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 THE SAMOS OF HERODOTUS 
 
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 ERMA ELOISE COLE 
 
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 THE TUTTLE, MOREHOUSE & TAYLOR CO. 
 NEW HAVEN, CONN. 
 
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PREFATORY NOTE 
 
 The writer wishes to express thanks and acknowledge indebtedness 
 to Professor Bernadotte Perrin, who criticized the original thesis, 
 "The Samos of Herodotus/' and to Professor T. D. Goodell, who read 
 that production and offered valuable suggestions for this paper, as 
 well as to Professor H. B. Wright, whose helpful criticism and judg- 
 ment have aided in great measure the preparation of this condensed 
 and revised form of the thesis proper, "The Samos of Herodotus." 
 
 Erma E. Cole. 
 
 Yale University, 
 June 1, 1912. 
 
 259955 
 
THE SAMOS OF HERODOTUS.* 
 
 It is common tradition that Herodotus was for several years an 
 exile on the island of Samos. Rawlinson (Introduction to Trans- 
 lation of Herodotus, pp. 15 f.), however, supposes that "The transfer 
 of residence to Samos is most likely a .fiction. . . . His acquaintance 
 with its buildings and localities is not greater than might have been 
 acquired by one or two leisurely visits, and the length at which he 
 treats the history may be accounted for on moral grounds." 
 
 It is the purpose of this paper to attempt to establish three points 
 regarding Herodotus' treatment of Samian affairs: 
 
 1. Herodotus' history of Samos indicates above all else direct 
 influence from Samian monuments, such as the temple of Hera and 
 its votive offerings, Samian architecture and Samian engineering. 
 Samos is often introduced into the text where not really appropriate 
 chiefly because of ^the historian's interest in its monuments. This 
 interest grew to th6 j)oint of a*bsolute and unjustifiable prejudice in 
 favor of Samians generally in matters of history a prejudice most 
 easily to be explained by long association with the people and the 
 monuments of their achievements. 
 
 2. Certain passages dealing with Samian political factions, by 
 their very method of treatment show an intimate knowledge of 
 internal affairs, best explained by residence in Samos. 
 
 3. Samos was so much a part of Herodotus' mental equipment 
 that it became the natural object of comparison in discussing mis- 
 cellaneous subjects, and many passages in Herodotus not on the 
 surface derived from Samian sources show, nevertheless, indirect 
 latent Samian origin. 
 
 * The material for this paper is drawn from a thesis, "The Samos of 
 Herodotus," presented at Yale University in 1910 for the degree of Doctor 
 of Philosophy. 
 
I. Influence on Heeodotus of Samian Monuments. 
 
 (A.) Direct Influences from Treasures in the Hera Temple and 
 
 Elsewhere. 
 
 Herodotus admits that the Samian narrative in Bk. Ill is out 
 of the course of his main history of the Persian Wars by saying in 
 conclusion : "I drew out the story of the Samians to a rather lengthy 
 account because they have constructed the three greatest works of 
 Hellenic genius'' (HI, 60). "He then disposes of these great works, 
 the aqueduct, the mole in the harbor, and temple of Hera, in one 
 brief paragraph. 
 
 In view of the fact that Herodotus generally put much stress upon 
 matters which were novel to his public (cf. tiresome engineering 
 details in the description of the taking of Babylon, Bk. I, 179-80, 
 191, and the entire Egyptian logos, Bk. II), one may infer that these 
 great landmarks of Samos were so familiar to his hearers that he 
 felt that he needed merely to mention them as something of vast 
 importance and the real goal of the Samian narrative. But it was 
 not necessary to dwell upon the works themselves. Herodotus was 
 eager to talk about Samos, doubtless from a personal interest in it, 
 and felt that any digression^ on Samos would be justifiable. The 
 Athenian public had reason to feel interested in the early exploits 
 of a people who not only gave Athens a scare while attempting to 
 reduce Samos in 440, during the time of Pericles, but could boast 
 of the greatest engineering works of the times. 
 
 It must be noted, however, that, while the so-called historical 
 material is ostensibly regarded by Herodotus as so much bait to 
 lead his hearers on, it is, nevertheless, something to be apologized for. 
 The monumental aspect of Samos is the real goal, the whole state- 
 ment being an endeavor to disguise his real motive, that of exploiting 
 Samos as a "wonder-work" to his world. 
 
 Passages which show most plainly Samian influences upon the 
 narrative of Herodotus are those which include stories about Samian 
 monuments, especially the temple of Hera, with its inscribed tablets, 
 paintings and works of art of all kinds. This was a constant source 
 
The Samos of Herodotus. 7 
 
 of inspiration to him, and it is from his treatment of these that one 
 gains the keynote to his interest in Samos. 
 
 (1.) The Silver Crater. 
 
 In his history of the Lydian kings in the first book (chapters 14, 
 25, 50-51), Herodotus describes the magnificent gifts sent to the 
 temple of Delphi by Gyges, Alyattes and Croesus. A detailed list 
 of offerings is given and among them were two craters, one gold, 
 the other silver ; the gold one ultimately finding place in the treasury 
 at Clazomense, while the silver bowl was left in the temple of Delphi 
 and used in the spring festival to the sun. Herodotus' final state- 
 ment is : "The people of Delphi say that it is the work of the Samian, 
 Theodorus, which is believable, since it is the work of no crude 
 artisan." JS'o artists are mentioned in connection with all the nota- 
 ble gifts sent by Croesus except the Samian, Theodorus, and the 
 inference is that Herodotus is impelled to mention many small offer- 
 ings because of eagerness to mention the Samian crater, which would 
 seem to indicate that he made his text elastic for the reference to 
 the specimen of Samian art, an example of distinct influence upon 
 him of Samian relics. 
 
 (2.) The Bronze Crater. 
 
 In Bk. I, 69-70, the story is told of how Croesus proposed an alliance 
 with Sparta which was promptly snapped up by the Lacedaemonians 
 because, according to Herodotus, once upon a time they had been 
 favored by Croesus, who had given them outright enough gold for a 
 statue, when they had no other thought than to purchase the gold. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians had made a return gift of a bronze crater, 
 ornamented with figures of animals and plants on the outside around 
 the brim. "But this crater," says Herodotus, "never reached Sar- 
 dis, for causes concerning which there are two traditions. The 
 Lacedaemonians say that when the crater reached the Samian country 
 the Samians sailed out and captured it. The Samians say that when 
 the Lacedaemonians were rather tardy about bringing the crater and 
 when they reached Samos, perceiving that Sardis and Croesus were 
 captured, they abandoned the crater in Samos, where private citizens 
 purchased it and placed it in the Heraeum" (chapter 70). Herod- 
 otus concludes : Ta^a Be av KOL ol aTToSofxevoi Xeyouev aTriKOfievoi i<s ^Tra/orryv 
 (0? aTratpeOu-qcrav viro Sa/xiwi/ (chapter 70). Though he has made a show 
 
8 E. E. Cole, 
 
 of giving in all fairness the two traditions about tlie crater, the last 
 words show a device of the author to give the Samians the benefit of 
 the doubt, hence his conjecture: "It is probable that the Lacedae- 
 monians, after selling the crater, upon coming to Sparta, would say 
 that they had been robbed of it by the Samians" (chapter 70). 
 
 The fact that Herodotus leaves the question in doubt is evidence 
 of special Samian influence here. Likewise is the manner in which 
 the tale has been spun out until mention of the crater could be 
 made, for one naturally asks why the crater should be mentioned at 
 all. The answer must be because it was a treasure of the Herseum 
 which Herodotus doubtless saw and which, to his mind, furnished 
 embellishment to the story of the Lydian-Spartan alliance. There 
 may be a question whether the Spartans ever accepted Croesus' pro- 
 posals for reasons given, and it is doubtful whether the crater episode 
 would have been mentioned had not the relic in the Herseum fired 
 Herodotus' imagination. 
 
 (3.) The Temple of Samos. 
 
 In Bk. 11^ 148 Herodotus refers to the labyrinth built by twelve 
 Egyptian princes and known as one of the seven wonders of the 
 world. His tribute to the labyrinth is that if a comparison were 
 made of all the walls and other great Grecian works put together, 
 they would appear to have entailed less labor and expense than this 
 labyrinth. "And yet," he concludes, "the temple at Ephesus is 
 worthy of fame and the one in Samos. The pyramids are compar- 
 able to several works of wonder together but the labyrinth surpasses 
 even the pyramids, being greater than one could describe." The 
 only saving features in the Greek showing are the temples of Ephesus 
 and Samos. Mention of the latter indicates unshakeable faith in the 
 greatness of Samian architecture, and that it seemed to him amply 
 able to help maintain the prestige of the Greeks is testimony to the 
 powerful influence of Samian monuments upon him. 
 
 (4.) T'he Painting of King Darius. 
 
 An incident in the Scythian expedition of King Darius in the 
 fourth book (chapters 87-8) illustrates again the part played by 
 Samian architects and artists in the narrative of Herodotus. 
 
 Darius came to inspect the bridge which had been placed over 
 the -Thracian Bosporus. Its builder was Mandrokles, the Samian, 
 
The Samos of Herodotus. 9 
 
 and, being satisfied witli the bridge, Darius rewarded its architect 
 ten-fold. "With a part of the money Mandrokles bad a picture 
 painted of tbe army crossing tbe Bosporus while King Darius sat 
 on his throne reviewing the troops. The painting portraying this 
 he had erected in the Samian Herseum with the inscription : "Man- 
 drokles, when he had bridged the fish-abounding Bosporus, dedicated 
 a monument of the crossing to Hera, winning the laurel for him- 
 self and glory for the Samians, since he wrought to the pleasure of 
 King Darius" (chapter 88). 
 
 This incident took place after the Persians had acquired Samos, 
 the story of which is told in Bk. Ill (139 ff.), and it is very prob- 
 able that it never would have been included in the Scythian logos 
 had the historian not seen the painting in the Samian temple. Fur- 
 thermore, it is now a favorite theory that this Samian painting 
 representing the Persian tribes crossing the bridge, furnished the 
 description of nations, levied or levyable in Xerxes' armies, cross- 
 ing the Hellespont into Europe, a description so detailed in the 
 seventh book as to suggest statistical material from real records. 
 
 The long procession of tribes in native dress, numbering about 
 forty-six nations, described in the seventh book, is an example of 
 the marvelous imagination and method of the writer, who put in 
 all the truth he knew about the famous crossing and then added 
 some more "truth." Forty-six nations could have comprised the 
 levy had a Darius or a Xerxes so ordered, but, in view of the fact that 
 the exaggerated figures of Herodotus as to the Persian forces which 
 went to Greece are discredited, it is probable that the idea of the 
 panorama suggested a way of making impressive the beginning of 
 the great conflict, particularly when the Samian painting of an 
 identical theme was at hand to prompt if variety failed.* 
 
 * The query arises how far Samian influences find their way into the entire 
 Herodotean story of the Persian war. It is instructive, at least, to see copies 
 of the "throne scene" in three other passages ; Darius at the siege of Babylon, 
 Bk. Ill, 155; and Xerxes at Thermopylae, Bk. VII, 211; and at Salamis, 
 Bk. VIII, 90, wherein Xerxes is pictured sitting on his throne by the shore 
 a probable echo of this painting. 
 
10 E. E. Cole, 
 
 (B.) Influence of Samian Relics and Samian Residence on Herodo- 
 tus' Method of Treating Historical Narrative The Story 
 of the Rise and Fall of Polycrates. 
 
 Herodotus begins his history of Samos with the rise of the tyrant, 
 Polycrates, whose control began about 533 B. C, continuing it 
 through the greatest period of prosperity when Samian naval 
 supremacy, art, and architecture were at their height. Certainly 
 inscriptions, statues, and paintings commemorating famous men and 
 deeds of Samos gave color to his narrative, as well as the influence 
 of the Herseum, itself a monument of the flourishing times of 
 Polycrates. 
 
 (1.) Amasis and Polycrates. 
 
 A good example of the influence of Samian relics upon Herodo- 
 tus' narrative is the famous tale of Polycrates' rise to power which 
 contains a signet-ring for the dramatic element. We are informed 
 with what solemnity Amasis, king of Egypt, witnessed the spec- 
 tacular rise of Polycrates, conquering right and left and becoming 
 famous throughout all Ionia, and with what neighborly interest he 
 warned Polycrates that such unprecedented good fortune would bring 
 him to grief if he did not at once rid himself of his best cherished 
 possession as a charm against evil. 
 
 Polycrates, we are told, heeded the advice, ordered his sailors to 
 row him far out on the sea, where he cast his signet-ring, expecting 
 never to recover it; but, as Pate decreed, a few days afterward a 
 fisherman brought a particularly fine fish to court and presented it 
 to Polycrates. When the servants prepared the fish they found in 
 it the signet-ring. Polycrates told Amasis the story and Amasis 
 piously withdrew his alliance with Polycrates because he, as a friend, 
 did not wish to witness his certain downfall certain because for 
 some occult reason he could not get rid of his own ring. 
 
 As a diplomatic act, Amasis' conduct is not plausible. It is more 
 probable that Polycrates himself broke the treaty with Amasis because 
 the successful campaign of Cambyses in Egypt was weakening the 
 value of Amasis as an ally; but Herodotus does not wish the 
 dramatic effect of his tale of the rise of Polycrates to be dulled by 
 prosaic elements. 
 
 Directly after this narrative Herodotus tells us that not long before 
 this Polycrates offered Cambyses assistance in his campaign against 
 
The Samos of Herodotus. 11 
 
 Egypt, wliicli shows tliat Herodotus was aware of the true situation; 
 but the ring story is too fine to discard. That the ring story is 
 purely Herodotean is borne out by the fact that Diodorus (I, 95) 
 connects no ring story with the breaking of the alliance. To Herodo- 
 tus the ring is the all-important element, particularly since "it was 
 overlaid with gold, contained a precious green stone and was the 
 work of the Samian, Theodorus, son of Telekles" (III, 41). 
 
 Herodotus mentions Theodorus more frequently than any other 
 Samian artist, and his work was famous among the Samians. 
 Pliny CN. H. 37, 3 f., 8) testifies that in his day a ring was exhibited 
 in the Temple of Concord as that of Polycrates. What is more 
 probable than that the ring was a famous heirloom in the family 
 of Polycrates and that Herodotus saw it among other relics in the 
 temple of Hera, for he tells us in Bk. Ill, 123-5 that at the time 
 of Polycrates' death his confidant, Mseandrius, had placed the 
 entire equipment of a certain part of Polycrates' palace in the 
 Herseum? Thus the ring story doubtless owes its origin to the 
 relic in the Heraeum, though the story of its recovery may be a 
 folk-tale applied to Polycrates. Polycrates' career gave a chance 
 to point the moral that mortals must not aspire too high, an 
 ^schylean code, and the ring pointed at future disaster, forming 
 the occult element needed to insure dramatic effect. 
 
 (2.) The Lacedcemonian Campaign against Samos. 
 
 That Herodotus was powerfully influenced by Samian monuments 
 is again attested by his story of the Spartans proceeding against 
 Samos in the interests of the exiled faction. He relates : "The 
 Lacedaemonians made a campaign against Samos, as the Samians 
 say, paying the debt for former benefits when the Samians reinforced 
 them with ships against the Messenians; but the Lacedaemonians 
 say that they did not enter the campaign to avenge the Samians in 
 their need so much as to pay them back for stealing the bowl which 
 the Lacedaemonians were taking to Croesus and the breastplate which 
 Amasis, king of Egypt, had sent as a gift to them; since the year 
 before the Samians seized the bowl they took the linen breastplate, 
 with designs of animals, fashioned with gold and cotton, each cord 
 very fine and containing 360 threads, all visible. Such another 
 existed, but Amasis gave it as an offering to Athena at Lindus" 
 (III, 47). . 
 
12 E. E. Cole, 
 
 There was evidently a persistent tradition about the mysterious 
 way in which this bowl, intended for Croesus, came to be in the 
 Samian Herseum, related by Herodotus in Bk. I, 70, with plainly 
 apologetic presentation of the Samian tradition that it had been 
 abandoned by the Lacedaemonians in Samos, where it was purchased 
 and put in the temple. The Lacedaemonian tradition is reiterated 
 here without attempt to discountenance it except for the Samian 
 statement that the expedition is one of assistance to them for their 
 aid in the Messenian wars. 
 
 If one accepts the Lacedaemonian tradition, it is the oligarchical, 
 tyrannical faction of Samians, friends of Polycrates, which the 
 Lacedaemonians are opposing. If we accept the Samian tradition 
 that the Lacedaemonians aided them for past favors, it is the same 
 Samian faction that helped in the Messenian wars and was exiled 
 by Polycrates that speaks. That faction, then, had no part in stealing 
 the bowl. 
 
 Plutarch (Mor. p. 859 c) favors the inference from the Samian 
 tradition that it was not petty revenge that caused the war but hatred 
 of tyranny and its favoring of oligarchies. It is a war among fac- 
 tions which is disclosed by minute comparison of Herodotus' separate 
 statements, wherein the factional features familiar to Herodotus are 
 not elucidated, doubtless because the ground was so familiar to him 
 that he unconsciously omitted what would have clarified the subject 
 to an outsider. 
 
 Two facts are revealed by this passage. (1) Herodotus has an 
 intimate knowledge of Samian "factionalism," hardly to be gained 
 by a casual visit. (2) Herodotus' interest in Samian relics has 
 caused him to mention the "Lacedaemonian tradition" which might 
 not have been cited had not the "crater" inspired the idea. Fur- 
 thermore, it is not the Lacedaemonian pretext, grudge for stealing 
 the bowl, which is accepted by Herodotus, but the Samian explana- 
 tion of reciprocity for past benefits.* 
 
 * Compare the story (Bk. Ill, chapter 55) of the Lacedaemonian patriots, 
 Archias and Lycopes, who were honored by the Samians, episodes certainly 
 indicating some bond between the Samian patriotic faction and the Lacedae- 
 monians. 
 
 In the concluding battle between the Samians and the allies who come to 
 display their "grudges" the Lacedaemonians come near worsting the Samians; 
 but Archias and Lycopes, according to Herodotus, were the only ones who 
 pursued the Samians to a place where they could not retreat and met their 
 
The Samos of Herodotus. 13 
 
 (3.) The Fall of Poly crates. 
 
 The Herodotean story o the fall of Polycrates (III, 120-125) con- 
 tains a bias in favor of the tyrant, perhaps due partly to Herodotus' 
 Samian interest and partly to his desire to depict the career of 
 Polycrates as dominated by "Fate"; hence a certain amount of 
 blamelessness is attributed to him which is not really verified by the 
 other traditions quoted by Herodotus. 
 
 According to Herodotus, Polycrates had never done any wrong to 
 Oroetes, who had been put in charge of Sardis by Cyrus ; but never- 
 theless, Oroetes wished to get Polycrates into his power and murder 
 him. Herodotus takes pains to give the reason shown in most tradi- 
 tions, viz., that Oroetes haH been taunted by another Persian, Mitro- 
 bates, because he had not made a conquest of Samos for the king 
 while Polycrates with only 15 hoplites had gained the island. Oroetes 
 thus felt jealous of Polycrates because of the taunt. 
 
 One must note that the assertion that "Polycrates never had 
 injured Oroetes" is open to question if we compare Diodorus (Exc. 
 Vat. p. 557, X, 15, 4), who says that some Lydians, banished by 
 Oroetes, came to Samos with considerable wealth, were received kindly 
 at first by Polycrates, but he afterward murdered them and took 
 possession of their property. Granting that the exiles meant nothing 
 to Oroetes, considering the Diodorus passage: "AvSoi nvc? ^evyoi/rcs 
 TTjv "OpoLTov Tov (jaTparrov Swacrreiav," nevertheless it is clear that Herod- 
 otus ignores any blame of Polycrates. 
 
 death. A grandson of Archias said that the name, Samius, had been given 
 his father because of his grandfather's brave death in Samos, and that he 
 especially esteemed the Samians because they had erected a tomb in his 
 honor and at public expense. 
 
 The episode of the two brave Spartans indicates Spartan tradition and 
 indicates also that a greater harmony existed between Spartans and certain 
 Samians than the alleged Lacedaemonian purpose, revenge against Samians for 
 theft of the bowl, shows, Plutarch (Mor. p. 860 c) emphasizes this passage 
 as showing that the Spartans did not undertake the expedition for the sake 
 of petty revenge, but were interested in the general principle of destroying 
 oligarchy, for the sake of the faction that honored the Spartan Archias and 
 Lycopes. 
 
 This passage points to the possibility that the tradition of a Lacedaemonian 
 "grudge" on account of the crater was inserted because of the impression 
 the crater had made upon Herodotus and illustrates the monumental genesis 
 of Herodotean-made tradition. 
 
14 E. E. Cole, 
 
 Herodotus gives wliat lie calls the "minor tradition" for tlie reason 
 of Oroetes' enmity, viz., that the envoy sent by Orcetes asking money 
 was rudely treated by Polycrates, who utterly refused to converse or 
 render assistance. Oroetes then sent another embassy to learn Poly- 
 crates' real schemes, which, Oroetes felt certain, were nothing less 
 than to gain the naval supremacy over all Ionia and the islands. 
 He informed Polycrates that he had not sufficient revenue to push 
 such a plan, but that if he would gain control of all Hellas he should 
 rescue Oroetes out of the clutches of Cambyses, bringing him to a 
 place of safety and his treasures with him. In this way he should 
 have a part of Oroetes' resources. Let him send an envoy to make 
 sure that Oroetes made bona fide promises. 
 
 The later embassy vouches for the probability of the "minor 
 tradition" being the true one. That Herodotus assigns it second 
 place is in accord with his desire to paint Polycrates in a favorable 
 light. It is evident, too, that Herodotus could not do without the 
 "minor tradition" which really paves the way for the second embassy, 
 the pith of the plot: Polycrates, who had been superior to foes in 
 every crisis, must be lured to his death by no common means. He 
 must be snared by treachery playing upon the weak point in his 
 character, greed for gold and advancement. 
 
 Herodotus relates that Oroetes cunningly "filled eight chests with 
 stones, with gold on top, so that when Polycrates' minister should 
 come everything would be ready. Mseandrius came, returned to 
 Polycrates and made report and the latter set out for the treasure, 
 despite the warnings of soothsayers and a dream of his daughter, 
 who thought she saw her father suspended in air, washed by Zeus 
 and anointed by the sun" (chapter 123 f.). However, Polycrates, 
 accompanied by his retinue, sailed away to Magnesia, where he met 
 an ignoble death at the hands of Oroetes. "Polycrates, as he hung 
 on the cross, thus fulfilled completely his daughter's dream, for he 
 was washed by Zeus when it rained and was anointed by the sun, 
 since he emitted a moisture from his body. Thus ended the good 
 fortune of Polycrates, and thus had Amasis of Egypt prophesied" 
 (chapter 125). 
 
 It is questionable whether Amasis ever so prophesied, consider- 
 ing how nicely the history of Polycrates fits into the moral of the 
 downfall by design of the gods of a lofty mortal who aspires too 
 high, a favorite moral of Herodotus. 
 
The Samos of Herodotus. 15 
 
 Polycrates is a sort of fairy-tale hero who miraculously recovers 
 his lost ring, subdues all his foes, but, as the dramatic beginning 
 warns us, must come to a tragic end. N'o wonder that the "minor 
 tradition" is kept in the background, ^o wonder that Polycrates' 
 fall, in the mind of Herodotus, is not due to censurable acts other 
 than rising too high. It is "Fate," accomplished through the instru- 
 mentality of jealous men. The chest episode is the snare, the dream 
 of the daughter a forewarning, which lead to an artistic close. 
 
 Herodotus concludes: "Except the tyrants of Syracuse there is 
 not one of the other Greek tyrants to be compared with him in mag- 
 nificence." 
 
 After outlining Polycrates' career as a warrior the quality that 
 Herodotus emphasizes is magnificence, indicating that concrete things 
 such as the ring, crater, chest and equipments of his hall, placed in 
 the Herseum by Mseandrius and described as a^LoOiy^rov, gave the idea 
 of "magnificence," and doubtless influenced the method of treating 
 Polycrates' history; hence we have the ring story, the bowl episode, 
 the breast-plate reference, the chest story. If "magnificent" is the 
 historian's final eulogy, it may be supposed that certain Samian votive 
 offerings influenced his imagination more in the development of his 
 Samian chapters than mere facts of history, which he later developed 
 to make an excursus more palatable to his public, another instance 
 of the monumental influence of Samos upon Herodotus. 
 
 Cicero's verdict (De Finibus, Y, Sect. 92) shows a different point 
 of view. Polycrates as a warrior appealed to him and his final 
 estimate At multis malis affectus. quis negatf' sed ea mala virtutis 
 magnitudine ohruehantur is one that might be expected of one who 
 had not sojourned in Samos. 
 
II. Herodotus' Factional Partisanship in Recounting Samian 
 
 History. 
 
 While it is apparent that the Herseum alone may easily have 
 inspired Herodotus in his story of early, independent Samos, as it 
 might any mere visitor, it must be noted that his particular bias in 
 favor of Samians in other matters having no connection with art 
 or the Hera temple, can hardly be explained by supposing that he 
 did not have the intimate and prejudiced knowledge of a resident 
 of the island. For example, the part played by Samos in the Ionian 
 revolt can scarcely be accorded the mild judgment given by Herodotus, 
 whose unusual leniency in narrating this episode must be attributed 
 to a partiality not to be found in a mere visitor to Samos. It may 
 be that enthusiasm for Samian relics in part influenced the historian 
 to gloss over hostile criticism of Samos in matters of history, but 
 close association with Samian affairs must have also played its 
 part. 
 
 (1.) The Story of Syloson. 
 
 According to Herodotus (III, 39, 139-149), Syloson, a brother of 
 Polycrates, who was banished from Samos at the time of Polycrates' 
 seizure of the tyranny, had so pleased Darius by the gift of a scarlet 
 cloak that when he became king of Persia Darius consented to win 
 back Samos for Syloson and sent an army under Otanes to recover 
 Samos. 
 
 This is fanciful enough to rank with the story of Polycrates. 
 Eduard Meyer (Gesch. des Alt., II, 488) clarifies the king's motive 
 thus: "With Otanes' expedition the last independent state on the 
 coast of Asia Minor was destroyed and the whole Ionic world, before 
 so mighty and free, became subordinate to the great king," sub- 
 ordinate perhaps through the wish of the tyrannical faction. 
 
 (2.) Mceandrius. 
 
 Herodotus relates how Samos was in the hands of Mseandrius, 
 who had received the trust from Polycrates Mseandrius, whom 
 Herodotus would have us suppose was a most worthy individual, 
 
The Samos of Herodotus. 17 
 
 for lie says : "It was Mseandrius' endeavor to pursue a very just 
 course, but lie was given no chance to accomplish his desire" (III, 
 142). Herodotus here appears to be "editing" the story as heard 
 from the Samians, but may be giving a true estimate of Mseandrius ; 
 however, it is not proven wherein Mseandrius tries to pursue a just 
 course. 
 
 The historian goes on to say (III, 142 ff.) that Mseandrius 
 assembled the Samians, generously offering to give over the govern- 
 ment that they might have equal rights, on condition that he should 
 keep six talents of Polycrates' fortune and should be given the priest- 
 hood of Zeus Liberator for the rest of his life. But Telesarchus, a 
 prominent citizen, arose and denounced him, demanding that he 
 should render an account of Polycrates^ funds. 
 
 Mseandrius, now realizing that if he relinquished his place, another 
 tyranny would arise, changed his plan and retired to the acropolis 
 "to give an account of the funds." The citizens were summoned 
 separately to look at the accounts, but everyone that came was seized 
 and put in chains. Shortly after this Maeandrius became ill and 
 his brother, Lycaretes, thinking he would soon get possession of the 
 government, in case of his brother's death, put to death the prison- 
 ers, as Herodotus explains, "since they did not seem to care for 
 freedom." 
 
 If we are to judge from the role played by the Samians in the Ionian 
 Revolt, the majority of Samians most decidedly "do not care for free- 
 dom." The historian's comment here appears to be drawn from that 
 story, since the account at this point hardly indicates great distaste for 
 democracy simply because Maeandrius was called to account. One 
 infers that the Samian faction which hated tyranny to the extent of 
 fleeing to Sicily to avoid the returning tyrant, ^aces, after the capture 
 of Miletus, was not particularly strong at this time, since Herodotus 
 momentarily loses sight of it and carries the idea that the majority 
 were on the side which "did not care for freedom." Herodotus 
 certainly appears to be following their tradition. 
 
 The treatment of the offer of freedom accords with the Herodotean 
 conception of Samian factions from the time of Polycrates to the 
 end of the Persian war and indicates great familiarity with the 
 struggles of the Samian patriots and the tyrannical faction. The 
 query comes whether this may not be a mild prelude to an even 
 milder account of Samian treachery in the Ionian Revolt. 
 
18 E. E. Cole, 
 
 Mseandrius finally made a stand against the Persian force but 
 was badly defeated and made bis escape from tbe island by a 
 secret tunnel* from tbe acropolis to tbe sea. 
 
 Masandrius' brother, Charilaus, wbo bad been sbut up in a dungeon, 
 took command of tbe allies, attacked tbe Persians in a lively skir- 
 mish, but tbe Persians destroyed tbe Samian princes and higher 
 officers, then besieged the acropolis and put to death everyone whom 
 they found and depopulated the island. 
 
 (3.) Samos in the Ionian Revolt. 
 
 How far real bias is found in bis treatment of Samians is shown 
 perhaps best by Herodotus' story of Samos in the Ionian Revolt. 
 In tbe preliminary Persian attack upon Salamis and vicinity of 
 Cyprus, the lonians rallied with considerable force, while the 
 Phoenicians aided the Persians. 
 
 In tbe land and sea fight Herodotus states that "the lonians 
 proved superior to tbe Phoenicians while the Samians were bravest 
 among these" (tbe lonians) (Y, 112). It is satisfactory to know 
 that in this encounter Xdiiioi rfpiaTevaav, since this can hardly be said 
 of them at the ensuing battle at Lade. 
 
 This may be inserted here because of Samian source for this 
 episode, or, more probably, it is used as a credit mark to Samian 
 valor, that whatever may have been the cause of their desertion 
 from the Greeks at Lade there shall be this much testimony to their 
 valor. Herodotus does not give any detail as to how the Samians 
 happened to be tbe bravest. His statement is conveniently indefinite. 
 
 One must note that in the account of the battle of Lade, to begin 
 with, Herodotus gives undue prominence to the Samian contingent 
 of ships sent to fortify Lade. When the lonians assembled for the 
 defense Herodotus tells us that in tbe equipment of troops "tbe 
 Milesians with 80 ships had tbe east wing ; next were the Prienians, 
 with 12 ; Myasians with 3 ; Teans with 17 ; Chians with 100 ; 
 Erytbrians with 8 ; Phocseans with 3 ; Lesbians with 70. Finally 
 came the Samians, who bad the west wing, with 60 ships" (VI, 8). 
 
 * Autopsy of this specimen of engineering may have prompted this feature 
 of the narrative. J. Theodore Bent (Academy 1883, 23:408) remarked on 
 the skill of the Samians in tunneling and noted that the island was full of 
 underground tombs and passages cut from the rock. 
 
The Samos of Herodotus. 19 
 
 Special criticism has been directed against the Samian number 
 since the possession at this time of 60 ships is questionable, if Samos 
 had been depopulated a score of years before to the extent indicated 
 (III, 149). Macan (note on Herodotus, YI, 8) says that a Record 
 of the Samian ships was in the Agora, but modifies by stating that 
 only eleven ships were vouched for and that the Record could hardly 
 have been inscribed and erected before the battle of Mycale, when 
 Samos once more became independent. 
 
 Considering that the entire enumeration of special contingents 
 is criticized and that the struggle to restore a lost population is 
 recorded in Aristotle (quoted in Suidas, s. v. ]Sa/xtwv), it is not 
 Herodotus' tale of depopulation which is the exaggerated one but 
 rather this one which gives to the Samians 60 ships, not recorded 
 in the monument cited later by Herodotus (VI, 14). 
 
 Herodotus continues : "When the Samians learned that the lonians 
 were weakening in ardor they decided to follow the advice of ^aces, 
 son of Syloson, who had formerly proposed, at the bidding of the 
 Persians, to dissolve their alliance with the lonians" (YI, 13). 
 
 The "weakening in ardor" related in chapters 9, 10 and 11 of 
 Book YI, consists of the refusal of the lonians to follow a course 
 of treachery planned for them by the Persian generals; for the 
 Persians felt that a formidable array of ships had collected and 
 hoped to win them to the Persian side by negotiating through the 
 tyrants who had been deposed by Aristagoras. Chapter 10 closes: 
 ol 8k *'I(uv?, ? Tov<s /cat airLKOvro avrai at dyycAiai, ay Viofioavvrj re Stexpetovro 
 KOL ov TTpocrUvro Tr)v irpohoa-LrjV ' kaiVTOicri 8c cKao-rot I^ok^ov fiovvoia-L ravra rovs 
 ne/oCTa? i^ayyeWeaOaL. Herodotus' use of ayvo)fxoavvri is interesting. 
 In his mind it is arrogance or obstinacy for the lonians to refuse a 
 chance to be restored to the old footing of holding tyrannical govern- 
 ments under the Persians, but it is a case of "not desiring freedom" 
 when the Samians prefer tyranny under Persian rule to democracy. 
 
 Chapter 12 relates the attempts of Dionysius, the Phocsean, to 
 drill the lonians in tactics designed to bring them out of their crisis, 
 but these tactics were too taxing so that by the eighth day, according 
 to Herodotus, the lonians, dTra^ees i6vTe<s ttovwv tolovtwv, decided to 
 abandon the endeavor, preferring slavery, whatever it might be, to 
 the present hardships, and called the Phocsean a braggart, who had 
 furnished but three ships. 
 
 Herodotus' treatment of lonians often borders upon contempt, and 
 the history of the Samians in the Ionian revolt leads to a surmise 
 
20 E. E. Cole, 
 
 that it has been caused fully as much by a desire to shield the 
 Samians in that campaign as by his contempt for Hecatagus, the 
 Milesian logographer whose materials he may be employing, a theory 
 often advanced. 
 
 Herodotus continues : "For the Samians saw that there was lack 
 of system and purpose in the Ionian camp and, too, they thought 
 it pretty clear that they could not weaken the king's cause because 
 they knew that whenever the present army should be destroyed 
 another five times its size would take its place" (chapter 13). The 
 Samians should have considered this possibility sometime before this, 
 but Herodotus placidly goes on : "With this pretext, when they saw 
 that the lonians were not apt to be valorous they thought best to 
 preserve their temples and private property" {ibid.). 
 
 The reward for allegiance to Persia is kept well in mind by the 
 Samians, who, according to the reasoning of chapter 10, could they 
 have had their way, would have accepted and had all Ionia accept 
 without more ado the proposals of the great king. This indicates 
 rather clearly that ay voiixowovri is a Samian conception of the situation, 
 too, not solely Herodotean. 
 
 The narrative continues : ^aces, who advised this, was the son 
 of Syloson, son of ^aces, and while tyrannos of Samos had been 
 deprived of his office by the Milesian Aristagoras, as had happened 
 to all other tyrants in Ionia. When the Phoenicians sailed up for 
 the attack the lonians also brought their ships into line. But as 
 they approached and the battle began, from that moment it cannot 
 be said truly* which of the lonians were cowards or courageous in 
 the naval battle that followed for they accuse one another; but it is 
 said [Aeyerai, giving a chance for doubt] that the Samians, according 
 to agreement with ^aces, lifted sail and abandoned their position, 
 departing for Samos with the exception of eleven ships whose trier- 
 archs remained and fought, disobeying the strategos. The Samian 
 assembly, because of this exploit, had a stele erected to them as 
 courageous men, inscribed with the names of their fathers and their 
 stele is in the market place" (chapter 14). 
 
 Here Herodotus is compelled to show the evidence, which, by its 
 very nature tribute to eleven loyal trierarchs convicts the others. 
 
 * Herodotus avoids responsibility for the trutll of the common tradition 
 that the Samians showed treachery and tries to indicate that he has not 
 safe evidence against them. 
 
The Samos of Herodotus. 21 
 
 Perhaps tlie historian wished to show that there was a faction that 
 appreciated those who did "stay by the ship." 
 
 Herodotus relates that when the Lesbians saw the conduct of those 
 next to them, they did as the Samians had done, and so "the majority 
 of the lonians, too, acted in the very same way" (chapter 14). 
 Herodotus supposes, no doubt, that such a statement points out that 
 the Samians were not worse than the rest of the lonians. w? 8c koI ol 
 7rXevve<s tmv 'Iwvwi/ eTroUvv ra avTa ravra indicates nothing as to time, 
 which might be synchronous with the act of Samians. 
 
 Pretty clear proof, however, that the Samians could not be exon- 
 erated from the general tradition of treachery comes from Herodotus 
 himself (Bk. VI, chapter 25), in which he states that the Samians 
 alone were exempt from the destruction of their citie.s and temples. 
 That the Samians could preserve their temples by joining the Persian 
 cause may have been justification for their conduct in the mind of 
 Herodotus, though he does not say so, but seeks, rather, to pretend 
 the tradition obscure which indicates Samian treachery. Thus, as 
 a whole, the story of the Ionian Pevolt shows Herodotus in his 
 worst attack of partiality in dealing with the Samians. 
 
 (4.) The Samians at Mycale. 
 
 A trifle of the same tenor which characterized the story of the 
 Ionian Kevolt is -repeated in the narrative of the Samian role in 
 the campaign of Mycale (IX, 90 ff.). 
 
 While the Greek fleet was under command of the Lacedaemonian 
 Leutychides at Delos, messengers sent by Samians without the knowl- 
 edge of the tyrant or the Persians, came begging the lonians to 
 revolt from the Persians, on the ground that the Persian ships were 
 not very seaworthy and could not contend with the Greeks. They 
 promised to stay as hostages if the Greeks suspected them of getting 
 their support with treacherous purpose. The Samians were received 
 into the alliance and gave pledges of allegiance to the Hellenes. 
 
 The Greeks accordingly brought their ships from Delos to Samos, 
 where the Persian fleet had been wintering. The Persians at once 
 deprived the Samians of their arms, suspecting them to be shaping 
 the policy of the Greeks, and because the Samians shortly before 
 had set free and furnished with supplies the Athenian captives taken 
 by Xerxes' soldiers in Attica, to the number of 500. 
 
22 E. E. Cole, 
 
 Herodotus tells us that those Samians who had entered the Persian 
 ranks and been deprived of arms, seeing from the start that the 
 outcome was doubtful, did all they could to aid the Hellenes. 
 
 It must be noted that while Herodotus practically admits a well 
 known reputation for Samian treachery in the speech of the Samian 
 ambassadors, he is anxious to emphasize the fact that their patriotic 
 policy induced the campaign of Mycale, probably the work of the 
 democratic faction. [N'ow that the pendulum is swinging the other 
 way, Herodotus is eager to point out that "the Samians did all 
 they could for the Greeks" (chapter 103), evidently trying to mitigate 
 the treachery at Lade. The vagueness of statement is suspicious and 
 may well be Samian influence attempting to get into the good graces 
 of history. 
 
 Since the Herodotean version of the campaign before Mycaje 
 altogether magnifies that campaign's importance, likewise Athenian 
 prowess, in the series of battles in the Persian war, the attitude of 
 the Samians here may have been emphasized by the historian simply 
 to vindicate them, a motive as probable in his treatment of the 
 campaign of Mycale as his desire to carry the fame of Athenian 
 valor farther than the battle of Platsea. 
 
 Herodotus' bias in favor of Samos seems to be the prejudice one 
 might expect of a native of the island. How are we to account for 
 it if he did not feel a certain fellowship with its residents, a fellow- 
 ship best explained by the supposition that he himself for a time 
 entered into their life and customs ? 
 
III. Herodotus' Use of Miscellaneous Facts and Traditions 
 
 ABOUT Samos. 
 
 (A.) In Comparisons. (1.) Geography. 
 
 Herodotus' interest in stray facts about Samos is revealed by 
 bits of miscellany scattered through, his books, for, in dealing with 
 subjects which furnish him a natural means of comparison, Samos 
 is cited as familiar ground and almost as "second nature"; as in 
 Bk. I, 148, Samos is mentioned to identify the locality of Mycale. 
 
 (2.) Dialect. 
 
 As to the variations in the Ionian dialects (Bk. I, 142), Herodotus 
 notes that "Miletus, Myus and Priene have the same dialect. Dif- 
 fering from these in dialect are the Lydian cities, Ephesus, Colophon, 
 Lebedos, Teos, Clazomense, Phocsea. There are three other Ionian 
 cities, one in Chios, another in Erythrse, which have the same dia- 
 lect, but the city in Samos differs again and the Samians are the 
 only ones to have a dialect by themselves." This statement is not 
 made elsewhere. 
 
 (3.) Measure. 
 
 In a discussion about Egyptian cornfields, Bk. II, 168, Herodotus 
 states that "the Egyptian cornfield is 100 cubits on each side, and 
 the Egyptian chances to be the same as the Samian cubit." Herodo- 
 tus seems somewhat unconscious here of the probability that the 
 Samian cubit may not be more familiar to the Athenian or Pelopon- 
 nesian Greek than the Egyptian cubit, and the manner of stating 
 a well known fact shows to what extent Herodotus had become satu- 
 rated with the life of Samos from which he involuntarily draws for 
 material. 
 
 (4.) Colonies. 
 
 Various statements, incidental and otherwise, show that the 
 Samians were enterprising as traders and eager to colonize. In the 
 majority of cases which treat of their travels abroad references are 
 made to temples and monuments which they erected wherever they 
 
24 E. E. Cole, 
 
 went or to dedications in tlie Samian Herseum as memorials to their 
 enterprises. 
 
 Wherever Samos sent representatives due credit is given and in 
 most cases the fact of a dedicatory offering being put in the Herseum 
 must have suggested to Herodotus the farther development and nar- 
 rative of their commercial history, thus inducing in some instances 
 a more extended story than that which concerned merely the monu- 
 ments themselves. 
 
 {a.) Oasis. 
 
 A peculiar case of giving credit to Samian colonization where credit 
 was not due arises in Bk. Ill, 26, in the story of Cambyses' expedi- 
 tion into Egypt about 525 B. C. Herodotus relates the failure of 
 the expedition against the Ethiopians through starvation ; but "those 
 who had not been sent out against the people of Ammon, when they 
 had set out from Thebes with their guides, appeared at the city pf 
 Oasis, which the Samians possess, those Samians said to be of the 
 tribe of JEschrione, and this is seven days' journey from Thebes, 
 through the desert, and the place in the Greek language is called the 
 island of the blest. When he made a journey from this Oasis 
 through the desert against the Ammonites and they were about half 
 way between them and Oasis, a great wind arose that carried ridges 
 of sand to heap on them and they perished. This is the story of 
 the Ammonites concerning the army." 
 
 Herodotus' treatment of Oasis as a Samian colony seems clearly 
 a fabrication, judging from the phrase "those said to be of the tribe 
 of JEschrione" (no such Samian tribe elsewhere being vouched for) 
 and from the use of Oasis as a proper name, which was contrary 
 to antique Egyptian usage. Furthermore the shifting of the respon- 
 sibility of the whole story upon the shoulders of the Ammonites is 
 suspicious. The only statement foi> which Herodotus appears to be 
 responsible is that the Samians possessed Oasis at this time, of which 
 scholars think there is no proof.* 
 
 * Panofka {Res Samiorum, page 24) is the only writer to credit Oasis as a 
 Samian colony. He explains that the Samians sought and won the favor 
 of the Cyreneans after the 37th Olympiad and thus established the city Oasis 
 because of the natural products in which it excelled. In the 40th Olympiad 
 the Samians probably went there and in the 63rd Olympiad the soldiers of 
 Cambyses n\et them as inhabitants of tliis city. According to Stein (note on 
 III, 26 ) this Oasis is located near ancient Thebes and the city of the same name 
 is in the vicinity of the capital, El Khargeh. 
 
. The Samos of Herodotus. 25 
 
 (h.) Naucratis. 
 
 The Egyptian "logos" which, occupies Bk. II entire indicates in 
 various ways resemblances between Greece and Egypt. Egypt as a 
 rendezvous for the Greek trader receives emphasis. In chapter 178 
 the connection between Greeks and the settlements in Egypt includes 
 the Samians only as a part of the general movement of the merchant 
 class westward, since they are not singled out for special mention and 
 might have been introduced in any case in the story of I^aucratis, 
 which is the nucleus of the narrative. 
 
 Herodotus' treatment of I^aucratis is impartial but important as 
 showing Samian tradition, since he is the only literary authority 
 for Samian occupation and his statement about Samos as well as 
 Miletus is corroborated by the work of excavation in Egypt. 
 
 Herodotus states : "Among other favors shown some of the Greeks, 
 Amasis, while king of Egypt, gave those who came to Egypt the 
 city of I^aucratis to inhabit and to those navigators who did not 
 wish to dwell there he gave places where they might establish altars 
 and precincts for their gods. The greatest, richest and most famous 
 Tefxvo<s was called the Hellenion and was established together by the 
 Ionian cities, Chios, Teos, Phocasa, Clazomense; the Dorian cities 
 Rhodes, Cnidus, Halicarnassus and Phaselis, and the city of the 
 Mytilenians which was the only ^olic member. This was their pre- 
 cinct, while the other cities furnished a protectorate for the Empo- 
 rium, and whatever other cities had any share in it (the protectorate) 
 did so without any claim or right. Besides this the ^ginetans estab- 
 lished a temenos for Zeus, the Samians another for Hera, and the 
 Milesians one for Apollo.'^ 
 
 W. M. Flinders Petrie and Ernest Gardner in 1885-6 identified the 
 city, I^aucratis, with the mound, IvTebireh, to the west of the Canobic 
 branch of the Mle and clearly identified the Great Hellenion, their 
 discovery harmonizing with the statements of Pliny and Herodotus, 
 (l^aukratis, p. 1 ff.) 
 
 Reporting on final excavations at l^aucratis, D. G. Hogarth, 
 H. L. Lorimer and C. C. Edgar (Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1905) 
 note that the north half of the city alone belonged to Greeks and 
 that the Hellenion is to be identified with an enclosed precinct 
 here. The painted pottery all found in this northern part proves 
 the presence of Milesians, Samians and probably Clazomenian 
 elements in the population. 
 
26 . E. E. Cole, 
 
 During the excavations superintended by Petrie and Gardner in 
 1884-5-6 the temple of Apollo erected by Milesians was clearly iden- 
 tified. In the second season of 1885-6 the leading discoveries were 
 the temene of the Samian Hera and Aphrodite. There is nothing 
 in Herodotus' narrative here to indicate that Milesians predominated 
 more than others in the settling of ]^aucratis, although it is the 
 opinion of many that the Milesians took the leading part. Eduard 
 Meyer (II, 417) maintains this to be the impression gained later 
 and that the Milesians had acquired firm foothold since Psammetichus 
 I. He discredits the idea that Strabo (XVII, p. 801), who narrates 
 the founding of the city by Milesians after a naval battle against 
 Inarus, should be taken into consideration as against the Herodotean 
 version. 
 
 The Samians in the Herodotean version are equally prominent 
 with the Milesians and ^ginetans in establishing temene, but, as 
 said above, the passage favors neither Samians nor Milesians to the 
 exclusion of others, the dominant feature being merely that the 
 Greeks generally were given ]^aucratis as a trading-post. Herodotus' 
 partiality to monuments and architecture would perhaps account for 
 this feature of the paragraph. 
 
 In 1885-6 excavations at JSTaucratis discovered a vase dedicated to 
 Aphrodite by Ehoecus, probably the famous Samian architect, who, 
 it is supposed, studied Egyptian models. 
 
 A note on Samos (American J'l Archaeology, 1907, Vol. XI, p. 
 
 84), referring to unpublished sculptures, includes one of ^aces, 
 
 father of Polycrates, the tyrant. It is asserted that "this statue 
 
 1 and the Hera of Samos by comparison with earlier Ionic work show 
 
 X\ the effect of Egyptian art on Milesian artists, after the founding of 
 
 N'aucratis." 
 
 Whether emphasis may be put on the singling out of Milesian 
 artists here is a question, but it is natural to suppose from the 
 phraseology that these statues on Samian subjects were the work of 
 Milesian artists and that Milesian art was the chief art in vogue 
 immediately after settlement of Naucratis, or that ^aucratis was 
 more or less in the hands of Milesian colonists. At any rate Samos 
 has not the first claim to connection with J^aucratis, nor does Herodo- 
 tus claim it. 
 
 Archaeology and Herodotus alone vouch for the connection of Sami- 
 ans with the story of ^aucratis ; but archaeology, as well as Herodo- 
 tus, vouches too for the Milesian share in I^aucratis. The discovery 
 
The Samos of Herodotus. 27 
 
 of statuary of Milesian artists at ^aucratis, showing Egyptian influ- 
 ence, scores for Miletus. Miletus is supported by Pliny and Strabo. 
 The discovery of the Milesian temple to Apollo scores also for Miletus. 
 
 The excavations at ^aucratis in 1885-6, showing a vase of Rhoecus 
 dedicated to Aphrodite (Rhoecus a student of Egyptian models) indi- 
 cates Egyptian influence upon Samos and consequent connection. 
 The discovery of the temple of Hera proves Samian colonial elements, 
 while painted pottery, found in the northern part, scores for "Mile- 
 sian, Samian, and probably Clazomenian elements in the population." 
 
 Herodotus puts no emphasis on Milesian leadership ; in fact, adds 
 the Milesians last in the list of foreigners who flocked to N'aucratis; 
 but the order of the phraseology may be accidental, since the temple 
 to Zeus, by special prominence, is mentioned first, Hera comes next, 
 and Apollo last, as perhaps it should be in a catalogue of heavenly 
 bodies. Hence in the order given are mentioned ^ginetans, Samians, 
 Milesians. However, Herodotus gives Samos its proper place in the 
 enterprise and archaeology has proved his statement. 
 
 (B.) Latent 8amian Influences. 
 
 Many elements which enter the narrative of Herodotus often owe 
 their adoption into the story to influence from a Samian quarter 
 while the story itself may not indicate that such elements are due 
 to a Samian source or tradition. Paragraphs which emanate from 
 themes about Samian colonies or places where Samians have dwelt, 
 such as Perinthos, Crete, I^aucratis, etc., very probably owe their 
 existence to the fact of Samian connection, although on the surface 
 the connection may not be apparent. 
 
 (1.) Rhodopis. 
 
 In his recital of the story of the Greek courtesan, Rhodopis (Bk. 
 II. 134-135), Herodotus speaks with an air of authority, as one abso- 
 lutely sure of his ground, while he calls into question the statements 
 of those who follow a different tradition. He has brought the dis- 
 cussion of Egyptian kings to the reign of Mycerinos, son of Cheops. 
 "Mycerinos," he says, "left a pyramid which some of the Greeks 
 say was that of his concubine, Rhodopis, but they are mistaken. 
 They do not even appear to know who Rhodopis was. She flourished 
 in the time of Amasis but not in the time of this king (Mycerinos) 
 for Rhodopis lived many years after these kings who erected the pyra- 
 
28 E. E. Cole, 
 
 mids. She was a Thracian in race, a slave of ladmon, son of Heplises- 
 topolis, who was a Samian, and fellow slave of ^sop, the fable 
 writer." 
 
 It is thought that the Greeks in Egypt are not so responsible for 
 the idea that Khodopis built a pyramid as the Egyptian, Manetho, 
 who, in his account of the dynasties, confused the woman connected 
 with the pyramid with Mtokris. According to his version, Mtokris 
 possessed the ruddy complexion by which Rhodopis was known and 
 erected the third pyramid, ruling in the sixth dynasty. 
 
 Herodotus' contention is that even if it could be assumed that a 
 woman was connected with a pyramid the woman was not Rhodopis, 
 about whom he is sure of his tradition, viz., Samian. It is held that 
 Herodotus is correct in saying that the pyramid was not erected for 
 a woman, and that Manetho, besides confusing I^itokris with the 
 wrong dynasty, incorrectly attributed the pyramid to a woman, in 
 accordance with a popular story, and further identified Mtokris 
 with the woman of the pyramid and Rhodopis. 
 
 Herodotus states it as a fact that Rhodopis came to Egypt under 
 the protection of Xanthos, the Samian, and was afterward set free 
 by the Mytilenian, Charaxos, brother of Sappho, the poetess. Thus 
 Rhodopis obtained her freedom and remained in Egypt. Becoming 
 particularly attractive, she acquired great wealth for one in her sta- 
 tion, but not to the extent of having such a pyramid erected. 
 
 l^othing is more confidently stated than this, and no hint need be 
 given that it is the statement of one who is sure. It might be natural 
 to question how it happened that Herodotus attributed the error 
 about Rhodopis to Greeks rather than to a native historian. Herodo- 
 
 * According to Hall (Jl. Hellenic Studies, 1904), the pyramid was recorded 
 as built by king Menkaura (Mycerinos) of the fourth dynasty. He supposes 
 that Manetho found two names, Menkara and Niterkara, probably two suc- 
 cessive kings. Taking them for names of one person and confusing the first 
 with Menkauraj the builder of the pyramid, and the second with Queen 
 Nitokris, heroine of Herodotus' tale in Bk. II, 100, Manetho jumped at the 
 conclusion that Menkara Nitokris was the woman of the pyramid and 
 courtesan Rhodopis. Neterkara and Menkara II being two separate kings, 
 the twelve years' reign which Manetho ascribes to Nitokris are doubtless the 
 total of the two reigns. Manetho identified N/rwKpis with Menkara, a com- 
 bination of two names. Nt'rw/cpis being Greek and first occurring in Herodotus, 
 Manetho doubtless took the name from Herodotus, as Nitakerti was not of 
 the usual type of the times and probably identified it with Neterkara of the 
 sixth dynasty. 
 
The Samos of Herodotus. 29 
 
 tus himself was leaning on a very substantial tradition. He might 
 expect Greeks from Samos who were in N'aucratis or other points in 
 Egypt to lean on the same tradition. However, he regards his ver- 
 sion as the true one, for it came from Samos. 
 
 (2.) Satdspes. 
 
 In a geographical note of Bk. TV, chapters 42-3 furnish an example 
 of forcing an anecdote into a context which hardly requires it. The 
 circumnavigation of Libya is the pith of the discussion in 42. The 
 experience of the Phoenicians is recalled and the point in their nar- 
 rative discredited by Herodotus is the fact that when they sailed 
 around Libya toward the I^orth they had the sun on their right. 
 "Thus," he concludes their exploit, "Libya was first known to be 
 circumnavigable ; and then the Carthaginians said that they were 
 the next to circumnavigate it. When Sataspes, son of Teaspes, the 
 Achsemenian, did not circumnavigate Libya, although sent for this 
 purpose, because he feared the length of the voyage and the desert, 
 he came back without accomplishing the feat his mother had enjoined 
 on him," etc., etc. 
 
 Here follows the private history of Sataspes, who was required 
 to circumnavigate Libya as a punishment for misdeeds. Failing in 
 this he was obliged to return and receive the punishment first pre- 
 scribed by Xerxes, crucifixion. As a footnote Herodotus adds: 
 TOVTOv 8e Tov Sarao-Treo? evvovxo'S aTreSpr] e? ^dfiov, CTretre iirvOeTO Taxttrra 
 Tov SecTTrorea TereXevTrjKOTa, c^wi/ ^i^ixara fxeydXa, to. 5a/x.tos dvrjp KarcVxe, 
 TOV kTn(TTaiievo<i to ovvofxa CKiov IttlXtjOoixxill. 
 
 The statement that the eunuch of this Sataspes fled to Samos 
 when he learned that his master was dead follows naturally enough 
 and is as much in order as any part of the story. This in itself 
 hardly indicates Samian influence, but rather source. The conclu- 
 sion that the wealth taken by the eunuch had been seized by a cer- 
 tain Samian whom Herodotus will not betray shows intimacy with 
 the history of different men of Samos, ^kiov iTnXrjOofjuiL, revealing a 
 desire to shield him. The exile of the eunuch made Sataspes' story 
 known to Herodotus, hence the source for the story is clear. 
 
 (3.) Salmoxis and Pythagoras. 
 
 Perhaps the most interesting case of latent Samian influence upon 
 Herodotus is that of chapters 94-5-6 in Bk. TV. Darius is engaged 
 
30 E. E, Cole, 
 
 in the Scythian expedition and has, according to Herodotean tradi- 
 tion, left a great heap of rocks as a memorial of the army. Before 
 arriving at the Danube he conquered the Getse, "the immortals," 
 whom Herodotus designates as the most brave and just of the 
 Thracians. By a rather abrupt digression he traces the Thracian 
 saga of Salmoxis, the god of the Thracians, to whom messages are 
 sent by those chosen to go. 
 
 The one selected by lot is tossed into the air and received upon 
 three javelins and if pierced to death by them is deemed fit to go 
 to Salmoxis with their prayers; if he is not killed in the process 
 he is deemed wicked and another is chosen. Salmoxis is the only 
 Thracian god and they believe that no other god exists but theirs. 
 Here follows an interesting addition to the story of Salmoxis (chapter 
 95): 
 
 W9 Se eyo) TrvvOdvofxaL t<x)v tov '^XXya-irovTOv olKeovTOiv 'EAXt^vwv Kat Hovtov, 
 Tov ^dX/xoitv TOVTOv iovTa dvdpoiirov hovX^vaai iv ^dfxio, SovXevaaL 8e Tlvdayoprj 
 Tw MvTjo-dpxov. ivOevTCv Sc avTov yevofxevov iXevOepov ;)(/or//xaTa KTiqaacrdaL 
 fxeydXa, KTrjcrdfievov 8e dTreXOeiv <s ttjv (j)vtov. are Sk KaKo/3i(ov re eoj/rcov 
 TOiv pr}iKOiv KOL V7ra(f>povcaTep(ov tov ^dXp^oiiV tovtov iTna-rdfJievov BiaLrdv re 
 IdSa Koi rjBea (SaOvrepa rj Kara pi^iKas, ola "FiXXrjcrt re opiXyaavTa kol 
 EXXyjvtov ov t(jo dcrOeveo-TdTw <to<j>l(tt^ Uvdayopr) KaTaa-KevdcraaOai dvSpe(t)va, es 
 TOV 7rav8oKvovTa rwv dfrrcov tovs TrpwTovi kol etxo^covra dvaStSacrKeiv w? ovt 
 avTos ovTe ol avfXTroTac avTov ovTe ol k tovtwv aUl ytvo/xevot dTroOaveovTai, 
 dXX rjqovcTL s )((i)pov TOVTov Lva aUl irepieovTes eiovaL to. TrdvTa dyaOd. 
 
 Salmoxis then digs an underground residence and lives out of 
 the sight of the Thracians for three years, while they mourn him 
 as dead. In the fourth year he appears again to the Thracians. 
 Herodotus says "As for this living underground, I am neutral; but 
 I think Salmoxis lived several years before Pythagoras." 
 
 rwi/ TOV 'EXAiyo-TTovTov oLKeovTiov is a little indefinite as to source. 
 "Those who dwell along the Euxine and the Hellespont" can hardly 
 be sued for libel. However, if one remembers that Perinthus on the 
 European coast of Thrace was a Samian settlement and more than 
 likely was responsible for any story connecting Salmoxis and Samos, 
 the statement, though indefinite, is fairly good evidence for source. 
 
 The reference to Pythagoras is stated as a part of the tradition 
 derived from those Greeks on the Hellespont and Euxine, but some 
 see a vein of personal criticism and almost of irony in this and what 
 follows. A comparison of this passage with one in Bk. II, 123 leads 
 to the theory that Herodotus is not in sympathy with the cult or 
 
The Sanios of Herodotus. 31 
 
 the belief of the Samian Pythagoras, or at least does not care to 
 credit him with founding the school of belief assigned to him. Bk. 
 II, 123 reads : 
 
 TrpwTOt 8e KOL TovSe tov Xoyov AlyvTmoL elal oi ciTrovres, ws avOpwirov if/v)(r} 
 d6dvaT0<; iaTL, tov crwfxaTO^ 8e KaTacfiOtvovTO^ cs aAAo t,wov aUl yLvofxevov iaSvtraL, 
 CTTcav 8e TrdvTa TrepUXOr) rd ;(/otratd Koi tol da\d(T(Tixi kol rd Trerctm, avrts cs 
 dvOp(x)7rov (rCj/xa ytvo/xevov iaSvveL ttjv TrtpirjXvcnv 8e avrfj yivecrOaL iv rpta^L- 
 Xloktl ereat. rovTio tw X6y(o elcrl dl '^XXrjvoiv i)(p^cravTO, dt pikv Trporepov ot 8e 
 v(TTpov, <ji)<s ioLw e(i)VTU)v iovTL ' T(t)v cyoj iSa>? TOL ovvofjuxra ov ypd<f)(i). 
 
 "Early writers" referred to are Pythagoras, the student, and Phere- 
 cydes, of the island of Syros, his teacher, to whom Cicero attributes 
 the first teaching of immortality. The later teachers, according to 
 the usual interpretation, include Empedocles. 
 
 If Herodotus received the tradition of the connection of the myth- 
 ical Salmoxis with a real man, a pupil of Pythagoras in Samos, 
 he is unwilling to show plainly that it is from a Samian source. 
 Whether the sequel comes from Samians in the island 'Or in Perin- 
 thus may not be determined, but the historian seems to avoid even 
 the appearance of having used a Samian source, and disagrees with 
 the sequel besides, preferring to give Pythagoras second place chro- 
 nologically and similar place as a transmigrator of souls, if the 
 reference in Bk. II, 123, is indication of his true feeling. In Bk. 
 TV perhaps he prefers to disguise his source, being Samian, and one 
 which launches a tradition about which he is contemptuous. 
 
 The fact that Choerilus, a Samian poet, on the authority of Dioge- 
 nes Laertius, referred to Thales as the first to teach that the soul is 
 immortal, indicates a tendency in Greek tradition to credit some 
 Greek with this theory. At any rate the Samian colony on the 
 Hellespont is a possible source for this tale. 
 
 (4.) Miltiades at the Bridge. 
 
 The annals of the Philaid family, tending to emphasize the 
 patriotism or prowess of Miltiades, give clue to the Athenian source 
 for most of chapter 137 of Bk. lY, but Samian records as well must 
 be responsible for part of the narrative. It is the famous episode 
 of the lonians being urged by the Scythians to destroy the bridge 
 of Darius before he returned from his expedition and gain their free- 
 dom from Persian tyranny. In the deliberations of the lonians Mil- 
 tiades, an Athenian, urged that they follow the suggestions of the 
 Scythians and free Ionia; but Histiseus, the Milesian, opposed this 
 
30 E. E. Cole, 
 
 in the Scythian expedition and has, according to Herodotean tradi- 
 tion, left a great heap of rocks as a memorial of the army. Before 
 arriving at the Danube he conquered the Getse, "the immortals," 
 whom Herodotus designates as the most brave and just of the 
 Thracians. By a rather abrupt digression he traces the Thracian 
 saga of Salmoxis, the god of the Thracians, to whom messages are 
 sent by those chosen to go. 
 
 The one selected by lot is tossed into the air and received upon 
 three javelins and if pierced to death by them is deemed fit to go 
 to Salmoxis with their prayers; if he is not killed in the process 
 he is deemed wicked and another is chosen. Salmoxis is the only 
 Thracian god and they believe that no other god exists but theirs. 
 Here follows an interesting addition to the story of Salmoxis (chapter 
 95): 
 
 W? 8c Cyo) TTwOdvOfXaL TWV TOV '^\Xy(T7rOVTOV OtKeOVTlOV 'EAX>/VO)V Kol UoVTOVf 
 
 Tov ^aX/xo^tv TOVTOv iovra avOpMirov SovXevcraL iv Sa/Aw, SovXevcrat Se HvOayopy 
 TO) M.vr}(rdp)(Ov. ivdevrev 8c avTov yevofxevov iXevOepov ^rjpxiTa KTyjcraaSai 
 /AcyaXa, KTrjcrdfievov 8c aTTcX^ctv cs tyjv kinvrov. are Be KaKO^ioiv re coi/rwv 
 rwv pr}LKOiv kol V7racf>pov(rTep(i)v tov %d\fxo$LV tovtov iTn(TTdp.evov BtaLrdv re 
 Ia8a KOL rjBea ^aOvrepa rj Kara prJLKa<;, ola "EXXryat' tc ofxtXijaavTa kol 
 EWrjvoiv ov Tw dadeveaTdTU) ao<:f)L(TTrj UvOayoprj KaracTKevdcracrdaL dvSpewva, e? 
 TOV iravSoKcvovTa ra>/ d(rT(ji)v tov<; TrpwTovs kol evw^iovTa di/a8t8a(rKcti/ ws ovTe 
 avTos ovTe ot a-vfXTroTat avTOv ovt ol k tovto)v aUl yLvo/xevoL d7ro6avovTaL, 
 dXX' y]iova-L cs ^((opov tovtov Iva aict Trc/oteovTcs c^ovcri to. Trdvra dyaOd. 
 
 Salmoxis then digs an underground residence and lives out of 
 the sight of the Thracians for three years, while they mourn him 
 as dead. In the fourth year he appears again to the Thracians. 
 Herodotus says "As for this living underground, I am neutral; but 
 I think Salmoxis lived several years before Pythagoras." 
 
 Toiv TOV "EiWrjcnrovTov oikcovtwv is a little indefinite as to source. 
 "Those who dwell along the Euxine and the Hellespont" can hardly 
 be sued for libel. However, if one remembers that Perinthus on the 
 European coast of Thrace was a Samian settlement and more than 
 likely was responsible for any story connecting Salmoxis and Samos, 
 the statement, though indefinite, is fairly good evidence for source. 
 
 The reference to Pythagoras is stated as a part of the tradition 
 derived from those Greeks on the Hellespont and Euxine, but some 
 see a vein of personal criticism and almost of irony in this and what 
 follows. A comparison of this passage with one in Bk. II, 123 leads 
 to the theory that Herodotus is not in sympathy with the cult or 
 
The Samos of Herodotus. 31 
 
 the belief of the Samian Pythagoras, or at least does not care to 
 credit him with founding the school of belief assigned to him. Bk. 
 II, 123 reads : 
 
 TrpOiTOl 8c KCtX TOvhf. TOV XojOV AlyVTTTLOL ClCTl Ot eiTTOVTC?, O)? OLvdpWTTOV /'VYl) 
 
 dOdvaTos ia-TL, tov (T<x)fjiaTO<s Bk KaTa(f>0LvovTO<; is dXXo ^wov aiet yLvo/xevov iaSvcraL, 
 CTreav Bk Trdvra TrepuXOrj to. ^(cpcra'ia /cat ra OaXdaaia kol rd Treretm, avTis is 
 dvOpwTTOV (TiOfUL yivo/xevov ecrSwet Trjv TrepiyXvcnv 8e avrrj yivca-dat kv TpL(T)(L- 
 Xiotcrt crecrt. tovtio tw Xoyw etcrt ot ijXXrjviov e)(^prjcravTO, ot fikv Trporepov ot 8c 
 varepov, ws lono ewvTiov Iovtl ruiv eyw ct8a>9 tol ovvofULTa ov ypa^o). 
 
 ^'Early writers" referred to are Pythagoras, the student, and Phere- 
 cydes, of the island of Syros, his teacher, to whom Cicero attributes 
 the first teaching of immortality. The later teachers, according to 
 the usual interpretation, include Empedocles. 
 
 If Herodotus received the tradition of the connection of the myth- 
 ical Salmoxis with a real man, a pupil of Pythagoras in Samos, 
 he is unwilling to show plainly that it is from a Samian source. 
 Whether the sequel comes from Samians in the island -or in Perin- 
 thus may not be determined, but the historian seems to avoid even 
 the appearance of having used a Samian source, and disagrees with 
 the sequel besides, preferring to give Pythagoras second place chro- 
 nologically and similar place as a transmigrator of souls, if the 
 reference in Bk. II, 123, is indication of his true feeling. In Bk. 
 IV perhaps he prefers to disguise his source, being Samian, and one 
 which launches a tradition about which he is contemptuous. 
 
 The fact that Choerilus, a Samian poet, on the authority of Dioge- 
 nes Laertius, referred to Thales as the first to teach that the soul is 
 immortal, indicates a tendency in Greek tradition to credit some 
 Greek with this theory. At any rate the Samian colony on the 
 Hellespont is a possible source for this tale. 
 
 (4.) Miltiades at the Bridge. 
 
 The annals of the Philaid family, tending to emphasize the 
 patriotism or prowess of Miltiades, give clue to the Athenian source 
 for most of chapter 137 of Bk. TV, but Samian records as well must 
 be responsible for part of the narrative. It is the famous episode 
 of the lonians being urged by the Scythians to destroy the bridge 
 of Darius before he returned from his expedition and gain their free- 
 dom from Persian tyranny. In the deliberations of the lonians Mil- 
 tiades, an Athenian, urged that they follow the suggestions of the 
 Scythians and free Ionia; but Histiaeus, the Milesian, opposed this 
 
34 E. E. Cole, 
 
 porary of Polycrates, of Samos, shows relations between these 
 rulers. 
 
 Arkesilaos became restive under the decisions of Demonax, a Manti- 
 nean, who had been made mediator in accordance with the advice 
 of the Delphic oracle. Some of the special privileges formerly 
 enjoyed by the kings were turned over to the people and Cyrene 
 became subject to a division into three tribes. Arkesilaos demanded 
 the prerogatives of his ancestors, but in his revolutionary movements 
 was worsted and fled to Samos, while his mother, Pheretime, went 
 to Salamis, endeavoring to raise a force to help restore the old 
 order of things at Cyrene. Arkesilaos at Samos levied forces with 
 a view to redistribution of land, pushed a campaign against Cyrene 
 and was successful. 
 
 Traces of the expedition of Polycrates are on coins of Cyrene. 
 Percy Gardner, citing Mueller (I^um. de Fane. Afriqae) thinks that 
 there is no mistake in finding an allusion to this expedition in 
 coins which bear on the one side silphium of Cyrene and the lion's 
 head of Samos, and on the other, the eagle's head of lalysus. The 
 fact, too, that the Samian standard of weight, rarely in use else- 
 where, was adopted by Cyrene and Barca, is brought as witness of 
 close connection. 
 
 N'o conclusion may be reached as to how much of the history 
 of Cyrene may have been transmitted by Arkesilaos to Samos, but 
 it is probable that portions of it may have been received from 
 entirely Samian sources. Perhaps Samian elements entered into 
 parts of the "Libyan Aoyo?" which were too elusive for detection. 
 
 (7.) Samia7i Source for Pmonian Episodes. 
 
 In the history of the gradual advance of the Persian power are 
 included the conquests of Darius' lieutenants in Europe, Megabazos 
 and Otanes. Bk. Y, 1 cites Perinthus as one of the first conquests 
 of Megabazos. 
 
 Perinthus was a Samian colony established about 599 B. C. and 
 rated the most prominent Hellenic city on the north coast of the 
 Propontis, but it is given scarcely any place in Herodotus' narra- 
 tive and appears to be mentioned rather because of the connection 
 of Perinthians with Paeonians, whose relations had not always been 
 very friendly. Looked at from Herodotus' viewpoint the greatest 
 fact in the history of Perinthus seems to be its feud with Paeonia, 
 which assumes some importance in the story but is dropped to make 
 
The Samos of Herodotus. 35 
 
 room for a description of Thrace and its "customs.'^ P^onian 
 features frequently invade tlie story of Book Y, doubtless because of 
 this Perinthian and Pseonian relation, and prevail perhaps on the 
 authority of the Perinthians, who, being of Samian origin, may help 
 to shape the trend of the work here. 
 
 A Pseonian feature which may owe its existence to the influ- 
 ence of the Perinthians is the story in Bk. Y, 12, of the Pgeonian 
 girl who attracted the attention of Darius and thus won favor for 
 her brothers by posing as a model of industry, carrying a jar of 
 water on her head, leading a horse and spinning thread with one 
 hand while walking home. 
 
 One queries whether this local story, applied to Darius, may not 
 have been induced through Perinthian (Samian) sources which were 
 willing to cast a shade of ridicule upon the Pseonians. 
 
 (8.) Otanes' Conquests. 
 
 Samian source for the history of Otanes' conquests preceding the 
 Ionian Kevolt is revealed in chapter 27 of Bk. Y. Otanes had been 
 put in command of forces along the sea when Darius went to Susa, 
 leaving Sardis in charge of Artaphernes. The weird story of the 
 flaying of Sisamnes, the father of Otanes, and consequent succession 
 of Otanes to command, wherein he seized Byzantium, Antandros, 
 Lemnos, Imbros, etc., is concluded by the paragraph : 
 
 ot ix\v Sr] AyjfxvLOL Kal ifJMX^o'avTO ev kol afxyvofxevoL di/a xpovov iKaKioOrjo-av, 
 Tolai Sc Trepieova-L avTW ol Ilcpcrat V7rap)(ov CTrtcrTao-i AvKdprjTOV tov MatavS- 
 piov TOV ^acTiXevaravTO^ '^dfxov dSeA^cov. 
 
 The use of /3ao-iAei;o-avTos raises the query whether this seems more 
 satisfactory to Herodotus than the epithet of Tvpavvo<; for Mseandrius, 
 and whether it denotes influence from a Samian faction. 
 
 (9.) Pythios and the Plane-tree. 
 
 The episode of Pythios, the Lydian, and Xerxes, related in Bk. 
 YII, 27, receives color from a Samian source, but not revealed in 
 Herodotus' text itself. When Xerxes and his army had advanced 
 from the Halys river into Phrygia and Celsene, Pythios, son of Atys, 
 entertained Xerxes and his army with expensive banquets and even 
 showed his willingness to advance funds for the war. Xerxes asked 
 the Persians who the man was and what wealth he possessed. In 
 their reply Herodotus makes them say: "This is he who gave your 
 father Darius the golden plane-tree and grape-vine." 
 
36 E. E. Cole, 
 
 The ^'plane-tree and grape-vine" appear to have been joined 
 together, the grapevine having clusters made from smaragdus, and 
 to have been famous among royal treasures for magnificence and 
 quality of workmanship for several centuries, to the time of Antigo- 
 nas, 316 B. C. (Diodorus, XIX, 47-48), in whose possession it was 
 last heard of. Photius (Biblioth. 612 H.) refers to it as the work 
 of the Samian, Theodorus, and it is supposed by some to have been 
 among the treasures of Crcesus. 
 
 Thus the fact of the Samian Theodorus being the designer accounts 
 for its insertion here, while the story shows that the gifts were 
 too well known to Xerxes to need description ; and that Pythios had 
 given these things to Darius was calculated to serve as a very effec- 
 tive letter of introduction, if playing the host at expensive banquets 
 does not suffice. 
 
 (10.) Salamis. 
 
 How much of the story of the Ionian Revolt, battle of Salamis 
 and Mycale may have been derived from Samian source cannot be 
 determined, but it may not be far-fetched to suppose that a great 
 deal more than is usually supposed came from Samos. 
 
 In the case of Bk. VIII, chapter 85, the reference to Samos is 
 wedged in between a description of the forces before Salamis, the 
 respective positions of Persians and Greeks, and the losses sustained 
 by the Persians as well as their valor, compared with other exploits. 
 
 The paragraph explains itself, although its location seems forced: 
 )((i) fxiv vvv (rv^rwv ovvofxara rpi7)pap^(jiv KaraXi^ai Ta)v veas 'EXXryviSas eAoi^- 
 T(x)v, ^prjfTOfxxiL Sc avToiai ovBev ttXtjv eofii^aTop6<i re rov * Av8poSd/xavTO<s kol 
 ^vXoLKOv Tov 'la-TULiOV, '^afiLcov OLfxcfiOTipoyv. Tovhe Be etvcKa /xepivrjiJiai tovtwv 
 jjLovvwv, OTL (deojJLT^cTTOip fikv Slol tovto TO tpyov ^dfiov irvpoLvvevae KaracxTrj- 
 crdvTOiv To>v Ilep(T<x)v, ^vXaKos 8c evepyerr)^ /8a(nA.OS dvaypdcf>r} kol X^PV 
 iSiDprjOr) TToXXrj. 
 
 It is hardly necessary to emphasize Samian elements here, even 
 if the author states that his motive was the fact that one trierarch 
 was made tyrant while the other received public honor perhaps 
 recorded at Samos. 
 
 In general the passages classed as "Latent Samian Influences" 
 indicate that Herodotus was extraordinarily well acquainted with 
 various features of Samian history or "folk-lore" and that he was 
 thoroughly saturated with the Samian point of view, his entire 
 treatment of Samian affairs being developed from a source, as it 
 were, native to him. 
 
Conclusion. 
 
 Herodotus' Egyptian Booh in Relation to his Treatment of Samos. 
 
 It is known that Herodotus made a sliort visit in Egypt, probably 
 induced by the feeling that there where Grecian colonial inter- 
 ests were increasing and the Athenians had recently supported Ina- 
 rus in the campaign of 459-4 was a rich field for the antiquary 
 and one of special interest at that time to the Greeks. 
 
 A comparison of Herodotus' method of describing Egyptian monu- 
 ments and relating Egyptian history (Bk. II), "the result of a 
 leisurely visit but not of actual residence," with his treatment of 
 Samian monuments and history may strengthen the view that Hero- 
 dotus was once a resident of Samos and was peculiarly influenced by 
 Samian affairs. 
 
 It is interesting to note (1) that Herodotus' treatment of Egyptian 
 monuments differs from his discussion of Samian monuments. His 
 description and statistics of the pyramid erected by Cheops (chap- 
 ters 124-5-6) are much more extended than any of his remarks about 
 Samian monuments. Chapters 130-1-2 are devoted to details about 
 a certain image designed as a tomb and erected by Mycerinus. Facts 
 concerning temples form several paragraphs of chapter 138. Chap- 
 ter 148 reveals a great amount of detail given to the great labyrinth, 
 accounted one of the wonders of the world. Monuments which are 
 unique are given considerable space in 155-6. Facts about the canal, 
 built in the reign of N^echo, fill chapter 158 entire. Any one of these 
 attractions to the traveler has received far more attention from 
 Herodotus than the three great wonders of Samos ; for a terse para- 
 graph upon the great Samian aqueduct is all that the historian 
 offers, while the mole in the harbor and Samian temple to Hera 
 are given much less space than this. 
 
 Since Herodotus claimed in Book III, 60, that the three Samian 
 monuments were "the greatest works of Hellenic genius" the only 
 inference from the array of details about Egyptian monuments is that 
 they were novel and striking to his traveler's eyes, while those of 
 Samos were such an "old story" that details concerning them seemed 
 superfluous a very good indication of extended residence in Samos. 
 
 ^ 
 
38 
 
 E. E. Cole, 
 
 (2) It must be noted also tliat Herodotus' treatment of liis so- 
 called history of Egypt from Menes to Amasis shows little similarity 
 to his treatment of Samian history. The Egyptian material is 
 treated like that in the Scythian, Lydian or any other "logos" of 
 Herodotus. Aside from the names and length of reign of the kings 
 very little history seems to be found, while some striking or fantas- 
 tic tale connected with the kings receives considerable space. In 
 short, legends or topics of mythical nature seem particularly attrac- 
 tive to Herodotus for his Egyptian book. 
 
 There is no indication of intimate knowledge of real matters 
 of Egyptian history (such as in his treatment of the factional ele- 
 ments in Samian affairs), though it is true that in his narrative of 
 the later Egyptian kings who lived a little before the time of 
 Herodotus there is more appearance of dealing with facts, but cer- 
 tainly no such spontaneity of method or tone of familiarity with the 
 under-currents of events as in the Samian material. In fact almost 
 every chapter of Egyptian "history" betrays the expression : "I 
 learned from hearsay"; "I heard" or "I was told by the priests 
 of the temple," indicating rather clearly that Herodotus dare not 
 assume to be authority for his statements. On the other hand, the 
 general current of Samian affairs is given by one statement of fact 
 after another without citation of source and with an air of confi- 
 dence and certainty; not the method of a casual visitor to Samos. 
 
 These considerations may be merged with the statement that 
 Samos often is an object of comparison in Herodotus' treatment 
 of miscellaneous subjects, indicating a constant and unconscious 
 influence of Samian things upon the historian's mind. This is a 
 spontaneity which would be hard to find in the literary character of 
 the book on Egypt. This book is quite systematic, about one half 
 being devoted to the "Land and People," including notes on bounda- 
 ries, the overflowing of the ^ile and causes, sources of the 'Nile, 
 different Egyptian customs, beasts for sacrifice, sacred festivals, an 
 excursus on the Egyptian theory of the origin of the Greek gods 
 and oracles, burial of the dead, animals native to the country, peculi- 
 arities of the people, etc., etc., (statistics which would have appealed 
 to Alexander the Great in his conquest of the world) all arranged 
 with a fair degree of symmetry; but all of it appears to be some- 
 what formal and done with set purpose, just as a modern journalist 
 in an alien country might prepare a certain amount of material 
 on defined topics. In the first half of the book occasionally appear 
 
The Samos 
 
 of TIerotlQiu3:, :,, i !*'.*".'. I '* ' ^^ 
 
 the familiar words : e? Xoyovs 8e iXOiov rolaL Ipeva-c Tov Oeov elpoixrjv etc. 
 (cliapter 44) 5 ravra fjiv vvv tCjv iv @i^^r](rL tpe'tov ^kovov, (chapter 55). 
 In chapter 99 Herodotus states that his narrative up to the sec- 
 ond half springs from his own observation, judgment and inquiry 
 or investigation, laTopir], but the second half will be "a story of Egypt 
 according to what he has heard," i. e., what he has received for the 
 most part from records or priests in the temples. While Samos was 
 to him a natural theme for historical narrative, Egypt apparently 
 was not, the second half of the book also appearing formal, with its 
 list of kings, but with no themes which are spontaneously and almost 
 unconsciously developed, as is much of the Samian material scattered 
 through the nine books, with no attempt at a "Samian logos." 
 
 Erma Eloise Cole. 
 
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