THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 National Contest, 
 
 PORTRAITS AND BIOGRAPHIES 
 
 or OUB 
 
 NATIONAL FAVORITES. 
 
 PRESIDENT CLEVELAND'S MESSAGE, 
 
 AND BEPLT BT 
 
 HON. JAMES G. ELAINE. 
 
 Election Statistics and National Platforms, 
 
 ALSO, 
 
 TAEIPF DISCUSSIONS, 
 
 BT 
 
 Eon. John G. Carlisle and Hon. Wm. McKinleg, Jr. 
 
 H. J. SMITH & CO. 
 
 Philadelphia, CHICAGO, Kansas City, 
 
 Oakland, Cal.
 
 COPYRIUHT, 18M.
 
 00 
 
 
 rvl ' 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAG*. 
 
 THE LIFE OF GROVER CLEVELAND, 5 
 
 THE LIFE OP ALLAN G. THURMAN, - ... n 
 
 THE LIFE OF GEN. BENJAMIN HARRISON, - 29 
 
 THE LIFE OF LEVI PARSONS MORTON, ... 41 
 
 PLATFORM OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, - - 51 
 
 PLATFORM OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTT, ... 60 
 
 PLATFORM OF THE PROHIBITION PARTY, 66 
 
 PRESIDENT CLEVELAND'S MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, 69 
 
 PRESIDENT CLEVELAND'S MESSAGE DISCUSSED CBY HON. JAMES 
 
 G. ELAINE, - - 87 
 
 VIEWS ON THE TARIFF BY HON. WM. McKiNLEY, JR., OF OHIO, 99 
 
 VIEWS ON THE TARIFF BY HON. JOHN G. CARLISLE OF KEN- 
 TUCKY, 113 
 
 QUALIFICATIONS REQUIRED FOR VOTING, - 125 
 
 DATES OF STATE ELECTIONS, - ... 135 
 
 POPULAR AND ELECTORAL VOTES FROM 1852 TO 1884 126 
 
 POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT, 1884, - 127 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE: FOB PRESIDENT, 1860 TO 1884, 128
 
 THE LIFE OF GROYER CLEVELAND. 
 
 Democratic Candidate for Prendent. 
 
 Richard Falley Cleve- 
 land, third son of Wil- 
 liam Cleveland, and 
 father of Grover Cleve- 
 land, was born in Nor- 
 wich, Conn., June 19, 
 1804, and after graduat- 
 ing with high honors 
 from Yale College in 
 1824, went to Baltimore, 
 where he fell in love 
 with Anne Neale, the 
 daughter of a pros- 
 perous publisher, of 
 Irish extraction. He 
 He soon after entered Princeton Theological Seminary, and 
 after a three years' course, he received a call to a church at 
 Windham, Conn., which he accepted, and then hastened to 
 Baltimore where he was married to Anne Neale in 1829. 
 His second trust was in Portsmouth, Ya., and in little over 
 a year, in the fall of 1834, he accepted a call to the Presby- 
 terian church at Caldwell, near Newark, N. J. 
 
 Richard and Anne Cleveland had nine children, as 
 follows: Anna (Mrs. Dr. Hastings), born in 1830; 
 William N., born in 1882 ; Mary (Mrs, W. E. Hoyt), 1833;
 
 6 Life of Orover Cleveland. 
 
 Richard Cecil, 1835; Stephen Grover, 1837; Margaret 
 (Mrs. N, B. Bacon), 1838 ; Lewis Frederick, 1841 ; Susan 
 (Mrs. L. Yeomans), 1843 ; Eose E. (unmarried), 1846. All 
 the children are living, except two who were burned at sea. 
 The father of Richard Falley Cleveland was William 
 Cleveland, whose father was the Rev. Dr. Aaron Cleveland, 
 great grandfather of Grover Cleveland, and a graduate of 
 Harvard College, afterwards ordained a clergyman of the 
 Episcopal church. The Cleveland ancestry date their set- 
 tlement in this country to 1636, when Moses Cleveland, of 
 Ipswich, county of Suffolk, England, settled in Woburn, 
 Massachusetts. The family is noted for its piety and relig- 
 ious zeal, having had distinguished representatives in the 
 clerical profession for many generations. 
 
 Grover Cleveland was born March 18, 1837, in New 
 Jersey, and named Stephen Grover in honor of Rev. Stephen 
 Grover whom his father had succeeded. The name of 
 Stephen was so seldom used that he never became accus- 
 tomed to it, and before Ije became of age he ceased 
 altogether to use it and signed his name simply Grover 
 Cleveland. 
 
 In 1840, when Grover was nearly four years old, his father 
 accepted a call from the Presbyterian Church of Fayette- 
 ville, New York. The trip from New Jersey to central 
 New York, in those days, was much more of an undertak- 
 ing than it is to-day; about ten days were occupied in 
 reaching Fayetteville, the home of the future president. 
 The tired parents, while passing through Albany, little 
 diought that their four years old son would one day be a 
 'uture Governor. 
 
 In the little town of Fayetteville young Grover had his 
 '^ps and downs as other children, and at the age of eight 
 years he began attending the district school, and two years
 
 Life of Grover Cleveland. 7 
 
 later entered the academy. It was while he was studying 
 here that Grover conceived the idea of spending his vacation 
 in visiting his uncle, Lewis F. Allen, of Black Bock, N. Y., 
 a village very near Buffalo. Lewis Allen was a stoc^r 
 breeder owning a large farm, and during Grover's eight 
 weeks stay he was of much assistance to his uncle, who in 
 turn was not slow in finding Grover's good qualities and 
 sterling worth, and was loath to have his nephew return. 
 
 Although this trip may seem of little importance to the 
 reader, it had much to do with Buffalo's claim of giving to 
 the country a president On his return he gave up his 
 studies and entered one of the village stores on a salary of 
 fifty dollars the first year and a promise of one hundred 
 dollars for the second year on condition of his giving satis- 
 faction. 
 
 Satisfaction was given, and at the end of the first year he 
 was engaged for the second. But before the close of that 
 year he was called to Clinton, N. Y., where his father had 
 returned with his family, and then Grover entered the 
 academy with the intention of. completing his preparations 
 for college, and after a college course, to study law. At the 
 end of two years he was ready for college, and everything 
 promised well The family, after residing two years in 
 Clinton, moved in September, 1853, to Holland Patent, 
 where the father had accepted a call from the Presbyterian 
 church. Preparations were being made by Grover to return 
 to Clinton that fall and enter Hamilton College, but in less 
 than a month's time after reaching Holland Patent, Grover's 
 father died. All plans were changed, each must do for 
 that widow and family. In his sixteenth year, G.rover 
 Cleveland began his battle with the world. Poor in cash, 
 'tis.true, but rich in health, a clear head and willing hands. 
 His first year was spent as a clerk in the New York Insti-
 
 8 Life of Grover Cleveland, 
 
 tution for the Blind, in New York city, where his brother 
 William was engaged in teaching. At the close of his first 
 year's work he returned to his mother's family at Holland 
 Patent. The small amount earned in New York had been 
 given to his mother for support of the family, and the 
 spring of 1855 found Grover casting about for employment 
 Utica, Syracuse, and the larger towns near Holland Patent 
 were visited, but of no avail. It was then that he decided 
 to go west, and Cleveland, Ohio, was selected as the objective 
 point He has said the town having the same name a3 
 his own deciding him on this place. He at once 
 started for Cleveland, stopping at Buffalo to visit his 
 uncle, Lewis F. Allen, whom he had visited on his first trip 
 from home. 
 
 The stock breeder was surprised at the sudden arrival of 
 his nephew, and learning from him of his intended western 
 trip, soon persuaded him to remain with him and assist 
 him in getting out a herd book and then go on west, if he 
 wished, but at the same time promised to use hig influence 
 in getting him a place in one of the law offices of Buffalo. 
 A promise by Uncle Allen of fifty dollars decided Grover, 
 and he at once began his work of writing up and sifting out 
 the blue blooded stock of those days. In due time the 
 book was ready for the market and at once had a good sale. 
 Uncle Allen paid Grover for his work sixty-five dollars 
 in place of fifty. Now came the duty of finding a law 
 office for Grover which was soon done. Rogers, Bo wen & 
 Uogers, one of the leading firms in Western New York, 
 were in need of an office man, and Grover secured the place. 
 He was stationed at a desk in another room and given a 
 large volume of Blackstone to read. He was left to him- 
 self the first day and he improved his time. The members
 
 Lift of Grover Cleveland. 9 
 
 of the firm and others soon learned of his vrorth and felt 
 that his success was certain. 
 
 After six months in the office Grover began to receive 
 his first pay in a law office, which was four dollars per 
 week just enough to pay his board, washing, and necessary 
 expenses. 
 
 Grover's advance was rapid, and by hard studying he 
 was admitted to the bar in 1859, and was soon made the 
 manager of his employers' business. His salary rapidly 
 increased and he was receiving $1,000 per year at the time 
 he left the employ of Rogers, Bowen & Rogers at the close 
 of 1862. 
 
 During the fall of 1862, C. C. Torrance, district attorney 
 of Erie County, was looking about for an assistant There 
 were many applications from young lawyers in the vicinity. 
 
 Mr. Torrance called upon Grover and insisted that he 
 should take the place, stating that he had been urged on this 
 point by many of his (Grover's) friends, and other applicants 
 agreed to yield if Cleveland would accept 
 
 After due consideration he accepted, and began the duties 
 of Assistant District Attorney of Erie County on January 
 1, 1863. 
 
 The ward in which Cleveland lived was Republican, and 
 wanting the strongest Democrat to run on their ticket that 
 fall for supervisor, he was selected. His standing and ster- 
 ling worth were shown when the counting was done. While 
 his party were two hundred behind, he lacked but twelve 
 votes of a majority. Before the three years were over, it 
 was generally conceded that Grover Cleveland would be the 
 next candidate for District Attorney. 
 
 Knowing the popularity of the man, the Republicans 
 were distressed to find his equal, and strangely decided upon 
 Lyman K. Bass, aa intimate friend of Cleveland's, Being
 
 10 Life of Grover Cleveland. 
 
 advised by Cleveland to accept, he did so and a strong can- 
 vass was made, which resulted in the election of Mr. Bass 
 by about five hundred majority, although Cleveland ran far 
 ahead of his ticket in every ward. 
 
 His past record at once brought him numerous proposi- 
 tions of partnership and one was formed with the Hon. I. V. 
 Vanderpoel, Ex-State Treasurer, under the firm name of 
 Vanderpoel & Cleveland, which existed until August, 1869, 
 when a partnership was formed with Ex-Senator A. P. 
 Laning and the Hon. Oscar Folsom. The firm name was 
 Laning, Cleveland & Folsom, and at once commanded a 
 large business. 
 
 The warm friendship which sprang up between Mr. Fol- 
 som and Cleveland continued during the former's life. On 
 the death of Mr. Folsom, caused by being thrown from a 
 carriage, the following remarks were made by Mr. Cleveland 
 at a meeting of the Bar ot Erie County, July 26, 1875, held 
 in honor of Mr. Folsom's memory, which show the noble 
 mind and warm friendship of Mr. Cleveland *. 
 
 It has been said, " Light sorrows speak great grief is dumb," and the 
 application of this would enforce my silence on this occasion. But I 
 cannot go so far; nor let the hours pass without adding a tribute of 
 respect and love to my departed friend. He was my friend in the most 
 sacred and complete sense of the term. I have walked with him, talked 
 with him, ate with him, and slept with him was he not my friend ? 
 
 In the course of a life not entirely devoid of startling incidents, I can 
 truly say I never was so shocked and overwhelmed as when I heard on 
 Friday night of the death of Oscar Folsom. I had an engagement with 
 him that evening, and was momentarily expecting him when I received 
 the intelligence of his injury ; and before I reached the scene of the 
 accident I was 'abruptly told of his death ; I shall not attempt to describe 
 my emotions. Death seemed so foreign to this man ; and the exuberance 
 of his life was so marked and prominent that the idea of his dying or 
 hia death seemed to me incongruous and out of place. * * * 
 
 The sadness of his taking off has no alleviation. I 'shall not dwell 
 upon the harrowing circumstances. On Friday afternoon Oscar FoLaom,
 
 Lift of Orover Cleveland. 11 
 
 in the mid -day of life, was cherishing bright anticipations for the future. 
 Among them be had planned a home in an adjoining town, where he 
 calculated upon much peace and quiet. He had already partially perfected 
 his arrangements, which were soon to be fully cousummated. 
 But God had intervened. The hands of loving friends bore him to a 
 home, but not the home he had himself provided. He found peace in 
 the home that God provides for the sons of men, and quiet ; ah, such 
 quiet ! in the grave. I know how fleeting and how soon forgotten arc 
 the lessons taught by such calamities. " The gay will laugh, the solei.ii; 
 brow of care plod on, and each one as before pursue his favorite phan- 
 tom." But it seems to me long, long years will intervene before pleasant 
 memories of his life will be unmingled with the sad admonitions fur- 
 nished by the death of Oscar Folsom. 
 
 Let us cherish him in loving remembrance, and heed well the lesson 
 of his death ; and let our tcnderest sympathy extend to a childless 
 father, a widowed wife, and fatherless child. 
 
 In 1870 Mr. Cleveland was elected Sheriff of Erie County. 
 This office, one of the most important of the county offices, 
 he filled with credit, and showed his fidelity to the trust 
 and the welfare of the public. 
 
 These three years are no doubt the foundation of his 
 present popularity. 
 
 Whi\e holding the office of sheriff, his two brothers, Cecil 
 and Frederick, were lost by the burning of a vessel, on which 
 they had taken passage for Bermuda. At the close of his 
 term as sheriff, in the year of 1874, Bass, Cleveland & 
 Bissell formed a law partnership, but during the year, cm 
 account of failing health, Mr. Bass retired from the firm, 
 and the name became Cleveland & Bissell. Mr. George J. 
 Sicard being admitted in 1881. In the fall of this year an 
 important election for mayor was to take place in Buffalo. 
 Reforms were needed in the municipal affairs of that city, 
 and the Democrats were looking about for a candidate that 
 would lead them to victory. Grover Cleveland was selected 
 for that honor.
 
 12 Life of Cfrover Cleveland. 
 
 He was elected by a majority of 3,500, the largest ever 
 given a candidate for that office, although the Republicans 
 carried Buffalo for their State ticket by a majority of over 
 1,600. In his inaugural message to the council of Buffalo, 
 January, 1882, he rang the key note of reform, and set 
 forth his honesty of purpose in strong and pointed 
 language. 
 
 It seems to me that a successful and faithful administration of the 
 gorernment of our city may be accomplished by constantly bearing in 
 mind that we are the trustees and agents of our fellow-citizens, holding 
 their funds In sacred trust, to be expended for their benefit; that we 
 should at all times be prepared to render an honest account of them, 
 touching the manner of their expenditure; and that the affairs of the 
 city should be conducted, as far as possible, upon the same principles as 
 a good business man manages his private concerns. 
 
 Grover Cleveland had been Mayor of Buffalo only six 
 months; yet in that brief period, by the courageous dis- 
 charge of his duty, and by close scrutiny into the expendi- 
 tures of government, nearly a million' dollars had been 
 saved and the burden of taxation diminished to a corre- 
 sponding amount. His popularity in the city grew rapidly 
 as he persevered in a course of action which had already 
 effected such great results. 
 
 Summing up the results of these six months, the Buffalo 
 Courier, the leading Democratic newspaper of Western New 
 York, when Mayor Cleveland's name was first suggested in 
 connection with the Democratic nomination for Governor, 
 
 If the wishes and expectations of a large number of staunch Demo- 
 crats in this part of the State are to be realized, Western New York, 
 and more particularly Erie county, will, at the coming State Convention, 
 present the same of a candidate for the governorship who, with the 
 highest qualifications for the first State office, combines elements of 
 strength and availability surpassed by no one of the distinguished men 
 In other localities whose names have been spoken of in this connection.
 
 Lift of Qrover Cleveland 18 
 
 The moYement in fmror of Qrover Cleveland, our present Mayor, among 
 the Democracy of Buffalo and Erie county has been wholly spontaneous. 
 No " boom " has been worked up in his behalf. * * * Mayor Cleve- 
 land himself is the hist man who would push himself forward as a 
 candidate. * * * As to Mr. Cleveland's fitness for the office of 
 Governor there is but one voice among intelligent and fair-minded men 
 in this region. He is universally recognized as one of the best mayors 
 Buffalo ever had. He has proved himself a true reformer, and our 
 neighbor, the Exprtu, correctly reflected public sentiment when it said 
 the other day : " Mayor Cleveland is in danger of being nominated for 
 a State office, his reform record being his strong recommendation. 
 Buffalo cannot spare him for anything less than Governor." 
 
 The Democratic State convention was held at Syracuse on 
 Sept 22, 1882. 
 
 Many distinguished Democrats were presented as candi- 
 dates for the Democratic nomination of Governor. They 
 were Mayor Cleveland, the Hon. Roswell P. Flower, the 
 Hon. Erastus Corning, the Hon. Allen Campbell and Gen. 
 Henry K Slocum, The third ballot decided, with great 
 enthusiasm, the nomination of Grover Cleveland. The 
 result of that election is well known. The opposition 
 within the Republican party to President Arthur's adminis- 
 tration, and to Folger, the Republican nominee, many 
 Republicans remaining away from the polls, all combined 
 to give the Democratic party of New York the largest 
 majority ever known, 192,000, and Grover Cleveland was 
 suddenly lifted into national prominenoe. 
 
 Clevelands' conduct and management, as Governor, of the 
 affairs of New York are well and most favorably known. 
 By his strong following of principle, never swerving from a 
 point of right, he put an end to many of the rings of the 
 State, and saved the public thousands of dollars. 
 
 Is it any wonder, then, that the Democratic party of New 
 York should, long before the National convention of 1884, 
 consider him favorably for Democratic nominee of the
 
 14 Life of Grover Cleveland. 
 
 National party. The letter of June, 1884, from S, J. 
 Tilden, stating a positive refusal to be a candidate of his 
 party, started at once the smouldering fire, and spon- 
 taneously spread the movement all over the country in 
 favor of Mr. Cleveland as a leader to victory in 1884. 
 The Democratic National convention was held in Chicago, 
 July 8. 
 
 Upon the call of States, Delaware presented Bayard; 
 Indiana, by the voice of Thomas A. Hendricks, presented 
 McDonald; California presented Thurman; Kentucky 
 named Carlisle, and New York presented Cleveland. 
 Tammany men seconded the nominations of Bayard and 
 Thurman ; Ohio named its Governor, George Hoadly. 
 The names of Thurman and Cleveland provoked much 
 greater enthusiasm than any of the others. 
 
 The result of the second ballot gave Cleveland 683 votes 
 of the total 820, and he received the- nomination. 
 
 There was no question in the minds of the delegates 
 that Hon. Thomas A, Hendricks should be given the nomi- 
 nation for Vice-President , and he was nominated unani- 
 mously. 
 
 The memorable campaign of 1884 is well known. The 
 Democratic ticket was elected by the vote in New York 
 state, which gave a plurality of 1,200 votes for Cleveland 
 and Hendricks, and on the 4th of March, 1885, Grover 
 Cleveland took the oath of office, and became President of 
 the United States. Within one year from this date it 
 began to be whispered about that a wedding would soon 
 take place in the White House, and the announcement made 
 in May, 1886, that President Cleveland was to be married 
 to Miss Frances Folsom, created immediate interest, and 
 from that time until the wedding the press of the country 
 discussed the event continuously. The President had
 
 l/ife of Orover Cleveland. 15 
 
 occupied public attention as a statesman and an official, but 
 his life, politically and officially, never touched the heart- 
 chord of the people as did his new domestic policy announced 
 by his friends. At once the Administration became uni- 
 versally popular ; there was not a citizen of the republic 
 opix)sed to the measure, and the unanimity with which it 
 was endorsed was a proof of the real interest felt in the 
 President by the people. 
 
 The wedding ceremony was performed on June 2d, 1886, 
 in the Blue Room of the White House, the guests being 
 only the relatives and immediate friends, and Cabinet 
 Officers, with the exception of Attorney-General Garland. 
 The ceremony was performed by the Rev. Dr. Sunderland, 
 assisted by the Rev. William N. Cleveland, brother of the 
 President. After the'supper, the bride and groom prepared 
 for their journey; farewells were said, and the President led 
 his bride away through the Red Room, to the south porch 
 where the carriage was in waiting. 
 
 The bridal trip was taken in President Garrett's private 
 car to Deer Park, Maryland, a summer resort on the crest 
 of the Alleghanies, two hundred miles from Washington. 
 There the honeymoon was passed in quiet and comparative 
 solitude. 
 
 Mrs. Cleveland is the yougest and, perhaps, the most 
 popular of the ladies of the White .House. 
 
 Her marriage there, her youthful charms, her personal 
 magnetism, and proven fitness for the place she fills, all 
 combined, give her this pre-eminence. Her career thus far 
 has been a social triumph, and it is safe to predict that she 
 will continue to meet the approval of the nation, whose 
 good-will she has won. 
 
 Of the administration of public affairs, it is needless to 
 dwell on the acts of the President, He has, during the
 
 16 Life of Orover Cleveland. 
 
 four years, met and mastered every question, as if from 
 youth trained to Statesmanship. Mindful of his oath in 
 office to defend the Constitution, he courageously declares 
 to Congress that taxation must be reduced. That the 
 millions of dollars poured into the Treasury are the hard 
 earned savings of the American people. This message, 
 which appears further on in this volume, is one of the ablest 
 ever given to Congress. 
 
 His unswerving uprightness, his high moral courage, his 
 tireless devotion ; these qualities, combined with the fidelity 
 and independence of his official actions during the last four 
 years, have made him the unanimous choice, of the National 
 Democratic convention, assembled at St, Louis, Missouri, 
 June 5, 188a
 
 THE LIFE OF ALLAN G. THURMAN. 
 
 [Democratic Candidate for 
 
 Eon. Allan G. Thur- 
 man, candidate for 
 Vice-president, was 
 born on November 18, 
 1813, in Lynchburg, 
 Virginia. 
 
 His father was the 
 Rev. P. Thurman, and 
 his mother the only 
 daughter of Colonel 
 Nathaniel Allen, of 
 North Carolina, nephew 
 of Joseph Howes, one 
 of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. 
 
 In 1819 the parents of Allan Thurman moved to Chilli- 
 cothe, Ohio, where Allan received his education and made 
 his home until 1853, when he moved to Columbus, Ohio, 
 where he has since resided. 
 
 He studied law under his uncle, the late William Allen, 
 who represented Ohio in the United States Senate for many 
 years, and afterwards was Governor of Ohio. He after- 
 wards studied law with Noah H. Swayne, who was, later on, 
 one of the Justices of the United States Supreme Court 
 
 17
 
 18 Life of AUan 0. Thwrman. 
 
 Much of the expense incurred while studying law was met by 
 his work in surveying land. His mother was a gifted and cul- 
 tured lady, who did much for the training of her son, guiding 
 his studies and readings until his admission to the bar, Allan 
 in turn helping his parents and sisters in their support, and 
 continued to do so for nine years after his admission to the 
 bar, remaining unmarried and at home during this time. 
 
 There are those who remember of his hard work and 
 ceaseless study, and his tenacity of purpose which he has 
 always shown ; he kept up his hard study until long after 
 the graduation of his class-mates, and, until his admission to 
 the bar in 1835, his time was occupied in teaching school 
 and studying, while his vacations were filled by his work 
 of surveying. 
 
 In 1835 Allan G. Thurman was admitted to the bar, and 
 it was not long before his standing at the bar was of the 
 best, and his clientage larga The position was gained by 
 hard work, strict attention to business, and an unswerving 
 principle of doing well and thoroughly everything that he 
 undertook. 
 
 The bar of no county of Ohio stood better than that of 
 Chillicothe, Ross County, Ohio, yet it was but a few years 
 before this young man stood at the very front of Ross 
 County bar ; he was not only connected with nearly every 
 difficult suit in Ross County, but was retained in many 
 important cases in the adjoining counties. Nor Were any 
 of his cases neglected ; the least important received that 
 thorough attention, pains and study that was given the most 
 important ones. Such aeal and energy was rewarded by 
 placing Thurman at the very head of the bar of Ohio, and 
 in the short period of sixteen years he was found on the 
 Supreme Bench of the State. In 1844 Mr. Thurman was 
 elected to Congress, holding the position for one term.
 
 Life of AUan G. Thurman. 19 
 
 Declining a renomi nation, he retained to bis practice of 
 law. He continued at the bar until 1851, when, a new 
 constitution for Ohio having been adopted, he was elected 
 to the Ohio Supreme bench, serving as Chief Justice from 
 December, 1854, to February, 1856, refusing a rcnomination 
 at the close of his term. Judge Thurman's opinions, con- 
 tained in the Ohio State Reports, are noted for their clear- 
 ness and accuracy. No man who ever sat on the Bench of 
 Ohio gained greater honor for learned and unbiased decisions. 
 Judge Thurman is a man who never sought public office 
 the office sought the man. In 1866 the Republican party of 
 Ohio had a majority of over 40,000 ; the Democratic party 
 had little hopes of overcoming this large majority, but decided 
 in 1867 that if any man in their party was equal to the 
 emergency, that man was Judge Thurman, and he was 
 unanimously nominated for the governorship. Such a call 
 he could not refuse. He entered the strife with earnestness, 
 a characteristic of the man; the struggle was one of the most 
 remarkable in Ohio politics. The issue in that campaign 
 was, whether the Constitution of Ohio should be amended 
 so as to permit of negro suffraga The Republicans being 
 for, the Democrats against such a measure. Although Mr. 
 Thurman was defeated, he succeeded, by his management of 
 the campaign and his own public speeches, in reducing the 
 Republican majority of over 40,000 in 1866 to about 3,000. 
 Although himself defeated, yet he won for his party not 
 only a majority of over fifty thousand votes against the 
 amendment, but he secured a majority for his party of the 
 assembly and, as a reward for his services, that body elected 
 Judge Thurman, United States Senator for the term of 1869 
 to 1875. 
 
 He entered the Senate March 4, 1869, and was at once a 
 power, and leader of his party. He was a leading member
 
 20 Life of Allan G. Tkurman. 
 
 of the Judiciary Committee, and also served on the Com- 
 mittee of Post-Offices, and Post Boada He was also Pres- 
 ident pro tern, of the Senate during Vice President Wheeler's 
 illness. In 1872 Ohio was carried by the Republicans with 
 a majority of nearly 40,000, though this was a decrease of 
 about 2,500 from previous votes. Judge Thurman looked 
 the situation over carefully in 1874, and decided that his 
 party had a fighting chance. 
 
 As before, he entered the strife with zeal and gave the 
 party the benefit of over one hundred speeches, and the 
 result was a victory, complete, for his party as well as him- 
 self, as he was returned to the Senate for another term, 1875 
 to 1881. 
 
 While in the Senate, Judge Thurman introduced many 
 useful messages, among them the noted " Thurman Act," 
 relating to the Pacific railroads, by which over one hundred 
 millions of dollars were saved to the people. This measure 
 was, of course, bitterly opposed by the railroads, and they 
 used every means possible to defeat it. 
 
 The bill was thought to be unconstitutional, but Mr. 
 Thurman strongly claimed its constitutionality, and his 
 claim was sustained by the Supreme Court of the United 
 States. It may be said here that Senator Edmunds, a great 
 friend of Thurman, assisted in the preparation of the 
 " Thurman Act" 
 
 The main feature of this "Act " provides that the railroads 
 having land grants, shall pay into the Treasury a certain 
 part of their earnings, for the liquidation of their debts to 
 the Government The railroad corporations had evidenced 
 an intention to evade payment of their obligations to the 
 Government 
 
 While Judpro Thurman was in the Senate the "Geneva 
 Award Bill" was one of the most important bills discussed.
 
 Life of Allan G. Thurman. 21 
 
 Judge Thurman, Judge Davis, Mr. Conkling, Mr. Edmunds 
 and Stanley Matthews, the leading lawyers in the Senate, 
 stood together on this bill ; one of the most noted on the 
 opposite side being Mr. Blaine. 
 
 The debates between Mr. Blaine and Judge Thurman 
 were the strongest made, and were sharp and hotly con- 
 tested, at times approaching bitterness. 
 
 Judge Thurman's retirement from the Senate in 1881 was 
 a great loss to his party, as well as to the whole body. Mr. 
 Blaine, in his "Twenty Years in Congress," speaks of his 
 retirement as follows : 
 
 " His rank in the Senate was established from the very 
 day he took his seat, and was never lowered during his 
 period of service. He was an admirably disciplined 
 debater, was fair in his methods of statement, logical in his 
 argument, honest in his conclusion ; he had no tricks in 
 discussion, no catch phrases to secure attention, but was 
 always direct and manly. * * * His retirement from 
 the Senate was a serious loss to his party a loss, indeed to 
 the body." 
 
 We shall not be able in this sketch to go over all the 
 work of this man in the senate, but, as may be supposed, 
 his power and influence were great, and he was recognized 
 and admitted to be the leading spirit on his side of the 
 senate, and no one of any party for a moment questioned his 
 acts or sincerity of purpose. 
 
 So prominent had this man become that long before the 
 time for the National Democratic convention of 1876, his 
 name was spoken of all over the country as the man who 
 should be nominated for President at that convention. 
 
 The cause of Judge Thurman's not being returned to the 
 senate for a third time was the same reason that he was not
 
 22 Life of Allan G. Thurman. 
 
 nominated for President in 1876, the opposition of party 
 faction in his State. 
 
 Again in 1880 there was another call for his nomination. 
 The Democratic State convention of Ohio adopted resolu- 
 tions in his favor, and, the convention held at Cincinnati, 
 Ohio, gave her entire vote to Thurman with a fair sup- 
 port from other States. Ohio being a strong Republican 
 State, and that the Eepublican party a few weeks before 
 had nominated James A. G-irfield, of Ohio, for their candi- 
 date, was probably the cause of Thurman not receiving the 
 majority of the votes, which were given to Gen. Winfield 
 S. Hancock. In 1881 President Garfield, a warm friend of 
 Judge Thurman, appointed him a representative of the 
 American Government to the international congress held at 
 Paris. He had always desired to make a trip to Europe, 
 and taking advantage of this opportunity, sailed from 
 New York, April 6, 1881; he visited Scotland, France, 
 Switzerland and England, returning in the following 
 October. 
 
 Soon after his return from Europe he argued two impor- 
 tant cases in the Supreme Court of the United States, one 
 of which involved the title to a vast amount of mining 
 property in Colorado, aggregating in value many millions of 
 dollars. Following closely upon this he was selected, with 
 Chief Justice Cooley, of Michigan, and Mr. Washburne, of 
 Illinois, ex-Minister to France, to serve upon an advisory 
 commission in the troubles as to differential rates between 
 the trunk railroads leading from the Atlantic sea-board to 
 the West He has been living in retirement ever since, his 
 only active service until recently being in the capacity of 
 attorney for the Government in its suits against the Bell 
 Telephone Company. His last appearance before the pub-
 
 Life of Allan O. Thurman. 28 
 
 Ho was as principal counsel of the United States in the 
 famous tally-sheet forgery cases of Franklin County. 
 
 Judge Thurman is one of the most thorough scholars in 
 public life in this country. Always a student, he became 
 early in life a great lawyer, and since then has devoted much 
 time to lighter study. He is a fine French scholar, and his 
 favorite books are the works of the earlier French drama- 
 tists, which he reads in the original He has an unusually 
 large and well selected library, and there are few books in 
 the range of polite literature that he is not familiar with. 
 He has a literal genius for mathematics, and frequently 
 occupies himself in working out the most abstruse and 
 intricate problems. He had no collegiate training, and has 
 no diploma save the certificate of a grammar school. 
 
 It has been the desire of Judge Thurman, in late years, 
 to be allowed to remain in private life, but from time to 
 time he has been brought forward as the most desirable 
 man for important positions. In 1884 he was sent as dele- 
 gate at large from Ohio to the Democratic convention in 
 Chicago, and no Democrat in that convention received more 
 attention, or was the object of more interest His parlors 
 at the Palmer House were thronged with callers, eager to 
 see and shake hands with the " Old Roman," who stood in 
 the center of the room, red bandana in hand, the cynosure of 
 all admiring eyes. Faction opposition of his State again 
 prevented his nomination. Oo his return to Columbus, 
 reaching there at midnight, he was escorted to his home by 
 a large assemblage of his fellow-citizens, who bad met him 
 at the depot 
 
 It was expected that he would be named for a cabinet 
 position, in recognition of his great service, but, although 
 he was not, he never murmured or complained. To those 
 who have watched his public career, it is no wonder that he
 
 24 Life of Allan Gf. Thurmm* 
 
 was chosen at St. Louis as candidate for Vice-President in 
 June, 1888. His request for private life was not be heeded ; 
 he is needed, and has been called forth. Indiana expected 
 this honor would go to their favorite son, Governor Gray, 
 but it was learned, just before the convention convened, 
 that Judge Thurman would accept the nomination, it being 
 desired by President Cleveland, and almost the unanimous 
 wish of the Democratic party. 
 
 On the third day of the convention, the resolutions all 
 having been disposed of, the convention proceeded to the 
 nomination of a candidate for Vice-President When Cali- 
 fornia was called in the list of States, Mr. Tarpey was intro- 
 duced, and proceeded to nominate Allan G. Thunnan, of 
 Ohio. Mr. Tarpey spoke as follows : 
 
 MB. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN: This is indeed a most pleasant 
 duty which, through the kindness of my friends, I have been chosen to 
 perform, and I am truly grateful to my associates who have to honored 
 me. I feel that it was kindness alone and not ability that prompted my 
 selection from the many eloquent gentlemen who are members of the 
 California delegation. But, sirs, what I lack in oratorical ability, I, in 
 some small measure, compensate for in my enthueiasm in the undertaking, 
 and feeling as I do that the most eloquent must fall short of doing full jus- 
 tice to the gentleman whom lamhere tonominate.Ihaveaccepted the trust 
 with the mental reservation that if nothing else, I am at least earnest in 
 what I say and filled with admiration for him of whom I speak. That 
 I am proud of the privilege of addressing you I acknowledge, but that 
 I am prouder still of the man whom I shall name I shall not deny, for I 
 feel, sirs, that this Republic holds no superior to Hon. Allaa G. 
 Thurman, of Ohio. The greeting accorded his name is a well-deserved 
 tribute. Its spontaniety has been nobly earned. Be assured such a 
 greeting will be accorded his name at its every mention throughout 
 this Republic, from sea to sea, and from the British line to the gulf. 
 
 Allan G. Thurman what an epitome of American civil history ia 
 'embodied in that name! His character and ability are known to every 
 man, woman and child in the land. His public services will be a more 
 enduring monument than temples of stone or brass. History "or history 
 Will inscribe his name among the list of America's illustrious eons
 
 Lift of Allan 0. Thurman. 25 
 
 Taking his seat in the United States Senate in 1899, the imprint of 
 nia genius is found deeply imbedded in the legislation of the country. 
 From his first appearance in the Senate until his retirement from that 
 body his voice was always raised in behalf of the people and in defense of 
 their rights. For forty yean he has been a prominent figure in public life, 
 and yet to-day no man can point to a single act or expression of his which 
 does not do him credit. Large at heart, large of brain and larger still 
 in experience, he is the man of all men whose record justifies his nom- 
 ination at your bands in the sense that he cannot be defeated before the 
 people. A man of benevolent heart manifesting itself not only in 
 private life, but it has been the leading feature of his official career. 
 When the Pacific coast was endeavoring to retard Chinese immigration, 
 when it had decided that National legislation was necessary to accom- 
 plish the desired result, when the merits of the subject were not under- 
 stood east of the Rocky Mountains, Allan G. Thurman, then a Senator 
 of the United States, was the first to raise his voice in defense of those 
 whose means of living were in danger, and whose homes were threat- 
 ened with destruction. When the great railroad corporations evidenced 
 an intention to evade payment of their obligations to the Government 
 this great man prepared that remarkable enactment known as the 
 Thurman bill, by which the offending corporations were obliged to pro- 
 vide a sinking fund for the redemption of their promises. During the 
 trying times of reconstruction, Mr. Thurman was the central figure in 
 the United States Senate in upholding the dignity and the integrity 
 of the constitution. The waves of party passion, lashed into fury by 
 dl-advised jealous partisans, broke harmless upon his leonine froat and 
 were settled back into calmness by the force of hia logic and the power 
 of his oratory. A ripe scholar, his disquisitions upon constitutional 
 laws are master-pieces of reasoning and eloquence, challenging the admira- 
 tion of even his political opponents. Four years since the California 
 delegation put forward Mr. Thurman as their candidate for the Presi- 
 dency, and were enthusiastic in pushing his nomination. These four 
 years have but augmented their reverence and affection for him. The 
 patriot of Columbus cannot be allowed to wither in retirement. His 
 fame is not his alone, it is the proud heritage of the American people. 
 His name may be most fittingly coupled with that of our honored 
 President, Grover Cleveland. Cleveland and Thurman will be a ticket 
 absolutely invincible. It will sweep the country with a mighty rush, a 
 tidal wave of approval Against it all opposition will be fruitless. The 
 approval of Cleveland's administration during the past four years and 
 indorsement of bis action*, the simplicity yet remarkable ability with
 
 26 Life of Allan 0. Thurman. 
 
 which he has administered his great trust under the most trying circum- 
 stances, coupled with the all pervading affection felt for the philosopher 
 of Columbus, will make Cleveland and Thurman a war-cry to affright 
 the political enemy. The enthusiasm which will be aroused upon its 
 announcement will be infectious and, gathering force and volume day 
 by day, it will before the ides of November have become an epidemic. 
 
 That the name of Allan G. Thurman should be cheered to the echo 
 in this hall is not strange, for it brings the warm blood of gratitude 
 surging to the heart of every fireside, and the testimonials which the 
 people will surely pay to his worth at the coming November election 
 will be convincing proof of his phenomenal popularity. 
 
 Indiana honors Governor Gray by supporting him for the nomination; 
 Illinois is doing the same for General Black ; Michigan for Dickinson ; 
 Wisconsin for Vilas ; good men and true, each and all of them, and 
 were it not for the self-sacrificing patriotism of Mr. Thurman, in 
 response to the almost unanimous wish of the party, to permit his name 
 to come before you, it were difficult indeed to choose between such 
 meritorious and able gentlemen. Their names are fit to grace this or 
 any other ticket. They are each the favorite sons of their respective 
 States ; but when Allan G. Thurman, the favorite son of each and every 
 State in this Union, in answer to the universal demand for his accept- 
 ance, consents to leave the peace and tranquility of his fireside and again 
 Serve his grateful countrymen, so prominent, so colossal is his political 
 and mental figure in the public eye that all others must of necessity 
 shade in its immensity. 
 
 Let no mistakes be made at this time mistakes are crimes. If you 
 but do your duty, if you but give the people what they expect, what 
 they demand, the contest of parties, instead of just commencing, will 
 be practically ended. For the great electoral and popular majorities 
 which Cleveland and Thurman will surely receive at the polls will be a 
 revelation even to ourselves. As Representatives of the Democracy of 
 the Nation we have a duty to perform. We must nominate the man 
 the people have already nominated. We have but to indorse the popular 
 verdict. No less will be accepted at your hands. Let no consideration 
 of personal friendship or glamour of locality influence your action. 
 Personal friendship can not be repaid by nomination where a great 
 party's interest and future are at stake. No trifling with great concerns 
 of State should be tolerated ; no expression of local pride can be admit- 
 ted to influence action. When the sovereign people speak they must be 
 taken. The man of the Nation, not the man of the State, must be 
 nominated.
 
 Lift of AUan 0. Thurman. 27 
 
 Nominate Allan G. Thurman, nominate him bj acclamation. Let it 
 not be Maid that one single Democrat in all this great Union fail in this 
 great testimonial to the greatest American of his day, the noblest 
 breathing man upon American soil, fit consort fn the temple of fame of 
 those patriots of the past the founders of our institution, whose sacred 
 dust lie calmly sleeping beneath the sods of Mount Vernon, Monticello 
 and the Hermitage, awaiting the dedication of our National pantheon. 
 
 Indiana presented Gov. Isaac P. G ay, of Indiana, and 
 Illinois presented the name of Gen. John C. Black. 
 
 THUBMAN NOMINATED. 
 
 The clerk read the names of the three candidates: Thur- 
 man, of Ohio; Gray, of Indiana, and Black, of Illinois. 
 At 1:35, amid the greatest excitement, the voting began on 
 roll-call of States. Alabama opened the ballot by casting 15 
 votes for Thurman, 4 for Gray, and 1 for Black. Georgia 
 gave 19 votes for Gray and 9 for Thurmnn, putting him 
 away in the lead. Indiana voted solid for Gray, and Iowa 
 asked to be passed. Kansas gave Black 2, Gray 2, and 
 Thurman 14. Louisiana voted solidly for the old Roman, 
 as did also Maine and Maryland. Massachusetts divided 
 her vote, and Mississippi stood solid for Thurman. Missouri 
 voted 4 for Gray, 28 for Thurman, and New Jersey followed 
 with her whole vote for the old Roman. A courier for 
 New York's gift of 72 votes came a moment later. This 
 nominated Thurman, but Pennsylvania's 60 votes clinched 
 his success. When Pennsylvania cast her 60 electoral votes 
 for Allan G. Thurman, and it was apparent that he was the 
 nominee, the wild scene which attended President Cleve- 
 land's re-nomination, Wednesday, was re-enacted in all its 
 vigor and wild enthusiasm. The bands were drowned, and 
 Indiana was the first to send her standard to the stage with 
 the crimson bandana on top of the staff. It was wildly 
 waved by Hon. Dan. Voorhees, the Tall Sycamore. The
 
 28 Life of Attan G. Thurmcm. 
 
 other standard-bearers rallied round him, waving their ban- 
 ners in a galaxy of colors, agitating the atmosphere already 
 stirred into a million conflicting waves by the frantic, thun- 
 derous cheers of the excited delegates, who stood upon their 
 chairs and howled with intense excitement. The Gray men 
 waved bandanas as fiercely and fervently as the most 
 passionate of Ohio's sons, and for half an hour perfect 
 pandemonium reigned. The demonstration lasted for about 
 ten minutes. After something like order had been restored, 
 the calling of States was proceeded with, but before it was 
 completed Mr. Patterson, of Colorado, moved that Thurman's 
 nomination be made unanimous, and the motion was sec- 
 onded by Mr, Shanklin, of Indiana, in an earnest speech. 
 The motion was agreed to, and the nomination made unani- 
 moua
 
 THE LIFE OF BENJAMIN HARRISON. 
 
 [RtpiMican Candidate for Pruident.} 
 
 The history of Ben. 
 jamin Harrison and his 
 ancestors is full of action 
 and interest 
 
 The Harrison family 
 can date their history 
 back to the middle of 
 the seventeenth century, 
 w h e n Major- General 
 John Harrison was com- 
 missioned to take Charles 
 I. to Windsor for trial, 
 and later sat as one of 
 the Judges in the trial of 
 Charles L, and with 
 Scott, Martyn, Ireton and 
 three others, drew up and signed the warrant on 
 January 25, 1649, that consigned that unfortunate mon- 
 arch to the gibbet Upon the accession of Charles II. to 
 the throne he in turn executed the Judges and execu- 
 tioners of his predecessor, John Harrison among the rest 
 the executions being signalized by their brutal ferocity. 
 The descendants of two of these, the Harrisons and the, 
 Okeys, contributed largely to the great names which grace 
 the pages of Ohio's history. The immediate descendants of 
 
 29
 
 gO Life of Benjamin Harrison. 
 
 the unlucky Cromwellian General hied themselves from 
 England to America, settling in Virginia. The next mem- 
 ber of the family that appears in history was Benjamin 
 Harrison, of Virginia. 
 
 Senator Harrison's great-grandfather, Benjamin Harrison, 
 of Virginia, was one of the signers of the Declaration of 
 Independence, and was prominent in public affairs from 
 1774 until his death in 1791, being for four years a member 
 of Congress and three times Governor of Virginia. He 
 entered upon his public carreer in 1774, soon after reaching 
 his majority, as a delegate to the Williamsburg convention. 
 
 This Benjamin, brother-in-law of the Randolphs, was the 
 athletic member of the Continental congress who, when 
 John Hancock was chosen its president and showed some 
 diffidence about taking his seat, lifted the little man bodily 
 into the chair, exclaiming, "We will show Mother Britain 
 how little we care for her by making a Massachusetts man 
 our president whom she has excluded from pardon by a 
 public proclamation." 
 
 Gen. William Henry Harrison, his son, served his country 
 almost continuously from 1791 to 1841, both in military and 
 civil positions. He fought the battle of Tippecanoe in 
 1811, was a member of Congress, a United States Senator 
 from Ohio, Minister to the Republic of Colombia, and for 
 one month (March 4 to April 4, 1841, when he died), Presi- 
 dent of the United States. 
 
 He had three sons, John Scott Harrison, William Henry 
 Harrison, who died without issue, and Randolph Harrison, 
 who died some years ago near Hamilton, Ohio, and whose 
 daughter married Colonel D. W. McClung, Collector of 
 Port, of Cincinnati, appointed by President Garfield. 
 
 John Scott Harrison, the son of William Henry Harrison, 
 tad the father of the subject of this sketch, was all his life
 
 Lift of Benjamin Harrison. 81 
 
 a farmer in southern Ohio. He served four years in Con- 
 gress, from 1852 to 1856, as a member from the Cincinnati 
 district He died about twelve years ago. 
 
 His son, Benjamin Harrison, the Republican party's 
 nominee for President, is a man slightly under the medium 
 height ' His figure, however, is very broad and compact 
 His large head is set well down between his broad, high 
 shoulders, as his neck is very short His face is of an 
 almost deadly pallor, although he enjoys excellent health. 
 His eyes are a grayish-blue, deeply set under a very promi- 
 nent, bulging forehead. His nose is straight, slightly curv- 
 ing outward, and square at the end. His thin-lipped mouth 
 is shaded by a very light, long, curling mustache, while the 
 lower part of his face is hidden in a long, sandy, gray beard. 
 The hair upon his head is of the same color, and is combed 
 very smoothly tight to hia head, so as to show plainly the 
 outline of the skull. He always dresses plainly in black. 
 He is a reserved man, and keeps much to himself. He is 
 domestic in his habits, and thoroughly devoted to his hand- 
 some, delicate- featured, black-eyed wife, who began with 
 him a struggle for a place and a home in the then Far West 
 when he was only 20 years of age. Those who know Mr. 
 Harrison, however, say that he is a devoted friend, and that 
 underneath his reserve he has a most kindly heart 
 
 General Harrison was born at North Bend, Hamilton 
 County, (X, the 20th of August, 1833. His life, up to the 
 time of his graduation from the Miami University, at 
 Oxford, in that State, was the comparatively uneventful 
 one of a country lad belonging to a family of small means. 
 His father was able to give him a good education and 
 nothing more. He graduated from college when he was 
 eighteen years of age, standing fourth in a class of sixteen, 
 having entered two years before as a member of the junior
 
 82 Life, of Benjamin Bcvrruon. 
 
 c l asSj ki s teachers and classmates have borne testimony 
 to the ease with which he held his own in all college contests 
 and his early promise of future success. Prof. David 
 Swing, who was in college at the time, says that 
 Harrison, while at Oxford, though young, was a 
 studious scholar, and early gave evidence of being 
 foremost in whatever he might undertake. He there 
 acquired the habits of study and mental discipline which 
 have characterized him through life, enabling him to grap- 
 ple with any subject on short notice, to concentrate his 
 intellectual forces and give -his mental energies that sort of 
 direct and effective operation that indicates the trained and 
 disciplined mind. "While in college he became a member 
 of the Phi Delta Theta fraternity, in which he still takes an 
 active interest. He became engaged while at college to the 
 daughter of the Eev. Dr. Scott, Principal of a female school 
 at Oxford, 0. After graduating he decided to enter upon 
 the study of the law. He went to Cincinnati and studied 
 there in the office of the Hon. Bellamy S. Storer for two years. 
 At the expiration of that time Mr. Harrison received the 
 only inheritance of his life. His aunt, dying, left him a lot 
 in Cincinnati, which was valued at $800. Young Harri- 
 eon regarded this legacy as a fortune. He decided to be 
 married at once, to take this money, go to some Western 
 town, and begin the practice of law he having been 
 admitted to the bar in this year. There was, however, one 
 difficulty in his way. He was not yet 21, and could not, 
 therefore, execute a deed of sale for the lot. But he found 
 a Cincinnati friend who was willing to go on a bond to 
 guarantee that he would execute a deed when he reached 
 his majority; and so, with this guarantee, the sale was 
 made. With $800 in his pocket he started out, with 
 a young wife upon his arm, to fight for a place in the world
 
 Life of Benjamin Harrison* 83 
 
 and a footing in one of the most difficult of the learned 
 professions. He decided to go to Indianapolis, which was 
 even at that time (1854) a town of promise. He met with but 
 little encouragement at first The work he obtained during 
 the first year amounted to almost nothing. But the $800 
 carried the young couple through their first year. By the 
 time the second year was reached Harrison began to make 
 enough through collections and trial cases before Justices 
 of the Peace to support himself and family. 
 
 During the next few years the young lawyer gradually 
 obtained a firm professional foothold, becoming known as a 
 vigorous, painstaking attorney and an eloquent advocate. 
 His energy and application are shown by the following 
 incident : Many years ago, before he had attained promi- 
 nence in his profession, he was appointed to prosecute a 
 negro charged with attempting wholesale murder by putting 
 poison into the coffee at a hotel ; he had only one night 
 in which to prepare for the trial, besides having had no 
 experience in poison cases and no knowledge of poisons. 
 He called to his aid Dr. T. Parvin (who has since become 
 as distinguished in his profession as General Harrison has 
 in his), and the two young men spent the whole night in 
 diligent work on the poison case. The next day, to the 
 astonishment and bewilderment of the defense, young 
 Harrison appeared ready for trial He conducted the prose- 
 cution vigorously and succeeded in having the prisoner 
 convicted. 
 
 General Harrison began his work as a Republican speaker 
 in the great campaign of 1856, and ever since he has been 
 a conspicuous figure in every campaign in Indiana, and on 
 many occasions he has appeared for his party in other 
 States. It is remembered that in the Lincoln campaign of 
 1860, he and the late Vice-President Hendricks happened to
 
 84 Life of Benjamin Harrison. 
 
 have appointments to speak in the same town on the same 
 day. It was arranged that they should divide time, and 
 Mr. Hendricks expected to amuse himself by devouring the 
 white-haired young man who thus unexpectedly became 
 his prey. He did not do it ; the result of the meeting being 
 a surprise to both sides. Democrats admitted that Mr. 
 Hendricks had met his match, and Republicans thought he 
 was badly worsted. The chairman of the meeting afterward 
 said : " I have heard a good many political debates in my 
 day, but I never heard a man skin an opponent as quickly 
 as Ben Harrison did Hendricks on this occasion." 
 
 LEAVING THE COURT ROOM FOR THE CAMP. 
 
 In 1860, at the age of twenty-seven years, he was 
 elected Reporter of the Supreme Court of Indiana 
 for four years, and it was during the same year that 
 he formed a partnership with "W. P. Fishback, who 
 was with him in college. In 1862, when the Union 
 armies had met with reverses in the South, and volunteers 
 had in a measure ceased to offer themselves, Gen. Harrison 
 abandoned the quiet and lucrative occupation of his office 
 to another, and, leaving a young wife and infant children, he 
 obtained a lieutenant's commission, went into camp with 
 Company A, of the 70th Indiana Regiment, and in less than 
 thirty days led to the front a regiment of 1,010 fighting 
 men. The regiment served in Kentucky and Tennessee 
 with the Army of the Cumberland; during the Atlanta 
 campaign it was attached to the Twentieth Army Corps, 
 "Fighting Joe" Hooker's command, General Harrison taking 
 the place of General Butterfield, as brigade commander. 
 The reports of his superiors bear record of his courage and 
 fighting qualities at the battles of Resaca and Peach Tree 
 Creek
 
 Life of Benjamin Harrison. 86 
 
 General Hooker rode the lines the day after Peach Tree 
 Creek and, as he shook hands with the young commander, 
 
 said : " Harrison, by I'll make you a brigadier-general 
 
 for this fight," and his word of mouth on the battlefield was 
 supplement by a hearty letter of commendation written 
 to the Secretary of War a few months later. The fact that 
 he has always been highly esteemed by the officers and men 
 who served under him, is high testimony to General Ham- 
 son's character as a soldier and commander. While on 
 temporary leave to visit his family, General Harrison was 
 cut off from immediate return to Atlanta by the rebel 
 invasion of Tennessee and Northern Georgia; he took 
 command of a brigade at Nashville, however, and led in 
 the bloody battles about that place, and under General 
 George H. Thomas one of the finest figures of the war 
 aided in defeating Hood and putting his army to flight 
 Called home to the bedside of his two children, who were 
 stricken with scarlet ftver, General Harrison was attacked 
 by the disease in a malignant form ; after barely escaping 
 a fatal termination of the fever he rejoined his regiment in 
 North Carolina, and remained with Sherman's army until 
 the close of the war, returning to his home a brevet briga- 
 dier-general. 
 
 In the fall of 1864 General Harrison was re-elected 
 Reporter of the Indiana Supreme Court, and in the some 
 year became a member of the law firm of Porter, Harrison 
 & Fishback. Porter (Albert G.) was elected Governor of 
 Indiana in 18SO. In 1876 General Harrison was the Repub- 
 lican candidate for Governor. He was averse to accepting 
 the nomination, but he made such a gallant fight as to win 
 the admiration of the country. He led his ticket by 2,000 
 votes, and won more fame in defeat than many leaders have 
 gained by victory. In 1879 or 1880 he aided the Federal
 
 86 Itfe of Benjamin Harrison. 
 
 Government in prosecuting certain Democratic conspirators 
 for importing ballot-box stuff ers into Southern Indiana; 
 their leader was convicted and was sentenced to the peni- 
 tentiary. 
 
 HIS CAREER IN THE SENATE. 
 
 In January, 1881, General Harrison was elected to the 
 United States Senate to succeed Joseph E. McDonald (Dem.) 
 
 His term of six years as Senator of the United States 
 established General Harrison's reputation as a sound and 
 enlightened statesman, and a ready, finished, and powerful 
 debater. The more his record in the Senate is studied, the 
 clearer appears his claim to a high place among law-makera 
 His Dakota report and speeches, his speech on the Edmunds 
 resolution concerning Civil Service reform, his speech con- 
 demning the wholesale immigration of contract labor, and 
 his speeches against alien ownership of large tracts of the 
 National domain indicate the broad lines along which his 
 activities manifested themselves. His record on the Chinese 
 question needs nothing more than this simple statement to 
 show the folly of those who once distrusted him on that 
 score : When the first Chinese bill was before the Senate 
 he opposed certain features of it, because he thought they 
 were in conflict with the provisions of existing treaties ; but 
 he moved to amend those portions of the bill so that they 
 might be in accord with his view of the treaties mentioned. 
 Those who were in favor of the bill steadily voted the 
 amendments down, and in order to maintain his consistency 
 General Harrison was thus obliged to vote against the bill, 
 which finally passed over the President's veto. When the 
 next Chinese bill was before the Senate, General Harrison 
 was absent and did not get a chance to vote upon it When 
 the next bill came before the Senate the one commonly
 
 Life of Benjamin Harrison, 87 
 
 called the Page bill it was referred to the Committee on 
 Foreign Relations, of which he was then a member. That 
 committee unanimously voted to report the bill favorably, 
 General Harrison voting with the other members of the 
 committee. When it came before the Senate it was passed, 
 General Harrison voting for it Mr. Fair said in the Senate 
 that " this was by all means the best Chinese bill which had 
 been proposed," and otherwise spoke in high terms of the 
 bill Thus General Harrison was from first to last in favor 
 of the principle underlying the Chinese legislation. 
 
 ALWAYS FAITHFUL TO THE CAUSE OF HONEST MONET. 
 
 One of General Harrison's strongest titles to public 
 respect and admiration is found in the fact that when the 
 inflation craze spread over the country and swept from their 
 moorings many who have since lived to regret their infatua- 
 tion, he never wavered in bis fidelity to the cause of honest 
 money. His position on the question of Civil Service 
 reform is indicated by the following sentences from the 
 speech with which he opened the Indiana campaign of 
 1SS2 : " I want to assure you to-night that I am an advo- 
 cate of Civil Service reform. My brief experience at Wash- 
 ington has led me often to utter the wish with an 
 emphasis I do not often use, that I might be forever relieved 
 of any connection with the distribution of public patronage. 
 I covet for myself the free and un purchased support of my 
 fellow-citizens, and long to be able to give my time and 
 energy solely to those public affairs that legitimately relate 
 to the honorable trost which you have committed to me." 
 In the course of the same speech, in speaking of those 
 who took no part in the war, yet make a strong claim of 
 being the soldiers' friend, General Harrison gave utterance 
 to these earnest words:
 
 88 Iffi of Benjamin Harrison. 
 
 11 The man who lived through the War of the Rebellion 
 and did not make some sacrifice for the success of the Union 
 armies who did not say one brave word, nor do one brave 
 thing, when, with bare and bleeding breasts, our soldiers 
 looked into the face of death for their country can never 
 be enshrined as the soldiers' friend" 
 
 General Harrison's term in the Senate expired March 4, 
 1887, and the Legislature to choose his successor was to be 
 elected in the fall of 1886. " The history of the campaign," 
 says The Indianapolis Journal, "is still fresh in the minds of 
 the people. It was in a large degree General Harrison's 
 campaign. Though others were good seconds and able 
 assistants he was foremost in the fight. When others wav- 
 ered he advanced, when they lost heart he expressed confi- 
 dence ; he was almost the only prominent Republican in 
 Indiana who felt confident of carrying the State, or who 
 thought it worth while even to attempt to carry the Legis- 
 lature. This is no disparagement of other Republican 
 leaders, who did yeoman service in the campaign, but it is a 
 fact The result attested .General Harrison's wisdom and 
 his work, the Republicans carried the State and came 
 within a hair's breadth of carrying the Legislature.'* 
 
 HIS RETURN TO THE BAR. 
 
 Upon his retirement from public life last year, General 
 Harrison once more devoted himself heart and soul to the 
 laborious but congenial duties of his profession. Of Gen- 
 eral Harrison as a lawyer in the full maturity of his powers 
 his old partner, the Hon. W. P. Fishback, says : " He pos- 
 sesses all the qualities of a great lawyer in rare combination. 
 He prepares a case with consummate skill ; his written plead- 
 ings are models of clearness and brevity ; he is peerless in
 
 Life of Benjamin Harrison. 89 
 
 Indiana as an examiner of witnesses ; he discusses a legal 
 question in a written brief or an oral argument with con- 
 vincing logic, and as an advocate it may be said of him that 
 when he has finished an address to a jury nothing remains 
 to be said on that side of the case. I have often heard able 
 lawyers in Indiana and elsewhere say that he was the hard- 
 est man to follow they had ever met ; no lawyer who ever 
 met General Harrison in a legal encounter has afterward 
 placed a small estimate upon his ability." 
 
 Senator Benjamin Harrison is a very religious man. He 
 is a constant attendant at the Presbyterian Church of 
 Indianapolis, and for many years had a Bible class composed 
 entirely of lawyers, and his dissertations were said to have 
 been remarkably clear. President Harrison was a great 
 believer in churches, and Scott, his son, the father of Ben- 
 jamin, was a constant attendant and pillar of the church 
 at Cleves. The entire Harrison family have a decided 
 tendency toward a due observance of their religious duties, 
 
 Gen. Harrison is not rich. His law practice is large, but 
 he appears disinclined to set his fees high enough to meet 
 the modern standard. He owns a handsome house in 
 Indianapolis, where his wife, who was a daughter of Pro! 
 Scott, of Oxford, 0., receives much company. They have a 
 married daughter, and a son, Russell, who is becoming 
 prominent in the politics of Montana Territory. General 
 Harrison is a member of the Indianapolis Literary Club, 
 and occasionally takes part in its debates and exercises. 
 
 As has been said, he is pre-eminently a lawyer. Politics 
 is a side issue with him, but when he practices politics he 
 practices as he does the law, with all his might 
 In his private life and personal character Gen. Harrison has 
 the good fortune to be unassailable. Neither political 
 opposition nor personal malice has ever dared to attack him
 
 40 
 
 Life of Benjamin Harrison. 
 
 in this regard. His character as a citizen, neighbor, and 
 friend is invulnerable. 
 
 The Eepublican National Convention assembled at Chi- 
 cago on June 19, and completed its work the evening of 
 June 25th, by the nomination of Gen. Benjamin Harrison, 
 of Indiana, for President, and the Hon. Levi Parsons Mor- 
 ton, of New York, for Vice-President General Harrison 
 was nominated on the eighth ballot 
 
 The following is a summary of the ballots for Presiden- 
 tial nominees : 
 
 CANDIDATES. 
 
 Ballots June 22 
 
 Ballots June 23. 
 
 Ballots June 25. 
 
 HARRISON . . 
 SHERMAN 
 
 1st. 2d. 
 80 91 
 229 249 
 84 116 
 111 108 
 72 75 
 99 99 
 25 20 
 25 18 
 28 16 
 13 W'dwn 
 24 W'dwn 
 2 3 
 3 2 
 
 35 33 
 
 8d. 4th. 6th. 
 94 217 213 
 244 235 224 
 122 135 142 
 123 98 87 
 88 88 99 
 91 Withdrawn. 
 16 
 5 
 Withdrawn. 
 
 8 11 14 
 2 1 
 2 
 1 
 1 
 
 35 42 48 
 
 6th. 
 231 
 244 
 137 
 91 
 73 
 
 12 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 40 
 
 7th. 
 278 
 231 
 120 
 01 
 76 
 
 16 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 15 
 
 8th. 
 544 
 118 
 100 
 59 
 W'n. 
 
 V 
 
 4 
 5 
 
 ALGER 
 
 ORE SHAM 
 
 ALLISON 
 
 DEPEW 
 
 RUSK 
 
 PHELPS 
 
 INGALLS 
 
 HAWLEY 
 
 FITLER 
 
 McKINLEY .... 
 LINCOLN 
 
 MILLER 
 
 DOUGLASS .... 
 FORAKER 
 GRANT 
 
 HAYMOND 
 ELAINE 
 
 
 Total vote 
 
 830 830 
 416 416 
 
 830 829 827 
 416 415 414 
 
 830 
 416 
 
 831 
 416 
 
 830 
 416 
 
 Necessary for 
 choice 

 
 THE LIFE OF LEVI PARSONS MORTON. 
 
 [BepuNiea* Candidate for Vioe-Prtndent.} 
 
 Levi Parsona Morton, 
 the Republican candi- 
 date for Vice-President, 
 was born at Shoreham, 
 Vt, on May 16, 1824. 
 His father was the 
 Rev. Daniel O. Mor- 
 ton, a Congregational 
 minister and a lineal 
 descendant of George 
 Morton, who came to 
 this country from Eng- 
 land in the ship Ann 
 in 1623. The Rev. 
 Mr. Morton received 
 only $600 salary a year, and therefore could give his son 
 only a common school education. His parents were of old 
 New England stock, and, although they were thrifty, as 
 was the character of New Englanders, they did not accu- 
 mulate much wealth. 
 
 The boy early left school and began his business life as a 
 clerk in a Concord, N. L, dry goods store, but not until his 
 constitution, physical and mental, had been established by 
 the best of home influences. He applied himself so closely 
 to his duties and developed a capacity for business that he
 
 of Lwi Parsons Morton. 
 
 soon gained the confidence of his employers and was rapidly 
 advanced in his position. 
 
 When twenty-one, he set up in business for himself, 
 opening a dry goods store in Concord ; four years later, in 
 1849, he moved to Boston and became a member of the 
 dry goods firm of Beebe, Morton & Co. His connection 
 with this firm continued until 1854, when he moved to 
 New York and founded the dry goods house of Morton & 
 Grinnell. This firm became financially involved at the 
 beginning of the war, and compromised with its creditors at 
 fifty cents on the dollar, 
 
 HIS SUCCESSFUL CAREER AS A BANKER. 
 
 Mr. Morton, not in the least discouraged, established a 
 banking house in 1863. He made money rapidly, and soon 
 attained prominence in financial circles. One day the l$te 
 creditors of the firm of Morton & Grinnell received an 
 invitation from Mr. Morton, to dine with him. When they 
 sat down at dinner each man found beneath his plate a 
 check signed by Mr. Morton for an amount of money that 
 paid their claim in full with interest Mr. Morion was not 
 legally bound to pay the money, and his honorable conduct 
 in the matter, therefore, won him many friends. In 1868 
 George Bliss entered the firm, and it became known by its 
 present title of Morton, Bliss & Co. The same year, 1868, 
 Mr. Morton founded the London house, of Morton, Hose & 
 Co., his leading partner being Sir John Eose, some time 
 Finance Minister of Canada. 
 
 The two firms took a leading position as members of the 
 syndicate that negotiated United States bonds in payment 
 of the Geneva award of $15,000,000 and the Halifax fishery 
 award of $5,500,000. 
 
 These two banking houses were also largely instrumental 
 in making possible resumption of specie payment in the
 
 Life of Levi Parsons Morton. 43 
 
 United States, and in enabling the Government to fund the 
 United States debt The syndicate formed for this pur- 
 pose was headed by Morton, Bliss & Co., and then followed 
 the names of Drexel, Morgan & Co., Baring Brothers & Co., 
 J. S. Morgan & Co., Jay Cooke & Co., N. M. Rothschild & 
 Sons, and Jay Cook, McCulloch & Co. The credit of the 
 Government was low at that time, but the firms named 
 above successfully floated a large issue of 5 per cent, bonds, 
 thus decreasing the rate of interest on the mass of the 
 bonds. It has been estimated that the various banking 
 firms by their action at this time saved the Government 
 $70,000,000. The firm of Morton, Bliss & Co. has since been 
 one of the most conspicuous in Wall Street One of its 
 most noted achievements was the sale of $50,000,000 of 
 New York Central Railroad stock belonging to William EL 
 Vanderbilt to English purchasers, the firm being part of a 
 syndicate which accomplished this task. 
 
 TAKING A COMMANDING PLACE IN CONGRESS 
 
 Mr. Morton entered into political life in 1876. Late in 
 the canvass, much to his surprise, the Republicans of the 
 Xlth Congressional District nominated him as their candi- 
 date. There was not sufficient time to make a thorough 
 canvass, and Mr. Morton was defeated, although he 
 reduced the usual Democratic majority 400 votes. Mr. 
 Morton courageously ran again for Congress in the same 
 district in 1878, and this time was elected, receiving a 
 majority that exceeded the whole vote of his opponent 
 'As a member of Congress he took a commanding position 
 whenever financial questions were under consideration ; he 
 strongly opposed the bill providing fer the unlimited coin- 
 age of silver dollars, and his, influence had a great effect in 
 defeating it At the extra session in 1879 he made two
 
 44 tyfe f Ewi Parsons Morton. 
 
 speeches on the silver question, which convinced the country 
 that he was a master of the complicated laws of finance, 
 Without any effort at oratorical display, he made felt the 
 weight of an unblemished reputation, a frank, straightfor- 
 ward character, and of sound views, which he expressed in 
 the fewest, tersest words. His course in Congress was 
 marked by independence of judgment and moderation, and 
 he won the confidence and attachment of men of both 
 parties. His social position in Washington was a brilliant 
 one; he bought the house of Samuel Hooper, of Massa- 
 chusetts, and there entertained many guests. 
 
 He was re-elected in 1880. During his service in the 
 House of Kepresentatives Mr. Morton was known as a 
 careful and conservative thinker on all public questions, and 
 his opinions were much respected by his fellow members. 
 In the Republican National Convention of 1880, Mr. Morton 
 was a stanch ally of Koscoe Conkling, an advocate of the 
 renomination of Gen. Grant for a third term to the Presi- 
 dency. When the split came and President Garfield was 
 nominated, Mr. Morton was offered the second place on the 
 ticket; he declined the honor, and after the triumphant 
 success of the ticket President Garfield offered him the port- 
 folio of Secretary of the Navy. Mr. Morton also declined 
 the Cabinet offer, saying he preferred to accept the appoint- 
 ment of Minister to France, in which office he was confirmed 
 by the Senate soon after President Garfield was inaugurated. 
 Mr. Morton's career as representative of the American Gov- 
 ernment to the French Eepublic was one of which he may 
 justly feel proud. 
 
 Mr. Morton's business relations had taken him many 
 times to Europe. He was well acquainted with Paris. His 
 first step was to remove the American Legation offices to a 
 more suitable place. They were situated over a laundry
 
 Life of Levi Parsons Morton. 45 
 
 and a grocery store. He hired a fine mansion for the United 
 States, assuming some financial risk. The house was in a 
 good neighborhood, and it quickly became the one place in 
 Paris where the leading politicians of France, Royalist, 
 Republican and Radical, could socially meet The diplo- 
 macy of the United States was much smoothed by it 
 
 No American Minister was ever more respected abroad. 
 Mr. Morton was able to secure from the French Cabinet a 
 rescinding of the prohibitory edict against the American 
 hog, but the House of Deputies insisted upon the retention 
 of the law. Mr. Morton hammered the first nail in the 
 construction of the Statue of Liberty, recently erected in 
 New York, and delivered a speech on June 15, 1884, 
 accepting the statue in behalf of the American Government 
 He was present at the unveiling of the Statue of LaFayette, 
 at Le Puf, the birthplace of the French patriot Through 
 Mr. Morton's acquaintance with bankers and manufacturers, 
 the commercial relations of France and the United States 
 were made to run smoothly throughout his term. With 
 the coming into power of a Democratic Administration at 
 Washington, he of course returned home, and since then 
 has held no office. 
 
 Mr. Morton made his exit from his post in Paris, in a 
 graceful, dignified and pleasant manner. He had been a 
 very popular Minister, and all who had met him, in official 
 or social life, were sorry to have him go. He was extremely 
 obliging, was glad to promote any American cause or 
 interest, and generally showed great tact in his official and 
 social relations. He also showed an American capacity for 
 getting quickly posted, taking soundings and acting accord- 
 ing to them,
 
 4$ Life of Levi Parsons Morton. 
 
 HIS MANIFOLD CHARITIES. 
 
 Mr. Morton's manifold charities, his benevolent disposi- 
 tion, and his efforts on behalf of others are well known to 
 his friends, though the world at large has not heard much 
 of them. In 1880, Congress, moved bj the suffering in 
 Ireland, placed the ship Constellation at the disposal of any- 
 one willing to send relief to that afflicted land. Some 
 weeks afterward Mr. Morton learned that no offer had been 
 made to load the vessel. Thereupon he addressed a letter 
 to The Herald, in which he said: "You are authorized 
 to announce that a gentleman known to you, who declines 
 to have his name made public, offers to pay for one-quarter 
 of the cargo of the Constellation if other parties will make 
 up the balance." At the same time he had determined to 
 furnish the entire cargo if there was any delay in securing 
 other aid. The proprietor of The Herald, however, and 
 W. B. Grace contributed each one-quarter, and other gentle- 
 men furnished the remainder. The people of this city will 
 probably recall the Eockaway Beach Improvement troubles 
 in the summer of 1880, when 500 workmen were unable to 
 obtain their wages because of the financial ruin in which 
 the gigantic hotel enterprise had been involved. Certifi- 
 cates of indebtedness were issued to the workmen, but they 
 were useless to the men, who needed food for their wives 
 and children. At this juncture Mr. Morton joined the 
 house of Drexel, Morgan & Co., and each contributed $50,- 
 000 for the relief of the workingmen. They paid the full 
 amount of the certificates and declined to accept any 
 discount 
 
 In 1885 he gave to Dartmouth College a house and lot 
 near Rollins Chapel, for which he paid $7,500. The gift 
 waa for the purpose of enabling the college to erect an art 
 gallery ana museum. When Mr. Morton was mad
 
 Life of Lew Parsons Morton, 47 
 
 Minister to France, Dartmouth conferred on him the degree 
 of LL. D. 
 
 Mr. Morton was heartily in favor of the oleomargarine 
 laws passed by the Legislature of New York, in 1884, 1886 
 and 1886. In a letter written by him in the latter year, he 
 said : " I am heartily in accord with any proposed legisla- 
 tion that will protect the dairy interest, and I should deem 
 it my duty to earnestly support the passage of any law cal- 
 culated to suppress fraud in the imitation of product* that 
 go into daily consumption, especially those from the dairy, 
 in which industry so large a number of our people are 
 engaged I believe that after the experience we have had 
 of the operation of the present law, Congress would consider 
 favorably the proposition to make such changes in it as 
 would more effectually prevent the sale of oleomargarine 
 for natural butter in the future." 
 
 HIS CITY HOME. 
 
 lr. Morton*! home, at No. 85 Fifth avenue, New York 
 city, is a large brown-stone, double house, with a large 
 door-way and a broad hall running through the centre 
 to a dining-room at the back. On the wall of the hall 
 to the right one sees an excellent portrait of President 
 Garfield ; while on the left is one of Benjamin Constant's 
 famous oil paintings, representing the interior of an 
 Oriental dwelling. The parlors of the house are entered 
 from a door at the right hand, and Mr. Morton's 
 library by a door to the left. Beyond, one sees a great 
 stairway winding its way to the upper rooms of the house, 
 and at the end of the hall the glass doors of the dining 
 room. The latter is of a stately character, occupying almost 
 the entire width of the house. Several handsome oil paint- 
 ings 01 me rrencn scnooi occupy its wails, ana a oeauuiu
 
 48 Life of Levi Parsons Morton. 
 
 chandelier hangs over the centre table. Beyond the dining 
 room is a large conservatory for flowers. Visitors have 
 usually found Mr. Morton at work in his library. The 
 room is a highly interesting one, owing to its pictures and 
 decorations. While Minister to France Mr. Morton pur- 
 chased a rare portrait of Washington and another rare one 
 of Lafayette. These hang on the wall, against which his 
 writing desk is placed. Immediately above the desk on the 
 wall is an almost life-size photograph of Gambetta. This 
 picture is one of the most faithful representations of the 
 great French orator ever made. There hangs by the window 
 that looks out into Fifth ave. a portrait of President Arthur, 
 a most excellent likeness. By its side is a photograph of 
 Marshal McMahon and another of the Count de Kocham beau. 
 On another wall there hangs the portraits in oil of Mr. 
 Morton's father, the Eev. Daniel 0. Morton, and of his 
 mother's brother, the Eev. Levi Parsons, the first American 
 missionary to Palestine, from whom he obtained his sur- 
 name. There is also a daguerreotype of the country store 
 in Concord, N. H., in which Mr. Morton began his business 
 life. In front of the grate fire on the floor one sees some 
 interesting historical relics. They are two large spherical 
 iron shells which were thrown into Paris by the German 
 cannon in 1871. Some brass chains connect the two shells 
 and serve as a fender to the fireplaca In the summer he 
 resides at his summer seat Emmersley, at Rhinebeck on the 
 Hudson, His wife, a remarkably beautiful and accomplished 
 woman, is several years his junior. She has always been 
 most popular in society. Levi P. Morton is a typical Amer- 
 ican and a protectionist to the core. 
 
 The Repulican National convention assembled in Chicago 
 on June 19, 1888, and on the seventh day, after the nomina- 
 tion of General Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana, for President^
 
 Life of Levi Parsons Morton. 49 
 
 nominated Levi Parsons Morton, of New York, for Vice- 
 President. Mr. Morton's name was presented by the Hon. 
 Warner Miller, of New York. 
 
 Mr. Miller, having ascended the platform, addressed the 
 convention as follows: 
 
 MB. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN o THE CONVENTION : The time 
 for platitudes and encomiums has past. We have been in here for nearly 
 a week, during which time we have given to the Republican party and 
 to the American people a platform of principles upon which the great 
 loyal lover of America can stand. It is an American platform from top 
 to bottom. We have to-day put in nomination a representative Ameri- 
 can, and one whom we can all support without any hesitation or 
 reservation. New York came here, sirs, aud sought the suffrages of this 
 convention for its most gifted and brilliant son. It came bringing you 
 assurances of victory in that Empire State if you would name our 
 candidate for President. But when we learned that this convention was 
 not likely to ratify our choice we withdrew him from this convention. 
 We did it in sorrow but not in anger. For many years the Republican 
 party in the State of New York has been wrenched by factional strife 
 In our party. For the first time in almost a generation the delegation 
 from New York, representing thirty-six electoral votes in that State, 
 have come to this convention and have been able to act in absolute 
 harmony and accord. The harmony you have witnessed here on the 
 part of the delegation of the State of New York shall not cease here, 
 gentlemen of the convention. We propose to carry it home with us 
 and to carry it into the contest. * * 
 
 We have begun to organize victory here to-day, and if you will aid 
 the State of New York in the efforts which it has been making of late, 
 and which have so far succeeded as to bring us so far together I say if 
 you will aid us in this convention to-day by taking our candidate for 
 Vice-President, I give you our word, one and all, that from this day 
 forward there shall be no stopping of our onward march for victory in 
 that State. Do not forget the situation, gentlemen, wherever you may 
 come from whether from Texas, or Iowa, or California. Do not forget 
 that this great battle is to be fought out in New York, Mr. President 
 and gentlemen. The Democratic party has thrown down the gauntlet 
 of battle there, aud they challenge us to lift it Do not forget that the 
 present Executive of the United States and the candidate for re-election 
 comes from our State. Do not forget that the two most important 
 Secretaryships, that of the Treasury auJ of the Navy, are to-day held
 
 50 Life of Levi Parsons Morton. 
 
 by New York Democrats ; and you know what that means In this con- 
 test. Do not forget that the City Government of our great metropolis la 
 in the hands of the enemy. Do not forget that the State Goyernment Is 
 in the hands of the enemy aye, and it requires the courage of a giant 
 to take up the fight in New York. But we propose to lift the gauntlet 
 of battle, and if you will help us here to-day as you only can help us, 
 we will carry that fight to a successful conclusion. * * * * 
 
 I shall spend no time injdwelling upon the virtues or qualifications of 
 our candidate. He Is a man who has achieved great success as a busi- 
 ness man. He has made an honorable record in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, and he has been one of our foremost representatives In a for- 
 eign country. He is known for his liberality by all of our people. 
 
 If you will here to-night, name by substantial unanimity our choice, 
 we will go home and we will inscribe upon our banner "American 
 wages for American workmen, American markets for American people, 
 and protection for American homes," and in this sign we cannot be 
 defeated. 
 
 In behalf of the united delegation from the State of New York, aye, 
 Mr. President, in behalf of the Republican party of the State of New 
 York, I name the Hon. Levi P. Morton. 
 
 Only one vote was taken for Vice-President, Mr. Morton 
 receiving 591, or 178 more than a majority of the dele- 
 gates who voted. Mr. Phelps stood next with 119 votes 
 and Mr. Bradley was third with 103 votes. The ballot was 
 as follows : 
 
 Levi P. Morton, New York 591 
 
 William Walter Phelps, New Jersey 119 
 
 W. O. Bradley, Kentucky 103 
 
 Blanche K. Bruce, Mississippi 11 
 
 Walter F. Thomas, Texas 1 
 
 Total vote 825 
 
 Necessary for choice 413 
 
 The convention added to the platform the following reso- 
 lution, offered by Mr. Boutelle, of Maine : 
 
 The first concern of all good government is the virtue and sobriety 
 of the people and the purity of the home. The republican party cor- 
 dially sympathizes with all wise and well-directed efforts for the pro- 
 motion of temperance and morality. 
 
 The resolution was adopted by an unanimous vote, and 
 the Republican National Convention of 1888, was adjourned.
 
 REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. 
 
 [Adopted at Chicago Jun* SI, 1888.} 
 
 The Republicans of the United States, assembled by 
 their delegates in National Convention, pause on the thresh- 
 old of their proceedings to honor the memory of their first 
 great leader the immortal champion of liberty and the 
 rights of the people Abraham Lincoln; and to cover also 
 with wreaths of imperishable remembrance and gratitude 
 the heroic names of our later leaders who have been more 
 recently called away from our councils Grant, Garfield, 
 Arthur, Logan, Conkling may their memories be faithfully 
 cherished. 
 
 We also recall with our greetings and with prayer for his 
 recovery the name of one of our living heroes whose mem- 
 ory will be treasured in the history both of Republicans and 
 of the Republic the name of that noble soldier and favorite 
 child of victory, Philip H. Sheridan. In the spirit of those 
 great leaders and of our own devotion to human liberty, 
 and with that hostility to all forms of despotism and oppres- 
 sion which is the fundamental idea of the Republican party, 
 we send fraternal congratulations to our fellow- Americans 
 of Brazil upon their great act of emancipation, which com- 
 pleted the abolition of slavery throughout the two American 
 continents. We earnestly hope that we may soon congrat* 
 ulate our fellow-citizens of Irish birth upon the peaceful 
 recovery of home rule for Ireland. 
 
 61
 
 52 Republican Platform. 
 
 A FREE BALLOT. 
 
 We reaffirm our unswerving devotion to the National Con- 
 stitution and to the indissoluble union of the States ; to the 
 autonomy reserved to the States under the Constitution ; to 
 the personal rights and liberties of citizens in all the States 
 and Territories in the Union ; and especially to the supreme 
 and sovereign right of every lawful citizen, rich or poor, 
 native or foreign born, white or black, tq.cast one free bal- 
 lot in public elections and to have that ballot duly counted. 
 We hold the free and honest popular ballot and the just 
 and equal representation of all the people to be the founda- 
 tion of our Eepublican government, and demand effective 
 legislation to secure the integrity and purity of elections, 
 which are the foundation of all public authority. We 
 charge that the present Administration and the Democratic 
 majority in Congress owe their existence to the suppression 
 of the ballot by a criminal nullification of the Constitution 
 and laws of the United States. 
 
 UNCOMPROMISING PROTECTION. 
 
 We are unconditionally in favor of the American system 
 of protection ; we protest against its destruction, proposed 
 by the President and his party. They serve the interests 
 of Europe ; we will support the interests of America. We 
 accept the issue, and confidently appeal to the people for 
 their judgment. The protective system must be maintained. 
 Its abandonment has always been followed by general dis- 
 aster to all interests, except those of the usurer and the 
 sheriff. We denounce the Mills bill as destructive to the 
 general business, the labor and the farming interests of the 
 country, and we heartily indorse the consistent and patriotic 
 action of the Republican Eepresentatives in Congress in 
 opposing its passage.
 
 Republican Platform. 68 
 
 REDUCTION OP SURPLUS. 
 
 We condemn the proposition of the Democratic party to 
 place wool on the free list, and we insist that the duties 
 thereon shall be adjusted and maintained so as to furnish 
 full and adequate protection to that industry. 
 
 The Republican party would effect all needed reduction 
 of the National revenue by repealing the taxes on tobacco, 
 which are an annoyance and burden to agriculture, and the 
 tax upon spirits used in the arts and for mechanical pur- 
 poses, and by such revision of the tariff laws as will tend 
 to check imports of such articles as are produced by our 
 people, the production of which gives employment to our 
 labor, and release from import duties those articles of foreign 
 production (except luxuries) the like of which cannot be 
 produced at home. If there shall still remain a larger 
 revenue than is requisite for the wants of the Government, 
 we favor the entire repeal of internal taxes rather than the 
 surrender of any part of our protective system at the joint 
 behest of the whisky trusts and the agents of foreign 
 manufactures. 
 
 CONTRACT LABOR AND TRUSTS. 
 
 We declare our hostility to the introduction into this 
 country of foreign contract labor and of Chinese labor, alien 
 to our civilization and our Constitution; and we demand 
 the rigid enforcement of the existing laws against it, and 
 favor such immediate legislation as will exclude such labor 
 from our shores. 
 
 We declare our opposition to all combinations of capital 
 organized in trusts or otherwise, to control arbitrarily the 
 condition of trade among our citizens; and we recommend 
 to Congreaa, and the State Legislatures, in their respective
 
 54 Republican Platform. 
 
 jurisdictions, such legislation as will prevent the execution 
 of all schemes to oppress the people by undue charges on 
 their supplies, or by unjust rates for the transportation of 
 their products to market We approve the legislation by 
 Congress to prevent alike unjust burdens and unfair dis- 
 criminations between the States. 
 
 PUBLIC DOMAIN. 
 
 We reaffirm the policy of appropriating the public lands 
 of the United States to be homesteads for American citi- 
 zens and settlers not aliens which the Republican party 
 established in 1862 against the persistent opposition of the 
 Democrats in Congress, and which has brought our great 
 Western domain into such magnificent development The 
 restoration of unearned railroad land-grants to the public 
 domain for the use of actual settlers, which was begun 
 under the Administration of President Arthur, should be 
 continued. We deny that the Democratic party has ever 
 restored one acre to the people, but declare that by the 
 joint action of Republicans and Democrats about 50,000,000 
 acres of unearned lands originally granted for the construc- 
 tion of railroads have been restored to public domain, in 
 pursuance of the conditions inserted by the Republican 
 party in the original grants. We charge the Democratic 
 Administration with failure to execute the laws securing to 
 settlers titles to homesteads, and with using appropriations 
 made for that purpose to harass innocent settlers with spies 
 and prosecutions under the false pretense of exposing frauds 
 and vindicating the law. 
 
 THE TERRITORIES AND STATEHOOD. 
 
 The government by Congress of the Territories if based 
 upon the necessity only to the end that they may become
 
 Republican Platform. 56 
 
 States in the Union ; therefore, whenever the conditions of 
 population, material resources, public intelligence, and 
 morality are such as to insure a stable local government 
 therein, the people of such Territories should be permitted 
 as a right inherent in them to form for themselves Constitu- 
 tions and State Governments and be admitted into the 
 Union, Pending the preparation for Statehood all officers 
 thereof should be selected from the bona-fide residents and 
 citizens of the Territory wherein they are to serve. South 
 Dakota should of right be immediatly admitted as a State 
 in the Union under the Constitution framed and adopted 
 by her people, and we heartily indorse the action of the 
 Republican Senate in twice passing bills for her admission. 
 The refusal of the Democratic House of Representatives, for 
 partisan purposes, to favorably consider these bills is a will- 
 ful violation of the sacred American principles of local 
 self government, and warrants the condemnation of all 
 just men. The pending bills in the Senate for acts to 
 enable the people of Washington, North Dakota, and Mon- 
 tana Territories to form constitutions and establish State 
 Governments should be passed without unnecessary delay. 
 The Republican party pledges itself to do all in its power 
 to facilitate the admission of the Territories of New Mexico, 
 Wyoming, Idaho, and Arizona to the enjoyment of self- 
 government as States, such of them as are now qualified, as 
 soon as possible, and the others as oon as they may 
 become so. 
 
 AGAINST MOR1CONTS1C AND POLYGAMY. 
 
 The political power of the Mormon Church in the Tern- 
 torities as exercised in the past is a menace to free institu- 
 tions too dangerous to be long suffered. Therefore we 
 pledge the Republican party to appropriate legislation
 
 56 Republican Platform. 
 
 asserting the sovereignty of the Nation in all Territories 
 where the same is questioned, and in furtherance of that end 
 to place upon the statute books legislation stringent enough 
 to divorce the political from the ecclesiastical power, and 
 thus stamp out the attendant wickedness of polygamy. 
 
 The Eepublican party is in favor of the use of both gold 
 and silver as money, and condemns the policy of the Demo- 
 cratic Administration in its efforts to demonetize silver. 
 
 We demand the reduction of letter postage to one cent 
 per ounce. 
 
 In a Eepublic like ours, where the citizen is the sovereign 
 and the official the servant, where no jpower is exercised 
 except by the will of the people, it is important that the 
 sovereign the people should possess intelligence. The 
 free school is the promoter of that intelligence which is to 
 preserve us a free Nation; therefore the State or Nation, or 
 both combined, should support free institutions of learning, 
 sufficient to afford to every child growing in the land the 
 opportunity of a good common-school education, 
 
 REHABILITATION OP THE AMERICAN MERCHANT MARINE. 
 
 "We earnestly recommend that prompt action be taken by 
 Congress in the enactment of such legislation as will best 
 secure the rehabilitation of our American merchant marine, 
 and we protest against the passage by Congress of a free- 
 ship bill as calculated to work injustice to labor by lessen- 
 ing the wages of those engaged in preparing materials as 
 v/ell as those directly employed in our shipyards. We 
 demand appropriations for the early rebuilding of our navy; 
 for the construction of coast fortifications and modern ord- 
 nance and other approved modern means of defense for the 
 protection of our defenseless harbors and cities; for the 
 payment of just pensions to our soldiers; for necessary
 
 Republican Platform. 67 
 
 works of National importance in the improvement of harbors 
 and the channels of internal, coastwise, and foreign com- 
 merce ; for the encouragement of the shipping interests of 
 the Atlantic, Gulf, and Pacific States, as well as for the 
 payment of the maturing public debt This policy will 
 give employment to our labor, activity to our various indus- 
 tries, increase the security to our country, promote trades, 
 open new and direct markets for our produce, and cheapen 
 the cost of transportation. We affirm this to be far better 
 for our country than the Democratic policy of loaning the 
 Government's money without interest to " pet banks," 
 
 FOREIGN POLIOT. 
 
 The conduct of foreign affairs by the present Administra- 
 tion has been distinguished by its inefficiency and its cow- 
 ardice. Having withdrawn from the Senate all pending 
 treaties effected by Republican Administrations for the 
 removal of foreign burdens and restrictions upon our 
 commerce, and for its extension into better markets, it has 
 neither effected nor proposed any others in their stead. 
 Professing adherence to the Monroe doctrine, it has seen 
 with idle complacency the extension of foreign influence in 
 Central America, and of foreign trade everywhere among 
 our neighbors. It has refused to charter, sanction, or 
 encourage any American organization for constructing the 
 Nicaragua Canal, a work of vital importance to the main- 
 tenance of the Monroe doctrine, and of our National influ- 
 ence in Central and South America ; and necessity for the 
 development of trade with our Pacific territory, with South 
 America, and with the islands and further coasts of the 
 Pacific Ocean,
 
 58 ^Republican Platform. 
 
 FISHERIES. 
 
 "We arraign the present Democratic Administration for 
 its weak and unpatriotic treatment of the fisheries question, 
 and its pusillanimous surrender of the essential privileges 
 to which our fishing vessels are entitled in Canadian ports 
 under the treaty of 1818, the reciprocal maritime legislation 
 of 1830, and the comity of nations, and which Canadian 
 fishing vessels receive in the ports of the United States. 
 We condemn the policy of the present Administration and 
 the Democratic majority in Congress towards our fisheries, 
 as unfriendly and conspicuously unpatriotic, and as tending 
 to destroy a valuable National industry, and an indispensa- 
 ble resource of defense against a foreign enemy. 
 
 The name American applies alike to all citizens of the 
 Republic and imposes upon all alike the same obligation of 
 obedience to the laws. At the same time that citizenship 
 is and must be the panoply and safeguard of him who wears 
 it, and protect him, whether high or low, rich or poor, in all 
 his civil rights. It should and must afford him protection 
 at home, and follow and protect him abroad in whatever 
 land he may be on a lawful errand. 
 
 CIVIL SERVICE. 
 
 The men who abandoned the Republican party in 1884 
 and continue to adhere to the Demopatic party have 
 deserted not only the cause of honest government, of sound 
 finance, of freedom, and surety of die ballot, but especially 
 have deserted the cause of reform in the civil service. "We 
 will not fail to keep our pledges because they have broken 
 theirs, or became their candidate has broken his. W 
 therefore repeat our declaration of 1884 to wit: "The 
 reform of the civil service, auspiciously begun under the
 
 Republican Platform. 69 
 
 \ 
 
 Republican Administration, should be completed by the 
 further extension of the reform system already established 
 by law to all the grades of the service to which it is appli- 
 cable. The spirit and purpose of the reform should be 
 observed in all executive appointments, and all laws at 
 variance with the object of existing reform legislation 
 should be repealed to th end that the dangers to free 
 institutions which lurk in the power of official patronage 
 may be wisely and effectively avoided." 
 
 The gratitude of the Nation to the defenders of the Union 
 cannot be measured by laws. The legislation of Congress 
 should conform to the pledges made by a loyal people, and be 
 so enlarged and extended as to provide against the possibil- 
 ity that any man who honorably wore the Federal uniform 
 shall become an inmate of an almshouse or dependent upon 
 private charity. In the presence of an overflowing Treas- 
 ury it would be a public scandal to do less for those whose 
 valorous service preserved the Government We denounce 
 the hostile spirit shown by President Cleveland in his 
 numerous vetoes of measures for pension relief and the 
 action of the Democratic House of Representatives in refus- 
 ing even a consideration of general pension legislation. 
 
 In support of the principles herewith enunciated we 
 invite the co-operation of patriotic men of all parties, and 
 especially of all workingmen whose prosperity is seriously 
 threatened by the free-trade policy of the present Adminis- 
 tration,
 
 DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 
 
 [Adopted at St.Louia, June 7, 1888.} 
 
 The Democratic party of the United States in National 
 Convention assembled, renews the pledge of its fidelity to 
 the Democratic faith, and reaffirms the platform adopted by 
 its representative in the convention of 1884, and indorses 
 the views expressed by President Cleveland in his last 
 earnest message to Congress as the correct interpretation of 
 that platform upon the question of tariff reduction; and 
 also indorses the efforts of our Democratic representatives 
 in Congress to secure a reduction of excessive taxation. 
 
 Chief among its principles of party faith are the mainte- 
 nance of an indissoluble union of free and indestructible 
 States, now about to enter upon its second century of unex- 
 ampled progress and renown, devotion to a plan of govern- 
 ment regulated by a written constitution strictly specifying 
 every granted power and expressly reserving to the States 
 or people the entire ungranted residue of power; the 
 encouragement of a zealous popular vigilance, directed to 
 all who have been chosen for brief terms to enact and exe- 
 cute the laws, and are charged with the duty of preserving 
 peace, insuring equality and establishing justice. 
 
 The Democratic party welcomes an exacting scrutiny of 
 the administration of the executive power, whioh four years 
 ago was committed to its trust, in the election of Grover 
 Cleveland, President of the United States, but it challenges 
 
 60
 
 liij 61 
 
 that the most searching inquiry concerning its fidelity and 
 devotion to the pledges which then invited the suffrages of 
 the people during the most critical period of .our financial 
 affairs, resulting from overtaxation, the anomalous condi- 
 tion of our currency, and a publio debt unmatured, it has 
 by the adoption of a wise and conservative course not only 
 averted disaster, but greatly promoted the prosperity of the 
 people. 
 
 It has reversed the improvident and unwise policy of the 
 Republican party touching the public domain, and has 
 reclaimed from corporations and syndicates, alien and domes- 
 tic, and restored to the people nearly one hundred millions 
 of acres of valuable land to be sacredly held as homesteads 
 for our citizens. 
 
 Vrhile carefully guarding the interest to the principles of 
 justice and equity, it has paid out more for pensions and 
 bounties to the soldiers and sailors of the Republic than 
 was ever paid before during the same period. It has 
 adopted, consistently pursued, a firm and prudent foreign 
 policy, preserving peace with all nations while scrupulously 
 maintaining all the rights and interests of our own govern- 
 ment and people at home and abroad. 
 
 The exclusion from our shores of Chinese laborers has 
 been effectually secured under the provisions of a treaty, 
 the operation of which has been postponed by the action of 
 a Republican majority in the Senate. 
 
 CIVIL SERVICE. 
 
 Honest reform in the civil service has been inaugurated 
 and maintained by President Cleveland, and he has brought 
 the publio service to the highest standard of efficiency, not 
 only by rule and precept, but by the example of his own 
 untiring and unselfish administration of publio affairs.
 
 02 Democratic Platform. 
 
 In every branch and department of the government under 
 Democratic control the rights and the welfare of all the 
 people have been guarded and defended; every public 
 interest has been protected, and the equality of all our citi- 
 zens before the law, without regard to race or color, has 
 been steadfastly maintained. 
 
 Upon its record thus exhibited and upon a pledge of a 
 continuance to the people of the benefits of Democracy, it 
 invokes a renewal of popular trust by the re-election of a 
 chief magistrate who has been faithful, able and prudent, 
 and invokes in addition to that trust the transfer also to the 
 Democracy of the entire legislative power. 
 
 The Eepublican party, controlling the Senate and resist* 
 ing both houses of Congress, a reformation of unjust and 
 unequal tax laws, which have outlasted the necessities of 
 war and are now undermining the abundance of a long 
 peace, deny to the people equality before the law, and the 
 fairness and the justice which are their right. Then the cry 
 of American labor for a better share in the rewards of 
 industry is stifled with false pretenses, enterprise is fettered, 
 and bound down to home markets; capital is discouraged 
 with doubt, and unequal, unjust laws can neither be prop- 
 erly amended or repealed. 
 
 TAXATION. 
 
 The Democratic party will continue, with all the power 
 confided in it, the struggle to reform these laws in accord- 
 ance with the pledges of its last platform, indorsed at the 
 ballot-box by the suffrage of the people. Of all the indus- 
 trious freemen of our land, the immense majority, including 
 every tiller of the soil, gain no advantage from excessive 
 tax laws, but the price of nearly everything they buy is
 
 Democratic Platform. 68 
 
 increased by the favoritism of an unequal system of tax 
 legislation. 
 
 All unnecessary taxation is unjust taxation. It is repug- 
 nant to the creed of Democracy that by such taxation the 
 cost of the necessaries of life should be unjustifiably 
 increased to all our people. Judged by Democratic princi- 
 ples, the interests of the people are betrayed when, by 
 unnecessary taxation, trusts and combinations are permitted 
 to exist, while enriching the few that combine, rob the body 
 of our citizens by depriving them of the benefits of natural 
 competition. Every rule of governmental action is violated 
 when through unnecessary taxation a vast sum of money 
 far beyond the needs of economical administration is drawn 
 from the people, the channels of trade, and accumulated as 
 a demoralizing surplus in the National Treasury. 
 
 The money now lying idle in the Federal Treasury, 
 resulting from superfluous taxation, amounts to more than 
 $125,000,000, and the surplus collected is reaching the sum 
 of more than $60,000,000 annually. Debauched by the 
 immense temptation, the remedy of the Republican party is 
 to meet and exhaust by extravagant appropriations and 
 expenses, whether constitutional or not, the accumulation 
 of extravagant taxation. The Democratic policy is to 
 enforce frugality in public expense and abolish unnecessary 
 taxation. 
 
 Our established domestic industries should not and need 
 not be endangered by the reduction and correction of the 
 burdens of taxation. On the contrary, a fair and careful 
 revision of our tax laws, with due allowance for the differ- 
 ence between the wages of American and foreign labor, 
 must promote and encourage every branch of such indus- 
 tries and enterprises by giving them assurance of an 
 extended market and steady and continued operations. In
 
 4 Democratic Platform. 
 
 the interests of American labor, which should in no event 
 be neglected, the revision of our tax laws contemplated by 
 the Democratic party should promote the advantage of such 
 labor by cheapening the cost of the necessaries of life in the 
 home of every workingman, and at the same time securing 
 to him steady and remunerative employment. 
 
 Upon this question of tariff reform, so closely concerning 
 every phase of our National life, and upon every question 
 involved in the problem of good government, the 
 Democratic party submits its principles and professions to 
 the intelligent suffrages of the American people. 
 
 THE TARIFF PLANK. 
 
 The following is the full wording of the tariff plank in 
 the Democratic platform adopted in Chicago in 1884 : 
 
 " The Democratic party is pledged to revise the tariff in 
 a spirit of fairness to all interests. But in making a reduc- 
 tion in taxes it is not proposed to injure any domestic 
 industries, but rather protect their healthy growth. From 
 the foundation of this government, taxes collected at the 
 custom house have been the chief source of Federal 
 revenue ; such they must continue to be ; moreover, so 
 many industries have come to rely upon legislation for 
 successful continuance that any change of law must be 
 at every step regardful of the labor and capital involved. 
 The process of reform must be subject in execution to this 
 plain dictate of justice all taxation shall be limited to the 
 the requirements of an economical government The 
 necessary reduction in taxation can and must be affected 
 without depriving American labor of the ability to compete 
 successfully with foreign labor and without imposing lower 
 rates of duty than will bo ample to cover any increased
 
 Democratic Platform. 65 
 
 cost of production which may exist in consequence of the 
 higher rate of wages prevailing in this country. Sufficient 
 revenue to pay all the expenses of the Federal Government, 
 economically administered, including pensions and interest 
 and principal of the public debt, can be got under our 
 present system of taxation from custom-house taxes 
 on fewer imported articles, bearing heaviest on articles of 
 luxury and bearing lightest on articles of necessity. We 
 therefore denounce the abuse of the present tariff, and, sub- 
 ject to the preceding limitations, we demand that Federal 
 taxation shall be exclusively for public purposes, and shall 
 not exceed the needs of the Government economically 
 administered." 
 
 THE PLATFORM ADOPTED. 
 
 Secretary Pettit, during the reading of the report of the 
 Committee on Resolutions, was frequently compelled to stop 
 for several seconds while the convention applauded signifi- 
 cant passages in the platform. There was a moderate rol- 
 ume of applause when the opening sentences which 
 reaffirmed the utterances of the tariff plank in the platform 
 of 1884, but when he followed endorsing the President's 
 message and declaring that it correctly interpreted that 
 plank, the convention fairly rose to its feet and cheered 
 wildly for a full minute.
 
 PROHIBITION PLATFORM. 
 
 [Adopted at Indianapolis, May 31, 1888.} 
 
 The Prohibition party, in National convention assembled, 
 acknowledging Almighty God as the source of all power in 
 government, does hereby declare : 
 
 1. That the manufacture, importation, exportation, trans- 
 portation and sale of alcoholic beverages shall be made 
 public crimes, and prohibited and punished as such. 
 
 2. That such prohibition must be secured through 
 amendments of our National and State Constitutions, en- 
 forced by adequate laws adequately supported by adminis- 
 trative authority, and to this end the organization of the 
 Prohibition party is imperatively demanded in State and 
 Nation. 
 
 3. That any form of license taxation, or regulation of 
 the liquor traffic, is contrary to good government ; that any 
 party which supports regulation by license or tax, enters 
 into an alliance with such traffic and becomes the actual foe 
 of the State's welfare, and that we arraign the Republican 
 and Democratic parties for their persistent attitude in favor 
 of the licensed iniquity, whereby they oppose the demand 
 of the people for prohibition, and through open complicity 
 with the liquor cause defeat the enforcement of the law. 
 
 4 For the immediate abolition of the internal-revenue 
 system, whereby our National Government is deriving 
 support from our greatest National vice. 
 
 M
 
 Prohibition Platform. ($7 
 
 6. That an adequate public revenue being necessary, it 
 may properly be raised by impost duties, but import duties 
 hould be so reduced that no surplus should be accumulated 
 in the Treasury, and the burdens of taxation should be 
 removed from foods, clothing and other comforts and neces- 
 saries of life, and imposed upon such articles of import as 
 will give protection both to the manufacturer, employer and 
 producing labor against the competition of the world. 
 
 6. That civil-service appointments for all civil offices, 
 chiefly clerical in their duties, should be based upon moral, 
 intellectual and physical qualifications, and not upon party 
 service or party necessity. 
 
 7. That the right of suffrage rests on no mere circum- 
 stance of race, color or nationality, and that where, from 
 any cause, it has been withheld from citizens who are of 
 suitable age and mentally and morally qualified for the 
 exercise of an intelligent ballot it should be restored by the 
 people through the Legislatures of the several States on 
 such educational basis as they may deem wise. 
 
 8. For the abolition of polygamy and the establishment 
 of uniform laws governing marriage and divorce. 
 
 9. For prohibiting all combination of capital to control 
 and to increase the cost of products for popular consump- 
 tion. 
 
 10. For the preservation and defense of the Sabbath as 
 a civil institution without oppressing any who religiously 
 observe the same on any other day than the first day of the 
 week, 
 
 11. That arbitration is the Christian, wise and economic 
 method of settling National differences, and the same 
 method should by judicious legislation be applied to the 
 settlement of disputes between large bodies of employes 
 and employers; that the abolition of the saloon would
 
 03 Prohibition Platform. 
 
 remove the burdens, moral, physical, pecuniary and social, 
 which now oppress labor and rob it of its earnings, and 
 would prove to be the wise and successful way of promot- 
 ing labor reform ; and we invite labor and capital to unite 
 with us for the accomplishment thereof. 
 
 18. That monopoly in the land is a wrong to the people, 
 and public land should be reserved to actual settlers, and 
 that men and women should receive equal wages for equal 
 work. 
 
 13. That'our immigration laws should be so enforced as 
 to prevent the introduction into our country of all convicts, 
 inmates of dependent institutions and others physically 
 incapacitated for self-support, and that no person shall 
 have the ballot in any State who is not a citizen of the 
 United States. 
 
 14. Kecognizing and declaring that prohibition of the 
 liquor traffic has become the dominant issue in National 
 politics, we invite to full party fellowship all those who, on 
 this one dominant issue, are with us agreed, in the full 
 belief that this party can and will remove sectional differ- 
 ences, promote National unity and insure the best welfare 
 of our native land. 
 
 Resolutions were adopted by the convention favoring the 
 payment of pensions to ex-eoldiers and sailors ; indorsing 
 the work of the Prohibition army of the Blue and the Gray ; 
 condemning the Democratic and Republican parties for 
 denying the right of self-government to the 60,000 people of 
 Dakota, and upon motion of a colored delegate from North 
 Carolina, a resolution declaring " that we hold that all men 
 are born free and equal and should be secured in their 
 righta"
 
 PRESIDENT CLEVELAND'S MESSAGE 
 
 TO CONGRESS. 
 
 [Prom iht " Congrutional Rtcord," December 7, 1997.} 
 
 To the Congress of the United States: 
 
 You are confronted at the threshold of your legislative 
 duties with a condition of the national finances which 
 imperatively demands immediate and careful consideration. 
 
 The amount of money annually exacted, through the 
 operation of present laws, from the industries and necessi- 
 ties of the people, largely exceeds the sum necessary to 
 meet the expenses of the government. 
 
 When we consider that the theory of our institutions 
 guarantees to every citizen the full enjoyment of all the 
 fruits of his industry and enterprise, with only such deduc- 
 tion as may be his share towards the careful and economical 
 maintenance of the government which protects him, it is 
 plain that the exaction of more than this is indefensible ex- 
 tortion, and a culpable betrayal of American fairness and 
 justice. This wrong inflicted upon those who bear the bur- 
 den of national taxation, like other wrongs, multiplies a 
 brood of evil consequences. The public treasury, which 
 should only exist as a conduit conveying the people's 
 tribute to its legitimate object of expenditure, becomes a 
 hoarding-place for money needlessly withdrawn from trade 
 
 09
 
 70 President Cleveland's Message to Congress. 
 
 and the people's use, thu.s crippling our national energies, 
 suspending our country's development, preventing invest- 
 ment in productive enterprise, threatening financial disturb- 
 ance, and inviting schemes of public plunder. 
 
 The condition of our Treasury is not altogether new ; and 
 it has more than once of late been submitted to the people's 
 representatives in the Congress, who alone can apply a 
 remedy. And yet the situation still continues, with aggra- 
 vated incidents, more than ever presaging financial con- 
 vulsion and widespread disaster. 
 
 It will not do to neglect this situation because its dangers 
 are not now palpably imminent and apparent. They exist 
 none the less certainly, and await the unforeseen and unex- 
 pected occasion when suddenly they will be precipitated 
 upon us. 
 
 On the 30th day of June, 1885, the excess of revenues 
 over public expenditures after complying with the annual 
 requirement of the sinking fund act, was $17,859,735.84; 
 during the year ended June 30, 1886, such excess amounted 
 to $49,405,545.20; and during the year ended June 30, 
 1887, it reached the sum of $55,567,849.54. 
 
 The annual contribution to the sinking fund during the 
 three years above specified, amounting in the aggregate to 
 $138,058,320.94, and deducted from the surplus as stated, 
 were made by calling in for that purpose outstanding three 
 per cent, bonds of the government. During the six months 
 prior to June 30, 1887, the surplus revenue had grown so 
 large by repeated accumulations, and it was feared the 
 withdrawal of this great sum of money needed by the 
 people would so affect the business of the country that the 
 sura of $79,864,100 of such surplus was applied to the pay- 
 ment of the principal and interest of the three percent, bonds 
 still outstanding, and which were then payable at the option
 
 President Cleveland'! Mcssoye to Congress. 71 
 
 of the government The precarious condition of financial 
 affairs among the people still needing relief, immediately 
 after the 80th day of June, 1887, the remainder of the three 
 per cent bonds then outstanding, amounting with principal 
 and interest to the sum of $18,877,600, were called in and 
 applied to the sinking fund contribution for the current 
 fiscal year. Notwithstanding these operations of the Treas- 
 ury Department, representations of distress in business cir- 
 cles not only continued but increased, and absolute peril 
 seemed at hand. In these circumstances the contribution 
 to the sinking fund for the current fiscal year was at once 
 completed by the expenditure of $27,684,283,55 in the pur- 
 chase of government bonds not yet due bearing four, and 
 four and a half per cent, interest, the premium paid thereon 
 averaging about twenty-four per cent for the former and 
 eight per cent for the latter. In addition tb this the inter- 
 est accruing during the current year upon the outstanding 
 bonded indebtedness of the government was to some extent 
 anticipated, and banks selected as depositories of public 
 money were permitted to somewhat increase their deposits. 
 
 While the expedients thus employed, to release to the 
 people the money lying idle in the Treasury, served to avert 
 immediate danger, our surplus revenues have continued to 
 accumulate, the excess for the present year amounting on 
 the 1st day of December to $55,258,701. 19,. and estimated 
 to reach the sum of $113,000,000 on the 30th of June- next, 
 r,t which date it is expected that this sum, added to prior 
 accumulations, will swell the surplus in the Treasury to 
 $ 140,000,000. 
 
 There seems to be no assurance that, with such a with- 
 drawal from use of the people's circulating medium, otir 
 business community may not in the near future be subjected 
 to the same distress which was quite lately produced from
 
 72 President Cleveland's Message to Congress. 
 
 the same cause. And while the functions of our national 
 Treasury should be few and simple, and while its best con. 
 dition would be reached, I believe, by its entire disconnec- 
 tion with private business interests, yet when, by a perver^ 
 sion of its purposes, it idly holds money uselessly subtracted 
 from the channels of trade, there seems to be reason for the 
 claim that some legitimate means should be devised by the 
 government to restore in an emergency, without waste or 
 extravagance, such money to its place among the people. 
 
 If such an emergency arises there now exists no clear and 
 undoubted executive power of relief. Heretofore the re- 
 demption of three per cent, bonds, which were payable at 
 the option of the government, has afforded a means for the 
 disbursement of the excess of our revenues; but these 
 bonds have -all been retired, and there are no bonds out- 
 standing, the payment of which we have the right to insist 
 upon. The contribution to the sinking fund which furnish- 
 es the occasion for expenditure in the purchase of bonds has 
 been already made for the current year, so that there is no 
 outlet in that direction. 
 
 In the present state of legislation the only pretence of any 
 existing executive power to restore, at this time, any part of 
 our surplus revenues to the people by its expenditure, con- 
 sists in the supposition that the Secretary of the Treasury 
 may enter the market and purchase the bonds of the gov- 
 ernment not yet due, at a rate of premium to be agreed 
 upon. The only provision of law from which such a power 
 could be derived is found in an appropriation bill passed a 
 number of years ago ; and it is subject to the suspicion that 
 it was intended as temporary, and limited in its application, 
 instead of conferring a continuing discretion and authority. 
 No condition ought to exist which would justify the grant 
 of power to a single official, upon his judgment of its necea
 
 President ClevelcauTs JLhstayt to Congress. 73 
 
 ity, to withhold from or release to the business of the peo- 
 ple, in an unusual manner, money held in the Treasury, and 
 thus affect, at his will, the financial situation of the country; 
 and if it is deemed wise to lodge in the Secretary of the 
 Treasury the authority in the present juncture to purchase 
 bonds, it should be plainly vested, and provided, as far as 
 possible, with such checks and limitations aa will define this 
 oHicial's right and discretion, and at the same time relieve 
 him from undue responsibility. 
 
 In considering the question of purchasing bonds aa a 
 means of restoring to circulation the surplus money accumu- 
 lating in the Treasury, it should be borne in mind that pre- 
 miums must of course be paid upon such purchase, that 
 there may be a large part of these onds held as investments 
 which cannot be purchased at any price, and that combina- 
 tions among holders who are willing to sell may unreasona- 
 bly enhance the cost of such bonds to the government 
 
 It has been suggested that the present bonded debt rnighi 
 be refunded at a less rate of interest, and the difference be- 
 tween the old and new security paid in cash, thus finding 
 use for the surplus in the Treasury. The success of this 
 plan, it is apparent, must depend upon the volition of the 
 holders of the present bonds ; and it is not entirely certain 
 that the inducement which must be offered them would re- 
 sult in more financial benefit to the government than the 
 purchase of bonds, while the latter proposition would reduce 
 the principal of the debt by actual payment, instead of ex- 
 tending it 
 
 The proposition to deposit the money held by the gov- 
 ernment in banks throughout the country, for use by the 
 people,* is, it seems to me, exceedingly objectionable in 
 principle, as establishing too close a relationship between 
 the operations of the government Treasury and the business
 
 74 President Cleveland's Message to Congress. 
 
 of the country, and too extensive a commingling of their 
 money, thus fostering an unnatural reliance in private busi- 
 ness upon public funds. If this scheme should be adopted 
 it should only be done as a temporary expedient to meet an 
 urgent necessity. Legislative and executive effort should 
 generally be in the opposite direction and should have a 
 tendency to divorce, as much and as fast as can safely be 
 done, the Treasury Department from private enterprise. 
 
 Of course it is not expected that unnecessary and extrav- 
 agant appropriations will be made for the purpose of avoid- 
 ing the accumulation of an excess of revenue. Such 
 expenditure, besides the demoralization of all just 
 conceptions of public duty which it entails, stimulates a 
 habit of reckless improvidence not in the least consistent 
 with the mission of our people or the high and beneficent 
 purposes of our government 
 
 I have deemed it my duty to thus bring to the knowledge 
 of my countrymen, as well as to the attention of their 
 representatives charged with the responsibility of legislative 
 relief, the gravity of our financial situation. The failure of 
 the Congress heretofore to provide against the dangers 
 which it was quite evident the very nature of the difficulty 
 must necessarily produce, caused a condition of financial 
 distress and apprehension since your last adjournment, 
 which taxed to the utmost all the authority and expedients 
 within executive control; and these appear now to be 
 exhausted. If disaster results from the continued inaction 
 of Congress, the responsibility must rest where it belongs. 
 
 Though the situation thus far considered is fraught with 
 danger which should be fully realized, and though it 
 presents features of wrong to the people as well as peril to 
 the country, it is but a result growing out of a perfectly 
 palpable and apparent cause, constantly reproducing the
 
 President Cleveland's Message to Congress. 76 
 
 same alarming circumstances a congested National Treas- 
 ury and a depleted monetary condition in the business of 
 the country. It need hardly be stated that while the 
 present situation demands a remedy, we can only be saved 
 from ft like predicament in the future by the removal of its 
 cause. 
 
 Our scheme of taxation, by means of which this needless 
 surplus is taken from the people and put into the public 
 treasury, consists of a tariff or duty levied upon importa- 
 tions from abroad, and internal revenue taxes levied upon 
 the consumption of tobacco and spirituous and malt liquors. 
 It must be conceded that none of the things subjected to 
 internal-revenue taxation are, strictly speaking, necessaries; 
 there appears to be no just complaint of this taxation by the 
 consumers of these articles, and there seems to be nothing 
 so well able to bear the burden without hardship to any 
 portion of the people. 
 
 . But our present tariff laws, the vicious, inequitable, and 
 illogical source of unnecessary taxation, ought to be at once 
 revised and amended. These laws as their primary and 
 plain effect, raise the price to consumers of all articles 
 imported and subjected to duty, by precisely the sum paid 
 for such duties. Thus the amount of the duty measures 
 the tax paid by those who purchase for use these imported 
 articles. Many of these things, however, are raised or 
 manufactured in our own country, and the duties now 
 levied upon foreign goods and products are called protection 
 to these home manufactures, because they render it possible 
 for those of our people who are manufacturers to make these 
 taxed articles and sell them for a price equal to that 
 demanded for the imported goods that have paid customs 
 duty. So it happens that while comparatively a few use 
 the imported articles, millions of our people who never
 
 76 President Cleveland! s Message to Congress. 
 
 used and never saw any of the foreign products, purchase 
 and use things of the same kind made iu this country, and 
 pay therefor nearly or quite the same enhanced price which 
 the duty adds to the imported articles. Those who buy 
 imports pay the duty charged thereon into the public 
 treasury, but the great majority of our citizens, who buy 
 domestic articles of the same class, pay a sum at least 
 approximately equal to this duty to the home manufacturer. 
 This reference to the operation of our tariff laws is not 
 made by way of instruction, but in order that we may be 
 constantly reminded of the manner in which they impose a 
 burden upon those who consume domestic products as well 
 as those who consume imported articles, and thus create a 
 tax upon all our people. 
 
 It is not proposed to entirely relieve the country of this 
 taxation. It must be extensively continued as the source 
 of the government's income; and in re-adjustment of our 
 tariff the interests of American labor engaged in manufac- 
 ture should be carefully considered, as well as the preserva- 
 tion of our manufacturers. It may be called protection, or 
 any other name, but relief from the hardships and dangers 
 of our present tariff laws should be devised with especial 
 precaution against imperiling the existence of our manufac- 
 turing interests. But this existence should not mean a con- 
 dition which, without regard to a public welfare or a 
 .national exigency, must always insure the realization of 
 immense profits instead of moderately profitable returns. 
 As the volume and diversity of our national activities 
 increase, new recruits are added to those who desire a con- 
 tinuation of the advantages which they conceive the present 
 system of tariff taxation directly affords ' them. So 
 stubbornly have all efforts to reform the present condition 
 been resisted by those of our fellow-citizens thus engaged,
 
 President Cleveland's Message to Congress. 77 
 
 that they can hardly complain of the suspicion, entertained 
 to a certain extent, that there exists an organized combina- 
 tion all along the line to maintain their advantage. 
 
 \Ve are in the midst of centennial celebrations, and with 
 becoming gride we rejoice in American skill and ingenuity, 
 in American energy and enterprise, and in the wonderful 
 natural advantages and resources developed by a century's 
 national growth. Yet when an attempt is made to justify a 
 scheme which permits a tax to be laid upon every consumer 
 in the land for the benefit of our manufacturers, quite 
 beyond a reasonable demand for governmental regard, it 
 suits the purposes of advocacy to call our manufactures 
 infant industries, still needing the highest and greatest 
 degree of favor and fostering care that can be wrung from 
 Federal legislation. 
 
 It is also said that the increase in the price of domestic 
 manufactures resulting .from the present tariff is necessary 
 in order that higher wages may be paid to our workingmen 
 employed in manufactories, than are paid for what is called 
 the pauper labor of Europe. All will acknowledge the 
 force of an argument which involves the welfare and liberal 
 compensation of our laboring people. Our labor is honor- 
 able in the eyes of every American citizen ; and as it lies 
 at the foundation of our development and progress, it is 
 entitled, without affectation or hypocrisy, to the utmost 
 regard. The standard of our laborers' life should not be 
 measured by that of any other country less favored, and 
 they are entitled to their full share of all our advantages. 
 
 By the last census it is made to appear that of the 
 17,892,099 of our population engaged in all kinds of indus- 
 tries, 7,670,493 are employed in agriculture, 4,074,288 in 
 professional and personal service (2,984,876 of whom are 
 domestic servants and laborers), while 1,810,256 are em-
 
 78 President Cleveland's Message to Congress. 
 
 ployed in trade and transportation, and 3,837,112 are classed 
 as employed in manufacturing and mining. 
 
 For present purposes, however, the last number given 
 should be considerably reduced. Without attempting to 
 enumerate all, it will be conceded that there should be 
 deducted from those which it includes 375,143 carpenters 
 and joiners, 285,401 milliners, dressmakers, and seamstresses, 
 172,726 blacksmiths, 133,756 tailors and tailoresses, 102,473 
 masons, 76,241 butchers, 41,309 bakers, 22,083 plasterers, 
 and 4,891 engaged in manufacturing agricultural implements, 
 amounting in the aggregate to 1,214,023, leaving 2,623,089 
 persons employed in such manufacturing industries as are 
 claimed to be benefited by a high tariff. 
 
 To these the appeal is made to save their employment and 
 maintain their wages by resisting a change. There should 
 be no disposition to answer such suggestions by the allega- 
 tion that they are in a minority among those who labor, and 
 therefore should forego an advantage, in the interest of low 
 prices for the majority ; their compensation, as it may be 
 affected by the operation of tariff laws, should at all times 
 be scrupulously kept in view ; and yet with slight reflection 
 they will not overlook the fact that they are consumers with 
 the rest ; that they, too, have their own wants and those of 
 their families to supply from their earnings, and that the 
 price of the necessaries of life, as well as the amount of 
 their wages, will regulate the measure of their welfare and 
 comfort 
 
 But the reduction of taxation demanded should be so 
 measured as not to necessitate or justify either the loss of 
 employment by the workingman nor the lessening of his 
 wages ; and the profits still remaining to the manufacturer, 
 after a necessary readjustment, should furnish no excuse for 
 the sacrifice of the interests of his employees either in their
 
 President Cleveland's Message to Gongrex. 79 
 
 opportunity to work or in the diminution of their compen- 
 sation. Nor can the worker in manufactures fail to under- 
 stand that while a high tariff is claimed to be necessary to 
 allow the payment of remunerative wages, it certainly 
 results in a very large increase in the price of nearly all 
 sorts of manufactures, which, in almost countless forms, he 
 needs for the use of himself and his family. He receives 
 at the desk of his employer his wages, and perhaps before 
 he reaches his home is obliged, in a purchase for family use 
 of an article which embraces his own labor, to return in the 
 payment of the increase in price, which the tariff permits, 
 the hard-earned compensation of many days of toil 
 
 The farmer and the agriculturist who manufacture noth- 
 ing, but who pay the increased price which the tariff 
 imposes, upon every agricultural implement, upon all he 
 wears and upon all he uses and owns, except the increase of 
 his flocks and herds and such things as his husbandry pro* 
 duces from the soil, is invited to aid in maintaining the 
 present situation ; and he is told that a high duty on im- 
 ported wool is necessary for the benefit of those who have 
 sheep to shear, in order that the price of their wool may be 
 increased. They, of course, are not reminded that the 
 farmer who has no sheep is by this scheme obliged, in his 
 purchases of clothing and woolen goods, to pay a tribute to 
 his fellow-farmer as well as to the manufacturer and mer- 
 chant ; nor is any mention made of the fact that the sheep- 
 owners themselves and their households must wear clothing 
 and use other articles manufactured from the wool they sell 
 at tariff prices, and thus as consumers must return their 
 share of this increased price to the tradesman. 
 
 I think it may be fairly assumed that a large proportion 
 of the sheep owned by farmers throughout the country are 
 found in small flocks numbering from twenty-five to fifty.
 
 80 President Cleveland's Message to Congress. 
 
 The duty on the grade of imported wool which these sheep 
 yield is ten cents each pound, if of the value of thirty cents 
 or less, and twelve cents if of the value of more than thirty 
 cents. If the liberal estimate of six pounds be allowed for 
 each fleece, the duty thereon would be sixty or seventy-two 
 cents, and this may be taken as the utmost enhancement of 
 its price to the farmer by reason of this duty. Eighteen 
 dollars would thus represent the increased price of the wool 
 from twenty-five sheep and thirty-six dollars that from the 
 wool of fifty sheep ; and at present values this addition 
 would amount to about one third of its price. If upon its 
 sale the farmer receives this or a less tariff profit, the wool 
 leaves his hands charged with precisely that sum, which in 
 all its changes will adhere to it, until it reaches the con- 
 sumer. When manufactured into cloth and other goods 
 and material for use, its cost is not only increased to the 
 extent of the farmer's tariff profit, but a further sum has 
 been added for the benefit of the manufacturer under the 
 operation of other tariff laws. In the meantime the day 
 arrives when the farmer finds it necessary to purchase wool- 
 en goods and material to clothe himself and family for the 
 winter. "When he faces the tradesman for that purpose he 
 discovers that he is obliged not only to return in the way of 
 increased prices his tariff profit on the wool he sold, and 
 which then, perhaps, lies before him in manufactured form, 
 but that he must add a considerable sum thereto to meet a 
 further increase in cost caused by a tariff duty on the man- 
 ufacture. Thus in the end he is aroused to the fact that he 
 has paid upon a moderate purchase, as a result of the tariff 
 scheme, which, when he sold his wool seemed so profitable, 
 an increase in price more than sufficient to sweep away all 
 the tariff profit he received upon the wool he produced and 
 sold.
 
 President Cleveland's Message to Congress. 81 
 
 "When the number of farmers engaged in wool-raising is 
 compared with all the farmers in the country, and the small 
 proportion they bear to our population is considered ; when 
 it is made apparent that, in the case of a large part of those 
 who own sheep the benefit of the present tariff on wool is 
 illusory ; and, above all, when it must be conceeded that the 
 increase of the cost of living caused by such tariff becomes 
 a burden upon those with moderate means and the poor, the 
 employed and unemployed, the sick and well, and the young 
 and old, and that it constitutes a tax which, with relentless 
 grasp, is fastened upon the clothing of every man, woman 
 and child in the land, reasons are suggested why the removal 
 or reduction of this duty should be included in a revision of 
 our tariff laws. 
 
 In speaking of the increased cost to the consumer of our 
 home manufactures, resulting from a duty laid upon im- 
 ported articles of the same description, the fact is not over- 
 looked that competition among our domestic producers 
 sometime* has the effect of keeping the price of their pro* 
 ducts below the highest limit allowed by such duty. But 
 it is notorious that this competition is too often strangled 
 by combinations quite prevalent at this time, and frequently 
 called trusts, which have for their object the regulation of 
 the supply and price of commodities made and sold by 
 members of the combination. The people can hardly hope 
 for any consideration in the operation of these selfish 
 schemes. 
 
 If, however, in the absence of such combination, a healthy 
 and free competition reduces the price of any particular 
 dutiable article of home production below the limit which 
 it might otherwise reach under our tariff laws, and if, with 
 such reduced price, its manufacture continues to thrive, it 
 is entirely evident that one thing haa been discovered which
 
 82 President Cleveland's Message to Congress. 
 
 should be carefully scrutinized in an effort to reduce taxa- 
 tion. 
 
 The necessity of combination to maintain the price of 
 any commodity to the tariff point furnishes proof that some 
 one is willing to accept lower prices for such commodity, 
 and that such prices are remunerative; and lower prices 
 produced by competition prove the same thing. Thus 
 where either of these conditions exists a case would seem 
 to be presented for an easy reduction of taxation. 
 
 The considerations which have been presented touching 
 our tariff laws are intended only to enforce an earnest 
 recommendation that the surplus revenues of the govern- 
 ment be prevented by the reduction of our customs duties, 
 and, at the same time, to emphasize a suggestion that in 
 accomplishing this purpose we may discharge a double duty 
 to our people by granting to them a measure of relief from 
 tariff taxation in quarters where it is most needed and from 
 sources where it can be most fairly and justly accorded. 
 
 Nor can the presentation made of such considerations be, 
 with any degree of fairness, regarded as evidence of unfriend- 
 liness towards our manufacturing interests, or of any lack 
 of appreciation of their value and importance. 
 
 These interests constitute a leading and most substantial 
 element of our national greatness and furnish the proud 
 proof of our country's progress. But if in the emergency 
 that presses upon us our manufacturers are asked to surren- 
 der something for the public good and to- avert disaster, 
 their patriotism, as well as a grateful recognition of advan- 
 tages already afforded, should lead them to willing co-oper- 
 ation. No demand is made that they shall forego, all the 
 benefits of governmental regard ; but they cannot fail to be 
 admonished of their duty, as well as their enlightened self- 
 interest and safety, when they are reminded of the fact that
 
 President Cleveland's Message to Congress. 83 
 
 financial panic and collapse, to which the present condition 
 tends, afford no greater shelter or protection to our manu- 
 factures than to our other important enterprises. Oppor- 
 tunity for safe, careful, and deliberate reform is now offered ; 
 and none of us should bo unmindful of a time NY hen an 
 abused and irritated people, heedless of those who have 
 resisted timely and reasonable relief, may insist upon a 
 radical and sweeping rectification of their wrongs. 
 
 The difficulty attending a wise and fair revision of our 
 tariff laws is not underestimated. It will require on the 
 part of Congress great labor and cafe, and especially a 
 broad and national contemplation of the subject, and a patri. 
 otic disregard of such local and selfish claims as are unreas- 
 onable and reckless of the welfare of the entire country. 
 
 Under our present laws more than four thousand articles 
 are subject to duty. Many of these do not in any way com. 
 pete with our own manufactures, and many are hardly worth 
 attention as subjects of revenue. A considerable reduction 
 can be made in the aggregate, by adding them to the free 
 list. The taxation of luxuries presents no features of hard- 
 ship ; but the necessaries of life used and consumed by all 
 the people, the duty upon which adds to the cost of living 
 in every home, should be greatly cheapened. 
 
 The radical reduction of the duties imposed on raw 
 material used in manufactures, or its free importation, is of 
 course an important factor in any effort to reduce the price 
 of these necessaries; it would not only relieve them from 
 the increased cost caused by the tariff on such material, but 
 the manufactured product being thus cheapened, that part 
 of the tariff now laid upon such product, as a compensation 
 to our manufacturers for the present price of raw material, 
 could be accordingly modified. Such reduction, or free 
 Importation, would serve, besides, to largely reduce the
 
 84 President Cleveland's Message to Congress, 
 
 revenue. It is not apparent how such a change can have 
 aay injurious effect upon our manufacturers. On the con- 
 trary, it would appear to give them a better chance in for- 
 eign markets with the manufacturers of other countries, who 
 cheapen their wares by free material. Thus our people 
 might have the opportunity of extending their sales beyond 
 the limits of home consumption saving them from the 
 depression, interruption in business, and loss caused by a 
 glutted domestic market, and affording their employees 
 more certain and steady labor, with its resulting quiet and 
 contentment 
 
 The question thus imperatively presented for solution 
 ghould be approached in a spirit higher than partisanship, 
 and considered in the light of that regard for patriotic duty 
 which should characterize the action of those intrusted with 
 the weal of a confiding people. But the obligation to de- 
 clared party policy and principle is not wanting to urge 
 prompt and effective action. Both of the great political 
 parties now represented in the government have, by repeat- 
 ed and authoritative declarations, condemned the condition 
 of our laws which permit the collection from the people of 
 unnecessary revenue, and have, in the most solemn manner, 
 promised its correction ; and neither as citizens or partisans 
 are our countrymen in a mood to condone the deliberate 
 violation of these pledges. 
 
 Our progress towards a wise conclusion will not be im- 
 proved by dwelling upon the theories of protection and free 
 trade. This savors too much of bandying epithets. It is a 
 condition which confronts us not a theory Relief from 
 thus condition may involve a slight reduction-of the advan- 
 tages which we award' our home productions, but the entire 
 withdrawal of such advantages should not be contemplated. 
 The question of free trade is absolutely irrelevant ; and the
 
 President Cleveland's Messagz to Congress. 85 
 
 persistent claim made in certain quarters, that all efforts to 
 relieve the people from unjust and unnecessary taxation are 
 schemes of so-called free-traders, is mischievous and far 
 removed from any consideration for the public good. 
 
 The simple and plain duty which we owe the people is to 
 reduce taxation to the necessary expenses of an economical 
 operation of the government, and to restore to the business 
 of the country the money which we hold in the Treasury 
 through the perversion of governmental powers. These 
 things can and should be done with safety to all our indus- 
 tries, without danger to the opportunity for remunerative 
 labor which our workingmen need, and with benefit to them 
 and all our people, by cheapening their means of subsistence 
 and increasing the measure of their comforts. 
 
 The Constitution provides that the President "shall, from 
 time to time, give to the Congress information of the state 
 of the Union." It has been the custom of the Executive, 
 in compliance with this provision, to annually exhibit to the 
 Congress, at the opening of its session, the general condition 
 of the country, and to detail, with some particularity, the 
 operations of the different executive departments. It would 
 be especially agreeable to follow this course at the present 
 time, and to call attention to the valuable accomplishments 
 of these departments during the last fiscal year. But I am 
 so much impressed with the paramount importance of the 
 subject to which this communication has thus far been de- 
 voted, that I shall forego the addition of any other topic, 
 and only urge upon your immediate consideration the "state 
 of the Union " as shown in the present consideration of our 
 Treasury and our general fiscal situation, upon which every 
 element of our safety and prosperity depends. 
 
 The reports of the heads of departments, which will be 
 submitted, contain full and explicit information touching
 
 86 President Cleveland's Message to Congress. 
 
 the transaction of the business intrusted to them, and such 
 recommendations relating to legislation in the public inter- 
 ests as they deem advisable. I ask for these reports and 
 recommendations the deliberate examination and action of 
 the legislative branch of the government 
 
 There are other subjects not embraced in the departmental 
 reports demanding legislative consideration, and which I 
 should be glad to submit. Some of them, however, have 
 been earnestly presented in previous messages, and as to 
 them, I beg leave to repeat prior recommendations. 
 
 As the law makes no provision for any report from the 
 Department of State, a brief history of the transactions of 
 that important department, together with other matters 
 which it may hereafter be deemed essential to commend to 
 the attention of the Congress, may furnish the occasion for 
 a future communication. 
 
 GROVER CLEVELAND. 
 WASHINGTON, D&xm^er 6, 1887,
 
 PRESIDENT CLEVELAND'S MESSAGE 
 
 DISCUSSED. 
 
 JAMES O. ELAINE. 
 
 & PARIS, December 7, 1887. After read- 
 ing an abstract of the President's message, 
 laid before all Europe this morning, I saw 
 Mr. Elaine and asked him if he would be 
 willing to give his views upon the recom- 
 mendation of the President in the form of 
 a letter or interview. He preferred an interview, if I would 
 agree to send him an intelligent shorthand reporter, with 
 such questions as should give free scope for an expression 
 of his views. The following lucid and powerful statement 
 is the result Mr. Blaine began by saying to the reporter: 
 "I have been reading an abstract of the President's 
 message, and have been especially interested in the com- 
 ments of the London papers. Those papers all assume to 
 declare the message a free-trade manifesto, and evidently are 
 anticipating an enlarged market for English fabrics in the 
 United States as a consequence of the President's recom- 
 mendations. Perhaps that fact stamped the character of the 
 message more clearly than any words of mine can." 
 
 87
 
 gS Elaine's Views of ffie Message. 
 
 "You don't mean actual free- trade without duty?" que- 
 ried the reporter. 
 
 " No," replied Mr. Blaine, " Nor do the London papers 
 mean that They simply mean that the President has rec- 
 ommended what in the United States is known as a revenue 
 tariff, rejecting the protective feature as an object, and not 
 even permitting protection to result freely as an incident to 
 revenue duties." 
 
 " I don't know that I quite comprehend that last point," 
 said the reporter. 
 
 "I mean," said Mr. Blaine, "that for the first time in the 
 history of the United States the President recommends re- 
 taining the internal tax in order that the tariff may be forced 
 down even below the fair revenue standard. He recom- 
 mends that the tax on tobacco be retained, and thus that 
 many millions annually shall be levied on a domestic pro- 
 duct which would far better come from a tariff on foreign 
 fabrics." 
 
 " Then do you mean to imply that you would favor the 
 repeal of the tobacco tax ? " 
 
 "Certainly; I mean just that," said Mr. Blaine. "I 
 should urge that it be done at once, even before the Christ- 
 mas holidays. It would, in the first place, bring great relief 
 to growers of tobacco all over the country, and would, 
 moreover, materially lessen the price of the article to con- 
 sumers. Tobacco to millions of men is a necessity. The 
 "President calls it a luxury, but it is a luxury in no other 
 sense than tea and coffee are luxuries. It is well to remem- 
 ber that the luxury of yesterday becomes a necessity of 
 to-day. "Watch, if you please, the number of men at work 
 on the farm, in the coal mine, along the railroad, in the iron 
 foundry, or in any calling, and you. will find ninety-five in 
 a hundred chewing while they work. After each meal the
 
 Elaine s Views of ffie Message. 89 
 
 same proportion seek the solace of a pipe or a cigar. These 
 men not only pay the millions of the tobacco tax, but pay 
 on every plug and every cigar an enhanced price which the 
 tax enables the manufacturer and retailer to impose. The 
 only excuse for such a tax is the actual necessity under 
 which the government found itself during the war, and the 
 years immediately following. To retain the tax now, in 
 order to destroy the protection which would incidentally 
 flow from raising the same amount of money on foreign 
 imports, is certainly a most extraordinary policy for our 
 government" 
 
 " Well, then, Mr. Elaine, would you advise the repeal of 
 the whiskey tax also? " 
 
 " No, I would not Other considerations than those of 
 financial administration are to be taken into account with 
 regard to whiskey. There is a moral side to it To cheapen 
 the price of whiskey is to increase its consumption enor- 
 mously. There would be no sense in urging the reform 
 wrought by high license in many states if the national gov- 
 ernment neutralizes the good effect by making whiskey 
 within reach of every one at twenty cents a gallon. 
 Whiskey would be everywhere distilled if the surveillance 
 of the government were withdrawn by the remission of the 
 tax, and illicit sales could not then be prevented even by a 
 policy as rigorous and searching as that with which Eussia 
 pursues the Nihilists. It would destroy high license at 
 once in all the states. 
 
 " Whiskey has done a vast deal of harm in the United 
 States. I would try to make it do some good. I would 
 use the tax to fortify our cities on the seaboard. In view 
 of the powerful letter addressed to the Democratic party on 
 the subject of fortifications by the late Mr. Samuel J- 
 Tilden, in 1885, I am amazed that no attention has baon
 
 90 Blaine's Views of tlie Message. 
 
 paid to the subject by the Democratic administratioa 
 Never before in the history of the world has any govern- 
 ment allowed great cities on the seaboard, like New York, 
 Philadelphia, Boston, Baltimore, New Orleans and San 
 Francisco, to remain absolutely defenceless." 
 
 "But," said the reporter, "you don't think we are to have 
 war in any direction ? " 
 
 "Certainly not," said Mr. Blaine. "Neither, I presume, 
 did Mr. Tilden when he wrote his i emarkable letter. But 
 we should change a remote choree I>)io:m absolute impossi- 
 bility if our weak and exposed j/o' n strongly fortified. 
 If to-day we had by any chance ^ >:' vui' as we had with 
 Mexico, our enemy could procu:e iioncliuia in Europe that 
 would menace our great cities with destruction or lay them 
 tinder contribution." 
 
 " But would not our fortifying now possibly look as if we 
 expected war?" 
 
 " Why should it any more than the fortifications made 
 seventy or eighty years ago by our grandfathers when they 
 guarded themselves against successful attack from the arma- 
 ments of their day? We don't necessarily expect a burglar 
 because we lock our doors at night, but if by any possi- 
 bility a burglar comes it contributes vastly to our peace 
 of mind and our sound sleep to feel that he can't get in." 
 
 " But after the fortifications should be constructed would 
 you still maintain the tax on whiskey ? " 
 
 11 Yes," said Mr. Blaine, " so long as there is whiskey to 
 tax I would tax it, and when the national government 
 should have no use for the money I would divide the tax 
 among the members of the Federal Union with the specific 
 object of lightening the tax on real estate. The houses and 
 farms of the whole country pay too large a proportion 
 of the total taxes. If, ultimately, relief could be given in
 
 Elaine s Views of the Message. . 91 
 
 that direction it would, in my judgment, be a wise and 
 beneficent policy. Some honest but misguided friends of 
 "ranee have urged that the government should not use 
 the money derived from the tax on whiskey, My reply is 
 that the tax on whiskey by the Federal government, with 
 its suppression of all illicit distillation and consequent 
 enhancement of price, has been a powerful agent in the 
 .temperance reform by putting it beyond the reach of so 
 many. The amount of whiskey consumed in the United 
 States per capita to-day is not more than 40 per cent of that 
 consumed thirty years ago. 
 
 " In my judgment the whiskey tax should be so modified 
 as to permit all who use pure alcohol in the arts or in 
 mechanical pursuits to have it free of tax. In all such 
 cases the tax could be remitted without danger of fraud, 
 just as now the tax on spirits exported is remitted." 
 
 "Besides your general and sweeping opposition to the 
 President's recommendation, have you any further specific 
 objection?" 
 
 "Yes," answered Mr. Blaine; "I should seriously object 
 to the repeal of the duty on wooL To repeal that would 
 work great injustice to many interests and would seriously 
 discourage what we should earnestly encourage, namely, 
 the sheep culture among farmers throughout the Union. 
 To break down wool-growing and be dependent on foreign 
 countries for the blanket under which we sleep and the 
 coat that covers our backs is not a wise policy for the 
 national government to enforce." 
 
 " Do you think if the President's recommendation were 
 adopted it would increase our export trade? " 
 
 " Possibly in some few articles of peculiar construction it 
 might, but it would increase our import trade tenfold as 
 much in the great staple fabrics, in woolen and cotton
 
 92 Blame's Views of the Message. 
 
 goods, in iron, in steel, in all the thousand and one shapes 
 in which they are -wrought. How are we to export staple 
 fabrics to the markets of Europe unless we make them 
 cheaper than they do in Europe, and ho^v are we to manu- 
 facture them cheaper than they do in Europe unless we get 
 cheaper labor than they have in Europe?" 
 
 " Then you think that the question of labor underlies the 
 whole subject?" 
 
 "Of course it does," replied Mr. Elaine. "It is, in fact, 
 the entire question. Whenever we can force carpenters, 
 masons, iron- workers, and mechanics in every department 
 to work as cheaply and live as poorly in the United States 
 as similar workmen in Europe, we can, of course, manu- 
 facture just as cheaply as they do in England and France. 
 But I am totally opposed to a policy that would entail such 
 results. To attempt it is equivalent to a social and financial 
 revolution, one that would bring untold distress." 
 
 " Yes, but might not the great farming class be benefited 
 by importing articles from Europe instead of buying them 
 at higher prices at home? " 
 
 "The moment," answered Mr. Blaine, "you begin to 
 import freely from Europe you drive our own workmen 
 from mechanical and manufacturing pursuits. In the same 
 proportion they become tillers of the soil, increasing steadily 
 the agricultural product and decreasing steadily the large 
 home demand which is constantly enlarging as home manu- 
 factures enlarga That, of course, works great injury to the 
 fanner, glutting the market with his products and tending 
 constantly to lower the prices." 
 
 " Yes, but the foreign demand for farm products would 
 be increased in like ratio, would it not? " 
 
 "Even suppose it were," said Mr. Blaine, "how do you 
 know the source from which it will bo supplied. The ten-
 
 Slaines Views of the Iff stage 93 
 
 dency in Russia to-day and in the Asiatic possessions of 
 England IB towards a large increase of the grain supply, the 
 grain being raised by the cheapest possible labor. Manu- 
 facturing countries will buy their breadstuffs where they 
 can get them cheapest, and the enlarging of the home mar- 
 ket for the American farmer being checked, he would search 
 in vain for one of the same value. His foreign sales are 
 already checked by the great competition abroad. There 
 never was a time when the increase of a large home market 
 was so valuable to him. The best proof is that the farmers 
 are prosperous in proportion to the nearness of manufactur- 
 ing centres, and a protective tariff tends to spread manu- 
 factures. In Ohio and Indiana, for example, though not 
 classed as manufacturing states, the annual value of fabrics 
 is larger than the annual value of agricultural products." 
 
 " But those holding the President's views," remarked the 
 reporter, "are always quoting the great prosperity of the 
 country under the tariff of 1846." 
 
 "That tariff did not involve the one destructive point 
 recommended by the President, namely, the retaining of 
 direct internal taxes in order to abolish indirect taxes levied 
 on foreign fabrics. But the country had peculiar advan- 
 tages under it by the Crimean war involving England, 
 France, and Russia, and largely impairing their trade. All 
 these incidents, or accidents, if you choose, were immensely 
 stimulating to trade in the United States, regardless of the 
 nature of our tariff. But mark the end of this European 
 experience with the tariff of 1846, which for a time gave an 
 illusory and deceptive show of prosperity. Its enactment 
 was immediately followed by the Mexican war; then in 
 1848 by the great convulsions in Europe ; then in 1849 and 
 succeeding years by the enormous gold yield in California. 
 The Powers made peace in 1856, and at the same time the
 
 94 BlainJs Visws of the Message. 
 
 output of gold in California fell off. Immediately the 
 financial panic of 1857 came upon the country with dis- 
 astrous force. Though we had in these years mined a vast 
 amount of gold in California, every bank in New York 
 was compelled to suspend specie payment Four hundred 
 millions in gold had been carried out of the country in 
 eight years to pay for foreign goods that should have been 
 manufactured at home, and we had years of depression and 
 distress as an atonement for our folly. 
 
 " It is remarkable that President Polk recommended the 
 tariff of 1846 on precisely the same ground that President 
 Cleveland recommends a similar enactment now, namely, 
 the surplus in the Treasury was menacing the prosperity of 
 the country. History is repeating itself. By the way," 
 Mr. Elaine added, after a moment's reflection, "it is worth 
 notice that Mr. Polk insisted on emptying the Treasury by 
 a free-trade tariff, then immediately rushed the country 
 into debt by borrowing $150,000,000 for the Mexican war. 
 I trust nothing may occur to repeat so disastrous a sequel 
 to the policy recommended by President Cleveland. But 
 the uniform fate has been for fifty years past that the Dem- 
 ocratic party, when it goes out of power, always leaves an 
 empty Treasury, and when it returns to power always finds 
 a full Treasury." 
 
 " Then do you mean to imply that there should be no 
 reduction of the national revenue ? " 
 
 "No, what I have said implies the reverse. I would 
 reduce it by a prompt repeal of the tobacco tax, and would 
 make here and there some changes in the tariff not to reduce 
 protection, but wisely foster it." 
 
 "Would you explain your meaning more fully?" 
 
 "I mean," said Mr. Elaine, "that no great system of 
 tevenue like our tariff can operate with efficiency and equity
 
 Elaine s Views of the Message. 95 
 
 unless the changes of trade be closely watched and the law 
 promptly adapted to those changes. But I would make no 
 change that should impair the protective character of the 
 whole body of the tariff lawa Four years ago, in the Act 
 of 1883, we made changes of the character I have tried to 
 indicate. If such changes were made, and the fortifying of 
 our sea-coast thus undertaken at a very moderate annual 
 outlay, no surplus would be found after that already accu- 
 mulated had been disposed of. The outlay of money on 
 fortifications, while doing great service to the country, 
 would give good work to many men." 
 
 "But what about the existing surplus? n 
 
 " The abstract of the message I have seen," replied Mr. 
 Blaine, " contains no reference to that point I, therefore, 
 make no comment further than to indorse Mr. Fred Grant's 
 remark that a surplus is always easier to handle than a 
 deficit." 
 
 The reporter repeated the question whether the Presi- 
 dent's recommendation would not, if adopted, give us the 
 advantage of a large increase in exports. 
 
 " I only repeat," answered Mr. Blaine, " that it would 
 vastly enlarge our imports, while the only export it would 
 seriously increase would be our gold and silver. That 
 would flow out bounteously, just as it did under the tariff 
 of 1846. The President's recommendation enacted into 
 law would result as did an experiment in drainage, of a man 
 who wished to turn a swamp into a productive field. He 
 dug a drain to a neighboring river, but it happened unfor- 
 tunately, that the level of the river was -higher than the 
 level of the swamp. The consequence need not be told. 
 A parallel would be found when the President's policy in 
 attempting to oj>en a channel for an increase of exports
 
 g(> Bhines Views of the Message. 
 
 should simplj succeed in making way for a deluging inflow 
 of fabrics to the destruction of home industry." 
 
 " But don't you think it important to increase our export 
 trade?" 
 
 " Undoubtedly ; but it is vastly more important not to lose 
 our own great market for our own people in the vain effort 
 to reach the impossible. It is not our foreign trade that has 
 caused the wonderful growth and expansion of the republic. 
 It ia the vast domestic trade between thirty-eight states and 
 eight territories, with their population of, perhaps, 62,000,000 
 to-day. The whole amount of our export and import trade 
 together has never, I think, reached $1,900,000,000 anyone 
 year. Our internal home trade on 130,000 miles of railway, 
 along 15,000 miles of ocean coast, over the five great lakes, 
 and along 20,000 miles of navigable rivers, reaches the 
 enormous annual aggregate of more than $40,000,000,000, 
 and perhaps this year $50,000,000,000. 
 
 " It is into this illimitable trade, even now in its infancy, 
 and destined to attain a magnitude not dreamed of twenty 
 years ago, that the Europeans are struggling to enter. It is 
 the heritage of the American people, of their children, and 
 of their children's children. Il gives an absolutely free 
 trade over a territory nearly as large as all Europe, and the 
 profit is all our own. The genuine free-trader appears 
 unable to see or comprehend that this continental trade 
 not our exchanges with Europe is the great source of our 
 prosperity. President Cleveland now plainly proposes a 
 policy that will admit Europe to a share of thia trade." 
 
 " But you are in favor of extending our foreign trade, are 
 you not?" 
 
 " Certainly I am, in all practical and advantageous ways, 
 but not on the principle of the free-traders, by which we 
 shall be constantly exchanging dollar for dime, Moreover,
 
 Elaine 3 Views qf the Message. 97 
 
 the foreign trade is often very delusive. Cotton is manu- 
 factured in the city of my residence. If a box of cottoft 
 goods is sent two hundred miles to the province of New 
 Brunswick, it is foreign trade. If shipped seventeen thous- 
 and miles around Cape Horn to Washington Territory it 13 
 domestic trade. The magnitude of the Union and the 
 immensity of its internal trade require a new political 
 economy. The treatises written for European states do not 
 grasp our peculiar situation." 
 
 "How will the President's message be taken in the 
 South?" 
 
 " I don't dare to answer that question. The truth has 
 been so long obscured by certain local questions of unreas- 
 oning prejudice that nobody can hope for industrial enlight- 
 enment among their leaders just yet. But in my view the 
 South above all sections of the Union needs a protective 
 tariff. The two Virginias, North Carolina, Kentucky, Mis- 
 souri, Tennessee, Alabama, and Georgia have enormous 
 resources and facilities for developing and handling manu- 
 factures. They cannot do anything without protection. 
 Even progress so vast as some of those states have made 
 will be checked if the President's message is enacted into 
 law. Their senators and representatives can prevent it, but 
 they are so used to following anything labelled 'Demo- 
 cratic ' that very probably they will follow the President 
 and blight the progress already made. By the time some of 
 the Southern States get free iron ore and coal, while tobacco 
 is taxed, they may have occasion to sit down and calculate 
 the value of Democratic free-trade to their local interests." 
 
 " Will not the President's recommendation to admit raw 
 material find strong support? " 
 
 " Not by wise protectionists in our tima Perhaps some 
 greedy manufacturers may think that with free coal or free
 
 98 BlainJs Views of the Message. 
 
 iron ore they can do great things, but if they should 
 succeed in trying they will, as the boys say, catch it on the 
 rebound. If the home trade in raw material is destroyed or 
 seriously injured railroads will be the first to feel it II 
 that vast interest is crippled in any direction the financial 
 fabric of the whole country will feel it quickly and seri- 
 ously. If any man can give a reason why we should 
 arrange the tariff to favor the raw material of other coun- 
 tries in a competition against our material of the same kind, I 
 should like to hear it Should that recommendation of the 
 President be approved it would turn one hundred thousand 
 American laborers out of employment before it had been a 
 year in operation." 
 
 "What must be the marked and general effect of the 
 President's message?" 
 
 " It will bring the country where it ought to be brought 
 to a full and fair contest on the question of protection. 
 The President himself makes it the one issue by presenting 
 no other in his message. I think it well to have the ques- 
 tion settled. The Democratic party in power is a standing 
 menace to the industrial prosperity of the country. That 
 menace should be removed or the policy it foreshadows 
 should be made certain. Nothing is so mischievous to bus- 
 iness as uncertainty^ nothing so paralyzing as doubt."
 
 VIEWS ON THE TARIFF. 
 
 
 HON. WILLIAM McKINLEY, JR. 
 
 OF OHIO. 
 
 [From hit tpeeeh in Home of Ibpretentatiixi, May IB, 1S88.} 
 
 The Home being in Committee of the Whole House on the state of 
 the Union, and having under consideration the bill (H. R. 9051) to 
 reduce taxation and simplify the laws in relation to the collection of the 
 revenue Mr. McKinley said : 
 
 MR. CHAIRMAN : Our country is in an anomalous situa- 
 tion. There is nothing resembling it anywhere else in the 
 world. While we are seeking to find objects to relieve 
 from taxation, in order that we may relieve an overflowing 
 Treasury, other nations are engaged in exploring the field 
 of human production to find new objects of taxation to 
 supply their insufficient revenues. In considering the situ- 
 ation that thus confronts us, and the bill that is presented 
 here as intended to relieve it, it ia well that we should 
 understand at the beginning the things upon which all are 
 agreed. 
 
 They are, first, that we are collecting more money than is 
 required for the current needs of the Government; and 
 
 00
 
 100 McKinley's Views an the Tariff. 
 
 second, that the excess, whatever it may be, beyc*id the 
 wants of the Government should be left with the people. 
 Our contention, therefore, is upon the manner of the reduc- 
 tion and not upon the reduction itself ; not that no reduction 
 shall or ought to be made, but how and upon what principle 
 can it best be accomplished. We agree, further, that the 
 tax upon tobacco shall be removed and thus leave with the 
 people $30,000,000 which they annually pay upon this 
 domestic product. Were we men of business, governed by 
 the principles which guide practical men of affairs, this 
 burden would have been and could have been removed any 
 time within the past two years, and if removed two years 
 ago no surplus would now vex the Administration or alarm 
 the business of the country. In passing, it is suitable that 
 I should say that within the period named no hindrance 
 from this side of the House would have been interposed to 
 the abolition of this tax. 
 
 But this tax was not abolished, and if done now still 
 leaves about forty millions of revenue collected in excess 
 of the public necessity. How can this amount be remitted 
 with the least disturbance to the business and employments 
 of the people? 
 
 THE BILL WILL NOT REDUCE THE REVENUE. 
 
 Now, Mr. Chairman, this is a bill ostensibly to reduce the 
 revenue. It will not do it Take from this bill its internal - 
 revenue features, its reduction of twenty four and a half 
 million dollars from tobacco and from special licenses to 
 dealers in spirits and tobacco; eliminate these from the bill 
 and you will not secure a dollar of reduction to the Treas- 
 ury under its operation. Your $27,000,000 of proposed 
 reduction by the free-list will be more than offset by the
 
 McKinlnj* Views on the Tan/. 101 
 
 increased revenue which shall come from your lower duties ; 
 and I venture the prediction here to-day that if this bill 
 should become a law, at the end of the fiscal year 1889 the 
 dutiable list under it will carry more money into the Treas- 
 ury than is carried into the Treasury under the present law ; 
 because with every reduction of duties upon foreign imports 
 you stimulate and increase foreign importations ; and to the 
 extent that you increase foreign importations, to that extent 
 you increase the revenue. 
 
 Now here is a single item, steel billets. The present duty 
 on steel billets is 45 per cent, ad valorem. In this bill it is 
 increased to $11 per ton, which is equivalent to 68.83 per 
 cent an advance of 45 per cent Do you know what is 
 made out of these steel billets? Wire fencing, which 
 incloses the great fields of the West ; and the raw material 
 is increased 45 per cent by this bill ; and if the principle of 
 the gentlemen who advocate the bill be true, that the duty 
 is added to the cost, every pound of wire fencing that goes 
 to the West will be increased from one-quarter to one-half 
 cent a pound ; all this under a Democratic bill. What else 
 is made out of steel billets? Nails, which everybody uses, 
 which enter into the every-day uses of the people. The 
 duty upon nails is reduced 25 per cent, and the raw mate- 
 rial is increased 45 per cent As a friend near me suggests, 
 when one end goes up the other goes down ; and the latter, 
 I trust, will be the fate of this bilL 
 
 Why, sir, the duty on wire fencing is only 45 per cent ad 
 valorem; yet the billet from which wire fencing is made 
 must pay in this bill 63 per cent Here [illustrating] is a 
 piece of wire rod drawn from these steel billets and which 
 finally goes into fencing. That is dutiable at 45 per cent 
 under this bill ; and the steel from which it is made is duti-
 
 102 McKMw/s Views on the Tariff. 
 
 able at 63 per cent What do you think of " raw material M 
 for manufacturers? No account is here taken of the labor 
 required to draw th rods. 
 
 But, Mr. Chairman, that is not all which is remarkable 
 about this bill, this great bill which is based upon principle, 
 it is said, which the President stands behind and beneath, 
 and which he insists shall be passed, whether or no, in this 
 House, and for the passage of which he is dispensing official 
 favors; for, as the Post, of this city, says, "there is an 
 Allentown for every SOWDEN." 
 
 What else? Here, for example, are cotton-ties, which 
 present another queer freak in this bill Everybody knows 
 what cotton-ties are; they are hoop-iron cut into lengths 
 just large enough to go round a bale of cotton. Now, if 
 the Southern cotton-planter wants some of this hoop-iron 
 with which to bale his cotton he goes to the custom-house 
 at New York or Charleston and cuts off all he wants ; and 
 he does not have to pay a cent of duty ; but if the farmer- 
 constituent of my friend who sits before me [Mr. Nelson], 
 or your farmer-constituent, want some hoop-iron of precisely 
 the same width and thickness and goes to the custom-house 
 to get it the Government makes it pay one cent and a half 
 of duty upon every pound he takes, while it lets the cotton- 
 planter take his for nothing. If the Western farmer wants 
 it for his bucket or his barrel or to go on his wagon-bed, or 
 if the washer-woman wants it for her washtub, every one of 
 these must pay a cent and a half a pound, under the philos- 
 ophy of the gentleman who framed this bill, while the 
 cotton-planter gets his absolutely free of duty. 
 
 Gentlemen, is that fair? I appeal to Southern men 
 who sit before me ; I appeal to Northern Democrats who sit 
 around *>; is that fair upon any principle of justice or fair
 
 JfcKinky's Views on tiie Tariff. 103 
 
 play? Talk about sectionalism! You raise the question 
 in your bill ; you make a sectional issue which I deeply 
 regret, and I am sure you must upon serious reflection. 
 
 There are some other features in this bill which are a 
 little singular. The proposed duty on white lead is 2 cents 
 a pound, while orange mineral, which is made from white 
 lead, is reduced to one cent and a half a pound. That is 
 another case of high duty upon raw material and low duty 
 upon the finished product. 
 
 Why, what in the world, Mr. Chairman, has this bill done 
 for the people anyhow? What has it done for the farmer? 
 It has taken the duty practically off of everything he grows. 
 I will not stop to give the items. It makes free, practically, 
 every product of the farm, the forest, and mine. 
 
 It takes the duty off of wool What does it give the 
 grower in return ? Does it give him anything free ? Every- 
 thing he buys is dutiable. The coat he wears, the hat 
 that covers kis head, his shoes, his stockings, his sugar, his 
 rice, everything bears a duty, and substantially everything 
 he raises put on the free-list 
 
 The duty on wool must go. What has this Democratic 
 party given the agriculturists in return for this slaughter of 
 their interests ? I have looked this bill up and down, and 
 I will tell you what they have done for the farmer. They 
 have given him free sheep-dip. Sheep-dip is made free and 
 the duty is released. My distinguished friend from Vir- 
 ginia [Mr. Lee], who honors me with his presence here, 
 knows what this article is. It is a preparation which is 
 used on sheep. It is made up largely of the stems of 
 tobacco. It -has got a little sulphur in it, I believe; it has 
 got a little lime in it They put that on the free-list, and 
 that is all they do for the farmer
 
 104 McKinley's Views on the Tariff. 
 
 Mr. Hopkins, of Illinois: What good is that to the 
 farmer after they have destroyed his flocks? 
 
 Mr. McKinley: None. They leave the shears he clips 
 his wool with at 45 per cent, ad valorem. They make his 
 wool free and make the farmer pay 45 per cent for the 
 shears with which he clips his wool 
 
 But that is not all. The bell, the sheep bell if my 
 friend from Massachusetts [Mr. Eussell] is here, if that 
 golden-shod shepherd from Worcester is here, he will under- 
 stand. It is the bell that is put around the neck of the 
 sheep to admonish the shepherd of the whereabouts of the 
 wandering flock under his charge. I am told that gentle- 
 man has got on the outside. I learn now he is here in his 
 seat ; I am glad to see him. He knows what I am talking 
 about, 
 
 NO PUBLIC DEMAND FOR SUCH A MEASURE. 
 
 This measure is not called for by the people; it is not an 
 American measure; it is inspired by importers and foreign 
 producers, most of them aliens, who want to diminish our 
 trade and increase their own ; who want to decrease our 
 prosperity and augment theirs, and who have no interest in 
 this country except what they can make out of it To this 
 is added the influence of the professors in some of our insti- 
 tutions of learning, who teach the science contained in books 
 and not that of practical business. I would rather have my 
 political economy founded upon the every-day experience 
 of the puddler or the potter than the learning of the pro- 
 fessor, the farmer and factory hand than the college faculty. 
 Then there is another class who want protective tariffs over- 
 thrown. They are the men of independent wealth, with 
 settled and steady incomes, who want everything cheap but
 
 McKinley's Views on tie Turffi 105 
 
 currency; tlie value of everything clipped but coin cheap 
 labor but dear money. These are the element which are 
 arrayed against us. 
 
 Men whose capital is invested in productive enterprises, 
 who take the risks of business, men who expend their capi- 
 tal and energy in the development of our resources, they 
 are in favor of the maintenance of the protective system. 
 The, farmer, the rice-grower, the miner, the vast army of 
 wage-earners from one end of the country to the other, the 
 chief producers of wealth, men whose capital is their brain 
 and muscle, who aspire to better their condition and elevate 
 themselves and their fellows ; the young man whose future 
 is yet before him, and which he must carve out with his 
 hand and head, who is without the aid of fortune or of a 
 long ancestral line, these are our steadfast allies in this great 
 contest for the preservation of the American system. 
 Experience and results in our own country are our best 
 advisers, and they vindicate beyond the possibility of dis- 
 pute the worth and wisdom of the system. 
 
 What country can show such a trade as ours, such com- 
 merce, such immense transportation lines, such a volume of 
 exchanges, and such marvelous production from the raw 
 material to the finished product Its balance-sheet is with- 
 out a parallel in the world's history richest in agriculture, 
 greatest in its domestic trade and traffic, and leading in 
 manufactures any nation in Europe. Why abandon a policy 
 which can point to such achievements and whose trophies 
 are to be seen on every hand ? The internal commerce of 
 the United States is greater than the entire foreign com- 
 merce of Great Britain, France, Germany, Russia, Holland, 
 Belgium, and Austria-Hungary. Why, a single railroad 
 system in this country (that of the Pennsylvania Railroad
 
 106 AfcKinley's Views on the Tariff. 
 
 Company) carries more tonnage and traffic in a single year 
 than all the merchant ships of Great Britain. The whole of 
 Europe has not built as many miles of railroad as this coun- 
 try has during some recent years, and in 1880 the whole 
 known world did not lay as many miles of track as were 
 laid across this country. Great Britain's foreign commerce 
 equals about one-sixth of our domestic commerce. Can we 
 do better under any other fiscal policy? We say not. 
 Wise statesmanship commands us, therefore, to let well 
 enough alone. 
 
 Sir Edward Sullivan, in a recent article in the London 
 Post, makes these suggestive comparisons, which I beg every 
 gentleman to hear : 
 
 Under free-trade the masses must get poorer, because they get less 
 employment. A well-known statistical work gives a comparison of the 
 material progress of France under protection and England under free- 
 trade. If there is any truth in figures it ought to startle us from our 
 free-trade dream. 
 
 The comparison is based on the returns of legacy duty: 
 
 In 1826 England was 10s. a head richer than France. 
 
 In 1850 England was 19s. a head richer than France. 
 
 In 1877 England was 5s. a head poorer than France. 
 
 France has 57 per cent, of her land under tillage, and it IB Increasing 
 every year. 
 
 The United Kingdom has 30 per cent, of her land under tillage, and 
 it is diminishing every year, but the population of England increases 
 much more rapidly than the population of France. 
 
 The commerce of England has increased 21 per cent. In ten years. 
 
 The commerce of France has increased 89 per cent, in ten years. 
 
 The commerce of the United States has increased 68 per cent, in ten 
 years. 
 
 The commerce of the world has increased 26 per cent. In ten yearg. 
 
 So much for the blasting effect of free-trade.
 
 McKinlqf* Views on tins Tariff: 107 
 
 In Germany, so long ago as the 14th of May, 1882, Bis- 
 murk, in a speech before the German Reichstag, paid to the 
 Republican tariff high eulogy. He said : 
 
 The success of the United States in material development is the most 
 illustrious of modern time. The American nation lias not onlj success- 
 fully borne and suppressed the most gigantic and expensive war of all 
 history, but immediately afterward disbanded its Army, found employ- 
 ment for all its soldiers and marines, paid off most of its debt, given 
 labor and homes to all the unemployed of Europe as fast as they could 
 arrive within its territory, and still by a system of taxation so indirect 
 us not to be perceived, much less felt. Because it is my deliberate judg- 
 ment that the prosperity of America is mainly due to its system of 
 protective laws, I urge that Germany has now reached that point where 
 it is necessary to imitate the tariff system of ta United States. 
 
 A HOME MARKET. 
 
 Why, Mr. Chairman, the establishment of a furnace or 
 factory or mill in any neighborhood, has the effect at once 
 to enhance the value of all property and all values for miles 
 surrounding it They produce increased activity. The 
 farmer has a better and a nearer market for his products. 
 The merchant, the butcher, the grocer, have an increased 
 trade. The carpenter is in greater demand; he is called 
 upon to build more houses. Every branch of trade, every 
 avenue of labor, will feel almost immediately the energizing 
 influence of a new industry. The truck farm is in demand; 
 the perishable products, the fruits, the vegetables, which in 
 many cases will not bear exportation, and which a foreign 
 market is too distant to be available, find a constant and 
 ready demand at good paying prices. 
 
 What the agriculturist of this country wants more than 
 anything else, after he has gathered his crop, are consumers, 
 consumers at home, men who do not produce what they eat, 
 who must purchase all they consume; men who are
 
 108 McEmfafs Views on the Tariff. 
 
 engaged in manufacturing, in mining, in cotton-spinning, in 
 the potteries, and in the thousands of productive industrks 
 which command all their time and energy, and whose em- 
 ployments do not admit of their producing their own food. 
 
 The American agriculturist further wants these consum- 
 ers near and convenient to his field of supply. Cheap as 
 inland transportation is, every mile saved is money made. 
 Every manufacturing establishment in the United States, 
 wherever situated, is of priceless value to the farmers of the 
 country. The six manufacturing States of New England 
 aptly illustrate the great value of a home market to the 
 Western farmer. These States have reached the highest 
 perfection in skill and manufactures. They do not raise 
 from their own soil, with the exceptions of hay and pota- 
 toes, but a small fraction of what their inhabitants require 
 and consume ; they could not from their own fields and 
 granaries feed the population which they had in 1830, much 
 less their present population. The most intense revenue- 
 reformer, the most unenlightened Democrat, will have to 
 confess that New England is indebted in large part for her 
 splendid development to the protective system. Now, has 
 her prosperity and progress been secured at the sacrifice of 
 other interests and other sections V I answer no ; but has 
 brought, as I believe I shall be able to show, a positive 
 blessing to all of our 60,000,000 of people. 
 
 In 1880 the population of these six States was over 
 4,000,000. The food products required by their people, the 
 very necessities of their daily life in a large measure, came 
 from other States and remote sections of the Union. They 
 raised in 1880 but one-quarter of 1 per cent, of the total 
 wheat production of the United States. They raised in the 
 same year but one-half of 1 per cent of the total crop of
 
 McKinfa/8 Views on the Tariff. 109 
 
 Indian corn, 2 per cent of the oats, 12 per cent of the 
 hay, and 13 per cent of the potatoes which were produced 
 in the United States, What did they consume? What did 
 they buy of the Western farmer ? Fifty millions of dollars' 
 worth of meat were consumed by their industrial people in 
 a single year. The extent of their needs is strikingly 
 shown by the fact (obtained from the accounts of Commis- 
 sioner Fink), that during the year 1884 " the trunk lines " 
 brought into New England no less than 470,000 tons of flour 
 and 950,000 tons of grain. At 200 pounds to the barrel of 
 flour, this is an importation of 4,700,000 barrels, or one and 
 one-fifth, nearly, for each inhabitant During the same 
 year there were exported from Boston and Portland, the 
 only points in New England from which breadstuff are 
 sent abroad, 2,100,000 barrels of flour, leaving for consump- 
 tion within these States 2,600,000 barrels. These figures 
 take no account of the large trade by water from New York. 
 I am informed that a large part of the flour consumed in 
 Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Southern Massachusetts is 
 received in this way, but no reliable statistics are available. 
 It is reasonable, however, to suppose, and this comes to me 
 from what I deem good authority, that the amount thus 
 received and consumed offsets a large portion of the foreign 
 exports to which I have referred, 
 
 Of the grain received during the same year rather less 
 than 400,000 tons were exported, leaving for New England 
 consumption 660,000 tons, for all of which these States 
 were the customers of the West in addition to the amount 
 grown upon their own soil. In addition to this, New Eng- 
 land consumed, in 1886-87 in her factories nearly one-fourth 
 of the entire cotton crop of the country. More than this, 
 she used in her woolen mills in 1880 fully one-half of the
 
 110 McKinlqfs Views on the Tariff. 
 
 entire wool clip of the United States, and during the year 
 1886 she consumed more than one-sixth of the entire 
 anthracite-coal production of the country, and 5 per cent 
 of the bituminous-coal production, and every pound of both, 
 came from the Middle and Southern States. 
 
 Is not New England (I appeal to the gentlemen of the 
 other side, I appeal to the farmers of the country) worth 
 preserving? Is not the industrial system which makes 
 such a community of consumers for agricultural products 
 possible worth maintaining ? Does not she furnish you a 
 market worth fostering ? Does not she give you a trade and 
 an exchange of products worth your while to guard with 
 the most considerate care? And does not her condition 
 indicate the wisdom of the policy we advocate ? Is not her 
 market better for you than a foreign one? Is not New 
 England a better customer for you, more reliable, more 
 easily reached, more stable, than Old England? Is not 
 Boston a better consumer for the people of the United 
 States than London, New York than Liverpool, Pittsburgh 
 than Manchester, Cincinnati than Birmingham? 
 
 New England buys of you for all her wants ; Old Eng- 
 land takes not a pound or a bushel from you except what 
 she must have and cannot get elsewhere. 
 
 Now, let us contrast this home market of New England 
 with the foreign market of Old England. In 1880 New 
 England consumed 640,000,000 pounds of cotton, at 11.61 
 a pound, which in value then amounted to $62,695,000, 20 
 per cent greater than the per capita value of all our dames- 
 tic exports to the United Kingdom, and this was only New 
 England's contribution to the Southern producers of cotton. 
 She sends at least $70,000,000 to the West and Northwest 
 for her food supplies. She sends to the wool-growers of the
 
 McKinkijs Views on the Tariff. Ill 
 
 Middle, Western, and Pacific States $40,000,000 annually 
 for their fleeces. I repeat, is not this market worth preserv- 
 ing, ay, cherishing, and does it not make us long to have 
 New England thrift, New England enterprise, and New 
 England politics more generally distributed throughout all 
 sections of the country ? 
 
 You can destroy this valuable home market by such legis- 
 lation as is proposed in this bill; you can diminish this 
 demand for food, for cotton, for wool, for flax, and hemp 
 produced in other sections of the country by following the 
 delusive theories of our friends on the other side of the 
 House; you can diminish the capacity of the operatives to 
 buy of you by diminishing their wages ; you can drive them 
 from the cotton and woolen factories to the .farms; they 
 will then drift to the West and Northwest, not to engage in 
 manufacture, but in a great measure to become tillers of the 
 soil, and instead of being as they are now, and as they will 
 be under a proper tariff system, your consumers, they 
 become your competitors. They go from the ranks of con- 
 sumers to the ranks of producers ; diminish the consumers 
 and increase the producers. The foreign market for agri- 
 cultural products is one of the delusions of free-trade. If 
 it ever had any real substance as against a good home mar- 
 ket that has long since disappeared. 
 
 The chairman of the Ways and Means Committee says 
 to the Western farmer, " Let New England go. Pass her by 
 and go to Old England." Well, that is about as practical 
 as the Democratic party ordinarily is. 
 
 Mr. Dunn, a prominent member of this House and chair- 
 man of one of its leading committees, and I remember to 
 have heard him say what I now read from the Record: 
 
 The wheat producer of the Northwest to standing face to face with 
 the wheat producer of India, A few yean ago India shipped 40,000
 
 112 McKinley's Views on the Tariff. 
 
 bushels of wheat. Last year (1885) she put into the market 40,000,000 
 bushels. Can you protect the Northwest farmer against that labor ? 
 India can put wheat down in the markets of consumption in Europe 
 cheaper than we can transport it from the fields of production to the 
 markets of consumption that is to say, India can produce and market 
 her wheat in Europe for what it costs the farmer of the Northwest to 
 transport his to the market of consumption, without allowing him for 
 the cost of production. In other words, the transportation of wheat 
 costs the American farmer as much as both transportation and produc- 
 tion cost the India farmer. 
 
 In the face of a statement like this, from such high 
 Democratic authority, how, I ask, is the wheat of the Amer- 
 ican farmer to reach the European market with any profit 
 to our producers ? And yet it is to this kind of competition 
 the chairman of the Ways and Means Committee invites the 
 American farmer. Do the farmers want such a market with 
 such a competition ? What their answer will be no man 
 can doubt They reject with indignation and scorn 
 the chairman's invitation. The home market is the 
 best, besides being the safest It has got the most 
 money to spend, and spends the most. It consumes the 
 most ; it is therefore the most profitable. 
 
 The masses of our people live better than any people in 
 the world. Great Britain only buys our food products when 
 she has not enough of her own and can reach no other sup- 
 ply. This market, therefore, is fitful and fluctuating, and 
 cannot be relied upon as we can rely upon our own con 
 Burners. The foreign market under a revenue tariff foi 
 agricultural products has not been encouraging in our own 
 experience in the past It promises less under such a sys- 
 tem in the future.
 
 VIEWS ON THE TARIFF. 
 
 BT 
 
 BON. JOHN 0. CARLISLE, 
 
 OP KENTUCKY. 
 
 [From hit Speech in At Houtt of Repretentatita, May 19, 1883.] 
 
 The House being in Committee of the Whole House on the state of 
 the Union, and baring under consideration the bill (H. R. 9051) to 
 reduce taxation and simplify the laws in relation to the collection of the 
 revenue Mr. Carlisle said: 
 
 MR. CHAIRMAN : I shall not attempt to follow the gentle- 
 man from Maine [Mr. Reed] in all the arguments he has made 
 or in all the illustrations he has submitted, for in fact I was 
 unable to hear a large part of what he said. He started of! 
 with the proposition that the supporters of the pending bill 
 were either inconsistent or insincere, or perhaps both; 
 because, he says, if the protection is wrong, the tariff for 
 revenue is also wrong; there is no difference in principle 
 between them, the difference being only in degree. The 
 gentleman therefore argues that (he supporters of this bill 
 should advocate absolute free-trade. I might retort on the 
 gentleman by saying that if the doctrine of protection is 
 correct, that doctrine should be carried by himself and his 
 friends to its logical result absolute prohibition of foreign 
 
 118
 
 Carlisle s Views on the Tariff. 
 
 Imports. But the gentleman himself has said that it is his 
 purpose and the purpose of his political associates to pre- 
 serve in this country all its own wealth, even if they are 
 compelled to erect a Chinese wall around it China pre- 
 served all the wealth of her own people within her limits 
 for thousands of years ; and I do not think that the advo- 
 cates of diversified industries and the friends of labor can 
 find much to encourage them in the social and commercial 
 condition of that country. There, protection, pure and sim- 
 ple, was carried to its logical result and produced its inev- 
 itable effects. With the oldest civilization in the world, 
 with every variety of soil and climate and natural resources, 
 with a frugal and industrious people, with a literature 
 abounding in philosophic thought, the useful arts of indus- 
 try are still in their infancy and labor is the abject slave of 
 capital. We do not wish another wall of China here, nor 
 do we want absolute free-trade. We all recognize the fact 
 that the government must have a revenue and that that 
 revenue must be raised by taxation in some form or other. 
 I presume the gentleman will concede that all taxation is an 
 evil, which it would be well to avoid if possible ; and we 
 are reduced to a choice between that system which would 
 confine the trade of our people to our limits without increas- 
 ing the revenue of the government and the more liberal 
 system which will make commerce as free as possible, con- 
 sistent with raising sufficient revenue for the support of the 
 government. If under this latter system our manufacturing 
 and mining industries receive a benefit from the duty on 
 imported goods they are entitled to it. It is impossible to 
 impose taxes under any system that can be devised without 
 hurting somebody and helping somebody, and for my part 
 and I speak the sentiments of my political friends I
 
 Carlisle's Views an the Tariff. 115 
 
 would rather help them than hurt them. But the gentleman 
 from Maine in his long discourse made no reference what- 
 ever to the actual situation which now confronts us a sit- 
 uation which makes it the imperative duty of the represent- 
 atives of the people to reduce the revenue before this 
 Congress shall adjourn. On the first day of the present 
 month there was in the Treasury $16,143,000 in excess of 
 all the current liabilities of the government, showing that 
 there has been, since December 1, an average monthly accu- 
 mulation of more than $11,000,000, Every dollar of this 
 enormous sum has been taken by the law from the commer- 
 cial pursuits of the people at a time when it was sorely 
 needed in the prosecution of their business and under cir- 
 cumstances which afford no justification whatever for the 
 enactment The question this Congress must decide, is 
 whether this policy shall be longer continued here in this 
 country where the people are supposed to govern in their 
 own right and their own interests. 
 
 I can imagine no financial condition more dangerous to 
 the integrity of legislation and the prosperity of the people 
 than that which results from an accumulation of a large 
 surplus in the public treasury. Even if it was possible foi 
 such an accumulation as we now have to come into oui 
 public treasury without the imposition of any tax, it would 
 still be a great misfortune, because its inevitable effect is to 
 encourage useless and extravagant appropriations of public 
 money, in violation of those principles of public economy 
 which have been found to be absolutely essential to tht 
 preservation of a popular form of government and the* con- 
 stitutional limitations on its powers. It is safe to say tha , 
 so long as this policy continues, largesses and bounties for 
 the promotion of purely private enterprises will be de
 
 116 Carlisle's Views on the Tariff. 
 
 manded and new fields for the exercise of legislative labor, 
 new objects for the appropriation of the public money, will 
 be discovered. 
 
 But it is said we still have outstanding a vast public 
 debt, and that no great danger can befall the country if the 
 present rates of taxation are continued and the surplus 
 applied to the purchase of the bonds. I believe that so 
 long as we actually have a surplus, its application to the 
 extinguishment of the public debt is the very best use that 
 can be made of it But I totally dissent from the proposi- 
 tion that it is either wise or just to pursue a fiscal policy 
 that taxes the people, merely for the purpose of raising 
 revenue to be used in the purchase, at a premium, of the 
 unmatured bonds of the government, except so far as may 
 be necessary to comply with the requirements of the sinking 
 fund law. And I am not altogether satisfied that if the 
 revenue could be properly reduced it would not be wise to 
 suspend the operation of the law, to some extent at least, 
 for some short period of time. During the last month the 
 Secretary of the Treasury had purchased of four per cent, 
 bonds $13,456,500, on which interest had accrued to the 
 amount of $53,172. For these bonds, with the accrued 
 interest, he was compelled to pay, and did pay, the sum of 
 $17,046,136, or $3,536,464 over and above the amount of 
 the principal and accrued interest, paying a premium of 
 twenty-six and one-fourth per cent. During the same time 
 and under the same authority he purchased $12,404,450 of 
 four and one-half per cent, bonds, on which interest had 
 accrued to the amount of $108,000. For these bonds he 
 paid $13,379,000, or $866,000 in excess of the principal and 
 interest, or a premium of seven per cent. This is the situ- 
 ation into which the government has been forced by the 
 failure of Congress in the past to take proper provision for
 
 Carlisle's Views on the Tariff. 117 
 
 the reduction of the revenue. Millions of dollars are taken 
 by law from the hands of the people who earn the money 
 by their labor and by their skill in the prosecution of their 
 business to be paid over to the bondholders in excess of the 
 legal obligation of the bonds. If Congress adjourns without 
 applying the remedy this unjust process must go on indefin- 
 itely. In the presence of such a situation we cannot afford to 
 quarrel over details. A reduction of the revenue, not by 
 increasing taxation, as some propose, but by reducing taxa- 
 tion in such measure as to afford the largest measure of 
 relief to the people, and their industries, should be the great 
 and controlling object to which everything else should be 
 subordinated. I do not mean that any industry, however 
 small and apparently insignificant, should not be carefully 
 considered in a friendly spirit. But I do mean that the 
 general interest of the many should not be subordinated to 
 the special interests of the few. This is purely a practical 
 question. Its consideration necessarily involves a discus- 
 sion to some extent of the principle on which the power of 
 taxation is exercised. There is a fundamental and irrecon- 
 cilable difference of opinion between those who believe that 
 the power of taxation should be exercised only for public 
 purposes, and that the burdens of taxation should be dis- 
 tributed equally among all the people according to their 
 ability to bear them, and those who believe it is the right 
 and duty of the government to encourage private interests 
 by the imposition of higher rates than the needs of the 
 government require. No man in public life would venture 
 to advocate excessive taxation merely for the purpose of 
 raising an excessive revenua But when the rates are so 
 adjusted or the objects of the taxation so selected as to" give 
 one section of the country or one class of industries advan- 
 tages or supposed advantages over another section or class
 
 118 Carlisle's Views on the Tariff. 
 
 we find a large number of able and influential men in pub- 
 lic life who advocate the system, or at least excuse it. This 
 is the sole cause of the difficulty which we are now encoun- 
 tering in our efforts to relieve the people and reduce the sur- 
 plus. It is the sole cause of the unfortunate delay which 
 has occurred in the reduction of the revenue, and if the 
 present measure shall fail and disaster in any form shall 
 come upon the country and the industrial interests of the 
 country by reason of overtaxation and an accumulation of 
 money in the Treasury, this vicious feature in our system 
 will be responsible for it. Whenever we propose to reduce 
 the burdens of taxation on the people;^ whenever we pro. 
 pose to secure to each individual citizen the full fruits of 
 his own toil, subject only to the requirements of the govern- 
 ment ; whenever we propose to remove restrictions so that 
 there may be freer production and freer exchange, the alarm 
 is sounded and all the cohorts of monopoly are assembled 
 to hear the heralds proclaim the immediate and irretrievable 
 ruin of the country. We have heard it over and over 
 again during this debate. It has been repeated over and 
 over again in this hall, and gentlemen from New England 
 especially, seem alarmed as to the fate that would befall 
 their industries in case the bill should become a law. Gen- 
 tlemen from New England predicted in 1846 that the duties 
 fixed by the law of that date would ruin their textile indus- 
 tries. In 1857 all of the New England members voted for 
 a still further reduction of twenty per cent from what they 
 called the ruinously low tariff of 1846. In the free-trade 
 period, as the Republicans called the decade from 1850 to 
 1860, the wool-manufactured product increased forty-two 
 per cent and labor thirty-seven per cent The increased 
 product in New England was 62 per cent In hosiery the 
 product increased 21 per cent, In cotton the product in
 
 Carlisle's Views on the Tariff. 119 
 
 New England increased 21 per cent In boots and shoes, 
 upon which the duty had been reduced 16 per cent, the 
 increase in New England was 83 per cent; the product in 
 1860 in New England was more than, the entire product of 
 the Union in 1850. This was what the Eepublicans from 
 Nw England had seen under a low tariff. "Within eleven 
 years after the passage of this bill the people of New Eng- 
 land would vote for a still further reduction, or if they did 
 not the people would send somebody here who would. 
 This was what they had seen. They had seen their manu- 
 facturing industries growing and prospering as never before. 
 They saw the number of their hands constantly increasing 
 and the rates of wages constantly rising. They saw the 
 great manufacturing and agricultural interests flourish as 
 never before. But there was something they did not see. 
 They did not see great monopolies and trusts created to 
 control the production and prices of the necessaries of life. 
 They did not see colossal fortunes realized by a few indi- 
 viduals in a short time while the great masses of people 
 were struggling hard to live comfortably and pay their 
 taxes. They did not see thousands of honest laboring men 
 out of employment, parading the streets of a city or tramp- 
 ing to and fro on the public highways demanding work or 
 bread. With these things tinder a high tariff and class 
 legislation we have become familiar. 
 
 The gentleman from Michigan (Burrows) has stated that 
 the result of the passage of the tariff acts of 1846 and 1857 
 was to reduce the country to absolute bankruptcy and so 
 affect the credit of the government that it was compelled to 
 borrow money in times of peace at a discount of from twelve 
 to thirty per cent The financial depression that occured in 
 1857 was an insignificant incident of history compared with 
 that great commercial and industrial disaster which occured
 
 120 Carlisle's Views on the Tariff. 
 
 in 1873 and which devastated the country for five long 
 years, ruining banking and mercantile houses, extinguishing 
 the fires in the furnaces, paralyzing the industries of the peo- 
 ple and bringing down prices of all our products of every 
 kind. Under the low rates of duty the country recovered 
 from the depression of 1857 in a comparatively few months 
 and like an awakened giant marched on in its path of great- 
 ness and power. After the panic of 1873 it struggled for 
 long weary years. From the passage of the tariff act of 1846 
 down to the last ten days of Buchanan's administration, 
 when civil war was imminent in this country, not a bond, 
 not a treasury note, not a government obligation in any 
 form, sold for less than par in gold, while many of 
 them sold at a very considerable premium in gold. During 
 the last ten days of that administration, when the clouds of 
 a great civil commotion were overshadowing the land, $8,000- 
 000 of bonds were sold December 17, 1860, at ninety and 
 one-half per cent., or a discount of nine and one half per 
 cent, instead of from twelve to thirty percent, as stated by 
 the gentleman from Michigan. After the Democratic 
 administration had gone out and the Eepublican adminis- 
 tration had come in, after the low tariff of 1846 and 1867 
 had been repealed and the Morrill tariff bill of 1861 had 
 been passed, the Republican administration sold bonds at 
 fifteen per cent discount Would it be fair to say that the 
 bonds were sold at a discount because the rates of duty on 
 imported goods had been increased ? I would be ashamed 
 of myself if I made such a charge. The truth is, the credit 
 of the government was always good in peace and and in war 
 until the civil commotion came in 1860, and no administra- 
 tion, Democratic or Republican, ho system of taxation, free 
 trade or protection, could have prevented the sacrifice of 
 government obligations under such circumstances,
 
 Carlisle's Views on the Tariff. 121 
 
 So far the main opposition to this bill has been against 
 that part which proposes to reduce the tariff taxes and we 
 arc told that its passage will ruin many valuable industries 
 now flourishing ; that it will throw many workmen out of 
 employment and diminish the wages of those who still man- 
 age to find work to do. "If I believed that the passage of 
 this bill would work any material injury to any honest 
 industry in this country, I would hesitate long, notwith- 
 standing the emergency now on us, before casting my vote 
 for it But I am satisfied that instead of that, it will greatly 
 benefit them, and at the same time relieve the people. In 
 1866, $127,000,000 were collected by the government from 
 manufacturers and their products. Every vestige of that 
 enormous burden has been removed, and now I submit that 
 the time has come when the great masses of consumers have 
 a right to demand relief. There never was a time when this 
 internal tax remained on the manufacturers and their pro- 
 ducts, that they would not have been glad to surrender a 
 large part of the duties on imported goods to remove that 
 charge from their industries. 
 
 The gentleman from Maine talks about the home market 
 We all know, he says, that this protection system is ben- 
 eficial to the farmer because, first, it protects his products 
 against competition from the agricultural products of other 
 countries; and, second, the gentleman says, because it 
 diversifies industry, and by increasing the number of people 
 engaged in other than agricultural pursuits, increases the 
 market for his product It is scarcely necessary for me to 
 make an argument to show that as to all those agricultural 
 products which the farmers of this country are compelled 
 to send abroad to sell at foreign prices the duty can not be 
 of any possible benefit The American farmer understands 
 this so surely, and the fallacy of this argument has so often.
 
 122 Carlisle s Views on the Tariff. 
 
 been exposed that it would be a waste of time to dwell 
 upon it It is barely possible that at some particular time 
 and at some particular point along the Northern border a 
 duty upon barley and hay and potatoes and eggs and per- 
 haps a few other articles may enable the producers of those 
 articles at the particular time and place to realize a higher 
 price than he would if the duty were removed But even 
 this occasional and uncertain benefit is of but very little 
 advantage to him, and when you come to remember that he 
 is all the time subjected to the burden which a high tariff 
 imposes on the articles he has to buy, and undertake to set 
 off his advantages against his disadvantages you will find a 
 large balance on the wrong sida Of course the domestic 
 market, the home market, is improving and has been 
 improving and will continue to improve under any system 
 of taxation along with the increase of population, of wealth, 
 the improved facilities for production and distribution in 
 this country. But how long are our fanners to sit down 
 and wait for the coming of the home market which the 
 gentlemen on the other side have been promising them for 
 so many long years? Take the average production of wheat 
 in this country during the last few years and assume that 
 there shall be no increase whatever in the production and 
 that the consumption per capita will remain always pre- 
 cisely as it is, and it is capapable of demonstration that 
 there can be no home market for all the wheat of the 
 American farmer until our population shall reach nearly 
 100,000,000. The last statistics showing the consumption 
 and production and the exportation of raw cotton in this 
 country show that in 1866 we sent abroad about two- thirds of 
 our production and we consumed in our manufactories at 
 home one-third. The capital invested in 1880 was $210,- 
 000,000 ; the number of hands employed, 172,000. Now, if
 
 Carlisle's Views on the Tariff. 123 
 
 i 
 
 we have been more than 100 years in so developing these 
 cotton industries as to enable them to take and consume 
 only three-quarters of the American cotton crop at prices 
 fixed in Europe, how many centuries will we have to wait 
 until these factories shall develop so as to consume all our 
 production at fair prices fixed in this country ? What is to 
 become of these products ? Are the farmers of the North 
 and the planters of the South to abandon their great wheat 
 and cotton fields and undertake the cultivation of crops not 
 suited to their soil in order that these gentlemen may exper- 
 iment to see whether a home market can be made by legis- 
 lation? No, sir. These great agricultural interests must 
 go on and the American farmer most sell his surplus 
 products in any market he can and for any price he can. 
 The great controlling element is the world's supply and 
 the world's demand. The American producers of wheat, 
 for instance, do not compete among themselves alone in the 
 great wheat markets of Europe. They meet there the 
 wheat from England, from Russia, Austria, Hungary and 
 India, and all the other grain growing regions of Europe 
 and Asia, and they sell their product there in competition 
 with all the product and prices of labor on the face of tte 
 earth. The lately emancipated slaves of Russia; the 
 laborer of India, who lives all summer on rice and milk and 
 requires only a coarse cotton shirt and sleeps on the floor 
 of a bamboo hut, all pour their products into the market of 
 Europe to meet the wheat from Minnesota and Dakota, and 
 no tariff we can put on and no system of taxation here can 
 prevent it The same argument applies to all our agricultural 
 products, and the American farmer understands it And he 
 understands that as long as he is compelled to export and 
 sell in a foreign market any part of his product, the foreign 
 market is worth as much to him as the home market
 
 124 Carlisle's Views on the Tariff. 
 
 because he receives there just what he would receive here, 
 after deducting the cost of transportation. Therefore, in 
 place of restricting his market he wants it enlarged so that 
 his products, which cannot be consumed here, can find a 
 market among the people elsewhere. What the American 
 farmer wants is a home market in which he can purchase 
 his supplies as cheaply as his competitors. When he can 
 not get this, then he asks that there may be such a system 
 as will enable him to purchase elsewhere and import them, 
 without being unreasonably fined for carrying on this 
 harmless business. That is what the American farmer 
 wants. We want not only the home markets but the 
 markets of the world for the variety of the products of this 
 great country. We want to sell our manufactured products 
 to India and the manufacturing places of Europe and the 
 agricultural places of Mexico, South America and Asia. 
 We want to remove as far as we can the barriers which 
 annoy our industries, so that this country may take its 
 place with the great commercial countries of the world and 
 become rich and powerful as no other country has before.
 
 Election Ska 
 
 125 
 
 QUALIFICATIONS OP VOTERS IN THE STATES. 
 
 STATZS, 
 
 Requirement 
 as to 
 
 Citizenship. 
 
 RZSIDZKCE IM 
 
 Registration. 
 
 State. 
 
 County 
 
 Voting 
 Pre- 
 cinct. 
 
 Alabama 
 Arkansas.... 
 California.... 
 Colorado .... 
 
 C :,:;. :t. 
 
 Delaware... 
 Florida 
 
 Citis. or declared intent. 
 < 'it-ix. or declared intent. 
 Actual citizens 
 Citis. or declared intent. 
 Actual citizens 
 Actual county taxpayers 
 t U. 8. citizens or de- 1 
 1 clared intention.... | 
 Actual citizens 
 Actual citizens 
 Citlz. or declared intent . 
 Actual citizens 
 Citiz. or declared intent. 
 Free white male citizens 
 Citis. or declared intent. 
 Actual citizens 
 Actual citizens 
 Citizens 
 Citlz. or declared intent. 
 Citiz. or declared latent. 
 Actual citizens 
 
 Citiz. or declared Intent. 
 
 Citlz. or declared intent. 
 Citlz. or declared intent. 
 Actual citizens 
 Actual 'citizens 
 Actual citizens 
 Actual citizens 
 Actual citizens 
 Citiz. or declared intent. 
 Actual citizens 
 Actual tax-paying citlz. . 
 Actual citizens 
 Actual citizens 
 Citiz. or declared intent. 
 Actual citizens 
 Actual citizens 
 Actual citizens 
 Oitiz. or declared intent. 
 
 1 year. . 
 1 year. . 
 1 year.. 
 6 iuos.. 
 
 S mos.. 
 4 mos.. 
 90 days 
 
 1 month 
 1 month 
 30 days 
 
 Legis. may regulate 
 Prohib.asbartoBuf 
 Beg. req. by law. 
 Req.by Constitution 
 Required by law. 
 No reg. required. 
 
 Req. by Const. 
 
 Leg. majr reeulat*. 
 Required by law. 
 No law for reg. 
 Required by law. 
 Req. in cities only. 
 No reg. required. 
 Leg. may regulate. 
 Required by law. 
 Required by Const. 
 Required by law. 
 Required by law. 
 Required by law. 
 Required by Const. 
 t Req. by Const, in. 
 1 cities only. 
 Required by law. 
 Required by Const. 
 Required by law. 
 Req. cities of 10,000. 
 Req. cities of 10.000 
 Required by Const 
 No reg. required. 
 
 1 year., 
 lyear.. 
 
 ! year. 
 
 1 year.. 
 1 year. . 
 mos.. 
 6 mos.. 
 6 mos 
 
 6 mos.. 
 1 month 
 
 6 mot.. 
 6 mos.. 
 
 '. '1.-.V- 
 
 . 53 s 
 
 60 days 
 
 Cmos.. 
 
 30 days 
 30 days 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Kansas 
 
 SO days 
 00 days 
 80 days 
 
 6 mos.. 
 10 days 
 10 days 
 
 ] Kentucky.... 
 "Louisiana.. .. 
 Maine 
 
 2 years 
 1 year. . 
 3 mos.. 
 1 year. . 
 lyear.. 
 
 lyear.. 
 
 Crnos.. 
 
 6 mos.. 
 
 Maryland.... 
 Massachuaete 
 Michigan.... 
 Minnesota... 
 Mississippi... 
 
 Missouri 
 
 Nebraska 
 Nevada 
 
 4 mos.. 
 
 
 8 mos.. 
 1 year.. 
 6 mos.. 
 
 1 month 
 00 days 
 
 
 
 8 mos.. 
 
 i year.. 
 
 1 pi nr. 
 
 i pur, 
 1 year.. 
 mos.. 
 
 30 days 
 
 5 mos.. 
 4 mos.. 
 00 days 
 
 
 N. Ham'uhlre 
 New Jersey . . 
 New York.... 
 
 N. r,ir...M..i 
 Ohio 
 
 mos.. 
 30'days 
 
 
 
 Oregon 
 iv:<: qrrnsnJ -. 
 Rhode Uland 
 8. Carolina... 
 Tennesset).. . . 
 Tc x as 
 
 1 year.. 
 
 1 yeiir. 
 1 y fir. 
 I year.. 
 ! y-;ir 
 1 year.. 
 1 year.. 
 1 year.. 
 
 1 Vt-ar 
 
 Co'days 
 SmoK.. 
 8 mos.. 
 
 80 days 
 
 2 mos.. 
 mos.. 
 
 ft mos.. 
 3 mot.. 
 
 Required by Const. 
 Required by law. 
 Required by Coust. 
 No rer. required. 
 Prohibited. 
 Required by law. 
 Required by law. 
 Prohibited. 
 Required by law. 
 
 Vermont 
 VirRina 
 Weal Virginia 
 Wisconsin ... 
 
 
 
 
 
 State elections are held in the various states as follows : 
 
 Kentucky First Monday In August. 
 
 Arkansas * " . l ..-mhcr. 
 
 Georgia. " Wednesday in October. 
 
 Louisiana Tuesday after third Monday In April. 
 
 Maine Second Monday hi September. 
 
 Oregon First " "June. 
 
 UMtlsltdM ' Wednesday in April. 
 
 Yennont ' Tuesday in September. 
 
 All others are on Tuesday after first Monday in November. 
 
 Btate Presidential elections are all on Tuesday after first Monday in NoTesabsr.
 
 Election Statistics. 
 
 POPULAR AND ELECTORAL VOTES FROM 1852 
 TO 1888. 
 
 Yearof Elec- II 
 tion. 
 
 No. of States. 
 
 Total Elec. V. 
 
 POLITICAL 
 PASTY. 
 
 PRESIDENTS. 
 
 VIOK-PRESIDKNTS. 
 
 CANDIDATES. 
 
 VOTE. 
 
 CANDIDATES. 
 
 Elec. Vote. 
 
 States. 
 
 Popular. 
 
 Electr'l 
 
 1852 
 1856 
 1860 
 
 1864 
 1868 
 1872 
 
 1876 
 1880 
 
 1884 
 t 
 
 31 
 31 
 33 
 
 *88 
 
 ts. 
 
 3? 
 
 3; 
 88 
 
 3? 
 
 -'90 
 
 m 
 
 303 
 314 
 
 :,r; 
 sec 
 
 861 
 
 209 
 
 101 
 
 Democratic 
 Whig 
 
 Franklin Pierce- .... 
 Winfleld Scott 
 JohnP.Hale 
 
 James Buchanan.. . . 
 John C. Fremont.... 
 MillardFillmore..... 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. . . 
 J. C. Breckinridge . . 
 John Bell 
 
 27 
 4 
 
 10 
 1! 
 
 1 
 
 17 
 11 
 8 
 
 _ 
 
 ?> 
 
 a 
 11 
 
 20 
 
 8 
 
 s 
 
 1,601,474 
 1,386,578 
 156,149 
 
 1,838,169 
 1.341,264 
 874,534 
 
 1,866,352 
 845,7(53 
 589,581 
 1,375,157 
 
 2,216,067 
 1,808,725 
 
 3,015,071 
 2,709,613 
 
 254 
 
 tt 
 
 I"-! 
 114 
 B 
 
 180 
 
 ra 
 
 89 
 
 is 
 
 21S 
 81 
 
 8: 
 
 214 
 
 BO 
 
 ' 
 
 Wm. R. King 
 Wm. A. Graham . 
 Geo. W.Julian... 
 
 J.C.Breckinridge. 
 Wm. L. Dayton . . 
 A. J. DoneLson.... 
 
 Hannibal Hamlun 
 Joseph Lane 
 Edward Everett. . 
 H, V. Johnson . . . 
 
 Andrew Johnson. 
 G. H. Pendleton. . 
 
 Schuyler Colfax . 
 F. P. Blair, Jr 
 
 B54 
 49 
 
 174 
 
 114 
 S 
 
 180 
 78 
 
 : J 
 
 ia 
 
 .,-,,. 
 
 81 
 81 
 
 814 
 BO 
 H 
 
 8M 
 47 
 
 5 
 5 
 
 B 
 1 
 
 i 
 l 
 i 
 M 
 
 [88 
 184 
 
 Free Dem. 
 
 Democratic 
 Republican . 
 American. . . 
 
 Republican. 
 Democratic 
 Cons. Union 
 Iiid. Dem . . . 
 
 Republican . 
 Democratic 
 
 Republican. 
 Democratic 
 
 Republican . 
 Dem. & .Lib. 
 Democratic 
 Temperance 
 
 S A Douglas 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. . . 
 Geo. B. McClellan. . . 
 States not voting. . 
 
 Ulysses 8. Grant 
 Horatio Seymour 
 States not voting. 
 
 Ulysses S. Grant 
 Horace Greeley 
 Charles O'Connor. . . 
 James Black 
 
 31 
 6 
 
 3,597,070 
 
 3,834,079 
 29,408 
 5 608 
 
 
 Henry Wilson.... 
 B. Grata Brown.. 
 Geo. W. Julian.. 
 A. H. Colquitt.... 
 John M. Palmer. . 
 T. E. Bramlette.. 
 W. S. Groesbeck.. 
 Willis B. Machen. 
 N. P. Banks 
 
 Thos A Hendricks 
 
 
 
 48 
 
 1* 
 8 
 
 1 
 
 
 B Gratz Brown 
 
 
 
 
 Charles J. Jenkins . . 
 
 
 
 x 
 
 David Davis 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Republican . 
 i Democratic 
 j Greenback. . 
 Prohibition. 
 
 t Not Counted 
 
 
 
 T 
 
 
 Rutherford B. Hayes 
 Samuel J. Tildeu 
 Peter Cooper 
 
 ?! 
 17 
 
 4,033,950 
 
 4,284,885 
 81,740 
 
 18S 
 184 
 
 Wm. A. Wheeler. 
 T. A. Hendricks. . 
 
 Green Clay Smith.. 
 Scattering 
 
 
 9,522 
 2,636 
 
 4,449,053 
 4,442.035 
 807,300 
 10,305 
 707 
 989 
 
 4,911,017 
 4,848,834 
 151,809 
 133,825 
 11.362 
 
 
 G. T. Stewart . . . . 
 
 
 
 
 Republican. 
 Democratic 
 Greenback .. 
 Prohibition . 
 American. . . 
 
 James A. Garfleld. . . 
 Winfleld S. Hancock 
 James B. Weaver . . . 
 Neal Dow 
 John W. Phelps 
 
 19 
 19 
 
 214 
 
 l.V. 
 
 Chest. A. Arthur. 
 Wm. H.English... 
 B. J. Chambers.. 
 H. A. Thompson . 
 Sam. C. Pomeroy 
 
 a ; 
 
 '..:, 
 
 Scattering 
 
 
 Democratic 
 Republican . 
 Prohibition . 
 Greenback .. 
 
 Grover Cleveland . . . 
 James G. Blaine 
 John P. St. John 
 Benj. F. Butler 
 Scattering 
 
 S' 
 18 
 
 we 
 
 189 
 
 T. A. Hendricks.. 
 John A. Logan . . . 
 William Daniel... 
 A. M. West 
 
 vi 9 
 181 
 
 * Eleven States did not vote, viz.: Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louis- 
 iana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas and Virginia, 
 r Three States did not vote, viz.: Mississippi, Texas and Virginia. 
 ) The number of Electoral votes for 1888 will be 401.
 
 Election Statistics. 
 
 127 
 
 POPULAB VOTE FOB PRESIDENT. 1884. 
 
 Showing by States the vote for each of the four leading candidates for Presi- 
 dent, the plurality received and the aggregate rote cast. 
 
 STATES. 
 
 Cleve- 
 land. 
 
 Dem. 
 
 Elaine. 
 Rep. 
 
 Butler. 
 Or. 
 
 St. 
 
 John. 
 
 Pro. 
 
 Cleve- 
 land's 
 plural- 
 ity. 
 
 Blain's 
 plural- 
 ity. 
 
 Total 
 
 popular 
 vote. 
 
 
 88,973 
 
 60,144 
 
 762 
 
 no 
 
 83829 
 
 
 153,489 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 78,927 
 
 MM 
 
 1,874 
 
 
 J - ^ 
 
 
 1-J.V-K) 
 
 California. 
 
 80,968 
 
 108,416 
 
 9,017 
 
 9,980 
 
 
 18,198 
 
 U6.79J 
 
 
 87,803 
 
 : ' 
 
 1,961 
 
 768 
 
 
 8,563 
 
 66,499 
 
 
 67,182 
 
 (.- m 
 
 1,665 
 
 24>l 
 
 IJtM 
 
 
 WTJH 
 
 
 16,976 
 
 13,053 
 
 10 
 
 Ci 
 
 3.923 
 
 
 80.103 
 
 Florida. 
 
 81 789 
 
 28,031 
 
 
 72 
 
 8,738 
 
 
 59 -7-' 
 
 Georgia. 
 
 M,&3 
 
 4~ >' 
 
 185 
 
 168 
 
 46,901 
 
 
 143,543 
 
 Illinois 
 
 m M 
 
 187,411 
 
 10,849 
 
 12,005 
 
 
 94,897 
 
 672,649 
 
 Indiana . . 
 
 944*999 
 
 188,480 
 
 8*298 
 
 8028 
 
 6.512 
 
 
 494.793 
 
 
 177.3IG 
 
 197,089 
 
 
 1,472 
 
 
 19,778 
 
 875,969 
 
 Kansas 
 
 90,182 
 
 154,408 
 
 16,341 
 
 4,954 
 
 
 64,274 
 
 965,648 
 
 Ken lucky 
 
 152,901 
 
 118,1:3 
 
 UH 
 
 8,139 
 
 84,889 
 
 
 975,915 
 
 Louisiana , , 
 
 HUM 
 
 46347 
 
 M 
 
 338 
 
 16,190 
 
 
 109,234 
 
 Maine. , , , 
 
 ': r 
 
 71,716 
 
 MM 
 
 9,148 
 
 
 20,060 
 
 129,509 
 
 
 96886 
 
 85748 
 
 IN 
 
 .' <tr: 
 
 11,118 
 
 
 186,019 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 Itt . 
 
 146724 
 
 2; 
 
 'j :;: 
 
 
 94.879 
 
 808,883 
 
 Michigan . ~.. 
 
 i76,aei 
 
 198,669 
 
 753 
 
 i- M 
 
 
 3,308 
 
 401,186 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 70.065 
 
 111 686 
 
 3,583 
 
 4 -,M 
 
 
 41,690 
 
 190.017 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 76.510 
 
 48,509 
 
 
 
 33,661 
 
 
 190,019 
 
 Missouri . . 
 
 289 988 
 
 1903.929 
 
 
 9.158 
 
 88059 
 
 
 441070 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 54,391 
 
 76,908 
 
 
 9.699 
 
 
 22.M2 
 
 134,304 
 
 Nevada 
 
 5,578 
 
 7,193 
 
 96 
 
 
 
 1,615 
 
 ]-/. 
 
 New Hampshire. ..... 
 
 
 43.250 
 
 553 
 
 1 571 
 
 
 4,068 
 
 H ' 
 
 
 187778 
 
 1^3 366 
 
 8,456 
 
 6153 
 
 4412 
 
 
 961 537 
 
 New York 
 
 563,048 
 
 668,001 
 
 17,00* 
 
 95001 
 
 1,047 
 
 
 1,171,312 
 
 North Carolina , 
 
 14-"J 2 
 
 i.- H| 
 
 
 454 
 
 r. - -; 
 
 
 968,474 
 
 Ohio 
 
 368^86 
 
 400,069 
 
 6.170 
 
 1! I 1 
 
 
 81,796 
 
 784,807 
 
 
 94.604 
 
 96.860 
 
 786 
 
 493 
 
 
 2,256 
 
 5 .'.'.- I 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 392,785 
 
 473,80+ 
 
 17,002 
 
 15737 
 
 
 81,019 
 
 899,8^8 
 
 Rhode Island , . , 
 
 r. 1 M 
 
 ;, ,r,j 
 
 423 
 
 998 
 
 
 6,639 
 
 LT71 
 
 South Carolina .... . 
 
 i PM 
 
 21,738 
 
 
 
 48,031 
 
 
 91,573 
 
 
 133,370 
 
 i:: BH 
 
 957 
 
 1 151 
 
 9,180 
 
 
 959,469 
 
 
 823.6TS 
 
 91,701 
 
 3 " I 
 
 8,508 
 
 131,978 
 
 
 822,909 
 
 
 1:.-: 
 
 .'.- i 
 
 786 
 
 l : 1 .' 
 
 
 99,188 
 
 59,382 
 
 
 !: M 
 
 189,856 
 
 
 138 
 
 6,141 
 
 
 984.991 
 
 W Virginia. 
 
 67.817^ 
 
 . : V, 
 
 806 
 
 939 
 
 4J221 
 
 
 132,157 
 
 
 146,459 
 
 161,157 
 
 4,598 
 
 7,656 
 
 
 14,606 
 
 319,942 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 4,911,017 
 
 4.848,334 
 
 :vi >: 
 
 161,809 
 
 4-:y M 
 
 406,706 
 
 10,048,061 
 
 Cleveland's plurality.. 
 
 <- -', - 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 In these three States, Iowa, Michigan, and Nebraska, there was a " fusion " of 
 the Democratic and the National Greenback parties. 
 
 t In Missouri and West Virginia there was "fuilOJi" Of the Bepublkan and 
 the National Greenback parties,
 
 128 
 
 Election Statistics. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE FOB PRESIDENT, 
 
 At each election from 1860 to 1884. 
 
 STATES. 
 
 1860. 
 
 1861' 
 
 1868.S 
 
 1872. 
 
 1876. 
 
 1880. 
 
 1884. 
 
 j 
 
 Breckenridge Dem . 
 
 | 
 
 Douglas Ind. Dem. 
 
 d 
 
 a 
 
 ! 
 
 = 
 
 
 
 | 
 
 Grant Rep. 
 
 Seymour Dem. 
 
 Grant Rep. 
 
 Hendricks Dem. 
 
 Hayes Rep. 
 
 1 
 
 P 
 
 k 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 ! 
 i 
 
 Hancock Dem. 
 
 Cleveland Dem. 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 Alabama. 
 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 5 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 f. 
 
 
 10 
 
 8 
 
 5 
 
 10 
 7 
 
 "a 
 
 3 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 t; 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 i 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 r, 
 
 
 
 
 f, 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 6 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 "8 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 T 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 4 
 
 
 '4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 t 
 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 11 
 
 lij 
 
 a 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 ia 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 ei 
 
 
 si 
 
 
 "1 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 ii 
 
 IS 
 
 
 IS 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 B 
 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 13 
 9 
 
 "e 
 'ii 
 
 18 
 7 
 
 Kansas 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 B 
 
 
 B 
 
 
 B 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1" 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 j-j 
 
 
 
 
 
 1? 
 
 
 ia 
 
 e 
 
 ia 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 f 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 S 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 t 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 ( 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 - 
 
 
 1, 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 ii 
 
 
 
 
 V 
 
 
 jj 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 ii 
 
 
 is 
 
 Michigan 
 Minnesota 
 
 r 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 r 
 
 
 b 
 4 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 1! 
 B 
 
 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 B 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 8 
 1'. 
 
 it 
 
 Missouri 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 f 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 
 
 
 
 | 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 e 
 
 
 
 B 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 Nevada 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 | 
 
 
 " 
 
 
 ., 
 
 
 
 > 
 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 r 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 j 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 B 
 
 
 
 New Jersey .... 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 j 
 
 
 ~ 
 
 
 - 
 3: 
 
 "i 
 
 'J 
 89 
 
 1" 
 88 
 8 
 89 
 
 -: 
 
 
 
 i 
 gt 
 
 ;,: 
 
 
 
 
 81 
 
 New York* 
 
 r 
 
 
 
 
 jjj 
 
 
 
 North Carolina 
 Ohio 
 Oregon 
 
 'a 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 'J 
 2! 
 
 
 85 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 .:.' 
 
 10 
 
 n 
 
 M 
 8 
 
 G.I 
 
 4 
 "4 
 
 'ii 
 188 
 
 i 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 Rhode Island 
 
 u. 
 
 
 
 
 8C 
 
 ' 
 
 
 ft 
 
 J 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 ',:: 
 i 
 
 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 j 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 IS 
 
 b 
 
 'ii 
 
 6 
 
 IN 
 
 3 
 
 i 
 
 18 
 18 
 
 1*-' 
 
 r 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 
 
 1" 
 
 
 
 
 V 
 
 
 
 Jt 
 
 
 ,, 
 
 
 Texas 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ( 
 
 
 w 
 
 
 Vermont 
 Virginia 
 West Virginia 
 
 5 
 
 
 'ic 
 
 
 r 
 
 
 t 
 
 
 G 
 
 
 6 
 
 'ii 
 
 5 
 
 Wisconsin 
 Total 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 : 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 10 
 
 ISO 
 
 2 
 
 BO 
 3 
 
 IS 
 
 818 
 
 ! 
 
 81 
 
 G 
 
 y<4 
 1 
 
 SI 
 
 ,7 
 
 386 
 
 J 
 
 49 
 7 
 
 185 
 
 
 
 184 
 
 8 
 
 14 
 
 I 
 
 m 
 j 
 
 Number of States voting. . 
 
 1 Eleven Southern States did not vote in 1864. 
 
 X UiMlwippi, Tezaa and Virginia did not vote in 13S8.
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
 Los Angeles 
 
 This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 
 
 m . REC/n 10-URt 
 
 1(10X051984 
 
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