1IVER% ^lOSANGEUj> O ti. ^ rence of war ; and a world order based on nationalism plus international cooper- ation, " to establish justice, to provide for common defense, to promote the gen- eral welfare, and to secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." It is not necessary to discuss in this country the principle of dominance and world empire. It contradicts our whole philosophy. Safety for dominance lies only in a civilization of discipline from above down, in ruthless repression of all thinking on the part of the subject class or race. 50 THE ETHICS Nor can I see any genuine alternative in what some advocate reliance by each nation on its own military strength as the sole effective guarantee for its in- terests. After the military lessons of this war, the concentration of scientific, eco- nomic, and even educational attention upon military purposes would almost in- evitably be vastly in excess of anything previously conceived. What limits can be set to the armies of France and Great Britain if these are to protect those coun- tries from a German empire already double its previous extent, and taking steps to control the resources of eastern Europe and the near East? What navy could guarantee German commerce against the combined forces of Great OF COOPERATION 51 Britain and the United States ? What limits to the frightfulness yet to be dis- covered by chemist and bacteriologist? What guarantee against the insidious growth of a militarist attitude even in democratically minded peoples if the constant terror of war exalts military preparations to the supreme place ? Some- thing has changed the Germany of other days which many of us loved even while we shrank from its militarist masters. Is it absolutely certain that nothing can change the spirit of democratic peoples ? At any rate, America, which has experi- mented on a larger scale with coopera- tion political, economic, and religious than any other continent, may well assert steadily and insistently that this is 52 THE ETHICS the more hopeful path. It may urge this upon distrustful Europe. The obstacles to cooperation are : 1. The survival of the principle of dominance, showing itself in desire for political power and prestige, and in cer- tain conceptions of national honor. 2. The principle of non-social com- petition, exhibited in part in the political policy of eliminating weaker peoples, and conspicuously in foreign trade when the use of unfair methods relies upon national power to back up its exploitation or mo- nopoly. 3. The principle of nationalistic sen- timent, itself based on cooperation, on social tradition and common ideals, but bound up so closely with political sov- OF COOPERATION 53 ereignty and antagonisms as to become exclusive instead of cooperative in its at- titude toward other cultures. The principle of dominance deters from cooperation, not only the people that seeks to dominate, but peoples that fear to be dominated or to become in- volved in entangling alliances. Doubtless a policy of aloofness was long the safe policy for us. We could not trust po- litical liberty to an alliance with mon- archies, even as with equal right some European peoples might distrust the pol- icies of a republic seemingly controlled by the slavery interest. At the present time one great power professes itself in- credulous of the fairness of any world tribunal ; smaller powers fear the com- 54 THE ETHICS manding influence of the great ; new national groups just struggling to ex- pression fear that a league of nations would be based on present status and therefore give them no recognition, or else a measure of recognition conditioned by past injustices rather than by future aspirations and real desert. All these fears are justified in so far as the principle of dominance is still potent. The only league that can be trusted by peoples willing to live and let live, is one that is controlled by a cooperative spirit. And yet who can doubt that this spirit is spreading ? Few governments are now organized on the avowed basis that mili- tary power, which embodies the spirit of dominance, should be superior to civil k ^Uwe^ f^\ OF COOPERATION control, and even with them the prin- ciple of irresponsible rule, despite its re- inforcement by military success, is likely to yield to the spirit of the age when once the pressure of war is removed which now holds former protesters against mili- tarism solid in its support. For all powers that are genuine in their desire for co- operation there is overwhelming reason to try it ; for only by the combined strength of those who accept this prin- ciple can liberty and justice be main- tained against the aggression of powers capable of concentrating all their re- sources with a suddenness and ruthless- ness in which dominance is probably su- perior. Yet cooperation for protection of 56 THE ETHICS liberty and justice is liable to fall short of humanity's hopes unless liberty and justice be themselves denned in a co- operative sense. The great liberties which man has gained, as step by step he has risen from savagery, have not been chiefly the assertion of already existing powers or the striking-offof fetters forged by his fellows. They have been additions to previous powers. Science, art, inven- tion, associated life in all its forms, have opened the windows of his dwelling, have given possibilities to his choice, have given the dream and the interpre- tation which have set him free from his prison. The liberty to which interna- tional cooperation points is not merely self-direction or self-determination, but o, *. A^^^- ^a ^& ^ >5 ^ ^ =0 B A\tE-UKIVEIM/ aos-Ai linn mi HIII MIII nin ||in "" ' i" ^^"^. 1^= 5 l ^ * W J- o *r - -eg? %r