UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES THE ARRANGEMENTS WITH CONSIDERED. SECOND EDITION. LONDON: Printed for JOHN STOCKDALE, OPPOSITE BUKLINGTON HOUSE, PICCADILLY. M,DC,LXXXr. [ Price TWO SHILLINGS,] Intend at Ztationfr's HaU 5242 A 7 THE ARRANGEMENTS, T. H E fpirit of commerce, by making ; the many lefs dependent on the few, gradual- ly overturned the mafly fabrick of the feu- dral conflitutions. The progrefs of this co fpirit has, even in the (hort period of the 2 prefent century, foftened the temper of every European government. And it was the filent prevalence of this fpirit, more per- haps than the avowed operations of delign, which, during late times, prompted fo many requefts on the part of Ireland and dictated fo many grants by Great Britain. That much has been alkcd at different ; times and much has been given will not be A 2 regretted ( 4 ) regretted by thofe, who wifh to fee fellow fubjedts enjoy equal privileges; or by thofc, who value above all things the bleffings of domeflic quiet within a convulfed Empire. It is only to be lamented, that what was at laft done, was not decifively done, on the fair principles of mutual advantage and lading contentment. If we briefly review the reftraints, which had been impofed formerly by our mer- cantile avarice more than by our political jealoufy; if we fhortly coniider the relief which has been given, during the laft feven years, by our apprehenfions, more than by our policy; if we compare the extent of what Ireland actually enjoys with the little that is now withheld; we ihall fee the truth of that regret in the beft light, and probably deter- mine, that there is now nothing in contdi between thefifter kingdoms, which can pof- fibly counter-balance the difagreeablenefs of future altercation, the pleafures of promi- fed concord, and the profit of equal iruiuflry, directed to one common end. Jn ( 5 ) In 1778, which may be regarded as the period of rigour and the beginning of con- ceffion, the produce of Ireland, except wool- lens, cottons, and hats, glafs, hops, gun- powder, and coals, were allowed to be ex-<- portcd * to the Britim Colonies in America, and to the Britim fettlements in Africa. Iron too was permitted, on paying fpecified duties. And foreign manufactures, which had been imported through England into Ireland for her own confnmption, were equally allowed to be tranfported to the fame diilant markets. To enable us to judge of the value of what was then given, or withheld, we ought to recollcvft, that this act only reftored an- cient rights, without conferring new ones. AH this and more might have been lawful-' ly done from the commencement of co- lonization to the epoch of the reftora- tion : All this was permitted to be done, * By 18 Gco. III. ch. 25. But the articles, which \vcre then excepted were allowed by the 20Geo.HI. ch. 10, for opening the Colony Trade. by ( 6 ) by the act of navigation itfelf *. Even the law, which in the firft inftance, excluded Ire- land from the unreftrained trade of our dif- tant dominions, allowed fervants, horfes and victuals to be fent from Ireland to our colo- nies -f-; and to thefe articles linens were ad- ded by the 3 and 4 of An. ch. 8. If we re- flect, that the Irifh exports of proviiions andlinenalone amounted yearly 103,250,0007 while the annual value of the wholeexported products of Ireland was only 3,500,0007 J, we hall not probably think, that many of the reftraints on that efTential rit^ht of o every community, to make the moil of its own advantages, were even then with- drawn. When the embargoes and embarraflments of the war filled up at length the meafure of Ireland's diftrerTes j when the Irifh afked plainly for a free trade as an adequate relief Sec 12 ch. 2. ch. 18. f By 15 ch. 2. ch. 7. J See Mr. Youn-'s tour in Ireland, Apcn. p. 144. from ( 7 ) from commercial burdens, we relinqulmed much, but did not grant a free trade. In 1 779 indeed we had allowed the im- portation of tobacco, being the growth of Ireland, under the like duties and regula- tions as American tobacco, when imported into Britain. A regp.rd to our own manu- factures more than to theirs had induced us at the fame time to grant a bounty on the im- port of Irifli hemp into this kingdom *. But it was not till 1780, that after much delay, without much confederation, we re- ftored to Ireland an equal trade to the Bri- tiih colonies in Africa and America -j-j in- cluding the export of her woollens, which it had been the object cf fo many laws to prevent. We allowed too a direct com- merce between Ireland and the Levant, by per Tons free of the Levant Company. And thegoldandfilvercoins, which the Irifhabfen- tees were fuppofed to have brought into Eng- land were now permitted to be fent back to Ireland f . * By 19 Ceo. III. ^.37. j By 20 Gco. Ill, ch. 10. i For ali which ic? 20 Gco, 111, ch, i2, This This thenisthe amount of what may be cal- led Lord North'sconceflions to Ireland. What- ever difad vantage may have refultedfrom them to Britain he merits the blame : Whatever good flowed from them to Ireland he equally deferves her praife. Certain however it is, that after all Ireland did not enjoy compleat- Jy the plantation trade : For a people, who cannot difpofe of the commodities, which remain after domeftic confumption is fatis- fied, cannot confume at the cheapeft rate ; iince every ultimate difadvantage mutt be confidered by the fupplier both in buying .and felling: Now, Ireland was flill reflrain- ed, by an a<5l* palled only eight years be- fore, from fending out of her own ports tha colony produce to Britain. The domef- tic manufadures of Ireland continued ftill to be loaded with many burdens, and her traffick with foreign countries to be prevent- ed by a thoufand obflrudions. To take away with one hand what is given by the i2Geo.HI. ch.55. ( 9 ) other, can never merit the praife of liberali- ty, however it may be contemned as equally inconfiftent with plain dealing as it is with found policy. Amidil her fubfequent cmbarraffements Ireland thought, what no one who loves freedom will blame her for thinking, that me could manage beft her own affairs her own way. With this view, me afked for a free legiflature; for a parliament over which no other parliament mould be para- mount. And Mr. Fox propofed in 1782, and caufed to be enacted a law * for repeal- ing the ftatute of the 6th of Geo. I. which fecured the dependency of Ireland. But, with all his renown for promptitude and de- cifivenefs he did not grant all that was afked, or at leaft what was regarded in Ireland as effectual to the end. And he once more etfayed his legiflative talents, by carrying through in the fubfequent year, an act -j- for declaring, that the right clamed by the people of Ireland to be bound by laws made in III. ch. 53. f 23 Gco, III. ch. 28. B their their own Parliment, and to have 'all lawfuits decided finally in their own courts, flail be ejla- blifoedfor ever. The declaration made thus to Ireland, tl at your legijlature Jh all in future be free, though a fimple proportion, con- tained many confequences, that were by no means apparent to every one, and that were perhaps not all forefeen, by the author of the Irifh revolution. For,the energy of the Britifh legiflature being thus withdrawn, all Britifh a<5ts of legiflation ceafed to operate in Ireland : Neither reftrictions nor facili- ties, which had flowed from a fountain, that no longer flowed, could any more ad- minifter either good or evil to Ireland. If any mifchief has refulted to Britain from thefe meafures, Mr. Fox merits the blame : whatever benefits have refulted to Ireland he equally merits her commendations. We mall probably find by no long inquiry, that fome advantages and many inconveniencics did refill t from the before mentioned mea- fures y owing to a real want of forefight in the authors of them, and to the confequent want of fyftem, both in the objcft and the means. The ( II ) The change itfelf may have indeed pro- duced fome inconvenience to Ireland firft, and to Britain afterwards. But, it was the inadequatenefs of the inconfiderate modes to the beforementioned ends, which gave rife to the recent difputes and dangers, both commercial and political. Lord North (as we have feen) avowedley opened to Ireland the trade to our Colonies : Mr. Fox virtual- ly extended the Irim commerce with foreign nations : yet, both thefe miniflers left the trade and navigation between the Sifter Kingdoms, which, confidering their rela- tionmipand proximity, ought to be themoft free, obnoxious to many difputes and liable to fome cbftruclions. The Irim naturally inferred, that when a thing is given, all muft necefifarily be given, without which the fame thing cannot be enjoyed. When they found moreover their Portugal trade embar- O raffed, their jealoufy traced up the caufe to the fame temper, which, after pretending to give the whole had only given a part. They feared, that the admitting freely into .Britain without a duty the proviiions of Ire- B 2 hud ( 12 ) land would operate as a tax upon their own confumption. They complained, that the prohibiting by high duties the importation of their woollens and other fluffs intoBritain, while they excluded from their markets foreign goods of the fame kind, mewed a difpoiition to opprefs, without benefitting the oppreflbrs themfelves : and that the al- lowing of drawbacks on the export of Briti/h refined fugars, failcloth and cottons, amount- ed to a tax on their inconfiderable manufac- tures of the lame kind. To quiet thefe complaints, by removing or obviating the chief caufe of them, no provifion feems to have been made either by Lord North, or Mr. Fox ; fince no inquiries were certainly made by either of them into the real ilate of the manufactures of both countries, in order to remove the jealoufies of tradefinen, by putting the manufactures and buiin^ls of all upon an equitable footing; ami by Betting in reiurn fome fccurity for future fat is faction. To the bcforementioned caufcs may be truly icfcrred the deiire of protecting duties and ( '3 ) and equalizing drawbacks, which have been infilled on, together with alfociations of non- importation of Britifh manufactures, which were actually executed with no fmall effect, when legal modes of redrefs had been de- nied. And while Britain began to enjoy all the bleffings of returning peace, Ireland fell back into an abyfs of deeper diffractions, and ieemed ready to feek relief even from the mileries of civil war. The disturbances of Ireland, which thus plainly arofe from large conceffions without previous concert, and from a politive admif- lion of independence without any agreement of future aid, were bequeathed with other fimilar legacies by the late miniflers to the preterit. Of this flate the whole nation felt the unhappinefs, and every one wifhed for an invefligation of the true caufes of thofe diforderSj that effectual remedies might be fought. The willies of the public were doublefs complied with, by much inquiry firfl, and by much confideration afterwards. Were we to judge from actual effects more than from public report, we may infer, that thofe ( H ) thofe perfons who knew befl the affairs of Ireland and were intruded with her inte- refts, have been confulted with regard to the origin of the difeafe as well as to the efficacy of the cure. Of the Irim Paliament it cannot be afTer- ted, as of the American Congrefs, that when oppreiled by their grievances they declined to trace up their fufFerings to the true fource, to avovv their real object, and to point out plainly fuch means as would be fully adequate to the end of removing real diilrefs and preventing after jealoufie ^ To juflify this remark it is unnccefTary to re- capitulate the addreffes of the Iriih Parlia- ment, during the lafl f^ven years. It is fuf- ' O J ficient to mention the F ctulvcs, which were entered into, on the ~th of February, 178^, by the Iriih Commons, with fuch apparent iincerity and zeal, for encour^ing and extend- m? the trade between Great Britain and Ire- V J land, and J or fettling the bitercourfe and cow- mcrce between tbtm en permanent and equit- able principles, in order to promts //-v mutual benefit f 'f both countries* */ *> Whether ( is ) Whether thefe are objects of the higheft importance to the general intereft of the Britifti Empire, what unprejudiced per- fon can doubt? As the Parliamentary Re- folutions of a fitter kingdom, they merit the higheft attention; as propofals directed to the moft ufeful end, they deferve the moil candid difcufiion; and as meafures which lead directly to the peaceful fettlement of a diftracted Empire upon a digefted plan of fyftematic government, thefe propofals ought to be fupported by every wife and good man, were they lefs juft in their prin- ciple and lefs falutary in their means. Though the fpecifick propofals of the Irifli Parliament have been detailed, for the fake of perfpicuity, into ten refolutions, they may be confidered under three diftincT: heads : ift, As they tend to affect our do- medic manufactures ; 2dly, As they will probably enlarge or diminifh the foreign trade of both ; and 3dly, as the public bur- then may be lightened at prefent, or leflened in future, were thefe refolves fubflantially j Adopted. It is propofed to fpeak briefly of each each of thefe points, according to the forc- going arrangement. i. Whether admitting the products and manufactures of the fitter kingdoms mutually in to each other, without paying any other duty than theloweft duty, which maybe paya- ble on importation in either country, except where an internal duty may have already been impofed on the fame article of the importing country, is doubtiefs a queflion of great im- portance, which merits ferious difcuffion. The general propofal plainly is, that the products and manufactures of both king- doms {hall be mutually imported and con- fumed, with as little burthen, and as equally as poiiible. And to this it is objected : ^T/jat the advantage of cheap provt/ions, low ivagcs, and no taxes, mujl enable the Irt/h ma- nufacturer to underjel the Eng///h at every market, not excepting cur own, -particularly in woollens. The objector evidently borrowed his documents from Lord Sheffield's Gb- Jer vat ions on the IrlJJj Trade, without advert- ing, how clearly the noble author hath pro- ved, tbt.it at the time Ireland, on t/jj opening tf ( '7 ) tf her ports for exportation of made an effort to fend the grcatefl quantity to foreign markets, fie Increafed her Imports of woollens from England : That Ireland is hardly in a filiation to agree to t bat propofal > as Gredt Britain could underfell her in mojl manufactures ; fuch is the predominancy of fupreme Jkill, in- duf.ry and capitals, over low priced labour, and comparatively very few taxes.* The queftion then is anfvvered, as far as Lord Sheffield may be allowed to anfwer it< But let us attend to the reafon of the thing. It is unnecefiary on this occafion, to revive the famous controverfy ; Whether a poor country, where raw materials and pro- vifions are cheap, and wages low, canfupplant the trade of a rich manufacturing country, where raw materials and provifions are dear 9 and the price of labour high: This point has been fo decidedly fettled in favour of the rich manufa&uring country by Dean Tucker, that it can be now only brought forward by ignorance, or intereft, or faction. Let C us * Sseobfervations on the Irifli Trade, p, 13, 19. ( '8 ) us -only con fidier die cafe, of two individual -Mianufacturers- fettled in the fame neigh- bourhood, a rich one and a poor one : The rich one, being already poffefled of capital,, credit, and cuftomers, can plainly buy his materials at the cheapeft rate, work them up in the heft manner, becaufe he can give the belt wages to the heft workmen, and difpofe of his finiihed goods more readily r.nd lower than the poor one: If the rich manufacturer employs a capital of . 2000, and' the poor one only . 200,. the rich ma- nufacturer, by gaining ten per Cent, or /, 200 a year, can live comfortably ^ but the poor tradefman mud gain 20 per Cent, or . 40 a year, before he can live nt all : Confequently the rich manufacturer r i7iuft be always able to underlet the poor one 10 per Cent, on every article. Every manufacturer, hov/ever opulent and efta- bli flied he may now be, muft remember the many difficulties he had to encounter in his yourh, when he met his richer neighbour in every inirket, whether in buying his nutcrul-', in employing the molt expcr: workmen, ( '9 ) workmen, or in felling his goods: And Iv6 may recoiled: perhaps with pleafure, that it required a life of patience, attention, and in- duftry, to furmount every difficulty, attend- ing a too powerful competition, and to be- come himfelf rich. A manufacturing town is compofed of iuch individuals, whofe acliv543><>75 in 1754 - 8.914,369 in 1774 - 11,422,115 Yet the Trim linens, amounting to fifteen million of yard?, entered freely into com- petition with the Scots, in the domeftic market, and were entitled to the fame bounties on the exportation. And this feems to be a fair anfvver of the queftion, by actual experiment, the beft of all trials. It * And. Chron, Coin, 2 vol. p, 400-9. ( 3* ) It having in this fatisfaclory manner appeared, that the Britifli manufacturers have nothing to fear from the competition of the Irifh fabricks, it is proper to en- quire, what are the proper manufactures of Ireland, which may be imported into Britain, even as the law now {lands: We fhall immediately find, that linen, and li- nen yarn, bay yarn, cotton yarn, beef, pork, bacon, butter, hydes, calf-fkins, and live cattle, may be imported from Ireland duty free : That woollen cloths, fluffs of filks and cotton rugs, and fringe may be brought in, on paying a duty : And that cheefe, and f\lt, unlefs for mips ufe, are alone pro- hibited. Of the firft clafs, namely, fuch articles as may even now be legally imported, whatever may be their value (and their value amounts to nineteen twentieths of the whole imported goods) there is at pre- fent no difpute, fmcc experience hath deci- ded in their favour. As to the fecond clafs, confiding of wool- len clolhs; of fluffs of filk and cotton > and of t 33 ) . t>F riigs and frizes ; all thefe hiay be imported into Britain, on paying a duty \vhichamounts to a prohibition; the fame articles are admitted into Ireland from Bri- tain on paying a duty of 5 per cent, of the value; and foreign goods of the fame kind are excluded from 1 Ireland by prohibitory duties. It is apparent, that Ireland now may equally prohibit Britifh woollens and admit the foreign, when me can get them cheaper; which anfwers the objection, that ive give every thing and receive nothing in re- turn. True indeed Britain may equally give a preference to foreign linens over the Irifh. But, would fuch a eonteit be for the inte- reft or happinefs of Britain, or of Ireland? The true queftion then is, whether the woollens, cottons, or filks of Ireland, could rival the Britifh in the markets of Britain, were they freely admitted, burdened only with freight and infurance, Cuftoni-houfe fees and factorage, to the amount of 8 or 10 per cent. The general argument, whether the poor country can enter into fuccefsful rivalry with an opulent one, has been already E ditcuilld ( 34- ) difcufTed and plainly decided in favour of* the rich Manufacturing Country. But, to leave no doubt on any one's mind, it is now neceffary to examine the point more minute- ly as to the woollens, filks, and cottons of England and Ireland. The general afpecl of the manufactures of both countries appears to be this The woollens predominate in Britain The linens predominate in Ireland. From the plenty of the raw material and the encou- ragements of the legiflature the woollens of England, at an early epoch, took pofleffion of the country and fo fully occupied the in- duftrious clafTes that it always proved a too powerful competitor to the feebler fabrick of linen, of cotton, and of filk. On the other hand, the linen manufacture of Ire- land, from the convenience of the country and the encouragement of the legiflature has grown up to great magnitude, has fully em- ployed the induftrious clafTes there, how- ever few they may be when compared with the whole people, and continues from it particular advantages to opprefs the filk th < 35 ) the cotton, and woollen. The Irifli wool- lens moreover labour under a confiderable difadvantage peculiar to themfelves. The whole ifland does not produce a fufficient quantity of wool to fupply the demand of the home market. Owing to the public en- couragements to agriculture the great fheep walks of Carlow, Tipperaray, and Rofcom- mon have been converted into tillage. And thus the quantity of wool, which was ori- ginally too little has by this means become lefs. Of confequence the price of wool in Ireland is from 45 to 50 per cent, higher than it is in England, the price being as about ten to fix. In this country the value of the raw material is fuppofed to be about one third of the whole coil of the cloth: In that country the amount of the raw mate- rial is two thirds * of the whole charges of * Mr. A. Young ftates the price of an Irifh ball of Wool, during 1778, in this manner : Combing and fpinning o I o| The Wool 025! Whole coft 036 See much good information on this fubjeft in his Irifli Tour, the Appendix throughout. E 2 ( 36 ) the manufacture. Here then is a natural and permanentdifadvantageattending the woollen manufacture of Ireland, which can never be counter-balanced by the low price of labour, affected as it more and more muft,beby the competitions of linen, filk, and cotton fabrics, lhat are prefied forward in the fame coun- try. Under fuch difadvantages is it likely that the woollens of Ireland can enter into fuccefsful competition with the woollens of England ? If the linens of Ireland did not (as we have feen) deprefs the linens of Scotland, is it reafonable to conclude, that the woollens of Ireland can rival the wool- lens of England, which, notwithftanding the competition of Europe, have rifcn up to a vaft magnitude, fince the commenccm. nt of the pie/snt century; as we may leam more minutely from the fubjchied detail: The .y^iole value of exported woollens, -accorgl- ing to a five years Average, ending with 1705 2 >579>47& Ditro \viih 1775 4,341.942 It is ho\vever fiiid to be afionifiing how Irdarid !?as mcrepfed her iKQ'Men trafa within theft ( 37 ) thefe few years. It is doubtlefs true, that fmce Lord North allowed the export of Irifh wollens to our Colonies, and Mr. Fox laid open the foreign trade of Ireland, (lie has exported thofe woollens openly, which me formerly did fecretly : And me manufactu- res now what fhe always manufactured, poplins and tabinets, which cannot rival England, while England (hall continue not to make them. But, it is an acknowledged fact, that while Ireland has been thus fend- ing her peculiar woollens to foreigners, fhe has imported a greater quantity of Englifli woollens for her own wear. This decifive fact might be fufficiently proved (were any proof wanting) by the fubjoined detail : - Of Britifh woollens cherr- were New Drapery. Old Drapery. imported into Ireland, accord- yds. yds. ing to a feven years average, ending with 1770 3S T 'S4^ 205,662 Ditto according to a five yc,.rs average ending the 25 March 1 7 84, 376,719 316,625 This authentick account ought to outweigh a thoufand arguments and ought therefore to calm every apprehenfion on the fubjeft of woollens. But, of Irifh filks and cottons little has yet been faid, far lefs proved. The Irifli have certainly tried to introduce and fupport thefe manufactures, during the laft twenty years; though without much fuccefs. Had- public boards in Ireland done lefs and pri- vate men been able to do more, the national efforts had been more fuccefsful. It is un- necellary to repeat arguments, which are equally applicable to cotton and filk, as they were before to wollen and linen. And every reafonable perfon will be fooner fatisfied by a fair appeal to facts. With this purpofe the following details are fubmitted to every ones judgement: - There were imported from Manufdc- Raw filk. Ribband. England intolreland, accord- lured filk. ing to a thirteen years average Ib. lb. Ib. cndingwith 1764 15,760 -~ 48,132 27^ Pito with 1777 : S,3co 45>99 1,068 five years 2ver.withMar.i784 19, 164. 41,606 1,588 ( 39 } There were imported into Ireland of Britiih ma- Value of nufafturfd linen, cotton, and filk, according to a feven years average, ending with 1770 16,784 Ditto ending with 1 777 5>2o8 Ditto 5 years ending with March 1784 88,948 The foregoing details by no means exhi- bit the Irim manufactures of cotton and filk in an increafing (late ; though fome, if not all of the five laffc years were a good deal leflened in value by the non-importation agreements of the Irifh populace. It is the laudable object of the late propofals to pre- vent in future all fuch irregular modes of redrefs or fluctuations of Trade, by remov- ing prefent grievances and preventing future ones. We may judge what expectations are formed from the adoption of thefe pro- pofals, by a fact, which is very well under- ilood on Change, that there are confiderable orders for Britifh goods now in the city from Ireland to be executed on the fuppo- fition, that the equity of t-hcfe propoials will enfure their acceptance. Having thus minutely examined the great branches of the trade with Ireland, with- out ( 46 ) Out touching the fmaller ones, it may btf now proper to take a flight but fatisfac- tcry view of our general commerce, vvith Ireland, both before the trim" were allowed to traffick with all the world, and fmce. Value of Value of Exports. Imports. There were exported and imported to and from Eng- land and Ireland, goods va- lued, according to a ten year average, ending with 1776 .1,818,595 'i.03 2 >4j6 Ditto with 1780 1,807,001 1,412,130 Ditto in 1781 1,782,364 1,433,788 in 178* 1,665,531 i,34 8 559 in I /8j 2,161,815 1,499,2^9 Now, what is there in this view of a great fubjec~r, from the cuftom-houfe books, that can difcourage any one ? And the foregoing reafonings and authentic facls, have been 'thus fubmitted to the reader's judgement, to enable him to determine how far the manufactures of Ireland can enter into effectual competition with the fimilar manufactures of Britain, loaded as ( 4' ) as the Irifli mufl come to market, with additional charges, to no fmall amount. 2. It is propofed in the next place to confider, how far the foreign trade of both kingdoms is likely to be affected by the late propofals, were they adopted, as the means of promoting the permanent intereft of both countries. We fhall both morten the enquiry, and n:ore eaiily comprehend the reafoning, if we throw out of the queftion every thing which does not belong to it. The Irifli may now trade with the Bri- tifli Plantations in Africa and America, from Lord North's commercial concef- fions. This point is not difputed. From Mr. Fox's political conceffions, the Irim may regulate and purfue their commerce with foreign powers, as they may think it convenient to themfelves. Of this there can be no doubt. Having in purfuance of this right imported any of the products of Europe, the Irifh may afterwards export fucii products to Britain ; under a decided con- flruclion O f the aft of navigation, and the F cftablifbed ( 42 ) eftablimed practice, fubfequent to fuch decU fion. Of this then there can be no difpute. Under Lord North's conceffions too, the Jri(h may import part of a cargo from the Britim Wefl Indies, and fend forward the other part of it in the fame fhip to Britain. Neither is there any hell tation about thisprac-? tice. What is it then that the Irifh cannot do under the prefent laws ? They cannot it feems import directly the produce of Africa and America into Ireland, and fend it, after being there put on horc, to any Britiih port : This therefore is all that they cannot at prefent lawfully do : And from this re- ftriclion they would dcubtlefs be freed, were thcpropofed regulations adopted. Among the thoufand evils, wherewith the removing of this vexatious rcftraint from a free trade, is faid to be pregnant, the principal one is, That It would overthrow the aft of navigation. V/ere the Iriili pro- pofals to be attended with any fuch con- lequence, it would indeed be a ferious objection to them. But, in order to deter- mine properly, whether this is a valid ob- jection. ( 43 ) - jedtion, or a mere pretence, let us take two diftincl: views of the navigation act; i ft, As its principle and provifions have a tendency to promote the foreign trade and domeftic opulence of the people 3 and 2dly, As its principle and proviftons tend to create many fhips and Tailors, as a nurfery, from which future navies may be manned. As to the firfl view of this important fubject j it need fcarcely be remarked, that Sir Matthew Decker confidered the act of navigation as a mere monopoly, which ought to be removed, to make way for a freer trade. For, he infifted, that by confining the freights to one let of men, namely, Britifh {hipping and failors, imported goods were necerTarily fold dearer, and the products of the country* which were to be fent out, were in the fame manner likely to be purchafed, by the exporter, fo much cheaper. Doctor Adam Smith, has ar- gued the point nearly in the fame manner, without fpeaking fo bluntly. It" foreigners are hindered from coming to fell, tluy can- not always, fays he, afrlrJ to come to b'Ly; bee. .u :c ( 44 ) bee ife, if they come without a cargo, they muft lofe the freight from their own coun- try. By thus dirninimlng the number of fellers, we thereby lefTen the number of buyers, and may in this manner be obliged not only to buy foreign goods dearer, but to fell our own cheaper, than if there was a more perfect freedom of trade. Yet, as defence, continues this judicious writer, is of more importance than riches, the adl: of navigation is perhaps the wifeft of all the commercial regulations of England ; though it is not favourable to foreign commerce, or to the growth of that opulence which may arife from it The reafonings and authority of thefe able writers were placed in this broad light, in order to abate if poffiblc, the confidence of thofe, who expedT: that the monopoly of the freight and factorage created by the ad: of navigation, is to make Britain fuperla- tivcly rich ; and to expofe the raflinefs of any man, who can be fo ill advifed as vehement- ly to maintain* : That The depreciation of landed * Sec Lord Sheffield on the Irifh trade. ( 45 ) landed eftaes f and the ruin offiock holders, and ef public credit, 'would be among the certain conferences of ivhat ? of allowing Britifh fubjeds to fend in Britim ihips, from Ire- land to Britain, any little furplus of American produds, that may remain after the domei- tic confumption- of Ireland may be fatisfied- For this can be the fole efFed of the pro- pofed regulations. The truth then is, that the vaft augmentation of the riches of Britain, duriflg the efHuxion of the laft hundred years, did not arife from the a<3: of navigation, but, in fpite of this law ; which was enacted for a quite different and more valuable purpofe, namely, the naval defence of the country. But, let us inquire a little more minutely- how the propofcd regulation would probably affed the planters, or producers of Weil India goods, in the firft place, and the peo- ple at large, or the confumers in the fecozid place. The monopoly, by which all the pro- duds of the Colonies were retrained for fale to Britifh markets, has been always complained complained of by the planters, becaufe it plainly leflened the price of their fugarsy and other products, by narrowing the mar- ket ; and by excluding confequently a number of buyers. And the planters, as it was natural, conftantly endeavoured to procure a relaxation of the monopoly, and thereby to augment the number of their cuflomers. The consumers were equally injured by the monopoly, whereby they were confined to one fet of fuppliers, by the? exciufion of foreign fugars, which necefla- rily raifed the price. The Weil India plan- ters had the addrefs to procure, in 1738,0- law* for allowing them to fend their fugars to every market in Europe, rft in Britifh built mips, and afterwards in- Britiih owned {hips, for a limited time, which will ex- pire in September J'/Sj. Out of this law Ireland was flill exec r. ted. By thus enlar- ging the markets, and gaining a new fet of cuftomers, it was expected, that the value of the commodity would bs raifed. Under this * 12 (Jeo. 2. ch, ^o. 15 G. 2. ch, 33. iB G. 3. els. 45. ( 47 ) this law, the fugars, which had been fent firft to Hamburgh (for example) might be afterwards fent to PeteHburgh. This too was beneficial to the planter, becaufe he was thereby enabled to try another market. Now, it would have been {till more bene- ficial to have fent the fugars alfo to London, when this great market happened to be the higheft of all, had the law allowed him to do fo. It is worth while to con{ider,~what would be the effect were we to enlarge the before- mentioned law, fo as to enable the Britifli planter to bring his fugars, which he may have fent to foreign ports, from thence to London in Britim hips. If we could pro- vide, by whatever means, that foreign fugars, fhould not mingle with our own, the in- terefl of the planter would by fuch a mea-^ fure be promoted by having another chance, of fale. The intereft of Britifli confumers would be fomething promoted, by having a. greater quantity of goods brought to the do-* meftic market. And the interefl of the public would be alfo promoted by the em- ployment ( 43 ) ployment of a greater number of Britifli iliipping and failors. Add to which, that if evenjorefgn fugars were by this means ming- led with Britifh fugars ; the intereft of the confumers would be ftill more promoted, by lowering a little the price of the com- modity; and the public by the ftill greater number of Britifh mips, which would pro- bably in tins cafe be employed. If it was advantageous to the planter to be permitted to fend his lugar to every port in Europe, [except to thofe of Ireland; he was farely allowed an additional advantage, when the ports of Ireland were alfo opened. If it would be advantageous to the planter, the confurner and the public, to admit Britifli fugars, which had been fent in Britifli fhips to Hamburgh or Peteffburgh to be re-fhip- ped in Britifli mips to Britain; it would be equally advantageous to the planter, to con- fumers, and the public to allow Britifli fu- gars to be fent in BritiPn Ihips from Ireland to Britain; which is the point that was to be proved. Yet, X ( 49 ) Yet, fome of the Weft India planters, though not all of them, have refolved, that allowing their own fugiirs to be re-lhipped in Britim veflels to Britain, after being firft landed in Ireland, would enable the Irim to fmuggle French fugars into Ireland firft and into Britain afterwards. Were this objection founded in probability it would doubtlefs juftify the refolve as to the planters, though the confumers may ftill wilh to get any fu- gars at the cheapeft rate. It ought however to be remembered, that the French govern- ment does not wink at the fending clandef- tincly of fugars from the Weft Indies as they allow brandies to be fent from Dun- kirk. We know, that in order to enforce rigoroufly the monopoly of their own fugars the French have lately feized fome of the vefTels cf the American ftates, which they equally exclude, for attempting a pradice that cannot eaiily be concealed. Let us however fuppofe, that the French gover- nors were to fhut their eyes and the French guard-iliips to retire from their charge, it may be afked, what the Irifli fmuggler can G carry carry to tempt the French planters to fell their fugars clandeflinely ? Irim linens can- not be fold fo cheap in the French iilands as the French linens can, becaufe they are not fo good. Salted provisions may be always bought in open market. And confequently the Irifh fmuggler can carry nothing to the French Well Indies that would purchafe half a lading of fugars, confidering how much they have lately rifen in their price, and bow much delay, rifque, and expence there mil ft be in putting them on board. Let us fuppofe the fmuggled cargo fafely arrived on the Irifh coaft, would the fmug- gler meet with no Cuftom-houfe cutters at lea and no Cuftom-houfe officers on more. Here they would meet with Cuftom-houfe officers as vigilant and faithful, as they are any where to be found, as we might fuppofe from the late feizure of an Eaft India mip, if the fad were not acknowledged by the whole mercantile world. Whether after all this rifque and trouble the fmuggler could undcrfel the fair trader in England, or in ( 5' ) in Ireland, is a point that ought to be con- fidered by both parties. It ought to be moreover remembered, that all this fcene of fmuggling may be at- ed as the law now {lands, perhaps more eali- ly than if all doubts and obftrudtions were removed from legal inter-ccurfe. The ad: of the 12 George III, which is fuppofcd to prohibit the fending of fugars from Ireland, was virtually repealed by Mr. Fox's law of 1783^5 far as it was to operate in Ireland, tho' it continued in force as far as it was to operate in Britain. For any thing therefore, there is in that al (12 George III.) fugars may be cleared from the Cuftom-houie in Ireland ; though they cannot be entered in the Cuf- tom-houfe in Britain: The mip may fail for Britain; but me cannot come into port: ihe may hover in the channel, having a legal clearance on board : and me cannot confe- quently be fcized by the cutters. If a law were to be made on purpofe to furnim oc- cafions to the fmugglers, could any more fa- vourable be given than thofe already given, by the prefent fhite of doubt and diftradion. To remove thefe doubts and diftraftionsis one of of the propofed regulations. If fugars are fometimes fmuggled from the French Weft Indies to the Britifh by the planters, and afterwards (hipped as their own, the planters themfelves ought to look to fuch avaricious practices. Let us aflume then, fince it has been well nigh proved, that to fmuggle fo unwieldy and wafleful an article as fugar, would be impofilblc, we may inquire, if in this cafe, it would be contrary to the intereft of the * grower to allow fuch fugar to be imported in Britiih (nips from Ireland to Britain, af- ter it had been landed in Ireland : If he is a refident planter he can only difpofe of his crop by fale or confignment, fince barter is net prucliied. The Iiifh trader, who knows, that he cannot, after the home market is fupplied, fend the furplus to the beftmarket, cannot afford fo much for the goods, as if he knew that the vent was altogether free. Eve- o ry detriment conftquently, which is thrown in the way of himwhobuys to fell to the con - f iimer, Is a difadvantnge to the producer. And it mull ever be for the benefit of the grower to have many markets and various buyers, in ( S3 ) in order to have the convenience of compe- tition. The planter who does not feel this to be his true intered does not know his in- tereft. On the other hand, if the grower inclines toconfign his fugars, what ought to be his \vifh ? to have his inclinations checked by a monopoly, or left free to range in queft of buyers \ to have all the world before him, or to be confined to a fingle port. The Weft Indians were once confined to this ifland alone for the fale of their fugars. We have read of the moans of the plantations^ on this account. The Weft Indians moaned till they were allowed to fend their fugars almoll to every market in Europe. They moan now, becaufe they are offered another chance, for another market. We have read too of a people, who were offered freedom, yet re- fufed it. Leaving the planters to find out their true interelt in this bufmefs we may be allowed to attend a little to the iriterefts of that re- fpeclable body of men, the Weft India mer- chants. Their intereft in thefe propofals is furely ( 54 ) furely very plain: If the fugars are fent (as by law they now may be) to Ireland, and are there fold to the confumer, the commiffion muft be loft to the Britifh merchants : If fuch fugars mould be thence fent to the bet- ter markets of Britain, the Britim merchants muft neceffarily get the commiffions with the other advantages of the confignment. But it is infifted on behalf of theie very mer- chants by Lord Sheffield, that this method of getting the confignment, (for the noble author is not arguing againft fending the fu- gars directly from the place of their growth to Ireland) would greatly weaken the fecurity, which they have on Weft India eftates for money advanced: That is, in other words, the giving of the traders another chance to get the produce of the eftates into their own poffeflion is to weaken their fecurity. But, pray what is this fame fecurity ? The paper and wax -, or the judgement of law upon breach of contract ; or laft, though not leaft, the mterejl of the planter himfelf to continue his correfpondence, in order by his punctua- lity ( 55 ) lity to engage the merchant to accept his fu- ture bills, and to fend him fupplies, during every feafon : the intereft, which the planter has to tranfinit his produce to the greateft market, rather than to the fmalleft one. On behalf of the whole nation the noble author obje good will. The rejection of thefc propo- lals would lead to il!s that cannot all be fcjnufeen, but would be ail deplored here- New Publications printed for JOHN STOCKDALE, oppofite Burlington Houfe, Piccadilly. I. THE COMMERCIAL RESOLUTIONS of the IRISH PARLIAMENT in their prefent Seffion VINDICATED, to which is added an AUTHENTIC COPY of the RESOLU- TIONS. Price is. II. A SHORT VIEW of the Propofals lately made for the FINAL ADJUSTMENT of the COMMERCIAL SYSTEM between GREAT BRI- TAIN and IRELAND, Price is. III. OBSERVATIONS on the PROPERTIES and EFFECTS of COFFEE, by BENJAMIN MOSELEY, M. D. Price is. 6d. SHAKSPEARE For EXPORTATION, A- Printed from the Text of the late Dr. Samuel Jaknfon, and George Steven', Efq. Price ONLY TWELVE SHILLINGS on taking a Number. STOCKDALE's EDITION O F SHAKSPEARE, 1 H C L U D I N C THE WHOLE OF HIS DRAMATIC WORKS, in one Vol. 8vo. Compiled from VARIOUS COMMENTATORS. To which are prefixed, his LIFZ and WILL. " Nature her pencil to his hand commits, And ihcn in all her forms to thia gieac Matter fits." THIS This Day is publiihcd by JOHN STOCKDALIJ oppofite Burlington-Houfe, Piccadilly. SHAKSPEARE. Printed from the Text of SAMUEL JOHNSON and fcEORGE STEEVENS, Efq. In one large Volume o&avo, On a fine Royal Paper, and embellifiied with a ftnking likenefs of the Author, Price 153. in boards. i 7*. 6d. bound in calf and lettered. 1 8s. elegantly bound in calf and gilt. 195. neatly bound in Ruilia leather, gilt. 1 1. is. beautifully bound in vellum, gilt; il. 55. bound in Morocco, extra. And 3!. 31. bound in tortoifefhell. STOCKDALE's EDITION O F SHAKSPEARE, INCLUDING THE WHOLE 0? HIS DRAMATIC WORKS; Compiled frorfl VARIOUS COMMEN- TATORS. " Nature her pencil to his hand commits, An4 then in all her forms to this great Mafia- fits." ADDRESS BOOKS printed for JOHN STOCKDALE. ADDRESS TO THE P U B LI C r * - i . ^ C i I A new edition; of, JrHAKSTEAREy and an edition- of f fiugular a form as the prefcnt, in which ail his plays are comprehended in one volume, will, perhaps, appear furprif- ing to many readers; but, upon a little reflexion, their fur- prife will, the Editor doubts not, be converted into approba- tion. Much as StiAKSPEARfc has been read" of late years, and largely as the admiration and ftudy of him hare been extend- ed, there is ftill a numerous clals of men to whom he is im- perfetUy known. Many of the middling and lower ranks of the inhabitants of thrs country are cither not acquainted with him at all, excepting by narae, or have only feen a few of his plays, which have accidentally fallen in their way. It is to fupply the wants of theft perfons that the prelcnt Edition is principally undertaken; and it cannot fail of becoming to them a perpetual fource of entertainment and inftruHon. That they will derive the higheft entertainment from it, no one can deny ; for it docs not require any extraordinary tiegrce of knowledge or education to enter into the general fpi- t of SHAKSPEARE. The paffions he dcfcribes are the paf- fions \\hich are felt by every human being; and his wit and humour arc not local, or n fined to the cuftoms of a parti- cular age, but arc fuch as will give pleafurc at all times, and to men of all ranks, from the higheft to the lowcft. But the inftruftion that may he drawn from SnAKSPEARE is equal to the entertainment hich his writings afford. He is the greatcft matter of human nature, and of human life, that, perhaps, ever cxiftcd; fo that we cannot pcrufe his works without having our undcrftandings confiderably en- larged. BefidcstliR, he abounds in occafional maxims and reflections, which arc calculated to make a deep imprcHion upon the mind. There is fcarccly any circumftancc in the common occurrences of the world, on which Ibmcrhing may uot be found peculiarly applicable in SHAKSI-EARE; and at the fame time, better cxprciTcd tlian in any other author. To promote, therefore, knowledge of him, is to contribute to the general improvement. Nor is the utility of the prcfcnt publication confined r perfons of the rank already dcfcribed ; it will be found icr- viceabje to th jr diftant allufions. In fhoit, it has been the Editor's aim omit nothing which may ferve to render SHAKSPEARE 3 ntelligible to every capacity, and to every clafs of readers. Having this view, he cannot avoid exprcfling his hope, that an undertaking, the utility of which is fo apparent, will be encouraged by the public; and his confidence of a favour- able reception is increafed by the confcioufncfs that he is not doing an injury to any one. The fuccefs of the prefcnt volume will not impede the (ale of the larger editions of SHAKSPEARE, which will dill be equally fought for by thole to whom the purchafe of them may be convenient. ,v^ Gentlemen in the Country finding a difficulty in pro- curing the above valuable Work, by dircmlon Kalendar printed for J. STOCKDALE, &c. STOCKDALE's NEW COMPANION to the LON- DON KALENDAR: or COURT AND CH Y RE- GISTER, for the year 1785 : Being a Lift of all Changes in Adminiftration, from the acceflTon of the prefent King, in October 1760, to the prefent time. To which are prefixed, Lifts of the two laft and prefent Parliaments ; ihewing the changes made by the General Elections in 1 780 and 1 784 ; with the Names of the Candidates where the Elections were conteftcc!, and the numbers polled ; alfo the dates when each city and borough firft fent Re- prefentatives to Parliament, the right of election in each lelect place, and the fuppofed number of voters. To this edition is added, a fummary account of the duties of the great Officers of State : a table of the du- ration of the feveral Parliaments, from Henry VII. to the prefent time: a Lift of thofe places which formerly lent Members to Parliament, and now do not ; a Liil of the Deaths of the principal Minifters during the prefent reign. With an APPENDIX, containing the Cafes i,i" controverted Elections, as they lately appeared before feveral Commit- tees ; with their Determination thereupon ; and a complete Index of Names. Price is. 6d. f-ff Be careful to afk for STOCK^AI.K'S New Compa- nion, which may be had Separate, or bound v, iih the Lun- -.. , Receipt J 3 1158 01031 4598 ' II I II II II III ll II M ID I A A 000011 324 1