UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 AT LOS ANGELES
 
 THE 
 ARRANGEMENTS 
 
 WITH 
 
 CONSIDERED. 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for JOHN STOCKDALE, 
 
 OPPOSITE 
 
 BUKLINGTON HOUSE, PICCADILLY. 
 
 M,DC,LXXXr. 
 
 [ Price TWO SHILLINGS,] 
 
 Intend at Ztationfr's HaU 
 
 5242
 
 
 A 7 
 
 THE 
 
 ARRANGEMENTS, 
 
 T. 
 H E fpirit of commerce, by making 
 
 ; the many lefs dependent on the few, gradual- 
 ly overturned the mafly fabrick of the feu- 
 dral conflitutions. The progrefs of this 
 
 co fpirit has, even in the (hort period of the 
 
 2 prefent century, foftened the temper of 
 every European government. And it was 
 the filent prevalence of this fpirit, more per- 
 haps than the avowed operations of delign, 
 which, during late times, prompted fo many 
 requefts on the part of Ireland and dictated 
 fo many grants by Great Britain. 
 
 That much has been alkcd at different 
 
 ; times and much has been given will not be 
 A 2 regretted
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 regretted by thofe, who wifh to fee fellow 
 fubjedts enjoy equal privileges; or by thofc, 
 who value above all things the bleffings of 
 domeflic quiet within a convulfed Empire. 
 It is only to be lamented, that what was at 
 laft done, was not decifively done, on the fair 
 principles of mutual advantage and lading 
 contentment. 
 
 If we briefly review the reftraints, which 
 had been impofed formerly by our mer- 
 cantile avarice more than by our political 
 jealoufy; if we fhortly coniider the relief 
 which has been given, during the laft feven 
 years, by our apprehenfions, more than by 
 our policy; if we compare the extent of what 
 Ireland actually enjoys with the little that is 
 now withheld; we ihall fee the truth of that 
 regret in the beft light, and probably deter- 
 mine, that there is now nothing in contdi 
 between thefifter kingdoms, which can pof- 
 fibly counter-balance the difagreeablenefs of 
 future altercation, the pleafures of promi- 
 fed concord, and the profit of equal iruiuflry, 
 directed to one common end. 
 
 Jn
 
 ( 5 ) 
 
 In 1778, which may be regarded as the 
 period of rigour and the beginning of con- 
 ceffion, the produce of Ireland, except wool- 
 lens, cottons, and hats, glafs, hops, gun- 
 powder, and coals, were allowed to be ex-<- 
 portcd * to the Britim Colonies in America, 
 and to the Britim fettlements in Africa. 
 Iron too was permitted, on paying fpecified 
 duties. And foreign manufactures, which 
 had been imported through England into 
 Ireland for her own confnmption, were 
 equally allowed to be tranfported to the fame 
 diilant markets. 
 
 To enable us to judge of the value of 
 what was then given, or withheld, we ought 
 to recollcvft, that this act only reftored an- 
 cient rights, without conferring new ones. 
 AH this and more might have been lawful-' 
 ly done from the commencement of co- 
 lonization to the epoch of the reftora- 
 tion : All this was permitted to be done, 
 
 * By 18 Gco. III. ch. 25. But the articles, which 
 \vcre then excepted were allowed by the 20Geo.HI. 
 ch. 10, for opening the Colony Trade. 
 
 by
 
 ( 6 ) 
 
 by the act of navigation itfelf *. Even the 
 law, which in the firft inftance, excluded Ire- 
 land from the unreftrained trade of our dif- 
 tant dominions, allowed fervants, horfes and 
 victuals to be fent from Ireland to our colo- 
 nies -f-; and to thefe articles linens were ad- 
 ded by the 3 and 4 of An. ch. 8. If we re- 
 flect, that the Irifh exports of proviiions 
 andlinenalone amounted yearly 103,250,0007 
 while the annual value of the wholeexported 
 products of Ireland was only 3,500,0007 J, 
 we hall not probably think, that many of 
 the reftraints on that efTential rit^ht of 
 
 o 
 
 every community, to make the moil of its 
 own advantages, were even then with- 
 drawn. 
 
 When the embargoes and embarraflments 
 of the war filled up at length the meafure of 
 Ireland's diftrerTes j when the Irifh afked 
 plainly for a free trade as an adequate relief 
 
 Sec 12 ch. 2. ch. 18. 
 
 f By 15 ch. 2. ch. 7. 
 
 J See Mr. Youn-'s tour in Ireland, Apcn. p. 144. 
 
 from
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 from commercial burdens, we relinqulmed 
 much, but did not grant a free trade. 
 
 In 1 779 indeed we had allowed the im- 
 portation of tobacco, being the growth of 
 Ireland, under the like duties and regula- 
 tions as American tobacco, when imported 
 into Britain. A regp.rd to our own manu- 
 factures more than to theirs had induced us 
 at the fame time to grant a bounty on the im- 
 port of Irifli hemp into this kingdom *. 
 
 But it was not till 1780, that after much 
 delay, without much confederation, we re- 
 ftored to Ireland an equal trade to the Bri- 
 tiih colonies in Africa and America -j-j in- 
 cluding the export of her woollens, which 
 it had been the object cf fo many laws to 
 prevent. We allowed too a direct com- 
 merce between Ireland and the Levant, by 
 per Tons free of the Levant Company. And 
 thegoldandfilvercoins, which the Irifhabfen- 
 tees were fuppofed to have brought into Eng- 
 land were now permitted to be fent back to 
 Ireland f . 
 
 * By 19 Ceo. III. ^.37. 
 j By 20 Gco. Ill, ch. 10. 
 i For ali which ic? 20 Gco, 111, ch, i2, 
 
 This
 
 This thenisthe amount of what may be cal- 
 led Lord North'sconceflions to Ireland. What- 
 ever difad vantage may have refultedfrom them 
 to Britain he merits the blame : Whatever 
 good flowed from them to Ireland he equally 
 deferves her praife. Certain however it is, 
 that after all Ireland did not enjoy compleat- 
 Jy the plantation trade : For a people, who 
 cannot difpofe of the commodities, which 
 remain after domeftic confumption is fatis- 
 fied, cannot confume at the cheapeft rate ; 
 iince every ultimate difadvantage mutt be 
 confidered by the fupplier both in buying 
 .and felling: Now, Ireland was flill reflrain- 
 ed, by an a<5l* palled only eight years be- 
 fore, from fending out of her own ports tha 
 colony produce to Britain. The domef- 
 tic manufadures of Ireland continued ftill 
 to be loaded with many burdens, and her 
 traffick with foreign countries to be prevent- 
 ed by a thoufand obflrudions. To take 
 away with one hand what is given by the 
 
 i2Geo.HI. ch.55.
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 other, can never merit the praife of liberali- 
 ty, however it may be contemned as equally 
 inconfiftent with plain dealing as it is with 
 found policy. 
 
 Amidil her fubfequent cmbarraffements 
 Ireland thought, what no one who loves 
 freedom will blame her for thinking, that 
 me could manage beft her own affairs her 
 own way. With this view, me afked for 
 a free legiflature; for a parliament over 
 which no other parliament mould be para- 
 mount. And Mr. Fox propofed in 1782, 
 and caufed to be enacted a law * for repeal- 
 ing the ftatute of the 6th of Geo. I. which 
 fecured the dependency of Ireland. But, 
 with all his renown for promptitude and de- 
 cifivenefs he did not grant all that was afked, 
 or at leaft what was regarded in Ireland as 
 effectual to the end. And he once more 
 etfayed his legiflative talents, by carrying 
 through in the fubfequent year, an act -j- 
 for declaring, that the right clamed by the 
 people of Ireland to be bound by laws made in 
 
 III. ch. 53. f 23 Gco, III. ch. 28. 
 
 B their
 
 their own Parliment, and to have 'all lawfuits 
 decided finally in their own courts, flail be ejla- 
 blifoedfor ever. The declaration made thus 
 to Ireland, tl at your legijlature Jh all in future 
 be free, though a fimple proportion, con- 
 tained many confequences, that were by no 
 means apparent to every one, and that were 
 perhaps not all forefeen, by the author of 
 the Irifh revolution. For,the energy of the 
 Britifh legiflature being thus withdrawn, all 
 Britifh a<5ts of legiflation ceafed to operate 
 in Ireland : Neither reftrictions nor facili- 
 ties, which had flowed from a fountain, 
 that no longer flowed, could any more ad- 
 minifter either good or evil to Ireland. If 
 any mifchief has refulted to Britain from 
 thefe meafures, Mr. Fox merits the blame : 
 whatever benefits have refulted to Ireland 
 he equally merits her commendations. We 
 mall probably find by no long inquiry, that 
 fome advantages and many inconveniencics 
 did refill t from the before mentioned mea- 
 fures y owing to a real want of forefight in 
 the authors of them, and to the confequent 
 want of fyftem, both in the objcft and the 
 means. The
 
 ( II ) 
 
 The change itfelf may have indeed pro- 
 duced fome inconvenience to Ireland firft, 
 and to Britain afterwards. But, it was the 
 inadequatenefs of the inconfiderate modes 
 to the beforementioned ends, which gave 
 rife to the recent difputes and dangers, both 
 commercial and political. Lord North (as 
 we have feen) avowedley opened to Ireland 
 the trade to our Colonies : Mr. Fox virtual- 
 ly extended the Irim commerce with foreign 
 nations : yet, both thefe miniflers left the 
 trade and navigation between the Sifter 
 Kingdoms, which, confidering their rela- 
 tionmipand proximity, ought to be themoft 
 free, obnoxious to many difputes and liable 
 to fome cbftruclions. The Irim naturally 
 inferred, that when a thing is given, all muft 
 necefifarily be given, without which the 
 fame thing cannot be enjoyed. When they 
 found moreover their Portugal trade embar- 
 
 O 
 
 raffed, their jealoufy traced up the caufe to 
 the fame temper, which, after pretending 
 to give the whole had only given a part. 
 They feared, that the admitting freely into 
 
 .Britain without a duty the proviiions of Ire- 
 
 B 2 hud
 
 ( 12 ) 
 
 land would operate as a tax upon their own 
 confumption. They complained, that the 
 prohibiting by high duties the importation 
 of their woollens and other fluffs intoBritain, 
 while they excluded from their markets 
 foreign goods of the fame kind, mewed a 
 difpoiition to opprefs, without benefitting 
 the oppreflbrs themfelves : and that the al- 
 lowing of drawbacks on the export of Briti/h 
 refined fugars, failcloth and cottons, amount- 
 ed to a tax on their inconfiderable manufac- 
 tures of the lame kind. To quiet thefe 
 complaints, by removing or obviating the 
 chief caufe of them, no provifion feems to 
 have been made either by Lord North, or 
 Mr. Fox ; fince no inquiries were certainly 
 made by either of them into the real ilate 
 of the manufactures of both countries, in 
 order to remove the jealoufies of tradefinen, 
 by putting the manufactures and buiin^ls of 
 all upon an equitable footing; ami by 
 Betting in reiurn fome fccurity for future 
 fat is faction. 
 
 To the bcforementioned caufcs may be 
 
 truly icfcrred the deiire of protecting duties 
 
 and
 
 ( '3 ) 
 
 and equalizing drawbacks, which have been 
 infilled on, together with alfociations of non- 
 importation of Britifh manufactures, which 
 were actually executed with no fmall effect, 
 when legal modes of redrefs had been de- 
 nied. And while Britain began to enjoy all 
 the bleffings of returning peace, Ireland fell 
 back into an abyfs of deeper diffractions, and 
 ieemed ready to feek relief even from the 
 mileries of civil war. 
 
 The disturbances of Ireland, which thus 
 plainly arofe from large conceffions without 
 previous concert, and from a politive admif- 
 lion of independence without any agreement 
 of future aid, were bequeathed with other 
 fimilar legacies by the late miniflers to the 
 preterit. Of this flate the whole nation 
 felt the unhappinefs, and every one wifhed 
 for an invefligation of the true caufes of 
 thofe diforderSj that effectual remedies might 
 be fought. The willies of the public were 
 doublefs complied with, by much inquiry 
 firfl, and by much confideration afterwards. 
 Were we to judge from actual effects more 
 than from public report, we may infer, that 
 
 thofe
 
 ( H ) 
 
 thofe perfons who knew befl the affairs of 
 Ireland and were intruded with her inte- 
 refts, have been confulted with regard to 
 the origin of the difeafe as well as to the 
 efficacy of the cure. 
 
 Of the Irim Paliament it cannot be afTer- 
 ted, as of the American Congrefs, that 
 when oppreiled by their grievances they 
 declined to trace up their fufFerings to the 
 true fource, to avovv their real object, and 
 to point out plainly fuch means as would be 
 fully adequate to the end of removing real 
 diilrefs and preventing after jealoufie ^ To 
 juflify this remark it is unnccefTary to re- 
 capitulate the addreffes of the Iriih Parlia- 
 ment, during the lafl f^ven years. It is fuf- 
 
 ' O J 
 
 ficient to mention the F ctulvcs, which were 
 entered into, on the ~th of February, 178^, 
 by the Iriih Commons, with fuch apparent 
 iincerity and zeal, for encour^ing and extend- 
 m? the trade between Great Britain and Ire- 
 
 V J 
 
 land, and J or fettling the bitercourfe and cow- 
 mcrce between tbtm en permanent and equit- 
 able principles, in order to promts //-v mutual 
 benefit f 'f both countries* 
 
 */ *> 
 
 Whether
 
 ( is ) 
 
 Whether thefe are objects of the higheft 
 importance to the general intereft of the 
 Britifti Empire, what unprejudiced per- 
 fon can doubt? As the Parliamentary Re- 
 folutions of a fitter kingdom, they merit the 
 higheft attention; as propofals directed to 
 the moft ufeful end, they deferve the moil 
 candid difcufiion; and as meafures which 
 lead directly to the peaceful fettlement of 
 a diftracted Empire upon a digefted plan 
 of fyftematic government, thefe propofals 
 ought to be fupported by every wife and 
 good man, were they lefs juft in their prin- 
 ciple and lefs falutary in their means. 
 
 Though the fpecifick propofals of the 
 Irifli Parliament have been detailed, for the 
 fake of perfpicuity, into ten refolutions, 
 they may be confidered under three diftincT: 
 heads : ift, As they tend to affect our do- 
 medic manufactures ; 2dly, As they will 
 probably enlarge or diminifh the foreign 
 trade of both ; and 3dly, as the public bur- 
 then may be lightened at prefent, or leflened 
 
 in future, were thefe refolves fubflantially 
 
 j 
 
 Adopted. It is propofed to fpeak briefly of 
 
 each
 
 each of thefe points, according to the forc- 
 going arrangement. 
 
 i. Whether admitting the products and 
 manufactures of the fitter kingdoms mutually 
 in to each other, without paying any other 
 duty than theloweft duty, which maybe paya- 
 ble on importation in either country, except 
 where an internal duty may have already been 
 impofed on the fame article of the importing 
 country, is doubtiefs a queflion of great im- 
 portance, which merits ferious difcuffion. 
 The general propofal plainly is, that the 
 products and manufactures of both king- 
 doms {hall be mutually imported and con- 
 fumed, with as little burthen, and as equally 
 as poiiible. And to this it is objected : 
 ^T/jat the advantage of cheap provt/ions, low 
 ivagcs, and no taxes, mujl enable the Irt/h ma- 
 nufacturer to underjel the Eng///h at every 
 market, not excepting cur own, -particularly in 
 woollens. The objector evidently borrowed 
 his documents from Lord Sheffield's Gb- 
 Jer vat ions on the IrlJJj Trade, without advert- 
 ing, how clearly the noble author hath pro- 
 ved, tbt.it at the time Ireland, on t/jj opening 
 
 tf
 
 ( '7 ) 
 
 tf her ports for exportation of 
 made an effort to fend the grcatefl quantity to 
 foreign markets, fie Increafed her Imports of 
 woollens from England : That Ireland is hardly 
 in a filiation to agree to t bat propofal > as Gredt 
 Britain could underfell her in mojl manufactures ; 
 fuch is the predominancy of fupreme Jkill, in- 
 duf.ry and capitals, over low priced labour, and 
 comparatively very few taxes.* The queftion 
 then is anfvvered, as far as Lord Sheffield 
 may be allowed to anfwer it< 
 
 But let us attend to the reafon of the 
 thing. It is unnecefiary on this occafion, to 
 revive the famous controverfy ; Whether 
 a poor country, where raw materials and pro- 
 vifions are cheap, and wages low, canfupplant 
 the trade of a rich manufacturing country, 
 where raw materials and provifions are dear 9 
 and the price of labour high: This point has 
 been fo decidedly fettled in favour of the rich 
 manufa&uring country by Dean Tucker, 
 that it can be now only brought forward 
 by ignorance, or intereft, or faction. Let 
 
 C us 
 
 * Sseobfervations on the Irifli Trade, p, 13, 19.
 
 ( '8 ) 
 
 us -only con fidier die cafe, of two individual 
 -Mianufacturers- fettled in the fame neigh- 
 bourhood, a rich one and a poor one : The 
 rich one, being already poffefled of capital,, 
 credit, and cuftomers, can plainly buy his 
 materials at the cheapeft rate, work them 
 up in the heft manner, becaufe he can give 
 the belt wages to the heft workmen, and 
 difpofe of his finiihed goods more readily 
 r.nd lower than the poor one: If the rich 
 manufacturer employs a capital of . 2000, 
 and' the poor one only . 200,. the rich ma- 
 nufacturer, by gaining ten per Cent, or 
 /, 200 a year, can live comfortably ^ 
 but the poor tradefman mud gain 20 per 
 Cent, or . 40 a year, before he can live 
 nt all : Confequently the rich manufacturer 
 r i7iuft be always able to underlet the poor 
 one 10 per Cent, on every article. Every 
 manufacturer, hov/ever opulent and efta- 
 bli flied he may now be, muft remember the 
 many difficulties he had to encounter in his 
 yourh, when he met his richer neighbour 
 in every inirket, whether in buying his 
 nutcrul-', in employing the molt expcr: 
 
 workmen,
 
 ( '9 ) 
 
 workmen, or in felling his goods: And Iv6 
 may recoiled: perhaps with pleafure, that it 
 required a life of patience, attention, and in- 
 duftry, to furmount every difficulty, attend- 
 ing a too powerful competition, and to be- 
 come himfelf rich. 
 
 A manufacturing town is compofed of 
 iuch individuals, whofe acliv<e competitions 
 promote the profperity and riches of thei* 
 neighbourhood. A fimilar competition may 
 prevail between a rich manufacturing town 
 and a poor one: But, has Bolton yet over- 
 come Manchefter? Has Roachdale over- 
 powered Leeds? Or, has Walfal eclipfed the 
 fkill, and induftry, and opulence of Bir- 
 mingham ? It is on the other hand known 
 and underftood, that all the little towns, 
 which ftand within a ten miles circle of Man- 
 chefter, Leeds, and Birmingham, are the 
 mere inftruments belonging to thefe capitals 
 of their refpective manufatftures. 
 
 Of fuch towns and villages is a manufactu- 
 
 ring province or kingdom compofed ; who 
 
 may in the fame manner, as a province or 
 
 kingdom, enter into competition with each 
 
 C 2 other
 
 ( 20 ) 
 
 Other. But, has Wales or Scotland, not- 
 withftanding their fuppofed advantages of 
 cheap materials and low-priced labour, yet 
 carried away the Woollen Manufacture from 
 England ? The truth is, England was and 
 is in polTeffion (a point of great confequence. 
 in every thing) of fuperior wealth, which 
 flic had gained, not by war, or by mines of 
 gold andfilver, but by ages of attention and 
 induftry; of ef tab limed credit and extenfive 
 correfpondences; of the fkill and experience, 
 that refulted from all thefe; and of the di- 
 viiion of labour, which naturally takes place 
 in the progrefs of manufacture ; and which 
 enables the workmen not only to labour 
 Skillfully but to fell cheaply. 
 
 Of all thefe advantages Ireland isdoubtlefs 
 in fome degree poflcft. But, the nature of 
 the queftion fuppofes a great inferiority, 
 otherwife there would be no reafon for ap- 
 prehenfion. Of the ftate of Ireland, in ref- 
 pect of lownefs of labour, habits of induilry, 
 cheapnefs of living, and extent of capital, 
 it may be proper however to inquire a 
 little more minutely. 
 
 if
 
 If it is allowed, that there arc two millions 
 and a half of people in Ireland; it will be 
 equally admitted that the two millions are 
 Roman Catholics, and that the half million 
 are Proteftants. The Proteftantsreiide chiefly 
 in the North and are principally employed in, 
 carrying on the Linen Manufactures. It 
 is a remarkable fact in the ceconomy of thefc 
 tradefmen, that each occupies a little farm, 
 which he cultivates in due fsafon, though 
 he may be obliged to flop the loom, in or- 
 der to follow the plough. And his capital 
 and his time are confequently directed to a 
 different employment from his real bufinefs. 
 He is therefore neither fo good a farmer, 
 nor manufadturer, as if he employed his un- 
 divided attention and money to one object. 
 This fact alone evinces, that induilry has 
 not arifen to that ffote of improvement, even 
 among the moft induftrious of the Irifh ma- 
 nufacturers, which reiults from the divilion 
 of labour; confiding as this happy circum- 
 flance does, in the workmen applying at- 
 tentively to one bufinefs only and even fole- 
 ly to one branch of this buiincfs. But, no 
 
 cheapnefs
 
 ( 22 ) 
 
 cheapnefs of labour can ccmpenfate for the 
 before-mentioned diftradtion of employ- 
 ment: And no attention and ikill can enter 
 into conteft for cheapnefs with the ma- 
 chines which have been introduced into 
 England; as we may learn from the decifive 
 fuccefs of the great works for the fpinning 
 of cotton. The price of wages have rifen 
 about one fourth *, during the laft twenty 
 years, in both kingdoms; which remark- 
 able fact fufficiently evinces, that both hold 
 an equal pace in improvements and in 
 wealth. Common labour is little more 
 than one third of what it is in England ; yet 
 it is very extraordinary, that Mafons, Carpen- 
 ters, Thatchers, and fuch artizans mould be 
 paid nearly as much in Ireland as in Eng- 
 land; though it muft be acknowledged, that 
 the wages of manufacture is a good deal 
 lower in Ireland than in England; while the 
 rates of living are in the firft country to the 
 laft as eleven to fourteen. But, in forming 
 fuch eitimates we ou<rht always to confjder 
 
 b 
 
 * Mr. Young's tour, Apen. 
 
 whether
 
 whether fuperior fkill and induftry are not 
 an ample compenfation for higher wages. 
 The common ditcher of Norfolk would be 
 a cheaper labourer at eighteen-pence a day, 
 than the ftouteft Patagonian at two- pence. If 
 Ireland, from whatever caufe, mould in fu- 
 ture advance in her trade and manufactures 
 with quicker fteps than Britain, the price 
 of wages will rife in the fame propor- 
 tion ; becaufe it is not the actual wealth in 
 any country which raifes the value of la- 
 bour; but the greater demand for labour 
 from more frequent employments. The 
 competition, which will foon arife between 
 the linen and woollen manufacturers, between 
 the workers in filk and workers in cotton, 
 mu ft necessarily raife the price of every 
 kind of labour : For, workmen never fail 
 to purfue that bufmefs, which brings them 
 the grcateft wages. Two very important 
 truths ought however never to be forgotten, 
 in forming fuch companions : the general 
 induilry of no people can ever exceed what 
 their capital can employ : no regulation of 
 commerce can any where incre.iie the ouan- 
 
 titv
 
 tity of induftry, beyond what the capital of 
 the country can maintain ; though fuch a 
 regulation may divert the employment of it 
 to a bufinefs lefs advantageous than that to 
 which it would have naturally gone ; feve- 
 ral examples of which may be found in 
 Ireland. 
 
 The foregoing reafonings and facts apply 
 chiefly to the manufacturing proteftants of 
 Ireland. With regard to the great body of 
 the Irim people, the Roman Catholicks, it 
 has been juftly remarked, that the whole 
 tenor of the Irifli law ncccffarily tended not 
 fo much to convert them from their errors, 
 as to bes^ar their fortunes ; to deprefs them. 
 
 OO 1 
 
 by a fenfe of hopelefs penury ; and to render 
 them indolent and inattentive by putting 
 them in conflant remembrance, that they 
 could not better their condition by any ef- 
 forts* But, the prevalence of liberality 
 hath induced the legislatures of both kino;- 
 
 o o 
 
 doms to relax a little in their favour. And 
 the Roman catholicks of Ireland may now 
 take leales, or buy lands, though not even 
 now with the freedom of proteftants. The 
 
 deli re
 
 dcfire of every man to become an owner of a 
 portion of his country is the great realizer 
 of mercantile capital. Whether the late 
 freedom, which has been juftly given to the 
 Roman catholicks, will therefore promote 
 the advantage of agriculture, or theinterefts 
 of manufacture, in Ireland, may admit of 
 fome doubt. A very competent judge has 
 certainly determined * after great inquiry, 
 that money laid out upon the improvement 
 of the unimproved lands of Ireland would 
 yield from fifteen to twenty per cent profit, 
 befides other advantages. jBut, amidft the 
 prefent competitions of the mercantile 
 world, what merchant or manufacturer, can 
 expect to make more then ten per cent, by 
 his bufinefs ? It would however require 
 (according to the fame judge) five pounds 
 Sterling to be expended on every acreEnglifh, 
 amounting to 88,341,136!. to built, fence, 
 drain/plant and improve Ireland, in the fame 
 manner as the face of England is improved. 
 It would require twenty millings an acre 
 more, amounting to above twenty millions, 
 to flock the farms of Ireland, like thofe of 
 
 D Eng- 
 
 * Air, A, Young's Tour in Ireland, Apcnl, p. 20.
 
 England. Here then is a permanent drain, 
 which may carry off the whole accumula- 
 tions of the mercantile capital of Ireland and 
 probably will draw off many of them. Happy 
 for Ireland will it be, if me (hall thus lay 
 out the furplufTes of her flock, in improve- 
 ing her own fields, in preference to the more 
 fplendid and precarious expenditure on Weft 
 India eflates. Nor, is this evil much to be 
 dreaded by the Irifh patriot, or feared by the 
 Englifli partyman. The Irilh Parliament, 
 by giving bounties on the land-carriage of 
 corn to Dublin, have incited a vigorous 
 fpirit of tilhige, though to the diminution 
 indeed of pafturagc and the lofs of manufac- 
 ture. It is iiot likely then that the mercan- 
 tile furpluffes of Iriih flock will foon accu- 
 mulate fufter than thofe of Britifh flock. 
 Were we to fuppofe, what might eafily be 
 proved, that the mercantile capital of Britain 
 is to th j mercantile capital of Irelandas a him-, 
 dred i.- to one : Were we to fuppofe, that the 
 mercantile capitals of bothincreafe with the 
 vigour of compound intereft : It would fu- 
 rely require no deep calculation to prove, 
 
 how
 
 how much fatter the capital of Britain muA 
 necefiarily augment than the capital of 
 Ireland. 
 
 It is neverthelefs faid by fome, and feared 
 by others, that were we to ratify the mutual 
 freedom of manufacture, which the Irifli 
 have propofed, the labour, the {kill, and ca- 
 pital of Britain would emigrate to Ireland. 
 If it be thereby meant, that the mere artifi- 
 cers would retire to Ireland to get lefs wages 
 than they now receive at home, this is fa- 
 rely no probable fuppofition. If it be ima- 
 gined, that the moft fkilful artifans would be 
 tempted by high rewards to manage the ma- 
 nufactures of Ireland and inttruct the igno- 
 rant, this is only faying, that the Irifh will 
 do that hereafter, which they have always 
 done, without perceiveably injuring Britifli 
 fabricks; becaufe in proportion tothecharges 
 of the matter, muft the goods be enhanced 
 to the confumer; and it has been feldom 
 found from experience, that the tradefman, 
 who has been tempted from his native coun- 
 try by high wages, has long preferved his 
 morals. He who aflerts, that mercantile 
 D z capital
 
 ( 28 ) 
 
 capital may eafily be transferred from one 
 country to another, has perhaps no clear 
 conception what mercantile capital is. Cre- 
 dit, and correfpondences, are as much ca- 
 pital as cafh. Every manufacturer may cer- 
 tainly carry off his cafh : But, he cannot tran- 
 fport with him to a ftrange land the good 
 opinion of his neighbours, from which he 
 derived fo many benefits in the purchafe of 
 his raw materials; or the favours of his cuf- 
 tomers, which formed the chief vent for his 
 fmiflicd goods. The Proteftant weavers of 
 Ireland, who ufed to emigrate to America 
 (the Roman Catholics never emigrated) are 
 faid to have carried away large fums of mo- 
 ney; but, they transported nothing elfe: 
 They found themfelves among Grangers, 
 without credit or friends. And they retir- 
 ed into the wildernefs, where they followed 
 the plough, but forgot the loom. He who 
 has made a capital, bypurfuing a particular 
 object will not quit that object to look for 
 another : He who has inherited a capital from 
 the industry of his father will not fend his 
 
 property
 
 ( 29 ) 
 
 property to a place where he does not chufe 
 to refide. And were we to appeal to expe- 
 rience we mould probably be convinced, 
 that no capital having been fent to cut the 
 canals or work the colieries of Ireland, which 
 have fo long languished, notwithstanding 
 public fupport, none will be tranfmitted in 
 future for (imilar purpofes. 
 
 But with regard to the general fubjecT:, 
 a few authentic fadts will be more fa- 
 tisfadlory than a thoufand fpeculations. 
 The linen trade between the fitter king- 
 doms, has, for almofl; a century, exifted in 
 that free and equal ilate, which is now pro- 
 pofed for every ether p^oducl, and manu- 
 facture of both. Yet, Britim linens have 
 flourished notwithflanding the unlimited 
 competition of the Irifh ; as we may infer 
 from thefubjoined details :* 
 
 Imported Re-exported 
 
 According to a 5 years 
 average ending with 1756, 
 there were 31,561,536 yds. 7,524,346yds, 
 
 Ditto ending with 1771, 
 only - - - 24,985,477 8,145,793 
 
 * Reports of the Linen Committee, quoted by Mr. 
 A. You fie, in Pol. Arithmetic, p. 315-16. 
 
 And
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 And thus it appears, that the domefttc 
 nufaclure increafed, by the diminution of 
 the quantity of linen, which was imported, 
 and by the augmentation of the quantity, 
 which was afterwards fent out. A good 
 deal of Britifh linen was fent to Ireland. 
 But, the increafe of the Britifh linens, not- 
 withftanding the Irifh competition, will 
 appear flill plainer, from a fair comparifon 
 of the quantities of Britifh and Trim linens, 
 which have been exported from England, 
 
 Bmifh Linens. Iriih Linens. 
 According to n fevcn years ave- 
 rage, ending with 1755 - 576,373, yd?. 772,24? yds* 
 
 Ditto Ending with 1762 - i,355,2.')6 1.985,825. 
 
 Ditto Ending with 1769 - 2,\.z$,66$ 2,033,414. 
 
 in 1770 - 3,210.506 2,-c7,4!3z 
 
 in 1771 - 4,411,040 3.4^0,22* 
 
 The foregoing detail fliews clearly enough 
 that the Britiih linens have greatly pro- 
 fpered, .though they had the Iri(h for un- 
 reftrained competitors, and even entered 
 into competition with the Irifh in the Irifh 
 markets. And this decifive truth will 
 ftill more plainly appear, from a more mi- 
 nute
 
 ( 3' ) 
 
 nute ftatement of the Scots linen, becaufe 
 Scotland is much more analagous to Ire- 
 land, in her {kill, induflry, and capital, 
 than England. An Act of Parliament was 
 pafTed, in 1727, for encouraging the linen 
 manufacture in Scotland. From that 
 epoch the progrefs of this valuable ma- 
 nufacture has been prodigious, as appears 
 from the fubjoined detail,* 
 
 Yards. 
 Linen {tamped for fle in Scotland according 
 
 to a 5 years average, ending with - 1/33 " 31488,232 
 
 Ditto 1742 - 4.673,3 3 
 
 Four years ending 1751 - 7>543><>75 
 
 in 1754 - 8.914,369 
 
 in 1774 - 11,422,115 
 
 Yet the Trim linens, amounting to fifteen 
 million of yard?, entered freely into com- 
 petition with the Scots, in the domeftic 
 market, and were entitled to the fame 
 bounties on the exportation. And this 
 feems to be a fair anfvver of the queftion, by 
 actual experiment, the beft of all trials. 
 
 It 
 
 * And. Chron, Coin, 2 vol. p, 400-9.
 
 ( 3* ) 
 
 It having in this fatisfaclory manner 
 appeared, that the Britifli manufacturers 
 have nothing to fear from the competition 
 of the Irifh fabricks, it is proper to en- 
 quire, what are the proper manufactures 
 of Ireland, which may be imported into 
 Britain, even as the law now {lands: We 
 fhall immediately find, that linen, and li- 
 nen yarn, bay yarn, cotton yarn, beef, pork, 
 bacon, butter, hydes, calf-fkins, and live 
 cattle, may be imported from Ireland duty 
 free : That woollen cloths, fluffs of filks 
 and cotton rugs, and fringe may be brought 
 in, on paying a duty : And that cheefe, 
 and f\lt, unlefs for mips ufe, are alone pro- 
 hibited. 
 
 Of the firft clafs, namely, fuch articles 
 as may even now be legally imported, 
 whatever may be their value (and their 
 value amounts to nineteen twentieths of 
 the whole imported goods) there is at pre- 
 fent no difpute, fmcc experience hath deci- 
 ded in their favour. 
 
 As to the fecond clafs, confiding of wool- 
 len clolhs; of fluffs of filk and cotton > and 
 
 of
 
 t 33 ) . 
 
 t>F riigs and frizes ; all thefe hiay be 
 imported into Britain, on paying a duty 
 \vhichamounts to a prohibition; the fame 
 articles are admitted into Ireland from Bri- 
 tain on paying a duty of 5 per cent, of the 
 value; and foreign goods of the fame kind 
 are excluded from 1 Ireland by prohibitory 
 duties. It is apparent, that Ireland now 
 may equally prohibit Britifh woollens and 
 admit the foreign, when me can get them 
 cheaper; which anfwers the objection, that 
 ive give every thing and receive nothing in re- 
 turn. True indeed Britain may equally give 
 a preference to foreign linens over the Irifh. 
 But, would fuch a eonteit be for the inte- 
 reft or happinefs of Britain, or of Ireland? 
 The true queftion then is, whether the 
 woollens, cottons, or filks of Ireland, could 
 rival the Britifh in the markets of Britain, 
 were they freely admitted, burdened only 
 with freight and infurance, Cuftoni-houfe 
 fees and factorage, to the amount of 8 or 10 
 per cent. The general argument, whether 
 the poor country can enter into fuccefsful 
 rivalry with an opulent one, has been already 
 
 E ditcuilld
 
 ( 34- ) 
 
 difcufTed and plainly decided in favour of* 
 the rich Manufacturing Country. But, to 
 leave no doubt on any one's mind, it is now 
 neceffary to examine the point more minute- 
 ly as to the woollens, filks, and cottons of 
 England and Ireland. 
 
 The general afpecl of the manufactures 
 of both countries appears to be this The 
 woollens predominate in Britain The 
 linens predominate in Ireland. From the 
 plenty of the raw material and the encou- 
 ragements of the legiflature the woollens of 
 England, at an early epoch, took pofleffion 
 of the country and fo fully occupied the in- 
 duftrious clafTes that it always proved a too 
 powerful competitor to the feebler fabrick 
 of linen, of cotton, and of filk. On the 
 other hand, the linen manufacture of Ire- 
 land, from the convenience of the country 
 and the encouragement of the legiflature has 
 grown up to great magnitude, has fully em- 
 ployed the induftrious clafTes there, how- 
 ever few they may be when compared with 
 the whole people, and continues from it 
 particular advantages to opprefs the filk 
 
 th
 
 < 35 ) 
 
 the cotton, and woollen. The Irifli wool- 
 lens moreover labour under a confiderable 
 difadvantage peculiar to themfelves. The 
 whole ifland does not produce a fufficient 
 quantity of wool to fupply the demand of 
 the home market. Owing to the public en- 
 couragements to agriculture the great fheep 
 walks of Carlow, Tipperaray, and Rofcom- 
 mon have been converted into tillage. And 
 thus the quantity of wool, which was ori- 
 ginally too little has by this means become 
 lefs. Of confequence the price of wool in 
 Ireland is from 45 to 50 per cent, higher 
 than it is in England, the price being as 
 about ten to fix. In this country the value 
 of the raw material is fuppofed to be about 
 one third of the whole coil of the cloth: In 
 that country the amount of the raw mate- 
 rial is two thirds * of the whole charges of 
 
 * Mr. A. Young ftates the price of an Irifh ball of 
 Wool, during 1778, in this manner : 
 
 Combing and fpinning o I o| 
 
 The Wool 025! 
 
 Whole coft 036 
 
 See much good information on this fubjeft in his Irifli 
 Tour, the Appendix throughout. 
 
 E 2
 
 ( 36 ) 
 
 the manufacture. Here then is a natural and 
 permanentdifadvantageattending the woollen 
 manufacture of Ireland, which can never be 
 counter-balanced by the low price of labour, 
 affected as it more and more muft,beby the 
 competitions of linen, filk, and cotton fabrics, 
 lhat are prefied forward in the fame coun- 
 try. Under fuch difadvantages is it likely 
 that the woollens of Ireland can enter into 
 fuccefsful competition with the woollens of 
 England ? If the linens of Ireland did not 
 (as we have feen) deprefs the linens of 
 Scotland, is it reafonable to conclude, that 
 the woollens of Ireland can rival the wool- 
 lens of England, which, notwithftanding the 
 competition of Europe, have rifcn up to a 
 vaft magnitude, fince the commenccm. nt of 
 the pie/snt century; as we may leam more 
 minutely from the fubjchied detail: The 
 .y^iole value of exported woollens, -accorgl- 
 ing to a five years 
 
 Average, ending with 1705 2 >579>47& 
 
 Ditro \viih 1775 4,341.942 
 
 It is ho\vever fiiid to be afionifiing how 
 Irdarid !?as mcrepfed her iKQ'Men trafa within 
 
 theft
 
 ( 37 ) 
 
 thefe few years. It is doubtlefs true, that 
 fmce Lord North allowed the export of Irifh 
 wollens to our Colonies, and Mr. Fox laid 
 open the foreign trade of Ireland, (lie has 
 exported thofe woollens openly, which me 
 formerly did fecretly : And me manufactu- 
 res now what fhe always manufactured, 
 poplins and tabinets, which cannot rival 
 England, while England (hall continue not 
 to make them. But, it is an acknowledged 
 fact, that while Ireland has been thus fend- 
 ing her peculiar woollens to foreigners, fhe 
 has imported a greater quantity of Englifli 
 woollens for her own wear. This decifive 
 fact might be fufficiently proved (were any 
 proof wanting) by the fubjoined detail : - 
 
 Of Britifh woollens cherr- were New Drapery. Old Drapery. 
 
 imported into Ireland, accord- yds. yds. 
 
 ing to a feven years average, 
 
 ending with 1770 3S T 'S4^ 205,662 
 
 Ditto according to a five yc,.rs 
 
 average ending the 25 March 1 7 84, 376,719 316,625 
 
 This authentick account ought to outweigh 
 a thoufand arguments and ought therefore to
 
 calm every apprehenfion on the fubjeft of 
 woollens. 
 
 But, of Irifh filks and cottons little has 
 yet been faid, far lefs proved. The Irifli 
 have certainly tried to introduce and fupport 
 thefe manufactures, during the laft twenty 
 years; though without much fuccefs. Had- 
 public boards in Ireland done lefs and pri- 
 vate men been able to do more, the national 
 efforts had been more fuccefsful. It is un- 
 necellary to repeat arguments, which are 
 equally applicable to cotton and filk, as they 
 were before to wollen and linen. And every 
 reafonable perfon will be fooner fatisfied by 
 a fair appeal to facts. With this purpofe 
 the following details are fubmitted to every 
 ones judgement: - 
 
 There were imported from Manufdc- Raw filk. Ribband. 
 England intolreland, accord- lured filk. 
 ing to a thirteen years average Ib. lb. Ib. 
 
 cndingwith 1764 15,760 -~ 48,132 27^ 
 
 Pito with 1777 : S,3co 45>99 1,068 
 
 five years 2ver.withMar.i784 19, 164. 41,606 1,588
 
 ( 39 } 
 
 There were imported into Ireland of Britiih ma- Value of 
 nufafturfd linen, cotton, and filk, according to a 
 feven years average, ending with 1770 16,784 
 
 Ditto ending with 1 777 5>2o8 
 
 Ditto 5 years ending with March 1784 88,948 
 
 The foregoing details by no means exhi- 
 bit the Irim manufactures of cotton and filk 
 in an increafing (late ; though fome, if not 
 all of the five laffc years were a good deal 
 leflened in value by the non-importation 
 agreements of the Irifh populace. It is the 
 laudable object of the late propofals to pre- 
 vent in future all fuch irregular modes of 
 redrefs or fluctuations of Trade, by remov- 
 ing prefent grievances and preventing future 
 ones. We may judge what expectations 
 are formed from the adoption of thefe pro- 
 pofals, by a fact, which is very well under- 
 ilood on Change, that there are confiderable 
 orders for Britifh goods now in the city 
 from Ireland to be executed on the fuppo- 
 fition, that the equity of t-hcfe propoials 
 will enfure their acceptance. 
 
 Having thus minutely examined the great 
 branches of the trade with Ireland, with- 
 out
 
 ( 46 ) 
 
 Out touching the fmaller ones, it may btf 
 now proper to take a flight but fatisfac- 
 tcry view of our general commerce, vvith 
 Ireland, both before the trim" were allowed 
 to traffick with all the world, and fmce. 
 
 Value of Value of 
 Exports. Imports. 
 There were exported and 
 imported to and from Eng- 
 land and Ireland, goods va- 
 lued, according to a ten 
 
 year average, ending with 1776 .1,818,595 'i.03 2 >4j6 
 Ditto with 1780 1,807,001 1,412,130 
 
 Ditto in 1781 1,782,364 1,433,788 
 
 in 178* 1,665,531 i,34 8 559 
 in I /8j 2,161,815 1,499,2^9 
 
 Now, what is there in this view of a 
 great fubjec~r, from the cuftom-houfe books, 
 that can difcourage any one ? And the 
 foregoing reafonings and authentic facls, 
 have been 'thus fubmitted to the reader's 
 judgement, to enable him to determine 
 how far the manufactures of Ireland can 
 enter into effectual competition with the 
 fimilar manufactures of Britain, loaded 
 
 as
 
 ( 4' ) 
 
 as the Irifli mufl come to market, with 
 additional charges, to no fmall amount. 
 
 2. It is propofed in the next place to 
 confider, how far the foreign trade of both 
 kingdoms is likely to be affected by the 
 late propofals, were they adopted, as the 
 means of promoting the permanent intereft 
 of both countries. 
 
 We fhall both morten the enquiry, and 
 n:ore eaiily comprehend the reafoning, if we 
 throw out of the queftion every thing 
 which does not belong to it. 
 
 The Irifli may now trade with the Bri- 
 tifli Plantations in Africa and America, 
 from Lord North's commercial concef- 
 fions. This point is not difputed. From 
 Mr. Fox's political conceffions, the Irim 
 may regulate and purfue their commerce 
 with foreign powers, as they may think it 
 convenient to themfelves. Of this there 
 can be no doubt. Having in purfuance of 
 this right imported any of the products of 
 Europe, the Irifh may afterwards export fucii 
 products to Britain ; under a decided con- 
 flruclion O f the aft of navigation, and the 
 
 F cftablifbed
 
 ( 42 ) 
 
 eftablimed practice, fubfequent to fuch decU 
 fion. Of this then there can be no difpute. 
 Under Lord North's conceffions too, the 
 Jri(h may import part of a cargo from the 
 Britim Wefl Indies, and fend forward the 
 other part of it in the fame fhip to Britain. 
 Neither is there any hell tation about thisprac-? 
 tice. What is it then that the Irifh cannot do 
 under the prefent laws ? They cannot it 
 feems import directly the produce of Africa 
 and America into Ireland, and fend it, after 
 being there put on horc, to any Britiih port : 
 This therefore is all that they cannot at 
 prefent lawfully do : And from this re- 
 ftriclion they would dcubtlefs be freed, 
 were thcpropofed regulations adopted. 
 
 Among the thoufand evils, wherewith 
 the removing of this vexatious rcftraint from 
 a free trade, is faid to be pregnant, the 
 principal one is, That It would overthrow 
 the aft of navigation. V/ere the Iriili pro- 
 pofals to be attended with any fuch con- 
 lequence, it would indeed be a ferious 
 objection to them. But, in order to deter- 
 mine properly, whether this is a valid ob- 
 jection.
 
 ( 43 ) - 
 
 jedtion, or a mere pretence, let us take 
 two diftincl: views of the navigation act; 
 i ft, As its principle and provifions have a 
 tendency to promote the foreign trade and 
 domeftic opulence of the people 3 and 2dly, 
 As its principle and proviftons tend to 
 create many fhips and Tailors, as a nurfery, 
 from which future navies may be manned. 
 
 As to the firfl view of this important 
 fubject j it need fcarcely be remarked, that 
 Sir Matthew Decker confidered the act of 
 navigation as a mere monopoly, which ought 
 to be removed, to make way for a freer 
 trade. For, he infifted, that by confining 
 the freights to one let of men, namely, 
 Britifh {hipping and failors, imported 
 goods were necerTarily fold dearer, and the 
 products of the country* which were to 
 be fent out, were in the fame manner likely 
 to be purchafed, by the exporter, fo much 
 cheaper. Doctor Adam Smith, has ar- 
 gued the point nearly in the fame manner, 
 without fpeaking fo bluntly. It" foreigners 
 are hindered from coming to fell, tluy can- 
 not always, fays he, afrlrJ to come to b'Ly; 
 
 bee. .u :c
 
 ( 44 ) 
 
 bee ife, if they come without a cargo, they 
 muft lofe the freight from their own coun- 
 try. By thus dirninimlng the number of 
 fellers, we thereby lefTen the number of 
 buyers, and may in this manner be obliged 
 not only to buy foreign goods dearer, but 
 to fell our own cheaper, than if there was 
 a more perfect freedom of trade. Yet, as 
 defence, continues this judicious writer, is 
 of more importance than riches, the adl: of 
 navigation is perhaps the wifeft of all the 
 commercial regulations of England ; though 
 it is not favourable to foreign commerce, or to 
 the growth of that opulence which may arife 
 from it 
 
 The reafonings and authority of thefe able 
 writers were placed in this broad light, in 
 order to abate if poffiblc, the confidence of 
 thofe, who expedT: that the monopoly of 
 the freight and factorage created by the ad: 
 of navigation, is to make Britain fuperla- 
 tivcly rich ; and to expofe the raflinefs of any 
 man, who can be fo ill advifed as vehement- 
 ly to maintain* : That The depreciation of 
 
 landed 
 * Sec Lord Sheffield on the Irifh trade.
 
 ( 45 ) 
 
 landed eftaes f and the ruin offiock holders, and 
 ef public credit, 'would be among the certain 
 conferences of ivhat ? of allowing Britifh 
 fubjeds to fend in Britim ihips, from Ire- 
 land to Britain, any little furplus of American 
 produds, that may remain after the domei- 
 tic confumption- of Ireland may be fatisfied- 
 For this can be the fole efFed of the pro- 
 pofed regulations. The truth then is, that 
 the vaft augmentation of the riches of 
 Britain, duriflg the efHuxion of the laft 
 hundred years, did not arife from the a<3: 
 of navigation, but, in fpite of this law ; 
 which was enacted for a quite different 
 and more valuable purpofe, namely, the 
 naval defence of the country. 
 
 But, let us inquire a little more minutely- 
 how the propofcd regulation would probably 
 affed the planters, or producers of Weil 
 India goods, in the firft place, and the peo- 
 ple at large, or the confumers in the fecozid 
 place. 
 
 The monopoly, by which all the pro- 
 duds of the Colonies were retrained for 
 fale to Britifh markets, has been always 
 
 complained
 
 complained of by the planters, becaufe it 
 plainly leflened the price of their fugarsy 
 and other products, by narrowing the mar- 
 ket ; and by excluding confequently a 
 number of buyers. And the planters, as 
 it was natural, conftantly endeavoured to 
 procure a relaxation of the monopoly, and 
 thereby to augment the number of their 
 cuflomers. The consumers were equally 
 injured by the monopoly, whereby they 
 were confined to one fet of fuppliers, by the? 
 exciufion of foreign fugars, which necefla- 
 rily raifed the price. The Weil India plan- 
 ters had the addrefs to procure, in 1738,0- 
 law* for allowing them to fend their fugars 
 to every market in Europe, rft in Britifh 
 built mips, and afterwards in- Britiih owned 
 {hips, for a limited time, which will ex- 
 pire in September J'/Sj. Out of this law 
 Ireland was flill exec r. ted. By thus enlar- 
 ging the markets, and gaining a new fet of 
 cuftomers, it was expected, that the value 
 of the commodity would bs raifed. Under 
 
 this 
 
 * 12 (Jeo. 2. ch, ^o. 15 G. 2. ch, 33. iB G. 3. els. 45.
 
 ( 47 ) 
 
 this law, the fugars, which had been fent 
 firft to Hamburgh (for example) might be 
 afterwards fent to PeteHburgh. This too 
 was beneficial to the planter, becaufe he 
 was thereby enabled to try another market. 
 Now, it would have been {till more bene- 
 ficial to have fent the fugars alfo to London, 
 when this great market happened to be the 
 higheft of all, had the law allowed him to 
 do fo. 
 
 It is worth while to con{ider,~what would 
 be the effect were we to enlarge the before- 
 mentioned law, fo as to enable the Britifli 
 planter to bring his fugars, which he may 
 have fent to foreign ports, from thence to 
 London in Britim hips. If we could pro- 
 vide, by whatever means, that foreign fugars, 
 fhould not mingle with our own, the in- 
 terefl of the planter would by fuch a mea-^ 
 fure be promoted by having another chance, 
 of fale. The intereft of Britifli confumers 
 would be fomething promoted, by having a. 
 greater quantity of goods brought to the do-* 
 meftic market. And the interefl of the 
 public would be alfo promoted by the em- 
 ployment
 
 ( 43 ) 
 
 ployment of a greater number of Britifli 
 iliipping and failors. Add to which, that if 
 evenjorefgn fugars were by this means ming- 
 led with Britifh fugars ; the intereft of the 
 confumers would be ftill more promoted, 
 by lowering a little the price of the com- 
 modity; and the public by the ftill greater 
 number of Britifh mips, which would pro- 
 bably in tins cafe be employed. 
 
 If it was advantageous to the planter to be 
 permitted to fend his lugar to every port in 
 Europe, [except to thofe of Ireland; he was 
 farely allowed an additional advantage, when 
 the ports of Ireland were alfo opened. If 
 it would be advantageous to the planter, the 
 confurner and the public, to admit Britifli 
 fugars, which had been fent in Britifli fhips 
 to Hamburgh or Peteffburgh to be re-fhip- 
 ped in Britifli mips to Britain; it would be 
 equally advantageous to the planter, to con- 
 fumers, and the public to allow Britifli fu- 
 gars to be fent in BritiPn Ihips from Ireland 
 to Britain; which is the point that was to 
 be proved. 
 
 Yet,
 
 X 
 
 ( 49 ) 
 
 Yet, fome of the Weft India planters, 
 though not all of them, have refolved, that 
 allowing their own fugiirs to be re-lhipped 
 in Britim veflels to Britain, after being firft 
 landed in Ireland, would enable the Irim to 
 fmuggle French fugars into Ireland firft and 
 into Britain afterwards. Were this objection 
 founded in probability it would doubtlefs 
 juftify the refolve as to the planters, though 
 the confumers may ftill wilh to get any fu- 
 gars at the cheapeft rate. It ought however 
 to be remembered, that the French govern- 
 ment does not wink at the fending clandef- 
 tincly of fugars from the Weft Indies as 
 they allow brandies to be fent from Dun- 
 kirk. We know, that in order to enforce 
 rigoroufly the monopoly of their own fugars 
 the French have lately feized fome of the 
 vefTels cf the American ftates, which they 
 equally exclude, for attempting a pradice 
 that cannot eaiily be concealed. Let us 
 however fuppofe, that the French gover- 
 nors were to fhut their eyes and the French 
 guard-iliips to retire from their charge, it 
 may be afked, what the Irifli fmuggler can 
 
 G carry
 
 carry to tempt the French planters to fell 
 their fugars clandeflinely ? Irim linens can- 
 not be fold fo cheap in the French iilands as 
 the French linens can, becaufe they are not 
 fo good. Salted provisions may be always 
 bought in open market. And confequently 
 the Irifh fmuggler can carry nothing to the 
 French Well Indies that would purchafe 
 half a lading of fugars, confidering how 
 much they have lately rifen in their price, 
 and bow much delay, rifque, and expence 
 there mil ft be in putting them on board. 
 Let us fuppofe the fmuggled cargo fafely 
 arrived on the Irifh coaft, would the fmug- 
 gler meet with no Cuftom-houfe cutters at 
 lea and no Cuftom-houfe officers on more. 
 Here they would meet with Cuftom-houfe 
 officers as vigilant and faithful, as they are 
 any where to be found, as we might fuppofe 
 from the late feizure of an Eaft India mip, 
 if the fad were not acknowledged by the 
 whole mercantile world. Whether after 
 all this rifque and trouble the fmuggler 
 could undcrfel the fair trader in England, or 
 
 in
 
 ( 5' ) 
 
 in Ireland, is a point that ought to be con- 
 fidered by both parties. 
 
 It ought to be moreover remembered, 
 that all this fcene of fmuggling may be at- 
 ed as the law now {lands, perhaps more eali- 
 ly than if all doubts and obftrudtions were 
 removed from legal inter-ccurfe. The ad: 
 of the 12 George III, which is fuppofcd to 
 prohibit the fending of fugars from Ireland, 
 was virtually repealed by Mr. Fox's law of 
 1783^5 far as it was to operate in Ireland, tho' 
 it continued in force as far as it was to operate 
 in Britain. For any thing therefore, there is 
 in that al (12 George III.) fugars may be 
 cleared from the Cuftom-houie in Ireland ; 
 though they cannot be entered in the Cuf- 
 tom-houfe in Britain: The mip may fail for 
 Britain; but me cannot come into port: 
 ihe may hover in the channel, having a legal 
 clearance on board : and me cannot confe- 
 quently be fcized by the cutters. If a law 
 were to be made on purpofe to furnim oc- 
 cafions to the fmugglers, could any more fa- 
 vourable be given than thofe already given, 
 by the prefent fhite of doubt and diftradion. 
 To remove thefe doubts and diftraftionsis one 
 
 of
 
 of the propofed regulations. If fugars are 
 fometimes fmuggled from the French Weft 
 Indies to the Britifh by the planters, and 
 afterwards (hipped as their own, the planters 
 themfelves ought to look to fuch avaricious 
 practices. 
 
 Let us aflume then, fince it has been well 
 nigh proved, that to fmuggle fo unwieldy 
 and wafleful an article as fugar, would be 
 impofilblc, we may inquire, if in this cafe, 
 it would be contrary to the intereft of the 
 
 * 
 
 grower to allow fuch fugar to be imported 
 in Britiih (nips from Ireland to Britain, af- 
 ter it had been landed in Ireland : If he is a 
 refident planter he can only difpofe of his 
 crop by fale or confignment, fince barter is 
 net prucliied. The Iiifh trader, who knows, 
 that he cannot, after the home market is 
 fupplied, fend the furplus to the beftmarket, 
 cannot afford fo much for the goods, as if he 
 knew that the vent was altogether free. Eve- 
 
 o 
 
 ry detriment conftquently, which is thrown 
 in the way of himwhobuys to fell to the con - 
 
 f iimer, Is a difadvantnge to the producer. And 
 it mull ever be for the benefit of the grower 
 to have many markets and various buyers, 
 
 in
 
 ( S3 ) 
 
 in order to have the convenience of compe- 
 tition. The planter who does not feel this 
 to be his true intered does not know his in- 
 tereft. 
 
 On the other hand, if the grower inclines 
 toconfign his fugars, what ought to be his 
 \vifh ? to have his inclinations checked by a 
 monopoly, or left free to range in queft of 
 buyers \ to have all the world before him, 
 or to be confined to a fingle port. The Weft 
 Indians were once confined to this ifland 
 alone for the fale of their fugars. We have 
 read of the moans of the plantations^ on this 
 account. The Weft Indians moaned till 
 they were allowed to fend their fugars almoll 
 to every market in Europe. They moan now, 
 becaufe they are offered another chance, for 
 another market. We have read too of a 
 people, who were offered freedom, yet re- 
 fufed it. 
 
 Leaving the planters to find out their true 
 interelt in this bufmefs we may be allowed 
 to attend a little to the iriterefts of that re- 
 fpeclable body of men, the Weft India mer- 
 chants. Their intereft in thefe propofals is 
 
 furely
 
 ( 54 ) 
 
 furely very plain: If the fugars are fent (as 
 by law they now may be) to Ireland, and are 
 there fold to the confumer, the commiffion 
 muft be loft to the Britifh merchants : If 
 fuch fugars mould be thence fent to the bet- 
 ter markets of Britain, the Britim merchants 
 muft neceffarily get the commiffions with the 
 other advantages of the confignment. But 
 it is infifted on behalf of theie very mer- 
 chants by Lord Sheffield, that this method 
 of getting the confignment, (for the noble 
 author is not arguing againft fending the fu- 
 gars directly from the place of their growth 
 to Ireland) would greatly weaken the fecurity, 
 which they have on Weft India eftates for 
 money advanced: That is, in other words, 
 the giving of the traders another chance to 
 get the produce of the eftates into their own 
 poffeflion is to weaken their fecurity. But, 
 pray what is this fame fecurity ? The paper 
 and wax -, or the judgement of law upon 
 breach of contract ; or laft, though not leaft, 
 the mterejl of the planter himfelf to continue 
 his correfpondence, in order by his punctua- 
 lity
 
 ( 55 ) 
 
 lity to engage the merchant to accept his fu- 
 ture bills, and to fend him fupplies, during 
 every feafon : the intereft, which the planter 
 has to tranfinit his produce to the greateft 
 market, rather than to the fmalleft one. 
 
 On behalf of the whole nation the noble 
 author obje<ts, that admitting the before- 
 mentioned furplufTes of fugar from Ireland 
 would deliver up the Weft India trade to the 
 Irifh. If we fift this objection, we mail 
 find, that though it means well it means 
 little. The interefl of the Britifh people, or 
 confumers of fugars, confifts in getting 
 them at the cheapeft rate from any place. 
 The advantage of the planters, or producers, 
 confifts, in having the world for their mar- 
 ket. And the benefit of the merchant, or 
 middleman between the producers and con- 
 fumers, arifes out of his commifTion from 
 both parties. The argument, as far as it 
 goes to mew, that the Britifh merchant 
 would probably lofe his commirTion, had 
 been a good argument againft Lord North's 
 meafure, whereby he delivered the fugars 
 to the Irifh : But, the Iriih having actually 
 
 got
 
 ( 56 ) 
 
 got pofleffion of the fugars, the noble au- 
 thor's argument comes four years too late: 
 For, it has been plainly fhewn to be the 
 joint intereft of planter, merchant, and con- 
 fumer, to dr aw as many Sugars from the 
 Irim as they potfibly can. 
 
 Never the lefs the propofed meafure (not 
 Lord North's meafure, or Mr. Fox's mea- 
 fure) is to transfer (according to the noble 
 author) not only the whole Welt India trade, 
 but the American trade, and the tobacco 
 trade too. But,by what means ? The noble 
 author conveys the whole mercantile capi- 
 tal of Europe to Ireland. Jn her Wefrern 
 ports the European traders, it feems, are to 
 afTemble ; to build ihips, where there are no 
 wood or iron ; to inilrucl; the ignorant ; 
 to invigorate the indolent: and by afingle 
 movement to change the antient manners of 
 a whole people. 
 
 But, to be ferious (if it be poHible when 
 fuch arguments arc brought iorward on 
 fuch an occafion ;) it ir^y be proper once 
 more to remark, that though the mercantile 
 capital both of Britain and Ireland are fail 
 
 A 
 
 ac-
 
 ( 57 ) 
 
 accumulating; the greateft capital, fkill, and 
 diligence muft caufe that capital to accu- 
 mulate by the wideft fleps : That Britain 
 is in actual poflefiioh of the Weft India 
 trade, the American trade* and the tobacco 
 trade; of which fhe can not be deprived, 
 Unlefs me fits down, in fecurity and idlenefs. 
 But, he knows little of the world who 
 thinks, that the affairs of the world can ever 
 iland ftill : mercantile capital muft either 
 be employed^ or it muft be realized. The 
 Britifh farmer muft continue to follow the 
 plow, the weaver muft drive the {kuttle, the 
 iailor muft fet the fail, and the trader muft 
 actuate all. 
 
 In the Weft India trade England (exclufive 
 of Scotland) has eight hundred VeiTcls con- 
 ftantly employed, whofe registered tonnage 
 maybe ftatcdat a hundred thoufand tons, but 
 whole real burthen amounts to about one 
 hundred and thirty thoufand tons. When will 
 Ireland pofiefs fuch a Weft India fleet ? She 
 cannot buy the (hips of America, Holland, 
 or Hamburgh, becaufe the aft of navigation, 
 being one of her fundamental laws, no more 
 
 H allows
 
 allows her, than it permits Britain, to own 
 fhips of foreign built. If me builds in Bri- 
 tain flic will thereby promote a very valu- 
 able manufacture. And if Ihe fhould build 
 them at home me would by this means 
 withdraw capital from fome other branch 
 of bufmefs, perhaps more beneficial to her 
 and difadvantageous to this country. Till 
 Ireland then mall have procured fuch a fleet, 
 by whatever means, Britain muft enjoy the 
 freights both out and home. It is therefore 
 in vain to fay, that Ireland can victual and 
 navigate cheaper than Britain, till me has 
 veiTels to victual. It is to as little purpofe 
 to argue againft the moft authentic facts, 
 That her ports lying on the Atlantic Ocean 
 rnuft be nearer than thofe of England to the 
 American coaft ; and that by this means 
 and the lownefs of failors wages five can 
 perform the Weft India voyage at lower in- 
 iurance and at cheaper freight : It is a well 
 known fact, that the Weil India freights 
 both out and home are confbntly regulated 
 by the mutual agreement of the traders and 
 planters at fatisfactory terms to both parties : 
 
 It
 
 ( 59 ) 
 
 It is a fad, that the infurers regarding the 
 Weft India rifques as defirsable ones afk no 
 higher premium either out or home, whe- 
 ther the (hips call at Cork, or not : It is a 
 fa<ft too, that the freight and infurance from 
 Cork are the fame with thofe from London, 
 whatever may be the greater fpeculative 
 rifque. The Irifh fhipping cannot there- 
 fore enter into competition with the eight 
 hundred fhips beforementioned, which muft 
 necelTarily go out for the fake of the home- 
 ward freights ; and mufl therefore often go 
 one half empty ; fince the whole cargoes 
 outwards are not fo bulky as one half of the 
 cargoes homewards. Who then can fe- 
 rioufly dread the rivalry of the Irifh in re- 
 fpec~l to freights for ages to come ? A little 
 experience will teach the Irifh, as it has 
 already taught Britifh (hip-owners, that 
 capital cannot be employed in a lefs pro- 
 ductive bufmefs, than it would be in owning 
 Weft India (hips. 
 
 In foliciting confignments, the Irim will 
 find great discouragements from being thus 
 excluded from freights, which depend fo 
 
 H 2 much
 
 ( So ) 
 
 much on intereft and favour. But, there 
 is in fad, fuch a chain of connexion, be-? 
 twcen the planter, merchant, and fhip-maft 
 ter, wherein all their interefts are bound, that 
 it cannot be broken even by much greater 
 advantages. The planter who has long con- 
 iigned his fugars to his correfpondent in 
 London, or Briflol, will therefore continue 
 to confign them ilill. The planter who 
 refides in London, will not probably fend 
 his produce to Dublin for fale. Nor, will 
 any planter, who knows, that in Ireland the 
 Weft India products are fold in fmall quan- 
 tities, on fix months credit, while in Britain 
 they are fold by the whole cargo, payable 
 in t\vo months, ever prefer that market, 
 where there are the longed credits, and the 
 greateft rjfques. It is faid, though perhaps 
 with fome degree of exaggeration, that feyen r 
 eights of the Britilh Weft Indies belong, 
 either mediately or immediately, to perfons 
 who refide in Britain. Were this fad: true 
 |o a much fmaller extent than is here repre- 
 fentci, little fugar would ever be configned 
 to Ireland, becaufe few men choofe to fen4 
 
 their
 
 ( 6. ) 
 
 their property out of their fight, when they 
 may have it to a greater advantage under 
 their daily contemplation. A few cargoes 
 have indeed been configned from the Weft 
 Indies to Ireland, during the laft four years, 
 by fpeculative merr: But the account of 
 fales were fuch, both as to price and pay- 
 ment, as not to countenance many repeti- 
 tions of fimilar adventures. 
 
 If the propofed relaxation were granted 
 to the defires of the Irifh, it is apparent from 
 the foregoing reafonings and fa&s, that 
 Ireland muft carry on the Weft India trade, 
 however free, under every difadvantage. 
 They would have as conftant competitors the 
 Britiih traders, who have greater capitals and 
 correfpondence, who have eftablifhed con- 
 nexions and a wider market, and who are 
 already in poilcffion of the field of bufinefs. 
 The Iriih would have a competition both in 
 the Weft Indies and Europe, of a more dan- 
 gerous kind : If the irifh, like the merchants 
 of Glafgow,fhould be obliged for want ofcon- 
 fignments and orders, to carry on this trade 
 chiefly on their own account, thty would
 
 ( 62 ) 
 
 have the EngUih merchants for competitors 
 in every market, as faftors. And it requires 
 no great knowledge to foretel, whether the 
 were merchant, or the mere fattor would pro- 
 bably rife or fall, in carrying on fuch a 
 traffick. With all thefe dilcouraging pro- 
 -fpecl:s before them, the Irifh have made a 
 beginning. In their fmall two decked 
 veflels, they have fent to the Weft Indies 
 provifions, and other products of pafturage, 
 linen, and fome lefler manufactures, to be 
 fold at the beft price on their own account. 
 Every one muft fee, that this is a very ha- 
 zardous trade : For, almofl every article, 
 which the Irifh can bring, is imported by 
 the planters for the fupply of their own 
 cftates ' y who will only buy of them when 
 it happens that their own ftores have failed : 
 The provinons, and other products of paf- 
 turage, are liable to a thoufand accidents in 
 a fultry climate. And the provifion trade 
 is therefore a moft precarious trade, as we 
 might infer from reafon, if we had not 
 experience to guide us. 
 
 But
 
 ( 63 ) 
 
 But, when the Irifh cargoes are all thus 
 difpofed off another difficulty will imme- 
 diately occur. The product of their fales ' 
 will not be fufficient to buy more Weil In- 
 dia goods, confidering their greater value, 
 than will load the one half of the Irifh vef- 
 fels. They muft draw bills for the balance 
 that mall be wanting; for which they muft 
 find an indorfer, at the expence of 24- per 
 cent, and which muft be drawn on Lon- 
 don, where all Weft India payments are 
 made, or they will be charged 24- per cent, 
 more as the difference of exchange. Hav- 
 ing brought the Weft India gocds, loaded 
 with all thefe disadvantages, to Ireland, the 
 Irifh trader will there meet the Britifh mer- 
 chants as competitors, who may have brought 
 fimilar cargoes directly from the Weft In- 
 dies, or indirectly from Britain. 
 
 Owing to the difficulties before-mention- 
 ed the Irifh have yet made no great progrefs 
 during the five years freedom of their Weft 
 India trade; as we may obferve from the fol- 
 lowing ftatement * : 
 
 * Irifh Cud. Koufe accounts.
 
 A comparative account of the fugar and 
 rum, which were imported into Ireland/ 
 during the fubjoined years, ending the 25th 
 of March, 
 
 Sugars Mufcavado. 
 
 1781 1782 1783 ij%Jt 
 
 cwt. cwt. cwt. .cwt. 
 
 From the We fl Indies 7,584 i8,6Si 33,870 27,491 
 
 From Britain 150,056 132,754 99,210 160,083 
 
 Rum. 
 
 1781 1782 1783 173^ 
 gal. gal. ga 1 . g'il: 
 
 From the We fc Indies 9-473 T 7553 297,047 i,3o9- 
 From Britain 197,832 99,219 129,951 94*'479 
 
 Sugar and rum may be regarded as the repre- 
 fentatives of the Weft India products for the 
 purpofe of this cumparifon. The importa- 
 tions from Britain were probably fomewhat 
 affected by the Irim diffractions. It is fure- 
 ly reafonable to infer, from the fort going 
 fac~h and arguments, that the importations 
 to Ireland will continue nearl-y in this flate 
 
 j 
 
 for half a century to come. It is obvious 
 however, that Ireland mail: fupply her o\vn 
 
 confamption.
 
 confumptlon, before flie can fmuggle or 
 fend any fagars to Britain. And when in 
 the long progrefs of her trade fhe fhall have 
 any furplus to fpare fuch fugars mud be fent 
 to Britain loaded with an additional expence 
 of 38 6d to 45 per cwt. including Cuftom- 
 houfe fees, infurance, freight and factor- 
 
 age. 
 
 How far the allowing of the importation 
 of thefe furplus fugars in Britifh (hips would 
 give the American commerce to Ireland, is 
 a queftion which may now be eafily anfwer- 
 ed. We may all remember the prophecies 
 that were uttered, as to the lofs of that trade 
 from the revolt of the colonies firft, and 
 from the independence of the United States 
 afterwards. We have all feen the race 
 \\hich was, run foon after that' event, by the 
 commercial nations of Europe for the golden 
 prize of the American trade. While the 
 conteil was yet undecided, it was infifted on 
 behalf of the ultimate fuccefs of Britain: 
 That thefkill and capital of the Britifh ma- 
 nufacturers were fuch as to enable them to 
 give the American traders better penny- 
 
 I worths
 
 < 66 ) 
 
 worths and longer credits than any other 
 tradefmen in Europe : And that the AmerU 
 cans, being at once regardful of their interefl 
 and rn want of capital, would neceffarily 
 come to the warehoufe where they could get 
 thebefband cheapest goods, with the longed 
 time to pay for them. No one urged thefs 
 and fimilar reafonings with more efficacy 
 than Lord Sheffield, in a pamphlet, which 
 gained him fome praife , by entailing on 
 Britain the American trade : It is only to 
 be lamented, that the noble author {hould 
 have fo foon found caufe to dock the entail, 
 and to fettle the American commerce on Ire- 
 land. The event of the before-mentioned 
 race is now univerfally known. Britain has 
 cngrolTed the American trade to a degree 
 which is alrriofl beyond belief. The Spanifh 
 merchants, who engaged in the American 
 trade, L/.ve failed. The French American 
 merchants have failed. A few Britiih mer- 
 chants have failed. And have the Iriih 
 had no failures amons: the traders who en- 
 
 O 
 
 gaged in the American commerce ? 
 
 Experience
 
 ( 6; ) 
 
 Experience hath novv determined feveral 
 doubtful points, in our commercial concerns, 
 that no argument could have done. It was 
 foretold, that the French would, from the 
 revolt, engrofs the whole tobacco of Virgi- 
 nia and Maryland. Yet, though the far- 
 mers general fent a proper agent to Virgi- 
 nia, who has alfo failed, and though they 
 are fupported by the public money ; they 
 are now buying tobacco in London. And 
 is it likely that the Irifh can engrofs the 
 whole tobacco trade, greatly inferior as they 
 are even to the French in opulence and fkill* 
 activity and addrefs ? The Irifh have not 
 yet fupplied their own wants: Till they 
 acquire all thefe qualities in a higher de- 
 gree they cannot fupply the wants of others 
 with any foreign product. It is London, 
 which, from the vaflnefs of her market for 
 every luxurious and every ufeful article of 
 trafrick, muft for ages be the American mart, 
 without fome accident that no figacity can 
 forefec, or prudence prevent, 
 
 Hut, it is frill pcrtiriaciouflv urged, that 
 
 by grant!; 1 .; tin's boon to the Iriih, we 
 
 I : ihoulj
 
 ( 68 ) 
 
 /hould relinquish the monopoly of the planta- 
 tion trade, which was confined to Britain by 
 the act of navigation. This had doubtlefs 
 been an objeclion, though not a weighty one, 
 to Lord North's conceffions of the colony 
 trade to Ireland : But, this can be no ob- 
 jection to allowing Britim fubjects to import 
 in Britim fhips from Ireland to Britain fuch 
 furplufles of American products as had not 
 been confumed by her. It was doubted 
 formerly by fome, whether this monopoly 
 ought to be confidercd as an evil, or a good: 
 That it is an evil rather than a good has 
 been {hewn very clearly by Dr. Adam Smith. 
 Every monopoly is faid to be more favour- 
 able to the few, than to the many : By 
 yielding a greater profit to thofe who are 
 favored by it than they otherwife would 
 gain, the monopoly, it is argued, forces a 
 greater portion of mercantile capital within 
 its operation, then otherwife would go there: 
 That by this means capital is often with- 
 drawn from domeftic manufactures or from a 
 neighbouring trade of Europe into a more 
 diilunt commerce, which is lefs under our 
 
 eye :
 
 ( 69 ) 
 
 eye : That of confequence the monopoly 
 of the plantation trade opprefTed every other 
 commercial bufinefs which was unconnected 
 with it : And that by thefe Operations the 
 American trade became a difeafe in our 
 commercial policy, like thofe unnatural tu- 
 mours in the human body, which often 
 occaiion lamenefs and death. The Ameri- 
 can trade formerly and the plantation trade 
 now are certainly very advantageous to this 
 kingdom : It is only doubted, whether the 
 monopoly of that trade, which is a diftinct 
 thing, be a defireable object. 
 
 But, let us fuppofe, in opposition to theie 
 reafonings and to that authority, that the 
 monopoly is a good rather than an evil, it 
 may be worth while to inquire, whether 
 Ireland was originally excluded from it by 
 the act of navigation. The great object cf 
 this famous law was to exclude, alien men 
 and foreign (hips from trading with our 
 colonies. This regulation was plainly in- 
 tended for the benefit of every part of tli 
 dominions of the crown : The colonies 
 
 were allowed to trade with each other: Ire- 
 land
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 land was in the lame manner admitted by 
 (he a<ft of navigation * itfelf to the moft 
 unlimited freedom of trade, with all the 
 plantations, till afterwards excluded, more by 
 private refentment -f- than by public policy. 
 The continental colonies from that epoch 
 to the period of the revolt were allowed to 
 carry fugar from the Britifli Weft Indies 
 iuto their own ports and to fend them from 
 thence to England. From the Afl of the 
 23d Charles II. Ireland could not import 
 Sugars from the plantations, and ccnfe- 
 quently was not permitted to fend fugars 
 from her own ports to Britain. The colo- 
 nies which were thus allowed this right 
 maintained no military eftablifhment : Ire- 
 land who was denied this right did main- 
 tain a military eftablimment, which was 
 
 applied 
 
 * Src 12 Chn. IT. ch. ig. 
 
 f The revenue of St John for an affror.t in Holland b 
 (Vic* to h :vt yivcii rile to th? act of navigation, during che 
 Commonwealth: It was in the fame manner, thr mdi- 
 v'ulu.ii n iVntivjcnt of the proHigate Shaujburv 2g3ir.ll tho 
 virtuous Oiinond, who then go veined Ird-ind,- that gave 
 rife to airnoit all the reftrictions ff the Irifli trac't-, during 
 Canaries ilu'f: rc:j.n, (oni(- (<f \vlrch app',-:\r at prtk-nt pt-r- 
 Jvcc'.y iiuiculcus. ^Sce tiun;c'i iiiitoiy of tiut j,eriod-j
 
 ( 7' ) 
 
 applied to the general defence., The colo- 
 nies, which were thus indulged, have always 
 required an enormous expence to defend 
 them : Ireland, who was thus excluded, 
 has occafioned no particular expence ; at leaft 
 peaceable Ireland has not, whatever dif- 
 tracted Ireland may have done. New Brunf- 
 wick and Nova Scotia, may even now re- 
 export Britifli fugars to Britain, yet Britain 
 pays their civil lids. But, Ireland, who 
 pays her own civil lift and fupports more- 
 over a great army, is denied this conve- 
 nience. If this conduct was unequal and 
 unjuii formerly, can the continuance of a 
 fimilar conduct be wife and equitable now ? 
 Thus Ireland was entitled originally to all 
 the benefits of the monopoly j and is even 
 now entitled to all the benefits of the mono- 
 poly, except the convenience of re- {hipping 
 Britifli Sugars in Britim (hips to Britain; 
 the denial of which is not of any great con- 
 lequence to this country, whatever it may 
 be to her. 
 
 2. From the foregoing conilderations we 
 are led fecondly to inquire, whether the pro- 
 
 pofed
 
 ( r- ) 
 
 pofed indulgence has any tendency to im- 
 pugn or weaken that principle of the navi- 
 gation aft, which has certainly created fo 
 many {hipping and feamen, the more valu- 
 able, as they belong to ourfeives. If the 
 propofal were to allow foreign ihips to bring 
 the lurplus fugars of Ireland to Britain ; 
 the ckcumftance of their bein^ foreign 
 
 o o 
 
 fhips and feamen would bz a deciiive ob- 
 jection. Were it propofed to confine the 
 bringing over fuch fugars to mips, merely 
 Iriih ; which had not been often decla- 
 red by law, and admitted in faft to be Bri- 
 tiih vcfTels ; this circumstance had created 
 a considerable objection. But the (hipping 
 and failors intended by the propofal. being 
 Britiih (hipping and failors, without ex- 
 ception, the propoial can furdy be liable to 
 no c*reat objection. 
 
 O ' 
 
 If therefore the p rope fa 1 fnould be adop- 
 :cii, and in confequence thereof many fur- 
 pluiics fhould be lent, more native failors 
 would thereby be employed ; and the prin- 
 ciple of the act of unvigation would there- 
 fpre be ilrengthened : If, on the ether hand, 
 
 it
 
 ( 73 ) 
 
 It is probable, that few or no fugars will bs 
 fent from Ireland in Haifa century, then the 
 object is not worth a conteft. 
 
 The trade between the fifter kingdoms 
 has grown up in lefs than a century, from 
 the loweil flate of depreffion, owing to the 
 reftriclions of the reign of Charles II. to a 
 very high point of magnitude, owing to our 
 having gradually removed thofe reftricYions. 
 We fhall fee this important truth in a very 
 clear light from the following fiatement : 
 
 Value of Value ef 
 Exports* Imports* 
 The amounc of the trade between 
 England and Ireland, according to 
 a three years average ending with 
 
 1695 was JT. 166,025 81,165 
 Ditto ending with 1783 was 1,873,236 1, 427,191 
 
 It plainly required no great number of 
 fhips to carry on the trade between the fitter 
 kingdoms, during King William's reign : 
 And this trade certainly furnimed very fe\V 
 feamen for the royal navy, during King 
 William's wars, when they were fo much 
 wanted. It is equally apparent, that it mufl 
 
 K have
 
 ( 74 ) 
 
 have employed many fhips to tranfport ther 
 vaft cargoes of the years 1781-2-3: And 
 it is equally plain, that the navigation, 
 which was thus created, muft have furnifhed 
 many feamen for the public fervice, during 
 our late unhappy contefts. Both the trade 
 and the nurfery feem to be a new creation, 
 fince the beginning of the prefent century. 
 If this creation was fo much gain to the 
 nation, with a view to its defence, to ex- 
 tend this creation ftill further, with the 
 fame moft important end, muft be a good 
 to be defired ; and to deprefs that creation, 
 or narrow that nurfery, mufl be an evil to 
 be avoided. 
 
 If we have the wifdom, and the equity 
 to open the ports of Ireland ftill wider, by 
 granting the little that is now defired, we 
 lhall certainly ftrengthen the principle of 
 the navigation act, by increafing the num- 
 ber of mips, and confequently, the number 
 of native feamen ; which the Irifh have been 
 declared by law, and are acknowledged in 
 fact to be. In proportion then as we fhut 
 the Iriih ports, we enfeeble the falutary 
 
 principle
 
 ( 75 ) 
 
 principle of the navigation aft, by doing 
 that which muft neceffarily lefTen the num- 
 ber of fcamen, wbo may be moft eafily en- 
 gaged when they are very much wanted. 
 
 By thus promoting the public fervice,Brif- 
 tol, Liverpool, and Whitehaven have furely 
 nothing to fear on the fubject of freights : 
 For, their great numbers of return (hips, 
 iland a much better chance for employ- 
 ment than any Irifh (hips, which may be 
 chartered on purpofe : The veflels which 
 muft ncceilarily return home, can afford to 
 carry at a lower freight, than a veflel which 
 mufl fit out only for a fingle voyage: And 
 confequently the Britim fhip owners mull: 
 overpower the Irilli in every competition 
 for freights ; which mufl neccfTarily aug- 
 ment the number of Britim mips, without 
 diminishing the actual number of Irifh. 
 
 On the other hand, were the re-fhipping 
 of fugars, as hath been propofed, to augment 
 the number of fcamen in the ports of Ireland, 
 without diminishing the number of vefTels 
 in the ports of England, becaufe the prefent 
 trade would probably continue as to them, 
 K 2 while
 
 ( "6 ) 
 
 while the advantage in the competiton dial! 
 continue, nothing would furely tend fo 
 much to promote the public fervice, during 
 our wars, as having a great body of failors, 
 who are bound to ferve, in the ports of 
 Limerick and Cork, Waterford and Dublin : 
 For, thefe ports being nearer to Plymouth 
 and Portfmouth, than Liverpool or Lan- 
 cafter, Whitehnvcn, or Greenock, the fu- 
 pernumerary failors of the Irifh ports be- 
 fore mentioned could be more conveniently 
 commanded than from the more diftant 
 Britifh ports. The fame obfervation equally 
 applies to the whole navigation between 
 the fifler kingdoms, as compared with 
 longer voyages. In fhort voyages the fai- 
 lors often return into port, and may there- 
 fore often be had : In more diftant voyages 
 the feamen feldom return, and confequently 
 can feldom be engaged in the public fervice, 
 when this fervice may very much require 
 their aid. 
 
 It was with a view to the ufefulnefs of 
 thefe repeated voyages, between neighbour- 
 ing harbours, that the navigation act ex- 
 cluded
 
 ( 77 ) 
 
 eluded by an exprefs claufe, alien (hips 
 and failors from carrying any merchandize 
 from one port to another, in England and 
 Ireland, or from thefe kingdoms to the cir- 
 cumjacent Britiih iflunds. The navigation 
 aft then coniidered the home trade of Ire- 
 land as part of the coaft trade of England, 
 which has been fo carefully preferved as the 
 moft valuable nurfery for feamen. And 
 indeed what can the whole navigation be- 
 tween the fifter kingdoms be deemed, but 
 a coaft trade, which ought to be extended 
 by every rational meafure that can be pro- 
 pofed or thought of. Foreigners were ex- 
 cluded too from the trade of the Colonies 
 upon the principle of keeping up a firmer 
 connexion, between the parent country and 
 them. Let us hope, that by granting the 
 enlargement of navigation, which is now 
 defired by the Iriili, it may be the efficacious 
 means of ilrengthening the union between 
 the lifter kingdoms, which is fo much for 
 the intereft and happinefs of both. 
 
 3. From confederations with regard to 
 the naval ftrength of the empire, it is pro- 
 per
 
 per to inquire briefly, in the third place, 
 as to the queftion, how far the public bur- 
 dens of this country would be lightened at 
 prefent, or leiFened in future, were the Irifh 
 propofals adopted. 
 
 The revenue of every country is divided 
 in modern times, into two kinds j ift the 
 income of every individual feparately, from 
 whatever means : sdly, the income of all 
 the individuals collectively, which is called 
 the public revenue, on the income of the 
 ftate. The private revenue of no country on 
 earth ever accumulated fafter than the pri- 
 vate revenue of this kingdom, during the 
 laft hundred years, which continues to accu- 
 mulate abundantly at this moment. But, 
 the public revenue, however great and pro- 
 ductive it may be under late management, is 
 deprefied by many debts, funded and un- 
 funded. Jt is apparent therefore, that the 
 xvifdom of cur counfels ought to be chierly 
 occupied in ftrengthcning the public re- 
 venue, which is thus feeble; leaving private 
 incomes which are thus productive to the 
 'tare of individuals, who are entitled to ge- 
 neral
 
 ( 79 ) 
 
 fieral prote&ion, without the particular inte- 
 ference of the ftate. 
 
 It is to be lamented, how often the fpirit 
 of the people is directed to improper objects. 
 They have been well nigh ruined, in their 
 public revenue, by being induced to clamour 
 for commercial advantages. We were fb 
 abfurd as to fettle colonies for the fake of 
 getting a nation of cuftomers. We have 
 fpent hundreds of millions to enlarge and 
 defend diftant dominions to enjoy thofe com- 
 mercial advantages, which experience hath 
 fhewn are beft enjoyed without any public 
 expence. Yet, the fame man, who, by his 
 mifconducl: and miftakes, has almoft beg- 
 gcred his country, in purfuit of the phan- 
 tom of commercial advantages, continues to 
 infift, that we ought to rifque our all, ia 
 purfuit of commercial advantages. 
 
 While this nation conilantly grafped at a 
 fliadow, almoft every foreign power has been 
 acquiring provinces which have yielded /w- 
 lic revenue. But, what has Britain gained 
 even from her moft fuccefsful \v:irs ? fiie ac- 
 quired diftant deferts which were difidvan- 
 
 tagcous
 
 tageous to this as an induftriou? and mer- 
 cantile country, in two refpe&Sj ift. Inftead 
 of yielding public revenue they required pub- 
 lic fupport at no fmall expence for civil and 
 military eftabli foments ; 2dly, Commercial 
 capital was conftantly withdrawn from do- 
 meftic induflry, wherein it was employed to 
 the greateft advantage, to cultivate deferts 
 beyond the ocean, without adequate returns. 
 With our fad experience and prefent know- 
 ledge we may eahly determine the quefcion, 
 whether we ought to accept of any diftant 
 ifland, or country, however large, were 
 it offered without an equivalent ? For, we 
 have fecn, that it would require a civil lift 
 or government to be paid from the public 
 revenue, which cannot be fpared; and that 
 it would drain the people of the mercantile 
 capital which now gives employment to 
 every induilrious individual. 
 
 On the other hand, Ireland is directly the 
 reverie of fuch an ifland, inhabited as Ire- 
 land already is, by a numerous people, brave, 
 aclive and generous ; who, at the annual ex- 
 pence of a million, fupport a great civil and 
 
 military
 
 military eflablifhment ; and who, without 
 any apparent diminution of our capitals, are 
 our yearly cuftomers to the amount of nearly 
 two millions. In fuperaddition to thefe great 
 advantages, which ought to be regarded as 
 no fmall equivalents for commercial bene- 
 iits Ireland propofes to appropriate the 
 furplufes of the heredititary revenue, as a 
 fund for the more general purpofe of pro- 
 tecting the Empire. 
 
 We ought to inquire into the nature and 
 extent of this revenue before we determine, 
 whether it is worth our acceptance. It con- 
 fiils then of a Cuftom-houfe duty, outwards 
 and inwards, of an inland and inward excife : 
 and of a tax, called hearth-money. It is ob- 
 vious, that thefe taxes are of fuch a nature 
 as to have increafed and to continue to in- 
 creafe with the populoufnefs, the induftry, 
 the trade, and opulence of the country. 
 We have already feen how vaftly the trade 
 of Ireland has grown fince the revolution in 
 1688. And from the following ftatement 
 ive may have a very diflinct view of the in- 
 
 L crcafe
 
 creafe of the hereditary revenue from thafc 
 cera to the piefenl time : 
 
 This revenue produced then, according 
 to a five years average, ending with 1687 .231-720 
 
 Ditto ending with 
 Ditto er.ding u r ith 
 A fcven years average ending with 
 Ditto ending with 
 
 The year ending with Lady Day 
 
 A real ftatefm?.n would defire no better 
 document than this to judge of the progrefs 
 in population, deligence, traffick, and wealth 
 of any people. A real ftatefman when he 
 confidered from what funds this increafing 
 revenue arofcand how faft it had augmented 
 during a centry of oppreffion, would eafily 
 determine with regard to the rapidity where- 
 with the fame revenue muft hereafter in- 
 creafe from the epoch of the freedom of Ire- 
 land, both commercial and political. 
 
 It is a curious fad: in the hiftory of our 
 parties and debts, that when Walpole efta- 
 bl foe d the Jinking fund t it became immedia- 
 tely the fubject of ridicule to the fafhion- 
 able orators and wits of the times. Yet, 
 
 eyery
 
 fcvery one knows, that the finking fund, 
 which when created in 1717 did not yield fo 
 great a fum as the hereditary revenue of half 
 Ireland, produced in 1781 rather more than 
 three million, till it was almofl diffipated 
 by the unproductive taxes of a great finan- 
 cier, for which it was fecurity. Ridicule 
 therefore is not always the teft of truth. 
 
 He muft indeed have little wit and lefs 
 wifdom, who can fuppofe, that the heredi- 
 tary revenue, whatever may be its produce, 
 is the only public income, which Ireland 
 contributes for defraying the expence of de-* 
 fending the empire, of which Ireland forms 
 fo great a part. Ireland maintains as great 
 a land army as Britain does. The military 
 eftablimments of the fitter kingdoms form 
 the military defence of each other. One 
 Generaliffimo commands both, who may 
 direct the operations of both for the pro- 
 tection of each. If Ireland maintained 
 fewer troops, Britain mull maintain more: 
 If Ireland fupported none, Britain mufl 
 double hers. The reduction of military 
 
 L 2 cita-
 
 ( 84 ) 
 
 eftabliments of every kind is in the prefent 
 ftate of the revenue of Britain perhaps the 
 belt ceconomy. If Ireland, by maintain- 
 ing her millitary eftablimment to the full 
 extent, facilitates this reduction and ceco- 
 nomy in favour of Britain (he thereby con- 
 tributes pofitive income. In this manner 
 do foreign powers calculate the conjoint 
 forces of the filter kingdoms. It can never 
 be prudent in either to convince the world, 
 by unreafonable deiires on either fide,, 
 that we are a divided people, whofe ar- 
 mies are feparate, and whofe intereds are 
 diflindr. 
 
 We all remember how much it has been 
 regretted, that the Congrefs % petition, which 
 was delivered by Mr. Penn, was not receiv- 
 ed and confidered as the beginning of re- 
 
 o o 
 
 concilement. But, the authority of the 
 Congrefs was difputed by fome, and their 
 terms were regarded by many as defignedly 
 general and ftudioufly fubtle. On the other 
 hand, the Irifli propofals come from the 
 only power which could legally fend them -, 
 
 and
 
 and thefe propofals are detailed into fuch 
 diftinct refolutions, that their meaning is 
 obvious and their purpofe is plainly avowed. 
 Let us not have it to lament hereafter, that 
 we oppofed fuch propofals captioufly, much 
 lefs that we rejected them haftily. 
 
 Whoever recollects what diftradtion pre- 
 vailed in Ireland only a twelve month ago, 
 and co.npares them with the prefent repofe, 
 muft be of opinion, that much has been 
 fkilfully done. To obtain fuch propofals, 
 from fuch an authority, with the declared 
 intention of finally fettling the commer- 
 cial affairs of the filler kiugdoms, on libe- 
 ral principles of mutual advantage, was 
 doubtlefs to advance many iteps towards a 
 defirable object. Let us be cautious how we 
 undo that which has already been done ; far 
 lefs how we by any means drive Ireland into 
 frefli diffractions, in queft of old remedies, 
 and new prctenfions. It cannot furely be 
 the intercft of any clafs of men among us, 
 to fee agreements of non importation again 
 entered into by the Irifli populace, or pro- 
 tcdting duties once more irupoled by the 
 
 In ill
 
 ( 86 ) 
 
 Irifh parliament. The manufactures 
 to recoiled:, how much they were baffled 
 by fuch agreements before :' The merchants 
 would do well to remember, a recent exam- 
 pie of commercial connexions of great ex- 
 tent, being wholly cut off by fuch a(!bci:i- 
 tions alone. Every wife man muft be of 
 opinion, that peaceful and induftrious Ire- 
 land is a mine of riches, and a tower 
 of ftrength to Britain : That diffracted 
 Ireland would be her wcaknefs in war, and 
 her bane in peace. To prevent fuch appre- 
 henilons in future, thefe propofals have been 
 fubmitted to parliament, only as part of a 
 plan of fyftematie government, which can 
 alone tie the filler kingdoms more clofcly 
 together. The adoption of this plan bids 
 
 fair toinfure mutual confidence, and lading: 
 
 t> 
 
 good will. The rejection of thefc propo- 
 lals would lead to il!s that cannot all be 
 fcjnufeen, but would be ail deplored here-
 
 New Publications printed for 
 JOHN STOCKDALE, 
 
 oppofite Burlington Houfe, Piccadilly. 
 
 I. THE COMMERCIAL RESOLUTIONS 
 
 of the IRISH PARLIAMENT in their 
 prefent Seffion VINDICATED, to which is 
 added an AUTHENTIC COPY of the RESOLU- 
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 II. A SHORT VIEW of the Propofals lately 
 
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 SHAKSPEARE 
 
 For EXPORTATION, 
 
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 Compiled from VARIOUS COMMENTATORS. 
 
 To which are prefixed, his LIFZ and WILL. 
 
 " Nature her pencil to his hand commits, 
 
 And ihcn in all her forms to thia gieac Matter fits." 
 
 THIS
 
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 oppofite Burlington-Houfe, Piccadilly. 
 
 SHAKSPEARE. 
 
 Printed from the Text of SAMUEL JOHNSON and 
 fcEORGE STEEVENS, Efq. In one large Volume o&avo, 
 On a fine Royal Paper, and embellifiied with a ftnking 
 likenefs of the Author, 
 
 Price 153. in boards. 
 
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 And 3!. 31. bound in tortoifefhell. 
 
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 INCLUDING THE WHOLE 0? HIS 
 
 DRAMATIC WORKS; 
 
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 ADDRESS
 
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 I A new edition; of, JrHAKSTEAREy and an edition- of f 
 fiugular a form as the prefcnt, in which ail his plays are 
 comprehended in one volume, will, perhaps, appear furprif- 
 ing to many readers; but, upon a little reflexion, their fur- 
 prife will, the Editor doubts not, be converted into approba- 
 tion. 
 
 Much as StiAKSPEARfc has been read" of late years, and 
 largely as the admiration and ftudy of him hare been extend- 
 ed, there is ftill a numerous clals of men to whom he is im- 
 perfetUy known. Many of the middling and lower ranks 
 of the inhabitants of thrs country are cither not acquainted 
 with him at all, excepting by narae, or have only feen a few 
 of his plays, which have accidentally fallen in their way. It 
 is to fupply the wants of theft perfons that the prelcnt Edition 
 is principally undertaken; and it cannot fail of becoming to 
 them a perpetual fource of entertainment and inftruHon. 
 That they will derive the higheft entertainment from it, 
 no one can deny ; for it docs not require any extraordinary 
 tiegrce of knowledge or education to enter into the general fpi- 
 t of SHAKSPEARE. The paffions he dcfcribes are the paf- 
 fions \\hich are felt by every human being; and his wit and 
 humour arc not local, or n fined to the cuftoms of a parti- 
 cular age, but arc fuch as will give pleafurc at all times, and 
 to men of all ranks, from the higheft to the lowcft. 
 
 But the inftruftion that may he drawn from SnAKSPEARE 
 is equal to the entertainment hich his writings afford. He 
 is the greatcft matter of human nature, and of human life, 
 that, perhaps, ever cxiftcd; fo that we cannot pcrufe his 
 works without having our undcrftandings confiderably en- 
 larged. BefidcstliR, he abounds in occafional maxims and 
 reflections, which arc calculated to make a deep imprcHion 
 upon the mind. There is fcarccly any circumftancc in the 
 common occurrences of the world, on which Ibmcrhing may 
 uot be found peculiarly applicable in SHAKSI-EARE; and at 
 the fame time, better cxprciTcd tlian in any other author. 
 To promote, therefore, knowledge of him, is to contribute 
 to the general improvement. 
 
 Nor is the utility of the prcfcnt publication confined r 
 perfons of the rank already dcfcribed ; it will be found icr- 
 viceabje to th j<e whofe fituations in life have enabled thcw
 
 BOOKS printed fur JOHN STOCKDALE. 
 
 to purchafe all the expenfive editions of our great drarnatift 
 The book now offered to the public may commodioufly be 
 taken into a coach or port chaifc, for amufcrnent in a jour- 
 ney ; or if a company of gentlemen mould happen, in convcr- 
 fation, to mention SHAKSPEARE, or to diloute concerning 
 any particular paflage, a volume, containing the whole of hi* 
 plays may, with great convenience be fetched by a fervant 
 out of a library or clofct. In Ihort, any particular paflage 
 may, at all times, and with cafe, be recurred to. It is a 
 compendium, not an abridgement, of the nobleft of our 
 poets, and a library in a tingle volume. 
 
 The Editor hath endeavoured to give all the perfection 
 to this work which the nature of it can admit. The account 
 of his life, which is taken from Rowe, and his laft will, in 
 reality, comprehend almoft every thing that is known with 
 regard to the perfonal hiftory of SHAKSPEARE. The anxi- 
 ous rcfearches of his admirers have fcarccly been able to 
 collect any farther information concerning him. 
 
 The text in the prefcnt edition, has been given as it was 
 fettled by the onofi approved commentators. It does not con- 
 fift with the limits of the defign, that the notes fhouid be 
 large, or very numerous : they have not, however, been 
 wholly neglected. The notes which are fubjoined are fuch as 
 were ncceflary for the purpoie of illuftrating and explaining 
 bfolete words, nufual phrafcs, old cuftoms, and obfcure 
 t>r diftant allufions. In fhoit, it has been the Editor's aim 
 omit nothing which may ferve to render SHAKSPEARE 
 3 ntelligible to every capacity, and to every clafs of readers. 
 
 Having this view, he cannot avoid exprcfling his hope, 
 that an undertaking, the utility of which is fo apparent, will 
 be encouraged by the public; and his confidence of a favour- 
 able reception is increafed by the confcioufncfs that he is 
 not doing an injury to any one. The fuccefs of the prefcnt 
 volume will not impede the (ale of the larger editions of 
 SHAKSPEARE, which will dill be equally fought for by thole 
 to whom the purchafe of them may be convenient. 
 
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 A LETTER to the JURORS of GREAT 
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 NEW BOCKS printed for JOHN STOCKDALE. 
 
 An Authentic ACCOUNT of all the DEBATES of thelaft 
 SESSION of the late PARLIAMENT ; including, among ft 
 a variety of other .important and interefting Matter, a com- 
 plete and particular Account of the whole of the Debates on 
 the feveral great Queftions that led to the DhTolution, fol- 
 lowed up to the Day on which it took Place, conftituting 
 one of the moft Capital Details of Parliamentary Informa- 
 tion ever known : including the whole of the Proceedings of 
 the St. Alban's Tavern Meeting, correct Lifts of the Divifions, 
 and of the whole Houie, as it flood the Day it was diflblved, 
 ihewing how each Member divided. 
 
 In 6 Vols. 8ro. Price il. los. in Boards. 
 
 N. B. Nothing can be more neceflary than thefe Debates, 
 not only for the new Members, but for all thofe who fat in 
 the laft Houfe of Commons, as well on Account of the 
 Hiftory contained in them of the greateft Political Events that 
 ever agitated this Country, as their (hewing the State in 
 \vhich a variety of Bufinefs was left at the Diflblution of Par- 
 liament, which will be taken up again and reconfidered by 
 the new Houfe of Commons. 
 
 *** Thofe Gentlemen who have had part of the above 
 Work are requefted to complete it as foon as poflible. 
 
 A SHORT ADDRESS to the clifmterefted and unpreju- 
 diced Citizens, Merchants and Manufacturers of Great Bri- 
 tain, on the Importance of the Trade of this Country, with 
 the United States of America ; alfo reafons why, as Cufto- 
 mers, they faould not be reftricled, like other Foreign Na- 
 tions, from fending Raw Materials to this Country in Pay- 
 ment of Britifh Goods. Price One Shilling. 
 
 By A MANUFACTURER. 
 
 An AUTHENTIC COPY of the JUDGEMENT delivered 
 
 by the Right Honourable Earl Mansfield, November the i6th, 
 1784,. in the Cafe of the King again ft William Davies Ship- 
 lev, Dean of St. Aft ph. Price One Shilling. 
 
 NEW
 
 BOOKS printed for JOHN STOCKDALE, 
 
 Elegantly printed in Three Volumes, 8vo. 
 Price i8s. Half Bound aad Bettered, 
 
 THE 
 
 DEBATES 
 
 AND 
 
 PROCEEDINGS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 HOUSE OF COMMONS, 
 
 DURING THE 
 
 PIRST SESSION OF THE SIXTEENTH 
 PARLIAMENT 
 
 O F 
 
 GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 THE PUBLISHER returns his fincere 
 Thanks to thofe numerous Gentlemen 
 (Members of Parliament and Others) 
 
 who
 
 : , ,, 
 
 NEW BOOKS printed for JOHN STOCKDALE.' 
 o^ lor ; 
 
 who have fo kindly aided him in the Com- 
 pletion of this ufeful and accurate Detail 
 of the Proceedings in the laft Seflioh of 
 Parliament. He will not prefume to 
 enter into any Commendation f them, 
 fully convinced that their own Merit, from 
 the Accuracy with which they have been 
 taken, and the Attention given them, will 
 fiifficiently recommend them to his nu- 
 merous Friends and the Public in general, 
 
 London, Feb. 5, 1785,

 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
 This book is DUE on the last date stamped below 
 
 JUL171935 
 
 INTEP.LIBF 
 
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 Due Two Weeks Fr 
 
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 om [>-.. , Receipt
 
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