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 fcsj c
 
 A 
 
 BRIEF ESSAY 
 
 ON THE 
 
 Advantages ^ Difadvantages 
 
 WHICH RESPECTIVELY ATTEND 
 
 FRANCE 
 
 AND 
 
 GREAT- BRITAIN, 
 
 WITH REGARD TO 
 
 T R A D E. 
 
 By JOSIAH TUCKER, D.D. 
 DEAN OF GLOUCESTER. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR JOHN STOCKDALE, 
 OPPOSTE BURLINGTON-HOUSE, PICCADILLY. 
 
 MDCCLXXXVII.
 
 HP 
 
 F* r7 
 
 o 
 
 Advertifement. 
 
 THE defire of receiving information 
 in refpect to the commercial treaty 
 with France is, at prefent, fo prevalent, that 
 the Editor of the following fheets thought 
 he could not perform a more ufeful fervice 
 cihan by publifhing intelligence, which ap- 
 speared to him to be difinterefted, and there- 
 fore fatisfactory. 
 
 The firfl: of the following works is a tract 
 of that celebrated commercial writer Doctor 
 Tucker, dean of Glocefter, which is now 
 reprinted from the third edition in 1753 ; 
 J and which, being written with a quite dif- 
 ferent purpofe, may reafonably be fuppofed 
 jj to contain the candid fentiments of a very 
 ^ competent judge on an interefting fubjec~t. 
 
 The fecond confifts of three difcour fes, 
 A 2 by 
 
 O'CTOh-'Cin 
 0*3*5/88
 
 ( vi ) 
 
 by that great matter of political reafoning, 
 Mr. Hume, the hhtorian; being, 
 
 I. His EfTay on the Balance of Trade -, 
 
 II. On the Jealoufy of Trade; And, 
 
 III. On the Balance of Power. 
 
 As this treaty has been difcufTed under 
 two heads; firft, as it affects our Commer- 
 cial System; or, 2dly, our Political 
 Power, the Editor humbly hopes, that 
 every reader will receive ample information 
 from Dean Tucker, as to the firft, and the 
 greateft fatis faction, as to the fecond, from 
 Mr: Hume. With thefe hopes, the Editor 
 fubmits both to the candid perufal of the 
 reader. 
 
 THE
 
 THE INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ALL commerce is founded upon the 
 wants, natural or artificial, real or 
 imaginary, which the people of different 
 countries, or the different clafles of inha- 
 bitants of the fame country, are defirous, in 
 defect of their own fingle abilities, to fupply 
 by mutual intercourfe. If this commerce 
 be carried on between the inhabitants of the 
 fame country, with the growth or manu- 
 facture of that country only, it is called 
 Home Confumption, which is fo far fervice- 
 able, as it preferves the feveral profeffions 
 and ftations of life in their due order, as it 
 promotes arts and fciences, with a rotation 
 of induftry, wealth, and mutual good oriices 
 between the members of any community. 
 For thefe reafons, traffic, merely of this 
 kind, is of great importance, though it nei- 
 ther increales nor diminishes the public 
 ilock of gold and lilver. 
 
 But Providence having intended that there 
 mould be a mutual dependance and connec- 
 tion between mankind in general, we find it 
 almoit impoilible for any particular people 
 to live, with tolerable comfort, and in a 
 
 civilized
 
 ( vi ) , 
 
 civilized ftate, independant of all their 
 neighbours, befides, it is natural for men 
 to extend their views, and their wilhes, be- 
 yond the limits of a (ingle community, and 
 to be defirous of enjoying the produce or 
 manufactures of other countries, which they 
 muft purchafe by fome exchange. Now this 
 intercourfe with other nations is called 
 Foreign Trade. And, in the exchange of 
 commodities, if one nation pays the other a 
 quantity of gold or filverover and above its 
 property of other kinds, this is called a 
 Balance againfl that nation in favour of the 
 other. And the fcience of gainful com- 
 merce principally coniifts in the bringing 
 this fingle point to bear,* Now there can 
 be but one general method for putting it in 
 
 practice -, 
 
 * This is fpoken with refpefr. to the ultimata balance 
 of trade. For in reference to the intermediate balance, 
 it doth not always hold true. A trade may be benefi- 
 cial to the nation, where the imports exceed the ex- 
 ports, and confequently the balance paid in fpecie, if 
 that trade, directly or indirectly, is necefiary for the 
 carrying on of another more profitable and advanta- 
 geous. But then it is to be obferved, this trade is net 
 beneficial, considered in itfelf, but only as it is relative 
 and fubfervient to the carrying on of another. This is 
 the cafe, with refpedf. to the grer.teft part of our trade 
 to the Baltic, and the Eaft-LnjU.es : they are inftru- 
 mental in procuring a balance elfewhere, though, pro- 
 perly fpeaking, difadvantageous in themfelves. Which 
 brings the matter to the point from whence we fetout ; 
 viz. " That the fcience of gainful commerce confifh, 
 " ultimately, in procuring a ba'anee of gold or filvei 
 *' to ourfelves from other nations."
 
 ( vii ) 
 
 practice ; and that is, fince gold and filvef 
 are become the common meafure for com- 
 puting the value, and regulating the price of 
 the commodities or manufactures of both 
 countries, to export larger quantities of 
 our own, and import lefs of theirs ; fo that 
 what is wanting in the value of their mer- 
 chandife, compared with ours, may be paid 
 in gold and filver. The confequence of 
 which will be, that thefe metals will be 
 continually increafing with us, as far as re- 
 lates to that particular trade and nation, and 
 decreafing with them. And in what pro- 
 portion foever their money comes into our 
 country, in that proportion it may truly be 
 affirmed, that our failors, freighters, mer- 
 chants, tradefmen, manufacturers, tenants, 
 landlords, duties, taxes, excifes, &c. &c. 
 are paid at their expence. 
 
 Or, to put the mater in another light; 
 when two countries are exchanging their 
 produce or manufactures with each other, 
 that nation which has the greater! number 
 employed in this reciprocal trade, is faid to 
 receive a balance from the other ; becauie 
 the price of the overplus labour mull be paid 
 in gold and filver. For example : If there 
 are only ten thoufand perfons employed in 
 England in making goods or raifi ng fome 
 kind of produce for the market of France, 
 and forty thoufand in Fiance for the market 
 of England ; then we mud pay thefe ad- 
 ditional
 
 ( viii ) 
 
 ditional 30,000 Frenchmen in gold and fil- 
 ver; that is, be at the charge of maintain- 
 ing them. This is the cleareft and jufteft 
 method of determining the balance between 
 nation and nation : for though a difference 
 in the value of the refpeclive commodities 
 may make fome difference in the fum actu- 
 ally paid to balance accounts, yet the gene- 
 ral principle, that labour (not money) is 
 the riches of a people, will always prove, 
 that the advantage is on the fide of that na- 
 tion, which has molt hands employed in 
 labour. 
 
 The principles of trade, therefore, being fo 
 clear and certain in themfelves, and withal 
 fo obvious to any man of common capacity 
 and application, it is a very furpriiing mat- 
 ter how it comes to pafs, that both men of 
 good underftanding are many times totally- 
 ignorant of them, and merchants themfelves 
 fo divided in their fentiments about them. 
 
 As to the firft. cafe, perhaps it may be ac- 
 counted for, if we confider what difadvan- 
 tageous notions men of a liberal and learned 
 education have imbibed of this noble and in- 
 teresting fcience ; on which the riches, the 
 ftrength, the glory, and I may add, the 
 morals and freedom of our country, io ef- 
 fentially depend. Yet it has been repre- 
 fented as a dry unentertaining fubjecl, dark 
 and crabbed, perplexed with endlefs diffi- 
 culties, not reducible to any fixed and cer- 
 tain
 
 . ( ) 
 
 tain principles ; and therefore fit for none, 
 but the mercantile part of the world, to give 
 themfelves any trouble concerning it. But 
 upon a fair examination it will perhaps ap- 
 pear, that this reprefentation is very falfc 
 and injurious. 
 
 As to the fecond, it mull: be indeed con- 
 fefled, that merchants themfelves are very 
 often divided in their fentiments concerning 
 trade. Sir * Jofiah Child, Mr. Gee, Mr. 
 Cary of Briftol, and almoft all commercial 
 writers, have long ago taken notice of this 
 difference of opinions. But however ftrange 
 
 and 
 
 * The words of fir Jofiah Child frrongly corroborate 
 what is here alledged. "Merchants, (ays he, while 
 " they are in the bufy and eager profecution of their' 
 " particular trades, although they be very wife and 
 " good men, are not always the beft judges of trade, 
 "as it relates to the power and profit of a kingdom. 
 " The reafon may be, becaufe their eyes are fo conti- 
 " nually fixed upon what makes for their peculiar gain 
 *' or lo-fs, that they have no leifure to expatiate or turn 
 " their thoughts to what is molt advancageous to the 
 '* kingdom in general. 
 
 " The like may be faid of all fhop-keepers, artificers, 
 " clothiers, and other manufacturers, until they have 
 " left off* their trades, and being rich, become, by tiie 
 " purchafe of lands, of the fame common intereft with 
 " mod of their countrymen." 
 
 Thisjuftly celebrated writer was himfelf an infrance 
 of the truth of this obfervation. For, if I am not greatly 
 miftaken, he did not write this very treatife, till he had 
 left or!" trade, and being rich, became, bv the purchafe 
 of lands, of the fame common intereft with the reit of 
 his country mem. 
 
 n
 
 y 
 
 ( x ) 
 
 and unaccountable it may appear to perfons 
 not converfant in thefe matters, there is a 
 very firong and convincing reafon, when 
 the affair is fearched to the bottom, for the 
 difagreeing opinions of different merchants 
 purfuing their refpeclive interefrs. The lead- 
 ing idea, or the point aimed at by every mer- 
 chant mud be, in the nature of things, and 
 in every country, a balance in favour of him- 
 felf. But it does not always follow, that this 
 balance is likewife in favour of the nation j 
 much lefs of other merchants, whofe inte- 
 rests may be oppofite to his own. While, 
 therefore, each perfon fees in a favourable 
 light his own branch of commerce, and de- 
 fires to procure all poffible advantages to that 
 traffick, on which the profperity of himfelf 
 and his family, perhaps totally, depends, it 
 is but reafonable to expect their fentiments 
 mould clam. 
 
 Hence therefore fome have thought, that 
 a perfon of a liberal and learned education, 
 not concerned in trade, is better qualified to 
 engage in the ftudy of it, as afcience, than 
 a merchant himfelf: becaufe, fay they, his 
 mind is freer from the prejudice of felf-in- 
 terefl, and therefore more open to conviction 
 in things relating to the general good. They 
 add, that though he may not underftand the 
 buying and felling of particular commodi- 
 ties, or the fitted time to bring them to a 
 profitable market, (which is the proper pro- 
 vince of a merchant) yet he may underftand, 
 
 in
 
 ( *i ) 
 
 in what refpe&s the nature of that trade con- 
 tributes to the lofs or gain of the public, 
 with a degree of evidence, which perhaps 
 the merchant never thought of: as being 
 indeed not concerned, merely as a merchant, 
 in fuch kinds of difquifitions. 
 
 But without pretending to determine who 
 are the beft qualified to engage in the ftudy 
 of this moft ufeful and extenfive fcience, let 
 us rather humbly recommend it to the at- 
 tention of them both. For, undoubtedly, both 
 have their advantages ; and perhaps the ap- 
 plication of both together, might be more 
 fuccefsful than either of them feparately. If 
 the one mould happen to be lefs felf-inte- 
 refted, by means of his fituation in life, and 
 more open to conviction in cafes relating to 
 the general good ; the other, for the very 
 fame reafon, is more fkilful in the practice 
 of trade, and a better judge, whether the 
 project, perhaps fo fair in Theory, is fea- 
 sible in fact. 
 
 As to the private intereft of merchants, 
 which is here fuppofed to be a bias upon 
 their minds, this, moft certainly, coincides, 
 for the moft part, with the. general intereft 
 of their country : and fo far it can be no 
 argument in their disfavour. But neverthe- 
 leis, truth obliges us to acknowledge, that 
 in certain cafes, * " a merchant may have 
 B 2 " a 
 
 * " Britifh Merchant," vol. ii. p. 141. 8vo edi- 
 tion, 1721. See lilcewiie the inftanccs there given to 
 confirm this oblervation.
 
 ( * ) 
 
 " a difUnct interefr. from that of his country. 
 rt he may thrive by a trade which may prove 
 " her ruin." Nay more, he may be impo- 
 verifhed by a trade that is beneficial to her. 
 But undoubtedly, the moment he perceives 
 he is carrying on a lofing trade, he will quit 
 it, and employ his thoughts and his fubftance 
 in the profecution of fome other. Moreover, 
 as it is a balance in favour of himfelf, which 
 is the principal object of his aims and endea- 
 vours, it cannot be expected, but of two 
 trades, both advantageous to the commu- 
 nity, he will embrace that which is moft 
 profitable to himfelf, though it mould hap- 
 pen to be lefs gainful to the public. It is a 
 maxim with traders, and a juftifiable one, 
 to get all that- can be got in a legal and ho- 
 neft way. And if the laws of their country 
 do give them the permiffion of carrying on 
 any particular gainful trade, it is their bufi- 
 nefs, as merchants, to engage in the profe- 
 cution of it. As to the great point of na- 
 tional advantage, or difadvantage, this is 
 properly the concern of others, who fit at 
 the helm of government, and confequently 
 whofe province it is, to frame the laws and 
 regulations relating to trade in fuch a man- 
 ner, as may caufe the private intereft of the 
 merchant to fall in with the general good of 
 his country. 
 
 For thefe reafons therefore, the appoint- 
 ment of the Board of Trade, muff certainly 
 
 appear
 
 ( xiii ) 
 
 appear a very wife and neceflary inflitution. 
 The intent and defign being, as I humbly 
 conceive, to anfwer this very end. And the 
 honourable members of it may be looked 
 upon, in this light, as the Guardians of the 
 public welfare. In preiiding over the gene- 
 ral commercial interests of the kingdom, they 
 are to infpecl the feveral branches of traffic 
 that are carried on, and to give notice to the 
 legislature, whether the' profit of the king- 
 dom, or of the merchant, is moft promoted ; 
 that the proper remedies, or encouragements 
 may be applied, according as the cafe re- 
 quires, by flopping up the former channels 
 of adifadvantageous trade, opening new ones, 
 which may enrich the public and the adven- 
 turer together; encouraging Jhim to perfe- 
 vere, and to enlarge his dealings in every 
 branch, which is beneficial to the community; 
 and, in one word, by enabling the merchant 
 to find his own private advantage in labour- 
 ing for the good of his country. Self and 
 focial happinefs, in this cafe, mud be made 
 to unite ; otherwife it will happen in this, 
 as in mod other affairs, that focial happinefs 
 will not be promoted at all. 
 
 And as the affairs of commerce mull, for 
 thefe reafons, ultimately come under the 
 cognizance of the legiflature, it were greatly 
 to be wifhed, that men of eminence and di- 
 stinction, whofe birth and fortunes procure 
 them an admifiion into the Britifli fenate, 
 
 would
 
 ( xiv ) 
 
 would employ a little more of their time 
 in the cultivation of a fcience, fo worthy of 
 their greateft regard and attention. The 
 intereft of their country, and their own, do 
 both concur in requiring fuch a conduct from 
 them. I beg leave to mention not only the 
 intereft of their country, but their own : for 
 it is a moft certain fad:, though not fuffi- 
 ciently attended to, that the landed gentle- 
 man is more deeply concerned in the na- 
 tional effects of an advantageous or difadvan- 
 tageous commerce, than the merchant him- 
 felf. If this affertion fhould appear a para- 
 dox to any one, I hope a few lines will 
 convince him of the truth of it. 
 
 Suppofe then, fome general calamity to 
 befal the trade of the kingdom : Or, to 
 put a more ftriking cafe, fuppofe the mouth 
 of the Thames to be choaked up with fands 
 and marfhes, (as that fine river in France, the 
 Rhone, really is) fo as to afford no port worth 
 mentioning, for the purpofes of commerce : 
 In fuch a melancholy cafe, the merchants, 
 manufacturers, owners of fhips, Tailors, and 
 all the multitudes of tradefmen dependant 
 upon this commerce, would indeed be the 
 fir ft affected, but they would not be the 
 greateft lofers. For after the firft fhock, they 
 would ealily remove with the beft of their 
 effects, and try their fortunes elfewhere. But 
 the landed gentleman, what muft he do ? he 
 is bound down to the foil, and cannot remove 
 
 his
 
 ( xv ) 
 
 his eftate, though the perfons are gone, who 
 ufed to confume the product of it. Thus the 
 evil becomes incurable, and perpetual, with 
 regard to him, and every day encreafing : 
 whereas, with refpecl to the merchant, it 
 was only a friock at firft, which he has the 
 chance of getting the better of, by removing 
 to a more advantageous fituation. 
 
 It is fervently to be wiihed, that Provi- 
 dence may never vilit us with fo terrible a 
 judgment, as the choaking up the mouth of 
 our principal river leading to the metropo- 
 lis of the kingdom. But the bare fuppofal 
 of fuch a cafe is fufficient to prove, I humbly 
 prefume, with irreliftible evidence, that the 
 landed gentlemen in the counties adjacent to 
 London, are more deeply interefted in the 
 confequences of the trade of London, than 
 the merchants themfelves j and, therefore, 
 that thofe fuppofed distinctions of landed in- 
 terest, and trading intereft, in the fenfe they 
 are commonly ufed, are the moft idle and 
 filly, as well as falfe and injurious, that ever 
 divided mankind. 
 
 But above all, we mult beg leave to ob- 
 ferve, by way of inducement to the landed 
 gentleman, to turn his thoughts to this ftu- 
 dy, that his very private interett is rather a 
 help, than a detriment to him in the profe- 
 cution of it. It puts no wrong bias upon 
 his mind, but directs him to the true point 
 of light, from whence to fee, and to judge, 
 
 of
 
 ( xvi ) 
 
 of thefe affairs ; which is a circumstance, irt 
 fome refpccf, peculiar to his Situation. 
 
 For, if we fuppofe the fcene ftill to conti- 
 nue in and about London, (though the fame 
 would hold true of any other part of the 
 kingdom) as the private intereft of the 
 landed gentlemen arifes from the general 
 commerce of the place, he can have no par- 
 tial views in relation to trade, nor can reap 
 any advantage from monopolies, exclulive 
 companies, or fiich like deftructive artifices. 
 The more perfons there are employed in every 
 branch of buiinefs, the more there will be to 
 confume the produce of his eftate ; (o that 
 he will have no temptations to complain, 
 that the trade is over-flocked, or wifh the 
 promotion of this trade, in order to the de- 
 clenfion of that. In fhort, his own intereft 
 is connected with the eood of the whole : lb 
 that he cannot but be extremely well quali- 
 fied to underftand, and to promote it, if he 
 will pleafe to make uie of the advantages he 
 is happily poffelTed of. 
 
 A BRIEF
 
 A BRIEF 
 
 ESSAY on TRADE, 
 
 The Prihcipal Advantages of 
 France, with reffeSi to Trade. 
 
 I. n^HE natural produce and commo- 
 A dities of the country. Thefe are, 
 chiefly, wines, brandies, filk, linen, hemp, 
 and oil. I do not mention corn, for though 
 they raife a great deal, yet, as they are 
 great bread-eaters, they confume a great 
 deal, and have little to fpare for exporta- 
 tion. Their harvefts alfo are more preca- 
 rious than ours, and often fail. 
 
 II. The fubordination of the common 
 people is an unfpeakable advantage to them, 
 in refpect to trade. By this means the 
 manufacturers are always kept induftrious : 
 they dare not run into mocking lewdnefs 
 and debauchery j to drunkennefs they arc 
 
 C no$
 
 ( i8 ) 
 
 not inclined. They * are obliged to enter 
 into the married flate ; whereby they raife 
 up large families to labour, and keep down 
 the price of it ; and, confequently, by 
 working cheaper, enable the merchant to 
 fell the cheaper. 
 
 III. The rules and regulations they are 
 obliged to obferve in manufacturing their 
 goods, and expofing them to fale, is a great 
 advantage to the credit of their manufac- 
 tures, and confequently to trade. All forts 
 of goods for exportation, muft undergo an 
 inflection of the proper officer in the public 
 hall : there they are compared with the pat- 
 terns or famples delivered in before. The bad, 
 and fuch as do not anfwer to their famples, 
 are confifcated, with a fine levied upon the of- 
 fender. By thefe means, the fraudulent de- 
 figns of private traders, who would get rich 
 at the public expence, are prevented, and the 
 national manufactory conftantly kept up in 
 high credit. 
 
 IV. Their excellent roads, their navi- 
 gable rivers and canals, are of lingular ad- 
 vantage to their trade. Their great roads 
 are always in good order, and always carried 
 on in a flrait line, where the nature of the 
 ground will permit ; and made at a moft 
 
 pro- 
 
 "* The law of France obliges all unmarried men to 
 ferve as common foldiers in the militia and the army, 
 unlefs they have particular exceptions, on account of 
 their Nations and niofcflions.
 
 ( '9 ) 
 
 prodigious expence ; each province being 
 obliged to make and repair their own roads; 
 and yet there is no expence for turnpikes 
 from one end of the kingdom to the other. 
 
 Their rivers are indeed, for the mofl part, 
 the work of nature : the Seine, the Loire, 
 the Garonne, and the Rhone, with all the 
 rivers which fall into them, help to carry on 
 a communication with mod of the great ci- 
 ties of the kingdom. 
 
 But their canals are their own proper 
 praife j and equally deferving admiration, on 
 account of their grandeur and contrivance, 
 as for their ufefulnefs to trade, in lowering 
 the price of carriage. Among thefe, that of 
 Languedoc, and the two canals of Orleans 
 and Briare,are worthy to be particularly men- 
 tioned. By means of the former, a commu- 
 nication is opened between Bourdeaux and 
 Marfeilles, between the ocean and the Me- 
 diterranean, without pafling through the 
 Straits of Gibraltar, and furrounding all the 
 coafts of Portugal and Spain ; and, by virtue 
 of the two latter, an eafy intercourfe is main- 
 tained between all the great towns fi-tuated 
 on the Seine and the Loire. Many other 
 canals there are, and more ftill intended to be 
 made, greatly advantageous to their com- 
 merce. 
 
 V. The French enjoy a great advantage in 
 
 the goodnefs of their fugar colonies. It is 
 
 not owing to any fuperior fkill in them, or 
 
 C 2 wrong
 
 ( 20 ) 
 
 wrong conduct in us, nor yet any greater 
 ceconomy in their planters, or profufenefs in 
 ours, (for, upon the ftrictefl enquiry, both 
 will be found to be very culpable] that they 
 exceed us in the cheapnefs and goodnefs of 
 their commodities ; but becaufe our Leeward 
 iflands are worn out, being originally of no 
 depth of foil ; and the ground is more upon 
 a level, confequently more fubjecl: to be 
 burnt up ; whereas their iflands are (till very 
 good. In Martinico particularly, the ground 
 is rich, the foil deep, diverfified with high 
 hills, affording copious ftreams of water, 
 and refreshing (hades. Another great ad- 
 vantage which the French have over the 
 Englifh in their fugar colonies, is their 
 Agrarian law, whereby monopolies are pre- 
 vented from engrofling too much land. So 
 that the number of Whites are greatly en- 
 creaied, the lands improved, more commodi- 
 ties railed, the planters obliged to a more 
 frugal manner of living, and all things ren- 
 dered cheaper. By thefe means Martinico 
 can mufter j 6,000 righting men; but Ja- 
 maica, which is near three times as large, 
 only 4000. Add to this, that the inhabitants 
 of Old France do not ufe the tenth part of the 
 fugars for home confumption as the Englifh 
 do; and therefore have that commodity to 
 export again to foreign markets, and with it 
 to encreafe the national wealth. 
 
 VI. The French colonies receive all their 
 luxuries and refinements of living from their 
 
 mother^
 
 ( 21 ) 
 
 mother-country; which is a very great ad- 
 vantage to it. They are not fuffered, nor 
 indeed doth it appear, that they are much 
 inclined to go to any other fhop or market 
 for thefe things ; neither have they fet up 
 any manufactures of their own, to the preju- 
 dice of their mother-country. Indeed, as to 
 the neceflaries of life, they fupply themfelves 
 with them where they can ; and frequently 
 buy of the Englim. But this is a cafe of 
 neceflity, which cannot be fubject to re- 
 straints. As to articles of luxury, parade, 
 and pleafure, we very feldom hear that they 
 buy any of them from us. 
 
 VII. The manner of collecting their du- 
 ties on feveral forts of goods imported, is of 
 greater advantage to trade than can eafily be 
 imagined. In the port of Bourdeaux (and 
 I take it for granted, fogooda regulation ob- 
 tains in other places) there are public ware- 
 houfes, very proper and convenient, adjoining 
 to the Cuftom-houfe. And all provifions 
 and goods necefiary for the ufe of their fugar 
 colonics, are there depofited by the mer- 
 chant, 'till the fli in fails, duty free, paying 
 only a moderate price for cellarage. When 
 (he returns, thefm>ars, See. are landed in the 
 King's warehoufes, where they remain till 
 the importer has found a purchafer for a 
 proper quantity; then he pays the duty for 
 that, and has it taken away, letting the reft 
 continue, Or il he intends thefe goods for 
 exportation, there they lie ready and conve- 
 nient, J>y this means he is never driven to 
 
 limits
 
 ( * ) 
 
 flraits on account of the King's duty ; and is 
 enabled to carry on a very extenfive trade with 
 a fmall flock. The confequence of which is, 
 that many perfons are hereby capacitated to 
 enter considerably into commerce, who could 
 not otherwife have done it. For ioool. fler- 
 ling in France, will go near as far as 2000I. 
 in England. Not to mention, that as there is 
 no money immediately advanced on account 
 of the King's duty, the whole gains of the 
 merchant will rife only from the money ac- 
 tually in trade: now this is lefs by near one 
 half to what it would have been, had the 
 duty been all paid at once ; confequently he 
 can afford to fell one half lefs than he mufl 
 have demanded in the other cafe. 
 
 VIII. Their neighbourhood to Spain, and 
 prefent connexion with it, is of fo great ad- 
 vantage, as to be worth all their trade befides. 
 For it is certain, they get more from the 
 Spaniards than all the trading nations in Eu- 
 rope. Their poor from Perigord, Limofin, 
 and .other places, come yearly into Spain to 
 reap their corn, and gather in their vintage; 
 and carry back what they have earned to 
 fpend in France. The fifhermen from Ba- 
 yonne, and the neighbouring places, fupply 
 them with great quantities both of freih and 
 fait fifli, to eat on fall-days, and to keep 
 Lent. The pedlars and mop-keepers in 
 Spain, are mod French, who retire into their 
 own country when they have made their for- 
 tunes. The towns in Languedoc fupply them 
 with cloth, filks, and (lockings ; Rouen with
 
 ( 2 3 ) 
 
 hats, and coarfe linen fluffs ; Abbeville, with 
 fuperfine cloths; Amiens and Arras, with 
 wcrfted and camblet fluffs ; and Lions, with 
 all forts of rich filks, gold and filver lace, 6cc. 
 for their confumption both in Europe and 
 America. In fhort, the greateft part of the 
 produce of the mines of Potofi is brought 
 into France. Hence it is that their pay- 
 ments are all in filver; and gold is more 
 fcarce in France, in the currency of coin, 
 than filver is in England. A plain proof, 
 that they have the great trade to Spain, as 
 we have to Portugal. 
 
 IX. Their addrefs in drawing raw mate- 
 rials from other countries to work up in their 
 own, ferves greatly to enlarge and extend 
 their trade. France produces fome wool 
 and filk j but not a fourth part of what they 
 manufacture. Wool they import from Bar- 
 bary, the Levant, and Spain. They alfo 
 bring wool from Switzerland. Some little 
 perhaps is run from England; but, I have 
 good reafon to believe, not much. The 
 quantity from Ireland is very confiderable ; 
 which is owing to our own wrong policy. 
 The ben: of their raw filk they draw from 
 Piemont, the Levant, Italy, and Spain. 
 Their cotton is brought from the Levant, 
 and from their fugar colonics. And the 
 allies for making foap, at Marfeilles, are 
 chiefly imported from Egvpt. 
 
 X. They reap unfpeakable advantage, by 
 the permiilion and encouragement given to 
 
 lorei'>:i
 
 ( 24 ) 
 
 foreign merchants and manufacturers to fet- 
 tle among them. By this good policy the 
 price of labour is always kept fufficiently low. 
 A competition and emulation are raifed, who 
 fhall work, and fell the cheapeft; which 
 muft turn out greatly to the national advan- 
 tage, though it may not be fo favourable to 
 the private intereft of individuals. Forthefe 
 reafons, the government is particularly gen- 
 tle and indulgent to foreigners. And the 
 iituation of the country is greatly affiflant to 
 this difpofition of the government. France 
 is furrounded with populous, that is pro- 
 lific nations, who have no trade and manu- 
 factures of their own to employ their poor. 
 Flanders, all Germany on the fide of the 
 Rhine, Switzerland, Savoy, and fome parts 
 of Italy, pour their fupernumerary hands 
 every year into France ; where they are ca- 
 refTed, and received into the army, or the 
 manufacture, according to their inclinations. 
 The Rhone is fo ealy and cheap a convey- 
 ance, for the fwarms of inhabitants border- 
 ing on the lake of Geneva, that fo fmall a 
 fum as one thilling, or eighteen pence each 
 perfon, will bring them to the chief manu- 
 facturing town in the kingdom, viz. Lions. 
 And there are faid to be no lefs than ten 
 thoufand Swii's and Germans employed in 
 that city. The numbers alio in all the other 
 commercial towns are very great, and daily 
 increafing. 
 
 XI. The Engliili monopolies, which are fo 
 
 deft rue-
 
 ( 25 ) 
 
 deftructive to the interefts of Great Britain, 
 become, for the very fame reafon, of the 
 greateft benefit and advantage to France. 
 Marfeilles is a flagrant, and a melancholy 
 proof of this affertion; For the trade of this 
 place hath flourished and increafed juft in 
 the fame proportion, as that of our Turky 
 company funk, and declined. All the fine 
 ftreets and new buildings of the city, date 
 their original from this period. So that we 
 may truly fay, they were built, and are now 
 fupported, by the exclufive Turky company 
 of England. Moreover, the Englifh Hud- 
 fon's-Bay company is the only caufe, which 
 can make the French fettlements in fo 
 wretched a country as the northern parts 
 of Canada, to rlouriih ; with fo difficult and 
 dangerous a navigation, as that up the bay of 
 St. Lawrence. It is this, and no other, is 
 the caufe that enables them to extend their 
 colonies, and to underfell the Englifh in all 
 the articles of furr j which they apparently 
 do in times of peace. 
 
 XII. The publick flock of wealth isgreatly 
 increafed, by foreigners of all countries tra- 
 velling among them. The advantages from 
 hence accruing have not been fo much at- 
 tended to, as, I humbly think, theyjuftly 
 deferve. For while thefe foreigners relide in 
 the country, they not only pay for their food 
 and board at an high rate, but they alfo cloath 
 themfelves with the manufactures of it, and 
 
 J) buy
 
 ( 26 ) 
 
 buy many curiofities. But this is not all : 
 for having contracted a liking to the produce 
 and manufactures of the country they travel- 
 ed in, they continue to ufe them when they 
 are returned to their own ; and lb introduce 
 them to the knowledge, efteem, and appro- 
 bation of others : this begets a demand -, and 
 a demand for them draws on a correfpon- 
 dence, and a fettled commerce. Thefe are 
 the advantages which the French enjoy by 
 fuch numbers of foreigners travelling among 
 them ; whereas they fcarce ever travel them- 
 felves ; and by that means circulate the 
 money in their own country. 
 
 XIII. France enjoys no fmall advantage, 
 as it doth not lofe much by the article of 
 fmuggling, in comparifon to what England 
 doth. This is owing to the ftri&nefs of 
 their government, the many fpies they have 
 upon every man's actions, and being able to 
 punifh the flighteft offence more feverely, 
 and in a more fummary way than we can, 
 or is confiftent with a free conftitution to 
 do. 
 
 The
 
 The Principal Disadvantages of 
 Trade with regard to France. 
 
 I. HpHE firft difadvantage to a free 
 trade is the government, which 
 is arbitrary and defpotic ; and therefore 
 fach as a merchant would not chufe to 
 live under, if he knows the fweets of li- 
 berty in another country, and has io at- 
 tachment of family, or intereft to keep 
 him ftill in France. It muft be acknow- 
 ledged, his property, generally fpeaking, is 
 fecure enough ; but his perfon is not fo. To 
 explain this, we muft beg leave to obferve, 
 that though there are fixed and ftated laws 
 in France to decide all cafes of property, and 
 criminal caufes, as here in England; fo that 
 a man may know the rules he is to be go- 
 verned by in thofe refpecls, and can have an 
 open trial for his life and fortune ; yet there 
 are no laws to afcertain the nature of poli- 
 tical offences, or to circumfcribe the power 
 of the judge : fo that he muft be intirely at 
 the mercy of the Lieutenant de Police, and 
 his deputies; who can imprifon him at will, 
 without afiigning any reafon, or bringing any 
 evidence to confront him. And therefore his 
 D 2 only
 
 ( 28 ) 
 
 only fecurity confifts, in being continually 
 lavifh in the praife of the king and the mi~ 
 niftry, and in faying nothing which may 
 afford the leaft pretence to the fpies, who 
 fwarm all over the kingdom, to inform 
 againft him. 
 
 II. The fecond difadvantage to the free- 
 dom of trade, is the Romifh religion ; which 
 has added to its many other abfurdities, a 
 fpirit of cruelty and perfecution, fo repug- 
 nant to the fcope and tendency of the gof- 
 pel. Therefore a proteflant merchant, if at 
 the fame time a confcientious man, will find 
 himfelf very often reduced to great difficul- 
 ties, in order to avoid, on the one hand, the 
 fin of hypocrify, by compliances againft his 
 confcience, or, on the other, the danger at- 
 tending the exercife of his religion, and the 
 educating of his children in the proteflant 
 way. This, I fay, will often happen, even 
 at prefent ; though the bigotry of the court 
 of France is not near fo great as it was in 
 former times. 
 
 III. Another great burden, and confe- 
 quently a difadvantage to the trade of France, 
 is, the great number of religious of both 
 fexes.- The loweft computation of thefe 
 amounts to near three hundred thoufand 
 perlons : a great part of which number 
 might, and would be employed in trade 
 and manufaduresj and the reft, might be 
 ufeful to iociety in other fpheres. But that 
 is not all j they are a very heavy weight 
 
 upon
 
 ( 29 ) 
 
 upon the public. Vafl eftates are appro- 
 priated for the fupport of fome of thefe 
 religious orders, whofe fund is continually 
 accumulating, not only by legacies and do- 
 nations, but alfo by whatever fortune each 
 perfon is pofTeiTed of, at the time of taking 
 the vow. And others, who are of the Men- 
 dicant orders, and are allowed to have no 
 property, become a continual tax upon the 
 induflry and charity of the people -, and thefe 
 moftly of the middling and lower fort. Not 
 to mention the increafing riches and dead 
 wealth in all their churches. 
 
 IV. A fourth great difad vantage to the 
 trade of France, is their numerous and poor 
 nobility. The nature and conftitution of 
 that government require the notion of birth 
 and family to be kept up very high, as it will 
 always create an indigent nobility, and con- 
 fequently dependant upon the court for fuch 
 preferments as may not deroge, or bring a 
 itain upon their family. Moreover, the fame 
 refined policy induces the court to make the 
 military fervice be efteemed the moft ho- 
 nourable -, as it muft render the whole body 
 
 of the nobilitv foldiers to fi^ht their battles ; 
 
 * 
 the richer ierving for glory, and the poorer 
 
 for an honourable fupport. Theconfequence 
 
 of all this is, that they heartily defpife the 
 
 Bourgeois^, that is, the merchant and tradef- 
 
 man : 
 
 In France the inhabitants are ufually diflinguifhed 
 by three ranks, or orders i the nobleire, the bourgeois,
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 man : and he, when he gets rich, is as de- 
 firous of quitting fo dishonourable an employ, 
 wherein his riches cannot fecure him from 
 infult and contempt. Being therefore ambi- 
 tious of raifing his own family to be of the 
 NoblefTe, he leaves off trade as foon as he 
 can, and breeds up his fons to the military 
 proferTion, or purchafes fome office in the 
 law or civil government, which may ennoble 
 them. 
 
 V. The trade of France fuffers another 
 inconveniency by the nature of its taxes. 
 Some of thefe, in certain provinces, are very 
 arbitrary ; as the Taille, which is levied 
 
 moftly 
 
 and the paifans. Each of thefe are totally diftinct from 
 the other. The pofterity of the nobleffe are all no- 
 bleffe, though ever fo poor, and though not honoured 
 with the titles of Count, Marquis, &c. as noblemen are 
 here in England. The pofterity of a bourgeois, though 
 ever fo rich, and though the family have left off trade 
 a hundred years ago, are ftill but bourgeois, until they 
 are ennobled by patent, or have wiped off the difgrace 
 of having been merchants, by fome fignal military 
 fervice, or have purchafed fome honourable employ. 
 Therefore when the nobleffe call the merchants, bour- 
 geois, (burgeffes) they mean it as a term of infamy and 
 reproach, anfwering to that of, pitiful low mechanic, in 
 Englifh. Indeed, by fome ordinances, the nobleffe are 
 permitted to engage in certain branches of foreign and 
 wholefale trade, without bringing any ftain upon their 
 family. But thefe permiflions will have very little effi- 
 cacy to induce the nobility to turn merchants, as long 
 as the military fervice is fo highly exalted in credit and 
 reputation above merchandize. The very genius of the 
 government makes it a fcandal not to be a foldier ; 
 Laws will have little force againft this.
 
 ( 3' ) 
 
 moftly upon the poor peafants and manufac- 
 turers in the country villages. Others are 
 very heavy ; as the duty upon fait, which is 
 mockingly oppreffive. Others again, though 
 not quite fo oppreffive, are yet equally im- 
 properly laid, becaufe they are upon the 
 necelfaries of life, which are to feed the 
 tradefman, and to victual the (hipping. 
 Thus, for example, all forts of provifions, 
 corn, wine, butchers meat, poultry, eggs, 
 fifh, garden-fluff, and fruit, pay a duty at 
 the entrance of fome of their great cities. 
 There are duties alfo lately laid upon foap 
 and candles. And in the Pais des Etats, 
 where the moft grievous of thefe imports are 
 not levied, they lay a provincial duty upon 
 all things going in or out of that province; 
 which makes the merchandize fo palling 
 through, become the dearer at a foreign 
 market. 
 
 VI. The maitr ifes^. which fo generally 
 prevail in France, is a clog to the trade of 
 the country. Thefe maitrifes are much the 
 fame as our companies in towns corporate ; 
 only we have this advantage, that in Eng- 
 land their pernicious effects can be more 
 eaiily eluded by having (hops, &c. within 
 glafs windows. Belides, our bed manufac- 
 turing towns, fuch as Birmingham, Man- 
 chefter, Leeds, and even four-fifths of Lon- 
 don itlelf, viz. Wellminfler, Southwark, 
 and all the fuburbs, have no companies at 
 
 all.
 
 ( 3* ) 
 
 all. Whereas, in France, all tradefmen are 
 obliged to be free of their proper maitrife, 
 before they can fet up. The fine for this, 
 in fome trades, is very confiderable. And 
 there is alfo, in time of war, an annual de- 
 mand of a certain proportion of men out of 
 each maitrife; which is underftood to imply 
 a"fum of money by way of equivalent. Thus, 
 the more thefe maitrifes become ufeful to 
 fupply the exigencies of the government at 
 a pinch, the more privileges they will ac- 
 quire ; and the greater the privilege is of any 
 particular company, the lefs will be the ge- 
 neral trade of the country. 
 
 VII. The French fuftain fome difadvan- 
 tage by their monopolies and exclufive char- 
 ters. They have an Eaft-India Company at 
 Port 1'Orient : Marfeilles is a free port for 
 the Levant and Barbary trade; whereas there 
 is a duty of 20 per cent, upon all merchan- 
 dize of thofe countries, if imported into any 
 other port of France in the Mediterranean. 
 And even at Marfeilles, there is a particular 
 exclufive company for importing corn and 
 wool from Africa. Lions is free for all iilk 
 entering, or going out; whereas there is an 
 heavy duty in the neighbouring towns; by 
 which means, Lions may be faid to have an 
 exclufive charter. And there is good reafon 
 to conclude, there is ibmething of the fame 
 nature for the Turky cloth at Carcaflbnne, 
 the iilk and worfted itockings at Nifmes, the 
 
 cloathing
 
 ( 33 ) 
 
 cloathing for the foldiery at Lodeve, the Su- 
 perfine cloth at Abbeville, the fluffs at 
 Amiens, the camblets at Arras, the painted 
 linens and cottons at Rouen, &c. 
 
 VIII. The French labour under no fmall 
 difadvantage on account of the expence they 
 are at in the article of friipping.-*-They have 
 more men to navigate their mips than the 
 Englifh, becaufe they are not fo expert 
 failors. They mull: carry fome fupernume- 
 rary landfmen, by the King's orders : they 
 muft have many officers to govern thefe 
 men, becaufe the merchant is to be refpon- 
 fible for them when the fhip returns. Thefe 
 officers will have a grand table, a. cook, and 
 new bread every day. The (hip lies long in 
 port, if fent to the Weft-Indies to difpofe 
 of the cargo : becaufe their Creolian s are faid 
 to be fo difhoneft, that they do not care to 
 truft them with commiffionsj and fo the 
 expences of the officers and of the crew run 
 very high. Add to this, that the officer be- 
 longing to the marine in France, will find 
 ways and means to give great trouble to the 
 merchant, both as to the choice of failors 3 
 and of officers, unlefs he is properly confi- 
 dered : which is generally done by buying 
 fome fhip (lores of himfelf, or friends, at 
 an exorbitant price. 
 
 IX. The two national vices of the French* 
 gaming and fine clothes, is a great hurt to 
 their trade. Thefe expences cannot bt iup- 
 
 E ported
 
 ( 34 ) 
 
 ported but by a large profit; and that will 
 always leffen the demand at a foreign mar- 
 ket, if their neighbours can afford to fell 
 cheaper. Not to mention the fwift ruin 
 which gaming fometimes brings on, and the 
 lofs of time occafioned by it. 
 
 X. The fituation of the French ports, are 
 a great difadvantage to them, with refpect to 
 the Hamburg and northern trade : and in 
 regard to the fouthern and Weft- Indies, they 
 are not better fituated ; and are not near fo 
 many, nor fo good as ours, efpecially if we 
 take Ireland into the account. They have 
 only an advantage with refpedl to the Medi- 
 terranean. 
 
 XI. The farming of the revenue is ano- 
 ther great difadvantage to the commerce of 
 France. For thefe Farmers have moft immo- 
 derate profits, and live in all the fplendor 
 and expenceof the firft Princes of the blood. 
 And as they act by the King's authority, they 
 tyrannife over the fubjedts with impunity. 
 Yet I cannot fee how the French govern- 
 ment can be without fuch a fet of people. 
 For when money is wanted, they are ready 
 to lend, while the fubjecl: is afraid : there- 
 fore they borrow of the fubjeel:, giving their 
 own fecurities, and then lend to the govern- 
 ment at an advanced price, paying them- 
 felves, as the duties are collected. 
 
 To thefe difadvantages, it has been inti- 
 mated, I oueht to have mentioned their 
 
 many
 
 ( 35 ) 
 
 many holidays, on which they mufl not work, 
 and their pompous proceffions, which draw 
 the peopleagazing after them. Thethought 
 did occur to me before, at the time of wri- 
 ting the firft edition : but I fupprefled it 
 then, and now beg leave to afiign the rea- 
 fons; viz. In the firft place, thefe things are 
 greatly wearing off in France every day; fo 
 that the (ofs of time is not fo considerable, 
 as one may imagine. Secondly, Allowing 
 that fome time is idled away during thefe 
 holidays, and in feeing proceflions, &c. ftill, 
 if we cart: up the account of the time and 
 money which are fpent here in England by 
 all forts of manufacturers, in horie-races, 
 cock-fightings, cricket-matches, bull-bait- 
 ings, but more efpecially in mobbing and 
 electioneering, (all which are not in France) 
 I am perfuaded, we fhall find the advantage 
 gained over them, on the fcore of their 
 holidays and proceifions, to be none at all; 
 and that- upon comparing both articles to- 
 gether, the amount of the difadvantages will 
 be found to be greater on our fide, than on 
 theirs. 
 
 r * q'h* 
 
 i - V
 
 The principal Advantages of Great 
 Britain with refpeEi to Trade, 
 
 J, ' I ^HE natural produce and commo- 
 J_ dities of the country; corn, wool, 
 lead, tin, copper, coal, butter, cheefe, taU 
 low, leather. All which are not to be found 
 in France, in that plenty and abundance they 
 are in England, 
 
 II. The number, goodnefs, and fituation 
 of our ports.^ Thofe on the weftern fide of 
 Great-Britain (efpecially if we reckon Ire- 
 land a part of ourfelves, and include both 
 iflands under one general intereji, as in reafon 
 and policy we ought to do) are almoft as 
 well fituated for the fouthern trade, as the 
 French : they are four times as many in 
 number, and much better for fafety, and 
 depth of water. And as to the North and 
 Baltic trade, the French can come into no 
 comparison with ours. 
 
 III. Nature has been very bountiful, in 
 bellowing on us fuch excellent fimeriesj 
 particularly the herring-fimery, on the nor- 
 thern coafts of Scotland, and the cod on the 
 fouth-weft of Ireland. Thefe great advan- 
 tages are always in our power to cultivate 
 
 and
 
 ( 37 ) 
 
 and improve ; and it is our fault, and our 
 reproach, that we do not. 
 
 IV. England enjoys another advantage by 
 means of its free government. A merchant 
 can go to law with the crown, as eafily as 
 with a private Subject. The judges are for 
 the life of the prince on the throne, and con- 
 fequently not under the immediate influence 
 of the court. No man's perfon can be de- 
 tained, but a reafon muft be given, and the 
 matter brought to an open trial, where his 
 equals are to be his judges, and to decide 
 between him and the crown, whether he 
 hath committed an offence againft the State, 
 or not. 
 
 V. Another ineftimable blefling, and a 
 great advantage t confidered merely in a com- 
 mercial view, is the liberty of confcience 
 we enjoy in thefe kingdoms. Every man is 
 permitted to worship God in the way he 
 thinks the right and true, without fear or 
 referve ; and may educate his children in his 
 own religion. The Roman catholics, in- 
 deed, are under fome legal difcouragements : 
 but it is plain, the legiflature confidered them 
 rather as a political, than a religious feci, 
 when thofe laws were enacted. And the 
 prefent government, by its conduct towards 
 them, has given them fufficiently to under- 
 stand, that they (hall not be disturbed in the 
 free exercife of their religion, provided they 
 will give no disturbance to the ftate in civil 
 
 affairs,
 
 ( 38 ) 
 
 affairs, by Tiding with its enemies. This, 
 furely, is but a reafonable demand : and here 
 the matter feems to reft. 
 
 VI. England has always enjoyed an ad- 
 vantage in trade, as its manufacturers have 
 ever been in high repute for their fkill and 
 ingenuity. Our locks, chains, clock-work, 
 mathematical inftruments, and all* forts of 
 cutlery ware, far exceed all others at this 
 day, and are defervedly preferred by foreign 
 nations. And our failors are confiderably 
 fuperior to the French, in their art and dex- 
 terity. 
 
 VII. England enjoys a very vifible advan- 
 tage over France, as the whole bulk of our 
 people may be concerned in trade, if they 
 pleafe, without any difreputation to their 
 families. The profeffion of a merchant is 
 efteemed full as honourable as that of an of- 
 ficer. And no man need leave off trade, 
 when he finds himfelf rich, in order to be 
 refpetfted as a gentleman. It is likewife no 
 fcandal for younger brothers of the moft 
 antient families to be bred up to trade and 
 bufinefs. 
 
 VIII. The ifland of Jamaica has fome ad- 
 vantages over any of the French iflands, on 
 account of its fituation, to carry on a benefi- 
 cial trade with the Spaniili Main ; the fweets 
 of which have been lo fufficiently felt during 
 the late war, as to need no further illuftra- 
 
 tion.
 
 I 39 ) 
 
 tion. And this ifland is capable of great 
 improvements in many other refpects. 
 
 IX. The very wants of Great-Britain, in 
 one refpect, might be turned into a lingular 
 advantage aver the French in another. It is 
 certain, France cannot carry on a trade to 
 moft countries with that advantage to the 
 country it trades with, as the Englifh can. 
 For example : the Englifh can trade with 
 the Spaniards to mutual advantage : if the 
 Englifh export cloth and fluffs to Spain, they 
 can take off fruits, oil, and wine, by way of 
 barter. Whereas the French can make no 
 ufe of thefe commodities, having fo much of 
 their own growth both to ufe, and to fpare.' - 
 A coniideration of this nature, well timed, 
 and ftrongly urged, might have a good effect 
 upon the Spanifh court, to induce them to 
 favour the Englifh commerce, and difcoun- 
 tenance the French. It is owing to the fuc- 
 cefsful application of Sir Paul Methuen on 
 this very, head, when Envoy to the court of 
 Portugal, that the Englifh at this day enjoy 
 the whole trade of Portugal, and that the 
 French, in a manner, are excluded. 
 
 X. The low intereft of money, and the 
 eafy and expeditious transfers in the funds, 
 give to Great-Jit it u'n a manifeft advantage in 
 the affairs of commerce. For were the in- 
 terel't as high as in France, the exportation 
 or our manufactures would be much dearer, 
 as everv exporter would expect to pet a pro- 
 
 fit
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 fit fuperior to the intereft of money ; the fiire 
 confequence of which would be, a leffening 
 of the quantity exported. Befides, the mer- 
 chants of London, by means of Eaft-India 
 bonds, and the quick transfers of flocks, are 
 enabled to make a profit of their money, 
 when not employed in trade j by which 
 means they can afford to buy and fell for lefs 
 gains. 
 
 The principal Disadvantages of 
 Great- Britain with regard to Trade. 
 
 I. npPIE' firft and capital difadvantage, 
 is the want of fubordination in the 
 lower clafs of people. This is attended with 
 dreadful confequences, both in a commercial 
 and a moral view. If they are fubject to 
 little or no control, they will run into vice : 
 vice is attended with expence, which muft 
 be fupported either by an high price for their 
 labour, or by methods (till more deilruclive. 
 The end of all is poverty and difeafe ; and 
 fo they become a loathfome burden to the 
 public. Nothing is more vifible, than the 
 great difference between the morals and in- 
 duftry of the manufacturing poor in France, 
 and in England, In the former, they are 
 
 fober,
 
 ( 41 ) 
 
 fober, frugal, and laborious : they marry, 
 and have flocks of children, whom they 
 bring up to labour. Jn the latter, they are 
 given up to drunkennefsand debauchery: the 
 ftreets fwarm with proftitutes, who fpread 
 the infection, till they are carried to an 
 hofpital, or their grave. The men are as 
 bad as can be defcribed ; who become more 
 vicious, more indigent and idle, in propor- 
 tion to the advance of wages, and the cheap- 
 nefs of provifions : great numbers of both 
 fexes never working at all, while they have 
 any thing to fpend upon their vices. 
 
 II. The prodigious expence of electioneer- 
 ing, is another fatal ftab to trade and induf- 
 try. It is not only fo much money fpent, 
 but it is fpent moftly upon manufacturers ; 
 and fo it gives them a tafte for idlenefs, and 
 brings on an habit of drunkennefs, and ex- 
 travagance. The want alfo of fubordination, 
 juft now complained of, is moftly to be im- 
 puted to the fame caufe, as it fets them above 
 control, frees them from all relfraint, and 
 brings down the rich to pay their court to 
 them, contrary to the juft and proper order 
 of fociety. 
 
 III. Another verv great burden on the 
 Englilh commerce, is the vaft numbers of 
 poor; and thofe every day increafing. If we 
 trace the matter to its fountain-head, we (hall 
 find it to be owing principally to the lame 
 
 V caufe*;,
 
 ( 42 ) 
 
 caufes, viz. electioneering, and the want of 
 fubordination. And, if a calculation was 
 made of the expences of electioneering, and 
 the ruinous confequences of it, together with 
 the annual poor- tax, I am very fure it would 
 exceed, in the proportion, what France ex- 
 pends in maintaining three hundred thou- 
 fand religious of both fexes : fo that we gain 
 no advantage over France in this refpect, 
 through our own difTolutenefs and ill ma- 
 nagement. 
 
 IV. Our trade is greatly burthened by the 
 nature of mod: of our taxes, and the manner 
 of collecting them. The cufloms on the 
 goods imported, make thofe goods come 
 much dearer to the coniumer, than they 
 would do, if the confumer himfelf was to 
 pay the duty : and this becomes a ftrong 
 temptation to cur people to fmuggle. The 
 taxes upon the neceffaries of life, are in fact 
 fo many taxes upon trade and induftry : and 
 fuch mud be accounted the duties upon foap, 
 coal,' candles, fait, and leather. Likewife 
 the duties upon the importation of foreign 
 raw materials, to be employed in our own 
 manufactures, are fo many fetters and chains 
 to prevent the progrefs of labour, and cir- 
 culation of wealth. Thefe imports were hrft 
 laid on, under a notion of promoting the 
 landed intcceil ; but happy would it have 
 been for thefe kingdoms, if the landed Q-en- 
 
 tlemen
 
 ( 43 ) 
 
 tlemen had underftood their intereft, before 
 they attempted to (hew their zeal in promot- 
 ing it. 
 
 Moreover, the expenflve manner of col- 
 lecting all our cuftoms, is (till an additional 
 difadvantage; fuch as the multiplication and 
 fplitting of offices, patent-places, fees, fine- 
 cures, penfions, &c. &c. Thefe things, in- 
 deed, create a dependance upon the court, 
 and are faid to ftrengthen the hands of the 
 government; but if they do fo in one re- 
 fpect, they weaken it much more in ano- 
 ther. They give too juft caufe for complaint; 
 the belt friends of the prefent eftablifhment 
 are grieved to fee any meafures which they 
 cannot vindicate. Repeated murmurs, where 
 there is a real foundation for them, naturally 
 tend to alienate the affections of the bulk of 
 the people, which above all things mould 
 be guarded againft ; becaufe in times of actual 
 danger, it is the people, and not place-men 
 and peniioners, who can fave the govern- 
 ment, and oppofe themfelves againft the in- 
 vafions of foreign, or the infurrections of 
 domeftic, enemies : as was plainly fcen in 
 the cafe of the late rebellion. 
 
 V. The great number of fmugglers in 
 England, are of infinite detriment to trade. 
 They carry nothing but bullion, or wool, 
 out or the kingdom, and return moitly with 
 the commodities of France. They are the 
 F 2 neceiTary
 
 ( 44 ) 
 
 neceffary caufe of creating many offices, 
 maintaining Hoops, fmacks, &c. to guard 
 againft them -, and they furnifh a pretence 
 for adding many more. Thus they become 
 doubly mifchievous. They tempt others to 
 do the like, for fear of being ruined in their 
 lawful trades by being underfold. The prac- 
 tice of fmuggling debauches the morals of 
 the common people, it leads them into per- 
 jury, and tutors them up in all vice and ex- 
 travagance. So many expences incurred, fo 
 many deficiencies in the revenue, mufh be 
 made np fome other way ; that is, by duties 
 not fo liable to be embezzled. And, there- 
 fore, fact it is, that every man, in paying 
 taxes for land, &c. pays for the damage 
 done, or caufed by fmuggling. And yet, 
 'till there is a proper fubordmation incro- 
 duced, and the qualification for voting fome- 
 thing altered from what is at prefent, it is 
 eafy to fee, there never can be any effectual 
 cure for this growing evil. Smugglers are, 
 for the moil part, inhabitants oi boroughs 
 and towns corporate : they, or their rela- 
 tions friends, dealers, acquaintances, Sec, 
 are voters ; and Verbum fat fapienti. 
 
 VI. Our monopolies, public companies, 
 and corporate charters, are the bane and de- 
 flruction of a free trade. By the charter of 
 the Eaft- India company, at leait nine thou- 
 faud nine hundred and ninety-nine Britiili 
 
 fubjedts,
 
 { 45 ) 
 
 fubjecfts, out of ten thoufand, without hav- 
 ing committed any fault to deferve fuch a 
 punifhment, are excluded from trading any 
 where beyond the Cape of Good Hope". By 
 the charter of the Turky company, a like, 
 or a greater number, are excluded from hav- 
 ing any commerce with the whole Turkiih 
 empire. The Hudfon's Bay company en- 
 grofles all the furr trade with the Indians, in 
 an extent of country almoft as large as half 
 Europe. Thus the intereft of nine thou- 
 fand nine hundred and ninety-nine fellow- 
 fubjects, is facrificed, in fo many refpects, 
 for the fake of a fmgle one. The whole na- 
 tion fuffers in its commerce, and is debarred 
 trading to more than three-fourths of the 
 globe to enrich a few rapacious directors. 
 They get wealthy the very fame way by 
 which the public becomes poor, viz. firft, 
 by exporting fmall quantities of our own 
 manufactures, in order to have an exorbitant 
 profit ; and, 2dly, by importing but a few 
 of the raw materials of foreign countries, 
 that they may have the higher price for what 
 they bring home. A double mifchief! 
 equal iy fatal to the community, both by the 
 fmallnefs ok their exports and imports. 
 
 And as to corporate charters, and companies 
 of trades, they are likewife io many mono- 
 polies in the places to which they belong, to 
 the great detriment of national commerce. 
 
 To
 
 ( 46 ) 
 
 To convince any one of this, let him but 
 fuppofe a fet of town and country butchers 
 frequenting the fame market ; and that the 
 country butchers were excluded for a market 
 or two; would not the town butchers raife 
 their price? i, e. put all their fellow-citizens 
 under contribution, by means of this privi- 
 lege ? And doth not every other company the 
 fame in all things they fell ? And what is the 
 confequence ? A general dearnefs among 
 one another, which muft light at laft upon 
 the foreign trade, and therefore diminish the 
 quantity to be exported. 
 
 VII. Our imprudence and narrow- fpirit- 
 ednefs in not inviting foreigners to fettle 
 among us, is another material difadvantage 
 to the Englifh trade. Foreigners can never 
 get rich in a ftrange country, but by work- 
 ing cheaper or better than the natives. And 
 if they do fo, though individuals may fuffer, 
 the public is certainly a gainer; as there is 
 fo much merchandize to be exported upon 
 cheaper terms, or fo much faved to the mer- 
 chant, whereby he may afford to export the 
 cheaper. Not to mention, that by this 
 means the price of labour is continually beat 
 down, combinations of journeymen againft 
 their mailers are prevented, induftry is en- 
 couraged, and an emulation excited. All 
 which are greatly for the public good. 
 
 Ikfides, a foreigner juft efcaped from 
 
 flavery
 
 ( 47 ) 
 
 ilavery and oppreffion, when he gets rich in 
 a land of liberty and plenty, is not likely to 
 return home, but will fettle among us, and 
 become one of ourfelves, with his whole fa- 
 mily. And what are all Englimmen but the 
 defcendants of foreigners ? In fliort, it is the 
 fame weak, policy to prevent foreigners fet- 
 tling among us, as it is in the poor about 
 London, to oppofe the Welfh and Irifh com- 
 ing up to work in the gardens, and carry in 
 the harveft; not confidering, that if the gar- 
 dener or farmer cannot have his work done 
 cheap, he cannot afford to fell the garden- 
 fturT, bread, &c. cheap to them. So that 
 they themfelves find their account in the 
 cheapnefs of the labour of thefe perfons. In- 
 deed, the Englifh mould give more encou- 
 ragement, if poflible, to ftrangers than 
 France doth ; as for many other reafons, io 
 particularly for this, that the Flemifh, Ger- 
 mans, Swifs, Piedmontife, Italians, &c. can 
 arrive at moft of the manufacturing towns in 
 France at a trifling expence ; whereas the 
 long journey from their own country, and 
 the paiTage over into England, are a very 
 great difcouragement to foreign manufac- 
 turers to come to fettle here. 
 
 VIII. Our ill-judged policy, and unnatu- 
 ral jealoufy, in cramping the commerce and 
 manufactures of Ireland, is another very 
 great bar againft extending our trade. This 
 
 is
 
 ( 48 ) 
 
 is a moll: unaccountable infatuation, which 
 has not the fhadowofa public and national 
 reafon to defend it. For if Ireland gets rich, 
 what is the confequence ? England will be 
 rich too, and France will be the poorer. The 
 wool which is now fmuggled from* Ireland 
 into France, and manufactured there, and 
 from thence fent to oppofe our own com- 
 modities at foreign markets, would be ma- 
 nufactured in Ireland ; the French would 
 lofe the benefit of it, the Irifh would get it : 
 the rents of the eftates in Ireland would 
 rife; and then the money would foon find 
 its way into England. Befides, the Irifh 
 might be incorporated into the Englifh par- 
 liament, and make one nation with our- 
 felves, bearing an equal fhare of taxes, and 
 fo eanng England, at the fame time that Ire- 
 land is enriched. But more of this here^ 
 after. 
 
 IX. Want of a lefs expenfive way of re- 
 pairing our roads; want of more navigable 
 
 rivers 
 
 * A clergyman, whofe living is in the weft of Ire- 
 land, aflured me, that juft after the peace, the wool 
 fmugglers of his parilh got upwards of 50 per cent, by 
 the wool they fold to the French. As long as this is 
 the cafe, laws and reftritions will fignify nothing. If 
 we have a mind to prevent the Irilh fending their wool 
 to France, wemuft make it their interejl to keep it at 
 home; which can never be dine, but by permitting 
 them to manufacture it themfelvcs, and export it to any 
 market they can.
 
 ( 49 ) 
 
 rivers and canals ; are a very great difadvan- 
 tage to England, in comparifon to France. 
 Every one muft be fenfible of the heavy tax, 
 which fo many turnpikes lay upon trade j 
 and how bad even the turnpike roads are in 
 many parts of the country, diftant from 
 London. We have no canals to open a 
 communication between city and city, river 
 and river, though our country is much better 
 adapted for them than France. 
 
 X. We labour under a very great difad- 
 vantage, as mofl of our leeward iflands are 
 now worn out, and indeed were never fo 
 fertile, or fo lafting a foil as the French \ 
 therefore they require a greater expence to 
 cultivate them : fo that our fugars muft come 
 the dearer to Europe. Befides, as we ufe fo 
 much for home confumption, we have the 
 lefs to fpare for foreign markets. But the 
 greateft misfortune is, that the planters in 
 thefe fmall iflands are fuffered to monopolize 
 as much land as they pleafe ; by which 
 means the plantations are engrofTed in a few 
 hands, and the number of whites is daily 
 decreafing; fo that the fugar colonies now 
 confume much lefs of the produce of the 
 mother country; and yet, in time of danger, 
 England is obliged to be at the expence of a 
 greater force to protect them, as they are lefs 
 able to defend themfelves. 
 
 XI. England labours under a peculiar dif- 
 
 G advantage
 
 ( 5 ) 
 
 advantage in companion to France, as its 
 colonies are not fo much under the command 
 of their mother country, nor fo fludious of 
 her welfare. In many of thefe colonies fe- 
 veral manufactures are fet up, and more in- 
 tended to be erected, which will greatly in- 
 terfere with the trade of England. And we 
 muff expect; that this evil will not decreafe, 
 but increafe by time, unlefs an effectual 
 method can fpeedily be put in practice, to 
 divert the thoughts of our colonifts from 
 thefe purfuits, to fome others, equally fer- 
 viceable to them, and lefs detrimental to 
 us. Befides, they not only fet up manu- 
 factures of their own in oppoiition to ours, 
 but they purchafe thofe luxuries and refine- 
 ments of living from foreigners, which we 
 could furnifh them with. It is computed, 
 that they are fupplied with at leaft one third 
 of thefe articles from foreign nations; amongft 
 whom the French come in for the greateft 
 lhare. 
 
 XII. We alfo fuffer a further inconveni- 
 ence in not inviting foreigners to travel into 
 England, and fpend their money among us ; 
 and in being too fond of travelling ourielves. 
 It is certain, England has as many curio- 
 iities for a foreigner to obferve, as anv coun- 
 try in the world : the whole ifland, and every 
 thing belonging to it, being in many refpects 
 different from the Continent, and worthy 
 
 the
 
 (5') 
 
 the attention of a (tranger. And even as to 
 fine paintings, original ftatutes, and antiques, 
 we have' prodigious collections of them in 
 private hands, though little known even to 
 our own countrymen, for want of a public 
 and general catalogue. Moreover, our Eng- 
 lish travellers in France and Italy, are con- 
 tinually making new collections in order to 
 carry home, and embellith their own coun- 
 try. And yet, our gentry are fo fhy to 
 ftrangers, the fervants expect fo much vails, 
 and the common people are fo rude and af- 
 fronting, that very few care to travel in fuch 
 a country. 
 
 XIII. The high price of labour is an- 
 other infuperable bar to a large trade. The 
 caufes of which are fuch as have been af- 
 figned already, viz. electioneering ; the cor- 
 rupt morals of the people ; taxes on the ne- 
 cellaries of life ; monopolies, public com- 
 panies, and corporate charters of trades. 
 
 XIV. We fuffer a very great detriment 
 through the want of public infpectors, to fee 
 that our manufactures produce every thing 
 good in its kind ; that they give good weight 
 and meafure, and fold the worft fide outer- 
 moft. And what is ftiil worfe, where fuch 
 have been appointed, they have degenerated, 
 through fome unhappy abufe, fo far as toin- 
 creafe the evil they were intended to correct. 
 
 XV. Add to all thefe, the difcourage- 
 
 G 2 ments
 
 ( 5* ) 
 
 tnents and oppositions which the moft gene- 
 rous fcheme will too often meet with from 
 felf-interefted and defigning men* who per- 
 vert the invaluable bleffing of liberty, and a 
 free conftitution, to fome of the worft of 
 purpofes. In a defpotic kingdom, the mi- 
 niftry have none to oppofe them in their 
 good defigns : but among us, let their plan 
 be ever fo well calculated for the public 
 good, yet if it clafhes with the private inte- 
 reft of any particular perfons, trading com- 
 panies, or boroughs, (as it neceffarily mull: 
 do) then it is oppofed, under various pre- 
 tences, by the united force of falfe patriots, 
 who inflame the populace with words and 
 names, and blacken and mifreprefent the 
 beft defigns in the moft malevolent manner. 
 Befides, in an abfolute government, there 
 is no poflibility of gaining preferment by 
 making one's felf formidable to the miniftry. 
 Whereas in England, it is the fure road to 
 it. A bold plaufibie fpeaker in the Houfc, 
 embarrafles the fchemes of the miniftry, not 
 becaufe he thinks them wrong, but becaufe 
 he expects to be bought off by a place, or a 
 penfion. A news-writer, or a pamphleteer, 
 puts every meafure of the court in the moft 
 odious light, in order to make his paper fell 
 the better, or to be thought confiderable 
 enough to be retained on their fide. 
 
 On the other hand, the miniftry are too 
 
 apt
 
 ( S3 ) 
 
 apt to endeavour to quafh a motion, not be- 
 caufe it was a bad one, but becaufe it came 
 from the party in the oppofition. A good 
 motion, a public-fpirited and generous pro- 
 poial, would raife the credit of the authors 
 of them too high with the people, were they 
 carried into execution, to the detriment of 
 the miniftry. Therefore, falus fui, not 
 falus populi, fuprema lex efio. 
 
 Thus it is on both (ides : and an honeft, 
 well-meaning perfon, whofe views are fingle, 
 and who is confcious to himfelf of no other 
 attachment but the good of his country, 
 cannot but lament thefe pernicious evils. 
 And the more fo, as he mud: defpair of fee- 
 ing them effectually removed or cured, with- 
 out introducing worfe evils in their ftead; 
 unlefs men were much honefter, and more 
 upright than they are ; which, it is to be 
 feared, is not likely to be foon the cafe. 
 
 Three
 
 THREE ESSAYS. 
 
 I. On the BALANCE of TRADE. 
 
 II. On the JEALOUSY of TRADE. 
 
 III. On the BALANCE of POWER. 
 
 By DAVID HUME, Esq, 
 
 ESSAY I. 
 
 On the Balance of Trade. 
 
 IT is very ufual, in nations ignorant of 
 the nature of commerce, to prohibit the 
 exportation of commodities, and to preferve 
 among themfelves whatever they think va- 
 luable and ufeful. They do not confider, 
 that, in this prohibition, they act directly 
 contrary to their intention ; and that the 
 more is exported of any commodity, the 
 more will be raifed at home, of which they 
 themfelves will always have the firft offer. 
 
 It is well known to the learned, that the 
 ancient laws of Athens rendered the expor- 
 tation
 
 ( ss ) 
 
 tation of figs criminal ; that being fuppofed 
 a fpecies of fruit fo excellent in Attica, that 
 the Athenians deemed it too delicious for the 
 palate of any foreigner. And in this ridicu- 
 lous prohibition they were fo much in ear- 
 ned:, that informers were thence called 
 fycophants among them, from two Greek 
 words, which fignify figs and difcovererj. 
 There are proofs in many old acts of parlia- 
 ment, of the fame ignorance in the nature, 
 of commerce, particularly in the reign of 
 Edward III. And to this day, in France, 
 the exportation of corn is almoft always 
 prohibited ; in order, as they fay, to prevent 
 famines ; though it is evident, that nothing 
 contributes more to the frequent famines, 
 which fo much diftrefs that fertile country. 
 
 The fame jealous fear, with regard to 
 money, has alio prevailed among feveral na- 
 tions ; and it required both reafon and expe- 
 rience to convince any people, that thefe 
 prohibitions ferve to no other purpofe than 
 to raife the exchange againfr. them, and pro- 
 duce a ft ill greater exportation. 
 
 Thefe errors, one may fay, are grofs and 
 palpable : But there itill prevails, even in na- 
 tions well acquainted with commerce, a 
 itrong jealouiy with regard to the balance of 
 trade, and a fear, that all their gold and filver 
 may be leaving them. This teems to me, 
 almoft. in every cafe, a groundlefs apprehen- 
 fion ; and I rtv>uld as foon dread, that all 
 ourfprings and rivers mould be exbaufted, 
 
 as 
 \ Plut. Dc Curicfitate.
 
 ( 56 ) \ 
 
 as that money mould abandon a kingdom 
 where there are people and induftry. Let us 
 carefully preferve thefe latter advantages ; 
 and we need never be apprehenfive of lofing 
 the former. 
 
 It is eafy to obferve, that all calculations 
 concerning the balance of trade, are founded 
 on very uncertain facts and fuppofitions. 
 The cuftom-houfe books are allowed to be 
 an inefficient ground of reafoning ; nor is 
 the rate of exchange much better ; unlefs we 
 confider it with all nations, and know alfo 
 the proportions of the leveral fums remitted; 
 which one may fafely pronounce impoffible. 
 Every man, who has ever reafoned on this 
 fubje<5t, has always proved his theory, what- 
 ever it was, by facts and calculations, and 
 by an enumeration of all the commodities 
 fent to all foreign kingdoms. 
 
 The writings of Mr. Gee {truck the na- 
 tion with an univerfal panic, when they faw 
 it plainly demonftrated, by a detail of par- 
 ticulars, that the balance was againft them 
 for {o coniiderable a mm as muft leave them 
 without a fingle milling in five or fix years. 
 But luckily, twenty years have fince elapfed 
 with an expeniive foreign war, yet is it 
 commonly fuppofed, that money is ftill 
 more plentiful among us than in any former 
 period. 
 
 Nching can be more entertaining on this 
 head than Dr. Swift; an author lb quick in 
 difi ernin the miftakes and abfurdities of 
 others. He lavs, in his " Short View of 
 
 the
 
 ( 57 ) 
 
 the State of Ireland," that the whole cafh 
 of that kingdom formerly amounted but to 
 500,000!. that out of this the Irifh remitted 
 every year a neat million to England, and 
 had fcarcely any other fource from which 
 they could compcnfate themfelves, and little 
 other foreign trade than the importation of 
 French wines, for which they paid ready 
 money. The confequence of this fituation, 
 which mult be owned to be difadvantageous, 
 was, that, in a courfe of three years, the 
 current money of Ireland, from 500,0001. 
 was reduced to lefs than two. And at pre- 
 fent, I fuppofe, in a courfe of 30 years, it is 
 abiblutely nothing. Yet I know not how, 
 that opinion of the advance of riches in Ire- 
 land, which gave the DoSiof Jo much indig- 
 nation, feems jlill to continue and gain ground 
 with every body. 
 
 In fhort, this apprehenfion of the wrong 
 balance of trade, appears of fuch a nature, 
 that it difcovers itfelf, wherever one is out 
 of humour with the miniftry, or is in low 
 fpirits ; and as it can never be refuted by a 
 particular detail of all the exports, which 
 counterbalance the imports, it may here be 
 proper to form a general argument, that may 
 prove the impombility of this event, as long 
 as we preferveour people, and our induftry. 
 
 Suppofe four-fifths of all the money in 
 
 Britain to be annihilated in one night, and 
 
 the nation reduced to the fame condition, 
 
 with regard to fpecie, as in the reigns of the 
 
 II Harrys
 
 ( 58 ) 
 
 Harrys and Edwards, what would be the 
 confequence ? Muft not the price of all la- 
 bour and commodities fink in proportion, 
 and every thing be fold as cheap as they 
 were in thofe ages ? What nation could then 
 difpute with us in any foreign market, or 
 pretend to navigate or to fell manufactures 
 at the fame price, which to us would afford 
 fufficient profit ? In how little time, there- 
 fore, muft this bring back the money which 
 we had loft, and raife us to the level of all 
 the neighbouring nations ? Where, after 
 we have arrived, we immediately lofe the 
 advantage of the cheapnefs of labour and 
 commodities ; and the farther flowing in of 
 money is flopped by our fulnefs and re- 
 pletion. 
 
 Again, fuppofe, that all the money of 
 Britain were multiplied fivefold in a night, 
 muft not the contrary effect follow ? Muft 
 not all labour and commodities rife to fuch 
 an exorbitant height, that no neighbouring 
 nations could afford to buy from us ; while, 
 their commodities, on the other hand, be- 
 came comparatively fo cheap, that, in fpite 
 of all the laws which could be formed, they 
 would be run in upon us, and our money 
 flow out; till we fall to a level with fo- 
 reigners, and lofe that great fuperiority of 
 riches, which hath laid us under fuch dis- 
 advantages ? 
 
 Now, it is evident, that the fame caufes, 
 which would correct thefe exorbitant ine- 
 qualities,
 
 ( S9 ) 
 
 qualities, were they to happen miraculoufly, 
 mud prevent their happening in the com- 
 mon courfe of nature, and muft for ever, in 
 all neighbouring nations, preferve money 
 nearly proportionable to the art and induftry 
 of each nation. All water, wherever it 
 communicates, remains always at a level. 
 Ask naturalifts the reafon ; they tell you, 
 that, were it to be raifed in any one place, 
 the fuperior gravity of that part not being 
 balanced, muft deprefs it, till it meet a 
 counterpoife; and that the fame caufe, 
 which redrelfes the inequality when it hap- 
 pens, muft for ever prevent it, without fome 
 violent external operation.* 
 
 Can one imagine, that it had ever been 
 pomble, by any laws, or even by any art or 
 induftry, to have kept all the money in 
 Spain, which the galleons have brought 
 from the Indies ? Or that all commodities 
 could be fold in France for a tenth of the 
 price which they would yield on the other 
 fide of the Pyrenees, without rinding their 
 way thither, and draining from that immenfe 
 H 2 t real are ? 
 
 * There is another caufe, though more limited in 
 its operation, which checks the wrong balance of trade, 
 to every particular nation to which the kingdom trades. 
 When we import more goods than we export, the ex- 
 change turns againit us, and this becomes a new en- 
 couragement to export ; as much as the charge of car- 
 nage and infurance of the money which become, due 
 would amount to. For the exchange can never isle 
 higher than that fum.
 
 ( 6o ) 
 
 treafure? What other reafon, indeed, is 
 there, why all nations, at prefent, gain in 
 their trade with Spain and Portugal ; but 
 becaufe it is impoffible to heap up money, 
 more than any fluid, beyond its proper level ? 
 The fovereigns of thefe countries have mown, 
 that they wanted not inclination to keep 
 their gold and iilver to themfelves, had it 
 been in any degree practicable. 
 
 But as any body of water may be raifed 
 above the level of the furrounding element, 
 if the former has no communication with 
 the latter ; fo in money, if the communi- 
 cation be cut off, by any material or phyfical 
 impediment, (for all laws alone are ineffec- 
 tual) there may, in fuch a cafe, be a very 
 great inequality of money. Thus the im- 
 menfe diftance of China, together with the 
 monopolies of our India companies, ob- 
 flxucting the communication, prelerve in 
 Europe the gold and filver, efpecially the 
 latter, in much greater plenty than they are 
 found in that, kingdom. But, notwith- 
 ffanding this great obftruction, the force of 
 the cauies above mentioned is ftill evident. 
 Thefkill and ingenuity of Europe in general 
 furpaffes perhaps that of China, with re- 
 gard,to manual arts and manufactures ; yet 
 are we never able to trade thither without 
 great difadvantage. And were it not for the 
 continual recruits, which we receive from 
 America, money would foon fink in Europe, 
 
 and
 
 ( 61 ) 
 
 and rife in China, till it came nearly to a 
 level in both places. Nor can any reafon- 
 able man doubt, but that induftrious nation, 
 were they as near us as Poland or Barbary, 
 would drain us of the overplus of our fpecie, 
 and draw to themfelves a larger ihare of the 
 Weft Indian treafures. We need not have 
 recourfe to a phyfical attraction, in order to 
 explain the neceffity of this operation. There 
 is a moral attraction, arifing from the in- 
 terefts and paffions of men, which is full as 
 potent and infallible. 
 
 How is the balance kept in the provinces 
 of every kingdom among themfelves, but 
 by the force of this principle, which makes 
 it impomble for money to lofe its level, and 
 either to rife or fink beyond the proportion 
 of the labour and commodities which are in 
 each province ? Did not long experience 
 make people eafy on this head, what a fund 
 of gloomy reflections might calculations af- 
 ford to a melancholy Yorkfhireman, while 
 he computed and magnified the fums drawn 
 to London by taxes, abfentees, commodities, 
 and found on comparifon the oppofite arti- 
 cles fo much inferior ? And no doubt, had 
 the heptarchy fubfifted in England, the le- 
 giflature of each ftate had been continually 
 alarmed by the fear of a wrong balance ; and 
 as it is probable that the mutual hatred of 
 thefe dates would have been extremely vio- 
 lent on account of their clofe neighbour- 
 hood,
 
 ( 62 ) 
 
 hood, they would have loaded and oppreffed 
 all commerce, by a jealous and fuperfluous 
 caution. Since the union has removed the 
 barriers between Scotland and England, 
 which of thefe nations gains from the other 
 by this free commerce ? Or if the former 
 kingdom has received any increafe of riches, 
 can it reafonably be accounted for by any 
 thing but the increafe of its art and induftry ? 
 It was a common apprehenfion in England, 
 before the union, as we learn from L'Abbe 
 du Bos*, that Scotland would foon drain 
 them of their treafure, were an open trade 
 allowed ; and on the other fide the Tweed 
 a contrary apprehenfion prevailed: with what 
 juftice in both, time has mown. 
 
 What happens in fmall portions of man- 
 kind, mud take place in greater. The pro- 
 vinces of the Roman empire, no doubt, 
 kept their balance with each other, and 
 with Italy, independent of the legiflafure: 
 as much as the feveral counties of Britain, 
 or the feveral parishes of each county. And 
 any man who travels over Europe at this 
 day, may fee, by the prices of commodities, 
 that money, in fpite of the abfurd jealoufy of 
 princes and ftates, has brought itielf nearly 
 to a level ; and that the difference between 
 one kingdom and another is not greater in 
 this refpect, that it is often between diffe- 
 rent 
 
 * L(s inter eis rf'Anglecerre mal-entendus.
 
 ( 63 ) 
 
 rent provinces of the fame kingdom. Men 
 naturally flock to capital cities, fea-ports, 
 and navigable rivers. There we find more 
 men, more induftry, more commodities, and 
 confequently more money; but ftill the lat- 
 ter difference holds proportion with the 
 former, and the level is preferved. 
 
 Our jealoufy and our hatred of France are 
 without bounds ; and the former fentiment, 
 at leaft, muft be acknowledged reafonable 
 and well-grounded. Thefe paffions have 
 occafioned innumerable barriers and ob- 
 structions upon commerce, where we are 
 accufed of being commonly the aggrefTors. 
 But what have we gained by the bargain ? 
 We loft the French market for our woollen 
 manufactures, and transferred the commerce 
 of wine to Spain and Portugal, where we 
 buy worfe liquor at a higher price. There 
 are few Englishmen who would not think 
 their country abfolutely ruined, were French 
 wines fold in England fo cheap and in fuch 
 abundance as to fupplant, in fome meafure, 
 all ale, and home-brewed liquors : But 
 would we lay afide prejudice, it would not 
 be difficult to prove, that nothing could be 
 more innocent, perhaps advantageous. Each 
 new acre of vineyard planted in France, in 
 order to fupply England with wine, would 
 make it requifite for the French to take the 
 
 produce
 
 ( 64 ) 
 
 produce of an Englifh acre, fown in wheat 
 or barley, in order to fubfift themfelves; 
 and it is evident, that we mould thereby get 
 command of the better commodity. 
 
 There are many edi&s of the French 
 King, prohibiting the planting of new vine- 
 yards, and ordering all thofe which are lately 
 planted to be grubbed up : fo feniible are 
 they, in that country, of the fuperior value 
 of corn, above every other product. 
 
 Marefchal Vauban complains often, and 
 with reafon, of the abfurd duties which load 
 the entry of thofe wines of Languedoc, 
 Guienne, and other fouthern provinces, that 
 are imported into Britanny and Normandy. 
 He entertained no doubt but thefe latter pro- 
 vinces could preferve their balance, notwith- 
 ftanding the open commerce which he re- 
 commends. And it is evident, that a few 
 leagues more navigation to England would 
 make no difference ; or if it did, that it muff, 
 operate alike on the commodities of both 
 kingdoms. 
 
 There is indeed one expedient by which 
 it is poffible to fink, and another by which 
 we may raife, money beyond its natural 
 level in any kingdom -, but thefe cafes, when 
 examined, will be found to refolve into our 
 general theory, and to bring additional au- 
 thority to it. 
 
 I fcarcely know any method of finking 
 money below its level, but thole inflitutions 
 
 of
 
 ( 65 ) 
 
 of banks, funds, and paper-credit, which 
 are fo much practifed in this kingdom. 
 Thefe render paper equivalent to money, 
 circulate it through the whole ftate, make 
 it fupply the place of gold and filver, raife 
 proportionably the price of labour and com- 
 modities, and by that means either banifh a 
 great part of thofe precious metals, or prevent 
 their farther increafe. What can be more 
 fhort-fighted than our reafonings on this 
 head ? We fancy, becaufe an individual 
 would be much richer, were his ftock of 
 money doubled, that the fame good effect 
 would follow were the money of every one 
 increafed -, not confidering, that this would 
 raife as much the price of every commodity, 
 and reduce every man, in time, to the fame 
 condition as before. It is only in our pub- 
 lic negotiations and tranfactions with fo- 
 reigners, that a greater (lock of money is 
 advantageous; and as our paper is there ab- 
 folutely infignificant, we feel, by its means, 
 all the ill effects arifing from a great abun- 
 dance of money, without reaping any of the 
 advantages. * 
 
 Suppofe 
 
 * Money, when increafing, gives encouragement 
 to induftry, during the interval between the increafe 
 of money and rife of the prices. A good effect of 
 this nature may follow too from paper-credit ; but it is 
 dangerous to precipitate matters, at the tifk of lofing 
 sill by the failing of that credit, as muft happen upon 
 any violent (hock in public affairs. 
 
 I
 
 ( 66 ) 
 
 Suppofe that there are 12 millions of pa- 
 per, which circulate in the kingdom as mo- 
 ney, (for we are not to imagine, that all our 
 enormous funds are employed in that fhape) 
 and fuppofe the real cam of the kingdom to 
 be 18 millions: here is a ftate which is 
 found by experience to be able to hold a 
 flock of 30 millions. I fay, if it be able to 
 hold it, it muft of neceffity have acquired it 
 in gold and filver, had we not obftructed the 
 entrance of thefe metals by this new inven- 
 tion of paper. Whence would it have ac- 
 quired that fum ? From all the kingdoms of 
 the world. But why ? Becaufe, if you re- 
 move thefe 12 millions, money in this ftate 
 is below its level, compared with our neigh- 
 bours ; and we muft immediately draw from 
 all of them, till we be full and faturate, fo 
 to fpeak, and can hold no more. By our 
 prefent politics, we are as careful to (tuff the 
 nation with this fine commodity of bank- 
 bills and chequer- notes, as if we were afraid 
 of being overburthened with the precious 
 metals. 
 
 It is not to be doubted, but the great 
 plenty of bullion in France is, in a great 
 meafure, owing to the want of paper-credit. 
 The French have no banks : merchants 
 bills do not there circulate as with us : 
 ufury or lending on intereft is not directly 
 permitted ; fo that many have large fums in 
 their coffers : great quantities of plate are 
 
 ufed
 
 ( 97 ) 
 
 ufed in private houfes ; and all the churches 
 are full of it. By this means, provifions and 
 labour ftill remain cheaper among them, 
 than in nations that are not half fo rich in 
 gold and filver. The advantages of this 
 iituation, in point of trade as well as in 
 great public emergencies, are too evident to 
 be difputed. 
 
 The fame fafhion a few years ago pre- 
 vailed in Genoa, which ftill has place in 
 England and Holland, of ufing fervices of 
 China-ware inftead of plate ; but the fenate, 
 forefeeing the cdnfequence, prohibited the 
 life of tha{ brittle commodity beyond a cer- 
 tain extent -, while the ufe of filver-plate was 
 left unlimited. And I fuppofe, in their late 
 diftreffes, they felt the good effect of this 
 ordinance. Our tax on plate is, perhaps, in 
 this view, fomewhat unpolitic. 
 
 Before the introduction of paper-money 
 into our colonies, they had gold and filver 
 fufficient for their circulation. Since the in- 
 troduction of that commodity, the leaft in- 
 conveniency that has followed is the total 
 banimment of the precious metals. And, 
 after the abolition of paper, can it be doubted 
 but money will return, while thefe colonies 
 pofi'efs manufactures and commodities, the 
 only thing valuable in commerce, and for 
 whofe fake alone all men defire money. 
 
 What pity Lycurgus did not think, of 
 
 paper-credit, when he wanted to banifh 
 
 I 2 geld
 
 ( 63 ) 
 
 gold and filver from Sparta ! It would have 
 ierved his purpofe better than the lumps of 
 iron he made ufe of as money; and would 
 alfo have prevented more effectually all com- 
 merce with ftrangers, as being of fo much 
 lefs real and intrinfic value. 
 
 It muft, however, be confeffed, that, as 
 all thefe queftions of trade and money are 
 extremely complicated, there are certain 
 lights, in which this fubjecl: may be placed, 
 fo as to reprefent the advantages of paper- 
 credit and banks to be fuperior to their dis- 
 advantages. That they banifh fpecie and 
 bullion from a ftate is undoubtedly true ; 
 and whoever looks no farther than this cir- 
 cumftance, does well to condemn them - y but 
 fpecie and bullion are not of fo great confe- 
 quence as not to admit of a compenfation, 
 and even an overbalance from the increafe of 
 induftry and of credit, which may be pro- 
 moted by the right ufe of paper-money. It 
 is well known of what advantage it is to a 
 merchant to be able to difcount his bills 
 upon occafion ; and every thing that facili- 
 tates this fpecies of traffic is favourable to 
 the general commerce of a ftate. But pri- 
 vate bankers are enabled to aive fuch credit 
 by the credit they receive from the depo- 
 iiting of money in their (hops ; and the bank 
 of England in the fame manner, from the 
 liberty it has to iffue its notes in all pay- 
 ments* There was an invention of this 
 
 kind,
 
 ( 6 9 ) 
 
 kind, which was fallen upon fome years 
 ago by the banks of Edinburgh j and which, 
 as it is one of the moft ingenious ideas that 
 has been executed in commerce, has alfo 
 been thought advantageous to Scotland. It 
 is there called a bank-credit j and is of this 
 nature. A man goes to the bank and finds 
 furety to the amount, we mall fuppofe, of 
 five thoufand pounds. This money, or any 
 part of it, he has the liberty of drawing out 
 whenever he pleafes, and he pays only the 
 ordinary intereft for it, while it is in his 
 hands. He may, when he pleafes, repay 
 any fum fo fmall as twenty pounds, and the 
 intereft is difcounted from the very day of 
 the repayment. The advantages, refulting 
 from this contrivance, are manifold. As a 
 man may find furety nearly to the amount 
 of his fubftance, and his bank-credit is equi- 
 valent to ready money, a merchant does 
 hereby, in a manner, coin his houfes, his 
 houfhold furniture, the goods in his ware- 
 houfc, the foreign debts due to him, his 
 (hips at fea ; and can, upon occaiion, employ 
 them in all payments, as if they were the 
 current money of the country. If a man 
 borrow five thoufand pounds from a private 
 hand, befides that it is not always to be 
 found when required, he pays intereft for it, 
 whether he be ufing it or not : his bank- 
 credit cofts him nothing except during the 
 very moment, in which it is of fervice to 
 
 him :
 
 ( 60 ) 
 
 him : And this circumftance is of equal ad- 
 vantage as if he had borrowed money at 
 much lower intereft. Merchants, likewife, 
 from this invention, acquire a great facility 
 in fupporting each other's credit, which is a 
 confiderable fecurity againft bankruptcies. A 
 man, when his own bank-credit is exhaufted, 
 goes to any of his neighbours who is not in 
 the fame condition ; and he gets the money, 
 which he replaces at his convenience. 
 
 After this practice had taken place, during 
 fome years, at Edinburgh, feveral companies 
 of merchants at Glafgow carried the matter 
 farther. They affociated themfelves into 
 different banks, and iffued notes fo low as 
 ten millings, which they ufed in all pay- 
 ments for goods, manufactures, tradefmen's 
 labour of all kinds ; and thefe notes, from 
 the eftablifhed credit of the companies, 
 paffed as money in all payments throughout 
 the country. By this means, a flock of five 
 thoufand pounds was able to perform the 
 fame operations as if it were fix or feven ; 
 and merchants were thereby enabled to trade 
 to a greater extent, and to require lefs profit 
 in all their tran factions. But whatever other 
 advantages refult from thefe inventions, it 
 mud ftill be allowed, that they banim the 
 precious metals ; and nothing can be a more 
 evident proof of it, than a companion of the 
 paft and prefent condition of Scotland in 
 that particular. It was found, upon the re- 
 
 coinase
 
 ( 7* ) 
 
 coinage made after the union, that there was 
 near a million of fpecie in that country : 
 but notwithstanding the great increafe of 
 riches, commerce, and manufactures of all 
 kinds, it is thought, that, even where there 
 is no extraordinary drain made by England, 
 the current fpecie will not now amount to a 
 third of that fum. 
 
 But as our projects of paper-credit are al- 
 moft the only expedient, by which we can. 
 fink money below its level; fo, in my opi- 
 nion, the only expedient, by which we can 
 raife money above it, is a practice which we 
 fhould all exclaim againft as deftructive, 
 namely, the gathering of large fums into a 
 public treafure, locking them up, and ab- 
 folutely preventing their circulation. The 
 fluid, not communicating with the neigh- 
 bouring element, may, by fuch an artifice, 
 be raifed to what height we pleafe. To 
 prove this, we need only return to our firft 
 fuppofition, of annihilating the half or any 
 part of our cafh ; where we found, that the 
 immediate confequence of fuch an event 
 would be the attraction of an equal fum from 
 all the neighbouring kingdoms. Nor does 
 there feem to be any necefl'ary bounds fet, by 
 the nature of things, to this practice of 
 hoarding. A fmall city, like Geneva, con- 
 tinuing this policy for ages, might ingrofs 
 nine-tenths of the money of Europe. There 
 leems, indeed, in the nature of man, an in- 
 
 vincible
 
 ( 7* ) 
 
 vincible obftacle to that immenfe growth of 
 riches. A weak ftate, with an enormous 
 treafure, will foon become a prey to fome of 
 its poorer, but more powerful neighbours. 
 A great flate would diffipate its wealth in 
 dangerous and ill-concerted projects; and 
 probably deftroy, with it, what is much 
 more valuable, the induflry, morals, and 
 numbers of its people. The fluid, in this 
 cafe, raifed to too great a height, burfts and 
 deftroys the verTel that contains it ; and mix- 
 ing itfelf with the furrounding element, foon 
 falls to its proper level. 
 
 So little are we commonly acquainted 
 with this principle, that, though all hifto- 
 rians agree in relating uniformly fo recent 
 an event, as the immenfe treafure amaffed 
 by Harry VII. (which they make amount to 
 2,700,000 pounds,) we rather reject their 
 concurring teftimony, than admit of a fact, 
 which agrees fo ill with our inveierate pre- 
 judices. It is indeed probable, that this fum 
 might be three-fourths of all the money in 
 England. But where is the difficulty in con- 
 ceiving, that fuch a fum might be amafled 
 in twenty years, by a cunning, rapacious, 
 frugal, and almoft abfolute monarch ? Nor 
 is it probable, that the diminution of circu- 
 lating money was ever fenlibly felt by the 
 people, or ever did them any prejudice. The 
 finking of the prices of all commodities 
 would immediately replace it, by giving 
 
 England
 
 ( 73 ) 
 
 England the advantage in its commerce with 
 the neighbouring kingdoms. 
 
 Have we not an inftance, in the fmall 
 republic of Athens with its allies, who, in 
 about fifty years, between the Median and 
 Peloponnefian wars, amafTed a fum not 
 much inferior to that of Harry VII.*? For 
 all the Greek hiftorians -j- and orators J 
 agree, that the Athenians collected in the 
 citadel more than 10,000 talents, which 
 they afterwards diffipated to their own ruin, 
 in'rafh and imprudent enterprizes. But 
 when this money was fet a running, and 
 began to communicate with the furrounding 
 fluid ; what was the confequence ? Did it 
 remain in the flate ? No. For we find, by 
 the memorable cenfus mentioned by Demof- 
 thenes || and Polybius , that, in about fifty 
 years afterwards, the whole value of the re- 
 public, comprehending lands, houfes, com- 
 modities, flaves, and money, was lefs than 
 6000 talents. 
 
 What an ambitious high-fpirited people 
 was this, to collect and keep in their treafury, 
 with a view to conquefts, a fum, which it 
 was every day in the power of the citizens, 
 by a fingle vote, to dirtribute among them- 
 felves, and which would have gone near to 
 triple the riches of every individual ! For 
 K we 
 
 * There were about ci^ht ounces of fi!vt-r in z 
 pound fterling in Harry VII. 's time. 
 
 t Thucvdides, lib. ii. and Diud. Sic. lib. xii. 
 X Vid. ./Elchinis et Demofthenis Epilt. 
 
 jj Us 1 'ivjj.u.i^ix;. Lib. ii. cap. 6z.
 
 ( 74 ) 
 
 we muft obferve, that the numbers and pri- 
 vate riches of the Athenians are faid, by an- 
 cient writers, to have been no greater at the 
 beginning of the Peloponnefian war, than at 
 the beginning of the Macedonian. 
 
 Money was little more plentiful in Greece 
 during the age of Philip and Perfeus, than 
 in England during that of Harry VII. yet 
 thefe two monarchs in thirty years * col- 
 lected from the fmall kingdom of Macedon, 
 a larger treafure than that of the Englifli 
 monarch. Paulus iEmilius brought to Rome 
 about 1,700,000 pounds fterling -(-. Pliny 
 fays, 2,400,000 J. And that was but a 
 part of the Macedonian treafure. The reft 
 was diffipated by the refinance and flight of 
 Perfeus . 
 
 We may learn from Stanian, that the 
 canton of Berne had 300,000 pounds lent 
 at intereft, and had above fix times as much 
 in their treafury. Here thn is a fum 
 hoarded of 1,800,000 pounds fterling, which 
 is at leaft quadruple what mould naturally 
 circulate in fuch a petty ftate; and yet no 
 one, who travels in the Pais de Vaux, or 
 any part of that canton, obferves any want 
 of money more than could be fuppofed in a 
 country of that extent, foil, and lituation. 
 On the contrary, there are fcarce any inland 
 provinces on the continent of France or Ger- 
 many where the inhabitants are at this time, 
 
 lb 
 
 * Tici Livii, lib. xlv. cap. 4c. % Lib. xxxiii. cap. 3. 
 fVel^Paterc. lib. i. cap. 9. Titi Livii, ibid.
 
 ( 75 > 
 
 fo opulent, though that canton has vaftly 
 increafed its treafure fince 17 14, the time 
 when Stanian wrote his judicious account of 
 Switzerland. * 
 
 The account given by Appian -f- of the 
 treafure of the Ptolomies, is fo prodigious, 
 that one cannot admit of it; and fo much 
 the lefs, becaufe the hiftorian fays, that the 
 other fucceflbrs of Alexander were alfo fru- 
 gal, and had many of them treafures not 
 much inferior. For this faving humour of 
 the neighbouring princes muft necefTarily 
 have checked the frugality of the Egyptian 
 monarchs, according to the foregoing theory. 
 The fum he mentions is 740,000 talents, 
 or 191,166,666 pounds 13 (hillings and 4 
 pence, according to Dr. Arburthnot's com- 
 putation. And yet Appian fays, that he 
 extracted his account from the public re- 
 cords -, and he was himfelf a native of 
 Alexandria. 
 
 From thefe principles we may learn what 
 judgment we ought to form of thofe num- 
 berlefs bars, obstructions, and imports, which 
 all nations of Europe, and none more than 
 England, have put upon trade ; from an ex- 
 orbitant defire of amafiing money, which 
 never will heap up beyond its level, while it 
 K 2 circulates; 
 
 * The poverty which Stanian fpeaks of is only to be 
 feen in the moft mountainous cantons, where there is 
 no commodity to bring money : and even there the 
 people are not poorer than in the diocefeof Sahfbur^h 
 on the one hand, or Savoy oh the other. 
 
 f Prucm,
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 circulates -, or from an ill-grounded appre- 
 heniion of lofing their fpecie, which never 
 will fink below it. Could any thing fcatter 
 our riches, it would be fuch unpolitic con- 
 trivances. But this general ill effect, how- 
 ever, refults from them, that they deprive 
 neighbouring nations of that free communi- 
 cation and exchange which the author of the 
 world has intended, by giving them foils, 
 climates and geniufes, fo different from each 
 other. 
 
 Our modern politics embrace the only me- 
 thod of baniming money, the ufing of paper- 
 credit j they reject the only method of 
 amaffing it, the practice of hoarding; and 
 thev adopt a hundred contrivances, which 
 ferve to no purpofe bin to check indurtry, 
 and rob ourfelves and our neighbours of the 
 common benefits of art and nature. 
 
 All taxes, however, upon foreign com- 
 modities, are not to be regardd as prejudi- 
 cial or ufelefs, but thole only which are 
 founded on the jealoufy above-mentioned. 
 A tax on German linen encourages home 
 manufactures, and thereby multiplies our 
 people and indurtry. A tax on brandy en- 
 creafei the fale of rum, and fupports our 
 fouthern colonies. And as it is necefiary, 
 that imports mould be levied, for the fup- 
 port of government, it may be thought more 
 convenient to lay them on foreign commodi- 
 ties, which can eafily be intercepted at the 
 port, and fubjefted to the import. We 
 
 ou-ht
 
 ( 77 V 
 
 ought however, always to rembember the 
 maxim of Dr. Swift, that in the arithmetic 
 of the cuftoms, two and two make not four, 
 but often make only one. It can fcarcely 
 be doubted, but if the duties on wine were 
 lowered to a third, they would yield much 
 more to the government than at prefenj : 
 our people might thereby afford to drink 
 commonly a better and more wholefome li- 
 quor; and no prejudice would enfue to the 
 balance of trade, of which we are fo jealous. 
 The manufacture of ale beyond the agricul- 
 ture is but inconfiderable, and gives em- 
 ployment to few hands. The tranfport of 
 wine and corn would not be much inferior. 
 But arc there not frequent inftances, you 
 will fay, of ftates and kingdoms, which were 
 formerly rich and opulent, and are now poor 
 and beggarly ? Has not the money left them, 
 with which they formerly abounded ? I an- 
 fwer, if they lofe their trade, induftry, and 
 people, they cannot expect to keep their gold 
 andiilvcr : for thefe precious metals will hold 
 proportion to the former advantages. When 
 Lifbon and Amfterdam got the Eafl-India 
 trade from Venice and Genoa, thay alio got 
 the profits and money which arofe from it. 
 Where the feat of government is transferred, 
 where expenfive armies are maintained at a 
 distance, where great funds are pofTefled by 
 foreigners ; there naturally follows from 
 thefe caufes a diminution of the fpecie. But 
 thefe, we may obferve, are violent and for- 
 cible
 
 ( 7 8 ) 
 
 cible methods of carrying away money, and 
 are in time commonly attended with the 
 tranfport of people and induftry. But 
 where thefe remain, and the drain is not 
 continued, the money always finds its way 
 back again, by a hundred canals, of which 
 we have no notion or fufpicion. What im- 
 menfe treafures have been fpent, by fo many 
 nations, in Flanders, fince the revolution, in 
 the courfe of three long wars ? More money 
 perhaps than the half of what is at prefent 
 in Europe. But what has now become of 
 it? Is it in the narrow compafs of the Au- 
 ftrian provinces ? No, furely : it has mod of 
 it returned to the feveral countries whence 
 it came, and has followed that art and in- 
 duftry, by which at firft it was acquired. 
 For above a thoufand years, the money of 
 Europe has been flowing to Rome, by an open 
 and fenfible current; but it has been emptied 
 by many fecret and infenfible canals: and 
 the want of induftry and commerce renders 
 at prefent the papal dominions the pooreft 
 territory in all Italy. 
 
 In fhort, a government has great reafon 
 to preferve with care its people and its ma- 
 nufactures. Its money, it may fafely truft 
 to the courfe of human affairs, without fear 
 or jealoufy. Or if it ever give attention to 
 this latter circumftance, it ought only to be 
 io far as it affefts the former. 
 
 Essav
 
 ( 79 ) 
 
 ESSAY IL 
 
 On the Jealousy of T r a d e. 
 
 HAVING endeavoured to remove one 
 fpecies of ill-founded jealoufy, which 
 is fo prevalent among commercial nations, it 
 may not beamifs to mention another, which 
 feems equally groundlefs. Nothing is more 
 ufual, among rtates which have made fome 
 advances in commerce, than to look on the 
 progrefs of their neighbours with a fufpicious 
 eye, to confider all trading ftates as their 
 rivals, and to fuppofe that it is impofTible 
 for any of them to flourim, but at their ex- 
 pence. In oppofition to this narrow and 
 malignant opinion, I will venture to aflert, 
 that the increafe of riches and commerce in 
 any one nation, inflead of hurting, com- 
 monly promote the riches and commerce of 
 all its neighbours ; and that a ftate can 
 fcarcely carry its trade and induftry very 
 far, where all the furrounding ftates are 
 buried in ignorance, floth, and barbarifm. 
 
 It is obvious, that the domeftic induftry 
 of a people cannot be hurt by the greatelt 
 profperity of their neighbours; and as this 
 branch of commerce is undoubtedly the moil 
 important in any extenfive kingdom, we are 
 fo far removed from all reafon of jealoufy. 
 13ut I go farther, and obferve, that where 
 
 an
 
 ( 8o ) 
 
 
 
 an open communication is preferved among' 
 nations, it is impoffible but the domeftic 
 induftry of every one muft receive an increafe 
 from the improvements of the others. Com- 
 pare the iituation of Great Britain, at pre- 
 fent, with what it was two centuries ago. 
 All the arts, both of agriculture and manu- 
 factures, t were then extremely rude and im- 
 perfect. Every improvement, which we have 
 fince made, has arifen from our imitation of 
 foreigners ; and we ought fo far to efteem it 
 happy, that they had previoufly made ad- 
 vances in arts and ingenuity. But this in- 
 tercourfe is ftill upheld to our great advan- 
 tage : notwithstanding the advanced ftate of 
 our manufactures, we daily adopt, in every 
 art, the inventions and improvements of our 
 neighbours. The commodity is firft im- 
 ported from abroad, to our great difcontent, 
 while we imagine that it drains us of our 
 money : afterwards, the art itfelf is gradu- 
 ally imported, to our vifible advantage : yet 
 we continue ftill to repine, that our neigh- 
 bours mould poflefs any art, induftry, and 
 invention ; forgetting that, had they not firft 
 inftruted us, we fhould have been, at pre- 
 fent, barbarians ; and did they not ftill con- 
 tinue their inftructions, the arts muft fall 
 into a ftate of languor, and lofe that emula- 
 tion and novelty, which contribute fo much 
 to their advancement. 
 
 The encrcafe of domeftic induftry lays the 
 foundation of foreign commerce. Where a 
 
 great
 
 ( 81 ) 
 
 great number of commodities are raifed and 
 perfe&ed for the home-market, there will 
 always be found fome which can be exported 
 with advantage. But if our neighbours have 
 no art or cultivation, they cannot take them ; 
 becaufe they will have nothing to give in 
 exchange. In this refpect, ftates are in the 
 fame condition as individuals. A fingle man 
 can fcarcely be induftrious, where all his 
 fellow-citizens are idle. The riches of the 
 feveral members of a community contribute 
 to encreafe my riches, whatever profeiTion 
 I may follow. They confume the produce 
 of my induftry, and afford me the produce 
 of theirs in return. 
 
 Nor needs any ftate entertain apprehen- 
 fions, that their neighbours will improve to 
 fuch a degree in every art and manufacture, 
 as to have no demand from them. Nature, 
 by giving a diverfity of geniufes, climate?, 
 and foils, to different nations, has fecured 
 their mutual intercourfe and commerce, as 
 long as they all remain induftrious and civi- 
 lized. Nay, the more the arts encreafe in 
 any ftate, the more will be its demands from 
 its induftrious neighbours. The inhabitants, 
 having become opulent and fkilful, defire to 
 have every commodity in the utmolt perfec- 
 tion; and as they have plenty of commodi- 
 ties to give in exchange, they make large 
 importations from every foreign country. 
 The induftry of the nations, from whom 
 they import, receives encouragement : their 
 L own
 
 ( 82 ) 
 
 own is alfo increafed, by the fale of the 
 commodities which they give in exchange. 
 
 But what if a nation has any ftaple com- 
 modity, fuch as the woollen manufactory is 
 in England ? Mutt not the interfering of 
 their neighbours in that manufacture be a 
 lofs to them ? I anfwer, that, when any 
 commodity is denominated the ftaple of a 
 kingdom, it is fuppofed that this kingdom 
 has fome peculiar and natural advantages for 
 raifing the commodity ; and if, notwith- 
 standing thefe advantages, they lofe fuch a 
 manufactory, they ought to blame their own 
 idlenefs, or bad government, not the in- 
 dustry of their neighbours. It ought alfo 
 to be conlidered, that, by the inereafe of 
 induftry among the neighbouring nations, 
 the confumption of every particular fpeeies 
 of commodity is alfo encreafed ; and though 
 foreign manufactures interfere with us in 
 the market, the demand for our product may 
 ftill continue, or even encreafe. And fhould 
 it diminifh, ought the confequence to be 
 efteemed fo fatal ? If the fpirit of induftry be 
 preferved, it may eafily be diverted from one 
 branch to another ; and the manufacturers of 
 wool, for inirance, be employed in linen, 
 lilk, iron, or any other commodities, for 
 which there appears to be a demand. We 
 need not apprehend, that all the objects of 
 induftry will be exhaufted, or that our ma- 
 nufacturers, while they remain on an equal 
 footing with thofe of our neighbours, will 
 
 be
 
 ( 8 3 ) 
 
 be in danger of wanting employment. The 
 emulation among rival nations ferves rather 
 to keep induflry alive in all of them : And 
 any people is happier who pofTefs a variety of 
 manufactures, than if they enjoyed one {ingle 
 great manufacture, in which they are all 
 employed. Their fituation is lefs precari- 
 ous ; and they will feel, lefs fenfibly, thofe 
 revolutions and uncertainties, to which every 
 particular branch of commerce will always 
 be expofed. 
 
 The only commercial ftate, that ought to 
 dread the improvements and induflry of their 
 neighbours, is fuch a one as the Dutch, who, 
 enjoying no extent of land, nor pofTeiTing any 
 number of native commodities, flourifh only 
 by their being the brokers, and factors, and 
 carriers of others. Such a people may natu- 
 rally apprehend, that, as foon as the neigh- 
 bouring ftates come to know and purfue their 
 interefl, they will take into their own hands 
 the management of their affairs, and deprive 
 their brokers of that profit, which they for- 
 merly reaped from it. But though this con- 
 fequence may naturally be dreaded, it is very 
 long before it takes place ; and by art and 
 induflry it may be warded off for many ge- 
 nerations, if not wholly eluded. The ad- 
 vantage of fuperior flocks and correfpond- 
 ence is fo great, that it is not eafily over- 
 come ; and as all the traniaclions encreafe 
 by the encreafe of induflry in the neighbour- 
 ing ftates, even a people whofe commerce 
 L 2 ftands
 
 ( 8 4 ) 
 
 ftands on this precarious bafis, may at firft 
 reap a confiderable profit from the flourifh- 
 ing condition of their neighbours. The 
 Dutch, having mortgaged all their revenues, 
 make not fuch a figure in political transac- 
 tions as formerly ; but their commerce is 
 furely equal to what it was in the middle of 
 the lait century, when they were reckoned 
 among the great powers of Europe. 
 
 Were our narrow and malignant politics 
 to meet with fuccefs, we mould reduce all 
 our neighbouring nations to the fame ftate 
 of floth and ignorance that prevails in Mo- 
 rocco and the coafl: of Barbary. But what 
 would be the confequence? They could fend 
 us no commodities : they could take none 
 from us : our domeftic commerce itfelf would 
 languifh for want of emulation, example, and 
 inftru&ion : and we ourfelves mould foon 
 fall into the fame abject condition, to which 
 we had reduced them. I fhall therefore 
 venture to acknowledge, that, not only as a 
 man, but as a Britifh fubjecl, I pray for the 
 ikmrifhing commerce of Germany, Spain, 
 Italy, and even France itfelf. I am at lean: 
 certain, that Great-Britain, and all thofe 
 nations, would flourim more, did their fo- 
 vereigns and minifters adopt fuch enlarged 
 and benevolent ientiments towards each 
 other. 
 
 ESSAY
 
 ( 8 5 ) 
 
 ESSAY III. 
 
 On the Balance of Power, 
 
 IT is a queflion, whether the idea of the 
 balance of power be owing intirely to 
 modern policy, or whether the phrafe only 
 has been invented in thefe later ages ? It is 
 certain, that Xenophon,* in his Inftitution 
 of Cyrus, reprefents the combination of the 
 Afiatic powers to have arifen from a jealoufy 
 of the encreafing force of the Medes and 
 Perfians; and though that elegant compo- 
 fition mould be fuppofed altogether romance, 
 this fentiment, alcribed by the author to the 
 eaftern Princes, is at leaft a proof of the pre- 
 vailing notion of ancient times. 
 
 In all the politics of Greece, the anxiety, 
 with regard to the balance of power, is ap- 
 parent, and is exprefsly pointed out to us, 
 even by the ancient hiftorians. Thucydides-f- 
 reprefents the league, which was formed 
 againft Athens, and which produced the Pe- 
 loponnefian war, as intirely owing to this 
 principle. And after the decline of Athens, 
 when the Thebans and Lacedemonians dis- 
 puted for fovereignty, we find, that the 
 Athenians (as well as many other republics) 
 always threw themfelves into the lighter 
 iuale, and endeavoured to preferve the ba- 
 lance. 
 * Lib. i. 1 Lib. i.
 
 ( 86 ) 
 
 lance. They fupported Thebes againft 
 Sparta, till the great victory gained by Epa- 
 minondas at Leudtra ; after which they im- 
 mediately went over to the conquered, from 
 generofity, as they pretended, but, in reali- 
 ty, from their jealoufy of the conquerors.* 
 
 Whoever will read Demofthenes's oration 
 for the Megalopolitans, may fee the utmoft 
 refinements on this principle, that ever en- 
 tered into the head of a Venetian or Englifli 
 fpeculatift. And upon the firft rife of the 
 Macedonian power, this orator immediately 
 difcovered the danger, founded the alarm 
 through all Greece, and at laft affembled that 
 confederacy under the banners of Athens, 
 which fought the great and decifive battle 
 of Chaeronea. 
 
 It is true, the Grecian wars are regarded 
 by hiftorians as wars of emulation rather 
 than of politics ; and each ftate feems to have 
 had more in view the honour of leading the 
 reft, than any well-grounded hopes of au- 
 thority and dominion. If we confider, in- 
 deed, the fmall number of inhabitants in any 
 one republic, compared to the whole, the 
 great difficulty of forming fieges in thofe 
 times, and the extraordinary bravery and 
 difcipline of every freeman among that noble 
 people; we {hall conclude, that the balance 
 of power was, of itfelf, fufficiently fecured 
 in Greece, and needed not to have been 
 guarded with that caution which may be re- 
 quisite 
 
 * Xenoph. Hifh Graec. lib. vi. & viu
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 quifite in other ages. But whether wc 
 aicribe the Shifting of fides in all the Grecian 
 republics, to jealous emulation, or cautious 
 politics, the effects were alike, and every 
 prevailing power was fure to meet with a 
 confederacy againft it, and that often com- 
 pofed of its former friends and allies. 
 
 The fame principle, call it envy or pru- 
 dence, which produced the Ofiracijm of 
 Athens, and Petalifm of Syracufe, and ex- 
 pelled every citizen whofe fame or power 
 overtopped the reft ; the fame principle, I 
 fay, naturally difcovered itfelf in foreign po- 
 litics, and foon raifed enemies to the leading 
 irate, however moderate in the exercife of 
 its authority. 
 
 The Perfian monarch was really, in his 
 force, a petty prince, compared to the Gre- 
 cian republics ; and therefore it behoved 
 him, from views of fafety more than from 
 emulation, to intereft himfelf in their quar- 
 rels, and to fupport the weaker fide in every 
 conteft. This was the advice given by Al- 
 cibiedes to TifTaphernes,* and it prolonged 
 near a century the date of the Perfian em- 
 pire; 'till the neglect of it for a moment, 
 after the firffc appearance of the afpiring ge- 
 nius of Philip, brought that lofty and trail 
 edifice to the ground, with a rapidity of 
 which there are few inftances in the hiftory 
 of mankind. 
 
 The fucceftbrs of Alexander fhowed great 
 
 jealouly 
 Thucyd. lib. viii.
 
 ( 33 ) 
 
 jealoufy of the balance of power -, a jealoufy 
 founded on true politics and prudence, and 
 which preferved diflind: for feveral ages the 
 partitions made after the death of that fa- 
 mous conqueror. The fortune and ambi- 
 tion of Antigonus * threatened them anew 
 with an univerfal monarchy ; but their com- 
 bination, and their victory at Ipfus, faved 
 them. And in after times, we find, that, 
 as the eaftern Princes confidered the Greeks 
 ^nd Macedonians as the only real military 
 force, with whom they had any intercourfe, 
 they kept always a watchful eye over that 
 part of the world. The Ptolemies, in parti- 
 cular, fupported firfr, Aratus and the Acha- 
 eans, and then Cleomenes King of Sparta, 
 from no other view than as a counterbalance 
 to the Macedonian monarchs. For this is 
 the account which Polybius gives of the 
 Egyptian politics. -f- 
 
 The reafon, why it is fuppofed, that the 
 ancients were entirely ignorant of the balance 
 of power, feems to be drawn from the Ro- 
 man hiftory more than the Grecian , and as 
 the tranfactions of the former are generally 
 the mod familiar to us, we have thence 
 formed all our conclusions. It mull be 
 owned, that the Romans never met with any 
 fuch general combination or confederacy 
 again ft them, as might naturally have been 
 expected from their rapid conquelf and de- 
 clared ambition; but were allowed peace- 
 ably 
 
 * Diod. Sic. lib. XX. f Lib. ii. cap. 51.
 
 ( 8 9 ) 
 
 ably to fubdue their neighbours, one after 
 another, till they extended their dominion 
 over the whole known world. Not to men- 
 tion the fabulous hiftory of their Italic wars ; 
 there was, upon Hannibal's invafion of the 
 Roman date, a remarkable crifis, which 
 ought to have called up the attention of all 
 civilized nations. It appeared afterwards 
 (nor was it difficult to be obferved at the 
 time)*)- that this was a conteft for univerfal 
 empire; and yet no prince or ftate feems to 
 have been in the lead alarmed about the event 
 or iflue of the quarrel. Philip of Macedon 
 remained neuter, till he faw the victories 
 of Hannibal ; and then mod imprudently 
 formed an alliance with the conqueror, upon 
 terms {till more imprudent. He ftipulated, 
 that he was to affift the Carthaginian ftate in 
 their conqueft of Italy ; after which they 
 engaged to fend over forces into Greece, to 
 ail ill him in fubduing the Grecian common- 
 wealths J. 
 
 The Rhodian and Achaen republics are 
 much celebrated by antient hiftorians for their 
 wifdom and found policy; yet both of them 
 aflifted the Romans in their wars againft 
 Philip and Antiochus. And what may be 
 efteemed ftill a ftronger proof, that this 
 M maxim 
 
 f It was obferved by fomc, as appears by the fpccrh 
 of Agelaus of Naupactum, in the general con?rcfs of 
 Greece. See Polyb. lib. v. cap. 104. 
 
 X Titi Livii, lib. xxiii. cap. 33.
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 hiaxim was not generally known in thofe 
 ages ; no ancient author has remarked the 
 imprudence of thefe meafures, nor has even 
 blamed that abfurd treaty above-mentioned 
 made by Philip with the Carthaginians. 
 Princes and ftatefmen, in all ages, may, be- 
 fore-hand, be blinded in their reafonings 
 with regard to events : but it is fomewhat 
 extraordinary* that hiftorians, afterwards, 
 fhould not form a founder judgment of 
 them. 
 
 Maffinifla, Attalus, Pruflas, in gratifying 
 their private paffions, were, all of them, 
 the instruments of the Roman greatnefsj 
 and never feem to have fufpected, that they 
 were forging their own chains, while they 
 advanced the conquefls of their ally. A 
 fimple treaty and agreement between Maf- 
 finifTa and the Carthaginians, fo much re- 
 quired by mutual intereft, barred the Ro- 
 mans from all entrance into Africa, and pre- 
 feryed liberty to mankind 
 
 The only Prince we meet with in the Ro- 
 man hiftory, who feems to have underftood 
 the balance of power, is Hiero King of Sy- 
 racufe. Though the ally of Rome, he fent 
 afliftance to the Carthaginians, during the 
 war of the auxiliaries j ' Efteeming it re- 
 quifite," fays Polybius-f-, " both in order to 
 *' retain his dominions in Sicily, and to pre- 
 tf ferve the Roman friendship, that Carthage 
 
 " mould 
 f Lib. i. cp.p, 83*
 
 ( 9i ) 
 
 " mould be fafe j left by its fall the remain* 
 ing power mould be able, without contraft 
 or oppolition, to execute every purpofe and 
 undertaking. And here he acted with 
 great wifdom and prudence. For that is 
 " never, on any account, to be overlooked j 
 " nor ought fuch a force ever to be thrown 
 " into one hand, as to incapacitate the neigh- 
 *' bouring ftates from defending their rights 
 " againft it." Here is the aim of modern 
 politics pointed out in exprefs terms. 
 
 In fhort, the maxim of preferving the 
 balance of power is founded fo much on 
 common fcnie and obvious reafoning, that 
 it is impoffible it could altogether have 
 efcaped antiquity, where we find, in other 
 particulars, fo many marks of deep penetra-- 
 tion and difcernment. If it was not fo gene- 
 rally known and acknowledged as atprefent, 
 it had, at lead, an influence on all the wifer 
 and more experienced Princes and politi- 
 cians. And indeed, even at prefent, how- 
 ever generally known and acknowledged 
 among fpeculative reafoners, it has not, in 
 practice, an authority much more extenfive 
 anions; thofe who govern the world. 
 
 After the fall of the Roman empire, the 
 form of government, eltablifhed by the nor- 
 thern conquerors, incapacitated them, in a 
 great mealure, for farther conquefts, and 
 Jong maintained each ftate in its proper 
 M z bouriv
 
 ( 9* ) 
 
 boundaries. But when vafTalage and the feu- 
 dal militia were abolifhed, mankind were 
 anew alarmed by the danger of univerfal 
 monarchy, from the union of fb many king- 
 doms and principalities in the perfon of the 
 Emperor Charles. But the power of the 
 houfe of Auftria, founded on extenfive but 
 divided dominions, and their riches, derived 
 chiefly from mines of gold and filver, were 
 more likely to decay, of themfelves, from 
 internal defects, than to overthrow all the 
 bulwarks raifed againft them. In lefs than 
 a century, the force of that violent and 
 haughty race was Shattered, their opulence 
 diffipated, their fplendor eclipfed. A new 
 power fucceeded, more formidable to the 
 liberties of Europe, pofleffing all the ad- 
 vantages of the former, and labouring under 
 none of its defects ; except a (hare of that 
 fpirit of bigotry and perfecution, with which 
 the houfe of Auftria was o long, and ilill 
 is fo much infatuated. 
 
 In the general wars, maintained againft this 
 ambitious power, Britain has flood foremoit; 
 and fhe ftill maintains her ftation. Befide 
 her advantages of riches and fituation, her 
 people are animated with fuch a national 
 fpirit, and are fo fully fenfible of the bleffings 
 of their government, that we may hope their 
 vigour never will languifh in fo neceilary 
 and fojufl a caufe. On the contrary, if we 
 may judge by the paft, their paffionate ar- 
 dour
 
 ( n ) 
 
 dour feems rather to require fome modera- 
 tion ; and they have oftener erred from a 
 laudable excels than from a blameable de- 
 ficiency. 
 
 In the firft place, we feem to have been 
 more pofTeiTed with the ancient Greek fpirit 
 of jealous emulation, that actuated by the 
 prudent views of modern politics. Our 
 wars with France have been begun with 
 juftice, and even, perhaps, from neceflity j 
 but have always been too far pufhed from 
 obftinacy and paffion. The fame peace, 
 which was afterwards made at Ryfwick in 
 1697, was offered fo early as the year ninety - 
 two j that concluded at Utrecht in 1712 
 might have been finifhed on as good condi- 
 tions at Gertruytenberg in the year eight ; 
 and we might have given at Frankfort, in 
 1723, the fame terms which we were glad 
 to accept of at Ajx-la-Chapelle in the year 
 forty-eight. Here, then, we fee, that above 
 half of our wars with France, and all our 
 public debts, are owing more to our own 
 imprudent vehemence, than to the ambition 
 of our neighbours. 
 
 In the lecond place, we are fo decleared in 
 our oppolition to French power, and fo 
 alert in defence of our allies, that they al- 
 ways reckon upon our force as upon their 
 own ; and expecting to carry on war at our 
 expence, refufe .all reafonable terms of ac- 
 commodation. Ha jeu! JubjeSlos, tanqaatn
 
 ( 94 ) 
 
 fuos ; *viles, ut alienos. All the world 
 knows, that the factious vote of the Houfe 
 of Commons, in the beginning of the lalt 
 Parliament, with the profefTed humour of 
 the nation, made the Queen of Hungary in- 
 flexible in her terms, and prevented that 
 agreement with Pruflia, which would im- 
 mediately have reflored the general tranqui- 
 lity of Europe. 
 
 In the third place, we are fuch true com- 
 batants, that, when once engaged, we lofe 
 all concern for ourfelves and our posterity, 
 and conlider only how we may bed: annoy 
 the enemy. To mortgage our revenues at fo 
 deep a rate, in wars, where we were only ac- 
 cefTories, was furely the mofl fatal delufion, 
 that a nation, which had any pretenfion to po- 
 litics or prudence, has ever yet been guilty of. 
 That remedy of funding, if it be a remedy, 
 and not rather a poifon, ought, in all reafon, 
 to be referved to the laft extremity ; and no 
 evil, but thegreateft and molt urgent, mould 
 ever induce us to embrace fo dangerous an 
 expedient. 
 
 Thefe excefTes, to which we have been 
 carried, are prejudicial ; and may, perhaps, 
 in time, become ftill more prejudicial ano- 
 ther way, bv begetting, as is ufual, the op- 
 polite extreme, and rendering us totally care- 
 lefs and fupine with regard to the fate of 
 Europe. The Athenians, from the mod 
 buftling,intriguing, warlike people of Greece, 
 
 find in?
 
 ( 95 ) 
 
 finding their error in thrufting themfelves 
 into every quarrel, abandoned all attention 
 to foreign affairs ; and in no conteft ever 
 took part on either fide, except by their flat- 
 teries and complaifance to the victor. 
 
 Enormous monarchies are, probably, de- 
 ftructive to human nature; in their progrefs, 
 in their continuance,* and even in their 
 downfal, which never can be very diflant 
 from their eitabliibment. The military ge- 
 nius, which aggrandized the monarchy, foon 
 leaves the court, the capital, and the center 
 of fuch a government; while the wars are 
 carried on at a great diftance, and intereft fo 
 fmall a part of the if ate. The antient nobi- 
 lity, whofe affections attach them to their 
 Sovereign, live all at court; and never will 
 accept of military employments, which 
 would carry them to remote and barbarous 
 frontiers, where they are diftant both from 
 their pleafures and their fortune. The arms 
 of theftate, muft, therefore, be entrulled to 
 mercenary ftrangers, without zeal, without 
 attachment, without honour; ready on every 
 occafion to turn them againil: the prince, and 
 join each defperate malcontent, who offers 
 pay and plunder. This is the necelfary pro- 
 grefs of human affairs : thus human nature 
 
 checks 
 
 "* If the Roman empire wis of advantage, it could 
 only proceed from this, that mankind w^re generally in 
 a v^ry difordcrly, uncivilized condition, bforc us ciU- 
 fcl.fhnieuu
 
 ( 96 ) 
 
 checks itfelf in its airy elevations : thus am- 
 bition blindly labours for the diftru&ion of 
 the conqueror, of his family, and of every 
 thing near and dear to him. The Bourbons, 
 trufting to the fupport of their brave, faith- 
 ful, and afFe&ionate nobility, would pufh 
 their advantage, without referve or limita- 
 tion. Thefe, while fired with glory and 
 emulation, can bear the fatigues and dangers 
 of war; but never would fubmit to languifh 
 in the garrifons of Hungary or Lithuania, 
 forgot at court, and facrificed to the intrigues 
 of every minion or miftrefs, who approaches 
 the Prince. The troops are filled with Cra- 
 vates and Tartars, HufTars and CofTacks ; in- 
 termingled, perhaps, with a few foldiers of 
 fortune from the better provinces : and the 
 melancholy fate of the Roman emperors, 
 from the fame caule, is renewed over and 
 over again, 'till the final diffolution of the 
 monarchy. 
 
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