect which it might produce on France. He was 
 therefore far fron; confiding to me any aft, any intention of Government 
 by virtue of any concert with me, or in confequence of any emolument 
 received by him, or for the expectation or hope of any reccnipence pro- 
 mifed, or with any other view than to maintain a good harmony between 
 France and the United States. As to the communications which he has 
 made to me at different limes, they were only of opinions, the greater 
 part, if not the whole of which, I have heard circulated as opinions. 1 
 alfo recollect that on one occafion, at It-aft, which turned upon public 
 meafure*, he obferved to rne, that he could not enter into details up- 
 on fome of them, becaute by doing fo he fhould violate the duties of his 
 office. From whence I have concluded and believe that he never commu- 
 nicated to me what his duty would reprove. I will obferveherc, that none 
 of Ins conversations with me concluded without his giving me the idea, 
 that the Preiident was a man of integrity, and a fmcere friend to 1' ranee. 
 
'This explains in part what I meant by the terms, " his precious confef- 
 " fions." I proceed to ether details relative thereto. I could ; 
 only to explanations on his part upon matters which bad caufed to me fame 
 inquietude : And 1 have never infrnuared, r.cr could I ir.fcr.uate in th:ir 
 letter, that I fufpefted on his part even the mod di'Vant corrup.ion.' 7 
 explanations had equally for their object my different conversation* r.ncn 
 Weftern affairs, as mav he fb^n in the fcq-.^l of this declarer: on. 
 
 " When 1 fpeak in this i" in tbefe words, u Be;:d?s, the 
 
 precious confefuons of Mr. Randolph a .pon all whk-i! 
 
 iaUsfaftory light," I have ftill in view only the explain i ,J; 1 
 
 have fpoken above ; and I rr.uft confefs that very often I h : fbr 
 
 confeffions what he mighr have to communicate to- ir. : Tc- 
 
 cret authority. And many things which in the iir^ inHaat I hu I co..fi 
 as confeffions vvere the iV.bjeit cf public converfatior-s. I v :-?. I 
 
 v.'ill [ I have had more, than fufpi 
 
 _-h have been made fo me, were only to four.c my private opiV 
 the intentions of the French Republic. 1 ' 
 
 It is obvious, that Mr. Fauchet labours In his let: 
 magnify to his government his penetration and fkiii in ue- 
 gociation. Nnv, he may probably l;ave > I'.e had 
 
 acquired iuch anafcen.. 
 
 the ferrets of the executive. i>iK an example has n>: 
 nor can be quoted, in which, while he was indulging ;hc 
 belief cf confemon-S I \vas not iirictly within :; of 
 
 duty. 
 
 Turn vour eyes, S^r, to tl-^ 
 Secretary of State. The French minifier \\ .' 
 tionably lent i;pr>:i an errand i;mi;ar to thzt of 
 other foreign rr: Ltjh the movements 
 
 -rrimenl,the fpi : people, and the c . . 
 
 arife. The Secretary i his part, to procure 
 
 for the Preiident from the rninif.cr cvei i"r4- 
 
 tion of the aiiairs of France.. It \vovJd i^e ridlculc^s .. 
 unavailing to purfue this ci^jccr, L;it bj 
 of a confidence in the i: 
 of accomplilhing ir, was to inculcate ib 
 government towards his coil cauic; to repel his oc- 
 
 cafionai complaints ; to act candid! v : to- 
 
 be as frank in communication?, as o^r neuu-Tiuy ,r cl'ihc? 
 real fecrets of the government i; 1 . ; ' 
 
 has been a fixed ufage for the Secretaries, of ^;.r.te to icer: 
 con veri ations, or to con: im --e F ren . 
 
 indeed everv other diplomatic relident. Y e been 
 
[ 64 ] 
 
 long pi ivy to this uiage; and frequently interrogated me, 
 as to Mr. Fauchet's lentiments on a variety of matters. 
 Were I to fummon to my remembrance every thing, 
 which I have imparted to you from him ; the catalogue 
 of what I might denominate his " precious confeffions," 
 would not perhaps be imall. But very probably I might 
 convert into confeiiions his authorized communications : 
 I might be deceived, as he was with refpecl to myfeif, 
 when he accepted as a mark of my perfonal benevolence 
 to his Republic, that portion of Mr. Jay's inftruclions, 
 which uas communicated to him, in fubftance, by your 
 direction. That I never did for a reward, or emolument, 
 received, promifed, expected, or hoped for, communicate 
 to him any acl or intention whatsoever of the government 
 cf the United States ; that I never did intentionally com- 
 municate to him, without your approbation, what was con- 
 cealed from others : that, to the belt of my belief, I ne- 
 ver did inadvertently communicate to him any fecret of 
 the government ; that I never had a converfation with 
 him, which I conceived to be of importance, and did not 
 relate to you, unlefs I were prevented by your abfence, or 
 fome accident : and that I never uttered a fyllable to him, 
 which viojated the duties of office ; I affeit, and to the 
 ailertion, I am ready to fuperadd the moft folemn fanc- 
 tion. 
 
 It will be neceflary in this, and mod of the other pa- 
 ragraphs of Mr. Fauchet's letter, to recollect his declara- 
 tion, that, where he has nt>t exprefsly quoted me, he 
 does not fpeak from my authority. I mail not therefore 
 in this place deny, as I might with truth, that I was the 
 author of the remark at the clofe of the fir ft paragraph ; 
 and for the fame reafon I fhall not on future occafions de- 
 ny, howfoever I might with truth, things not fpeciaily im- 
 puted to me. 
 
 The fecondj third y and fourth paragraphs. 
 
 " 2. To confine the prefent crifis to the fimple queftion of the excife 
 is to reduce it far below its true fcale ; it is indubitably connected with 
 a general explofion for fome time prepared in the public mind, but which 
 this local and precipitate eruption will caufe tp mifcarry/or at leaft check 
 for a long time ; in order to fee the real caufe, in order to calculate the 
 
[ 65 ] 
 
 effect, and the confeq-'.ences, we null afcend to the origin of the parties 
 exiihng in the ilate, and retrace their progrefs. 
 
 11 3. The nrelcn: Iv ilcni of government has created irr'.lcontent:. This 
 h the iorof a:"l ne\v thi::^--. IS'Iv predeceflbrshave given inform 
 detail upon the parts of the fyftem which have particularly awakened 
 clamour:. ar,d produced enemies to the whole of ir. The primit ; Ye diri- 
 fions of opinion as to the political form of the ftate? and the limits ol the 
 fovereignty of the whole over each iiafe individually fovereign, had 
 created the ti-dei'ulith and the antifederalifts. From a whimiicsl contrail 
 between the name and the real opinion of the parties, a coniraa hiiherro 
 little underftood in Europe, the former aimed, and ftill aim, with -A\ .heir 
 power, to annihilate federalifiru whilft the latter have ahv ,i to 
 
 preferveit. This contrail was crested by t' : .?.'crs o: the Confii- 
 
 t'.uionaliils*, who, being firft in giving rhe denominations (a matter fo 
 important in a revolution) took for themfelves that which was the (3 
 popular, although in reality i: contradicted theirideas, and gave to their 
 rivals one which would draw on them the attention of the people, not- 
 withftanding they really wifhed to preferve a fyltem whole prejudices 
 fliould cheriih at ieaft the memory and the na.r.o. 
 
 " 4. Moreover, thefe firil divillons, cf the ;-.nfjr: f :f ;'.:, : "e to b? de- 
 ftroyed by time, in proportion r.s the nation fnouid have advanced in the 
 experiment of a form of goveiriment which rendered it fiourifiiin-, r , i\ 
 now have completely dilappeared, if the fydern of lir.anc had 
 
 its birwh in ;hr cradle ol the. coni"Litcticn, had not renev/e.l the^r vigour 
 under various iorni?. The mode of orgunifing the natior.al cred : t ; the 
 confolidating and funding of the public debt, the itttfpduHob : t>\ ihe p -ii- 
 tical economy of the ufa^e of ftates,whicri prolong their exmertc6 or war 1 
 off their fall only by expedient:, imperceptibly treated a nnanci;. : 
 who threaten to become the ariliccrarical order of the ftnt-. Several ci- 
 tizens, ard among ethers tticfe who had aided in eftabltfbing indepen- 
 dence \vith their puries or their i>.rrr.s, cop.cei\ed themfelves aggri 
 by thofe iifcal engagements. Hence an oppofttion which eleci^res i:fcU' 
 betv/een the farming or agricultural intereil, and that c: the fife:-] : ie- 
 deralifrn sr.d antifeaeraiilrn, v/hich are founded on thoie new c- 
 tions, in proportion as the treafury ufurps a preponderance in the 
 ernment and legifiation : Hence in fine, the Prate, divided into partifhr.s 
 and enemies of the treafurer and of his theories. It this n;-v claiTin.a- 
 tion of parties, the nature of things gave ^p-'hritv to the hitter, an in- 
 nate initinc^, if I may ufe the expreififr, cauied th^ ears nple 
 
 to revolt at thfe names alone of trfaforer and ft r ,cli'-M,ir : h. 
 party, in coniequences of its ability, ob-Hri rfled in Ic~vii,g to 
 
 its adverfariet the fufpicicus name of antifedc: mi.. 
 were friends of the conititu tion, and enemies only of the exc 
 which financiering theories threatened to attach to it. 
 
 Not being exprefsly quoted in thefe paragraphs I am 
 bound to no reply upon them. The magnitude of the 
 infurredion had n:cl :e:l been announced by the Preiident 
 
[ 66 ] 
 
 in hib proclamation of the yth of Auguft 1794, when he 
 charged it with ftriking at t( - the very exigence of gcvern- 
 " ment, and the fundamental principles of focial order." 
 Every paffage in thefe paragraphs is plainly the fruit of 
 Mr. Fauchet's own fpecuiations. 
 
 The fifth p aragraph* 
 
 <* 5. It is ufelefs to {lop longer to prove that the monarchical fyilern 
 .VAS interwoven with thofe novelties of finances, and that the friends of 
 the latter favoured the attempts which were made in order to bring the 
 conftittttion to the former by infenftble gradations. The writings of in- 
 fluential men of this party prove it j their real opinions too avow it, and 
 the journals of the Senate are the depofitory of the firft attempts." 
 
 Here too Mr. Fauchet refers for his authority, not to 
 myfelf, but to the writings of influential men, who patren- 
 ifed the financial fyflem ; to their avowed opinions ; and 
 to the journals of the Senate. 
 
 The fixth paragraph \ 
 
 <* 6. Let us> therefore, free ou rfei res from the intermediate fpaces in 
 which the progrefs o{ the fyilem is marked, fince they can add nothing to 
 the proof of its exiftence-*-Let us pafs by its fympathy with our regene- 
 rating movements, while running in monarchical paths Let us arrive at 
 the firuationin which our Republican revolution has placed things and 
 parties/' 
 
 This paragraph is a mere introduction to fame of thofe, 
 which follow. 
 
 The feventh paragraph* 
 
 ft 7. The antifeJcralifis difembarrafs themfelvesof an insignificant de- 
 nomination, and take that of patriots and republicans. Their adverfa- 
 ries become ariftocrats, notvvithftanding their efforts to preferve the ad 
 vaatage.ous illufion of ancient names j opinions c3a(h and p re fs each o- 
 tlier ; the ariftocranc attemptsj which formerly had appeared fo iniigni- 
 iicant, are recollecled : The treafurer, who is looked upon as their firfl 
 fource, is attacked ; his operations and plans are denounced to the pub- 
 lic opinion j nay* in the fefiions of 1792 and 1793* a folernn inquiry in- 
 to, his adminiilration was obtained* This firll vidory was to produce 
 another, and it was hoped that, faulty or innocent, the treafurer would 
 retire, no iefh by neceffity in the ane cafe, tiian from felf love in the o- 
 ther.' He, emboldened by the triumph which lie obtained in the ufelefs 
 : nuuiry of his enemies, of which both objedls proved equally abortive, 
 fed'uced befides by the momentary revcrfe of republicanifm in Kurcpe> 
 removes the maik and announces the approaching triumph of his princi- 
 ples/* 
 
The intire complexion of this paragraph makes it Ib pe- 
 culiarly Mr. Fauchec's own (peculation, that it is almoft 
 ufelefs to declare, that I never heard or believed, that 
 the inquiry into the conducl of Mr. Hamilton was to drive 
 him from office, whether he were guilty or innocent. 
 
 The eighth paragraph. 
 
 " 8. In the mean time the popular focieties are formed ; political ideas 
 concenter themfelves, the patriotic party unite and more clofcly conned 
 themfelves ; they gain a formidable majority in the legiflature ; the abafe- 
 ment of commerce, the flavery of navigation, and the Audacity of Eng- 
 land itrengthen it. A concert of declarations and cenfures againft the 
 government arifes ; at which the latter is even itfelf aftonilhed." 
 
 From what fource Mr. Fauchet collected the fuppoied 
 aftonHhment of the government *t the concert of decla- 
 rations and cenfures, I cannot trace ; unlefs he imagined 
 that the attacks upon the Popular Societies, in the year 
 1793, which wereunderftood to proceed from officers then 
 in theadminiftration, were agreeable to the wiihes of fome 
 branch of the government. 
 
 *The ninth) tenth, and eleventh paragraph*. 
 
 " 9. Such was the fituaticn of things towards the clofe of the laft and 
 at the beginning of the preient year. Let us pais over the difcontents 
 which were molt generally exprefTed in thefe critical moments. They have 
 been fent to you at different periods, and in detail. In every quarter 
 are arraigned the imbecility of the government towards Great Britain, 
 the defencelefs ftate of the country againft poifible invaficn, the coldnefs 
 towards the French Republic : the fyitem of finance is attacked, which 
 threatens eterrfiiing the debt under pretext of making it the guaranty of 
 public happinefs; the complication of that fyftem which withholds from 
 general infpeftion all its operations, the alarming power of the influence 
 it procures to a man whofe principles are regarded as dangerous, the 
 preponderance which that man acquires from day to day in public mea- 
 fures, and in a word the immoral and impolitic modes of taxation, which 
 he at firit prefents as expedients, and afterwards raifes to permanency. 
 
 10. In touching this laft point we attain the principal complaint ci~ the 
 xveftern people, and the ofteniible motive of their movements. Repub- 
 licans by principle, independent by character and fituation, they could 
 not but accede with enthufiafm to the criminations which we have lketch~ 
 ed. But the txcife above ail affects them. Their lands are fertile, watered 
 with the lined rivers in the world : but the abundant fruits ct rhcir l:i- 
 bour run the rifk of periming for the want cf ir.ear^ ot cxchanp:^ rhe:r, 
 us thofe more happy cuitirators do for objefts which dtfire indicates to all 
 men who have known only the enjoyments which Europe procures :be;c. 
 They therefore convert the excefs of their produce into liquors imrer- 
 
[ 68 ] 
 
 feclly fabricated, which badly fupply the place of thofe they might pro- 
 cure by exchange. The excifs is created and {hikes at this confoling 
 transformation; their com])lainrs are anfwered by the only pretext that 
 they arcotherwifc inacceflible to every fpecies of impoil. But why, in 
 contempt of treaties, are they left to bear the yoke of the feeble Spa- 
 niard, as to the ?vlli'i!iftppi for upwards of twelve yeirs? Since when .;as 
 an agricultural people fubmitted to the ur.juft capricious law of a people 
 explorers of the precious metals? Might we net fuppofe that Madrid arid 
 Philadelphia mutually affifted in prolonging the flavery of the ri\er; that 
 the proprietors of a barren coalt are afraid left the Mifiiffippi, once open- 
 ed, and its numerous branches brought into adivity, their fields might 
 become deierts, and in a word that commerce dreads having rivals in 
 thole interior parts as foon as their inhabitants (hall ceafe to be fubjeds ? 
 This laft fuppohtion is but too well iounded; an influential member of 
 the Senate, Mr. Ia;ard, one day in converfation undifguifedly anncur.ced 
 it to me." 
 
 " ii. I (hail be more brief in my observations on the murmurs excited 
 by the fyilem for the fale ot lands. It is conceived to be injuit that thefe 
 vail and fertile legions fhould be fold by provinces to capitalifts, who thus 
 enrich themfelves, and retail, with immenfe profits, to the hu&andmen, 
 poffefiions which they have never feen. If there were not a latent defign 
 to arreft the rapid fettlement of thofe lands and to prolong their infant 
 llate, why not open in the weft land offices, where every body without 
 dirtinftion, (houid be admitted to purchafe by a fmall or large quantity ? 
 Why referve to fell or diiiribute to favourites, to a clan of flatterers, 
 of courtiers, that which belongs to the date, and which ftiould be fold to 
 the grcatclt po^ble profit of all its members :" 
 
 Thefe paragraphs contain nothing, which requires an 
 *ni*.ver irom me. 
 
 twelfth paragraph, 
 ,. Such therefore were the parts of the public grievance, upon 
 
 pnn 
 
 ciple, or by a feries of particular heart-hurr.ir.gs, animated difcontents 
 already too near to efF^rvefcenpe. At laft the local explofion is efF-cted. 
 The wedcrn pcoj-,!e c.ilculated on being fupported by ibme diilin'^uifiied 
 character > in the c;il;, anci even i: , hey had in the bofom'of the 
 
 government >:i>v: bftcors> who night mure in their grievances or their 
 princij 
 
 Let him dcp lonvard, who c;m prove by :- Ungle f^cl, 
 that any couiucnanjewas given by me to the iniurreciicn. 
 
 The thirteenth pbragrapfa 
 
 i ; above, thoil- iC!> I 
 
 ^"1793 and 1794 i'ii-'l given ii 
 
[ 69 ] 
 
 tancc to the republican party, and folidity to its accdations. The.pro- 
 pofwions of Mr. Madifon, or his project of a navigation ad, of which 
 Mr. JerFer'.bn was origi-.^lly the author, Tapped the Britifti intereft, now 
 zmintegrd p^rt of the financiering fyitem. Mr. Taylor, a republican 
 member of the Senate, pabliihed towards the end of the feffion, three 
 pamphlets, in which this laft is explored to its origin, and developed in 
 its progrefs and consequences with force and method. In the Iaft he af- 
 ferts that the decrepid ilate of affairs refulting from that fyltem, could 
 not but prefage, under a rifing government, cither a revolution or a ci- 
 vil war. 
 
 This paragraph is only a brief narrative of fome pro- 
 ceedings in Congrefs, and of three pamphlets which were 
 publifhed. 
 
 The fourteenth paragraph. 
 
 *' 14. The firft was preparing : the government, which had forefeenit, 
 reproduced, under various forms, the demand of a difpofable* force which 
 icight put it in a refpedtable ftate of defence. Defeated in this meafure, 
 who can aver that it may not have battened the local eruption, in order 
 to make an advantageous diverfion, and to lay the more general ftorm 
 which it faw gathering ? Am 1 not authorized in forming this conjecture 
 from the convcrfation which the Secretary of State had with me and Le 
 Blanc, alone, an account of which you have in my difpatch, No. 3 ? But 
 how may we expect that this new plan will be executed ? By exafpera- 
 ting and fevere meafures, authorifed by a law which was not folicited till 
 the clofe of the fefiion. This law gave to the one already exifting foj- col- 
 lecting the excife a coercive force which hitherto it had not poffelTed, and 
 a demand of which was not before ventured to be madet. By means of 
 tius new law all the refractory citizens to the old one. were caufed to be 
 purfued with a fudden rigor; a great number of writs were iffued ; doubt- 
 lefs the natural confequences from a conduct fo decifive and fo harfli were 
 expected ; and before thefe were manifefted the means of repreffion had 
 been prepared; this was undoubtedly what Mr. Randolph meant in tel- 
 ling me that under pretext of giving energy to tke government it tuas inten- 
 ded to introduce abjolute power, and to mijlead the Prejldcnt in paths which 
 'WOU/d conduft him to unpopularity. 
 
 To the reflection, that " a revolution was preparing ; 
 and that the government,which had forefeen it, reproduc- 
 ed, under various forms, the demand of a difpofable 
 force, which might put it in a refpectable ftate of 
 defence,'' Mr. Fauchet was not conducted by any in- 
 oiiTiation from me. The firft part of it originated with 
 hirnfelf: For the latter whether it was right or wrong, 
 .vas probably indebted to the journals of -the two 
 
 ible. 
 
 ?r.:d in th? comment upon the la\vsof the Iaft faflion inclofrd 
 "'c. . : m^xlf.er. 
 
 K 
 
[ 70 1 
 
 houies of congrefs, to their debates, as publiflied in the 
 newfpapers, and to public conversations. From iome or 
 all of tbefe it appeared, that on the nth of December, 
 
 1793, a bill was ordered into the houfe of repreienta- 
 tives for completing the military eftablHhment : that on 
 the 3 lit of January 1794, it was rejected by the fenate : 
 that on the 2oth of March 1794, the fame bill was reviv- 
 ed in that houfe under a new title : tha: on the 6th of May 
 
 1794, this bill was alib loft by a difagreement between 
 the two houfes : that on the I2th of March 1794, a mo- 
 tion had been made in- the houfe of reprefentatives to in- 
 creafe the then military eftablifhment of five thoufand 
 men by an addition of fifteen regiments of one thoufand 
 men each : that on the firft of April 1794, a bill was 
 brought in to increafe the military eftablimrnent by ad- 
 ding twenty- five thoufand initead of the fifteen thoufand 
 men; that on the igth of May 1794, this bill was dif- 
 cufred, and the twenty-five thoufand men being ftruck 
 out, a motion was made for fifteen thoufand, which being 
 loft, another motion was made for ten thoufand ; which 
 being alfo loft, the bill itfel was totally rejected : that on 
 the 24th of May 1794, a committee was appointed in the 
 fenate to report further meaftires for the defence of the 
 United States : that on the 26th of May 1794, that com- 
 mittee reported an increafe of ten thoufand men to the 
 military eftablifhment : that on the 3oth of May 1794, 
 the bill which had palled the feL-ate for that increafe was 
 rejected by the houfe of reprefentatives : that a bill for 
 the defence of the South \\ eftern frontier, by pofts to be 
 garrifoned with militia, and by patroles, or fcouting par- 
 ties of militia, pafled the houfe of reprefentatives on the 
 2gth of May 1794; that the fenate changed this bill en- 
 tirely by an amu ndment for raifing and adding a new le- 
 gion of twelve hundred men, with the bounty of twenty 
 dollars for each recruit : that on the 8th of June 1794, 
 the bill and amendment were entirely loft ; that on the 
 very laft day of the feffion, the gth of fune 1794, a bill 
 was brought into the fenate " to authorife the Prefident 
 in cafe he (hould not deem it expedient to employ any 
 part of the then military eftablifhment in the defence of 
 
[ 71 ] 
 
 the fouth-weftern frontier, to raife, equip, and officer a 
 new legion of twelve hundred men for that pur pole ; to 
 be raifed for three years, at the fame pay and emoluments 
 of the other troops, but with the bounty of twenty dol- 
 lars to each recruit ;" that this bill was read twice in the 
 oenate ; but on the quell ion for its third and iart reading, 
 one of the members enforced the rule, that " no bill 
 {hall re read three times in the fame day without unani- 
 mous confent ;" and by his veto the bill was defeated. I 
 fhall give no opinion upon thefe proceedings ; nor yet 
 upon any meiTages from the executive, which might have 
 fuggefled fome of them. But I have been thus particu- 
 lar; to evince that Mr. Fauchet did not ftand in need 
 of confefjlons from any public officer. 
 
 Air. Fauchet then aiks, if he be not authorized by the 
 converfat'on with me, mentioned in his difpatch No. 3, 
 to conjefture, that the government, defeated in the de- 
 mand of a difpofable force, haftened the local eruption, 
 in order to make an advantageous diverfion, and to lay 
 the more general ftorrn, which it faw gathering? I de- 
 ny, that he ever was authorized by any conversation what- 
 foever with me, to form even a conj- Ritre of that kind ; 
 and with equal pofitivenefs I aifo deny, every other con- 
 clufton, which he makes in this paragraph. 
 
 It is of no i'mall weight to bear in mind, that the date 
 of the converfacion is fixed bv Mr. Fauchet's certificate to 
 have been in April 1 794. I recoiled to have had one with 
 Mr. Fauchet and Mr. Le Blanc, about that time, on public 
 matters, in which the French Republic was intereit- 
 ed. But how was it poffible for me to infer from any 
 ads of the government, known to me, that it was haften- 
 ing the local eruption ? With the excife, the department 
 of {late was not concerned : it belonged to the trea- 
 fury-department, and was there managed, I believe, e- 
 ven to the inftruclions for the ilTuing of procefs. It was 
 in April -1794 underftood by me to remain oa its old 
 footing, without any frefh irritation. As the law, to 
 which Mr. Fauchet refers, did not pafs until the 5th of 
 June 1794, and he wrote his letter on the 311! of Octo- 
 ber following, you will perceive, that he blends ewo dif- 
 
t 72 ] 
 
 ferent dates together, for he deduces from a converfation 
 in April, that means of coercion were provided before- 
 hand, when thofe very fuppofed means were provided, 
 according to his own account, only by the law, which 
 is found to have paffed two months afterwards. If ex- 
 afperating and fevere meafures were contemplated in 
 April, to be enforced by a then future law, I was an ut- 
 ter firanger to them. Befides, Mr. Fauchet does not feem 
 to have had the difpatch No. 3 before him, when he wrote 
 in October ; as in the concluding fentence of the para- 
 graph he gives, what he deems to be the fynonymous 
 meaning, not the words thernfelves ; nor yet an accurate 
 view of the converfatirn. But if the very words had been 
 as unqualified, as he Rates, they would not warrant his 
 conclufion''; efpecially, when at the beginning of the 
 next paragraph he doubts, whether the commotion was 
 provoked by the government, or produced by chance. 
 
 Before, however, I examine the difpatch No. 3, let 
 me concenter the adual flate of things in April 1794; 
 in order that I may compafs the general fcope of the con- 
 verfation, and thus contribute to explain it. 
 
 Notwithilanding Mr. Fauchet was fent to replace Mr. 
 Genet, he {hews in this very letter, No. lo, that his 
 communications were links of the chain of intelligence, 
 which had been carried on by his predeceffors. Having 
 incorporated into his own family the members of Mr. 
 Genet's ; and hearing of a particular attention, which was 
 paid to all the applications from the Britifh minifter, he 
 entered into his diplomatic career, with uncertainties, 
 and unpleafant fenfaticns towards our government. You 
 were aware of this danger ; for when he was introduced 
 to you on the 22d of February 1794, you poured forth 
 the ftrongeft language of affection to the French caufe. 
 France was then flufhed with victory. An obnoxious 
 minifter had been recalled at your inftance. You expec- 
 ted a war with Great Britain. In fhort you declared to me, 
 that the French government muft be cultivated with afli- 
 duity and warmth. In fpite of all my efforts to purfue 
 your wi{hes, I difcovered in a few weeks, that fufpicions 
 were lurking in his bofom. 1. His manner indicated, 
 
[, 73 1 
 
 thnt he doubted the lincerity cf your proteftions in fa 
 voun of his country, and was anxious to determine, how 
 far vou were republican. ^ It ctted in his judg- 
 
 ment, that fome very influential gentlemen around you, 
 were, and had exprefled thernfelves to be, hcftile to 'its 
 caufe. 3. He believed, .that extreme rigour had been 
 praclifed upon French cruizers and French prizes, un- 
 der iniiructions from the treafury-departmenr ; and that 
 great indulgence had been allowed to Britifh ihips. 
 4. He believed, that in "your very cabinet, fnares were 
 laid to detach you from France, and to ally the United 
 Scales to Great Britain. 5. He believed, that the go- 
 vernment had its myfteries, which led to the holding of a 
 fair language to France, and to the fubfrantial e&ixgwhh 
 partiality lor Great Britain ; or (to ufe an expreffion in one 
 of his letters) that the federal officers were all fire to do, 
 whatihould be pleafmg to England ; and all i.e to France. 
 6. He had heard the charges i difjourf- 
 
 es, that feme members of the government coniidered our 
 conftitution, as a mere ftepping iione to fonae thing eife ; 
 not lefs than a monarchy, which might not be fo friendly 
 to a French Republic, as an American Republic*. 7. He 
 believed, that he faw in a bill, depending before Congrefs, 
 an inftrurnent for this purpoie, and for the risrrafling of 
 the French caufe. 8. He believed, that the airairs of 
 France and the fpirit of the American , v:ere mif- 
 
 * Extract from the inftruftions to Col. Monroe, .vent to France 
 
 as Minifter Plenipotentiary of the United Sta r e:; ; which were approv- 
 ed by the Preiident. 
 
 " If we may judge from what hcs br. feat tjrces utter 
 
 " Mr. Faucher, he will reprefent tLe exhlf nee cf t\v o parties here, ir- 
 " reconcileable to each other ; one republican, : ly to the 
 
 " French revolution; the other monarchical, ^'iitrcratic, lirii.'-niJc, 
 and anti-Gallican : that a majority of t! -prefentan 
 
 ts the people, and the Prefident ^re in the iirit clafs; and a majority or" 
 tf the Senate in the fecond. If this intelligence . ufed, in order 
 
 " to infpire a diftruft cf oar good-will to F -iftricufly 
 
 obviate fuch an effect," &x. 
 
[ 74 ] 
 
 reprefented to you, and diflorted. 9. He wavered, as 
 to your perfeverance in a refentment of the Britifh out- 
 rages. 10. He was alarmed at the projected million of 
 Mr. Jay. And 11. He diilantly, though delicately hint- 
 ed a fear, left the political divifions in the United States 
 might weaken the government, and excite a considerable 
 conflict. For ideas like thefe, he wanted no aid from a 
 fecretary of ffate. Public rumour was a fruitful nurfery. 
 If I have not occasionally intimated thefe things to you, 
 none have been defignedly concealed from you. Many 
 of them you have undoubtedly received from my mouth. 
 
 Silence was not my courfe. It was pre-eminently n y 
 duty, in April 1794, not to fuller France, to whom we 
 owed fo much, to be in fufpence as to our predilection 
 for Great Britain, from whom we had experienced, and 
 were experiencing, every oppreilion. 
 
 In choofing my meafures, I had a fafe clue in the po- 
 fition of affairs, as leen and felt by ycurfelf. 1. Your 
 meflage to Congrefs, on the ^th of December 1793, an- 
 nounces an unfriendly temper to Great Britain. 2. Your 
 nomination of Mr. Jay implies it in itfelf vou always pro- 
 feffed and your letter to me on the 15th of April 1794 
 proves, that if Great Britain did not redrrfs our com- 
 plaints in a reasonable time, war was in your opinion to 
 be the c/Dnfequence. That letter thus expreffes your fen- 
 timents upon the draught of the meilage, nominating 
 Mr. Jay: " My objects are to prevent a war, j/*juftice 
 can be obtained by fair and llrong reprefentations (to be 
 made by a fpecial envoy) of the injuries, which this coun- 
 try has fufiained from Great Britain, in various ways : 
 to put it in a complete flate of military defence and to 
 provide eventually fuch meafutes, as ieem to be now 
 pending in Congrefs, for execution, if negociation in a 
 reafonable time proves unfuccefsful." 3. Your inftruc- 
 tions to Mr. Jay had reference to an alliance with Ruf- 
 fia, Demnark, and Sweden, againft Great Britain, if our 
 differences with her (hould not be adjufted. 4 Your in- 
 flruclions to Col. Monroe, which were fketched about 
 -Jiis time, to be ready for any perfon, who fhould be ap- 
 pointed, command him, to ct let it be leen, that in 
 
t 75 ] 
 
 
 
 cafe of war with any nation upon earth" (an expref- 
 iion absolutely aimed at Great Britain) " we ii.aii 
 coniidei Fiance as our firft and natural aLy." In thefe 
 instructions are many other fervent profeiiions to France. 
 5. The plundering under the Britjfh infhuclicns of the 
 6in of November 179 ?, and the ftirring ip of the Indi- 
 ans had drawn forth in the houfe of repielentatives va- 
 rious proportions of repnfai. 6. That houfe \\as indif- 
 putal'iy attached to France. 7. Your orders ; your let- 
 ters ; your Speeches ; breathed enmity to Great Britain and 
 ariectiontp Fiance. You even excluded from your pub- 
 lic room, men who were obnoxious to France. 
 
 By thefe tVfts, my con duel towards Mr. Fauchet was 
 gu.ded. i. I urged upon him your declaration at his re- 
 ception, that you were a friend to the caufe of the French 
 people; and, as he expretfes it in his letter No. lo, 
 " truly virtuous, and the friend of your fellow-citizens 
 and of principles." 2. I bade him to rely on YOU ; to 
 difregard the iuggeitiens of your being influenced by any 
 Jubordinate minijlers againft France; and to apprehend 
 nothing from /^#/,whiie you were fledfaft. 3. I exerted 
 my 1 elf to fatisfy him, that he complained without reafon 
 of feverity upon the French crullers ; and the fame ar- 
 guments have been lince extended in letters approved by 
 you. 4. I reprefented to him, that, if fnares were laid 
 for you, you would efcape from them ; and more parti- 
 cularly if their object was the abandonment of France, 
 and an adherence to Great Britain : that although like 
 other men, who do not mix with the world, }ou might be 
 fometimes milled, your induftry and difcernment would 
 protect you /rom traps. 5. I denied, that the actions and 
 profeflions of our government in regard to France were at 
 variance ; and I have often denied it in writing.- 6. As to 
 the converiion of our government into a monarchy, I 
 ftated, that this would not be done with your aflent. For 
 while you were delirous of rendering it liable only and 
 energetic ; I did not undertake to aniwer for the views of 
 every man, who, under this pretence, might be willing 
 to fnatch fomething more ; but I was confident, that you 
 would not thus commit your popularity. 7. It mult, I 
 
[ : $ J 
 
 think, have been fubie^uent to the time of the 
 ticn, alinc'ed to in No. 3, that I commented upon the bill 
 vvhichfeei. t him ib deeply ; and that I allured 
 
 him, that from your yielding to the remarks which I made 
 to vou upon it, he bad an abfoiute fecurity again 11 the a- 
 buie of the po\vers confided to, you. 3. I had no data, 
 uocn which to contradict: his opinion, that the affairs of 
 France, and the ipirit of the American people might 
 have been disfigured . to you. But you will do me, the 
 juftice to acknowledge, that when I ipcke to you of the 
 one or the other, 1 difguifed from you no truth, howfoe- 
 ver unpalatable. rnd I was always tree to declare in your 
 prefence, thacl never would. 9. I did not difguife my 
 perfusfion that nothing fhort of the moft ample reftitu- 
 tion and compeniation would atone with you lor the out- 
 rages of Great Britain. This was a juftifiable expedient 
 for calming Mr. Fauchet's fears on the million of Mr. 
 Jsy. lo. In rny endeavours to refute his eftimate of the 
 prevailing political diviiions ; I certainly did place much 
 of my hope.cn you. Having often without referve told 
 you, that. as long as you were fuperior to party, party 
 would be impotent, and unable to perpetrate mifchief, J 
 have very probably uttered an expectation of acquiring 
 h you influence enough, to prevail on you to Hep forth 
 in opposition to any let of men, who fhoukl feek to ag- 
 grandize themiclves r.t the cxpcnee of the conftitution, or 
 of the. people. 
 
 If in r.ll this I have erred, it is mere error ; but the 
 error is not mine. It was derived from the fpirit of your 
 own movements, and our political profpeds in April 
 1 794. But it was not an error. It was a found and ho- 
 neir policy : it was an in difperi fable one for maintaining 
 harm or. France : it was rendered indifpenfable by 
 
 the criiis, which had. been forced upon Mr. Fauchet's 
 mind, from the conviction, that artifice and hoftility to 
 republicanifm vve-e tearing the United States afunder 
 from France. It was the policy of the people of the Uni- 
 ted States. Kad the threatened .war .with Great Britain 
 been realized ; then this policy would have ihone forth 
 with lull re : then would the reverfe have been warmly 
 
[ 77 J 
 
 reprehended. Had it not been obferved ; you would 
 probably have long ago heard from France, murmurs 
 which it might have been difficult to appeafe. 
 
 The foregoing cbfervations have anticipated much of 
 the attention due to the difpatch, No. 3. But it is pro- 
 per to fubjom a few more particular remarks ; because it 
 is not a correct iiatement of the convcrfaticn ; and is evi- 
 dently defective, in omitting the part which Mr. Fauchet 
 himlelf had in it, and in not exhibiting what I fa-d as it re- 
 ally was, an anfwer to the objections, advanced by him. 
 His certificate too, although it cannot fail to be fatisfacto- 
 ry to the people. of the United States, has been lefs expli- 
 cit, than it would have been, had it been in my power to 
 have interrogated him upon its feveral parts, alter it was 
 compofed. 
 
 That I was always deeply affected by the very poffibili- 
 ty of a conflict between the parties in the" United States, 
 my letter to you in June 1792, and my conftant declara- 
 tions to you are a decided teftimony. That intelligence 
 of the exigence of party-bitternefs came to Mr. Fauchet 
 through other channels, than myfelf, is notorious to thofe 
 who have read the newfpapers. Or, if it were neceffary 
 to demcnftrate its publicity, I might quote a fentence in 
 a paper, written at the beginning of the year 1791, for 
 your ufe, and approved by you. " It is certainly much 
 to be regretted, that party-diicriminations are fo far geo- 
 .ical as they are ; and that ideas of a feverance of the 
 union are creeping in both north and fouth." 
 
 Without pretending to recollect the minutiae of the 
 converfation, I avow, that I did hope to acquire an influ- 
 ence every day on your mind ; and I will unfold the 
 grounds of my hope ; the means which I adopted for its 
 accomplifhmeht ; and my final object. 
 
 You will acknowledge, Sir, I am lure, that 1 never at- 
 tempted to depreciate in yourefteem any of my colleagues 
 in cilice ; nor ever to magnify or blazon any merit of my 
 own. The fpecies of influence therefore, to which I di- 
 rected my labours, was not that of railing myfelf oil 
 Ins. 
 
 Virginia as attorney-general of the Uni- 
 
ted States, irrefiftibly impelled by the friendfhip of your 
 invitation- I was uihered by you into the moil confiden- 
 tial bufinefs; and, I believe, without the privity of the 
 heads of departments. You connected me with you ilill 
 more in the year 1793; and afterwards preiTed me into 
 another office, which I did not covet, and which I would 
 not have accepted, had I not been governed by my af- 
 fection for you, my truft in your republicanifm, and your 
 apparent fuperiority to the artifices of my enemies. 
 
 Thefe germs of confidence, unequivocally difclofed by 
 you, I did indeed cherifh. But how ? By art or ma- 
 nagement ? No, Sir. By telling you the truth, without 
 hefitation; without a momentary acquiefcence in the pre- 
 judices of any man ; by defending your character with 
 zeal ; and by advifing meafures, which fliculd fpread o- 
 ver the Prefident of the United States, the glowing co- 
 lours, in which General Wafhington had been painted to 
 mankind. 
 
 Nt)r was my object lefs honourable than my means. You 
 have my opinion under my hand, that while you ihould 
 be untainted by the iufpicion of being a favourer of par- 
 ty, your name would be a bulwark againft party-rage. My 
 hope therefore of acquiring influence was to put inteiline 
 convuifion at defiance, by perfuadmg you to abhor party. 
 You cannot believe, that I ever maneuvered with you for 
 any emolument to myfelf : nor that I was an advocate for 
 France, but by plain dealing and franknefs, which her 
 enemies might curfe, but couid not criticize. 
 
 Left the trifling circumftance of vifiting you fhould be 
 wrought up by the malignant into a fcheme of fedudion; 
 the admonition, which Mr. Fauchet afcribes to me, mull 
 not pafs without a comment. As an artifice, it is too 
 paltry to be dwelt upon. This probably was the truth of 
 the cafe. It is a tribute of refped from foreign minifters 
 to our chief magiilrate, to wait on him at proper intervals. 
 Mr. Fauchet was anxious to learn, how private vifits were 
 to be regulated. I could not forget, how much his pre- 
 deceffor had abfented himfelf from you, even before the 
 rupture; and I probably recommended to him to per- 
 form this official civility ; with the additional aiiurance, 
 
[ 79 1 
 
 that he would be received in an eafy ftyle, whenfoever 
 he (hould be diipofed to a private vilit. Is it not r.n indi- 
 cation of a propeniity to fweil little matters, thus to in- 
 terweave them in a formal political difpatc 
 
 In wliatibever ihape the drawing the bands of the two 
 nations clofer may have been adviied, I remember not. 
 But 1 was always watchful in repelling the imputation of 
 neglect to embrace the overtures of a commercial trea- 
 ty. It was natural for me, at the junclure of Mr. Jay's 
 n, to erface every idea of an indiiierence to an im- 
 proved commercial connection with France. In a word, 
 Sir, when you com; 1 c.ct r s own admiilion, 
 
 thai I refufed fome information, as being contrary to my 
 dutv to be divulged, and that lie did not fulfil a promife, 
 as he lays, to burn a particular paper, (which, however, 
 was delivered under your direction) ; the difpatch No. 
 3, is fufficiently confronted by his certificate or my own 
 aifertion. 
 
 The fifteenth and jixieenth paragraphs. 
 
 " i 5. Whether the exploficn has been provoked by the government ; 
 or owes its birth to accident, it is certain that a commotion of fome hun- 
 dreds of men, who have not fince been found in arms, and the very pa- 
 cilic union of the counties in Braddock's field, a union which has net been 
 revived, were not fymptoms which could juftify the raifing of io great 
 a force as i ^,000 men. Beiides the principles, ottered in the declarations 
 hitherto made public, rather announced ardent minds to be calmed than 
 anarchifts to be fubdued. But in order to obtain fomething on the pub- 
 lic opinion prepoiTelTed againft the demands contemplated to be made, it 
 was neceilary to magnify the danger, to disfigure the \ lews of t!vu r e peo- 
 ple, to attribute to them the deiign of uniting thetnfelves with England, 
 to alarm the citizens for the fate of the constitution, whilft in reaL 
 revolution threatened only the minifters. This Uep fucceeded ; an army 
 is raifed; this military part of the fuppreffion is doubtlefs Mr. Hamil- 
 ton's, the pacific part and the fending oi'commiluoners are due to the in- 
 fluence of Mr. Randolph over the mind of the Prefiuent, whom I delight 
 always to believe, and whom I do believe, truly virtuous, and the friend 
 of his fellow-citizens and principles, 
 
 u 16. In the mean time, although there was a certainty of having an 
 an army, yet it was neceilary to affure thernfelves of co-operators among 
 the men whofe patriotic reputation might influence their party, and 
 whofe luke-warmnelsor want of energy in the exifling conjunctures might 
 compromit the fuccefs of the plans. Of all the governors, whofe duty it 
 was to appear at the head of the requifitions, the governor of Pennfyl- 
 vania alone enjoyed the name of Republican : his opinion of the Secre- 
 tary of the Treafury and of his fyftems was known to be unfavourable. 
 
[ So ] 
 
 The fecretary of this (late pofieffed great influence in the Popular Socie- 
 ty of Philadelphia, which in its turn influenced tticfe of other ihires; of 
 courfe he merited attention, it appears therefore that thefe men with o- 
 thers unknown to me, all having without doubt Randolph at their head, 
 were balancing to decide on their parry. Two or three days hri^rc the 
 proclamation was publifhed, and of courfe before the cabinet had reiolv- 
 ed on its meafures, Mr* Randolph came to fee me with an air of great 
 eagernefs, and made to me the overtures of which I have given you an 
 account in mv No. 6. Thus with fome thoufands of dollars the Repub- 
 lic could have Decided on civil war or on peace! Thus the confciences 
 of the pretended patriots of America have already their prices* ! It is 
 very true that the certainty ot thefe conclufions, painful to be drawn, 
 will for ever exiit in our archives ! What will be the old age of this go- 
 vernmentt it it is thus early decrepid! Such, citizen, is the evident con- 
 fequence of the fyftsm of finances conceived by Mr. Hamilton. He has 
 made of a whole nation, a flock -jobbing, Speculating, felf.lh pecple. 
 Riches alone here fix confideration ; and as no one likes to deipifvd, they 
 are univerfally fought after. Neverthelefs this depravity has not yet em- 
 braced the mafs of the people; the erfecls of this pernicious f\ flein have 
 as yet but {lightly touched them. Stiil there are patriots, of whom I de- 
 light to entertain an idea worthy of that impofing title. Confult Mon- 
 roe, he is of this number ; he had apprifed me of the men whom the 
 current of events had dragged along as bodies devoid of weight. His 
 friend Madifon is alfo an honeft man. Jefferfon, on whom the patriots 
 caft their eyes to fucceed the Prefidenf, had forefeen thefe crifes. He 
 prudently retired in order to avoid making a figure againft his inclination 
 in fcenes, the fecret of which will fcon or late be brought to light." 
 
 The meeting at Bradclock's field was announced in e- 
 very newfpaper : and wore too formidable an afpect to be 
 called pacific. When it was determined to raife an ar- 
 my, I propofed the augmentation from 12,500 to 15,000 
 men ; hoping that the unhappy people would be intimi- 
 dated by ib large a* force, and the introduction of a corps 
 of riflemen under General Morgan, whofe name was re- 
 ported to be a terror to them. It was wife to overawe 
 them ; for had they, in forne rafli moment, made battle, 
 allured by a faife comparison of their ftrength and iitua- 
 tion with the power which was marching againft them, 
 {till greater bodies of troops would have been afTembled, 
 and war would have raged with all its feverities. 
 
 After Mr. Fauchet's declaration, that he does not fpeak 
 from me, except where he particularly quotes me, it will 
 fcarcely be required of me to deny, that Mr,. Hamilton's 
 
 * k Tarif. 
 
[ 8! ] 
 
 ideas, or my own, in consultation wirh von, were com-" 
 municated by me to him ; or yet, that the gentlemen, who 
 were to appear at the head of the re . T any 
 
 others, alibciated in the popukr ibciei re ever na- 
 
 med by me to him, in reference to the i . tic=n; But 
 
 I do deny the latter, upon [he belief my reo^cclicn ; 
 and upon the further .. that I b. eit 
 
 authority for io naming them. I alfo deny the former ; 
 and can affirm, that it was a f. f convt. in 
 
 Philadelphia, but not through my means, that v.nr ad- 
 vifers were divided in opinion as to the irnir ajarch- 
 
 of the milii 
 
 Howfoever failiionable it may have beer, for officers in 
 the federal government to form political connections with 
 influential perfons in the Hate government, I had for m- 
 ed none fuch. But it is faid in Mr. Fa-ichri's letter, that 
 I was at the head of thofe, who Iv.lancrd in 
 on the part to be taker. 
 
 
 to the inhabitants in the weftern Counties of rorinfylvar;ia, 
 I could have few perforal regards ; and I will net wai 
 time in proving, what vou well know, t] r a'nj. 
 
 good government have been always near to my hear:. 
 Upon what then ccuid I balance ? The tenor cf rnv opi- 
 nions on that event I will now retrace. 
 
 When the violence at Ccl. Neville's hcuic, en the 
 17th of July, 1794, and the comrac':: i^raddcck's 
 
 fi Id were afcertained, I concurred with the other gen- 
 tlemen of the adminiftration, in the trealbnabienefs cf 
 thofe ads, and in the n< of reforting to the rniliL 
 
 if the laws were inadequate. Affidavits, letters, and a * 
 variety of papers were laid before you, to efiabJifli the 
 exigence of an infurredion ; and aithov.gh I doubted, 
 whether a judge would, upon time, and 
 
 under the then circumjlances grant a c-t : of inf- 
 
 lection ; yet I agreed, that thofe documents ought to be \ 
 iubmitted to judicial cognizance. At a conference, held : 
 on the firft Saturday in Auguft, 1794, between yourfelf 
 and Governor Miffiin, and the the federal and ilate offi- 
 cers, it was obferved, that even if the infurrcciion were 
 confined to the four wellern counties of Pennfylvania, 
 
[ 82 ] 
 
 the militia, which could be procured from thence, at 
 that ftage of the affair, would prooably be unequal to the 
 tafk of fubduiug the infurrection : that the infurgents, 
 being upwards of lixty thoufand fouls, had friends elfe- 
 where : and that a letter had been received from Ken- 
 tucky, giving an account of the Britifh government fo- 
 menting difturbr'iices there. The affidavit of a perfon from 
 Pittfburg was read, corroborating the fufplcions, that the 
 Britim were abetting the infurgents. Well do I remem- 
 ber my remark ; that, if the Britifhwere at the bottom of 
 the convulfion, it took a ferious and very important direc- 
 tion; fmce, among the reaions for fufpending the fet- 
 tlement at Prefqu' ifle, the appreheniion of them was 
 one. To {hew my own impreilicn of Britifh interfer- 
 ence in the weftern troubles, I refer to the following paf- 
 fage in my letter to you of the 5th of Auguft, 1794. 
 " If the intelligence of the overtures of the Britifh to the 
 weftern counties be true, and the inhabitants {hould be 
 driven to accept their aid; the fupplies of the weftern 
 army the weilern army itfelf may be deftroyed ; the 
 re-union of that country to the United States will be im- 
 practicable ; and we muft be engaged in a Britiih war. 
 If the intelligence be probable only ; how difficult will 
 it be to reconcile the world to believe, that we have been 
 confident in our conduct; when, after running the ha- 
 zard of mortally offending the French by the punctilious 
 obfervance of neutrality ; after deprecating the wrath 
 of the Englifh by every pofiible a<5l of government ; after 
 the requeft for the fufpenfion of the fettlement at Prefqu' 
 ifle, which has in fome meafure been founded on the pof- 
 fibility of Great Britain being roufed to arms by it ; we 
 purfue meafures, which threaten collifion with Great Bri- 
 tain, and which are mixed with the blood of our fellow- 
 citizens." To {hew, that the governor of Pennfylvania 
 thought the Britifh movements to be of fome weight, I refer 
 to this expreffion in his firft letter to you. " Nor in this 
 view of the fubjefl ought we to omit paying fome regard 
 to the ground for fufpecling, that the Britim government 
 has already, infidioufly and unjuftly attempted to leduce 
 the citizens on our weftern frontier from their duty ; and 
 
[ 83 ] 
 
 we know, that in a moment of defperation, or difguft, 
 men may be led to accept that, as an afyium, which un- 
 der different imprefTions, they would (hun as a fnare." 
 To {hew, that the federal commiflioners deemed the re- 
 port as to the Britifh worthy of inquiry; and that they were 
 actually inticing our citizens for one purpofe at lead, 
 I refer to a pafiage in Mr. Bradford's letter on the lyih 
 of Auguft, 1794. " I forgot to mention, that I have 
 not been able to difcover any inclination in the infurgents 
 
 to avail themfelves of Britim protection : but Mr. 
 
 informs me, that he has direct intelligence, that about the 
 laft of July, two men from Detroit appeared in Wafhing- 
 ton country, to get an affociation to go and fettle lands ai 
 the mouth of the Cayahoga ; and that at the time his in- 
 formant faw the paper, there were about four hundred names 
 fubfcribed. He believes, they are at prefent on the wa- 
 ters of Buffaloe Creek." To (hew your own fenfe of 
 Britifh interference in the infurrection, I refer to an ex- 
 tract from my letter to Mr. Jay, on the i8th of Auguft, 
 1794, approved by yourfelf. " We cannot add upon 
 proof, that Britifh influence has been tampering with the 
 people of Kentucky, and of the neighbourhood of Pittf- 
 burg, to feduce them from the United States, or to en- 
 courage them in a revolt againft the general government. 
 It has however been boafted of by them, and an expec- 
 tation of fuch fupport is fufpected to have been excited 
 in the breads of fome." I will not fay, that the govern- 
 ment did wrong, in difcarding all fcruples with refpect 
 to Britifh hoftility. But I was prompted to write to you 
 my letter * of the 5th of Auguft 1794, againft the imme- 
 diate operation of the militia, by this, among other con- 
 fiderations ; that I heard an influential member of your 
 adminiftration wifh, that the people, aflembled at Brad- 
 dock's field, had burnt Pittfburg, as they threatened ; and 
 I was appreheniive, that as foon as the firft ftep of mili- 
 tary force was taken, you might be pufhed to march the 
 militia, notwithllanding the commiflioners (hould report, 
 as in fact they flattered themfelves on the 21 ft of Auguft, 
 
 * ^ 
 
 See Appendix, 
 
: j, that oppofition to the laws would ceafe. Was not 
 this the meaning of a declaration in your prefence, at 
 the abovemetitioned conference, that it was not enough 
 to rellore thing? to the fiate, in winch they were iix \veeks 
 before? But 1 united in the advice of the 25th of Augur}, 
 1704, for marching the militia. If then to declare with- 
 out referve, that the militia mull be employed to iupport 
 the laws, provided they could not be executed by the of- 
 ficers cf the law; to be felicitous to avert a civil war; 
 and fave, if pollible, a million of dollars to the United 
 States ; to be cautious in the expenditure of money, for 
 which there had been no appropriation ; and to convince 
 the people, that every conciliatory plan had been exhauft- 
 ed, in warding elf the emergency ; if this be to balance, 
 then did I balance, not otherwise. 
 
 The day, en which I vilited Mr. Fauchet, was about 
 
 the 5th of Auguil, 1794, after the firil proclamation was 
 
 ordered. He was at his country-houfe on the Schuyl- 
 
 kiil; I was never ihere hut once ; and then I (laid only 
 
 I tor twenty minute? a ihort fpace tor an overture of con- 
 
 : fpiracy. As to my air, I am ready, without however 
 
 recollecting it, to admit every appearance cf trouble ; for 
 
 * I < ".-lied down by the thought, and calamitous ne- 
 
 * ceiiky, of ihedding the bleed of citizen bv citizen. 
 
 Ccniciou c , "s I was, that upon the fubjccl of money, 
 
 nothing had palled I erxveen Mr. Fauchet and myfelf, 
 
 : :e vulnerable; I was not difmayed by 
 
 ihe lui\:i-ciiCiii in his loUe- N!o, lo, from 'his diipatch No. 
 
 6. I confe.js, however, that 1 was a 1m oil intirely at a 
 
 . Mude ; until, on the infpediun 
 red frotn its ihort, abrupt, and inccm- 
 ibiue leading ideas. 
 
 Mr. Fauchet connects, what he calls ihe overture in 
 .; hi he narrative of the iniuneeticn; and con- 
 Li fohnicn cf it is to be looked for in that event. 
 private converfation, I neither can, 
 r have I an\ to cliavge my memory concern- 
 
 iniT it. \. try of flaie has gone to 
 
 th:-: v:r, it has grner::iiy been :\ 
 
 ; ..:,. Oronld be a!i nt - Our difcourte 
 
[ 85 ] 
 
 turned upon the infurredicn, and upon the expected 
 machinations of Mr Hammond and-others at New -York, 
 againil the French Republic, Governor Clinton, and 
 myfeif. I fpoke to you of this aHemD'a^e at New-V- rk, 
 and of Mr. Fauchet s opinion, that they would concert 
 fornething to the annoyance of France. Frelh as the in- 
 telligence was upon my maid, that the Bntiih we t e fo- 
 menting the iniurredion. I ua> ihongiy inclined to be- 
 lieve, that Mr. Hammond's congrels, as Mr Fauchet 
 denominated it, would not forego the opportunity of fur- 
 nilhing, to the utmoti of their abihcies, employment to 
 the United States, and of detaching their attention and 
 povver from the European war. Of Mr. Hammond's in- 
 dividual errbrts I could not entertain a douot ; be ha. ing 
 declared, if I am not milintbrmed, that Mr. Jay's million 
 would be abortive; and his whole demeanor feeming to 
 be regulated by the expectation, that no adjuftrnent with 
 Great Britain was at hand. I own therefore, chat I was 
 extremely defirous of learning, what was palling at New- 
 York. Mr. Fauchet had given me a title to call upon 
 him for proof of his complaints, that in the boforp of 
 our country, in one of our molt capital cities, combina- 
 tions againft the French caufe were tolerated. Complaints 
 of this kind had been a reiterated theme with him, and 
 I could not neglect this, without fubjecling myfeif to cen- 
 fure. I accordingly demanded his proo/s ; calculating, 
 that if evidence was unattainable, I mould filence future 
 crimination of the United States; and if it was attainable, 
 it might bring with it other intelligence, highly beneficial 
 to the United States, in detecting and enabling them to 
 counteract, the machinations in favour of the infurrec- 
 tion. I certainly thought, that thofe men, who were on 
 an intimate footing with Mr. Fauchet, and had fome ac- 
 cefs to the Britiih connections, were the bell fitted for 
 obtaining this intelligence. I remembered, that he had 
 applied to me tor the names of men, qualified as contrac- 
 tors of flour in the different ftates ; and this application 
 can be proved by a paper in mv poflelTion, by .wo gen- 
 tlemen in Philadelphia, and, I believe, by yourfelf, to 
 
 M 
 
[ 86 ] 
 
 whom I mentioned it. Whether I fuggeiled them to be 
 the proper correfpondents on the occaiion, or not, I 
 Ihali not undertake to determine. But if I did, I had 
 not the moil; diilant idea of any names, or any number of 
 perfons; and if number was at all hinted at, it muft 
 have been in that indefinite way, which Mr. Fauchet 
 ftafes in his certificate. What were to be the functions 
 of thefe men ? The difpatch No. 6, informs us, " to fave 
 I the country" from a civil war; not to kindle one, as has 
 > been malicioufly afierted. To every man, whofe motives 
 were pure ; who panted for no pretexts to raife a mili- 
 tary force ; this object was dear indeed : The backward- 
 nefs of fome portions of the militia in marching, and the 
 refignation of feveral officers were notorious ; and when 
 I broke to Mr. Bradford and other gentlemen, my fear 
 of our being embroiled with the Britifh, I aver their an- 
 fwer to have been, that, if the Britifh could once be 
 found to have meddled with the infurredlion, the friends 
 of the infurgents would abandon them, and the militia 
 would ftep forth with alacrity. Of this I was abfolutely 
 perfuaded myfelf. It was eafy to be forefeen, that every 
 rigor, which could be exercifed upon men, who flibuld 
 be known to be engaged in a work of this nature, would 
 be exercifed upon them by the Britifh Faclion ; and that 
 if from debt or any other caufe they fhould happen to be 
 in their power, mercy would be vainly expeded. How 
 I expreffed myfelf in relation to this, if at all, I cannot 
 now remember ; for it was fo much an affair "of accidental 
 occurrence to my mind, that until I faw No. 6, I could 
 not, in the fmalleft degree, fatisfy myfelf, how money 
 came to be involved. Mr. Fauchet's letter indeed made 
 me fuppofe, that No. 6 poffibly alluded to fome actual 
 or proffered loan or expenditure, for the nourimment of 
 the infurrection : and therefore I thought it necefiary to 
 deny, in my letter to you of the igth of Auguft, 1795, 
 that one (hilling was contemplated by me to be applied 
 by Mr. Fauchet relative to the infurredion. I could 
 only fay, as I now repeat, that whatfoever might have paf- 
 fed, in which money was embraced, could only refpecl 
 
[ 8 7 J 
 
 the circumftances abovementioned. I appeal to God, 
 as my vvitnefs, that the day after the converiation with 
 Mr. .Fauchet, I informed you of his having complained 
 of machinations at New-York again ft his government : 
 that he intimated others of a fimilar kind againft the Uni- 
 ted States : that you afked me, why he did not bring proof 
 of them ? and that I replied, that I had infilled upon it 
 being his duty to produce them by every exertion in his 
 power. How much more I may have laid to you, I do 
 not recoiled ; but I withheld nothing from you, on an 
 idea of impropriety in myielf. To minute down the 
 various converfations between you and myfelf, was im- 
 practicable : to recoiled them all, and in their juft ex- 
 tent, cannot be undertaken by either of us ; nay more, 
 had I been fo careful, as to preferve a memorial of this 
 particular converfation, which, in the fuppofed money- 
 part of it at leaft, made fo Imall an impreffion upon me, 
 I fhould be puzzled to aifcgn a reafcn to myfelf for do- 
 ing fo. 
 
 What, if I had exhorted Mr. Fauchet thus: " Sir! 
 you have been uttering your difcontents to me concern- 
 ing a confpiracy, carried on by the Bvitifh in the United 
 States againft your government, and have infmuated, 
 that it is extended even to our own. To prove that you 
 are fincere, and are not indulging idle clamours ; obtain 
 the neceffary intelligence. You can do it, although you 
 fhould be obliged to protect your correfpondents from 
 Britifh perfecution, by the advances to be made to them, 
 on the fcore of your flour-contracts." Without examin- 
 ing the corrednefs or unfhnefs of this procedure ; let me 
 afk, if I was not warranted in the belief, that it would 
 have been acceptable to you, to make the refearches, which 
 Mr. Fauchet was bound to inftitute in juftice to his own 
 country, the vehicle of information, ufeful to our own, 
 touching the Britifh movements ? Yes, Sir ; look at a cer- 
 tain letter, which you approved, on the 28th of July, 
 1794, in which the money of the United States was pledg- 
 ed, and every nerve vfras drained for this objed ; look 
 at another letter, which, though written on the 28th of 
 
f 88 ] 
 
 Auguft, 17Q4, was difcuffed as early as the latter end o 
 Ju;y; and d reded a public officer to explore the temper 
 of the counties, weft ot the Sufquehanna, as to the in- 
 . furred ion : remember another very confidential letter, 
 which I was inftruded by you to write, urging a particular 
 perfon to explore the fituation of the infvsrgents in all 
 
 Eoints. What my own zeal was on this diftrefiing cnfis, 
 >t my private letter to Mr. Bradford at Pittfburg, on the 
 1 6th of Auguft, 1794, fpeak. " The attention of this 
 city * is occupied by the commotion in the weft; and 
 there feems to be but one horror at the attack on govern- 
 ment. However, I pray you to clofe the bufmds with- 
 jout bloodftied ; and let the fouls of our fellow-citizens be 
 { warmed againft fome common enemy, rather than one 
 I another. Whatever eloquence, whatever influence our 
 commiflioners pofTefs, let them pour it all moft profufely 
 forth, rather than fuffer the fword to be drawn. I never 
 reflecl on the fituation of the man, whom I venerate and 
 love, that 1 do not curfe thofe, who are endeavouring 
 by their outrages on government, to drive him to an ad, 
 which he would avoid by any facrifice of perfonal confi- 
 de rations. If the Rubicon is not pafied by the infurgents, 
 I truft, that you can ftop them on this fide ; if it is, I la- 
 ment the dire neceflity of appealing to arms." 
 
 That the narrative of the converfation is mutilated, 
 appears from the very face of the paper, which Mr. Adet 
 arfirms to contain the whole of what relates to the over- 
 ture, as it is called. Naked as the reprefentation is, it 
 is incpmprehenfible in itfelf. What four men upon 
 earth could have been contemplated? Why was Britijh 
 perfecution to be apprehended ? Why fhould fo peculiar 
 an intereft be attributed to Mr. Fauchet, in faving the 
 country from a civil war ? No other explanation, than 
 that which has been given, will fuit the imperfed hints. 
 Having already delivered my opinion to the Prefident 
 for the purpofe of faving a civil war, no agency from me 
 could accomplifti any new effed. 
 
 * Philadelphia* 
 
t 89 j 
 
 I will here inquire from Mr. Harnmcnd, and the Bri- 
 tifh faction, v^ch through him have been pat in motif n; 
 from thole, who for the fake of party, intereft, or pericn- 
 ahtv, have propagated fa I ft hoods in every town ; or who 
 perievere in th? hatred of a connection between the U- 
 mted Sta:jfc and France; what is hp.r-me of their hafa 
 aiTeriicns, that tens and rmr.dieds of thruhm 4 C'-l'a^ 
 been received from the French miniilerV 1 demand of 
 thofe, who have tranfmitted to every quarter 01" the u- 
 nion, in which they could find adherents, {lories cf large 
 fums of French fecret-fervice mcney being d-Lnbuted in 
 the United States, to exhibit their picof. let them or 
 the government go to the Bank of the United States, horn 
 whence the French miniiler received till he mcney v\hich 
 was paid to h-:m by our trealury, or let them icrutinize 
 eliewhere. 1 et every fum of importance be traced : let 
 a reward be ctfered for every fpecies of evidence : I chal- 
 lenge the whole world to fupport, by thefe or any other 
 expedients, the charge of money or of an overture for 
 money. 
 
 If candor ever dwelt in the bread of thofe, who have 
 feized Mr. Fauchet's letter, as an iniirument of party, 
 or from their familiarity with corruption it has not de- 
 ferted them, I mull intreat them for a moment to 
 the dictates of common fenfe. Nothing (hort of the molt 
 complete folly could have induced me to hint to Mr. Fau- 
 chet an overture of money for myfelf l. It cannot be 
 doubted, that if Mr. Fauchet had even ronjefttired* that 
 I had preferred myleif for money, he would have been 
 pointed. He would either have direc: :d it, or 
 
 would have inlinudted, that the meafure, of 
 talked, was a cover to fome proportion for my own be- 
 nefit. He would have animadverted upon 
 oufnefs of my proceeding; and would piv'x 
 tempted to indicate, how my observations cc 1 
 been brought round, fo as to be ai plr 
 An omiflion like this, \\as tco flriking to ? 
 pen was rapidly flowing in the hiftory of his .... :o of- 
 
[ 9 ] 
 
 fical fecrets. 2. There were official fecrets, which might 
 have been diftantly, but plainly approached, and the va- 
 lue of which would have been more attractive to him, 
 than the " .favwg f the United States from a civil war" 
 What would not have been his joy to infpecl Mr. Jay's 
 inftruclions and letters ? And yet you muft be convin- 
 ced, that he never law or heard a fyllable of them, with- 
 out your permiflion. 3. A plan of corruption, which 
 fhould engage the attention of a foreign minifter, muft 
 pledge the perfon corrupted to execute the will of the fo- 
 reign government. Read Mr. Fauchet's letters in the 
 department of ftate ; read the anguifh of his remonftran- 
 ces ; and then determine, if the mod fuccefsful addrefs to 
 him for a mercenary purpole would not have been, to 
 promife to labour for the removal of their caufe. 4. I 
 had often heard him vehement againft the Britifh prac- 
 tice of feduclion, and extolling the purity of his own go- 
 vernment. If this were not enough to deter a propoii- 
 tion for money ; it would have been clothed in terms, 
 which might decifively fix his notice. 5. You and I 
 knew, Sir, officially his poverty ; from his urgency to an- 
 ticipate the deb% due to France, for the purchafe of pro- 
 vilions. 6. You and I knew officially from the American 
 minifter, that two other perfons were in commiflion with 
 Mr. Fauchet. It was fufpecled, from a quarter in which 
 I confided, that thefe perions were in a political intimacy 
 with members of our government, not friendly to me. 
 I knew officially, that money-claims and money advances 
 were to be fanclioned by them as well as Mr. Fauchet. Is 
 it poilible, that ordinary prudence would not have forbid- 
 den this hazard, this certainty of detection? 7. It was 
 predicted on Mr. Fauchet's arrival, that on a revolution 
 of the party, which fent him hither, he would be recal- 
 led. Was this the foreign minifter, who was to be the de- 
 pofitory of very high confidence? 8. You recollect, that 
 Mr. Fauchet, upon learning that you meant to refide at 
 Germantown during the fummer of 1794, rented a houfe, 
 as he told you, to have the pleafure of being near you : 
 that without lodging a fingle night there, he fuddenly re- 
 
[ 91 ] 
 
 verfed his determination ; paid his landlord a competi- 
 tion, and fequeftered himfelf in the country on the 
 Scbuylkill. No fooner was I acquainted with it than I 
 obferved to you, that Mr. Fauchet muft have been abrupt- 
 ly alienated from the government. This therefore was 
 not the feafon for confidential overtures ; and the ftrain 
 of my public letters to him, which awakened his fenii- 
 bility, manifefted, that I felt myfelf beyond danger from 
 his difclofures. 9. Would he have thought of anfwering 
 me, by referring to " the pure and unalterable principles 
 of his Republic ;" would he have always admitted my 
 integrity in his letters ; or would he have certified the 
 converfation, as he has done, if I had condefcended to 
 accept a bribe ? lo. Do you believe, Sir, that if money 
 was purfued by a fecretary of ftate, he would have been 
 rebuffed by an anfwer, which implied no refufal ; and ... 
 would not have renewed the propolition ; which however * 
 Mr. Fauchet confefTes, that he never heard of again. 
 
 But why, (it may be afked,) if his impreflions were 
 not very forcible, has he made fuch forcible inferences ? 
 When he wrote his letter on the 31 ft of October 1 794, 
 his irritation againfl the government had increafed ; and 
 his political fpeculations went to vilify the fyftein of fi- 
 nance, and to bend every event to his opinions. How 
 elfe can we account for a civil war, which was then ex- 
 ifting, being decided or not, according to the flatement 
 in No. 6 r Where is the tariff, as if a fum was marked 
 out ? His impreflions may have been what they will : I 
 deny them, if they be coupled with any thing diihonor- 
 able. He admits, that he was miftaken. No. 6 itfelf 
 demonftrates, that he did not comprehend the traniac- 
 tion ; and his folution of his 'error from the ufe of the 
 French and Englifh language ai different times, will be 
 frankly allowed by thofe, who have been circumftanced, 
 as Mr. Fauchet was. 
 
 If a foreign minifter, known to be difgufled with the 
 government, and a particular officer ; anxious to approve 
 kimfelf as vigilant, penetrating, and influential ; im- 
 
[ 92 ] 
 
 perfectly uncle rftanding what is faid to him ; 
 things to be facts, many of which are, within the know- 
 ledge of yourfelf and others, unfounded ; collecting from 
 the newfpapers ftates of politics ; feciudmg hmiielf from 
 the world, where his information might be chalhzed; 
 drawing erroneous confequences from his own data : 
 if he is to be immediately and continually quoted in op- 
 poiition to his own certificate, and the tenor of his own 
 difpatches, to the difadvantage of that officer ; then 
 may any foreign minifter deilroy, whom he pleafes : 
 then may Mr. Hammond, and thofe who referable him, 
 detlroy any officer, not devoted to Great Britain, \Vhat 
 mere can be expecled from me ? 
 
 The feventeenth paragraph. 
 
 " 17. As foon as it was decided that the French Republic purchafed 
 no men to do their duty, there were to be feen individuals, about whofa 
 conduft the government could at leaft form uneafy conjeclures, giving 
 themfelves up with a fcandalous oftentation to its views, and even fe- 
 conding its declarations. The Popular Societies foon emitted refolutions 
 ftamped with the fame fpirit, and who although they may have been ad. 
 vifed by love of order, might neverthelefs have omitted or uttered them 
 with lefs folemnity. Then were feen coming from the very men whom 
 we had been accuitomed to regard as having little friendship for the fyf- 
 !em of the trt-afurer, harrangues without end, in order to give a new 
 direction to the public mind. The militia, however, manifeft fome re- 
 pugnar.ee, particularly in Pennfvlvania, for the fervice to which they 
 were called. Several officers refign ; at laft by excurfions or harrangues, 
 incomplete reqnifitions are obtained, and icattered volunteer corps from 
 (UiffR'nt parts make up the deficiency, how much more intereiling, 
 than the changeable men whom 1 have painted above, were thofe plain 
 citizens who anfwered the felicitations which were made to them to 
 join the volunteers u Jf we are required we will march; becauie we 
 do not wifn not to have a government, but to arm ourfelves as volunteers 
 would be in appearance fubfcribing implicitly. to the cxcife fyftem whit-la 
 we reprobate." 
 
f 93 ] 
 
 Although in the firft line of this paragraph, M. Fauchet 
 continues the i'pirit of the deductions, which he had 
 made the minute before ; yet does it manifeft, that, 
 when he wrote his letter, he did not conceive me to be 
 perfonally concerned in the overture, as he terms it. 
 For what were men to be procured ? To do their duty. 
 What was their duty? To fave their country from a ci- 
 vil war. If it be objecled, that his decifton, which ap- 
 pears from No. 6. never to have been communicated to 
 me, was notwithstanding gueiled at and intimated to any 
 individuals whatfoever ; I ailert, that nothing can be 
 more remote from truth. 
 
 The eighteenth paragraph. 
 
 1 8. What I have faid above, authorifes then our refting on the opini- 
 on become inconteftible, that in the crifis which has burft, and in the 
 means employed for reftoring order, the true queftion was the deft ruc- 
 tion or the triumph of the treafurer's plans. This being once eftabliih- 
 ed, let us pals over the fads related in the common difpatches, and fee 
 hoxv the government or the treafurer will take from the very ftroke which 
 threatened his fyftem rhe fate opportunity of humbling the adverfe party, 
 and of filencing their enemies whether open or concealed. The army 
 marched; the Prefident made known that he was going fo command it; 
 he fat out for Carlifle ; Hamilton, as I have underftood, requefted to fol- 
 low him ; the Prefident dared not to ref ufe him. It does not require 
 much penetration to divine the object of this journey: In the Prefident 
 it was wife, it might alfo be his duty. But in Mr. Hamilton it was a 
 confequence of the profound policy which directs all his fteps ; a mea- 
 fure dictated by a perfeft knowledge of the human heart. Was it not inter- 
 efting for him, for his party, tottering under the weight of events without 
 and accufations within, to proclaim an intimacy more perfeft than ever 
 with the Prefident, whofe very name is a fufficient fiiield againft the moft 
 formidable attacks ? Now what more evident mark could the Prefident 
 give of his intimacy than by fuffering Mr. Hamilton, whofe name even 
 is underftood in the weft as that of a public enemy, to go and place him- 
 felf at the head of the army which went, if I may ufe the exprelfion, to 
 caufe his fyftem to triumph againft the oppofition of the pesple ? The 
 prefence of Mr. Hamilton with the army muft attach it more than ever 
 t* his party ; we fr" what ideas thefe circumftances give birth to on both 
 fides, all however to the advantage of the fecretary. 
 
 This paragraph fcarcely requires a comment from me* 
 It is obfervable, however, that, as Mr. Fauchet returns to 
 fubjecls, upon which he communicated with his collea- 
 gues, they were, according to his obfervation at the be- 
 ginning of his letter, intirely diftincl from any fecrets of j 
 our government. When he fpeaks of his paving learned, 
 
 N 
 
t 94 J 
 
 that Mr. Hamilton requeftedto follow the Prefident, lam 
 30t quoted; though I fhali freely declare, how I may 
 have contributed to the report, which he might have poi- 
 iibly heard from his colleagues through the connections, 
 which they had formed, both in and out of the govern- 
 ment. You will remember, Sir, that I reprefented to 
 you, how much Col. Hamilton's accompanying you was 
 talked of out of doors, and how much ftrefs was laid 
 upon the feeming neceflity of the commander in chief 
 having him always at his elbow. You acquainted me 
 with his requeft to attend you, and I underflood, that I 
 was at liberty to fay fo, wherefoever I mould find an oc- 
 cafion. I think it probable therefore, that I mentioned 
 the fad, to (hew to the world, that Col. Hamilton had not 
 been folicited by you to follow him, and thus to counter- 
 act the idea of your abfolute dependance on his counfels. 
 But I neither recollect nor believe, that any thing paffed 
 from myfelf to Mr. Fauchet. That the Prefident dared 
 not to refufe Mr. Hamilton is plainly Mr. Fauchet's own 
 remark. 
 
 The nineteenth paragraph. 
 
 19. Three weeks had they encamped in the weft without a fmgle arm- 
 ed man appearing. However the Prefident, or thofe who wiihed to make 
 the moft of this new manoeuvre, made it public that he was going to 
 command in perfon. The feffion of Congrefs being very near, it was 
 wifhed to try whether there could not be obtained from the pretfes, which 
 were fupppfed to have changed, a filence, whence to conclude the pofli- 
 bility of infiinging the conftitution in its moft eflential part; in that 
 which fixes the relation of the Prefident with the legiflature. But the 
 patriotic papers laid hold of this artful attempt : I am certain that the 
 office of the fecretary of ftate, which alone remained at Philadelphia, (for 
 while the minifter of finance was with the army, the minifter of war was 
 on a tour to the Province of Maine, 400 miles from Philadelphia), main- 
 tained the controverfy in favour of the opinion which it was defired to e-* 
 ftabliih. A comparifon between the Prefident and the Englifh monarch 
 was introduced, who far removed from Weftminftcr, yet ftridly fulfils 
 his duty of fanftioning; it was much infifted on that the conftitution de- 
 clares that the Prefident commands the armed force : this fimilitude was 
 treated with contempt ; the consequence of the power of commanding in 
 perfon, drawn from the right to command in chief (or direcl) the force 
 of the ftate, was ridiculed and reduced to an abfurdity, by fuppefing a 
 fleet at fea and an army on land. The refult of this controverfy was, 
 that forae days after it was announced that the Prefidear would come to 
 open the approaching feffion. 
 
f 95 ] 
 
 I difcover nothing in this paragraph demanding an an- 
 fvver from me ; except that with my privity or belief, not 
 a Jingle publication \vas made from the department cf 
 flate, refpeaing the Prefident's abfence from congrefs. 
 
 The twentieth, tioenty-frjl ^ twenty-fecond, twenty-third^ twenty- 
 fourth a:id twenty-fifth paragraphs. 
 
 20. During his flay at Bedford, the Prefident doubtlefs concerted the 
 plan of the campaign with Mr. Lee, to whom he left the command in 
 chief. The letter by which he delegates the command TO him, is tt:nt of 
 a virtuous man, at leaft as to the major part of the fentimems which it 
 contains; he afterwards fet out for Pniladelphia, where he has juft arriv- 
 ed, and Mr. Hamilton remains with the army. 
 
 21. This laft circumllance unveils all the plan of the Secretary ; he 
 prefides over the military operations in order to acquire in the fight of his 
 enemies a formidable and impoiing consideration. He and Mr. Lee the 
 commander in chief, agree perfectly in principles. The governors of 
 Jerfey and Maryland harmonize entirely with them ; the governor of 
 Pennfylvania, of whom it never would have been tufpeded, lived inti- 
 mately and publicly with Hamilton. Such a unicn of perfons would be 
 matter fufficient to produce refinance in the weilern counties, even ad- 
 mitting they had not thought of making any. 
 
 22. The foldiers themfelves are aftonifced at the fcandalous gaiety, 
 with which thofe who poffefs the fecret, proclaim their approaching tri- 
 umph. It is allcej, of what ufe are J ,oco n en in this country, in which 
 provifions are fcarce, and where are to be feized only fome turbulent men 
 at their plough. Thofe who con-iafted the expedition know this ; th 
 matter is to create a great expence ; when the fums {hall come to be af- 
 feffed, no one will be willing to pay, and (hould each pay his affeffment, 
 it will be do.ie in cuffing theinfurgent principles of the patriots. 
 
 23. It is impoffible to make a more able manoeuvre for the opening of 
 Congrefs. The paflions, the generous indignation, which had agitated 
 their minds in the laft feflion, were about being renewed with Mill more 
 vigor; there was nothing to announce of brilliant /ucceffes which they 
 had promifed. The holtilities of Great Britain on the continent fo long 
 difguifed, and now become evident, a commerce always harrafied, ridicu- 
 lous negociations lingering at London, waiting until new conjunctures 
 {hould authorize new infults: fuch was the picture they were likely to 
 have to offer the reprefentatives of the people. Birt this crifis, and the 
 great movements made to prevent its conlequences, change the flate of 
 things. With what advantage do they denounce an attrocious attack 
 upon the conftitution, and appreciate the activity ufed to reprefs it; the 
 ariftocratical party will foon have underftood the fecret ; all the misfor- 
 tunes will be attributed to patriots ; the party of the latter is about being 
 deferred by all the weak men, and this complete feflion will have been 
 gained. 
 
 24. Who knows what will be the limits of this triumph ? Perhaps 
 advantage will be taken by it to obtain fome laws for (lengthening the 
 government, and ftill more precipitating the propenfity, already viiible, 
 that it has towards ariftocracy. 
 
 25. Such are, citizen, the data which I poffefs concerning thefe e- 
 vents, and the confequences I draw from them : 1 vviih 1 may be deceiv- 
 
t 96 ] 
 
 ed in my calculations, and the good difpofition of the people; their at- 
 tachment to principles leads me to expect it. I have perhaps herein 
 fallen into the repetition of reflections and fads contained in other dif 
 parches, but I wifhed toprefent together fome views which I have rea- 
 fon to afcrihe to the ruling party, and fome able manoeuvres invented to 
 fupport themfelves. Without participating in the paflions of the parties, 
 I obferve them ; and I owe to my country an exalt and ftrift account of 
 the iituation of things. I (hall make it my duty to keep you regularly 
 informed of every change that may take place; above all 1 (hall apply 
 myielt to penetrate the difpofition of" the legiflature ; that will not a little 
 affift in forming the final idea which we ought to have of thcfe move- 
 ments, and what we Ihould really fear or hope from them. 
 
 Upon thefe paragraphs I fhall obferve, only that it was 
 impoHible for me on the faith of Mr. Jay's let eis to pro- 
 nounce, that the negotiations in London were derifory or 
 ridiculous 
 
 Thus, Sir, have I analyzed Mr. Fauchet's letter No. lo, 
 and his difpatches No. 3 and 6. But it is my right, from 
 a juli fenfe of injury, to call the attention of the people 
 and yourieif to fome further obfervations. 
 
 In this letter, Sir, I appeal to the people of the United 
 States. Thev have not committed themfelves. They have 
 no prejudices, HO antipathies, no jealouiies to be awakened. 
 They will follow counfeliors, who will not, and cannot 
 deceive them : who will ad for themfelves, and are not 
 played orf by others behind the fcene. They will be able 
 to repel the crifis, which, I fear, may diflurb our har- 
 mony with France. But without a farther enumeration 
 of reifons for an appeal to the people, to whom elfe 
 ought I to appeal ? If the ftories, which have been pro- 
 pa^a;ed, be true; it is their honor, which has been 
 wounded. I-' falfe, they alone can make retribution to 
 me. On them alone can I rely to diftinguifti truth from 
 the management and exaggerations of a Brkifh minifter, 
 Britiih partifans, Britifh merchants, enemies of France, 
 friends of monarchy, and violators of our conftitution. 
 
 To yourself, Sir, I never can appeal. Your condud 
 on the 1 gth of Auguft 1795, your letter of the 2oth ,- 
 
t 97 ] 
 
 and the declarations of thofe, who felt a peiku-fion, i' 
 they were fighting under your banners, have long ago 
 proclaimed, that you had been in an intrant transformed 
 into my enemy : And this, if I miltake not, was the 
 courfe of your thoughts. After you had determined not 
 to ratify during the exiilence of the proviiion order, . you- 
 were iurrounded by the remonstrances of the people 
 from one end of the union to the other. You perceived, 
 that not to ratify immediately, would dilgutt one party, 
 and that to ratify, even after the abolition of that ord-er, 
 would difguft the other. You will remember a remarka- 
 ble phrafe of your own upon this occaiion. Before, how- 
 ever, you were fcarcely cool from tne heat of your jour- 
 ney from Virginia, the man, who had l.een r.nxioufly in- 
 quiring after your arrival, hailened to deiiver the letter 
 to you. Then ihe friendfhip of the people for France, 
 which had been before a terror, was changed into a phan- 
 tom, from the expectation of fatisfying them of an exift- 
 ing corruption in her favour. Then the oppofers of the 
 treaty might, 35 was fuppofed, be branded, as a " detef- 
 table faction" 11 a detellabie confpiracy" and plotters of 
 a revolution. The deitruction of me was a little fome- 
 thing; the groundwork of a more important afiault upon 
 others. In me you faw a man of no party ; whofe friend?, 
 though they knew me to be republican, were milled to be- 
 lieve,, that in your cabinet I was an adherent to anti-re- 
 publican meaiures, and were ignorant, that no opinion,, 
 which I there gave, ever fwerved from the rights cf the 
 people : who, having the name of being befriended 
 by you, and having always vindicated your charac 
 when unjuillyailailed, was the more expoled to a deadly 
 ftroke from the arm of an elevated and reputed patron. 
 You thought aifo, that from the agency, which I had had 
 in the treaty, the people might keep aloof from render- 
 ing me juftice. Be this as it may, they (hall be inform- 
 ed of the truth; and I repeat, that I will not court the 
 prejudices of any man upon earth. 
 
 I did indeed, before the proviiion-order was known, 
 confider you, as bound to ratify, if the fenate fhould 
 advife you ; becaufe your powders to Mr. Jay did not 
 feem to have been exceeded. I was much influenced al- 
 ib by thefe coniiderations. l. That if the people were 
 
r 98 ] 
 
 adverfe to the treaty, it was the confthutional right of the 
 houfe of reprefentatives to refufe, upon original grounds, 
 unfettered by the aiTent of the fcnate or yourfelf, to pafs 
 the laws, neceiiary for its execution : 2. That Mr. Jay 
 had aliened that no better terms could poflibly be obtained ; 
 and that obilinacy in rejecting the fettlement, which he 
 had made, might be lenous.: 3. That I did not then fup- 
 pofe, that we were to hazard a war with France, by con- 
 curring in the attempt to itar^e her. But as foon as the 
 provifion-order was promulged, I delivered to you my 
 opinion on the 12th of July 1795 ; in which I ftated my 
 objections to the treaty, including many of your own, 
 transmitted to Mr. Jay in my letters of the 12th of No- 
 vember, and 15th of December 1794; placing the rati- 
 fication on the fame footing, on which I had placed it in 
 my addrefs to Mr. Hammond. 
 
 Without a fubfeiviency to French politics, I might 
 have well doubted of the expediency of ratifying, when 
 it appears by a letter from Mr. Jay, of the 5th of No- 
 vember 1794 (fourteen days before he figned it) that he 
 himfelf vibrated on the propriety of figning it. The 
 maxim, which I have always enforced to you, has been, 
 that the United States ihouid {hake off all dependence of 
 French and Engiifh interference in our affairs : but that 
 we ought not to deny or baffle-the gratitude of the people 
 to France under the pretext of independence, in order to 
 give a decifive pieponderance to Great Britain. 
 
 Anxious as I arn to clofe this letter which has been de- 
 layed, not from any defign, or hefitation, but from cir- 
 cumftances, unavoidable in my iituation ; I have only to 
 deplore, that even with an anxiety on your part to recol- 
 lect every thing, I cannot hope for fupportin many things, 
 which I might mention, and which have been confined to 
 ourleives ; after having heard you daily complain, that you 
 could i.ot truft your memory. But having been driven 
 by feif defence to fpeak freely, I ft and upon the truth of 
 what I have fpokeri : LET THE PEOPLE JUDGE. 
 I have the honour, Sir, 
 
 to be with due refpeft, 
 
 your moil obedient fervant, 
 
 EDM. RANDOLPH. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 N. I. 
 
 MESSAGE of the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, 
 to CONGRESS. 
 
 " UNITED STATES, December 5, 1793. 
 GENTLEMEN OP THE SENATE, 
 
 and of the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES, 
 
 " AS the prefent iituation of the feveral nations of Europe, and especially cf thcfe 
 !JL with which the United States have important relations, cannot but render the 
 ftate of things bet ween them and us, matter of intereuing inquiry, to the legislature, 
 and may, indeed, give rile to deliberations, to which they alone are competent, I have 
 thought it my duty to communicate to them, certain correfpondences which have taken 
 place. 
 
 The reprefentative and executive bodies of France have manifefted, generally, a friend- 
 ly attachment to this country ; have given advantages to our commerce and navigation, 
 and have made overtures foi placing thefe advantages on permanent ground ; a decree, 
 however, cf the National AfTembly, fubieclin<r ?eflels laden with provifions, to be carried 
 into their ports, and makin? enemy-goods lawful prize, in the veffel of a friend, contrary 
 to our treaty, though revoked at one time, as to the United States, has been fince extended 
 to their veffels a lib, as has been recently ftated to us : Reprefentations on this fubje^t 
 will be immediately given in charg* to our minifter there, and the rel'ult fiiall be commu- 
 nicated tothelegillature. 
 
 It is, with extreme concern, I have to inform you, thai the proceedings of the peribn, 
 whom they have unfortunately appointed their minifter plenipotentiary here, have brea- 
 thed nothing of the friendly fpirit of the nation which fent him ; their tendency, on the 
 contrary, has been to involve us in war abroad, and dilcord and anarchy at home. So 
 far as his atts, or thole of his agents have threatened our immediate commitment in the 
 war, or flagrant infult to the authority of the laws, their effect has been counteiafted 
 by the ordinary cognizance of the laws, and by an exertion of the powersConnded to me. 
 \Vheretheirdangerwasnotimminent, they have been borne with, from femimems of 
 regard to his nation ; from a fenfe of their frieadihip towards us ; from a conviction, that 
 they would not fufferus to remain long expoied to the aclionof a peribn, who has i'o lit- 
 tle refpeftedour mutual difpofitions ; and, 1 will add, from a reliance on the firmnel's of 
 my fellow-citizens, in their principles of peace and order. In the mean time I have 
 refpecled and puifued the ftipulations of our treaties, according to what I judged their 
 true fenfe; and have withheld no ait of friendlhip, which their affairs have cal'ed for 
 from us, and which juftice to others left us free to perform I have gone further. Ra- 
 ther than employ force for the reflituiion of certain veffels, which I deemed the United 
 States bound to reftore, I thought it more advifable to fatisfy the parties, by avowing it to 
 be my opinion, that if reftitution were not made, it would be incumbent on the Un ltd 
 States to make compenfation. The papers now communicated will more partkuJa=. 
 prize you of thefe trai: factions. 
 
 The vexations and fpoliarion, underftcod to l-ave been committed on our veifels and 
 -commeice, by the cruifers and officers of fc,me of ihe belligerent powers, appe*. . 
 
[ loo .1 
 
 require at; ent'on. Theproofsof thefe, however, not having been brought forward, the 
 description of citizens iuppoled to have futTered, were notified, that on furniftnng them 
 to the fe.xtcuti-e, due mea-tures would be taken to obtain redrefs of the pail, and more 
 tSeclual p'O'^i.Giis a-ainft the future. .Should finch documents be furmfhed, proper 
 icprefentations will be made thereon, with ajuft reliance on a redrefs pioportioned to 
 the exigency of the cai'e. 
 
 The Britifh government having undertaken, by orders to the commanders of their 
 armed veilels, to leftrain, ge;, cully, our commutes, ia corn and other provifions, to 
 their own ports, and thole of their friends the inftruclions now communicated were im- 
 mediately forwarded to our minifter at that court. In the mean time, fome difcuffions on 
 the fubjeft tooK piace between him and them ; thefe are alfo laid before you; and 1 may 
 expect to learn theiefult of his fpecial inftruc'tions, in time to make it known to the le- 
 giilatUie, dining their prefent feHion. 
 
 Very early after the arrival of a Britifh minifter here, mutual explanations on the inex- 
 ecution of the treaty of ,-eace were entered into, with that minifter: thefe are now laid 
 before you, for your iniormafon. 
 
 On the fobje&s of mutual intereft between this country and Spain, negociatiom and 
 conferences aie now depending. The public goad requiring that the preient ftate of 
 thefe Hiould be in fie i-nown to the lepi.jatuie, in confidence cnly, they fhail be the i'ub- 
 jecr. of a leparat-and iubiequent ceinmunication. 
 
 G. WASHINGTON. 
 
 N. II. 
 
 Mfjjlige of the Prcftdent to the Senate y nominating Mr. jfay. 
 
 April i6th, 1794. 
 
 GINTLEMEN of the derate, The communications which I have made to you 
 during your prefent Sefficn, from the dup.uehes of our Minifter in London, contain a 
 ferious afpeift of our aflaiis with Great Bri:atn. But as Peace ought to be purlued with 
 unremitted zeal, before the lad lelbuice, which has io often been the fcourge of nations, 
 and cannot fail to check the advanced profperity of the United States, is contemplated, 1 
 have thought proper to nominate and Co heieby no.Timate JOHN JAV, as Envoy Extra- 
 ordinary of the United States, to his Britannic Majefty. My conrioence in our Minifter 
 Plotupoten'.iaiv in London, continues unciminilhed ; bu". a miiiion like this, while it 
 correfponos with the iblemnlty of the occaiion, will announce to the world a folic'tude 
 fora friendly &dji<Jlmcnt of titr com^la-nts, ana a relnclauce to hoftility. Going immedi- 
 ately from '.he United States, iucn an Ln^oy wi'ti carry with him a fll knowledge of the 
 r;r?<?r and fenfibility of our country ; and will thus be taught to vindicate our 
 i ..is, and lu cultivate pfxcs with iincerity. 
 
 N. III. 
 ..:md Randolph to the Preftdent. 
 
 PHILADKLPHI A 5th Auguft, 1794* 
 
 S I 
 
 THE }'A'" *:" f '-'ts \r. the reiehbourhood of Pi'tfburg appeared, on the firft ? nte!ligence 
 o^ them, to be e ' Put iubk^uent ret'e^tion, aud the C'.'iifc- 
 
 - an t ha- e-muhi;>ii<.d them in my mind tenfold. In- 
 :h would convuffe th"e ekleft governu 
 
 .iji::;ou on; be btu faintly conjevfu- 
 
[ ioi l-/.\:..::-V:<..: < -;.:.^ 
 
 At our firft consultation, in your prefence, the indienation, which we ill felt, at the 
 ontn^es committed, created a deiire, that the information recer eo fhou'd be laid before 
 an a'iociate jufhce, or the diftricl judge : to bee: .-a: 1 of Mav ?d, 1702. 
 
 This ftepwas ureen bv the neceTuy of underitandinr v-- ! ,t..out deia /, all the means veiled 
 in the Pretident, tor fupprefnng thepro^refcof the mifchief. A car.non, howe-er, was 
 prescribed to the Attorney General, who fubmit'ed the documents to the Judge, not to 
 exprefs the mod diftant Wifr of the President that the certhicate fhould be granted. 
 
 The certificate has been granted ; and although the testimony is not in my judgment, 
 yet in fu.l;cient le al form to become the ground work of iucb an ait ; and a ju-'ge ought 
 not a priori to decide that the MarOial is incompetent to' fupprei's the combinations by 
 the -poffe comhatus, yet the certiorate, If it be minute enough, is cbncluir e. that, " in 
 " the counties of Walhington and Allegnan . in ?eunlylvania, laws of the United States 
 " are oppofed, and the execut on thereof otOrucled by combinations too powerful to be 
 " fupi;rei ed by the ordinary ccurie of judicial proceedings, or by the powers ' e^ed in 
 " the Marfhal of that diftrict." But the certificate f^ecines no particular law which has 
 been o, oofed. Th>s defect I remarked to ludge Wiifon, from whom the ceitiricatecame, 
 and oblerved that the defign of the law being, that a judge fhould point out to the ex- 
 ec, ti e where the judic.ary ftooJ in need of militan aid, it v.-a- fruftratedif militarv force 
 fhoui' 1 be applied to ]<nvs, which the judge miht not contemulate. He did not yield to 
 m , ealaning; anr.! thereto: e I prefum^ that the objection will not be received againft 
 the aiiditv of the c<mif cate. 
 
 Upo the fupi^ofitiou of its being - aKd a power arifes to the Prefident to call forth the 
 militia of Pennfylvania, and eventually the rniiitia of other ftates, which fnav be con- 
 venient. But as the law does not compel the Pretident to array the militia in c.onfequence 
 of the certiucate, and renders it lawful only for him fo to uo ; the grand enquiry is, 
 vrhe'.her !: be expedient to oercile this power at this time. 
 
 Ou many occa ions have 1 contended ; that whenfoe- ei military coercion is to be refor- 
 ted to in fuppo. t jf lav,-, the ii.i.it'.a aie the true, proper, and only inilr^ments which ought 
 to be emplo>ed. But a calm tir.ey of the Ihuation of the United States has prefented 
 thel- c'an^ers, and th^ie object >ons, and banifnes every idea of calling them into imme- 
 diate action : 
 
 i. A radical and universal diffatisfadtion with the excife pervades the four tranfmontane 
 counties of Pennfylvania, having more than lixty three thoufana louis in the whble, and 
 more than fifteen ihotifand white maies above the age of fixteen. The counties on the 
 eaitern fide of the moun:ain, and fome other populous counties, are infected by hmilar 
 prejudices, inferior in degree, and dormant, but not exti guifhed. 
 
 a. Several counties in Virginia, having a ftrong militia, participate in thefe feel- 
 ings. 
 
 3. The infurgents theinfelves, numerous, are more clofely united by like dangers, 
 with friends and kindred, fcattered abroad in different places, who vriil enter into all 
 t!ie apprehenfions, and combine in all the precautions of i'afety, adopted by them. 
 
 4. As foon, too, as any event of eclat fhall occur, a round which perfons, difcontente4 
 on other principles, whether of a eriion to the government or diiguft with any meaiurcs 
 f the adminiirrarion, may rally, they will make a common caufe. 
 
 5. The Governor of Pennfylvania has declared his opinion tobe.^that the militia, which 
 can be drawn forth, will be unequal to the taik. 
 
 6. If the militia of other ftates are to be called forth, it is not a decided thing, that 
 many of them may not refute. And if they comply, is nothing to be apprehended from 
 a ilrong cement growing between all the militia of ?enuf I'.ama, when they perceive, 
 that, another mihtia is to be introduced into the boiom of the.r country < I he experiment 
 is at leart untried. 
 
 7. Ihe expence of a military expedition will be very great ; and with a devouring 
 Indian war, the commencement of a navy, the fum to be expended for obta.nmg a peace 
 with Algiers, the deftruCtion of our mercantile capital by 8ritifh depredations, the un- 
 certainty of war or peace with Great Britain, the impatience of the pejple uncier encreaf- 
 ed taxes, the pun^ual fuppoit of our credit ; it behoves thofe. wno manage our .ilcal 
 matters to be lure of their pecuniary refources, when ib great a field of new and unex- 
 pected expence is to-be opened. 
 
 8. Is there any appropriation of jnoney, which can be immediately devoted to this 
 ufe ? If not how can money be drawn ? It is laid that appropriations are to the T .\ ar de- 
 part ment generally ; but it may deierve enquiry, whether they were not made upon pat- 
 Ocular ftatemcnts of * kind of iervice, eflentially diftinct from the one propoiei. 
 
 o 
 
'[ 102 ] 
 
 g. If the intelligence of the overtures of the Britifh to the Weftern counties be true, 
 and the inhabitants mould be driven to accept their aid, the fuppliesof the weftern army, 
 the weftern aimy itfelf may be deflroyed ; the re-union of that country to the United 
 Stares will be impracticable ; and we muft be engaged in a Britifh war. If the intelli- 
 gence be probable onlv , how difficult will it be to reconcile the world to believe, 
 
 that we hare been confident in our conducl ; when, after running the hazard of mortally 
 offending the French by the pimclilious obfervance of neutrality; after deprecating the 
 wraih of the Englifh by every poflible ad of government ; after the requeft for the fui- 
 penfion of the fettlement at Prefque Hie, which has in fome meafure been founded on 
 the poffibility of Great Britain being roufed to arms by it ; we purfue mealures, which 
 threaten coilliion with Great Britain and which are mixed with the blood of our fellow- 
 citizens. 
 
 10. If mifcarriage fhould befal the United States in the beginning, what may not be 
 the confequence ? And if this fhould not happen, is it poflible to foreiee what may be the 
 effeft of ten, twenty, or thirty thoufand of our citizens being drawn into the field againft 
 as many more. "J here is another enemy in the heart of the Southern ftates, who would 
 not fleep with fuch an opportunity of advantage. 
 
 1 1. It is a fad well known that the parties in the United States are highly imflamed 
 againft each other ; and that there is but one character which keeps both in awe. As 
 loon as the fwordiliall be drawn* to reftiain them. 
 
 On this fubjeift the fouls of fome good men bleed : They have often afked t'lemfelves 
 why they are always fo jealous of military power, whenever it has been propoied to be 
 exerc.fed under the form of a fuccour to the civil authority ? How has it happened that 
 with a temper, not addided to fufpicion, nor unfriendly to thofe who propcfe military 
 f >;ce, they do not court the fhining reputation which is acquired by being always ready 
 for ftrong meafures. This is the leafon ; that they are confident that they know the ulti- 
 mate fenfe of the people ; that the will of the people muft fores its way in the govern- 
 ment ; that, notwithftanding the indignation which may be raifed againft the iniurgents ; 
 yet if mealures, unneceflarily harm, difproportionably harfh, <and without a previous trial 
 of every thing, which law or the fp;rit of conciliation can do, be executed, that indigna- 
 r'on will gh e way, and the people will be eftranged from the adminiihation, which made 
 the experiment. There is a fecond reafon ; one motive, attuned in argument, for calling 
 forth the militia, has been, that a government can never be fa:d to be eftablifhed, until 
 iome hgnal dilp'av has manifefted its power of military coercion. This maxim, if in- 
 i. wouid heap curfes upon the government. The ftrength of a government is the 
 a.fctLon of the people ; and while that is maintained, e* ery invader, e ery infurgent, 
 will as ce; ta:nly count upon the tear of its flrength, as if it had with one army of ritizens 
 mown down another 
 
 Let the p.-trties in the United States be ever kindled into adion, fentiments like thefe 
 wiu juoduce a name, which will not terminate in a common revolution. 
 
 Knowing, Sii, a.. [ do, the motives, which go' em you in ofr.ce, I was certain that you 
 would be'anxiouato mitigate as far as you thought it pradicab'e, the military couife 
 which hd* been recommended. You ha"e accordingly iufpenderl the foice of the preced- 
 ing obier-ations, by determining not to call forth the militia immediately to aclion, and 
 to lend comuUIioners, who may explain and adjuft if poflible the prefent difcon- 
 tents. 
 
 iii~ next tjueftion then is, whether the militia fliall be direftcd to hold themfelves in 
 rcaJineis ; or (]. all not be fummoned at all? 
 
 a has been luppofed by fome gentkmen, that when reconciliation is offered with one 
 terror fhould be borne in the other; and that a fall amnefty and oblivion fliall 
 not be ". anted, unlefs the excife laws be complied with in the fulleft manner. 
 
 YY.tha language fuch as this, the overturescf peace will be confidered delufive by the 
 ii'furgents and the moftof thewond. It will be faid and believed, that the delign of 
 1 ; iinr: r^.'j'imifTioners w a:- only to glofs ovei hoilility ; to endea-our to divide ; to found 
 th< ftrrnsth of the infurgents; to difco-.-er the moK. culpable peifons, to be marked out for 
 'unent; totempon ii^reis can be prevailed upon to order^fujther force, 
 
 or i-ie wi'flcrn army ivav b, a; l^iaro frrm the iava^es.^ro be turned uport-'the iniur- 
 anc, u j;nus will b<. : cannot Ic here enumerated. 
 
 : ; ha,uiediu 3reat Kvlrain, they were dif- 
 
 ed, abcountoa*.}.- ' mUlicm ; hi^a.ie it could not be expected, fhe 
 
 ,] f ' V) C .'ira -on'-ifd n il to a ccitaiii ]ioint tliew 4tfelf to be the fame, . 
 
 e en amoncr ihe A I u ns. 'i !u- inni.on will, J fear, fail; though it would 
 
 i ;o me th e moit giati I'm c^cuuei.ce in life to nnd iuy piediflion talliiied. If il c:os 
 
 * fbsre is a blank /// i 1 ^ phce In ih c<*J>y j>rrj\ rV#L 
 
3 
 
 fail, and in confequence of the disappointment the militia fhould be required toacl, then 
 will return that fatal train jot events, which I have ftated above, to be fufpended, for 
 the prefent. 
 
 What would be the inconvenience of delay? The vefult of the miffion would bs 
 known in four weeks, and the Preiident would be matter of his meailres, without an/ 
 previous commitment. Four weeks could n^r. render the infurgents mo;e formidable: 
 that fpace of time might render them lefsib, by affording room for rerleftion : and the 
 government will i ave a fufficient feafon rema:nmg to aftion. Until every peaceabi 
 attempt fhall bfe exhaufted, it is not clear to me, that as foon as the call is made, and t* 
 proclamation iilued, the m lir : ama>- not enter Into ibme combination, whicn will fat*V 
 the infurgents, thai they need fear nothing from them, and fpread thofe combina^ns 
 amon? the militia. 
 
 My opinion therefore is, that the com miflRoners will be furnifhed with enough" the 
 fcore of terror, when they announce, that the Prefident is in polleffion of the create 
 of the judge. It will confiim the humanity of the million ; and notwhhftand;^ fome 
 men might pay encomiums on deci'ion. vigor of nerves, 6cc. Sec if the militia v^re fum- 
 moned to be held in readinefs; the majority would conceive the merit of the iffion in- 
 complete if this were to be done. 
 
 It will not, however, be fuppofed, that I mean that thefe outrages are to a fs without 
 animadverfion. No, Sir That the authority of government is to be maintained is 
 not lefs my pofuion, than that of others. But I prefer the accompli flnne<t of this by 
 every experiment of moderation in the firft inftance. The fteps, therefore. which I would 
 recommend, are, 
 
 1. A ferious proclamation, ftating the mifchief, declaring the power poflefTed by the 
 executive, and announcing, that it is withheld from motives of hu.Tiaiity and a wiih for 
 conciliation. 
 
 2. Commiffioners, properly inftrucled to the fame objects. 
 
 3. If they fail in their miffion let the offenders be profecuted ac-otding to law. 
 
 4. If the judiciary authority is, after this, whhftood, let the rolitia be called out. 
 Thefe appear to me to be the only means lor producing unanirm)" in the people; and 
 
 without their unanimity government may be mortified and defeat-'d. 
 
 If the Prefident fhall determine tooperate with the militia, it vill be neceflary. to fub- 
 mit fume animaci -erfions upon the interpretation of the law. /oritought ciofoly to be 
 confidered, whether if the combinations fhould difperle, the execution of proceis is not 
 to be left to the Marfhal and h.s pr-jfe. But thefe will be defered, ur.til orders friaii b,c 
 clifcuffed for the militia to march. 
 
 I have the honor, Sir, to be 
 
 with ;he higlieft refpeft.and fmcereft attachment, 
 Yaar moft obedient fervant, 
 tDM: RANTOLPH. 
 
 The .- ; -t-s. 
 
\ 
 
 
 
TTN T >SITY OF 
 

 CASL 
 
 I 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CAUF^NIA LIBRARY